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 IN 
 
 INDIA. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2007 with funding from 
 
 IVIicrosoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/finalfrenchstrugOOmallrich 
 
FINAL FRENCH STEUGGLES 
 
 IN INDIA' 
 
 %\\^ on tlje Indian Seas; 
 
 [NCLUDINQ AN ACCOUNT OF THE CAPTURE OF THE ISLES OF FRANCE 
 
 AND BOURBON, AND SKETCHES OF THE MOST EMINENT FOREIGN 
 
 ADVENTURERS IN INDIA UP TO THE PERIOD OF THAT CAPTURE, 
 
 WITH AN APPENDIX 
 
 CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION FROM 
 INDIA TO EGYPT IN 1801. 
 
 BY 
 
 COLONEL G. B. MALLESON, C.S.L 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE "HISTORY OF THE FRENCH IN INDIA," 
 "historical sketch of the native states of INDIA." 
 
 "The sun, the soil, but not the slave, the same 
 Unchanged in all except its foreign lord." 
 
 Childe Harold, 
 
 NEW EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE, 
 
 PALL MALL. S.W. 
 
 1884. 
 
M (9 
 
 HENRY MORSE STEriMUi 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 Dear Mrs. Spencer, 
 
 You may perhaps remember our conversa- 
 tions on the subject of my historical writings when 
 you were staying with me on the Nilghiri Hills nearly 
 twenty months ago. You then expressed your surprise 
 that— considering the careers, full of strange and varied 
 incident, of the sailors and adventurers who followed 
 Dupleix and Lally in the struggle against the English — 
 I had not continued and completed my History of the 
 French in India. I was unable at the moment to take 
 up your idea ; but some months later I made it my own. 
 That idea has now developed into a book, and the book 
 is about to appear. Considering the circumstances of 
 its origin, you will not, I feel assured, think me too 
 presuming if I now ask you to accord to the young 
 aspirant the privilege of introduction to the public under 
 the auspices of your favour and of your protection. 
 
 Believe me, 
 
 Dear Mrs. Spencer, 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 G. B. MALLESON. 
 
 27, West Cbomwell Road, 
 \st February, 1878. 
 
 To Mrs. Almeriq Spencer. 
 
 512782 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction, v 
 
 Book I. — French Mariners on the Indian Seas, - 1 
 
 Book II. — The Isle of France and her Privateers, - 79 
 
 Book III. — Foreign Adventurers in India, - - 158 
 
 Appendix — Expedition from India to Egypt, 1801,^ - 253 
 
 Index, 277 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The present work supplies a suppressed chapter of 
 Anglo-Indian history. It undertakes, that is to say, to 
 describe, in detail, the final struggle of the French, 
 terminating in September, 1783, for empire in Southern 
 India ; the successful efforts of the same nation during 
 the wars of the Revolution and the Empire to destroy 
 British commerce in the Indian Seas ; the suppression 
 of those efforts accomplished by the capture of the Isles 
 of France and Bourbon. It concludes with a sketch of 
 the most famous adventurers who strove, often success- 
 fully, to train and discipline on the European model 
 the soldiers of those native princes who, towards the 
 close of the last century, seemed the most likely to 
 come into hostile contact with the British. 
 
 It is strange, indeed, that in the standard English 
 histories of India these later efforts of England's most 
 persistent rival should have been dismissed in a few 
 
VI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lines. It is stranger still when we consider how 
 formidable those efforts appeared to contemporary 
 writers, how nearly they approached success, how 
 injuriously they did affect Anglo-Indian interests.. 
 The author of a book called Transactions in India, 
 published in 1786, describes in clear and vivid 
 language events in which he himself was an actor, 
 and he paints the effect produced on the minds of 
 the English by the daring exploits of Suffren. The 
 French version of the same story, differing only in 
 unimportant details, and styled Histoire de la derniire 
 guerre, was published in 1787. Colonel Wilks, who 
 wrote his admirable history of Southern India in the 
 early days of the present century; who was in India 
 when Suffren fought his five battles with his English 
 rival and when Stuart was reduced to extremities at 
 Kadaltir, describes in eloquent and impartial language 
 the dangers incurred by the Presidency of Madras in 
 1783, and how it was saved from those dangers only 
 by the timely suspension of arms which preceded the 
 Treaty of Versailles. 
 
 These are, so to speak, the contemporary records 
 of the period. The case for the English is stated in 
 the Transactions, that for the French in the Histoire, 
 
INTRODUCTION. vil 
 
 and the events they record are summarised by an 
 English writer, likewise an eye-witness. Yet the 
 reader of the earlier editions of Mill's History of 
 India would rise from the perusal of his description 
 of the war terminated in 1783, and of its details, 
 without the smallest suspicion that the supremacy 
 of the English in Southern India had been greatly 
 endangered. The account is more than meagre. It 
 induces a belief that important events were unimpor- 
 tant. In a word, it suppresses the point of the 
 subject of which it professes to treat. 
 
 A writer so honest and so conscientious as the late 
 Professor H. H. Wilson could not pass over this 
 omission without notice. The foot-note in which he 
 gives to the subject its true point, although short, is 
 most suggestive. " It seems probable,'' he writes, 
 ** that but for the opportune occurrence of peace with 
 " France the South of India would have been lost 
 " to the English. The annihilation of the army at 
 " Cuddalore would have been followed by the siege 
 " of Madras, and there was little chance of defending 
 ** it successfully against Tippoo and the French." The 
 conclusion arrived at by Professor Wilson is so fully 
 borne out by the facts of the case that the omission 
 
VIU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of details referring to those facts by the writers of the 
 standard histories of India is very difficult to account 
 for. 
 
 Some of my friends, indeed, who read a portion of 
 this book in the pages of the Calcutta Review, have 
 not hesitated to tell me that they regard as unpatriotic 
 the attempt of an Englishman to search out and record 
 events which may contrast favourably a rival nation 
 with his own. But history is either a record of events 
 which have happened or it is romance. If it assume 
 to be a record of events which have happened it must 
 record the evil as well as the good, misfortune as 
 well as gain, defeat as well as victory. No one will 
 dispute this broad axiom. But, to take a narrower 
 view, it may with confidence be affirmed that the 
 truly patriotic writer is he who does not attempt to 
 hide the shortcomings of his own countrymen or the 
 virtues of their enemies. It is the writer who attempts 
 to lessen the merits of the enemy who is really guilty 
 of want of patriotism. For, if the enemy were as 
 contemptible as he is often described to have been 
 by the purely insular writer, the merits of those who 
 conquered him need not have been very considerable. 
 
 In attempting then to restore a suppressed chapter 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 of Indian history, in which the French navy appears 
 to very considerable advantage, and a French admiral 
 contesting the seas not unequally with an English 
 admiral, finally out-manoeuvres and beats him ; in which 
 events are recorded which all but upset English 
 domination in Southern India ; whilst I narrate facts 
 which bring into strong light the virtues of individual 
 Frenchmen, I relate the history of a struggle which 
 ended in the triumph of England. There must have 
 been some English virtues counterbalancing the French 
 virtues, or some French defects greater than the French 
 virtues, to enable the English to gain that triumph. 
 For, by the admission of contemporary writers, our 
 countrymen were reduced to extremities when, as 
 if by the stroke of a magician's wand, they 
 recovered all that they had lost. For the virtues 
 and the defects, so nearly balancing each other 
 on either side, I must refer the reader to the 
 story itself. If success be a criterion of merit it is 
 clear that the balance must, on a general consideration^ 
 be in favour of England. 
 
 The second Book is devoted to the description of a 
 later attempt on the part of the French of a very 
 different character indeed, but equally directed against 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 English interests. I allude to the efforts made by 
 their privateers to destroy British commerce in the 
 Indian seas ; the success of those efforts ; and, 
 finally, the capture of the islands which had nurtured 
 the daring corsairs, and whence they made their 
 spring on the merchantmen of their rivals. It 
 happened that whilst engaged in writing this portion 
 of my book (1877) a debate occurred in the House 
 of Commons on the subject of privateering. It would 
 appear that there are some who still believe that by 
 continuing to adhere to those stipulations of the Treaty 
 of Paris which abolished privateering, England is 
 placing herself at considerable disadvantage with other 
 nations. I cannot but think that the perusal of my 
 book will have the effect of changing the views 
 of those who entertain this opinion. The note 
 I have appended to page 81 shows that during 
 the five years from 1793 to 1797 inclusive, whilst 
 the French privateers captured 2266 English merchant- 
 men, the English captures from her rival amounted 
 only to 375 ! And this mainly happened, be it 
 remembered, after Lord Howe's victory had annihilated 
 the French navy, when England was the undisputed 
 mistress of the seas. Is it possible to question the 
 
INTRODUCTION. xi 
 
 evidence offered by these figures that the nation 
 which carries the largest amount of the commerce of 
 the world must always be the chief sufferer from 
 privateers ? 
 
 If, indeed, further evidence to the same effect be 
 required it will be found in the pages which follow 
 the note I have quoted. The losses suffered by 
 English traders in the Indian seas during the first 
 sixteen years of the war were computed by millions. 
 That these losses were caused by French privateers 
 is not only shown in the text but is borne out by 
 the fact that when, by the capture of the nest 
 whence the corsairs sallied out to burn and to destroy, 
 privateering was suppressed, the English merchantship 
 was able to pursue her way in safety. The damage 
 effected on the commerce of England by the light 
 squadrons and single ships of her enemy was small. 
 The privateers did all the mischief, and, as I have 
 said, that mischief ceased when those daring cruisers 
 were deprived of a base of operations. 
 
 If the advice urged by Marquess Wellesley in 1800-1 
 had been followed the depredations upon British 
 commerce in the Indian seas would have ceased at 
 a much earlier period. It was the rejection of 
 
Xll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that advice which caused to the British mer- 
 cantile community those losses which, I have 
 already stated, were to be counted by millions ► 
 When, ten years later, convinced against his will. 
 Lord Minto, following in the lines of the great 
 Marquess, carried out his views, the capture of the 
 islands was found to be an operation comparatively 
 easy, effected with but little bloodshed, and with a 
 force which, large in comparison with the number of 
 the defenders, was yet considerably smaller than the 
 authorities both in England and in India had deemed 
 necessary. The second Book, which professes to tell 
 the story of the most famous of the privateers, fitly 
 concludes then with the account of the successful 
 expedition against the islands which were their home. 
 From a national point of view the results are not 
 dissimilar to those arrived at in the first Book. We 
 see evidences of the same gallantry on the part of 
 individual Frenchmen, and yet a conclusion favourable 
 to England. 
 
 In the third Book I have endeavoured to give some 
 detail of the careers of those foreign adventurers who 
 disciplined and trained the armies which contested 
 India with England at Aligarh, at Dehli, at Laswari, 
 
INTEODUCTION. Xlli 
 
 at Assaye, and at Argaum. There can be no question 
 that in the last quarter of the last century there was 
 in India scarcely any limit to the ambitious aspirations 
 of an European adventurer who might possess even 
 ordinary ability. When we see how men like Thomas 
 and Perron, both originally common sailors, both devoid 
 of abilities of the first-class, rose to the front rank ; 
 how one became the independent ruler of a principality, 
 and the other governed, for Sindia, a portion of India 
 comprehending roughly the country now known as the 
 North-west Provinces; we gather an idea of the relative 
 practical character of the European and the Asiatic 
 at that epoch. But the sketches of the lives of these 
 adventurers are not less interesting from another 
 point of view. They give a remarkable insight into 
 the mode of administration peculiar to the natives 
 of Hindostan. Beading them, we can form some 
 idea of the condition to which the whole of India 
 would have been reduced, had Lake been beaten at 
 Laswari and Wellesley at Assaye. We can see how 
 intrigue ruled supreme; how moral character went 
 for nothing ; how audacity, recklessness, corruption, 
 always triumphed; how combined in one man, they 
 were irresistible. The sense entertained by the 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 natives themselves of the condition of hfe and 
 property at that period is clearly shown in the 
 proverb which has survived in some parts to the 
 present day ; ** The buJBfalo is to the man who 
 *' wields the bludgeon.** In my humble opinion, 
 formed after a service in India of thirty-five years, 
 during which I have mixed freely and on the most 
 intimate terms with the natives, the seventy odd 
 years which have intervened between the battle of 
 Laswari and the present day have wrought no 
 considerable change in the general character of the 
 people. Not that amongst them there have not 
 been, and are not, men of the highest moral 
 character; whose friendship is an honour, who know 
 what is right and who act up to their knowledge. 
 But these men form an inconsiderable minority. 
 In a time of confusion they would be swept away. 
 The love of intrigue still survives, and I write my 
 own personal experience when I state that in the 
 present decade, as much as in any that preceded 
 it, intrigue uses falsehood and slander to move from 
 high places men who strive earnestly and with all 
 their power to eradicate those blots in the native 
 character which were the curse of past generations. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 In the last pages of this third Book I have 
 endeavoured to show how in consequence of these 
 vices it was inevitable that India should fall under 
 the domination of a foreign master, and how the 
 course of events caused that foreign master to be 
 British. No one can deny that, however dimly 
 the ultimate consequences may at the time have been 
 foreseen by our countrymen, we fought for the 
 position which we now occupy. It was with design 
 that we crushed the hopes of the French; with 
 design that we conquered Bengal ; with design that 
 we subdued Tippu ; with design that in 1802-3 
 we contested Hindostan with Sindia and Holkar. 
 Then, apparently for the first time, alarmed at the 
 empire at our feet, we attempted to hold our hand. 
 We withdrew from the princes of Eajputana the 
 protection which Marquess Wellesley had promised 
 them. What was the consequence ? Thirteen years 
 of oppression, of tyranny, of misgovernment in its 
 worst form in central and in western India ; the 
 licensed atrocities of Amir Khan, the robberies of 
 the Pindaris, dire spoliation by Maratha chieftains 
 and their followers. In spite of ourselves we had 
 again to step in. With the defeat and deposition 
 
Xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of the Peshwa, the overthrow of the Marathas and 
 Pindaris, the Marquis of Hastings closed a campaign, 
 which restoring British protection to Eajputana, 
 placed us formally on the pinnacle we now occupy. 
 Thenceforward we were forced to go onwards. We 
 annexed the Panjab, annexed Bind, and sucked in 
 Sattara, the dominions of the Bhonsla, and Oudh. 
 Suddenly the overgrown army of mercenaries we had 
 created, feeling its power, rose in revolt. Again did 
 England designedly assert her supremacy. The mutiny 
 crushed, we found ourselves face to face with a new 
 order of things. Thenceforward there were to be no 
 more annexations. But the crushing of the mutiny 
 had been but a continuation of the policy of Clive, of 
 Hastings, of Wellesley, of Hardinge, of Dalhousie — 
 a continuation forced upon us, but still a continuation. 
 We thus possess India by our own act; we took 
 the responsibility upon ourselves, and we are morally 
 bound by it. On whom else could we cast it, if 
 we would? We would not make it over to any 
 European power; we could not, without assuming 
 the fearful responsibility of a terrible and inevitable 
 future, resign it to a native prince ! No — we have 
 gained it and we must keep it. For my part 
 
INTRODUCTION. XVll 
 
 I regard India as the brightest jewel in the diadem 
 of the Queen of England. I believe that the 
 natives of India are not solitary in deriving benefit 
 from their connection with England ; that directly 
 and indirectly England greatly gains by it. But 
 upon this large question I shall not here enter. 
 We are in India and we must stay there; and 
 that we are there for the benefit alike of the princes 
 and the people is a fact which the wise and 
 thoughtful Indian will be the first to admit. Many 
 of them may perhaps have forgotten the days when 
 their country was divided into armed camps, each 
 led by a Pindari marauder or a Maratha freebooter ; 
 when justice was openly bought, when no man could 
 say in the day that his house would belong to him 
 on the morrow, when human life was uncared for, and 
 when readiness to commit the vilest crimes was a sure 
 road to Court favour. But these are matters which 
 it is well not to forget. Eecalling them to the 
 memory the thinking reader will draw a contrast 
 between that Maratha period of Indian history, 
 peculiarly favourable to reckless and unprincipled 
 adventurers, Native as well as European, and that 
 which has succeeded it, when as a rule the buffalo is 
 
 b 
 
Xviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to the honest and frugal peasant, and when the 
 higher appointments under Government fall to the 
 intelligent, the well instructed, and the conscientious 
 citizen. 
 
 One word as to the authorities upon which I have 
 drawn. The deeds of Suffren have been painted 
 by four eminent French writers, Hennequin, Canat, 
 Trublet, and Eoux. I have carefully compared the 
 statements made by these biographers with Dr. 
 Campbell's naval history of the period, with the 
 accounts given by the authors of the Transactions 
 in India, and of the Histoire de la derniere guerre, 
 by Wilks {History of Southern India), and with the 
 information procured for me from the naval archives 
 of France. For the second Book, I am indebted 
 mainly to Canat {Histoire de Surcouf), to Gallas 
 {Les Corsair es Frangais sous la Bepublique), to the 
 Asiatic Annual Register, and to the files of Indian 
 papers of the last century which are stored up in 
 the Public Library of Calcutta. The contents of the 
 third Book are based mainly on the memoirs of 
 de Boigne, on a very curious record of the services 
 of his brother officers under native princes during 
 the last century by Major Ferdinand Smith, on the 
 
INTRODUCTION. XIX 
 
 Asiatic Annual Register, and on the newspaper files 
 above alluded to. 
 
 To the work as it stands I have added an 
 Appendix, giving a plain didactic account of the 
 expedition from India to Egypt in 1801. It is true 
 that the events recorded in this Appendix have only 
 an indirect connection with the main subject of the 
 book. But the French occupation of Egypt may 
 fairly be considered an integral part of the efforts 
 made by France to disturb the supremacy of England 
 in India. When, moreover, it is remembered that 
 we live in a time when the Eastern question is the 
 burning question of the day, I shall be excused for 
 thinking that a plain statement of an expedition from 
 India to Egypt organised by a Wellesley, carried into 
 execution by a Baird, and approved of by a 
 J, Wellington, may not be altogether out of place 
 or out of season. My authorities for the account of 
 this expedition are the Life of Sir David Baird, the 
 memoirs of the Comte de Noe, the British despatches, 
 and the Asiatic Annual Register. 
 
 G. B. MALLESON. 
 27, West Cromwell Road, 
 Is* February, 1878, 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 FRENCH MARINERS on the INDIAN SEAS. 
 
 I 
 
 I. 
 
 In the history of the French in India I have brought 
 the story of the struggle for empire in the East of that 
 gallant and high-spirited people to the year 1761. From 
 that date the land contest really ceased. For although, 
 in 1782, France did despatch a considerable force to aid 
 Haidar Ali, the decrepitude of its leaders and the death 
 of Haidar combined to render its efforts fruitless. From 
 1761, indeed, the French ceased to be principals in the 
 contest. Thenceforth the adventurous sons of her soil 
 were forced to content themselves with the position of 
 auxiliaries to native princes. The foremost amongst 
 them, levying contingents of their own countrymen, 
 
 1 
 
2 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 took service in the courts which showed the greatest 
 inclination to resist the progress of the increasing 
 power of the English. Thus the younger Lally, Law, 
 Kaymond, de Boigne, Perron, Dudrenec, and many 
 others became the main supports upon which Haidar 
 Ali, the Nizam, Sindia, and Holkar rested their hopes 
 for independence, if not for empire. But, after all, 
 although in many cases these adventurers accomplished 
 much in the way of organising resistance to the English, 
 they did not succeed in their own secret views. They 
 failed entirely to resuscitate the dream of successful 
 rivalry to England. One by one they disappeared before 
 the steady advance of the foe they had once hoped to 
 conquer. Sometimes, as at Haidarabad, dismissed on 
 the requisition of an English governor; again, as in 
 1802, beaten by the English general, they gradually 
 renounced the cause as hopeless, and finally ceased to 
 pursue the struggle. The hopes which had glimmered 
 but very faintly after the death of Haidar, which had 
 again been somewhat rekindled by the prudent measures 
 of Madhaji Sindia, were dealt a fatal blow by Lord Lake 
 at Aligarh and at Dehli, and were finally crushed by 
 that stalwart soldier on the field of Laswari. 
 
 But there was another element upon which the fortunes 
 of France still flourished even after the blow dealt at 
 her in 1761. Strange, indeed, it was, that during the 
 contest which terminated in that vear, she had never 
 sent simultaneously to the field of action a capable 
 general and a capable admiral. It is true that La 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 6 
 
 Bourdonnais combined both qualities in his own person, 
 and the great things he had then been able to effect 
 ought to have served as an example for the times that 
 were to follow. But they did not. La Bourdonnais' 
 stay in the Indian seas was short. He was succeeded 
 by the feeble Dordelin. And subsequently, when the 
 Government of Louis XY. made the greatest effort 
 France had till then made to establish an empire in 
 India ; when it sent out a general who had won distinc- 
 tion on the battle-fields of Flanders, and soldiers who 
 had helped to gain Fontenoy and Laffeldt, it selected as 
 the colleague of the general an admiral of whom it has 
 been written that ''to an unproductive brain he added 
 infirmity of purpose.'' '^^i/^ 
 
 Subsequently to the capture of Pondichery in 17ol, 
 the position was reversed. When, eighteen years later, 
 Bussy, gouty, infirm, and whom self-indulgence had 
 made halting and undecided, was sent to command the 
 land forces, he had as his naval colleague a man whose 
 name, covered with an eternal ray of glory, still shines 
 as one of the most illustrious, if not the most illustrious, 
 in the naval annals of France. I allude to Pierre 
 Andre de Suffren. 
 
 -^ The Treaty of Paris, signed on the 10th February 
 1763, had restored Pondichery to France, but it was a 
 Pondichery dismantled, beggared, bereft of all her 
 influence. During the fifteen years which followed this 
 humiliating treaty, Pondichery had been forced to 
 remain a powerless spectator of the aggrandisement of 
 
 1 A 
 
4 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 her rival on Indian soil. Even when, in 1778, the war was 
 renewed, the Government of France was but ill prepared 
 to assert a claim for independence, still less for dominion, 
 in Eastern and Southern India. 
 
 The natural results followed. Chandernagor fell 
 without a blow (10th July 1778). Pondichery, ably 
 defended for forty days against vastly superior forces by 
 its Governor, Bellecombe, surrendered in the month of 
 September following ; the fleet commanded by M. de 
 Tronjoly, — a feeble copy of Count d'Ache, — abandoned 
 the Indian waters without even attempting to save Mahe. 
 All seemed lost. The advantages gained by the English 
 appeared too great to be overcome ; when the marvellous 
 energy of Haidar Ali, the Mahomedan ruler of Mysore, 
 gave a turn to events which upset the most carefully laid 
 calculations, and communicated to his French allies the 
 most brilliant hopes. 
 
 On the 4th April 1769 Haidar Ali had dictated peace 
 to the English under the walls of Madras. By one of 
 the articles of this treaty the contracting parties bound 
 themselves to assist each other in defensive wars. But 
 when, during the following year, Haidar was attacked 
 and was hardly pressed by the Marhatas, the English 
 refused their aid. Haidar never forgave this breach of 
 faith. 
 
 When, therefore, some nine years later, he saw the 
 English embroiled alike with the French and the 
 Marhatas, Haidar resolved to take his revenge. He first 
 sent to the English an intimation that he should regard 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 5 
 
 an attack on the French settlement of Mahe, contiguous 
 to his own possessions on the western coast, as equivalent 
 to an attack upon himself. The English notwithstanding 
 took Mahe and endeavoured apparently to pacify the 
 ruler of Mysore by sending to him ambassadors charged 
 with presents. These latter were however little calculated 
 to produce such an effect. They consisted of a pigskin 
 saddle and a rifle which it was found impossible to load. 
 Haidar returned them with contempt, and prepared for 
 war. 
 
 His first efforts in the autumn were eminently 
 successful. Outmanoeuvring the English general, 
 Munro, he defeated and took prisoners (9th and 10th 
 September, 1780) a detachment of 3720 men, of whom 
 upwards of 500 were Europeans, under the command of 
 Colonel Baillie, at Perambakam. He then captured 
 Arcot and some minor places. 
 
 But the ruler of Mysore had not been unmindful of 
 the French alliance. Early in the year he had intimated 
 to the representatives of that nation in India his 
 determination to strike a decisive blow at their rivals, — 
 a blow which must be fatal, i^ the French would only 
 sufficiently aid him. But the ministers of Louis XYI. 
 were not alive to the importance of the stake to be 
 played for. In that year, when England was engaged 
 in a life and death struggle with her own children in 
 America, a fleet under Suffren and 3000 men under a 
 skilled leader such as De Boigne, would have sufficed to 
 clear of her rivals the whole country south of the 
 
 b 
 
6 
 
 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Vindhya range. But though roused by the exhortations 
 of Haidar, and catching, though dimly, a feeble idea of 
 the possibilites before her, France, instead of sending a 
 fleet and an army to India, contented herself with the 
 despatch of a squadron and a regiment to guard the 
 isles of France and of Bourbon, which the English had 
 not even threatened. 
 
 This squadron, commanded by M. Duchemin de 
 Ohenneville, found on its arrival at its destination that 
 the French islands were perfectly well protected by the 
 small detachment of vessels commanded by the French 
 admiral on the Indian station, the Chevalier d'Orves. 
 This officer, who had succeeded de Tronjoly, at once 
 assumed the command of the new arrivals. He had 
 then at his disposal six serviceable men of war, one 
 frigate, and two corvettes. It was not a large fleet, but 
 it carried with it one of the finest regiments in the 
 French army, a regiment such as, if landed in India, 
 should have sufficed to render the campaign of 1781 
 decisive. 
 
 A glimmering of the chances thus possibly awaiting 
 him seems to have decided d'Orves to take this small 
 fleet and this regiment to the Coromandel coast. He 
 sailed then from the islands on the 14th October and 
 sighted the coast near Kadalur on the 25th January 
 following (1781.) Before referring to his subsequent 
 conduct, let us take a glance at the position of afi'airs on 
 the mainland on that date. 
 
 Haidar, having outmanoeuvred Munro, beaten Baillie, 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 7 
 
 and captured Arcot, had laid siege to Ambur, Vellor, 
 Wandewash, Permacol, and Chinglepat. The first 
 named of these places surrendered on the 13th January, 
 but on the 18th, Haidar, having received intelligence 
 that the new English general. Sir Eyre Coote, had left 
 Madras the previous day, with the intention of attacking 
 him, raised the siege of the other places, and massed 
 his forces. Haidar at first manoeuvred to cut off Sir 
 Eyre Coote from Madras, but Coote, careless of this, 
 marched upon Pondichery — the inhabitants of which 
 had shaken off the English yoke, and had begun to arm 
 the natives — revictualling the fortified places on his 
 route. Haidar turned, and, following, overtook him on 
 the 8th February, cutting him off from the country 
 inland. As they approached Kadalur, marching in 
 almost parallel lines, Haidar caught a glimpse of the 
 French fleet under d'Orves, guarding the coast, and 
 preventing the possibility of any supplies reaching the 
 English by sea. At last, he thought, he had them. 
 Coote possessed only the ground on which his army 
 marched. He was between the sea guarded by d'Orves, 
 and the grain-producing country shut out from him by 
 Haidar. Sir Eyre Coote has recorded his opinion as to 
 the fatal nature of his position. There seemed but one 
 chance open to him, and that was that Haidar might be 
 tempted to fight him. He tried then every expedient 
 to induce that warrior to quit his lair. But the Asiatic 
 was far too wary. He knew that, barring accidents, his 
 enemy must surrender without firing a shot. 
 
8 FBENCH MARINERS 
 
 Haidar, meanwhile, had communicated with d'Orves 
 and had begged him to land the regiment he had on 
 board. He had pointed out to him likewise all the 
 advantages of his position, the fact that the last army 
 of the English was at their joint mercy, and that Madras 
 was guarded by but 500 invalids. 
 
 Never had France such an opportunity. It was an 
 absolute certainty. There was neither risk nor chance 
 about it. The English fleet under Sir Edward Hughes 
 was off the western coast. D'Orves had but to remain 
 quietly where he was for a few days and the English must 
 be starved into surrender. Sir Eyre Coote saw it; Haidar 
 Ali saw it ; every man in the army saw it; every man in the 
 fleet saw it, excepting one. That man was d'Orves himself. 
 Of all the positions in the world that one which most 
 requires the possession of a daring spirit is the com- 
 mand of a fleet. That Government is guilty of the 
 greatest crime which sends to such a post a man wanting 
 in nerve, deficient in self-reliance. Once before had 
 France committed the same fault by entrusting in 1757, 
 to the feeble d'Ache, the task of supporting Lally. But 
 at least d'Ache fought. His feebler successor, d'Orves, 
 was not required to fight. He was required to ride at 
 anchor in the finest season of the year, a time when 
 storms are unknown in the Indian seas, and see an 
 enemv starve, — and he would not. 
 
 D'Orves, described by his own countrymen as a man 
 ** indolent and apoplectic," saved Sir Eyre Coote. In 
 spite of the protestations of Haidar, he sailed for the 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. y 
 
 islands on the 15th February , taking away every man 
 he brought with him, and having accomplished nothing. 
 The English force at once obtained supplies from 
 Madras.* 
 
 Haidar, thus left to himself, fought Coote on the 
 1st July at Chilambram, and, after a desperate contest, 
 was beaten. On the 27th August following he again 
 engaged Coote at Parambakam, and this time not 
 unequally. Haidar, however, left the field to the enemy. 
 On the 18th February following (1782) Colonel Braith- 
 waite's detachment, after combating for three days, 
 succumbed to the superior numbers of Tippu Sahib. It 
 was about the period of this last encounter that France 
 appeared once again upon the scene, better though not 
 perfectly represented ; for while she entrusted her fleet 
 to the greatest of all her admirals, she committed the 
 
 * The Viscomte de Souillac, at that time Governor of the Isle of 
 France, has thus recorded his opinion of d'Orves, in a memoir in the 
 Archives of the French Navy: "By this astonishing obstinacy of 
 M. d'Orves, which I reported to the ministry at the time, we lost an 
 opportunity such as will never recur, of becoming absolute masters of 
 the Coromandel coast. This army of Kadaltir (Sir Eyre Coote's) 
 14,000 strong, of which 3000 to 4000 were English, comprised all the 
 troops the English had in this part of India. Madras could not have 
 held out, and the junction of our forces with those of Haidar Ali would 
 have enabled us to conquer Tanjore and Masulipatam with all their 
 dependencies." 
 
 An English writer, the author of Memoirs of the late War in Asia, 
 published in 1788, and who himself took part in the campaign, writes as 
 follows — " Had the French admiral left only two frigates to block up 
 the road of Cuddalore, consequences might have happened as fatal to the 
 interests of Great Britain in the East Indies, as flowed in North America 
 from the convention of Saratoga." 
 
10 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 charge of her army first to an incapable sailor, only to 
 replace him by a gouty sexagenarian. But to recount 
 the causes which led to this powerful intervention we 
 must for a moment retrace our steps. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. H 
 
 n. 
 
 Still unconscious of the fact that the War of Indepen- 
 dence in America offered them the rarest opportunity for 
 striking a decisive blow at the English power in India, 
 the French Government were nevertheless alive to the 
 necessity of preserving from attack the Cape of Good 
 Hope, then belonging to their allies, the Dutch, and of 
 maintaining a respectable force in the Indian Seas. 
 Early, then, in 1781, a squadron of five men of war* 
 was fitted out, and on the 22nd March sailed from 
 Brest, under the command of the Commandant de 
 Suffren. 
 
 This illustrious sailor was born at St. Cannat in Pro- 
 vence on the 13th July, 1726, the third son of the Marquis 
 de Suifren de Saint Tropez. Destined for the navy he 
 entered that service in 1743, and in the Solide, of 74 guns, 
 joined the French fleet in the Mediterranean. He took part 
 in an engagement with the English fleet under Admiral 
 
 * They were : 
 
 Le HeroSy .. 74 Guns. Commandant de Suffren. 
 
 UAnnibal, . . 74 „ Capitaine de Tr^migon. 
 
 UArtesieUy . . 64 „ „ de Cardailhac. 
 
 Le VengeuTf ..64 „ ,, de Forbin. 
 
 Le S])hinxy ,. 64 ,, „ du Chilleau. 
 
12 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Matthews. Transferred to the frigate Pauline, he again 
 had several opportunities of displaying his courage. The 
 same year, serving on board Le Monarque, he was taken 
 prisoner. After the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle he was 
 released, and proceeding to Malta became one of the 
 Knights of the order of St. John of Jerusalem. During 
 the Seven Years' War he took part in the siege and 
 capture of Port Mahon (29th July, 1756), and was for 
 the second time made prisoner at the combat of Lagos 
 (1759). Returning to France after a captivity of two 
 years, he was promoted to the command of the Cameleon 
 of twenty guns, and sent to the Mediterranean to protect 
 the French commerce. Subsequently, in the Singe, he 
 so distinguished himself as to be promoted to the grade 
 of commander fcapitaine de fregatej. The seven years 
 which followed offered little occupation to his warlike 
 nature. In 1772 he was promoted to the rank of pos 
 captain fcapitaine de vaisseauj, and in 1778, in com- 
 mand of Le Fantesque, he joined the squadron under 
 Count d'Estaing, sent to aid the colonists of America. 
 In the campaign which followed he so distinguished 
 himself that he was granted a pension and marked for 
 future command. A short cruise with two men of war 
 in 1780 added to his reputation alike as a daring and 
 skilful sailor and an unsurpassed manager of men. 
 When, therefore, it was decided to send a squadron to 
 the Indian seas, the choice of the minister fell naturally 
 upon one who had shewn himself the most promising 
 captain in the royal navy of France. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 13 
 
 Such had heen the services of the man who was now 
 starting with a squadron of five line of battle ships to 
 maintain the honour of his country in the Eastern seas. 
 Setting sail on the 22nd March, in company with the 
 fleet destined for the American waters under the Count 
 de Grasse, Suffren separated from that admiral at 
 Madeira, and continued his course towards the Cape of 
 Good Hope. He had under his charge seven transports 
 conveying detachments of the regiment of Pondichery, 
 and overlooking these was a corvette of 16 guns, La 
 Fortune, He had it very much at heart to reach the 
 Cape •as quickly as possible, so as to anticipate the 
 arrival there of Commodore Johnstone, who, he had 
 been informed, had sailed for that place from St. Helena 
 with thirty-seven ships of sorts.* 
 
 Commodore Johnstone had sailed from Spithead on 
 the 13th March, 1781, with orders to attack the Dutch 
 possessions at the Cape. Arriving at St. lago, one of 
 the Cape de Verde islands, he deemed it necessary to 
 stop there in order to take in wood, water, and livestock 
 for his voyage. He accordingly put into Porto Praya 
 early in April. 
 
 It so happened that one of Suflfren's men of war, the 
 Artesien, had been originally destined for the fleet 
 sailing to the American waters, and her supplies of 
 
 * The squadron consisted of one ship of 74 guns, one of 64, three of 
 50, and three frigates. The remainder were armed transports. 
 
 The names were the Hero, 74 ; the Monmouth, 64 ; the Isis, Jupiter, 
 and Romney of 50 each. The three frigates carried each 32 guns, and 
 the transports had 112 guns amongst them. — CamphelVs Naval History 
 
14 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 water had been regulated accordingly. As the French 
 squadron approached the island of St. lago, the com- 
 mander of that vessel, M. de Cardailhac, suggested to 
 his chief the advisability of his putting into the bay of 
 La Praya, in order to complete his supplies. Suffren 
 assented, and ordered Cardailhac to stand in. At the 
 same time, to guard against any possible danger, he 
 followed in his track with the rest of the squadron.* 
 
 On the morning of the 16th April, favoured by a 
 breeze from the north-east, the Artesien had just passed 
 between the islands of Maio and St. lago, when her 
 captain discovered at anchor at the entrance of the 
 roadstead an English vessel, and almost immediately 
 afterwards there burst upon his view the thirty-seven 
 ships of war and transports which Commodore John- 
 stone had brought from England. Cardailhac at once 
 signalled to his commander that enemies were in 
 sight. 
 
 It was a great opportunity for Suffren. He doubted 
 not that the English were quite unprepared to receive 
 him ; that they were dreaming of nothing less than of an 
 attack ; that the crews would probably be dispersed in 
 search of water and provisions. And this was actually 
 the fact. Of the crews of the English vessels nearly 
 
 * Campbell (Naval History) states that the French had received "by 
 some means or other " information that Johnstone had put into Porto 
 Praya ; but his statement is quite unsupported. The same reason which 
 had prompted Johnstone himself to put in, and that reason alone, guided 
 the movements of Suffren. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. X5 
 
 fifteen hundred were out foraging; and Commodore 
 Johnstone himself so little expected an attack that he 
 was at the moment engaged in giving directions for 
 altering the position of some of his ships which had 
 drifted too near to each other.* 
 
 Suffren did not forego his chance. Despatching La 
 Fortune to collect and guard the transports, he, at half- 
 past ten in the morning, led the way in the Heros, and 
 standing in close to the shore, followed by the other 
 ships of his squadron, he made for the largest English 
 vessel, also called the Hero^ and cast anchor between 
 her and the Monmouth. 
 
 The concentrated fire of the English squadron was for 
 a few moments directed on the daring invader ; but very 
 quickly the Annibal came to her aid, and diverted to 
 herself much of the enemy's attention. 
 
 The Artesien, which was following, was not fortunate. 
 The smoke of the combat caused her captain, Cardailhac, 
 to mistake one of the armed transports for a man-of- 
 war. He was about to board her, when he was shot 
 dead through the heart. La Boixiere who replaced him 
 was incompetent. He, too, mistook another transport 
 for a frigate. "Whilst engaged in boarding her, the 
 freshening breeze took both his vessel and his prize 
 quite out of the line of fire. 
 
 The Vengeur, which had followed, went along the 
 line of the enemy, exchanging broadsides, but her cap- 
 tain's order to anchor not having been attended to, she 
 
 * Campbell. 
 
16 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 made the tour of the roadstead, and then quitting it, 
 found herself unable to return. 
 
 The Sphinx, owing to the mistake or disobedience of 
 her captain, did not anchor. She endeavoured to main- 
 tain her position by manoeuvring, keeping up at the 
 same time a heavy fire ; but she rendered little effectual 
 aid. 
 
 Sufiren found himself then with two anchored vessels, 
 and one unanchored, and therefore comparatively use- 
 less, engaged with the whole English squadron. The 
 odds were tremendous, but he still possessed the advan- 
 tage always given by a surprise, and he continued, for 
 an hour and a half, to maintain the unequal combat. 
 At last, when the Annihal had lost her main and mizen 
 masts, and her captain had been disabled ; w^hen the 
 Heros had received considerable damage in her rigging, 
 and had lost eighty-eight men killed and wounded ; and 
 when all hope of effectual aid from the other three vessels 
 of his squadron had disappeared, he deemed it advisable 
 to discontinue the contest. Signalling, therefore, to the 
 Annihal to follow him, he slowly sailed out of the road- 
 stead, still keeping up a tremendous fire. 
 
 The Annihal essayed to follow him ; but, as she passed 
 between the Hero and the Monmouth, her remaining 
 mast fell by the board. Fortunately the wind had 
 shifted and was now blowing strongly from the south- 
 west. She managed thus to rejoin, though slowly, her 
 consorts outside. 
 
 It was about half-past twelve o'clock in the day when 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 17 
 
 * 
 
 Suffren reunited his squadron outside the harbour and 
 began to repair damages. Three hours later Commodore 
 Johnstone followed him and appeared inclined to attack in 
 his turn. SufFren, however, placing the Annibal in the 
 centre of his line, offered so bold a front, that the 
 English commodore, whose ships, especially the Isis, had 
 suffered severely, drew off and returned to La Praya.* 
 Suffren then continued his voyage without molestation, 
 and on the 21st June cast anchor in Table Bay. The 
 convoy arrived nine days later. 
 
 Having landed his troops at the Cape ; having secured 
 the colony against attack ; having completely repaired 
 his damages, and having been joined by two corvettes, 
 the Consolante and the Fine, Suffren sailed for the 
 islands of France and Bourbon on the 28th August. He 
 cast anchor in Port Louis on the 25th October following. 
 
 * Dr. Campbell states that Johnstone " pursued the French, but he 
 was not able to overtake them." The French authorities, on the other 
 hand, assert that their fleet put on so bold a front that Johnstone stayed 
 his advance, although he was within two cannonshot of their ships. " It 
 was only at night," says Eoux, " that the French continued their route, 
 lighting their fires to provoke the enemy to follow them. The English, 
 who had the advantage of the wind, dared not accept the challenge, but 
 returned precipitately to La Praya." It is clear, considering the disabled 
 state of the Annibal^ and that the English commodore had the advantage of 
 the wind, that he could have forced an action had he desired to do so. 
 
 On his return to the roadstead. Commodore Johnstone recaptured the 
 transport taken by VArtesien. 
 
 Much has been said by English writers regarding the fact that the 
 Cape de Verde islands were neutral ground. It is perfectly true, but in 
 this respect the French only did as they had been done by. The harbour 
 of Lagos, in which the vessel on board of which Suffren served in 1759 
 had taken refuge, was equally neutral ground, and yet the French had 
 been attacked in it by the English. 
 
 2 
 
18 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 He found there six men of war, three frigates, and some 
 corvettes. But at their head was the indolent and 
 incapable d'Orves, the same who, we have seen, had already 
 thrown away the most splendid chance of establishing a 
 French India ! It was under this man that Suffren was 
 to serve as second in command ! 
 
 Meanwhile the French Government had tardily decided 
 to make in 1782 an attempt which could scarcely have 
 failed if hazarded in 1780. It had resolved to strike 
 another blow, this time in concert with Haidar Ali, for 
 domination in Southern India. With this object in view 
 it had roused from his retreat the Marquis de Bussy, the 
 man who in his youth and middle age had gained honour 
 and glory and wealth in that fairy land, but who now, 
 gouty, worn out, and querulous, was incapable alike of 
 decision and enterprise.* 
 
 The designs of the Court of Versailles had been com- 
 municated early in the year to M. de Souillac, Governor 
 of the islands, and it had been intimated that transports 
 containing troops would gradually arrive at his Governor- 
 ship, and that, concentrating there, they would proceed 
 to India, escorted by a powerful fleet under the command 
 of Count d'Orves. De Souillac, who was enterprising 
 and patriotic, had at once set to work to organise a force 
 with the resources at his command from among the 
 colonists ; and at the period of the arrival of SufFren, he 
 had drilled and armed a corps of 2868 men. Bussy had 
 
 * Bussy was then only sixty-four years old ; but twenty years of sloth 
 and luxury had quite impaired his faculties. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 19 
 
 not then arrived. De Souillac therefore conferred the 
 command of this force upon M. Duchemin. 
 
 It was an unfortunate choice. Duchemin was a sailor 
 rather than a soldier. But he was strong neither on the 
 sea nor on the land. He was as weak mentally as 
 physically. A terrible fear of responsibility acted upon a 
 constitution unable to bear the smallest fatigue. A man 
 of moderate abilities would have sufficed for the occasion. 
 The abilities of Duchemin were not even moderate. 
 
 These 2868 men, well commanded, and escorted to a 
 given point by Suffren, would have sufficed to give the 
 preponderance to Haidar Ali in his struggle with the 
 English. But moments were precious. The war with 
 the American colonists still indeed continued, but many 
 things presaged that its duration would not be long. 
 It was necessary, then, that the French should strike 
 at once, and should strike with vigour and precision. 
 
 Of this necessity no one was more convinced than the 
 Governor of the islands, de Souillac. He hastened his 
 preparations, so that on the 7th December, 1781, the 
 French fleet, consisting of eleven men of war, three 
 frigates, three corvettes, one fireship, and nine tran- 
 sports containing troops, was able to set out for its 
 destination. 
 
 What was its destination ? Suffren, with a precision 
 natural to him, had advised that it should sail direct for 
 Madras, and attempt to take that town by a coup de 
 main. But the cautious and feeble d'Orves had over- 
 ruled him. He would only proceed by degrees. He 
 
 2 A 
 
20 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 would feel his way. It was too much for him even to 
 take a straight look at India. He therefore directed the 
 fleet upon Trincomali. 
 
 But Providence had one good turn in store for the 
 French. Happily for the success of the expedition 
 d^Orves died on the way (9th February, 1782). He made 
 over the command to Suffren who had just received the 
 rank of commodore {chef d'escadre). Suflfren at once 
 altered the course to Madras. 
 
 Before this event had happened, Suffren himself in 
 his ship, the Heros, had pursued and captured an 
 English man-of-war of 50 guns, called the Hannibal, 
 She was at once added to the French fleet under the 
 title of Le petit Annihal. From the officers of this vessel 
 Suffren learned, for the first time, that large reinforce- 
 ments were on their way to the English squadron in the 
 East. 
 
 Passing Pondichery, Suffren despatched to that town, 
 in a corvette, Lieutenant- Colonel Canaple, with instruc- 
 tions to communicate at once toHaidar Ali the intelligence 
 of his arrival and his hopes. On the 15th February, just 
 three days before Colonel Braithwaite's detachment 
 succumbed to Tippu Sahib, his fleet came in sight of 
 Madras.* Anchored in front of Fort St. George, and 
 protected by its guns, he descried eleven t ships of war, — 
 
 * The currents and a southerly breeze had taken his squadron con- 
 siderably to the north of Madras. Coming again under the influence of 
 the N.-E. Monsoon he approached Madras from the north. 
 
 + Dr. Campbell mentions only nine. The other two were probably 
 frigates. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 21 
 
 the squadron of Sir Edward Hughes. Suffren formed 
 his ships in line of battle till he arrived within two 
 cannonshots of the English fleet. He then anchored and 
 summoned all his captains on board the Heros to a 
 council of war. 
 
 It must always be remembered that the fleet of M. de 
 Suffren was escorting transports conveying a corps 
 d'armee, and that it was a main object with him to land 
 his troops and disembarrass himself of his transports 
 before attempting an equal combat with the enemy. The 
 proposal then of the captain of the Fine, M. Perrier de 
 Salvart, to attack Sir Edward Hughes, lying as he was 
 under the cover of the guns of Madras, appeared to him 
 too hazardous. He determined therefore to direct the 
 transports on towards Porto Novo, covering their course 
 with his fleet. 
 
 In pursuance of this decision the fleet commenced 
 its southward course that same evening. But as the 
 breeze freshened, Suffren observed the English vessels 
 hoist their sails and follow him. Kightly conceiving 
 that their object was to cut off his transports, Suffren 
 gave the order that these should range themselves 
 between the shore and his fleet, covered by the corvette 
 the Pourvoyeuse, and make all sail for Porto Novo, 
 whilst the Fine should watch the enemy's movements. 
 
 In spite of these precautions, however. Sir Edward 
 Hughes, favoured by the darkness of the night, glided 
 unperceived between the French squadron and the tran- 
 sports. These latter crowded sail to escape, and when 
 
22 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 day broke they and their pursuers had sailed almost out 
 of sight of Suffren's squadron. Suddenly, however, the 
 look-out man on board the Fine signalled the enemy to 
 the south. Immediately every sail was set, and the 
 Heros, followed by the rest of the squadron, soon 
 approached the pursuers and the pursued. Sir Edward, 
 thus baulked of this prey,* hove to, and ordered the 
 chase to be discontinued. 
 
 In the battle now about to engage, the French had 
 the advantage of two ships, having eleven against nine 
 of the English. Yet this advantage, great as it was, 
 was balanced, partly by the superior organization of the 
 English, partly also by the jealousy and dislike enter- 
 tained towards Suffren by the officers of the ships which 
 had joined him at the islands. The jealousy, so often 
 evinced in the time of Dupleix, which could not subor- 
 dinate personal feelings to duty, manifested itself in 
 the manner now to be described in the course of the 
 action. 
 
 The French fleet was formed into two divisions ; the 
 first was composed as follows : — 
 
 Le Heros 74 guns, carrying the commodore's broad pennant. 
 
 UOrient 74 ,, one of ihe ships brought from Port Louis. 
 
 Le Sphinx 64 ,, brought by Suffren from Brest. 
 
 Le Vengeur 64 ,, ditto ditto. 
 
 Le petit Annihal 50 „ captured from the English. 
 
 * Dr. Campbell says vaguely that he captured *' several of them ; " but 
 the French accounts shew that all the troops were disembarked sub- 
 squently at Porto Novo. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 
 
 23 
 
 The second division, commanded by the captain of the 
 Annibal, de Tromelin, consisted of : — 
 
 74 guns, brought by Suffren from Brest. 
 ,, from Port Louis. 
 „ by Suffren from Brest. 
 ,, from Port Louis. 
 ,, ditto, 
 
 ditto. 
 
 UAnnibal 
 
 74 
 
 Le Severe 
 
 64 
 
 UArtesien 
 
 64 
 
 L^Ajax 
 
 64 
 
 Le Brillant 
 
 64 
 
 Le Flamand 
 
 54 
 
 )» 
 
 The armament amounted to 710 guns. 
 The English fleet was thus composed : — 
 
 The Superb 74 guns, Flagship. 
 The Hero 74 „ 
 The Monarch 74 „ 
 The Exeter 64 „ 
 The Eagle 64 „ 
 
 The Monmouth 64 guns. 
 
 The Worcester 64 ,, 
 
 The Barford 64 „ 
 
 The Isis 54 ,, 
 
 or a total armament of 596 guns. 
 
 It was half-past three o'clock in the afternoon before 
 the wind, which was light and variable, allowed Suffren 
 to approach his enemy. Seeing even then that some of 
 his captains had not occupied the post assigned to them, 
 he signalled to them to take the place in the line which 
 each could reach the most quickly. 
 
 Eapidly advancing then, he exchanged a broadside 
 with the Exeter, but noticing the flag of the English 
 admiral, he directed the Heros towards the vessel that 
 bore it, at the same time signalling to the second 
 division to close within pistol-shot of the enemy. 
 
 The combat lasted from half-past three to seven 
 o'clock in the evening. But it was not till quite the 
 close of the action that all the French ships came into 
 the line of fire. The entire first division consisting of 
 
24 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 five ships was engaged throughout ; but of the second 
 the Flamand and the Brillant alone came to close 
 quarters, the remaining four, disobeying the direct 
 orders of the commodore, keeping up only a distant fire. 
 
 On the part of the English the brunt of the attack 
 was borne by the Exeter and the Superb. The former, 
 fought splendidly by Captain King, was terribly riddled. 
 Her loss in killed and wounded was very great. The 
 Superb, too, sufi'ered severely. 
 
 At seven o'clock the combat ceased as if by mutual 
 consent. Darkness had come on, and Sufiren was 
 too ill-satisfied with the conduct of five of his 
 captains to risk a continuance of the contest. Sir 
 Edward Hughes on his side was well content that it 
 should cease. He was expecting reinforcements from 
 England and by bearing down to the south he was likely 
 to meet them. An opportunity would then offer to 
 renew the battle on more advantageous terms. Taking 
 advantage then of the quiescent attitude of the enemy 
 he made all sail to the south. 
 
 It is probable that on this occasion, for the first and only 
 time in his life, Sufiren missed a great opportunity. He had 
 on the whole had the advantage in the action. He had 
 reduced one of the enemy's ships to an almost sinking 
 condition * and their losses had been heavier than his own. 
 
 * " At the close of the action when she (the Exeter)h8id been most dread- 
 fully cut up, two fresh vessels of the enemy's squadron bore down upon her. 
 The Master asked Commodore King what he should do withher under the 
 circumstances. His reply was " there is nothing to be done but to fight till she 
 sinks." Just at this moment the two French ships were recalled. Campbell, 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 25 
 
 He knew that the Enghsh were expecting reinforcements. 
 Why then did he not promptly pursue them ? He did 
 not do so because he could not trust all his captains. 
 
 The following morning Suffren summoned his captains 
 on board the Heros. Those inculpated promised better 
 conduct for the future. The squadron then quietly 
 pursued its course to Porto Novo. Here Suffren dis- 
 embarked his troops, negotiated the terms of an alliance 
 with Haidar Ali, and on the 23rd, having re-victualled 
 his ships and been joined by one man-of-war and three 
 frigates, sailed for the south, protecting some trans- 
 ports he was despatching to the islands, and hoping to 
 meet again his English rival. 
 
 On the 8th April his wishes in this respect were 
 fulfilled. With his twelve line of battle ships he sighted, 
 on the morning of that day, the eleven ships composing 
 the squadron of Sir Edward Hughes* standing for 
 Trincomali. For three days they continued in sight, 
 Suffren finding it impossible to force an action. But on 
 the morning of the 12th, Hughes, changing his course 
 to gain Trincomali, unavoidably gave the Frenchman the 
 advantage of the wind. Of this advantage Suffren 
 made prompt use. 
 
 The action began about half-past twelve o'clock. 
 Seven of the French ships were immediately engaged. 
 But two, the Vengeur and the ArUsien, notwithstanding 
 the repeated signals of the commodore, kept at a 
 distance, and their example was for some time followed 
 
 * The French ships carried 972 guns ; those of the English 737. 
 
26 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 by the Severe, the Ajax and the Annihal, At last these 
 three came up, and the action became general. 
 
 In the early part of the day fortune seemed to incline 
 to the French. The Monmouth was dismasted and 
 compelled to quit the line, having had 45 men killed 
 and 102 wounded. The S'ltperZ? was greatly damaged. The 
 English admiral then gave orders to the squadron to 
 wear. By this manoeuvre, the position of the rival fleets 
 was reversed. Still, however, the battle continued; when 
 suddenly at six o'clock a tremendous storm burst upon 
 both fleets, enveloping them in darkness, and forcing 
 them, close to a lee shore, to pay attention to their own 
 safety. Suffren at once signalled to anchor. 
 
 In this battle the English lost 137 killed and 430 
 wounded ; the French 130 killed and 364 wounded. 
 The Heros, the Orient and the Brillant had sufi'ered 
 severely. Nevertheless the next morning Suffren offered 
 battle to Sir Edward, but the English admiral, having a 
 large convoy under his charge, declined it. Suffren 
 then sailed southward, whilst the English squadron 
 entered the harbour of Trincomali. As to the captains 
 of the Vengeur and the Artesien, Captains de Forbin 
 and de Maurville, Suffren reported their conduct to the 
 Minister of Marine. Subsequently, it will be seen, he 
 deprived them of their commands and sent them to 
 France, where, on arrival, they were imprisoned. 
 
 A little more than a fortnight after this battle, Suffren 
 brought his squadron into the anchorage of Batacola, a 
 Dutch port in the island of Ceylon, about twenty leagues 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 27 
 
 I 
 
 to the south of Trincomali, to which place the English 
 squadron had repaired. By taking up this position 
 Suifren gained all the advantage of the wind which was 
 just beginning to set in from the south. He had 
 previously despatched a brig, the Chasseur, to the 
 islands to demand of M. de Souillac men and munitions 
 of war, of which latter there did not remain to him a 
 sufficient quantity for a single action. 
 
 Here, at Batacola, Suffren received despatches from 
 France directing him to proceed to the islands to escort 
 Bussy to the Indian coast.* But there were grave 
 reasons which urged Suffren to defer obedience to these 
 instructions. In the first place he could not place 
 confidence in many of his captains. The senior next to 
 himself. Captain de Tromelin, was a man whom he had 
 reason specially to mistrust. To leave to such a man 
 the charge of a squadron wanting in men and ammuni- 
 tion, at a time when an English squadron of almost 
 equal force was ready to dispute with it the mastery of 
 the Indian Seas, and when nearly 3000 French troops, 
 but just landed, required the support of French ships, 
 was a course which prudence and patriotism alike 
 spurned. Suffren preferred then to take upon himself 
 the responsibility of not obeying the minister's order. 
 He justified this line of action in a letter to the 
 Grovernor of the Isles of France and Bourbon. 
 
 i 
 
 * These despatches were brought to Suffren by Villaret-Joyeuse, 
 subsequently distinguished as the admiral who, with a revolutionary jBieet, 
 fought the battle of the 1st June against Lord Howe. 
 
28 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Fortunately for France the Governor of the islands 
 was a man endowed with a cool judgment, a clear 
 understanding, and large and comprehensive views. He 
 in his turn justified the action of Suffren to the Minister 
 of Marine. After detailing the various reasons which 
 would render the absence of Suffren from the scene of 
 action not only inexpedient but dangerous to French 
 interests, he thus concluded : ** It may truly beafiirmed 
 that the course M. de Suffren has taken will save India 
 and pave the way for the success of the Marquis de 
 Bussy." 
 
 The French fleet remained in the anchorage of Batacola 
 till the 1st June. It was a trying time for Suffren. 
 His greatest enemies were the recalcitrant captains who 
 were sighing for the luxurious diet, the graceful forms, 
 and the smiling faces of the Isle of France. These 
 offered a covert resistance to all the plans of their 
 commodore. But Suffren saw through their motives, 
 and being a plain speaker, he told thetn bluntly that he 
 would rather sink the squadron before the forts of 
 Madi'as than retire before Admiral Hughes. ** If there 
 are any,'' he added, /'who have formed the conception 
 of such an infamy let them give me their reasons and I 
 shall know how to answer them." It was in putting 
 down the intrigues formed by these men, in repairing 
 and re-victualling his ships, in tending on the shore the 
 sick and wounded, and finally in welcoming re-inforce- 
 ment of men and munitions, that the six weeks at 
 Batacola were spent. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 29 
 
 Meanwhile the troops under the feeble Duchemin, 
 disembarked at Porto Novo the 20th April, had begun 
 their operations. It had been arranged between the 
 French commodore and Haidar Ali that 6000 infantry 
 and 4000 cavalry of the Mysore army should join the 
 French force, and that these united should, under the 
 command of the French general, act in concert with 
 Haidar Ali, the latter furnishing supplies both in money 
 and kind. These arrangements were quickly carried 
 out. Haidar had wished that the Freneh corps d'armee 
 should at once attack Negapatam, a most important 
 town on the coast, and the capture of which could then 
 have been easily effected. Duchemin, however, pre- 
 ferred the easier conquest of Kadalur. This place 
 surrendered on the 6th May. A junction was then 
 effected with Haidar Ali, and the united armies besieged 
 and took Permacol, and a few days later invested 
 Wandewash. 
 
 Then occurred another instance of the crime of intrust- 
 hag important military operations to a man without brains 
 and without nerve. Probably in private life Duchemin 
 was amiable and inoffensive. He was certainly not tor- 
 K mented by a constant desire to dare. These somewhat 
 ^ negative qualities ought to have engendered a doubt as 
 to the possession of the sterner faculties which fit a man 
 for command. It has indeed been conjectured that he 
 might have owed his selection to there not being a better 
 man on the spot. Yet, judging by results, such a 
 surmise must be a libel on all and every one of the 
 2868 men he led to India. 
 
80 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Just imagine his position. The English had but one 
 army in Southern India. That army consisted of about 
 12,000 men, of whom little more than 2000 were 
 Europeans. It was commanded by Sir Eyre Coote, a 
 man who had been very good in his day, but who was 
 then utterly broken down in health. That army defeated, 
 and Southern India would become Mysorean and French. 
 
 On the the other side was the army of Haidar Ali, 
 60,000 strong, flushed with victory over Braithwaite, 
 and but just joined by about 2000* Frenchmen under 
 Duchemin. For this army a defeat was comparatively 
 unimportant ; for the Englisli had not the men to follow 
 up the victory, and Haidar had another army to fall back 
 upon. It was just the occasion when it was the policy 
 of the English to avoid a decisive action, of the allies to 
 force one on. 
 
 Yet, it is scarcely credible that, whilst the English 
 general so far played into his enemy's hands as to offer 
 battle to them, the French commander declined it. If 
 success justifies the neglect of all rule, then, and then 
 alone, was Coote warranted in offering battle. Defeat 
 would have ruined him. Yet his part, at least, was 
 a noble and a daring part. But what can justify 
 Duchemin ? 
 
 Look again at the position. Haidar Ali and Duchemin 
 with an army of over 60,000 men were besieging Wande- 
 wash ; Sir Eyre Coote thought that Wandewash must be 
 saved at any price. He therefore advanced with his 
 
 * Deducting the sick in hospital. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 31 
 
 army, 12,000 strong, and offered battle to the allies. His 
 position was of no great strength. He had no advan- 
 tages. He was over-matched in cavalry, in infantry, and 
 in artillery. Haidar, old as he was, was eager to accept 
 the challenge. Duchemin refused. 
 
 Why did he refuse ? The fate of French India was in 
 his hands. He had but to tell his countrymen to fight, 
 as Frenchmen will fight, and, in all probability, Wande- 
 wash would have been the grave of the English. Why 
 then did he refuse ? It was an opportunity at which 
 Suffren would have clutched, which the least of the 
 generals of Napoleon would have made decisive. Un- 
 happily for France, Duchemin was less than the least of 
 her warrior children. 
 
 In reply to the urgent requisition of Haidar, Duchemin 
 pleaded his health ; he pleaded his instructions not to 
 fight before the arrival of Bussy; he pleaded, not in 
 words, but in a manner not to be misunderstood, his 
 own innate incapacity. 
 
 Haidar AH saw it — saw it with disdain . In compliance 
 with the urgent solicitations of the Frenchman, he ab- 
 stained from attacking Coote, and, raising the siege of 
 Wandewash, retreated towards Pondichery, and occupied 
 a strongly fortified position close to Kalinur. But the 
 loss of the opportunity chafed him. Such allies were 
 useless to him. He determined to show them he could 
 fight the English without them. 
 
 The occasion soon presented itself. Sir Eyre Coote, 
 foiled in his endeavours to force on a battle before 
 
32 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Wandewash, determined to make an attempt on the 
 magazines of Haidar at Arni. There were all his stores ; 
 there his supplies of ammunition and weapons of war. 
 To surprise that place would in very deed give a deadly 
 wound to his enemy. Coote resolved to attempt it. His 
 chances seemed good, for he had gained over the com- 
 mandant of Arni. 
 
 Coote set his army in motion for that purpose on the 
 night of the 30th May. But Haidar had had good infor- 
 mation and had penetrated his plan. Whilst then he 
 sent by forced marches Tippu and his own French 
 contingent under the younger Lally to protect Arni, he 
 broke up from his camping ground at Kalinur, and 
 marched on the track of Coote, hoping to take him in 
 rear. He did not even ask the opinion of Duchemin, 
 but left him and his corj^s d'armee behind.* 
 
 Haidar Ali overtook the English force on the 2nd June 
 just as they were in sight of Arni. The English leader 
 was surprised. He had Tippti and Lally in front of him, 
 and Haidar Ali in his rear. His troops were tired. 
 Haidar had never had such a chance. But the skill of 
 Coote and the valour of the English baffled him. By 
 dexterous manoeuvring Coote made it a day of skirmish- 
 ing, in the course of which he captured one of Lally' s 
 guns stuck fast in the bed of the river. In his main 
 object, however, Coote was baffled. Haidar saved Arni. 
 Four days later Haidar took his revenge for the loss of 
 
 * To mark his sense of Duchemin's conduct Haidar suspended the 
 supply of provisions to the French army during his own absence. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 8S 
 
 his gun by tempting the English into an ambuscade. 
 They fell into the snare, and lost 166 men, 54 horses, 
 and two guns. Haidar's loss was about 60 men. After 
 this action Sir Eyre Coote returned to the vicinity of 
 Madras. Haidar, unable to conquer the repugnance to 
 action of Duchemin, proceeded to push on the siege 
 of Yellor. 
 
84 FBENCH MARINERS 
 
 III. 
 
 It was whilst the events just recorded were progressing 
 on land that intelligence from time to time reached 
 Haidar Ali of the gallant contests which Suffren had 
 been delivering on the sea. The enthusiasm of the 
 tried, and gallant old warrior knew no bounds. "At 
 
 * last," he said to his confidants, "at last the English 
 
 * have found a master. This is the man who will aid 
 
 * me to exterminate them : I am determined that two 
 ' years hence not one of them shall remain in India, 
 ' and that they shall not possess a single inch of Indian 
 ' soil.'* Then turning to the French agent in his camp, 
 
 M. Piveron de Morlat, he begged him to write at once to 
 his master, and to tell him of his own great desire to see 
 him, to embrace him, to tell him how much he esteemed 
 him for his heroic courage. 
 
 Before this message could reach the French commo- 
 modore, Suffren had sailed with his refitted and 
 augmented squadron in the direction of Kadaltir. It 
 had been his original intention to do the work which 
 Duchemin had declined to attempt, viz,, to take pos- 
 session of Negapatam, which would have formed an 
 important depot for the operations of the land and sea 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 35 
 
 forces. But the course of events induced him to change 
 his determination. 
 
 The French fleet, consisting of twelve ships of the 
 line and four large frigates, sailed first to Tranquebar, 
 and then, making several captures en route, arrived, on 
 the 20th June, at Kadalur. Here for the first time 
 Sufiren became acquainted with the misconduct of 
 Duchemin. Eesolved, by some daring measure, to atone 
 for the shortcomings of this incapable soldier, Suffren 
 embarked on board his transports, besides siege materials, 
 1200 men of the line, 400 of the levies of the islands, 
 two companies of artillery, and 800 sepoys, intending to 
 make a dash at Negapatam. He was on the point of 
 sailing when intelligence reached him that the English 
 fleet, emerging from Trincomali, had passed Kadalur, 
 and was bearing up northward in the direction of the 
 place which he had hoped to surprise. 
 
 Disappointed, but still determined, Suffren at once 
 set sail in pursuit of the enemy. Coming in sight, on 
 the 5th July, of Negapatam, he beheld the English fleet 
 lying at anchor in the roadstead. Determined at all 
 hazards to force on an action, Suffren signalled to clear 
 decks and to be ready to anchor. His own ship, the 
 Heros, was leading, when at three o'clock, a sudden 
 squall caused to the Ajax, which was following, the loss 
 of her main and mizen topmasts. These, and other 
 damages, almost as serious, forced her to drop out of the 
 line. The squall settling into a steady breeze gave the 
 English admiral the advantage of the wind. He accord - 
 
 3 A 
 
86 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 ingly weighed anchor and stood out to sea. That night 
 the two fleets anchored within two cannonshots of each 
 other. 
 
 When the morning of the 6th July broke, the first 
 care of the French commodore was to ascertain the con- 
 dition of the Ajax, His rage may be imagined when he 
 found that the necessary repairs remained uncompleted. 
 The rage was increased to fury when he received from 
 her captain a request that his vessel might be allowed to 
 stand in for the nearest roadstead, and this in the pre- 
 sence of an enemy and when an engagement was 
 impending ! He refused absolutely. 
 
 Meanwhile the English admiral, finding the enemy of 
 about equal strength with himself,* determined to use his 
 advantage of the wind and to force on an engagement. At 
 ten minutes past seven, then, he formed line ahead, and 
 signalled to his captains that each ship should bear down 
 as directly as possible upon her opponent and endeavour 
 to bring her to close action. Suffren on his side tacked, 
 putting the head to the wind, in order to form a new 
 line. As he did this, he had the mortification to see the 
 captain of the Ajax stand right away from him. 
 
 It was not till about half-past nine o'clock that the 
 English ships came within range of their enemy. Both 
 fleets opened fire simultaneously at long distances. 
 
 * The French fleet consisted, besides the Ajax which took no part in 
 the battle, of eleven ships of the line, carrying 706 guns, and of four 
 frigates. The English had eleven line of battle ships, carrying 746 guns, 
 •and one frigate. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 37 
 
 Soon, however, the fight closed. The Flamand, 50, 
 drew upon herself the fire, which she returned, of the 
 Hero, 74, and the Exeter, 64 ; whilst the Annihal, 74, 
 engaged in a murderous conflict with the Isis, 56. 
 Simultaneously the Severe, 64, and the Barford, 74:; 
 the Brillant, 64, and the Sultan, 74 ; the French com- 
 modore's ship, the Heros, 74, and the English admiral's 
 ship, the Superb, 74; engaged in an almost hand to 
 hand encounter. 
 
 Of the other vessels it may be noted that the 
 SpJiifix, 64, fought the Monarca, 74 ; but the position 
 of this latter, on the starboard quarter of the Superb, 
 rendered it impossible for her to deliver any but an 
 oblique fire. The Worcester, the Monmouth, the Eagley 
 and the Magnamine, which followed in her wake, could 
 only form a line at an angle of forty-five with the French 
 line. It followed that the fire between these and the 
 Petit Annibal, the Artesien, and the Vengeur was at a 
 long distance, whilst the Bizarre and the Orient, not- 
 withstanding the efi'orts of their captains, remained in 
 forced inaction. The Flamand was the first French ship 
 to feel the weight of her two powerful antagonists. She 
 managed, however, to forge ahead and clear herself, and 
 they were in too crippled a condition to follow her. The 
 Brillant at the same time was suffering much from the 
 well-directed fire of the Sultan, when Sufi*ren, signalling 
 to the Sphinx to replace him alongside the Superb, came 
 to her rescue. The fight was then renewed with extra- 
 ordinary vigour ; when at one o'clock the wind suddenly 
 
38 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 changed, and threw both the combating parties into 
 disorder. 
 
 This change of wind, according to the English writers, 
 saved the French fleet from certain defeat. The French 
 on their side, whilst admitting the shameful conduct of 
 some of their captains, contend that the battle was still 
 uncertain, and that they were combating with equal 
 chances when the wind came to part them. The 
 state of affairs after the change of wind had operated, 
 as stated by one of the English writers of the period, a 
 decided partisan, shows, I think, that there could have 
 been little to choose between the condition of the rivals. 
 *' After much manoeuvring,'' he writes, **and the con- 
 '' tinuation of a partial engagement between such of the 
 '* two fleets as came within reach of each other, the 
 ** English admiral made the signal for the line of battle 
 ** ahead, and was preparing, at half-past one o'clock, to 
 " renew the attack; but seeing, at two, the enemy 
 " standing in shore, and collecting their ships in a close 
 ^' body, while his were much dispersed, and several of 
 " them ungovernable, he relinquished that design, and 
 *' thought only of getting into such a condition as should 
 " prove decisive to the service next morning. Then, 
 " however, the French were observed under sail, on 
 " their way to Cuddalore, while our fleet was utterly 
 " incapable of preventing or pursuing them."* If this 
 does not imply that the English ships had been at least 
 
 * Transactions in India. London: 1786. Campbell says: *' The 
 action was obstinate, well fought, but indecisive." 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 89 
 
 as much damaged as their enemies in the previous 
 encounter there is no meaning in language. 
 
 The French statement corroborates substantially the 
 account from which I have just quoted. '^ Sir Edward 
 Hughes," it relates, '* abandoning to us the field of 
 ** battle, endeavoured to concentrate his ships between 
 '* Negapatam and Naour, whilst Suffren, lying to, and 
 *' seeing the English squadron disappear, gave orders to 
 '' anchor off Karikal, two leagues to windward of it." 
 
 Suffren himself attributed the indecisive nature of the 
 action to the conduct of his captains. He accordingly 
 placed under arrest and sent to France the following 
 three of their number, viz., M. de Maurville of the 
 Artesien, for having on the 6th July aggravated the 
 faults he had committed on the 17th February, the 12th 
 April, and the 5th June ; M. de Forbin, for having on 
 this occasion rivalled his misconduct on the 12th April; 
 and M. de Cillart for having unbecomingly hauled down 
 his flag. * M. Bouvet, who had not brought the Ajax 
 into action at all, was deprived of his command, whilst 
 three other inferior officers were sternly reprimanded. 
 Having rid himself of these worse than incapable 
 captains, Sufi'ren anchored in the roadstead of Kadaltir 
 
 * This occurrence is thus summarised from the French authorities : ** In 
 one of the isolated encounters le Severe was sustaining a fierce combat 
 with the Sultan. All at once, in spite of the proximity of VAnnibalj le 
 SphinXy and VHeros, de Cillart ordered his men to haul down his flag. 
 Fortunately his cowardice, which betrayed itself by unmistakeable signs, 
 remained without result. Two officers rushed to him, and apostrophis- 
 ing him severely, rehoisted the flag and continued the combat." 
 
40 FRENCH MABINEES 
 
 and devoted all his efforts to repair the damages his 
 ships had sustained in the action. 
 
 Yet, whilst actively engaged in this prosaic work, his 
 brain, never idle, had conceived one of the most daring 
 projects which ever entered into the head of a naval 
 commander. Long had he noticed with envy the 
 possession by the English of the only harbour on the 
 eastern coast of Ceylon, capable of containing a large 
 fleet, at the same time that it was strong enough to defy 
 any hostile attack. He lay before Kadalur in an open 
 roadstead, liable to the storms of the ocean and the 
 attacks of a superior force of the enemy. In this open 
 roadstead he had to carry out all his repairs. The 
 English admiral, he knew well, was about to be joined 
 by the Sceptre of 64 guns and the San Carlos of 44. 
 Were he to be attacked by the force thus increased to a 
 very decided superiority, how could he effectually resist? 
 Considerations of this nature pointed to the advisability 
 of securing a harbour at once large, commodious, and 
 safe. These advantages were possessed by Trincomali. 
 Suffren then resolved to capture Trincomali. 
 
 It was a bold, almost an audacious venture. After 
 the combat of the 6th July the English admiral had 
 kept the sea for nearly a fortnight to the windward of 
 Negapatam.* With his ships much battered and 
 
 * The only English writer who attempts to justify the English 
 admiral's delay before Negapatam, the author of Transactions in Indian 
 says that the situation of the army may have rendered this inaction 
 necessary. But there are no grounds for this supposition. The English 
 army was then likewise in a state of complete inaction. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 41 
 
 urgently needing repair it is not easy to imagine why 
 Sir Edward Hughes wasted that precious fortnight in 
 idle bravado. This at least is certain, that it gave 
 Suffren the opportunity he was longing for. 
 
 The state of his vessels and the necessity for procuring 
 ammunition rendered it impossible for Sir Edward 
 Hughes to keep the sea for more than a fortnight. He 
 steered then for Madras and reached that place on the 
 20th July. He at once took the necessary measures for 
 the repairs of his fleet. Here also he was joined by the 
 Sceptre and the San Carlos. Sir Edward Hughes 
 thought, and he seemed to have reason for his opinion, 
 that he had sufficient time before him. He knew to a 
 great, though not to the fullest extent, the diffi- 
 culties his rival had to encounter at Kadalur. Had 
 he known the whole truth, he would have felt still more 
 confident, for, on the 30th July, ten days subsequently 
 to his own arrival at Madras, the state of the French 
 ships of war was so miserable, and the resources at the 
 disposal of Suffren were so limited, that action for the 
 remainder of the year seemed for them impossible. 
 
 On that date Suffren thus wrote to the Governor of 
 the Isle of France, M. de Souillac : ** I assure you it is 
 
 * no easy matter to keep the sea on a coast, without 
 
 * money, without magazines, with a squadron in many 
 ' respects badly furnished, and after having sustained 
 ' three combats. * * I am at the end of my re- 
 
 * sources. Nevertheless we must fight to gain Ceylon ; 
 
 * the enemy have the wind of us and we have so many 
 
42 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 '^ slow sailers that there is little hope we shall gain that 
 '* advantage. * '^ The squadron has 2000 men in 
 ** hospital of whom 600 are wounded." 
 
 Even before thus writing Suffren had broken up his 
 prizes and transports, and had demolished houses and 
 other buildings in Kadaliir to provide himself with the 
 means of repairing his damaged ships ! 
 
 Whilst thus engaged in these important duties, 
 intelligence reached Suffren (25th July) that the great 
 sovereign of Mysore had arrived within a few miles of 
 Kadalur in the hope of seeing him and of concerting 
 plans for the future. The French commodore at once 
 despatched an officer of rank to congratulate Haidar Ali, 
 and the next day he landed himself in state, to pay him 
 a visit of ceremony. 
 
 His reception was magnificent. Met on landing by 
 the principal nobles of Mysore, escorted by Haidar Ali^s 
 own bodyguard of European cavalry, he was greeted on 
 the threshold of the state-tent by that prince himself. 
 The appearance of Haidar Ali was the signal for a general 
 presentation of arms on the part of the troops drawn up 
 in battle array. The drums beat, the trumpets sounded, 
 the attendants sang hymns recording the prowess of the 
 French. Not a single mark of respect or of honour was 
 omitted. 
 
 The interview lasted three hours. Towards the close 
 of it Suffren suggested to Haidar that he should come 
 down to the sea shore to look at the French fleet dressed 
 out in his honour. But Haidar, who was suffering, and 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 4B 
 
 who did not care to undergo the exertion that would be 
 necessary, replied that he ** had left his camp for one 
 *^ object only, that of seeing so great a man, and that 
 '' now that he had seen him there was nothing remain- 
 '^ ing that he cared to see/' 
 
 The two following days were spent in giving and 
 receiving presents, and in arranging as to the operations 
 which should take place on the arrival of Bussy. They 
 were actually engaged in discussing this question, when 
 intelligence was received of the arrival at Point de Galle of 
 the advanced guard of Bussy's fleet under M. d'Aymar. 
 
 Bussy, in fact, had set out from Cadiz in December 
 1781 with two men-of-war, three transports, and a large 
 convoy. His misfortunes set in early. The convoy was 
 attacked, dispersed, and in part destroyed by English 
 cruisers, so much so that only two ships laden with 
 artillery joined him afc the Cape.* He still, however, 
 had the soldiers who had embarked on his three 
 transports. Terrified, however, at a report that the 
 English were about to attack the Cape with an army of 
 6000 men, he left there 650 of his small detachment. 
 Sailing then to the islands, the perusal of the despatches 
 just arrived from Suffren seemed to give him new 
 courage. In concert, then, with the Governor, M. de 
 Souillac, he detached under M. d'Aymar, two men of 
 war, the St. Michael, 64, and the Illustre, 74, one 
 frigate, the Consolante, and nine storeships, carrying 
 800 men and laden with supplies and ammunition, to 
 
 * Many subsequently made their way to the islands. 
 
44 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 proceed at once to join Suffren, and to announce that he 
 himself would shortly follow with the hulk of his 
 troops. 
 
 It was of the arrival of this squadron at Galle that 
 Suffren received information at Kadalur on the 28th 
 July, whilst still discussing affairs with Haidar AH. 
 
 He lost no time in delay. Some preparations were 
 still necessary. But these were soon completed, and on 
 the morning of the 1st August, the French fleet leaving 
 the roadstead in which it had patched up its repairs, 
 fired a parting salute to the great warrior her commodore 
 was never destined again to behold. 
 
 Suffren had two objects in view, the one avowed, the 
 other concealed : the first to effect a junction with 
 d'Aymar ; the second to capture Trincomali : the first 
 appeared certain ; the second could only be accomplished 
 by ** great daring.*' 
 
 Passing Karikal, Naotir, and Negapatam, the fleet 
 arrived at Batacola, twenty leagues south of Trincomali, 
 on the 9th August. Here it was joined by the Bellona, 
 a frigate of 36 guns, just returning from an indecisive 
 hand-to-hand encounter with the Coventry, 32. Her 
 captain, M. de Pierrevert, a nephew of Suffren, had been 
 killed in the action. 
 
 Suffren waited at Batacola till the 21st August, when 
 he was joined by the St. Michael and the Illustre, 
 escorting seven transports with troops and stores, and 
 accompanied by the corvette La Fortune, Whilst lying 
 at Batacola he received despatches from France and 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 46 
 
 the islands. Amongst those from the latter was one 
 from Bussy in which that general pointed out how much 
 to be regretted it was that the French possessed no 
 harbour on the eastern coast equal to Trincomali. It 
 cannot be said that this letter decided Suffren, for his 
 mind had been previously made up ; but it is probable 
 that this opinion of a man who had a great reputation 
 on matters connected with India greatly strengthened 
 his determination to strike for Trincomali. 
 
 The reinforcements brought by d'Aymar did not 
 remain long in Batacola. One day was spent in 
 distributing to the several ships the munitions and stores 
 of which they were in need. The next day, 22nd August, 
 the entire fleet set sail, and the same evening cast anchor 
 in front of Trincomali. Early on the morning of the 
 25th Suffren, having well examined the fortifications, 
 moved his fleet to the east of the forts protecting the 
 town, with the intention to land there his troops, to the 
 number of 2400. This was effected without opposition 
 the same evening. On the 26th batteries were con- 
 structed to play on the eastern face of the fort. On 
 the 27th, 28th, and 29th, fire was opened and continued 
 until, on the evening of the last-named day, a breach 
 had been effected in the fortifications. Early on the 
 following morning Suffren summoned the com- 
 mandant to surrender. After a long debate, the 
 commanding officer. Captain Macdowel, seeing that 
 further resistance was useless, agreed to give up the 
 place on the condition that he and his troops should be 
 
46 FBENCH MARINERS 
 
 transported to Madras and be free to serve in the war. 
 The French then entered into possession. 
 
 Trincomali capitulated on the 31st August. It was 
 occupied by the French on the 1st September. On the 
 2nd the fleet of Sir Edward Hughes appeared in sight of 
 the place. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 47 
 
 IV. 
 
 We have seen that Sir Edward Hughes, after delaying 
 for nearly a fortnight before Negapatam, at last took his 
 fleet to Madras to refit. He arrived there on the 20th 
 July, and there he was joined by the Sceptre and San 
 Carlos. 
 
 The damages which many of his ships had sustained 
 were considerable, and he was forced to make extra- 
 ordinary exertions to repair them. It had occurred to 
 him that the French commander might take advantage 
 of the state of his vessels, and the gain of a fortnight's 
 time, to make an attempt upon Trincomali. To guard 
 as much as possible against such an attempt, he des- 
 patched the Monmouth and the Sceptre with supplies of 
 men and ammunition to that place.* Thinking this 
 sufficient, his anxiety on the subject ceased. It was soon 
 roused, however, to a greater extent than ever. 
 
 I have mentioned that the French frigate Bellona 
 fought an indecisive action with the Coventry off Batacola; 
 but I did not then state that the combating vessels had 
 approached sufficiently near to that place to enable the 
 
 * These ships were descried by the French fleet on the 3rd of August 
 off Negapatam. It is probable that they did not go further. 
 
48 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 captain of the latter ship to see the whole French 
 fleet at anchor. He at once crowded on sail to carry the 
 news quickly to Madras. He reached Madras in the middle 
 of August, and gave the first intimation to Sir E. Hughes 
 of the dangerous proximity to Trincomali of his enemy. 
 Sir Edward used all the despatch possible to hasten his 
 departure for Ceylon. At length he set out, but, delayed 
 by contrary winds, he arrived before Trincomali only to see 
 the French flag flying on all the forts, and the French 
 fleet at anchor in the bay. 
 
 Sufi'ren saw, not unmoved, the English fleet in the 
 offing. It was not necessary for him to go out and fight 
 it, for he had succeeded to the fullest extent of his expec- 
 tations. He had taken Trincomali. There were not 
 wanting officers in his fleet to urge upon him to run no 
 further risk. The party which, ever since his departure 
 from the islands, had constantly endeavoured to thwart 
 his measures, had been weakened but not annihilated, 
 by the deportation to France of de Cillart, de Maurville, 
 and de Forbin. The head of this party was his second 
 in command, M. de Tromelin, captain of the ship 
 Annibal. Supported by de St. Felix of the Artesien, by 
 de la Landelle of the Bizarre, and others, de Tromelin 
 urged upon the commodore the advisability of resting 
 upon his laurels. ** The issue of a combat," he said, 
 ** was uncertain, and might deprive them of all that 
 '* they had gained." Such was their ostensible reason; 
 but it cannot be doubted that it was used to cover alike 
 their jealousy of their chief, and their longing desire to 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 
 
 49 
 
 return to the soft beauties of the Isle of France. As for 
 de Tromelin, he had held back in every action, and it 
 was a matter of surprise that he had not been deported 
 with the others after the last engagement. 
 
 It is necessary to give this summary of the debates 
 which preceded the action, because they exercised a 
 momentous influence on the action itself. 
 
 Before giving a decisive answer to his peace-pleading 
 captains, Suffren determined to ascertain the number of 
 the enemy's vessels. He accordingly signalled to the 
 frigate Bellona to reconnoitre. The Bellona in a very 
 short space of time signalled back that there were twelve 
 English ships. This decided Suffren. He had fourteen.* 
 Turning to his advisers, he said, ''If the enemy had 
 '' more ships than I have, I would abstain; if he had 
 
 an equal number, I could scarcely refrain ; but as he 
 
 has fewer, there is no choice ; we must go out and 
 
 fight him." 
 
 The fact is that Suffren saw, though his captains 
 would not or could not see, that a grand opportunity, 
 possibly the last, now offered to strike a decisive blow 
 for dominion in Southern India. Could he but destroy, 
 
 * The French fleet consisted of le Heros, 74 ; Vlllustre, 74 ; VOrient 74 ; 
 VAnnibal, 74 ; VArtesien, 64 ; le Severe, 64 ; le St. Michel, 64 ; le 
 Brillant, 64 ; le Sphinx, 64 ; VAjax, 64 ; le Vengeur, 64 ; le Bizarre, 64 ; 
 le Petit Annibal, 50 ; and four frigates, carrying in all 1038 guns. The 
 English fleet comprised the Hero, 74 ; the Burford, 74 ; the Sultan, 74 
 the Superb, 74 ; the Monarca, 74 ; the Exeter, 64 ; the Sceptre, 64 
 the Eagle, 64 ; the Magnamine, 64 ; the Monmouth, 64 ; the Isis, 56 
 the Worcester^ 54 ; and five frigates and one corvette, carrying in all 
 976 guns. 
 
 4 
 
 a 
 
 (( 
 
50 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 or eflFectually disable, the fleet of Sir Edward Hughes, 
 everything was still possible. Bussy was on the point 
 of arriving; Haidar Ali still lived, threatening the 
 English possessions all round Madras ; the attenuated 
 English army, deprived of its fleet, would be unable to 
 keep the field ; and there was nothing to prevent the 
 victorious French fleet from sailing with the monsoon 
 wind to Madras, and crushing out the domination of the 
 English in the countries south of the river Krishna. 
 There was the one obstacle ofi'ered by the twelve ships 
 of Sir Edward Hughes ; and Suffren had fourteen. 
 
 That Sufi'ren entertained such hopes is beyond a doubt. 
 Writing to a friend on the 14th, after the battle I am 
 about to describe, and alluding to the excellent conduct 
 of the captain of the Illustre M. de Bruyeres de 
 Chalabre, he used this expression : '* No one could have 
 " borne himself better than he did ; if all had done like 
 ** him, we should have been masters of India for 
 '' ever."* 
 
 But let us now turn to the events of this memorable 
 day. Decided by the signal from the Bellona to fight, 
 Suffren, after a short exhortation to his captains, weighed 
 anchor, and stood out towards the enemy who appeared 
 inclined to entice him gently away from the harbour. 
 As he approached, he signalled to form line in the pre- 
 arranged order. This signal, though repeated again 
 and again, was so badly executed by some of the 
 
 * This letter was published in the Gazette de France of 31st March, 
 1783. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 51 
 
 malcontent captains, that it appeared to the English 
 as if their enemy was about, after all, to decline an 
 engagement. At length, however, their intentions 
 became clear. Their line, though badly formed — the 
 ships being at unequal distances from each other, here 
 crowded, there separated by a long interval — approached 
 till within cannonshot. 
 
 Suffren, dissatisfied with the unequal formation his 
 ships had taken up, signalled then to his captains to 
 reserve their fire till they should be at close quarters 
 with the enemy. He endeavoured to enforce this order 
 by firing a gun. The signal was misunderstood to signify 
 the immediate opening of fire. The fire accordingly 
 opened simultaneously along the whole line of the fleet. 
 The compliment was quickly returned, and in a few 
 minutes the action became general. 
 
 Leaving for a moment the van and rear guards of both 
 fleets, we will turn our attention to the centre, in which 
 the rival commanders were opposed to each other. The 
 French centre was composed of the Heros, the Illustre, 
 the Sphinx, the Flamand, and the Petit Annihal. Of 
 these five the Sphinx and the Petit Annihal had, by bad 
 seamanship or ill-will on the part of their captains, 
 mixed themselves with the vanguard, the Flamand had 
 tacked herself on the rearguard, whilst, on the other 
 hand, the Ajax, of the rearguard, had joined the centre. 
 It was then, with only three vessels, the Ileros, the 
 Illustre, and the Ajax, that Sufi'ren came to close 
 quarters with the English admiral. 
 
 ' 4 A 
 
62 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Here he found ready to receive him, and arranged 
 with that care for discipline and obedience to orders 
 which is one of the glories of the English services, the 
 Burford, the Superb, the Sultan, the Eagle, the Hero, 
 and the Monarca, For one hour the unequal combat 
 lasted, fought with admirable courage on both sides ; at 
 the end of that period Suffren saw that the odds were 
 too great, and that, unless he received prompt assistance, 
 he must succumb. He signalled, therefore, to the St. 
 Michel, commanded by d*Aymar, and to the Annihal, 
 commanded by de Tromelin, to come to his aid. Neither 
 obeyed. De Kersaison, however, brought up the Brillant, 
 though not in a position to offer the most effectual 
 assistance. 
 
 Whilst this murderous hand-to-hand conflict was 
 going on in the centre, the two extremities continued 
 pounding at each other at long distances. In this the 
 French had somewhat the advantage. The Exeter was 
 disabled, and forced to draw out of the line ; the Isis 
 suffered severely, and her captain, Lumley, was killed ; 
 the Worcester, who lost her captain. Wood, and the 
 Monmouth, were riddled. On the French side, the Con- 
 solante, a 40-gun frigate, which had been brought into 
 action, lost her captain, Pean ; the Vengeur, having 
 fired away all her ammunition, withdrew from the line, 
 and caught fire, with difficulty extinguished ; the re- 
 mainder of the squadron continued to fire without order, 
 and at long distances, notwithstanding that the signal 
 for close action was still flying on the commodore's ship. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 68 
 
 At four o'clock in the afternoon, the fight having 
 lasted then one hour and a half, the situation of the 
 French commodore had become extremely critical. The 
 Ajax had been so riddled as to be able to retire only 
 with the greatest difficulty. The Heros, the Illustre, and 
 the Brillant had to bear unsupported the weight of the 
 concentrated fire of the centre division of the English 
 fleet. At four o'clock the Artesien came to the com- 
 modore's rescue ; but even then the odds were too great. 
 About five o'clock the mainmast, the fore topmast, and 
 the mizen topmast of the Heros came down with a 
 tremendous crash. The hurrahs of the English first 
 showed Sufi'ren that they thought he had struck his 
 flag. Not for long did they remain under this delusion. 
 Bushing on the poop, Sufiren cried with a voice that 
 sounded above the roar of the combat: *^ Bring flags; 
 ** bring up all the white flags that are below and cover my 
 ^' ship with them." These words inspired his men with 
 renewed energy. The contest continued with greater 
 fury than ever. The Burford, the Sultan, and the 
 Superb had already felt, and now felt again its efi'ects. 
 Hope was beginning to rise, when at the moment it was 
 whispered to Sufi'ren that he had already expended 
 1800 rounds of shot, and that his ammunition was 
 exhausted ! 
 
 Powder, however, remained, and with powder alone 
 he continued the fire, so as to delude the enemy. But 
 he had begun to despair; already he was thinking of 
 spiking the guns, and, enticing the enemy's ships close 
 
64 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 to him, of blowing up his ship and her neighbours with 
 her, when an event occurred which changed the fortunes 
 of the day. 
 
 Suddenly, at half-past five, the wind shifted from the 
 south-west to the east-south-east. This enabled the 
 vanguard of the French fleet to come to the aid of, and to 
 cover, its centre. At the same time the English fleet wore. 
 But on resuming its position it had no longer the hardly- 
 pressed ships of the French centre to encounter, but 
 those of the vanguard which till then had only engaged 
 at a distance and were comparatively fresh. 
 
 The battle then re-engaged. But now it was the 
 turn of the French. The Hero lost her mainmast at 
 twenty minutes past six and her mizenmast soon after. 
 The maintopmast of the Worcester was shot away about 
 the same time. The Superb, the Btirford, the Eagle, 
 and the Morimouth had previously been disabled. 
 
 At length night fell, and the engagement ceased — 
 another drawn battle. Both fleets remained all night 
 near the scene of action. The next morning that of the 
 French entered the harbour of Trincomali, the English 
 set sail for Madras.* 
 
 • It is very difficult to reconcile the accounts given by the rival actora 
 of the latter part of the action. The English writeis assert that the 
 French entered the harbour that very night. Vice-Admiral Bouet-Wil- 
 laumez and the French authorities of the time assert that Suffren 
 signalled to chase the English, but that they got away ; and that the 
 French entered Trincomali the next morning. Truth would appear to 
 be that both sides were thoroughly exhausted, and were glad to discon- 
 tinue the battle ; that both anchored that night near to where they had 
 fought, and that the French entered the harbour early in the morning. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 65 
 
 Such was the great sea fight off Trincomali. That the 
 majority of the French captains behaved disgracefully was 
 broadly asserted by Suffren, and was admitted by his 
 adversaries. In the English accounts published in India 
 at that period those captains were stigmatised as being 
 *' unworthy to serve so great a man," whilst even in the 
 Calcutta Gazette it was admitted that Suffren had been 
 very badly seconded. There can scarcely be a doubt 
 that he was right in saying as he did in the letter I have 
 already referred to, that if all had fought like the captain 
 of the Illustre he would have mastered Southern India. 
 As it was, the battle was not without his effect on the 
 campaign. 
 
 The Madras Government was so sensible of the 
 damages sustained by the English fleet, and so cognizant 
 of the enterprising spirit of the French commodore, 
 that they ordered their army to fall back on Madras. 
 Had there been at the head of the French land forces a 
 man possessing but the atom of a brain, the dream of 
 Dupleix, of Lally, and of Suffren, might even then have 
 been realised ! 
 
 The consequences to some of the French captains 
 were serious. On the 13th September de Tromelin of 
 the Annihal, de St. Felix of the Artesien, and de la 
 Landelle of the Bizarre, were shipped off the Isle of 
 France. They were accompanied by de Galles of the 
 Petit Annibal, whose health rendered necessary the 
 change. 
 
 The French fleet having repaired damages, and 
 
66 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 having lost one of its vessels (V Orient) ^ which struck on 
 a rock the morning after the action, sailed from 
 Trincomali on the 30th September, and arrived ojQf 
 Kadalur on the 4th October. Here Suffren had the 
 misfortune to lose the Bizarre which, taken too near the 
 shore, ran aground. On the 15th, he set out with the 
 remainder ©f his ships to winter at Achin. He arrived 
 there on the 7th November. 
 
 It is time now to take a glance at the land operations. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 57 
 
 V. 
 
 We left the French auxiliary land force under Duchemin 
 in the strongly fortified position of Kalinur, — a position 
 in which Haidar Ali had left them in disgust at the 
 conduct of their commander, to go in person with his 
 own troops alone to baffle the designs of Coote on Arni 
 (2nd June, 1782). We have seen how he accomplished 
 that task. Shortly after the action which took place 
 before that fortress, and the more trifling skirmishes 
 that followed, the English army retired to the vicinity of 
 Madras. 
 
 P On his side Haidar Ali cantoned his main army on 
 the high ground near the river Poni, sixteen miles north 
 of Arcot, conducting thence the siege of Vellor. Thence 
 also he despatched his son Tippu, with a considerable 
 force, to counteract the manoeuvres of the English on 
 the western coast. The French auxiliary force under 
 Duchemin remained intrenched near Kadalur in a state 
 of complete inactivity. Here on the 13th September 
 Duchemin, who had been long ailing, died. He was 
 succeeded by Count d*Offelize, the colonel of the regiment 
 of Austrasia, a man respected for his judgment and 
 good sense. 
 
58 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 But it was soon seen that active hostilities had by no 
 means ceased. Taking advantage of the absence of 
 Haidar at Kadaliir, whither he had repaired for his 
 interview with the French commodore, Sir Eyre Coote 
 had succeeded by a sudden and rapid march, in intro- 
 ducing a six month^s supply of stores and ammunition 
 into the threatened fortress of Vellor. Haidar, who had 
 too late received intelligence of his enemy's movement, 
 hastened to attempt to defeat it, but arrived only in 
 time to witness its successful execution. Haidar then 
 returned to his camp on the river Poni. Coote, waiting 
 until the excitement caused by his recent raid should have 
 subsided, thought it might just be possible to steal a 
 march upon the ruler of Mysore, and, pouncing upon 
 Kadaliir, not only to seize that fortified depot, but to 
 destroy at a blow the French auxiliary force. He had 
 every hope that in this attempt he would be supported 
 by the frigate and transports containing stores and a 
 battering train, which had been expedited from Madras 
 for that purpose. He therefore attempted it. 
 
 Succeeding in eluding the vigilance of Haidar, Coote 
 found himself, on the 6th September, on the red hills 
 near Pondichery. He commanded thence a complete 
 view of the sea. But to his disappointment not a sail 
 was to be seen. There was but a march between him 
 and the French encampment. Without a battering 
 train, however, the chances of success were slight, and 
 repulse would be fatal, for Haidar would not long delay 
 to act on his communications. As it was, even, his 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 59 
 
 position was full of peril. Still he maintained it for 
 some days, straining his eyes towards the sea. Nor did 
 he cease to hope, until an express from Madras informed 
 him that Trincomali had fallen into the hands of the 
 enemy, and that the fleet, badly treated in an encounter 
 before that place, was in full sail for Madras. He at 
 once resigned hope and fell back on the presidency town. 
 Seldom, it may be safely affirmed, have English 
 interests in Southern India been exposed to greater 
 danger than they were on this occasion. Haidar was 
 encamped in an impregnable position within easy 
 distance of Madras ; two thousand of the famed 
 horsemen of Mysore encircled the <japital endeavouring 
 to cut off supplies ; a large addition to the French land 
 force was momentarily expected ; the fleet, by the 
 capture of Trincomali, had been deprived of the only 
 possible place of refuge on the Coromandel coast during 
 the N.E. monsoon, then about to break: and, added to 
 all, a famine, such as had not been known for years, was 
 devastating the country.* It seemed that it required 
 
 * A contemporary, the author of Transactions in India^ writing tliree 
 years after the event, thus describes the famine and its consequences : 
 " At this moment a famine raged in Madras and every part of the Car- 
 natic, and by the tempest now described, all foreign resources that 
 depended on an intercourse by sea were at an end. * * * The ^ 
 roads, the outlets and even the streets (of Madras) were everywhere 
 choked up with heaps of dead and crowds of the dying. Two hundred 
 at least of the natives perished every day in the streets and the 
 suburbs. * * * j^n -y^as done which private charity could do ; but 
 it was a whole people in beggary ; a nation which stretched out its hand 
 for food. * * * For eighteen months did this destruction rage from 
 the gates of Madras to the gates of Tanjor." 
 
60 
 
 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 but one energetic push on the part of the enemy to 
 make the whole edifice of British supremacy topple over. 
 
 The damages sustained by the English ships in the 
 action off Trincomali rendered it dangerous for them to 
 wait the first burst of the monsoon in the open roadstead 
 of Madras. Sir Edward Hughes, therefore, immediately 
 after his arrival, announced to the Governor, Lord 
 Macartney, his intention to take his fleet round to 
 Bombay as soon as he should be able to patch up the 
 injured ships. In vain did the Governor remonstrate. 
 Sir Edward Hughes was obdurate, and rightly obdurate. 
 He knew well the force of the monsoon and his inability 
 to brave it. He therefore adhered to his resolution. 
 
 His efforts to put his ships in order, to re-victual and 
 re-equip them, were stimulated not less by the close 
 proximity of the monsoon, than by a report which 
 reached Madras that Suffren was about to make an 
 attempt on Negapatam.* With all his efforts, however, 
 Hughes could not sail before the 15th October ; but on 
 the 15th October he sailed. 
 
 The morning of the 15th had been threatening, 
 showing every indications of a storm. The result did 
 not belie the promise. The following morning the long 
 line of coast off Madras was strewed with wrecks ; 
 many vessels foundered, some were driven on shore. 
 Of the small craft containing the rice supplies which had 
 been sent from the more northern ports and roadsteads, 
 not a single one remained. 
 
 * He had been seen off Negapatam on the 1st October. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 61 
 
 The ships of Sb Edward Hughes though they escaped 
 absolute destruction met with little short of it. For a 
 whole month no two ships of the fleet could speak with 
 each other. The Superb, which carried the admiral's 
 flag, had been at an early date reduced to such a 
 condition that Sir Edward took the first opportunity to 
 shift his flag to the Sultan. They were upwards of two 
 months in making the voyage to Bombay. And when 
 the admiral arrived there on the 20th December, he 
 arrived with a shattered fleet and with sickly crews.* 
 
 Four days after the departure of Sir Edward Hughes 
 from Madras, Sir Eobert Bickerton arrived there with 
 five ships of war and a large number of transports 
 having on board about 4000 infantry and 340 cavalry. 
 Having landed these he, too, sailed for Bombay. 
 
 Meanwhile Sufiren had arrived at Achin (7th 
 November). He stayed there till the 15th January, 
 engaged in refitting his ships, in attending to his crews, 
 and in sending cruisers into the Bay of Bengal, where 
 they made some important captures.! Early in January 
 he heard of the death of Haidar Ali (7th December.) 
 He determined therefore to return at once to the 
 
 * It is a curious circumstance connected with the law of storms, first 
 that Suffren, who left Kadaltir the same day as that on which Sir E. 
 Hughes left Madras, experienced only fine weather. He noticed the 
 coming storm and avoided it ; that Sir R. Bickerton reached Madras 
 with five sail of the line on the 19th October without experiencing bad 
 weather ; that he left it, the very day he had landed his troops, for 
 Bombay, and arrived there some weeks before Sir E. Hughes without 
 experiencing any bad weather in transit. 
 
 + Amongst others the Coventry, a frigate carrying 32 guns. 
 
62 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Coromandel coast to concert fresh measures with Tippu 
 Sultan. 
 
 Suffren, sailing on the 15th January, arrived off 
 Kadalur early in February. He was surprised to find 
 there neither tidings of Bussy, nor any news regarding 
 two ships of his fleet, the Annihal and Bellona, which 
 he had sent to cruise in the Bay of Bengal. He stayed 
 there but a few days ; then, having detached two of his 
 ships, the St, Michel and the Coventry, towards Madras 
 to intercept an English convoy, he sailed for Trincomali, 
 and arrived there on the 23rd February. 
 
 Here he was joined not only by his missing ships, 
 but, on the 10th March, by the squadron which was 
 escorting Bussy, consisting of three line of battle ships, 
 one frigate and thirty-two transports. 
 
 The troops under the command of the Marquis do 
 Bussy, consisting of about 2300 men,* were escorted to 
 the Coromandel coast and were landed safely at Porto 
 Novo on the 19th March. I propose now to show the 
 state in which the new commander found the affairs of 
 the French and their ally. 
 
 The English having concluded peace with the 
 Marhatas had, early in the year, made in communi- 
 cation with them so strong a demonstration on the 
 western coast, that Tippu had been forced to start with 
 the bulk of his army to defend his own dominions. But 
 
 * They consisted of detachments from the regiment de la Mark, 
 from the regiment d'Aquitaine, from the Royal Roussillon, and of 300 
 artillery men. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 63 
 
 before this had happened General Stuart had succeeded 
 Sir Eyre Coote in command of the English forces at 
 Madras. Keinforced, as we have seen, Stuart moved in 
 February on to Karanguli and Wandewash, the fortifi- 
 cations of which places he destroyed. The Mysorean 
 army under Tippu and the French auxiliaries under 
 d'Offelize were occupying a position at the time within 
 twelve miles of Wandewash, and an action between their 
 army and the English seemed at one time imminent ; 
 but Tippu's preparations had not been completed when 
 Stuart offered battle, and when Tippu's plans had 
 matured Stuart had retired. It was immediately after 
 this that Tippu started with the bulk of his army and 
 one French regiment for Mysore, leaving 3000 infantry 
 and 7000 cavalry at the disposal of d'Offelize. 
 
 The English authorities still clung to the plan of 
 wresting, by a combined attack by sea and land, the 
 fortified depot of Kadalur from the French. Arrange- 
 ments having been concerted with Sir Edward Hughes, 
 Stuart set out from the vicinity of Madras on the 21st 
 April, at the head of about 15,000 men.* As he 
 advanced to Wandewash, d'Ofi'elize, whose European 
 force had been reduced to about 600 men, fell back in 
 the direction of Kadalur. 
 
 Bussy, we have seen, arrived at Kadalur on the 19th 
 March, in plenty of time, by an active initiative, to pre- 
 vent the investiture of that place. But the Bussy who 
 
 * He set out with about 3000 Europeans and 11,500 natives, but was 
 joined almost immediately by 600 Europeans just landed. 
 
64 FKENCH MARINERS 
 
 returned to India in 1783 was no longer the hardy 
 warrior who had electrified Southern India in the years 
 between 1754 and 1760 ; who had made of the Subadar 
 of the Dekhan a French prefect, and whose capacity to 
 dare had supplied the want of soldiers. If the Bussy 
 of 1756, by his genius, his activity, his daring, his 
 success, foreshadowed in some respects the illustrious 
 warrior who, just forty years later, displayed the same 
 qualities to conquer Italy, the Bussy of 1783, corrupted 
 by wealth, enervated by luxury, and careful only of his 
 ease, more resembled that scion of the House of Bourbon, 
 once his sovereign, who consecrated all his hours to his 
 mistresses, who left the nomination of the generals of 
 the armies of France to a de Pompadour, and who 
 banished a Choiseul on the requisition of a Du Barry ! 
 
 Bussy, then, instead of acting with vigour, did nothing. 
 He did not even show himself to his men. He kept him- 
 self — to borrow the language of one of his countrymen — 
 " invisible in his tent like a rich Nabob.'* Instructed 
 by Colonel d'Offelize of the advance of the English, and 
 informed by that officer that he pledged himself to main- 
 tain his force at Permacol, if he were but supported, 
 Bussy not only refused, but abandoned every outlying 
 fortification and fell back within Kadalur. 
 
 The fort of Kadalur was a quadrangle of unequal 
 sides, extremely weak in many respects, and possessing 
 an indifferent flanking defence. From two to four miles 
 from its western face inland were the hills of Banda- 
 palam. A little estuary formed by the sea covered the 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 65 
 
 eastern and southern faces. It was defended by the 
 whole French force, reduced now, by sickness and de- 
 tachments lent to Tippti, to 2300 Europeans, and by a 
 Mysorean force of 3000 infantry and 7000 horse. 
 
 The English army arrived before Kadaltir on the 4th 
 June. On the 7th, secure of the support of the fleet, 
 which had arrived at Porto Novo, it made a circuit round 
 the hill and took up a position two miles southward 
 from the fort, its left resting on the hills, its right on 
 the estuary. In making this circuit, Stuart so exposed 
 his left to the enemy, that the major of the regiment of 
 Austrasia, de Boisseaux, ventured to disturb the ''French 
 *' Nabob" in his tent, to point out the capital crime the 
 English were committing. But Bussy, not with diffi- 
 culty, restrained himself. He had arrived at a time of 
 life when men no longer attack. 
 
 It was only when Stuart had definitely taken up his 
 position to the south that Bussy formed up his force 
 outside Kadalur, in a line nearly parallel to the enemy, 
 and began to cover it with intrenchments. 
 
 On the 13th General Stuart ordered an attack on the 
 right of the French line under the command of Colonel 
 Kelly. The attack, after gaining two positions, was,, 
 thanks to the skill and energy of Colonel d'Oifelize, 
 repulsed with great loss at the third. The success of 
 the French seemed assured, but they pursued the 
 retiring enemy too far, and General Stuart, noticing his 
 opportunity came up between them and their intrench- 
 ments, and gained a position which would enable him, 
 
 5 
 
66 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 as soon as his battering train, then on board the fleet, 
 should be landed, to command the entire French line of 
 defence. Upon this the fight ceased, and Bussy, who 
 for the day had exchanged his tent for a palanquin, 
 withdrew his troops during the night within Kadaltir. 
 
 All this time the sea had been commanded by the 
 English fleet. But on the evening of the day on which 
 the French had been driven within Kadalur, a circum- 
 stance occurred which brings again upon the scene the 
 illustrious French admiral* at the hour of the direst 
 needs of his country. 
 
 We left Suff'ren on the 19th March landing the army 
 of Bussy at Porto Novo. Coasting then southwards, he 
 arrived on the 11th April, after a slow and difficult 
 journey, within sight of Trincomali. In spite of the 
 presence of the English off" the coast he entered the 
 harbour, and at once set to work to refit his fleet. Of his 
 fifteen ships all but five were still under repair, when, on 
 the 24th May, the English fleet again passed Trinco- 
 mali in full sail to the south. Imagining that this 
 demonstration was but a feint to draw him towards 
 Kadalur so that Trincomali might be captured in his 
 absence, Suffren contented himself with sending some 
 transports escorted by frigates to Kadalur, and continued 
 his repairs. Again, on the 31st May, the English fleet 
 appeared, bearing northwards, and this time it even made 
 a demonstration to attack the harbour. But it was only 
 
 * Suffren had been promoted in March, 1783, to the rank of lieutenant' 
 general^ a title corresponding to that of vice-admiral. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 67 
 
 a demonstration. At the end of two days Sir Edward 
 Hughes went on to take up at Porto Novo a position which 
 was to support the attack of the land army on Kadalur. 
 Two days later the French frigates and transports which 
 had been sent to convey stores to Kadalur returned to 
 Trincomali. The senior captain of the expedition brought 
 with him a letter from Bussy, written early in June, 
 painting his needs and imploring assistance. 
 
 Suffren was not the man to turn a deaf ear to an 
 exhortation of that nature. It is true that he knew his 
 fleet to be inferior in number, in condition, and in weight 
 of metal to that of the enemy;* but he felt that the 
 interests of France would be better served by his pro- 
 voking an unequal contest, the issue of which might 
 however be favourable, than by allowing her last army 
 to succumb without a blow.t He therefore did not 
 hesitate for a moment. He did not even consult any 
 one ; but summoning on board the flagship the captains 
 of his fleet, he informed them in a few spirit-stirring 
 words that the army at Kadalur was lost unless the fleet 
 went to succour it ; and that the glory of saving it was 
 reserved for them; and that, whatever might be the 
 result, they would at least attempt it. 
 
 These words were received by the assembled captains 
 with the greatest enthusiasm. Instantly every hand 
 
 * The French fleet consisted of fifteen ships of war and one frigate 
 carrying 1008 guns; the English of eighteen ships of war, carrying, 
 1202 guns. 
 
 t The conduct of Suffren on this occasion may well be contrasted with 
 that of d'Ache in 1761. — Vide History of the French in India, 
 
 5 B 
 
68 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 lent itself to the work. The crews of all but three of the 
 frigates were transferred to the line of battle ships to 
 bring up the complement of these to working capacity. 
 On the 11th June the fleet left Trincomali. On the 
 evening of the 13th it came within sight of Kadalur to 
 gladden by its appearance the hearts of the soldiers who 
 had been forced that day to retire within its fortifications. 
 
 Sir Edward Hughes was at Porto Novo. His light 
 ships having signalled the French fleet, he at once stood 
 in for Kadalur, and anchored in front of it. The 14th 
 and 15th, the state of the wind rendered it impossible 
 for Suffren to force on an action, and the English 
 admiral, rightly regarding the capture of Kadalur as the 
 main object of the campaign, conceived that he best 
 contributed to the accomplishment of that object by 
 covering the besieged fort. On the 16th, however, the 
 wind changed, and the French fleet bore down on its 
 enemy. The English admiral at once weighed anchor 
 and stood to sea, hoping that by standing out and 
 catching the light breezes which he thought he detected 
 in the open, he might bear down in his turn and take 
 Suffren at disadvantage. But this did not happen, and 
 Suffren, still bearing towards the coast, reaped the fruit 
 of his happy audacity by occupying, without firing a shot, 
 the place in front of Kadalur which had just been vacated 
 by his English rival ! 
 
 It is impossible to speak in terms of too high com- 
 mendation of this display of combined genius and daring. 
 To beat on the open sea a fleet of equal or of greater 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 69 
 
 numbers is no doubt a splendid achievement ; but it is an 
 achievement in which the lower nature of man, that 
 which is termed brute force, has a considerable share. 
 But to gain all the effect of a victory without fighting, to 
 dislodge an enemy superior in numbers from a position 
 of vital importance without firing a shot — that indeed is 
 an exercise of the highest faculties of man's higher 
 nature, a feat of intellectual power not often bestowed, 
 but generally combined, when given, with that strength 
 of nerve which knows when and how to dare.* 
 
 The clocks of Kadalur were striking half-past eight 
 when Suffren anchored before the town. With the 
 prescience of a true commander he had discovered that 
 of the two enemies before him it was necessary to drive 
 off the one before attacking the other. Were he to 
 lend his sailors to join in an attack on General Stuart, 
 he might at any moment be assailed at a disadvantage 
 
 * It is curious to note the manner in which this achievement is alluded 
 to by English writers. Wilks, with his usual straightforwardness, writes 
 thus : " On the 16th, he (Hughes) weighed anchor, with the expectation 
 of bringing the enemy to close action, but such was the superior skill or 
 fortune of M. Suffren that on the same night, at half-past eight, he 
 anchored abreast of the fort, and the dawn of day presented to the 
 English army before Cuddalore the mortifying spectacle of the French 
 fleet in the exact position abandoned by their own on the previous day, 
 the English fleet being invisible and its situation unknown." The 
 author of Memoirs of the late War in Asia, himself a combatant, speaks 
 of the French fleet as " a crazy fleet, consisting of fifteen sail of ships, 
 half of them in very bad condition." He merely mentions that "it 
 occupied the place vacated by Sir E. Hughes' fleet, consisting of eighteen 
 coppered ships (their crews greatly debilitated by sickness)." Campbell 
 and the writer of the Transactions pass over the event in silence. Even 
 Mill ignores it ; but it is a well-attested fact. 
 
70 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 by Admiral Hughes. Instead therefore of disembarking 
 his own men he embarked 1000 soldiers to strengthen 
 his ships. 
 
 This embarkation took place on the 17th. On the 
 18th Suffren weighed anchor and stood out, but neither 
 on that day nor on the day following could he succeed 
 in bringing the enemy to action. On the 20th Sir 
 Edward Hughes, whose men were suffering from scurvy, 
 and whose supplies of water were running short,* 
 found it absolutely necessary to accept a contest or to 
 bear up for Madras. He chose the former alternative. 
 
 In the contest which was about to commence Suifren 
 was in number of ships, in their condition, and in 
 weight of metal considerably inferior to the English.! 
 On the other hand his ships were better manned. But 
 that which gave him the greatest confidence was the 
 
 * He had lost, during little more than a month, nearly 3000 men 
 from the same cause. It is to this that the English writers attribute his 
 unwillingness to accept an engagement. 
 
 + The English fleet consisted of the Gibraltar^ 80, the Defence^ 74, 
 the Hero, 74, the Sultan, 74, the Superb, 74, the Cumberland, 74, the 
 Monarca, 70, the Burford, 70, the Inflexible, 64, the Exeter, 64, the 
 Worcester, 64, the Africa, 64, the Sceptre, 64, the Magnamine, 64, the 
 Eagle, 64, the Monmouth, 64, the Bristol, 50, the Isis, 50. 
 
 The French fleet, of the Fendant, 74, the Argonaute, 74, the HSroSf 
 74, the Illustre, 74, the Annibal, 74, the Sphinx, 64, the Brillant, 64, 
 the Ajax, 64, the Vengeur, 64, the Severe, 64, the Hardi, 64, the Artesien, 
 64, the St. Michel, 60, the Flamand, 50, the Petit Annibal, 50, and the 
 Consolante frigate, 40, brought into the line. The French had also 
 three frigates, the Fine, the Cleopdtre, and the Coventry, On board of 
 one of these, in consequence of an express order of the king, provoked 
 by the capture of Count de Grasse in his contest with Rodney, Sufiren 
 hoisted his flag during the action. The English had also two frigates^ 
 the Active and the Medea, 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. ^ 71 
 
 quality of his captains. For the first time the ships of 
 his fleet were commanded by men whom he could 
 trust. 
 
 At quarter-past four in the afternoon, the two fleets, 
 having come within range, almost simultaneously opened 
 fire. Immediately afterwards the Flamand, 50, 
 attempting to pierce the enemy's line, was attacked on 
 both sides by the Exeter and the Inflexible, Her 
 captain, de Salvart, was killed, but the first lieutenant 
 succeeded in rescuing her from her perilous position. 
 
 Whilst this was being attempted the Heros and 
 Illustre engaged at once the Superb, the Monarca and 
 the Burforcl ; the Argonaute the Sultan; the Petit 
 Annibal the Africa ; the Vengeur the Magnamine ; 
 the Hardi at once the Bristol and the Monmouth. In 
 the rear division the Fendant encountered first the 
 Inflexible and then the Gibraltar, whilst the Sphinx 
 tackled the Defence. The other ships of both fleets 
 were not less actively engaged. 
 
 At about half-past five the mizen topmast of the 
 Fendant caught fire, and her commander was forced to 
 take her for a moment out of the line. The Gibraltar, 
 with whom she had been engaged, seized this opportunity 
 to attempt to break the French line, but the Flamand 
 covered her consort and kept the enemy at bay till the 
 fire was extinguished, and the Fendant returned to her 
 position. 
 
 The murderous contest was kept up on both sides 
 until past seven o'clock, when darkness supervened and 
 
72 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 the firing ceased. Neither fleet had lost a ship, both 
 had been severely handled ; but the practical victory 
 would be naturally to that which would be able to 
 compel the other to retire from the vicinity of Kadalur. 
 That question was soon decided. 
 
 During the night the French fleet beat about endea- 
 vouring to remain close to Kadalur, but the currents 
 took it down to Pondichery. There, in the course of 
 of the following day, it anchored but early on the 
 morning of the 22nd, his light ships signalling the 
 English fleet bearing N.N.E., Sufi'ren immediately 
 weighed anchor and stood out in pursuit. When, 
 however, he reached Kadalur the enemy was no longer 
 in sight ;' Sir E. Hughes had borne up for Madras.* 
 
 Thus then had Sufi'ren by combined skill and valour 
 attained one of his objects. He had driven one enemy 
 from the coast ; he would now aid in forcing the other to 
 retreat. That same evening, the 23rd June, he landed 
 not only the 1000 soldiers he had borrowed from the 
 fort, but added to them 2400 men from his sailors. 
 
 More he could not do. He could command and win 
 
 * The impartial historian, Lieutenant-Colonel Wilks, by no means a 
 lover of the French, states that " The English Admiral, after receiving 
 the detailed reports of the state of each ship, found the whole of his 
 equipments so entirely crippled, his crews so lamentably reduced, and 
 the want to water so extreme, that he deemed if indispensable to incur 
 the mortification of bearing away for the roads of Madras whilst Suffren, 
 wresting from his enemies the praise of superior address and even the 
 claim of victory, if victory belong to Mm luho attains his object, re- 
 sumed his position in the anchorage of Cuddalore." The italics are 
 my own. Campbell and the author of the Transactions are, as usual, 
 vague when the matter refers to the success of the French. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 78 
 
 battles on sea. He could send his men on shore, but on 
 land his own men, he himself even, came under the 
 orders of Bussy. And we have seen what the Bussy of 
 1783 was. Yet this man, once so distinguished, 
 had now an opportunity at the like of which he would 
 have clutched in his younger days. Covered by the fleet, 
 he could make an assault on the enemy — the landing 
 of whose battering train had been prevented by the 
 success of Suffren — with numbers superior to their own. 
 Suifren urged him to this course ; d'Offelize urged him; 
 the officers of his staff urged him. But he would not. 
 He let the golden moments slip. Then Suffren, dis- 
 gusted, returned on board his ship, asking Bussy as he 
 left him *' if he expected that he could take his ships to 
 *' beat the enemy on shore." 
 
 At last, after many hesitations, when General Stuart 
 had recovered from the moral depression which the 
 departure of the English fleet and, with it, his battering 
 train, had caused him, Bussy determined to risk a sortie. 
 But a sortie to succeed must be composed of picked 
 men, and those men must be well commanded. Bussy 
 neglected both these necessary precautions. The 
 men he ordered for the work were not only not 
 specially selected, but their number was insufficient 
 for the purpose; their leader moreover, the Chevalier 
 de Dumas, was the least trusted officer in the 
 French force.* The result corresponded to the plan. 
 
 * C'etait un vil intrigant d'une incapacity reconnue. — Roux. Wilks 
 says he was inconsolable at not having been wounded. 
 
74 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 The sortie, made at three o'clock in the morning of 
 the 26th June, was repulsed with the loss of about forty 
 men killed, and 100 taken prisoners.* 
 
 Notwithstanding this repulse, the English general 
 was too well aware of his own comparative weakness to 
 attempt an assault. He restricted himself therefore to a 
 blockade, and that of merely a nominal nature. The 
 French troops drew in unopposed all their supplies from 
 the country, and Bussy — even the Bussy of 1783 — had 
 become so emboldened as to talk of an attack on the 
 besiegers' camp with his combined force, when suddenly 
 the intelligence that the preliminaries of peace had been 
 signed in Europe, induced both contending parties to 
 agree to a suspension of arms. 
 
 This suspension assumed on the 3rd September follow- 
 ing a permanent character, by the announcement of the 
 conclusion of the peace known in history as the treaty of 
 Versailles. 
 
 The suspension of arms was most unfortunate for 
 France. The army of Stuart before Kadalur represented 
 the last hope of the English in Southern India. It was 
 reduced then by the want of supplies to the greatest 
 extremities. An attack by the French in force could 
 
 * Amongst the prisoners taken was Bernadotte, afterwards Marshal of 
 France, Prince of Pontecorvo, and King of Sweden. He was then a 
 sergeant in the regiment of Aquitaine. After he had attained greatness 
 Bernadotte seized the earliest opportunity of expressing to Colonel 
 Langenheim, who commanded the German legion at Kadaltir, and whom 
 he met again in Hanover, his sense of the kindness with which he had 
 been treated on this occasion. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 75 
 
 have scarcely failed to annihilate it. With its destruction 
 Madras and all Southern India would have passed over 
 to the French.* 
 
 But it was not to be ; nor, even if it had been, can it 
 be imagined that the scion of the House of Bourbon 
 who then governed France, well-intentioned though he 
 may have been, would have refused to restore it without 
 conditions. His predecessor, after having lavished 
 French blood and spent French treasure in a war which 
 was costly, and in spite of himself successful, restored 
 at the peace which followed t all his conquests, and 
 agreed even to dismiss his guest from his hearth, saying 
 he '^ would not treat as a tradesman but as a king.*' 
 This kingly method of .benefiting one's adversaries at 
 the expense of one's country would seem to be an 
 heirloom of the House of Bourbon. For, with respect 
 to India, the treaty of Versailles carried out precisely the 
 sam^ principle. The war which that treaty terminated 
 had been a most disastrous war for England. She 
 had lost, and rightly lost, her American colonies ; she 
 seemed, for the moment, shorn of her prestige; the 
 French could have insisted at least on the restoration of 
 her possessions in India to the status quo ante 1761. 
 This was a cardinal point which neither the Eepublic 
 
 * Professor H. H. Wilson thus writes on this subject : " It seems 
 probable that but for the opportune occurrence of peace with France, the 
 South of India would have been lost to the English. The annihilation 
 of the army at Cuddalore would have been followed by the siege of 
 Madras, and there was little chance of defending it successfully against 
 Tippoo and the French." 
 
 + The Peace of Aix la Chapelle. 
 
76 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 nor the Empire would have foregone. But the Bourbons 
 " treated as kings and not as traders." Consequently, 
 though England had but one army in Southern India, 
 and that army was exposed to destruction, Louis XVI. 
 renounced every advantage, and allowed French India 
 to accept, after a victorious campaign, conditions almost 
 ideijtical with those which had been forced upon her 
 after the capture of her capital in 1761. 
 
 Yet the indifference of the ruler of France, noxious as 
 it was to French interests, could not detract in the 
 smallest degree from the merits of the illustrious man 
 who did, for a time, restore French influence to Southern 
 India. That man was the Bailli* de Suffren. His five 
 contests with an English fleet, of always nearly equal, 
 once even of greater force, stamp him as being inferior 
 to none of the great seamen whom France and England 
 had till then produced. This has been virtually admitted 
 by the writers on naval subjects of both nations. 
 Mr. Clerk, whose work on naval tactics, originally 
 published in 1778, is said to have inspired Rodney with 
 the famous idea of breaking the line, republished, in 
 1790, an edition in which he cites the manoeuvres of 
 Suffren as constituting a lesson to all admirals to come, 
 and indicates him as having been the first commander to 
 introduce the principle of fighting at close quarters, sub- 
 sequently carried to so great a perfection by Nelson. 
 Vice-Admiral Bouet Willaumez, in his work entitled 
 
 * In 1782 he had been nominated Bailli of the order of the Knights 
 of St. John of Jerusalem. 
 
ON THE INDIAN SEAS. 77 
 
 Batailles de terre et de mer, says of Suffren that he 
 was ^' the first to disdain the routine professed by the 
 " admirals of his epoch, consisting of ranging the 
 " squadron in one single line of battle. He cared not 
 *' for the traditions which required one to fight at a 
 " moderate distance. He engaged within pistol-shot." 
 The naval historian, Dr. Campbell, whose anti-French 
 sympathies are so strongly marked, is forced to admit 
 that Sufi'ren was '' worthy of being the rival and 
 '* opponent of Sir Edward Hughes." I have already 
 cited the opinion of Colonel Wilks. Amongst all the 
 works I have consulted on the subject I have not found 
 a divergent sentiment. 
 
 The character of Suffren is thus justly summarised by 
 M. Hennequin,* *' To an imperturbable coolness in 
 action, Suffren united an extreme ardour and activity. 
 Courageous even to rashness, he showed an inflexible 
 rigour towards officers whom he suspected of weakness 
 or cowardice. In a word, he united in his person all 
 the qualities which make a warrior illustrious, a sailor 
 skilful, and a man esteemed. Those who knew him, 
 and especially the officers who sailed under his orders, 
 never pronounce his name even now but with respect 
 and admiration." 
 Suffren returned to France in 1784, to receive high 
 honours from his Sovereign, but he did not long survive 
 to enjoy them. He was killed in a duel in 1788 at the 
 age of sixty-two. 
 
 * Essai historique sur la vie et les campagnes du Bailli de Suffren. 
 
78 FRENCH MARINERS 
 
 Had he but lived, would he have been too old to com- 
 mand the fleet which fought Lord Howe on the 1st June, 
 1794 ? Could he have occupied with advantage the place of 
 Brueys and Yilleneuve ? These are questions which the 
 French at least, who owned him and who glory in him, 
 do ask, and which they have a right to ask. Nor will 
 we — we English — who honour genius, and who recognise 
 that genius in the man who, though a foreigner, was 
 still the precursor of our own Nelson, grudge them the 
 answer which their pride and their patriotism alike 
 dictate. 
 
 Meanwhile peace between the European rivals reigned 
 again in Southern India. By the interval of nine years 
 which elapsed between the signature of the treaty of 
 Versailles and the outbreak of the war of the Eevolution 
 the English profited to fix their domination on a basis 
 
 4 
 
 SO substantial as to be proof against further direct 
 hostility on the part of their great rival. But the indirect 
 efforts which were then attempted were coloured by a 
 tinge of romance almost entirely wanting in the history 
 I have just recorded. 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 THE ISLE OF FRANCE AND HER 
 
 PRIVATEERS. 
 
 I. 
 
 Between the peace of Versailles and the outbreak of 
 the Eevolutionary war, the French Marine was but 
 thinly represented on the Indian seas. But when in 
 1793, war was declared between the two nations, the 
 flag of the French Kepublic, that flag which' so soon 
 was * to make the tour of Europe/ appeared again to 
 animate those whom it represented to fight, not on this 
 occasion for victory, but for existence. 
 
 For, indeed, at the outset of the struggle the navy of 
 France was far from being in a condition to combat the 
 ships of her ancient rival with any prospect of success. 
 The nobility, from which its officers had been drawn. 
 
80 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 had emigrated in large numbers, and the democratic 
 principle, which had been introduced upon the ruins of 
 that which had crumbled away because its foundations 
 had rotted, had been denied the opportunity granted to 
 the land forces of developing, on the spur of the moment, 
 a perfect system of promotion and command. Never- 
 theless, even under these trying circumstances, the 
 navy of France proved not unworthy of the renown it 
 had inherited from Tourville, from Duguay-Trouin, 
 from Jean Bart, from de Forbin,* and from Suffren. 
 The battle of the 1st June, fought by an untried admiral, 
 with a fleet in no way superior to its enemy in numbers 
 and weight of metal, and newly officered from the 
 lowest to the highest grade, t was indeed a defeat, though 
 not a very decisive defeat ; yet who will say that under 
 all the circumstances of the case, that defeat even was 
 not glorious to the French arms ? 
 
 Another cause which tended at this period to the 
 
 * The memoirs of the Count de Forbin, Commodore of the French 
 Navy in the time of Louis XIV, were considered so remarkable that they 
 were translated into English and published in London in the year 1731. 
 
 + Rear Admiral Kerguelen, writing at the time, gives an animated 
 description of the flagrant mode in which officers were appointed to the 
 ships of war " by charlatans and ignorant empirics." He gives details 
 to prove his statements. Captain Brenton, R.N., writing on the same 
 subject, says : " The French fleet was no longer manned and officered as in 
 the splendid times of Louis XIV. * * Most of the seamen had been 
 marched to the Rhine and the Moselle to fill the ranks of the army, and 
 their places were supplied by wretched conscripts and fishermen. The 
 captains of the line were men totally unqualified from their habits for 
 such a station ; they had been, with few exceptions, masters of merchant- 
 men, and knew nothing of the signal book or of the mode of conducting 
 a ship of war." 
 
AND HEK PRIVATEERS. 
 
 81 
 
 demoralisation and injury of the French fleet was the 
 intense party-feeHng which prevailed throughout the 
 country. It was this party-feeling that induced Toulon, 
 one of the great harbours of France, to revolt against 
 the established form of government of the country. 
 This revolt caused the loss to the French of twenty 
 ships of the line and twenty-five frigates. Of these, 
 three ships of the line, one of 120 guns, and twelve 
 frigates, fell into the hands of the English — not 
 conquered in fair fight, but betrayed by the partisans of 
 the used-up race which France had expelled. 
 
 France, then, thus heavily weighted at starting, could 
 dream no more of conquests on the Indian seas. She 
 could not even defend her possessions on the mainland 
 of India. These fell without a struggle to her fortunate 
 rival. But she could still protect the islands, to the 
 chief of which she had lent her own fair name ; she 
 could still protect her commerce ; she could still inflict 
 damage on the commerce of her enemy.* But to carry 
 out this programme on the Indian waters, she had now 
 
 * That she was successful is shown by the following tables taken from 
 the official documents : — 
 
 Merchant Ships 
 taken by the 
 French from 
 the English. 
 
 In 1793 ..261 
 
 „ 1794 ..627 .. 88 
 
 „ 1795 ..502 .. 47 
 
 „ 1796 ..414 .. 63 
 
 „ 1797 ..562 .. 114 
 
 Merchant Ships 
 taken by the 
 English from 
 the PYt^nch. 
 
 63 \ 
 
 2266 
 
 375 J 
 
 Being & pro- 
 portion in 
 yfive years of 
 more than 
 six to one. 
 
82 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 no fleet available. To light squadrons, to single ships, 
 to privateers, she had to leave these arduous duties. 
 The deeds which were under such circumstances ac- 
 complished possess an interest all their own. Some of 
 those performed by the privateers are worthy to be 
 classed with the achievements of Duquesne, of Duguay- 
 Trouin, and of Jean Bart. 
 
 Conspicuous amongst the commanders of these 
 privateers was Eobert Surcouf. His exploits were so 
 intimately connected with the Indian seas ; he took so 
 leading a part in the devastation of English commerce 
 from the very outbreak of hostilities ; that I make no 
 apology for bringing him at once before my readers, as 
 one of the most considerable and the most successful of 
 the naval adventurers with whom our countrymen had 
 to deal on the Indian waters. 
 
 The advantages ofiered by the Isles of France and 
 Bourbon as a refuge for French cruisers, whence these 
 could sally to commit depredations upon British com- 
 merce, induced the British authorities to despatch in the 
 early part of 1794 a squadron to watch and blockade 
 the islands. This squadron, originally intended to 
 consist of four ships, was finally composed only of the 
 Centurion 50, Captain Osborne, and the Diomede 44, 
 Captain Smith. 
 
 The islands, in the first throes of the revolution, had 
 been virtually abandoned to their own resources by the 
 mother country, nor did the latter fully resume her 
 protective control until after the events of 18 Brumaire. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 83 
 
 In the meanwhile the chief men in the islands, military, 
 naval, and commercial, had formed a sort of provisional 
 administration. The first question to be solved was 
 that of ''how to live?'' This was answered in the 
 manner I have indicated above. A few stray frigates 
 and considerable and increasing number of privateers 
 were sent to prey on the English commerce. Their 
 gains, as may well be imagined, were enormous ; and 
 from a portion of these gains the treasury of the 
 colonies was replenished. 
 
 The alarm which spread in the islands when the news 
 reached them of the arrival in their waters of two 
 English ships of Avar to intercept their cruisers can 
 easily be imagined. There were not wanting, however, 
 bold men, who forbade their fellow-colonists to despair 
 and who promised to sally forth and drive away the 
 daring strangers. Prominent amongst these adventurous 
 spirits was Jean-Marie Renaud, a captain in the navy 
 of France, and commodore of the small squadron which 
 found itself at the time at the islands. This squadron 
 consisted only of the frigates Cyhele, 40, and Prudente, 
 36, the brig Courier, 14, and the privateer Jean-Bart,^ 
 Renaud called a council of war of their captains, and as 
 they agreed with him that boldness was prudence, he 
 took out his little squadron that same afternoon to 
 attack the strangers. He found them, and bore down 
 
 * The English historian, James, speaks oi \he Jean-Bart as a 20-gun 
 corvette. She may have carried 20 guns, though that would seem 
 doubtful, but she was only a i^rivateer. 
 
 6 A 
 
84 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 upon them at half-past three o'clock on the third day 
 (22nd October.) The combat which followed was 
 obstinate, bloody, and, as it appeared at the moment^ 
 indecisive. The French lost more men than the 
 English; Eenaud was wounded; his flag captain^ 
 Flouet, was killed ; the same fate befell the first 
 lieutenant of the Cyhele. Yet, in spite of these losses, 
 the French succeeded in their main object. The two 
 English ships renounced the blockade and disappeared. 
 
 At this time Robert Surcouf was engaged in cruising 
 between the Isle of France and the coast of Africa. Born 
 at St. Malo on the 12th December 1773, descended 
 by his mother from the illustrious Duguay-Trouin^ 
 he had been sent to sea at the age of thirteen. 
 In 1790 he made a voyage to India in the Aurora^ 
 On the breaking out of the war with England he was 
 transferred to the French navy and returned to France. 
 Arriving, he left the navy and set out as captain of a 
 slaver, le Creole, for Africa. Having landed on the islands 
 the negroes he had obtained, he quitted for ever that 
 service, and accepted, in September 1765, the command 
 of a privateer of 180 tons burden, carrying four six- 
 pounders, and a crew of thirty men. The name of the 
 vessel was la Modeste, but Surcouf changed it to VEmilie. 
 
 For some reason the Governor of the islands, M. de 
 Malartic, declined on this occasion to give Surcouf a 
 letter of marque. He granted him permission only to 
 defend himself in the event of his being attacked. 
 Surcouf's ostensible mission was to proceed to the 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 86 
 
 Seychelles islands and procure thence a supply of turtle 
 for the colonists. 
 
 The Emilie was a very fine sailer, and Surcouf, glowing 
 with the ardour and enterprise of his twenty years, was 
 a bold and daring seaman. He was not quite the man 
 to be content with procuring turtle for his fellow-citizens. 
 However, he directed his course straight to the Seychelles, 
 and cast anchor off one of the islands on the 13th 
 September. Here he stayed several days employing 
 himself in taking on board articles of native produce. 
 Already he had nearly loaded his vessel, when on the 
 afternoon of the 7th October, he discovered two large 
 English ships bearing down upon him from the south- 
 «ast-by-south. 
 
 To cut his cable, to thread the intricacies of the navi- 
 gation of the Archipelago, and to gain the high seas, 
 was an object to which he instantly bent his energies. 
 It was a daring exploit, for the navigation of the 
 Seychelles islands was but little known, and many ships 
 had been lost there. But, again, daring was prudence. 
 With every sail set he traversed the difficult passages, 
 then, finding himself in the open sea, he directed his 
 course eastward. Caught by the changing monsoon, 
 when approaching Achin, he again altered his course, 
 determined to fly before it. When the fury of the storm 
 had moderated, Surcouf turned the head of the Emilie 
 towards Pegu. Scarcely, however, had he doubled Cape 
 Negrais when he found himself almost face to face with 
 an English vessel. 
 
86 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 This was a trading ship, the Penguin, laden with 
 wood. Surcouf captures her, places a few of his men on 
 board, and starts her off for the islands. He then turns 
 and follows as nearly as he can the coast towards the 
 Bay of Bengal. He meets, however, no craft upon which 
 he can seize ; till, suddenly, at daybreak on the 19th 
 January, he finds himself close to two English ships, 
 towed by a pilot brig, at one of the mouths of the 
 Ganges. 
 
 Surcouf attacked and took the three ships. Then, 
 finding that the pilot brig was more adapted to his pur- 
 poses than the Emilie, he removes to her his guns and 
 his crew, calling her the Cartier, and sends off the 
 Emilie in charge of his two prizes to the islands. 
 
 Still cruising off the mouths of the river, Surcouf 
 discovered, on the evening of the 28th January, a large 
 three-masted vessel going out to sea. He at once made 
 for her and captured her. She proved to be the Diana, 
 having on board a large cargo of rice. He then started 
 with his prize for the islands. 
 
 But fortune was not always to befriend him. The 
 very morning after the capture of the Diana he sighted 
 a large English ship bearing up for the coast of Orissa. 
 This was the Triton, an Indiaman carrying 26 guns and 
 a crew of 150 men. Surcouf let the Diana approach 
 him so as to increase his own crew, which, by the 
 addition thus obtained, reached the number of nineteen 
 men, himself and the surgeon included. He then set 
 sail towards the Triton, of whose force he was naturally 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 87 
 
 ignorant. Finding that she sailed better than the 
 Cartier, he hoisted the Union Jack. The Triton^ recog- 
 nising the Cartier as a pilot brig, hove to. As Surcouf 
 approached her he became for the first time aware of her 
 formidable armament and of the number of her crew. 
 At first he hoped these latter might be lascars, and it 
 was not till he arrived within cannon-shot that he dis- 
 covered them to be all Europeans. 
 
 He was lost. What could his seventeen men and 
 four guns eff'ect against the 150 men and twenty-six 
 12-pounders of the enemy? And he was within cannon- 
 shot! Destruction seemed inevitable. He could not flee, 
 for the Triton had shown herself a better sailer. The 
 smallest hesitation would betray him. What was he to 
 do? 
 
 Once more boldness was prudence. Not for one 
 moment did Surcouf relax his onward movement. He 
 summoned his crew, pointed out to them the enemy's 
 guns, and told them that the Triton must be either their 
 their tomb or the cradle of their glory. The crew 
 declared with enthusiasm that they would conquer or die. 
 Surcouf at once sent his men below ; then, keeping near 
 him only the master, the officer of the watch, a sailor, 
 and two or three lascars whom he had taken from his 
 prizes, he came up rapidly to within half pistol-shot on 
 the windward quarter of the Triton, Then, suddenly 
 replacing the Union Jack by the Tricolor, he fired a 
 broadside on the group of sailors on the Indiaman's 
 deck. Terror and astonishment contended with each 
 
88 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 other amongst the assaulted English. Surcouf at once 
 turned his ship's head to the wind, clambered on board 
 the Trito7i, and took advantage of the confusion which 
 prevailed there to send up six men into the shrouds of 
 the mizen-mast, thence, supported by the fire of their 
 coDorades, to carry the poop. A desperate struggle then 
 ejisued. The Cartier is ranged alongside the Triton; 
 every Frenchman gains the deck ; the English, surprised, 
 unarmed, are one by one driven below; gradually the 
 hatches are closed up by their gi*atings ; the port-ropes 
 are cut, and Surcouf does everything in his power to 
 keep the enemy below. 
 
 Many of the English had been killed at the first 
 broadside. The remainder, recovering from their sur- 
 prise, made a manful resistance. Their indignation is 
 increased by the discovery made by some of them of the 
 small number of their assailants. They attempt to blow 
 up the quarter deck; but Surcouf, discovering their pro- 
 ject, opens so heavy a fire upon them through the main 
 hatchway that they are forced to desist. At last, finding 
 their eff'orts useless, the crew surrender. 
 
 Such was the capture of the Triton — a very Triton 
 caught by a minnow — a capture so marvellous that even 
 the Indian journals of the day wrote of it as ''an extra- 
 " ordinary capture."* Undoubtedly it was an act of 
 piracy, for Surcouf bore no commission to attack English 
 vessels, yet the captain of the Triton was necessarily 
 ignorant of this deficiency in the powers of his enemy. 
 
 * Madras Courier^ 16th February, 1796. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 89 
 
 He knew that France and England were at war, and he 
 ought to have known that an enemy will always take 
 advantage of any ruse to gain his ends ; that stratagem 
 is fair in war. 
 
 Leaving out of consideration for a moment the defect 
 in Surcouf 's commission, it must be admitted that his 
 conduct in most dangerous circumstances showed won- 
 derful self-possession, daring, and nerve. He was not 
 then twenty-two. Had he known the force of the Triton 
 neither he, nor any man in his senses, would under the 
 circumstances have attempted to capture her. But 
 jfinding himself suddenly in a position from which it was 
 impossible to escape, except by the display of a surpass- 
 ing audacity and the happiest presence of mind, he, on 
 the moment, did display those qualities — and conquered. 
 
 After the capture had been effected, Surcouf, em- 
 barrassed by the number of his prisoners, who greatly 
 exceeded his own crew, ransomed the Diana to her 
 former captain for a bill for 30,000 sicca rupees, * and 
 after transferring to her his prisoners he let her go. 
 Then, removing the bulk of his crew to the Triton, he 
 sailed in her for the islands, instructing the Cartier t to 
 follow as rapidly as she could. Surcouf reached the 
 Isle of France in safety ; but scarcely had he landed 
 when he was informed that the Governor, M. de Malartic, 
 
 * The bill on presentation was not paid ; the drawee contending that 
 he had discovered that the transaction was illegal. 
 
 + The Cartier was re-captured in the Bay of Bengal by an English 
 man-of-war. 
 
90 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 had confiscated his prizes on the plea that he was 
 unauthorised to make captures. Against such a ruling 
 Surcouf appealed in person to the Directory. The case 
 came before the Council of the Five Hundred, who, on 
 the 4th September, 1797 (17 Fructidor, year V.) pro- 
 nounced a decision in Surcouf's favour. His prizes, 
 sold at the islands, had realised the sum of 1,700,000 
 francs ; but certain difficulties having arisen regarding 
 the question of exchange, Surcouf agreed to accept for 
 himself and his crew the diminished sum of 660,000 
 francs. This amount was paid him. 
 
 Surcouf remained about fourteen months in France. 
 Tired then of inaction, he obtained at Nantes the com- 
 mand of a privateer brig, called the Clarisse, mounting 
 14 guns and having a crew of 120 men. He set out with 
 her in September for the Indian seas, and reached the 
 line without sighting a vessel. Scarcely, however, had 
 he entered the southern hemisphere when a sail was 
 signalled. She proved to be an English three-masted 
 vessel carrying 26 guns. The wind was in her favour, 
 and she bore down with all sail on the Clarisse. 
 
 Here again destruction seemed inevitable. The 
 prospect did not, however, appal Surcouf. He first ex- 
 changed broadsides with his enemy, then wearing, came 
 down on the starboard tack and took up an advantageous 
 position on his quarter. For half an hour the victory 
 was obstinately contested, but at the end of that time, 
 the stranger, having been considerably maltreated and 
 having lost her captain, clapped on all sail and bore 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 91 
 
 away. The Clarisse was in no condition to follow 
 her. 
 
 The damages sustained on that occasion were quickly 
 repaired, and Surcouf pursued his journey without inter- 
 ruption to the Indian seas. Still sailing eastward he 
 captured, after a severe combat, two English merchant 
 ships with rich cargoes. He returned with these to the 
 island of Bourbon, the Isle of France being blockaded 
 by British cruisers. Having there repaired and refitted 
 the Clarisse, he sailed again (August, 1799) for the 
 Straits. In this voyage he touched at Java, and landed 
 there to replenish his water-tanks. Whilst on shore 
 here with only a few of his crew, he was suddenly 
 attacked by a chieftain of the country who came upon 
 him with a large following. Unprepared and his crew 
 unarmed, Surcouf owed his escape to the presence of 
 mind which never failed him. Leaving his musket still 
 slung across his shoulders he advanced towards the 
 Javanese chieftain and placed in his hand a red hand- 
 kerchief he had untied from his neck. The chieftain, 
 whose actions up to that moment had denoted the 
 greatest hostility, seemed so fascinated by the colour of 
 the present he had received that he contented himself 
 with making signs to Surcouf and his men to re-embark 
 immediately. It need scarcely be added that the hint 
 was promptly taken. 
 
 In the cruise which followed, the Clarisse captured a 
 Danish ship carrying an English cargo, a Portuguese 
 ship, and an English merchantman, the Auspicious, 
 
92 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 A few days later Surcouf was in pursuit of another 
 merchantman and was fast approaching her, when he 
 perceived bearing down upon him from an opposite 
 direction a vessel which was unmistakeably a ship of war. 
 
 This was no other than the English frigate La Syhille 
 of 48 guns, which had but recently captured off the 
 Sandheads the French frigate La Forte of 52 guns. 
 Surcouf was apparently lost, as the English frigate soon 
 showed herself a better sailer than the Clai^isse. But 
 he did not despair. He cast overboard his spare masts 
 and spars ; then eight of his heavy guns ; and that not 
 being sufficient he half-emptied his water casks. Thus 
 lightened the Clarisse gained rapidly on the frigate and 
 at daybreak the following morning the latter was 
 completely out of sight. Two days later Surcouf 
 captured an English merchantman, the James, laden 
 with rice, and on the fourth day after that the American 
 ship Louisa. With these captures Surcouf closed his 
 career in the Clarisse. Returning with his prizes to the 
 islands, he was offered the command of a new privateer, 
 just arrived from Bordeaux, and reputed to be the fastest 
 sailer afloat. Surcouf accepted the offer. 
 
 The new privateer was named La Confiance. She 
 was of between 400 and 500 tons burden, and carried 
 16 guns. Her crew consisted of 159 Frenchmen, twenty- 
 five volunteers from the island of Bourbon, and about 
 twenty natives. She left the islands for her cruise in 
 the Indian waters the middle of April 1800. 
 
 Surcouf went first to the Malabar coast on account of 
 
AND HEE PRIVATEERS. 9^ 
 
 the monsoon. But in July he directed thence his course 
 towards Trincomali. Chased, though in vain, off that 
 harbour by an English man-of-war, he pushed his way 
 towards the mouths of the Ganges, having captured up 
 to this time one American and two English merchant- 
 men. He was off the Sandheads on 7th October when 
 a sail was signalled to the eastward. Soon she was 
 discerned to be a large and heavily armed ship. She 
 was, in fact, the Kent, an Indiaman of 820 tons, carrying 
 26 guns, and having on board 437 Europeans, including 
 troops.* 
 
 The Kent carelessly approached La Confiance, taking 
 her to be a friend. Nor was it till she was within 
 cannon-shot that her captain perceived his mistake. 
 Still he made light of his enemy, and opening fire, in a 
 very short space of time he inflicted severe damage on 
 the hull, the rigging, and the masts of the Frenchman. 
 Still Surcouf did not reply. It was his object to board, 
 and he endeavoured to manoeuvre in such a manner as 
 to gain the port side of the Kent. When at length he 
 had succeeded in this, he opened a tremendous broadside 
 and musketry fire, then fastening the grappling-irons he 
 attached himself closely to his enemy. Thenceforward, 
 
 * The French accounts state that besides twenty-six broadside guns, 
 the Kent carried twelve on her quarter-deck and forecastle. James 
 implies that this was not so. On the other hand, James reduces the 
 number of the crew, including passengers, to about 140. But this is 
 manifestly incorrect, for besides her own crew of more than 120, she 
 had taken on board the entire crew of the Queerif an Indiaman burnt at 
 St. Salvador, and she had besides, the troops and passengers of both 
 vessels. 
 
94 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 from her superior height out of the water, the fire of 
 the Keyit could only pass over the deck of La Confiance. 
 
 To climb on the enemy's deck followed by the crew, 
 was a work of an instant. After a desperate conflict the 
 English were driven below, their flag was hauled down, 
 but still they did not give in. The fight continued 
 below in the batteries, nor was it until resistance had 
 become useless that it ceased, and the Kent surrendered. 
 
 In this battle the French had sixteen men wounded, 
 of whom three died of their wounds. The English lost 
 seventy men killed and wounded.* Surcouf at once 
 transported the greater part of his prisoners, amongst 
 whom was the daughter of the Margrave of Anspach 
 married to an English general, on board a three-masted 
 coasting vessel which opportunely came near enough to 
 be captured ; then placing sixty of his men under an 
 officer on board the Kent, he sailed in company with her 
 to the Islands. He arrived there in November. There, 
 too, he received instructions to re-conduct the Confiance 
 to France with a view to her receiving a more powerful 
 armament. He sailed with this object on the 29th 
 January 1801, and arrived at La Kochelle on the 13th 
 April following, having captured a Portuguese vessel, 
 the Ehro, carrying 18 twelve -pounders, on the way. 
 
 That same year the brief treaty of Amiens put a stop 
 to hostilities. Surcouf then married. But the war 
 being resumed in 1803, the First Consul ofl'ered him the 
 commission of post captain {capitaine de vaisseau) in 
 
 * James says about fifty-eight. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 95 
 
 the French Navy, with the command of two frigates in the 
 Indian seas. In the interview which followed with the 
 First Consul, Surcouf would only accord a provisional 
 acceptance of the offer. ** I am willing," he is reported 
 to have said, *'to undertake the duty, provided I am 
 ** made independent of all superior command, whether of 
 '' the admiral in the Indian seas, or of any senior officer 
 *' I may encounter." The First Consul declined to grant 
 him a power so excessive ; but struck by his manner 
 and perfectly cognisant of his reputation he asked his 
 opinion as to the policy by which the French Navy could 
 be placed on such a footing as to cause the greatest injury 
 to the English. The reply of Surcouf was eminently 
 characteristic of the man : " If I were in your place," 
 he replied, '* I would burn all my line of battle ships ; I 
 ^ would never deliver battle to the English fleets and 
 ' squadrons. But I would construct and send into every 
 
 * sea frigates and light ships in such extraordinary 
 
 * numbers that the commerce of the enemy must be 
 ' speedily annihilated." Napoleon was then too much 
 
 engaged with the project of the invasion of England, 
 rendered abortive by the misconduct of Villeneuve, to 
 depart so markedly from the established traditions of 
 naval warfare ; but he did not the less appreciate the 
 intelligent ideas of the bold sailor. He conferred upon 
 him the Cross of the Legion of Honour. 
 
 Until the year 1806 Surcouf remained in France, 
 living on his savings, and sending out privateers com- 
 manded by his friends and relations. But in 1806 he 
 
96 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 became tired of inaction. He panted again for life on 
 the Indian seas. He accordingly in that year had built 
 under his own superintendence a vessel to carry 18 
 guns and a crew of 192 men. In this ship, which he 
 called the Revenant, he sailed from St. Malo for the 
 Indian waters on the 2nd March 1807. 
 
 The islands were reached, without any adventure 
 worthy of note, on the 10th June. So great was the 
 consternation in Calcutta on the news that this famous 
 cruiser was on his way once again to the mouths of the 
 Ganges, that the reward of a lakh of rupees was offered 
 by the English Government for his capture.* But 
 undeterred by this, Surcouf, on the 3rd September, 
 sailed for his destination. On the 26th of the same 
 month he arrived of Vizagapatam. The same day he 
 captured the Trafalgar, a merchant ship laden with 
 rice and carrying 12 guns, and the Mangles with a 
 similar cargo and carrying 14 guns.t In the next 
 
 * I have been unable to discover the actual order ; but the Indian 
 journals for 1807 and 1808 abound with complaints of the injuries 
 caused by Surcouf to the British trade. The Asiatic Annual Register 
 records in October 1807 that the losses in the value of captured ships in 
 the preceding six weeks, amounted to thirty lakhs of rupees. 
 
 + The Asiatic Annual Register (1808) states that these vessels were 
 insured for 150,000 rupees each ; that Surcouf sent their crews on 
 shore detaining only the captains, and Mr. Nichol, who would appear to 
 have been a person of some consideration. Subsequently Mr. Nichol 
 managed to effect his escape in a manner, says the Annual Register, 
 fair and honourable, yet such as was likely to cause great irritation to 
 Surcouf. Yet the French captain would not allow his feelings to 
 interfere with what he considered to be due to propriety. He took the 
 first opportunity of forwarding to the British Government the whole of 
 the personal property left by Mr. Nichol on board the ship. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 97 
 
 few days the Admiral Apliuj the Susanna, the Hunter, 
 the Fortune (previously captured from the French), and 
 the Success struck their flags to him. Such was the 
 terror he inspired that the Govenor-General in Council 
 placed on all the vessels anchored in the Hughli an 
 embargo to be binding as long as Surcouf might remain 
 in the Bay of Bengal. 
 
 Hearing of this order Surcouf took an eastern course. 
 On the 16th November he sighted three Indiamen 
 conveying troops. These he avoided. But the next day 
 he captured the Neiv Endeavour,* laden with salt ; and 
 two days later the Colonel MacaubyA On the 12tli 
 December, returning from the Burmese waters, to which 
 he had repaired without making a capture, he was 
 chased, ineffectually, by a man-of-war and a corvette. 
 Two days later he captured two brigs,! from whose 
 masters he learned that the embargo had been taken off" 
 the English vessels in the Hughli. On the 17th he 
 captured the Sir William Burroughs of 700 tons, laden 
 with teak, and bound from Rangoon to Calcutta. He 
 sent her to the islands. Early on the morning of the 
 third subsequent day he found himself within cannon- 
 shot of an English man-of-war. The smallest indication 
 
 * Surcouf ascertained that this vessel belonged to the captain who was 
 navigating her, and that she was not insured. With a rare generosity 
 he restored her to her owner unconditionally. 
 
 + From the Colonel Macauhy Surcouf took 1440 bottles of claret, 
 some specie and some gunpowder. He then restored her to her owner 
 for the same reason which had prompted his restoration of the 
 Neiv Endeavour. 
 
 I These brigs were restored to their owners. 
 
98 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 of fear would have lost him. But Surcouf was quite 
 equal to the occasion. He steadily pursued his course^ 
 unquestioned and unmolested, his true character un- 
 suspected, and he soon sailed out of sight. A few days 
 later he captured a Portuguese vessel, the Oriente, and 
 a fine ship under Arab colours, but whose papers attested 
 her to be English property. Both these vessels were 
 likewise despatched to the islands.* His crew being 
 reduced to seventy men, and he having received intelligence 
 that a new English frigate had arrived with the express 
 mission to capture him, Surcouf resolved to follow his 
 prizes thither. Chased, though ineffectually, by an 
 English man-of-war, he arrived at Port St. Louis on 
 the 31st January 1808, and found that all his prizes had 
 safely preceded him. 
 
 Surcouf shortly afterward set out for France in a 
 vessel called the Charles t with a cargo valued at five 
 millions of francs. His vessel, the Revenant, \ after a 
 short cruise under her first lieutenant. Potior, had been 
 
 * Thither also had been despatched all the captures not specially 
 referred to in the text, except the Admiral Aplin, shipwrecked on the 
 Coromandel coast, the Hunter^ which he abandoned, and the Success^ 
 which he burned. 
 
 4 The Charles was an old frigate called La Semillante^ worn out in 
 service, and sold for the purposes of commerce. 
 
 J The fate of the Revenant was curious. After a short cruise under 
 the command of Potier, in which she captured a Portuguese frigate, the 
 Concegdo de San Antonio ^ pierced for 64, and carrying 54 guns, she 
 was taken up by the Governor, added to the French Navy as a corvette 
 of 22 guns, and re-named the Jena. In this new form she sailed with 
 an envoy and despatches for the Persian Gulf, captured the schooner 
 Swallow with 2500 dollars on board her, and the Janets a small country 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 99 
 
 taken up by the Governor, General Decaen, for the 
 defence of the islands, and there appeared to be no 
 chance of a further cruise in the Indian waters.* He 
 reached St. Malo on the 5th February 1809. In a few 
 days he went to Paris where he recived a flattering 
 reception from the Minister of Marine. 
 
 His active life on the sea was now terminated. The 
 capture shortly afterwards by the British of the Isles of 
 France and Bourbon tended very much to shut out the 
 French cruisers from the Indian seas. Surcouf con- 
 tinued, nevertheless, during the war to arm and fit out 
 privateers, t When peace came he devoted himself to 
 maritime commerce, to agriculture, and to shooting. 
 
 Surcouf died in 1827. '* France," writes M. Cunat, 
 in his admirable biography, "lost in him a distinguished 
 *' warrior; the naval service one of her bravest captains; 
 " and St. Malo, his native town, an illustrious offspring. 
 *' Whilst the tears of the unfortunate proclaimed his 
 '' charity, his fellow citizens felt deeply the loss they 
 
 craft, but had herself to succumb to the Modeste, a frigate of greatly- 
 superior force, which she had approached in the belief that she was a 
 merchant ship. The Je?ia was added to the English Navy, under the 
 name of the Victor. — Asiatic Annual Regisier. 
 
 James states that the Modeste carried 36 guns ; and the Jena 18. 
 Seven of these, together with her boats, hencoops, and spars, she threw 
 overboard in her attempt to escape. 
 
 * As I am not writing a life of Surcouf, I do not propose to enter 
 upon the subject of his disputes with the Governor, especially as the 
 Emperor Napoleon gave a decision in his favour. 
 
 + Amongst the most successful of his privateering ventures were the 
 Auguste^ the Borade, the Biscayenne, the Edoard, the Espadony the 
 Ville de Caen, the Adolphe, and the Eenard, 
 
 7 A 
 
100 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 " had sustained. Their regrets were a last homage to 
 *' the man whose enterprise, as a sailor, had astonished 
 ** the world, and who, as a trader, had benefited all the 
 *' industries of the country which he idolised/' It would 
 be difficult to add a word to this eloquent eulogy. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 101 
 
 n. 
 
 A CONTEMPORARY, a fellow-townsmaii, and almost to the 
 same extent a destroyer of English commerce on the 
 Indian waters, was Francois Thomas Lememe, whose 
 adventures I am now about to record. 
 
 Born in 1763 at St. Malo, Lememe enrolled himself 
 as a volunteer on board the privateer the Prince de 
 Momhaiiy, commanded by one Boynard. This was 
 during the war for the independence of the United 
 States, when opportunities offered to the sons of 
 Brittany and of Normandy to prey upon the commerce 
 of the great rival of France. The cruise of the Prince 
 de Momhany was not altogether fortunate. She took, 
 indeed, some merchantmen, but she was forced herself 
 to succumb to an English frigate ; '^ and it was in the 
 '^ prisons of Great Britain," says M. Gallois, 'Hhat 
 ** Lememe learned, in his early youth, to hate with a 
 *' hatred altogether national the islanders whom he was 
 '' destined later often to encounter and to overcome." 
 
 Keleased from his British prison by the treaty of 
 Versailles, Lememe continued his seafaring life. He 
 happened to be at the Isle of France in 1793 in com- 
 mand of a small transport brig, the Hirondelle, when 
 
102 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 the intelligence arrived that war had been declared 
 between France and England. Instantly Lememe trans- 
 formed the Hirondelle into a privateer. He armed her 
 with twelve 4-pounder carronades, and manned her with 
 eighty men. In addition to these, volunteers pressed 
 forward to serve under him ; of them, however, he could 
 take only thirty. 
 
 Thus armed and manned, Lememe sailed from the 
 islands in July, 1793, taking the direction of the Indian 
 Ocean. On the 16th August he encountered and 
 carried by boarding a Dutch corvette carrying eighteen 
 9-pounders, called The Good Werivagting. It is related 
 that before Lememe had been able to lay the Hirondelle 
 alongside her powerful opponent the fire from the latter 
 had so damaged the French privateer, that one of her 
 officers remarked to the captain that the enemy's fire 
 would sink her. *' That's just what I want," remarked 
 Lememe, **we shall be obliged then to put our feet on 
 ** the decks of that one." Immediately afterwards he 
 brought the Hirondelle alongside and boarded. 
 
 Nine days later, in company with and aided by his 
 prize, Lememe attacked, and, after a contest of forty 
 minutes, captured the William Thesied, a large 
 Dutch Indiaman, pierced for 60 but carrying only 40 
 guns. With these two prizes Lemene returned to the 
 islands. 
 
 He did not stay there long. Transferred from the 
 Hirondelle to the Ville de Bordeaiix, carrying 32 guns, 
 and having on board a crew of 200 men, Lememe started 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 103 
 
 again in the month of October for his old cruising 
 ground. Proceeding direct to Sumatra, he stormed the 
 fortifications of Padang, one of the Mantawi islands 
 close to the mainland, and seized all the shipping lying 
 off it. Obtaining most advantageous terms from the 
 Dutch Governor, he quitted Padang, his ship well laden 
 with the products of the expedition, and returned to the 
 Isle of France, capturing on his way a Portuguese mer- 
 chantman, the Santo Sacramento , The share of the 
 plunder accruing to Lemene from this expedition 
 amounted to 1,100,000 francs, equal to £44,000 
 sterling. 
 
 In the Amphitrite, of which he next took command, 
 Lememe made several rich captures ; but of the 
 particulars I have been unable to obtain a record. 
 Transferred again to UUni, carrying 21 guns and a 
 crew of 200 men, he became the terror of the Indian 
 seas. She is reported to have captured in her short 
 cruise six merchantmen, two of which carried very 
 valuable cargoes, and four native grabs* all laden with 
 specie. Lememe, however, having placed insufficient 
 prize crews on board these, the Moplahs, who had 
 originally manned them, rose upon and killed their 
 captors. Amongst the letters found on the body of the 
 chief officer was one from Lememe to the owners of 
 UUni, in which he announced his intention ** to sweep 
 ^^ the Malabar and Coromandel coasts and to call at 
 
 * A grab is a three-masted vessel peculiar in those days to the 
 Malabar coast. 
 
104 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 ** Tranquebar for refreshments/'* He would appear 
 to have kept his word. 
 
 After the return of UUni to the islands, Lememe 
 made two more cruises in the Indian seas, the first in 
 the Clarisse; the second in the Grande Hirondelle. 
 The cruise in the Clarisse was at least as successful as 
 the cruises which had preceded hers. Hostile ships of 
 war were successfully avoided and merchantmen were 
 successfully encountered. But the same fortune did not 
 attend the Grande Hirondelle, After making three 
 captures, she herself w^as forced to succumb, on the 
 31st December, 1801, to the British frigate La Sybille, 
 48 guns, commanded by Captain Charles Adam.t 
 
 Keleased from confinement by the treaty of Amiens, 
 Lememe, who had realised an enormous fortune by his 
 cruises, renounced the sea, and started as a merchant. 
 But he managed his afiairs so unsuccessfully, that when 
 the war broke out again in 1803, he had lost all he had 
 possessed. Again he resumed his earlier profession, and 
 hoisting his flag on board a three-masted vessel, the 
 Fortune, carrying 12 guns and a crew of 160 men, he 
 
 * Asiatic Annual Register, 
 
 t The fact of the capture of the Grande Hirondelle when under the 
 command of Lememe has been ignored by all the French authorities I 
 haye been able to consult. In his biographical sketch of Lememe 
 M. Gallois merely mentions that before the peace of Amiens he had 
 cruised in the Clarisse and Grande Hirondelle. Yet I have before me 
 not only Captain Adam's official report of the capture, dated 2nd 
 January, 1802, but also a letter from Lem§me himself, dated the 7th 
 idem, written when a prisoner, and addressed to Captain Adam himself. 
 — Asiatic Annual Register , 1802, pages 42, 45, 46. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 105 
 
 made his way, towards the end of 1803, to the Bay of 
 Bengal. 
 
 This time his success was unexampled. In a very 
 brief period he captured at least fifteen vessels.* The 
 sums realised by the sale of these was enormous, the 
 official returns showing that the first six on the list sold 
 for nearly 1,200,000 francs. Yet, unfortunately for 
 Lememe, he did not live to enjoy his gains. On the 
 7th November 1804, in the waters of the Arabian sea, 
 he found himself early in the morning in close 
 proximity to the Concorde, a British frigate carrying 48 
 guns, which had been sent from Bombay in search of 
 him. In vain he attempted to escape. The Concorde 
 was a better sailer, and at half-past three o'clock she 
 came within range. Lememe did all that man could do 
 to cripple his adversary. But it was useless. At half- 
 past ten o'clock, his ship reduced to a wreck, he had to 
 strike his flag. 
 
 With this action ended his career. Shipped, the 15th 
 February 1805, on board the Walthamstozv as a prisoner 
 
 * The official report of Admiral Linois, published in the Moniteur, 
 gives a list of ten, viz., the Barlow^ the Eleonora,ih.e Active, the Pomona^ 
 the Vulcan, the Mahomed Bux, the Nancy, the Creole, the Fly, and the 
 Shrewsbury, M. Gallois adds to this list the Industry, a packet boat, 
 restored to its owner ; the Bembow, the Daos, and the Lionne. In the 
 Asiatic Annual Register for March, 1804, I find the following : " On the 
 1st ultimo the Taxbux, under Arab colours, was fired at, and at nine p.m. 
 taken possession of by the French privateer La Fortune, commanded by 
 Citizen Lememe. * * * Captain Mercer was informed on board the 
 privateer that she had taken three vessels, the Sarah, the Eliza, and 
 the ActiveX The Taxbux was restored to Captain Mercer. 
 
106 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 bound for England, he died on the way (30th March). 
 In him Franch lost one of the most daring of her sailor 
 adventurers, and the Anglo-Indian community were 
 relieved of the obligation to give to the question, as to 
 the name of the privateersman by whom their last 
 merchant vessel had been captui^ed, the stereotyped reply 
 of ^'toujours leinemey 
 
 But little inferior to Lememe as a destroyer of British 
 commerce in the Indian seas was Jean Dutertre. In the 
 chronicle of the Asiatic Annual Register for November 
 1799, there appeared the following notice : — *^ On Monday 
 morning, the 28th October last, an express arrived at 
 the General Post Office, Bombay, from Masulipatam, 
 conveying accounts of the capture of the under- 
 mentioned ships by a French privateer, a little, to the 
 northward of the Madras Eoads, viz., the Nawab of 
 Arcot's ship. Surprise galley, the Princess Royal, 
 formerly a Company's ship, the Thomas, ditto, an 
 extra ship, the Joyce, belonging to Masulipatam, 
 the Lord Hobart, belonging to Madras. * * * 
 The privateer by which these ships were captured is 
 supposed to be the Malartic, mounting 12 guns, 
 and commanded by the same person who took the 
 Danish ship Ha aha t on the coast four months ago." 
 The supposition was correct. The privateer was the 
 Malartic, carrying 12 guns, having a crew of 110 men, 
 and commanded by Jean Dutertre. Dutertre was born 
 at Lorient and early took to the sea. He happened to 
 be at the Isle of France when the Emilie arrived there 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 107 
 
 in charge of the prizes which Surcouf had taken in her. 
 Surcouf, it may be recollected, had abandoned her for 
 his prize, the Cartier, Dutertre was then appointed to 
 her command, and in her he made one or two cruises, 
 the details regarding which are altogether wanting. He 
 was next heard of as commanding the Malartic, in 
 which he made the prizes to which I have alluded, and 
 subsequently, in addition, he captured the Governor 
 North and the Marquess Wellesley. Shortly afterwards, 
 however, the Malartic was forced to strike her colours 
 to an English vessel of superior force, the Phoenix, and 
 Dutertre was taken prisoner to England. 
 
 Keleased by the peace of Amiens Dutertre recom- 
 men his career in the Indian seas. He again became 
 the terror of those waters. In concert with another 
 adventurer named Courson, he, in one season, captured 
 the Rebecca, the Active, the Clarendon, the William, 
 the Betsey Jane, the Henry Addington, the Admiral 
 Rainier, the Lady William Bentinck, the Nancy, the 
 Actceon, the Brothers, the Hebe, the Mongamah, and the 
 Warren Hastings. So great was the consternation 
 caused that we find the English journals of the period 
 complaining that 'Hhere is no part of the world, not- 
 *' withstanding the superiority of the English marine, 
 ** in which the enemy does not succeed in molesting 
 '* our navigation, and in causing us infinite losses." 
 
 It was, after all, but the natural consequence of the 
 system of privateering thus affecting the power which 
 carried the commerce of the world. 
 
108 THll ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 After this cruise, which began in 1804 and closed the 
 following year, Dutertre entered the French Navy and 
 became lost to the public view. He died in 1811. 
 
 Amongst the other adventurers who caused great 
 damage to English commerce, I find the Courson, 
 above referred to, and who, previous to the peace of 
 Amiens, had made several captures and had been taken 
 prisoner and sent to England ; Potier of St. Malo, who 
 succeeded Surcouf in the Eevenant, and who, in 
 command of that privateer carrying 18 guns, captured 
 the Portuguese man-of-war, the Coiicegdo, pierced for 
 64, but carrying 54 guns ; and Mallerouse of St. Malo, 
 who commanding the Iphigenie of 18 guns, and having 
 captured the Pearl, Indiaman, carrying 10 guns and 
 having on board treasure amounting to more than three 
 lakhs of rupees, found himself suddenly face to face 
 with H. M.'s ship Trincomali, carrying 18 24-pounder 
 carronades. The combat which ensued was so remarkable 
 that I make no apology for recording it at length. I 
 am fortunately able to quote an authority which every 
 Englishman will recognise as impartial, for the extract 
 which follows is taken from a private letter written to 
 his brother in England by Mr. Cramlington, who 
 was chief officer of the Pearl when she was captured, 
 and at the time a prisoner on board the Iphigenie. 
 
 After recounting the story of the capture of the Pearl 
 Mr. Cramlington thus continues : *' The treasure was 
 '^ shifted on board the privateer the next day; and they 
 ** were so elated with their success that they determined 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 109 
 
 to return from their cruise immediately. But on the 
 10th, at night, we fell in with H. M.'s ship Trincomali, 
 Captain Kowe, mounting 18 24:-pounder carronades, 
 but badly manned.* She had been fitted out at 
 Bombay, and had been cruising in the Gulf nine or 
 ten months ; her crew very sickly, had lost a number 
 of them by death, and had no fresh supply. I have 
 been told she had only seventy active men on board. 
 ^* A partial action took place the next day as they 
 passed each other, and on the 12th, at three p.m., 
 they came within gunshot again, and kept firing at 
 each other till after sunset, but at too great a distance 
 for much damage to be .done. Owing to calm and 
 light airs they could not get near each other. A 
 schooner, named the Comet, was in company with the 
 Trincomali, mounting 8 small guns. The captain of 
 the privateer wanted very much to cut her ofi", but 
 through the bravery and good conduct of her captain 
 all his schemes failed, and she served to engage the 
 Pearl for whom she was more than a match. 
 '' xit half-past six o'clock the same evening, a fine 
 breeze springing up, the privateer bore down towards 
 her prize. The Trincomali followed, and at ten p.m. 
 (being moonlight) brought her to action, which con- 
 
 * James, in his Naval Historyy writes quite at random regarding 
 the armament of the combatants. He speaks of the Trincomali as 
 carrying 16 guns, probably 6-pounders (the italics are mine) ; and of 
 the Iphigenie as carrying 22 guns. The French captain he calls 
 " Malroux." Compare his account with that given by the English 
 eye witness in the text. 
 
110 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 tinued for two hours with great fury within musket- 
 shot ; when with one ship luffing up, and the other 
 edging down, they fell alongside each other and 
 grappled muzzle and muzzle. In this situation they 
 remained about half an hour, the slaughter very great 
 on both sides. The French, being more numerous, 
 were preparing to board, when by some fatal accident, 
 the TrincomaU blew up, and every soul on board 
 perished, except one English seaman, named Thomas 
 Dawson, and a lascar. The explosion was so great, 
 and the ships so close, that the privateer's broadside 
 was stove in. 
 
 " I leave you to judge the dreadful situation I was in 
 at this crisis ; being below two decks, in the square 
 of the main -hatchway, in the place appointed for the 
 wounded, which was full of poor souls of that 
 description in circumstances too shocking to be 
 described. All at once the hatchway was filled in with 
 wood, the lights were driven out, the water rushing in, 
 and no visible passage to the deck. The ship appeared 
 to be shaken to pieces, as the hold beams had shrunk so 
 considerably, that where there was room before to 
 stand nearly upright, you could now only crawl on hands 
 and knees, which I did towards the hole on the side 
 where the water was coming in. Close to this, by the 
 light of the moon, I found a hole through both decks, 
 which had been newly made, I suppose, by the falling 
 of some of the TrincomalVs guns, or other wreck. 
 Through this I got with difficulty upon deck, when I 
 
AND HEB PRIVATEERS. Ill 
 
 '* found the ship just disappearing forward, and hastened 
 ** aft as fast as I could over the bodies of the killed, with 
 ** which the deck was covered, to the tafferel, and jumped 
 *^ overboard. 
 
 '' I swam a little way from her, dreading the suction, 
 ** and looked round for her, but she had totally dis- 
 *' appeared. I afterwards caught hold of a piece of 
 *' wood to which I clung for about an hour and a half, 
 *' and at which time the boats of the Pearl came to 
 pick us up, there being about thirty Frenchmen in the 
 same predicament. They, however, were all taken up 
 first ; and when I solicited to be taken in, I had a 
 blow made at my head with an oar, which luckily 
 ** missed me. This treatment I met with from two 
 *' different boats, and I began to think they were going 
 " to leave me to my fate. But the French ofi&cer in 
 *' command of the Pearl, hearing there were some 
 *' Englishmen on the wreck, ordered the boats im- 
 ** mediately to return and take us up, viz,, myself and 
 *' Thomas Dawson, then the only survivor of the 
 " Trincomali, 
 
 " There were killed and drowned on board the 
 ** Iphigenie 115 or 120 men. Among whom were the 
 ** captain, seven ofiQcers, the surgeon, two young men, 
 volunteers from the Isle of France, the first boatswain, 
 gunner, and carpenter. All the treasure went down 
 in the privateer. Captain Rowe of the Trincomali 
 ** was killed before his ship blew up, as was also the 
 " first lieutenant whose name was Williams. The 
 
 a 
 
112 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 ** Comet, immediately on the accident happening, made 
 ** sail from the Pearl,* I suppose she was afraid there 
 " might be too many French for her to manage. On 
 '* the 15th we arrived here " (Muscat) '' for water, &c., 
 *' and the French officer was so good as to give me my 
 '' liberty." 
 
 The Peaii subsequently reached the Isle of France in 
 safety, but the career of Mallerouse was over. 
 
 In addition to the preceding I may mention Pinaud 
 of Nantes. One incident in the career of this brave 
 adventurer deserves to be recorded. 
 
 In my notice of Surcouf I have mentioned the feats he 
 was able to accomplish in the Clarisse, a brig carrying 
 14 guns. When Surcouf left the Clarisse for the Con- 
 fiance, the command of the former was entrusted to 
 Pinaud. Pinaud took her in 1800 to the Indian seas, 
 made many captures, but was forced himself to succumb 
 to an English man-of-war. Taken to Madras, he was 
 thrown into prison, and finally placed, with about 600 
 other prisoners, on board the Prince, Indiaman, to be 
 taken to England under the convoy of a squadron of six 
 ships of war returning thither. The convoy sailed the 
 
 ♦ James says that the Pearl escaped from the Comet. It would 
 appear from the impartial statement of the Englishman in the text, 
 the Comet fled from the Pearl. But let the facts speak. The Pearl 
 remaining on the scene of action picked up by successive trips of 
 her boats about thirty Frenchmen and two Englishmen. The captain 
 of the Comet, in his official report, dated 18th February 1800, admits 
 that he only picked four sepoys and a lascar, and those immediately 
 after the accident ! It is clear from this that it was not the Pearl 
 which sailed first from the scene of the encounter. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 113 
 
 middle of 1801, and reached in safety the latitude of 
 the Isle of France. The locality Pinaud considered 
 favourable, if other circumstances should combine, to 
 strike a blow for freedom. He communicated his plan 
 to his companions. They approved. It so happened 
 that on the 29th October the squadron was surprised, 
 when near the Isle of France, by a heavy squall which 
 dispersed the vessels composing it. Pinaud considered 
 the moment opportune. The chief officer was in the 
 fore-topmast crosstrees ; the second officer in charge of 
 the deck; the captain, the military officers, and two 
 French officers (prisoners) were in the cuddy taking tea, 
 when suddenly there rushed upon them Pinaud at the 
 head of a strong party of prisoners. Another division 
 at the same time took possession of the deck. The 
 surprise had been so well managed and the secret so 
 well kept that there was not even the semblance of a 
 struggle. Pinaud took command of the ship, followed 
 the course laid down for some time so as not to excite 
 suspicion, then, when night fell, he put out all the 
 lights, changed the ship's course, and reached the Isle 
 of France a few weeks later (20th November). Pinaud 
 next made a most successful cruise in the Subtile. He 
 subsequently transferred his cruising ground to the West 
 Indies. 
 
 It would be a tale of repetition to recount the deeds of 
 several other adventurers, such as Cautance of the 
 Eugene; Peron of the Bellone ; and Henri of the 
 Henriette. It will suffice to state that the injury 
 
 8 
 
114 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 inflicted on the British trade with the East was 
 enormous, and the gain, to the French so immediate 
 that the privateers continued to increase and prosper 
 in spite of our overwhelming naval superiority. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 115 
 
 III. 
 
 The secret of their impunity lay in the fact that in the 
 Isles of France and Bourbon the enemy's cruisers 
 possessed a strong base of operations. It was the 
 charmed refuge to which they could retire ; from which 
 they could issue with renewed strength. It may be 
 asked why the British, boasting as they did of the com- 
 mand of the seas, allowed those islands to remain 
 so long in the possession of their deadliest enemy. The 
 question is difficult, even at this distant period, to 
 answer. The sagacious intellect of Marquess Wellesley 
 had early detected the weak point in the British armour, 
 and with characteristic vigour he had at once applied 
 himself to repair it. Very soon after the fall of 
 Seringapatam he had organised from the armies of 
 the three presidencies a force which, massed at Trin- 
 comali, should proceed thence to the conquest of Java 
 and of the French islands. This expedition had been 
 on the very point of setting out when urgent orders 
 from England, despatched overland, diverted it to 
 Egypt to aid the expeditionary corps of Sir Kalph 
 Abercromby. Partly, probably, owing to the '' timid 
 " counsels '' which supervened on the departure of the 
 
 8 A 
 
116 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 great Marquess from India ; partly, likewise, on account 
 of the exaggerated opinion entertained in England of the 
 strength of the islands and of the great difficulties 
 which would attend an expedition, the idea was allowed 
 for some years to drop. The British Government con- 
 tented itself with spasmodic directions to blockade the 
 islands — a measure, the effective carrying out of which 
 was impossible, and which, even when attempted, did 
 not affect the successful egress and ingress of the 
 adventurous cruisers. 
 
 At length the damage done by those cruisers aroused 
 a cry of indignation and despair to which it was 
 impossible that the Government should remain longer 
 deaf. Under the pressure thus excited the Governor- 
 General, Lord Minto, urged upon the Home Government 
 the necessity of adopting measures more effectual than 
 that of a blockade by ships depending for their supplies 
 on the Cape or on Bombay. Lord Minto was in conse- 
 quence authorised to occupy Eodriguez, a small island 
 about 300 miles to the eastward of the Isle of France. 
 Still neither the English Government nor the Governor- 
 General entertained any idea beyond gaining a base 
 from which to supply blockading squadrons. In 
 accordance with these views a small force, consisting 
 of 200 Europeans and 200 natives, under the com- 
 mand of Lieutenant- Colonel Keating, was despatched in 
 May, 1809, from Bombay, in H.M.'s ship Belliqueux^ 
 to occupy Eodriguez. 
 
 Eodriguez, used by the French as a garden to supply 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 117 
 
 the larger islands with vegetables, was garrisoned by 
 three Frenchmen, gardeners, and these were insufficient, 
 even if they had been inclined, to offer any serious 
 resistance. The English detachment, therefore, occupied 
 the island, without opposition, the 4th August. They 
 kept the French gardeners to grow vegetables on its 
 soil, whilst using the island also as a depot for ships' 
 stores. These were landed in great numbers. 
 
 It was soon found, however, that the French priva- 
 teers still sailed and returned with their prizes as they 
 had been accustomed to sail and to return. They 
 continued to elude, as successfully as they had before 
 eluded, the vigilance of the British cruisers. In a word, 
 it was found that even with a base so near to the scene 
 of operations as was Kodriguez effectual blockade of the 
 islands was impossible. 
 
 Under these circumstances the garrison of Rodriguez 
 was strengthened, and Colonel Keating was authorised 
 to make an attempt on the Isle of Bourbon.* That officer 
 accordingly embarked on the 16th September (1809) 368 
 officers and men, of whom one-half belonged to the 
 2nd Bombay Native Infantry, on board H.M.'s ships 
 Nereide and Otter and the Honourable Company's 
 cruiser Wasp, On the 18th these three vessels arrived 
 off Port Louis, and the following morning they joined 
 
 * This island was then called " Bonaparte," and was subsequently 
 named and has since been known as " Reunion ; " but for the sake of 
 uniformity I adhere to the nomenclature it bore from the time of its 
 first occupation by the French. 
 
118 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 H.M.'s ships Raisonnable £LiiA Sirius ; the naval force 
 being commanded by Commodore Eowley of the former. 
 That same day the seamen and troops destined for the 
 attack, amounting to 604 men, were massed on board 
 the Nereide, and towards evening the squadron stood 
 for the Isle of Bourbon, off the eastern coast of which it 
 arrived on the morning of the 20th. Colonel Keating, 
 however, had resolved to attempt to carry St. Paul, the 
 chief town on the western side, to secure the batteries 
 there, and to force the surrender of the enemy's shipping 
 in the port. 
 
 At five o'clock on the'^morning of the 21st the troops 
 were disembarked to the south of Point de Calotte, 
 seven miles from St. Paul. They were formed into 
 three columns : the reserve, composed of eighty men of 
 the Pompadours and eighty of the Royal Marines, under 
 the command of Captain Forbes ; the second column, 
 consisting of the detail of the 2nd Battalion 2nd Bom- 
 bay Native Infantry, under the command of Captain 
 Imlack ; the centre column formed of 100 sailors under 
 Captain Willoughby, and of the remainder of the Pom- 
 padours and Marines, about 140 in number, under 
 Captain Hanna. 
 
 Colonel Keating landed first with the reserve to cover 
 the disembarkation of the other two columns. This 
 having been efiected, the reserve column was directed to 
 proceed under Captain Forbes by the road leading to 
 St. Paul, until it should pass the bridge over the lake, 
 when it was to make a turn to the left, and take 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 119 
 
 possession first of the barracks, then of the second 
 battery, La Pierre, and then to proceed on to the first 
 battery, La Centiere, where it would receive fresh orders 
 from the commanding officer ; the second column, under 
 Captain Imlack, was directed to pass the river Galotte 
 and to proceed along the seashore until it should reach 
 the rivulet running from the lake into the bay. It was 
 to advance thence up the bed of the rivulet, past the right 
 flank of the battery, Lamboucere, then move out and 
 form towards the sea, thus bringing it within pistol-shot 
 of the rear of the battery, of which Captain Imlack was 
 to take possession, spike the guns, and move on to La 
 Centiere. 
 
 The centre column under Colonel Keating was to 
 march straight on the battery La Centiere, and to 
 occupy it, detaching thence a force to take possession 
 of the battery La Neuve. La Centiere was to constitute 
 the post on which all attacks were to concentrate. 
 
 Whilst the British troops are marching in the order 
 above indicated, I propose to take a glance at the means 
 possessed by the French commandant of the island to 
 resist so formidable an invasion. 
 
 The commander of the French force in the island of 
 Bourbon was General des Bruslys. That force was very 
 small. There were concentrated at the capital, St. Denis, 
 under the personal command of General des Bruslys, 
 about 100 troops of the line and 300 Creoles. At St. Paul 
 there were on board the frigate Caroline, anchored in the 
 harbour, 110 troops of the line and from 200 to 300 
 
120 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 Creoles. The remainder of the force, entirely Creole, 
 was scattered over nine districts,* from which they 
 could not without diflSculty be suddenly withdrawn and 
 concentrated on a given point. Des Bruslys was expect 
 ing an attack not at St. Paul but at St. Denis. His 
 lieutenant at the former place, the Commandant 
 St. Michiel, had received no intimation that the 
 English were about to land. When they did land he 
 had not then even withdrawn from the Caroline the 
 European troops on board of her. 
 
 It can easily be conceived then that Colonel Keating's 
 first attack was successful. The second column took 
 possession of the battery Lamboucere, and the centre 
 column of the battery La Centiere without any strong 
 opposition, except that ofi*ered by the fire from the 
 enemy's ships in the river. The reserve column had 
 likewise moved on La Centiere and had turned its guns 
 on the enemy's shipping. The second column, under 
 Captain Imlack, consisting only of 142 men of the 
 2nd Bombay Native Infantry and of twelve Europeans, 
 was then sent to take possession of the battery La 
 Neuve, deserted by the enemy. 
 
 But before Captain Imlack could reach La Neuve the 
 French appeared on the field. Very early that morning 
 the Commandant St. Michiel had ordered the dis- 
 embarkation of the 110 Europeans from the Caroline, 
 and had directed them to join him as soon as possible 
 
 * These were St. Leu, St. Louis, St. Pierre, St. Joseph, St. Rose, 
 St. Benoit, St. Andr§, St. Suzanne, and St. Marie. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 121 
 
 in a very strong position he had taken up in front of the 
 battery La Neuve. This position was covered by a stone 
 wall carefully loop-holed, and flanked on both sides by a 
 strong natural defence. Each of these flanks was again 
 covered by three 6 -pounders. 
 
 This position had been occupied by St. Michiel whilst 
 the English were marching on the batteries Lamboucere 
 and La Centiere. He occupied it still with about 150 
 Creoles when the swarthy sons of India under their 
 English officers marched upon it. The attack was 
 conducted with great gallantry, but the defences were 
 too strong and the artillery fire too concentrated, and 
 the sepoys fell back. A second attack was not more 
 successful. The British centre column, consisting 
 entirely of Europeans, was then ordered up to reinforce 
 the native troops. Again the attacking party charged. 
 This time they succeeded, after a desperate conflict, in 
 taking two of the enemy's guns, but they made no 
 impression on his position. It was now the turn of 
 the French to be reinforced. They were joined by 110 
 Europeans from the Caroline, and by many Creoles 
 from the hills. The contest was now resumed with 
 greater fury than ever, and it became necessary for the 
 English commander to bring up the reserve under 
 Captain Forbes. This officer, advancing by a circuitous 
 route, occupied the battery La Neuve and thus took up 
 a position very nearly in rear of the enemy. 
 
 St. Michiel felt his post no longer tenable. He 
 evacuated it therefore, and fell back upon St. Paul; 
 
122 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 losing, after a most gallant resistance, his four remaining 
 guns. After that the course of the English was easy. 
 The fourth and fifth batteries, La Pierre and La Caserne, 
 fell into their hands. By half-past eight they had taken 
 possession of the town evacuated by St. Michiel, the 
 magazines, eight brass field pieces, 117 new and heavy 
 iron guns of different calibres, and all the stores. The 
 commodore, seeing the success of the troops, immediately 
 stood in, anchored close to the enemy's shipping, and 
 compelled it to surrender. The same evening Colonel 
 Keating destroyed all the public property in the town 
 not fit for transport, and re-embarked his troops. 
 
 General des Bruslys learned with sui-prise the same 
 night the landing of the British troops on the west 
 coast of the island. He immediately collected all his 
 available men and marched towards St. Paul. He 
 arrived on the hills covering the town on the evening of 
 the 22nd and encamped there. Colonel Keating de- 
 termined to dislodge him the following morning. He 
 accordingly embarked his entire force in boats early on 
 the 23rd. But whether it was that des Bruslys thought 
 that further resistance would only lead to greater disaster, 
 or whether the moral tension was too strong for him, 
 this at least is certain, that he did not wait for a contest, 
 but retreated to St. Denis and shot himself.* 
 
 * He left a paper saying that he had destroyed himself to avoid 
 death on the scaffold, — a commentary on the dread caused in a weak 
 mind by the terrible knowledge that his master required, before all 
 things, success. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 123 
 
 The Commandaiit St. Michiel succeeded to the post 
 thus vacated by des Bruslys. There was nothing left 
 for him but to negotiate with the conqueror. The 
 conditions insisted upon by the latter were not heavy. 
 It was arranged that he should retain possession of St. 
 Paul until he should be able to place on board his ships 
 the stores he had taken there, and to fit out the captured 
 vessels* for sea. This was soon accomplished, and on 
 the 2nd October Colonel Keating evacuated the island 
 and set sail for Eodriguez. 
 
 * These were the Caroline frigate, 44 guns ; the Grappler brig, 11 
 guns ; the Streatham a merchantman, 850 tons and pierced for 30 
 guns; VEuropej 820 tons, pierced for 26 guns ; the Fanny, 150 tons; 
 the Tres Amis and La Creole of 60 tons each. 
 
124 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 IV. 
 
 The success of this expedition showed the Government 
 how far from formidable were the resources possessed by 
 the islands, and how easy it would be to strike a decisive 
 blow at these harbours of safety for the French 
 privateers. Impressed with this idea Lord Minto, 
 without waiting for orders from England, dispatched in 
 the spring of 1810, considerable reinforcements from 
 the three presidences to the island of Rodriguez. These 
 reinforcements raised the troops under Colonel Keating's 
 orders to 3650 men, of whom not quite one-half were 
 Europeans. So confident was Lord Minto of the 
 success of his plans that he nominated, in anticipation, 
 Mr. Farquhar of the Bengal Civil Service to be Governor 
 of the island. 
 
 The transports conveying the reinforcements to Colonel 
 Keating arrived off Rodriguez on the 25th June, but it 
 was not till the 3rd July that the expedition was able to 
 start for its destination. This time Colonel Keating 
 had determined to strike at once at the heart of Bourbon, 
 at its capital, St. Denis. With this view it was arranged 
 that the transports should meet at a given point about 
 fifty miles to the windward of the island ; that the 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 125 
 
 troops should then concentrate by brigades on board 
 H. M/s ships of war* and that these should proceed 
 at once to the points marked out for each beforehand. 
 
 About four o'clock on the afternoon of the 7th July, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and 150 troops of the 
 4th brigade, accompanied by Captain Willoughby, K.N., 
 commanding a party of sailors, the whole constituting 
 the advanced guard of the force, were successfully 
 landed at a point between the battery St. Marie and the 
 batteries of the town. A few moments later, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Macleod, commanding the 3rd brigade, effected 
 a landing with 150 men, somewhat to the right of 
 Colonel Campbell's party, expecting to be joined by the 
 remainder of his brigade. But just at this moment the 
 weather, which till then had been calm and moderate, 
 suddenly became stormy. So violent was the surf that 
 further disembarkation was impossible. Under these 
 circumstances Colonel Keating could not fail to be very 
 anxious for the safety of the handful of troops which had 
 but just landed. Impressed, however, with the truth of 
 the motto that in all doubtful circumstances boldness is 
 prudence, the colonel was desirous that his troops should 
 try to daunt the enemy by themselves taking the 
 initiative. But the violence of the surf had increased 
 and was increasing. No boat could take an order to 
 them. Yet the fate of the 300 or 400 men just landed 
 seemed to depend upon their receiving one. Every 
 
 * These were the Boadicea^ 38; the Sirius; the Iphigenia ; the 
 Magicienne ; and the Nereide. 
 
126 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 device was tried. A small vessel was beached, stern 
 foremost, in the hope that one at least of her crew 
 might make his way to the shore. But the fury of the 
 elements frustrated even this attempt. Further effort 
 appeared impossible. Colonel Keating was in despair. 
 At this crisis Lieutenant Foulstone of H.M.'s 69th 
 Regiment came forward unsolicited, and volunteered to 
 swim through the surf and carry orders to Colonel 
 Macleod. His offer was promptly accepted. Carried in 
 a boat to the edge of the surf Foulstone jumped in, and, 
 though a good deal knocked about, reached the shore. 
 He conveyed to Colonel Macleod the order to unite the 
 two parties which had landed and at once to attack and 
 storm St. Marie. Macleod carried out these instructions 
 with spirit and energy, occupied the post, and remained 
 there unmolested all night. 
 
 As the weather next day showed no signs of 
 moderating. Colonel Keating proceeded with the 3rd 
 and 4th brigades to the leeward, to Grand Chaloupe ; 
 where, on the 8th, about eleven a.m., he succeeded in 
 effecting a landing. Colonel Keating at this point was 
 separated from the town by heights. He lost no time 
 in crossing these, and before two p.m. he occupied a 
 position from which he could command the enemy's 
 intrenchments. 
 
 But affairs had gone somewhat too fast for him. The 
 1st brigade, commanded by Colonel Fraser, had suc- 
 ceeded at two o'clock on the afternoon of the 7th in 
 effecting a landing in a position to the south of the 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 127 
 
 capital within sight of the enemy. This daring achieve- 
 ment had the effect of concentrating upon Colonel 
 Fraser the entire attention of the French commandant, 
 and diverting it from Colonel Macleod's isolated party. 
 Colonel Fraser resolved to keep his attention fixed. He 
 at once pushed forward, dislodged the enemy from the 
 heights, and then took up a commanding position just 
 above the town. 
 
 He had with him only 350 bayonets, all Europeans, 
 but with these he kept the enemy anxious and occupied 
 until darkness fell. He then retreated to a secure 
 position a little in the rear which cut the communications 
 between St. Denis and St. Paul. 
 
 Eeinforced during the night by from 300 to 400 
 sepoys, and by his guns and pioneers, Colonel Fraser, 
 posting the sepoys so as to protect his rear, advanced at 
 four o'clock in the morning towards the town, re- 
 occupied the position of the previous evening, and 
 forming his troops there, waited for the day. 
 
 When day broke Fraser saw in the plain below him 
 the whole available French force. This force, consisting 
 of 190 Europeans and 350 Creoles, was drawn up in 
 two columns, each with a field piece at its head, covered 
 by the concentrated fire of the batteries, and commanded 
 by the successor of the unfortunate des Bruslys, Colonel 
 de Suzanne. Fraser did not hesitate. Under a mixed 
 shower of balls issuing all at once from the many and 
 deep-toned mouths of the ordnance and musketry* the 
 
 * Asiatic Annual Register, 
 
128 THE ISLE OF FBANCE 
 
 British soldiers descended the heights in steady and 
 unbroken alignment. When they reached the plain 
 Colonel Fraser gave the order to charge. They at once 
 charged home. 
 
 The French stood firm, covered by their guns, till the 
 rush of the British grenadiers warned them of the 
 earnestness of the play. They then retired in good 
 order, without waiting for actual contact, behind the 
 guns. But even there they were not safe from their 
 infuriated enemy. Where they could retire he could 
 follow. And he did follow. The dash of the onset 
 could not be withstood. The French commandant 
 escaped with difficulty ; the second in command was 
 taken prisoner ; the men were driven headlong from 
 position to position until all their redoubts were occupied 
 by their victorious rivals, and though rallying, they did 
 make an effort to recover these, the attempt was not only 
 unsuccessful, but it cost them the life of their leader. 
 Shortly afterwards the French commandant sent a cartel 
 asking for terms. A little later Colonel Fraser was 
 joined by the second brigade under Colonel Drummond. 
 
 Such was the position when Colonel Keating, with the 
 3rd and 4th brigades, came within sight of St. Denis on 
 the afternoon of the 8th September. He was about to 
 march on the town when a messenger from Colonel 
 Fraser brought him the intelligence of its surrender. 
 
 The formal capitulation was not indeed signed till the 
 evening of the following day. By the terms of it the 
 entire island of Bourbon, containing a population of 
 
¥ 
 
 AND HER PRIVATEERS. 129 
 
 upwards of 100,000 souls, became British territory. 
 This conquest had been effected with a loss of only 
 eighteen men killed and seventy-nine wounded. There 
 was no further resistance. The French troops were 
 transported as prisoners of war to the Cape. 
 
130 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 V. 
 
 The news of the capture of Bourbon reached Calcutta 
 on the '24th August. It had the effect of stimulating 
 the determination to conquer the larger island. It was 
 known that the French squadron charged with the 
 protection of the two islands, and consisting of the 
 Bellone and Minerve frigates, and the sloop Victory was 
 absent on a cruise in the Indian seas. Mr. Farquhar, the 
 new Governor of Bourbon, considered then the moment 
 opportune, even before he should receive official authority, 
 to feel his way towards the accomplishment of this 
 greater work. Accordingly on the 13th August he 
 embarked 250 men on board the boats of the frigates 
 at his disposal, and sent them that night to attempt the 
 surprise of the Isle de la Passe. This small island, 
 distant only three miles from the mainland, lies at the 
 entrance of the harbour of Grand Port, then called 
 Port Imperial, on the south-eastern coast of the Isle of 
 France. The expedition was successful, and a garrison 
 of 130 men was left to guard de la Passe. From this 
 advanced post the English were able to communicate 
 with the mainland, and Mr. Farquhar thought he could 
 make an advantageous use of this communication by 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 131 
 
 distributing to the people of the island copies of a 
 proclamation in which the ambition of the French was 
 contrasted disadvantageously with the good government 
 of the English. This somewhat childish demonstration 
 met with the fate that might have been anticipated. It 
 failed to seduce a single islander. 
 
 Before adverting to the measures next taken by the 
 English, I propose to remark for a few moments on the 
 state of affairs at this moment in the Isle of France. 
 The Governor of that island was General Count Decaen. 
 He was one of the most distinguished officers of the 
 French Army. He had made his earlier campaigns 
 under Kleber, Hoche, and Moreau. At Hohenlinden 
 he had contributed more than any other general, except- 
 ing perhaps General Kichepanse, to the decisive victory. 
 Named in 1802 by the First Consul Captain- General of 
 the French possessions to the east of the Cape of Good 
 Hope, he had accompanied Admiral Linois to the Indian 
 waters, had with him visited Pondichery, and recognising 
 the impossibility of keeping that place in the event of 
 the breaking out of a war, then imminent, with England, 
 had sailed to the Isle of France, thence to concert the 
 measures which it might still be possible to direct against 
 the resolute enemy of his country. But he did not stop 
 there. He devoted himself with all the ardour of his 
 generous and enlightened nature to the amelioration of 
 the condition of the islanders. He modified and im- 
 proved the old commercial laws ; he established a number 
 of useful institutions ; codified the general, the civil, 
 
 9 A 
 
132 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 and the criminal laws of the island, embodying them in 
 a code which, I believe, is still known as the CodeDecaen.* 
 So salutary were his reforms, so beneficient was his admin- 
 istration, that many years later an illustrious t French- 
 man referring in a speech in the Chamber of Peers to 
 his achievements in the islands, used this remarkable 
 expression : ^* General Decaen made the people over 
 ** whom he ruled almost forget even the names of La 
 *' Bourdonnais and of Dupleix." 
 
 Such was the man. Let us now glance at the means 
 at his disposal in 1810. He had with him only 800 
 French troops of the line, | and scattered over the 
 island, from 2000 to 5000 Creole militia. In Port Louis 
 were three frigates, the Astree, the Venus, and La 
 Manche : the others, constituting the squadron under 
 Commodore Duperre, had not then returned from their 
 cruise. With these small means to meet a powerful and 
 well-organised attack he must have felt that all the 
 resources, even of his own brave heart, would be 
 abundantly drawn upon. 
 
 Before, however, the English had been able to take 
 advantage of the possession of de la Passe Commodore 
 
 • So highly appreciated were the merits of this code that when the Isle 
 of France was surrendered to the English, it was made an article of the 
 capitulation that it should be continued to be ruled by the Code Decaen. 
 The article ran : " Shall preserve their religion, laws, and customs." 
 
 f Gerard Lacuee Comte de Cessac, one of the ablest of Napoleon's 
 ministers. He died m 1841, leaving behind him, says M. Chanut, '* one 
 ** of the purest and most honourable reputations of our epoch." 
 
 } He had also enlisted 500 foreign prisoners, mostly Irish ; but these 
 could not be depended upon to fight against their own countrymen. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 133 
 
 Duperre returned, bringing with him, besides his own 
 three vessels previously named, two Indiamen, the 
 Windham smd. the Ceylon, captured in the Indian waters. 
 As he approached the island on the 20th July, Duperre 
 noticed the Tricolor still flying on the staff of the small 
 fort in the isle de la Passe. With it likewise was a 
 signal advising him that *' the enemy was cruising at 
 *' the Coin de Mire." A three-masted vessel, also 
 flying the Tricolor, was likewise discerned lying 
 at anchor under the walls of the fort. Deceived 
 by these appearances, Duperre signalled to his squadron 
 to make the best of their way to Grand Port, directing 
 the sloop Victor to take the lead closely followed by the 
 Minerve, each in passing to communicate with the 
 three-masted vessel lying off de la Passe. The Victor 
 sailed on without the smallest suspicion, till, as she was 
 doubling the fort, she received at once broadsides from 
 the strange ship and from the battery on shore ; these 
 simultaneously hoisting English colours. The surprise 
 of every one on board the French ships may be conceived. 
 But Duperre was equal to the occasion. Signalling to 
 his ships to keep close to windward, he made his way 
 into the harbour and anchored in a very advantageous 
 position, admitting of constant communication with the 
 shore. In this operation he had, however, the bad 
 fortune to lose one of his prizes, the Windham , owing to 
 the indecision displayed by the officer in charge of her. 
 Notwithstanding the advantageous position taken up 
 by the French commodore. Captain Pym of the Sirius, 
 
 I 
 
134 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 in communication with Captain Willoughby of the 
 Nereide, determined to attack him. On the 22ndy 
 accordingly, both these frigates stood in ; but they had 
 scarcely arrived within a mile of the enemy's line when 
 the Sirius grounded. The Nereide did not care to go 
 on alone. The attempt therefore failed for the moment. 
 
 Meanwhile intelligence of the events occurring in the 
 vicinity of Grand Port reached General Decaen. That 
 able officer immediately despatched on board Duperre*s 
 squadron all the available seamen in the island. He 
 ordered also the three frigates in Port Louis, the Astree, 
 La ManchCy and the Venus to proceed under the senior 
 captain, Hamelin,* to the aid of their sisters threatened 
 in Grand Port. 
 
 But before Captain Hamelin could reach the scene of 
 action the two English frigates had been reinforced by 
 the Iphigenia and the Magicienne. As these approached 
 the shoal on which the Sirius had struck the previous 
 afternoon, but from which she had just then extricated 
 herself, that vessel and her consort prepared to weigh 
 anchor. But before deciding to renew his attack Captain 
 Pym assembled on board the Sirius the captains of the 
 three other ships and all the available pilots. The 
 conference resulted in a resolution to proceed at once to 
 the attack, the certain effect of which no one questioned 
 for a moment. 
 
 Duperre had expected this attack ; and he had pre- 
 
 * Uncle of Admiral Hamelin who commanded the French Black Sea 
 fleet during the Crimean War. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 135 
 
 pared to meet it with the skill which marked his long and 
 glorious career. I have said that his ships had easy 
 communication with the shore. All along that shore, 
 below his vessels, he had erected formidable batteries, 
 had armed them with heavy guns, and manned them 
 with those of his sailors who were most skilled in the 
 art of gunnery. His own ships, covered by shoals and 
 by sunken rocks, the navigation amongst which was 
 diflBcult, had been so placed as to be able to meet with a 
 concentrated fire an advancing enemy. The Indiaman 
 he had taken, the Ceylon^ had likewise been heavily 
 armed, and the command of her entrusted to one of the 
 best officers at his disposal. Duperre had himself seen 
 to every detail ; he had that morning inspected every 
 battery, said a cheery word to every officer, spoken to 
 his captains of his plans and his hopes. Having done 
 this, he waited, with a serene countenance and a bold 
 heart, the advance of the English. 
 
 They came on — they too, dauntlessly, even jubilantly. 
 But no sooner had they, sailing close together, arrived 
 within range than the shore batteries opened upon 
 them. The fire was tremendous and effective, but it 
 did not check the onward progress of the British ships. 
 The Iphigenia, in accordance with a previously -concerted 
 plan, directed her course towards the Minerve, and 
 opened on her so terrible a fire within half pistol-shot 
 that she drove her out of the line. The Magicienne, a 
 little ahead of the Iphigenia, was about to engage the 
 Ceylon when she struck on a hidden rock and lay 
 
136 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 motionless in the water in such a position that but few 
 of her guns could bear on the enemy. The Nereide, 
 close astern of the Bellone, commanded by Duperre, 
 engaged that vessel on one side whilst Captain Pym in 
 the Sirius attacked her on the other. The French 
 sloop, the Victor, was meanwhile doing all in her power 
 to aid the Minerve by firing at, and engaging the 
 attention of, the Iphigenia. 
 
 The number of guns, the weight of metal, the inspira- 
 tion of attack, all were in favour of the English, and 
 Duperre saw that unless he used his brain to aid the 
 physical power of his men his squadron must be 
 destroyed. He put in force then a manoeuvre which he 
 had arranged beforehand in concert with his captains. 
 He signalled to them to cut their cables and let their 
 vessels glide towards the shore. The result fully answered 
 his anticipations. As his own vessel, the Bellone j glided 
 slowly towards the shore, Captain Pym, with all the 
 impetuosity of his nature, turned the Sirius in pursuit. 
 Not following, however, the exact line the French 
 commodore had taken, he dashed his vessel on to a 
 shoal ; and there she remained fixed, immoveable, and 
 powerless. 
 
 Having thus rid himself of one enemy, Duperre, 
 ordering his vessels to cast anchor, concentrated all 
 the fire of the Bellone on the other, the Nereide, 
 which, following the example of the Sirius, had likewise 
 drifted on a shoal. Exposed to a most galling fire, the 
 Nereide fought until most of her guns were disabled 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 137 
 
 and the greater part of her crew had been killed and 
 wounded. Incapable of protracting the defence she 
 then struck. But in the excitement of the fire and in 
 the blindness of the smoke the hauling down of the 
 Union Jack was not perceived by the enemy, and the 
 French continued their fire for some time longer.* 
 
 In the other part of the line, likewise, fortune had 
 inclined to the French. The Iphigenia, warned by the 
 fate of her consorts, had warped out of close range. The 
 Magicienne, on her rock, had been so pounded by the 
 Ceylon and the shore batteries that, when morning 
 broke, she could scarcely keep afloat. 
 
 The firing continued all night. At eleven p.m. the 
 crew of the Magicienne abandoned her. She blew up 
 immediately afterwards. At the early dawn Duperre 
 sent oflf a boat's crew to take possession of the Nereide, 
 The Iphigenia then endeavoured for a short time to 
 extricate the Sirius from her position, but failing, that 
 vessel too was abandoned and blown up. Of all the 
 squadron that had sailed so proudly and so confidently 
 to the attack on the previous day the Iphigenia alone 
 remained ! 
 
 But she was not destined to escape. Duperre indeed 
 was unable to get oflf his stranded ships in sufl&cient 
 time to follow her to the Isle de la Passe. But just at 
 the opportune moment, just as she had been warped to 
 her station oflf that islet, there arrived oflf Grand Port 
 
 * Every man on board the Nereide was killed or wounded. — Asiatic 
 Annual Register. 
 
138 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 the squadron of three frigates which General Decaen 
 had despatched from Port Louis. In the presence of 
 a force so overwhelming Captain Lambert of the 
 Iphigeiiia had no alternative but to yield his vessel and 
 the islet. He tried hard to save the former ; but 
 General Decaen had arrived at Grand Port, and he 
 dictated terms of absolute surrender. They were with 
 a pang accepted. The Iphigenia and her crew were 
 made over to the French, and the Tricolor once more 
 floated over the little fort of the Isle de la Passe. 
 
 Thus ended the first attempt of the English on the 
 Isle of France. If we are bound to admire the pluck, the 
 daring, the determination displayed by our countrymen, 
 we cannot, in candour, refuse an equally apprecia- 
 tive acknowledgement of the combined skill and courage 
 by which Duperre converted an apparently certain defeat 
 into a most decisive victory. Later in his career Duperre 
 accomplished great things. In 1814 he defended the 
 lagunes of Venice against an Austrian army ; in 1823, 
 at the head of a French squadron, he compelled the 
 surrender of Cadiz ; in 1830, commanding a French 
 fleet, he besieged and took Algiers. But it is probable 
 that whenever, during the time intervening between that 
 last great feat of arms and his death in 1846, he might 
 have been disposed to pass in review the events of his 
 distinguished life, he referred with the greatest satisfac- 
 tion to the repulse and destruction of an English 
 squadron of superior force at Grand Port on the 24th 
 and 25th August, 1810 ! 
 
w 
 
 AND HER PRIVATEERS. 139 
 
 Flushed with his success, Decaen resolved to resume 
 the offensive. Collecting all the ships at his disposal, 
 now constituting a formidable squadron, he blockaded 
 the island of Bourbon, intercepting with great success 
 the merchantmen which were bringing supplies to it 
 from India. He hoped to starve the English garrison 
 into submission before it could be strengthened by the 
 large reinforcements which, he well knew, were on their 
 way from India. The only English ship remaining in 
 those waters, the Boadicea, 38, had, after the re-capture 
 of the Isle de la Passe, taken refuge in the harbour of 
 St. Paul. 
 
 Whilst the blockade of Bourbon was still being 
 maintained the British 38 gun frigate L'Africaine 
 appeared off St. Denis (12th September). Captain 
 Rowley instantly brought round the Boadicea with the 
 Otter, sloop of war, and the Staunch, gun-brig, to join 
 the new arrival. The junction having been effected it 
 was resolved to attempt to drive away the blockading^ 
 force, consisting of the Iphigenie * recently captured at 
 G-rand Port — and the Astree. 
 
 The French frigates stood at once off to sea enticing 
 the enemy to follow them. It was soon found that the 
 Africaine was a far better sailer than the French frigates 
 and than her own consort, the Boadicea, and that in 
 the chase she was rapidly leaving the latter behind. 
 She therefore shortened sail. Before night fell, however, 
 the Africaine had come up close to the enemy, and she 
 
 * The French, at once changed the final a into e. 
 
140 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 then endeavoured to maintain this position until day 
 should break, keeping up communication with the 
 Boadicea by means of night signals. At three o'clock 
 in the morning, however, — the Boadicea being then 
 from four to five miles astern of her consort, — a sudden 
 breeze caught the sails of the Africaine, and carried 
 her, not without her commander's consent, within less 
 than musket-shot distance on the weather quarter of the 
 Astree. Captain Corbet, who commanded the English 
 frigate, could not resist the temptation, but at once fired 
 into the enemy. The Astree immediately replied. The 
 second broadside from the Astree severely wounded 
 Captain Corbet, but his place was taken by the first 
 lieutenant, and the action was continued for ten minutes 
 with great spirit. By that time the Iphigenie had time 
 to come to the aid of her consort. Whilst the Astree 
 continued within pistol-shot on the larboard beam of 
 the English frigate, the Iphigenie came close up on her 
 starboard bow and raked her several times. 
 
 A contest so unequal could not long continue. Yet 
 one hour elapsed before the gallant crew of the Africaine 
 would confess themselves conquered ; and even then it 
 was not till 163 of their number had been killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 But the interlude was not yet over. Commodore 
 Rowley of the Boadicea noticed at break of day that 
 the Africaine had been captured. He did not at once 
 attempt to disturb her conquerors, but made way towards 
 the Otter and Staunch. Having joined these he set out 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 141 
 
 with them in pursuit of the enemy. The French 
 frigates were not inclined to risk another engagement 
 with three fresh vessels. The rigging of the Iphigenie 
 had been so cut up as to render her difficult of 
 management. She had also fired away nearly all her 
 ammunition. Captain Bonnet of the Astree preferred 
 then the abandonment of his prize to an encounter 
 which could scarcely be successful. Taking then, the 
 Iphigenie in tow, he abandoned the Africaine, — which 
 was helpless, — to her former masters, and returned to 
 Port Louis, capturing on his way a 16-gun cruiser 
 belonging to the East India Company. 
 
 Commodore Rowley and his prize then reached the 
 anchorage at St. Paul. The blockade of Bourbon was 
 at the same time resumed by the French frigate Venus 
 44, and the sloop Victor. Whilst engaged in this 
 blockade, these vessels sighted the British 32-gun frigate 
 Ceylon, having on board General Abercromby, on his 
 way from Madras to Bourbon, to assume the command 
 of the troops destined to act against the Isle of France. 
 They at once set out in pursuit. The Venus, being a 
 better sailer, soon caught up and engaged the British 
 frigate. After a close contest of three-quarters of an 
 hour, in which the Venus lost her mizen-mast, and the 
 Ceylon was rendered almost unmanageable, the Venus 
 assumed a position to leeward, and continued firing only 
 at intervals until the Victor^ should come up. This 
 
 * The Victor was no other than our old friend, the Revenantj so 
 famous under Surcouf. Taken into the French Navy as the Jenuy she 
 
142 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 occurred about two hours after the action had begun. 
 The Victor then took a raking position athwart the bows 
 of the Ceylon, and the latter, then quite helpless, struck 
 her flag. 
 
 But there was speedy vengeance in store for the British. 
 The Boadicea, accompanied by the Otter and Staunch, 
 having descried the French frigate with her prize abreast 
 of St. Denis, started off at once in pursuit. The Victor 
 vainly endeavoured to take in tow the damaged Ceylon, and 
 the latter, cast off, was re-captured. Then came the turn 
 of the V^nus, But she had been too much crippled in her 
 fight of the previous night to be able to oiBfer effectual 
 resistance to a fresh and more powerful frigate, and too 
 much damaged in her rigging to escape. Captain 
 Hamelin, who commanded her, made, however, a hot 
 fight of it, and only struck when further resistance had 
 become impossible.* 
 
 had been captured by the English and re-named the Victor. She was 
 subsequently re-captured by the French. 
 
 * It is gratifying to notice the manner in which Hamelin's gallant 
 service, notwithstanding the loss of his ship, was acknowledged by 
 Napoleon. In a despatch from the Minister of Marine, dated 27th 
 December 1810, I find the following : — *' His Majesty has remarked with 
 pleasure that you rendered decisive the success which Captain Duperre 
 had obtained between the 23rd and 25th August, and that you subse- 
 quently captured the frigate Ceylon in a hand-to-hand encounter. 
 Whatever may have been the events which followed, H.M. has not 
 the less appreciated the splendid defence which you made, notwith- 
 standing that, when disabled by a preceding combat, you were 
 attacked by superior forces. He has deigned in appreciation of these 
 different actions, which testify to your courage and to your skill, to 
 promote you to the grade of Commander of the Legion of Honour." 
 The following year Hamelin was created a Baron and promoted to 
 the rank of Rear- Admiral. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 143 
 
 The capture of the Venus was the turning point in 
 the scale. Thenceforward the favours of fortune were 
 showered exclusively on the British. Shortly after that 
 event there arrived at St. Denis the frigate Nisus, bearing 
 the flag of Vice- Admiral Bertie, the precursor of a fleet 
 and army on their way from England via the Cape of 
 Good Hope, ordered to co-operate with the troops taken 
 from the three presidencies, and which had started from 
 India about the same time, to effect the reduction of the 
 Isle of France. 
 
 I 
 
144 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 VI. 
 
 It was not, however, until the 14th October that Admiral 
 Bertie had been able to refit the ships which he found 
 at St. Paul and St. Denis. But on that date he sailed 
 from the former port at the head of the Boadicea, the 
 Africaine, the Ceylon, the Nisus, and the Nereide,* 
 to blockade Port Louis. Leaving three of these vessels 
 on that duty, he proceeded on the 19th in company with 
 General Abercromby to Rodriguez, there to meet the 
 troops and ships which, coming respectively from 
 England and India, had appointed that Uttle island to be 
 their rendezvous. 
 
 On the 24th Admiral Bertie fell in with the British 
 squadron on its way to the Indian seas, commanded by 
 Rear-Admiral Drury and consisting of seven ships. 
 Two of these, the Cornelia, 32, and the Hesper sloop, 
 were at once sent to increase the blockading force off 
 Port Louis ; two others, the Clorinde, 88, and the Doris, 
 36, were detained at Rodriguez ; the remainder were 
 sent on to their destination. The admiral arrived at 
 Rodriguez on the 3rd November, and found there the 
 
 * Formerly the Venus. It will be noticed that three ships of the 
 squadron had been in the possession of the French. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 145 
 
 troops which had been sent from Bombay. The division 
 from Madras convoyed by the Psyche and Cornwallis 
 arrived on the 6th, and that from Bourbon on the 12th 
 November. 
 
 The troops from Bengal and those from the Cape 
 were so long in coming, that the admiral, in concert 
 with the general, determined not to wait for them 
 beyond the 21st. All preparations accordingly were 
 made for the expedition to leave Rodriguez on the 
 morning of the 22nd, when, on the evening of the 
 previous day, the happy intelligence was received that 
 the Bengal division was in the offing. The transports 
 conveying it were at once ordered not to drop anchor, 
 but to join the main fleet and accompany it to the 
 selected point of debarkation, Grande Baye, about 
 fifteen miles to the windward of Port Louis. 
 
 The armament, independently of the division from 
 the Cape of Good Hope, which did not arrive in time 
 to take any part in the operations, consisted of forty-six 
 transports and a fleet of twenty-one sail.* They carried 
 
 (11,300 fighting men, composed as follows : — Of regi- 
 ments of the line there were the 12th, 14th, 22nd, 
 83rd, 56th, 59th, 65th, 69th, 84th, and 89th regiments; 
 the artillery consisted of four batteries from Bengal and 
 Madras ; the European cavalry of one troop of the 
 
 * These were the Illustrious^ 47 ; the Cornwallis^ 44 ; the Africaine, 
 the Boadiceaj the Nisus^ the Clorinde^ the Menelaus^ the Nereide^ each 
 of 38 ; the Phcebe and Doris^ of 36 ; the Cornelia, Psyche, and Ceylon, 
 of 32 ; the sloops Hesper, Eclipse, Hecate, and Actceon ; the gun-brig 
 Staunch, and four smaller yessels. 
 
 10 
 
146 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 26th Dragoons. The native troops from Bengal and 
 Madras consisted of four volunteer battalions and the 
 Madras pioneers ; 2000 sailors and marines were like- 
 wise contributed by the fleet. The Europeans were to 
 the natives of the force in the proportion of two to one. 
 
 General Decaen had not been unconscious of the 
 coming storm. Aware of his own inability to oppose 
 with success any large hostile force led with ordinary 
 prudence, he had nevertheless exerted himself to the 
 utmost to rouse the energies of the colonists. We have 
 seen that he had at his disposal only 800 French troops 
 of the line, in addition to 500 enlisted prisoners, mostly 
 Irish, upon whom he could not depend. The Creole 
 element has been variously estimated. Extravagant 
 English writers have rated it as high as 10,000 ; but it 
 probably never exceeded 4000; and of these it is 
 recorded by the English annalist of the time,* that 
 ** they refused on the approach of the British armament 
 " to co-operate in the defence of the island.'' A few of 
 the slaves were armed, but in a most cursory and 
 inefficient manner. 
 
 General Decaen might, indeed, well have despaired. 
 But he allowed no symptoms of any such feeling, even 
 if he entertained it, to appear. No sooner had he 
 received information that the hostile armament had left 
 Rodriguez than he issued a spirited proclamation t 
 
 * Asiatic Annual Register, 1101-11. 
 
 f The following is a translation of the text of the proclamation : — 
 
 *' Inhabitants of the Isle of France, — Thirty-four of the enemy's ships 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 147 
 
 calling upon the colonists to aid the army and navy 
 in the defence of the island, promising them victory, 
 should they respond to his call. He could do no more 
 in that way. Then, massing his troops, he took up a 
 position near Port Louis, whence he would he able to 
 move at once upon any threatened point. 
 
 Meanwhile the transports carrying the expeditionary 
 force arrived, on the morning of the 29th November, 
 before a narrow passage dividing from the mainland a 
 small island called Gunner's Quoin. It had previously 
 been ascertained by careful survey that this passage 
 offered openings through the reefs by which several 
 boats could enter abreast. Here, then, at ten o'clock in 
 the morning, the fleet came to anchor. The debarkation 
 on the mainland commenced at one p.m., and was con- 
 ducted to a successful result, without the loss of a single 
 man, in three hours — the small French party which 
 had held Fort Malartic, situated at the head of the bay, 
 retiring on the appearance of the British fleet. 
 
 The English army had, previously to its debarkation, 
 
 are before the island ! This number, which may be increased at any 
 moment, leads us to suppose that the English have not relinquished their 
 intention to attack this colony — an intention in which they have been 
 already once baffled by the glorious success of the brave men of the 
 division of Duperre. I do not forget the proofs of zeal and intrepidity 
 displayed by you both before and after that glorious feat of arms. 
 
 *' Inhabitants of the Isle of France ! In the present conjuncture I 
 would remind you of the enthusiasm with which, on the last anniversary 
 of the fete of the great Napoleon, you renewed your vows of fidelity to 
 your country. You are Frenchmen! Join, then, your valour to the 
 valour of the brave soldiers and marines whom I am about to lead 
 against the enemy, and we shall not fail to be victorious." 
 
 10 A 
 
148 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 been divided into six brigades. The first, under Colonel 
 Picton, was composed of the 12th and 22nd regiments, 
 and the right wing of the Madras volunteer battalion ; 
 the second, under Colonel Gibbs, comprised the 59th 
 regiment, 300 men of the 89th and 100 of the 87th 
 formed together as one battalion, and the left wing of 
 the Madras volunteer battalion ; the third, under Colonel 
 Kelso, consisted of the 14th regiment and the 2nd 
 Bengal volunteers ; the fourth, under Colonel Macleod, 
 was formed of the 69th regiment, 300 marines, and the 
 Madras native flank battalion ; the fifth, commanded by 
 Colonel Smith, comprised the 65th regiment, a troop of 
 the 25th Dragoons, and the 1st battalion of the Bengal 
 volunteers ; whilst the sixth or reserve brigade, com- 
 manded by Lieutenant- Colonel Keating, consisted of a 
 battalion formed of the four fiank companies of the 
 12th and 33rd regiments, of two companies of the 
 56th, of one of the 14th, one of the 89th, of the 
 84th regiment, and of Captain Imlack's detachment of 
 Bombay troops which had done such good service in the 
 capture of Bourbon. 
 
 The debarkation had no sooner been effected than, 
 leaving the fifth brigade to cover the landing place. 
 General Abercromby, at four o'clock, pushed on with 
 the rest of the force through a very thick wood, lying 
 between the coast and the high road leading to Port 
 Louis. The troops forced their way for fully four miles 
 through an all but impenetrable jungle, entangling their 
 feet at every step, and dragging the guns only by the 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 149 
 
 most untiring exertion. They had, however, the good 
 fortune to debouch into the more open country without 
 any opposition. Just, however, as they reached that 
 more open plain they came upon the advanced picquet 
 of the enemy. The men of the picquet had not evidently 
 anticipated an attack from that quarter, for they were 
 surprised, and, after a faint and irregular fire, they 
 retreated from their position. 
 
 Their fire, however, faint and irregular as it was, 
 effected some damage. Two grenadiers were killed, and 
 two officers and several men wounded. Some officers and 
 men likewise succumbed to the intense heat and to the 
 fatigue of the march. The French picquet having retired, 
 General Abercromby encamped his force in the open 
 ground in'front of the wood. He resumed his march in the 
 morning with the intention of pushing on to Port Louis. 
 But the heat of the day and the extreme scarcity of 
 water rendered this impossible, and the little army, after 
 marching only five miles, was forced to take up a position 
 for the rest of the day and for the night at Moulin a 
 poudre on the banks of a small river called Pample- 
 mousses, which thus covered the camp. 
 
 To return to General Decaen. This officer had 
 anticipated that the English army would disembark 
 at a point nearer to Port Louis — whence the road to 
 the capital was shorter and easier — and he had taken 
 his measures accordingly. He had never imagined 
 that an invader would land his troops on a point 
 where the inland country was covered by an almost 
 
150 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 impenetrable jungle, defensible by a few determined 
 men against an army. But the moment he received the 
 news brought by the retiring picquet he prepared to 
 meet the new danger — a danger the greater, as the 
 natural defence had been forced and there were but ten 
 miles between the enemy's camp and the capital. It 
 was not, however, until mid-day of the 30th that he was 
 able to collect a force at all respectable to make head 
 against the enemy. This force, consisting — including 
 the Irish prisoners forced into the service — of 1300 
 Europeans and a few slaves and Creoles, he posted in a 
 rather strong position, iibout two miles in front of the 
 capital. He drew up his men on a level ground over 
 which the high road passed, the guns in the centre on 
 either side of the road, concealed by brushwood, and 
 both flanks covered by a thick wood, impenetrable on 
 the right and capable of a strong defence on the left. 
 Having so disposed his small force, he galloped forward, 
 followed by his stafl", by a few Creole cavalry, and some 
 riflemen, to reconnoitre the English position. 
 
 The English had been about two hours in their 
 encampment at Moulin a poudre when General Decaen 
 rode up. Approaching rather too closely, a smart 
 skirmish ensued, in the course of which the French 
 general received a contusion on his leg. What he saw, 
 there, however, was worse than any contusion. He 
 counted a force exceeding his own in the proportion of 
 ten to one, and ready the next morning to cover the five 
 miles which still intervened between it and the capital. 
 
» AND HER PRIVATEERS. 161 
 
 Decaen must have felt as he rode back to his men 
 that, according to the probabilities, further resistance 
 would but cause a useless expenditure of blood. He 
 determined nevertheless to make one effort for victory. 
 On his return to camp he despatched 300 men with two 
 guns to occupy a position commanding the bridge over 
 the Tambeau, about half a mile in front of his camp. 
 Could he but keep the invaders there for a short time 
 he might yet raise a force te operate on their communi- 
 cations. 
 
 But it was not to be. Early the following morning, 
 before daylight, General Abercromby detached the fourth 
 brigade to seize the batteries at the Tambeau and Tortue 
 bays, whence it had been arranged that the army was to 
 receive its supplies. The main body of the force, under 
 the personal command of the general, commenced its 
 movement on Port Louis shortly afterwards. After 
 marching about two miles it came within sight of the 
 bridge over the Tambeau. As it was seen to be defended, 
 the advance column was halted, whilst the guns opened 
 with shrapnel on the enemy. The fire was so well 
 directed that the French retired precipitously, leaving 
 uncompleted the destruction — begun and partly executed 
 — of the bridge. They fell back on their main body. 
 
 The injury done to the bridge had been so far effectual 
 that the guns of the British were unable to cross it. 
 They had to seek a passage lower down, at a ford 
 commanded by the French artillery. The passage was 
 attended with difficulty and some loss, but was neverthe- 
 
152 THE ISLE OF FKANCE 
 
 less accomplished. The British force then moved on the 
 position occupied by the French and flanked by thick 
 woods already described. 
 
 General Decaen had witnessed, not unmoved, the 
 passage of the Tambeau. He knew that he was now 
 left with but one card in his hand. He played it boldly. 
 Carefully reserving his fire till the heads of the hostile 
 columns should advance within range, he then opened 
 upon them a concentrated and continuous discharge. 
 This fire, coming from guns which had been masked, 
 checked the advance for a few moments. But it was 
 only that the British troops might deploy. For them 
 there was nothing for it but the bayonet. The advance 
 guard, led by Colonel Campbell of the 33rd, under the 
 general direction of General Ward, having quickly formed, 
 dashed straight on. Nothing could stop their splendid 
 charge. The enemy's troops, after a gallant struggle, 
 in which many of them were killed, were forced back 
 from their position, leaving their guns in the hands of 
 the conquerors. These, however, did not gain a 
 bloodless triumph. Besides several privates, Colonel 
 Campbell, 33rd, and Major O'Keefe, 12th, were killed. 
 Whilst this was going on in the centre an attempt 
 which had been made on the left flank of the French 
 had proved not less successful. After a gallant resist- 
 ance the enemy's position was forced, and all his guns 
 were taken.* 
 
 * In this action the French lost about 100 men, killed and wounded. 
 The return of the English for this engagement, and for the slight 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 153 
 
 The French force retired across the river Lataniers 
 within the outworks of Port Louis. The EngHsh took 
 up a position for the night just beyond cannon-shot of 
 the enemy's lines. 
 
 But it was all over. The English fleet commanded 
 the harbour, and the fortifications could not be defended 
 by the small force at the disposal of the Captain-GeneraL 
 Reconnoitring the following morning, General Decaen 
 observed preparations in the enemy's camp, betokening 
 an intention to make a general attack upon the town. 
 Such an attack would, he knew, not only be irresistible, 
 but it would entail upon the inhabitants great calamities. 
 In their interests, then, and in the interests of humanity, 
 having done all that was possible for France, and 
 exhausted every available resource, General Decaen 
 resolved to capitulate. He sent an officer, bearing a flag 
 of truce, with a proposal to this effect to the British 
 camp. 
 
 He was just in time. General Abercromby was on the 
 point of despatching a force to the southern side of the 
 town, so that the assault might be combined and 
 general. The proposal for a capitulation alone stopped 
 the movement. The General agreed to it, though 
 demurring to the terms proposed But these were soon 
 arranged. The Isle of France, with all the ships in her 
 harbours, all the arms in her arsenals, all the stores in 
 
 encounter in front of the wood on the 29th November, is as follows : — 
 Killed, 28 ; wounded, 89 ; missing, 45. Total 162. Besides these one 
 sailor was killed and five were wounded. 
 
154 THE ISLE OF FRANCE 
 
 her magazines, was transferred bodily to England. One 
 point was insisted on by General Decaen, and, from 
 motives of policy, accorded by the English commander. 
 This was that the French troops should not be considered 
 as prisoners of war, but should be permitted to return to 
 France at the cost of the British Government with their 
 arms and baggage.* 
 
 Thus did the French lose, after an occupation of nearly 
 a hundred years, the beautiful island upon which had 
 been bestowed the name of their own bright land, and 
 which in climate, in refinement of luxury, in the love of 
 adventure of its children, had been, in very deed, the 
 France of the East. In the long struggle with England 
 which had followed the Eevolution, the Isle of France 
 had inflicted upon the English trade a '* damage which 
 " might be computated by millions," whilst she herself 
 had remained uninjured, — for eighteen years indeed — 
 unthreatened. She had proved herself to be that which 
 
 * I think it right and fair to give General Abercromby's own reasons 
 for agreeing to the demand of General Decaen in this particular. In 
 his report to Lord Minto he says : — " I was prevailed upon to acquiesce 
 in this indulgence being granted to the enemy, from the desire of 
 sparing the lives of many brave officers and soldiers, and out of regard 
 to the interests of the inhabitants of the island, who have long 
 laboured under the most degrading misery and oppression, added to the 
 late period of the season when every hour became valuable. I considered 
 these to be motives of much more national importance than any injury 
 which would arise from a small body of troops, at so remote a distance 
 from Europe, being permitted to return to their own country free from 
 any engagement." It will be seen that General Abercromby avows that 
 he was influenced solely by considerations of general policy. His 
 statement regarding the misery and oppression of the islanders, of 
 which he had no personal knowledge, may be dismissed as gratuitous. 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 155 
 
 the Emperor had declared that Cherbourg should 
 become, — '* an eye to see and an arm to strike." 
 Protected for long, partly by the storms of the ocean, 
 partly by the daring spirit of her children, partly by the 
 timid counsels of the British Government, she had been, 
 for the privateers who preyed upon the commercial marine 
 of the East India Company, at once a harbour of refuge 
 and a secure base of operation. She had been the terror 
 of British merchants, the spectre which haunted the 
 counting house, the one black spot in the clear blue of 
 the Indian Ocean. The relief which was felt by the 
 merchants of Calcutta was expressed in an address 
 presented by them to Lord Minto, in which they offered 
 their ** sincere congratulations on the capture of the 
 '' only remaining French colony in the East, which has 
 ^' for so many years past been the source of devastation 
 *' to the commerce of India, to a magnitude almost 
 *' exceeding belief."* 
 
 The ease with which the Isle of France was captured 
 in 1810 suggests the question why she was so long 
 allowed to pursue her aggressive career ? An investiga- 
 tion of the cause of this apathy on the part of the 
 British, when so many interests were at stake, can only 
 
 * It may interest many of those now residing in Calcutta to read the 
 names of the merchants who signed this address. They were — 
 Alexander Colvin, John Palmer, J. D. Alexander, J. H. Fergusson, 
 Robert Downie, James Mactaggart, Joseph Barretto, John Robertson, 
 James Scott, Johannes Sarkies and William HoUings. The object of 
 the address was to ask Lord Minto to sit for his portrait in commemora- 
 tion of the capture of the isle. 
 
 i 
 
156 THE ISLE OF PRANCE 
 
 tend to confirm the conviction of the prescience and 
 wisdom of Marquess Wellesley, to show very clearly 
 the unsoundness of the timid policy by which he was so 
 often overruled. The great Marquess not only urged 
 an exepdition in 1800 ; he fitted one out in 1801. This 
 was diverted to Egypt. Shortly afterwards the Court of 
 Directors, dreading the genius which would, if unfettered, 
 have advanced the civilisation of India by twenty years, 
 replaced him by a Governor- General who began by 
 undoing the large work of unification which his 
 predecessor had initiated. When Lord Cornwallis died, 
 the Court of Directors, after vainly endeavouring to 
 confer the Governor- Generalship on a narrow-minded 
 reactionist — who, in the short term of his acting 
 incumbency, confirmed and extended a system which 
 left the states of Eajputana a prey to Maratha free- 
 booters, — imposed a policy upon Lord Minto which 
 restricted his power for that kind of aggressive warfare 
 which is so often the best and surest defence. It is a 
 high testimony to Lord Minto's intellect that in the end 
 he burst those trammels, and forced one portion, at 
 least, of the policy of Marquess Wellesley on a peace- 
 loving Court of Directors and a distrusting ministry. 
 
 It was Lord Minto then who, taking up the dropped 
 thread of the policy of Marquess Wellesley, wrested the 
 Isle of France from her parent country. For France 
 indeed, even her name, the name she had borne for 
 about a hundred years, perished on the 3rd December 
 1810. Called by her discoverers, the Portuguese, Cerne; 
 
AND HER PRIVATEERS. 157 
 
 re-named in 1598 by the Dutch after their Maurice of 
 Nassau, Mauritius ; falling, after her abandonment by 
 the Dutch between 1703 and 1710, into the possession 
 of the French, the island had been subsequently known 
 to the world by the name she bore when the English 
 captured her. But the name did not suit the new 
 conqueror. It was erased, and that bestowed in honour 
 of the great Stadtholder was substituted. The Isle of 
 France vanished from history with the last month of the 
 year 1810 ! 
 
 With her conquest, too, ended the careers of the 
 privateers on the Indian seas. They, too, vanished with 
 the island which had nurtured them. Thenceforward 
 the huge Indiamen of the Company could sail in 
 comparative safety. In the course of a few years not 
 only did the dread of the French cruisers vanish, but 
 their exploits came to be listened to with a smile. Not 
 the less, however, are the deeds which they did accomplish 
 worthy of being recorded. They show that if, in a 
 future war, privateering should again be legitimatized, 
 it may be possible for a nation whose navy shall have 
 been annihilated and whose ports shall be blockaded, to 
 inflict, by means of it, on a nation which may even bear 
 the title of the mistress of the seas, losses the full 
 extent of which it would be almost impossible to 
 estimate. 
 
BOOK III. 
 
 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 After the failures of the direct attempts made by 
 Dupleix, by Lally, and by Suflfren to establish French 
 domination in Southern India, there remained to the 
 Latin race but one mode of counteracting the progress of 
 the English. That mode may be described in a few words. 
 To enable the princes of India to meet the English success- 
 fully in the field it was necessary above all things to 
 impart to their troops a thorough knowledge of European 
 discipline and a complete acquaintance with the system of 
 European strategy. To this somewhat venturesome task 
 the sons of France bent themselves with untiring energy. 
 They gave to it often their lives, almost always their every 
 faculty. They had much to aid them. The native 
 princes who employed them knew at least that their 
 
FOBEiaN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 15& 
 
 hatred of England was not feigned; that they had 
 nothing so much at heart as the humiliation of the rival 
 of their own country. They therefore gave them, almost 
 always, a confidence without stint. Their behests were 
 but rarely refused. They worked under the avowed 
 sanction and with the authority of the prince whom 
 they served. And if they did not succeed, their want of 
 success is to be attributed rather to the jealousies which 
 prevented combination amongst the native princes, than 
 to any shortcomings on the part of the ablest and most 
 influential amongst them. 
 
 Of all these adventurers de Boigne was, with one 
 exception, the ablest and the most successful. Born at 
 Chambery, the 8th March, 1751, the son of a furrier, 
 Benoit de Boigne was at an early age sent to study law 
 at the College of his native town. But he had scarcely 
 attained the age of seventeen when his adventurous 
 nature impelled him to renounce his studies, and to 
 seek excitement in a career of arms. In 1768, then, he 
 entered the regiment of Clare, a regiment in the Irish 
 Brigade in the service of France, and then commanded, 
 in the absence of Lord Clare, by Colonel Leigh. De 
 Boigne joined the regiment with the rank of ensign at 
 Landrecies, and applied all the ardour of his youth to 
 master the science of his profession. In this task he 
 received great encouragement and assistance from 
 Colonel Leigh, and, under his tuition, de Boigne 
 attained a complete knowledge of the art of war as 
 it was understood in those days. 
 
160 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 After serving in garrison for three years and a half 
 at Landrecies, the regiment of Clare was ordered to 
 Dnnkerque to embark for the Isle of France. The 
 regiment, having taken its tour of duty in the island for 
 eighteen months, retui-ned to France, and, disembarking 
 at L' Orient, was ordered to B6thune. 
 
 This happened in 1773. France was then at peace 
 with all the world, and no prospect of war seemed to 
 loom in the future. The promotion of de Boigne had 
 been slow, and, beginning to feel disgusted with a life 
 so monotonous and so devoid of enterprise, he asked 
 himself if it would not be advisable to seek another 
 scene for the occupation of the abilities he felt that he 
 possessed. It chanced that Russia was then at war with 
 Turkey. The Russian Government was in the habit in 
 those days of welcoming eagerly instructed officers into 
 the ranks of its army. De Boigne resolved, then, to 
 resign his commission in the French service and to offer 
 himself to her northern ally. 
 
 His resignation was accepted, and de Boigne went to 
 Turin. Obtaining there letters of introduction to Count 
 Orloff, who commanded the Russian land and sea forces 
 in the Grecian Archipelago, he returned to Marseilles 
 and embarked on board the first ship sailing thence for 
 Greece. Almost immediately on his arrival there he 
 was appointed captain in a Greek regiment in the 
 service of the Empress Catherine. This regiment 
 formed a part of the army employed in besieging 
 the island of Tenedos. A detachment of it, to which 
 
 I 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 161 
 
 de Boigne belonged, having been sent to efifeet a descent 
 on that island, the Turks made a sortie, attacked the 
 invaders in great force, and cut them off nearly to a 
 man. De Boigne escaped with his life, but was taken 
 prisoner and sent first to Ohio and thence to Constanti- 
 nople. 
 
 Seven months later the war came to an end, and 
 de Boigne, with the other prisoners of war, was released. 
 He had then attained the rank of major in the Russian 
 army. Peace, however, had closed for him the avenues 
 of further advancement. De Boigne then quitted the 
 Russian service and embarked for Smyrna. Meeting in 
 that town some Englishmen who had returned from 
 India, he was so struck by their description of the 
 adventurous life of that country, that he resolved to 
 seek his fortune there. Returning to Constantinople, 
 he made his way to Aleppo, and joined there a caravan 
 just setting out for Basra. The caravan reached Bagdad 
 in safety, but, as a furious war was then raging between 
 the Turks and the Persians, the road thence to Basra 
 was deemed too dangerous to be traversed, and the 
 caravan returned to Aleppo. 
 
 From that place de Boigne made his way as quickly 
 as he could back to Smyrna and sailed thence to 
 Alexandria. In his journey from Alexandria to Rosetta 
 he was shipwrecked and fell into the hands of the Arabs, 
 These, with characteristic hospitality towards a stranger, 
 befriended him, and by their aid he was able to 
 reach Cairo. Here innumerable delays occurred, and it 
 
 11 
 
162 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 was owing to the kindness of the English consul, 
 Mr. Baldwin, that means were at last provided for him 
 to reach India. He embarked at Suez and sailed thence 
 at the end of the year 1777 for Madras. 
 
 Amongst those whom de Boigne had met in his 
 European wanderings was an English nobleman, Earl 
 Percy. With him he had formed a friendship, and 
 Lord Percy had in consequence furnished him with 
 letters to Lord Macartney and to Warren Hastings. On 
 his arrival at Madras, de Boigne wished at first to act 
 independently of the British Government. But the 
 circumstances of the time were against him. The 
 British were on the eve of their last war with Haidar 
 All, and it is natural to suppose that they should be 
 unwilling to afibrd opportunities for foreign adventurers 
 to find their way to the camp of that formidable leader. 
 Having no other resource, then, de Boigne, who had 
 been a major in the Russian service, accepted the rank 
 of ensign in the 6th regiment Madras Native Infantry. 
 
 The war broke out immediately afterwards. It hap- 
 pened that the 6th regiment N. I. was one of those 
 under the command of Colonel Baillie when that officer 
 was attacked by the combined forces of Haidar and 
 Tippu at Perambakam in September, 1780. A few days 
 before that fatal conflict, however, two companies of the 
 6th regiment had been sent to escort supplies of grain 
 to the main army. With these two companies was de 
 Boigne, and in this manner he escaped the almost entire 
 destruction which befell the main body of his regiment. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 163 
 
 Shortly after this de Boigne quitted the English 
 service. Various reasons have been assigned for this 
 step.* But he himself undoubtedly stated the truth 
 when he affirmed that in a service of progressive pro- 
 motion there was, at his age, no chance of his ever 
 attaining to high command. He resolved, therefore, to 
 return to Europe by way of Kashmir, Afghanistan, and 
 Persia. 
 
 With this object in view he came round to Calcutta 
 and presented to Warren Hastings Lord Percy's letter 
 and one with which he had been provided by Lord 
 Macartney. That illustrious statesman gave him a 
 warm and cordial reception; entirely approved of his 
 design to return to Europe by the route he had 
 indicated ; and furnished him with letters to the British 
 residents at the various native courts he would be likely 
 to visit en route , as well as to the independent native 
 princes in alliance with the British Government. 
 
 At Lakhnao, the first city which he visited on his 
 travels, de Boigne was extremely well received by the 
 Nawab, to whom he had been presented by the resident. 
 Not only was a khilat of the value of 4000 rupees 
 bestowed upon him, but the Nawab presented him 
 likewise with a bill on the bankers of Kabal for 
 6000 rupees, and another for an equal amount on 
 those of Kandahar. At Lakhnao de Boigne remained 
 
 * Vide Ferdinand Smith's Sketch, pages 67-68 ; the Article de Boigne 
 in the Nouvelle Biographic Generate ; and the Memoire sur la carriere 
 du General Comte de Boigne. 
 
 11 A 
 
164 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 five months, making many friends amongst the English 
 officers and studying their system. He then went on 
 to Delhi where he arrived at the end of the month 
 of August. 
 
 The Emperor of Delhi at that time was Shah Alam ; 
 his minister, Mirza Shaffi. Without the aid of the 
 latter it was impossible for de Boigne to obtain an 
 interview with the Emperor, and Mirza Shaffi was in 
 the camp before Agra. Thither, accordingly, de Boigne 
 repaired. 
 
 It was during his sojourn in this camp that de 
 Boigne's ideas took a direction which influenced his 
 whole life. Kebuffed by the minister, who refused to 
 allow him to be presented to Shah Alam, he turned his 
 attention to the political events passing before his eyes. 
 Noting the rivalry of the various native princes, the 
 indiscipline of their armies, the ignorance and want 
 of knowledge of their generals, it occurred to him that 
 a great career was open to an instructed European 
 soldier. The unleavened masses were fermenting all 
 about him. Let the instructed European soldier but 
 procure for himself the authority to leaven but one of 
 those masses, and his master would become the chief of 
 all his rivals, if not indeed the ruler of India. The idea 
 grew daily ; it ripened quickly into feasibility ; thence- 
 forth the career of de Boigne was determined. 
 
 At that time the Kana of Gohad was closely besieged 
 in his fort by Madhaji Sindia. To offer himself to the 
 latter, immensely superior in power to the Rana, would 
 
FOEEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 165 
 
 have been a folly. In such a case, even had Madhaji 
 accepted his services, no credit to himself could possibly 
 have resulted. But to enter the service of the besieged 
 Eana, and by skill and dexterity to paralyse the move- 
 ments of his enemy, would be to gain a reputation and 
 to acquire a moral power such as would open out the 
 brightest prospects for the future. Thus reasoning, 
 de Boigne made secretly the following proposition to 
 the Kana. He offered, in consideration of a certain 
 stipulated sum of money, to raise 2000 men at Agra, 
 1000 at Jaipur, 4000 at Delhi, and 1000 near Gohad ; 
 to concentrate these troops with all imaginable secrecy 
 at a point on the frontier of the Eana's territory ; and 
 with them to attack the besieging force in the rear, and 
 drive it from his dominions. 
 
 The Rana of Gohad, without declining this offer, did 
 not at once accept it. He hoped rather to be rescued 
 from his perilous condition by the intervention of the 
 English. Meanwhile, however, he was not sufficiently 
 careful to keep the secret. With the publicity he allowed 
 to be imparted to the offer, the possibility of carrying it 
 into execution vanished. De Boigne then broke off the 
 negotiation, and offered his services to the Eaja of 
 Jaipur. 
 
 But before an answer could come from Jaipur, de 
 Boigne had accepted an invitation from Mr. Anderson, 
 the British resident at the court of Madhaji, to visit him 
 in the camp. Madhaji Sindia was then besieging 
 Gwaliar. Thither accordingly de Boigne repaired, and 
 
166 FOEEIGN ADVENTUREKS IN INDIA. 
 
 there he agreed to remain, the guest of Mr. Anderson, 
 until he should receive the reply of the Raja. 
 
 De Boigne received that reply at the end of October 
 (1783). His offer was accepted. Before taking up the 
 appointment, however, he thought it becoming to inform 
 Warren Hastings ofi&cially of his intention to renounce 
 his journey to Europe and to take service with the Eaja 
 of Jaipur. Warren Hastings, in reply, requested de 
 Boigne to return in the first instance to Calcutta that he 
 might inform him personally of the sentiments 
 entertained by the government of India regarding the 
 course he proposed to pursue. De Boigne, though 
 sensible of the arbitrary nature of this request, felt that 
 his gratitude and his interest alike counselled him to 
 comply with it. He returned accordingly to Calcutta, — 
 no easy journey in those days. On his arrival there 
 Warren Hastings informed him that his requisition had 
 been necessary because he, de Boigne, had given an 
 official form to his letter, and that as such it had been laid 
 before the council ; that as Governor- General in Council 
 he could not give him authority to enter the service of a 
 native prince, although, in his private capacity, he had 
 no objection to his following such a course, and that 
 if he chose to follow it, he would shut his eyes to 
 his proceedings. The Governor- General added that he 
 was about to set out for Lakhnao, and that he hoped de 
 Boigne would accompany him so far. 
 
 Armed with this power to act as he might think 
 best, de Boigne accompanied the Governor- General to 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. l67 
 
 Lakhnao, hastened thence to Agra, and obtaining there 
 a small escort, pushed on towards Jaipur. The dif- 
 ficulties, and they were not slight, which he encountered 
 in his journey were surmounted, and in the spring of 
 1784 he reached Jaipur. 
 
 But here disappointment awaited him. In the long 
 interval which had elapsed between the acceptance of 
 his offer and his arrival, the Jaipur policy had changed. 
 Peaceful councils now prevailed, and the Eaja had no 
 need of a general. To compensate de Boigne, however, 
 for the trouble and expense which had been caused him 
 the Raja presented him with 10,000 rupees. 
 
 Disappointed though not daunted, de Boigne repaired 
 to Dehli. At this time the murder of Mirza Shaffi and 
 the anarchy which had followed^ had reawakened in the 
 mind of Madhaji Sindia the hope of becoming master of 
 the capital of the Moghols. He was fully sensible of the 
 new difficulties which the power he might thus acquire 
 would cause him : but, being able, farsighted, and 
 ambitious, he was nursing his resources and seeking for 
 means to meet the crisis which might arrive at any 
 moment. At the time of de Boigne's arrival Sindia was 
 in the vicinity of Agra, organising an expedition against 
 Bandalkhand. 
 
 For this expedition de Boigne offered his services. 
 
 He proposed to raise two regiments, each 850 strong ; 
 
 and to equip and organise them in the European fashion. 
 
 Madhaji knew de Boigne by reputation, and by 
 
 something more. The offer he had made to the Rana 
 
168 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 of Gohad had struck him at the time as betokening a 
 daring and resolute nature ; and, subsequently, when de 
 Boigne had passed a night in his camp on his way 
 to join Mr. Anderson, Madhaji caused his tent to be 
 pillaged. The property then taken was restored but 
 the papers were retained. It is probable that a perusal 
 of these confirmed the impression which the Gohad 
 scheme had given bii-th to. Such a man, he thought, 
 could scarcely fail to be an acquisition. He accepted, 
 then, after a short delay, de Boigne*s offer 
 
 The terms agreed to by de Boigne were that he 
 should receive 1000 rupees a month for himself, and 
 eight rupees a month for each man, officers and 
 privates indiscriminately. To enable himself to give a 
 proper salary to the officers, de Boigne fixed the pay 
 of the privates at rupees 5-8-0 each. This arrange- 
 ment provided him with 4250 rupees monthly for the 
 officers. 
 
 The men were speedily raised ; but the drilling was a 
 matter of more difficulty. De Boigne had resolved to 
 teach them European drill, to arm them with European 
 weapons, and to impart to them European discipline. 
 " The labour which this imposed on an individual," 
 writes Mr. Grant Duff, " can easily be conceived by any 
 " person acquainted with military affairs.'' It was, 
 indeed, at the outset a task which required no ordinary 
 patience, perseverance, and self-control. But at length 
 he had the satisfaction of seeing the end attained. Five 
 months after he had enlisted his men, he marched 
 
FOEEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 169 
 
 with two perfectly disciplined regiments to join in 
 Bandalkhand the army commanded by Appa Khande 
 Rao. 
 
 In the short campaign which followed, the two 
 battalions under de Boigne constituted the entire 
 infantry of the Maratha army, the remainder being 
 mainly cavalry and a few guns. As it was a campaign 
 of sieges the brunt of the work fell, naturally, on his 
 newly raised troops ; and this work they performed with 
 valour and with success. In the midst of his triumphs, 
 however, de Boigne was called away to join the main 
 army of Madhaji at Dehli. 
 
 On the 22nd October 1784 the prime minister of the 
 Emperor Shah Alam, Afrasiab Khan, was murdered by 
 the brother of the minister whose assassination he had 
 instigated. In the terror that followed this murder all 
 parties turned to Madhaji. The Emperor invested him 
 with a power virtually supreme. By his advice the 
 Peshwa was nominated Wakil-ul-Mutluk or Supreme 
 Deputy of the Empire, Madhaji was appointed Deputy 
 of the Peshwa, Commander-in-chief of the Moghol 
 armies, and the provinces of Agra and Dehli were 
 confided to his management. 
 
 But Madhaji was not too elated by his success. He 
 was well aware that the power which had been conferred 
 by acclamation in a time of terror, of difficulty, and of 
 danger, would be disputed as soon as men's minds should 
 begin to calm. He therefore took instant measures to 
 strengthen his position, and amongst other precautions 
 
170 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 he summoned de Boigne and his battalions from 
 Bandalkhand. 
 
 To describe fully the events which followed could only 
 be effected by trenching upon ground already occupied.* 
 I must be satisfied with referring, as briefly as may be, 
 to the deeds of de Boigne himself. Thus, in May 1787, 
 he fought at Lalsot for three days under the eyes of 
 Madhaji against the Patans and Eajpiits, and when, on 
 the third, the other infantry of Sindia's army, 14,000 in 
 number, deserted to the enemy, de Boigne kept his men 
 true to their colours. For eight consecutive days they 
 continued, as they retreated, to repulse the enemy's 
 attacks. At the battle of Chaksana, fought on the 24th 
 April 1788 against the same enemies, Sindia confided 
 the command of his right wing to a Frenchman, M. 
 Lesteneau, and of his left to de Boigne, whilst the 
 centre was commanded by a native, Sindia being in 
 reserve with the cavalry. On this occasion de Boigne 
 and Lesteneau not only repulsed the attacks made on 
 their wings, but were prepared to render the victory 
 decisive had they been supported by the centre and the 
 cavalry. But no prayers could induce either to advance, 
 and the action, undecided, terminated by a retreat from 
 the field. A few weeks later, however, an ample revenge 
 was taken for these checks. On the 18th June, in the 
 battle fought before Agra, the battalions of de Boigne 
 
 * Keene's Fall of the Moghol Empire, a vivid and accurate account of 
 the event in Hindostan from the death of Aurangzib to the beginning 
 of the present century. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 171 
 
 and their leader contributed greatly to the victory 
 obtained over the Patan chief. Less than four montha 
 later, de Boigne's battalions and the bulk of the 
 Maratha army re-occupied Dehli. Madhaji himself 
 followed shortly after. 
 
 The splendid service rendered by the two battalions 
 of de Boigne at Lalsot, at Agra, and at Chaksana, their 
 fidelity when their irregular comrades had deserted, and 
 their unvarying steadiness under fire, had particularly 
 attracted the notice of Madhaji Sindia. But the 
 prejudices of the Maratha were still strong within him. 
 When, therefore, de Boigne pointed out to him that 
 these two battalions, though perfectly efficient, and 
 capable even of retarding a defeat, were yet insufficient 
 to decide the fortunes of a campaign ; that it would be 
 advisable to increase them to the strength of a corps 
 d'armee, with artillery attached, Madhaji hesitated. 
 Influenced partly, probably, by a dread to place in the 
 hands of a European a small army obedient only to the 
 orders of its immediate general ; partly by the Maratha 
 leaning towards cavalry, partly also by the annihilation 
 of his enemies and by the expense which the proposed 
 scheme would entail, Madhaji resolved to defer his 
 sanction. As, however, he indicated no fixed time for 
 the announcement of a final decision, de Boigne regarded 
 his reply as a veiled refusal. He therefore offered hi& 
 resignation. Madhaji accepted it. 
 
 De Boigne left Dehli a comparatively rich man. It is 
 stated that he owed the greater part of his wealth to the 
 
172 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 munificence of Madhaji, who thus showed his gratitude 
 for the unequalled services rendered to him during the late 
 campaigns. Certain it is that, renouncing his military 
 career, he proceeded to Lakhnao, and there on the advice 
 of his old friend, Claude Martin, engaged in mercantile 
 speculations which speedily augmented his capital. He 
 was still engaged in these when he received from 
 Madhaji pressing solicitations to re-enter his service, 
 accompanied by an assurance that he would be at liberty 
 to carry out the measures he had formerly proposed. 
 
 The fact was that Madhaji Sindia had not found his 
 position by any means so assured as, in the first moment 
 of his triumph, it had appeared to him. The Patan 
 army had been beaten and dispersed, but its soldiers still 
 existed. He was menaced from the north by the 
 Afghans, from the west by the Eajputs, whilst he had 
 perhaps even more to dread from the jealousy of Nana 
 Farnawis, the minister of the Peshwa, and from the 
 scarcely veiled hostility of the other chiefs of the 
 Marathas. 
 
 He felt the want, then, of just such a body of troops 
 as de Boigne had proposed to raise, — troops who would 
 surpass all his other troops in skill and discipline ; who 
 would obey one man, and that man impervious to 
 intrigue, devoted to himself alone. In this extremity 
 he bethought him of de Boigne : and upon that thought 
 there speedily followed the missive of which I have 
 spoken. 
 
 De Boigne was not deaf to the demand. Arranging, 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 173 
 
 as speedily as was possible, his commercial affairs, 
 which, however, he left in full action in the hands of 
 agents, he hastened to Mathura, where Madhaji then 
 had his head quarters. His proposals were at once 
 agreed to. He was authorised to raise a corps d*armee 
 consisting of thirteen battalions of infantry, of 500 
 cavalry, and of sixty guns. 
 
 De Boigne went to his task with his accustomed 
 energy. He reclaimed the two battalions he had drilled 
 and commanded before. A third battalion was formed 
 of the soldiers who had been raised and drilled by the 
 Frenchman, Lesteneau, but who, mutinying for arrears 
 of pay, had, on the advice of de Boigne, been disbanded. 
 He had to enlist men from Kohilkhand and Oudh for 
 seven more battalions. All these were dressed and drilled 
 on the European principle. But, in addition to these 
 ten battalions, de Boigne raised three more of Afghans, 
 dressed in their national costume, and armed with 
 matchlocks and bayonets. For the service of the camp 
 he raised 500 Mewatis, dressed and armed as irregular 
 troops. 
 
 The corps d'armee thus consisted of 8500 regular 
 infantry, 2400 Afghans, 500 Mewatis, 500 cavalry, and 
 100 artillerymen. Each regiment was commanded by a 
 European officer. These officers were men of all nations, 
 many of them British, and in many instances respectable 
 by birth, education, and character.* There were always 
 
 * Grant Duff, vol. iii., chapter ii. Subsequently the number of men 
 in each regiment was fixed at 700. 
 
174 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 two European officers to each regiment, sometimes more. 
 The non-commissioned officers were in the first instance 
 taken from the three disciplined battalions. The colours 
 of the corps were the national flag, the white cross, of 
 Savoy. 
 
 For its command de Boigne was granted a salary of 
 4000 rupees a month. To provide for this, as well as 
 for the regular payment of the troops, Madhaji made 
 over assignments of land to the charge and management 
 of de Boigne, allowing him two per cent, upon the net 
 revenue, in addition to his regular pay.* 
 
 By dint of great exertions the new corps d*armee was 
 brought into a condition fitting it for active service 
 early in the year 1790. An opportunity soon offered 
 for the display of its efficiency. On the 20th June the 
 Maratha army engaged, near Patau, the Patans under 
 Ishmael Beg, aided by the Kajptit troops of Jaipur and 
 Jodhpur. The battle was obstinate and bloody. Holkar, 
 who had promised to aid Madhaji, held aloof. The 
 Patans three times charged through the infantry of 
 de Boigne, cutting down the artillerymen at their guns. 
 But the coolness of de Boigne and the discipline of his 
 troops soon repaired this disaster. With re-serried 
 ranks they attacked the too daring enemy and drove 
 him back. Then there opened on both sides a heavy 
 artillery fire. This ceasing on the part of the Marathas 
 at six o'clock in the evening, de Boigne placed himself 
 at the head of his infantry and led them to the charge. 
 * Grant Duff, toI. iii., chapter ii. 
 
FOKEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 175 
 
 The attack was irresistible. One by one the hostile 
 positions were carried. At nine o'clock the enemy were 
 in complete flight, utterly disorganised, having lost all 
 their guns — ten battalions of their infantry having 
 previously surrendered. 
 
 De Boigne then received orders to invade Jodhpur. 
 He proceeded at once to the siege of Ajmir, but learning 
 that the Rajputs had assembled a considerable army at 
 Mirta, he left about 2700 men to blockade Ajmir and 
 started to attack the enemy. 
 
 At daybreak on the 12th September, de Boigne 
 assailed the enemy's position. By nine o'clock he had 
 obtained a complete victory. He gained this victory 
 notwithstanding a false movement made by one of his 
 lieutenants, and which for a time left his right wing 
 exposed to the incessant charges of the Rahtor cavalry. 
 The Savoyard, however, showed himself quite equal to 
 the occasion. At nine o'clock, as I have said, the 
 Rajputs were beaten ; at ten o'clock their camp and all 
 their guns and baggage were captured; at three p.m., the 
 town of Mirta was taken by assault. Peace followed this 
 decisive victory. 
 
 Sindia had now satisfied himself as to the immense 
 advantage he had derived from possessing a corps 
 d^annee armed and disciplined on the European prin- 
 ciple — and commanded by a de Boigne. The troops 
 thus disciplined and thus organised had disposed of his 
 Mahomedan and Rajput enemies, but he still looked for 
 more at their hands. It must never be lost sight of 
 
176 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 that the great dream of Madhaji Sindia's life was to 
 unite all the native powers of India in one great con- 
 federacy against the English. In this respect he was 
 the most farsighted statesman that India has ever 
 produced. But to bring about this great end it was 
 necessary that, in addition to the power which he wielded 
 at Dehli and in a part of central India, he should be 
 master of all the resources of the Maratha empire. 
 This he felt would be impossible until he could rid the 
 Peshwa of the minister, Nana Farnawis, who was 
 jealous of his reputation. Nor, he felt, could this end 
 be obtained unless he could dispose of Holkar, the 
 • agent and last hope of the Nana. His plan, then, was 
 to crush Holkar, to proceed to Puna, and, obtaining 
 then from the Peshwa the requisite authority, to unite 
 all India in a crusade against the English. It was a 
 grand idea, one capable of realisation by Madhaji, but 
 by him alone, and which, but for his death, would have 
 been realised. 
 
 Full of these views, and preparing carefully for the 
 conflict he saw looming in the future, Madhaji deter- 
 mined at this time to increase still further the force 
 which had been so useful to him. De Boigne was 
 authorised to increase it to 18,000 regular infantry, 
 6000 irregulars, 2000 irregular horse, 600 Afghan 
 cavalry, and 2000 guns. The force thus raised was to 
 be divided into three brigades, or, as it would be more 
 proper to call them, divisions. For their payment a 
 tract of country between Mathura and Dehli and some 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 177 
 
 lands east of the Jamna, comprising in all fifty-two 
 districts, yielding ultimately twenty -two lakhs of rupees, 
 were assigned to de Boigne. That general was authorised 
 to reserve to himself two per cent, of that revenue, in 
 addition to his pay, now increased to 6000 rupees a 
 month,— -a sum which was doubled by other duly 
 authorised emoluments. The fortress at Agra was 
 assigned to him as a depot of small arms and cannon. 
 Over these fifty-two districts de Boigne was assigned, 
 by Sindia, a power in civil and military matters entirely 
 absolute. He fixed his headquarters at Aligarh. 
 
 It was while de Boigne was raising and drilling his 
 brigades, casting guns, and bringing the districts under 
 his sway into order ; whilst Madhaji Sindia was 
 endeavouring to arrange the scheme which was the 
 dream of his later years, that war broke out between 
 the British and Tippu Sultan. This war was a blow to 
 Madhaji. He disapproved this isolated attack upon a 
 power to which united India might only possibly be 
 a match. Still more was he annoyed and enraged at 
 finding that the Peshwa, guided by Nana Farnawis, had 
 entered into an alliance with the common enemy. 
 Nothing, Madhaji had always felt, could be more 
 noxious to the general cause of the native princes of 
 India, than the union of one chief with their most 
 formidable rival to put down another chief. Still, for 
 the moment, he was powerless to prevent this fatal 
 action. He was forced to content himself with husband- 
 ing his resources, with guarding against an attack from 
 
 12 
 
178 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 the north, and with preparing his army for the great 
 event to which he looked forward. Having done all that 
 was possible in this respect, he set out for Puna, deter- 
 mined, after repressing Holkar, and unseating Nana 
 Farnawis, to obtain the chief power himself, and, 
 wielding it, to make one supreme effort to drive the 
 British from Hindostan. 
 
 Madhaji left de Boigne and the greater part of his 
 corps d'arm^e behind. He took with him as escort 
 only two battalions, commanded by Hessing and Filoze. 
 He arrived at Puna the 11th June, 1793. 
 
 Scarcely, however, had Madhaji crossed the borders of 
 his own territories than his enemies began to raise their 
 heads. First, the widow of Najif Khan, a former prime 
 minister at the Imperial Court of Dehli, refused to 
 surrender the fort of Kanund to Sindia's officers. De 
 Boigne sent one of his brigades, under the orders of 
 M. Perron, to compel her. The often-defeated Ishmail 
 Beg raised troops to support her. He encountered Perron 
 under the walls of Kanund, and though beaten, yet 
 succeeded in penetrating into the fort with a consider- 
 able body of men. The defence was prolonged in 
 consequence, but, the widow having been killed, Ishmail 
 Beg, distrusting the garrison, surrendered himself and 
 the fort to the French leader. 
 
 But this was not all. Taking advantage of the 
 absence of Madhaji, Tukaji Holkar, the minister of 
 the famous Ahalya Bae, suddenly crossed the river 
 Chambal in great force, and marched towards Rajput an a, 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 179 
 
 pretending that the aggressions of Madhaji's agent, 
 Gopal Eao Bhao, forced him to this act of open 
 hostility. 
 
 Gopal Eao Bhao had hut a small force under him in 
 Rajputana. Aware that Ttikaji was supported by a body 
 of native troops, armed and drilled in the European 
 fashion, and commanded by the Chevalier Dudrenec, 
 Gopal Eao sent pressing messages to de Boigne, and to 
 Lakhwa Dada, commanding the main body of Sindia's 
 cavalry, to join him without delay. De Boigne set out 
 at once from Aligarh at the head of 9000 infantry, and 
 joined Gopal Eao before the latter had been molested by 
 Holkar. Lakhwa Dada brought in his cavalry at the 
 same time. De Boigne immediately assumed command 
 of the combined force, consisting of 9000 infantry, 
 20,000 cavalry, and about forty guns, and forthwith 
 marched upon the enemy. Tukaji became now aware of 
 the double mistake he had committed; in the first place, 
 in becoming the aggressor ; in the second, in not at once 
 crushing the small force opposed to him. He did his 
 utmost, then, to avoid a general engagement. But 
 de Boigne was not to be denied. He followed him up 
 vigorously, and at last, on the 20th September, had the 
 satisfaction of finding himself in front of his enemy 
 posted at the pass of Lakhairi on the road leading 
 from Kanund to Ajmir. 
 
 Tukaji and Dudrenec had under them four battalions 
 of sepoys, trained by Dudrenec, about 30,000 irregulars, 
 mostly cavalry, and thirty-eight guns. The position 
 
 12 
 
180 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 they occupied was very formidable. The pass of Lakhairi 
 was extremely narrow ; covered in front by wet ground, 
 and impossible to be turned, both flanks being guarded 
 by thick woods and rising ground. 
 
 De Boigne felt as he reconnoitred this strong position 
 that he would have to deploy all his resources. Yet his 
 own position was not without some considerable counter- 
 vailing advantages. His men were covered by tangled 
 forests, impervious to cavalry. His attack might fail, 
 yet his position could not be forced. All other things 
 being equal, victory must incline, he saw, to the side 
 which possessed the greatest number of steady infantry. 
 That side was his own. 
 
 There was nothing for it but to move straight on. He 
 placed himself accordingly at the head of his tried 
 battalions and batteries, and ordered them to advance. 
 No sooner, however, did they emerge from the forest 
 than the enemy's artillery opened a tremendous and 
 effective fire upon them. De Boigne continued, however, 
 to advance, and his own guns were soon sufficiently clear 
 of the jungle to take up a position and reply. But they 
 had scarcely fired half a dozen rounds before an event 
 happened which might have been fatal in its conse- 
 quences. The fire from the enemy's guns caused the 
 explosion first of one tumbril and then immediately 
 afterwards of twelve others continguous to it. The 
 effect might have been made decisive. Tukaji at once 
 launched forth his cavalry to make it so. But De 
 Boigne was equal to the occasion. He caused his men 
 
FOBEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 181 
 
 to fall back rapidly into the jungle. They reached it, 
 before Tukaji's cavalry, feebly handled, could attack 
 them. A concentrated fire of musketry sent back the 
 horsemen more rapidly than they had advanced. A 
 charge from Sindia's cavalry completed their overthrow- 
 Thenceforward they took no part in the contest. 
 
 The cavalry having disappeared, de Boigne once more 
 advanced his infantry and his guns. This time there 
 was no mistake. The pass was so narrow that not more 
 than three columns could act abreast. Covering these 
 with 500 Eohilla skirimishers he crossed the wet ground 
 and charged. But the battalions of Dudrenec did not 
 give ground. They stood, and fought, and died at their 
 post. But they were as one to three. The greatest 
 number must inevitably prevail. And it happened so. 
 After the most desperate conflict he had ever been 
 engaged in, the troops of de Boigne stood the victors on 
 the summit of that fatal pass ! There was not a man 
 to be pursued. The enemy^s cavalry had disappeared, 
 his infantry had died fighting ; the guns had been 
 captured ! 
 
 This victory broke for a time the powder of Holkar 
 and left Madhaji undisputed master of the situation. 
 De Boigne followed it up by marching against the Kajti 
 of Jaipur who had shown a disposition to take advantage 
 of Holkar's outburst. De Boigne's movements were so 
 rapid and his plans so well laid that the Eaja was glad 
 to compromise by submission, based on the payment of 
 his arrears of tribute, and an immediate sum of seventy 
 
182 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 lakhs of rupees. De Boigne then returned to Aligarh, 
 inarching by Alwar, the Eaja of which place had some 
 years before displayed great loyalty to Sindia in very 
 critical circumstances. Here he had an audience of the 
 Eaja. An incident which occurred at this audience is 
 thus related in de Boigne's memoirs. *' One day when 
 ** the Eaja gave audience to the general, whom he had 
 *' made to sit near him, M. de Boigne observed the 
 ** minister of the Eaja, who was standing behind his 
 master, bend down and whisper into his ear some 
 words in the Persian language — a language which the 
 general did not understand. The Prince replied only 
 by a sign of disapproval and by a look in which anger 
 and indignation were painted. The general's vakil 
 turned pale. The conversation nevertheless continued 
 as before, and the audience terminated without the 
 general having conceived the least suspicion. But in 
 going out of the palace he was informed by his vakil — 
 ** who knew Persian, and who had overheard the words 
 *' whispered by the minister — that the latter had proposed 
 ** to the Eaja to assassinate de Boigne in the hall of 
 ** audience.'* De Boigne took no notice of the incident. 
 The power of Madhaji Sindia was now consolidated 
 in Hindostan. While his armies had been triumphing 
 in Eajputana his policy had been gaining ground at 
 Puna, whither, on his request, de Boigne had expedited 
 10,000 of his trained infantry under the command of 
 Perron. Madhaji, in fact, was on the point of crossing 
 the threshold to attain which had been the dream of his 
 
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FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 183 
 
 later years. His plans had been successful everywhere ; 
 and he was on the eve of gaining the pinnacle which 
 would have enabled him to form one vast combination 
 against the English, when he was attacked by fever and 
 died (12th February, 1794). 
 
 With him the fabric raised with so much patience, so 
 much skill, and so much foresight, fell to the ground. 
 His successor, Daolat Eao, was a boy of fifteen, with a 
 chiiracter which, if unformed, still showed the germs of 
 waywardness and of a want of self-control. 
 
 At the time of Madhaji's death de Boigne was virtually 
 governor of Hindostan. Daolat Kao confirmed him in 
 this appointment, and he held it, resisting the advances 
 made him by the partisans of the blind Emperor, Shah 
 Alim, till the end of 1795. In the interval, feeling his 
 health weakened, he had more than once asked permission 
 to resign ; but Daolat Kao had as often begged him to 
 remain. At last, at the end of 1794, he yielded to his 
 urgent solicitations, and granted him permission to 
 leave for Europe, still retaining him in his service. 
 
 De Boigne bade farewell to the officers of his army in 
 February 1796, and set out for Calcutta. He took with 
 him the regiment of cavalry which was his own peculiar 
 property. He had ofi*ered this regiment to Sindia, but 
 Daolat Rao proposed to pay for it only on the return of 
 de Boigne to India. On his way through Lakhnao he 
 offered it to the Nawab, but they could not agree as to 
 the terms. Finally he offered it to the English govern- 
 ment ; Lord Cornwallis took it on the general's own 
 
184 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 conditions. These were 500 rupees for each horse, or 
 for the entire corps, consisting of 600 horses, 100 
 camels, four pieces of light artillery, and some draught 
 cattle, 360,000 rupees. The men at the same time 
 entered the British service. 
 
 De Boigne embarked for Europe in September 1796, 
 and arrived in London in January, 1797. There he 
 married Mademoiselle d'Osmond, daughter of the Marquis 
 d'Osmond. The marriage, however, was not happy. 
 He remained principally in England during the Empire, 
 but shortly after its fall he settled at the Villa Buisson 
 near Chambery. He spent the last years of his life in 
 making a philanthropic use of the enormous fortune he 
 had acquired. In Chambery itself he built a theatre, 
 and a college for the Jesuits, and embellished the town 
 by new and handsome streets. When he died on the 
 21st June 1830, he left 1,200,000 francs to build a 
 hospital for old men ; 500,000 for a hospital for the 
 insane ; 300,000 for the permanent relief of beggars ; 
 200,000 francs for new beds in other hospitals, and 
 100,000 francs for the education of young girls. To 
 his wife he left a life income of 600,000 francs. 
 
 It is impossible to part with de Boigne without adding 
 some details regarding his person, his character, and his 
 mode of administration. The following somewhat prolix 
 description was written by a contemporary, one who 
 knew him personally, in the year 1797 :* *' De Boigne 
 
 • Letter of LONGINUS, to the Telegraph newspaper, dated 2nd 
 January, 1797. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 185 
 
 is formed by nature and education to guide and 
 command: his school acquirements are much above 
 mediocrity : he is a tolerable Latin scholar, and reads, 
 writes, and speaks French, Italian, and English, 
 with ease and fluency. He is not deficient in a 
 general acquaintance with books, and possesses great 
 knowledge of the world. He is extremely polite, 
 affable, pleasant, humorous, and vivacious ; elegant in 
 his manners, resolute in his determinations, and firm 
 in his measures ; remarkably well versed in the 
 mechanism of the human mind, and has perfect 
 command over himself. To the political subtlety of 
 the Italian school he has added consummate Oriental 
 intrigue ; made his approaches to power in disguise, 
 and only showed himself when too strong to be 
 resisted. On the grand stage where he has acted a 
 brilliant and important part for these ten years, he is 
 dreaded and idolised, feared and admired, respected 
 and beloved. Latterly the very name of de Boigne 
 conveyed more terror than the thunder of his 
 cannons. A singular instance of which I shall relate 
 en passant, Najaf Ktili Khan in his last moments 
 advised his Begam to resist in the fort of Kanund 
 the efforts of his enemies, who would assuredly grasp, 
 on his demise, at the small remnants of his patrimony; 
 * resist,' said he, 'but if de Boigne appears, yield." 
 He will be long regretted, long recollected in India. 
 His justice was uncommon, and singularly well- 
 proportioned between severity and relaxation. He 
 
186 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
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 possessed the happy art of gaining the coniBdence 
 of surrounding princes and subjects. He was active 
 and persevering to a degree which can only be 
 conceived or believed by those who were spectators of 
 his indefatigable labours from the time he raised eight 
 battalions till his departure from his station. I have 
 seen him daily rise with the sun, survey his Karkhana 
 (arsenal), inspect his troops, enlist recruits, direct the 
 vast movements of three brigades, raise resources and 
 '* encourage manufacturers for their arms, ammunitions, 
 and stores, harangue in his durbar, give audience to 
 ambassadors, administer justice, regulate the civil and 
 revenual affairs of a Jaidad (province) of twenty 
 lakhs of rupees, listen to a multitude of letters from 
 various parts on various important matters, dictate 
 replies, carry on an intricate system of intrigue in 
 different courts, superintend a private trade of a 
 lakh of rupees, keep his accounts, his private and 
 public correspondence, and direct and move forward a 
 most complex political machine. All this he did 
 without any European assistance. He used to say 
 that any ambitious person who reposes confidence in 
 ** another risks the destruction of his views. * * * * 
 ** In person he is above six feet high, giant-boned, large 
 '^ limbs, strong featured, and with piercing eyes. There 
 ** is something in his countenance which depicts the 
 ** hero, and compels us to yield implicit obedience. 
 <« ^ * * # * i^ lias often been a subject of sur- 
 ** prise to many how de Boigne could so long and so 
 
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FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 187 
 
 invariably aggrandise his power whilst many ad- 
 venturers in the same line have repeatedly failed. 
 Setting his talents, perseverance, and policy aside, 
 there is another cause which is not generally known 
 or considered. Other Europeans who have attempted 
 the project which de Boigne realised failed from the 
 want of a fixed and sufficient fund to pay their troops. 
 De Boigne's penetrating genius foresaw and obviated 
 this fatal error. Soon after the establishment of his 
 two brigades, he persuaded Madhaji Sindia to consign 
 some certain pergunnahs for their payments. This 
 was done in 1793. A Jaidad producing sixteen lakhs 
 per annum was granted for the expense of his 
 army, which still continues appropriated to that 
 *' purpose. ■* * * This Jaid!ad^ has been augmented 
 ** by the attention and equity of de Boigne to twenty 
 *' lakhs a year, and is in as high a state of cultivation 
 '* as the most fertile parts of Banaras ; and the ryots 
 '* are as happy as sensual beings can be, abstracted from 
 " intellectual enjoyments.'* 
 
 This contemporary account is in many points confirmed 
 by the remarks given in the memoir of his life published 
 at Chambery in 1829. ** M. de Boigne,'' it is there 
 stated, *' did not limit his cares to the concerns of his 
 " army; he directed at the same time his attention to 
 " the provinces which Sindia had confided to him. He 
 " introduced into them the greatest order. The 
 ** collection of the public revenue was indeed made by 
 ** the military authorities according to the custom of 
 
188 FOREIGN ADVENTUEERS IN INDIA. 
 
 the country. But the amounts to be received had 
 been settled with justice, and they were fixed. It was 
 this that caused the collections to be realised with 
 greater regularity and with less difficulty than is the 
 case generally in India. He had two offices of 
 account, the one serving to control the other. In 
 one, the accounts were kept in French ; in the other 
 all the entries were written in Persian. At the end 
 of each month the statement of receipts and expendi- 
 tures was transmitted to the Government. 
 ** It was inevitable that so many details, so multiplied 
 and so varied, should occupy all the time of the 
 general ; but the importance of his mission, and the 
 desire by which he was actuated to carry it to a 
 successful end, inspired him with an activity which 
 sufficed for everything. He used personally to inspect 
 the works going on in the arsenal ; ^o visit the parade 
 ground daily, for some hours, there to make the 
 troops manoeuvre and to pass them in review. From 
 the parade ground he used to return to his office, 
 there to attend to administrative matters. 
 " As the army never ceased to be the particular object 
 of his attention, his troops became formidable alike 
 for their numbers and for their perfect discipline. On 
 this subject we quote the honourable testimony of an 
 English writer. * It was not the least of the advan- 
 * tages arising from General de Boigne's merit,' writes 
 the Bengal Journal of the 18th September, 1790, 
 ' that, in his military capacity, he should have 
 
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 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 189 
 
 *' ' softened, by means of an admirable perseverance, 
 '* ' the ferocious and almost savage character of the 
 *' * Marathas. He submitted to the discipline and to 
 *^ ' the civilisation of European armies, soldiers who 
 till then had been regarded as barbarians ; and to 
 such an extent did he succeed, that the rapacious 
 licence which had formerly been common amongst 
 them came at last to be looked upon as infamous 
 even by the meanest soldier.''* 
 Such was the opinion formed of de Boigne by those 
 who lived in his times and who knew him personally. 
 To us, who can look back on all that he accomplished, 
 and who can form a tolerably accurate idea of the diffi- 
 culties he must have had to encounter, he stands out as 
 pre-eminently the foremost European figure between 
 the departure of Warren Hastings and the arrival of 
 Marquess Wellesley. It was de Boigne who made it 
 possible for Sindia to rule in Hindostan, at the same 
 time that he controlled the councils of Puna. 
 It was through de Boigne alone that Madhaji's great 
 dream, dissolved by his death, became possible of reali- 
 sation. But for de Boigne the power of the Marathas 
 would never have become so formidable, would never 
 have been able to offer a resistance to the British so 
 determined and so prolonged. It was de Boigne who 
 introduced into the North-West Provinces the germs 
 of that civil administration which the English have 
 since successfully developed. I cannot do better, in 
 concluding this sketch of his career, than quote the 
 
190 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 apposite language of the historian of the fall of the 
 Moghol Empire. '* Though moving in an obscure 
 ' scene/' writes Mr. Keene,* '* de Boigne was one of 
 * the great personages of the World's Drama ; and 
 ' much of the small amount of civil and military 
 ' organisation upon which the British Empire of 
 ' Hindostan was ultimately founded is due to his 
 ' industry, skill, and valour.'* 
 
 * The Fall of the Moghul Empire^ by Henry George Keene. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTUREBS IN INDIA. 191 
 
 II. 
 
 The commandants of the several brigades raised by 
 de Boigne and his successors will now come under 
 review. The first brigade, raised in 1792-3, was 
 originally commanded by Colonel Fremont. He was 
 succeeded in 1794 by Colonel Perron; the latter, in 
 1797, by Colonel Drugeon ; he, the following year, by 
 Colonel Duprat; Colonel Duprat, in 1799, by Colonel 
 Sutherland ; and Colonel Sutherland, in 1802, by 
 Colonel Pohlmann. 
 
 The second brigade was originally commanded by 
 Colonel Perron. On his transfer to the first brigade, in 
 1794, Major Gardner succeeded him. Major Sutherland 
 replaced Gardner in 1795, and Major Pohlmann Suther- 
 land in 1799. In 1802 Sutherland and Pohlmann 
 changed places, and the following year Sutherland was 
 replaced by Colonel Hessing. 
 
 The third brigade was raised in 1795. Its first 
 commandant was Captain Pedrons. He was replaced in 
 1801 by Major Bourquin. 
 
 A fourth brigade was raised in 1803, Of this Colonel 
 Dudrenec was the commandant. A fifth, raised the 
 same year, was allotted to Major Browning. 
 
1^ 
 
 192 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 Besides these there were, in 1803, attached to Sindia's 
 army the following additional brigades : that of Filoze, 
 consisting of eight battalions of infantry, 500 cavalry, 
 and forty-five guns ; that of Sombre, composed of six 
 battalions of infantry, 500 cavalry, and thirty-five 
 guns ; that of Shephei'd, attached to Ambaji Inglia, 
 numbering five battalions, 500 cavalry, and twenty-five 
 guns. 
 
 Before proceeding to deal with the men whose names 
 I have mentioned, and some of whom filled a great part 
 in the history of the period, I propose to give a detailed 
 account of the internal economy of the brigades as finally 
 settled by de Boigne. 
 
 A brigade was composed of eight battalions. Each 
 battalion comprised within itself infantry and artillery. 
 Each was commanded by a captain, having under him a 
 lieutenant, either European or European by descent. A 
 battalion had eight companies of infantry, each com- 
 manded by a subadar, aided by two jemadars, one kot 
 havildar, three havildars, four naicks, and fifty-two 
 sepoys. The artillery of the same battalion consisted 
 of one sergeant-major (European), and five European 
 gunners, one jemadar, one havildar, five naicks, thirty- 
 five golandaz, five tindals, thirty-five klassis, twenty 
 bildars, thirty gariwans, four ironsmiths, and four 
 carpenters. A battalion had also a native surgeon, and 
 a complement of matsadis, water carriers, and the like. 
 Every battalion had 408 stand of arms, four field-pieces, 
 one howitzer, five trumbrils, 120 bullocks, and two native 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 193 
 
 carts. Every gun had constantly ready with it 300 
 rounds of shot and 100 rounds of grape. A howitzer 
 had fifty stone shells and fifty rounds of grape. The 
 monthly pay of the native officers and men of a battalion 
 was about 4500 rupees. The pay of the ofiicers was as 
 follows : — ^A colonel received 3000 rupees ; a lieutenant- 
 colonel 2000; a major 1200; a captain 400; a 
 captain-lieutenant 300 ; a lieutenant 200 ; an ensign 
 150. These rates were increased fifty per cent, when 
 the officers concerned were serving in the Dekhan. 
 The men received, under the same circumstances, a 
 proportional increase. Besides their pay, officers com- 
 manding brigades, whether colonels lieutenant-colonels 
 or majors, received 100 rupees a month as table 
 allowance. 
 
 A brigade of eight battalions consisted of 6000 men. 
 Besides the battalion complement of guns above detailed 
 the brigade had attached to it three battering guns and 
 two mortars with men to serve them. Each had like- 
 wise 200 irregular cavaby and 500 irregular infantry 
 (Rohillas). 
 
 The battalions were named after famous cities or 
 forts, such as Dehli, Agra, Burhanpur. The men were 
 disciplined according to the English regulations of 1780, 
 then in force in the British army. The regular infantry 
 were armed with muskets and bayonets manufactured at 
 Agra. The irregulars with match-locks and bayonets. 
 The cavalry were well mounted. Seven hundred of them 
 were armed with match-locks and swords; 500 with 
 
 13 
 
194 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 carbines, pistols, and swords ; they were drilled in the 
 European fashion.* 
 
 I propose now to consider the personnel of these 
 battalions and brigades. Of the first on the list, Colonel 
 Fremont, I have been unable to collect any interesting 
 details. He would seem to have been amongst the first 
 Frenchmen who joined de Boigne, for I find him com- 
 manding a brigade of six battalions in 1792, and 
 storming at their head the hill fort of Balahara, sixty 
 miles to the east of Jaipur. Again, in 1794, he 
 commanded a brigade of eight battalions at an action 
 which took place at Datia in Bandalkhand. It is 
 probable that he died shortly after that action, for in the 
 year following it, the command of his brigade devolved 
 on Perron, and his name ceases to be mentioned. 
 
 Perron was a very remarkable adventurer. He came 
 out to India in the year 1774 as a common sailor on 
 board the French frigate the Sardaigne. Being a man 
 of energy, ambition, and strength of will, he quitted the 
 naval service and strove by various means to make a 
 fortune in the country. It was not, however, till he 
 made the acquaintance of de Boigne, in 1789, that he 
 very decidedly ameliorated his condition. De Boigne 
 had just then acceded to the urgent solicitations of 
 
 I have taken all these details from a curious old book, entitled A 
 Sketch of the rise^ progress j and termination of the regular corps formed 
 and commanded by Europeans in the Service of the Native Princes of 
 India, by Lewis Ferdinand Smith, late Major in Daolat Rao Sindia's 
 service. The book was published at the beginning of the century 
 and is very scarce. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 195 
 
 Madhaji Sindia by agreeing to re-enter his service. He 
 was in want of officers. Struck by the energetic temper 
 displayed by Perron, he offered him the post of captain- 
 lieutenant in his second brigade. Perron jumped at the 
 offer, and at once distinguished himself and won the 
 heart of his chief by his attention to duty, his courage, 
 and his activity. The camp became his world, and he 
 devoted himself with all the ardour of his nature to take 
 a leading part in it. He distinguished himself so much 
 nt the battles of Mirta and Patau that de Boigne soon 
 after entrusted him with an independent command. He 
 was sent in 1792 with his brigade to reduce the fort of 
 Kantind. How he succeeded on this occasion I have 
 related in the preceding section. For this service he 
 was promoted to the rank of major. He then rejoined 
 de Boigne, and was present at the well-contested battle 
 of Lakhairi. The following year he was detached by 
 his chief at the head of his brigade to Puna, to take 
 there also the command of the troops which had accom- 
 panied Madhaji Sindia to that court under the command 
 of Hessing and Filoze. His whole regular force amounted 
 then to 18,000 men. He was at Puna when Madhaji 
 died (12th February, 1794). 
 
 Into the intrigues which immediately followed the 
 succession of Daolat Eao Sindia it is not necessary here 
 to enter. It will be sufficient to state that the unsettled 
 condition of affairs at the court of the Peshwa roused 
 the ambition of the Nizam Ali Khan, the Nizam of 
 Haidarabad. This intriguing prince was induced to 
 
 13 A 
 
196 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 believe that the power of the Mahommedan rule might bo 
 revived in the ruins of Puna. He accordingly assembled 
 an army at Bidr, and advanced thence towards the 
 Maratha frontier. 
 
 Nizam Ali had some reason for his confidence* 
 Besides some 70,000 irregular infantry he had serving in 
 his army 15,000 regulars, commanded by a very famous 
 Frenchman, M. Eaymond, a man who had served under 
 Bussy, and whose name still lives revered in the Dekhan. 
 To support these Nizam Ali led into the field 20,000 
 horsemen and a due proportion of artillery. 
 
 To meet this formidable invasion the Peshwa 
 summoned all his vassal chieftains. Daolat Kao Sindia 
 brought 25,000 men ; Raghuji Bhonsla 15,000 ; Holkar 
 10,000 ; Pareshram Bhao 7000. Other contingents 
 increased the total number to 130,000; and besides these 
 there were 10,000 Pindaris. 
 
 But the great strength of the Peshwa*s army consisted 
 in the brigades commanded by the quondam French 
 sailor. Perron had ten of de Boigne's trained battalions, 
 amounting with cavalry and artillery to about 10,000 
 men. There were also serving under his orders six 
 battalions commanded by Filoze, amounting with guns 
 and cavalry, to about 5000 men ; and four by Hessing, 
 amounting to 3000. 
 
 Holkar, too, brought similarly trained troops unto the 
 field, viz,, four battalions of about 3000 men, commanded 
 by the Chevalier Dudrenec ; and two of 1500 led by 
 Major Boyd. 
 
FOBEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 197 
 
 The two armies met midway between the forts of 
 Kardla and Parinda. The battle which ensued was the 
 first great departure since the death of Madhaji Sindia 
 from the policy of that great statesman ; the first marked 
 deviation from his principle of one general alliance 
 against an enemy who would otherwise destroy them 
 piecemeal. It was fought the 12th March, 1795. The 
 Marathas occupied a defensive position, of which Perron's 
 troops formed the left. On the high ground near him 
 Perron had placed his artillery, and he supported this 
 arm by the infantry and cavalry in the plain below. The 
 troops of Dudrenec and Boyd were with Holkar in the 
 centre. 
 
 The battle began by an. advance of the Mahommedans 
 on the right wing and centre of the Marathas. The 
 attack completely succeeded. The Maratha right wing 
 was driven on to its centre, at the same time that the 
 centre itself was completely broken by the steady advance 
 of Kaymond's drilled troops. These divisions fled in 
 confusion, carrying Dudrenec's and Boyd's men with 
 them, and endeavouring to seek a refuge behind the 
 still unbroken left. Towards this left covered and 
 supported by a cavalry flushed with victory Raymond 
 now advanced. Perron allowed him to approach almost 
 within musket-shot, and then suddenly opened a con- 
 centrated and continuous fire from the thirty-five guns 
 loaded with grape which he had placed on the eminence. 
 At the same moment Raghuji Bhonsla assailed the 
 Mahommedan cavalry with a shower of rockets, the 
 
198 FOKEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 materials for firing which he had maintained on the 
 ground during the general'fight of the right wing. This 
 simultaneous discharge sent the Moghol cavalry to the 
 right-about. Kaymond's infantry, however, not only 
 stood firm, but succeeded for a time in making a 
 successful opposition to all the efibrts of Perron. It is 
 difficult to say how the battle would have ended had 
 Nizam Ali been endowed with the most ordinary qualities 
 of a leader. But like most Asiatic commanders he 
 trusted only to his horsemen. When, then, these fled, he 
 fled with them, sending order after order to Eaymond to 
 follow him. Meanwhile the Maratha horse, rallying, 
 were hastening to support Perron. Kaymond, then, 
 most unwillingly was forced to follow his master. He 
 did so, however, in the most perfect order, prepared to 
 renew the fight the next day. An accident, however, 
 converted the retreat during the night into a complete 
 rout.* Three days later a humiliating accommodation 
 was forced upon the pusillanimous Nizam. 
 
 The battle of Kardla, if it crushed the Nizam, gave 
 by its results, fuller impetus to the intrigues going on 
 
 • This accident is thus related by Grant Duff (Vol. III. chapter VI.). 
 *' In the stillness of night a small patrol of Marhatas, in search of 
 water for their horses, come by chance to a rivulet where lay a party of 
 Moghols, who, discovering what they were, instantly fired upon them. 
 Raymond's sentries who were in the neighbourhood, also fired, when 
 their whole line, who lay on their arms, with their muskets loaded as 
 they had retreated, started from their sleep and instantly fired a sort of 
 irregular volley. The alarm which such a discharge of musketry 
 occasioned, in the state of the Moghol army at that moment, may be 
 conceived. * * * Nizam Ali in perfect consternation sought refuge 
 within the walls of Kurdld. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 199 
 
 at Puna, and these received a further accession of 
 force by the untimely death of the youthful Peshwa, 
 Madhu Kao (October 25th, 1795). An account of these 
 intrigues would be foreign to my present subject! A few 
 months after the Peshwa's death de Boigne resigned 
 to Perron the command of the armies of Sindia in 
 Hindostan. 
 
 The fortunate man who had left France as a common 
 sailor now ruled and administered in the name of Sindia 
 the country from Lahore to Kota and between Aligarh 
 and Jodhpur. He possessed greater power than any 
 European had till that time possessed in Hindostan. 
 This power he used, according to contemporary authority, 
 in such a manner '* as to aggrandise his authority and 
 '* his riches."* In his admirable work on the Fall of 
 Moghol Empire, Mr. Keene has extracted from a record 
 published by order of the local Government, a passage 
 bearing upon the mode in which Perron's administration 
 was conducted. " Perron," says this record, t which I 
 extract from Mr. Keene's book, /* succeeded in erecting'* 
 (a principality) *' for the maintenance of the army, and 
 *' reigned over it in the plenitude of sovereignty. He 
 *' maintained all the state and dignity of an oriental 
 " despot, contracting alliances with the more potent 
 *' Eajas, and overawing by his military superiority the 
 '' petty chiefs. At Dehli, and within the circle of the 
 '^ imperial dominions, his authority was paramount to 
 
 * Major Ferdinand Smith, before referred to. 
 
 + Aleegurh Statistics. By J. R. Hutchinson and J. W. Sherer. 
 
200 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 that of the emperor. His attention was chiefly directed 
 to the prompt realization of revenue. Pargannahs 
 were generally formed ; a few were allotted as jaidad 
 to chiefs on condition of military service ; the revenue 
 (of the lands in the neighbourhood of Aligarh) was 
 collected by large bodies of troops always concentrated at 
 head-quarters. A brigade was stationed at Sikandrabad 
 for the express purpose of realizing collections. In the 
 event of any resistance on the part of a landholder, who 
 might be in balance, a severe and immediate example 
 was made by the plunder and destruction of his 
 village ; and blood was not unfrequently shed in the 
 harsh and hasty measures which were resorted to. 
 The arrangements for the administration of justice 
 were very defective; there was no fixed form of 
 procedure, and neither Hindu nor Mahommedan law 
 was regularly administered. The suppression of crime 
 was regarded as a matter of secondary importance. 
 There was an officer styled the Bakhshi Adalat whose 
 business was to receive reports from the Amils (officials) 
 in the interior, and communicate General Perron's 
 orders respecting the disposal of any offenders 
 apprehended by them. No trial was held ; the proof 
 rested on the AmiFs report, and the punishment was 
 left to General Perron's judgment." 
 The vacillating character of Daolat Eao Sindia 
 imposed upon Perron difficulties of a character dij0ferent 
 from those over which de B eigne had triumphed. 
 Daolat Eao possessed none of the foresight, none of the 
 
FOBEIGN ADVENTUEERS IN INDIA. 201 
 
 power of comprehensive view, for which his adoptive 
 father was so famous. The influence wielded by the 
 latter, and inherited for the moment by Daolat Kao, 
 was frittered away in contests for secondary objects at 
 Puna. Gradually the tried adherents of Madhaji fell 
 away from his successor, and Perron was then called 
 upon to meet as enemies in the field the men who had 
 been the allies and followers of de Boigne. 
 
 Eoremost amongst these men was Lakhwa Dada* 
 Lakhwa Dada was a Maratha Brahman. He had 
 distinguished himself in the service of Madhaji in 1788 
 by his brilliant and successful defence of Agra against 
 the Patau leaders. He had fought side by side with de 
 Boigne on many a well-contested field, and especially in 
 the bloody battle of Lakhairi. To none of his adherents 
 had Madhaji shown greater confidence. Such was the 
 man, clever influential, and far-sighted, whom Daolat 
 Eao, actuated by the suspicion that he had connived in 
 the escape of the widows of his predecessor from the 
 prison to which he had consigned them, deprived of his 
 power and dismissed from all his employments. 
 
 In those days arbitrary power could not always be 
 exercised with impunity towards a clever and influential 
 servant of the State. Lakhwa Dada knew that a great 
 many powerful vassals were impatient of the yoke of 
 Doalat Kao ; that they wanted only a leader. He threw 
 himself into their ranks, was recognised as their chief, 
 raised a powerful army, repeatedly defeated the troops 
 sent against him, and reduced all the country from 
 
202 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 Ujain to Sironj.* Agra, too, the place in which in his 
 younger days he had won his spurs, fell into the hands 
 of his adherents. 
 
 Perron had not been blind to the events occurring in 
 his government. In Agra were his arsenals, his 
 magazines, his manufactories. To Agra, then, he 
 marched, at the head of his whole available force. He 
 was joined before the place by Ambaji Inglia, one of 
 Daolat Kao's principal ofi&cers, at the head of a large 
 body of cavalry. 
 
 Agra resisted long, but Lakhwa Dada was not there 
 to defend it in person, and in the end it surrendered. 
 Perron then marched against Lakhwa Dada, who had by 
 this time mastered nearly two-thirds of Rajputana. 
 The hostile forces met at Sondia, in the Datia territory, 
 on the 3rd May 1800. The disciplined battalions 
 prevailed. Lakhwa Dada was beaten and so severely 
 wounded that he died shortly after. 
 
 Rid of this formidable adversary Perron had time to 
 turn his attention to George Thomas, an adventurer 
 who had almost succeeded, single handed, in firmly 
 establishing an independent principality in northern 
 India. Thomas was a very remarkable man. An 
 Irishman by birth, Thomas had come out to India as a 
 common sailor on board of an English man-of-war about 
 the year 1782. Deserting from his ship as she lay 
 anchored in the Madras roads, he had wandered about 
 the Carnatic, and had finally taken service under the 
 
 * Grant Duff. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 20B 
 
 Bigam Sombre. A bold, indefatigable, active man, 
 endowed with great natural abilities and a large share of 
 common-sense, possessing, too, a handsome person and 
 a winning manner, Thomas was just the man to rise ta 
 distinction under such a mistress. Opportunities did 
 not fail him. In April, 1788, when the contingent of 
 the Bigam was serving under the orders of the Emperor 
 Shah Alim at the siege of Gokalgarh, Thomas was 
 fortunate enough to save the Emperor from death or a 
 worse captivity. For five years Thomas continued in the 
 service of the Bigam, and it is probable that, as time 
 went on, he began to aspire to a position of a more 
 intimate character. But, if he did entertain such a 
 hope, he was disappointed. A Frenchman named Le 
 Yaisseau supplanted him. Thomas upon this left the 
 Bigam's service and set up for himself. He went first 
 to the village of Anupshahr where was stationed the 
 frontier brigade of the English force. From this place 
 he corresponded with Appu Khandi Eao, an influential 
 officer in the service of Sindia. The correspondence 
 ended by Thomas obtaining from his friend the investi- 
 ture of a few^ villages at Maratha territory. Subsequently 
 Thomas obtained permission to conquer and administer 
 the district of Hariana, a part of the country so neglected 
 and desolate that up to that time no one had considered 
 it worth taking. He first succeeded in taking a large 
 village in Hariana. His subsequent proceedings are 
 thus described by a personal friend and contemporary : ^ 
 
 * Major Ferdinand Smith. 
 
204 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 ^* Thomas commenced his ambitious career in 1794, 
 ** after he left the Bigam Sombre's service, by collecting 
 " a few men near Dehli, with whom he stormed a large 
 ** village. The little money he acquired from this 
 ** village laid the foundation for his future hopes and 
 ^' prospects ; he made a few guns, enlisted more men, 
 '* raised two battalions, and besieged parts of the 
 '* desolated country of Hariana. * * * He increased 
 ** his forces by plunder; the brass and copper vessels 
 " he found in the towns and villages were melted into 
 *\ cannon, and cannon procured him money. Thus he 
 *' proceeded some time, gradually raising his forces as 
 ** he augmented his means to pay them, until 1797, 
 ** when they amounted to four battalions. He then 
 ** cleared away the jungle from the abandoned fort of 
 " Hansi, and put it in a state of defence. His range 
 " of depredations now became more extensive and his 
 " resources greater. At last, in 1801, he raised his 
 ^* party to ten battalions with sixty pieces of cannon, 
 " and secured a country to himself of three lakhs a 
 ^' year." 
 
 Such, in brief, is the outline of the history of the 
 rise of George Thomas. But there are other details, 
 not uninteresting, which served to help him on. Such 
 was his adoption by Appti Khandi Eao immediately 
 subsequent to their joint visit to Dehli in 1794 to 
 receive investiture of their fiefs from the local repre- 
 sentative of Daolat Eao Sindia. It was on this occasion 
 that Appti Khandi conferred upon Thomas the right to 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 205 
 
 occupy Hariana, and extended the powers he had 
 previously granted to him. Another characteristic 
 incident of this part of his career was the restoration 
 by his means of his old mistress, the Bigam Sombre, 
 now once more a widow, to the principality of which she 
 had been deprived by the intrigues of her officers. A 
 third, the invariable fidelity and forbearance he displayed 
 towards his adoptive father, notwithstanding the 
 repeated intrigues, amounting often to treachery, 
 indulged in by the latter. Latterly he recognised 
 Ambaji Inglia, the favourite general of Sindia, as his 
 most trusted ally. 
 
 Before proceeding to the event which brought Thomas 
 into collision with Perron, I propose to devote a few 
 lines to the manner of his administration of Hansi and 
 its surrounding district. The story is best told in his 
 own words.* " Here,'' writes he in his memoirs, "I 
 '* established my capital, re -built the walls of the city, 
 " which had long since fallen to decay, and repaired the 
 " fortifications. As it had been long deserted, at first 
 '* I found difficulty in procuring inhabitants, but by 
 ** degrees, and gentle treatment, I selected between 
 *' 5000 and 6000 persons, to whom I allowed every 
 *' lawful indulgence. I established a mint, and coined 
 '* my own rupees, which I made current in my army 
 ** and country ; cast my own artillery, commenced 
 ** making muskets, match-locks, and powder; * * * 
 
 till at length,'* he goes on to say, '' having gained 
 * Francklin*B Life of George Thomas. 
 
 it 
 
206 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 a capital and country bordering on the Sikh territories, 
 I wished to put myself in a capacity, when a 
 favourable opportauity should offer, of attempting 
 the conquest of the Panjab, and aspired to the honour 
 of placing the British standard on the banks of the 
 Attock,'' No ignoble aspiration, indeed, for a deserter 
 from a British man-of-war ! 
 
 It was no idle dream however. Thomas had, in fact, 
 already left his own territory to make the attempt, and 
 he was actually within four marches of Labor, when he 
 received an express to the effect that his principality of 
 Hariana was menaced by Perron. 
 
 The fact is that Perron, wielding the power of Sindia 
 in Hindostan, having crushed Lakhwa Dada, was not 
 disposed to brook the establishment so near to Dehli of 
 an independent power, and that power wielded by a 
 native of Great Britain. He accordingly sent to Thomas 
 a summons to repair to Dehli, there to do homage as a 
 vassal of Sindia. Anticipating his refusal he massed 
 ten battalions and 2000 horses at Dehli. Thomas, 
 foreseeing what was in store for him, sent an 
 indignant reply, at the same time that he made every 
 effort to return and cover his capital. Marching thirty 
 or forty miles a day he succeeded in reaching Hansi 
 before Perron had moved out of Dehli. 
 
 But Perron had committed himself too far to retreat. 
 He had allied himself with the Sikhs and obtained from 
 them assistance alike in men and money. Thomas 
 likewise had formed alliances with his old friend the 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 207 
 
 Bigam Sombre, with the Kajas of Jaipur and Alwar, 
 
 and with Lafontaine, who commanded six battalions 
 
 of Filoze's brigade in the service of Sindia. Eeinforced 
 
 by the troops received from these quarters he met 
 
 Perron's army at Bahadurgarh, eighteen miles to the 
 
 west of Dehli. Neither party was very confident of 
 
 success. Perron thought, moreover, that it might be 
 
 possible to arrange matters satisfactorily without having 
 
 recourse to the doubtful arbitrament of a battle. He 
 
 therefore commissioned one of his officers, Major Lewis 
 I 
 
 Ferdinand Smith,* to repair to the camp of Thomas, 
 and to offer him 60,000 rupees a month for his troops, 
 the rank of colonel for himself, and the fort of 
 Hansi in perpetuity, provided he would take service 
 under Sindia, and acknowledge Perron as his chief. 
 Thomas, though unwillingly, consented to discuss these 
 terms at a personal interview. 
 
 There were many reasons which combined to dissuade 
 Thomas from the offered accommodation. Intelligence 
 had but just reached him of the defeat of Daolat Kao's 
 troops at Ujjen, and of his precipitate retreat on 
 Burhanpur. Letters too had come in from Jeswant Eao 
 Holkar urging him to attack Perron, and promising him 
 aid in men and ' money. Kecruits, too, were on their 
 way to join him, whilst he knew that Sindia was 
 demanding reinforcements from Perron. His policy 
 was plainly to temporise until he should possess a 
 
 * It is from the memoirs of this oflScer, an actor on the scene, that 
 I have gleaned the details which follow. 
 
208 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 manifest superiority. This indeed, was the course that 
 recommended itself to his clearer vision. But the 
 demand made by Perron at the interview, that he should 
 divide his force and send one-half to the assistance of 
 Sindia maddened him to such an extent that he broke 
 oflf the conference and hastily retreated to Hansi. 
 
 On the breaking up of the conference Perron returned 
 immediately to Aligarh, called thither by the necessity 
 of attending to the urgent requisitions of Sindia, leaving 
 his force before Bahadurgarh under the command of 
 Major Bourquin, then acting as commandant of the 
 third brigade. This officer at once despatched Major 
 Smith to besiege Georgegarh, a fort which had been 
 built by Thomas, about seventy miles from Hansi, 
 whilst he himself should cover the siege. Thomas, 
 however, noticing the distance of the covering from the 
 besieging force, broke up suddenly from Hansi, fell upon 
 Smith and completely defeated him. What he might 
 have accomplished may be gathered from Major Smith's 
 own words : *' I was attacked," he writes,* ^* by Thomas 
 ' with eight battalions, compelled to raise the siege and 
 
 * retreat to Jajar, four coss (eight miles) to the east of j 
 
 * Georgegarh ; favoured by the obscurity of the night, 
 
 * I was not completely cut off, and made good my 
 ^ retreat, with the loss of one gun and one-third of my 
 
 * force killed and wounded. How I escaped total 
 ' destruction I do not yet know. Why Thomas did not 
 
 * Sketch of the rise and progress of regular corps under Sindia, by 
 Major L. F. Smith. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 209 
 
 *' follow my retreat I cannot say, for if he had continued 
 '* the pursuit I must have lost all my guns, and my 
 ** party would have been completely destroyed.'* 
 
 After raising the siege Thomas threw himself into 
 Georgegarh, the defences of which he strengthened. 
 Here he was attacked on the 20th September by 
 Bourquin's troops, who had marched seventy miles in 
 the thirty-six hours almost immediately preceding the 
 assault. '^Bourquin,'' writes Major Smith, '*did not 
 lead the attack himself, but prudently remained with 
 the cavalry, 2000 yards in rear of George Thomas's 
 line. The seven battalions of de Boigne, with calm 
 intrepidity advanced with their guns through heavy 
 sand, exposed to a dreadful and well-directed fire of 
 fifty-four pieces of cannon, and attacked Thomas's 
 ten battalions in their intrenchments ; but they were 
 repulsed with the severe loss of 1100 men killed and 
 wounded, which was nearly one-third of their number. 
 * * Thomas's loss was not so great, as the guns 
 of de Boigne's battalions were mostly dismounted by 
 their recoil on the sand, when fired, which snapt their 
 axle-trees." 
 
 '* Had Thomas," adds Major Smith, " taken advantage 
 of Bourquin's ignorance and folly, and sallied out on 
 the beaten troops of Perron, he would have overturned 
 his power, but Thomas at this critical moment was 
 confused and confounded." Thomas indeed, took no 
 advantage of their repulse. He remained shut up 
 in Georgegarh waiting for the reinforcements promised 
 
 14 
 
210 FOKEIGN ADVENTUREKS IN INDIA. 
 
 by Holkar, and which never came ; for before the period 
 then passing, the power of Holkar, though he knew it 
 not, had been temporarily annihilated at Indur. 
 
 Meanwhile reinforcements poured into the besieger's 
 camp. The incapable Bourquin was superseded by 
 Colonel Pedrons, and he turned the siege into a 
 blockade. This lasted for seven weeks. Reduced then 
 by famine and desertion, having spent his ammunition 
 and finding his remaining troops utterly disorganised, 
 Thomas saw that the end was at hand. Rather, however, 
 than surrender he mounted — the night of the 10th 
 November 1801 — his Persian horse, and accompanied 
 by his only two European officers, Captain Hearsey and 
 Lieutenant Birch, and some troops, rode away, hoping 
 to reach Hansi by a circuitous route. The party, though 
 attacked and pursued, arrived safely at Hansi on the 
 third day. 
 
 Colonel Pedrons consigned to Bourquin the task of 
 finishing the war. The latter followed up Thomas to 
 Hansi, laid siege to the place, and though Thomas 
 defended himself stoutly, there could be no doubt of the 
 ultimate issue. An ofier made by a portion of the 
 garrison to betray their leader brought matters to a 
 crisis. Major Smith was again detached to communicate 
 mth Thomas, to inform him of the treachery of his 
 troops, and to offer him honourable terms. These terms 
 assured him freedom of action for himself within British 
 territory with the safe conduct of the property still 
 remaining to him. Thomas accepted the conditions 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 211 
 
 (1st January 1802), and proceeded towards Calcutta 
 with the intention of returning to his native land with 
 the wreck of his fortune amounting then, according to 
 Major Smith, to a lakh of rupees. He died, however, 
 on his way down, near Barhampur, in the burying- 
 ground of which place he was interred. His career, 
 records the friend already quoted '' was more worthy of 
 ^' astonishment than imitation." 
 
 Perron was now complete master of the situation. He 
 had beaten all his master's enemies in Hindostan ; his 
 master's troops had triumphed in Ujjen. But his 
 double triumph had similarly affected both master and 
 servant. They showed, in this crisis of their fortunes, 
 that prosperity was fatal to them. It exhalted their 
 pride and weakened their judgment. 
 
 Perron had had no education, no mental training ; he 
 was not gifted with a large mind. A self-made man, 
 he had raised himself from the position of a common 
 sailor to a post which was, in fact, second only to one 
 other in India, and, so long as he had enemies to fight, 
 the animal vigour of his nature had a fit field for its 
 display. But with the dispersion of his enemies the 
 scene of action for that animal vigour disappeared, and 
 his mental power was more largely called upon. In this 
 respect Perron was weak. He began to show undue 
 contempt for the native chieftains ; an unjust partiality for 
 his own countrymen ; to further his own private interest 
 only ; to look upon the interests of Sindia as secondary, 
 not to be placed in the balance against his own. 
 
 14 A 
 
212 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 It was not long before the action based upon such 
 views raised a storm against him. One after another the 
 native chiefs and leaders complained to Sindia of the 
 arrogance and grasping character of his French lieutenant. 
 To meet the storm raised by these denunciations, Perron 
 proceeded at the end of 1802 to the court of Daolat Eao 
 then held at Ujjen. He proposed to himself three 
 objects in this visit. The first, to ascertain the views of 
 Colonel Collins, the British resident, then at Sindia's 
 court ; the second, to ascertain by personal examination 
 how far Colonel Sutherland, who commanded the second 
 brigade, and whose character he dreaded, was likely to 
 supplant him; the third, to destroy the effect of the 
 intrigues of Sakharam Ghatgay, Sindia's father-in-law, 
 and of the other chiefs who were hostile to him. Should 
 he find the position too strong for him he had resolved 
 to resign his office. 
 
 Perron did not resign. He presented to Daolat Eao 
 a nazzar of five lakhs of rupees, and seemed to triumph. 
 After a stay of a few weeks only at Ujjen he returned to 
 Aligarh with his former power confirmed. An incident 
 occurred shortly afterwards, however, which roused all 
 his fears and suspicions. 
 
 The student of Indian history of that^ period will 
 recollect that the defeat of Sindia's army by Jeswant 
 Eao Holkar near Puna on the 25th October, 1802, had 
 caused the Peshwa to fly in trepidation from his capital. 
 From Severndrug, where he had taken refuge, the 
 Peshwa addressed pressing solicitations to Sindia, still 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 213 
 
 in camp at Ujjen, to come to his aid. It may freely be 
 asserted that the fate of India was in the hands of 
 Daolat Eao. Had he marched to the aid of his suzerain, 
 not only would no treaty of Bassein have been signed, 
 but he would have attained, with one bound, the influence 
 and power of his predecessor. 
 
 Daolat Eao cast away the opportunity — never to recur. 
 Why did he do so ? Was it, as he gave out, that he 
 was not strong enough, or did he doubt the intention of 
 the Peshwa to throw himself, unless relieved, in the 
 hands of the British ? 
 
 A glance at the relations between Daolat Kao and 
 M. Perron at this period will tend to elucidate the 
 question. Perron had hardly returned to Aligarh before 
 he received from Daolat Eao a pressing requisition to 
 send him another brigade, as with his then force he was 
 not strong enough to march to the assistance of the 
 Peshwa. Daolat Eao had then three brigades with 
 him; one, belonging to Perron's force, commanded by 
 Sutherland ; one, an independent brigade, commanded 
 by Filoze; and a third belonging to the Bigam Sombre. 
 Perron had with himself three brigades. When, there- 
 fore, he received the requisition to send one of these to 
 Ujjen, he thought he read in the order a resolution to 
 despoil him of his power. Although, then, he saw that 
 the moment was critical, that by delaying to comply he 
 risked the independence and even the existence of the 
 Maratha empire, yet regard for his own interests and the 
 dread of throwing too much power into the hands of 
 
214 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 Daolat Eao, caused him to hesitate for three months. 
 When at last he did compl}^, the favourable moment had 
 passed, and the P6shwa had thrown himself into the 
 arms of the British Government for protection. In 
 February, 1803, Perron despatched to Ujjen the fourth 
 brigade under Dudrenec, and half of the newly-raised 
 fifth brigade under Brownrigg. But it was too late. 
 The treaty of Bassein had been signed. 
 
 The treaty of Bassein precipitated the conflict between 
 Sindia and the British. It roused Daolat Rao to a sense 
 of his errors. In that treaty he saw not only the sub- 
 version of the vast plans of his predecessor but a threat 
 against himself. Though invited to become a party to 
 the defensive portion of the treaty he distinctly refused. 
 Then probably for the first time in his life he understood 
 the conception of Madhaji, finding himself as he did 
 face to face with the dangers which Madhaji's scheme 
 would have rendered impossible. Then he bestirred 
 himself; then, at last, he sought to unite the 
 Marathas against the common foe. But he was 
 too late. Holkar refused to join him. His prepara- 
 tions, though he sought to conceal and did deny 
 them, were too patent. The Governor-General of 
 
 India, Marquess Wellesley, resolved then to anticipate 
 him, and to bring the matter to the arbitrament of the 
 sword. War was declared, and on the 8th August, 
 1803, an English force under General Lake crossed the 
 frontier of Sindia's territory and marched straight on 
 Aligarh. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 215 
 
 Perron was at Aligarh, but he was as a general 
 without an army. The main body of the troops were 
 with Daolat Eao ; others were not at the moment 
 amenable to his orders. He had with him at the time 
 but 2000 infantry and 8000 cavalry. 
 
 But there were other evils threatening him which 
 Perron dreaded far more than a deficiency of troops. 
 His conduct in the early part of the year, which I 
 have detailed at length, had roused all the suspicions 
 of Daolat Eao. His disgrace, again imminent, was 
 hastened by the present of fifteen lakhs of rupees made 
 by Ambaji Inglia to Daolat Eao as the price of the 
 Subadarship of Hindostan. Ambaji was one of the 
 great chiefs whom Perron had insulted, and from whom 
 he could expect no mercy. His rival would have drained 
 his purse if not his life's blood. 
 
 Perron could not even trust the commanders of his 
 brigades. Dudrenec, on his way back from Ujjen to 
 Aligarh, was far more attached to Ambaji than to him ; 
 Bourquin, who at the moment had the second and third 
 brigades under his orders, threw off his allegiance. But 
 one chance remained, and that was to make the best 
 possible terms with the British. 
 
 To this course Perron resigned himself. When, on 
 the 29th August, 1803, General Lake marched on the 
 the village of Aligarh, a splendid opportunity ofi'ered to 
 Perron to charge it with the 8000 horse he had under 
 his command. He did not seize it. He gave no orders. 
 His men were paralysed by his indecision, and a few 
 
216 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 rounds from the galloper guns sent them flying in all 
 directions. Perron fled with them, directing his course 
 first to Hatras, thence to Mathura. From this latter 
 place he sent, on the 5th September, a proposal to the 
 English general to surrender on receiving an assurance 
 of protection for his person and his property. 
 
 Lord Lake acceded to the proposal. Whereupon, 
 Perron, having first sent his family to Agra, slipped 
 quietly across the river, and, making his way to Sasni, 
 threw himself under the protection of the British 
 detachment stationed there. Thence he was allowed 
 to proceed with his family and his property to Chandar- 
 nagar. From that time he and his afi*airs ceased to 
 interest the Indian world. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 217 
 
 III. 
 
 Amongst the French oiSicers mentioned in the section is 
 Colonel Pedrons. He must have joined de Boigne 
 early, as he raised and commanded the third brigade 
 in 1795. The next mention I find of him is of so late 
 a date as 1800. In that year, when Perron was engaged 
 in besieging the fort of Agra, Pedrons, then a major, 
 was despatched with eight battalions to attack and 
 annihilate Lakhwa Dada in Bandalkhand. In this 
 enterprise he was assisted by Ambaji Inglia with some 
 irregular infantry and 5000 horse. He found, however, 
 Lakhwa Dada so strongly posted, that though the latter 
 had only 6000 horse, 3000 Eohillas, and 200 drilled 
 sepoys* under his command, Pedrons was afraid to 
 attack him. He spent two months in fruitless recon- 
 noitering. At the end of that time Perron himself came 
 down and crushed Lakhwa Dada with one blow (3rd 
 May, 1800). ,We next hear of Pedrons as relieving 
 
 * The 200 sepoys were drilled and commanded by Major Tone, " an 
 unfortunate gentleman," says Major Smith, "whose abilities and 
 integrity were as great as his misfortunes were severe." Major Tone 
 was subsequently shot through the head, whilst serving under Holkar, 
 at an action near Choli Mahastir, in 1802. He wrote a valuable work 
 called " Letters on the Marathd People." (Ferdinand Smith.) 
 
218 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 Bourquin in the campaign against Thomas. The part 
 he then took has been aheady related. His final act 
 was the defence of the fort of Aligarh against an English 
 army under Lord Lake. 
 
 I have already stated that when the English army 
 marched on Aligarh Perron had with him only 2000 
 infantry and 8000 cavalry. The infantry he threw into 
 the fort, the command of which was confided to 
 Pedrons. 
 
 Lord Lake*s first act was to summon Pedrons to 
 surrender. Pedrons in becoming terms refused. Lord 
 Lake, then, finding that to attack it in the regular form 
 would give the enemy time to concentrate their forces to 
 oppose him, resolved to attempt a coup de main. 
 
 It was a daring experiment, for Aligarh was strong, 
 well garrisoned, and the country round it had been 
 levelled. It had but one weak point, and that was a 
 narrow passage across the ditch into the fort. This 
 passage was, however, guarded by a strong gateway, and 
 three other gateways had to be forced before the body of 
 the place could be entered. To resolve to attempt such 
 a place by a coup de main required no ordinary nerve. 
 The whole future of the campaign depended on the 
 success of the storm. Should it fail, all India would 
 rise up against the English ; should it succeed, the 
 Maratha Empire would receive its death-blow. 
 
 But throughout his career Lord Lake always acted on 
 the principle, so often referred to in this work, that 
 '* boldness is prudence." He stormed and carried 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 219 
 
 Aligarh. By that success he paralysed the Maratha 
 confederacy. To use the words of a contemporary 
 writer then in the service of Sindia, ** it was a mortal 
 ** blow to the Maratha war : it struck a panic into the 
 ** minds of the natives and astonished all the princes of 
 ** Hindostan : it gave them dreadful ideas of European 
 *' soldiers and European courage." 
 
 Pedrons was taken prisoner at Aligarh. From that 
 time he disappeared from the scene.. 
 
 The next in order is the Bourquin referred to in the 
 preceding section. This man's real name was Louis 
 Bernard. His previous history and his reason for 
 changing his name are alike unknown to me. It is 
 only known that Perron had raised him from obscurity 
 to the command of a brigade. His campaign against 
 Thomas has been already related. He is next heard of 
 as evincing his gratitude to Perron by revolting against 
 him on the eve of the war with the English. By 
 Perron's flight to British territory and by Pedrons's 
 captivity, Bourquin became the senior officer in com- 
 mand of the old brigades of de Boigne. 
 
 Bourquin was close to Dehli, at the head of the 
 second and third brigades, when the English were 
 marching on Aligarh. Another French officer, Colonel 
 Drugeon, was commanding the fort of Dehli. Bourquin, 
 strongly sensible of the political advantage which might 
 arise from having in his camp the blind old Emperor, 
 called upon Drugeon to send him out under an escort*^ 
 Drugeon refused. Upon this Bourquin prepared to 
 
220 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 besiege Dehli, and he only desisted when the fatal 
 intelligence of the storming of Aligarh recalled him to a 
 sense of his position. 
 
 On receiving this news Bourquin began to cross the 
 Jamna with his two brigades. He had already (11th 
 September) passed over twelve battalions, with seventy 
 pieces of cannon, and 5000 cavalry, when, at eleven 
 o'clock, the English army appeared in sight. Bourquin 
 drew up his troops in a remarkably strong position, his 
 front covered by a line of intrenchments prepared on the 
 two preceding days ; each flank covered by a swamp, 
 and his guns hidden by long grass. Wishing to entice 
 the English to attack this formidable position, he 
 directed the outposts to fire on the English camp. At 
 the time that this firing commenced the British troops 
 had grounded their arms, many were undressed, others 
 had gone in search of fuel. Lord Lake, however, hastily 
 collected his men and led them to the attack. The fire 
 from the long grass was, however, so heavy, and the 
 intrenchments were so formidable, that Lord Lake, after 
 losing many men and being wounded himself, stopped 
 the advance to attempt a ruse de guerre. He then 
 ordered his cavalry, which was leading, to retire slowly 
 behind the infantry. The movement of the cavalry to 
 the rear induced, in the mind of the French leader, the 
 supposition that the British force was beaten. He 
 ordered the men to leave the intrenchments and com- 
 plete the victory. This they did with loud shouts. 
 Their error continued till the sudden disappearance of 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 221 
 
 the cavalry showed them the British infantry advancing 
 to meet them. The disciplined battalions fought well, 
 but they were overmatched. Bourquin was the first to 
 leave the field. The rout was then complete. Bourquin 
 surrendered, with five officers, three days later, to the 
 English, and disappeared not only from the field of 
 battle, but from the field of history. 
 
 A character superior in every way to Bourquin was 
 the Chevalier Dudrenec. A native of Brest, the son of 
 a commodore in the French navy, Dudrenec had come 
 out to India as a midshipman in a French man-of-war 
 about the year 1774. Why he left the French navy, or 
 the occupation to which he betook himself after leaving 
 it, I have never been able to ascertain. He first appears 
 upon the Indian scene in command of Bigam Sombre's 
 brigade. He left this command in 1791 to join Tukaji 
 Holkar, by whom he was commissioned to raise, drill, 
 and equip four battalions on the principle previously 
 employed for Sindia by de Boigne. Dudrenec acquitted 
 himself of this commission with great success. The 
 following year, however, his battalions were destroyed — 
 the men dying at their posts — at the fatal battle of 
 Lakhairi, an account of which I have given in the 
 sketch of de Boigne's career. Not disheartened, Holkar 
 commissioned Dudrenec to raise four more battalions. 
 This task he successfully accomplished, and with them, 
 on the 12th March, 1795, he contributed to the victory 
 of Kardla, gained by the combined Maratha forces 
 against the Nizam. 
 
^22 FOREIGN ADTENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 For some time after this engagement Dudrenec 
 remained in comparative inaction at Indur. In 1797 he 
 added two battalions to his force. In the struggle for 
 power which followed the death of Tukaji the same year 
 (1797), Dudrenec sided at first with the legitimate, but 
 imbecile, heir, Khasi Kao. Acting in his name, he 
 alternately defeated, and was defeated by, the pretender, 
 Jeswant Rao. When at length the triumph of the latter 
 seemed assured, Dudrenec went over with all his troops 
 and guns to his side. But Jeswant Rao did not trust 
 him, and Dudrenec soon saw that his disgrace was 
 determined upon. Under these circumstances he thought 
 he would try and steal a march upon his master. Taking 
 advantage of the hostilities then engaged between Sindia 
 and Jeswant Rao (1801) he endeavoured to take his six 
 battalions bodily over to the former. But the men 
 were more faithful than their commander. They drove 
 Dudrenec from the camp and marched to Jeswant Rao, 
 who at once placed at their head an Englishman named 
 Vickers. 
 
 Dudrenec was, however, well received by Sindia, and 
 entrusted with the command of a brigade — the fourth — 
 and placed under the orders of Perron, at Aligarh. In 
 February, 1803, he was detached with this brigade to 
 join Sindia at Ujjen ; again, towards the autumn of the 
 same year, when hostilities with the English were 
 imminent, he was sent back to rejoin Perron. This 
 force reached the vicinity of Agra in October, having 
 been joined in its way by the three battalions of 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 223 
 
 Bourquin's force which had not crossed the Jamna, nor 
 been engaged in the battle of Dehli against the English, 
 and by some other fugitives. The whole force amounted 
 to about 12,000 men, well supplied with excellent 
 artillery. 
 
 It was this army, indeed, which fought the famous 
 battle of Laswari. But when it fought that battle 
 Dudrenec was not with it. Influenced, it seems probable, 
 by the example of his fellow adventurers, and by the 
 favourable conditions offered,* he had surrendered 
 (30th October) to the English. His Indian career then 
 closed. 
 
 One of the oldest officers in the service of de Boigne 
 was John Hessing, a man who, if not a Dutchman, t was 
 at least of Dutch extraction. He joined de Boigne 
 shortly after the latter entered the service of Sindia, and 
 was present at the hardly-contested battles of Lalsot, of 
 Agra, and of Chaksana. At Patau too, he fought 
 bravely and well. After that battle, however, he 
 quarrelled with de Boigne and tendered his resignation. 
 This was accepted. Sindia then advanced him money 
 to raise a battalion which should be peculiarly his own, 
 and should act as his special body-guard. As com- 
 
 * These conditions generally were security of life and property, and 
 permission to return to Europe. 
 
 + Grant Duff says he was an Englishman ; but his acquaintance and 
 contemporary, Lewis Ferdinand Smith, invariably speaks of him as a 
 foreigner. His name does not appear in the list of British subjects 
 serving Maratha States, who were pensioned by the British Government, 
 and the inscription on his tomb at Agra declares him a Dutchman. 
 
224 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 mandant of this body-guard Hessing accompanied 
 Madhaji to Puna in 1792, augmenting it gradually, as 
 he proceeded, to four battalions. It was at this strength 
 when failing health forced Hessing to leave Puna. He 
 was sent thence to command at Agra where he died in 
 1803. 
 
 His son, George Hessing, succeeded him at Puna. 
 Shortly after that Madhaji Sindia died. Daolat Eao, 
 however, not only continued his favour to Hessing, but 
 authorised him to increase the number of his battalions 
 to eight. They were at this strength when hostilities 
 broke out between Holkar and Sindia in 1801, although 
 half the number only were then with Daolat Kao in his 
 camp at Burhanpur, George Hessing having sent four to 
 reinforce his father at Agra. 
 
 Holkar having shown a disposition at this period to 
 attack and plunder Ujjen, Sindia detached George 
 Hessing, with three of his battalions and one belonging 
 to Filoze, to defend that place. Shortly after he had 
 left, Sindia, not thinking his force strong enough, sent 
 his fourth battalion, and another of Filoze's, under 
 Captain Mclntyre, to reinforce him. These were 
 followed by Sindia's grand park of fifty-two guns, the 
 advanced guard of which was formed by two of Perron's 
 battalions under Captain Gautier, and the rear guard by 
 two more under Captain Brownrigg. 
 
 Never, in his brilliant career, did Jeswant Kao Holkar 
 display to a greater extent the qualities of a general than 
 on this occasion. Noticing the distance that separated 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 225 
 
 these parties the one from the other ; that the state of 
 the soil, knee-deep with the mud created by the heavy 
 rainfall, precluded the possibility of quick communication 
 between them, at the same time that it rendered the 
 progress of the guns extremely slow, he passed the 
 leading column (George Hessing's) close to Ujjen, and 
 dashed down upon Mclntyre's two battalions at Nun, 
 thirty-five miles from that place. His force was so 
 overwhelming that, notwithstanding their obstinate 
 resistance, he, in the end, forced them to surrender. 
 Having thus placed an impassable distance between 
 Hessing's detachment and the troops under Gautier and 
 Brownrigg, he turned back and fell upon the former. 
 The battle was long, obstinate, and bloody. The 
 immensely superior fire of Holkar's artillery alone 
 decided the day, nor was it until seven* out of his 
 enemy's eleven European oflScers had been killed, and 
 three taken prisoners; until three-fifths likewise of their 
 men had been killed and one-fifth wounded, that victory 
 decided in favour of Holkar. 
 
 George Hessing is next heard of at Agra, commanding 
 at that place when it was threatened by Lord Lake in 
 
 * Lewis Ferdinand Smith writes :—" Of the eleven European officers 
 who were in this severe action eight were British subjects, seven of whom 
 were killed at their posts, and only one survived, but survived wi^h 
 wounds. Colonel Hessing, the commander, escaped." The names of 
 the eight British subjects were Graham, Urquhart, Montague, Macpher- 
 son, Lang, Doolun, Haden, and Humpherstone. The seven first-named 
 were killed, the last-named was severely wounded and taken prisoner. 
 The names of the foreign officers were Hessing, Dupont, and Derridon. 
 The first escaped, the two last were taken prisoners. 
 
 15 
 
226 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 October, 1803. The troops, however, noticing the 
 facility with which their foreign ofi&cers had surrendered 
 to the English, placed Hessing and the six officers with 
 him under restraint. This action on their part did not 
 prevent Lord Lake from taking Agra. All the European 
 officers, foreign and English, then within its walls 
 renounced the service of Sindia, and accepted the liberal 
 conditions offered by Marquess Wellesley. Among these 
 was George Hessing. 
 
 Michel Filoze, a Neapolitan of low birth and of no 
 education, had at first served under de Boigne. By 
 means of intrigue, however, he contrived to obtain 
 authority to raise a battalion under his own sole 
 command, and at the head of this he accompanied 
 Madhaji to Puna in 1792. 
 
 This battalion became the nucleus of the brigade of 
 fourteen battalions raised by Michel Filoze and his son 
 and successor, Fidele, between that year and 1800. At 
 the head of six of these he rendered good service at the 
 battle of Kardla, 1795. Michel Filoze was an adventurer 
 of the lowest type. To other bad qualities he added 
 the practise of treachery and dishonour. During the 
 intrigues at Puna which followed the death of Madhaji 
 Filoze ingratiated himself with Nana Farnawis, the 
 minister of the Peshwa. When the latter was pressed 
 by Sindia to visit him, and only hesitated because he 
 mistrusted the intentions of Daolat Kao, Michel Filoze 
 assured him in the most solemn manner, and on his 
 word of honour, that he would guarantee his safe and 
 
POBEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 227 
 
 immediate return to his house. Yet, notwithstanding 
 his oaths, and the pledge of his honour, Filoze himself 
 arrested the Nana on his return from the interview (Slst 
 December, 1797) and made him over to his master. 
 This act of his was resented in the most marked manner 
 by the other adventurers at the court and in the camp 
 of Daolat Kao. They considered this baseness on the 
 part of one of their number as a stain upon themselves 
 as a body. When shortly afterwards, the N^na was 
 released and restored to power, Michel Filoze, dreading 
 his vengeance, fled to Bombay. 
 
 He was succeeded by his son Fidele. Fidele Filoze 
 accompanied Daolat Eao in his campaign against Holkar 
 in 1801 at the head of six battalions. One of these, under 
 Captain Mclntyre, was cut off by Jeswant Kao Holkar 
 at Nuri ; a second under George Hesfing was destroyed 
 at Ujjen (June 1801) ; the remaining four took part in 
 the battle of Indur (14th October, 1801). On this 
 occasion Sindia's army, really commanded by an 
 Englishman, Major Sutherland, gained a decisive 
 victory. Strange to say, after that battle, to the gain of 
 which he and his troops contributed, Fidele Filoze cut 
 his throat. "The reasons for this suicide,'* writes Major 
 L. F. Smith, so often referred to, " are various. Some 
 say that he had carried on a traitorous correspondence 
 with Jeswant Kao Holkar previous to the battle of 
 Indur, and that he cut his throat to prevent the 
 disgrace of condign punishment ; others that he 
 ** committed the act in a delirium." Major Smith 
 
 15 A 
 
 it 
 
 €( 
 i( 
 
228 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 describes FideleFiloze as having been "a good, ignorant 
 ** man, a much better character than his faithless and 
 ** treacherous father, who had all the bad qualities of a 
 " low Italian, and none of the good points which 
 ** Italians possess." The Filoze family ultimately 
 settled at Gwaliar. 
 
 A great deal might be written regarding the careers 
 of adventurers who were not foreigners but Englishmen, 
 and some of whom displayed the highest qualities. 
 Prominent amongst these stand the names of Sutherland, 
 Smith, Shepherd, Gardner, Skinner, Bellasis, Dodd,. 
 Brownrigg, Vickers and Kyan. The first five of these 
 accepted the terms offered by Marquess Wellesley in 
 1803, and with upwards of thirty other officers renounced 
 the service of native chiefs ; the last five were murdered 
 or killed in action. 
 
 Of other Frenchmen who did good service to Sindia 
 and Holkar, may be mentioned Captain Plumet, of 
 whom Major Smith records that he was a '* Frenchman 
 " and a gentleman, two qualities which were seldom 
 *' united in the Maratha army. He was a man of 
 " respectable character and sound principles." Plumet 
 commanded four battalions for Holkar in the attack on 
 George Hessing at Ujjen (June 1801), and he shared in 
 the defeat inflicted upon Holkar by Major Brownrigg at 
 Barkesar in the July following. Finding Jeswant Eao 
 Holkar a master difficult to serve, cunning, capricious, 
 and ungrateful, Plumet left him, and returned to the 
 Isle of France. 
 
FOBEIGN ADVBNTUBERS IN INDIA. 229 
 
 With these names I have exhausted the list of the 
 principal foreign adventurers who built up the armies 
 of Holkar and Sindia between 1787 and 1803. It is 
 true that many more names remain on the list, but not 
 one that calls for sympathy or interest. This is my own 
 conviction formed upon a minute examination of every 
 paper of that period upon which I have been able to lay 
 my hand. How far that conviction is borne out by 
 contemporary opinion may be gathered from the 
 following sentence culled from Major Smith's work 
 already quoted. ** Perron's army," wrote that gentleman 
 in 1805, " was a minute miniature of the French 
 *' revolution. Wretches were raised from cooks, bakers, 
 *' and barbers, to majors and colonels, absurdly en- 
 *' trusted with the command of brigades, and shoved 
 ** into paths to acquire lakhs. This was the quintessence 
 " of egalite, and the acme of the French revolution." 
 Even if Major Smith's description be exaggerated, this 
 at least is certain, that of all the men to whom I have 
 referred, but one only, de Boigne, was worthy of 
 representing France. He was worthy ; and there was 
 another, Raymond, whose deeds have yet to be recorded, 
 who at least rivals him in the esteem which living, he 
 earned ; which, dead, is still not denied him. 
 
230 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Before proceeding to Raymond it seems fit that I 
 should briefly notice the career of two adventurers, very 
 famous in their day, who flourished at a period 
 immediately antecedent to that of de Boigne. I allude 
 to Madoc and Sombre. 
 
 The real name of Sombre, as he was styled on account 
 of his dark complexion, was Walter Reinhard. By birth 
 he was a German, by trade a butcher. He originally 
 came out to India in the Swiss company of infantry 
 under the command of Captain Zeigler, attached to the 
 Bombay European regiment. With that company he 
 most probably came round to the coast, where he 
 deserted and made his way round to Bengal, apparently 
 in the French service.* 
 
 After the capture of Chandarnagar in 1757 Sombre 
 wandered from the court of one petty chieftain to that 
 of another in quest of service. After several unim- 
 portant adventures he was in 1762 appointed to the 
 command of a brigade of troops in the service of Mir 
 Kasim, Nawab Nazim of Bengal. 
 
 Shortly after that event the greed and avidity of the 
 
 * Broome's Histoi-y of the Bengal Army, 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 231 
 
 English rulers of Bengal* forced Mir Kasim to war. 
 The contest was on the one side for dominion, on the 
 other for independence. On the 1st July, 1763, Mr, 
 Ellis and the English garrison of Patna, who had taken 
 and then abandoned that city, surrendered to Mir 
 Kasim *s generals, Markar and Sombre, and were sent 
 back thither as prisoners. On the 17th July following, 
 Mu' Kasim's main army was repulsed on the banks of 
 the riyer Adji by a strong artillery force under Lieutenant 
 Glenn ; and two days later it was defeated by Major 
 Adams in the most obstinately contested battle of 
 Katwa. 
 
 The brigade of Sombre was not engaged on these 
 occasions, but it joined the main army in time to take 
 party in the bloody battle of Gheria (2nd August). 
 In this battle Sombre occupied a very prominent position, 
 and had he displayed the smallest pluck, the British 
 power might have been temporarily extinguished on 
 that well-contested field. The left wing of the English 
 had been broken ; their centre had been attacked in the 
 rear. The brigades of Sombre and Markar t had only 
 to advance and the day was gained. But it was against 
 Sombre's principle to advance. His plan of action was 
 invariably to draw his men in a line, fire a few shots, 
 form a square, and retreat. He followed out this plan 
 to the letter at Gheria. He allowed the victory to slip 
 from his grasp, but he covered the retreat of the army. 
 
 * Broome's History of the Bengal Army, 
 f Markar was an Armenian in Mir Edslm's service. 
 
232 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 The victory of Gheria was followed up by another 
 (5th September) on the U*dwa nullah ; and on the 1st 
 October by the capture of Manghir. In the first defeat 
 Sombre and his brigade were sharers. 
 
 The fall of Manghir irritated Mir Kasim to such a 
 degree that he determined to take the terrible revenge 
 of slaughtering the English prisoners held by him at 
 Patna. The story is thus told in his admirable history 
 by the late Colonel Broome.* '* Mir Kasim now issued 
 '* the fatal order for the massacre of his unfortunate 
 " prisoners, but so strong was the feeling on the subject, 
 " that none amongst his officers could be found to 
 ** undertake the office, until Sombre offered his services 
 ** to execute it. 
 
 The majority of the prisoners were confined in a 
 house belonging to one Hadji Ahmad, on the site of 
 the present English cemetery in that city. Hither 
 Sombre repaired on the 5th October, with two 
 '' companies of his sipahis, having on the previous day, 
 under pretence of giving the party an entertainment 
 procured all their knives and forks, so that they were 
 deprived of every means of resistance. Having 
 surrounded the house, he sent for Messrs. Ellis, Hay, 
 and Lushington, who went out with six other 
 gentlemen, and were immediately cut to pieces in the 
 ** most barbarous manner and their remains thrown 
 *' into a well. The sipahis now mounted the roof of 
 
 * Broome's History of the Bengal Army^ a standard work based 
 entirely on authentic records. 
 
 <( 
 <( 
 <i 
 it 
 it 
 it 
 it 
 it 
 it 
 it 
 
FOBEIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 233 
 
 " the house, which was built in the form of a square, 
 and fired down upon the remainder of the party, who 
 were congregated in the centre court. Those who 
 escaped this volley sought shelter in the building, but 
 were quickly followed by Sombre's sipahis, and a 
 fearful scene of slaughter ensued. The English, 
 " driven to desperation, defended themselves with 
 " bottles, bricks, and articles of furniture ; and their 
 ^* very executioners struck with their gallantry, 
 " requested that arms might be furnished to them, 
 '' when they would set upon them and fight them till 
 " destroyed, but that this butchery of unarmed men 
 " was not the work for sipahis but the hullalkhores 
 *' (executioners). Sombre, enraged, struck down those 
 " that objected, and compelled his men to proceed in 
 " their diabolical work until the whole were slain. 
 " The following morning their remains were thrown 
 " into a well in the courtyard. The men employed in 
 '* this office found one person, Mr. Gulston of the civil. 
 ** service, yet alive, and they seemed inclined to save 
 *' him; but this gentleman, who was an admirable 
 ** linguist, smarting with his wounds, and ignorant of 
 *' their kindly intentions towards him, gave them abuse 
 ** and threatened them with the vengeance of his 
 " countrymen, upon which they threw him still 
 " breathing into the well with his more fortunate 
 " comrades. A few of the party, probably the sick 
 " and wounded, were in the Chehel Situn, and were 
 " butchered in a similar manner on the 11th. Neither 
 
234 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 " age nor sex was spared, and Sombre consummated 
 ** his diabolical villainy by the murder of Mr. Ellis's 
 " infant child, from which it may be inferred that Mrs. 
 *' Ellis was amongst the female sufferers in this dreadful 
 *' catastrophe.** Upwards of fifty civil and military 
 officers and a hundred European soldiers, perished on 
 this occasion. One officer, Dr. FuUarton, whose medical 
 abilities had gained even the regard of Mir Kasim, had 
 been allowed to reside on the Dutch factory, and escaped 
 some days later. Four Serjeants also who had been 
 sent for from Purnia by Mir Kasim overpowered the crew 
 of the boat in which they were being conveyed, and 
 escaped. 
 
 From this date the fate of Sombre was allied to that 
 of the deadliest enemies of the English. Thenceforward 
 his life was a purgatory. He could expect but one fate 
 should he fall into the hands of the countrymen of his 
 murdered victims. He therefore always carried about 
 with him poison to avoid a catastrophe which he never 
 ceased to dread. Sombre took part in the battle of 
 Patna (May 2nd, 1764), fought by Mir Kasim ; and in 
 that of Baksar, fought by the Vizier of Oudh against the 
 English (23rd October, 1764). In both these he dis- 
 played his usual shiftiness, retreating on the very 
 suspicion of danger. After the ruin of Mir Kasim (1764) 
 he had transferred himself and his brigade to the Vizier 
 of Oudh, but he left him for the Jats in August, 1765. 
 
 Whilst serving with the Jats Sombre purchased at 
 Dehli a dancing girl, named Zeb-til-Nissa, afterwards 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 235 
 
 SO notorious as the Bigam Sombre. She has been 
 described as small and plump, with a fair complexion, 
 and large animated eyes. She possessed great talents, 
 the power of influencing others, and was utterly 
 unscrupulous. 
 
 After his marriage with Zeb-ul-Nissa Sombre acted 
 on the principle of offering his brigade to the highest 
 bidder. Somehow he always commanded a good price. 
 In 1776 he accepted service under Mirza Najaf Khan, 
 the commander-in-chief of the Moghol army, after 
 having shared in the defeat inflicted by that leader upon 
 his patrons, the Jats, at Barsana the previous year. 
 The following year the Court of Dehli conferred upon 
 him the principality known as Sirdhana, yielding an 
 annual rental of six lakhs of rupees. This territory was 
 nominally granted to Sombre for the payment of the 
 troops under his command, but upon his death, 4th 
 May, 1778, it passed to Zeb-ul-Nissa, thenceforth known 
 in history as the Bigam Sombre or Samru. 
 
 After Sombre's death the brigade was commanded 
 under the Bigam first by one Pauly, a German who was 
 taken prisoner by Mahomed Beg Hamdani, and executed, 
 in breach of a solemn promise, in 1783. After the murder 
 of Pauly, " three Frenchmen," writes Major L. F. Smith, 
 *' Messieurs Baours, Evens, and Dudrenec, successively 
 ** commanded and gladly retired." In 1793, the Bigam 
 married her then chief officer, M. Le Vaisseau, '* a man 
 ** of birth, talents and pride of character,*** who shot 
 
 • Major L. F. Smith. 
 
236 rOREIGN ADVBNTURBBS IN INDIA. 
 
 himself two years later. An old and respectable French- 
 man, Colonel Saleur, then obtained the command. 
 Under him the brigade increased to six battalions and 
 fought at Assaye, losing there its four guns and many 
 men. The Bigam herself lived till 1836. 
 
 Madoc had been a common soldier in the French 
 army. The capture of Chandarnagar in 1757 threw 
 him loose on the country. After some adventures 
 totally unworthy of being recorded, he joined Sombre's 
 brigade, and served under his orders at the several 
 battles in which he was engaged under Mir Kasim. 
 With him he transferred his services in 1764 to the 
 Vizier of Oudh, and obtained at once the command of a 
 separate brigade. At the battle of Baksar he rendered 
 good service. His character was the very opposite of 
 that of Sombre. He was rash, enterprising, and even 
 imprudent. In 1765 he transferred his brigade, which 
 consisted of five battalions, twenty guns, and 500 horse, 
 to the Jats. Subsequently, and as it suited his purpose, 
 he took service alternately with them, with Mirza Najaf 
 Khan, and with the Kana of Gohad. In 1776, whilst 
 in alUance with the first-named, he was attacked and 
 his party almost destroyed at Biana by 1500 Rohillas, 
 who surprised him during a storm of rain. On this 
 occasion he lost twelve European officers killed and 
 wounded, all his guns and baggage, and fled, but scantily 
 attended, to Futtehpur. Thence, however, he made his 
 way to Agra, and succeeded in raising, in an incredibly 
 short space of time, a force as strong in numbers, and 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDU. 237 
 
 as well appointed in men and material as the party lie 
 had lost. Receiving shortly afterwards (1782) an offer 
 of a large sum from the Rana of Gohad for the brigade 
 as it stood, he' sold it to him and returned to France. 
 He did not long survive, being killed in a duel. The 
 subsequent life of his brigade was even shorter, Madhaji 
 Sindia, who was then warring with the Eana, cutting it 
 off to a man in an ambuscade (1784). 
 
238 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 V. 
 
 It is now time to turn to Raymond. 
 
 Michel Joachim Marie Raymond was born at Serignac, 
 the 20th September, 1755. His father was a merchant, 
 and the son followed the same profession. Pushed on 
 by his enterprising nature, however, young Raymond 
 determined to found a corresponding house in India, 
 and with that object he set out in January, 1775, from 
 Lorient for Pondichery, taking with him a large quantity 
 of manufactured goods. He disposed of these to great 
 advantage at Pondichery; then, still drawn on by his 
 ardent nature and his love of adventure, he entered as 
 sub-lieutenant in a corps commanded by the Chevalier 
 de Lasse in the service of Tippu Sahib. With this corps 
 he fought throughout the campaigns of the war which 
 began in 1780 against the English for the possession of 
 Southern India. 
 
 When, in March, 1783, the Marquis de Bussy landed 
 in India at the head of 2300 men, one of his first acts 
 was to offer to Raymond, as one who knew the country, 
 the people, and the language, the post of aide-de-camp. 
 Raymond accepted it, and took a share in all the actions 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 239 
 
 under Bussy related in the first book in this volume. 
 Subsequently to the treaty of Versailles, and till the 
 death of Bussy at Pondichery in January, 1785, 
 Kaymond occupied the same post with the rank of 
 captain. But on Bussy's death, he, with the consent 
 of the governor, took service with Nizam Ali Khan, the 
 Subadar of the Dekhan. 
 
 The Subadars of the Dekhan had always been partial 
 to the French. It had been under the brother of the 
 Nizam Ali that Bussy with his corps of Frenchmen had 
 gained so great a renown. In July, 1758, Bussy had 
 been compelled, by the policy of Lally, to leave 
 Haidarabad. He then made over charge to M. de 
 Conflans. The following year, however, Conflans sur- 
 rendered to the English, and the ruler of the Dekhan 
 had been forced not only to renounce the French 
 alliance, but to agree never to permit a French con- 
 tingent to be quartered within his territories. 
 
 This treaty was regarded as binding by Nizam Ali 
 Khan when, in 1761, he imprisoned and succeeded his 
 brother. But there was another brother, Basalat Jang, 
 who held in jaghir from Nizam Ali the district of 
 Gantur. Basalat considering himself as bound by no 
 treaty, and anxious to have in his service a body of 
 foreigners upon whom he could depend, took into his 
 pay a body of French troops. These were commanded 
 by the younger Lally,* a nephew of the more famous 
 general. Nizam Ali, moved by the English, required 
 
 * Transactions in India, London, 1786. 
 
240 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 his brother to disband this contingent. For five years 
 he refused, and only at last complied when, quarrelling 
 with Haidar Ali, he found it necessary to conciliate the 
 English. Nizam Ali at once took the corps into his 
 own service. 
 
 The fate of the younger Lally I have never been able 
 to ascertain, but it is certain that he and the men he 
 commanded were lent in 1779 by the Nizam to Haidar 
 Ali to aid in the prosecution of his war against the 
 English ; that they served throughout that war, and on 
 the conclusion of peace returned to Haidarabad.* It 
 seems probable that Lally died or resigned in 1785 ; 
 certain it is that in that year Raymond succeeded him. 
 
 Up to the time of Eaymond^s arrival at Haidarabad 
 the foreign adventurers who had served his predecessor 
 had constituted one single corps of European cavalry. 
 Simultaneously almost with de Boigne Raymond con- 
 ceived the idea of improving this system by raising and 
 drilling in the European fashion a considerable body of 
 native troops, who should be commanded, and in part 
 officered, by the adventurers who had survived the then 
 recent campaign. 
 
 To this task Raymond bent all his energies. The 
 work was gradual in its accomplishment. It may be 
 asked, perhaps, how the Nizam was able to evade his 
 obligation to the British Government? But this was 
 not difficult. His predecessor had been forbidden to 
 entertain a corps of Frenchmen. This, the Nizam 
 * Transactions in India, London, 1786. 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 241 
 
 agreed, was not intended to apply, and could not apply, 
 to native battalions officered by foreigners. Notwith- 
 standing, then, the displeasure frequently expressed by 
 the Madras Government, Raymond, under the Nizam's 
 orders, continued to augment the disciplined native 
 troops. 
 
 His plan of procedure was different to de Boigne's, 
 and had some advantages over it. These, however, were 
 owing to the larger European material available in his 
 hands. Thus he was able to fix the complement of the 
 European officers to each regiment at eight, of the men 
 at 750. 
 
 By the beginning of the year 1795 Raymond had 
 under his command 15,000 disciplined troops, formed 
 into twenty battalions, and officered, including the 
 staff, by 124 Europeans. It was the most formidable 
 body of native troops in the service of a native prince in 
 India. For their support the Nizam assigned to Raymond 
 several districts. 
 
 Nevertheless, the first essay of these troops on the 
 the field of battle was destined to be unfortunate. In 
 the beginning of 1795 the Nizam, incited by the anarchy 
 prevailing at the Court of Puna, declared war against the 
 Peshwa, and marched to overthrow the Maratha Empire. 
 The Peshwa summoned his vassals and raised an army 
 to meet him. The two armies met between Kardla and 
 Parinda, the 12th March, 1795. Raymond had all his 
 men in the field ; whilst the Marathas were aided by 
 twenty-six battalions composed of the men of the 
 
 16 
 
242 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 brigades of Perron, Filoze, Hessing, Dudrenec, and 
 Boyd. In the sketch of Perron's career I have given 
 an account of the action. It will be seen that not only 
 did Raymond obtain at first an advantage over the 
 Marathas, but that when the tide turned he covered the 
 retreat, prepared at any moment to convert it into a 
 victory. But for the pusillanimity of the Nizam he 
 might have done so. But with such a leader even 
 a Raymond could not force victory. 
 
 During this war with the Marathas, the Governor 
 General, Lord Teignmouth, had lent the Nizam two 
 battalions of British sepoys to maintain the internal 
 peace of his dominions, while he should concentrate all 
 his forces against the enemy. In doing this Lord 
 Teignmouth had displayed a consideration for the Nizam 
 which might easily have been construed as exceeding^ 
 the bounds of permissible courtesy, the British bein^ 
 still in alliance with the Peshwa. But even this did 
 not satisfy the Nizam. He wanted active aid ; and 
 because he had been refused, he, on the termination of the 
 war, resolved to dispense altogether with British support, 
 and to supply its place by additions to the corps of 
 Raymond. In pursuance of this resolution he, in June,. 
 1795, dismissed the two British battalions. Coincidently 
 with this dismissal he ordered a large increase to 
 Raymond's troops and assigned fresh districts for their 
 maintenance. 
 
 But the British troops had scarcely quitted Haidarabad 
 when an event occurred, the effects of which rendered 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 243 
 
 the timorous Nizam more dependent than ever on the 
 allies he was insulting. His eldest son, Ali Jah, 
 following the family traditions, broke out into rebellion. 
 Quitting the capital under a false pretext the young 
 prince made his way to Bidr, obtained possession of 
 that fortress and of others of less importance, summoned 
 disaffected chiefs and disbanded sepoys to his standard, 
 and was soon able to present a very formidable front to 
 his outraged father. 
 
 The first act of Nizam Ali on learning of this revolt 
 was to recall the two British battalions/; his second to 
 despatch Raymond against the rebels. Raymond 
 experienced no difficulty. The slightest skirmish 
 sufficed to dissipate the followers of Ali Jah. The 
 prince fled to Aurangabad, but was pursued and 
 captured. Raymond made over his prisoner to the 
 minister sent by his father to take charge of him. The 
 minister when setting out on his return journey to 
 Haidarabad, directed that the hotvdah in which the 
 prince was seated should be covered with a veil. But 
 Ali Jah, ashamed of this indignity and afraid to meet 
 his father, took poison and died. 
 
 Notwithstanding the suppression of the rebellion, the 
 Nizam still retained the two British regiments at 
 Haidarabad, and he himself fell gradually into a state 
 of dependence on the British Government. This was 
 further evidenced by the difficulties thrown in the way 
 of carrying out the order for the increase of Raymond's 
 corps. The prudent conduct of Raymond at this crisis 
 
 16 A 
 
244 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 was not, however, without influence on the mind of his 
 capricious master, and it seems not improbable that, had 
 he lived, all opposition to his schemes would have 
 vanished. He died, however, very suddenly on the 
 25th March, 1798, just six months prior to the arrival 
 of the crisis which would have tried to the utmost his 
 ability and his influence. 
 
 Raymond was a great loss to the enemies of England. 
 No adventurer in India ever stood higher than he did. 
 He was brave, magnificent, generous, afi'able, and 
 vigilant. To great abilities he united the most con- 
 summate prudence. The one dream of his life was to 
 carry out, by the means still open to him, the schemes 
 of Dupleix, of Lally, and of Suffren. He deserves to 
 be ranked with those illustrious warriors in the 
 hierarchy of patriotic Frenchmen. With far fewer 
 means he laid the foundation of a system which 
 excited the greatest apprehension in the minds of the 
 enemies of his country. His death at the early age of 
 forty-four, just as the crisis to which he might have 
 been equal was approaching, was the last drop in the 
 cup of ill -fortune which attended French enterprises in 
 India. It is indeed just possible that his reputation 
 has not suffered from his early demise. Even Raymond 
 might have proved unequal to cope with the great 
 Marquess Wellesley, wielding all the power of British 
 India. But there is this yet to be said of him. No 
 European of mark who preceded him, no European of 
 mark who followed him, in India, ever succeeded in 
 
FOKEIGN ADVENTURPmS IN INDIA. 245 
 
 gaining to such an extent, the love, the esteem, the 
 admiration of the natives of the country. The grandsons 
 of the men who loved him then love and revere him now. 
 The hero of the grandfathers is the model warrior of the 
 grandchildren. Eound his tomb in the present day 
 there flock still young men and maidens listening to the 
 tales told by the wild dervishes of the great deeds and 
 lofty aspirations of the paladin to whom their sires 
 devoted their fortunes and their lives. 
 
 Kaymond was succeeded in the command of the 
 French division by M. Piron, a Fleming. Piron was 
 honest, but sadly deficient in prudence. He could not 
 conceal the hatred which he felt towards the English. 
 It happened that Marquess Wellesley had just landed as 
 Governor-General strongly impressed with the designs 
 of General Bonaparte on India, and almost his first act 
 was to require the Nizam to dismiss his French con- 
 tingent. It is possible that the prudent Kaymond might 
 have conjured away or have met the storm. Piron did 
 not possess sufficient character to do either. The Nizam 
 was very unwilling to comply. But he yielded to the 
 pressure put upon him by the great Marquess, and on 
 the 1st September, 1798, he signed a treaty by which 
 he agreed to take no Frenchman in his service, to 
 disband the whole of the infantry lately commanded by 
 Raymond, and to receive in their stead a contingent of 
 British sepoys. 
 
 No sooner had the treaty been concluded than four 
 battalions of British sepoys with their guns marched to 
 
246 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 Haidarabad, and joined the two battalions formerly 
 stationed there. Some hesitation was even then dis- 
 played by the Nizam to break up Piron's corps ; but the 
 threatening attitude assumed by the British forced him 
 to issue a proclamation to his disciplined sepoys inform- 
 ing them that their French officers were dismissed. The 
 scene that followed was remarkable. These sepoys had 
 adored Eaymond ; they had looked to their European 
 officers with affection and pride ; they would have 
 followed them to the end of the earth ; they knew that 
 their dismissal was due, not to the wish of the Nizam, but 
 to British influence. On hearing, then, the proclamation 
 of the Nizam, they first murmured, then broke out into 
 rebellion. But their European officers had been secured ; 
 their cantonments had been surrounded ; from every 
 point they saw their position commanded by cannon. 
 Resistance being then hopeless, they surrendered, askin<2f 
 each other with a sigh : ** Would this have been, had 
 '* Eaymond only lived?" The French officers were 
 sent to France. 
 
 I have now brought to a close this sketch of the 
 careers of the principal foreign adventurers who 
 flourished in India between the signature of the treaty 
 of Versailles and the fatal blow dealt to the Maratha 
 Empire by Marquess Wellesley in 1803-4. From that 
 moment the British Empire in India was secure. 
 Thenceforth neither native prince nor foreign adventurer 
 could stay its onward progress. Any war which might 
 break out, from the Satlaj down to the sea, could cause 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 247 
 
 no serious disquiet to the Governor -General of British 
 India. Even the acute sovereign of the warlike clan 
 which had established a powerful monarchy beyond the 
 Satlaj — even Kanjit Singh foresaw the doom which 
 awaited even the kingdom he had created. '* It will all/' 
 he said, as he noted on the map the red border which 
 encircled the various provinces already under British 
 sway, *'it will all become red." His words were a 
 prophecy. The impetus given to the vast machine 
 €Ould not be stopped until the final goal had been 
 attained. The various, so to speak, indigenous races 
 which had tried to found an empire in India had failed. 
 The Hindus, brave as they were, became to a great 
 extent demoralised by an over-refinement of civilisation ; 
 an over-refinement which, amongst other strange forms, 
 made of food a religion. This one law, this article of 
 faith, which prevents combination, restricts men to a 
 €ertain diet, to be partaken of only under certain fixed 
 conditions, is sufficient in the present day to prevent the 
 race which practises it from holding the chief sway over 
 such a country as Hindostan. The northern warriors 
 who ruled on their ruin had defects of an opposite 
 character not less fatal to permanent predominance. 
 With some brilliant exceptions they were intolerant, and 
 the security — the very existence even — of their rulo 
 always depended on the character of the ruler. The 
 Marathas, who succeeded them, were in every sense of 
 the word adventurers — fortune hunters who rose from 
 nothing, men of neither birth, position, nor descent — 
 
248 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 the marauders which a country in the last throes of 
 its agony sends out from its lurking places to plunder 
 and destroy. Such was Sivaji ; such were the earlier 
 representatives of the Gaikwar, of Sindia, of Holkar, 
 and of the Bhonsla. Yet these men founded an empire. 
 The Marathas succeeded the Moghols. When Lord 
 Lake entered Dehli, in 1803, the men he had beaten 
 beneath its walls were the soldiers of the greatest of 
 the Maratha chieftains. Virtually he restored the 
 Moghol. 
 
 Could the Maratha Empire have lasted if there had 
 been no foreign power on the spot to supplant it ? To 
 those who would pause for a reply I would point to 
 the condition of the Court of Puna after the death of 
 the Peshwa, Madhu Eao Narain, in 1795. It was the 
 Court of Dehli after the demise of a sovereign in its 
 worst days. It was the Court of Dehli as it always was 
 after the death of Aurangzib. The Maratha system of 
 rule was cursed with the same inherent vice which was 
 the bane of the Moghol sway. The succession was 
 never secure to any one member of the family. The 
 people were never safe against the exactions of their 
 rulers. The rulers were never safe against treachery 
 and insurrection. The inevitable consequences were 
 intrigue, rapine, slaughter, constant wars, incessant 
 oppression of the people. Had there been no foreigners 
 on the spot to supplant the Maratha rule, it is probable 
 that the various members of its clan would have fought 
 to a standstill, only in the end to make way for some 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 249 
 
 new invMder from the north — possibly, for the moment, 
 for Eanjit Singh — to relapse, on his death, into renewed 
 anarchy. 
 
 It would seem, then, to have been necessary for the 
 safety of India that the successor to the Maratha should 
 be a foreigner. Who was that foreigner to be ? It was 
 inevitable that he should come from Europe, for the 
 children of northern Asia had been tried and found 
 wanting. Portugal made the first venture, ignorant of 
 the possible stake she might be called to play for. 
 Holland, with a keener, though still very dim appre- 
 ciation of the future, followed and, in part, supplanted 
 Portugal. Then came England with a vision more 
 clouded than that of Holland, caring nothing for 
 dominion, looking only for gain. Last of all stepped 
 in France. To the brilliant intellect of her gifted sons 
 the nature of the mission which lay before one European 
 power was not for long a sealed book. The greatest of 
 the children whom she sent to India, recognising the 
 priceless value of the stake, risked his all to win it. 
 Had the Bourbon who ruled France properly supported 
 him he would have won it. As it was the intensity of 
 the passion he displayed in playing the great game 
 communicated some vague idea of its importance to his 
 English rivals. The genius of Clive clutched it; the 
 statesmanlike brain of Warren Hastings nurtured it ; 
 the commanding intellect of Marquess Wellesley 
 established it as an ineradicable fact. Yet, throughout 
 this period, France, which had been the first to conceive 
 
250 FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 
 
 the idea never resigned it. She had much to contend 
 against. The narrow visions of her monarch and her 
 statesmen could not grasp the vital importance of the 
 mighty stake. It was these men who prevented India 
 from becoming French. I have but to point to a few 
 instances of their incapacity. The restoration of 
 Madras by the peace of Aix la Chapelle ; the recall of 
 Dupleix, when if they had sent him but one regiment 
 more, he would have gained southern India ; the 
 diminution of the forces ordered to be sent with Lally ; 
 the appointment as his colleague of such a man as 
 d'Ach6 ; the acknowledgment by the treaty of Versailles 
 of the status quo ante helium, when the English were 
 reduced to their last grasp in southern India ; all these 
 were fatal errors due to that want of comprehensive 
 grasp which marked the statesmen of the later Bourbons. 
 Frenchmen on the spot, indeed, atoned nobly for the 
 errors of their rulers. They fought for the idea, as 
 long as it could be fought for ; and when they beheld 
 it slipping from their grasp they yet struggled with skill, 
 with courage, and with pertinacity to prevent its 
 appropriation by their rivals. In my history of the 
 French in India, not less than in this volume, 
 I have endeavoured to draw a vivid and a true 
 picture of their aims and of their struggles. Those 
 aims were worthy of being recorded, for they were 
 lofty ; those struggles deserved a historian, for they were 
 gallant. The record reveals to us, moreover, this great 
 people displaying qualities for which the world has not 
 
FOREIGN ADVENTURERS IN INDIA. 251 
 
 given them credit. We all knew that the French were 
 clever, brave, and venturesome. Not every one, however, 
 is prepared to find in a Frenchman the long pertinacity 
 displayed by Dupleix ; the quality of not knowing when 
 he was beaten evinced by Sufi'ren ; the daring hardihood 
 of her privateersmen ; or lastly, the patience, the 
 energy, the perseverance shown under trying circum- 
 stances by some of the adventurers whose deeds have 
 been recorded in this book. England, who, grasping 
 gradually the idea of France, now occupies the position 
 to which a Frenchman first aspired, only does honour to 
 herself when she recognises the splendid qualities 
 displayed by her most formidable rival ; allows that on 
 the sea as well as on land she met a worthy antagonist ; 
 and admits, that if for the favourable result of the 
 contest she owes much to the genius and the compre- 
 hensive views of the great statesmen who guided the 
 councils of her country during a large portion of the 
 eighteenth century, she is indebted even to a greater 
 extent to the errors committed by the statesmen of the 
 enemy she was combating. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 THE BRITISH EXPEDITION FROM 
 INDIA TO EGYPT IN 1801. 
 
 On the 5th February, 1801, Major-General David Baird, 
 at the time commanding the Dinapore division, received 
 orders to repair at once to Trincomali, there to assume 
 the command of a force assembled with the object of 
 capturing the island of Java, and, on the completion of 
 that task, of attempting the reduction of the isles of 
 France and Bourbon. 
 
 The force to be employed on this service consisted 
 of the 10th, 19th, and 80th regiments of the line, of 
 detachments from the 86th and 88th, of a Corps of 
 Bengal Native Volunteers, and of two companies of 
 European and Native Artillery with lascars attached. 
 
 The most minute instructions regarding the move- 
 ments of the force had been detailed by Marquess 
 Wellesley. After Java should have been captured 
 
254 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 General Baird, was to remain there as Lieutenant- 
 Governor, whilst his second in command, Colonel the 
 Honourable Arthur Wellesley, should proceed towards 
 the islands. 
 
 The same day, the 5th February, General Baird 
 embarked on board the Honourable Company^s ship 
 Phoenix, but before that vessel had left the Saugor roads, 
 Marquess Wellesley received a despatch from the 
 President of the Board of Control, the effect of which 
 was to entirely alter the destination of the expedition. 
 
 In that despatch Mr. Dundas informed the Governor- 
 General, that Sir Balph Abercromby had received orders 
 to proceed up the Mediterranean and, by an attack on 
 Alexandria and the coast, to co-operate with the Turkish 
 army assembling in Syria, in whatever plan might be 
 concerted with them for expelling the French army from 
 Egypt ; and that it had been thought expedient *' that a 
 '* force should be sent also fi'om India to act in such a 
 *' manner as might appear conducive to that essential 
 ** object," from the side of the Red Sea. 
 
 Mr. Dundas added that, with that object in view 
 Sir Home Popham, with a proper squadron, would be 
 immediately sent into that sea, taking with him a 
 regiment from the Cape of Good Hope ; that his first 
 rendezvous would be the Port of Mocha ; and he directed 
 that a force of about 1000 Europeans and 2000 Native 
 Infantry should be sent at once from India to the 
 proposed place of rendezvous, with as little delay as 
 possible, to co-operate with Sir Home Popham. 
 
 Copies of this despatch were sent, to the presidencies 
 of Madras and Bombay, the Governors of which were 
 instructed to make the necessary preparations without 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 255 
 
 delay, and even to carry the orders into execution 
 without waiting for the Governor- General's directions, 
 if they were ready in other respects. 
 
 The despatch concluded by expressing a belief that 
 unless anything unforeseen should occur the armament 
 under Sir Ralph Abercromby would reach the coast of 
 Egypt in December, and that of Sir H. Popham would 
 arrive at its destination in the February following. The 
 Governor- General was therefore earnestly recommended 
 to despatch the Indian Contingent as quickly as possible; 
 not even to wait till the troops should all be collected if 
 it would save time to forward them in two or three 
 distinct detachments. 
 
 Lord Wellesley received this despatch, — dated the 6th 
 October, 1800, and forwarded overland — on the ()th 
 February. The same day he intimated to General 
 Baird that a despatch from England would probably 
 render it necessary for him to make some essential 
 variations in the object of the armament he had 
 equipped; that meanwhile General Baird had better 
 remain on board the Pluienix, urging the captain, however, 
 to make every necessary preparation for sailing, as he 
 hoped to send the further instructions within forty-eight 
 hours. 
 
 But it was not till the 10th that the Military Secretary 
 to the Governor- General intimated to General Baird, in 
 a short note, that the despatch from England had 
 rendered it necessary that he should *' assist Sir Ralph 
 
 Abercromby in driving the French from Egypt instead 
 
 of seizing on Batavia/' The same evening Marquess 
 Wellesley forwarded his instructions, accompanied by 
 a very friendly letter, to General Baird. 
 
 it 
 
256 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 These instructions and letters were received by General 
 Baird on the afternoon of the 13th The Phoenix sailed 
 the same day for Trincomali ; but before she reached 
 her destination events had occurred to which it is now 
 necessary to refer. 
 
 Colonel Wellesley, appointed second in command of 
 the expedition against Java and the islands, was already 
 at Trincomali when a copy of Mr. Dundas's despatch of 
 the 6th October reached the Madras Government. This 
 copy was at once forwarded to Colonel Wellesley who 
 determined, in consequence, to proceed at once with the 
 troops under his command (excepting the 19th regiment 
 for which he could not procure tonnage) to Bombay, 
 and thence to the place of rendezvous pointed out in the 
 despatches from Mr. Dundas. He accordingly embarked 
 with the troops from Ceylon on the 14th February. 
 
 Colonel Wellesley reached Bombay about the middle 
 of March. He at once communicated with the Governor, 
 and sent off to Mocha a detachment of Bombay troops 
 under the command of Colonel Eamsay of the 80th 
 Kegiment. He then set to work to prepare transports 
 for a second detachment, and the progress in this 
 respect had been considerable when General Baird, who, 
 on missing him at Trincomali, had pushed on in the 
 Wasp gun-vessel, joined him on the 31st March. 
 
 So indefatigable, indeed, had been the exertions of 
 Colonel Wellesley that on the 3rd April the second 
 detachment of the force, under the command of Colonel 
 Beresford of the 88th Kegiment, was able to sail in six 
 transports from Bombay. On that very day Colonel 
 Wellesley was attacked by intermittent fever, and on 
 the 5th the medical officers declared that it would be 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 257 
 
 utterly impossible for him to sail then with the 
 expedition, though he might possibly be able to follow 
 in time to catch up the second division. 
 
 This second division consisted of the troops which 
 General Baird had found at Trincomali and which had 
 started from that port for Mocha. 
 
 General Baird himself left Bombay on the 6th April 
 and reached Mocha on the 24th. On his arrival there 
 he found that Colonel Murray, who had been despatched 
 to that place several months before, had sailed for Jedda 
 on the 17th, having on the 12th sent on Colonel 
 Ramsay's detachment. He found likewise that Colonel 
 Beresford's detachment had arrived on the 21st and 
 sailed again on the 24th. 
 
 General Baird, fearing lest these two detachments 
 uniting at Jedda might make a premature attempt 
 upon Kosseir, which place, in default of Suez, 
 unapproachable at that season by sailing ships, he 
 had designed as his base of operations, sent^ off 
 directions to Colonels Murray and Beresford to remain 
 at Jedda until he should join them with another de- 
 tachment under Lieutenant- Colonel Montresor of the 
 80th Eegiment. That detachment reached Mocha on 
 the 28th April. Leaving at that place despatches 
 detailing the arrangement he had decided upon for 
 Colonel Champagne, commanding the detachment still 
 due, for Colonel Wellesley, and for Sir Home Popham 
 (expected from England), General Baird set out for 
 Jedda with Colonel Montresor's division on the 
 30th. 
 
 He reached Jedda on the 18th May. There he found 
 that his despatches had arrived too late to be communi- 
 
 17 
 
258 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 cated to Colonel Murray ; that that officer, taking with 
 him the Bombay detachment under Colonel Ramsay and 
 the division under Colonel Beresford, had sailed up the 
 Gulf towards Suez. Baird's first impulse was to follow 
 them ; but he was restrained by the necessity which 
 existed to take in a supply of fresh water — the tanks 
 having run very low. He availed himself of the delay 
 thus caused to endeavour to secure by every means in 
 his power the friendship and co-operation of the chief 
 authorities at Mecca. 
 
 On the evening of his arrival, Baird received intelli- 
 gence of the victory gained on the 21st March by Sir 
 Ealph Abercromby over the French troops under 
 Oeneral Menou. 
 
 On the 24th General Baird was on the point of 
 sailing from Jedda when Sir Home Popham arrived 
 in H.M.S. Romney, 50 guns, with the sloop Victor 
 in company, closely followed by the division he was 
 •escorting from the Cape. This consisted of H.M.'s 61st 
 Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Car- 
 ruthers; several troops of the 8th Light Dragoons, 
 Captain Hawkers ; and a detachment. Royal Artillery, 
 Captain Beaver. Sir Home Popham brought, however, 
 no intelligence regarding Colonels Wellesley and 
 Champagne. Nothing had been heard at Mocha 
 either of them or of the provision ships that were to 
 precede or accompany them when Sir Home Popham 
 touched at that place. 
 
 On the 26th May Baird sailed from Jedda with Sir 
 Home Popham in the Romney, and reached Kosseir on 
 the 6th June. He found there Colonel Murray, and 
 the troops that had accompanied them. 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 
 
 259 
 
 The force then under his orders was composed as 
 follows : — 
 
 Eoyal Artillery 
 
 Bengal Horse Do. 
 Bengal Foot Do. 
 Madras Do. Do. 
 Bombay Do. Do. 
 Eoyal Engineers. 
 Bengal Do. 
 
 Madras Do. 
 Bombay Do. 
 Madras Pioneers. 
 H.M.'s 8th Light Dragoons 
 
 10th Foot 
 
 61st Foot 
 
 80th Foot 
 
 86th Foot 
 
 88th Foot 
 Bengal Volunteer N. I. 
 1st Bombay Eegt. N. I. 
 7th Do. Do. 
 
 Captain Beaver. 
 Captain Browne. 
 Captain Fleming. 
 Major Bell. 
 Captain Powell. 
 
 Captain Hawkers. 
 Lt.-Col. Quarril. 
 Lt.-Col. Carruthers, 
 Colonel Eamsay. 
 Lt.-Col. Llovd. 
 Colonel Beresford. 
 Captain Michie. 
 Major Holmes. 
 Major Laureston. 
 
 The respective quota furnished by the different 
 establishments to which these corps belonged is thus 
 to be divided : — 
 
 Men. 
 
 East India Company's Artillery ... 448 
 
 Do. Do. Native Troops ... 1940 
 
 H.M's. Troops ... 2438 
 
 Total 
 
 ... 4826 
 17 A 
 
260 
 
 EXPEDITION FKOM INDIA 
 
 To these must be added — 
 
 
 European officers 
 
 • • • • • • • 
 
 218 
 
 Native ditto 
 
 ' • • • • • • 
 
 53 
 
 Drummers 
 
 • • • • • • • 
 
 125 
 
 Lascars 
 
 • • • • • • • 
 
 440 
 
 Servants not soldiers 
 
 276 
 
 Public followers 
 
 • • « • • • • 
 
 572 
 
 Private ditto 
 
 • • • • • • • 
 
 Grand Total 
 
 305 
 
 
 .. 6815 
 
 This force was commanded in chief by Major-General 
 David Baird, 54th Foot, who had as his Adjutant- 
 General, Colonel Achmuty, 10th Foot, and as Quarter- 
 Master-General, Colonel Murray, 84th Foot. It was 
 divided into two brigades the Eight and the Left, the 
 former commanded by Colonel Beresford, the latter by 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Montresor. 
 
 General Baird's first act, after arriving at Kosseir, 
 was to place himself in the communication with General 
 Hely Hutchinson, commanding the British Army of 
 Egypt after the death of Sir Ealph Abercromby. But 
 his letter had been sent off only five days, w^hen he 
 received a despatch from General Hutchinson himself 
 dated the 13th May, from Rahamenie on the Nile. 
 
 In this letter General Hutchinson stated that it was 
 his intention to push on towards Cairo so as to prevent 
 the French from attacking the Indian force before it 
 should have effected its junction with the Grand Vizier ; 
 that he had written to that high officer to give General 
 Baird all the assistance he might require for the passage 
 of the desert. 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 261 
 
 After alluding generally to the difficulties to be 
 encountered from the climate and the people General 
 Hutchinson added that he intended to continue in his 
 position near Cairo until he should hear that the Indian 
 force was in a state of security ; that he would then 
 descend the Nile and besiege Alexandria ; that he rather 
 opined that General Baird should join the army of the 
 Grand Vizier and besiege Cairo with him, for which 
 purpose he would endeavour to procure for him some 
 heavy artillery as none could be brought across the 
 desert. 
 
 To this letter General Baird replied that the Admiral 
 on the station (Admiral Blankett) had pronounced the 
 journey by sea to Suez at that season of the year to be 
 impossible ; and that he was about to send off his 
 Quarter-Master-General, Colonel Murray, to Keneh, 
 where he would either remain, or proceed down the Nile 
 to open a communication with General Hutchinson. 
 
 General Baird, in anticipation of a forward movement 
 had already established military posts for nearly half the 
 distance between Kosseir and Keneh, and had directed 
 the men forming them to dig for water. At all these 
 posts water had been found. The General determined 
 therefore to push on a corps at once in advance, to be 
 followed by others. The first of these corps commanded 
 by Colonel Beresford left Kosseir, therefore, on the 
 19th June. 
 
 The route they had to take may thus be concisely 
 shewn : * • 
 
 * This itinerary is taken from the official orders signed by Colonel 
 Montresor and compiled after General Baird had himself made the 
 journey between the two places. The list given in the Memoirs of Sir 
 
... 11 
 
 Water. 
 
 ... 17 
 
 No water. 
 
 ... 17 
 
 Water & provisions. 
 
 ... 9 
 
 Water. 
 
 ... 19 
 
 No water. 
 
 ... 19 
 
 Water & provisions . 
 
 ... 18 
 
 Water. 
 
 ... 10 
 
 The Nile. 
 
 262 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 Miles. 
 Kosseir to the New Wells 
 Half way to Moilah 
 To Moilah 
 Advanced Wells . . 
 Half way to Legeta 
 To Legeta 
 To Baromba 
 To Keneh, on the Nile 
 
 Total 120 
 
 The march was encumbered with difficulties. The 
 very first day many of the water bags leaked so much 
 that all the water had escaped before the troops reached 
 their destination ; the wells which had been dug there 
 yielded indeed water, but it was procurable only in very 
 small quantities. The dreariness of the country ; the 
 depressing nature of the climate ; the burning sand and 
 the burning sun ; all these added to the difficulties of 
 the General, and called for the exercise of all his 
 firmness, his presence of mind, and his fortitude. 
 
 General Baird had accompanied the two first detach- 
 ments a part of the way. He then returned to Kosseir 
 to arrange measures for providing a water supply for the 
 troops forming them. He had previously succeeded in 
 obtaining about 5000 camels, and these he loaded with 
 leathern bags or mashaks. In an order which he issued 
 on the occasion will be found the means he had asser- 
 tained to be most efficacious for supplying the troops on 
 the line of march with this necessary article. 
 
 David Baird was written before the journey had been attempted, and is 
 incomplete and imperfect. Vide Asiatic Annual Register for 1802. 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 26S 
 
 After examining the various modes which had been 
 suggested for ensuring a regular water-supply he an- 
 nounced the conclusion at which he had arrived that the 
 army '' must either trust to the puckailies, or find water 
 in the desert, or re-embark." 
 
 The order then proceeded as follows : ** To-day's 
 march of the 88th will decide the first point, and if 
 it is possible to carry water it should be done in this 
 way. 
 
 The 88th should take their bags on to Legeta, and 
 after the next day's march thence, send them back to 
 Legeta for the next corps. 
 
 ** The 10th should take their bags to Moilah, and 
 after the next day's march send their bags back to 
 Moilah for the next division. The artillery, increased 
 to 100 puckallie camels, should take their bags one 
 day's march to the wells, and send them back. By 
 these three divisions of bags the whole army could, in 
 succession, be supplied. Careful, steady men should 
 be appointed to each division, and the principle should 
 be well explained to everybody. A European officer 
 should also go with each division of puckailies. 
 *' If the puckailies will not answer and the 88th get 
 on to Moilah, a company should be sent to clear the 
 wells, seven miles from Moilah, and two companies 
 should be sent halfway from that towards Legeta to 
 dig wells, and, as fast as they find water, more com- 
 panies should follow. 
 '* In the same manner the 10th should send two 
 ** companies halfway to Moilah and endeavour to dig 
 *' wells. 
 
 ** If water is found at these stations, the 88th must 
 
 a 
 (( 
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 ti 
 (I 
 a 
 
 a 
 (( 
 
 iC 
 
 a 
 (( 
 a 
 (t 
 it 
 ti 
 
 ti 
 
 ti 
 ti 
 
 ti 
 
 a 
 
264 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 " halt at Legeta, and send on two companies to dig 
 '* wells between that and Keneh. 
 
 ** The Sepoys at the stations may go and assist, and 
 *' the two companies at Legeta should immediately 
 " begin between that and Keneh/* 
 
 General Baird had decided to leave Kosseir for Keneh 
 on the 27th June. On that day, however, he received 
 despatches from Bombay informing him that Colonel 
 Champagne's detachment would sail in six transports 
 *' in a few days,'' and that Colonel Wellesley was pre- 
 vented by ill health from joining him. 
 
 A feeling of soreness had existed between General 
 Baird and Colonel Wellesley since the date (5th May, 
 1799) on which the former had considered himself 
 superseded by the latter in the command of Seringa- 
 patam. It is interesting, therefore, to read the manner 
 in which an ill-feeling on the part of Colonel Wellesley 
 had been effaced by personal contact with General Baird 
 in Bombay. 
 
 ** As I am writing on the subject," wrote Colonel 
 Wellesley in a private letter dated Bombay, 9th April, 
 I will freely acknowledge that my regret at being 
 prevented from accompanying you has been greatly 
 increased by the kind, candid, and handsome manner 
 in which you have behaved towards me ; and I will 
 ** confess as freely, not only that I did not expect such 
 ** treatment, but that my wishes, before you arrived, 
 '^ regarding going upon such an expedition, were 
 *' directly the reverse of what they are at this moment. 
 " I need not enter farther into this subject than to 
 " entreat that you will not attribute my stay to any 
 " other motive than that to which I have above 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 265 
 
 assigned it" — (the state of his health) — '*and to 
 inform you that, as I know what has been said and 
 expected by the world in general, I propose, as 
 well as for my own credit as for yours, to make 
 ** known to my friends and to yours, not only the 
 distinguished manner in which you have behaved 
 towards me, but the causes which have prevented my 
 demonstrating my gratitude by giving you every 
 assistance in the arduous service which you have to 
 " conduct." 
 
 Colonel Wellesley accompanied his letter by a 
 memorandum in which he detailed the course he would 
 recommend the general in command of the force 
 invading Egypt from India to adopt. 
 
 Dismissing as impracticable any attempt to gain Suez 
 in sailing ships at that season of the year, Colonel 
 Wellesley indicated Kosseir as the place of which the 
 army should first gain possession. 
 
 After referring to the probable movements of the 
 French troops, and the disposition of the Mamelukes 
 and the Beys, the memorandum thus proceeded : — 
 
 *' The first question which I shall consider, and which 
 *' will lay the grounds for a consideration of, and 
 '* decision upon others, is whether it would be prac- 
 ** ticable or even desirable to cross the desert from 
 Kosseir at all, if that operation is not performed in 
 concert and co-operation with a body of natives posted 
 upon the Nile. 
 ** It is needless to enter into a statement of the 
 ** difficulties to be apprehended in crossing the desert ; 
 ** they are certainly great, but I imagine not insur- 
 " mountable. But, if it is not certain that the army or 
 
266 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 detachment which will cross the desert, will partake 
 of the plenty of the banks of the Nile when they 
 reach them ; if they should be certain of having water 
 only, and such forage as their cattle should be able to 
 pick up, I apprehend that the difficulty will become 
 so great that the operation ought not to be attempted. 
 It is impossible that the Mamelukes in Upper Egypt 
 can be neutral in the contest in contemplation — they 
 must take part with the French or with us. If they 
 take part with the French, the army will be in the 
 situation in which I have above described it, enjoying 
 no advantage from having reached the banks of the 
 Nile, excepting water, and probably some forage ; 
 and it is needless to point out that if the desert is to 
 be crossed under those circumstances care must be 
 taken not only to send, with the body of troops which 
 will cross, a very large proportion of provisions, but 
 means must be adopted to add to them until the 
 operations of this body shall have given them such a 
 hold of the country as to leave no doubt of their 
 steady supply of provisions. It is obvious that this 
 will require a great number of cattle, a number much 
 larger than the Government of India, with all the 
 zealous exercise of their power and means, can supply ; 
 but there is another consideration connected with this 
 subject besides the supply of cattle, and that is 
 the means of feeding them when landed from the 
 ships. 
 
 '* Upon this point I need only call to the General's 
 *' recollection the difficulties to which he has been a 
 " witness in moving large supplies of stores and pro- 
 ** visions even in fertile, cultivated, and inhabited 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 267 
 
 countries, well supplied with water, and under every 
 disadvantage of arrangement in the supply, in the 
 distribution, and the food of the cattle, and draw a 
 comparison between such difficulties and those to be 
 expected in a march through a desert. But that is 
 not the worst that is to be apprehended ; the cattle 
 will of course land in a weak condition, in a desert, 
 and it must be expected that even those which survive 
 the voyage will starve or at least be in such a state 
 before they commence their march as to render it 
 ** very probable that they will not carry their loads to 
 the end of it. Upon the whole, then, I am decidedly 
 of opinion that if the Mamelukes are not on our side, 
 no attempt ought to be made to cross the desert. 
 
 This opinion, the General will observe, is by no 
 means founded on the impracticability of crossing 
 with troops, because I am convinced that it can be 
 done ; but it is founded upon the danger that the 
 troops will starve if they do not return immediately, 
 *' and upon the inutility of the measure if they do. 
 
 It may be imagined that (supposing the Mamelukes 
 to be wavering) if an attempt is not made to cross the 
 desert, the advantage of their co-operation will be 
 lost. Upon this point I observe, that a knowledge 
 of our strength (not of our weakness) will induce them 
 ^' to come forward, and it might be expected that the 
 ** sight of our weakness, occasioned by our march over 
 '' the desert without concert with them, might induce 
 them to take advantage of it and to join the French. 
 ** But those who will urge this consideration must 
 suppose it possible that the Mamelukes can be 
 *' neutral for a moment ; and this, their history from 
 
 a 
 a 
 a 
 
 C( 
 
 it 
 tc 
 
 <i 
 
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 it 
 a 
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268 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 
 the beginning of time, particularly since the French 
 invasion, will show to be impossible. 
 
 I come now to consider the propriety and mode of 
 crossing the desert, supposing that the Mamelukes 
 *' should be inclined to shake off the French yoke and to 
 '* co-operate with us. The first point for the General 
 '* to ascertain is their sincerity in the cause, of which, 
 ^' as I have above stated, there is every probability. As 
 " soon as he will have ascertained this, it will be 
 *' necessary that he should make arrangements with 
 them for posting a supply of water on that part of 
 the desert where it is most wanted, and for having a 
 supply of provisions ready on the Nile ; and he might 
 cross over a part of his army immediately. The first 
 object on his arrival on the Nile should be to estab- 
 lish a post at Keneh, and, if possible, another in the 
 desert between that place and Kosseir, in order to 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 tt 
 tt 
 (( 
 
 et 
 (( 
 
 " insure his communications between the sea and the 
 ** Nile. At Keneh he should make the depot of his 
 '' stores, &c., which might be brought across the desert 
 " by degrees, and then he might commence his 
 *' operations against the enemy. 
 
 " In the consideration of the question regarding the 
 " crossing of the desert I have omitted to mention the 
 *' interruption which may be given to that operation by 
 " the enemy, because it is entirely distinct from the 
 " difficulties which are peculiar to the operation itself. 
 " It is obvious, however, that if the Mamelukes are not 
 *' on our side, and if they should not have driven out 
 of Upper Egypt the small French force supposed to 
 be in that country before the operation is attempted, 
 that force, however small, will greatly increase the 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 269 
 
 *^ distress of the British troops who will cross the desert. 
 ^' I have not adverted to the supply of arms and 
 '* ammunition to be given to the natives. As long 
 '^ as their co-operation is doubtful these supplies ought 
 '' to be withheld but promised; when they will have 
 '* shown their sincerity in our cause, the arms may be 
 " given to almost any extent.'* 
 
 On the third day after the receipt of this memorandum, 
 viz., the 30th June, General Baird quitted Kosseir. He 
 had calculated that it would take him ten days to 
 concentrate all his force at Keneh. Thence, should 
 he be able to collect a sufficient number of boats, it 
 might be possible for him to reach Cairo in twenty days. 
 On the other hand, the land march from Keneh to Cairo 
 would take, he believed, thirty-five days. 
 
 The difficulties of the march, owing to the want of 
 water, the heat, and the trying character of the soil, and 
 the obstacles in the way of communication, were so great 
 that General Baird, lion-hearted as he was, despaired, 
 whilst waiting at Keneh for orders, of being able to 
 effect anything useful to the public service. For many 
 days he was without intelligence of, and received no 
 orders from. General Hutchinson. Under these circum- 
 stances, and dreading lest the breaking out of the 
 monsoon might interfere with his return to India, he, 
 on the 9th July, addressed from Keneh to H.R.H. the 
 Duke of York, a letter expressive of his anxiety to know 
 whether his continuance in Egypt was likely to be 
 productive of any beneficial results to the service. 
 
 Just at this moment intelligence reached General 
 Baird, by a circuitous route, that General Belliard, the 
 French Governor of Cairo, had entered into a treaty 
 
270 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 with General Hutchinson. This information convinced 
 General Baird that there could be no longer any 
 necessity for his further advance, still less for bringing 
 up more troops. Penetrated by this idea, he directed 
 preparations to be made for the return of the force then 
 at Keneh to Kosseir, and for its embarkation at the 
 latter place. 
 
 But a few days latter these views were destined to be 
 altered. About the 22nd July General Baird received 
 from General Hutchinson a letter, dated the 10th idem, 
 in which that officer, after alluding to the want of 
 information under which he had been labouring as to 
 the strength and destination of the Indian force, stated 
 that the French Commander-in-Chief, General Menou, 
 had refused to receive the officer sent by General 
 Belliard to lay before him the capitulation of Cairo, and 
 that it was probable that he would defend himself with 
 great obstinacy and give a great deal of trouble ; that he 
 should be extremely glad, therefore, to have General 
 Baird's assistance and co-operation. 
 ■ As to the mode of his advance and the means he 
 should employ to effect it, Genera^^ Hutchinson thus 
 expressed himself: "1 am thoroughly aware that from 
 the season, and from the inundation, the march by land 
 will be impracticable. You must do all you can to 
 collect boats, but whether you should use force or not 
 is entirely out of the question, beeause, for the last 
 thousand years force has been the only law in this 
 country, and the inhabitants are so little used to think 
 for themselves that they are at a great loss how to act 
 when it is not adopted against them.'* 
 He added, ** I wish you to advance as soon as you 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 271 
 
 *' conveniently can without pressing or fatiguing your 
 ^^ troops; you may march by detachments, and let 
 '' them be ever so small there can be no difficulty in 
 *' making your rendezvous at Gizeh which I have 
 ** occupied entirely for your convenience. You have 
 '* only to intimate your wishes to Colonel Stewart '* 
 (Commandant of Gizeh) *' and everything will be 
 ** procured for you that the country affords." 
 
 With respect to his own movements General 
 Hutchinson stated that his army had marched on the 
 9th and would arrive at Rosetta about the 29th. Thence 
 he intended to proceed without loss of time to besiege 
 Alexandria. 
 
 On receiving this letter General Baird lost no time 
 in ordering all the troops up from Kosseir. Amongst 
 those who responded to his call were four companies of 
 the 61st Regiment, two of the 80th, the Horse Artillery 
 from Bengal, and the Artillery and Pioneers from 
 Madras, — recently arrived at Kosseir. I may mention 
 that Colonel Champagne and the provision ships had 
 not even then arrived ; and that the Susannah, the ship 
 in which Colonel Arthur Wellesley was to have sailed, 
 was lost on her passage ! Never certainly was an 
 attack of fever more opportune than that which pre- 
 vented the future conqueror of Napoleon from taking 
 part in this expedition. 
 
 On the 24th July General Baird despatched Colonel 
 Quarrill with the 10th Regiment to Girgeh with instruc- 
 tions to enquire, on his arrival there, into the state of 
 the roads and of the inundations ; he was further 
 directed, that if he should find he could with safety 
 proceed to Siout or to any town capable of furnishing 
 
272 EXPEDITION FBOM INDIA 
 
 adequate supplies for his troops, to inarch thither, and 
 thence proceed in a similar manner as rapidly as he 
 could towards Cairo, taking care never to expose himself 
 to the chance of being overtaken by the flooding of the 
 Nile at any considerable distance from a large town. 
 
 Colonel Quarrill was farther instructed, if he should 
 find the roads impassable, to select some high ground, 
 and wait the arrival of the river fleet with the General. 
 
 Having sent oflf Colonel Quarrill, General Baird 
 proceeded to impress or otherwise procure boats. This 
 was an easy task, and it was soon ascertained that the 
 supply would exceed the demand. These boats were of 
 three sizes. One of the largest size was capable of 
 carrying 150 men, three field officers, a proportion of 
 officers junior to that rank, and their servants ; a 
 medium-sized boat would contain 120 men ; and a 
 small boat thirty-five. It is stated that the 88th 
 Regiment, consisting of 590 men and officers, with 
 eight horses, took up seven boats of the difierent sizes 
 above enumerated. 
 
 Having made all his preparations General Baird, 
 appointing Colonel Murray to the command of the 
 troops in Upper Egypt, and instructing him to remain 
 at Keneh until the rear of the army should have come 
 up and been sent on to Gizeh, embarked for that place 
 on the 31st July. 
 
 Gizeh was reached on the 8th August. After having 
 arranged for the comfort of his troops the General, on 
 the 16th, shifted his quarters to Rhoda, a little island, 
 a mile and three-quarters long and one third of a mile 
 broad situated between Gizeh and Cairo, and two miles 
 from the latter. On the 27th having left a force under 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 27.3 
 
 Colonel Eamsay to garrison Gizeh, he concentrated all 
 his troops in the island. 
 
 It may not be out of place here to notice the effect 
 which the sight of the Anglo Indian army produced 
 upon the Egyptians and Turks. The following passage 
 extracted from the Asiatic Annual Register for 1802 
 may be accepted as giving an impartial view on the 
 subject. '' Whilst at Ehoda/' writes the chronicler 
 the Indian Army had attracted much surprise and 
 admiration. The Turks were astonished at the novel 
 spectacle of men of colour being so well disciplined 
 and trained. Indeed the general magnificence of the 
 establishment of the Indian army was so different 
 from what they had been accustomed to see in 
 General Hutchinson's that the contrast could not 
 fail of being striking. But General Baird proved 
 to them also that his troops were not enfeebled or 
 himself rendered inactive, by these superior comforts. 
 Every morning at day-light he manoeuvred his army 
 for several hours, and in the evening again formed 
 his parade. Never were finer men seen than those 
 which composed this force, and no soldiers could 
 possibly be in higher order.'' 
 On the night of the 27th August the right wing of 
 the army began to move in the direction of Alexandria 
 and, with General Baird at its head, reached Eosetta on 
 the 30th. A detachment under Colonel Lloyd was 
 about the same time sent to garrison Damietta, but in 
 consequence of a difference of opinion with the Grand 
 Vizier, commanding the Turkish army, it was with- 
 drawn, the European portion of it being sent to Eosetta, 
 and the native (four companies Bombay N. I.) to Gizeh. 
 
 18 
 
274 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA 
 
 On arriving at Kosetta General Baird and his 
 force hoped to be able to take part in the siege of 
 Alexandria, but their ardour was damped by the receipt 
 of a letter from General Hutchinson, announcing that 
 the French had sent a flag of truce to him to treat for 
 a surrender. General Baird was ordered to halt where 
 he was. 
 
 On the 1st September General Baird called upon 
 General Hutchinson in his tent. -He learned from him 
 that the capitulation had been actually signed and that 
 the British troops were to take possession of the 
 outworks of Alexandria the following morning. 
 
 The Anglo-Indian army then disembarked and en- 
 camped at Aboumandur, not far from Rosetta. 
 
 For some months the Indian army remained 
 encamped near Eosetta without orders either from 
 England or from India. Meanwhile a difficulty 
 arose. General Hutchinson had resolved to proceed 
 to England, and the British Government had replaced 
 him by Lord Cavan. This officer declined to look upon 
 General Baird as commanding a separate force distinct 
 from the British army, but desired to place him and his 
 troops in the same alignment, as it were, as the troops 
 who had come direct from England. To this General 
 Baird objected, assigning as one great obstacle to the 
 success of such an arrangement the fact that the troops 
 under his orders received Indian rates of pay, and that 
 the money he had to dispose of as commanding the 
 Indian expedition was the property, not of the Crown, 
 but of the East India Company. General Hutchinson 
 appeared to see great force in these objections ; but he 
 did not the less, on his departure, the 6th November, 
 
TO EGYPT, 1801. 275 
 
 make over command of the whole army, including the 
 Anglo-Indian force, to Lord Cavan. 
 
 Shortly after this intelligence arrived of the signing 
 of the preliminaries of peace between France and 
 England, and, at nearly the same time. General Baird 
 received from Marquess Wellesley a despatch, in 
 which, whilst expressing full approval of his conduct, 
 he intimated a wish that when the services of the 
 army should be no longer required in Egypt, General 
 Baird should return with his troops, or at least with 
 such portion of them as it might not be necessary to 
 leave in Egypt, to the nearest port in India. 
 
 On the 30th April, 1802, despatches were received 
 from England directing that the native troops, and a 
 portion of the European troops on the Indian estab- 
 lishment serving in Egypt, should return at once to 
 India by sea from Suez. 
 
 General Baird at once made the necessary preparations 
 for evacuating the country. He ordered parties to be sent 
 from Gizeh, to be stationed along the desert, in order to 
 dig for water. He himself left Alexandria for Gizeh on 
 the 7th May, and arrived at that place on the 11th. He 
 set out thence, after an interview with the Pasha, at the 
 head of his troops, for Suez, which place he reached on 
 the 25th. The troops crossed the desert in successive 
 divisions, in five easy marches each, without experiencing 
 much inconvenience, and with the loss of only three 
 Europeans. 
 
 On the 5th June, General Baird and his army left 
 Suez. The ship on which he himself was on board, 
 H.M.S. Victor J reached Madras the 6th July, and 
 Calcutta the 31st idem. On that day the Governor- 
 
 18 A 
 
276 EXPEDITION FROM INDIA TO EGYPT, 1801. 
 
 General published a congratulatory General Order, in 
 which he made special allusion to the terms in which 
 Lord Cavan had written regarding the Anglo-Indian 
 force. As the language used was the result of personal 
 experience during a considerable time, of a force serving 
 under his own orders, I propose here to reproduce it. 
 
 Lord Cavan, alluding to the Anglo-Indian force, 
 wrote : — '^ Their excellent discipline and obedience and 
 their patience under great fatigue and hardship, have 
 been equalled by their exemplary conduct in the 
 correct and regular discharge of every duty of soldiers ; 
 and, though they may lament that circumstances 
 rendered it impossible for them to have taken part in 
 the brilliant actions of this country during the last 
 campaign, it must be a satisfaction for them to know 
 that their services in Egypt have been as important, 
 and as essential to their country, as those of their 
 brother soldiers that gained such distinguished vic- 
 tories in it." 
 
 I do not think I can better conclude than by this 
 testimony of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of 
 Egypt to the character and conduct of his two Indian 
 Brigades this short narrative of the Anglo-Indian 
 expedition to Egypt of 1801. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ABE 
 
 ABERCROMBY, General, is 
 made prisoner in the Ceylon, 
 141 ; which is recaptured, 142 ; 
 proceeds to Rodriguez, 144 ; 
 sails to attack the Isle of France, 
 145 ; disembarks his troops, 
 147 ; easy success of, 149 ; 
 manoeuvres to dislodge Decaen, 
 151 ; succeeds, 152 ; receives 
 offers to treat, 153 ; captures 
 the island, 154 ; reasons of, for 
 letting free the French soldiers, 
 154, note 
 
 Africaine, The, is captured by the 
 French, 140 ; recaptured, 141 
 
 Ali Jah, rebels against his father, 
 243 ; commits suicide, 243 
 
 Alwar, Raja of, interview of, with 
 de Boigne, 182 
 
 Amiens, treaty of, puts an end to 
 hostilities in the Indian seas, 94 
 
 Aymar, Monsieur d', arrives at 
 Point de G alle with the advanced 
 squadron of the fleet escorting 
 de Bussy, 43 
 
 BAIRD, Major- General David, is 
 ordered to assume command 
 of a force to capture Batavia, 
 253 ; receives fresh instructions 
 
 BEN 
 
 diverting the force to Egypt, 
 255 ; reaches Jedda, 257 ; sails 
 for Kosseir, 258 ; opens commu- 
 nications with General Hutch- 
 inson, 260 ; prepares for a for- 
 ward movement, 261 ; careful 
 preparations made by, 262-4 ; 
 correspondence of, with Colonel 
 Wellesley, 264, 265 ; moves up his 
 entire force, 271 ; occupies the 
 island of Rhoda on the Nile, 272 ; 
 advances to Rosetta, 273 ; learns 
 that peace is concluded, 274 ; 
 marches across the desert and 
 embarks at Suez, 275 
 
 Basalat Jung, disagreement of, 
 with his brother the Nizam, 
 239, 240 
 
 Battalions of Sindia, organization 
 of the, 193 ; personnel of the, 
 194 
 
 Bellecombe, Monsieur, surrenders 
 Pondichery, 4 
 
 Benoit de Boigne, early history of, 
 159 ; enters the service of Russia, 
 160 ; is taken prisoner, released, 
 and proceeds to Egypt, 161 ; 
 enters the military service of 
 the East India Company, 162 ; 
 quits it and proceeds to Laldi- 
 nao, 163 ; resolves to enter the 
 service of a native prince, 164 ; 
 
278 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 BEB 
 
 DGgotiates with various princes, 
 165 ; applies to Warren Hastings 
 to sanction his proceedings, 166 ; 
 offers his services to Sindia, 167 ; 
 they are accepted, 168 ; early 
 successes of, 169 ; splendid ser- 
 vice rendered by, 170 ; resigns 
 Sindia's service, 171 ; re-enters 
 it, 172 ; reorganizes the force, 
 173 ; gains a great victory at 
 Patau, 174 ; another at Mlrta, 
 176 ; is authorised largely to 
 increase his force, 176 ; emolu- 
 ments of, 177 ; marches against 
 Tfikajl Holkar, 179 ; gains the 
 battle of Lakhairi, 180, 181; 
 adventures of, at Alwar, 182 ; 
 resigns Sindia's service, 183 ; 
 summary of life of, in Europe, 
 184 ; remarks on the character 
 of, 184-190 
 
 Bcrnadotte, is taken prisoner at 
 Kadahjr, 74 note 
 
 Bertie, Admiral, commands a 
 squadron in the Indian seas, 
 143, 144 
 
 Bickerton, Sir Robert, lands troops 
 at Madras and sails for Bombay, 
 61 
 
 Boadicea, The, captures the Afri- 
 caine, 141, the Ceylon and the 
 Venus, 142 
 
 Boisseaux, Major de, urges Bussy 
 to attack the English, 65 
 
 " Boldness is Prudence," 83, 85, 
 87, 125, 218 
 
 Bourbon, House of, remarks on 
 the policy of the, 75, 76 
 
 Bourbon, Isle of, state of, after the 
 revolution, 81, 82 ; result of 
 attack on, by the English, 118- 
 123 ; is again attacked, 125 ; 
 surrenders, 129 
 
 Bourquin, Major, commands one 
 of Sindia's brigades, 191 ; is sent 
 against George Thomas, 208 ; 
 is repulsed, 209 ; is superseded 
 but re-employed, 210 ; sketch of 
 previous career of, 219 ; fights 
 
 CAV 
 
 against Lord Lake at Delhi, 
 220, 221 
 
 Bouvet, Monsieur, is deprived of 
 his command by Suffren, 39 
 
 Braithwaite, Colonel, is beaten by 
 Tippfi Sahib, 9 
 
 Brigades of Sindia, organization 
 of, 191-193 ; personnel of, 194 
 
 Bruslys, General des, commands at 
 Bourbon, 119; faulty manoeuvre 
 of, 122; commits suicide, 122 
 and note 
 
 Bussy, Marquis de, is ordered to 
 India, 18; his failing energies, 
 18 and note ; disastrous voyage 
 of, from Cadiz, 43 ; his opinion 
 regarding occupation of Trinco- 
 mali, 45 ; arrives with his army 
 at Porto Novo, 62 ; deterioration 
 of the character of, 64 ; falls back 
 within Kadalfir, 64 ; neglects his 
 favourable chances, 65 ; is drive 
 into Kadalfir, 66 ; applies to 
 Suffren for aid, 67 ; loses golde 
 moments, 73 ; orders a sortie 
 but is repulsed, 73, 74 ; agrees 
 to a suspension of arms, 74 
 
 CAMPBELL, Dr. gives h 
 reasons for the conduct of 
 the French at Porto Praya, 14, 
 note ; refutation of opinion of, 
 on Commodore Johnstone's 
 action, 17, note ; vagueness of 
 assertions of, 22, note 
 
 Campbell, Lieut.-Colonel, com- 
 mands the advance in the attack 
 Bourbon, 125 
 
 Cardaillac, Monsieur de, com- 
 mands the Artesien, 11 ; sug- 
 gests to Suffren to put into 
 Porto Praya, 13 ; signals 
 '* enemies in sight," 13 ; is shot 
 dead, 14 
 
 Captains, French, bad conduct of 
 certain, 24, 26, 38, 55 
 
 Cavan, General Lord, assumes 
 command of the British troops 
 
INDEX. 
 
 279 
 
 CHA 
 
 in Egypt, 274; difficulties of, 
 with respect to the union of the 
 British and Indian brigades, 
 274 ; testimony of, to the merits 
 of the Indian army, 276 
 
 Chandernagor, taken by the Eng- 
 lish, 4 
 
 Cillart, Monsieur de, is placed 
 under arrest by Suffren, 39 
 
 Commerce, British, enormous 
 damage caused to, by priva- 
 teering, 81, note ; 96, notes ; 107 
 
 Consul, First, proposition made 
 to the, to effect the destruction 
 of British commerce, 95 
 
 Coote, Sii Eyre, brings his army 
 into a fital position, 7 ; is saved 
 by the weakness of the French 
 Admira., 8 ; beats Haidar Ali, 
 9 ; offers battle to Haidar at 
 Wandewash, 30, 31 ; attempts 
 Arni, 32 ; is foiled but yet 
 baffles Baidar, 32 ; relieves Vel- 
 lor and attempts Kadalur, 58 ; 
 is baffled and falls back on 
 Madras, 59 
 
 Coursou, commands a privateer, 
 107, 10^ 
 
 Cramlington, Mr. account of cap- 
 ture of, by the French, and 
 subsequent adventures of, 108- 
 112 
 
 DAOLAT RAO SINDIA, suc- 
 ceeds Madhaji Sindia, 183 ; 
 joins i\\i Maratha league against 
 the Nizam, 196 ; vacillating 
 conduct of, 200 ; insults the 
 tried adherents of his prede- 
 cessor, 201 ; casts away the 
 chance of realismg the dream of 
 Madhaji, 213 ; his eyes opened 
 too late, 214 
 Decaen, General Comte, previous 
 career of, 131 ; merits of, as 
 governor of French India, 132 ; 
 sends reinforcements to Duperre, 
 
 EXP 
 
 134 ; blockades Bourbon, 139 » 
 forces at disposal of, to meet 
 English attack, 146 ; issues a 
 proclamation, 146, 147, note ; 
 measures of, to check the Eng- 
 lish, 149 ; is wounded, 160 ; 
 continues to resist, 151 ; posi- 
 tion of, forced, 152 ; offers to 
 treat, 1 53 ; surrenders the Isle 
 of France, 154 ; stipulations of 
 surrender, 154 
 
 Drugeon, Colonel, refuses to obey 
 Bourquin, 219 
 
 Duchemin de Chenneville, ap- 
 pointed to command a French 
 squadron, 6 ; nominated to the 
 command of the land forces, 19 ; 
 character of, 19 ; takes Kadaltir, 
 29 ; refuses to support Haidar 
 Ali, 30 ; remarks upon the con- 
 duct of, 30, 31 ; is treated with 
 contempt by Haidar, 32, 33 ; 
 dies, 57 
 
 Dudrenec, Chevalier, commands a 
 portion of Holkar's forces, 179 ; 
 fights at Kardla, 197 ; sketch of 
 the career of, 221-223 
 
 Duperre, Commodore, returns from 
 a cruise in the Indian waters, 
 132, 133 ; is enticed into an 
 ambush but succeeds in taking 
 up a strong position, 133 ; skil- 
 ful disposition of, to meet the 
 English attack, 135 ; successful 
 manoeuvre of, 136 ; completely 
 defeats the English, 139; the 
 proudest achievement in the life 
 of, 138 
 
 Dutertre, notice of the prowess of, 
 106 : his success, reverses, and 
 renewed success, 107 
 
 EXPEDITION, against the Isle 
 of France, how composed, 
 145 ; reaches its destination, 
 147; succeeds, 148-154; against 
 Egypt, how composed, 258-260 
 
280 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 FAR 
 
 FARQUHAR, Mr. appointed 
 governor of Bourbon, 124 ; 
 distributes a proclamation to 
 the inhabitants of the Isle of 
 France, 131 
 
 Filoze, Michel, career of, 226 ; 
 baseness of, 227 
 
 Filoze, Fidele, career of, 227; 
 suicide of, 227, 228 
 
 Five Hundred, Council of the, 
 pronounces a decision in favor 
 of Surcouf, 90 
 
 Fleet, The French, detail of the, 
 entrusted to Sufifren, 11 ; com- 
 position of, in the Indian seas, 
 22, 23 ; engages the English 
 fleet, 23-26, 36-38,51-54; detail 
 of, as it fought the English 
 fleet, 70, note ; engages English 
 fleet, 71, 72 ; causes of its 
 demoralization, 81, 82 
 
 Fleet,The English, composition of, 
 under Sir Edward Hughes, 23 ; 
 engages the French fleet, 23-26, 
 36-38, 51-54; detail of, as it 
 • fought the French fleet, 70, 
 notes ; engages French fleet, 
 71,72 
 
 Forbin, Monsieur de, is placed 
 under arrest by Suffren, 39 
 
 Forbin, Comte de, remarkable 
 memoirs of, 80, note 
 
 Foulstone, Lieutenant, gallantry 
 of, 126 
 
 France, throws away the certainty 
 of gaining Sauthern India, 74-76 
 
 France, Isle of. State of the, after 
 the revolution, 82, 83 ; impor- 
 tance of the situation of, to the 
 French, 115 ; is attacked by the 
 English, 148 ; is surrendered, 
 164 ; remarks on the services 
 rendered by, to the mother 
 country, 154-156 
 
 Fraser, Colonel, effects a landing 
 in Bourbon, 126 ; bold and 
 masterly advance of, 127 ; beats 
 the enemy and forces surrender 
 of the capital, 128 
 
 HES 
 
 Fremont, Colonel, career of, ander 
 Sindia, 194 
 
 French Contingent of Haidarabad, 
 is dismissed on the req^uisition 
 of Marquess Wellesley, 245-246 
 
 GOHAD, Rrya of, negotiates with 
 de Boigne, 165 
 Gopul Rao Bhao, is attacked by 
 Trikaji Holkar, 179 
 
 HAIDAR ALI, reasons of hatred 
 of, to the English, 4-8 ; 
 defeats Munro, 5 ; seeks an 
 alliance with the French, 5 ; 
 outmanoeuvres Sir Eyre Coote, 
 7 ; is thwarted by th3 French 
 Admiral, 8 ; fights t\vo battles 
 with Coote, 9 ; incites 3uchemin 
 to join him in attacking, 29 ; 
 disgust of, at Duchemin's be- 
 haviour, 31 ; saves Ami, 32 ; 
 marks his sense of Euchemin's 
 conduct, 32, note; entices the 
 English into an ambuscade, 33 ; 
 enthusiasm of, regardii:)g Suffren, 
 34 ; receives a state risit from 
 Suffren, 42 ; remark of, on that 
 occasion, 43 ; threatens Madras, 
 59 ; dies, 61 
 
 Hamelin, Captain, takes three 
 frigates to reinforce Duperre, 
 134 ; lineage of, 154, note ; 
 arrives opportunely off Grand 
 Port and completes Duperre's 
 victory, 138 ; succumbs to the 
 English, 142 ; treatment of, by 
 Napoleon, 142, note 
 
 Hastings, Warren, receives de 
 Boigne kindly, 163 ; reply of, to 
 de Boigne's application to enter 
 the service of a native prince, 
 166 
 
 Hessing, John, sketch of the career 
 of, 223 
 
 Hessing, George, sketch of the 
 career of, 224 ; is beaten by 
 
INDEX. 
 
 281 
 
 HUT 
 
 Holkar, 225 ; accepts Marquess 
 Wellesley's conditions, 226 
 
 Hutchinson, General Hely, opens 
 a communication with General 
 Baird, 260-261; orders up 
 Baird's forces, 270 ; receives 
 the surrender of the French 
 force, 271 
 
 Hughes, Sir Edward, commands 
 tlie English fleet in the Madras 
 Roads, 21 ; makes for the 
 French transports, 21 ; hoves 
 too and prepares for battle, 22 ; 
 engages Sufifren, 23, 24 ; but 
 without results, 2-4 ; again 
 engages Suffren, 25 ; with a 
 similar result, 26 ; engages the 
 French fleet off Negapatam, 36 ; 
 again without results, 36 ; 
 keeps the sea off Negapatam, 
 40 ; bears up for Madras, 41 ; 
 consequences of prolonged 
 stay off Negapatam, ^ 47 ; 
 awakens from his dream and 
 finds Trincomali lost, 48; en- 
 gages the French fleet, 51-54 ; 
 with indecisive result, 54, 55 ; 
 takes his fleet round to Bombay, 
 60 ; perils of the voyage, 61 : 
 takes up a strong positon off 
 Porto Novo, 67 ; is out 
 manoeuvred by Suffren, 68 ; 
 determines to accept the battle 
 offered by Suffren, 70 ; fights 
 and bears up for Madras, 71, 
 72 
 
 INDIA, Argument why, fell 
 necessarily under British Rule, 
 246-251 
 Iphigenia, The, captured by the 
 
 French, 137 
 Iphigeniej L' Extraordinary en- 
 counter of, with the Trincomali, 
 108 
 
 LAN 
 
 TESWANT RAO HOLKAR, de- 
 J feats Sindia's Army, 212 ; dis- 
 misses Dudrenec, 222 ; great 
 military talents of, 224 ; brilliant 
 manoeuvres of, 225 
 Johnstone, Commodore, takes an 
 English squadron to the Cape, 
 13 ; puts into Porto Pray a, 13 ; 
 is surprised by Suffren, 14 ; 
 offers a gallant and successful 
 resistance, 15, 16 ; declines to 
 follow up the repulse of the 
 enemy, 17 and note 
 
 KADALt^R, taken by the French, 
 29; description of the defences 
 of, 64 ; engagements before, 
 64-74 
 
 Kanund, Battle of, 178. 
 
 Keating, Colonel, is sent with an 
 expedition against Rodriguez, 
 116 ; again against Bourbon, 
 117 ; disembarks and defeats 
 the French, 118-122; sails 
 away with his prizes, 123 ; 
 receives reinforcements, and 
 proceeds again against Bourbon, 
 12 4 j ^'nxiety caused to, by the 
 ^yiH» off the island, 125 ; 
 manoeuvres of, 126 ; receives the 
 surrender of the island, 129 
 
 LAKE, Lord, attacks and cap- 
 tures Aligarh, 218 ; beats 
 Bourquin at Delhi, 220, 221 
 
 Lakhairi, Battle of, 180, 181 ^ 
 
 Lakhwa Dada, reinforces Gopal 
 Rao Bhao with Sindia's cavalry, 
 179 ; revolts against Doalat Rao, 
 201 ; is beaten by Perron, and 
 dies, 202 
 
 Lally, the younger, loses a gun at 
 Arni, 32 ; serves under the 
 Nizam, 240 
 
 Lambert, Captain, is forced to sur- 
 render to the French, 138 
 
 Landelle, Monsieur de la, is shipped 
 
282 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 LEM 
 
 to the islands for misconduct, 
 55 
 
 Lem^me, Monsieur, early career 
 of, 101 ; successful cruise of, in 
 the Indian seas, 102-104 ; is taken 
 prisoner, 104; is released and 
 becomes a merchant, 104 ; again 
 commands a ship and is taken 
 prisoner, 105 ; dies, 106 ; relief 
 of British merchants at his 
 death, 106 
 
 Lesteneau, Monsieur, achievements 
 of, 170-3 
 
 Louis XVI., blindness of the 
 Ministers of, 5 
 
 MACLEOD, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 commands one of the attack- 
 ing parties on Bourbon, 125 
 
 Madhaji Sindia attacks the Rand 
 of Gohad, 164; besieges Gwaliar 
 165 ; enlists de Boigne, 168 ; 
 is nominated Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Moghol armies, 169 ; 
 battles of, with the Patans and 
 Rajputs, 170; probable reasons 
 of, for accepting the resignation 
 of de Boigne, 171 ; reasons of, 
 for re-engaging him, 172 ; 
 arrangements made by, for the 
 payment of de Boigne's troops, 
 174 ; " the dream of his life," 
 176; Tippu's war with the 
 English, a blow to the hopes of, 
 177 , arrives at Puna, 178 , 
 power of, consolidated in 
 Hindostan, 182 ; death of, 183. 
 
 Madras, is in great danger from 
 various causes, 59 
 
 Madoc, Sketch of the career of, 
 186, 187 
 
 Magicienne, The, destroyed by 
 the French, 137 
 
 Malartic, Monsieur de, declines to 
 give Surcouf a letter of marque, 
 84 ; confiscates prizes taken by 
 Surcouf, 90 
 
 OFF 
 
 Mallerouse, career of, in command 
 of a privateer, 108 
 
 Maurville, Monsieur de, is placed 
 under arrest by Sufifren, 39 
 
 Memoirs of the late war in India, 
 the author of the, records his 
 opinion of the action of 
 Chevalier d'Orves, 9 and note 
 
 Minto, Lord, reasons which im- 
 pelled, gradually to adopt Lord 
 Wellesley's policy, 116 ; further 
 steps of, in the same direction, 
 124-156 
 
 Mir Kiisim, employs Sombre, 230 ; 
 ill treatment of, by the English, 
 231 ; subsequent career, and 
 ruin of, 231-234 
 
 VTAPOLfeON, treatment accorded 
 
 IN by, to Captain Hamelin, after 
 the loss of a French ship by 
 the latter, 142, note 
 
 Navy, remarks on the state of the 
 French, after the revolution, 79, 
 80, and note 
 
 Nereide, The, is captured by the 
 French, 137 
 
 Nizam Ali Khan, The Nizam, deter- 
 mines to drive the Maratha's 
 fi-om Puna, 195; marches 
 against them, 196 ; fights the 
 battle of Kardla, 197 ; dastardly 
 conduct of, 198; concludes 
 peace, 198; engagements of, 
 regarding the enlistment of 
 foreigners, 239 ; takes a French 
 corps into his service, 240 ; dis- 
 content of, with the English, 
 242 ; action of, on his son's 
 rebellion, 245 ; is forced by 
 Marquess Wellesley to dismiss 
 the French contingent, 244-246 
 
 OFFELIZE, Colonel d', succeeds 
 Duchemin in command of the 
 French force, acting with Haidar, 
 57 ; falls back towards Kadalur, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 283 
 
 OBV 
 
 63 ; is prevented by Bussy from 
 riefending Permacol, 64 ; dis- 
 plays skill and energy, but is 
 rash, 65; urges Bussy to at- 
 tack, 73 
 Orves, The Chevalier d', commands 
 the French fleet off the islands, 
 6 ; sails for India, 6 ; gains a 
 decisive position off the Cora- 
 mandel coast 7 ; renounces it 
 and sails for the islands, 8 ; 
 overrules Suffren, 19 ; dies, 20 
 
 PASSE, ISLE DE LA, is cap- 
 tured by the English, 130; 
 re-captured by the French, 138. 
 
 Pedrons, Colonel, beats George 
 Thomas, 210 ; sketch of the 
 career of, 217 ; defends Aligarh 
 against Lord Lake, 218 ; fails 
 and is taken prisoner, 219 
 
 Percy, Earl, meets and befriends de 
 Boigne, 162 
 
 Perron, Monsieur, is sent to attack 
 Kaniind, 178 ; early career of, 
 J 96 ; enters Sindia's service, 
 195; receives an independent 
 command, 195 ; joins the 
 Peshwa with ten battalions, 196 ; 
 gains the battle of Kardla, 1 97, 
 198, governs North West 
 Hindostan for Sindia, 199 ; 
 account of the mode of admin- 
 istration of, 200; crushes the 
 revolt of Lakhwa Dada, 
 202 ; turns his attention to 
 George Thomas, 202 ; sends 
 him a summons, 206 ; negotiates 
 with him, 209 ; detaches a force 
 against him, 208 ; head of, 
 turned by prosperity, 211; 
 makes his peace with Daolat 
 Rao, 212; is deterred by self- 
 interest from aiding Daolat Rao 
 at a critical period of Maratha 
 fortunes, 213; acts too late, 214; 
 fall in the fortunes of, 215 ; 
 leaves Sindia's service, 216 
 
 • ROD 
 
 Peshwa, The, is appointed Su- 
 preme Deputy of the Moghol 
 Emperor, 169 ; summons his 
 vassal chieftains to repel the 
 attack of the Nizam, 196 ; 
 presses Sindia to come to his 
 aid, 212 
 
 Pinaud, Monsieur, succeeds Sur- 
 couf in command of the Clarisse, 
 112; captures the English India- 
 man on board of which he was 
 at the time a prisoner, 113 
 
 Piron,Monsieur, succeeds Raymond 
 at Haidarabad. 245 
 
 Plumet, Captain, short account of, 
 228 
 
 Potier, Monsieur, sketch of the 
 career of, 108 
 
 Privateering, practical results of, 
 81, note ; 107-157 
 
 Pym, Captain, commands H.M.S. 
 Siriusj 133 ; runs her aground, 
 134 ; gets her off, and being 
 reinforced attacks Duperre, 134 ; 
 total defeat of, 135-137 
 
 RAYMOND,Monsieur, commands 
 a portion of the Nizam's 
 army, 196 ; gallant conduct of, 
 at Kardla, 197 ; is not supported 
 by the Nizam, 198 ; early career 
 of, 238 ; engages under the 
 Nizam, 240; mode adopted by, 
 to officer native corps, 241 ; 
 suppresses the rebellion of Ali 
 Jah, 243 ; dies at a critical 
 period, 244; veneration in which 
 the memory of, is still held, 245 
 
 Renaud, Jean Marie, commands a 
 small French squadron off the 
 islands, 83 ; fights the English 
 squadron, 84 
 
 Revenant, The, history of, 98, 
 note; continued career of, as 
 Victor, 142, and notes 
 
 Rodriguez, Island of, situation of, 
 116 ; captured by the English, 
 117 
 
284 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ROW 
 
 Rowley, Captain, re-captures 
 VAfricaine, 141 ; and the Ceylon^ 
 142 ; captures the VenuSj 142 
 
 ST. MICHAEL, commandant, 
 commands at St. Paul, in 
 Bourbon, ItiO ; makes a gallant 
 defence against the English, 121 ; 
 is forced to succumb, 123 
 
 St Felix, Monsieur de, is shipped 
 to the islands by Suflfren, 55 
 
 Salvart, Monsieur Perrier de, 
 advises Suffren to attack the 
 English fleet, 21 
 
 Seychelles, The, difficulties of the 
 navigation of, 85 
 
 Sirius, The, destroyed by the 
 French, 137 
 
 Smith, Lewis Ferdinand, note 
 regarding, 194 ; is sent to 
 negotiate with George Thomas, 
 207 ; is ordered to besiege 
 Georgegarh, 208 ; his own ac- 
 count of the expedition, 208, 
 209 ; again negotiates with 
 Thomas, i?10 ; list given by, of 
 gallant English officers, 225 ; 
 note ; reasons given by, for the 
 suicide of Filoze, 227, 228; 
 description given by, of Perron's 
 army, 229 
 
 Sombre, sketch of, 230 ; principle 
 of military action of, 231 ; 
 massacre at Patna by, 232-234 ; 
 subsequent career of, and death, 
 234, 235 
 
 Souillac, Viscomte de, opinion of, 
 of D'Orves, 9 note ; organises a 
 force to go to India, 18 ; appoints 
 Duchemin to command it 19 ; 
 supports Suffren in his refusal 
 to return to the islands, 28 
 
 Storms, curious circumstance con- 
 nected with the law of, 61, note 
 
 Stuart, General, succeeds Sir Eyre 
 Coote, 63 ; follows up the French 
 towards Kadalur, 63 ; attacks 
 Kadalur, 65 ; gains . an ad- 
 
 SUF 
 
 vantageous position, 66 ; is 
 hampered by the want of a bat 
 tering train, 73 ; repulses a 
 sortie, 74 ; is saved from almost 
 certain desctruction by a sus- 
 pension of arms, 74, 75 ; and 
 75, note 
 
 Squadron, English, off the Islands, 
 82 ; fights a French squadron 
 and retires, 84 
 
 Suffren, Bailli de, is appointed to 
 command a French squadron 11 ; 
 earlier career of, 11, 12 ; sails 
 for the islands, 13 ; attacks the 
 English fleet in Porto Pray a, 15 ; 
 changes of the position of, 16 ; 
 draws off and pursues his 
 voyage, 17 ; is second in com- 
 mand to D'Orves, 18 ; is over- 
 ruled by D'Orves, 19 ; succeeds 
 to the command, 20 ; takes his 
 fleet to the Madras coast, 20 ; 
 descries the English fleet, 20 ; 
 reasons of, for declining to attack 
 it, 21; sails for Porto Novo, 21; 
 flies to the rescue of his trans- 
 ports, 22 ; engages the English 
 fleet, 23, 24 ; indecisively, 24 
 possibly misses a chance, 24 
 again engages the English fleet 
 25 ; and again indecisively, 26 
 takes his fleet to Batacola, 26 
 refuses to return to the islands, 
 27 ; represses the desires of his 
 captains, 28 ; sails for the Ne- 
 gapatam, 34 ; finds the English 
 fleet at anchor there, 35 ; engages 
 it, 36 ; again indecisively, 38 ; 
 places three of his captains 
 under arrest, 39 ; conceives de ■ 
 signs against Trincomali, 40 ; 
 describes his difficulties, 41 ; 
 pays a state visit to Haidar Ali, 
 42 ; learns the arrival at Galle 
 of d'Aymar's squadron, 44 ; 
 sails for Batacola, 44 ; receives 
 reinforcements, and sails for 
 Trincomali, 45 ; captures Trin- 
 comali, 46 ; descries the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 285 
 
 SUB 
 
 English fleet off the harbour, 
 
 48 ; is urged to rest upon his 
 laurels, 48 ; decides to attack, 
 
 49 ; reasons and hopes of, 50 ; 
 attacks, 51 ; danger of, 51 ; 
 ship of, is dismasted, 52 ; expends 
 all his ammunition, 53 ; resolves 
 to blow up his ship, 54 ; is saved 
 by a change of wind, 54 ; sends 
 to the islands his recalcitrant 
 captains, 55 ; loses two of his 
 vessels, 56 ; goes to winter at 
 Achin, 56 ; sends cruisers into 
 the Bay of Bengal, 61 ; returns 
 to Trincomali, and is joined by 
 the squadron escorting Bussy, 
 62 ; escorts Bussy to the coast 
 and returns to refit, 66 ; deter- 
 mines to attempt the relief of 
 Kadalur, 67 ; outmanoeuvres Sir 
 Edward Hughes, 68; goes to 
 attack the English, 70 ; fights 
 them and gains the victory, 70, 
 71 and 7wte ; advice of, to, and 
 sarcastic remarks of, on Bussy, 
 73 ; merits of, as a naval com- 
 mander, 76, 77 ; is killed in a 
 duel, 77 ; conjectures regarding, 
 78 
 
 Surcouf, Robert, introduction of, 
 to reader, 82 ; birth, parentage, 
 and previous career of, 84 ; sails 
 to the Seychelles, and flees be- 
 fore two English ships, 84, 85 ; 
 captures the Penguin, the 
 Cartier, and the Diana, 86 ; 
 daring adventure of, with the 
 Triton, 87, 88 ; differences of, 
 with the Governor of the 
 islands, 90 ; commands the 
 Clarisse in the Indian seas, 90, 
 91 ; cruises and adventures of, 
 91, 92 ; changes to La Confiance 
 92 ; encounters the Kent, 93 ; 
 captures her, 94 ; marries, 94 ; 
 extraordinary interview of, with 
 the First Consul, 95 ; plan of, 
 for destroying British commerce, 
 95 ; takes command of the 
 
 viSn 
 
 Revenant, 96 ; successful cruise 
 of, 97-98 ; subsequent career of, 
 and death, 99 
 
 TEIGNMOUTH, Lord, action of, 
 regarding the Nizam, 242. 
 
 Thomas, George, early career of, 
 202 205 ; mode of administration 
 of, 205, 206 ; refuses the con- 
 ditions offered by Perron, 206 ; 
 negotiates with him, 207 ; but 
 breaks off, 208 ; is attacked by, 
 and repulses Bourquin, 208, 209 ; 
 fails to follow up the blow, 209 ; 
 is forced to evacuate Georgegarh, 
 210 ; renounces his government, 
 retires and dies, 211 
 
 Tippu Sahib, beats Colonel Braith- 
 waite, 9 ; foils Coote at Ami, 32 ; 
 proceeds to the Western coast, 
 63 
 
 Tone, Major, account of, 217, note. 
 
 Trincomali, taken by the French, 
 46 
 
 Trincomali, The, extraordinary 
 contest of, with the Iphigenie, 
 108 
 
 Triton, The, extraordinary capture 
 of, 87, 88 
 
 Tromelin, Caijtain de, is mistrusted 
 by Suffren, 27 ; urges Suffren 
 not to fight off Trincomali, 48 ; 
 probable reasons of, 48-49 ; is 
 packed off to the Isle of France, 
 55 
 
 Tukaji Holkar, attacks Sindia, 178 ; 
 tries to avoid an engagement 
 with de Boigne. 179 ; fights a 
 desperate battle, 180 ; is badly 
 beaten, 181 
 
 J/^ENUS, The, captures the 
 ' Ceylon, 141 ; is captured 
 
 by Captain Rowley, 142 ; the 
 capture of, the turning point in 
 the scale, 143 ; name of changed 
 to La Nereide, 144, note 
 
286 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 VIC 
 
 Victor, The, former career of, 
 142, note 
 
 \T T E L L E S L E Y, Marquess, 
 
 \\ sagacious views of, 115; 
 policy of, at last carried out, 156; 
 resolves to bring matters to an 
 
 - issue with Sindia, 214 ; forces 
 the Niz^m to dismiss his 
 French contingent, 245, 246 ; 
 receives instructions to send a 
 force from India to Egypt, 253 
 255 ; orders the despatch of the 
 expedition, 255 ; and its return, 
 276 
 
 Welleslej, Colonel, appointed 
 second in command of the force 
 ordered first against Java, after- 
 
 ZEB 
 
 wards against Egypt, 256 ; in- 
 defatigable exertions of, 256 ; 
 sickness of, 256-264; letter of, 
 to General Baird, 264 ; memo- 
 randum of, regarding an invasion 
 of Egypt from India, 265-269 ; 
 loss of the vessel in which he 
 was to have sailed, 271 
 
 Wilks, Colonel, testimony of, re- 
 garding Suffren, 69, note; 72, 
 note 
 
 Willoughby, Captain, commands 
 the Nereide, 134 
 
 ZEB-fjL-NISSA, Bigam, marries 
 Sombre, 234 ; description of, 
 235 ; marries Le Vaisseau, 235 
 
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