THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE . Ex Libris ' : c. K. OGDEN ; DICTIONARY GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. Printed by Spottiswoode & Co. New-street Square. DICTIONARY GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. EDITED BY WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D. IN TWO VOLUaiES. VOL. II. lABADIUS — ZYMETHUS. ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD. LONDON: WALTON AND MABERLY, UPPER GOWER STREET, AND IVT LANE, PATERNOSTEE ROW ; JOHN JVIURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. . jr.Dccc.Lvn. LIST OF WRITERS IN VOL. II. NAMES. George Ferguson Bowen, M. A. Late Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. Edward Herbert Bdnbury, M. A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. George Butler, M. A. Late Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. WiLLIAJI BODHAM DoNNE. Thomas H. Dyer. J. S. Howsox, M. A. Principal of the Collegiate Institution, Liverpool. Edward Boucher James, M. A. Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, Oxford. Robert Gordon Latham, M. A. Late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. George Long, M. A. Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Wn^LiAJi Ramsay, M. A. Professor of Humanity in the University of Glasgow. John Robson, B. A. Of the University of London. Leonhard Schmitz, Ph. D., LL. D., F. R. S. E. Rector of the High School of Edinburgh. Charles Roach Smith, F. S. A. PHttu* Smith, B. A. Head Master of Mill Hill School. W. S. W. Vaux, M. A. Of the British Museum. Henry Walford, M. A. Of Wadham College, Oxford. George Williams, B. D. Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. The Articles which have no initials attached to them are written by the Editor. INITIALS. G. F. B. E. H. B. G. B. W. B. D. T. H. D. J. S. H. E. B. J. R. G. L. G. L. W.R. J.R. L. S. C. R. S. P. S. V. H. W. G. W. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE SECOND VOLUME. Coin of laeta Coin of lasus in Caria - - - Coin of Oenoe or Ojnae, in Icarus - Plan of Jerasalem ... Coins of Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem) Coin of llerda - . - - Coin of Ilipa . - . - Coin of Ilium . - . - Coin of Illiberis in Spain - - - Coin of Imbros . . - - Coin of los - - - - Coin of Issa . . . - Coin of Istrus - . - - Coin of Itanus . . - - Coin of Ithaca - - - - Map illustrating the position of Portiis Itius Bridge of Xerokampo . . - Coin of Lamia . - - - Coin of Lampsacus ... Coin of haodiceia ad Mare Coin of Larinum . . - - Coin of Larissa in Thessaly Plan of Larymna . . - Coin of Lalis - - . - Coin of Hephaestias in Lemnos Coin of Leontini . - - - Coin of Leptis . . . - Coin of Lete . . . - Plan of the environs of the city of Leucas - Coin of Leucas - - - - Coin of Lilybaeum . . - Coin of Lipara - - . - Coin of the Locri Epizephyrii Coin of the Locri Opuntii Coin of Lucania . . - - Coin of Luceria - . . - Coin of Lugdunum . . - Plan showing the position of Lutetia Coin of Lycia . - . - Coin of Lyctus - - - - Coin of Lysimachia in Thrace Coin of Macedonia Coin of Maeonia - . . - Coin of Magnesia ad Maeandrum - Coin of Magnesia ad Sipylum Coin of Mallus in Cilicia - . - Plan of the environs of Alesia Plain of Mantineia . - - Page Page 2 Coin of Mantineia - 26-1 5 Plan of the Plain of Marathon . 269 11 Coin of JIaroneia - 278 17 Coin of ^lassicytes - 290 29 Plan of the environs of Marseille - 292 31 Coin of Massilia - - 294 32 Coin of Medma - - 305 34 Ruins of Megalopolis - 308 34 Agora of Megalopolis - 309 42 Coin of Megalopolis - 310 63 Distant view of ^linoa, Nisaea and Me- 68 gara - - 315 74 Plan of the neighbourhood of Megara 315 97 Coin of Megara - - 317 98 Coin of Melita . 321 100 Coin of ;Melos . 323 110 Coin of Menaenum - 327 118 Coin of Mende - 328 119 Coin of Mesembria - 332 123 Coins of Messana - 337 126 Plan of Arcadian or Megalopolitan Gate of 127 Messene - 338 129 Plan of the ruins of Jlessene - 339 150 Plan of the bridge of Mavrozumeno 342 157 Map of the Ager Dentheliates - 343 160 Coin of Messenia - 346 163 Coin of Metapontum - 348 167 Coin of Methymna . 351 169 Coin of Miletus - - 356 170 Coin of Mopsuestia - 370 191 Coin of Morgantia - 371 196 Coin of Motya - 375 201 Plan of the ruins of Mycenae . 381 202 Gate of the Lions at Mycenae . 382 210 Coin of Mylassa - . 386 211 Coin of Myndus - . 386 214 Coin of MjTina - - 388 221 Coin of Mytilene - - 391 226 Coin of Nacrasa - - 395 227 Coin of Nagidus - - 395 232 Coin of Naxos in Sicily - . 405 237 Coin of the island of Naxos - 406 244 Coin of Neapolis in Campania - 410 252 Coin of Neapohs in Macedonia - 411 252 Coin of Neapohs in Palestine - 412 256 Coin of Nemausus - 415 257 Temple at Nemausus, now called the Maison 263 Carre'e - 415 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Page Roman aqueduct near Nemausus, now called the Pont du Gard - - - 416 Coin of Nicaea in Bithynia - - 423 Coin of Niconiedeia ... 425 Map of the neighbourhood of Nicopolis in Epeirus - - - - 427 Coin of Nicopolis in Epeirus - - 427 Coin of Nola .... 444 Coin of Nuceria in Campania - - 452 Coin of Nuceria in Bruttium - - 452 Coin of Nysa in Caria ... 456 Coin of Obulco - - - - 460 Coin of Odessus - - - - 463 Coin of Oeniadae - - . . 467 Coin of Olbia in Scythia ... 472 Ground plan of the Olympieium - - 476 Plain of Olympia - - - 477 Plan of the Altis at Olympia (after Leake) 478 Plan of Orchomenus ... 489 Coin of Orchomenus ... 489 Coin of Orescii - - - - 49 1 Coin of Orippo - - - - 493 Coin of Orthagoria - - - 497 Coin of Osca - - - - 498 Coin of Ossa .... 500 Coin of Osset - - - -501 Plan of Ostia and its environs - - 502 Plan of Paestum - - - - 514 Coins of Paestum - - - 514 Coin of Pale - - - - 533 Coin of Pandosia .... 539 Coin of Panormus ... 544 Coin of Panticapaeum - - - 54 6 Coin of Parium - - - - 551 Coin of Paros .... 553 Coin of Patrae . - - . 553 Coin of Pella in Macedonia - - 570 Coin of Pellene - - - - 571 Coin of Pelusium - - - 573 Coin of Pergamus in Mysia - - 576 Coin of Perge - - - - 576 Coin of Perinthus ... 577 Coin of Phaestus - - - 586 Coin of Pharsalus - - - 591 Coin of Phaselis .... 592 Coin of Pheneus - - - - 595 Ground plan of the temple of Apollo at Bassae .... 596 Coin of Philippi .... 600 .Map of the neighbourhood of Phlius - 602 Coin of Phocaea - - - - 603 Coin of Phocis ... - 605 Map illustrating the Battle of Plataea - 638 Coin of Plataea ... - 640 General plan of Pompeii - - - 647 Plan of part of Pompeii - - - 648 Bird's-eye view of the Forum of Pompeii - 650 Temple of Venus at Pompeii (the forum and temple of Jupiter in the background) - 651 Street of the Tombs at Pompeii - - 653 Coin of Populonium ... 660 Coin of Pordoselene ... 660 Coin of Praesus or Priansus - - 667 Coin of Priene .... 669 Plan of Psophis - - - - 676 Map of the bay of Pylus - - - 683 Map of Pylus and its immediate neighbour- hood . - . - . 683 Coin of Rhaucus .... 703 Coin of Pvhegium . - - . 706 Coin of Rhesaena .... Coin of Rhithymna - - . Coin of Rhodus - - - . Plan of the Roman hills - - . Map of ancient Rome, with portions of the modem city in red - - - The Capitoline Wolf Plan of the Romulean city Tomb of Caius Bibulus ... Tomb of Eurysaccs ... Plan of the Capitoline hill Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus (from a coin of Vespasian) - . . . Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus restored Arch of Tabularium - - . Supposed Tarpeian rock - - . Plan of the Forum during the Republic The Forum in its present stjite Temple of Janus (from a coin) Temple of Vesta (from a coin) Tabularium and temples of Vespjisian, Sa- turn, and Concord - . . Temple of Saturn - - . Shrine of Cluacina (from a coin) - Columns of the temple of Castor and Pollux Rostra (from a coin) ... Columna Duilia - - . . Basilica Aemiiia (from a coin) Puteal Libonis or Scribonianum The Forum Romamnn under the Empire, and the Imperial Fora - - . The Jliliarium - - . . Temple of Antoninus and Faustina Arch of Septimius Severus Temple of Mars Ultor - Forum Trajani - - - . Basilica Ulpia - - - . Column of Trajan - - . Temple of Trajan - - . The Septizonium - - . . Arch of Titus restored - . . Arch of Constantine Temple of Hercules Temple of Pudicitia Patricia Cloaca Maxima .... Macellum - . . . Arch of Drusus .... Tomb of Metella Caecilia - Pantheon of Agrippa Antonine Column (Column of M. Aurelius) Sculptures on pedestal of Column of Antoni- nus Pius . - . - Arch of Aurelius - - . . ilole of Hadrian restored - Theatre of Marcellus ... Colosseum . . - . Ground plan of the Colosseum Elevation of Colosseum Pons Sublicius, restored by Caiiina Insula Tiberina, with the Pons Fabricius and Pons Cestius - - . Coin of Rome .... Coin of Rubi - - . . Coin of Saguntum - - . Map of the island of Salamis Coin of Salamis - - - . Coin of Salapia - - - . Coin of Same - - . . Coin of Samos - . . .. Coin of Samosata Page 709 710 715 720 720 723 725 750 760 762 768 769 770 771 772 773 778 778 781 7S2 783 784 785 785 787 788 790 794 795 796 799 800 801 801 802 806 809 810 813 815 815 818 821 822 837 838 839 840 842 845 846 846 847 848 849 855 856 874 878 879 880 889 900 901 vm LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Coin of Sardes - - - - Nuraghe in Sardinia - _ _ Coin of Segesta - - - - Coin of Segobriga . _ . Coin of Seleuceia in Syria Coin of Selenceia in Cilicia Coin of Selge . - - . Plan of Selinus - - - - Coin of Selinus - - - - Plan of the Battle of Sellasia Coin of Seriphos - - - - Coin of Sicilia - . - - Map of the site of Sicyon (from Leake) Plan of the ruins of Sicyon (from the French Commission) - - - - Coin of Sicyon . - - - Gate of Signia - - - . Coin of Siphnos - - - - Coin of Smyrna - - - - Coin of Soli . _ - _ Coin of Solus . - - . Map of Sparta and its environs Coin of Suessa Aurunca - - - Coin of Sybaris - - - - Plan of Syracusae ... Plan of the Fort Euryalus near Syracusae - View of the'Fort Euryalus Coins of Syracusae ... Coin of Tabae . - - - Coin of Tanagra - . . - Coins of Tarentum _ . . Coin of Tarsus . - - - Coin of Tauromenium ... Coin of Teanum Sidicinum Coin of Teate .... Coin of Tegea . - . - Coin of Temenothyra . . - Coin of Temnus . - - - 906 913 950 950 954 954 955 958 959 960 969 988 992 993 994 999 1011 1017 1019 1021 1030 1043 1053 1055 1066 1067 1069 1082 1088 1101 1106 1115 1117 1117 1120 1123 1124 Page Coin of Tenedos - - - - 1127 CoinofTenos - - - - 1127 CoinofTeos .... 1129 CoinofTerina - - - - 1131 Coin of Termessos - - - 1132 CoinofThasos - - - - 1136 Plan of Thebes in Boeotia (from Forchham- mer) - . - - - 1153 Coin of Thebes - - - - 1155 Coin of Thelpusa - - - 1156 Map of Thera and the surrotinding islands - 1 159 Map of Thermopylae and the surrounding country - - - - 1163 Coin of Thespiae - - - - 1165 Coin of Thessalia - - - 1170 Coin of Thessalonica - - - 1173 CoinofThurii - - - - 1193 Coin of Thyateira ... 1194 Coin of Thyrium - - - - 1196 Gallery at Tiryns - - - 1212 PlanofTitane ... - 1213 Coin of Tomis or Tomi - - - 1216 Coin of Tragilus or Traelius - - 1219 Coin of Tralles - - - - 1220 Coin of Trimenothyra _ . - 1231 Coins of Tripolis in Phoenicia - - 1232 Plan of Tyre (from Kenrick's " Phoenicia") 1250 CoinofTyrus .... 1252 Coin of Valentia in Spain . - - 1254 CoinofVelia - - - - 1268 Coin of Ventisponte or Ventipo - - 1276 Coin of Venusia ... - 1277 CoinofUlia ... - 1313 Coin of Volaterrae ... 1320 CoinofUrso .... 1327 CoinofUxentum ... 1332 Coin of Zacynthus ... 1335 Coin of Zeugma - - - - 1338 A DICTIONARY GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. lABADIUS. lABA'DIUS ('lagaSiov i/fjo-oy, Ttol. vii. 2. § 29, viii. 27. § 10), an island oft' tlie lower half of the Golden Chersoncsus. It is said by Ptolemy to mean the " Island of Barley," to have been very fertile in grain and gold, and to have had a metropolis called Akgyue. There can be little doubt that it is the same as the present Java, which also signifies " barlfy." Humboldt, on the other hand, considers it to be Su- matra {Kritische Unters. i. p. 64); and Mannert, the small island of Banca, on the SE. side of Su- viutra. [v.] JABBOK ('lo^aKKOs, Joseph.; 'lo^tix- LXX.), a stream on the east of Jordan, mentioned first in the liistory of Jacob (^Gen. xxxii. 22). It formed, ac- cording to Joseplms, the northern border of the Amorites, whose country he describes as isolated by tlie Jordan on the west, the Amon on the south, and the Jubbok on the north. (^Aut. iv. 5. § 2.) He further describes it as the division between the dominions of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and Og, wjiom he calls king of Galadene and Gaulonitis (§ 3) — the Bashan of Scripture. In the division of the land among the tribes, the river Jabbok was a.'p, Euseb.), a city of Gilead, assigned to the tribe of Gad by Moses. In Numbers (xxxii. 1), " the land of Jazer" is mentioned as contiguous to "the land of Gilead, and suited to cattle." In Jeremiali (xlviii. 32), " the sea of Jazer " occurs in some versions, as in the English ; but Eeland (s. v. p. 825) justly remarks, that this is not certain, as the passage may be pointed after tlic word " sea," and " Jazer," as a vocative, commence the following clause. But as " the land of Jazer " is used for the country south of Gilead, so the Dead Sea may be designated "' the sea of Jazer." Eusebius ( Onomasi. s. v. 'Aawp) places it 8 miles west of Philadelphia or Ammon ; and elsewhere (a*, r. 'lao-^p), 10 miles west of Philadel- phia, and 1 5 from Esbon (Heshbon). He adds, that a large river t.akes its rise there, which runs into the Jordan. In a situation nearly corresponding with this, between Szalt and Esbus, Burckhardt passed some ruins named Szyr, where a valley named Wady Szyr takes its rise and mns into the Jordan. This is doubtless the modern representative of the ancient Jazer. '• In two hours and a half (from Szalt) we passed, on our right, the Wady Szyr, which has its som-ce near the road, and falls into the Jordan. Above the source, on the declivity of the valley, are the ruins called Szy?:" (Syria, p. 364.) It is probably identical wth the Vd^oDpos of Ptolemy which he reckons among the cities of Palestine on the east of the Jordan (v. 16). [G. W.] lA'LYSUS {'IdKvaos, 'loAuffffoy, or 'lri\vaaos : Eth. "laAi'iffo-ios), one of the three ancient Doric cities in the island of Rhodes, and one of the six towns constituting the Doric hexapolis. It was si- tuated only six stadia to the south-west of the city of Rhodes, and it would seem that the rise of the latter city was the cause of the decay of lalysus ; for in the time of Strabo (xiv. p. 655) it existed only as a village. Pliny (v. 36) did not consider it as an independent place at all, but imagined that lalysus was the ancient name of Rhodes. OiTchoma, the ci- tadel, was situated above lalysus, and still existed in the time of Strabo. It is supposed by some that lAMlSSA. Orychoma was the same as the fort Achaia, which is said to have been tlie first settlement of the He- liadae ia the island (Diod. Sic. v. 57 ; Athen. riii. p. 360); at any rate, Achaia was situated in the territory of lalysus, which bore the name lalysia. (Comp. Horn. H. ii. 606; Pind. 01. vii. 100; Herod, ii. 182 ; Thucyd. viii. 44 ; Ptol. v. 2. § 34 ; Sleph. B. s. f.; Soy lax, Peripl. p. 81 ; Dionys. Perieg. 5U4; Ov. Met. vii. 365 ; Pomp. Mela, ii. 7.) The site of ancient lalysus is still occupied by a village bearing the name laliso, about which a few ancient remains are found. (Ross, Ktusen avf den Griech. Jnseln, vol. iii. p. 98.) [L. S.] lAMISSA. [Thamesis.] lAMXA, lAMNO. [B.\leares. p. 374, k] lAMXIA ('Io6W)y, LXX. ; 'Id/u/io, 'Id/j-vfia 'Ufxi'ad), a city of the Philistines, assigned to the tribe of Judah in the LXX. of Jobhua xv. 45 (Ff^j'a) ; but omitted iu tlie Hebrew, wliich only mentions it in 2 Chron. sxvi. 6 (Jauneii in the English version), as one of the cities of the Philis- tines taken and destroyed by king Uzziah. It is celebrated by Philo Judaeus as the place where the first occasion was given to the Jewish revolt under Caligula, and to his impious attempt to profane the temple at Jerusalem. Uis account is as follows : — In the city of lamnia, one of the most populous of Judaea, a small Gentile population had established itself among the more numerous Jews, to whom they occasioned no little annoyance by the wanton vio- lation of their cherished customs. An unprincipled government officer, named Capito, who had been sent to Palestine to collect the tribute, anxious to pre-occupy the emperor with accusations against the Jews before their well-grounded complaints of his boundless extortion could reach the capital, orderei. p. 1 1 ; Ptol. v. 6. § 4 ; Xenoph. Anab. vi. 2. § 1, who calls it 'latrovia aKT-q.') It still bears the name Jasoon, tliough it is more com- monly called Cape Bona or Vuiia, from a town of the same name. (Hamilton, Jicsearcfus, vol. i. p. 269.) The Asineia, called a Greek acropolis by Scylax (p. 33), is probably no other than the Jaso- nium. [L. S.] lASPIS. [CONTESTANIA.] lASSII ('lafftriot), mentioned by Ptolemy as a population of Upjior Pannonia (ii. 14. § 2). Pliny's form of the name (iii. 25) is Ia.si. He places them on Ihc J>rave. [P.G. L.] lASSUS, or lASUS C^affcroT, or 'laffos : Eth. 'laafftus), a town of Caria, situated on a small i.-land close to tlic north coast of the lasian bay, which derives its name from lassus. The town is faid to have been founded at an unknown period by Argive colonists ; but as they had sustaineil severe losses in a war with the native Carians, they invited the son of Neleus, who had previously fuunded Mi- letus, to come to their assistance. The town appears on that occasion to have received additional settlers. (Polyb. xvi. 12.) The town, wliich appears to have occupied the whole of the little island, had only ten stadia in circumference; but it nevertheless actjuired great wealth (Thucytl. viii. 28), from its fisheries and trade in fish (Strab. xiv. p. G5S). After the Si- cilian expedition of the Athenians, during the Pclo- ponnesian war, lassus was attacked by the Lace- daemonians and their allies; it was govemed at the time by Amorges, a Persian chief, who had revolted from Darius. It w:is taken by the Lacedaemonians, who captured Amorges, aud delivered him up to Tissaphemes. The town itself was destroyed on that occa.sion; but must have been rebuilt, for we after- wards find it besieged by the last Philip of JIacedonia, who, however, was compelled by the Romans to re- store it to Ptolemy of Egypt. (Polyb. xvii. 2; Liv. xxiii. 33; comp. Ptol. v."2. § 9 ; Plin. v. 29; Stad. Mar. Magn. §§ 274, 275; llierocl. p. 689.) The mountains in the neighbourhood of lassus furnished a beautiful kind of marble, of a blood-red and livid white colour, which was used by the ancients for ornamental purjwses. (Paul. Silent. Ecphr. S. Soph. ii. 213.) Near the town was a sanctuary of Hestias, with a statue of tlie goddess, which, though stand- ing in the open air, was beheved never to be touched by the rain. (Polyb. xvi. 12.) The same story is related, by Strabo, of a temple of Artemis in tlie same neighbourhood, lassus, as a celebrated fish- ing place, is alluded to by Athenaeus (iii. p. 1 05, xiii. p. 600). The place is still existing, under the name of Askem or As^n Kalcssi. Chandler {Tra- vels ill As. Mill. p. 226) relates that the island on which the town was built is now united to the main- COIS OF LVSU3 l^' CAIJLtV. lATRUS. 5 land by a small isthmus. Part of the city walls still exist, and are of a regular, solid, and handsome structure. In the side of the rock a theatre with many rows of seats still remains, and several in- scriptions and coins have been found there. (Comp. Spon and Wheler, Voyages, vol. i. p. 361.) A second town of the name of lassus existed in Cappadocia or Armenia Minor (Ptol. v. 7. § G), on the north-east of Zoropa.ssus. [L. S.] I AST A E ('lao-Tai, Ptol. vi. 12), a Scythian tribe, whose position must be sought for in the neighbour- hood of the river lastus. [E. B. J.] lASTUS ("laffTos), a river which, according to Ptolemy (vi. 12), was, like the Polytimetus (Kohik), an aflluent of the Caspian basin, and should in fact be considered as such in the sense given to a denomi- nation which at that time embraced a vast and com. plicated hydraulic .system. [Jaxaiitks.] Von Humboldt {Asie Centrale, vol. ii. p. 263) has iden- tified it with the Kizil-Ikria, the dry bed of which may be traced on the barren wastes of Kkil Kuum in W. Turkistan. It is no unusual circumstance in the sandy steppes of N. Asia for rivei-s to change their course, or even entirely to disappear. Thus tlie Kizil-lJeria, whicli was known to geographers till the commencement of this century, no longer exists. (Comp. Levchine, Uordts et Steppes cks Kirghiz Kazaks, p. 456.) [E. B. J.] lASTUS, a river mentioned by Ptolemy (vi. 14. § 2) as falling into the Caspian between the Jaik and the Oxus. It is only safe to call it one of the numerous rivers of Independent Tartary. [K. G. L.] lASUS. [Oki;.m.] lA'TII ('loTioi, Ptol. vi. 12. § 4), a people in the northern part of Sogdiana. They are also mentioned by Pliny (vi. 16. s. 18); but nothing certain is known of tlieir real fwsition. [V.] lATINUM ('laTo'oj'), according to Ptolemy (ii. 8. § 15) tlie city of the Meldi, a people of Gallia Lugdunensis. It is supposed to be the same place as the Fixtuinum of the Table [FiXTuiNUJt], and to be represented by the town of Meaux on the Marne. Walckenaer, who trusts more to tlie accu- racy of the distances in the Table than we safely can do, says that the place Fixtuinum has not in the Table the usual mark wliich designates a capital town, and that the measures do not carry the posi- tion of Fixtuinum as far as Meaux, but only as far as Montbout. He conjectures that the word Fix- tuinum may be a corruption of Fines latinorum, and accordingly must be a place on the boundary of the little community of the Jleldi. This conjecture might be goixl, if the name of the people was latini, and not Meldi. [G. L.] JATRIPPA. [Lathrippa.] lATRA or lATRUM ('lorpdj'), a town in Moesia, situated at the point where the river latrus or lantrus empties it.self into the Danube, a few miles to the east of Ad Novas. (Procop. de Jed. iv. 7 ; Theo- pliylact. vii. 2 ; Notit. Imp. 29, where it is errone- ously called Latra ; Geogr. Rav.. iv. 7, where, as in the Pent. Tab., it bears the name Laton.) [L. S.] lATRUS (in the Peut. Tab. Iaktrus), a river traversing the central part of Moesia. It has its sources in Mount Haemus, and, having in its course to the north received the waters of several tributaries, falls into the Danube close by the town of latra. (Plin. iii. 29, where the common reading is leterus ; Jomand. C?et 18 ; Geogr. Rav. iv. 7.) It is probably the same as the Athrys ("Ae^us) mentioned by He- rodotus (iv.49). Its modern name hlantra. [L.S-l B 3 6 JAXARTES, JAXAETES, lAXARTES (o 'lo^dprvs), the river of Central Asia which now bears the name of Syr-Daria, or Yellow River (Daria is the generic Tartar name for all rivers, and Si/r='- yellow "), and which, watering the barren steppes of the Kirghiz- Cossacks, was known to the civilised world in the most remote asres. The exploits of Cyrus and Alexander the Great have inscribed its name in history many centuries before our aera. If we are to believe the traditionary statements about Cyrus, the left bank of this river formed the N. limit; of the vast dominion of that conqueror, who built a town, deriving its name from the founder [Cyreschata], upon its banks; and it •was upon the right bank that he lost his life in battle with Tomyris, Queen of the JIassagetae. Herodotus (i. 201—216), who is the authority for this statement, was aware of the existence of the S'jr-Daj-ia ; and although the name Jaxartes, which was a denomination adopted by the Greeks and fol- lowed by the Romans, does not appear in his his- tory, yet the Arases of Herodotus can be no other than the actual Sp; because there is no other great river in the country of the Massagetae. JIuch has been written upon the mysterious river called Araxes by Herodotus ; M. De Guignes, Fosse, and Gatterer, suppose that it is the same as the Osus or Ammi- Darla ; JM. De la Nauze sees in it the Araxes of Armenia; while Bayer, St. Croix, and Larcher, con- ceive that under this name the Volga is to be under- stood. The true solution of the enigma seems to be that which has been suggested by D'Anville, that the Araxes is an appellative common to the Amou, the Armenian Aras, the Volga, and the Syr. (Comp. Araxes, p. 188; Jlem. de FAcad. dcs Inscr.xo\. xxxvi. pp. 69 — 8.5; Heeren, Asiat. Nations, vol. ii. p. 19, trans.) From this it may be concluded, that Herodotus had some vague acquaintance with the Syr, though he did not know it by name, but con- founded it with the Ai-axes; nor was Aristotle more successful, as the Syr, the Volga, and the Don, have been recognised in the description of the Araxes given in his Meteorologies (i. 13. § 15), which, it must be recollected, was written before Alexanders expedition to India. (Comp. Ideler, Me- teorologia Vet. Graecor. et Rom. ad I. c, Berol, 1832; St. Croix, Examen Critique des Hist. dAlex. p. 703.) A century after Herodotus, the physical geo- graphy of this river-basin became well known to the Greeks, from the expedition of Alexander to Bactria and Sogdiana. In b. c. 329, Alexander reached the Jaxartes, and. after destroying the seven t'lwns or fortresses upon that river the foundation of which was ascribed to Cyrus, founded a city, bearing his own name, upon its banks, Alexandreia Ultima {Khojend). (Q. Cm-t. vii. 6; Arrian, Anab. iv. 1. § 3.) After the Macedonian conquest, the Syr is found in all the ancient geographers under the form Jax- artes: while the country to the N. of it bore the general name of Scythia, the tracts between the Syr and Amou were called Transoxiana. The Jaxartes is not properly a Greek word, it was borrowed by the Greeks from the Barbarians, by whom, as Ar- rian {Anab. iii. 30. § 13) asserts, it was called Orxantes {'Op^dvr-qs). Various etymologies of this name have been given (St. Croix, Examen Critique des Hist. dAlex. § 6), but they are too uncertain to be relied on : but whatever be the derivation of the word, certain it is that the Syr appears in all JAXARTES. ! ancient writers under the name Jaxartes. Some, indeed, confounded the Jaxartes and the Tanais, and that purposely, as will be seen hereafter. A few ' have confounded it with the Oxus; while all, without ! exception, were of opinion that both the Jaxartes and the Oxus discharged their waters into the Cas- I plan, .nnd not into the Sea of Aral. It seems, at i tirst sight, curious, to those who know, the true posi- tion of these rivers, that the Greeks, in describing j their course, and determining the distance of their I respective " embouchures," should have taken the Sea of Aral for the Caspian, and that their mistake should have been repeated up to very recent times. Von Humboldt {Asie Centrale, vol. ii. pp. 162 — 297) — to whose extensive inquiry we owe an inva- luable digest of the views entertained respecting the geography of the Caspian and Oxus by classical, Arabian, and European writers and travellers, along with the latest investigations of Russian scientific and military men — arrives at these conclusions re- specting the ancient j unction of the Aral, Oxus, and Caspian : 1 St. That, at a period before the historical era, but nearly approaching to those revolutions which preceded it, the great depression of Central Asia — the concavity of Titran — may have been one large interior sea, connected on the one hand with the Euxine, on the other hand, by channels more or less broad, with the Icy Sea, and the Balkash and its adjoining lakes. 2nd. That, prob-ibly in the time of Herodotus, and even so late as the JIacedonian invasion, the Aral was merely a bay or gulf of the Caspian, con- nected with it by a lateral prolongation, into which the Oxus flowed. 3rd. That, by the preponderance of evaporation over the supply of water by the rivers, or by dilu- vial deposits, or by Plutonic convulsions, the Aral .ind Caspian were separated, and a bifurcation of the Oxus developed, — one portion of its waters con- tinning its course to the Ca.spian, the other tenni- nating in the Aral. 4lh. That the continued preponderance of evapo- ration has caused the channel communicating with the Caspian to dry up. At present it must be allowed that, in Uie absence of more data, the existence of this great Aralo-Cas- pian basin within the " historic period," must be a moot point ; though the geological appearances prove by the equable distribution of the same peculiar or- ganic remains, that tlie tract between the Aral and the Caspian wa.s once the bed of an united and con- tinuous sea, and that the Caspian of the present day is the small residue of the once mighty Aralo- Caspian Sea. Str.ibo (xi. pp. 507 — 517) was acquainted with the true position of this river, and has exposed the errors committed by the historians of Alexander (p. 508), who confounded the mountains of the Pa- rop.amisus — or Parop.anisus, as all the good MSS. of Ptolemy read {Asie Centrale, vol. i. pp. 1 14 — 118) — with the Caucasus, and the Jaxartes with the Tanais. All this was imagined with a view of exalting the gloiy of Alexander, so that the gre.it conqueror might be supposed, after subjugating Asia, to have .irrived at the Bon and the Caucasus, the scene of the legend where Hercules unbound the chains of the fire-bringing Titan. The Jaxartes, according to Str.abo (p. 510), took its rise in the mountains of India, and he determines it as the frontier between Sogdiana and the nomad Scj- JAXARTES. thians (pp. 514, 517), the principal tribes of which were tlie Sacae, Dahae, ami Massafretae, and adds (p. 518) that its "embouchure" was, accordiii;; to Fatrocles, 80 parasangs from the mouth of tiie Oxus. Pliny (vi. 18) saj-s tiiat the Scythians called it '' Siiis," probiibiy a form of the name Si/r, which it now bears, and that Alexander and his soldiers thought that it was the Tanais. It has been conjec- tured that the Alani, in whose language the word tan (Tan-ais, Dan, Don) signified a river, may have brought this appellative first to the Iv, and then to the W. of the Aralo-Caspian basin, iu their migra- tions, and thus have contributed to cnnfinn an error so flattering to tiie vanity of the Macedonian con- querors. (Asie Centrale, vol. ii. pp. 254, 291; comp, Schaf'arik, Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 500.) I'ompo- nius Mela (iii. 5. § G) merely st.ites tliat it watered the vast countries of Scythia and Sogdiana, and dis- charged itself into that K. jxrtion of the Caspian which was called Scythicus ^cs in hit. 43° and long. 12.5°, in the mountain district of the COMKDI (ji opftvT] KtMifiTtSiiv, § 3: Miiz-Tiigh), and throws itself into the Casjiian iu lat. 48° and hmg. 97°, carrying with it the waters of many atHucnb<, the principal of whii h are called, the one Ba.scatis (Baff/fOTis, § 3). and the other Dkmis (Afj^or, § 3). He describes it as watering three countries, that of the '•Srtcae," "Sogdiana," and "Scythia intralmaum." In the first of the.'-e, upon its right bank, were found the CoMAKi (Ko/iapoi) and Caicvtae (Koporai, vi. 13. § 3); in the second, on the left bank, the AxiKSEs ('AcifcTfij) and Dkki-siani (Ap€\^/i- avoi), who extended to the Oxus, the Taciioki (Tdxopoi), and Iatii ('Idriof, vi. 12. § 4); in Scythia, on the N. bank of the Si/i% lived the Jax- AitTAE ("Ia|a'pTci), a numerous people (vi. 14. § 10), and near the " embouchure," tiic Ai;iacae ('ApictKai, vi. 14. § 13). Ammianus Slaicelliims (xxiii. 6. § 59), describing Central A.-ia, in the upper course of the Jaxartes which falls into the Caspian, speaks of two rivers, the Arax^\tks and Dymas (probably the Demus of Ptolemy), " qui per juga vallesque praecipites in campestrem planitiem decurrentes Oxiam nomine paludem efHciunt longe lateque diffu.sani." This is the first intimation, though very v.ague, as to the formation of the Sea of Aral, and requires a more, detailed examination. [OxiA Palls.] The obscure Geographer of Ravenna, who lived, as it is believed, about the 7th century a. d., mentions the river Jaxartes in describing Hyrcania. Those who wish to study the accounts given by mediaeval and modem travellers, will find much va- luable information in the " Dissertation on the River Jaxartes " annexed to Levchine, Hordes et Steppes des Kirghiz-Kazaks, Paris, 1840. This same writer (pp. 53 — 70) has described the course of the Syr- ikiria, which has its source in the mountains of JAZYGES. 7 Kachkar-Davan, a branch of the range called by the Chinese the " ]\Iountains of Heaven," and, takin" a N\V. course through the sandy stepjies of Kizil- Koum and Kara-Konm, unites its waters with those of the Sea of Aral, on its E. shores, at the gulf of Kamecfikm-Bachi. [E. 15. J.] JAX.AMATAE (^la^aixdrai, 'la^afiarai, 'I{o;Ua- rat, Ixomatae, Amni. Marc. sxii. 8. §31; Exo- matae, Val. Place. Argonaut. \\. 144, 569) a people who first appear in history during the reign of Saty- rus III., king of Bosporus, who waged war with Tir- gatao, their queen. (Polyaen. viii. 55.) The ancients attribute them to the Sarmatian stock. (Scymn. Fr. p. 140; Anon. Peripl. Eux. p. 2.) Poniponius Slela (i. 19. § 17) states that they were distinguished by the peculiarity of tlie women being as tried warriors as the men. Ptolemy (v. 9) has placed them between the Don and Volga, which agrees well with the jw- sition as.signcd to them liy the authors mentioned above. In the second century of our era they disap- par from history. Schafarik {Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 340), who considers the Sarmatians to belong to the Median stock, connects them with the Median word " mat " = " jxjople," as in the termination Sau- romatae; but it is more probable that the Samiatians were Slavonians. [E. B. J.] JA'ZYGES, lA'ZYGES Cloj^iry^y, Stcph. B. lazyx), a people belonging to the Sarmatian stock, whose original settlements were on the Palus Maeoti.". (Ptol. iii. 5. § 19; Strab. vii. p. 306 ; Arrian, Anab. 1, 3; Amm. Marc. xxii. 8. § 31.) They were among the barbarian tribes armed by Mitliridates (Ap]iian, Mit/ir. 69); during the ba- nishment of Ovid they were found on the Danube, and in Bessarabia and W.illachia (/.yj. ex Pont. i. 2. 79. iv. 7, 9, THsl. ii. 19. 1.) In a. d. 50, either induced by the rich pastures of Hungary, or forced onwards from other causes, they no longer appear in their ancient seats, but in the plains be- tween the Lower Theiss and the mountains of Tran- sylvania, from which they had driven out the Dacians. (Tac. ^n/?. xii. 29; Plin. iv. 12.) This migration, probably, did not extend to the whole of the tribe, as is implied iu the s-umame " Metanastae;" henceforward history sj)eaks of tlie Iazygks Meta- NASTAE {'Id^vyfs oi MeTai'dfTTOj), who were the Sannatians with whom the Romans so frequently came in collision. (Comp. Gibbon, c. xviii.) In the second century of our era, Ptolemy (iii. 7) assigns the Danube, the Theiss, and the Carpathians as the limits of this warlike tribe, and enumerates the following towns as belonging to them : — UscENUM (OCcTKf vol'); Bormasum or Gormanl'm (Bop/j.ayov, al. rdpnayov); Abieta or Abixta ('ASiriTa, al. "AilVTo); TniSSU.M (TpiO-O'fJj') ; Candaxu.m (Kdv- Sdroi); Pakca (ndp/ca); Pessium (Tli(Taiuv')\ and Partlscum (JldpTLffKov). These towns were, it would seem, constnicted not by the lazyges them- selves, who lived in tents and waggons, but by the former Slave iidiabitants of Hungary; and this sup- position is confinned by the fact that the names are partly Keltic and partly Slavish. Mannert and Eeichard (Forbiger, vol. iii. p. 1111) liave guessed at the modem representatives of these places, but Schafarik {Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 514) is of opinion that no conclusion can be safely dra^vn except as to the identity of Pesth with Pessium, and of Potisije with Partiscum. The lazyges lived on good terms with their neigh- bours on the W., the German Quadi (Tac. IJist. iii. 5), with whom they united for the purpose of sul\ju- E 4 8 JAZYGES. fjating the native Slaves and resisting the power of Kome. A portion of their territory ivas talien from them by Decebalns, whicli, after Trajan's Dacian conqnests, was ineorporated with the Roman do- minions. (Dion Cass, xlviii. 10, 11.) Pannonia and Moesia were constantly exposed to their inroads; but, A.D. 171, they were at length driven from their last holds in the province, and pushed across the Danube, by M. Aurelius. In mid-winter they re- turned in great numbers, and attempted to cross tlie frozen stream; the Romans encountered them upon tlie ice, and inflicted a severe defeat, (Dion Cass. Ixsi. 7, 8, 16.) At a later period, as the Roman Empire hastened to its fall, it was constantly exposed to the attacks of these wild hordes, who, beaten one day, appeared the next, plundering and laying waste whatever came in their way. (Amm. Marc. xvii. 12, 1.3, xxix. 6.) The word " peace" was unknown to them. (Flor. iv. 12.) They called themselves " Sarmatae Limigantes," and were divided into two classes of freemen and slaves, " Sarmatae Liberi," " Sarmatae Servi." Am- mianus JIarcellinus (xvii. 13. § 1) calls the subject class " Limigantes" (a word which has been falsely explained by •' Limitanei "), and St. Jerome {Chron.) says that the ruling Sarmatians had the title " Arc.i- garantes." By a careful comparison of the accounts given by Dion Cassius, Ammianus, Jerome, and the writer of the Life of Constantine, it may be clearly made out that the Sarmatian lazyges, besides sub- jugating theGetae in Dacia and on the Lower Danube, had, by force of arms, enslaved a people distinct from the Getae, and living on the Theiss and at the foot of the Carpathians. Although the nations around them were called, both the ruling and the subject race, Sarmatians, yet the free Sarmatians were en- tirely distinct from the servile population in language, customs, and mode of life. The Lazyges, wild, bold riders, scoured over the plains of the Danube and Theiss valleys on their unbroken horses, while their only dwellings were the waggons drawn by oxen in which they carried their wives and children. The subject Sarmatians, on the other hand, had wooden houses and villages, such as those enumerated by Ptolemy (/. c.) ; they fought more on foot than on horseback, and were daring seamen, all of which peculijOTties were eminently characteristic of the ancient Slaves. (Schafarik, vol. i. p. 250.) The Slaves often rose against tlieir masters, who sought an alliance against them among the Victofali and Quadi. (Ainmian. I.e.; Euseb. Vit. Constant. iv. 6.) The history of this obscure and remarkable warfare (a. d. 334) is given by Gibbon (c. xviii. ; comp. Le Beau, Bas Empire, vol. i. p. 337; Manso, Leben Constantms, p. 195). In A. d. 357 — 359 a new war broke out, in which Constantius made a successful campaign, and received the title " Sar- maticus." (Gibbon, c. six. ; Le Beau, vol. ii. pp. 245—273.) In A. D. 471 two of their leaders, Benga and BabaT, were defeated before Singidunum (^Belgrade) by Theodoric the Ostrogoth. (Jornand. de Beb. Get. 55; comp. Gibbon, e. xxxix.; Le Beau, vol. vii. p. 44.) The hordes of the Huns, Gepidae, and Goths broke the power of this wild people, whose descendants, however, concealed themselves in the desert districts of the Theiss till the arrival of the Magyars. Another branch of the Sarmatian lazyges were settled behind the Carpathians in Podlachia, and were known in history at the end of the 10th cen- tuij of our era; it is probable that they were among IBERA. the northera tribes vanquished by Hermanric in A. d* 332 — 350, and that they were the same people as those mentioned by Jornandes (de Reb. Get. 3) under the coiTupt form Ixauxxes. There is a monograph on this subject by Hennig (Comment de Rebus lazijgiim S. lazvingoi-uin, Regiomont, 1812); a full and clear account of the fortunes of these peoples will be found in the German translation of the very able work of Scha- fai-ik, the historian of the Slavish races. In 1799 a golden dish was found with an in- scription in Grcek characters, now in the imperial cabinet of antiquities at Vienna, which has been re- ferred to the lazyges. (Von Hammer, Osman. Gesch. vol. iii. p. 726.) [E. B. J.] IB AN ("ISav, Cedren. vol. ii. p. 774), a city which Cedrenus (/. c.) describes as the metropf)lis of Vasbounigan (^nrjTpdiroMs Se avrrj rov Bacriro- puKoiv'). The name survives in the modem Van. St. JIartin, the historian of Armenia (Mem. sur I' A r- menie, vol. i. p. 117), says that, according to native traditions, Van is a very ancient city, the founda- tion of which was attributed to Serairamis. Ruined in cour.se of time, it was rebuilt by a king called Van, who lived a short time before the expedition of Alex- ander the Great, and who gave it his name; but, having again fallen into decay, it was restored by Vagh-Arshag (Valarsases), brother to Arsases, and first king of Armenia of the race of the Arsasidae. In the middle of the 4th century after Christ it was captured by Sapor II. (Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. ix. pp. 787, 981; London Geog. Journal, vol. viii. p. 66.) [Artkmita Blana.] [E. B. J.] IBER. [Ibi;rls.] IBE'RA, a city of Hispania Citerior, mentioned only by Livy, who gives no explicit account of its site, further than that it was near the Ibems (Ebro"), whence it took its name; but, from the connection of the narrative, we may safely infer that it was not far from the sea. At the time referred to, namely, in the Second Punic War, it was the wealthiest city in those parts. (Liv, xsiii. 28.) The manner in which Livy mentions it seems also to warrant the con- clusion that it was still well known under Augnstus. Two coins are extant, one with the epigraph .ml'N. niBKUA ji'LiA on the one side, and ilkuc.vvonia on the other; and the other with the head of Ti- berius on the obverse, and on the reverse the epi- graph M. H.J. ilercavonia; whence it appears to have been made a municipium by JulitLs, or by Augustus in his honour, and to have been situated in the territory of the Ilekcaoxks. Tlie addition DEKT. on the latter of these coins led Harduin to identify the place with Dertosa, the site of which, however, on the left bank of the river, does not agree with the probable position of Ibera. Florez supposes the allusion to be to a treaty between Ibera and Dertosa. The ships with spread sails, on both coins, indicate its maritime site, which modem geographers seek on the S. side of the delta of the Ebro, at S. Carlos de la Rapita, near Amposta. Its decay is easily accounted for by its lying out of the great high road, amidst the malaria of the river- delta, and in a position where its port would be choked by the alluvial deposits of the Ebro. It seems probable that the port is now represented by the Salinas, or lagoon, called Puerto de los Al/aques, which signifies Port of the Jaws, i. e. of the river. (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4; Harduin, ad he. ; Marca, IJisp. ii. 8; Florez, Med. de Esp. vol ii. p. 453; Scslini, IBERIA. p. 1 60 ; Rasche, Lex. Num. s. v. ; Eckhel, vol. i. pp. 50, 51; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 416, 417 ; Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. 2 1 0.) [ l*- ^0 IBE'KIA (v 'ISripia), the extensive tract of country which lies between the Euxine and Caspian sea.s, to the S. of the great chain of the Caucasus, and which, bounded on the W. by Colchis, on the E. by Albania, and the S. by Annenia, is watered by the river Cyrus {Kur). (Strab. xi. p. 499, comp. i. pp. 45, 69 ; Pomp. Mel. iii. 5. § 6 ; Plin. vi. 11; rtol. v. 11.) From these limits, it will be seen that the Iberia of the ancients corresponds very nearly witli modern Georijia, or Gntsia, as it is cjiiied by the Russians. Strabo (p. 500) describes it as being hemmed in by mountains, over which there were only four passes known. One of the.se crossed the Mo.scHicm Montes, which separated Iberia from Colchis, by the Colchian fortress Sara- I'ANA (Scfiarapani), and is the modern road from Mingrdia into Georgia over Swam. Another, on the N., rises from the country of the Non)ades in a steep ascent of three days' journey (along the valley of the Terek or Tergl)\ after which the raad passes through the defile of the river Akagu.s, a journey of four days, where the pass is closed at the lower end by an impregnable wall. This, no doubt, is the pa.ss of the celebrated Caucasian Gates [Cai^- casiae Poktae], described by Pliny (vi. 12) as a proiligious work of nature, formed by abru[)t pre- cipices, and having the interval closed by gates with iron bars. Beneath ran a river which emitted a strong smell("t>ubter niedias (fores), nmne diri odoris fluente," Plin. /. c). It is identified with the great central road leading from the W. of Georgia by the pass of Ddriyel, so named from a fortress situated on a rock wjished by the river Terek, and called by the Georgians Shevis Kari, or the Gate of Shevi. The third pass was from Albania, which at its commencement w;is cut through the rock, but after- wards went thriiugh a mar.Nh formed by the river which descended from the Caucasus, and is tlie same as the strong defile now called Derhend or " narrow ]«ss," from the chief city of Daghestdn, which is at ' the extremity of the great arm which branches out from the Caucasus, and, by its position on a steep and almost inaccessible ridge, overhanging the Caspian sea, at once commands the coast-road and the Albanian Gates. The fourth pass, by which Pompeius and Canidius entered Iberia, led up from Armenia, and is referred to the high road from £rzriim, through Kai-s, to the N. [Aisagl'S.] The surface of the country is greatly diversified with mountains, hills, plains, and valleys ; the best portion of this rich province is the basin of the Kiir, with the valleys of the Aragavi, Alazan, and other tributary streams. Strabo (p. 499) speaks of the numerous cities of Iberia, with their houses havipg tiled roofs, as well as some architectural pretensions. Besides this, they had luarket-places and other public buildings. The people of the Iberes or Iberi (^IS-qpes, Stejih. B. s. t'.) were somewhat more civilised than their neighbours in Colchis. According to Strabo (p. 500), they were divided into four castes : — (1.) The royal horde, from which the chiefs, both in peace and war, were taken. (2.) The priests, who acted also as arbitrators in their quarrels with the neighbouring tribes. (3.) Soldiers and husband- men. (4.) The mass of the population, who were slaves to the king. The form of government was patriarchal. The people of the plain were peaceful, IBERIA. 9 and cultiv.ated the soil ; wliile their dress was the same as that of the Amienians and Modes. The mountaineers were more warlike, and resembled the Scythians and Sarmatians. As, during the time of Herodotus (iii. 9), Culchis was the N. limit of the Persian emjiire, the Iberians were probably, in name subjects of that monarchy. Along with the other tribes between the Caspian and the Euxine, they acknowledged the supremacy of Mithiidates. The Rom.ins beaime acquainted with them in the cam- piigns of LucuUus and Pompeius. In it. c. 65, the latter general commenced his march northwards in pursuit of Jlithridates, and had to fight against the Iberians, whom he compelled to sue for jjeace. (Plut. Pomp. 34.) A. D. 35, when Tiberius set up Tiri- dates as a claimant to the Parthian throne, he induced the Iberian princes, Jlithridates and his brother Phara.'^mancs, to invade Armenia; which they did, and subdued the country. {'Tuc.Aim. vi. 33 — 36 ; comp. Bid. of Biog. Piiakasmanes.) In A. D. 115, when Armenia became a Roman proTJnce under Trajan, the king of the Iberians made a form of submitting himself to the emperor. (Eutrop. viii. 3 ; comp. Dion Cass. Lxix. 15 ; Spartian. lladriau. 17.) Under the reign of Constantino the Iberians were converted by a captive woman to Christianity, which has been preserved there, though mixed with superstition, down to the present times. One of the original sources fur tliis story, which will be found in Neander (Allgemein Gesc/i. dcr Christl. lielig. vol. iii. pp. 234 — 236 ; comp. Milman, lliM. of Christianily, vol. ii. p. 480), is Rufinus (x. 10), from whom the Greek church historians (Socrat. i. 20 ; Sozom. ii. 7 ; Theod. i. 24 ; Mos. Choren. ii. 83) have borrowed it. In a. d. 365 — 378, by the ignominious treaty of Jovian, the Romans renounced the sovereignty and alliance of Armenia and Iberia. Sapor, after subjugating Annenia, marched against Saiironiaces, who was king of Iberia by the per- mission of the emprors, and, after expelling him^ reduced Iberia to the state of a Porsi.m province. (Amm. JIarc. xxrii. 12 ; Gibbon, c.ixv ; Le Bean, £as Empire, vol. iii. p. 357.) During the wars between the Roman emperors and the Sassanian princes, the Ideuiajj Gate-s had come into the possession of a prince of the Huns, who ottered this important p.iss to Anastasius ; but when the emperor built Dams, with the oJyect of keeping the Persians in clieck, Cobades, or Kobad, seized upon the defiles of the Caucasus, and forti- fied them, though less as a precautiun against the Romans than acainst the Huns and other northern barbarians. (Procop. B. P. i. 10 ; Gibbon, c. xl. ; Le Beau, vol. vi. pp. 269, 4-12, vol. vii. p. 398.) For a curious history of this pass, and its identification with the fabled wall of Gog and Slagog, see Hum- boldt, Asie Centrals, vol. ii. pp. 93 — 104; Eichwald, Peripl. des Casp.Meeres, vol. i. pp. 128 — 132. On the decline of the Persian power, the Iberian frontier was the scene of the operations of the emperors Maurice and Heraclius. Iberia is now a province of RiLssia. The Georgians, who do not belong to the Indo- European family of nations, are the same race as tlie ancient Iberians. By the Armenian writers they are still called T/ri-, a name of perhaps the pamo original as 'IS-qpss. They call themselves KartU, and derive their origin, according to their national traditions, from an eponymous ancestor, Kartlos. Like the Armenians, with whom however, there ia 10 IBERIA INDIAE. no affinity either in lanjrnage or descent, they have an old vei-sion of the Bible into their language. The stnicture of this lan2;nage has been studied by Adelung {Mithridat. vol. i. pp. 430, foil.) and other modem philologers, among whom may be mentioned Brosset, the author of several learned memoirs on the Georgian grammar and language : Klaproth, also, has given a long vocabulary of it, in his Asia Polyglotta. Armenian writers have supplied historical me- moirs to Georgia, though it has not been entirely wanting in domestic chronicles. These curious records, which have much the style and appearance of the half-legendary monkish histories of other countries, are supposed to be founded on substantial trath. One of the most important works on Georgian history is the memorials of the celebrated Orpelian family, which have been published by St. Mai'tin, with a translation. Some account of these, along with a short sketch of the History of the Georgians and their literature, will be found in Prichard (^Physical Hist, of Mankind, vol. iv. pp. 261 — 276). Dubois de Jlontpe'reux ( Voyage autour du Caucase, vol. ii. pp. 8 — 169) has given an outline of the histoiy of Georgia, from native sources ; and the maps in the magnificent Atlas that accompanies his work will be found of great service. [E. B. J.] IBE'RIA INDIAE {'ISripia, Peripl. M. E. p. 24, ed. Hudson), a district placed by the author of the Periplus between Larica and the Scythians. It was doubtless peopled by some of the Scythian tribes, who grailually made their descent to the S. and SE. part of Scinde, and founded the Indo-Scythic empire, on the overthrow of tlie Greek kings of Bactria, about B.C. 136. The name would seem to imply that the population who occupied this district had come from the Caucasus. E^'-] IBE'RICUM MARE. [Hisp.\num Mare.] IBE'RES, IBE'RI, IBE'RIA. [Hispania.] IBERINGAE (;i§epiyyai, Ptol. vii. 2. § 18), a people placed by Ptolemy between the Bepyrrhus Mons {Xaraka Mts. ?) and the Jlontes Damassi, in India extra Gangera, near the Brahmaputra. [V.] IBE'RUS ("I^rjf), gen. -Tjpoj, and 'I§7jpof ; in MSS. often Hiberus: Ehro), one of the chief rivers of Spain, the basin of which includes the NE. portion of the peninsula, between the great mountain chains of the Pyrenees and Idabeda. [Hispania.] It rises in the mountains of the Cantabri, not far from the middle of the chain, near the city of •Tuliobriga (the source lies 12 miles W. of iJe^/^osa), and, flowing with a nearly uniform direction to the SE., after a course of 450 M. P. (340 miles), falls into the Mediterranean, in 40° 42' N. lat., and 0° 50' E. long., forming a considerable delta at its month. It was navigable for 260 M. P. from the town of Varia {Vai-ea, in Burgos). Its chief tributaries were: — on the left, the SicoRis (Segre) and the Gali^icus {Gallego), and on the right the Sat.o {Xuloii). It was long the boundary of the two Spains [Hispania], whence perhaps arose the error of Appian {Hisp. 6), who makes it divide the peninsula into two equal parts. There are some other errors not worthy of notice. The origin of the name is disputed. Dismissing derivations from the Phoenician, the question seems to depend very much on whether the Iberians derived their name from the river, as was the belief of the ancient writers, or whether the river took its name from the people, as W. von Humboldt contends. If the former was the case, and if Niebuhr's view is correct, that the popu- ICARUS, ICARIA. lation of NE. Spain was originally Celtic [His- p.^xia] , a natural etymology is at once found in the Celtic aher, i. e. water, (Polyb. ii. 13, iii. 34, 40, et alib. ; Scvl. p. 1 ; Strab. iii. pp. 1 56, et seq. ; Steph. B. s. v.; Mela, ii. 6. § 5; Caes. B. C. i. 60 ; Li v. xxi. .5, 19, 22, &.C.; Plin. iii. 3. s. 4, iv. 20. s. 34; Lucan. iv. 23; Cato, Orig. VII. ap. Nonius, .t. v. Pisculenius.) [P. S.] IBETTES. [Samos.] IBES, a town in the SE. of Hispania Citerior, mentioned by Livy (xxviii. 21, where the JISS. vary in the reading), is perhaps the modem Ibi, NE. of Valencia. (Coins, ap. Sestini, p. 156 : Lahorde, liin. vol. i. p. 293.) [P. S.] IBIO'XES, VIBIO'XESCIgitire?, a/. Oui^iaicf j, Ptol. iii. 5. § 23), a Slavonian people of Sarmatia Europaea, whom Schafarik (Slav. Alt. vol. i. p. 213) looks for in the neighbourhood of a river Iva-Iviza- Ivinka, of which there are several in Russia deriving their name from " iwa " = " Salix Alba," or the common white willow. [E. B. J.] IBLIODURUJI, in Gallia Belgica, is placed by the Antonine Itin. on the road between Virodunum ( Ver- dun) and Divodumm (Metz). The termination (durum) implies that it is on a stream. The whole distance in the Itin. between Verdun and Metz is 23 Gallic leagues, or 34;J JI. P., which is less than even the direct distance between Verdun and Metz. There b, therefore, an error iu the numbers in the Itin. somewhere between Virodunum and Divodumm, which D'Anville corrects in his usual way. The site of Ibliodurum is supposed to be on the Iron, at a place about two leagues above its junction with tlie Orne, a branch of the Mosel, and on the line of an old ro.-v]. [G. L.] ICA'RIA. [Attica, p. 328, b.] ICA'RIUM 3IARE. [Icarus ; Aegaeum Mare.] I'CARUS, rCARIA CUapos, 'Uapia: Xikaria), an island of the Aegean, to the west of Samos, ac- cording to Strabo (s. p. 480, xiv. 639), 80 stadia from Cape Ampelos, while Pliny (v. 23) makes the distance 35 miles. The island is in reality a con- tinuation of the range of hills traversing Samos from east to west, whence it is long and narrow, and ex- tends from XE. to S\V. Its length, according to Pliny, is 17 miles, and its circumference, according to Strabo, 300 stadia. The island, which gave its name to the whole of the suiTOunding sea (Icariunt Mare or Pelagus), derived its own name, according to tradition, from Icaras, the son of Daedalus, who was believed to have fallen into the sea near this island. (Ov. Met. viii. 195, foil.) The cape fomi- ing the ea.stemmost point of the island was called Drcpantim or Dracanum (Strab. xiv. pp. 637. 639; Horn. Hymn, xsxiv. 1; Diod. Sic. iii. 66; Plin. iv. 23; Steph. B. s. v. ApaKOvov), and near it was a small to\vn of the same name. Further west, on the north coa.st, was the small town of Isti ("lo-Toi), with a tolerably good roadstead; to the south of this was another little place, called Oenoe (OjWt;, Strab. I. c; Athen. i. p. 30.) According to some traditions, Dionysus was born on Cape Dra- conum (Theocrit. Idyll, xxvi, 33), and Artemis had a temple near Isti, called Tauropolion. The island had received its first colonists from Miletus (Strab. xiv. p. 635); but in the time of Strabo it belonged to the Samians: it had then but few inhabitants, and was mainly used by the Samians as pasture land for their flocks. (Strab. x. pp. 488. xiv. p. 639; Scv- lax, pp. 22; Aeschyl.Per*. 887; Thucvd. iii. 92, vi'ii. ICARUSA. 99; Ptol. V. 2. § 30; P. Mela, ii. 7.) Jlodern wiiiers derive the name of Icaria from the Ionic word Kapa, a pa.sture (Hesych. ,<. v. Kap), according to which it would mean " the p/mn. in JJian. 187), Macris (I'lin. /. c; Kustath. ad J)ionys. Per. 530; Liv. xxvii. 13), and Ichthyoessa (I'lin. /. c). Respecting the present con- dition of I he island, see Tournefort, Voyage dii Lc- rant, ii. ]«tt. 9. p. 94; and Koss, lieisen auf den Griech. Iiiseln, \o\. ii. p. 164, fol. [L. S.] ICIITIIYOPIIAGI. II COIN OF OENOE OK OEXAE, IN ICAUCS. ICARUSA. a river the embouchure of which is on the E. coast of the Euxine, mentioned only by Pliny (vi. 5). Icarus;* answers to the ULtosIi river; and the town and river of Hicros is doubtless the HiKUos PouTUS {Upb^ Ai/i^i') of Arrian {Peripl. p. 19), which has been, identitied with Sunjiik-kala. •(Rennell. Compar. Geog. vol. ii. p. 32S.) [E. B. J.] ICAUNUS or ICAUNA {Yonne), in Gallia, a river which is a branch of the Sequana (Seine). Autesiodurum or Autessiodurum (Auxerre) is on the Tonne. The name Icaunns is only known from inscriptions. D'Anville {Notice, lain watered by the Lethaeus. This side of the mountain, which looks down ufwn the plain of Mesara, is co- vered with cypresses (comp. Theophrast. de Vent. p. 405; Dion. Pericg. 503; Kustath. ad. he), pines, and junijjers. Mt. Ida was the locality assigned for the legends connected with the history of Zeus, and there was a cavern in its slopes sacred to that deity. (Diod. Sic. V. 70.) The Cretan Ida, like its Trojan namesake, was connected with the working of iron, and the Idaean Dactyls, the legendary discoverers of metallurgy, are assigned sometimes to the one and sometimes to the other. Wood was essential to the operations of smelting and forging; and the word Ida, an appella- tive for any wood-covered mountain, was used per- haps, like the German berg, at once for a mountain and a mining work. (Kenrick, Aegypt of Herodotus, p. 278; Hock, Kreta, vol. i. p. 4.) [E. B. J.] I'DACUS ('ISaxos), a town of the Thracian Chersonese, mentioned by Thucydides (viii. 104) in his account of the manoeuvres before the battle of Cynossema, and not far from Arriiiaxa. Although nothing whatever is known of these places, yet, as the Athenians were sailing in the direction of the Propontis from tlie Aegaean, it would appear that Idacus was nearest the Aegaean, and Arrhiana fur- ther up the Hellespont, towards Sestus and the Pro- pontis. (Arnold, ad he.) [E. B. J.] IDALIA, IDA'LIUM ('iSoAioi/ : Eth. 'iSoAevy, Steph. B. ; Phn. v. 31), a town in Cyprus, adjoining to which was a forest sacred to Aphrodite; the poeis who connect this place with her worship, give no in- dications of the precise locality. (Theocr. Id. xv. 100; Virg. Aen. i. 681, 692, x. 51; Catull. Pd. ,t Thet. 96; Propert. ii. 13; Lucan, viii. 17.) EiiL-t-l (Kypros, vol. i. p. 153) identifies it with Dalin, de- 14 IDIMIUxM. scribed by Mariti (Viaffgl, vol. i. p. 204), situated to the south of Leucohia, at the loot of Jlouiit Olvmpus. [E- B. J.] IDIMIUJI, a town in Lower Pannonia, on the east of Sirmium, according to the Peut. Tab.; in the Ea- venna Geographer (iv. 19) it is called Idominium. Its site must be looked for in the neighbourhood of Munvicza. [L S.J IDIMUS, a tow-n of uncertain site in Upper Moesia, probably on ih^Morawa in Servia. {It. Ant. 134; Tab. P'eiii.) [L. S.J IDISTAVISUS CAMPUS, the famous battle- field where Germanicus, in a. d. 16, defeated Ar- minius. The name is mentioned only by Tacitus {Ann. ii. 16), who describes it as a "campus me- dius inter Visurgim et colles," and further says of it, that " ut ripae fiumiuis cedunt aut prominentia man- tiuin resistunt, iaaequaliter sinuatur. Pone tergum iiisurgebat silva, editis in altum ramis et pura humo inter arborum truncos." This plain between the river Weser and the hills has been the subject of much discussion among the modem historians of Germany, and various places have been at difterent times pointed out as answering the description of Tacitus' Idistavisus. It was formerly believed that it was the plain near Vegesack, below Bremen ; more recent writers are pretty unanimous in believ- ing that Germanicus went up the river Weser to a point beyond the modern town of Minden, and crossed it in the neighbourhood of JIausherge, whence the battle probably took place between Haus- berge and Rtiiteln, not farfrom the Porta \'e»tphaliea. (Ledebur, Land u. Volk der Bructtrer, p. 288.) As to the name of the place, it used to be believed that it had arisen out of a Koman asking a Geniian what the place was, and the German answering, " It is a wiese" (it is a meadow) ; but Grimm {Deutsche MytJiol. p. 372. 2nd edit.) lias shown that the plain was probably called ldiglai;iso, that is, " the maiden's meadow " (from idisi, a maiden). [L. S.] IDO'MENE {'iSoixivT], Ptol. iii. 13. § 39 ; Ido- menia. Pent. Tab.), a town of Macedonia which the Tabular Itinerary places at 12 M. P. from Stena, the pass now called Demirlcapi, or Iron Gate, on the river Vardhdri. Sitxilces, on his route from Thrace to JIacedonia, crossed Mt. Cercine, leaving the Pae- i ones on his right, and the Sinti and JIaedi on hi» left, and descended upon the Axius at Idomene. (Thuc. ii. 98.) It probably stood upon the right bank of the Axiiis, as it is included by Ptolemy {l. c.) in Emathia, and was near Doberus, next to which it is named by Hierocles among the towns of Consular Macedonia, under the Byzantine empire. (Leake. North. Greece, vol. iii. p. 444.) [E. B. J.] IDO'MENE. [Argos Amphilochicum.] IDRAE ("iSpai, Ptol. iii. 5. § 23), a people of Sarmatia Europaea, whose position cannot be made out from the indications given by Ptolemy. (Scha- farik, Slat'. Alt. vol. i. p."" 2 13.) [E. B. J.] I'DRIAS ('iSptds), according to Stephanus B. {s. v.), a town in Caria wliich had formerly borne the name of Chrysaoris. Herodotus (v. 118) de- scribes the river Mavsyas as flowing from a district c.iUed Idi-ias ; and it is conjectured that Stratoniceia, founded by Antiochus Soter, was built on the site of the ancient town of Idrias. (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor, p. 235 ; see Laodiceia.) [L. S.] IDU'BEDA ('l5oi''geSa, misspelt by Agathemerus 'I^5ov§aA.5a, ii. 9: Sierra de Oca and Sierra de Lorenzo), a great mountain chain of Hispania, running in .i SE. direction from the mountains of idol\ea. the Cantabri to the Jlediten-anean, almost parallel to the Ebro, the basin of which it borders on the AY. Strabo makes it also parallel to the Pyrenees, in conformity with his view of the direction of that chain from N. to S. (Strab. iii. p. 161 ; Ptol. ii. 6. §21.) Its chief offsets were: — M. Cauxls. near Bilbilis (JIartial, i. 49, iv. 55), the Saltl's Max- Li.\xus (Liv. xl. 39 : probably the Sierra Molina), and, above all, il. Ouospeda, which strikes oS" from it to the S. long before it reaches the sea, and which ought perhaps rather to be regarded as its principal prolongation than as a mere branch. [P. S.] IDUMAEA {'iSovnaia), the name of the countrj' inhabited by the descendants of Edom (or Esau), being, in fact, only the classical form of that ancient Semitic name. (Joseph. Ant. ii. 1. § 1.) It is other- wise called Mount Seir. {Gen. xxxii. 3, sxxvi. 8; I)eut. ii. 5 ; Joshua, xxir. 4.) It lay between Mount Horeb and the southern border of Canaan {Deut. i. 2), extending apparently as for south as the Gulfo/Akaba {Deut. ii. 2— S), as indeed its ports, Ezion-geber, and Eloth, are expressly assigned to the " land of Edom." (2 Chroii. viii. 17.) This country W.1S inhabited in still more ancient times by the Horims {Deut. ii. 12, 22), and derived its more ancient name from their patriarch Seir {Gen. xxxvj. 20; comp. xiv. 6). as is properly maintained by Reland, against the fanciful conjecture of Josephus and otiiers. {Palaestina, pp. 68, 69.) The Jewish historian extends the name Idumaea so far to the north as to comprehend under it great part of the south of Judaea; as when he says that the tribe of Simeon received as their inheritance that part of Idumaea which borders on Egypt and Arabia. {Ant. v. 1. § 22) He elsewhere calls Hebron the tirst city of Idumaea, i.e. reckoning from the north. {B.J. iv. 9. § 7.) From his time the name Idumaea disappears from geographical descriptions, except as an his- torical appellation of the country that was then called Gckilene, or the southern desert (r) Karix. fifcrrifJ'.- Spiati ipTJ/jLos, Euseb. Onom. s. v. AiKifi), or Arabia. The historical records of the Iduniaeans, properly so called, are very scanty. Saul made w;ir upon them; David subdued the whole country ; and Solomon made Ezion-geber a naval station. (1 Sam. xiv. 47, 2 Sam. viii. 14; 1 Kings, xi. 15, ix. 26.) The Edomites, however, recovered their national inde- pendence under Joram, king of Judah (2 Kings, xiv. 7), and avenged themselves on the Jews in the cruellies which they practised at the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. {Psalms, csxxvii. 7.) It was probably during the Babylonish cap- tivity that they extended themselves as far north as Hebron, where they were attacked and subdued by Judas M.iccabaeus. (1 Maccah. v. 65 — 68; Joseph. Ant. xii. 8. § 6.) It was on this account that the whole of the south of Palestine, about Hebron, Gaza, and Eleutheropolis {Beit Jtbnn), came to be designated Idumaea. (Joseph. B. J. iv. 9. § 7, c. Apion. ii. 9 ; S. Jerom. Comment, in Obad. ver. 1.) Jleanwbile, tlie ancient seats of the children of Edom had been invaded and occupied by another tribe, the Nabathaeans, the descendants of the Ishmaehte patriarch Xebaioth [N.\b.\tiiaei1, under which name the comitry and its capital [Petra] became famous among Greek and I^maii geographers and historians, on which account their description of the district is more appropriately given under that head. St. Jerome's brief but accurate notice of its general features may here suffice: — " Omnis australis legio Idumaeorum de Eleuthero- IDUNU.M. poll usque ad Petram et Ailam (haec est possessio Ksau) in specubus liabitatiunculas liabet; et propter iiimius calores solis, quia ineridiana pruviucia est, siibterraiieis tupuriis utitur." {Comment, in Obad. vv. 5, 6.) And again, writing of the same countiy. he says that south of Tekoa " uUra nullus est vicuhis, ne agrestes quidem casae et funioruin simile.-;, quas Afri appellant niapaUa. Tanta est eremi vastitas, quae usque ad JIare IJubrum I'ersarumque et Aethio- pum atque Indorum tenninos dilatalur. Et quia liumi arido atque arenoso nihil omnino frugum gi;;- nitur, cunctft sunt plena pastoribus, ut sterilitatem terrae comijenset pecoruui nmltitudiue." (^Proloy. ad Amosum.) [G. W.] IDUNUM, a town in the estrerae south of Pan- noiiia (Ptol. ii. 14. § 3), which, from inscriptions fiiund on the spot, is identified with the nuxleni JudenbHrg. [L. S.] JKBUS, JEBL'SI'TKS. [.Tkiu;salem.] JKHOSHAPHAr, VALLEY OF. [Jehu- 8am:m.] lENA, in Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 2) as an estuary between the outlets of the riveiN Abravannus and Deva to the south of the prmiKiii- tory of the Novantae (^=]Vitjton Bay). [IJ. G. L.] lEltABUl'tiA. [Akabura.] JEHICIIO ('UpjX'i', 'Ifp'Xoi'^ Strab.), a strongly fortified city of the Canaanites, miraculously taken by Joshua, who utterly destroyed it, and prohibited it from being rebuilt under pain of an anathema (Josh. ii. vi,), which was braved and incurred by Uiel of Bethel, five centuries afterwards, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel. (1 Kim/s, xvi. .'H.) It then became a school of the projiiiets. (2 Kiiiys, ii. 4, .5.) It lay in the border of Benj:imin, to which tribe it was assigned (Josh, xviii. 12, 21), but wa.s not far from the southern bordei-s of Ephraim (xvi. 1). It is mentioned in the New Testament in con- nection with the wealthy revenue-farmer Zacchaeus, who resided there, and probably farmed the govern- ment dues of its rich and well cultivatetl plain. Josephus describes it as well situated, and fruitful in palms and balsam. (Ant. iv. 8. § 1, B.J. i. 6. § 6.) He places the city 60 stadia from the Jor- dan, 150 from Jerusalem (B. J. iv. 8. § 3), the inten-ening country being a rocky desert, lie ac- counts for the narrow limits of the tribe of Benjamin by the fact that Jericho was included in that tribe, the fertility of which far surpassed the richest soil in other parts of Palestine (§§ 21, 22). Its plain was 70 stadia long by 20 wide, iirigated by the waters of the fountain of Elisha, which possessed almost miraculous properties. (Aiit. iv. 8. §§ 2, 3.) It was one of the eleven toparchies of Judaea. (B. J. iii. 2.) Its palm grove was granted by Antony to Cleopatra (i. 18. § 5), and the subsequent ix>ssession of this envied district by Herod the Great, who first farmed the revenues for Cleopatra, and then redeemed them (Ant. xiv. 4. §§ 1, 2). probably gave occasion to tiie proverbial use of his name in Horace (Ep. ii. 2. 184): — " cessare et luderc et ungi, Praeferat Herodis palmetis pinguibus." It is mentioned by Strabo (■s.vi. p. 763) and Pliny (v. 14) in connection with its palm-trees and foun- tains. The former also alludes to the palace and its garden of balsam, the cultivation and collecting of which is more fully described by Pliny (sii. 25). The palace was built by Herod the Great, as Lis own residence, and there it was that he died ; lElIXE. U having first confined in the hippodrome the most illustrious men of the country, with the intention that they should be massacreil after his death, that there might be a general mourning throughout the country on that occurrence. (B. J. i. 33. "S 6.) Josephus further mentions that Jericho was visited by Vespiisian shortly before he quitted the country, where he left the tenth legion (B. J. iv. 8. § 1 , 9. § 1) ; but he does not mention its destruction by Titus on account of the jiei-fidy of its inhabitants; a fact which is supplied by Eusebius and St. Jerome. They add that a third city had been built in its stead; but that the ruins of both the former were still to be seen. (Onomctst. s. v.) The existing ruius can only be referred to this latest city, which is frequently men- tioned in the mediaeval pilgrimages. They stand on the skirt.s of the mountain country that shuts in the valley of the Jordan on the west, about three hours distant from the river. They are very exten- sive, but present nothing of interest. The waters of the fountain of Elisha, now 'Ai/i-es-Sultan, well answer to tiie glowing description of Josephus, and still fertilise the Miil in its immediate neighbourhoo /ge t pare J7. Engraved by J * C Walker JERUSALEM, attachecl, perhaps, to two neijlibouring sites after- wards incorporated into one. Tlie sacred narrative, by iinplication, and Josepiins, explicitly, recognise from tlie first a distinction between tbe Up{)er and tlie Lower city, the memorial of which is supix)sed to be retained in the dual form of the Hebiew name DVw'-IT. The learned are divided in opinion as to whether the Salem of Slelchizedck is identical with Jerusalem. St. Jerome, who cites Josephus and a host of Christian authorities in favour of their identity, himself maintaining the oppasite conclusion, says that extensive ruins of tlie palace of Mclchizedck were shown in his day in the neighbourhood of Scythopolis, and makes the Salem of that patriarch identical witli " Shalem, a city of Shechem" {Gen. xxxiii. 18); the same, no doubt, with the Salini near to Aenon {St. John, iii. 23), where a village of the same name still exists in the mountains cast of Nabliis. Certain, however, it is that Jerusalem is intended by this name in Psalm Ixxvi. 2, and the almost universal agreement of Jews and Christians in its identity with the city of Mclchizedek is still further confirmed by the religious character which seems to have attached to its governor at the time of the coming in of the children of Israel, when we find it under tlie rule of Adonizedek, the exact equivalent to Mclchizedek (" righteous Lord "). Regarding, then, the latter half of the name as representing the ancient Salem, we have to inquire into the origin of the former half, concerning which there is consider- able diver^ity of opinion. Josephus has been under- stood to derive it from the Greclc word 'Upov, prefixed to Salem. In the obscure passage (.In/, vii. 3. § 2) he is so undci-stood by St. Jerome; but Isaac Vossius defends him from this imputation, which certainly would not raise his character as an etymologist. Lightfoot, after the liabbies, and followed by Whistou, regards the former half of the name as an abbre- viation of the latter part of the title Jehovah-jjVeA, which this place seems to have received on occasion of Abraham offering up his son on one of the moun- tains of " the land of Jloriah." (6'eM. xsii. 8, 14.) IJeland, followed by Raunier, adopts the root C^* yw-ash, and supposes the name to be compounded of C'-VT and D?"', which would give a very good sense, " hereditas," or " possessio hereditaria pacis.'' Lastly, Dr. Wells, followed by Dr. Lee, regards the former pai't of the compound name as a modification of the name Jehus, tJ'13', one of the earlier names of the city, from which its Canaanitish inhabitants were designated Jebusites. Dr. Wells imagines that the 2 was changed into "I, for the sake of euphony; Dr. Lee, for euphemy, as Jebusalem would mean "the trampling down of peace" — a name of ill omen. Of these various interpretations, it may be said that Lightfoot's appears to have the highest authority ; but that Eeland's is otherwise the most satisfactory. Its other Scripture name, Sion, is merely an extension of the name of one particular quarter of the city to the whole. There is a further question among critics as to whether by the city Cadytis, mentioned in Herodotus, Jerusalem is in- tended. It is twice alluded to by the historian : once as a city of the Syrians of Palaestine, not much smaller than Sardis (iii. 5); again, as having been taken by Pharoah-Necho, king of Egypt, after his victory in Magdolum (ii. 159). The main objections urged against the identity of Cadytis and Jerusalem in these passages, are, tliat in the former passage VOL. II. JERUSALEM. 17 Herodotus is apparently confining his surrey to tliS sea-border of Palaestine, and that the fact narrated in the second is not alluded to in the sacred narrative. But, on the other hand, there is no mention in sacrej or profane history of any other city, maritime or inland, that could at all answer to the description of Cadytis in respect to its size: and the capture of JeriLsalem by Necho after the battle of Megiddo, which is evidently corrupted by Herodotus into Mag- dolum, the name of a city on the frontier of Egypt towards Palaestine, with which he was more fa- miliar, — though not expressly mentioned, is implied in Holy Scripture; for the deposition and deportation of Jehoahaz, and the substitution and subjugation of Jehoiakim, could not have been effected, unless Necho had held j)os.session of the capital. (2 Kings, xxiv. 29 — 35; comp. 2 Cliron. xxxvi. 3.) It may, then, safely be concluded that Cadytis is Jerusalem; and it is remarkable that this earliest fonn of its cla.ssical name is nearly equivalent to the modern name by which alone it is now known to its native inhabit- ants. El-Khiids signifies " the Holy (city)," and this title appears to have been attached to it as early as the period of Isaiah (xlviii. 2, Iii. 1), and is (if frequent recurrence after the Captivity. {^Nehem. xi. 1, 18; St. Matth. iv. 5, xxvii. 53.) Its pagan name Colonia Aelia Capitolina, like those imposed on many other ancient cities in Palaestine, never took any hold on the native population of the country, nor, indeed, on the classical historians or ecclesi- astical writers. It probably existed only in state papers, aud on coins, many of which are preserved to this day. (See the end of the article.) II. General Site. Jerusalem was situated in the heart of the moun- tain district which commences at the south of tiie great plain of Esdraelon and is continued throughout the whole of Samaria and Judaea quite to the southern extremity of the Promised Land. It is almost equidistant from the Jlediterranean and from the river Jordan, being about thirty miles from each, and situated at an elevation of 2000 feet above the level of the Mediterranean. Its site is well defined by its circumjacent valleys. Valleys. — (1) In the north-west quarter of the city is a shallow depression, occupied by an ancient pool. This is the head of the Valley of Hinnom, which from this point takes a southern course, con- fining the city on the western side, until it makes a sharp angle to the east, and forms the southern boundary of the city to its south-east quarter, where it is met by another considerable valley from the north, which must next be described. (2) At the distance of somewhat less than 1500 yards fiom the " upper pool " at the head of the Valley of Hinnom, are the " Tombs of the Kings," situated at the head of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, which runs at first in an eastern course at some distance north of the modern city, until, turning sharply to the south, it skirts the eastern side of the town, and meets the Valley of Hinnom at the south- east angle, as already described, from whence they run off together in a southerly direction to the Dead Sea. Through this valley the brook Kedron is sup- posed once to have ran; and, although no water has been known to flow through the valley within the annals of history, it is unquestionably entitled to the alias of the Valley of the Kedron. The space between the basin at the head of the Valley of Hinnom and the head of the Valley of C 18 JERUSALEM. Jehoshaphat is occupied by a high roclvj ridge or swell of land, which attains its highest elevation a little without the north-west angle of the present town. The city, then, occupied the termination of this broad swell of land, being isolated, except on the north, by the two great valleys already described, towards which the ground declined rapidly from all parts of the city. This rocky promontory is, how- ever, broken by one or two subordinate valleys, and the declivity is not uniform. (3) There is, for example, another valley, very inferior in magnitude to those which encu-cle the city, but of great importance in a topographical view, as being the main geographical feature mentioned by Josephus in his description of the city. This valley of the Tyropoeon (cheese-makers) meets the Valley of Hinnom at the Pool of Siloam, very near its junction with the Valley of Jehoshapliat, and can be distinctly traced through the city, along the west side of the Temple enclosure, to the Damascus gate, where it opens into a small plain. The level of this valley, running as it does through the midst of a city that has undergone such constant vicissitudes and such repeated destruction, has of course been greatly raised by the desolations of so many gene- rations, but is so marked a feature in modern as in former times, that it is singular it was not at once recognised in the attempt to re-distribute the ancient .Jerusalem fi-om the descriptions of Josephus. It would be out of place to enter into the arguments for this and other identifications in the topography of ancient Jerusalem ; the conclusions only can be stated, and the various hypotheses must be sought in the works referred to at the end of the article. Hills. — Ancient Jerusalem, according to Jo- sephus, occupied " two eminences, which fronted each other, and were divided by an intervening ravine, at the brink of which the closely-built houses termi- nated." This ravine is the Tyropoeon, already re- ferred to, and this division of tiie city, which the historian observes from the earliest period, is of the utmost importance in the topography of Jeru-^alem. Tile two hills and the intermediate valley are more minutely described as follows: — ( 1 ) The Upper City. — " Of these eminences, that which had upon it the Upper City was by mucli the loftier, and in its length the straiten This emi- nence, then, for its strength, used to be called the .stronghold by king David, but by us it was called the Upper Agora. (2) The Lower City. — "The other eminence, which was called Acra, and which supported the Lower City, was in shape gibbous (d.uc^i/cupTos). (3) The Temple Mount. — "Opposite to this latter was a third eminence, which was naturally lower than Acra, and was once separated from it by another broad ravine : but afterwards, in the times when the Asmonaeans reigned, they filled up the ravine, wishing to join the city to the Temple; and having levelled the summit of Acra, they made it lower, so that in this quarter also the Temple might be seen rising above other objects. '■ But the ravine called the Tyropoeon (cheese- makers), which we mentioned as dividing the emi- nences of the Upper City and the Lo\Yer, reaches to Siloam ; for so we call the spring, both sweet and abundant. But on their outer sides the two emi- nences of the city were hemmed in within deep ravines, and, by reason of the precipices on either side, there was no approach to them from any quarter,'" (5, Jud. v. 4, 5.) JERUSALEM. This, then, was the disposition of the ancient city, on which a few remarks must be made before we proceed to the new city. The two-fold division, which, as has been said, is recognised by Josepbus from the first, is implied also in the sacred narrative, not only in the account of its capture by the Israelites, and subsequently by David, but in all such passages a« mention the city of David or Mount Sion as dis- tinct from Salem and Jerusalem. (Comp. Josh. xv. 63; Judges, i. 8, 21 ; 2 Sam. v. 6—9 ; Psalms, Isxvi. 2, &c.) The account given by Josephus of the taking of the city is this: that " the Israelites, having besieged it, after a time took the Lower City, but the Upper City was hard to be taken by reason of the strength of its walls, and the nature of its position" (^Ant. v. 2. § 2); and, subse- quently, that " David laid siege to Jerusalem, and took the Lower City by assault, while the citadel still held out" (vii. 3. § 1). Having at length got possession of the Upper City also, '' he encircled the two within one wall, so as to form one body" (§ 2). This could only be effected by taking in the inter- jacent valley, which is apparently the part called Millo. (4) But when in process of time the city over- flowed its old boundaries, the hill Bezetha, or New City, was added to the ancient hills, as is thus described by Josephus: — "The city, being over- abundant in population, began gradually to creep beyond its old walls, and the people joining to the city the region which lay to the north of the temple and close to the hill (of Acra), advanced consider- ably, so that even a fourth eminence was surrounded with habitations, viz. that which is called Bezetha, situated opposite to the Antonia, and divided from it by a deep ditch; for the ground had been cut through on purpose, that the foundations of the Antonia might not, by joining the eminence, be easy of ap- proach, and of inferior height." The Antonia, it is necessary here to add, in anti- cipation of a more detailed description, was a castle situated at the north-western angle of the outer enclosure of the Temple, occupying a precipitous rock 50 cubits high. It is an interesting fact, and a convenient one to facilitate a description of the city, that the several parts of the ancient city are precisely coincident >vith the distinct quarters of modern Jerusalem : for that, 1st, the Armenian and Jewish quarters, with the remainder of Jlount Sion, now excluded from the walls, composed the Upper City ; 2dly, the 5Ia- hommedan quarter corresponds exactly with the Lower City ; 3dly, that the Haram-es-Sherif, or Noble Sanctuary, of the Moslems, occupies the Temple Mount; and 4thly, that the Haret (quarter) Bab-el- Hitta is the declivity of the hill Bezetha, which attains its greatest elevation to the north of the modern city wall, but was entirely included within the wall of Agrippa, together with a considerable space to the north and west of the Lower City, in- cluding all the Christian quarter. The several parts of the ancient city were enclased by distinct walls, of which Josephus gives a minute description, which must be noticed in detail, as fur- nishing the fullest account we have of the city as it existed during the Roman period ; a description which, as fitr as it relates to the Old city, will serve for the elucidation of the ante-Babylonish capital, — as it is clear, from the account of the rebuilding of the walls by Nehemiah (iii., vi.), that the new fortifications followed the course of the ancient enceinte. JERUSALEM. III. WAM.S. JERUSALEM. 19 1. Upper City and Old W(dl. — " Of the three walls, the old one was difficult to be taken, both on account of the ravines, and of the eminence above them on which it was situated. But, in addition to the advantai;e of the position, it was also stron^rly built, as David and Solomon, and the kings after them, were very zealous about the work. Beginning towards the north, from the tower called llijipicus, and passing through the place called Xystus, then joining the council ciiamber, it was united to the western cloister of the Temple. In the other di- rection, towards the west, conmiencing from the same place, and extending through a place called Bethso to the gate of the Essenes, and then turning towards the south above the fountain Siloani, thence again bending toward the cast to the Pool of Solomon, and running through a place which they called Uphla, it was joined to the eastern cloister of the Temple." To undei-stand this description, it is only necessary to remark, that the walls are described, not by the direction in which they run, but by the quarter which tiiey face; i. e. the wall " turning towards the .south " is the south wall, and so with the others; so that the Hippie Tower evidently lay at the N\V. angle of the Upper City; and, as the position of this tower is of the first importance in the description of the city walls, it is a fortunate circumstance that we are able to fix its exact site. ( 1 ) The Hippie Tower is mentioned in connection with two neighbouring towers on the same north wall, all built by Herod the Great, and connected with his splendid palace that occupied the north- west angle of the Upper City. '" These towers," says the historian, " surpissed all in the world in extent, beauty, and strength, and were dedicated to the memory of his brother, his friend, and his best loved wife. " The IJippicus, named from his friend, was a square of 25 cubits, and thirty high, entirely solid. Above the [lart which was solid, and constructed with massive stones, was a i-eservoir for the rain-water, 20 cubits in depth; and above this a house of two stories, 25 cubits high, divided into different apart- ments ; above which were battlements of 2 cubits, on a [laraiiet of 3 cubits, making the whole height 80 cubits. (2) " The Towei' Phaiaelus,v:]nch was named from his brother, was 40 cubits square, and solid to the height of 40 cubits ; but above it was erected a cloister 10 cubits high, fortified with breastworks and ramparts ; in the middle of the cloister was carried up another tower, divided into costly cham- bers and a bath-room, so that the tower was in nothing inferior to a palace. Its summit was adorned with parapets and battlements, more than the pre- ceding. It was in all 90 cubits high, and resembled the tower of Pharus near Alexandria, but was of much larger circumference. (3) " The Tower Mariamne was solid to the height of 30 cubits, and 20 cubits square, having above a richer and more exquisitely ornamented dwelling. Its entire height was 55 cubits. " Such in size were the three towers ; but they looked much larger through the site which they occupied; for both the old wall itself, in the range of which they stood, was built upon a lofty eminence, and likewise a kind of crest of tliis eminence reared itself to the height of 30 cubits, on which the towers being situated received much additional elevation. The towers were constructed of white marble, in blocks of 20 cubits long, 10 wide, and 5 deep, so exactly joined together that each tower appeared to be one mass of rock." Now, the modern citadel of Jerusalem occupies the NW. angle of Mount Sion, and its northern wall rises from a deep fosse, having towers at either angle, the bases of which are protected on the outside by massive masonry .sloping upward from the fosse. The N\V. tower, divided only by the trench from the Jatia gate, is a square of 45 feet. The NE., com- monly known as the Tower of David, is 70 feet 3 inches long, by 56 feet 4 inches broad. The sloping bulwark is 40 feet high from the bottom of the trench ; but this is much choked up with lubbish. To the tower j^art there is no known or vi>ilile en- trance, either from above or below, and no one knows of any room or space in it. The lower part of this platform is, indeed, the solid rock merely cut into shape, and faced with massive masonry, which rock rises to the height of 42 feet. This rock is doubt- less the crest of the hill described by Jiisephus as 30 cubits or 45 feet hii;h. Now, if the dimensions of Hippicus and Phasaelus, .as already given, are compared with those of the modern towers on the nortli side of the citadel, we find that the dimensions of that at the N\V. angle — three of whose sides are determined by the scarj«d nnk on which it is based — so nearly agree with those of Hippicus, and the width of the NE. tower — also determined by the cut rock — so nearly with the square of Pha.saelus, that there can be no difficulty in deciding upon their identity of position. Mariamne has entirely dis- appeared. " To these towers, situated on the north, was joined within — (4) '■ The Royal Palace, surpassing all powers of description. It was entirely surrounded bj- a wall 30 cubits high, with decorated towers at equal in- tervals, and contained enormous banquetting halls, besides numerous chambers richly adorned. There were also many porticoes encircling one another, with different columns to each, surrounding green courts, planted with a variety of trees, having long avenues through them ; and deep channels and re- servoirs everywhere around, filled with bronze sta- tues, through which the water flowed; and many towers of tame pidgeons about the fountains." This magnificent palace, unless the description is exaggerated beyond all licence, must have occupied a larger space than the present fortress, and most probably its gardens extended along the western edge of Mount Sion as far as the present garden of the Armenian Convent ; and the decorated towers of this part of the wall, which was spared by the Pio- mans when they levelled the remainder of the city, seem to have transmitted their name to modern times, as the west front of the city wall at this part is caWti Abroth Ghazzeh, i.e. The Towers of Gaza. (5) As the Xystus is mentioned next to the Hippicus by Josephus, in his description of the north wall of the' Upper City, it m.iy be well to proceed at once to that; deferring the consideration of the Gate Gennath, which obviously occuired between the two, until we come to the Second Wall. The Xystus is properly a covered portico attached to the Greek Gymnasium, which commonly had uncovered walks connected with it. {Uict. Ant. p. 580.) As the Jerusalem Xystus was a place where public meetings were occasionally convened (^Bell. Jud. ii. 6. § 3), it must be understood to be a wide public c2 20 JERUSALEM, promenade, though not necessarily connected with a f,^ymnasium, but perhaps rather with another palace which occupied " this extremity of the Upper City ;" for the name was given also to a terraced walk with colonnades attached to Roman villas. (Vitniv. v. 1 1 .) (6) The House of the Asmanaeans was above the Xystus, and was apparently occupied as a palace by the Younger Agrippa; for, when he addressed the multitude assembled in the Xystus, he placed his sister Berenice in the house of the Asmonaeans, that she might be visible to them. (5. J. I. c.) (7) Tlie Causeway. At the Xystus we are told a causeway (7ei|)upa) joined the Temple to the Upper City, and one of the Temple gates opened on to this causeway. That the yi^vpa was a causeway and not a bridge, is evident from the expression of Jo- sephus in anotlier passage, where he says that the valley was interrupted or filled up, for the passage (rfjs (papayyos els SioSov airei\7]fifj.eyT]s, Ant. xv. 11. § 5.). As the Tyropoeon divided the Upper from the Lower City, and the Temple Mount was attached to the Lower, it is obvious that the Tyro- poeon is the valley here mentioned. This earth- wall or embankment, was the work of Solomon, and is the only monument of that great king in Jerusalem that can be certainly said to have escaped tlie ravages of time; for it exists to the present day, serving the same purpose to the Slahometans as foi-merly to the Jews: the approach to the Mosk enclosure from the Baza:u-s passes over this cause- way, which is therefore the most frequented thorough- fare in the city. (Williams, Holy City, vol. ii. pp. .392 -397, and note, pp. 601—607.) It is highly probable that the Xystus was nothing else than the wide promenade over this mound, adorned with a covered cloister between the trees, with which the Rabbinical traditions assure us that Solomon's causeway was shaded. It is clear that the north wall of the Upper City must have crossed the valley by this causeway to theGcte Shallecheth, which is explained to mean the Gate of the Embank- ment. (1 Chron. xxvi. 16.) (8) The Council- Chamber (j3oi;\7J, jSouAeuTT)- piof) is the next place mentioned on the northern line of wall, as the point where it joined the western portico of the Temple. And it is remarkable that the corresponding office in the modem town occupies the same site; the Mehkemeh, or Council-Chamber of the Judicial Divan, being now found immediately outside the Gate of the Chain, at the end of the causeway, corresponding in position to the Shalle- cheth of the Scriptures. We have now to trace the wall of the Upper City in the opposite direction from the same point, viz. the Hippie Tower at the NW. angle. The points noticed are comparatively few. " It iirst ran south- ward (i. e. with a western aspect), through a place called Bethso, to the Gate of the Essenes; then, turning E., it ran (with a southern aspect) above the fountain of Siloam; thence it bent northward, and ran (with an eastern aspect) to the Pool of Solomon, and extending as far as a place called Ophla, was joined to the eastern cloister of the Temple." ii. On the West Frontxit\\het of the names which occur are found again in the notices of the city : but Bethso may safely be assigned to the site of the garden of the Armenian Convent, and the Gate of the Essenes may be fixed to a spot not very far from the SW. comer of the modern city, a little to the W. of the Tomb of David, near which a re- JERUSALEM. markable ridge seems still to indicate the founda- tions of the ancient city wall. iii. Along the south face of the Upper City tliQ old wall may still be traced, partly by scarped rock and partly by foundations of the ancient wall, which have served as a quarry for the repairs of the neigh- bouring buildings for many ages. Its course from this point to the Temple is very difficult to deter- mine, as the steep dcchvity to the Tyropoeon would make it extremely inconvenient to carry the wall in a straight line, while, on the contrary, the absence of all notice of any deviation from a direct line in a description in which the angles are uniformly noted, would seem to imply that there was no such deflec- tion in its course. As it is clear, however, that tlie Upper City was entirely encompassed with a wall (i its own, nowhere noticed by Josephus, except so far as it was coincident with the outer wall, it may be safely conjectured that this east wall of the Upper City followed the brow of the ridge from the south- east angle of the Hill Sion, along a line nearly co- incident witli the aqueduct ; while the main wall con- tinued its easterly course down the steep slope of Sion, aci-oss the valley of the Tyropoeon, not far from its mouth, — a little above the Pool of Siloam, — and then up the ridge Ophel, until it reached the brow of the eastern valley. It may sen-e to coun- tenance this theory to observe, that in the account of this wall in Nehemiah there is mention of " the stairs that go down from the city of David," by which stairs also the procession went up when en- compassing the city wall. (iii. 15, sii. 37.) iv. The further course of the old wall to the eastern cloister of the Temple is equally obscure, as the several points specified in the description are not capable of identification by any other notices. These are the Pool of Solomon and a place called Ophla, in the description already cited, to which may be added, from an incidental notice, the Basilica of Grapte or Monobazus. {B. J. v. 8. § 1.) The Pool of Solomon has been sometimes iden- tified with the Fountain of the Virgin, from which the Pool of Siloam is supplied, and sometimes with that very pool._ Both solutions are unsatis- factory, for Siloam would scarcely be mentioned a second time in the same passage under another name, and the fountain in question cannot, with any propriety, be called a pool. The place railed Ophh, — in Scripture Ophel — is commonly supposed to be the southern spur of the Temple Mount, a narrow rocky ridge extending down to Siloam. But it is more certain that it is used in a restricted sense in this passage, than that it is ever extended to the whole ridge. (See Holy City, vol. ii. p. 365, note 7.) It was apparently a large fortified building, to the south of the Temple, connected with an outlving tower (^Nekem. iii. 27, 2S), and probably situated near the southern extre- mity of the present area of the ilosk of Omar. And the massive angle of ancient masonry at the SE. corner of the enclosure, " impending over the Valley of Jehoshaphat, which here actually bends south- west round the comer, having a depth of about 130 feet," may possibly have belonged to the "out- lying tower," as it presents that appearance within {H.C. vol. ii. pp.311, 317). It is clear, in any case, that the wall under consideration must have joined the eastern cloister of the Temple somewhere to the north of this angle, as the bend in the valley indi- cated by Dr. Robinson would have precluded the possibility of a junction at this angle. JERUSALEM. 2. The Second Wall, and the Lower City. — Tlic account of the second wall in Joseplius, is very meagre. He merely says that it began at the Gate Gennath, a place in the old wall ; and, after cn- compiissint; the Lower City, had its termination at the Fortress" Antonia." There is here no clue to the position of the Gate Gennatli. It is, however, quite certain that it was between the Hippie Tower and the Xystus: and the noith-west anj;le of the Upper City was occupied by the extensive palace of Henxl the Great, and its iniptsint; towers stood on the north front of this old wall, where a rocky crest rose to the height of 30 cubits, which would of course preclude the possibility of an exit from the city for some distance to the cast of the tower. Other incidental notices make it clear that there was a considerable space between the third and the second wall at their southern quarter. Comparatively free from buildin!:s,and, consequently, a considerable part of the north wall of the Upper City un|irotcc'ted by the second wall: — e.g. Cestius, having taken the outer wall, encam]ed within the New City, in front of the Koyal I'alace {B. J. ii. 19. § 5) ; Titus attacked the outer wall in its southern l)art, " both because it was lower there tlian else- where, inasmuch as this part of the New City w;»s thinly inhabited, and affurdcd an easy passage to the third (or inmost) wall, through which Titus had hoped to take the Upper City " (v. 6. § 2). Accordingly, when the legions had carried the outer and the second wall, a bank was raised against the northern wall of Sion at a pool called Amygdalon, and another about thirty cubits from it. at the high- priest's monument." The Almond Pool is no doubt identical with the tank that still exists at no great distance from the modern fortress; and the monu- ment must, therefore, have been some 50 feet to tiie east of this, also in the angle formed by the north wall of the Upper City and the southern jiart of the second wall. There is the head of an old archway still existing above a heap of ruins, at a point about half way between the Hippie Tower and the north-west angle of Mount Sion, where a slight depression in that hill brings it nearly to a level with the declivity to the north. This would afford a good starting- jwint for the second wall, traces of which may still be discovered in a Kne north of this, quite to the Damascus gate where are two chambers of ancient and very massive masonry, which a))pear to have flanked an old gate of the second wall at its weakest part, where it crossed the valley of the Tyropoeon. From this gate, the second wall probably followed the line of the present city wall to a point near the Gate of Herod, now blocked up ; whence it was carried along the brow of the hill to the north-east angle of the fortress Antonia, which occupied a con- siderable space on the.north-west of the Temple area, in connection wth which it will be described below. 3. Hie Third Wall, and the New City. — The third wall, which enclosed a very considerable space to the north of the old city, was the work of Herod Agrippa the Elder, and was only commenced about iliirty years before the destruction of Jerusalem, and iicver completed according to the original design, in tonsequeiice of the jealousy of the Roman govern- ment. The following is Josephus's account: — " This third wall Agrippa drew round the super- added city, which was all exposed. It commenced at the Tower Hippicus, from whence it extended to the northern quarter, as far as the Tower PsejJiinus ; JERUSALEM. 21 then, passing opposite to the Monuments of Helena, and being produced through the Royal Caves, it bent, at the angular tower, by the monument called the Fuller's, and, joining the old wall, terminated at the valley of the Kedron." It was connncnced with stones 20 cubits long and 10 wide, and was raised by the Jews to the height of 25 cubits, with the battlements. (1) As the site of the Hippie Tower has been already fixed, the first point to be noticed in this third wall is the Psephine Toicer, which, Joseplius informs us, was the most wonderful part of this great work, situated at its north-west quarter, over against Hippicus, octagonal in form, 70 cubits in height, commanding a view of Arabia towards the cast, of the Mediterranean towards the west, and of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions. The site of this tower is still marked, by its massive foundations, at the spot indicated in the plan ; and con.siderable remains of the wall that connected it with the Hippie Tower are to be traced along the brow of the ridge that shuts iu the upper jiart of the valley of Hinnom, and almost in a line with the modern wall. At the highest point of that ridge the octagonal gromid-plan of the tower may be seen, and a large cistern in the midst of the ruins further confirms their identity, as we are infonned that the towers were furnished with reservoirs for the rain water. (2) The next point mentioned is the Monuments of Helena, which, we are elsewhere told, were three pyramids, situated at a distance of 3 stadia from the city. (^Ant. xx. 3. §3.) About a centui7 later (a. d. 174) I'ausanias speaks of the tomb of Helena, iu the city of Solyma, as having a door so con- structed as to open by mechanical contrivance, at a certain hour, one day in the year. Being thus opened, it closes again of itself after a short in- terval; and, should you attempt to o{)cn it at another time, you would break the door before you could suc- ceed. (Pans. viii. 16.) The pyramids are next men- tioned by Eusebius (^Jlist. Kecks, ii. 12), as remark- able monumental pillars still shown in the suburbs of Jerusalem ; and St. Jerome, a century later, tes- tified that they still stood. (^Epist. ad FAistochium, Op. torn. iv. pars ii. p. 673.) The latest notice is that of an Armenian writer in the 5th century, wh» describes the tomb as a remarkable monument before the gates of Jerusalem. (^Ilist.Annen. lib. ii. cap. 32.) Notwithstanding these repeated notices of the sepul- chral monuments of the queen of Adiabene, it is not now possible to fix their position with any degree of certainty, some archaeologists assigning them to the Tombs of the Kings (Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. i. pp. 465, 535 — 538)^ others to the Tombs of the Martyrs, about f of a mile to the west of the former. (Schultz, Jerusalem, pp. 63 — 67 ; De Saulcy, torn. ii. pp. 326, 327.) A point halfway between these two monuments would seem to answer belter to the incidental notices of the monuments, and they may with great probability be fixed to a rocky court on the right of the road to NebiSamwil, where there are several excavated tombs. Opposite the Monuments of Helena was the Gate of the Women in the third wall, which is mentioned more than once, and must have been between the Nablus road and the Psephine Tower. (3) The Royal Caves is the next point men- tioned on the third wall. They are, doubtless, iden- tical with the remarkable and extensive excavations still called the Tombs of the Kings, most probably 22 JERUSALEM. the same which are elsewhere called the Monument of Herod, and, from the character of their decora- tions, may very well be ascribed to theHerodian period. M. de Saulcy has lately added to our previous in- formation concerning them, and, by a kind of ex- hausting process, he endeavours to prove that they could have been no other than the tombs of David and the early kings of Judah, which have always hitherto been placed on Jlount Sion, where the tra- ditionary site is still guarded by the Moslems. {Voyage en Si/7-ie, toni. ii. pp. 228—281.) (4) The Fuller's monument is the last-mentioned point on the new wall, and, as an angular tower occupied this site, the monument must have been at the north-east angle of the Xew City ; probably one of the many rock graves cut in the perpendicular face of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, near one of which Dr. Schultz has described the foundations of a tower. (Jentsakm, pp. 38, 64.) The Monument of the Fuller probably gave its name to the Fuller's field, wliich is mentioned by the prophet Isaiah as the spot near which the Assyrian army under Rabshakeh encamped (xsxvi. 2, vii. 3); and the traditionary site of the camp of the Assyrians, which we shall find mentioned by Jusephus, in his account of the siege, was certainly situated in this quarter. From this north-east angle the third wall followed the brow of the Valley of Jehoshaphat until it reached the wall of the Outer Temple at its north-east angle. Having thus completed the circuit of the walls, as described by Josephus, and endeavoured to fix the various points mentioned in his description (which furnishes the most numerous topographical notices now extant of ancient Jerusalem), we shall be in a condition to understand the most important his- torical facts of its interesting and chequered history, when we have further taken a brief survey of the Temple. But, first, a singular and perplexing dis- crepancy must be noticed between the general and the detailed statements of the historian, as to the extent of the ancient city ; for, while he states the circuit of the entire city to be no more than 33 stadia, or 4 Roman miles plus 1 stadium, the specification of the measure of the wall of Agrippa alone gives, on the lowest computation, an excess of 12 stadia, or I5 mile, over that of the entire city ! — for it had 90 towers, 20 cubits wide, at inteiTals of 200 cubits. No satisfactory solution of this difficulty has yet been discovered. IV. The Temple Mount. The Temple Mount, called in Scripture the Jloun- tain of the Lord's House, and Jloriah (2 Ckron. iii. 1), is situated at the south-east of the city, and is easily identified with the site of the Dome of the Moskin modern Jerusalem. It was originally a third hill of the Old City, over against Acra, but separated from it by a broad ravine, which, however, was filled up by the Asmonaean princes, so that these two hills became one, and are generally so reckoned by the historinn (B. J. v. 4.) 1. The Outer Court. — The Temple, in the widest signification of the word (jh i(:p6v), consisted of two courts, one within the other, though the inner one is sometimes subdivided, and distributed into four other courts. The area of the Outer Court was in great part artificial, for the natural level space on the summit of the mount being found too confined for tlie Temple, with its surrounding chambers, courts, and cloisters, was gradually increased by mechanical expedients. This extension was com- JERUSALEM. mcnced by Solomon, who raised from the depth of the eastern valley a wall of enormous stones, bound together with lead, within which he raised a bank of earth to a level with the native rock. On this was erected a cloister, which, with its successors, always retained the name of " Solomon's Porch." (aroa. 2oAo,uaivos, St. John, x. 23; Acts, iii. 11, v. 12.) This process of enlarging the court by artificial embankments was continued by successive kings; but particularly by Herod the Great, who, when he reconstructed the Temple Proper (va6s), enlarged the Outer Court to double its former size, and adorned it with stately cloisters. (yl?j/. xv. 11. § 5.) Of these, the Royal Porch, on the south, was the most remarkable of all his magnificent works. It consisted of four rows of Corinthi.an columns, distributed into a central nave and lateral aisles; the aisles being 30 feet in width and 50 in height, and the nave half as wide again as the aisles, and double their height, rising into a clerestory of unusually large proportions. The other cloi^ters were double, and their total width only 30 cubits. To this Outer Court there were four gates on the west, towards the city, and one on each of the other sides ; of which that on the east is still remaining, commonly called the Golden Gate. 2. The Inner Court. — The Inner Temple (Itpov) was separated from the Outer by a stone wall {ponding to the extent of the building The Temple had an eastern aspect: its spacious courts, paved throughout with marble, covered immense reservoirs containing large supplies of water, which gushed out by mechanical con- trivance to wash away the blood of the numerous sacrifices offered tlicre on the festivals The foreigners viewed the Temple from a strong fortress on its north side, and describe the appearance which the city presented It was of moderate extent, being about forty furlongs in circuit The disposition of its towers resembled the arrangement of a theatre: .some of the streets ran along the brow of the hill ; others, lower down, but parallel to these, followed the course of the valley, and they were connected by cross streets. The city was built 26 JERUSALEM. on the sloping side of a hill, and the streets ^vere furnished with raised pavements, alone; which some of the passengers walked on high, while others kept the lower path,— a precaution adopted to secure those who were purified from the pollution which contact with anything unclean could have occa- sioned The place, too, was well adapted for mercantile pursuits, and abomided in artificers of various crafts. Its market was supplied with spicery, gold, and precious stones, by the Arabs, in whose neighbouring mountains there had formerly been mines of copper and iron, but the works had been abandoned during the Persian domination, in conse- quence of a representation to the government that they must prove ruinously expensive to the country. It was also richly furnished with all such articles as are imported by sea, since it had commodious harbours — as Ascalon, Joppa, Gaza, and Ptolemais, from none of wliich it was far distant." (Aristeas, ap. Gallandii Bihlioth. Vet. Pat. tom. ii. pp. 805, &c.) The truthfulness of this description is not affected by the authorship; there is abundance of evidence, internal and external, to prove that it was written by one who had actually visited the Jewish capital during the times of the Ptolemies (cir. B.C. 250). The Seleucidae of Asia were not behind the Pto- lemies in their favours to the Jews ; and the peace and prosperity of the city suffered no material dimi- nution, while it was handed about as a marriage dowry, or by tlie chances of war, between the rivals, until internal factions subjected it to the dominion of Antiochus Epiphanes, whose tyranny crushed for a time the civil and ecclesiastical polity of tlie nation (b. c. 175). The Temple was stripped of its costly sacred vessels, the palaces burned, the city walls demolished, and an idol-altar raised on the very altar of the Temple, on whicli daily sacrifices of swine were offered. This tyranny resulted in a vigorous national revolution, which secured to the Jews a greater amount of independence than they had enjoyed subsequently to the captivity. This continued, under the Asmonean princes, until the con- quest of the country by the Romans: from which time, though nominally subject to a native prince, it was virtually a mere dependency, and little more tlian a province, of the Roman empire. Once again before this the city was recaptured by Antiochus Sidetes, during the reign of John Hyrcanus (cir. 135), when the city walls, which had been restored by Judas, were again levelled with the ground. 4. The capture of the city by Pompey is recorded by Strabo, and was the first considerable event that fixed tlie attention of the classical writers on the city (b.c. 63). He ascribes the intervention of Pompey to the disputes of the brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, the sons of Alexander Jannaeus, wlio first assumed regal power. He states that the conqueror levelled the fortifications when he had taken the city, which he did by filling up an enor- mous fosse wliich defended the Temple on the north side. The particulars of the siege are more fully given by Josepluis, who states that Pompey entered the Holy of Holies, but abstained from the sacred treasures of the Temple, which were plundered by Crassus on his way to Parthia (b. c. 54). The struggle for power between Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and Herod, the son of Antipater, led to the sacking of the city by the Parthians, whose aid had been sought by the former (b. c. 40). Herod, having been appointed king by the senate, only JERUSALEJI. secured possession of his capital after a long siege, in which he was assisted by Sosius, Antony's lieu- tenant, and the Roman legionaries. Jlention has been already made of the palace in the Tpper City and the fortress Antonia, erected, or enlarged and beautified, by Herod. He also undertook to restore the Temple to a state of magnificence that should rival the gloiy of Solomon's ; and a particular de- scription is given of this work by the Jewish his- torian {Ant. XV. 11.) The erection of a theatre and circus, and the institution of quinquennial games in honour of the emperor, went far to conform his city to a pagan capital. On the death of Herod and the banishment of his son Archelaus, Judaea was reduced to a Roman province, within the praefecture of Syria, and subject to a subordinate governor, to whom was intrusted the power of life and death. His ordinary residence at Jerusalem was the fortress Antonia; but Caesarea now shared with Jerusalem the dig- nity of a metropolis. Coponius was the first procu- rator (a. d. 7), under the praefect Cyrenius. The only pennanent monument left by the procurators is tlie aqueduct of Pontius Pilate (a. d. 26 — 36), constructed with the sacred Corban, which he seized for that purpose. This aqueduct still exists, and conveys the water from the Pools of Solomon to the Mosk at Jerusalem {Holy City, vol. ii. pp. 498 — 501 ). The particulars of the siege by Titus, so fully de- tailed by Josephus, can only be briefly alluded to. It occupied nearly 100,000 men little short of five months, h.aving been commenced on the 14th of Xanthicus (April), and terminated with the cap- ture and conflagration of the Upper City on the 8th of Gorpeius (September). This is to be ac- counted for by the fact that, not only did each of the three walls, but also the Fortress and Temple, require to be taken in detail, so that the operations involved five distinct sieges. The general's camp was established close to the Psephine Tower, with one lesion, the twelfth; the tenth was encamped near the summit of Mount Olivet : the fifth oppo- site to the Hippie Tower, two stadia distant from it. The first assault was made apparently between the towers Hippicits and Psephinus, and the outer wall was carried on the fifteenth day of the the siege. This new wall of Agrippa was im- mediately demoHshed, and Titus encamped within the New City, on the traditional camping-ground of the Assyrians. Five days later, the second wall was carried at its northern quarter, but the Romans were repulsed, and only recaptured it after a stout resistance of three days. Four banks were then raised, — two against Antonia, and two against the northern wall of the Upper City. After seventeen days of incessant toil the Romans discovered that their banks had been undermined, and their engines were destroyed by fire. It was then resolved to siuTound the city with a wall, so as to form a complete blockade. The line of circumvallation, 39 furlongs in circuit, with thirteen redoubts equal to an additional 1 furlongs, was completed in three days. Four fresh banks were raised in twenty-one days, and the Antonia was carried two months after the occupation of the Lower City. Another month elapsed before they could succeed in gaining the Inner Sanctuary, when the Temple was accidentally fired by the Roman soldiers. The Upper City still held out. Two banks were next raised against its eastern wall over against the Temple. This occu- pied eighteen days ; and the Upper City was at length carried, a month after the Inner Sanctuary. JERUSALEM. This memorable siege lias been tlioupbt wortiiy of special mention by Tacitus, and his lively abridg- ment, as it would appear, of Jose])lms's detailed narrative, mast have served to raise his country- men's ideas, both of the military prowess and of the powers of endurance of the Jews. The city was wholly demolished except the three towers Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Jlarianme, and so much of the western wall as would serve to protect the legion left there to garrison the place, and pre- vent any fresh insurrectionary movements among the Jews, who soon returned and occupied the ruins. The palace of Herod on Mount Sion was probably converted into a barrack for their accommodation, as it had been before used fur the same purpose. (^Bell. Jml. vii. 1. § 1, ii. 15. § 5, 17. $§ 8, 9.) Sixty years after its destruction, Jerusalem was visited by the emperor Hadrian, who then conceived the idea of rebuilding the city, and left his friend and kinsman Aquila there to superintend the work, A.n. 130. (Epiphanius, de Pond, et Mens. §§ 14, 15.) He had intended to colonise it witii Jlonian veterans, but his project was defeated or suspended by the outbreak of the revolt headed by Barco- chebas, his son IJufus, and his grai;dson Komulus. The insurgents first occupied the capital, and at- tempted to rebuild the Temple : they were speedily dislodged, and then held out in Bethar for nearly three years. [Betiiau.] On the suppression of the revolt, the building of the city was proceeded witli, and luxurious palaces, a theatre, and temples, with other public buildings, fitted it for a Konian population. The Chronicon Alexandrinum men- tions ra duo drifiSffia Kal rh ^tarpov Kal rh TpiKO.- jxepov Koi rh TfTpavvficpov Kal Tb SicSfKanvKov rh irplv ovo/xa^6fj.fvoi> ava^aduol Kal t))i/ KoSpav. A temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, from whom the city derived its new name, occupied tlie site of the Temple, and a tetrastyle fane of Venus was raised over the site of the Holy Sepulchre. The ruined Temple and city furnished materials for these build- ings. The city was divided into .seven quarters (a^<^o5oi),each of which had its own warden (d^<^o- Sdpx'/s). Part of Slount Sion was excluded i'rom the city, as at present, and was " ploughed as a field." (^AficaJi, iii. 12 ; St. Jerome, Comment, in he; Ititierarium Hierosol. p. 592, ed. Wesseling.) The history of Aelia Capitolina has been made the subject of distinct treatises by C. E. Deyling, " Aeliae Capitolinae Origines et Historia" (appended to his father's Ohservationes Sacrae, vol. v. p. 433, &c.), and by Dr. Hunter, late Bishop of Copenhagen (translated by W. Wadden Turner, and published in Dr. Robinson's Bibliotheca Sacra, p. 393, &c.), who have collected all the scattered notices of it as a pagan city. Its coins also belong to this period, and extend from the reign of Hadrian to Severus. One of the former emperor (imp. caes. traian. iiADRiANVS. AVG., which exhibits Jupiter in a tetrastyle temple, with the legend col. ael. cap.) confirms the account of Dion Cassius (Ixix. 12), that a temple to Jupiter was erected on the site of God's temple (Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. pars i. torn. iii. p. 443) ; while one of Antoninus (antoninvs. avg. Pivs. p. p. TP.. p. co.s. HI., representing Venus in a similar temple, with the legend c. A. c. or col. ael. CAP.) no less distinctly confirms the Christian tra- dition that a shrine of Venus was erected over the Sepulchre of our Lord. ( Vaillant, Numismaia A erea Iiiipernt. in Col. pt. i. p. 239; Eckhel, I. c. p. 442.) Under the emperor Constantino, Jerusalem, which JERUSALEJL 27 had already become a favourite place of pilgrimage to the Christians, was furnished with new attractions by that emperor and his mother, and the erection of the JIartyry of the Resurrection inaugurated a new aera of the Holy City, which now recovered its an- cient name, after it had apparently fallen into com- plete oblivion among the government officers in Palaestine itself. (t;useb. de Mart. Palaest. cap. ii.) The erection of his church was commenced the year after the Council of Nicaea, and occupied ten years. It was dedicated on the tricennalia of the emperor, a. i>. 336. (Euseb. Vita Comtantlni, iii. 30 — 40, iv. 40 — 47.) Under the emperor Julian, the city again became an object of interest to the pagans, and the account of the defeat of Julian's attempt to rebuild the Temple is preserved by Ammianus Mar- cellinus, an unexceptional witness (xxiii 1 : all the historical notices are collected by Bishop 'Waiburton, in liis work on the subject, entitled Julian.) In 451, the see of Jerusalem was erected into a patri- archate ; and its subsequent history is chiefly occu- pied with the conflicting opinions of its incumbents on the subject of the heresies which troubled the cluu-ch at that period. In the following century (cir. 532) the emperor Justinian emulated the zeal of his predecessor Constantine by the erection of churches and hospitals at Jerusalem, a complete account of which has been left by Procopius. (/)e Aedificiis Justin ani, v. 6.) In a. d. Gl-4, the city with all its sacred places was desolated by the Persians under Chosroes II., when, according to the contemporary records, 90,000 Christians, of both sexes and of all ages, fell victims to the relentless fury of the Jews, who, to the number of 26,000, had followed the Persians from Galilee to Jerusalem to gratify their hereditary malice by the massacre of the Christians. The churches were immediately restored by Jlodestus; and the city was visited by Heraclius (a. d. 629) after his defeat of the Per- sians. Five years later (a. !>. 634) it was invested by the Saracens, and. after a defence of four months, capitulated to the khalif Omar in person; since which time it has followed the vicissitudes of the various dynasties that have swayed the destinies of Western Asia. It remains to add a few words concerning the modem city and its environs. V. The MoDEnx Cixr. EI-Kods, the modern representative of its most ancient name Kadeshah, or Cadytis, " is surrounded by a high and strong cut-stone wall, built on the solid rock, loop-holed throughout, varying from 25 to 60 feet in height, having no ditch." It was built by the sultan Suliman (a. d. 1542), as is de- clared by many inscriptions on the wall and gates. It is in circuit about 2^ miles, and has four gates facing the four cardinal points. 1. The Jafta Gate, on the west, called by the natives Bab-el-Hailil, i. e. the Hebron Gate. 2. The Damascus Gate, on the north, Bab-el- 'Amud, the Gate of the Colunm. 3. The St. Stephen's Gate, on the east, Bab-Sitti- Miryam, St. Mary's Gate. 4. The Sion Gate, on the south, Bab-en-Nebi Daud, the Gate of the Pro- phet David. A fifth gate, on the south, near the mouth of the Tyropoeon, is sometimes opened to facilitate the introduction of the water from a neigh- bouring well. A line drawn from the Jaffa Gate to the Mosk, aJong the course of the old wall, and another, cutting this at right angles, drawn from the Sion to the Damascus Gate, could divide the 28 JERUSALEM. city into the four quarters by which it is usually distinguished. These four quarters are: — (1) The Armenian Quarter at the SW.; (2) the Jew's Quarter at the SE., — both these being on Mount Sion ; (3) the Christian Quarter at the NW.; (4) the Mahometan Quarter, occupying the remainder of the city on the west and north of the great Haram-es-Sherif, the noble Sanctuary, which represents the ancient Temple area. The Mosk, which occupies the grandest and once most venerated spot in the world, is, in its architectural design and proportions, as it was formerly in its details, worthy of its site. It was built for Abd-el Melik Ibn-Marwan, of the house of Ommiyah, the tenth khalif. It was com- menced in A. D. 68S, and completed in three years, and when the vicissitudes it has undergone within a space of nearly 1200 years are considered, it is perhaps rather a matter of astonishment that the fabric should have been preserved so entire than that the adornment should exhibit in parts marks of ruinous decay. The Church of Justinian, — now the Mosk El- Aksa, — to the south of the same area, is also a conspicuous object in the modem city; and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, with its appen- dages, occupies a considerable space to the west. The greater part of the remaining space is occupied with the Colleges or Hospitals of the Moslems, in the vicinity of the Mosks, and with the Monasteries of the several Cliristian communities, of which the Patriarchal Convent of St. Constantine, belonging to the Greeks, near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and that of the Armenians, dedicated to St. James, on the highest part of Jlount Sion, are the most considerable. The population of the modern city has been variously estimated, some accounts stating it as low as 10,000, others as high as 30,000. It may be safely assumed as about 12,000, of which num- ber nearly half arc Moslems, the other half being composed of Jews and Christiiuis in about equal proportions. It is governed by a Turkish pasha, and is held by a small garrison. Most of the Eu- ropean nations are there represented by a consul. VI. EXVIROXS. A few sites of historical interest remain to be noticed in the environs of Jerusalem : as the valleys which environ the city have been sufficiently de- scribed at the commencement of the article, the mnuntains may here demand a few words. The Scojjiis, which derived its name, as Josephus informs us, from the extensive view which it com- niauded of the surrounding country, is the high ground to the north of the city, beyond the Tombs of the Kings, 7 stadia from the city (5. J. ii. 19. § 4, v. 2. § 3), where both Cestius and Titus first iMicamped on their approach to the city Ql. cc): this range is now occupied by a village named Slu'tphat, — the Semitic equivalent to the Greek (TKOTTos. On the east of the city is the lilount of Olives, extending along the whole length of its eastern wall, conspicuous with its three summits, of which the centre is the highest, and is crowned with a pile of buildings occupying the spot where Helena, the mother of Constantine, built a Basilica in com- tiiemoration of the Ascension of our Lord. (Eu- sebius. Vita Constantini, iii. 12, Laudes, § 9.) A little below the southern summit is a remarkable gallery of sepulchral cliambers arranged in a semi- JERUSALEM, circle concentric with a circular funnel-shaped hall 24 feet in diameter, with which it is connected by three passages. They are popularly called " the Tombs of the Prophets," but no satisfactory account has been given of these extensive excavations. (Plans are given by Schultz, Krafft, and Tobler, in the works referred to below.) Dr. Schultz was in- clined to identify this with the rock -nfpiffTTipioi/, mentioned by Josephus in his account of the Wall of Circumvallation (fi. J. v. 12), which he supposes to be a translation of the Latin Columbarium. (See Diet Ant. art. Fumis. p. 561, b.) In the bed of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, im- mediately beneath the centre summit of Mount Ohvet. where the diT bed of the brook Kedron is spanned by a bridge, is the Garden of Get/isemane, with its eight venerable olive-trees protected by a stone wall; and close by is a subterrane;in church, in which is shown the reputed tomb of the Virgin, who, however, according to an ancient tradition, countenanced by the Council of Ephesus (a. d. 431 ), died and was buried in that city. (Labbe, Coticilia, torn. iii. col. 573.) A little to the south of this, still in the bed of tlie valley, are two remarkable monolithic sepul- chral monuments, ascribed to Absalom and Zechariah, exhibiting in their sculptured ornaments a mixture of Doric, Ionic, and perhaps Egyptian architecture, which may possibly indicate a change in the original design in conformity with later taste. Connected with these are two series of sepulchral chambers, one immediately behind the Pillar of Absalom, called by the n.amc of Jehoshaphat; the other between the monoliths, named the Cave of St. James, which last is a pure specimen of the Doric order. (See A General View in Uohj Cit;/, vol. ii. p. 449, and detailed plans, &c. in pp. 157, 158, with Professor Willis's description.) To the south of Mount Olivet is another rocky eminence, to which tradition has assigned the name of the Mount of Offence, as " the hill before Jeru- salem" where king Solomon erected altars for idola- trous worship (1 Kings, xi. 7). In the rocky base of this mount, overhanging the Kedron, is the rock- hewn village of Siloam, chiefly composed of sepul- chral excavations, much resembling a Columbarium, and most probably the rock Peristerium of Josephus. Immediately below this village, on the opposite side of the valley, is the inteiTnitting Fountain of the Virgin, at a considerable depth below the bed of the valley, with a descent of many steps hewn in the rock. Its supply of water is very scanty, and what is not drawn off here runs througli the rocky ridge of Ophel, by an irregular passage, to the Pool of Siloam in the mouth of tlie Tyro- poeon. This pool, which is mentioned in the New Testament (5i. John, ix. 7, &c.), is now filled with earth and cultivated as a garden, a small tank with colunnis built into its side serves the purpose of a pool, and represents the "quadriporticum" of the Bordeaux Pilgrim (a. d. 333), who also mentions " Alia piscina grandis foras." This was probably identical with Hezekiah's Pool " between the two walls" (Zs. xxii. 11), as it certainly is with the " Pool of Siloah by the king's garden " in Nehemiah (iii. 15, ii. 14; comp. 2 Kings, xsv. 4. The argu- ments are fully stated in the Eoly City, vol. ii. pp. 474—480. M. de Saulcy accepts the identifi- cation.) The hi?ig's gardens are still represented in a verdant spot, where the concurrence of the three valleys, Hinnom, Jehoshaphat, and Tyropoeou JERUSALEM. forms a small plain, which is cultivated by the villagers of Siloani. In the mouth of the southern valley which forms tlie continuation of these three valleys towards the Dead Sea, is a deep well, variously called the Well of Nehemiah, of Job, or Joab; supposed to be identical with Knroc;el, " the well of the spies," mentioned in the borders of Judah and Benjamin, and elsewhere {Josh. xv. 7, xviii. IG ; 2 Sam. xvii. 1 7 ; 1 Kings, i. 9). On the opposite side of the valley, over against the Mount of Otfcnce, is another high rocky hill, facing Mount Sion, called the Hill of Evil Council, from a tradition that the house of Annas the high- priest, fatlier-in-law to Caiaphas (67. John, xviii. 13, 24), once occupied this site. There is a curious coincidence with this in a notice of Josephus, who, in iiis account of the wall of circumvallation, mentions the monument of Ananus in this part (v. 12. § 2); whieii monument has lately been identified with an ancient rock-gnive of a higher class, — the Aceldama of eeclesixstical tradition, — a little below the ruins on this hill ; which is again attested to be " the Potter's Field," by a stratum of white clay, which is still worked. (Schultz, Jerusalem, p. 39.) This grave is one of a series of sepulchres ex- cavated in the lower part of this liill ; among which are several bearing Greek inscriptions, of which all that is dearly intelligible are the words THC. An AC. CItoN., indicating that they belonged to inhabitants or communities in Jerusalem. (See the Inscriptions in KrafFt, and the comments on his decipherments in the Holy City, Memoir, pp. 56 —CO). Higher up tlie Valley of Ilinnom is a large and very ancient pool, now called the Sultan's {Birhet-cs- Sultaii), from the fact that it was repiiired, and adorned with a handsome fountain, by Sultan Sulinian Ibn- Selim, 1520 — 15GG, the builder of the present city- wall. It is, however, not only mentioned in the medi- aeval notices of the city, but is connected by Nehemiah with another antiquity in the vicinity, called En-ncbi Daud. On Mount Sion, immediately above, and to the east of the jwol, is a large and irregular mass of building, supposed by Christians, Jews, and Moslems, to contain the Tomb 0/" JJavid, and oi his successors the kings of Judah. It has been said that JI. de Sanlcy lias attempted an elaborate proof of the iden- tity of the Tombs of the Kings, at the head of the Vfilley of Jehoshaphat, with the Tomb of David. His theory is inadmissable ; for it is clear, from the notices of Nehemiah, that the Sepulchres of David were not far distant from the Pool of " Siloah," close to "the pool that was made,''and, consequently, on that part of Mount Sion where they are now shown. (A"e- hem. hi. 16 — 19.) The memory of David's tomb was still preserved until the destruction of Jerusalem (Josephus, Ant. xiii. 8. § 4, xvi. 7. § 1 ; Acts, ii. 29), and is noticed occasionally in the middle ages. (See Hall/ City, vol. ii. pp. 505 — 513.) In the same pile of buildings, now of:cupied by the Moslems, is shown the Coenaculum where our Lord is said to have in- stituted the Last Supper. Epiphanius mentions that this church was standing when Hadrian visited Jeru- .salem (^Pond. et Mens. cap. xiv.), and there St. Cyril delivered some of his catechetical lectures (Catech. xvi. 4). It was in this part of the Upper City that Titus spared the houses and city wall to form bar- racks for the soldiers of the garrison. (Vide sup.) Above the Pool of the Sult.an, the Aqueduct of Pontius Pilate, already mentioned, crosses the Valley IGILIUM. 29 of Hinnom on nine low arches; and, being carried along the side of Mount Sion, crosses the Tyropoeem by the causeway into the Haram. The water is con- veyed from Etham, or the Pools of Solomon, about two miles south of Bethlehem. (Josephus, B. J ii 9 §4.) The mention of this aqueduct recalls a notice of Strabo, which has been perpetually illustrated in the history of the city; viz., that it was ivrhs ^ef evvZpuv (KThs 5e iravTtKQis Siif/Tjpjj/ ahrh (/.iv evOSpui' TT]U Sh K\iK\cfi x'^P"'" fX"" ^vTrpav Kol &i'v5poi'. (xvi. p. 723.) Whence this abundant supply was derived it is extremely difficult to imagine, as, of cour^e, the aqueduct just mentioned would be im- mediately cut oil' in case of siege ; and, without this, the inhabitants of the modern city are almost entirely dependent on rain-water. But the accounts of the various sieges, and the other historical notices, as well as existing remains, all testify to the fact that there was a copious source of living water in- troduced into the city from without, by extensive subterranean aqueducts. The subject requires, and would repay, a more accurate and carelul investiga- tion. (See I/oli/ City, vol. ii. p. 453—505.) Besides the other authorities cited or referred to in the course of this article, the principal modern sources for the topography of Jerusalem are the fol- lowing: — Dr. Robinson's Biblical Researches, vols. i. and ii ; Williams's Holy City ; Dr. Wilson's Lands of the Bible; Dr. E. G. Schultz, Jerusalem; W. Krafft, Die Topographic Jerusalems ; Carl \\\iWv, Die Erd- kunde von Asien, cfc, Paliislinn, Berlin, 1852, pp. 297 — 508: Dr. Titus Tobler, Gohjotha, 1851; Die Siloahquclle unci die Oelberg, 1852; DeulMdtter avs Jerusalem, 1853; F. de ikiuky, Voyage autour de la Mer Morte, torn. 2. [G. W.] COIXS OF AELIA CAPITOLINA (JERUSALEM). lESPUS. [Jaccetani.] JEZREEL. [ESDKAELA.] IGILGILI QlyL\yi\i, Ptol. : Jijell), a sea-port of Mauretania Caesariensis, on the Sinus Numidicus, made a Roman colony by Augustus. It stands on a headland, on the E. side of which a natural road- stead is formed by a reef of rocks running parallel to the shore; and it was probably in ancient times the emporium of the surrounding country. (Itin. Ant. p. 18; Plin. v. 2. s. I ; Ptol. iv."2. § 11; Ammian. Marc. xxix. 5; Tab. Pent.; Shaw, Tra- vels, p. 45; l]a.nh,Wanderungen,(fc., p. 66.) [P.S.] IGILIUM {Giglio), an island off the coast of 30 IGLETES. Etruria, directly opposite to the Mons Argentarius jiud the port of Cosa. It is, next to Ilva, the most considerable of the islands near the coast of Etruria, being 6 miles long by about 3 iu breadth, and con- sists of a group of mountains of considerable eleva- tion. Hence Kutilius speaks of its " silvosa cacu- inina." {Idn. i. 325.) From that author we learn that, when Kome was taken by Alaric (a. d. 410), a number of fugitives from the city took refuge in Igilium, the insular position of which atibrded them complete security. Caesar also mentions it, during the Civil War, in conjunction with the neighbotmng port of Cosa, as furnishing a few vessels to Domi- tius, with which that general sailed for l^Iassilia. (Cues. B. C. i. 34 ; Plin. iii. 6. s. 12 ; Mela, ii. 7. § 19.) It is evident, therefore, that it was inhabited iu ancient as well as modern times. [E. H. B.] IGLE'TES, IGNE'TES, [Hispania.] IGULLIO'XES, in European Sarmatia, mentioned by Ptolemy as lying between the Stavani and^Cois- toboci, and to the east of the Venedi (iii. 5. § 21). Now the Stavani lay south of the Galindae and Sudini, populations of which the locality is known to be that of the Galinditae and Sudovitae of the middle ages, i. e. the parts about the Spirdinff-see in East Prussia. This would place the IgulUunes in the southern part of Lithuania, or in parts of Grodno, Fodulia, and Volhijnia, in the country of the Jaztvingi of the thirteenth century, — there or thereabouts. Zeuss has allowed himself to consider some such form as 'Irvyyiaifes as the truer reading; and, so doing, identifies the names, as well as the localities, of the two populations {'iTvyy lau, Jacivinrj), — the varieties of form being very numerous. The Jacwings were Lithuanians^— lAX\m..imA-as, as opposed to Slavonians ; and in this lies their ethnological importance, inas- much as the southward extension of that branch of the Sarmatian stock is undetermined. (See Zeuss, s. V. Jazwinyi.) [K. G. L.J IGU'VIUM("l7oui'oy: iJ^/t. Iguvinus : Gubbio), an ancient and important town of Umbria, situated on the W. slope of the Apennines, but not far from their central ridge, and on the left of tlie Via Fla- minia. Its existence as an ancient Umbrian city is sufficiently attested by its coins, as well as by a re- markable monument presently to be noticed ; but we find no mention of it in history previous to the period of its subjection to Kome, and we only learn inci- dentally trom Cicero that it enjoyed the privileged condition of a " foederata civitas," and that the terms of its treaty were of a highly favourable character. (Cic. pro Balh. 20, where the reading of the older editions, " FiUginatium,"' is certainly erroneous: see Orelli ad he.) The tiist mention of its name oc- curs in Livy (slv. 43, where there is no doubt we should read Iguvium for " Igiturvium ") as the place selected by the Roman senate for the confinement of the Illyrian king Gentius and bis sons, when the people of Spoletium refused to receive them. Its natural strength of position, which was e\ddently the cause of its selection on this occasion, led also to its bearing a conspicuous part in the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, when it was occupied by the praetor Minucius Thermus with five cohorts; but on the approach of Curio with three cohorts, Thermns, who was apprehensive of a re- volt of the citizens, abandoned the town without resistance. (Caes. B.C.'i. 12 ; Cic. ad Att. vii. 13, b.) Under the Koman dominion Iguvium seems to bave lapsed into the condition of an ordinary mu- nicipal town : we find it noticed in an inscription as IGUVIUJI. one of tlie '• xv. pnpuli Umbriae " (Orell. Inscr. 98), as well as by Pliny and Ptolemy (Plin. iii. 14. s. 19; Ptol. iii. 1. § 53), and it is probable that in Strabo also we should read 'lyoiiov for the corrupt name "iTOvpov of the MS.S. and eardcr editions. (Strab. v. p. 227; Cluver. /to?, p. 626.) But its secluded position in the mountains, and at a distance of some miles from the line of tlie Via Flaminia, was pro- bably unfavourable to its prosperity, and it does not seem to have been a place of much impoilance. Silius Italicus spealcs of it as very subject to fogs (viii. 459). It early became the see of a bishop, and retained its episcopal rank throughout the middle ages, when it rose to be a place of considerably more importance than it had enjoyed under the Eoman empire. The modern city of Gvbbio contains no ruins of ancient date; but about 8 miles to the E. of it, at a place now called La Schieggia, on the line of the ancient Flaminian Way, and just at the highest point of the pass by which it crosses the mam ridge of the Apennines, some vestiges of an ancient temple are still visible, which are supposed with good reason to be those of the temple of Jupiter Apenninus. This is represented in the Tabula Peutingeriana as existing at the highest point of the pass, and is noticed also by Claudian in describing the progress of Honorius along the Flaminian Way. (Claudian, de VI. Cons. Uon. 504; Tub. Pent.) The oracle consulted by the emperor Claudius " in Apennino '' (Treb. Poll. Claud. 10) may perhaps have reference to the same spot. Many bronze idols and other small objects of antiquity have been found near the ruins in question ; but a far more important dis- covery, made on the same site in 1444, was that of the celebrated tables of bronze, commonly known us the Tabulae Eugubinae, which are still preserved in the city of Gubbio. These tables, wliicli are seven in number, contain long inscriptions, four of which are in Etruscan characters, two in Latin, and one partially in Etruscan and partially in Latin cha- racters; but the language is in all cases apparently the same, and is wholly distinct from that of the genuine Etruscan monuments on the one band, as well as from L.atin on the other, though exhibiting strong traces of affinity with the older Latin forms, as well as with the existing remains of the Oscau dialects. There can be no doubt that the language which we here find is that of the Umbrians them- selves, who are represented by all ancient writers as nationally distinct both from the Etruscans and the Sabellian races. The ethnological and linguistic inferences from these important monuments will be more fully considered under the article Umbria. It is only of late years that they have been investigated with care; early antiquaries having formed the most extravagant theories as to their meaning : Lanzi had the merit of first pointing out that they evidently related only to certain sacrificial and other religious rites to be celebrated at the temple of Jupiter by the Iguvians themselves and some neighbouring com- munities. The interpretation has since been carried out, as far as our imperfect knowledge will pemiit, by Lepsius, Grotefend, and still more recently in the elaborate work of Aufrecht and KirchholF. (Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, vol. iii. pp. 657 — 768 ; Lepsius, de Tabulis Evguhinis, 1833 ; Inscriptlones Uinbricae et Oscae, Lips. 1841; Grotefend, liudi- menta Linguae Umhricae, Hannov. 1835 — 1839; Aufrecht u. Kirchhoff, Die Umbrischen Sprach. DenkmUkr, 4to. Berlin, 1849.) In the stUl im- ILA. perfect state of our knowledge of the inscriptions in question, it is somewhat hazardous to draw from them positive conclusions as to proper names; hut it seems that we may fairly infer the mention of several small towns or comumnities in the immediate neigh- bourhood of Iguvium. These were, however, in all probal)ility not independent communities, but licigi, or villages dependent upon Iguvium itself. Of this description were: Akerunia or Acerronia (probably answering to the Latin ASirai, Uerdenses: Lerida), the chief city of the Ileugetes, in His- pania Tarraconensis, is a place of considerable im- portance, historically as well as geographically. It stood upon an eminence, on the riglit (W.) bank of the river SuoRis {Sogre), the princijjal tributary of the Ebro, and suinc distance above its confluence with the CiNGA (^Cinca); thus commanding the country between those rivers, as well as the great road from Tarraco to the NW. of Spain, which here crossed the Sicoris. {Itin. Ant. pp. 391, 452.) Its situatii)n (propter ipsiiis loci vpporfunitatem, Caes. B. C. i. 38) induced the legates of Pompey in Sjjain to make it the key of their defence against Caesar, in the first year of the Civil War (b. c. 49). Afranius and Petreius threw themselves into the place with five legions; and their siege by Caesar himself, as narrated in his own words, forms one of the most interesting passages of military history. The resources exhibited by the great genei'al, in a contest where the formation of the district and the very elements of nature seemed in league with his enemies, have been compared to those displayed by the great Duke before Badajoz ; but no epitome can do justice to the campaign. It ended by the capitu- lation of Afranius and Petreius, who were conquered as nmch by Caesar's generosity as by his strategy. (Caes. B. C. i. 38, ct seq. ; Flor. iv. 12; Appian, B. C. ii. 42; Veil. Pat. ii. 42; Suet. Caes. 34; Lncan, Pharsal. iv. 11, 144.) Under the empire, Ilerda was a very flourishing city, and a muni- cipium. It had a fine stone bridge over the Sicoris, on the foundations of which the existing bridge is built. In the time of Ausonius the city had fallen into decay; but it rose again into importance in the middle ages. (Strab. iii. p. 161 ; Horat. Epist. i. 20. 13; coins, ap. Florez, Med. ii. pp.451, 646, iii. p. 73; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 44, Suppl. vol. i. p. 89; Sestini, pp. 161, 166; Eckhel, vol i. p. 51.) [P. S.] COIN OF ILERDA. ILERGE'TES ('Wepyvres. Ptol. ii. 6. § 68; Liv. sxi. 23, 61, xxii. 22; Plin. iii. 3. s. 4; 'lAovpyriTes, Polyb. iii. 35) or ILE'RGETAE ClAepyerai, Strab. iii. p. 161 : doubtless the 'IXapavydrai of Hecataeus, ap. Steph. B. s. v.), a people of Hispania Tarraco- nensis, extending en the N. of the Iberus (Ebro) from the river Gallicus (GaUego) to both hanks of the Sicoris (Segre), and as far E. as the Rubri- catus (Llobregnt) ; and having for neighbours the 32 ILICI. Edetani and Celtiberi on the S., the Vascones on the W., on the N. and NE. the small peoples at the foot of the Pyrenees, as the Jaccetani, Cas- TELLANi, AusET^VNi, and Cekretani, and on the 8E. the CoSETANi. Besides Ilerda, their chief cities were: — the colony of Celsa (Velilla, near Xdsa), OscA (Huesca), famous in the story of Ser- torius; and Athanagia, which Livy (xxi. 61) maki's their capital, but which no other writer names. On the great road from Italy into the N. of Spain, reckoning from Tarraco, stood Ilekda, 62 M. P.; ToLOUS, 32 M. P., in the conventus of Caesar- augusta, and with the civitas Romana(Plin.); J'er- tusa, 18 M. P. (^Pertusa, on the Alcanadre) ; OscA, 19 M. P., whence it was 46 M. P. to Caesaraugusta {Itin. Ant. Y>. 391). On a loop of the same road, starting from Caesaraugusta, were : — Gallicum, 1 5 M. P., on the river Gallicus {Zwnra, on the Gallegn) ; BoRTiNAE, 18 M. p. (Bovpriva, Ptol.: Tori- iios); OscA, 12 M. P.; Caus, 29 M.P.; MExni- CL'LKiA, 19 M. P. (probably Monzon); Ilerda, 22 JM. P. {Itin. Ant. pp. 451, 452). On the road from Caesaraugusta, up the valley of the Gallicus, to Benearnum (Orthes) in Gallia, were, Foru.m Gallouum, 30 M. P. {G-urreu), and Ebellixu.m, 22 M. P. {Beilo), whence it was 24 il. P. to the sum- mit of the pass over the Pyrenees {Itin.Ant. p. 452). Besides these places, Ptolemy mentions Bergusia Bep7oi/o-i'a : Balaguer}, on the Sicoris ; Bergidl'.m (Be'p7(5ov); Erga ('£^70); SUCCOSA (^oviCKwaa); Gai.lica Flavia (TdWiKa ^kaovia: Fraja?); and Orgi.\ ('ripicia, prob. Orrjarjnn), a name also found on coins (Sestini, Med. Isp. p. 99), while the same coins bear the name of Aesones, and in- scriptions found near the Sicoris have Aesoxensis and Jessonensis (Muratori, Nov. Thes. p. 1021, Nos. 2, 3; Spon, Misc. Erud. Ant. p. 188), with which the Gessorienses of Pliny may perhaps have some connection. Beksical is mentioned on coins (Sestini, p. 107), and Octogesa (prob. La Granja, at the confluence of the Seffre and the Ebro) by Caesar {B. C. i. 61 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 450—453). [P. S,] ILE'SIUM. [EiLESiUM.] I'LICI or IL'LICI (Itin. Ant. p. 401 ; 'Uikioj *j 'lAAifci's, Ptol. ii. 6. § 62 : FAche), an inland city of the Contestani, but near the coast, on which it had a pirt ('lAAiKirai-bs \t/J.riv, Ptol. I. c. § 14), lying just in the middle of the hay formed by the Pr. Saturni and Dianium, which was called lUici- tanus Sinus. The city itself stood at the distance of 52 M. P. from Carthago Nova, on the great road to Tarraco (Itin. Aiit. p. 401), and was a Colonia immunis, with the jus Italicum (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4 ; Paulus, Dig. viii. de Cens.). Its coins are extant of the period of the empire (Florez, Med. de Fsp. vol. ii. p. 458; Sestini, p. 166; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 45, Suppl. vol. i. p. 90; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 51). Pliny adds to his mention of the pilace ; in earn omtribuuntur Icositani. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 402, 403.) [P. S.] ILIENSES ('I\i€7j, Paus.), a people of the inte- rior of Sardinia, who appear to have been one of the most considerable of the mountain tribes in that island. Mela calls them " antiquissimi in ea popu- loruin," and Pliny also mentions them among the " celeberrimi populorum" of Sardinia. (Rlel. ii. 7. § 19; Plin. iii. 7. s. 13.) Pausanias, who terms them 'lAifT?, distinctly ascribes to them a Trojan origin, and derives them from a portion of the com- ILIPA. panions of Aeneas, who settled in the island, and remained there in quiet until they were compelled by the Africans, who subsequently occupied the coasts of Sardinia, to take refuge in the more rugged and inaccessible mountain districts of the interior. (Paus. X. 17. § 7.) This tale has evidently ori- ginated in the resendjlance of the name of Ilienses, in the form which the Romans gave it, to that of the Trojans; and the latter part of the story was in- vented to account for the apparent anomaly of a people that had come by sea dwelling in the interior of the island. What the native name of the ilienses was, we know not, and we are wholly in the dark as to their real origin or ethnical affinities : but their existence as one of the most considerable tribes of the interior at the period of the Roman conquest, is well ascertained ; and they are repeatedly mentioned by Livy as contending against the supremacy of Rome. Their first insurrection, in B.C. 181, was repressed, rather than put down, by the praetor M.Pinarius; and in b.c. 178, the Ilienses and Balari, in conjunction, laid waste all the more fertile and settled parts of the island ; and were even able to meet the consul Ti.Sempronins Gracchus in a pitched battle, in which, however, they were defeated with hea^y loss. In the course of the following year they appear to have been reduced to complete sub- mission ; and their name is not again mentioned in history. (Liv. xl. 19,34, xli. 6, 12, 17.) The situation and limits of the territory occupied by the Ilienses, cannot be determined : but we find them associated with the Balari and Corsi, as inha- biting the central and mountainous districts of the island. Their name is not found in Ptolemy, though he gives a long list of the tribes of the interior. llany writers have identified the Ilienses with the lolaenses or lolai, who are also placed in the interior of Sardinia ; and it is not improbable that they were really the .same people, but ancient authors certainly make a distinction between the two. [E. H. B.] ILIGA. [Heltce.] I'LIPA. 1. ("lAiTTo, Strab. iii. pp. 141, seq. ; 'IXKiTTa ^ AaiTTa nfyaArj, Ptol. ii. 4. § 13 ; Ilipa cognomine Ilia, Plin. iii. 1. s. 3, according to tiie corrupt reading which Sillig's last edition retains for want of a better : some give the epithet in the form Ilpa : Harduin reads Ilia, on the authority ot an inscription, which is almost certainly spurious, ap. Gruter, pp. 351,305, and Muratori, p. 1002), a city of the Turdetani, in Hispania Baetica, be- longing to the conventus of Hispalis. It sto : Mionnet, vol. i. p. 15, Suppl. vol. i. p. 28; Eckhfl, vol. i. p. 22 ; Ukert, vol.ii. pt. I. p. 374.) 2. [iLII'LA.] [P-S.] I'LU'LA (Coins; Iupa, liin. Ant. p. 432; prob:il)ly the 'l\\hov\a of Ptol. ii. 4. § 12 : Nkblu), a city of the TurJetani, in the W. of Hispania Baetica, on the high road from Hispalis to tiie mouth of the Anas. (Caro, Antig. Ilisp. iii. 81 ; Coins ap. Florez, J/erf. vol. ii. p. 47 1 ; Jlionnet, vol. i. p. 16, Suppl. vol. i. p. 29 ; Sestini, p. 53; Kckliel, vol. i. p. 22.) [P. S.] ILl'PULA. 1. Surnamed Laus by Pliny (iii. 1. s. 3), and Magna by Ptolemy ClWiirovKa ixiy6.Kr\, ii. 4. § 12), a city of the Turduli, in IJaetica, lie- tween the Bactis and the coast, perhaps Loxa. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 303.) 2. RIiNoit (prob. Olvera or Lepe di Ronda, near Carmona), a tributary town of the Turdetani, in Hispania Baetica, belonginfj to the conventns of His])alis. (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3 ; Sestini, Med. Exp. p. 54.) ^ [P. S.] ILl'PULA MONS CW'nrovXa), a range of moun- tains in Baetica, S. of the Bactis, mentioned only by Ptolemy (ii. 4. § 1 5), and supposed by some to be the Sierra Nevada, by others the Sierra de Alhuma or the Alpujurras. [P. S.] ILISSUS. [Attica, p. 323, a.] ILISTKA {"IXiffTpa : Illisera), a town in Ly- caonia, on the road from Laranda to Isanra. whiih is still in exi>tcncc. (Ilierocl. p. 075 ; Concil. Eplus. p. 534; Co?icil.Chalced.p. 67 4: Hamilton, yi'&sea/r/'f.s-, vol.ii. p. 324 ; Leake, -'l*"/rt il/»(o/', p. 102.) [L. S.] ILITIIVIA (Et\ei0u(os TrrfAiy, Strab. xviii. p. 817; EiA7/ei-iay, Ptol. iv. 5. § 73), a town of the KL'vptian lloptanomis, 30 miles KE. of Apollinopolis JIaLMia. It was situated on the eastern bank of the Kile, in lat. 2.5° 3' N. According to Plutarch (^Isis et Osir. c. 73), Ilithyia contained a temple dedicated to Bubastis, to whom, as to the Tauri.an Artemis, human victims were, even at a comparatively recent period, sacrificed. A bas-relief (Jlinutoi, p. 394, seq.) discovered in the temple of Bubastis at El- Kah. representing such a sacrifice, seems to confirm Plutarch's statement. The practice of human sacri- fice among the Aegyptians is, indeed, called in ques- tion by Herodotus (ii. 45); yet that it once prevailed among thein is rendered probable by JLanetho's state- ment of a king named Amosis having abolished the custom, and substituted a waxen image for the human victim. (Vw]^h.yv. de Abstinent. \\. p. 223; Eiiseb. Praep. Evang. iv. 16; comp. Ovid, Fast. v. 021.) The singularity in Plutarch's story is the recent date of the imputed sacrifices. [\V. B. D.] ILITURGIS. [iLLtTURGIS.] I'LIUM, I'LIOS (^l\iov,ri'\Mos'. Eth.lXievs, f. 'lAias), sometimes also called Tkoja (Tpoi'a), whence the inhabitants are commonly called TpHoes, and in the Latin wTiters Trojani. The existence of this city, to which we commonly give the name of Troy, cannot be doubted any more than the simple fact of the Trojan War, which was believed to have ended with the capture and destruction of the city, after a war of ten years, B. c. 1184. Troy was the principal city of the country called Troas. As the city has been the subject of curious inquiij', both in ancient and modern times, it will be necessary, in the first instance, to collect and analyse the statements of the ancient writers ; and to follow up this discus- VOL. II. ILIUJL 33 sion by an account of the investigations of modem travellers and scholars to identify the site of the fanious city. Our most .ancient authority are the Homeric poems ; but we must at the very outset remark, that we cannot look upon the poet in every respect as a careful and accurate topographer ; but that, admitting his general accuracy, there may yet be points on which he cannot be taken to account as if it had been his professed object to communicate information on the topography of Troy. The city of Ilium was situated on a rising ground, somewhat above the plain between the rivers Sca- mander and Simois, at a distance, .as Strabo asserts, of 42 stadia from the coast of the Hellespont. (Hom. //. XX. 216, fol. ; Strab. siii. p. 596.) That it was not quite in the plain is dear from the epithets ■}]fefj.6f(T(ra, alneiv^, and (Kfipvuiaaa. Beliinil it, on the .south-ea,st, there rose a hill, foi-ming a branch of Mount Ida, surmounted by the acropolis, called Per- gamum (tci Tlipjaixov, Hom. Jl. iv. 508, vi. 512 ; also TO nf>7a;tia. Soph. Phil. 347, 353, 611 ; or, i) nepya/xos, Horn. //. v. 446, 460.) This fortified acrojiolis contained not only all the temples of the gods (//. iv. 5U8, V. 447, 512, vi. 88, 257, xxii. 172, &c.), but also the jialaces of Priam and his sons, Hector .and Paris (//. vi. 317, 370, 512, vii. 345). The city must have had many gates, as may be in- ferred from the expression iriiaai irvKai (^11. ii. 809, and elsewhere), but only one is mentioned by name, viz., the ^Kaial irv\ai, which led to the camp of the Greeks, and must accordingly have been on the north- west part of the city, that is, the part just op))osite the acropolis (//. iii. 145, 149, 263, vi. 306, 392, xvi. 712, &c.). The origin of this name of the "left gate" is unknown, though it may possibly have reference to the manner in which the signs in the heavens were obseiTcd ; for, during this process, the priest turned his face to the north, so that the north-west would be on his left hand. Certain minor objects alluded to in the Iliad, such as the tombs of Ilus, Acsyctes, and Myrine, the Scopie and Erineus, or the wild fig-tree, we ought probably not attempt to urge very strongly : we are, in fact, prevented from at- tributing much weight to them by the circumstance that the inhabitants of New Ilium, who believed that their town stood on the site of the ancient city, boasted that they could show close to their walls the.se doubt- ful vestiges of antiquity. (Strab. xiii. p. 599.) The walls of Ilium are described as lofty and strong, and as flanked with towers ; they were fablod to have been built by Apollo and Poseidon (II. i. 129, ii. 113, 288, iii. 153, 384, 386, vii. 452, viii. 519). These are the only points of the topograjihy of Ilium derivable from the Homeric poems. The city was de- stroyed, according to the common tradition, as already remarked, about b. c. 1184; but afterwards we hear of a new Ilium, though we are not infonned when and on what site it was built. Herodotus (vii. 42) relates that Xerxes, before invading Greece, oifered sacrifices to Athena at Pergamum, the ancient acro- polis of Priam ; but this does not quite justify the inference that the new town of Ilium was then already in existence, and all that we can conclude from this passage is, th.at the people at that time entertained no doubt as to the sites of the ancient city and its acropolis. Strabo (siii. p. 601) states that Ilium was restored during tlie last dynasty of the Lydian kings ; that is, before the subjugation of Western Asia by the Persians : and both Xenojjhon (Ilellen. i. 1. § 4) and Scylax (p. 35) seem to speak of Ilium as a town actually existing in their days. 34 ILIUM. It is also certain tliat in the time of Alexander New Ilium did exist, and was inhabited by Aeolians. (Demosth. c. Aristocr. p. 671; An-ian, ^?ia5. i. 11. § 7 ; Strab. xiii. p. 593, foil.) This new town, which is distinguished by Strabo from the famous ancient city, was not more than 12 stadia, or less than two English miles, distant from the sea, and was built upon the spur of a projecting edge of Ida, separating the basins of the Scamander and Simois. It was at first a place of not much importance (Strab. xiii. pp. .593, 601), but increased in the course of time, and was successively extended and embellished by Alexander, Lysimachus, and Julius Caesar. During the Mithridatic War New Ilium was taken by Fimbria, in b. c. 85, on which occasion it suffered greatly. (Strab. xiii. p. 594; Appian, Mithrid. 53; Liv. Epit. Ixxxiii.) It is said to have been once destroyed before that time, by one Charidemus (Plut. Sertor. 1. ; Polyaen. iii. 14) : but we neither know when this happened, nor who this Charidemus was. Sulla, however, favoured the town extremely, in consequence of which it rose, imder the Eoman dominion, to considerable prosperity, and enjoyed exemption from all taxes. (Plin. v. 33.) These were the advantages which the place owed to the tradition that it occupied the identical site of the ancient and holy city of Troy : for, it may here be observed, that no ancient author of Greece or Ptome ever doubted the identity of the site of Old and New Ilium until the time of Demetrius of Scepsis, and Strabo, who adopted his views ; and that, even afterwards, the popular belief among the people of Ilium itself, as ■well as throughout the world generally, remained as firmly established as if the criticism of Demetrius and Strabo had never been heard of. These critics were led to look for Old Ilium farther iidand, because they considered the space between New Ilium and the coast far too small to have been the scene of all the great exploits described in the Iliad ; and, although they are obliged to own that not a vestige of Old Ilium was to be seen anywhere, yet they assumed that it must have been situated about 42 stadia from the sea-coast. They accordingly fixed upon a spot which at the time bore the name of 'WUcov KUfjLT]. This view, with its assumption of Old and New Ilium as two distinct places, does not in any way remove the difficulties which it is intended to remove ; for the spaee will still be found far too narrow, not to mention that it demands of the poet what can be demanded only of a geographer or an historian. On these grounds we, in common with the general belief of all antiquity, which has also found able adfocatcs among modern critics, assume that Old and New Ilium occupied the same site. The statements in the Iliad which appear irreconcilable with this view will disappear if we bear in mind that we have to do with an entirely legendary story, which is little con- cerned about geographical accuracy. The site of New Ilium (according to our view, identical with that of Old Ilium) is acknowleilged by all modern inquirers and travellers to be the spot covered with ruins now called Kissarlik, between tlie villages of Kum-hioi, Kalli-fatU, and Tchiblah, a Uttle to the west of the last-mentioned place, and not far from the point where the Simois once joined the Scamander. Those who maintain that Old Ilium was situated in a different locality cannot, of course, be expected to agree in their opinions as to its actual site, it being impossible to fix upon any one spot agreeing in every particular with the poet's descrip- tion. Kespecting the nationality of the inhabitants ILLIBEPJS. of Ilium, we sh.all have to speak in the article Tro.vr. (Cump. Spuhn, dc AfjroTrojaiw, Lipsiae, 1814, Svo.; Eennell, Observations on the Topography of the Plain of Troy, London, 1814, 4to. ; Choiseul -Gouffiur, Voyar/e PlttoresqiK de la Grece, Paris, 1820, vol. ii. p. 177, foil.; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 275, foil.; Grote Eist. of Greece, vol. i. p. 436, foil. ; Eckenbrecher, ilber die Lage des Uomerischen Ilioii, Ehein. Mus. Neue Folge, vol. ii. pp. 1 — 49, where a very good plan of the district of Ihon is given. See also, Welcker, Kleine Schriften, vol. ii. p. 1, full.; C. Maelaren, Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War, Edinburgh, 1822 ; Mauduit, Lecouvertcs dam la Troiade, (/'C, Paris & Londres, 1840.) [L. S.] COIN OF ILIUM. ILLI'BERIS Cl\\i€epis, Ptol. ii. 4. § 11), or ILLI'BERI LIBEPJNI (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3), one of the chief cities of the Turduli, in Hispania Raetica, between the Baetis and the coast, is identified by inscriptions with Granada. It is probably the Elibyrge ("EMSvpyi)) of Stephanus Byzantinus. (Inscr. ap. Gruter, p. 277, No. 3 ; Florez, Esp. S. vol. V. p. 4, vol. sii. p. 81 ; Slentelle, Geogr. Camp. Esp. Mod. p. 163 ; Coins ap. Florez, Med. vol. iii. p. 75 ; llionnet, vol. i. p. 15, Suppl. vol. i. p. 28 Eckhel, vol. i. p. 22.) [P. S.] COIN OF ILUEERIS (iN SPAIN). ILLI'BERIS or ILLIBERRIS (iMSepis), a town in the country of the Sordones, or Sardones, orSordi, in Gallia Aquitani.a. The first place that Hannibal came to after passing through the Eastern Pyrenees was Illiberis. (Liv. xxi. 24.) He must have passed by Bellegarde. Illiberis was near a small river Illi- beris, which is south of another small stream, the Ruscino, which had also on it a town named Ruscinn. (Strab. p. 182.) Blela (ii. 5) and Pliny (iii. 4) speak of Illiberis as having once been a great place, but in their time being decayed. The road in the Antonine Itin. from Arelate (^ArUs) through the Pyrenees to Juncaria passes from VMscmo (^Castel- RoiisUlon^ to Ad Centuriones, and omits Illiberis; but the Table places Illiberis between Ruscino and Ad Centenarium, which is the same place as the Ad Centuriones of the Itin. [Cestukiones, Au.] Illiberis is Elne, on the river Tech. Illiberis or Illiberris is an Iberian name. There is another place, Climberris, on the Gallic side of the Pyrenees, which has the same termination. [Arsci.] It is said th.at berri, in the Ba.sque, means " a town." The site of Illiberis is fixed at Elne by the Itins. ; and we find an explanation of ILLTCr. tlio nnmc Fine in tlie fiict that eitlier the name of ]lliberis was chans;pd to Helena or Elena, or Helena was a camp or station near it. Constans was mur- dered by Majnentius " not far from the Hispaniae, in a castrum named Helena." (Eutrop. x. 9.) Vic- tor's Epitome (c. 41) describes Helena as a town very near to the Pyrenees; and Zosimus has the tame (ii. 42 ; and Orasius, vii. 29). It is said by Some writers that Helena was so named after the pl;ice was restored by Constantine's mother Helena, or by Constantinc, or by some of his children; but the evidence of this is not given. The river of Hli- beris is the Ticiiis of Mela, and Tecum of I'liny, now the Tech. In the text of I'tolemy (ii. 10) the name of the river is written Illeris. Some geographers have supposed Illiberis to be Collioure, near Port Vendre, which is a plain mis- Uikc. [G. L.] IIJJCI. [iLICt.] ILLI'l'lILA. [Ilipli^v.] ILLITUIIGIS, ILITURGIS, orTLITURGI (pro- bably the 'IKovpyis of Ptol. ii. 4. § 9, as well as the 'lAoupyfia of I'olybius, ap. Steph. B. s. v., and the 'IXvpyia of Appian, IILip. 32 : Eth. lUurgitani), a con.-iiderablo city of Hispania Baetica, situated on a steep rock on the N. side of the Baetis, on the road from Corduba to Castulo. 20 M. P. from the latter, and five days' march from Carthago Nova. In the Second Punic War it went over to the Uomans, like its neighbours, Castulo and JIente.sa, and endured two sieges by the Carthaginians, both of which were raised; but, upon the overthrow of the two Scipios, the people of Illiturcis and Castulo revolted to the Carthaginians, the former adding to their treason the crime of betraying and putting to death the Romans who had fled to them for refuge. At least such is the Roman version of their offence, for which a truly Roman vengeance was taken by Publins Soipio, li.c. 206. After a defence, such as might be expected when despair of mercy was added to national fortitude, the city was .^tormed and burnt over the slaughtered corpses of all its inhabitants, children and women as well as men. (Liv. xxiii. 49, xxiv. 41, xxvi. 17, 41, xxviii. 19, 20.) Ten years later it had recovered sufficiently to be again besieged by the Romans, and taken with the slaughter of all its adult male population. (Liv. xxxiv. 10.) Under the Roman emjiire it was a considerable city, with the surname of FonuM Jui.iim. Its site is believed to have been in the neighbourhood of Andujar, where the church of S. Potenciana now stands. (Jtin. Ant. p. 403 ; Plin. iii. 1. s. 3 ; Priscian. vi. p. 682, ed. Putsch ; Morales, Aniig. p. 56, b. ; Mentelie, Esp. Mod. p. 183; L.aborde, Itin. vol. ii. p. 113; Elorez, Esp. S. vol. xii. p. 369; Coins, ap. Florez, J fed. vol. iii. p. 81 ; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 16; Sestini, p. 56 ; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 380.) [P. S.] ILLURCO or ILURCO, a town in the W. part of Hispania Baetica, near Pinos, on the river Cu- hilliis. (Inscr. ap. Gruter, pp. 235, 406 ; Muratori, p. 1051, Nos. 2. 3 ; Florez, Esp. S. vol. xii. p. 98 ; Coins, ap. Flovez, Med. de Egp. vol. ii. p. 472 ; Jlioiinet, vol. i. p. 17; Sestini, Med. hp. p. 57; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23.) [P. S.] ILLURGAVONENSES. [Ilercaoxes.] ILLYRIA, [Illyeicum.] ILLY'RICUM (rb 'IWvpiKov: Eth. and Adj. 'lAAtlpios, 'lAAupi/cds, lllyrius, Illyricus), the eastern C(just of the Adriatic sea. I T/ie Name. — The Greek name is Illyris ILLYRICU:\r. 33 ('IWvpis, Hecat. Er. 65; Polyb. iii. 16; Strab. ii. pp. 108, 12.-5, 129, vii. p. 317; Dionys. Per. 96; Herodian, vi. 7; Apollod. ii. 1. § 3; Ptol. viii. 7. § 1), but the more ancient writers usually employ the name of the people, ul 'IWvpioi (eV to?? 'IAAu- piois, Herod, i. 196, iv. 49; Scyl. pp. 7, 10). The name Illyria ('lAAi/pi'a) very rarely occurs. (Steph. B. s. V. ; Prop. i. 8. 2.) By the Latin writers it generally went under the name of " lllvricum " (Caes. B. G. ii. 35, iii. 7 ; Varr. E. R ii. 'lO. § 7; Cic. ad Aft. X. 6; Liv. xliv. 18. 26; Ovid, Trijit. i. .3. 121; Mela, ii. 3. § 13; Tac. Ann. i. 5, 46, ii. 44, 53, Hkt. i. 2, 9, 76; Flor. i. 18, iv. 2; Just, vii. 2; Suet. Tib. 16; Yell. Pat. ii. 109), and the general as.-^ent of geographers has given currency to this form. 2. Extent and LimilK. — The Roman IllyricLim was of very dilferent extent from the Illyris or ot 'WXvpioi of the Greeks, and was itself not the same at all times, but nmst be coufidered simply as an artiticial and geographical expression for the bor- derers who occupied the E. coast of the Adriatic, from the junction of that gulf with the Ionic sea, to the estuaries of the river Po. The earliest writer who has left any account of the peoples inhabiting this coast is Scylax; according to whom (c. 19 — 27) the Illyrians, properly so called (for the Liburnians and Istrians beyond thein are excluded), occupy the sea-coast from Liburnia to the Chaonians of Epirus. The Bulini were the northernmost of these tribes, and the Amantini the southernmost. Herodotus (i. 196) includes under the name, the Heneti or Veneti, who lived at the head of the gulf; in another passage (iv. 49) he places the Illyrians on the tributary streams of the Morava in Sei^via. It is evident that the Gallic invasions, of which there are .several traditions, threw the whole of these districts and their tribes into such confusion, that it is impossible to hannonise the statements of the Periplus of Scylax, or the far later Scymnus of Chios, with the descriptions in Strabo and the Roman historians. In consequence of this immigration of the Ganls, Appian has confounded together Gauls, Thracians, Paeonians, and IlljTians. A legend which he records (/%(•. 1) makes Celtus, lllyrius, and Gala, to have been three brothers, the sons of the Cyclops Poly- phemus, and is grounded probably on the inter- mixture of Celtic tribes (the Boii, the Scordisci, and the Taurisci) among the Illyrians : the lapodes, r tribe on the borders of Istria, are described by Strabo (iv. p. 143) as half Celts, half Illyrians. On a rough estimate, it may be said that, in the earliest times, Illyricum was the coast between the Naro (^Neretva) and the Drilo (Brin), bounded on the E. by the Triballi. At a later period it comprised all the various tribes from the Celtic Taurisci to the Epirots and Macedonians, and eastward as far as Sloesia, including the Veneti, Pannonians, Dalma- tians, Dardani, Autariatae, and many others. This is Illyricum in its most extended meaning in the ancient writers till the 2nd century of the Christian era: as, for instance, in Strabo (vii. pp. 313 — 319), during the reign of Augustus, and in Tacitus {Hist. i. 2, 9, 76, ii.86; comp. Joseph. B.J. ii. 16), in his account of the civil wars which preceded the fall of Jerusalem. ^Vhen the boundary of Rome reached to the Danube, the " Illyricus Limes " (as it is desig- nated in the " Scriptores Historiae Augustae ''), or •' Illyrian frontier," comprised the following pro- vinces : — Noricum, Pannonia Superior, Pannonia D 2 36 ILLYRICUM. Inferior, Moesia Superior, Bloesia Inferior, Dacia, and Thrace. This division continued till the time of Constantine, who severed from it Lower lloesia and Thrace, but added to it ]\Iacedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, Old and New Epirus, Praevalitana, and Crete. At this period it was one of the four great divisions of the Roman empire under a " Praefectus Praetorio," and it is in this signification that it is used by the later writers, such as Sextus Rufus, the " Auctor Notitiae Dignitatum Imperii," Zosimus, Jornandes, and others. At the final division of the Roman em- pire, the so-called " Illyricum Orientale," containing the provinces of Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Hellas, New Epirus, Crete, and Praevalitana, was incorporated with the Lower Empire; while "Illyricum Occi- dentale " was united with Rome, and embraced No- ricuni, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Savia, and Valeria Ripensis. A. Illyris Barbara or Romana, was separated from Istria by the small river Arsia (.4?-sa), and bounded S. and E. by the Drilo, and on the N. by the Savus ; consequently it is represented now by part of Croatia, all Dalmatia, the Herzegovina, Monte-Negro, nearly all Bosnia, and part oi Albania. Illyris Ramana was divided into three districts, the northern of which was Iapydia, extending S. as far as the Tedanius {Zermai/na) ; the strip of land ex- tending fi-om the Arsia to the Titius (Z« Kerka') was called Liburnia, or the whole of the north of what was once Venetian Dalmatia; the territory of the Dalmatak was at first comprehended between the Naro and the Tilurus or Nestus: it then ex- tended to the Titius. A list of the towns will be found under the several heads of Iapydia, Li- burnia, and Dalmatia. B. Illyris Graeca, which was called in later times Epirus Nova, extended from the river Drilo to the SE., up to the Ceraunian mountains, which separated it from Epirus Proper. On the X. it was bounded by the Roman Illyricum and Mount Scor- dus, on the W. by the Ionian sea, on the S. by Epirus, and on the E. by i\Iacedonia; comprehending, there- fore, nearly the whole of modern Albania. Next to the frontier of Chaonia is the small tovm of Aman- TiA, and the people of the Amantians and Bi;l- LioNES. They are followed by the Taulantii, who occupied the country N. of the Aous — the great river of S. Macedonia, wliich rises in Jlount Lacmon, and discharges itself into the Adriatic — as far as Epidamnus. The chief towns of this countiy were Apollonia, and Epidamnus or Dykrha- CHIUM. In the interior, near the Macedonian fron- tier, there is a considerable lake, Lacus Lyciinitis, from which the Drilo issues. Ever since the middle ages there has existed in this part the town of Achrida, which has been supposed to be the ancient L^'CHNiDUS, and was the capital of the Bulgarian empire, when it extended from the Euxine as far as the interior of Aetolia, and comprised S. Illyricum, Epirus, Acarnania, Aetolia, and a part of Thessaly. During the Roman period the Dassaretae dwelt there ; the neighbouring country was occupied by the Autari.\tae, who are said to have been driven from their country in the time of Cassander, when they removed as fugitives with their women and children into Macedonia. The Ardiaei and Par- THim dwelt N. of the Autariatae, though not at the same time, but only during the Roman period. ScoDRA (Scutari), in later times the capital of Praevalitana, was unknown during the flourishing period of Grecian history, and more properly belongs ILLYRICUM. to Roman Illyricum; as Lissus, whicli was situated at the mouth of the Drilo, was fixed ujxm by tlie Romans as the border town of the Ulyrians in the S., beyond which they were not allowed to sail with their privateers. Internal communication iu this Illyricum was kept up by the Via Candavia or Egxatia, the great Hue which connected Italy and the East — Rome, Constantinople, and Jerusalem. A road of such importance, as Colonel Leake re- marks (^North. Greece, vol. iii. p. 311), and on which the distance had been marked with mile- stones soon after the Roman conquest of Macedonia, we may believe to have been kept in the best order as long as Rome was the centre of a vigorous au- thority ; but it probably shared the fate of many other great establishments in the decline of the empire, and especially when it became as much the concern of the Byzantine as of the Roman govern- ment. This fact accounts for the discrepancies iu the Itineraries ; for though Lychnidus, Heracleia, and Edessa, still continued, as on the Candavian Way described by Polybius {ap. Strab. vii. pp. 322, 323), to be the three principal points between Dyr- rhachinm and Thessalonica (nature, in fact, having strongly dra^vn that line in the valley of the Ge- nusus), there appears to have been a choice of routes over the ridges which contained the boundaries of Illyricum and Macedonia. By comparing the An- tonine Itinerary, the Peutingerian Table, and the Jerusalem Itinerary, the following account of stations in Illyricum is obtained: — Dyrrhachium or Apollonia. Ciodiana - - Shimbi. Scampae - ~ Elbassan. Trajectus Genusi _ - Stumbi river. Ad Dianam . >i Candavia _ ■ }j Tres Tabernae - Puns SeiTilii et Claudanum - TJieDrinatS Patrae - Lychnidus - _ - Ahridha. Brucida - - Prespa. Scirtiana - - - » Castra - - - „ Nicaea - - - „ Heracleia - - - « 3. Physical Geography. — The lllyrian range of mountains, which traverses Dalmatia under the name of Mount Prolog, and partly under other names (Jlons Albius, Bebius), branches off in Carniola from the Julian Alps, and then, at a considerable distance from the sea, stretches towards Venetia, approaches the sea beyond Aquileia near Trieste, and forms Istria. After passing through Istria as a lofty mountain, though not reaching the snow Hue, and tra.\ers\ng Dalmatia, which it separates from Bosnia, it extends into Albania. It is a limestone range, and, like most mountains belonging to that form- ation, much broken up; hence the bold and pic- turesque coast runs out into many promontories, and is flanked by numerous islands. These islands appear to have originated on the breaking up of the lower grounds by some violent action, leaving their limestone summits above water. From the salient position of the promontory ternii- nating in Punta delta Planca, they are divided into two distinct groups, which the Greek geographers called Absyrtides and Liburnides. They trend N\V. and SE., greatly longer than broad, and form various fine chani.els, called " canale," and named from the nearest adjacent island : these being bold, ILLYRICUM. with scarcely a hidden danger, frive ships a secure passage between them. Cherso, Oscro, Ltissin, San- sego (Absyrtides), abound with fossil bones. The bone-breccia of these islands appears to be the same conglomerate with those of Gibraltar, Cerigo, and other places in the Mediterranean. The Libumian group {^ti-iSvpviSf^ vriaoi, Strab. ii. p. 124, vii. pp. 315, 317; " Liburnicae Insulae," Plin. iii. 30), LissA {Grossa), Bhattia (Z?m^^a), Issa (Z,?!s,w), Mklita (Mtkufa), CoKCYiiA Nigra {Cvrsola), TuAROS {Lesina) and Oi.ynta (^Solta), have good ports, but are badly supplied with drinkable water, and are not fertile. The mountainous tract, though industriously cultivated towards the shore, is for the most part, as in the days of Strabo {I. c), wild, rugged, and barren. The want of water and the arid ^oil make Daluiatia unfit for agriculture ; and therefore of old, this circumstance, coupled witli the excellency and number of the harbours, made the natives more known for piracy than for commercial enterprise. A principal feature of the whole range is that called Monte-Negro (^Czernagora), consisting chiefly of the cretaceous or Mediterranean limestone, so extensively developed from the Alps to the Archi- jielago, and remarkable for its craggy character. The general height is about 3000 feet, with a few higher summits, and the slopes are gentle in the direction of the inclination of the " strata," with precipices at the outcroppings, which give a fine variety to the scenery. There is no sign of volcanic action in Dalmatia; and the Nymphaeum near Apollonia, celebrated for the flames that rose continually from it, has probably no reference to anything of a volcanic nature, but is connected with the beds of asphaltum, or mineral pitch, which occur in great abundance in the num- nutlitic limestone of Albania. The coast of what is now called Middle Albania, or the lllyrian territory, N. of Epirus, is, especially in its N. portion, of moderate height, and in some places even low and unwholesome, as far as Aulon ( Vulona or Avlona), where it suddenly becomes rugged and mountainous, with precipitous cliffs descending rapidly towards the sea. This is the Khimara range, upwards of 4000 feet high, tlreaded by ancient mariners as the Acro-Ceraunian promon- tojy. The interior of this territory was much su- perior to N. Illyricum in productiveness: though mountainous, it has more valleys and open plains lor cultivation. The sea-ports of Epidamnus and Apol- lonia introduced the luxuries of wine and oil to the barbarians; whose chiefs learnt also to value the Woven fabrics, the polished and carved metallic work, the tempered weapons, and the pottery which was furnished them by Grecian artisans. Salt fish, and, what was of more importance to the inland re- sidents on lakes like that of Lychnidus, salt itself, was imported. In return they supplied the Greeks with those precious commodities, cattle and slaves. Silver mines were also worked at Dajiastium. Wax and honey were probably articles of export ; and it is a proof that the natural products of II- lyria were carefully sought out, when we find a species of iris peculiar to the countiy collected and sent to Corinth, where its root was employed to give the special flavour to a celebrated kind of aromatic unguent. Grecian commerce and intercom'se not only tended to civilise the S. Illyrians beyond their northern brethren, who shared with the Thracian tribes the custom of tattooing their bodies and of offering htmian sacrifices ; but through the intro- ILLYEICUM. 37 ditctlnn of Grecian exiles, made them acquainted with Hellenic ideas and legends, as may be seen by the tale of Cadmus and Hannonia, from whom the chiefs of the lllyrian Enchelees professed to trace their descent. (Comp. Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. pp. 1 — 10, and the authorities quoted there; to which may be added, Wilkinson, Dalmatia and Montenegro, vol. i. pp. 38 — 42; J. F. Neigebaur, Die Sudslaven, Leipzig, 1851; Niebuhr, Led. on Ethnog. and Geog. vol. i. pp. 297 — 314; Smyth, The Mediterranean, pp. 40 — 45 ; Hahn, Albane- sixhe Studien, Wien, 1854.) 4. Race and National Character. — Sufficient is not knovra either of the language or customs of the Illyrians, by which tlieir race ma^ be ascertained. The most accurate among the ancient writers have al- ways distinguished them as a separate nation, or group of nations, from both the Thracians and Epirots. The aiicient Illyrians are unquestionably the an- cestors of the people generally known in Europe by the name Albanians, but who are called by the Turks " Arnauts," and by themselves " Skipetares," which means in their language " mountaineers," or " dwellers on rocks," and inhabit the greater part of ancient Illyricum and Epirus. They have a pe- culiar language, and constitute a particular race, which is very distinct from the Slavonian inhabit- ants who border on them towards the N. The an- cients, as has been observed, distinguished the Il- lyrians from the Epirots, and have given no intima- tions that they were in any way connected. Uut the Albanians, who inhabit both Illyricum and Epirus, are one peojile, whose language is only varied by slight modifications of dialect. The Illyrians appear to have been pressed southwards by Slavonian hordes, who settled in D:ilmatia. Driven out from their old territories, they extended themselves to- wards the S., where they now inhabit aiany districts which never belonged to them in former times, and have swallowed up the Epirots, and extinguished their language. According to Schafarik (^Slav.Alt vol. i. p. 31) the modem Albanian population is 1,200,000. Ptolemy is the earliest writer in whose works the name of the Albanians has been distinctly recognised. He mentions (iii. 1 3. § 23) a tribe called Aldani {'A\§avoi) and a town Axbanopolis ('AASa- vdTToAis), in the region lying to the E. of the Ionian sea ; and from the names of places with wiiich Albanopolis is connected, it appears clearly to have- been in the S. part of the lllyrian territory, and in modern A Ihania. There are no means of forming a conjecture how the name of this obscure tribe came- to be extended to so considerable a nation. The latest work upon the Albanian language is that of F. Eitter von Xy lander {Die Sprache der Albanesen- Oder SJchipetaren, 1835), who has elucidated this subject, and established the principal facts upon a firm basis. An account of the positions at which Xy lander arrived will be found in Prichard (The Physical Eistory of Mankind, vol. iii. pp. 477 — 482). As the Dalmatian Slaves have adopted the name Illyrians, the Slavonian language spoken in Dalmatia, especially at Ragusa, is also called lllyrian ; and this designation has acquired general currency ; but it must always be remembered that the ancient Illyrians were in no way connected with the Slave races. In the practice of tattooing their bodies, and offering human sacrifices, the Illyrians resembled the Thracians (Strab. vii. p. 315 ; Herod, v. 6) : tho D 3 33 ILLYRICUM. custom of one of tlieir tribes, the Dulmiitians, to have a new division of their lands every eighth year (Strab. [. c), resembled the well-known practice of the Germans, only advanced somewhat further to- wards civilised life. The author of the rerii)lus ascribed to Scylax (/. c.) speaks of the great influence enjoyed by their women, whose lives, in consequence, he describes as highly licentious. The Illyrian, like the modern Albanian Skipetar, was always ready to fight for hire ; and rushed to battle, obeying only the instigation of his own love of fight- ing, or vengeance, or love of blood, or craving for booty. But as soon as the feeling was satisfied, or over- come by fear, his rapid and impetuous rush was suc- ceeded by an equally rapid retreat or flight. (Comp. Grote, Bist. of Greece, vol. vi. p. 609.) They did not fight in the phalanx, nor were they merely ^lAoi ; they rather formed an intermediate class between them and the phalanx. Their arms were short spears and light javelins and shields (" pel- tastae"); the chief weapon, however, was tlie fxaxaipa, or Albanian knife. Dr. Arnold has re- marked {Hut. of Rome, vol. i. p. 495), — " The eastern coast of the Adriatic is one of those ill-fated portions of the earth which, though placed in imme- diate contact with civilisation, have remained per- petually barbarian." But Scymnus of Chios (comp. Arnold, vol. iii. p. 477), writing of the Illyrians about a century before the Christian era, calls them " a religious people, just and kind to strangers, loving to be liberal, and desiring to live orderly and soberly." After the Roman conquest, and during its dominion, they were as civilised as most other peoples reclaimed from barbarism. The emj)eror Diocletian and St. Jerome were both Illyrians. And the palace at Spalato is the earliest existing spe- cimen of the legitimate combination of the round arch and the column; and the modern history of the eastern shores of the Adriatic begins with the rela- tions established by Heraclius with the Serbs or W. Slaves, wlio moved down from the Carpathians into the provinces between the Adriatic and the Danube. The states which they constituted were of considerable weight in the history of Europe, and the kingdoms, or bannats, of Croatia, Servia, Bosnia, Eascia, and Dalmatia, occupied for some centuries a political position very Hke that now held by the secondary monarchical states of the present day. The people of Narenta, who had a republican form of government, once disputed the sway of the Adriatic with the Venetians ; Eagusa, which sent her Argosies (Ragosies) to every coast, never once succumbed to the winged Lion of St. Mark; and for some time it seemed probable that the Servian colonies established by Heraclius were likely to take a prominent part in advancing the progress of Eu- ropean civilisation. (Comp. Finlay, Greece under the liomans, p. 409.) 5. History. — The Illyrians do not appear in history before the Peloponnesian War, when Brasidas and Perdiccas retreated before them, and the Illyrians, fur the first time, probably, had to encounter Grecian ti-oops. (Thuc. iv. 124 — 128.) Nothing is heard of these barbarians afterwards, till the time of Philip of Macedon, by whose vigour and energy their in- cursions were first repressed, and their country par- tially conquered. Their collision with the Mace- donians appears to have risen under the following circumstances. During the 4th century before Christ a large immigration of Gallic tribes from the west- wai'd was taking place, invading the territory of the ILLYRICUM. more northerly Illyrians, and driving them further to the south. Under Bardylis the Illyrians, who had formed themselves into a kingdom, the origin of which cannot be traced, had extended themselves over the towns, villages, and plains of W. Macedonia (Diod. svi. 4 ; Theojjomp. Fr. 3.5, «!. Didot. ; Cic. de Off. ii. 1 1 ; Phot. Bibl. p. 530, ed. Bekker; Liban. Orcit. xxviii. p. 632). As soon as the young Philip of Macedon came to the throne, he attacked tlicse hereditary enemies B.C. 360, and pushed his sui:- cesses so vigorously, as to reduce to subjection all the tribes to the E. of Lyclinidus. (Comp. Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. xi. pp. 302 — 304.) A stale was formed the Kipital of which was probably near Ragusa, but the real Illyrian pirates with whom the Romans came in collision, must have occupied the N. of Dalmatia. Rhodes was still a maritime power; but by B.C. 233 the Illyrians had become foimidabie in the Adriatic, ravaging the coasts, and disturbing the navigation of the allies of the Romans. Envoys were sent to Teuta, the queen of the Illyrians, demanding reparation : she replied, that piracy wjis the habit of her people, and finally had tlie envoys murdered. (Polyb. ii. 8 ; Appian, Hlyr. 7 ; Zonar. viii. 19 ; comp. Plin. xxxiv. 11.) A Roman army for the first time crossed the Ionian gulf, and con- cluded a peace with the Illyrians upon honourable terms, while the Greek states of Corcyra, Apollonia, and Epidamnus, received their liberty as a gift from Rome. On the death of Teuta, the traitor Demetrius of Pharos made himself guardian of Pineus, son of Agron, and iLsurjjcd the chief authority in lllyri- cum : thinking that ■the Romans were too much en- gaged in the Gallic wars, he ventured on several piratical acts. This led to the Second Illyrian War, B.C. 219, which resulted in the submission of the whole of lUyricum. Demetrius fled to Macedonia, and Pineus was restored to his kingdom. (Polyb. iii. 16, 18 ; Liv. xxii. 33; App. Hlyr. 7, 8; Flor.'ii. 5 ; Dion Cass, xxxiv. 46, 151 ; Zonar. viii. 20.) Pineus Wits succeeded bj' his uncle Scerdilaidas, and Scerdilaidas by his son Pleuratus, who, for his fidelity to the Roman cause during the Macedonian War, was rewarded at the peace of 196 by the addi- tion to his territories of Lychnidus and the Parthini, which had before belonged to Macedonia (Polyb. xviii. 30, xxi. 9, xxii. 4; Liv. xxxi. 28, xxxii. 34.) In the reign of Gentius, the last king of Ulyricum, the Dalmatae revolted, B. c. 180 ; and the praetor L. Anicius, entering Ulyricum, finished the war within thirty days, by taking tlie capital Scodra {SciUari), into which Gentius had thrown himself, B.C. 168. (Polyb. xxx. 13; Liv. xliv. .30 — 32, xlv. 43; Appian, Jliyr. 9; Eutrop. iv. 6.) Ulyricum, which was divided into three parts, be- came annexed to Rome. (Liv. xlv. 26.) The his- tory of the Roman wars with Dalmatia, Iapydia, and Libuknia, is given under those heads. In B. c. 27 Ulyricum was under the rule of a proconsul appointed by the senate (Dion Cass. liii. 12): but the frequent attempts of tlie people to re- cover their hberty showed tlie necessity of main- taining a strong force in the country ; and in b. c. 1 1 (Dion Cass. liv. 34) it was made an imperial province, with P. Cornelius Dolabella for " legatus " (" leg. pro. pr.," Orelli, Inscr. no. 2365, comp. no. 3128; Tac. Hist. ii. 86; l\I;irquardt, in Becker's Eoin. Alt. vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 110 — 115). A large region, extending far inland towards the valley of the Saveaad the Brave, cont;viiied bodies of soldiery, ILI.YRICUM. who were stationed in the strong links of the chain of' military posts which was scattered along the frontier of the Danube. Inscriptions are extant on which the records of its occupation by the 7th and 11th legions can still be read. (Orelli, nos. 3452, 3.553, 4995, 4996; comp. Joseph. B. J. ii. 16; Tac. Ann. iv. 5, Hist. ii. 11. 85.) There was at that time no seat of government or capital ; but the province was divided into regions called " con- ventus : " each region, of which there were three, named from the towns of Scahdona, Salona, and Narona, was subdivided into numerous " decu- riae." Thus the " conventus " of S;ilona had 382 " decuriae." (Plin. iii. 26.) Iadkka, Salona, Nauona, and Epidaurl'S, were Roman " coloniae;" Apollonia and Cop.cyka, " civitates liberae." (Appian, Ilhjr. 8 ; Polyb. ii. 11.) The jurisdiction of the " pro-praetor,'' or " legatus," does not appear to liave extended throughout the whole of lllyricuin, but merely over the maritime portion. TJie inland district either had its own governor, or was under the praefect of I'annonia. Salona in later times be- came the capital of the province (Procop. B. G.\.\b\ Hierocles), :uid the governor was styled " praeses." (Orelli, nos. 1098, 3599.) The most notable of these were Dion Cassius the historian, and his father Cassius Apronianus. The warlike youth of Pannonia and Dalmatia afforded an inexhaustible supply of recruits to the legions stationed on the banks of the Danube ; and the peasants of Illyricuni, who had already given Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus to the sinking em- pire, achieved tlie work of rescuing it by the eleva- tion of Diocletian and Maximian to the imperial purple. (Comp. Gibbon, c. xiii.) After the final division of the empire, I\farcellinns, " Patrician of the ^\'est," occupied the maritime portion of W. Iliyricum, and built a fleet which claimed the dominion of the Adriatic. [Dalma- tia.] E. Iliyricum appears to have suil'ered so much from the hostilities of the Goths and the op- pressions of Alaric, who was declared, A. D. 398, its master-general (comp. Claudian, in Euirop. ii. 216, de Bell. Get. 535), that there is a law of Tlieodosius II. which exempts the cities of Iliyricum from contributing towards the expenses of the public spectacles at Constantinople. (Theod. cod. x. tit. 8. s. 7.) But though suffering from these inroads, casual encounters often showed that the people were not destitute of courage and military skill. Attila himself, the terror of both Goths and Romans, was defeated before the town of Azimus, a frontier for- tress of Iliyricum. (Priscus, p. 143, ed. Bonn; comp. Gibbon, c. sxxiv. ; Finlay, Greece under the Jiomans, p. 203.) The coasts of Iliyricum were considered of great importance to the court of Con- stantinople. The rich produce transported by the caravans which reached the N. shores of the Black Sea, was then conveyed to Constantinople to be dis- tributed through W. Europe. Under these circum- stances, it was of the utmost consequence to defend the two points of Thessalonica and Dyrrhachium, the two cities which commanded the extremities of the usual road befnxen Constantinople and the Adriatic. (Tafel, de Thessalonica, p. 221; Hull- man, Gesckich. des Byzantischen Handels, p. 76.) The open ■countiy was abandoned to the Avars and the E. Slaves, who made permanent settlements even to the S. of the Via Egnatia ; but none of these settlements were allowed to interfere wit i th ■ lines of communication, without which the trads of ILVA. 39 the West would have been lost to the Greeks. He- raclius, in his plan for circumscribing the ravages of the northern enemies of the empire, occupied the whole interior of the countiT, from the borders of Istria to the territory of Dyrrliachium, with colonies of the Serbs or W. Slaves. From the settlement of the Servian Slavonians within the bounds of the empire we may therefore date, as has been said above, the earliest encroachments of the Illyrian or Albanian race on the Hellenic population of the South. The singular events which occurred in the reign of Heraclius are not among the least of the elements which have gone to make up the con- dition of the modern Greek nation. [E. B. J.] ILOKCI. [Eliocroca.] ILU'CIA. [Oretanl] ILURATUM ('IKoiparov, Ptol. iii. 6. § 6), a town in the interior of the Tauric Chersonese, pro- bably somewhat to the N. of Kaffa. [H B. J.] ILURCA'ONES. [Ilercaones.] ILUHCIS. [Graccurris.] ILURGEIA. ILUKGIS. [Illiturgis.] ILU'RGETAE. [Ilergetes.] ILURO, in Gallia Aquitania, is placed by the Antonine Itin. on the road from Cacsaraugusta, in Spain, to I>enehannum. [BENEiiARMU.'\r.] Iluro is between Aspaluca [Aspaluca] and Bcneharnuun. The modem site of Uuro is Oleron, which is the same name. Oleron is in the department of Basses Pp-tntes, at the junction of the Gave d'Aspe, the river of Aspaluca, and the Gave dOssau, which by their union form the Gave cTOliron. Gave is the name in these parts for the river-valleys of the Py- renees. In the Notitia of Gallia, Iluro is the Civitas Elloronensium. The place was a bishop's see from the commencement of the sixth century. [G. L.] PLURO. 1. {Alora'), a city of Baetica, situated on a hill. (Inscr. ap. Carter, Travels, p. 161 ; Ukcrt, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 358.) 2. [LAEiiTANL] [P. S.] ILU'ZA (to "lAoufa), a town in Phrygia Paca- tiana, which is mentioned only in very late writers, and is jirobably the same as Aludda in the Table of Peutinger; in which case it was .situated between Sebaste and Acmonia, 25 Roman miles to the east of the latter town. It was the see of a Christian bishop. (Hierocl. p. 667; Condi. Constant, iii. p. 534.) [L. S.] ILVA ('lAow, Ptol.: Elba), called by tlie Greeks Aethalia (A40aAia, Strab., Diod.; AlBaAfta, Ps. Arist., Philist. ap. Stejik. B.), an island in the Tyrrhenian Sea, lying off the coast of Etruria, oppo- .site to the headland and city of Populonium. It is much the most important of the islands in this sea, situated between Corsica and the mainland, being about 18 miles in length, and 12 in its greatest breadth. Its outline is extremely in-egular, the mountains which compose it, and which rise in some parts to a height of above 3000 feet, being indented by deep gulfs and inlets, so that its breadth in some places does not exceed 3 miles. Its circuit is greatly overstated by Pliny at 100 Roman miles: the same author gives its distance from Popu- lonium at 10 miles, wliich is just about correct; but the width of the strait which separates it from the nearest point of the mainland (near Piombino) does not much exceed 6, though estimated by DioJorus as 100 stadia (12^ miles), and by Strabo, through an enormous error, at not less than 300 stadia. (Strab. v. p. 223; Diod. v. 13; P)in. iii. 6. s. 12; Mel. ii. 7. § 19; Scyl. p. 2. § G; Apoll. Rhod. D 4 40 ILVATES. iv. 654.) Ilva was celebrated in ancient times, as it still is at the present day, for its iron mines; these were probably worked from a very early period bv the Tyrrhenians of the opposite coast, and were already noticed by HecatacKS, who called the island Ai0oA7j : indeed, its Greek name was generally re- garded as derived from the smoke (aiSaATj) of the numerous fui-naces employed in smelting the iron. (Diod. V. 13; Steph. B. s.v.) In the time of Strabo, however, the iron ore was no longer smelted in the i!^land itself, the want of fuel compelling the inha- bitants (as it does at the present day) to transport the ore to the opposite mainland, where it was hmelted and wrought so as to be fitted for com- mercial purposes. The unfailing abundance of the ore (alluded to by Virgil in the line " Insula inexhaustis Chalybum generosa metallis") led to the notion that it grew again as fast as it was extracted from the mines. It had also the advantage of being extracted with great facility, as it is not sunk deep beneath the earth, but forms a hill or mountain mass of solid ore. (Strab. /. c; Diod. ;. c. ; Virg. Aen. x. 174; Plin. iii. 6. s. 12, xxxiv. 14. s. 41 ; Pseud. Arist. de Mirab. 95; Eutil. Itin. i. 351—356; Sil. Ital. viii. 616.) The mines, which are still extensively worked, are situated at a place called Rio^ near the E. coast of the island; they exhibit in many cases unequivocal evidence of the ancient workings. The only mention of lira that occurs in history is in B. c. 453, when we learn from Diodorus that it was ravaged by a Syracusan fleet under Phayllus, in revenge for the piratical expeditions of the Tyr- rhenians. Phayllus having effected but little, a , second fleet was sent under Ajwlles, who is said to have made himself master of the island ; bui it certainly did not remain subject to Syracuse. (Diod. xi. 88.) The name is again incidentally mentioned by Livy (xxx. 39) during the expedition of the consul Tib. Claudius to Corsica and Sai-dinia. Ilva has the advantage of several excellent ports, of which that on the N. side of the island, now called Porto Ferraie, was known in ancient times as the PoRTUs Akgous ("Apyoios \ijxi\v), from the circumstance that the Argonauts were believed to have touched there on their return voyage, while sailing in quest of Circe. (Strab. v. p. 224; Diod. iv. 56; Apollon. Ehod. iv. 658.) Considerable ruins of buildings of Roman date are visible at a place called Le Grotte, near Poi-to Ferraio, and others are found near CajJO Castello, at the XE. extremity of the island. The quarries of granite near S. Piero, in the S\V. part of Elba, appears also to have been extensively worked by the Romans, though no notice of them is found in any ancient writer ; but nume- rous columns, basins for fountains, and other archi- t-ectural ornaments, still remain, either wholly or in part hewn out of the adjacent quarry. (Hoare, Class. Tour, vol. i. pp. 23—29). [E. H. B.] ILVATES, a Ligurian tribe, whose name is found only in Livy. He mentions them first as taking up arms in b. c. 200, in concert with the Gaulish tribes of the Insubres and Cenomani, to de- stroy the Roman colonies of Placentia and Cremona. They are again noticed three years later as being still in arms, after the submission of their Transpa- dane allies; but in the course of that year's cam- paign (b. c. 197) they were reduced by the consul Q. JVIinucius, and their name does not again appear hi hibtory. (Liv. xxx. 10, xxxi. 29, 30.) From IMAUS. the circumstances here related, it is clear that they dwelt on the N. slopes of the Apennines, towards the plains of the Padus, and apparently not veiy far from Clastidium (^Custe^io); but we cannot de- termine with certainty either tlw position or extent of their territory. Their name, like tliose of most of the Ligurian tribes mentioned by Livy, had disappeared in the Augustan age, and is not found in any of the geographers. [Ligueia.] Walckenaer, however, supposes the Eleates over whom the consul M. Fulvius Nobilior celebrated a triumph in b. c. 159 (Fast. Capit. ap. Gruter, p. 297), and who are in all probability the same people with the Veleiates of Pliny [Veleia], to be identical also with the II- vates of Livy ; but this cannot be assumed without further proof. (Walckenaer, Geogr. des Gnulcs, vol. i. p. 154.) [E. H. B.] IJIACHARA ('I/iix«Va or '}ifiix<^pa, PtoL: £t/i. Imacharensis, Cic. ; Imacarensis, Plin.), a city of Sicily, the name of which does not appear in history, but which is repeatedly mentioned by Cicero among the municipal towns of the island. There is great discrepancy in regard to the form of the name, which is written in many MSS. " Macarensis " or " Jlacha- rensis ;" and the same uncertainty is found in those of Pliny, who also notices the town among those of the interior of Sicily. (Cic. Verr. iii. 18, 42, v. 7; Zumpt, ad foe; Plin. iii. 8. s. 14; Sillig, ad loc.) From the manner in which it is spoken of by Cicero, it would seem to have been a town of some con- sideration, with a territory fertile in corn. That writer associates it with Herbita, Assorus, Agyrium, and other towns of the interior, in a manner that would lead us to suppose it situated in the same region of Sicily ; and this inference is confirmed by Ptolemy, who places Hemichara or Himichara (evi- dently the same place) in the NE. of Sicily, between Capitium and Centuripa. (Ptol. iii. 4. § 12.) Hence Cluverius conjectures that it may have occupied the site of Traina, but this is wholly uncertain. Fazcllo and other Sicilian writers have supposed the ruins of an ancient city, which are still visible on the coast about 9 miles N. of Cape Pachynum, near the Porto Vindicari, to be those of Imachara ; but though the name of Macaresa, still borne by an adjoining head- land, gives some colour to this opinion, it is wholly opposed to the data furnished us by ancient authors, who all agree in placing Imachara in the interior of the island. The ruins in question, which indicate the site of a considerable town, are regarded by Clu- verius (but equally without authority) as those of Ichana. (Cluver. 5/ci7. p. 356; ¥a,ze\L de Etb. Sic. iv. 2, p. 217; Amico, jVo<. ad Fazcll. pp.417, 447; Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. ii. p. 301.) £E. H. B.] IMA'US, the great mountain chain, which, ac- cording to the ancients, divided Northern Asia into " Scythia intra Imaum " and " Scythia extra Imaum." This word (t5 "Ijxaov 6pos, Strab. xv. p. 689; Ptol. vi. 13. § 1; rb 'lixahu upos, Strab. ii. p. 129; 6 "Ifxaos, Agathem. u. 9: although all the JISS. of Strabo (xi. p. 516) hare Isamus ("Icra/xos) in the passage describing the expedi- tion of the Graeco-Bactrian king filenander, yet there can be no doubt but that the text is corrupt, and the word Imaus should be substituted), con- nected with the Sanscrit kimavat, " snowy " (comp. Plin. vi. 17; Bohlen, das Alte Indien, vol. i. p. 11 ; Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. i. p. 17), is one of those many significative expressions which have been used for mountain masses upon every zone of the earth's sur- face (for instance, Mont Blanc, in Savoy, Sierra IMAUS. Nevada, in Granada and California), and sun'ives ill the modern Jlivnclai/a. From very early times tlie Greeks ivere aware of a great line of mountains running throughout Central Asia, nearly E. and W., between the 36th and 37th degrees of latitude, and which was known by tlie name of the diaphragm of Dicaearchus, or the parallel of Rhodes. The Macedonian expeditions of Alexander and Seleucus Nicator opened up Asia as far as the sources of the Ganges, but not ftirther. But the knowledge wliich the Greeks thus obtained of Asia was much riilarged by intercourse with other Eastern nations. The indications given by Strabo and Ptolemy {I.e.), when compared with the orographic configura- tion of the Asiatic continent, recognise in a very remarkable manner the principal features of the mountain chain of Central Asia, which extends from the Chinese province of llou-pe, S. of the gulf of Petcheli, along the line of the Kuen-liin (not, as has generally been supposed, the Uimalaija), continuing from the Hindu- Kmh along the S. shores of the Caspian through Mdzanderan, and rising in the crater-shaped summit of JJamdvend, through the piiss of Elburz and GhiUm, until it terminates in the 'I'aurus in the S\V. corner of Asia Elinor. It is true that there is a break between Taurus and the W. continuation of the IJindu-Kmh, but the cold '• plateaux " of Azerbijan and Kurdistan, and the isolated summit of Ararat, might easily give rise to the supposed continuity both of Taurus and Anti- Taurus from Karamania and Argaeus up to the high chain of Elburz, which separates the damp, wooded, and unhealthy plains of Miizandenin from the arid " plateaux " of Irak and Khorasan. The name of Imaus was, as has been seen, in the first instance, applied by the Greek geographers to the Hindii-Kush and to the chain parallel to the equator to which the name of Ilimahnja is usually given in the present day. Gradually the name was transferred to the colossal intersection running N. and S., — the meridian axis of Central Asia, or the Bolor range. The division of Asia into " intra et extra Imaum " was unknown to Strabo and Pliny, tlidugh the latter describes the knot of mountains formed by the intersections of the Himalaya, the Jliiulu-Kusk, and Bolor, by the expression '' quorum (Ahrates Emodi) promontorium Imaus vocatm- " (vi. 17). The Bolor chain has been for ages, with one or two exceptions, the boundary between the empires o{ China and Turke.itan ; but the ethnographical distinction between " Scythia intra et extra Imaum " was probably suggested by the division of India into " intra et extra Gangem," and of the whole con- tinent into " intra et extra Taurum." In Ptolemy, or rather in the maps appended to all the editions, and attributed to Agathodaemon, the meridian chain of Imaus is prolonged up to the most northerly plains of the Irtych and Obi. The positive notions of the ancients upon the route of commerce from the Euphrates to the Seres, forbid the opinion, that the idea of an Imaus running from N. to S., and N. of tlie Himalaya, dividing Upper Asia into two equal parts, was a mere geographic dream. The expres- sions of Ptolemy are so precise, that there can be little doubt but that he was aware of the existence of the Bolor range. In the special description of Central Asia, he speaks twice of Imaus running from S. to N., and, indeed, clearly calls it a meridian chain (/cori ij.iarjiJ.€pivi]v Trojj ypafxixiiv, Ptol. vi. 14. § I : comp. vi. 13. § 1), and places at the foot IMBEDS. 41 of Imaus the Byltak (BDa.toi, vi. 13. § 3), in the country of Little Thibet, which still bears the in- digenous name of Baltistan. At the sources of the Indus are the Daradrae (viii. 1. § 42), the Dardars or Derders mentioned in the poem of the Mahdbhdrata and in the fragments of Megasthenes, through whom the Greeks received accounts of the region of auriferous sand, and who occupied the S. slopes of the Indian Caucasus, a little to the W. of Kaschmir. It is to be remarked that Ptolemy does not attach Imaus to the Comedoruji Montes (J\.oundouz), but places the Imaus too far to the E., 8° further than the meridian of the principal source of the Ganges (^Gnngotri). The cause of this mis- take, in placing Imaus so far further towards the E. than the Bolor range, no doubt arose from the data upon which Ptolemy came to his conclusion being selected from two different .sources. The Greeks first became acquainted with the Comedorum Moutes when they passed the Indian Caucasus be- tween Cabul and Balkh, and advanced over the " plateau " ai Bamian along the W. slopes of Bolor, where Alexander found, in the tribe of the Sibae, the descendants of Heracles (Strab. xvi. p. 688), just .as Marco Polo and Burnes (^Ti-avels in Bokhara, vol. ii. !>. 214) met with people who boasted that they had sprung from the Macedecn worsliipped here, and to have obtained one of her epithets from it. (Caliini, Fr. 1G8; Pashlcy, TraiwiA.i. p. 289; Uiick, Knta, vol. i. p. 412.) [E. B. J.] INCAKUS, on the coa.st of Gallia Narbonensis, i.s placed by the Itin. next to Massilia. It is west of Massilia, and the distance is 12 M. P. The place is Carry, which i-ctains its name. The distance of the Itin. was proiiably estimated by a boat rowing along the coast ; and a good map is necessary to show how far it is correct. [G. L.] INCltlO'NES {'lyKpiuivts), a tribe of the Sigam- bri, mentioned only by Ptolemy (ii. 1 1. § 9). They apparently occupied the .southernmost part of the territoiy inhabited by the Sigambri. Some believe them to be the same as the Juliones of Tacitus {Ann. xiii. 57), in whose territory an exlensiye con- flagration of the soil occurred in a. d. 59. Some place them near the mouth of the river Lahi and the little town of Kiujcrs ; while others, with less jirobability, reg.nrd Iiujcrslieim, on the Nackw, a-s the pl.ace once inhabited by the Incrioncs. [L. S.] IXDAl'KATHAE ('Ij-SaTrpafJai, Ptol. viii. 2. § 18, a name, doubtless, connected with the Sanscrit hi- dra-prastha'), a ]>ef Benr/al and the Indian Ocean, and on the W. by the Indus, which separates it from Gedrosia, Arachosia, and the land of the I'aropami- sad.ac Some writers, indeed (as Lassen, Pentap. Indie. Bonn, 1827), have considered the districts along the southern spurs of the Paropamisus (or Hindu- KusK) as part of India; but the ])assage of Pliny on which Lassen relies would make India com- jirehend the whole of Affjluinistan to Bdiichistdn on the Indian Ocean; a position which can hardly be maintained as the deliberate opinion of any ancient author. It may, indeed, be doubted whether the Indians them- selves ever laid down any accurate boundary of their country westward {LawsofManu,u. v. 22, quoted by La&sexi, Pentap. Indie, p-8); though the 5«?-a«rrtiii (Hydi-aotes) separated their sacred land from Western India. Generally, however, the Indus was held to be their western boundary, as is clear from Strabo's words (xv. p. 689), and may be inferred from Pliny's description (vi. 20. s. 23). It is necessaiT, before we proceed to give the prin- cipal dinsions, mountain ranges, rivers, and cities of India, to trace very briefly, through the remains of classical literature, the gradual progress of the know- INDIA. 45 ledge which the ancient world possessed of this country; a land which, from first to last, seems to have been to them a constant source of wonder and admiration, and therefore not unnaturally the theme of many strange and fabulous relations, which eveu their most critical writers have not failed to record. Though the Greeks were not acquainted witli India in the heroic ages, and though the name itself does not occur in their earliest writers, it seems not unlikely that they had some faint idea of a distant land in the far East which was very populous and fruitful. The occurrence of the names of objects of Indian merchandise, such as Htxaa'tTtpos, (\t(pas, and others, would seem to show this. The same thing would seem to be obscurely hinted at in the two Aetiiiopias mentioned by Homer, the one towards the setting., and the other in the direction of the rising sun {Od. i. 23, 24); and a sinular inference may probably be drawn from some of the early notices of these Aothiopians, who.se separate histories aie jierpetually confounded together, many things being predicated of the African nation which could be only true of an Indian' jieople, .ind vice i-ersd. That there were a people whom the Greeks called Aethio- pes in the neighbourhood of, if not within the actual boundaries of India, is clear from Herodotus (vii. 70), who states in another place that all the Indians (ex- cept the Daradae) resembled the Aethiopians in the dark colour of their skins (iii. 101); while abundant instances m.-iy be observed of the intermixture of the accounts of the African and Indian Aethiopians, as, for example, in Ctcsias {Indie. 7, ed. Biihr. p. 354), Pliny (viii. 30. 3), who quotes Ctesias, Scylax, in his description of India {ap. Philostrat. Vil. Apall. iii. 14), Tzetzes {Chil. vii. 144), Aeli.m (//. An. svi. 31), Agatharchides (c/e liubro Mai'i,Tp. 44, ed. Huds.), Pollux {Onomast. v. 5), and many other writers. Just in the same way a confusion may be noticed in the accounts of Libya, as in Herodotus (iv. 168—199; cf. Ctesias, Indie. 13), where he intermixes Indian and African tales. Even so late as Alexander's inv;ision, wo know that the tame confu.sion prevailed, Alexander himself believing that he would find the sources of the Kile in India. (Strab. XV. p. 696; Arrian, Erp. Alex. vi. 1.) It is not remarkable that the Greeks should have had but little knowledge of India or its inhabitants till a comjiaratively late pei-iod of their histoiy, and that neither Homer nor Pindar, nor the great Gi'cek dramatists Sophocles and Euripides, should mention by its name either India or any of its people. It is pro- bable that, at this early period, neither commerce nor any other cause bad led the Greeks beyond the shoies of Syria eastward, and that it was not till the Persian wars that the existence of vast and pf^pulous regions to the E. of Persia itself became distinctly known to them. Some indi\-idual names may have reached the ears of those who inquired ; perhaps some indi- vidual travellers may have heard of these far distant realms; such, for instance, as the physician De- mocedes, when residing at the court of Dareius, the son of Hystasjies (Herod, iii. 127), and Democritus of Abdera (b. c. 460 — 400), who is said by several authors to liave travelled to Egypt, Persia, Aethio- pia, and India (Diog. Laiirt. ix. 72 ; Strab. xvi. p. 703; Clem. Strom, i. p. 304; Suidas, s. v.). Yet little was probably known beyond a iev! names. The first historian who speaks clearly on the subject is Hecataeus of Bliletus (b.c. 549 — 486). In the few fragments which remain of his writings, and which have been carefully collected by Klausen (Berk 44 INDIA. 1831), the Indi and the Indus {Fragm. 174 and 178), the Ar^ante {Fragm. 176), the people of Opia on the banks of the Indus {Fragm. 175), the Calatiae, {Fragm. 177 ; Herod, iii. 38 ; or Calantiae, Herod, iii. 97), Gandara and the Gandarii (Frojm. 178) and then- city Caspapyrus {Fragm. 179; Caspatynis, Herod, iii. 102, iv. 44), are mentioned, in company ■with other Eastern places. Further, it appears, from the testimony of Herodotus, that Scylax of Car)'anda, ■who yms sent by Dareius, navigated the Indus to Caspatyrus iu Pactyice, and thence along the Erythraean sea by the Arabian gulf to the coast of Egypt (iv. 44) ; in the course of which voyage lie must have seen something of India, of ivhich he is said to have recorded several marvels (cf. Aristot. Polit. vii. 14; Philostr. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 14; Tzetz. CM. vii. 144); though Klausen has shown satisfactorily, in his edition of the fragments which remain, that the Periplus usually ascribed to this Scylax is at least as late as the time of Philip of Macedon. The notices preseiTed in Herodotus and the re- mains of Ctesias are somewhat fuller, both having had opportunities, the one as a great traveller, the other as a resident for many years at the court of Artaxerxes, which no previous writers had had. The knowledge of Herodotus (b. c. 484 — 408) is, however, limited to the account of the satrapies of Dareius; the twentieth of which, he states, compre- liended that part of India which was tributary to the Persians (iii. 94), the country of the most Eastern people with whom he was acquainted (iii. 9.5 — 102). To the S. of them, along the Indian Ocean, were, according to his view, the Asiatic Aethiopians (iii. 94) ; beyond them, desert. He adds that the Indians were the greatest and wealthiest people know'n; he speaks of the Indus (on 'whose banks, as well as on those of the Nile, crocodiles were to be seen) as flowing through their land (iv. 44), and mentions by name Caspatyiais (a town of Pactyice), the nomadic Padai (iii. 99), and the Ca- latiae (iii. 38) or Calantiae (iii. 97). He places also in the seventh satrapy the Gandarii (iii. 91) [Gandaex\j;], a race who, under the name of Gandharas, are known as a genuine Sanscrit- speaking tribe, and who may therefore be considered as connected with India, though their principal seat seems to have been on the W. side of the Indus, probably in the neighbourhood of the present Can^ daliar. Ctesias (about b. c. 400) wrote twenty-three books of Persica, and one of Indica, with other works on Asiatic subjects. These are all lost, except some fragments preserved by Photius. In his Per- sica he mentions some places in Bactria {Fragm. 5, ed. Biihr) and Cyrtaea, on the Erythraean sea {Fragm. 40) ; and in his Indica he gives an account of the Indus, of the manners and customs of the natives of India, and of its productions, some of which bear the stamp of a too credulous mind, but are not altogether uninteresting or valueless. On the advance of Alexander through Bactriana to the banks of the Indus, a new hght was thrown on the geography of India ; and the Greeks, for the first time, acquired ■with tolerable accuracy some knowledge of the chief features of this remarkable country. A num.ber of writers — some of them offi- cers of Alexander's army — devoted themselves to a description of different jsarts of his route, or to an account of the events which took place during his progress from Babylon to the Hyphasis ; and to INDIA. the separate narratives of Beton and Diognehis, Nearchus, Onesicritus, Aristobulus, and Cailis- thenes, condensed and extracted by Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian, we owe most of our knowledge of India as it appeared to the ancients. None of the original works of these writers have been preserved, but the voyage of Nearchus (the most important of them, though the places in India he names are few in number) has been apparently given by Arrian (in his Jndica') with considerable minuteness. Ne- archus seems to have kept a day-book, in which lie entered the distances between each place. He notices Pattella, on the Indus (from which he started), and Corcatis (perhaps the present Kurdchi). Pliny, who calls this voyage that of Nearchus and One- sicritus, adds some few places, not noticed by Arrian (vi. 23. s. 26). Onesicritus himself considered the land of the Indians to be one-third of the whole inhabited world (Strab. xv. p. 691), and was the first writer who noticed Taprobane (Ce^/t>?^). (Ibid, p. 691.) Both writers appear, from Strabo, to liave left interesting memorials of the manners and cus- toms of the natives (Strab. xi. p. 517, xv. p. 726) and of the natural history of the country. (Strab. XV. pp. 693, 705, 716, 717 ; Aelian, Hist. An. xvi. 39, xvii. 6; Plin. vi. 22. s. 24, vii. 2. s. 2; Tzetz. Chil. iii. 13.) Aristobulus is so frequently quoted by An-ian and Strabo, that it is not improbable that he may have written a distinct work on India : he is mentioned as noticing the swelling and floods of the rivers of the Punjab, owing to the melting of the snow and the rain (Strab. x v. p. 691), the mouths of the Indus (p. 701), the Brachmanes at Taxila (p. 714), the trees of Hyrc.ania and India (xi. p. 509), the rice and the mode of its tillage (xv. p. 692), and the fish of the Nile and Indus, respec- tively (xv. p. 707, xvii. p. 804). Subsequently to these writers, — probably all in the earlier part of the third century b. c, — were some others, as Jlegasthenes, Daimachus, Patrocles and Ti- mosthenes, who contributed considerably to the in- creasing stock of knowledge relative to India. Of these, the most valuable additions were those acquired by Jlegasthenes and Daimachus, who were respectively ambassadors from Seleucus to the Courts of San- drocottus (Chandragupta) and his successor Alli- trochades (Strab. ii. p. 70, xv. p. 702 ; Plin. vi. 17. s. 21), or, as it probably ought to be written, Amitrochades. Megasthenes wrote a work often quoted by subsequent writers, which he called 7a. 'If5i/fo (Athen. iv. p. 153; Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 132 ; Joseph, c. Apion. i. 20, Antiq. s. 11. § 1), in which he probably embodied the results of his observations. From the fragments which remain, and which have been carefully collected by Schwan- beck {Megasthenis Indica, Bonn, 1846), it appears that lie was the first to give a tolerably accu- rate account of the breadth of India, — making it about 16,000 stadia (Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Strab. i. p.' 68, XV. p. 689), — to mention the Ganges by name, and to state that it was larger than the Indus (Arrian, V. 6, 10, Indie. 4, 13), and to give, besides this, some notice of no less than fifteen tributaries of the Indus, and nineteen of the Ganges. He remarked that India contained 118 nations, and so many cities that they could not be numbered (Anian, Indie. 7, 10); and observed (the first among the Greeks) the existence of castes among the people (Strab. XV. p. 703; Arrian, Ind. 11, 12; Diod. ii. 40, 41; Solin. c. 52), with some peculiarities of the Indian reUgious system, and of the Brachmanes (or Brah^ INDIA. mans). (Strab. xv. pp. 711 — 714; Clom. Alex. Strom. I. 131.) A<;ain Daimachus, who lived for a lon<; time at Palibothra (Strab. ii. p. 70), wrote a work upon India, which, tiiougli according to Strabo full of fable.s, must also have contained much valu- able information. Patrocles, whom Str.ibo evidently deemed a writer of veracity (Strab. ii. p. 70), as the admiral of Seleucus, sailed upon the Indian Ocean, and left an account, in which he stated his belief that India was the same breadlii that Me- f^asthenes had maintained (Strab. ii. p. 69. xv. p. 689) ; but also that it could be circumnavigated — an erroneous view, which seems to have arisen from the idea, that the Caspian Sea and the Northern Ocean were connected. (Strab. ii. p. 74, xi. p. 518.) With the establishment of the mathematical schools at Alexandria, commenced a new aera in Grecian geography ; the first systematic arrangement of the divisions of the earth's surface being made by Eratosthenes (b.c. 276 — 161), who drew a series of parallels of latitude — at unequal distances, however — through a number of places remotely distant from one another. According to his plan, his most southern parallel was extended through Taprobane and the Cinnamon coast (theSE. end of the Arabian Gulf); his second par.allel (at an interval of 3400 stadia) passed though the S. coast of India, the mouths of the Indus and Meroe; his third (at an interval of 5000 stadia) passed through Palibothra and Syene ; his fourth (at a similar interval) con- nected the Upper Ganges, Indus, and Alexandria ; his fifth (at an interval of 3750 .stadia) passed through Thina (the capital of the Seres), the whole chain of the Emodus, Imaus, Paropamisus, and the island of Khodes. (Strab. i. p. 68, ii. pp. 1 13 — 132.) At the same time he drew seven parallels of lon- gitude (or meridians), the first of which p.assed tiirough the E. coast of China, the second through the mouths of the Ganges, and the third through those of the Indus. His great geographical error was that the intersection of his meridians and lati- tudes formed riffkt angles. (Strab. ii. pp. 79, 80, 92, 93.) The shape of the uduabited portion of the globe he compared to a Macedonian Chlamys ex- tended. (Strab. ii. p. 118, xi. p. 519; ]\Iacrob. Somn. Scip. ii. 9.) The breadth of India between the Ganges and Indus he made to be 16,000 stadia. Taprobane, like hia predecessors, he held to be 5000 stadia long. Hipparchus (about b. c. 1 50), the father of Greek astronomy, followed Patrocles, Daimachus, and Meg.isthenes, in his view of the shape of India; making it, however, not so wide at the S. as Era- tosthenes had made it (Strab. ii. pp. 77, 81), but much wider towards the N., even to the extent of from 20,000 to 30,000 stadia (Strab. ii. p. 68). Ta- probane he held not to be an island, but the com- mencement of another continent, which extended onward to the S. and W., — following, probably, the idea which had prevailed since the time of Aristotle, that Africa and SE. India were connected on the other side of the Indian Ocean. (Mela, iii. 7. § 7 ; Plin. vi. 22. s. 24.) Artemidorus (about b. c. 100) states that the Ganges rises in the Montes Emodi, flows S. till it arrives at Gange, and then E. by Palibothra to its mouths (Strab. xv. p. 719): Ta- probane he considered to be about 7000 stadia long and 500 broad (Steph. B.). The whole breadth of India, from the Ganges to the Indus, he made to be 16,000 stadia. (Plin. vi. 19. s. 22.) The greater part of all that was known up to his INDIA. 45 time was finally reduced into a consistent shape by Strabo (li. c. 66 — a. d. 36). His view of India was not materially different from that which had been the received opinion since Eratosthenes. He held that it was the greatest and most Eastern land in the world, and the Ganges its greatest stream (ii. p. 130, XV. pp. 690, 719) ; that it stretched S. as far as the parallel of Meroe, but not so far N. as Hipparchus thought (ii. pp. 71, 72, 75); that it was in shape like a lozenge, the S. and E. being the longest sides. Its greatest breadth was 16,000 stadia on the E., its least 13,000 on the W. ; its greatest length on the S., 19,000 stadia. Below the S. coast he placed Taprobane, wliich was, in his opinion, not less than Great Britain (ii. p. 130, XV. p. 690). Pliny the Elder and Pomponius Mela, who were contemporaries, added somewhat to the geographical knowledge previously acquired, by in- corporating into their works the results of different expeditions sent out during the earlier emperors. Thus, Pliny follows Agrippa in making India 3300 M. P. long, and 2300 JI. P. broad, though he him- self suggests a ditl'erent and shorter distance (vi. 17. s. 21); while, after Seneca, he reckoned that it contained 118 peoples and 60 rivers. The Emodus, Imaus, Paropamisus, and Caucasus, he connected in one continued chain from E. to W., stating that S. of these gi-eat mountains, the land was, like Egypt, one vast plain (vi. 18. s. 22), comprehending many wastes .ind much fruitful land (vi. 20. s. 23). For a fuller notice of Tajjrobane than had been given by previous writers, he was indebted to the ambas- sadors of the emperor Claudius, from whom he learnt that it had towards India a length of 10,000 stadia, and 500 towns, — one, the capital, Palaesi- mundum, of vast size. The sea between it and the continent is, he says, very shallow, and the distance from the nearest point a journey of foui- days (vi. 22. s. 24). The measurements of the distances round the coast of India he gives with some minuteness, and in some instances with less exaggeration than his predecessors. With Marinas of Tyre and Claudius Ptolemaeus, in the middle of the second century, the classical knowledge of geography may be said to terminate. The latter, especially, has, in this branch of know- ledge, exercised an influence similar to that of Aristotle in the domain of the moral and physical sciences. Both writers took a more comprehensive view of India than had been taken before, owing in some degree to the journey of a Macedonian trader named Titianus, whose travels extended along the Taurus to the capital of China (Ptol. i. 11. § 7), and to the voyage of a sailor named Alexander, who found his way across the Indian Ocean to Cattigara (Ptol. i. 14. § 1), which Ptolemy places in lat. 8° 30' S., and between 170° and 180° E. long. Hence, his idea that the Indian Ocean was a vast central sea, with land to the S. Taprobane he held to be four times as big as it really is (vii. 4), and the largest island in the world ; and he mentions a cluster of islands to the NE. and S. (in all pro- bability, those now known as the Maldives and Xac- cadives). In the most eastern part of India, be- yond the Gulf of Bengal, which he terms the Golden Chersonesus, he speaks of Iabadius and Maniolae ; the first of which is probably that now known as Java, while the name of the second has been most likely preserved in Manilla. The main divisions of India into India intra Gangem and India extra Gangem, have been adopted by the 46 INDIA. majority of subsequent geographers, from Ptolemv. Subsequent to this date, there are few works which fall within the range of classical geography, or which have added any inforaiation of real value on the subject of India ; while most of theni have borrowed from Ptolemy, whose comprehensive work was soon a test-book in the hands of learned men. From Agathemerus (at the end of the second century) and Dionysius Periegetes (towards the end of the third century) some few particulars maybe gleaned: — as for instance, from the latter, the establish- ment of the Indo-Scythi along the banks of the Indus, in Sciiuh and Guzerat ; and, from a work known by the name of Perlplus Maris Er!/thraei (the date of which, though late, is not certainly determined), some interesting notices of the shores of the Indian Ocean. Festus Avienus, whose para- phrase of Dionysius Periegetes supplies some lacunae in other parts of his work, adds nothing of interest to his metrical account of Indian Geography. Such may serve as a concise outline of the pro- gress of knowledge in ancient times relative to India. Before, however, we proceed to describe the country itself under the various heads of mountains, rivers, provinces, and cities, it will be well to say a few words on the origin of the name India, with some notice of the subdivisions which were in use among the earlier geographers, but which we have not thought it convenient in this place to perpetuate. The names Indus, India, are no doubt derived from the Sanscrit appellation of the river, Sindhu, which, in the plural form, means also the people who dwelt along its banks. The adjoining countries have adopted this name, with slight modilications: thus, Heiidu is the form in the Zend or old Persian, Hoddu in the Hebrew (^Esther, i. 1, viii. 9). The Greek language softened down the word by omitting the A, hence "Ii'Sos, "Iv^ia ; though in some instances the native name vi'as preserved almost unchanged, as in the 'S.'lv&os of the Periplus JIaris Erythraei. Pliny beai-s testimony to the native form, when he says, *' PkIus incolis Sindus appellatus" (vi. 20. s. 23). The great divisions of India wliich have been usually adopted are those of Ptolemy (vii. 1. § 1), into, — (^l) India intra Ganr/em, a vast district, which was bounded, according to that geographer, on the W. by the Paropamisadae, Arachosia, and Gedrosia; on the N. by the Imaus, in the direction of the Sog- diani and Sacae; on the E. by the Ganges, and on the S. by a part of the Indian Ocean : and (2) hdia extra Gangem (Ptol. vii. 2. § 1), which was bounded on the W. by the Ganges; on the N. by Scythia and Serica; on the E. by the Sinae, and by a line extended from their country to the MiyaKos KoXiroi (^Gidf of Siam); and on the S. by the Indian Ocean, and a line drawn from the island of IMenutliias (Ptol. vii. 2. § 1), whence it appears that Ptolemy considered that the Ganges flowed nearly due N. and S. We have considered that this division is too arbitraiy to be adopted here; we merely state it as the one proposed by Ptolemy and long current among geographers. The later ecclesiastical writers made use of other terms, as t) ivBorepo} "IvSia, in which they included even Arabia (Socrat. H. E. i. 19 ; Theod. i. 23 ; Theoph. i. 35), and ?; «(rx«ri7 "IfSia (Sozomen, ii. 23). The principal mountains of India (considered as a whole) were : — the eastern portion of the Paropamisus (ir Hindu- KusK), the Imaus (Jlaimava?), and the Emodus (now known by the generic name of the Ilivuilaya.') To the extreme E, were the Montes INDIA, Semanthini, the boundary of the land of tlie Sinae, the j\Iontes Damassi, and the Bepyrrhus M. (probably the present Naraka M.). An extension of the JI. Damassi is the i\hieandi-us M. (now Muiti-Mnra). In India intra Gangem Ptolemy mentions many mountains, the names of which can with diiliculty lie supplied with their modern representatives: lus the Orudii M., in the S. extremity of the land between the Tyndis and the Chaberus; the Uxentus M., to the N. of them; the Adisathms M.; the Bittigo M. (probably the range now known as the Ghats'), and the M. Vindius (unquestionably the present l^ind- hija), which extend NE. and S\V. along the N. bank of the JVerbudda ; M. Sardonix (probably the present Sautpura^ \ and M. Apocopa (perhaps the present Aravelli). The principal promontories in India are: — in the extreme E., Promontorium Magnum, the western side of the Sinus Magnus; Malaei Colon, on the S. coast of the golden peninsula; Promontorium Aureae Chersonesi, the southern termination of the Sinus Sabaracus, on the western side of the Chersonesus; Cory or Calligicum, between the S. Argaricus and the S. Colchicus, near the SW. end of the peninsula of Himlostdn ; Comaria (now C. Comorin), the most southern point of Ilindostdn ; Calae Carias (or Calli- caris), between the to\™s Anamagara and Mu/iris; Simylla (or Semylla, the southern end of the S. Barygazenus, perhaps the present C. St. John), and Maleuni. In the same direction from E. to W. are the fol- lowing gulfs and bays: — the Sinus Magnus (now (iw//* ofSiam); S. Perimulicus, and Sabaricus, on the E. and W. side of the Chersonesus Aurea; S. Gangeti- cus (^Bay of Bengal), S. Argaricus, opposite the N. end of Taprobane (probably Palks Bag) ; S. Col- chicus (^Bag of Manaar); S. Barygazenus {^Gidf of Cambag), and S. Cautlii (most likely the Gulf of Cutch). The rivers of India are very numerous, and many of them of great size. The most imjwrtant (from E. to W.) are the Dorias (^Salven ?) and Doanas (the Ii-rawaddg), the Chrysoana, Besynga, the Tocosanna (probably the present Arrahan), and the Catabeda (now Curmsul); the Ganges, with many tributaries, themselves large rivers. [Ganges.] Along the W. side of the Bag of Bengal are the Adamns (^Brahmini), Dosaron (^Mahamidi), Maesolus (^Goddvuri), Tyndis {Kistmt), and the Chaberis or Chaberus (the Cdveri). Along the shores of the Indian Ocean are the Nanaguna {Tartg), the Na- madus (Xarmadd ovNerbudda), and lastly the Indus, with its several tributaries. [Indus.] The towns in India known to the ancients were very numerous; yet it is remarkable that but few details have been given concerning them in the different authors of whose works fragments still remain. Generally, these writei's seem to have been content with a simple list of the names, adding, in some instances, that such a place was an im- portant mart for commerce. The probability is, that, even so late as Ptolemy, few cities had reached suf- ficient importance to command the productions of an extensive surrounding countiy; and that, in fact, with one or two exceptions, the towns which he and others enumerate were little more than the head places of small districts, and in no sense capitals of great empires, such as Ghazna, Delhi, and Calcutta have become in later periods of Indian history. Be- ginning from the extreme E., the principal states and towns mentioned in the ancient writei's are: Periniula INDIA. on the E. roast of the Golden Chersonfisus (in the neighbourhood o{ Malacca); Tacolu (perhaps Tavai or Tavoij'); Trij^lyphon, in the district of the Cyrrha- diae, at the mouth of the Brahmaputra (now Tiperali or Tripura); and Catligara, the exact position of wliich lias been much disputed among geographers, hut whicii Lassen has placed conjecturally in Borneo. Northward of Triglyphon are a number of small dis- tricts, about which nothing certain is known, as Chalcitis, Basanarae. Cacobae, and Aminarhae, tiie Indrapratliae, and Iljoringac; and to the \V., along the swamp-land at the foot of the Himdlatja chain, are the Tiladae, l'assaIae,Corancali,and the Tacaraei. All the above may be considered as belonging to India extra Gangem. Again, fi-om the line of coast from E. to W., the first jxiople along the western mouths of the Ganges are called the Gangaridae, with their chief town Gauge (in the neighbourhood of the modern Cal- cutta); the Calingae, with their chief towns Par- thalia and Dandagula (the latter probably CalinOr- pattana, about halfway between Mahdnadi and Goddrari) ; the JIaesoli and JIaesolia, occupying nearly the same range of coast as that now culled the Circars, with the capital Pitynda, and Conta- cossyla {Masulipallarui ?) and Alosygna on the se;i- coast; W. of the JIaesolus {Goddvari), the Arvarni, with the chief town Malanga (probably Manda- rdo ori/?/f/rn6ad,if not,asRitter has imagined, the sea-port J/fw^rafore); Baetana, Simylla (on the coast near Bassein), Omenagara (undoubtedly the celebrated fortress Akmed-nagar), and Tagara {Peripl. p. 19), the present Leoghir. Further N., the rich commercial state of Larice appears to have extended from the Namadus {Nurniadd or Ner- budda) to Barygaza {Beroach) and the Gulf of Cambay. Its chief town was, in Ptolemy's time, Ozene {Oujein or Ujjayini), a place well known to the antiquaries of India for the vast numbers of the earliest Indian coinage constantly found among its ruins; Minnagara, the position of which is doubtful, and Barygaza, the chief emporium of the commerce of Western India. North of Larice was Syrastrene {Saurasktran), to the west of the Gulf of Cumhaij ; and still further to the westward, at the moutlis of INDIA. 47 the Indus, Pattalene (Lower Scinde, and the neigh- bourhood of Kurdchi), with its capital Pattala {Potala.) It is much more difficult to determine the exact site of the various tribes and nations mentioned iu ancient authors as existing in the interior of tlie country, than it is to ascertain the corresponding modern localities of those which occupied the sea- coast. Some, however, of then) can be made out with sufficient certainty, by comparison of their classical names with the Sanscrit records, and ir. some instances with the modern native appellations. Following, then, the course of the Indus northwards, we Ijnd, at least in the times of Ptolemy and of the Periplus, a wide-spread race of Scythian origin, occu- pying botli banks of the river, in a district called, from them, Indo-Scythia. The exact limits of their countiy cannot now be traced; but it is pro- bable that they extended from Pattalene on the S. as far .as the lower ranges of the Hindu-Kusli, — in fact, that their empire swayed over the whole of modern Scinde and the Punjab ; a view which is borne out by the extensive remains of their Topes and coinage, which are found throughout these dis- tricts, and especially to the northward, near the head waters of the three western of the Five Rivers. A great change had no doubt taken place by the suc- cessful invasion of a great horde of Scythians to- wards the close of the second century b. c, as they arc known to have overthrown the Greek kingdom of Bactriana, at the same time etfacing many of the names of the tribes whom Alexander had met with two centuries before, such as the Asjasii, Assa- ceni, JIassiani, Hippasii; with the towns of Aca- dera, Daedala, JLissaga, and Embolima, which are preserved in Arrian, and others of Alexander's his- torians. Further N.. along the bases of the Paropamisus, Imaus, and Emodus, in the direction from W. to E., we find mention of the Sampatae, the district Suastene (now Sewad), and Goryaea, with the towns Gorya and Dionysopolis, or X.agara (now Nagar); and further E., between the Suastus and the Indus, the Gandarae (one, doubtless, of the ori- ginal seats of the Gandhdras). Following the mountain- range to the E., we come to Caspiria (now Cashmir, in earlier times known, as we have seen, to Herodotus, under the name of Caspatyrus). South- ward of Cashmir was the territory of Varsa, with its capital Taxila, a place of importance so early as the time of Alexander (Arrian, v. 8), and probably indi- cated now by the extensive remains of Manikydla (Burnes, Travels, vol. i. p. 65), if, indeed, these are not too much to the eastward. A little further S. was the land of Pandous (Jlav^uov X'^P^i doubtless the representative of one of the Pandava dynasties of early Hindu history), during the time of Alexander the territory of the king Porus. Further eastward were the state Cylindrine, with the sources of the Sutledge, .lumna, and Ganges ; and the Gangani, whose territory extended into the highest range of the ITimdlaya. Jlany small states and towns are mentioned in the historians of Alexander's campaigns along the upper Panjdb, which we cannot here do more than glance at, as feucehotis {Puskkaldvafi), Nicaea,Bucephala, the Glaucanitae, and the Sibae or Sibi. Following next the course of the Ganges, we meet with the Daetichae, the Nanichae, Prasiaca; and the Mandalae, with its cele- brated capital Pali bothra (beyond all doubt the present PdluUputra. or Patna), situated at the junction of 48 INDIA. llie Erannoboas (^HiranjdvaJici) and the Ganpies; with some smaller states, as the Surasenae, and the towns Methoi-a and Clisobra, which were subject to the Prasii. Southward from Palibothra, in the in- terior of the plain country, dwelt the Coccoiiagae, on the banks of the Adamas, the Sabarae, the Sala- ceni, the Drillophyllitae, the Adeisathri, with their capital Sagida (probably the present Sohagpur), si- tuated on the northern spurs of the Vindhya, at no great distance from the sources of the Sonus. Be- tween the Sonus and the Ganges were the Bolin- gae. In a N\V. direction, beyond the Sonus and the Vindhya, we find a territory called Sandrabatis, and the Gynmosophistae, who appear to have oc- cupied the country now called Sirhind, as far as the river Sutkdge. The Caspeiraei (at least in the time of Ptolemy; see Ptol. vii. 1. § 47) seem to Lave extended over a considerable breadth of coun- try, as their sacred town Modura (Mo'Soupa ^ tQv Steoov') was situated, apparently, at no great distance from the Nerhudda, though its exact position has not been identified. The difficulty of identification is much, indeed, increased by the error of reckoning which prevails throughout Ptolemy, who held that the coast of India towards the Indian Ocean was in a straight line E. and W. from Taprobane and the Indus, thereby placing Nanaguna and the N;tmadus in the same parallel of latitude. On the southern spurs of the Vindhya, between the Namadus and Nanaguna, on the edge of the Deccan, were the Phyllitae and Gondali; and to the E. of them, be- tween the BittigoM.and the river Chaberus (Criren'), the nomad Sorae (Stopat vuiia^is), with a chief town Sora, at the eastern end of M. Bittigo. To the southward of these, on the Chaberus and Solen, were several smaller tribes, the Brachmani IMagi, the Ain- bastae, Bettigi or Bitti, and the Tabassi. All the above-mentioned districts and towns of any importance are more fully described under their respective names. The ancients appear to have known but little of the islands which are now considered to form part of the East Indies, with the exception of Taprobane or Ceylon, of which Pliny and Ptolemy have left some considerable notices. The reason is, that it was not till a much later period of the world's his- tory that the Indian Archipelago was fully opened out by its commercial resources to scientific imjuiry. Besides Ceylon, however, Ptolemy mentions, in its neighbourhood, a remarkable cluster of small islands, doubtless (as we have remarked before) those now known as the Laccadioes and Maldives ; the island of labadius (Java), below the Chersonesus Aurea; and the Satyrorum Insulae, on the same parallel •with the S. end of this Chersonesus, which may perhaps answer to the Anamha or Natuna islands. Of the government of India, considered as a whole, comparatively little was known to the Greek wi'iters; indeed, with the exception of occasional names of kings, it may be asserted that they knew nothing E. of Palibothra. Nor is this strange ; direct connec- tion with the interior of the country ceased with the fall of the Graeco-Bactrian empire; from that period almost all the information about India which found its way to the nations of the West was derived from the merchants and others, who made voy- ages to the dift'erent out-ports of the country. It may be worth while to state briefly here some of the principal rulers mentioned by the Greek and Boman writers ; premising that, previous to the ad- vance of Alexander, history is on these subjects INDIA. silent. Previous, indeed, to Alexander, we have nothing on which we can rely. There is no evidence that Darius himself invaded any part of India, though a portion of the NW. provinces of Bactria may ha\'e paid him tribute, as stated by Herodotus. The ex- peditions of Dionysus and Hercules, and the wars of Sesostris and Semiramis in India, can be considered as nothing more than fables too credulously recorded by Ctesias. At the time of the invasion of Alex- ander the Great, there can be no doubt that there was a settled monarchy in the western part of India, and his dealings with it are very clearly to be made out. In the north of the Punjab was the town or district Taxila (probably Manikydla, or very near it), which was ruled by a king named Taxiles ; it being a frequent Indian custom to name the king from the place he ruled over. His name in Dio- dorus is Mophis (xvii. 86), and in Curtius, Omphis (viii. 12), which was probably the real one, and is itself of Indian origin. It appears that Alexander left his country as he found it. (Strab. xv. pp. 698, 699, 716.) The name of Taxiles is not mentioned in any Indian author. The next ruler Alexander met with was Porus (probably Paurava Sanscr., a change which Strabo indicates in that of Aapiavw into AapCtov), with whom Taxiles had been at war. (Arrian, v. 21.) Alexander appears to have suc- ceeded in reconciling them, and to have increased the empire of Porus, so as to make his rule compre- hend the whole country between the Ilydaspes and Acesines. (Arrian, v. 20, 21, 29.) His country is not named in any Indian writer. Shortly afterwards, Alexander received an emb.assy and presents from Abisaris (no doubt A bhisdra), whose territory, as has been shown by Prof. Wilson from the Annals of Cashmir, must have been in the mountains in the southern part of that province. (^Asiat. Pes. vol. XV. p. 116.) There had been previously a war be- tween this ruler and the Malli, Oxydracae, and the people of the Lower Panjdh, which had ended in notliing. Alexander continued Abisaris in the pos- .session of liis own territory, made Philip satrap of the Slalli and Oxydracae, and Pytho of the land be- tween the confluence of the Indus and Acesines and the sea (Arrian, vi. 15) ; placing, at the same time, Oxyarces over the Paropamisadae. (jVrr. vi. 15.) It may be obser\-ed that, in the time of Ptolemy, the Cashmirians appear to have held the whole of the Punjab, so far as the Vindhya mountains, a portion of the southern country being, however, in the hands of the Main and Cathaei. The same state of things prevailed for some time after the -death of Alexander, as appears by a decree of Perdiccas, mentioned in Diodorus (xviii. 3), and with httle material change under Anti- pater. (Diod. xviii. 39.) Indeed, the provinces remained true to the Macedonians till the com- mencement of the rule of the Prasii, when San- drocottus took up arms against the Macedonian governors. (Justin, xv. 4.) The origin of this re- bellion is clearly traceable. Porus was slain by Eu- damus about B.C. 317 (Diod. six. 14) ; hence San- drocottus must have been on the throne about the time that Seleucus took Babylon. B.C. 312. The attempt of the Indians to recover their freedom was probably aided by the fact that Porus had been slain by a Greek. Sandrocottus, as king of the Prasii (Sansc. PracJiya) and of the nations on the Ganges, made war with Seleucus Nicator, who penetrated far into India. Plutarch says he ruled over all India, but this is not hkely. (Plut. Akx. 62.) It appeai-s INDIA. that ho crossed the Indus, and obtained by marriage Araehosia, Gedrosia, and tlie Paropamisadae, from Scleucus. (Strab. sv. p. 724 ; Appian, Syr. 55.) It was to his court that Jlepastlienes (as we have before stated) was sent. Sandrocottus was succeeded by Amitrocliates (Jiansc. Ajnitraghdtas), which is almost ctTtainly the true form of the name, though Strabo calls him Allitrochades. He was the contemporary of Antiochus Soter. (Athen. xiv. G7.) It is clear, from Athenaeus (/. c), that the same friendship was maintained between the two descendants as between the two fathers. Daimachus was sent as ambass.idor to Palibothra. (Strab. ii. p. 70.) Then came the wars between the Parthians and Bactrians, and the more complete establishment of the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom, under Menander, Apollndotus, Eucratides, and their successors, to wliiih we cannot here do more tlian allude. The etlect, however, of these wars was to interrupt communication between the East and the West; hence the meagre nature of the historical re- cords of the i)criod. The expedition of Antiochus the Great to India brought to light the name of another kiuL', Sophacra.scnus (Polyb. xi. 32), who was, in all pribabiiity, king of the Prasii. Tlie Scythians iinally put an end to the Buctrian empire about B.C. 136. (De Guignes, il/e'm. de VAcad. d. Inscr. xxv. p. 17.) This event is noticed in the Periplus (p. 22), where, however, Parthi mu.st be taken to mean Scythi. (See also Periplus, p. 24 ; Dionys. Perieg. vv. 1087 — 1088.) Eustathius adds, in his commentaiy on Dionysius : — Ot /col 'IvSocrKvOat avvdirais \iyofj.f- voi. Minnagara was their chief town, a name, as appears from Isid. Char. ( p 9), which was ])artly Scythian and partly Sanscrit. (Cf. also De Guignes, I.e.) The Scythians were in their turn driven out of India by Vicrdmadiiya, about B. c. 56 (Colebrooke, Ltd. Ahjebra, Lond. 1817, p. 43), wdio established his seat of empire at Oitjein (^Ujjayini). At the time wjien the Periplus was compiled, the capital had been again changed, as we there read, 'O^Vji't;, tV p Kal ra BaaiKiia Trpdrtpoy ^v. It is remarkable that no allusion has been found in any of the early literature of the Hindus to Alex- ander the Great : but the effect of the later expeditions of the Bactrian kings is apparently indicated under the name of the Yavana. In the astronomical works, the Yavana are barbarianswho understood astronomy, whence it has been conjectured by Colebrooke that the Alexandrians are referred to. (^Ind. Algebra, p. 80.) Generally, there can be no doubt that the Yarana mean nations to the W. of India. Tlius, in the Mahabharata, they make war on the Indians, in conjunction with the Paradi (i. e. Parthi), and the Sacae or Scythians. (Lassen,PeHta/». p. 60.) In the Drama of the Mudra-Raxasa, which refers to the war between Chandragupta and another Indian King, it is stated that Cusumapura (i. e. Palibothra) was surrounded by the Cirratae, Yavani,Cambogi, Persae, Bactrians, and the other forces of Chandragupta, and the king of the Mountain Regions. Lassen thinks, with much reason, that this refers to Seleucus, who, in his war with Chandragupta, reached, as we know, Palibothra. (Plin. \'i. 17.) With regard to the commerce of ancient India, which we have every reason to suppose was veiy extensive, it is impo.«sible in this place to do more than to indicate a few of the principal facts. Indeed, the commerce of India, including the northern and the southern di.Ntricts, may be considered as an epitome of the commerce of the world, there being few pro- VOL TI. INDIA. 49' ductions of any other country which rnay not be found somewhere within its vast area. The principal directions in which the commerce of ancient India flowed were, between Western India and Africa, between the interior of the Deccan and the outports of the southern and western coast of the Indian Ocean, between Ceylon and the ports of the Coromandel coast, between the Coromandel coast and the Aurea Chersonesus, and, in the N., along the Ganges and into Tdtary and the territory of the Sinae. Thei-e appears also to have been a remarkable trade with the opposite coast of Africa, along the district now called Zatiguebar, in sesamuni, rice, cotton goods, cane-honey (sugar), which was regularly sent from the interior of Ariaca (^Concan) to Barygaza (^Beroach), and thence westward. (Pe- ri])l. p. 8.) Arab sailors are mentioned who lived at JIuza (^Mocha), and who traded with Barygaza. (^Peripl. p. 12.) Banians of India had ct.tabli.'^Jied themselves on the N. side of Socotra, called the island of Dioscorides (^Peripl. p. 17) : while, even so early as Agatharchidcs, there was evidently an active com- merce between Western India and Yemen. (Aga- tharch. p. 66, ed. Hudson.) Again, the rapidity with which Alexander got his fleet together seems to show that there must have been a considerable com- merce by boats upon the Indus. At the time of the Periplus there was a chain of ports along the western coast, — Barygaza (^BeroacK), Sluziris in Limyrica (^Mangahre), Nelkynda (^N dicer am), Pattala (once supposed to be Tatta, but much more probably Jly- drabud), and CalUene, now Gallian {Peripl. p. 30): while there were three principal emporia for mer- chandise, — Ozene {Oujtin), the chief mart of foreign commerce, (vide an interesting account of its ruins, Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 36), and for the tr^insniLssion of the goods to Barygaza; Tagara, in the interior of the Deccan (almost certainly Deo- ghir or Devanagari near Ellora), whence the goods were conveyed over difficult roads to Baiyeaza and Pluthana or Plithana, a place the exact position of which cannot now be determined, but, from the cha- racter of the products of the place, must have been somewhere in the Ghats. Along the liegio Paralia to the S., and on the Coromandel coast, were several ports of consequence; and extensive pearl fisheries in the kingdom of king Pandion, near Colchi, and near the island of Epio- dorus, where the irivviKdv (a silky thread spun from the Pinna-fish) was procured. (^Peripl. p. 33). Further to the N. were, — Masalia {MasuUpatam), famous for its cotton goods (Peripl. p. 35"); and Gauge, a great mart for muslin, betel, pearls, &c., somewhere near the mouth of the Ganges, its exact locality, however, not being now determinable. (^Peripl. p. 36.) The commerce of Ceylon {Selondib, i. e. Sinhala-dwipa) was in pearls of the best class, and precious stones of all kinds, especially the ruby and the emerald. The notices in Ptolemy and Pliny shew that its shores were well furnished with com- mercial towns (Ptol. vii. 4. §§ 3, 4, 5), while we know from the narrative of Cosmas Indicopleustes (ff;j. Montfaucon, Coll. Nova Bihl. Pair. vol. ii.) that it was, in the sixth century A.D., the centre of Hindu commerce. Besides the.se places, we learn that there was an emporium upon the Co?-omaredeZ coast, whence the merchant ships crossed over to Chryse (in all probability Malacca), in the Aurea Chersonesus; the name of it, however, is not specified. It is probable, however, that the greatest line of commerce was from the N. and W. along the 50 INDIA. Ganges, commencing with Taxi la near the Indus, or Lahore on that river, and passing thence to Palibothra. This was called the Royal Koad. It is remarkable that the Eamayana describes a road from Ayodhiya {Oude), over the Ganges and the Jumna, to Ilastinapura and Lahore, which must be ne;irly identical with that mentioned in the Greek geographers. The commerce, which appears to have existed between the interior of Asia, India, and the land of the Sinae and Serica, is very remarkable. It is stated that from Tliina (the capital of the Sinae) fine cottons and silk were sent on foot to Baotra, and thence dovrn the Ganges to Limyrica. (^Peripl. p. 36.) The Periplus speaks of a sort of annual fair which was held within the territory of the Thinae, to which malabathron (betel) was im- ported from India. It is not easy to make out whereabouts Thina itself was situated, and none of the modern attempts at identification appear to us at all satisfactory: it is clearly, however, a northern town, in the direction of Ladakh in Thibet, and not, as Ptolemy placed it, at Malacca in Tenasserim, or, as Vincent ( Voyage of Nearchus, vol. ii. p. 735) conjectured, at Arraocm. It is curious that silk should be so constantly mentioned as an article of import from other countries, especially Serica, as there is every reason to suppose that it was indigenous in India; the name for silk throughout the whole of the Indian Archipelago being the Sanscrit word sufra. (Colebrooke, Astat. Res. vol. v. p. 61.) It is impossible to give in this work any de- tails as to the knowledge of ancient India ex- hibited in the remains of native poems or histories. The whole of this subject has been examined with great ability by Lassen in his Indische Alterthiims- hunde; and to his pages, to which we are indebted for most of the Sanscrit names which we have from time to time inserted, we must refer our readers. From the careful comparison which has been made by Lassen and other orientalists (among whom Pott deserves especial mention) of the Indian names pre- served by the Greek writers, a great amount of evidence has been adduced in favour of tlie general faithfulness of those who recorded what they saw or heard. In many instances, as may be seen by the names we have already quoted, the Greek writers have been content with a simple adaptation of the sounds which they heard to those best suited for tlieir own pronunciation. When we consider the barbarous words which have come to Europe in modern times as tlie European representations of the names of places and peo[)les existing at the present time, we have reason to be surprised at the accuracy with which Greek ears appreciated, and the Greek language preserved, names which must have ap- peai-ed to Greeks far more barbarous than they would have seemed to the modern conquerors of the country. The attention of modern scholars has detected many words of genuine Indian origin in a Greek dress; and an able essay by Prof. Tychsen on such words in the fragments of Ctesias will repay the perusal of those who are interested in such subjects. (See Heeren, Asiatic Nations, vol. ii. Append. 4, ed. Lond. 1846.) The generic name of the inhabitants of the whole country to the E. of Persia and S. of the Himalaya mountains (with the exception of the Seres) was, in ancient times, Indi ('IfSoI), or Indians. It is true that the appellation referred to a much wider or much less extensive range of country, at different periods of history. There can, however, be no doubt, that INDIA. when the ancient writers speak of the Indi, they mean the inhabitants of a vast territory in the SE. part of Asia. The extension of the meaning of the name depended on the extension of the knowledge of India, and may be traced, though less completely, in the same manner as we have traced the gradual pro- gress of knowledge relative to the land itself. The Indi are mentioned in more than one of the fragments of Hecataeus (Hecat. Frarjvi. 175, 178), and are stated by Aeschylus to have been a people in the neighbourhood of the Aethiopians, viho made use of camels. {Siippl. 284 — 287.) Herodotus is the first ancient author who may be said to give any real description of them ; and lie is led to refer to them, only because a portion of this countiy, which ad- joined the territory of Dareius, was included in one of the satrapies of his vast empire, and, therefore, paid him tribute. Some part of his narrative (iii. 94 — 106, iv. 44, vii. 65) may be doubted, as clearly from hearsay evidence; some is certainly fabulous. The sum of it is, that the Indians were the most populous and richest nation which he knew of (iii. 94), and that they consisted of many different tribes, speaking different languages. Some of them, he states, dwelt in the inmiediate neighbourhood of the Aethiopians, and were, like them, black in colour (iii. 98, 101); some, in the marshes and desert land still further E. The manners of these tribes, whom he calls Padaei, and Callatiae or Calantiae, were in the lowest grade of civilisation, — a wandering race, living on raw flesh and raw fish, and of can- nibal habits. (Cf. Strab. xv. p. 710, from which Mannert, v. 1. p. 3, infers that the Padaei were not after all genuine Indians, but Tdtars.) Others (and these were the most warlike) occupied the more northern districts in the neighbourhood of Casjiatyrus (^Cashmir~) in the Regio Pactyice. Herodotus places that part of India which was subject to Dareius in the 20th satrapy, and states that the annual tribute from it amounted to 360 talents (iii. 94). Xenophon speaks of the Indians as a great nation, and one worthy of alliance with Cyaxares and the Modes (i. 5. § 3, iii. 2. § 25, vi. 2. § 1), though he does not specify to what part of India he refers. That, however, it was nearly the same as that which Herodotus de- scribes, no one can doubt. From the writers subsequent to Alexander, the following particulars relative to the people and their manners may be gathered. The ancients considered that they were divided into seven castes : — 1. Priests, the royal counsellors, and nearly connected with, if not the same as, the B^oxM"''fs or Brahmin.s. (Strab. XV. pp. 712 — 716 ; Arrian, Ind. 11.) With these Strabo (I. c.) makes another class, whom he calls Tapfxaves. These, as Grosskurd (iii. p. 153) has suggested, would seem, from the description of their habits, to hftve been fakirs, or penitents, and the same as the Gymnosophistae so often mentioned by Strabo and Arrian. This caste was exempted from taxes and service in war. 2. Ilusbandmen, who were free from war-service. They were the most numerous of the seven castes. (Strab. xv. p. 704.) The land itself was held to belong to the king, who farmed it out, leaving to the cultivator one-fourth of the produce as his share. 3. Hunters and shep- herds, who lead a wandering life, their office being to rear cattle and beasts of burden : the horse and the elephant were held to be for the kings only. (Strab. I. c.) 4. Artizans and handicraftsmen, of all kinds. (Strab. xv. p. 707.) 5. Warriws. (Strab. I. c.) 6. Political officers {efopoi, Strab. INDIA. t, c), who looked after affairs in the towns, &c., and reported secretly to the king. 7. The Royal Coun- sellors, who presided over the administration of jus- tice (.Strab. /. c), and kept the arcliives of the realm. It was not permitted for intermarriages to take place between any of these classes, nor for any one to perfDrm the office allotted to .inother, except in the case of the fir:st caste (called also that of \\\q (piXoao^oV), to which class a man might be raised from any of the other clai>ses. (Strab. ^.c; Arrian, /nrf. c. 12 ; Diod. ii. 41 ; Plin. vi. 19. s. 22.) We may remark that the modern writers on India recognise only four castes, called re>pectively Brahmans, Kshatryas, Vaisyas, and Sudrns, - a division which Heeren has suggested (we think without sufficient evidence) to indicate the remains of distinct races. {Asiat. Nat. vol. ii. p. 220.) The lowest of the people (now called Pariahs), as belonging to none of the above castes, are nowhere distinctly mentioned by ancient writers (but cf. Strab. XV. p. 709; Diod. ii. 29; Arrian, Ind. c. 10). The general description of the Indians, drawn from Jlegastlienes and others who had lived with them, is very pleasing. Tiieft is said to have been unknown, so that houses could be left unfastened. (Strab. xv. p. 709.) No Indian was known to sjwak falsehood. (Strab. I. c. ; Arrian, Ind. c. 12.) They were ex- tremely temperate, abstaining wholly from wine (Strab. I. c), — their hatred of drunkenness being so great that any girl of the harem, who should see the king drunk, was at liberty to kill him. (Strab. XV. p. 710.) No class eat meat (llerod. iii. 100), their chief sustenance being rice, which afforded them also a strong drink, i. e. a7-rak. (Strab. xv. p. 094.) Hence an especial freedom from diseases, and long lives; though maturity was early developed, especially in the female sex, girls of seven years old being deemed marriageable. (Strab. xv. pp. 701 — 706; Arrian, Ind. 9.) The women are said to have been remarkable for their chastity, it being impos- sible to tempt them with any smaller gifts than that of an elephant (Arrian, Ind. c. 17), which was not considered discreditable by their countiymen ; and the usual custom of marriage was for the father to take his daughters and to give them in marriage to the youths who had distinguished themselves most in gymnastic exercises. (Arrian, /. c. ; Strab. xv. p. 717.) To strangers they ever showed the utmost hospitality. (Diod. ii. 42.) As warriors they were notorious (Arrian, Ind. c. 9; Exped. Alex. v. 4; Pint. Alex. c. 59, 63): the weapons of the foot- soldiers being bows and arrows, and a great two- handed sword ; and of the cavalry, a javelin and a round shield (Arrian, Ind. c. 16; Strab. xv. p. 717; Curt. viii. 9.) In the Punjab, it is said that the Macedonians encountered poisoned arrows. (Diod. xvii. 10.3.) Manly exercises of all kinds were in vogue among them. The chase was the peculiar privilege of royalty (Strab. xv. pp. 709 — 712 ; Ctes. /««?. 14; Curt. viii. 9, seq.); gymnastics, music, and dancing, of the rest of the people (Strab. xv. p. 709; Arrian, Exp. Alex. vi. 3); and juggling and slight of hand were then, as now, among their chief amuse- ments. (Aelian, viii. 7; Juven. vi. 582.) Their usual dress befitted their hot climate, and was of white linen (Philost. Vit. Apoll. ii. 9) or of cotton- stuff (Strab. XV. p. 719; Arrian, Ind. c. 16); their heads and shoulders partially covered (Arrian, I. c. ; Curt. viii. 9, 15) or shaded from the sun by um- brellas (Arrian, I. c.) ; with shoes of white leather, with very thick and many-coloured soles. (Arrian, i c.) Gold and ivory rings and ear-rings were in INDICUS OCEANUS. 51 common use ; and they were wont to dye their beards not only black and white, but also red and green. (Arrian, I. c.) In general form of body, they were thin and elegantly made, with great litheness (Ar- rian, Ind. c. 17; Strab. ii. p. 103, xv. p. 695), but were larger than other Asiatics. (Arrian, Exped. Alex. v. 4; Phn. vii. 2.) Some peculiar customs they had, which have lasted to thepresent day, such as self-immolation by water or fire, and throwing themselves from precipices (Strab. XV. pp. 7 1 6, 7 1 8 ; Curt. viii. 9 ; Arrian, Exped. A lex. vii.5;Lucan. iii. 42; Plin.vi. 19. s. 20), and the burn- ing of the widow (^suttee); not, indeed, agreeably to any fixed law, but rather according to custom. (Strab. XV. pp. 699—714: Diod. xvii. 91, xix. 33; Cic. Tusc. Lisp. V. 27.) For writing materials they used the bark of trees (Strab. xv. p. 717; Curt. is. 15), probably much as the modern Cinghalese use the leaf of the palm. Their houses were generally built of wood or of the bamboo-cane; but in the cold mountain districts, of clay. (Arrian, Ind. c. 10.) It is a remarkable proof of the extent to which civilisation had been carried in ancient India, that there were, throughout great part of the country, high roads, with stones set up (answering to our milestones), on which were inscribed the nanie of the place and the distance to the next station. (Strab. XV. pp. 689—708 ; Arrian, Ind. c. 3.) [V.] IN'DICUS OCEANUS (6 'IvhiKhs ci/cfai/df, Agath. ii. 14; rh 'IvZik'ov iriXayos, Ptol. vii. 1. § 5). The Indian Ocean of the ancients may be considered generally as that great sea which washed the whole of the southern portion of India, extending from the parallel of longitude of the mouths of the Indus to the shores of the Chersonesus Aurea. It seems, in- deed, to have been held by them as part, however, of a yet greater extent of water, the limits of which were undefined, at least to the southwards, and to which they gave the generic name of the Southern Sea. Thus Herodotus speaks of rj vorit] ^dAaaaa in this sense(iv. 37), asdoes also Strabo (ii. p. 121); Diodorus calls it ri Kara jxiOfqixSpiav aiK€av6s (iii 38), while the Erythraean sea, taken in its most extended ifieaning, doubtless conveyed the same sense. (Herod, ii. 102, iv. 37; compared with Strab. i. p. 33.) Ptolemy gives the distances across this sea as stated by seafaring men ; at the same time he guards against their over-statements, by recording his opinion in favour of no more than one-third of their measurements: this space he calls 8670 stadia (i. 13. § 7). The distance along its shores, follow- ing the indentations of the coast-line, he estimates, on the same authority, at 19,000 stadia. It is evident, however, that Ptolemy himself had no clear idea of the real form of the Indian Ocean, and that he inclined to the opinion of Hipparchus, Polybius, and Marinus of Tyre, that it was a vast inland sea the southern portion of it being bounded by the shores of an unknown land which he supposed to connect Cat- tigara in the Chersonesus Aurea with the promontory of Prasum (now Cape Delgado) in Afiica (comp. iv. 9. §§ 1, 3, vii. 3. §§ 1, 3, 6). The origin of this error it is not easy now to ascertain, but it seems to have been connected with one which is found in the his- torians of Alexander's expedition, according to which there was a connection between the Indus and the Nile, so that the sources of the Acesines {Chendb) were confounded with those of the Nile. (Arnan, vi. 1.) Strabo, indeed, appears to have had some leaning to a similar view, in that he connected the Erythraean with the Atlantic sea (ii. p. 130); which was also £ 2 52 INDIGETES. the opinion of Eratosthenes (Strab. i. p. 64). The Indian Ocean contains at its eastern end tlirce prin- cipal gulfs, which are noticed in ancient authors, — the Sinus Pekimulicus (Ptol. vii. 2. § 5), in the Chersonesus Aurea (probably now the Straits of Malacca): the Sinus Sabaracus (Ptol. vii. 2. § 4), now the Gulf of Mariahan ; and the Sinus G.\n- GETicus, or Bay of Bengal. [V.] INDIGE'TES, or INDI'GETAE, QlvhiKi]Tai, Strab. ; 'E;'5i7eTai, Ptol), a people of Hispania Tarraconensis, in the extreme NE. corner of the peninsula, around the gulf of Pihoda and Emporiae {Gulf of Ampurias), as far as the Trophies of Poinpjey (ra IIojutd/jou rpowaLa, ava6r)fj.aTa tov rio^TDjioi;), on the summit of the pass o-ver the Pyrenees, which formed the boundary of Gaul and Spain (Strab. iii. p. 160, iv. p. 178). [Pom- peii Tropae.\.] They were divided into four tribes. Their chief cities, besides Empokiae and Ehod.\, were : Juncakia {'lovyyapia, Ptol. ii. 6. § 73 • Jimque.ra, oi', as some suppose, Figmras), 1 6 jM p. south of the summit of the Pyrenees (Sum- mum Pyrenaeum, Itin.), on the high road to Tarraco (Itin. Ant. pp. 390, 397); Cinniana (Cervia), 1.5 M. P. further S. (lb. ; Tab. Pent.) ; and Deciana, near Junquera (Ptol. ii. 6. § 73). On the promontory formed by the E. extremity of the Pyrenees ( C. Creus), was a temple of Venus, with a small seaport on the N. side Qkt(pov aro/xa (the Mala?); 5. 2a- •napa ; 6. 2a§aAa or laSaXaca (the Pinyari or Sir); 7. Awyt€dp7] (probably Lonimri, the Parana, Darja or Kori). For the conjectural identifications of these mouths, most of which are now closed, ex- cept in high lioods, see Latsen's Map of Ancient India. The principal streams which flowed into the Indus are: — on the right or western bank of the river, tlie Choaspes, called by Arrian the Guraeus, and by Ptolemy the Suastus (the Allok); and the Cophen (^Cdbul river), with its own smaller tributary the Choes (the Koio); and, on the left or eastern bank, the greater rivers, — wiiicii give its name to the Pan- jdb (or the country of the Five Rivers), — the Acesines (CAe«u6), the Ilydaspes or Bidaspes {Jelum), the Hydraotes {Ravi) ; and the Hypanis or Hyphasis (the Sutledge). [See these rivers under their re- spective names.] As in the case of the Ganges, so in that of the Indus, it has been left to modern researches to determine accurately the real sources of the river: it is now well knowni that the Indus rises at a considerable distance on the NE. side of the Ilimdlaya, in what was considered by the Hindus their most sacred land, and which was also the dis- trict in which, on opposite sides of the mountains, the Brahmaputra, the Garges, aiid the J«7nfla, have their several sources. From its source, the Indus flows NW. to Jskardu, and thence W. and SW., till it bursts tlirough the mountain barriers, and descends into the plain of the Punjab, passing along the western edge of Cashmir. (Hitter, Erdkunde, vol. v. p. 2 1 6 ; Moorcroft, Travels in Ladakh and Cashmir, 1841.) The native naine Sindhu has been pre- ser\-ed with remarkable accuracy, both in the Greek writers and in modern times. Thus, in the Peri- plus, we find Ztvdos (p. 23); in Ptolemy, XipOcdv (vii. 1. § 2), from which, by the softening of the Ionic pronunciation, the Greeks obtained their form "IvSos. (Cf. Plin. vi. 20 ; Cosmas, Indie, p. 337.) The present name is Sind or Sindhu. (Ritter, vol. v. pp. 29, 171.)^ [V.] INDUS, a river of the south-east of Caria, near the town of Cibyra. On its banks was situated, ac- cording to Livy (xxxviii. 14), the fort of Thabusion. Pliny (v. 29) states that sixty other rivers, and up- wards of a hundred mountain torrents, emptied them- selves into it. This river, which is said to have received its name from some Indian who had been thrown into it from an elephant, is probably no other than the river Calbis (KdA§is, Strab. xiv. p. 631 ; Ptol. V. 2. § II; Pomp. Jlela, i. 16), at present called Qiiimji, or Tavas, which has its sources on Mount Cadmus, above Cibyra, and passing through Caria empties itself into the sea near Caunus, oppo- site to the island of Rhodes. [L. S.J • INDU'STRIA, a town of Liguria, situated on the right bank of the Padus, about 20 miles below Turin. It is mentioned only by Pliny, who tells us that its ancient name was I5odincomagus, which he connects with Bodincus, the native name of the Padus [Padi's], and adds that it was at this point that river first attained a considerable depth. (Plin iii. 16. s. 20.) Its site (which was erroneously fixed by earlier writers at Casale) has been established beyond question at a place called Monteii di Po, a INGAUNI. 53 few miles below Chivasso, but on the right bank of the river, where excavations have brought to light numerous coins and objects of ancient art, some of them of great beauty, as well as several inscriptions, which leave no doubt that the remains thus dis- covered are those of Industria. They also prove that it enjoyed municipal rank under the Roman empire. (Ricolvi e Rivautella, Jl sito delV antica citta d' Industria, cfc, Torino, 174.5, 4to. ; Millin, Voy. en Piemont, vol. i. pp. 308 — 311.) [E. H. B.l INESSA. [Aktna.] INFERUM MARE. [Tykrhentjm Mare.] INGAEVONES. [Geumania and Hei.levio- NES.] INGAUNI O'lyyawoi), a Ligurian tribe, who inhabited the sea-coast and adjoining mountains, at the foot of the Maritime Alps, on the W. side of the Gulf of Genoa. Their position is clearly iden- tified by that of their capital or chief town, Albium Ingaunum, still called Albenga. They appear to have been in early times one of the most powerful and warlike of the Ligurian tribes, and bear a pro- minent part in the long-continued wars of the Ro- mans with that people. Their name is first men- tioned in B. c. 205, on occasion of the landing of JIago, tlie brother of Hannibal, in Liguria. They were at that time engaged in hostilities with the Epanterii, a neighbouring tribe who appear to have dwelt further inland: the Carthaginian general con- cluded an alliance with them, and supjiorted them against the mountaineers of the interior; he subse- quently returned to their capital after his defeat by the Romans in Cisalpine Gaul, and it was from thence that he took his final departure for Africa, B.C. 203. (Liv. xxviii. 46, xxx. 19.) After the close of the Second Punic War, b. c. 201, a treaty was concluded with the Ingauni by the Roman consul. C. Aelius (Id. x.xxi. 2); but sixteen years later (in b. c. 185) we find them at war witli the Romans, when their territory was invaded by the consul Appius Claudius, who defeated them in se- veral battles, and took six of their towns. (Id. xxxix.-32.) But four years afterwards, B.C. 181, they were still in arms, and were attacked for the second time by the proconsul Aemilius Paullus. This general was at first involved in great perils, the Ingauni having surprised and besieged him in his camp; but he ultimately obtained a great and decisive victory, in which 1.5,000 of the enemy were killed and 2500 taken prisoners. This victory pro- cured to Aemilius the honour of a triumph, and was followed by the submission of the whole people of the Ingauni (" Ligurum Ingaunorum omne nomen "), while all the other Liguiians sent to Rome to sue for peace. (Liv. xl. 25 — 28,34.) From this time we hear nothing more of the Ingauni in history, pro- bably on account of the loss of the later books of Livy ; for that they did not long remain at peace with Rome, and that hostilities were repeatedly re- newed before they were finally reduced to submis- sion and settled down into the condition of Roman subjects, is clearly proved by the fact stated by Pliny, that their territory was assigned to them, and its boundaries fixed or altered, no less than thirty times. (" Liguribus Ingaunis agro tricies dato," Plin. iii. 5. s. 6.) They appear to have been much addicted, in common with other maritime Ligurian tribes, to habits of piracy, a tendency which they retained down to a late period. (Liv. xl. 28, 41 ; Vopisc. Procul. 12.) We find them still existing and recognised as a separate tribe in the days of E 3 51 IXGEXA. Strabo and Pliny; but we have no means of fixing the extent or hmits of their territory, which evi- dently comprised a considerable portion of the sea- coast on each side of their capital city, and probably extended on the W. till it met that of the Intemelii. It must have included several minor towns, but their capital, of wliich the name is variously written Albium Ingaunum and Albingaunum, is the only town expressly assigned to them by ancient writers. [Albium Lngaunum.] (Strab. iv. p. 202 ; Plin. iii. 5. s. 6.) [E. H. B.] I'NGENA. [Abkincatui.] INrCERUM, a town in Lower Pannonia, in the neighbourhood of which there was a praetorium, or place of rest for the emperors when they travelled in those parts. (^Itin. Ant. pp. 260, 265.) Some iden- tify it with the modern Possega. [L. S.] INO'PUS. [Delos.] INSANI JIONTES (ja tHaivuixeva hpy, Ptol. jii. 3. § 7), a range of mountains in Sardinia, men- tioned by Livy (xxx. 39) in a manner which seems to imply that they were in the NE. part of the island ; and this is confirmed by Claudian, who speaks of them as rendering the northern part of Sardinia rugged and savage, and the adjoining seas stormy and dangerous to navigators. (Claudian, B. Gild. 513.) Hence, it is evident that the name was applied to the lofty and rugged range of moun- tains in the N. and NE. part of the island : and was, doubtless, given to them l)y Roman navigators, on account of the sudden and frequent storms to which they gave rise. (Liv. I. c). Ptolemy also places the lllai.v6p.eva opy] — a name which is obvi- ously translated from the Latin one — in the interior of the island, and though he would seem to consider them as nearer the W. than the E. coast, the position which he assigns them may still be referred to the same range or mass of mountains, which extends from the neighbourhood of Olbia {Terra Nova) on the E. coast, to that of Cornus on the W. [Sar- dinia.] [E. H. B.] I'NSUBRES, a people both in Gallia Transalpina and Gallia Cisalpina. D'Anville, on the authority of Livy (v. 34), places the Insubres of Gallia Trans- alpina in that part of the territory of the Aedui where there was a town Mediolanum, between Forum Segusianorum [Forum Segusianorum] and Lng- dunum {Lyori). This is the only ground that there is for supposing that there existed a people or a pagus in Gallia Transalpina named Insubres. Of the Insubres in Gallia Cisalpina, an account is given elsewhere [Vol. I. p. 936]. [G. L.] I'NSULA, or I'NSULA ALLO'BROGUM, in Gallia Narbonensis. Livy (sxi. 31), after describing Han- nibal's passage of the Rhone, saj's that he directed his march on the east side towards the inland parts of Gallia. At his fourth encampment he came to the Insula, " where the rivers Arar and the Rho- danus, flowing down from the Alps by two different directions, comprise between tliem some tract of country, and then unite: it is the level country be- tween them which is called the Insula. The Allo- broges dwell near." One might easily see that there must be some error in the word Arar ; for Hannibal could not have reached the latitude of Lugdunum {Lyon) in four days from the place where he crossed the Rhone ; and this is certain, though we do not know the exact place where he did cross the Rlione. Nor, if he had got to the junction of the Arar and Rhodanus, could Livy say that he reached a place near which the AUobroges dwell ; for, if he had INTELEXE. marched from the Isara (here) to the junction of the Saone and Rhone, he would have passed through the country of the AUobroges. [Allobrogks.J Nor does the Arar (Saotie) flow from the Alps, though the Isara does. Besides this, if Hannibal had pone so far north as the part between the Saone and Rhone, he would have gone much further north than was necessary for his purpose, as Livy describes it. It is therefore certain, if we look to the context only, that we must read " Isara" for '"Arar;" and there is a reading of one SIS., cited by Gronovius, which shows tliat Isara may have once been in the text, and that it has been corrupted. (Wakkenaer, Geoff, (f'C. vol. i. p. 135.) Livy in this passage copied Polybius, in whose JISS. (iii. 49) the name of the river is Scoras or Scaras; a name which the editors ought to have kept, instead of changing it into Isaras ('Iffapos), as Bekker and others before him have done, though the Isara or Isere is cer- tainly the river. In the latest editions of Ptolemy (ii. 10. § 6) the Isara appears in the form Isar {"Icrap) ; but it is certain that there are great varia- tions in the MSS. of Ptolemy, and in the editions. Walckenaer (vol. i. p. 134) says that the edition of Ulm of 1482 has Sicarus, and that there is " Si- caros" in the Strassburg editions of 1513, 1520, 1522. The editio princeps of 1475 has"Cisar;" and others have " Tisar " and " Tisara." Tiie pro- bable conclusion is, that " Isc-ar" is one of the forms of the name, which is as genuine a Celtic form as " Is-ar " or " Isara," the form in Cicero {ad Fam. x. 1 5, Sec.'). " Isc-ara " may be compared with the British forms " Isaca " (the Exe), Isca, and Ischalis ; and Is-ara with the names of the Italian rivers Ausar and Aesis. Polybius compares the country in the angle be- tween the Rhone and the Isara {here) to the Delta of Egypt in extent and form, except that in the Delta the sea unites the one side and the channels of the streams which form the two other sides; but here mountains almost inaccessible form the third side of this Insula. He describes it as populous, and a corn country. The junction of the Isar, as Strabo calls the river (p. 185), and the Rhone, was, according to him, opposite the place where the Cevennes approach near to the banks of the Rhone. The hire, one of the chief branches of the Rhone, rises in the high Pennine Alps, and flows through the valleys of the Alpine region by a very winding course past Si. Maurice, Moutiers, Conjlans, Mont- nieilian, where it begins to be navigable, Grenoble, the Roman Cularo or Gratianop)lis, and joins the Rhone a few miles north of Valentia ( Valence). Its whole course is estimated at about 160mile.s. Han- nibal, after staying a short time in the country about the junction of the Rhone and the Isere, connnenced his march over the Alps. It is not material to de- cide whether his whole army crossed over into the Insula or not, or whether he did himself, though the words of Polybius imply that he did. It is certain that he marched up the valley of the here towards the Alps ; and the way to find out where he crossed the Alps is by following the valley of the here. [G. L.] INSURA. [.Myi^ve.] INTELE'XE (^lvri\K-r)vri), one of the five pro- vinces W. of the Tigris, ceded, in A. d. 297, by Narses to Galeiius and the Romans. (Petr. Pati-. Fr. 14, Fragm. Hist. Graec. ed. Miiller; Gibbon, c. xiii.) St. JIartin, in his note to Le Beau {Biis Empire, vol. ' p. 380), would read for lutelene, INTEMELII. Ingilene Cl77jXi^»'»j), the name of a small province of Armenia near the sources of the Tigris mentioned by Epiphanius (Jhieres. LX. vol. i. p. 505, ed Valesius; comp. St. Martin, Mem. sur VArmenie, vol. i. pp. 23, 97.) [E. B. J.] INTEME'LII ('Irre^eAioi), a maritime people of Liguria, situ.ated to the W. of the Ingauni, at the foot of the Maritime Alps. They are but little known in hi-story, being only once mentioned by Livy, in conjunction with their neighbours, the In- gauni, as addicted to piratical habits, to repress which their coast was visited by a Roman squadron in B. c. 180. (Liv. .xl. 41.) Strabo speaks of them as a still existing tribe (Strab. iv. p. 202); and their capital, called Albium Intemelium or Albinteme- liu:n. now corrupted into VintimigVia, was in his time a considerable city. [Alisu'.m iNTiiMELiUJi.] We have no means of determining the extent or limits of their territory; but it seems to have bor- dered on that of the Ingauni on the E., and the Ve- diantii on the W. : at least, these are the only tribes mentioned as existing in this part of Liguria by writers of the Roman Empire. It probably com- prised also the whole valley of the Rutcb.a. or Roja, one of the most considerable of the rivers, or rather mountain torrents, of Liguria, which rises at the foot of the Col di Tenda, and falls into the sea at Vintimiglia. [E. H. B.j INTEKAMNA Qlvrfpajxva: Eth. Intcramnas, -atis), was the name of several cities in different parts of Italy. Its obvious etymol 'gy, already pointed out by Varro and Festus, indicates their position at the confluence of two streams (" inter amnes," Varr. L. L. V.28, Eest. V. Amnes, p. 17,I\liiil.); which is,however, but partially borne out by their actual situation. The form Intkuamnium (^IvT^pa.fj.viuv'), and the ethnic form Interanmis, are also found, but more rarely. 1. A Roman colony on the banks of the Lins, thence called, for distinction's sake, Interamxa Li- RiNAS. It was situated on the left or northern bank of the Liris, near the junction of the little river which flows by Aquinum (confounded by Strabo with the Melpis, a much more considerable stream), and was distant 6 miles from the latter city, and 7 from Casinum. Its teiTitory, which was included in Latium, according to the more ex- tended use of that name, must have originally belonged to the Volscians, but we have no men- tion of Interamna as a Volscian city, nor indeed any evidence of its existence previous to the establish- ment of the Roman colony there, in b. c. 312. This took place at the same time with that at the neigh- bouring town of Casinum, the object of both being obviously to secure the fertile valley C)f the Liris from the attacks of the Samnites. (Liv. ix. 28; Diod. six. 105; Veil. Pat. i. 14.) Hence we find, in b. c. 294, the territory of Interamna ravaged by the Sam- nites, who did not, however, venture to attack the city itself; and, at the opening of the following cam- paign, it was from Interamna that the consul Sp. Car- vilius commenced his operations against Samnium. (Liv. X. 36, 39.) Its territory was at a later period laid waste by Hannibal during his march by the Via Latina from Capua upon Rome, B. C. 212 (Liv. sxvi. 9): and shortly afterwards the name of Interamna appears among the twelve refractoiy colonies which declared themselves unable to furnish any further supplies, and were subsequently (b. c. 204) loaded with heavier burdens in consequence (Id. xxvii. 9, xxix. 1 5). After the Social War it passed, in com- mon with the other Latin colonies, into the state of INTERAMNA. 55 a mnnicipium; and we find repeated mention of it as a municipal town, apparently of some consequence. (Cic. Phil. ii. 41, pro Mil. 17; Strab. v. p. 237; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.) It received a colony under the Second Triumvirate, but does not appear to have en- joyed colonial rank, several inscriptions of imperial times giving it only the title of a municipium. (^Lib. Col. p. 234; Orell. Inscr. 2357, 3828.) Its po.si- tion at some distance from the line of the Via Latina was probably unfavourable to its prosperity in later times: from the same cause its name is not found in the Itineraries, and we have no means of tracing its existence after the fall of the Roman Empire. The period at which it was ruined or deserted is unknown ; but mention is found in documents of the middle ages of a " Castrum Teranie," and the site of the ancient city, though now entirely uninhabited, is still called Terame. It presents extensive remains of ancient buildings, with vestiges of the walls, streets, and aqueducts; and numerous inscriptions and other objects of antiquity have been discovered theie, which are preserved in the neighbouring villages. (Romanelli, vol. iii. p. 384; Cluver, Jtal. p. 1039. The inscriptions are given by Jlommsen, Inscr. liegn. Neap. pp. 221,222.) Pliny calls the citizens of this Interamna " Inter- amnates Succasini, qui et Lirinates vocantur." The former appellation was evidently bestowed from their situation in the neighbourhood of Casinum, but is not adopted by any other author. They are called in inscriptions " Interanmates Lirinates," and some- times "Lirinates" alone: hence it is probable that we should read "Lirinatum" for '■ Larinatum " in Silius Italicus (viii. 402), where he is enumerating Volscian cities, and hence the mention of Larinum would be wholly out of place. 2. {Terni), a city of Unibria, situated on the river Nar, a little below its confluence with the Velinus, and about 8 miles E. from Narnia. It was sur- rounded by a branch of the river, so as to be in fact situated on an island, whence it dei'ived its name. The inhabitants are termed by Pliny " Interanmates cognomine Nartes," to distinguish them from those of the other towns of the name; and we find them designated in inscriptions as Interamnates Nartes and Nahartes; but we do not find this epithet applied to the city itself. No mention is found of Interamna in history previous to its passing under the Roman yoke ; but there is no doubt that it was an ancient Umbrian city, and an inscription of the time of Ti- berius has preserved to us the local tradition that it was founded in b. c. 672, or rather more than 80 years after Rome. (Orell. hiscr. 689.) When we first hear of Interamna in history it appears as a flourishing municipal town, deriving great wealth from the fertility of its territory, which was irrigated by the river Nar. Hence it is said to have been, as early as the civil wars of Jlarius and Sulla, one of the " florentissima Italiae munieipia " (Florus, iii. 21); and though it suffered a severe blow upon that occasion, its lands being confiscated by Sulla and portioned out among his soldiers, we still find it mentioned by Cicero in a manner that proves it to have been a place of importance (Cic ad Alt. iv. 15). Its inhabitants were frequently engaged in li- tigation and disputes with their neighbours of Reate, on account of the regulation of the waters of the Ve- linus, which I'oins the Nar a few miles above Inter- amna; and under the reign of Tiberius they were obliged to enter an energetic protest against a pro- ject that had been started for turning aside the K 4 56 INTERAMNA. course of tlie Nar, so that it sliould no lonc^er flow into the Tiber. (Tac. Ann. i. 79.) In the civil war between Vitellius and Vespasian it was occupied by the troops of the former while their head-quarters were at Narnia, but was taken with little resistance by Arrius Varus. (Id. Hkt. iii. 61, 63.) Inscrip- tions sufficiently attest the continued municipal im- portance of Interamna under the Eonian empire; and, though its position was some miles to the right of the great Flaminian highway, which proceeded from Narnia direct to Mevania (Strab. v. p. 227; Tac. Eist. ii. 64), a branch line of road was carried from Narnia by Tnteramna and Spoletium to Forum Fla- minii, where it rejoined the main highroad. This line, which followed very nearly that of the present highroad from Eome to Penigia, appears to have latterly become the more important of the two, and is given in the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries to the exclusion of the true Via Flaminia. (^Itin. Ant. p. 125; Itin. Ilier. p. 613; Tab. Pent.) The great richness of the meadows belonging to Inter- amna on the banks of the Nar is celebrated by Pliny, who tells us that they were cut for hay no less than four times in the year (Plin. xviii. 28. s. 67); and Tacitus also represents the same district as among the most fertile in Italy (Tac. Ann. i. 79). That great historian himself is generally considered as a native of Interamna, but without any distinct au- thority: it appears, however, to have been subse- quently the patrimonial residence, and probably the birthplace, of his descendants, the two emperors Ta- citus and Flurianus. (Vo^'isc. Flo7-ian. 2.) In a.d. 193, it was at Interamna that a deputation from the senate met the emperor Septimius Severus, when on his march to the capital (Spartian. Sever. 6); and at a later period (a. d. 253) it was there that ■the two emperors, Trebonianus Gidlus and his son Vo- lusianus, who were on their march to oppose Aemili- anus m Moesia, were put to death by their own soldiers. (Eutrop. is. 5; Vict. Caes. 31, Epit.3\.) Interamna became the see of a bishop in very early times, and has subsisted without interruption through the middle ages on its present site; the name being gradually corrupted into its modern form of Terni. It is still a flourishing city, and retains various relics of its ancient importance, including the remains of an amphitheatre, of two temples supposed to have been dedicated to the sun and to Hercules, and some portions of the ancient Thermae. None of these ruins are, however, of much importance or in- terest. Many inscriptions have also been discovered on the site, and are pi-eserved in the Palazzo Publico. About 3 miles above Terni is the celebrated cas- cade of the Velinus, which owes its origin to the Eomau M'. Curius; it is more fully noticed under the article Velincs. 3. {Teramo), a city of Picenum, in the territory of the Praetutii, and probably the chief place in the district of that people. The name is omitted by Pliny, but is found in Ptolemy, who distinctly assigns it to the Praetutii; and it is mentioned also in the Liber Colouiarum among the " Civitates Piceni." It there bears the epithet of " Palestina," or, as the name is elsewhere written, "Paletina;" the origin and meaning of which are wholly unknown. (Ptol. iii. 1. § 58; Lib. Col. pp. 226, 259.) In the genuine fragments of Frontinus, on the other hand, the citi- zens are correctly designated as " Interamnates Prae- tutiani." (Frontin. i. p. 18, ed. Lachra.) Being si- tuated in the interior of the country, at a distance ii'om the highroads, the name is not found in the INTERCISA. Itineraries, but we know that it was an episcopal see and a place of some importance under the Ro- man empire. The name is already corrupted in our MSS. of tiie Liber Colouiarum into Teramne, whence its modern form of Tcramo. But in the middle ages it appears to have been known also by the name of Aprutium, supposed to be a corruption of Praetutium, or rather of the name of the people Praetutii, applied (as was so often the case in Gaul) to their chief city. Thus we find the name of Abru- tium among the cities of Picenum enumerated by the Geographer of Ravenna (iv. 31); and under tlie Lom.bards we find mention of a " comes Aprutii." The name has been retained in that of A bruzzo, now given to the two northernmost provinces of the kingdom of Naples, of one of which, called Abruzzo Ulteriore, the city of Teramo is still the capital. Vestiges of the ancient theatre, of batiis and otlier buildings of Roman date, as well as statues, altars, and other ancient remains, have been discovered on the site : numerous inscriptions have been also found, in one of which the citizens are designated as " In- teramnites Praetutiani." (Romanelli, vol iii. pp. 297—301 ; Mommsen, /. R..N. pp. 329—331.) There is no foundation for the existence of a fourth city of the name of Interamna among the Frentani, as assumed by Romanelli, and, from him, by Cramer, on the authority of a very apocrvphal inscription. [Feentam.] ' [E. H. B.] INTER.'iMNE'SIA (Phlegon. de Longaev. 1 :• Eth. Interamnienses, Plin. iv. 21. s. 35), a stipen- diary town of Lusitania, named in the inscription of Alcantara, and supposed by Ukert to have been situated between the Coa and Tuuroes, near Cartel Rodrigo and Almeida. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1, p. 398.) [I'-Is-] INTERAilNIUM. [Astures.] INTEHCA'TIA. [Vaccaei.] INTERCISA or AD INl'ERCISA, is the name given in the Itineraries to a station on the Via Flaminia, which evidently derives this name from its being situated at the remarkable tunnel or gallery hewn through tl;e rock, now known as the Passo del Furlo. {Itin. Bier. p. 614; Tab. Pent.) This passage, which is still traversed by the modern highway from Rome to Faiio, is a work of the em- peror Vespasian, as an inscription cut in the rock infoiins us, and was constructed in the seventh year of his reign, a. d. 75. (Inscr. ap. Cluver, /to/, p. 619.) It is also noticed among the public works of that emperor by Aurelius Victor, who calls it Petra Pertusa; and the same name (Ilerpo irep- TOvcTo) is given to it by Procopius, who has left us a detailed and accurate description of the locality. (Vict. Caes. 9, Fpit. 9; Procop. B. G. ii. 11.) The valley of the Cantiano, a tributary of the Jletaurus, which is here followed by the Flaminian Way, is at this point so narrow that it is only by cutting the road out of the solid rock that it can be carried along the face of the precipice, and, in addi- tion to this, the rock itself is in one place pierced by an arched gallery or tunnel, which gave rise to the name of Petra Pertusa. The actual tunnel is only 126 feet long, but the whole length of the pass is about half a mile. Claudian alludes to this remark- able work in terms which prove the admiration that it excited. (Claud, de VI. Cons. Hon. 502.) At a later period the pass was guarded by a fort, which, from its completely commanding the Flaminian Way, became a military post of importance, and is re- peatedly mentioned during the wars of the Goths INTERNUil MALE. whh the generals of Justinian. (Procop. B. G. ii. 11, iii. 6, iv. 28, 34.) Tlie Jerusalem Itinerary places the station of Intercisa 9 51. P. from Calles {Caffli), and the same distance from Forum Seni- pronii (^Fossombrone), hoth of which distances are just about correct. (D'Anville, Analyse de I'ltalie, p. 15.5.) [K. H. B.] INTERNUM MARE, the great inland or Mcci- ierranean Sea, which washes the coasts of Southern Europe, Nortlicrn Africa, and Asia Minor. 1. Name. — In the Hebrew Scriptures, this sea, on the \V. of Palestine, and therefore behind a person facinfj the E., is called the " Hinder Sea " (^Deut. xi. 24; Joel, ii. 20), and also the '• Sea of the Philis- tines." (A'xorf. xxii. 81), because that jx;ople occupied the largest portion of its shores. Pre-eminently it was " the Great Sea " (A'?/w. xxxiv. 6, 7; Josh. i. 4, ix. 1, XV. 47; Ezck. xlvii. 10, 15, 20), or simply '* the Sea" (1 Kings, v. 9; comp. 1 Mace. xiv. 34. XV. 11). In the same way, the Homeric poems, Hesiod, the Cyclic poets, Aeschylus, and Pindar, call it emphatically " the Sea." The logograplier Hocataeus speaks of it as " the Great Sea " (/V. 349, ed. Klau.-en). Nor did the historians and systematic geographers mark it otl' by any peculiar denomination. The Roman writers call it JIake Inteunuji (Pomp. Mela, i. 1. § 4; Plin. iii. 3) or Intestinum (Sail. Jug. 17; Fior. iv. 2; 17 icroi baKarTo., Polyb. iii. 39; ^ ivrhs i&ctA., Strab ii. p. 121, iii. p. 139; ^ ivrhs 'HpaKkiicav cTTr)\wv Sia\., Arist. Met. ii. 1), or more freciuently, JI.vr.E Nostkum (Sail. Jug. 17, 18; Caes. B. b.v.l: Liv. xxvi. 42 ; Pomp. Mela, i. 5. § 1 ; 7] kolO' I'lixai SoA., Strab. ii. p. 121). The epithet "Mediterranean" is not used in the classical writers, and was first employed for this sea by Solinus (c. 22 ; comp. Isid. Orig. xiii. 16). The Greeks of the pre- sent day call it the " White Sea" {'Acrdpi ©oAairo-a), to distinguish it from the Black Sea. Throughout Europe it is known as the Mediierruneati. 2. Extent, Shape, and Admeasurements. — The Llediterranean Sea extends from 6° W. to 36° E. of Greenwich, while the extreme limits of its latitude are from 30° to 46° N.; and, in nnmd numbers, its length, from Gibraltar to ita furthest extremity in Syria, is about 2000 miles, with a breadth varying from 80 to 500 miles, and, including the Euxine, with a line of shore of 4500 leagues. The ancients, who considereii this sea to be a very large portion of the globe, though in reality it is only equal to one-seventeenth part of the Pacific, assigned to it a nmch greater length. As they possessed no means for critically measuring horizontal angles, and were unaided by the compass and chronometer, correctness in great distances was unattainable. On this account, wiiile the E. shores of the Mediterranean approachei a tolerable degree of correctness, the relative positions and f )rms of the W. coasts are erroneous. Strabo, a philosophical rather than a scientific geographer, set himself to rectify the errors of Eratosthenes (ii. pp. 105, 106), but made more mistakes: though he drew a much better " contour" of the Mediterranean, } et he distorted the W. parts, by placing JMassilia 13^° to the S. of Byzantium, instead of 2^° to the N. of that city. Ptolemy also fell into great errors, such as the Hattening-in of the N. coast of Africa, to the amount of 4 j° to the S., in the latitude of Car- thage, while Byzantium was placed 2° to the N. of its true position; thus increasing the breadth in the very part where the greatest accuracy might be ex- pected. Nor was this all ; for the extreme length of the Internal Sea was carried to upwards of 20° INTERNUM MARE. 57 beyond its true limits. The maps of Agathodaemon which accompany the Geography of Ptoiemy, though indifferently drawn, preserve a much better outlineof this sea than is expressed in the Theodosian or Peutingerian Table, where the Mediterranean is so reduced in breadth as to resemble a canal, and the site, form, and dimensions of its islands are displaced and disfigured. The latitudes were estimated by the ancient ob- servers in .stadia reckoned from the equator, and are not so discordant as might be expected from such a method. The length between the ejuinoetial line and Syracuse, or rather the place whiih they called the "Strait of Sicily," is given as follows: — Stadia Eratosthenes - - . - 25,450 Hipparchus . - - . 25.600 Strabo 25,400 JIarinus of Tyre - - - 26,075 Ptolemy 26,833 Their longitudes run rather wild, and are reckoned from the "Sacrum Proniontorium" (Ca/^e St. Vin- cent), and tl'.e numbers given are as the arc from thence to Syracuse: — Stadia 1 ] ,800 16,300 14,000 18,583 Eratosthenes - - Hipparchus - - Strabo - . - . Marinus of Tyre Ptolemy 29,000 In Admiral Smyth's work {The Mediterranean, p. 375) will be found a tabular view of the aliove- mentioncd admeasurements of the elder geographers, along with the determination resulting from his own observations; a.ssuniing, for a redu'tion of the num- bers, 700 .stadia to a degree of latitude, for a plane projection in the 36° parallel, and 555 for the cor- responding degree of longitude. (Comp. Gosselin, Geographic des Grecs, 1 vol. Paris, 1780; Geogra- phic des Anciens, 3 vols. Paris, 1813 ; Mesures Itincraires, 1 vol. Paris, 1813.) 3. Physical Geography. — A more richly- varied and broken outline gives to the N. shores of the Mediterranean an advantage over the S. or Libyan coast, which was remarked by Eratosthenes. (Strab. ii. p. 109.) The three great peninsulas, — the Iberian, the Italic, and the Hellenic, — wiih their sinuous and deeply indented shores, form, in com- bination with the neighbouring islands and opposite coasts, many straits and isthmuses. Exclusive of the Euxine (which, however, must be considered as part of it), this sheet of water is naturally divided into two vast basins; the barrier at the entrance of the straits marks the commencement of the W. basin, which descends to an abysmal depth, and extends as far as the central part of the sea, where it flows over another barrier (the subaqueous Ad- venture Bank, discovered by Admiral Smyth), and again falls into the yet unfathomed Levant basin. Strabo (ii. pp. 122 — 127) marked off this expanse by three smaller closed basins. The westernmost, or Tyrrhenian basin, comprehended the space be- tween tlie Pillars of Hercules and Sicily, including the Iberian, Ligurian, and Sardinian seas ; the waters to the W. of Italy were also called, in re- ference to the Adriatic, the " Lower Sea," as that gulf bore the name of the " Upper Sea." The second was the Syrtic basin, E. of Sicily, including the Ausonian or Siculian, the Ionian, and the Libyan seas: on the N. this basin luus up into the Adriatic, on the S. the gulf of Libya penetrates deeply into 58 INTERNUM MAEE. the African continent. The E. part of this hasin is interrupted by Cyprus alone, and was divided into the Carpathian, I'amphylian, Cilician, and Syrian seas. The third or Aegean portion is bounded to the S. by a curved hne, which, commencing at the coast of Caria in Asia Minor, is formed by the islands of Ehodes, Crete, and Cythera, joining the Pelopon- nesus not far from Cape Malea, with its subdivisions, the Thracian, Myrtoan, Icarian, and Cretan seas. From the Aegean, the " White Sea " of the Turks, the channel of the Hellespont leads into the Pro- pontis, connected by the Thracian Bosporus with the Euxine : to the NE. of that sheet of water lies the Palus Maeotis, with the strait of tlie Cim- merian Bosporus. The configuration of the con- tinents and of the islands (the latter either severed from the main or volcanically elevated in lines, as if over long fissures) led in very early times to cosmo- logical views respecting eruptions, terrestrial revolu- tions, and overpourings of the swollen higher seas into those which were lower. The Euxine, the Hellespont, the straits of Gades, and the Internal Sea, with its many islands, were well fitted to originate such theories. Not to speak of the floods of Ogyges and Deucalion, or the legendary cleaving of the pillars of Hercules by that hero, the Samo- thracian traditions recounted that the Euxine, once an inland lake, swollen by the rivers that flowed into it, had broken first through the Bosporus and afterwards the Hellespont. (Died. v. 47.) A refle.x of these Samothracian traditions appears in the " Sluice Theory " of Straton of Lamps.acus (Strab. i. pp. 49, 50), according to which, the swellings of the waters of the Euxine first opened the passage of the Hellespont, and afterwards caused the outlet through the Pillars of Hercules. This theory of Straton led Eratosthenes of Cyrene to examine the problem of the equality of level of all extern.al seas, or seas surrounding the continents. (Strab. I. c. ; comp. ii. p. 104.) Strabo (i. pp. 51, 54) rejected the theory of Straton, as insuflicient to account for all the phenomena, and proposed one of his own, the profoundness of which modern geologists are only now beginning to appreciate. " It is not," he says (i c), " because the lands covered by seas were originally at different altitudes, that the waters have risen, or subsided, or receded from some parts and inundated others. But the reason is, that the same land is sometimes raised up and sometimes depressed, so that it either overflows or returns into its own place again. We must therefore ascribe the cause to the ground, either to that ground which is under the sea, or to that which becomes flooded by it; but rather to that which lies beneath the sea, fur this is more moveable, and, on account of its wet- ness, can be altered with greater quickness." (Lyell, Geology, p. 17; Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii. p. 118, trans.. Aspects of Nature, vol. ii. pp. 73 — 83, trans.) The fluvial system of the Internal Sea, including the rivers that fall into the Euxine, consists, be- sides many secondary streams, of the Nile, Danube, Borysthenes, Tanais, Po, Phone, Ebro, and Tyras. The general physics of this sea, and their connec- tion with ancient speculations, do not fall within the scope of this article; it will be sufficient to say that the theory of the tides was first studied on the coast of this, which can only in poetical language be called " a tideless sea." The mariner of old had his charts and saihng directories, was acquainted INTERNOI MARE. with the bewildering currents and counter -currents of this sea, — the " Typhon " (jvpasian, has told the story of its siege and capture : 1200 prisoners were taken, and 40,000 men fell by the sword during its protracted siege : Ves- pasian gave orders that the city should be razed to the ground, and all the defences burnt. Thus perished Jotapata on the first day of Panemus (July) (.6. J. iii. pp. 6 — 8 ; comp. Reland, Puluest. p. 867; llilman, Ilist. of Jeirs, vol. ii. pp.287 — 309). Mr. Bankes (Irby and lilangles, Trav. p. 299) has fixed the site at the singular remains of KuVat Ihn Ma' an, in the Wady-el-IIamam (comp. Burkhardt, Trav. p. 331; Rittcr, Erdkunde, voL XV. pt. i. p. 327), but Robinson {Researches, vol. iii. pp. 279 — 282) identifies these ruins with the Ak- uiiL.v of Galilee and its fortified caverns. [E. B. J.] JO'TAPE ('laiTar?;: Eth. 'IcoTaTreiTTjs), a small town of CiHcia, in the district called Selenitis, not far from Selinus. It is perhaps the same place as Lacrte, the native city of Diogenes Laertius. It is identified with the modem fort Lambardo. (Ptol. v. 8. § 2; Plin. v. 22; Concil. Choked, p. 659; Hierocl. p. 709, where it is called 'lora-Kri; comp. Laerte.) The coins of lotape belong to the emperors Philip and Valerian. [L. S.] JOVA'LIA, a town of Lower Pannonia, on the southern bank of the river Dravus. {Itin. Hieros. p. 562.) In the Peut. Tab. it is called lovallium, while Ptolemy (ii. 16. § 6.) calls it 'louoAAo;' or 'louSoAor, and the Geog. Rav. (iv. 19), loballios. It occupied, in all probability, the site of the modern village of Valpo. [L. S.] JOVEM, AD, in Gallia Aquitania, a Mutatio on the road from Burdigala {Bordeaux) to Tolosa {Toulotise) ; and between Bucconis and Tolosa. This Mutatio was seven leagues from Tolosa. D'Anville conjectures it to be at a place which he names Gvevin or Guerin. ■\^■alckenaer fixes the JIutatio of Bucconis near the Bois du Bovconne. [G. L.] JO'VIA, a to\Mi in Lower Pannonia, south of the river Dravus, on the road from Poetovium to Mursa. {Itin. Hieros. p. 561 ; Itin.Ant. p. 130; Tab. Revt.) The site is generally identified with some ruins found at Toplika. Another place of the same name is mentioned in Upper Pannonia, on the same road {Itin. ^Kf. p. 2 64), and is identified with some ruins f lund at Jovincze. [L. S.] 64 JOVIACUM. JOVI'ACUM, a town in Noricuin, wlicre a " prae- fectus secundae Italicae niilitum Liburnariorum " had his head-quarters ; a circumstance suggesting that the town, tliough situated some distance from tlie Danube, was yet connected with its navigation. (^Itin. Ant. p. 249 ; Not. Imp.; Tab. Peut.) [L. S.] JO VIS MONS (^Mongri, near A mpu7-ias), a spur of the Pyrenees in Spain, running out into the Jlediterranean near the frontier of Gaul. The step- lil/' Jlerod. ]). r)52.) [V.] ISACA, in Britain, a river mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 4) as lying west of the outkt of the Ta- mamts (^Tamar'). In the Jlonumenta Britannica, Isacae ostia are identified with Weymouth, and also with Exinouth; most probably the latter, name for name, as well as place for place. In the Geographer of Ravenna the form is Isca, which is preferable. [Isr.v.] ^ [R. G. L.] ISADICI (EliT(x5i(foi), a people whom Strabo (xi. p. 506) couples with the Troglodytae and other tribes of the Caucasus. The name may imply some Hellenic fancy about savage justice and virtue. (Comp. Groskurd, ad he.) [E. B. J.] ISAMXIU.M, m Ireland, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 2. § 8) as a promontory north of the Bubinda (river Boijne) = St. John's Foreland, Clogher Head, Dunany Point, Bullushan Point (?). [R. G. L.] ISANNAV^ATIA, in Britain, mentioned in the 6ili Itinerary as lying between Lactodurum and Tripontiuin. It is a name of some difficulty, since neitlier of the places on each side of it has been identified. (See vv.) In the Geographer of Ra- venna we find a Bannovallum, and in the 8th Itine- rary a Bannovantum. Probably these two names are identical. At any rate, Bannovantum = Isanna- vatia, since each is 28 miles from Magiovinium. Thus, in the 6th Itinerary, we have: — ilagiovinio 11. P. Lactodoro - - xvi. Isannavatia - - xii=xxviii. And in the 8th:— M. P. Bannavanto Magiovinio - - xsvlii. It is only safe to say that Isannavatia was a town in the southern part of Northamptonshire, probably Daventi-y. The Itinerary in which it occurs has only two names beyond doubt, viz. Verulamium and Linduni (St. Albans and Lincoln). Daventry, how- ever, is Horsley's identification. In more than one map of Roman Britain, Bannovallum is placed in Lincolnshire. This is because it is, in the first place, separated from Bannovantum, and then fixed on the river Bain, a Lincolnshire river. This is the meaning of Horncastle being given as its equivalent. The change, however, and the assumption, are equally gratuitous. [R. G. L.] rSARA, the river. 1. [Insula.] 2. The Isara, which was a branch of the Sequana, lias its name preserved in the Celtic name of a place which was on it, named Briva Isarae. [BmvA IsAUAE.] The Celtic element Is has become Oise, the modern name of the river, which is the same ] VOL. II. ISAURIA. 65 word as the English Ouse. D'Anville says that the name Isara in the middle ages became Esiaor Aesia. Vibius Sequester mentions a river Esia which flows into the Sequana; but D'Anville suspects the passage to be an interpolation, though it is impossible to judge what is interpolation in such a strange book as Vibius Sequester. Oberlin, the editor of Vibius Sequester, maintains the passage to be genuine (p. 110). [G. L.] 3. [LURA.] ISARCI, a Rhaetian tribe dwelling about the mouth of the river Isarus (I'lin. iii. 24), from which it appears to have derived its name. [L. S.J ISAliGUS. [IL.UIGI;S.] ISAltUS ("Iffopoy : the Jsar), a river of the Rhaetian Alps, flowing from an Alpine lake, and in a southern direction until it joins the Atliosis near Pons Drusi. (Strab. iv. p. 207, wliere the "laapos (or a) is said to receive the Atagis ( Alhesis) ; either a mistake of Strabo himself, or by a transcril)er transjiosing the names. Comp. Ilarus.) [L. S.] ISAURA (to 'laavpa: Eth. 'Iffavpfvs), the ca- pital of Isauria, situated in the soutli-west of tiie country; it was a wealthy, populous, and well-forti- fied city at the foot of Jlount Taurus. Of its earlier history nothing is known; but we learn from I)io- donis (xviii. 22) that when it was besieged by Per- diccas, and the inhabitants were no longer able to hold out, they set fire to the city, and destroyed themselves with all they possessed. Large quantities of molten gold were found afterwards by the Jlacc- dunians among the ashes and niins. The town was rebuilt, but was destroyed a second time Ijy tlie llo- man Servilius Isauricus, and thenceforth it remained a heap of ruins. Strabo (xii. p. 568) states that the place was ceded by the Romans to Amyntas of Galatia, who built out of the ruins of the ancient city a new one in the neighbourhood, which he sur- rounded with a wall; but he did not live to complete the work. In the third century of our aera Isaura was the residence of the rival emperor TrebcUianus (Trebell. Poll. XXX. Tyran. 25); but in the time of Ammianus JIarcellinus (xiv. 8) nearly all traces of its former magnificence had vanished. At a later period it is still mentioned, under the name I.--auro- polis, as a town in the province of Lycaonia. (Hierocl. p. 675; Concil. Chalced. p. 673; comp. Strab. xiv. p. 665 ; Ptol. V. 4. § 12; Steph. B. s. v.; Plin. v. 27.) Of Old Isaura no rains appear to be found, though D'Anville and others have identified it with the modern Bei Sheker; tliey also believe that Seidi Sheher occupies the site of New Isaura, while some travellers regard Serhi Serai as the representative of New Isaura; but Hamilton {Researches, vol. ii. pp. 330, foil.) has given good reasons iov thinking that certain ruins, among which are the remains of a triumphal arch of the emperor Hadrian and a gate- way, on a hill near the village of Olou Bounar mark the site of New Isaura. The walls of the city can still be traced all around the place. The Isaurians were a people of robbers, and the site of their city was particularly favourable to such a mode of life. [Isauria.] _ [L. S.] ISAU'RIA (ji Icravpia), a district in Asia Jlinor, bordering in the east on Lycaonia, in the north on Phrygia, in the west on Pisidia, and in the south on Cilicia and Pamphylia. Its inhabitants, living in a wild and rugged mountainous country, were little known to the civilised nations of antiquity. The country contained but few towns, which existed especially in the northern part, which was less 66 ISAURIA. moantainous, though the capital, Isanra, was in the south. Strabo, in a somewhat obscure pas- sage (xii. p. 568), seems to distinguish between 'laavpia, the northern part, and 'laavpiKri, the southern and less known part, whicli he regards as belonging to Lycaonia. Later writers, too, de- signate by the name Isauria only the northern part of the country, and take no notice of the south, which was to them almost a terra incognita. The inhabitants of that secluded mountainous region of Asia, the Isauri or Isaurica gens, appear to have been a kindred race of the Pisidians. Their prin- cipal means of living were derived from plunder and rapine; from their mountain fastnesses they used to descend into the plains, and to ravage and plunder wherever they could overcome the inhabitants of the valleys in Cilicia, Phrygia, and Pisidia. These marauding habits rendered the Isaurians, who also took part in the piracy of the Cilicians, so dangerous to the neighbouring countries that, in b, c. 78, the Komans sent against them an army under P. Servi- lius, who, after several dangerous campaigns, suc- ceeded in conquering most of their strongholds and reducing them to submission, in consequence of which he received the surname of Isauricus. (Strab. I.e.; Diod. Sic. xviii. 22 ; Zosim. v. 25; Mela, i. 2; Plin. V. 23; Eutrop. vi. 3; Liv. Epit. 93 ; Dion Cass. slv. 16; Flor. iii. 6; Ptol. v. 4. § 12; Oros. V. 23; Amm. Marc, xiv. 2, xxv. 9.) The Isaurians after this were quite distinct from the Lycaonians, for Cicero (acZ Att. v. 21; comp. ad Fain. xv. 2) distinguishes between the Forum Lycaonium and the Isauricum. But notwithstanding the severe measures of Servilius, who had destroyed their strongholds, and even their capital of Isaura, they subsequently continued to infest their neighbours, which induced the tetrarch Amyntas to attempt their extirpation; but he did not succeed, and lost his life in the attempt. Although the glorious vic- tory of Pompey over the pirates had put an end to such practices at sea, the Isaurians, who in the midst of the possessions of Rome maintained their independence, continued their predatory excursions, and defied the power of Rome ; and the Romans, un- able to protect their subjects against the bold moun- t;dneers in any other way, endeavoured to check them by surrounding their country with a ring of fortresses. (Treb. Poll. XXX. Tyr. 25.) In this, however, the Romans succeeded but imperfectly, for the Isaurians fre(iuently broke through the sur- rounding line of fortifications; and their successes emboldened them so much that, in the third century of our aera, they united themselves with their kins- men, the Cilicians, into one nation. From that time the inhabitants of the highlands of Cilicia also are comprised under the name of Isauri, and the two, united, undertook expeditions on a very large scale. The strongest and most flourishing cities ■were attacked and plundered by them, and they re- mained the terror of the surrounding nations. In the third century, Trebellianus, a chief of the Cilician Isaurians, even assumed the title and dignity of Roman emperor. The Romans, indeed, conquered and put him to death; but were unable to reduce the Isaurians. The emperor Probus, for a time, succeeded in reducing them to submission; but they soon shook off the yoke. (Vopisc. Proh. 1 6 ; Zosim. i. 69, 70.) To the Greek emperors they were par- ticularly formidable, for whole armies are said to have been cut to pieces and destroj-ed by them. (Suid. s. V. Bpvxi-os and 'HpdK\eios ; Philostorg. ISC A. Ilist. Eccles. xi. 8.) Once the Isaurians even had the honour of giving an emperor to the East in the person of Zeno, surnamed the Isaurian; but they were subsequently much reduced by the emperor Anastasius, so that in the time of Justinian they had ceased to be formidable. (Comp. Gibbon, Hist, of the Decline, (j-c, chap, xl.) The Isaurians are de- scribed as an ugly race, of low stature, and badly anned; in the open field they were bad soldiers, but as hardened mountaineers they were irresistible in what is called guerilla waifare. Their country, though for the most part consisting of rugged moun- tains, was not altogether barren, and the vine was cultivated to a considerable extent. (Amm. JIarc. xiv. 8.) Traditions originating in the favourite pur- suits of the ancient Isaurians are still current among the present inhabitants of the country, and an inte- resting specimen is related in Hamilton's Researches, vol. ii. p. 331. [L. S.] ISC A, the name of two towns in Britain. The criticism of certain difficulties connected with their identification is given under Muriduxum. Here it is assumed that one is Exeter, the other Caerkon- on-Ush. 1. IscA = £'x-eter, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 30). In the 12th and 15th Itineraries this appears as Isca Dumnoniorum, 15 miles from Muridunum. The word Dumnoniorum shows that Devonshire is the county in which it is to be sought. Name for name, jFxeter suggests itself. Nevertheless, Horslcy gives Uxela as the Roman name for Exeter, and placed Isca D. at Chiselhoro\ After remarking on Isaca, that " it is universally supposed to be the river Exe in Devonshire," and that " Isacae ostia must, theiefore, be Exmouth" he adds, " Isca Dumnonio- rum has been universally taken for Exeter ; I have placed it near Chiselboro' and South Petherton, near the borders of Somersetshire" (p. 371). His ob- jections (p. 462) he in the diflaculty of fixing JIu- ridunum {q. v.) ; but, beyond this, he considers himself free to claim Uxela {q. r.) as Exeter. For considering Isca Dumnoniorum to be Exeter, he sees no better reason than " general opinion and some seeming affinity of names." Yet the " affinity of names " lias been laid great stress on in the case of Isacae ostia. The Isca of Ptolemy must be about 20 or 30 miles north-east of the mouth of the Exe, " on which river Exeter stands. This reaches to the Ax.^' Hence he suggests Ilchester as Isca Dumn. ; but, as he admits that that town has a claim to be considered Ischalis {jq. v.), he also admits that some of the localities about Eampden Hill (where there are the remains of a Roman camp), South Petherton (where Roman coins have been found), and Chiselboro' (not far from the Axe^. have better claims. Hence, in his map, \Jxe]a. = Exeter, and Isca D. = Chiselboro'. Assuming that some, if not all, these difficulties are explained under Uxela and JIukidunum, the positive evidence in favour of Exeter is something more than mere opinion and similarity of name. (1) The form Isca is nearer to Ex than Ax, and that Isaca = JE'j-e is admitted. The Ux- in Ux-e\a, may better = ^a;. (2) There is no doubt as to the other Isca = Caerleon-on- Usk. Now, Roger Hoveden, who wrote whilst the Cornish was a spoken language, states that the name of Exeter was the same as that of Caerleon, in British, i. e. Caerwisc = civitas aquae. (3) The statement of Horsley, that " he could never hear of any military way leading to or from " Exeter, misleads. In Polwhele (p. 182) we have a ISCA. most distinct notice of the road from Scaton, and, nine miles from Exeter, tlie locality called Street-way Head; the name street = road (^iclien nut throur/h a town or vilLtge) \n:\n% strong eviiiente of the way being IJoman. Tesselated pavements and the foun- dations of Koman walls have been fOSlTU3 LEGIONIS II. ALGLST. KL'- Turis. Tlie Roman remains found at Caerleon arc con- siderable. A late excavation for the parts about the Castle Jifound gave the remains of a Roman villa, along with those of a medieval castle, built, to a great extent, out of the materials of the former. In some cases the stucco preserved its colour. There was abundance of pottery, — Samian ware, ornamented with figures of combatant gladiators, keys, bowls, bronze ornaments, and implements. At Fil Bach, near Caerleon. tesselated pavements have been found, along with the foUowmg inscription: — diis ma- NIBVS T.4UIA VEU^AVIVS . VIXIT ANNOS SEXJV- GINTA QVINQVE . ET TADIVS EXUPEKTVS FILIVS %T[.\1T ANXOS TRIGINTA SEPTEil . DEF\'J{TVS (s/c) KXPEDITIONE GEKMANICA . TADIA EXUPEKATA FILIA JIATltl ET TATRI PIISSIMA SECVS TV- 5IVLV3I PATuis Pos^^T. Othere, of less length, to the number of twenty, have also been found in the neighbourhood. (See Archaeologia Cambrensis ; Journal of British Archaeolofjical Association (passim); and Delineations of Roman Antiquities found at Caerleon, J. E. Lee.) [R. G. L.] ISCA, river. [Isaca.] ISCA'DIA (EicTKaSm), a town in the W. of Bae- tica, between the Baetis and the Anas, not far from Tucci. (Appian, Hisp. 68.) [P. S.] ISCHALIS, in Brit.ain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 28) a.s one of the towns of the Belgae, i?«^A and Winchester ("TSara Qiptia, or Aquae Soils, and ISIS. 67 Venta) being the other two; identified, in the Monu- menta Britannica, with Ilchester. [Isca Dijino- Nioia-M.] [R. G. L.] ISCIIO'POLIS ('IiTxnVoAis), a small town on the coast of Pontus near Pharnacia, was in ruins even in the time of Strabo (sii. p. 548), but is still noticed by Ptolemy (v. 6. § 5). [L. S.] ISIACO'RUJI PORTUS Clo-mKiJj' Ai/x7V, Arrian, Peripl. p. 21, Anon. I'eripl. p. 9), a harbour on the Euxine sea, 380 stadia from the island at the mouth of the Borysthenes, and 1200 stadia from the Psilon (SuUna') mouth of the Danube. (Arrian, I. c.) It has been identified by Rennell ( Cci?^^;. Geog. vol. ii. p. 360) with Odessa. There is some dithcnlty in adjusting the discrepancies in detail; but the aggre- gate distance appears to be clearly enough made out. Thus, from the island to Odessus Arrian allows a distance of 80 stadia, and from Odessns to the port of the Istrians (^Idrpiavihv Xifxi^v') 2.")0 stadia, and thence to that of the Isiaci 50 stadia, 'i'he Oi)ESSLs("05)j(r(r(is)of Arri.an (for he jdaces Odessns at Varna) is probably a false reading, and is the .same sis tlie Orde.sls ('Op57)(Tos) of Ptolemy (iii. 5. § 29) and Pliny (iv. 12), situated njwn the river A.MACES, or the modern Ttligul, a large estuary which receives a river of the same name. As the interval in Arrian between Odessus (^Oi-desus) and the island is too short, so the next is too large; but the errors balance one another, and the harbour of the Isiaci agrees witli that of Odessa within three quarters of a mile ; the ])ort of the Istrians may have lain to the X. of the bav of Odessa. [E. B. J.] ISIDIS OPPIDUM (Phn.'v. 10. s. 11). Near the city of Busiris, in the Aogyptian Delta, was situated a splendid temple of Isis, around which, besides the ordinary dwellings of the priests within the sacred precincts, gradually clustered a large and flourishing village, inhabited by the artisans and husbandmen who supplied the wants or tilled the lands of the inmates of the temple. These buildings formed ])robably the hamlet or town of Isis mentioned by Pliny. The modern village of Bahheyt, N. of the imcient city of Busiris. is supposed to cover the ruins of the Templnm Isidis. (Pococke, Travels in the East, vol. i. p. 34; Mnutoi, p. 304.) [Bu- siris.] [W. B. D.] ISIXISCA, a place in Rhaetia Secunda, on the ancient road between Augsburg and Salzburg. (Itin. Ant. pp. 236, 251, 257 ; Tab. Pent., where it is called Isunisca.) It is identified by some with Isen, and by others with a place near Helfendorf. [L. S.] ISIONDA ('Icrioj'Sa), a town in the south-west of Pisidia, a few miles to the north-west of Ter- messus. (Polyb. Exc. dc Leg. 31 ; Liv. xxxviii. 15.) Strabo (sii. p. 570), in enumerating the Pisidian towns, mentions one which he calls Sinda, a name which some editors believe to be a corrupt reading for Isionda; but, as there existed a town of the name of Sinda near Cibyra in Pisidian Phrygia, it would be hazardous to decide anything. (See Kramer's note on Strab. I. c.) Sir C. Fellowes {Asia Minor, p. 194) found extensive rem.ains of an ancient town on the top and side of one of tlie many isolated hills of the district, which he supposes to be the ruins of Isionda, but he does not mention any coins or in- scriptions in support of his conjecture. [L. S.] ISIS (o "Itrij), a navigable river on the east coast of the Euxine between the Acinasis and Mogrus, from each of which its distance amounted to 90 st^idia, while its mouth was 180 stadia south of that of the Phasis. (Arrian, Peripl. p. 7 ; Plin. vi. 4 5 f2 68 ISIUII. Scylas, p. 32, where the common reading 'Ipis has been corrected by Gail.) This river is believed to be the modern Tshorok. [L. S.] I'SIUM (Isiu, Itin. Anton, p. 167 ; Isui, Not. Imp.), was a fort situated on the borders of the Thebaid and Heptanomis in Egypt, in lat. 27° 5' N., and on the eastern bank of tiie Nile. Isium was about 20 miles SK. from the castle of Hieracon, and nearly 24 miles NE. from that of JIuthis. Under the Eoman empire a troop of British infantry (ala Britonum) was stationed there. [W. B. D.] ISIUS MONS (Th'lffiov opos, Ptol. iv. 7. § 5), ii mountain, or rather a ridge of highlands rising gra- dually on its western side, but steep and escarped towards the east, on the coast of Aethiopia, and in the Regio Troglodytica. It was seated in lat. 20° 1' N., a little to the southward of the headland Mne- mium (Mvrip.e'iov &Kpov, Ptol. iv. 5. § 7), and SW. of Berenice and the Sinus Immundus {Foul Bay). Jlons Isius answers to the modern Ras-el-Dwaer. Slrabo, indeed (xvii. p. 770), places this eminence further to the south, and says that it was so called from a temple of Isis near its summit. [W. B. D.] ISMARIS ('Iff/uapls XifJ-vt]), a small lake on the south coast of Thrace, a little to the east of Maronea. (Herod, vii. 169; Steph. B. s.v. "lap-apos.) On its eastern side rises Mt. Ismarus. [Ismauus.] [L. S.] rSMARUS ("lo-^apos), a mountain rising on the east of lake Ismaris, on the south coast of Thrace (Virg. Ed. vi. 30, Georg. ii. 37 ; Propert. ii. 13. 5. hi. 12. 25 : Lucret. v. 31, where it is called Is- mara, as in Virg. Aen. x. 351.) Homer {Od. is. 40, 198) speaks of Ismarus as a town of the Cicones, on or at the foot of the mountain. (Comp. Mare. Heracl. 28.) The name of the town also appears in the form Ismaron. (Plin. iv. 18.) The district about Ismarus produced wine which was highly esteemed. (Athen. i. p. 30; Ov. Met. is. 641; Steph. B. s.v.) [L.S.] ISME'NUS. [Thebae.] ISONDAE QUovZcA, Ptol. v. 9. § 23), a people whose position mu-^t be sought for in the valley of the river Terek or Kuma, in Lezgesidn, to the W. of the Caspian. [E. B. J.] ISPI'NUM. [Carpetani.] ISRAEL. [Palaestina.] ISSA Clo-trc, Ptol. ii. 16. § 14 Pomp. Mela, ii. 7. § 13; Phn. iii Itin. Anton.-. Peut. Tab.; Isia, Geog. Eav. ; 'Itjs Const. Porph. de Adm. Imp. 36 : Eth. and Adj. "laaevs, Issaeus, Issensis, Issaicus: Lissa), one of the most well known of the islands in the Adriatic, off the coast of Liburnia. (Strab. vii. p. 315.) It is mentioned by Scylax (p. 8) as a Grecian colony, which, according to Scymnus of Chios (1. 412), was sent from Syracuse. Diodorus (xv. 13) relates that in B.C. 3S7 Dionysius the elder, in his attempts to secure to himself the sovereignty of the Adriatic, assisted the Parians in founding colonies at Issa and Pharos. The island was besieged by Agron, king of Illyria, and the inhabitants applied to Rome for protection, when a message was sent by the Romans to Agron, requiring him to desist from molesting the friends of the republic. In the mean time, b. c. 232, Agron died ; and his widow Teuta, having succeeded to the throne, resolved on pressing the siege of Issa. The Roman envoys required her to cease from hos- tilities, when, in defiance of the law of nations, she put one of them to death. This brought on the First lllyrian War, u. c. 229 ; one of the consequences of which was the hberatiou of Issa. (Polyb. ii. 8 ; App. ISSEDONES. Illyr. '.) That Issa remained free for a long time is proved by its coins, which also show that the island was famous for its wine (comp. Athen. i. p. 22), bearing, as they do, an " amphora " on one side', and on'the other a vine with leaves. (Eckhej, vol.'ii. p. 159.) The inhabitants were expert sea- men and their beaked ships, " Lembi Issaici," ren- dered the Romans especial service in the war with Philip of Iilacedon. (Liv. xxxi. 45, xxxvii. 16, xlii. 48.) They were exempted from the payment of tribute (Liv. xlv. 8), and were reckoned as Roman citizens (Plin. iii. 21). In the time of Caesar the chief town of this island appears to have been very flourishing. The island now called Lissa rises from the sea, so that it is seen at a considerable distance ; it has two ports, the larger one on the NE. side, with a town of the same name : the soil is barren, and wine fonns its chief produce. Lusa is memorable in modern times for the victory obtained by Sir W. Hoste over the French squadron in 1811. (Sir G. Wilkinson, Dahnatia and Montenegro, vol. i. p. 110 ; Neige- baur, Die Sudslavem, pp. 110—115.) [E. B. J.J Agathem. i. 5; 26; Steph. B.; COIN OF issa. ISSA. [Lesbos.] ISSACHAR. [Palaestina.] ISSE'DONES ('Itory was acquainted with the e.xistence of vast plains separating the Ural and Altai, chains which modern geographers have been in the habit of uniting by an imaginary range passing through the steppe of the Kirghiz. This route (Ilerod. iv. 23, 24) recognises the passage of the Ural from W. to E., and indicates another chain more to the E. and more elevated — that of the ^//««. These chains, it is true, are not designated by any sjiceial names, but Herodotus was not acquainted even in Europe with the names of the Alps and Phipaean moun- tains ; and a comparison of the order in which the peoples are arranged, as well as the relief and de- scription of the countiy, shows that much definite information had been already attained. Advancing from the Pains JIaeotis, which was supposed to be of far larger dimensions than it really is, in a central direction towards the NE., the first people found occupying the plains are the " Black-clothed " Me- LANCHI-AENI, tlicn the BUDIXI, TllYSSAGETAE, the luitCAE (who have been falsely identified with the Turks), and finally, towards the E., a colony of Scythians, who had separated themselves from the " Koyal Scythians" (perhaps to barter gold and skins). Here tiie plains end, and the ground be- comes broken (AiSwStjs koX Tp-nx^v), rising into mountains, at the foot of which are the Ahgippaei, who have been identified from their long chins and flat noses with the Kalmucks or Mongolians by Niebuhr, Bockh, and others, to whom reference is made by Mr. Grote. (_Eist. of Greece, vol. iii. p. 320.) This identification has been disputed by Humboldt (comp. Cosmos, vol. i. p. 353 note. 440, vol. ii. p. 141 note, 202, trans.), who refers these tribes to the Finnish stock, assuming as a certain fact, on evi- dence which it is difficult to make out, that the ]\Iongolians who lived around Lake Baikal did not move into Central Asia till the thirteenth century. Where the data are so few, for the language (the principle upon which the families of the human race are marked off) may be said to be unknown, ethno- graphic analogies become veiy hazardous, and the more so in the case of nomad tribes, the same under such wide differences of time and chmate. But if there be considerable difficulty in making out the analogy of race, the local bearings of these tribes may be laid down with tolerable certainty. The country up to the Argippaei was well known to the traders; a barrier of impassable mountains blocked up the way beyond. [Hvpep.borei.] The posi- tion of the Issedones, according to the indications of the route, must be assigned to the E. of Icldm in the steppe of the central horde of the Kirghiz, and that of the Arimaspi on the N. declivity of the ISSUS. C9 A Itu'i. The communication between the two peopl'Js for the purpose of carrying on tlie gold trade was probably made through the plains at the NW. ex- tremity of the Altai, where the range juts out in the form of a huge promontory. [E. B. J.] ISSICUS SINUS. [Issi'S.] ISSUS ("Icrcrds and 'Icrrroi, Xen. Anab. i. 2. § 24, and i. 4. § 1 ), a town of Cilicia, on the gulf of Issus ('lo-fTiKij Ki^ATros). Herodotus calls the gulf of Issus the gulf of Myriandros (iv. 38), from the town of ]\Iyriandros, which was on it. The gulf of Issus is now named the gulf of Is- kendemn or Scanderoon, from the town of Scan- deroon, foi-merly Alexandria ad Issum, on the east side. It is the only large gulf on the southern side of Asia Jliiior and on the Syrian coast, and it is an important place in the systems of the Greek geo- graphers. This gulf runs in a NE. direction into the land to the distance of 47 miles, measured nearly at right angles to a line drawn from the promontory Jlegarsus (^Cupe Karadash), on theCilician coast, to the Rhosicus Scopulus (^Rds-el-Khdnzir, or llynzyr, as it has sometimes been written), on the Syrian coast ; for these two capes are respectively the Innits of the gulf on the west' and east, and 2.5 miles from one another. The width immediately norlli of the capes is somewhat less than 25 miles, but it docs not diminish much till we approach the northern extre- mity of the gulf. It seems certain that the ancient outlet of the Pyramus was west of and close to Cape Karadash, where Beaufort supposes it to have been ; and this is consistent with the old prophecy [Vol. I. p. 620], that the alluvium of the Pyramus would some time reach to the .shore of Cyprus; for if the river had entered the gulf where it does now, 23 miles further east, the prophecy would have been that it would fill up the gulf of Lssus. For the earth that the river formerly discharged into the sea is now sent into the gulf, where it " has pro- duced a jilain of sand along the side of the gulf, somewhat similar in shape, and equal in size, to that formed by the Ghiuk Sooi/oo [Calycadnt.s, Vol. I. p. 483] ; but the elbow where the current that sets round the gulf quits it, is obtuse and without any shoals. Perhaps the disappearance of the Ser- repolis of Ptolemy from the coast, may be accounted for by the progressive advance of the shore into the gulf, which has left the ruins of that town some miles inland" (Beaufort, Caramawm, p. 296). Pto- lemy's Serraepolis (SepfjaiVoAjs), which he calls a small place (/ccoycirj), is between Mallus, which is a little east of Cape I\Iegarsus, and Aegae or Ayaz. [Aegae.] The next city to Aegae on the coast is Issus, and this is the remotest city in this part of Cilicia which Ptolemy mentions. Xenophon also speaks of it as the last city of Cilicia on the ruad to Syria. The mountains which bound the gulf of Issus are described in the article Amanl'S. The bold lUiosicus Scopulus (5400 feet high), where the Syrian Amanus terminates on tlte coast, may be distinctly seen by the sailor when he is abreast of Seleuceia {Selefkeh), at the mouth of the Calycadnus, a distance of 85 geographical miles (Beaufort). A small stream flows into the head of the gulf of Issus, and a few from the Amanus enter the east side, one of which, the Pinarus, is the Deli Tsdiai ; and the other, the Carsus of Xenophon, is the Merkes. The Amanus which descends to the Phosicus Scopulus, and the other branch of the Amanus which shuts in the gulf of Issus on the s 3 70 ISSUS. N\V. and forms Strabo's Amanides Pylae, unite in the interior, as Strabo says (p. 535) ; and our mo- dern maps represent it so. There is a plain at the head of the gulf. Strabo gives a greater extent to the Issic gulf than we do to the gulf of Scanderoon, for he makes it extend along the Cilician coast as far as Cilicia Trachea, and certainly to Soli (pp. 534, 664). In another passage (p. 125) he shows what extent he gives to the gulf of Issus, by placing Cyprus in the Pamphylian sea and in the gulf of IssLis, — the west part of the island being in the Pam- phylian, and the east in the Issic gulf. The gulf of Iskenderuii was surveyed by Lt. Murphy in the Euphrates expedition under the command of Colonel Chesney. The ancient geographers did not agree about the position of the isthmus of the country which we call Asia !Minor ; by which isthmus they meant the shortest distance across the eastern part of the pen- insula from the Euxine to the Mediterranean. Strabo (p. 673) makes this shortest distance lie along a line joining Amisus and Tarsus. If he had said Amisus and the head of the gulf of Issus, he would have been quite right. He was nearly correct as to the longitude of the head of the gulf of Issus, which he places in the meridian of Amisus and Themiscyra (p. 126); and in another passage he says that the head of the gulf of Issus is a little more cast than Amisus, or not at all more east (p. 519). Amisus is, in fact, a little further east than the most eastern part of the gulf of Issus. The longest direction of the inhabited world, according to Strabo's system (p. 118), from west to east, is measured on a line drawn through the Stelae {Straits of Gibraltar'), and the Sicilian strait (^Sti-aits of' Messina), to Ehodus and the gulf of Issus, whence it follows the Taurus, which divides Asia into two parts, and ter- minates on the eastern sea. Those ancient geogra- phers who made the isthmus of the Asiatic peninsula extend from Issus to the Euxine, considered the shortest line across the isthmus to be a meridian line, and the dispute w-as whether it ran to Sinope or Amisus (Strab. p. 678). The choice of Issus as the point on the Jlediterraneau to reckon from, shows that Issus was the limit, or most eastern point, on the south coast of the peninsula, and that it was not on tliat part of the bay of Issus where the coast rmis south. Consequently Issus was on or near the head of the gulf. Herodotus (iv. 38) makes the southern side of this peninsula, or Acte, as he calls it, extend from the Myriandric gulf (gulf of Issus) to the Triopian promontoiy, which is quite correct. On the north side he makes it extend from the mouth of the Phasis to the promontory Sigeum, which is correct as to the promontory ; but he carries the neck too far east, when he makes it begin at the Piiasis. This mistake, however, shows that he knew something of the position of the mouth of tlie Phasis, for he intends to make the Acte begin at that part where the coast of tlie Euxine begins to lie west and cast ; and though the mouth of the Phasis is not exactly at this point, it was the best known river of any near it. In another passage (i. 72), which, like many others in his history, is ob- scurely expressed, he describes the neck {avxVf) of this Acte as nearly cut through by the river Halys ; and he makes its width from the sea opposite to Cyprus to tlie Euxine to be five days' journey for an active man, — an estimate very much short of the truth, even if we allow Greek activity to walk 30 miles a day through a rough coimtry. Strabo's re- ISSUS. port from hearsay (vol. i. p. 538), that tlie bay of Issus can be seen from the summit of Argaeus [Argaeus], is very improbable. Xenophou says that Cyrus marched 15 parasangs from the Pyramus (Jaihan) " to Issi, the uttermost city of Cihcia, on the sea, great and prosperous." From Issus to the Pylae of Cilicia and Syria, the boundary between Syria and Cilicia, was five para- sangs, and here was the river Carsus (Xen. Anab. i. 4. § 4). The next stage was five parasangs to Myriandrus, a town in Syria on the sea, occupied by I'hoenicians, a trading place (^iairdpiov), where many merchant ships were lying. Carsten Niebuhr, who went through the Pylae Ciliciae to Tarsus, has some remarks on the probable site of Issus, but they lead to no conclusion (vol. i. p. 116), except that we cannot certainly determine the site of Issus from Xenophon ; and yet he would give us the best means of determining it, if we knew where he crossed the Pyramus, and if we were also certaui that the numbers in the Greek text are correct. The nearest road to Susa from Sardis was through the Cilician plains. The ditficulties were the passage into the plains by the Ciliciae Pyjae or pass [Vol. I. p. 619], and the way out of the plains along the gulf of Issus into Syria. The great road to Susa which Herodotus describes (v. 49, 52), went north of the Taurus to the Euphrates. The land forces in the expedition of Datis and Artaphernes, B. c. 490, crossed the Syrian Amanus, and went as far as the Aleian plain in Cilicia ; and there they em- barked. (Herod, vi. 95.) They did not march by land through the Cilician Pylae over the Taurus into the interior of the peninsula ; but Mardonius (Herod, vi. 43), in the previous expedition had led his troops into Cilicia, and sent them on by land to the Hellespontus, while he took ship and sailed to Ionia. The land force of Mardonius must have passed out of Cilicia by the diflicult pass in the Taurus. [\'ol. I. p. 619.] Shortly before the battle of Issus (b. c. 333) Alexander was at Mallos, when he heard that Darius with all his force was at Sochi in Assyria ; which place was distant two marches from the Assyrian Pylae. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 6.) " Assyria" and " As- syrian" here mean " Syria" and " Syrian." Darius had crossed the Euphrates, probably at Thapsacus, and was encamped in an open country in Sjria, which was well suited for his cavaliy. The place Sochi is unknown : but it may be the place which Curtius calls Unchae. (Q. Curt. iv. 1.) An-ian says that Alexander left Mallos, and on the second day he passed tkrough the Pylae and reached My- riandrus : he does not mention Issus on this march. Now the shortest distance that Alexander could march from Mallos to Scanderoon is at least 70 miles, and if ]\Iyriandrus was south of Scanderoon, it was more than 70 miles. This statement of Ar- rian as to time is therefore false. Curtius (iii. 8) says that Alexander only reached Castabalum [Cas- taealum] on the second day from Jlallos ; that he went through Issus, and there deliberated whether he should go on or halt. Darius crossed the Amanus, which separates Syria from the bay of Issus, by a pass called the Amanicae Pylae (Arrian, ii. 7), and advancing to Issus, was in tlie rear of Alexander, who had passed through the Cilician and Syrian Pylae. Darius came to the pass in the Amanus, says Curtius, on the same night that Alexander came to the pass (fauces) by which Syria is entered. The place where Darius crossed the Amanus was ISSUS. so situated that he came to Issus first, where he shamefully treated the sick of the Macedonians who had been left there. The next day he moved from Issus to pursue Alexander (Arrian; Curtius, iii. 8); that is, he moved towards the Pylae, and he came to the banks of the river Pinarus, where he lialted. Issus was, therefore, north of the Pinarus, and some little distance from it. Kiepert's map of Asia Minor marks a pass in the range of the Syrian Amanus, which is north of the pass that leads over the same mountains from the east to Baiae (^Bai/as), and nearly due east of the head of the gulf of Issus. He calls it Pylae Amanides, by which he means the Pylae Amanicae of Arrian, not the Amanides of Strabo ; and he takes it to be the j)ass by which Darius crossed the Syrian Amanus and came down upon the gulf. This may have been his route, and it would bring him to Issus at the head of the gulf, which he came to before turning south to the Pinaras (^Ddi Tschai). It is certain that D.irius crossed by some pass which brouuht him to Issus before he reached the Pinarus. Yet Kiepert has jjlaccd Issus south of the Pinarus, or rather between the two branches of this river, which he represents as uniting near the coast. Kiepert also marks a road which passes over the junction of the two liranches of the Amanus [Am.vnus, Vol. I. p. 114] and runs to Marash, which he supposes to be Germanicia. This is the dotted road marked as ninning north from the head of the gulf of Issus in the plan [\h>\. I. p. 115] ; but even if there be such a road, it w;is not the road of Darius, which must have been the pass above men- tioned, in the latitude of the head of the gulf of Issus ; which is ncjt marked in the above plan, but ought to be. This pass is probably the Amanicae Pylae of Ptolemy, which he places 5' further south than Issus, and 1 0' cast of Issus. Alexander, hearing that the Persians were in his rear, turned back to the Pylae, which he reached at midnight, and halted till daybreak, when he moved on. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 8.) So long as the road was narrow, he led his army in column, but as the pass widened, he extended his column into line, part towards the mountain and part on the left towards the sea. When he came to the wide part (ei'/juxa'P'a), he an'anged his army in order of battle, which Arrian describes very particularly. Darius was posted on the north side of the Pinarus. It is plain, from this description, that Alexander did not march very far from the Pylae before he reached the wider part of the valley, and the river. As the sea was on his left, and the mountains on his right, the river was a stream which ran down from the Syrian Amanus ; and it can be no other than the Deli Tschai, which is about 13 miles north of the Carsus (^Merhes), direct distance. Polybius (xii. 17), who criticises Callisthenes's description of the battle, states, on his authority, that Darius descended into Cilicia through the Pylae Amanides. and encamped on the Pinaras, at a place where the distance between the mountains and the sea was not more than 14 stadia; and that the river ran across this jilace into the sea, and that in its course through the level part " it had abrupt and difficult eminences (Adlin. iii. 4. s. 5, .5. s. 6, 7; Mela, ii. 4. § 9; Ptol. iii. 1 § 1; Lucan, i. 404.) Though this demarcation does not appear to have been always followed; for in the Itinerary of Anto- ninus (p. 296) we again find the Al])is Maritima (meaning the mountain headland above described) fixed as the boundary between Italy and Gaul : it was generally adopted, and has continued without alteration to the present day. The extreme NE. limit of Italy, at the head of the Adriatic Gulf, is equally susceptible of various determination, and here also Augustus certainly transgressed the natural limits by including Istria within the confines of Italy. (Plin. iii. 18. s. 22 ; Strab. V. p. 209, vii. p. 314".) But here, also, the reasons of political convenience, which first gave rise to this extension, have led to its subsequent adoption, and Istria is still commonly reckoned a part of Italy. The little river Formio, which flows into the Adriatic between Trieste and Capo d' Istria, was previously established as the boimdary of Italy on this side : but the range of the Juhan Alps, which, after sweeping round the broad plain of the Frioul, sud- denly approaches close to the Adriatic, near the sources of the Timavus, and presents a continuous mountain barrier from thence to Trieste, would seem to con- stitute the time natural limit. Even between these two extremities, the chain of the Alps does not always form so simple and clearly- marked a frontier as might at first be expected. It ITALIA. 77 would not, indeed, be difficult to trace geographicallv such a line of boundary, by following the water-shed or line of highest ridge, throughout : but the im- perfect knowledge of the Alps possessed by the ancients was scarcely sufficient for such a pui-pose ; and this line was not, in ancient, any more than in modern times, the actual limit of different nation- ahties. Thus, the Ehaetians, who in the days of Strabo and Pliny were not comprised in Italv, inhabited the valleys and lower ridges of the Alps on the S. side of the main chain, down quite to the borders of the plains, as well as the northern decli- vities of the same mountains. Hence, a part of the Southern Tirol, including the valley of the Adiije above Trent, and apparently the whole of the 1 'al- tcline, though situated on the scuthern side of the Alps, were at that time excluded from Italy : while, at a later period, on the contrary, the two provinces of Khaetia Prima and lihaetia Secunda were both incorporated with Italy, and the boundary, in con- sequence, can-ied far to the N. of the central line of geographical limit. In like manner the Cottian Alps, which formed a separate district, under a tri- butary chieftain, in the days of Augustus, and were only incorporated with Italy by Nero, comprised the valleys on both sides of the main chain ; and the provinces established in the latter periods of the Empire under the names of the Alpes Cottiae and Alpes Maritimae, appear to have been constituted with equally little reference to this natural boundary. (Walckenaer, Geogr. des Gaules, vol. ii. pp. 21 — 3G, 361,395.) While Italy is bounded on the N. by the great natural barrier of the Alps, it is to the chain of the Apennines, by which it is traversed in its entire length, that it mainly owes its peculiar configuration. This great mountain chain may be considered as the back-bone or vertebral column of the Italian pen- insula, wjiich sends down offsets or lateral ridges on both sides to the sea, while it forms, throughout its long course, the water-shed or dividing ridire, from which the rivers of the peninsula take their rise. A detailed description of the Apennines has already been given under the article Apennixus : they are here noticed only as far as they are con- nected with the general features of the physical geography of Italy. 1. Northern Italy. — The first part of the chain of the Apennines, which extends from the point of their junction with the Maritime Alps along the N. shore of the Gulf of Genoa, and from thence across the whole breadth of Italy to the Adriatic near Ariminum, constitutes the southern boundary of a great valley or plain, which extends, without interruption, from the foot of the Apennines to that of the Alps. This broad expanse of perfectly level country, consisting throughout of alluvial soil, is watered by the great river Padus, or Pa, and its numerous tributaries, which bring down the waters from the flanks both of the Alps and Apennines, and render this extensive plain one of tbe most fertile tracts in Europe. It extends through a space of above 200 geog. miles in length, but does not exceed 50 or 60 in breadth, until it approaches the Adriatic, where the Alps beyond Vicenza trend away rapidly to the northward, sweeping in a semicircle round the plains of the Fnuli (which are a mere continuation of the great plain of the Po), until they again approach the Adriatic near Trieste. At the same time the Apennines also, as they approach towards the Adriatic, gradually recede from" the 7S ITALIA. banks of tlie Padus ; so that Ariminum (^Rimini), where their lowest slopes first descend to the sea- shore, is distant nearly 60 geog. miles from the mouth of that river, and it is almost as much more from thence to the foot of the Alps. It is this vast plain, together with the hill-country on each side of it, formed by the lower slopes of the mountains, that constituted the country of the Cisalpine Gauls, to which the Romans gave the name of Gallia Cisal- PINA. The westernmost part of the same tract, including the upper basin of the Po, and the exten- sive hilly district, now called the MonJ'errato, which stretches from the foot of the Apennines to the south bank of the Po, was inhabited from the earliest periods by Ligurian tribes, and was included in Ligukia, according to the Roman use of the name. At the opposite e.\tremity, the portion of the great plaiu E. and N. of the Adlge (Athesis), as well as the district uow called the Friuli, was the land of the Veneti, and constituted the Roman province of Veneti.\. The Romans, however, appear to have occasionally used the name of Gallia Cisalpina, in a more lax and general sense, for the whole of Northern Italy, or everything that was not comprised within the limits of Italy as that name was understood prior to the time of Augustus. At the present day the name of Lombardy is frequently applied to the whole basin of the Po, including both the proper Gallia Cisalpina, and the adjacent parts of Liguria and Venetia. The name of Northern Italy may be con- veniently adopted as a geographical designation for tiiB same tract of country; but it is commonly under- stood as comprising the whole of Liguria, including the sea-coast ; though this, of course, lies on the S. side of the dividing ridge of the Apennines. In this sense, therefore, it comprises the provinces of Liguria, Gallia Cisalpina, Venetia and Istria, and is limited towards the S. by the JIacra {Magra) on tlie \V. coast, and by the Rubicon on that of the Adriatic. In like manner, the name of Central Italy is frequently applied to the middle portion, comprising the northern half of the peninsula, and extending tilong the W. coast from the mouth of the ]\Iacra to that of the Silarus, and on the E. from the Rubicon to the Frento : while that of Southern Italy is given to the remaining portion of the peninsula, including Apulia, Calabria, Lucania, and Bruttium. But it must be boi-ne in mind that these names are merely geographical distinctions, for the convenience of description and reference, and do not correspond to any real divisions of the country, either natural or political. '2. Central Italy. — The country to which this name is applied differs essentially from that which lies to the N. of the Apennines. While the latter presents a broad level basin, bounded on both sides by mountains, and into which the streams and rivers converge from all sides, the centre of the Italian peninsula is almost wholly filled up by the broad mass of the Apennines, the offsets and lateral branches of which, in some parts, descend quite to the sea, in others leave a considerable intervening space of plain or low country : but even the largest of these level tracts is insignificant as compared with the great plains of Northern Italy. The ch.ain of the Apennines, which from the neighbourhood of Ariminum assumes a generally SE. direction, is very far from being uniform and regular in its character. Nor can it be regarded, like the Alps or Pyrenees, as forming one continuous ridge, from which there ITALIA branch off lateral arms or ranges, separated by deep intervening valleys. This is, indeed, the case, with tolerable regularity, on the eastern side of the mountains, and hence the numerous rivers which descend to tlie Adriatic pursue nearly parallel courses at right angles to the direction of the main chain. But the central mass of the mountains, which comprises all the loftiest summits of the Apennines, is broken up and intersected by deep longitudinal valleys, sometimes separated only by narrow ridges of moderate elevation, at others by rugged ranges rising abruptly to a height equal to that of the loftiest summits of the chain. The number of these valleys, occurring in the very heart of the Apennines, and often almost entirely enclosed by the mountains, is a feature in the physical geography of Italy which has in all ages exercised a material influence on its fortunes. The upland valleys, with their fine summer pasturages, were a necessary resource to the inhabitants of the dry plains of the south; and tlie peculiar configuration of these valleys opened out routes through the heart of the mountain districts, and fecilitated mutual communication between the nations of the jieninsula. It is especially in the southern part of the district we are now considering that the Apennines assume this complicated and irregular structure. Between the parallels of 44° and 42° 30' N. lat. they may be regarded as foiTiiing a broad mountain chain, which has a direction nearly parallel with the line of coast of tlie Adriatic, and the centre of which is nowhere distant more than 40 geog. miles from the shore of that sea, while it is nearly double the same distance from that of the Tyrrhenian. Hence there remains on the W. side of the mountains an extensive tract of country, constituting the greater part of Etruria and the S. of Umbria, which is wholly distinct from the mountain regions, and consists in part of fertile plains, in part of a hilly, but still by no means mountainous, district. The great valleys of the Arno and the Tiber, the two principal rivers of Central Italy, which have their sources very near one another, but flow the one to the W. tlie other to the S., may be considered as the key to the geo- graphy of this part of the peninsula. Between them lies the hilly tract of Etruria, which, notwithstand- ing the elevation attained by some isolated smiimits, has nothing of the character of a mountain country, and a large part of which, as well as the portions of Uinbria bordering on the valley of the Tiber, may be deservedly reckoned among the most fertile dis- tricts in Italy. South of the Tiber, again, the broad volcanic plains of Latium expand between the Apen- nines and the sea; and though these are interrupted by the isolated group of the Alban hills, and still more by the ragged mountains of the Volsciaiis, which, between Terracina and Gaeta, descend quite to the sea-shore, as soou as these are passed, the mountains again recede from the sea-coast, and leave a considerable interval which is filled up by the luxu- riant plain of Campania. Nothing can be more striking than the contrast presented by different parts of the countries thus comprised under the name of Central Italy. The snow still lingers in the upland pastures of Samnium and the Abruzzi, when the corn is nearly ripe in the jJaiiis of the Roman Campagna. The elevated districts of the Peligni, the Vestini, and the Marsi, were always noted for their cold and cheerless climate, and were better adapted for pasturage than the growth of corn. Even at Carseoli, only 40 miles ITALIA. distant from the Tyrrhenian sea, the olive ■would no longer flourish ((Jvid, Fast. iv. 083); though it grows with the utmost luxuriance at Tibur, at a distance of little more than 15 miles, but on the southern slope of the Apennines. The richness and fertihty of tlie Campanian plains, and the beautiful shores of the Bay of Naples, were proverbial ; while the Samnite valleys, hardly removed more than a day's journey towards the interior, had all the characters of highland scenery. Nor was this con- trast confined to the physical characters of the regions in question : the rude and simple mountaineers of the Sabine oi- JIarsic valleys were not less ditferent from the luxurious inhabitants of Etruria and Campania ; and their frugal and homelyhabitsof life are constantly alluded to by the Homan poets of the empire, when nothing but the memory remained of those warlike virtues for which they had been so distinguished at an earlier period. Central Italy, as the term is here used, comprised the countries known to the Romans as Etruki.\, Umbria (including the district adjoining the Adriatic previously occupied by the Galli Senones), Tick- NUM, the land of the Sabixi, Vestini, JIaiisi, Peligni, WAKiiuciM, and FuEXTAXi, all Sam- NiUM, together with Latium (in the widest sense of the name) and Campania. A more detailed ac- count of the physical geography of these several regions, as well as of the people that inhabited thein, will be found in the respective articles. 3. Southern Italy, according to the distinc- tion above established, comprises the southern part of the peninsula, from the river Silarus on the W., and the Frento on the E., to the lapygian pro- montory on the Ionian, and that of Leucopetra towards the Sicilian, sea. It thus includes the four provinces or districts of Arui.iA, Calabria (in the Roman sense of the name), Lucaxia, and BuuTTiUM. The physical geography of this region is in great part detemiined by the chain of the Apennines, which, from the frontiers of Samiiium, is continued through the heart of Lucania in a broad mass of mountains, which is somewhat narrowed as it enters the Brutliau peninsula, but soon spreads out again sufficiently to fill up almost the whole of that district from shore to shore. The extreme southern mass of the Apennines forms, indeed, a detached mountain range, which in its physical characters and direction is more closely connected with the mountains in the NE. of Sicily than with the proper chain of the Apennines [APEXxrxus] ; so that the notion entertained by many ancient writers that Sicily had formerly been joined to the mainland at Rhegium, though wholly false with reference to historical times, is undoubtedly true in a geological sense. The name of the Apennines is, however, universally given by geographers to the whole range which terminates in the bold pro- montory of Leucopetra {Capo deW Arini). East of the Apennines, and S. of the Frento, there extends a broad plain from the foot of the moun- tains to the sea, fomiing the greater part of Apulia, or the tract now known as Puglia jnana ; while, S. of this, an extensive tract of hilly country (not, however, rising to any considerable elevation) branches off from the Apennines near Yenusia, and extends along the frontiers of Apulia and Lucania, till it approaches the sea between Egnatia and Brundu- sium. The remainder of the jjeninsula of Calabria or Jlessapia, though it may be considered in some degree as a continuation of the same tract, presents ITALIA. 79 nothing that can be called a range of hills, much less of mountains, as it is erroneously represented on many maps. [Calabria.] Between the central mass of the Apennines (which occupies the heart of Lucania) and the gulf of Tarentum, is another broad hilly tract, gradually descending as it approaches the shores of the gulf, which are bordered by a strip of alluvial plain, varying iii breadth, but nowhere of great extent. The Apennines do not attain to so great an eleva- tion in the southern part of the Italian peninsula as in its more central regions ; and, though particular summits rise to a considerable height, we do not here meet with the same broad mountain tracts or upland valleys as further northward. The centre of Lucania is, indeed, a rugged and mountainous country, and the lofty groups of the Monti della Maddalena, S. of Potenza, the Mte. Polllno, on the frontiers of Bruttium, and the SUu, in the heart of the latter district, were evidently, in ancient as well as modern times, wild and secluded districts, almost inaccessible to civilisation. But the coasts both of Lucania and Bnittium were regions of the greatest beauty and fertility; and the tract extending along the shores of the Tarentine gulf, though now wild and desolate, is cited in ancient times as an almost proverbial instance of a beautiful and desirable country. (Archil, ap. Athtn. xii. p. 523.) The peninsula of Calabria or Messapia, as already re- marked by Strabo, notwithstanding the absence of streams and the apparent aridity of the soil, is in reality a district of great fertility, as is also the tract which extends along the coast of the Adriatic from Egnatia to the mouth of the Aufidus ; and, though the plains in the interior of Apulia are dry and dusty in summer, they produce excellent corn, and are described by Strabo as " bringing forth all things in great abundance." (Strab. vi. p. 284.) The general form and configuration of Italy was well known to the ancient geographers. Polybius, indeed, seems to have had a very imperfect notion of it, or was singularly unhappy in his illustration; for he describes it as of a triangular form, having the Alps for its base, and its two sides bounded by the sea, the Ionian and Adriatic on the one side, the Tyrrhenian and Sicihan on the other. (Pol. ii. 14.) Strabo justly objects to this description, that Italy cannot be called a triangle, without allowing a degree of curvatm-e and irregularity in the sides, which would destroy all resemblance to that figure; and that it is, in fact, wholly impossible to compare it to any geometrical figure. (Strab. v. p. 210.) There is somewhat more truth in the resemblance suggested by Pliny, — and which seems to have been commonly adopted, as it is referred to also by Ru- tilius (Piin. iii. 5. s. 6; Rutil. Itin. ii. 17) — to the leaf of an oak-tree, though this would imply that the projecting portions or promontories on each side were regarded as more considerable than they really are. With the exception of the two great penin- sulas or promontories of Calabria (Messapia) and Bruttium, which are attached to its lower extremity, the remainder of Italy, from the Padus and the Macra southwards, has a general oblong form ; and Strabo tnily enough describes it, when thus con- sidered, as much about the same shape and size with the Adriatic Sea. (Strab. v. p. 211.) Its dimensions are very variously stated by an- cient writers. Strabo, in the comparison just cited, calls it little less than 6000 stadia (GOO geog. miles) long, and about 1300 stadia in its greatest breadth; 80 ITALIA. of these the Litter measurement is ahnost exactly correct, but the former much overstated, as he is speaking there of Italy excliusive of Cisalpine Gaul. The total length of Italy (in the wider sense of the word), from the foot of the Alps near Aosta (Au- gusta Praetoria) to the lapygian promontory, is about 620 geog. miles, as measured in a direct line on a map; but from the same point to the promontory of Leucopetra, which is the extreme southern point of Italy, is above 660 geog. miles. Pliny states the distance from the same starting-point to Rhegium at 1020 M. P., or 816 geog. miles, which is greatly overstated, unless we suppose him to follow the windings of the road instead of measuring the dis- tance geografihically. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 6.) He also states the greatest breadth of Italy, from the Varus to the Arsia, at 410 M. P., which is very nearly correct; the actual distance from the Varus to the liead of the Adriatic, measured in a straight line, being 300 geog. miles (375 M. P.), while from thence to the Arsia is about 50 geog. miles. Pliny adds, that the breadth of the peninsula, from the mouths of the Tiber to those of the Aternus, is 136 M. P., which considerably exceeds the truth for that particular point; but the widest part of the peninsula, from Ancona across to the Monte Ar- qentaro, is 130 geog., or 162 Roman, miles. III. Climate and Natural Productions. Italy was not less renowned in ancient than in modern times for its beauty and fertility. For this it was indebted in great part to its climate, com- bined with the advantages of its physical configu- ration. Extending from the parallel of 30° N. lat. to 46° 30', its southern extremity enjoyed the same climate witli Greece, while its northern portions were on a par with the S. of France. The lofty range of Apennines extending throughout its whole length, and the seas which bathe its shores on both sides, contributed at once to temper and vary its climate, so as to adapt it for the productions alike of the temperate and the warmest parts of Europe. Hence the variety as well as abundance of its natural pro- duce, which excited the admiration of so many ancient writers. The fine burst of enthusiasm with which Virgil sings the praises of his native land is too well known to require notice (Virg. Georg ii. 136 — 176) ; but even the prosaic Dionysius and Strabo are kindled into almost equal ardour by the same theme. The former writer remarks, that of all countries with which he was aecjuainted Italy united the most natural advantages: for that it did not, like Egypt or Babylonia, possess a soil adapted for agriculture only; but while the Cam- panian plains rivalled, if they did not surpass, in fertility all other arable lands, the olives of ]\Iessa- pia, Daunia, and the Sabines, were not excelled by any others ; and the vineyards of Etruria, the Fa- lernian and the Alban hills, produced wines of the most excellent quality, and in the greatest abundance. Nor was it less favourable to the rearing of flocks, whether of sheep or goats; while its pastures were of the richest description, and supported innumerable herds both of horses and cattle. Its mountain sides were clothed with magnificent forests, affording abundance ol timber for ship-building and all other purposes, which could be transported to the coast with facility by its numerous navigable rivers. Abundance of warm springs in different parts of the country supplied not only the means of luxurious baths, but valuable medical remedies. Its seas ITALIA. abounded in fish, and its mountains contained mines of all kinds of metals ; but that which was the greatest advantage of all was the excellent tempe- rature of its climate, free alike from the extremes of heat and cold, and adapted for all kinds of plants and animals. (Dionys. i. 36, 37.) Strabo dwells not only on these natural resources, but on its po- litical advantages as a seat of empire; defended on two sides by the sea, on the third by almost im- passable mountains; possessing excellent ports on both seas, yet not aftbrding too great facilities of access; and situated in such a position, with regard to the great nations of Western Europe, on the one side, and to Greece and Asia, on the other, as seemed to destine it for imiversal dominion. (Strab. vi. p. 286.) Pliny, as might be expected, is not less en- thusiastic in favour of his native country, and Varro adds that of all countries it was that in which the greatest advantage was derived from its natural fertility by careful cultivation. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 6, xxxvii. 13. s. 77; Varr. R. R. i. 2.) It is probable that the climate of Italy did not difier materially in ancient times from what it is at the present day. The praises bestowed on it for its freedom from excessive heat in summer may surprise those who compare it in this respect with more northern climates ; but it is to be remembered that ancient writers spoke with reference to the countries around the Mediterranean, and were more familiar with the climate of Africa, Syria, and Egypt, than with those of Gaul or Germany. On the other hand, there are passages in the Roman writers that seem to indicate a degree of cold exceeding what is found at the present day, especially in the neighbourhood of Rome. Horace speaks of Soracte as white with snow, and the Alban hills as covered with it on the first approach of winter (Hor. Carm. i. 9, Ep. i. 7. 10); and Juvenal even alludes to the Tiber being covered with ice, as if it were an ordinary occurrence (vi. 522). Some allowance may be made for poetical exaggeration ; but still it is probable that the climate of Italy was somewhat colder, or rather that the winters were more severe than they now are, though this remark must be confined within narrow limits; and it is probable that the change which has taken place is far less than in Gaul or Germany. Great stress has also been laid by many modern writers upon the fact that populous cities then ex- isted, and a thriving agricultural population was found, on sites and in districts now desolated by malaria; and hence it is inferred that the climate has become much more unhealthy in modern times. But population and cultivation have in themselves a strong tendency to repress the causes of malaria. The fertile districts on the co.ists of Southern Italy once occupied by the flourishing Greek colonies are now pestilential wastes ; but they became almost de- solate from other causes before they grew so un- healthy. In the case of Paestum, a marked dimi- nution in the effects of malaria has been perceived, even from the slight amount of population that has been attracted thither since the site has become the frequent resort of travellers, and the partial culti- vation that has resulted from it. Nor can it be asserted that Italy, even in its most flourishing days, was ever free from this scourge, though particular locahties were undoubtedly more healthy than at present. Thus, the Maremvm of Tuscany was noted, even in the time of Pliny, for its insalubrity (Plin. Ep. V. 6) ; the neighbourhood of Ardea was almost uninhabited from the same cause, at a still earlier ITALIA. period (Strab. v. p. 231); and Cicero even extols the situation of Home, as compared with the rest of La- tiiini, as "a heaUhy spot in tlie midst of a pes- tilential region." (Cie. de Rep. ii. G.) But the imperial city itself was far from being altogether exi-mpt. Horace abounds with allusions to the pre- valence of fevers in the summer and autumn (A/;, i. 7, Sat. ii. 6. 19, Carm. ii. 14. 16), though the dense population must have tended materially to repreps them. Even at the present day the most thickly peopled parts of Kome are wholly exempt from malaria. (This question is more fully dis- cussed under the article Latium.) The volcanic phenomena displayed so conspicu- ously in some parts of Italy did not fail to attract the attention of ancient writers. The eruptions of Ae- naria, which had occurred soon after the first settle- ment of tlie Greek colonists there, were recorded by Timaeus {ap. Strab. v. p. 248); and the fables con- nected with the lake Avernus and its neighbourhood liad evidently a similar origin. Strabo also correctly argued that Vesuvius was itself a volcanic mountain, long before the fearful eruption of A. i). 79 gave such signal proof that its fii-es were not, as he supposed, extinct. (Strab. v. p. 247.) This catastrophe, feaiful as it was, was confined to Ciunpania; but earthquakes (to which Italy is so subject at the present day) appear to liave been not less frequent and destructive in ancient times, and were far from being limited to the volcanic regions. Tliey are mentioned as occurring in Apulia, Picenum, Urabria, Etruria, Liguria, and other parts of Italy ; and tliough their effects are generally noticed some- what vaguely, yet the leading phenomena which ac- company them at the present day — the subsidence of tracts of land, the fall of rocks and portions of mountains, the change of the course of rivers, the irruption of the sea, as well as the overthrow of buildings, and sometimes of whole towns and cities — are all mentioned by ancient writers. (Liv. xxii. 5; Jul. Obscq. 86, 96, 105, 106, 122, &c.) Slight shocks were not unfrequent at Rome itself, though it never suffered any serious calamity from this cause. But the volcanic action, which had at a far distant period extended over broad tracts of Central Italy, and given rise to the plains of the Campagna and the Phlegraean Fields, as well as to the lofty groups of the Alban and Ciminian hills, had ceased long before the age of historical record ; and no Koman writer seems to have suspected that the Alban lake had once been a crater of eniption, or that the " silex " with which the Via Appia was paved was derived from a stream of basaltic lava. [L.VTIUM.] The volcanic region (in this geological sense) of Central Italy consists of two separate tracts of country, of considerable extent; the one comprising the greater part of Old Latium (or what is now called the Campagna of Rome), together with the southern part of Etruria; and the other occupying a large portion of Campania, including not only Vesuvius and the volcanic hills around the lake Avernus, but the broad and fertile plain wliich extends from the Bay of Naples to the banks of the Liris. These two tracts of volcanic origin ai'e separated by the Volscian mountains, a series of calcareous ranges branching off from the Apennines, and filling up the space from the banks of the Liris to the borders of the Pontine marshes, which last form a broad strip of alluvial soil, extending from the volcanic district of the Koman Campagna to the Monte Circello. VOL. II. ITALIA. 81 The volcanic district of Rome, as we may term the more northern of the two, is about 100 miles in length, by 30 to 35 in breadth; while that of Cam- pania is about 60 miles long, with an average, though very ii-regular, breadth of 20. North of the former he the detached summits of il/te. Amiata and Radicofani, both of them composed of volcanic rocks; while at a distance of 60 miles E. of the Campanian basin, and separated from it by the intervening mass of the Apennines, is situated the isolated volcanic peak of Mt. Vultur (^Voltore), a mountain whose regular conical form, and the great crater-shaped basin on its northern flank, at once prove its volcanic character; though this also, as well as the volcanoes of Latium and Etruria, has displayed no signs of activity within the historical era. (Daubeny, On Volcanoes, cli. xi.) It is scarcely necessaiy to enumerate in detail the natural productions of Italy, of which a summary view has already been given in the passages cited from ancient authors, and the details will be found under the heads of the several provinces. But it is worth while to observe how large a portion of those productions, which are at the present day among the chief objects of Italian cultivation, and even impart to its scenery some of its most peculiar cliaracters, are of quite modern introduction, and were wholly unknown when the Greek and Roman writers were extolling its varied resources and inexhaustible fer- tility. To this class belong the maize and rice so extensively cultivated in the plains of Lombardy, the oraages of the Ligurian coast and the neigh- bourhood of Naples, the aloes and cactuses which clothe the rocks on the sea-shore in the southern provinces; while the mulberry tree, though well known in ancient times, never became an important object of culture until after the introduction of the silk-worm in the 13th century. Of the diSiirent kinds of fruits known to the ancient Romans, many were undoubtedly of exotic origin, and of some the period of their introduction was recorded ; but almost all of them throve well in Italy, and the gardens and orchards of the wealthy Romans surpassed all others then known in the variety and excellence of their produce. At the same time, cultivation of the more ordinary descriptions of fruit was so extensive, that Varro remarks : " Arboribus consita Italia est, ut tota pomarium videatur." (it!. R. i. 2. § 6.) Almost all ancient writers concur in praising the metallic wealth of Italy; and Pliny even asserts that it was, in this respect also, superior to all other lands; but it was generally believed that the go- vernment intentionally discouraged the full explora- tion of these mineral resources. (Plin. iii. 20. s. 24, xxxvii. 13. s. 77; Strab. vi. p. 286; Dionys. i. 37; Virg. Georg. ii. 166.) It is doubtful whether this policy was really de- signed to husband their wealth or to conceal their poverty; but it is certain that Italy was far from being really so rich in metallic treasures as was supposed, and could bear no comparison in this re- spect with Spain. Gold was unquestionably found in some of the streams which flowed from the Alps, and in some cases (as among the Ictymuli and Salassi) was extracted from them in considerable quantities ; but these workings, or rather washings, appear to have been rapidly exhausted, and the gold- works on the frontiers of Noricum, celebrated for their richness by Polybius, had ceased to exist in the days of Strabo. (Strab. iv. p. 208.) Silver is enumerated, also, among the metallic treasures of 82 ITALIA. Italy ; but we have no specific account of its pro- duction, and tlie fact that silver money was unkno\vn to the ancient rations of Italy sufficiently shows that it was not found in any great quantity. The early coinage of Italy was of copper, or rather bronze ; and this metal appears to have been extracted in large quantities, and applied to a variety of purposes by the Etruscans, from a very early period. Tlie same people were the first to explore the iron mines of Ilva, which continued to be assiduously worked by the Romans ; though the metal produced was thought inferior to that of Noricum. Of other minerals, cinnabar (minium) and calamine (cad- mium) are noticed by Pliny. Tlie white marble of Luna, also, was extensively quarried by the Romans, and seems to have been recognised as a superior material for sculpture to any of those derived from Greece. IV. En-ERS, Lakes, and JIoun'tains. The configuration of Italy is unfavourable to the formation of great rivers. The Padus is the only stream which deserves to rank among the principal rivers of Europe : even the Arnus and the Tiber, celebrated as are their names in history, being in- ferior in magnitude to many of the secondary streams, which are mere tributaries of the Rhine, the Rhone, or the Danube. In the north of Italy, indeed, the rivers which flow from the perpetual snows of the Alps are furnished with a copious and constant supply of water; but the greater part of those which have their sources in tlie Apennines, though large and formidable streams when swollen by heavy rains or the snows of winter, dwindle into insignificance at other times, and present but scanty streams of water winding through broad beds covered with stones and shingle. It is only by comparison with Greece that Italy (with the e.^iception of Cisalpine Gaul) could be praised for its abundance of navigable rivers. The Padus, or Po, is by far the most important river of Italy, flowing from W. to E. through the very midst of the great basin or trough of Northern Italy, and receiving, in consequence, from both sides, all the waters from the southern declivities of the Alps, as well as from the northern slopes of the Apennines. Hence, though its course does not ex- ceed 380 geog. miles in length, and the direct distance from its sources in the lions Vesulus (^Mte. Viso) to its mouth in the Adriatic is only 230 miles, the body of water which it brings down to the sea is very large. Its principal tributaries are as follows, beginning with those on the N. bank, and proceeding from W. toE. : — (1) the Duria Minor (^Dona Ripa- ri(z), which joins the Po near Turin 'Augusta Tauri- norum; (2 ) the Stura(5/wrrt); (3) the Orgus (Oreo) , (4) the Duria JIajor, or Dora Baltea ; (5) the Ses- sites {Sesia)\ (6) the Ticinus {Ticlno); (7) the Lambrus {Lamhro); (8) the Addua {Adda) ; (9) the Ollius (Oglio); (10) the Mincius {Mincio). Equally numerous, though less important in volume and magnitude, are its tributaries from the S. side, the chief of which are : — (1) the Tanarus {Tcmaro), flowing from the JIaritime Alps, and much the most considerable of the southern feeders of the Po ; (2) the Trebia (^reiiw); (3) the Tarns (Trtro); (4) the Incius {Enza); (5) the G.abellus {Seccltw) ; (6) the Scultemia (PoJjaro) ; (7) the Renus {Reno); (8) the Vatrenus {Santerno). (Plin. iii. 16. s. 20.) The first river which, descending from the Alps, does not join the Padus, is the Athesis or Adige, which in the lower part of its course flows nearly ITALIA. parallel with the greater river for a distance of above 50 miles. E. of this, and flowing from the Alps direct to the Adriatic, come in succession, the Jle- doacus or Brenta, the Plavis or Piave, the Tila- vemptus {Tagliamento), and the Sontius {Isonzo), besides many smaller streams, which will be noticed under the article Venetia. Liguria, S. of the Apennines, has very few streams worthy of notice, the mountains here approaching so close to the coast as to leave but a short course for their waters. The most considerable are, the \'arus ( Var), which forms the western limit of the province ; the Rutuba {Roja), flowing through the land of the Intemelii, and the Macra {Magra), which divides Liguria from Etruria. The rivers of Central Italy, as already mentioned, all take their rise in the Apennines, or the mountain groups dependent upon them. The two most im- portant of these are the Amus {Arno) and Tiberis {Tevere). The Ausar (5erc/jjo), which now pursues an independent course to the sea a few miles N. of the Arnus, w.as formerly a confluent of that river. Of the smaller streams of Etruria, which have their sources in the group of hills that separate the basin of the Arno from that of the Tiber, the most con- siderable are the Caecina {Cecina), the Umbro {Ombrone), and the Arminia {Fiora). The great valley of the Tiber, which h.is a general southerly direction, from its som'ces in the Apennines on the confines of Etruria and Umbria to its mcuth at Ostia, a distance in a direct line of 140 geog. miles, is the most important physical feature of Central Italy. That river receives in its course many tribu- tary streams, but the only ones which are important in a geographical point of view are the Claris, the Nar, and the Anio. Of these the Nar brings with it the waters of the Velinus, a stream at least as considerable as its own. South of the Tiber are the Lmis {Garigliano or Liri), which has its sources in the central Apen- nines near the lake Fucinus; and the Vi'ltur- xcs {VoUurno), which brings with it the collected waters of almost the whole of Samnium, receiving near Beneventum the tributary streams of the Calor {Galore), the Sabatus {Sahhato), and the Tamarus {Tamaro). Both of these rivers flow through the plain of Campania to the sea : south of that province, and separating it from Lucania, is the S11..VRUS {Sele), which, with its tributaries the Calor {Calore) and Tanager {Xegro), drains the western valleys of the Lucaniau Apennines. This is the last river of any magnitude that flows to the western coast of Italy: further to the S. the Apennines approach so near to the shore that the streams which descend from them to the sea are mere mountain torrents of trifling length and size. One of the most consider- able of them is the Laiis {Lao), which forms the limit between Lucania .and Bruttium. The other minor streams of those two provinces are enumerated under their respective articles. Returning now to the eastern or Adriatic coast of Italy, we find, as already noticed, a large number of streams, descending from the Apennines to the sea, bitt few of them of any great magnitude, though those which have their sources in the highest parts of the range are formidable torrents at particular seasons of the year. Beginning from the frontiers of Cisalpine Gaul, and proceeding from N. to S., the most im- portant of these rivers are : — (1) the Ariminus {^farecchi(l)■, (2) the Crustumius (CoHca); (3) the Pisaurus {Foglia); (4) the Metaurus {Metauro); ITALIA. (.">) the AesisC^j/wo); (6) the Potentia (Pofensay, (7) the i'lnsior (ChieiiH) ; (8)theTracntu,s(7Vo«/o); (9) the Voinanus ( r'tim«?io); (10) the Ateiniis (Alerno or Pescara): (11) the Saj^i-us {Sanf^ro); (12) the Trinuis {Triijno) ; (13) the TitWnus (Bifei-no); (14) the Fmito (^Fortore ) ; (15) the Cerbiihis (^Cervaro); (16) tlie Aufidus {Ofanto), which has much tlie longest coarse of all the rivers falling into the Adriatic. Beyond this, not a single .stream worthy of notice flows to the Adriatic; tliose which have their sources in the central Apennines of Lucania all descending towards the Tarentine gulf; these are, tlie lirada- nas {BradaHo), the Casuentus {Basiento), the Aciris (Af/ri), and the Siris (5«k«o). The only rivers of Brutiiuni worthy of mention are the Crathis (^Crati) and the Neaethus (A'efo). (Tlie minor streams and those noticed in history, but of no geogra})liiion was correct, though no value can be at- tached to the mythical legends connected with it by the logographers and early Greek historians. Tlie tribes to whom a Pelasgic origin is thus assigned are, the Messapians and Salentines, in the lapygiau peninsula; and the Peucetians and Daunians, in the country called by the Eomans Apulia. A strong confirmation of the inference derived in this case from other authorities is found in the traces still re- maining of the I^Iessajiian dialect, which appears to have borne a close affinity to Greek, and to have dift'ered from it only in much the same degree as the Macedonian and other cognate dialects. (Mommsen, Unter Italische Dialekten, pp. 41 — 98.) It is far more difficult to trace with any security the Pelasgic population of Central Italy, where it appears to have been very early blended with other national elements, and did not anywhere subsist in an unmingled form within the period of historical record. But various as have been the theories and suggestions with regard to the population of Etniria, there seems to be good ground for assuming that one important element, both of the people and lan- guage, was Pelasgic, and that this element was pre- dominant in the southern part of Etruria, while it was more feeble, and had been comparatively efiaced in the more northern distiicts. [Etkukl,\.] The ITALIA. very name of Tyrrhenians, universally given by tlie Greeks to the inhabitants of Etruria, appears indis- solubly connected with that of Pelasgiaus ; and the evidence of language aflbrds some curious and in- teresting facts in corroboration of the same view. (Donaldson, Varronianus, 2d. edit, pp.166 — 170; Lepsius, Tijrrhen. Pelasger, pp. 40 — 43.) If the Pelasgic element was thus prevalent in Southern Etruria, it might naturally be expected that its existence would be traceable in Latium also; and accordingly we find abundant evidence that one of the component ingredients in the population of Latium was of Pelasgic extraction, though this did not subsist within the historical period in a separate form, but was already indissolubly blended with the other elements of the Latin nationality. [Latium.] The evidence of the Latin language, as pointed out by Niebuhr, in itself indicates the combination of a Greek or Pelasgic race with one of a ditferent origin, and closely akin to the other nations which we find predominant in Central Italy, the Umbrians, Oscans, and Sabines. Tliere seems to be also sufficient proof that a Pe- lasgic or Tyrrhenian population was at an early period settled along the coasts of Campania, and was pro- bably at one time conterminous and connected with that of Lucania, or Oenotria ; but the notices of these Tyrrhenian settlements are rendered obscure and confused by the circumstance that the Greeks ap- plied the same name of Tyrrhenians to the Etrus- cans, who subsequently made themselves masters for some time of the whole of this country. [Cam- pania.] The notices of any Pelasgic population in the in- terior of Central Italy are so few and vague as to be scarcely worthy of investigation; but the traditions collected by Dionysius from the early Greek his- torians distinctly represent them as ba^^ng been at one time settled in Northern Italy, and especially point to Spina on the Adriatic as a Pelasgic city. (Dionys. i. 17 — 21 ; Strab. v. p. 214.) Nevertheless it hardly appears probable that this Pelasgic race formed a permanent part of the population of those regions. The traditions in question are more fully investigated under the article Pelasgi. There is some evidence also, though very vague and in- definite, of the existence of a Pelasgic population on the coast of the Adriatic, especially on the shores of Picenum. (These notices are collected by Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 49, 50, and are discussed under Pice- num.) 2. Oscans. — At a very early period, and cer- tainly before the commencement of historical record, a considerable portion of Central Italy appears to have been in the jjossession of a people who were called by the Greeks Opicans, and by the Latins Oscans, and whom we are led to identify also with the Ausonians [Ausones] of the Greeks, and the Auruncans of Roman writers. From them was derived the name of Opicia or Opica, which appears to have been the usual appellation, in the days both of Thucydides and Aristotle, for the central portion of the peninsula, or the country north of what was then called Italy. (Thuc. vi. 4 ; Arist. Pol. vii. 1 0.) All the earhest authorities concur in representing the Opicans as the earliest inhabitants of Campania, and they were still in possession of that fertile dis- trict when the Greek colonies were planted tliere. (Strab. V. p. 242.) We find also statements, which have every character of authenticity, that this same people tlien occupied the mountamous region after- ITALIA. wards called Samnium, until they were expelled, or rather subdued, by the Sabine colonists, who as- sumed the name of Samnites. (Id. v. p. 250.) [Samnium.] Whether they were more widely ex- tended we have no positive evidence; but there seems a strong presumption that they had already spread themselves throusrh the neighbouring districts of Italy. Thus the Jlirpini, who are represented as a Saninite or Sabellian colony, in all probability found an Oscan population established in that country, as did the bamnites proper in the more northern jiro- vince. There are also strong arguments for re- garding the Volscians as of Oscan race, as well as their neighbours and inseparable aUies the Aequians. (Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 70 — 73; Donaldson, Vca-ro- nianus, pp. 4, 5.) It was probably also an Oscan tribe that was settled in the highlands of the Apen- nines about Reate, and which from thence descended into the plains of Latium, and constituted one im- portant element of the Latin nation. [Latium.] It is certain that, if that people was, as already mentioned, in part of Telasgic origin, it contained also a very strong admixture of a non-Pelasgic race: and the analogy of language leads us to derive this latter element from the Oscan. (Donaldson, /.c.) Indeed the extant monuments of the Oscan lan- guage are sufficient to prove that it bore a very close relation to the oldest form of the Latin; and ^^icbuhr justly remarks, that, had a single book in the Oscan language been preserved, we should have had little difficulty in deciphering it. (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 68.) It is difficult to determine the precise relation which this primitive Oscan race bore to the Sabines or Sabellians. The latter are represented as con- querors, making themselves masters of the countries previously occupied by the Oscans; but, both in Samnium and Campania, we know that the language spoken in historical times, and even long after the Koman conquest, was still called Oscan; and we even find the Samnites carrying the same language with them, as they gradually extended their con- quests, into the furthest recesses of Bruttium. (Fest. s. V. Bilingues Brulates, p. 35.) There seems little doubt that the Samnite conquerors were a com- paratively small body of warriors, who readily adopted the language of the people whom they subdued, like the Normans in France, and the Lombards in Northern Italy. (Niebulir, vol. i. p. 67.) But, at the same time, there are strong reasons for sup- posing that the language of the Sabines themselves, and therefore that of the conquering Sabellian race, was not r;idii.ally distinct from that of the Oscans, but that they were in fact cognate dialects, and that the two nations were members of the same family or race. The questions concerning the Oscan lan- guage, so far as it is known to us from existing monu- ments, are more fully adverted to under the article Osci*; but it must be borne in mind that all such monuments are of a comjiaratively late period, and represent only the Sabello-Oscan, or the language spoken by the combined people, long after the two races had been blended into one ; and that we are almost wholly without the means of distinguishing what portion was derived from the one source or the other. ITALIA. 8.5 * See also Jlommsen, Oskische Stiidien, 8vo. Berlin, 1845, and Nachtriige, Berl. 1846, and his Unter ItalUchen Bialekte, Leipzig, 1850, pp. 99 — 316; KJenze, Philologische Ahhandlungen, 8vo. Berlin, 1839. 3. The Sabellians. — This name, which is sometimes used by ancient writers as synonymous with that of the Sabines, sometimes to designate the Samnites in particular (I'lin. iii. 12. .s. 17; Virgil Georg. ii. 167 ; Hon Sat. i. 9. 29, ii. 1. 36 ; Hein- dorf. ad he.'), is commonly adopted by modern his- torians as a general appellation, including the Sabines and all those races or tribes which, according to the distinct tradition of antiquity, derived their origin from them. These traditions are of a veiy different character from most of those transmitted to us, and have apparently every claim to be received as histo- rical. And though we Have no means of fixing the date of the migrations to which they refer, it seems certain that these cannot be carried back to a very remote age ; but that the Sabellian races had not very long been established in the extensive regions of Central Italy, where we find them in the historical period. Their extension still further to the S. be- longs distinctly to the historical age, and did not take place till long after the establishment of the Greek colonies in Southern Italy. The Sabines, properly so called, had their original abodes, according to Cato (a/). Dionys. ii. 49), in the lofty ranges of the central Apennines and the upland valleys about Aniiternum. It was from thence that, descending towards the western sea, they finst began to press upon the Aborigines, an Oscan race, whom they expelled from the valleys about Eeate, and thus gradually extended themselves into the countiy which they inhabited under the Romans, and which still preserves its ancient name of La Sabiiia. But, while the nation itself had thus shifted its quarters nearer to the Tyrrhenian Sea, it had sent out at different periods colonies or bodies of emigrants, which had established themselves to the E. and S. of their original abodes. Of these, the most powerful and celebrated were the Sanmites {^avviTai), a people who are universally represented by ancient historians as descended from the Sabines (Strab. v. p. 250 ; Fest. V. Samnites ; Varr. L. L. vii. § 29) ; and this tradition, in itbelf sufficiently trustworthy, derives the strongest confirmation from the foct already no- ticed, that the Romans apphed the name of Sabelli (obviously only another form of Sabini) to both na- tions indiscriminately. It is even probable that the Samnites called themselves Sabini, or Savini, for the Oscan name "Safinim" is found on coins stmck during the Social War, which in all prokibility be- long to the Samnites, and certainly not to the Sa- bines proper. Equally distinct and uniform are the testimonies to the Sabine origin of the Ficeni or Picentes (Plin. iii. 13. s. 18 ; Strab. v. p. 240), who are found in historical times in possession of the fertile district of Picenum, extending from the cen- tral chain of the Apennines to the Adriatic. The Peligni also, as we learn from the evidence of their native poet (Ovid, Fast. iii. 95), claimed to be of Sabine descent; and the same may fairly be as- sumed with regard to the Vestini, a tribe whom we find in historical times occupying the very valleys which are represented as the original abodes of the Sabines. We know nothing historically of the origin of this people, any more than of their neighbours the JIarrucini ; but we find them both associated so frequently with the Peligni and the Marsi, that it is probable the four constituted a common league or confederation, and this in itself raises a presumption that they were kindred races. Cato already re- marked, and without doubt correctly, that the name of the Marrucini was directly derived from that of 86 ITALIA. tlie JIarsi (Cato, ap. Prisclan. is. 9) ; and there can be no doubt that the same relation subsisted be- tween the two nati(Mis : but we are wholly in the dark as to the origin of the Marsi themselves. Several circumstances, however, combine to render it probable that they were closely connected with the fcjabines, but whether as a distinct offset from that people, or that the two proceeded from one common stock, we have no means of determining. [Marsi.] The Frentani, on the other hand, are generally re- presented as a Samnite race ; indeed, both they and the Hirpini were so closely connected with the Sam- nites, that they are often considered as forming only a part of that people, though at other times they figure as independent and separate nations. But the traditions with regard to tlie establishment of the Hirpini and the origin of their name [Hiiipini], seem to indicate that they were the result of a sepa- rate migration, subsequent to that of the body of the Samnites. South of the Hirpini, again, the Lu- eanians are universally described as a Samnite co- lony, or rather a branch of the Samnites, who ex- tended their conquering arms over the greater part of the country called by the Greeks Oenotria, and thus came into direct collision with the Greek colo- nies on the southern coasts of Italy. [Magna Graecia.] At the height of their power the Lu- canians even made themselves masters of the Brut- tian peninsula ; and the subsequent revolt of the Bruttii did not clear that country of these Sabellia'/i invaders, the Bruttian people being apparently a mixed population, made up of the Lucanian con- querors and their Oenotrian serfs. [Brlttii.J AVhile the Samnites and their Lucanian progeny were thus extending their power on the S. to the Sicilian strait, they did not omit to make themselves masters of the fertile plains of Campania, which, together with the flourishing cities of Capua and Cumae, fell into their hands between 440 and 420 b. c. [Cam- PAXIA.] The dominion of the Sabellian race was thus esta- blished from the neighbourhood of Ancona to the southern extremity of Bruttium : but it nmst not be supposed that throughout this wide extent the popu- lation was become essentially, or even mainly, Sa- bellian. That people appears rather to have been a race of conquering warriors ; but the rapidity with which they became blended with the Oscan popula- tions that they found previously establisJied in some parts at least of the countries they subdued, seems to point to the conclusion that there was no very wide difference between tlie two. Even in Samnium itself (which probably formed their stronghold, and wliere they were doubtless more numerous in pro- portion) we know that they adopted the Oscan lan- guage ; and that, while the Romans speak of the people and their territory as Sabellian, they designate their speech as Oscan. (Liv. viii. I, x. 19, 20.) In like manner, we know that the Lucanian invaders carried with them the same language into the wilds of Bruttium ; where the double origin of the people was shown at a late period by their continuing to speak both Greek and Oscan. (Fest. p. 35.) The relations between these Sabellian conquerors and the Oscan inhabitants of Central Italy render it, on the whole probable, that the two nations were only branches from one common stock (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 104), related to one another veiy much like the Normans, Danes, and Saxons. Of the language of" the Sabines themselves we have unfortunately scarcely any remains : but there are some words quoted by an- ITALIA. cient authors as being at once Sabine and Oscan ; and Varro (himself a native of Reate) bears distinct tes- timony to a comiection between the two. (Van-. L. L. vii. § 28, ed. Muller.) On the other hand, there are evidences that the Sabine language had considerable affinity with the Umbrian (Donaldson, Varron. p. 8); and this was probably the reason why Zenodotus of Troezen (ap. Dionys. ii. 49) de- rived the Sabines from an Umbrian stock. But, in fact, the Umbrian and Oscan languages were them- selves by no means so distinct as to exclude the supposition that the Sabine dialect may have been intermediate between the two, and have partaken largely of the characters of both. 4. Umbuians. — The general tradition of anti- quity appears to have fixed upon the Unibrians as the most ancient of all the races inhabiting tlie Italian peninsula. (Plin. iii. 14. s. 19 ; Flor. i. 17 ; Dionys. i. 19.) We are expressly told that at the earliest period of which any memoiy was preserved, they occupied not only the district where we find them in historical times, but the greater part of Etruria also ; while, across the Apeimines, they held the fertile plains (subsequently wrested from them by the Etruscans and the Gauls) from the neigh- bourhood of Ravenna to that of Ancona, and appa- rently a large part of Picenum also. Thus, at this time, the Unibrians extended from the Adriatic to the Tyrrhenian sea, and from the moirths of the Padus nearly to those of the Tiber. Of their origin or national affinities we learn but little from ancient authors ; a notion appears to have arisen among the Romans at a late period, though not alluded to by any writer of authority, that they were a Celtic or Gaulish race (Solin. 2. § 11 ; Serv. ad Aen. xii. 75.3; Isidor. Oriff. ix. 2), and this view has been adopted by many modem authors. (Walckenaer, Gcoyr. cks Gaules. vol. i. p. 10 ; Thierry, Hist, des Gauluis, vol. i.) But, in this instance, we have a much safer guide in the still extant remains of the Umbrian language, preserved to us in the celebrated Tabulae Eugubinae [Iguvium] ; and the researches of mo- dem philologers, which have been of late years espe- cially directed to that interesting monument, have sufficiently proved that it has no such close affinity with the Celtic as to lead its to derive the Unibrians from a Gaulish stock. On the other hand, these inquiries have fully established the existence of a general resemblance between the Umbrian, Oscan, and oldest Latin languages ; a resemblance not con- fined to particular words, but extending to the gram- matical forms, and the whole stractiu-e of the lan- guage. Hence we are fairly warranted in concluding that the Unibrians, Oscans, and Latins (one im- portant element of the nation at least), as well as the Sabines and their descendants, were only branches of one race, belonging, not merely to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic nations, but to the same subdivision of that family. The Umbrian may Tery probably have been, as believed by the Romans, the most ancient branch of these kindred tribes ; and its language would thus bear much the same rela- tion to Latin and the later Oscan dialects that Moeso-Gothic does to the several Teutonic tongues. (Donaldson, Varron. pp. 78, 104, 105; Schwegler, Jidmische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 176.) 5. Etruscax-s. — While there is good reason to suppose a gener;il and even close aSinity between the nations of Central Italy which have just been re- viewed, there are equaJly strong grounds for re- garding the Etruscans as a people of wholly dif- ITALIA. fercnt race and origin from those by ivhicli they were surrounded. This strongly marked distinctness from the other Italian races appears to have been recog- nised botli by lioman and Greek writers. Dionysius even affirms that the Etruscans did not resemble, either in language or manners, any other people whatsoever (Dionys. i. 30); and, liowever we may question the generality of this assertion, the fact in regard to their language seems to be borne out by the still existing remains of it. The various theories that have been proposed concerning their origin, and the views of modern philologers in regard to their language, are more fully discussed under the article Etruria. It may suffice here to state that two points may be considered as fairly established: — 1. That a considerable part of the population of Etruria, and especially of the more southern portions of that country, was (as already mentioned) of Pe- lasgic extraction, and continued to speak a dialect closely akin to the Greek. 2. That, besides this, there existed in Etniria a ])cople (probably a con- quering race) of wholly ditferent origin, who were the proper Etruscans or Tuscans, but who called themselves liasena; and that this race was wholly distinct from the other nations of Central Italy. As to the ethnical affinities of this pure Etmsc.an race, we are almost as much in the dark as was Dionysius; hut recent philological inquiries appear to have established the fact that it may be referred to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic na- tions, though widely separated from all the other branches of that family which we find settled in Italy. There are not wanting, indeed, evidences of many points of contact and similarity, with tiie Umbrians on the one hand and the Pelasgians on the other; but it is probable that these are no more than would naturally result from their close juxta- position, and that mixture of the diflerent races which had certainly taken place to a large extent before the period from wliieh all our extant monu- ments are derived. It may, indeed, reasonably be assumed, that the Umbrians, who appear to have been at one time in possession of the greater part, if not the whole, of Etruria, would never be altogether expelled, and that there must always have remained, especially in the N. and E., a subject population of Umbrian race, as there was in the more southern districts of Pelasgian. The statement of Livy, which represents the Rhaetians as of the same race with the Etruscans (v. 3.3), even if its accuracy be admitted, throws but little light on the national affinities of the latter; for we know, in fact, nothing of the Khaetians, either as to their language or origin. It only remains to advert briefly to the several branches of the population of Northern Italy. Of these, by far the most numerous and important were the Gauls, who gave to the whole basin of the Po the name of Gallia Cisalpina. They were universally admitted to be of the same race with the Gauls who inhabited the countries beyond the Alps, and their migration and settlement in Italy were referred by the Roman historians to a comparatively recent period. The history of these is fully given under Gallia Cisalpina. Adjoining the Gauls on the SW., both slopes of the Apennines, as well as of the Maritime Alps and a part of the plain of the Po, were occupied by the Ligurians, a people as to whose national affinities we are almost wholly in the dark. [Liguria.] It is certain, however, from the positive testimony of ancient writers, that they ITALIA. 87 were a distinct race from the Gauls (Strab. ii. p. ] 28), and there seems no doubt that they were established in Northern Italy long before the Gallic invasion. Nor were they by any means confined to the part of Italy which ultimately retained their name. At a very early period we learn that they occupied the whole coast of the I\Iediterranean, from the foot of the Pyrenees to the frontiers of Etruria, and the Greek writers uniformly speak of the people who occupied the neighbourhood of JMassilia, or the modern Provence, as Ligurians, and not Gauls. (Strab. iv. p. 203.) At the same period, it is probable that they were more widely spread also in the basin of the Po than we find them when they appear in Roman history. At that time the Taurini, at the foot of the Cottian Alps, were the most northern of the Ligurian tribes; while S. of the Padus they ex- tended probably as far as the Trcbia. Along the shores of the ]\Iediterranean they possessed in the time of Polybius the whole country as far as Pisae and the mouths of the Arnus, while they held the fastnesses of the Apennines as far to the E. as the frontiers of the Arretine territory. (Pol. ii. IG.) It was not till a later period that the Macra became the established boundaiy between the Roman pro- vinc'e of Liguria and that of Etruria. Bordering on the Gauls on the E., and separated from them by the river Athesis {Adlije), were the Veneti, a people of whom we are distinctly told that their language was diilerent from that of the Gaul.s (Pol. ii. 17), but of whom, as of the Ligurians, we know rather what they were not, than what they were. The most probable hypothesis is, that they were an Illyrian race (Zeuss, iJie Deutschvn, p. 251 ), and there is good reason for referring their neigh- bours the IsTKiANS to the same stock. On the other hand, the Carni, a mountain tribe in the extreme NE. of Italy, who immediately bordered both on the Venetians and Istrians, were more pro- bably a Celtic race [Carni]. Another name which we meet with in this part cf Italy is that of the Euganei, a people who had dwindled into insignificance in historical times, but whom Livy describes as once great and power- ful, and occupying the whole tracts from the Alps to the sea. (Liv. i. 1.) Of their national affinities we know nothing. It is possible that where Livy speaks of other Alpine races besides the Rhaetians, as being of common origin with the Etruscans (v. 33), that he had the Euganeans in view; but this is mere conjecture. He certainly seems to have re- garded them as distinct both from the Venetians and Gauls, and as a more ancient people in Italy than either of those races. V. History. The history of ancient Italy is for the most part inseparably connected with that of Rome, and cannot be considered apart from it. It is impossible here to attempt to give even an outline of that history; but it may be useful to the student to present at one view a brief sketch of the progress of the Roman arms, and the period at which the several nations of Italy successively fell under their yoke, as well as the measures by which they were gradually con- solidated into one homogeneous whole, in the form that Italy assumed under the rule of Augustus. The few facts known to us concerning the history of the several nations, before their conquest by the Romans, will be found in their respective articles ; that of the Greek colonies in Southern Italy, and G 4 88 ITALIA. their relations with tlie surrounding tribes, are given under tlie head of Magna Graecia. 1. Conquest of Italy hj the Romans, B. c. 509 — 264. — The earliest wars of the Romans with their immediate neighbours scarcely come here under our consideration. Placed on the very frontier of three powerful nations, the infant city was from the veiy first engaged in perpetual liostilities with the Latins, the Sabines, and the Etruscans. And, however little dejjendence can be placed upon the details of these wars, as related to us, there seems no doubt that, • even under the kings, Eome had risen to a superiority over most of her neighbours, and had extended her actual dominion over a considerable part of Latium. The earliest period of the Republic, on the other hand (from the expulsion of the Tarquins to the Gaulish invasion, b. c. 509 — 390), when stripped of the romantic garb in which it has been clothed by Roman writers, presents the spectacle of a dhticult and often dubious struggle, with the Etruscans on the one hand, and the Volscians on the other. The capture of Veil, in b. c. 396, and the permanent an- nexation of its territoiy to that of Rome, was the first decisive advantage acquired by the rising re- public, and may be looked upon as the first step to the domination of Italy. Even the great calamity sustained by the Romans, when their city was taken and in part destroyed by the Gauls, b. c. 390, was so far Irom permanently checking their progress, that it would rather seem to have been the means of opening out to them a career of conquest. It is probable tliat that event, or rather the series of pre- datory invasions by the Gauls of which it farmed a part, gave a serious shock to the nations of Central Italy, and produced among them much disorganisa- tion and consequent weakness. The attention of the Etruscans was naturally drawn off towards the N., and the Romans were able to estabhsh colonies at Sutrium and Nt-pete; while the power of the Vol- scians appears to have been greatly enfeebled, and the series of triumphs over them recorded in the Fasti now marks real progress. That of J\L Valerius Corvus, after the destruction of Satricum in b. c. 346 (Liv. vii. 27; Fast. Capit.), seems to indicate the total subjugation of the Volscian people, who never again appear in history as an independent power. Shortly after this, in B.C. 343, the Romans for the first time came into collision with the Samnites. That people were then undoubtedly at the height of their power: they and their kindred Sabellian tribes had recently extended their conquests over almost the whole southern portion of the peninsula (see above, p. 86); and it cannot be doubted, that when the Romans and Samnites first found them- selves opposed in arms, the contest between them was one for the supremacy of Italy. Jleanwhile, a still more formidable danger, though of much briefer duration, threatened the rising power of Rome. The revolt of the Latins, who had hitherto been among the main instruments and supports of that power, threatened to shake it to its foundation; and the victory of the Romans at the foot of Mt. Vesuvius, under T. lilanlius and P. Decius (rt. c. 340), was perhaps the most important in their whole history. Three campaigns sufiiced to terminate this formid- able war (b. c. 340 — 338). The Latins were now reduced from the condition of dependent allies to that of subjects, whether under the name of Roman citizens or on less favourable terms [Latium] ; and the greater part of Campania was placed in the same condition. ITALIA. At this time, therefore, only seventy years before the First Punic War, the Roman dominion still com- prised only Latium, in the more limited sense of the name (for the Aequi and Hernici were still inde- pendent), together with the southern part of Elruria, the territory of the Volscians, and a part of Cam- pania. During th&next fifty years, which was the period of tlie great extension of the Roman arms and influence, the contest between Rome and Samniuni was the main point of interest; but almost all the surrounding nations of Italy were gradually drawn in to take part in the struggle. Thus, in the Second Samnite War (b. c. 326—304), the names of the Lucanians and Apulians — nations with which (as Livy observes, viii. 25) the Roman people had, up to that period, had nothing to do — appear as taking ;m active part in the contest. In another part of Itiily, the JIarsi, Vestini, and Peligni, all of them, as we have seen, probably kindred races with the Samnites, took up arras at one time or another in support of that people, and were thus for the first time brought into collision with Rome. It was not till B.C. 311 that the Etruscans on their side joined in the con- test: but the Etruscan War at once assumed a character and dimensions scarcely less formidable than that with the Samnites. It was now that the Romans for the first time carried their arms beyond the Ciminian Hills; and the northern cities of Etruria, Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium, now first appear as taking part in the war. [Etkukia.] Before the close of the contest, the Umbrians also took up arms for the first time against the Romans. The peace which put an end to the Second Sam- nite War (n. c. 304) added nothing to the territorial extent of the Roman power; but nearly contemporary with it, was the revolt of the Hernicans, which ended in the complete subjugation of that people (b.c. 306) ; and a few years later the Aequians, who followed their example, shared the same fate, B. C. 302. About the same time (b. c. 304) a treaty was con- cluded with the Marsi, Marrucini, Peligni, and Frentani, by which those nations appear to have passed into the condition of dependent allies of Rome, in which we always subsequently find them. A similar treaty was granted to the Vestini in B.C. 301. In b. c. 298, the contest between Eome and Samnium was renewed, but in this Third Samnite War the people of that name was only one member of a powerful confederacy, consisting of the Samnites, Etniscans, Umbrians, and Gauls; nevertheless, their united forces were defeated by the Romans, who, after several successful campaigns, compelled both Etrus- cans and Samnites to sue for peace (b. c. 290). The same year in which tliis was concluded wit- nessed also the subjugation of the Sabines, who had been so long the faithful allies of Rome, and now appear, for the first time after a long interval, in arms : they were admitted to the Roman franchise. {Uw Epit. xL; Veil. Pat. i. 14.) The short in- terval which elapsed before hostilities were generally renewed, afforded an opportunity for the subjugation of the Galli Senones, whose territory was wasted with fire and sword by the consul Dolabella, in 283; and the Roman colony of Sena (Sena Gallica) esta- blished there, to secure their permanent submission. Already in b. c. 282, the war was renewed both with the Etruscans and the Samnites ; but this Fourth Samnite War, as it is often called, was soon merged in one of a more extensive character. The Samnites were at first assisted by the Lucanian.s ITALIA. arid Bruttians, the latter of whom now occur for the tirst time in Roman histoi-y (Liv. Fpit. xii.); hut cir- cumstances soon arose which led the Romans to de- clare waraiTia.v^ Dion Cass, sliii. 25); and the period of the Triumvirate must have tended greatly to agigravate the evil. Augustus seems to have used every means to recruit the exhausted population: but that his efibrts were but partially successful is evident from the picture which Strabo (writing in the reign of Tiberius) gives us of the state of decay and desolation to which the once populous provinces of Sanmium, Apuha, and Lucania, were in his day reduced ; while Livy confirms his statement, in regard even to dis- tricts nearer Rome, such as the land of the Aequians and Volscians. (Strab. v. p. 249, vi. pp. 253, 281; Liv. vi. 12.) Pliny, writing under Vespasian, speaks of the " latifundia" as having been '"the ruin of Italy;" and there seems no reason to suppose that this evil was afterwards checked in any material degree. The splendour of many of the municipal towns, and especially the magnificent public build- ings with which they were adorned, is apt to convey a notion of wealth and opulence which it seems hard to combine with that of a declining population. But it must be remembered that these great works were in many, probably in most instances, erected by the munificence either of the emperors or of private in- dividuals ; and the vast wealth of a few nobles was so far from being the sign of general prosperity, that it was looked upon as one of the main causes of decay. Many of the towns and cities of Italy were, however, no doubt very flourishing and populous: but numerous testimonies of ancient writers seem to prove that this was fur from being the case ^vith tlie country at large ; and it is certain that no ancient author lends any countenance to the notion enter- tained by some modern writers, of " the incredible multitudes of people with which Italy abounded during the reigns of the Roman emperors " (Ad- ITALIA. (lison. Remarlcs on Italy'). (See tliis question fully discussed and investigated by Zumpt, ubei' den Stand der Bevolkermig im Alt^rthum. 4to. Berlin, 1841.) Gallia Cis.alpina, including; Yenetia and the part of Liguria N. ot" the A[ic'iinines, seems to have been by far the most tlotirishin!]; and pDpulous part of Italy under the Kuman empire. Its extraordinary natural resources had been brouc;ht into oiltivation at a comparatively late period, and were still unex- hausted : nor had it suftl-rod so much from the civil wars which had given a fatal blow to the prosperity of the rest of Italy. It would appear also to have been comparatively free from the system of culti- vation by slave labour which had proved so ruinous to the more southern regions. The younger Pliny, indeed, mentions that his estate near Uomum,andall those in its neighbourhood, were cultivated wholly by free labourers. (I'lin. J:'p. iii. 19.) In the latter ages of the Empire, also, the establishment of the imperial court at Mediolanum (which continued from the time of Maximian to that of Honorius) must have given a fresh stimulus to the prosperity of this favoured region. But when the Empire was DO longer able to guard the barrier of tiie Alps against the irruptions of barbarians, it was on Northern Italy that the first brunt of their devas- tations naturally fell; and the numerous and opu- lent cities in the plains of the Padus were plundered in succession by the Goths, the Iluns, and the Lombards. VII. Authorities. Considering the celebrity of Italy, and the im- portance which it enjoyed, not only under the lio- mans but daring the middle ages, and the facility of access which has rendered it so favourite a resort of travellers in modern times, it seems strange that our knowledge of its ancient geography should be still very imperfect. Yet it cannot be denied that this is the case. The first disadvantage under which we labour is, that our ancient authorities themselves are far from being as copious or satis- factory as might be expected. The account given by Strabo, though marked by much of his usual good sense and judgment, is by no means sufficiently ample or detailed to meet all our requirements. He had also comparatively little interest in, and was probably liimself but imperfectly acquainted with, the early history of Rome, and therefore did not care to notice, or inquire after, places which had figured in that history, but were in his time sunk into decay or oblivion. Mela dismisses the geo- graphy of Italy very hastily, as being too well known to reiiuire a detailed description (ii. 4. § 1): while Pliny, on the contrary, apologises for passing but lightly over so important and interesting a subject, on account of the impossibility of doing it justice (iii. 5. s. 6). His enumeration of the different regions and the towns they contained is nevertheless of the greatest value, and in all probability based upon authentic materials. But he almost wholly neglects the physical geography, and enumerates the inland towns of each district in alphabetical order, so that his mention of them gives us no assistance in determining their position. Ptolemy's lists of names are far less authentic and trustworthy than those of Pliny; and the positions which he professes to give ai-e often but little to be depended on. The Itineraries afford valuable assistance, and perhaps there is no country for which they are more uselul ITALIA. 95 and trustworthy guides; but they fail us exactly where we are the most in want of assistance, in the more remote and unfrequented parts of Italv, or those districts which in the latter ages of the" Em- pire had fallen into a state of decay and desolation. One of the most important aids to the determination of ancient localities is unquestionably the preserva- tion of the ancient names, which have often been transmitted almost without change to the pre.'^ent day; and even where the name is now altered, we are often enabled by ecclesiastical records to trace the ancient appellation down to the middle ages, and prove both the fact and the oi'igin of its altera- tion. In numerous instances (such as Aletium, Sipontum, &c.) an ancient church alone records the existence and preserves the name of the decayed city. But two circumstances must guard us against too hasty an inference from the mere evidence of name: the one, that it not unfrequently happened, during the disturbed periods of the middle ages, that the inhabitants of an ancient town would mi- grate to another site, whether for security or other reasons, and transfer their old name to their new abode. Instances of this will be found in the cases of Ai'.KLLiNUM, Ai'FiDENA, &c., and the most re- markable of all in that of Capl'A. Another source of occasional error is that the pi-esent appellations of localities are sometimes derived from erroneous tra- ditions of the middle ages, or even from the misap- jilication of ancient names by local writers on the first revival of learning. One of the irujst important and trustwortliy auxi- liaries in the determination of ancient names and localities, that of inscriptions, unfortunately requires, in the case of Italy, to be received with much care and caution. The perverted ingenuity or misguided patriotism of many of the earlier Italian antiquarians frequently led them either to fabricate or interpolate such documents, and this with so much skill and show of learning, that many such fictitious or apo- cryphal inscriptions have found their w.iy into the collections of Gruter, Muratori, and Orelli, and have been cited in succession by numerous modern writers. Mommsen has conferred a great service upon the student of Italian antiquities by subjecting all the recorded inscriptions belonging to the kingdom of Naples to a searching critical inquiry, and dis- carding from his valuable collection {Inscriptiones Regrd NeapoVitani Latinae, fol. Lips. 18.52) all those of dubious authenticity. It is much to be desired that the same task may be imdertaken for those of the rest of Italy. The comparative geography of ancient and mo- dern Italy had more or less engaged the attention of scholars from the first revival of learning. But of the general works on the subject, those before the time of Cluverius may be regarded more as objects of cu- riosity than as of much real use to the student. Biondo Flavio (Blondus Flavius) is the earliest writer who has left us a complete and connected view of Italian topography, in his Italia Illustrata (fii-st published in 1474, afterwards with his other works at Basle, in 1531 and 1.559): after him came Leandro Albert!, whose Descrizione di tutta Italia (Venice, 15.51) contains some valuable no- tices. But the great work of Cluverius {Italia Antiqua, 2 vols. fol. Lugd. Bat. 1624) altogether superseded those which had preceded him, and became the fouiidation of all subsequent inquiries. Cluverius has not only brought together, with the most praiseworthy diligence, all the passages of 96 ITALIA. ancient authors bearing iipon bis subject, but he had himself travelled over a great part of Italy, noting the distances and observing the remains of ancient towns. It is to be regretted that he has not left us more detailed accounts of these remains of antiquity, which have in many cases since disap- peared, or have not been visited by any more recent traveller. Lucas Holstenius, the contemporary and friend of Cluver, who had also visited in person nany of the more unfrequented districts of Italy, has left us, in his notes on Cluverius {Adiiotationes ad Cluverii Italiam Antiquam, 8vo. Romae, 1666), a valuable supplement to the larger work, as well as many important corrections on particular points. It is singular how little we owe to the researches of modern travellers in Italy. Not a single book of travels has ever appeared on that country which can be compared with those of Leake or Dodwell in Greece. Swinburne's Travels in the Two Sicilies is one of tlie best, and greatly superior to the more recent works of Keppel Craven on the same part of Italy (Tour through the Southern Provinces of the Kingdom of Naples, 4to. Lond. 1821 ; Excursions in the Ahruzzi and Northern Prooinces of Naples, 2 vols. Bvo. Lond. 1838). Eustace's well-known book (^Classical Tour through Italy in 1802) is almost wholly worthless in an antiquarian point of view. Sir R. Hoare's Classical Totir, intended as a sort of supplement to the preceding, contains some valuable notes from personal observation. Dennis's recent work on Etruria {Cities and Cemeteries of the Etruscans, 2 vols. Bvo. Lond. 1848) contains a far more complete account of the antiquities and topography of that interesting district than we pos- sess concerning any other part of Italy. Sir W. GcH's Tojwgraphj of Rome and its Vicinity (2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1834; 2nd edit. 1 vol. 1846*), taken in conjunction with the more elaborate work of Nibby on the same district {Anulisi della Carta dci Dintorni di Roma, 3 vols. 8vo. Rome, 1849), sup- plies much valuable information, especially what is derived from the personal researches of the author, but is f:ir from fulfilling all that we require. The work of Westphal on the same subject {Die Rumische Kampagne, 4to. Berlin, 1829) is still more imper- fect, though valuable for the care which the author bestowed on tracing out the direction and remains of the ancient roads throughout the district in ques- tion. Abeken's Mittel Italien (8ro. Stuttgart, 1843) contains a good sketch of the physical geo- grapliy of Central Italy, and much information con- cerning the antiquities of the difterent nations that inhabited it ; but enters very little into the topo- graphy of the regions he describes. The publi- cations of the Institute Archeologico at Rome (first counnenced in 1829, and continued down to the present time), though directed more to archaeo- looical than topographical researches, still contain many valuable memoirs in illustration of the topo- graphy of certain districts, as well as the still ex- isting remains in ancient localities. The local works and histories of particular dis- tricts and cities in Italy are innumerable. But very few of them will be found to be of any real service to the student of ancient geography. The earlier works of this description are with few ex- ceptions characterised by very imperfect scholarship, an almost total want of criticism, and a blind cre- * It is this edition which is always referred to in the present work. ITALICA. dulity, or still blinder partiality to the native city of each particular author. Even on those j)oints on which their testimony would appear most likely to be valuable, — such as notices of ruins, inscriptions, and other remains of antiquity, — it must too often be received with caution, if not with suspicion. A striking exception to this general remark will be found in the treatise of Galateo, Z)e Situ lapygiae (8vo. Basel, 1551; republished by Graevius in the The- saurus Antiquitatum Italiae, vol. ix. part v.) : those of Barrio on Calabria (the modern province of the name) and Antonini on Lucania (Barrius, de Antiqicitate et Situ Calahriae, fol. Romae, 1737; Antonini, La Lvcanin, 4to. Naples, 1741), tliough not without their merit, are of far inferior value. The results of these local researches, and the con- clusions of their authors, will be for the most part found, in a condensed form, in the work of the Abate Eomanelli (Antica Topografa Istorica del Regno di Napoli, 3 vols. 4to. Naples, 1815), which, notwithstanding the defects of imperfect scholarship and great want of critical sagacity, will still be found of the greatest service to the student for tlie part of Italy to which it relates. Cramer, in his well-known work, has almost implicitly followed Eumanelii, as far as the latter extends; as for the rest of Italy he has done little more than abridge the work of Cluverius, with the corrections of his commentator Holstenius. Mannert, on the con- trary, appears to have composed his Geographie von Italien without consulting any of the local writers at all, and consequently without that de- tailed acquaintance with the actual geography of the country which is the indispensable foundation of all inquiries into its ancient topography. Reichard's work, which appears to enjoy some reputation in Germany, is liable in a still greater degree to the same charge:* while that of Forbiger is a valuable index of references both to ancient and modern writers, but aspires to little more. Kra- mer's monography of the Lake Fucinus {Der Fu- ciner See, 4to. Berlin, 1839) may be mentioned as a perfect model of its kind, and stands unrivalled as a contribution to the geography of Italy. Nie- buhr's Lectures on the Geography of Italy (in his VortrSge iiber Alte Lilnder u. Volker-kunde, pp. 318 — 576) contani many valuable and important views, especially of the physical geography in its connection with the history of the inhabitants, and should be read by every student of antiquity, though by no means free from errors of detail. [E. H. B.] ITA'LICA ('iTa'Awa, Strab. iii. p. 141 ; Ptol. ii. 4. §13; 'IraXiKi), Appian, Hlsp. 38; Steph. B. s. r.), a Roman city, in the country of the Tur- detani, in Hispania Baetica, on the right bank of the Baetis, opposite Hisi'ALis {Seville'), from which it was distant only 6 M. P. to the NW. {Itin. Ant. p. 413, comp. p. 432.) It was founded by Scipio Africanus, on the site of the old Iberian town of Saiicios, in the Second Punic War (b. c. 207), and peopled with his disabled veterans; whence its name, " the Italian city." It had the rank of a nmni- cipium : it is mentioned more than once in the his- tory of the Civil Wars : and it was the native place of the emperors Trajan, Hadrian, and Theodosius the Great, and, as some say, of the poet Silius Italicus. (See Diet, of Greek and Rom. Biog. s. v.) * Some severe, but well merited, strictures on this work are contained in Niebuhr's Lectures on , Roman History (vol. iii. p. xciv. 2d edit.). ITALICA. Its coins, all of the Imperial age, bear military emblems which attest the story of its orit^in, and on some of them is the title julia augitsta. The city flourished under the Goths, and, for some time, imder the Jloors, who preserved the old name, in the form Talilca or Talca ; but, in consequence of a change in the bed of the river, its inhabitants aban- doned it, and migrated to Seville. Hence, in con- tradistinction to the city which (although far more ancient, see HisrAi.is) became thus its virtual successor, Italica received the name of Old Seville (Sevilla la Vieja^, under which name its ruins still exist near the wretched village of Santi Ponce, while the surrounding country retains the ancient name, los campns de Talca. The chief object in the ruins is the amphitheatre, which was in good preservation till 1774, " wlien it was used by the corporation of Seville for river dikes, and for making the road to Badajoz." (Ford.) Jlr. Ford also states, that '' on Dec. 12, 1799, a fine mosaic pavement was dis- covered, which a poor monk, named Jose Woscoso, to his honour, enclosed with a wall, in order to save it from the usual fate in Spain. Didot, in 1802, published for Laborde a .splendid folio, with en- gravings and description Now, this work is all that remains, for the soldiers of Soult converted the enclosure into a goat-pen." The only other portion of the ruins of Itahca to be seen above- ground consists of some vaulted brick tanks, called La Casa de los Bmios, which were the reservoirs of the aiineduct brought by Adrian from Tejada, 7 leagues distant. (Caes. B. C. ii. 20; Bell. Alex. 53 ; Gell. Noct. Alt. XV. 13 ; Oros. v. 23 ; Geog. Eav. ; Florez, Esp. S. \o\. ■sm. pp.227, foil.; Coins, ap. Florez, Med. de E.tp. vol. ii. p. 477; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 17, Suppl. vol. i. p. 31; Scstini, p. 61; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 372 ; Ford, JJimdbook of Spain, pp. 63, 64.) [P. S.] ITA'LICA. [CoRKiNiiM.] ITANUiM PR. [Itanus.] ITANUS ("iTar/os, Ptol. iii. 17. § 4; Steph. B.: Eth. 'iTcti'ios), a town on the E. coast of Crete, near the [iromontory which bore the name of Itanum. (Plin. iv. 12.) In Coronelli's map there is a place called Itafjnia, with a Paleoha.'stron in the neigh- bourhood, which is probably the site of Itanus; the position of the headland must be looked for near Xacro fiume (Hock, Kreta, vol. i. p. 426), unless it be placed further N. at Capo Salomon, in which case the Gi'dndes islands would correspond with the Onlslv and Lkuce of Pliny (J. c. ; conip. Mits. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 303). According to Herodotus (iv. 151), the Theraeans, when founding Cyrene, were indebted for theii- knowledge of the Libyan coast to Corobius, a seller of purple at Itanus. Some of the coins of this city present the type of a woman terminating in the tail of a fish. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 314.) This type, recalling the figure of the Syrian goddess, coupled with the trade in purple, suggests a Phoe- nician origin. [E. B. J.] ITAPvGUS. VOL. U. coin of itanus [Ilakgus-J ITHACA. 97 ITHACA ('WaKTj: Eth. 'WaKvaios and 'WaKds: Ithacensis and Ithacus: Tliidki, ©id/crj, vulgarly; but this is merely an alteration, by a simple meta- thesis of the two first letters, from 'IQclkt], which is known to be the coiTect orthography by the Ithacans themselves, and is the name used by all educated Greeks. Leake, Northern Greece, chap, xxii.) This island, so celebrated as the scene of a large portion of the Homeric poems, lies off the coast of Acar- nania, and is separated from Cephallenia by a channel about 3 or 4 miles wide. Its name is said by Eustathius (ad II. ii. 632) to have been derived from the eponymous hero Ithacus, mentioned in Od. xviii. 207. Strabo (x. 2) reckons the circumfe- rence of Ithaca at only 80 stadia: but this measure- ment is very short of the truth; its extreme length from north to south being about 17 miles, its great- est breadth about 4 miles, and its area nearly 45 sq. miles. Tlie island m.ay be described as a ridge of limestone rock, divided by the deep and wide Gulf of Molo into two nearly equal parts, coimectcd by a narrow isthmus not more than half-a-mile across, and on which stands the Paleocastro of Actos ('AeT(is), traditionally known as the "Castle of Ulysses." Ithaca everywhere rises into rugged hills, of which the chief is the mountain of Ano(je {'Avuiy7j : ]tov, al 5h &vevde irphs r)co t' rjiKiov -re. (Cf. Nitzsch, ad loc; also Od. x. 196.) Strabo (x. 2) gives perhaps the most satisfactory explanation : he supposes that by the epithet x^cyuaXT? the poet intended to express how Ithaca lies wider, as it were, the neighbouring mountains of Acarnauia; while by that of ■KavvKepTa.Ti] he meant to denote its position at the extremity of the group of islands formed by Zacynthus, Cephallenia, and the Echinades. For another explanation, see Wordsworth, Greece, Pic- torial, cf'C, pp. 355, seq. Ithaca is now divided into four districts (Badv, 'AerJs, 'Aj'co7f), 'E|a)7^, i. e. Deep Bay, Eagles Cliff, Highland, Onilaml); and, as natural causes are likely to produce in all ages similar effects, Leake (I. c.) thinks it probable, from the peculiar conformation ot the island, that the fom- divisions of the present day neariy con*espond with those noticed by Heracleon, an author cited by Stephanus B. (s. v. KpoKvXfiov). The name of one of these districts is lost by a defect in the text; the others were named Neium, Crocy- leium, and Aegireus. The Aegilips of Homer (//. ii. 633) is probably the same with Aegireus, and is placed by Leake at the modem village of Anoge ; 98 ITHACA while he believes the modern capital town of Bath;'/ to occupy the site of Crocyleia. (//. I. c.) It is true that Strabo (pp. 376, 453) places AegOips and Crocyleia in Leucas; but this appears inconsistent witli Homer and other ancient authorities. (See Leake, I. c.) Plutarch {Quaest. Gi'aec. 43) and Stephanas B. (s. v.) state that the proper name of the ancient capital of Ithaca was Alcomeuae or Alalcomenae, and that Ulysses bestowed this appellation upon it from his having been himself born near Alalcomenae in Boeotia. But this name is not found in Homer; and a passage in Strabo tends to identify it with the ruins on the isthmus of Aetos, where the fortress and royal residence of the Ithacan chieftains pro- bably stood, on account of the advantages of a posi- tion so easily accessible to the sea both on the eastern and western sides. It is argued by Leake (J. c.) that the Homeric capital city was at Palis, a little harbour on the JMW. coast of the island, where some Hellenic remains may still be traced. For the poet (Oc/. iv. 844, seq.) represents the suitors as lying in wait for Telemachus on his return from Peloponnesus at Asteris, " a small island in the channel between Ithaca and Samos {Cephalmiia)" where the only island is tliat now called AaffKuKtov, situated exactly opposite the entrance to Port Folis. The traditional name of Polis is alone a sti-ong argument that the town, of w-hich the remains are still visible there, was that which Scylax (i're Acar- Tiania), and still more especially Ptolemy (iii. 14), mentions as having borne the same name as the island. It seems highly probable that ij irdMs, or the city, was among the Ithacans the most common designation of their chief town. And if the Homeric capital was at Polis, it will follow that Mt. Neium, under which it stood ('ISd/iTjs 'Tnovrjtov, Od. iii. 81), was the mountain of Exoge {Ital. Exoi), at the northern extremity of the island, and that one of its summits was the Hermaean hill {'Ef)/j.aios \6(pos, Od. xvi. 471) from which Eumaeus saw the ship of Telemachus entering the harbour. It becomes pro- bable, also, that the harbour Eheithrum ('Peiflpoj'), which was " under Neium " but " ajiart from tlie city" (^v6a(pi ttoKtios, Od. i. 185), may be identified with either of the neighbouring bays of Afdles or Frikcs. Near the village of Exoge may be observed the substructions of an ancient building, probably a temple, with several steps and niches cut in the ruck. These remains are now called by the neigh- bouring peasants " the School of Homer." The Homeric " Fountain of Arethusa " is identi- fied with a copious spring which rises at the foot of a cliff fronting the sea, near the SE. extremity of Ithaca. This clitf is still called Korax (KJpa|), and is, doubtless, that alluded to at Od. xiii. 407, seq., xiv. 5, seq., xiv. 398. (See, especially on this point, Leake, I. c, and Mure, Tovr in Greece, vol. i. p. 67, seq.) The most remarkable natural feature of Ithaca is the Chilf of Molo, that inlet of the sea which nearly divides the island into two portions ; and the most remarkable relic of antiquity is the so- called " Castle of Ulysses," placed, as has been already intimated, on the sides and summit of the steep hill of Aetos, on the connecting isthmus. Here may be traced several lines of inclosure, testi- fying the highest antiquity in the rude structure of massive stones which compose them. The position of several gates is distinctly marked ; there are also traces of a tower and of two large subterranean cis- ITHACA. teras. There can be httle doubt that this is the spot to which Cicero (tfe Orat. i. 44) alludes in praising the patriotism of Ulysses — " ut Ithacam illam in asperrimis saxis tanquam nidulam affixani sapientissimus vir immortalitati anteponeret." The name of Aetos, moreover, recalls the striking scene in Od. ii. 146, seq. At the base of this hill there have been discovered several ancient tombs, sepul- chral inscriptions, vases, rings, medals, &c. The i coins of Ithaca usually bear the head of Ulysses, with the pileus, or conical cap, and the legend 'IfloKoii'; the reverse exhibiting a cock, an emblem of the hero's vigilance, Athena, his tutelar deity, or other devices of like import. (See Eckhel.) The Homeric port of Phorcys (Od xiii. 345) is supposed to be represented by a small creek now called Dexia (probably because it is on the right of the entrance to the harbour of Bathy), or by another creek now called Skhinos, both on the southern side of the Gulf of Molo. (Leake, I. c.) At a cave on the side of Mount Stephanos or Merovugli, above this gulf, and at some short distance from the sea, is placed the '' Grotto of the Nymphs," in which the sleeping Ulysses was deposited by the Phoenicians who brought him from Scheria. (^Od. xiii. 116, seq.) Leake (J., c.) considers this to be " the only point in the island exactly corresponding to the poet's data." The modem capital of Ithaca extends in a narrow strip of white houses round the southern extremity of the horse-shoe port, or " deep " (Ba0y), from which it derives its name, and which is itself but an inlet of the Gtdf of Molo, often mentioned already. After passing through similar vicissitudes to those of its neighbours, Ithaca is now one of the seven Ionian Islands under the protectorate of Great Britain, and contains a population exceeding 10,000 souls, — an industrious and prosperous community. It has been truly observed that there is, perhaps, no spot in the world where the influence of classical associations is more lively or more pure ; for Ithaca is indebted for no part of its interest to the rival distinctions of modem annals, — so much as its name scarcely occurring in the page of any writer of historical ages, unless with reference to its poetical celebrity. Indeed, in a. i). 1504, it was nearly, if not quite, uninhabited, having been depopulated by the incursions of Corsairs; and record is still extant of the privileges accorded by the Venetian government to the settlers (probably from the neighbouring islands and from the mainland of Greece) by whom it was repeopled. (Leake, I. c.\ Bowen, Ithaca in 1850, p. 1.) It has been assumed throughout this article that the island still called Ithaca is identical with the Homeric Ithaca. Of that fact there is ample testi- mony in its geogi-aphical position, as well as in its internal featm^es, when compared with the Odyssey. To every sceptic we may say, in the wurds of Athena to Ulysses {Od. xiii. 344), — OA.A.' ^7e roL Sei^ci) 'I0a/C7js eSoj o(ppa ircrroidris. (The arguments on the sceptical side of the question have been collected by ViJlcker, Homer. Geogr. 46 COIN OF ITHACA. ITHACESIAE INSULAE. — 74, but they have been successfully confuted by Kiihle von Lilienstern, Ueher das Homerische Ithaca. The fullest authorities on the subject of this article are Gell, Geography aiul Antiquities of Ithaca, London, 1 807 ; Leake, Northeim Greece, vol. iii. pp. 24 — 55; Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. i. pp. 38 — 81 ; Bowen. Ithaca in 1850, London, 1852.) [G. F. B.] ITHACE'SIAE INSULAE, is the name given by Pliny (iii. 7. s. 13) to some small islets opposite to Vibo on the W. coast of Bruttium. These can be no other than some mere rocks (too small to be marked on ordinary maps) which lie just opposite to the remains of Bivona, in the Golfo di Sta. Eu- femia, and on which some traces of ancient build- in<;s (probably connected with that port) were still visible in the days of Barrio. (Barrius, de Situ Culuhr, ii. 13; KomaneUi, vol. i. p. 57). [E. H. B.] ITHO'.ME ('10^;;^"? : i^th. 'Wwfi'fiTris, 'Wu-fialtjs). I. A town of Histiaeotis in The.ssaly, described by Homer as the " rocky Ithome " ('ISw^nj KAoifiaKueaaa, II. ii. 729), is placed by Strabo within a quadran;:le formed by the four cities, Tricca, Metropolis, Peliii- naeum, and Gomphi. (Strab. ix. p. 437.) It pro- bably occupied the site of the castle which stands on the summit above the village of Fandri. Leake observed, near the north-western face of the castle, some remains of a very ancient Hellenic wall, consist- ing of a few large masses of stone, roughly hewn on tlie outside, but accurately joined to one another withiiut cement. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iv. p. 510.) 2. A mountain fortress in Messcnia, where the Messenians long maintained themselves against the Spartans in the First Messenian War. It was after- wards the citadel of Messene, when this city was founded by Epaminondas. For details, see Mes- SKNE. riTIO'IUA ('Wwpia), a tomi in Aetolia, near the Achelous, and a short distance south of Conope. It was situated at the entrance of a pass, and was strongly fortified both by nature and by art. It was taken by I'hilip V., and levelled to the ground, IS. 0.219. (Pol. iv. 64.) I'TlUiM PEOilONTO'PtlUM, is placed by Ptolemy (ii. 9. § 1 ) in Celtogalatia Belgica. After the mouths of the Seine, he mentions the outlet of the river Phru- dis [Frudis], Icium (^iKtou 6,Kpov), and then Ge- soriacum (V-qaopiaKOv iwiveiov), which is Boulogne. One of the old Latin versions of Ptolemy has Itium Promontorium, and others may have it too. He places Gesoriacum and Itium in the same latitude, and Itium due west of Gesoriacum. This is a great mis- take, for, Itium being Cap Grisnez, the relative po- sition of the two places is north and south, instead ot east and west. There is no promontory on this part of the French coast north or south of Boulogne except Grisnez, at which point the coast changes its direction from south to north, and runs in a general ENE. direction to Calais, Gravelines, and Dmi- herque. It is therefore certain that there is a great mistake in Ptolemy, both in the direction of the coast and the relative position of Gesoriacum and Itium. Cap Grisnez is a chalk cliff, the termination on the coast of the chalk hills which cross the department of Pas de Calai.i. The chalk cliffs extend a few miles on each side of Cap Grisnez, and are clearly seen from the English coast on a fine day. This cape is the nearest point of the French coast to the opposite coast of Kent. [G. L.] I'TIUS POKTUS (rh "Iriov, Strab. p. 199). When Caesar was preparing for his second British ex- ITIUS PORTUS. 99 pedition (b. c. 54), he says (B. G. v. 2) that he or- dered his forces to meet at " Portus Itius, from which port he had found that there was the most conve- nient passage to Britannia, — about 30,000 passus." In his first expedition, b. c. 55, he says that he marched, with all his forces, into the country of the ilorini, because the passage from that coast to Bri- tannia was the shortest (Z). G. iv. 21); but he does not name the port from which he sailed in his first expedition ; and this is an omission which a man can easily understand who has formed a correct no- tion of the Commentaries. It seems a plain conclu- sion, from Caesar's words (v. 2) that he sailed from the Itius on his first expedition ; for he marched into the country of the Morini, in order to make the shortest passage (iv. 21); and he made a good pas- sage (iv. 23). In the fifth book he gives the distance from the Itius to the British coast, but not in the fourth book ; and we conclude that he ascertained this distance in his first voyage. Drumann (Ge- schichte lioms, vol. iii. p. 294) thinks that the pas- sage in the fifth book rather proves that Caesar did not sail from Itius on his first voyage. We must ac- cordingly suppose that, having had a good passage on his first voyage to Britannia, and back to the place from which he had sailed, he diose to try a ditl'eient pa.ssage the second time, which passage he had learned (cognovcrat) to be the most convenient (commodis.-imum). Yet he landed at the same place in Britannia in both his voyages (v. 8) ; and he had ascertained (cognovcrat) in the first voyage, as he .says, that this was the best landing-place. So Dru- mann, in his way, may prove, if he likes, that Caesar did not land at the same place in both voyages. The name Itius gives some reason for supposing that Portus Itius was near the Promontorium Itium; and the opinion now generally accejjted is, that Portus Itius is Wlssant or Witsand, a few miles east of Cap Grisnez. The critics have fixed Portus Itius at va- rious pkces ; but not one of these guesses, and they are all guesses, is worth notice, except the guess that Itius is Gesoriacum or Boulogne. But the name Gesoriacum is not Itius, which is one objection to tlie supposition. The only argument in favour of Boulogne is, that it was the usual place from which the Romans sailed for Britannia after the time of Claudius, and that it is in the country of the Mo- rini. Gesoriacum was the best spot that the Romans could choose for a regular place of embarkation, for it is adapted to be the site of a town and a fortified place, and has a small river. Accordingly it became the chief Roman position on this part of the French coast. [Gesoriacum.} The distance of Portus Itius from the nearest port of Britannia, 30 M.P., is too much. It seems to be a just conclusion, that Caesar estunated the distance from his own experience, and therefore that he esti- mated it either to the cliffs about the South Foreland, where he anchored, or to the place seven or eight miles (for the MSS. of Caesar vaiy here) further along the coast, where he landed. It is certain that he first approached the British coast under the high chalk clifis between Folkestone and Wabner. It is a disputed point whether he went from his anchorage under the clifl's northwards to Deal, or southward to Sandgate or Uythe. This matter does not affect the position of Itius, and it is not discussed here ; but the writer maintains that Caesar landed on the beach at Leal. There are difficulties in this question, which the reader may examine by referring to the autho- rities mentioned at the end of this article. The pas- 100 ITIUS PORTUS. sage in tlie fifth book (v. 8), in which Caesar describes his second voyage, shows very clearly where he landed. He sailed from Portus Itius, on his second expedition, at sunset, with a wind about SW. by W. ; about mid- night the wind failed him, he could not keep his course, and, being carried too far by the tide, at day- break, when he looked about him, he saw Britannia on his left hand behind him. Taldng advantage of the change of the tide, he used his oars to reach " that part of the island where he had found in the previous summer that there was the best landing." He had been carried a few miles past the Cantium Promontorium, or North Foreland but not out of sight, and he could easily find his way to the beach at Deal. There are many arguments to show that Deal was Caesar's landing-place, as it was for the Eomans under the empire, who built near it the strong place of Rutupiae (^Richhorougli), on the Stow, near Smidwich. D'Anville makes out Caesar s distance of 30 il. P. thus. He reckons 22 or 24 M. P., at most, from Portus Itius to the Enghsh cliffs, and 8 miles from his anchorage under the cliffs to his landing- place make up 30. Perhaps Caesar means to estimate the whole distance that he sailed to his land- ing place ; and if this is so, his estimate of " about 3(J Roman miles" is not far from the truth, and quite as near as we can expect. Strabo (p. 199) makes the distance 320 stadia, or only 300, according to a note of Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes (v. 566), who either found 300 in his copy of Strabo, or made a mistake about the number; for he derived his in- formation about Caesar's passage only from Strabo. It may be observed here that Strabo mentions two expeditions of Caesar, and only one port of embark- ation, the Itius. He understood Caesar in the same way as all people will do who can draw a conclusion from premises. But even 300 stadia is too great a distance from Wissant to the British coast, if we reckon 8 stadia to the Roman mile ; but there is good reason, as D'Anville says, for making 10 stadia to the mile here Pliny gives the distance from Boulogne to Britannia, that is, we must assume, to the usual landing place, Rutupiae, at 50 JI.P., which is too much ; but it seems to be some evidence that he could not suppose Boulogne to be Caesar's place of embarkation. Caesar mentions another port near Itius. He calls it the Ulterior Portus (iv. 22, 23, 28), or Superior, and it was 8 SI. P. from Itius. We might assume from the terra Ulterior, which has reference to Itius, that this port was further to the north and east than Itius ; and this is proved by what he says of the wind. For the wind which carried him to Britannia on his first expedition, his direct course being nearly north, prevented the ships at the Ulterior Portus from coming to the place where Caesar embarked (iv. 23). The Ulterior, or Superior, Portus is between Wissant and Calais, and may be Sangatte. Calais is too far off. Wlien Caesar was returning from his first expe- dition (iv. 36, 37) two transport ships could not make the same portus — the Itius and the Ulterior or Superior — that the rest of the ships did, but were carried a little lower down (paulo infra), that is, further south, which we know to be Caesar's mean- ing by comparing this with another passage (iv. 28). Caesar does not say that these two ships landed at a "portus," as Ukert supposes (^Gallien, p. 554), who makes a port unknown to Caesar, and gives it the name " Inferior." Du Cange, C;unden, and others, correctly took ITIUS PORTUS. Portus Itius to be Witsand. Besides the resem- blance of name, Du Can egressus est^ used by the Phoenician inhabitants to describe the origin of the city. Its site must have been at or near Tarifa, in the middle of the European shore of the Straits, and on the S.-most point of the pen- insula. {Mem. de VAcad. dts Inscr. p. 103 ; Philos. Trans, sxx. p, 919 ; Mentelle, Geog. Comp. Esp^ Ane. p. 229 ; Ukert, ii. 1. p. 344.) [P. S.] JULIA LIBYCA. [Cerretani.] JULIA MYRTILIS. [Myrtilis.] JULIA ROMULA. [Hispalis.] JULIA TKANSDUCTA. [Julia Joza.] JULIA VICTRIX. [Tarraco.] JULIACUM, a town in Gallia Belgica. In the Antonine Itin. a road runs from Castellum {Cassel) through Tongcrn to Juliacum, and thence to Co- lonia {Cologne). Juliacum is 18 leagues from Co- Ionia. Another road runs from Colouia Trajana to 11 3 102 JULIANOPOLIS. Juliacam, and from Juliacam through Tiberi.icum to Colorjne. On this road also Juliacum is placed 18 leagues from Cologne. Juliacum is Jullers, or Jiiltch, as the Germans call it, on the river Roer, on the carriage road from Cologne to Aix-la-Chapelle. The first part of the word seems to be the Roman name Juli-, which is rendered more probable by finding between Juliacum and Colonia a place Ti- beriacum (^Bercheim or Berghen). Acuni is a common ending of the names of towns in North Gallia. [G. L.] JULTANO'POLIS (^lovXiavovnoXis), a town in Lydia which is not mentioned Tintil the time of Hierocles (p. 670), according to whom it was situ- ated close to Jlaeonia, and must be looked f)r in the southern parts of Mount Tmolus, between Phila- delphia and Tralles. (Comp. Plin. v. 29.) [L. S.] JULIAS. [Betiisaida.] JULIO'BONA ('Ioi;Ai<5§oi'a), a town in Gallia Belgica, is the city of the Caleti, or Caleitae as Pto- lemy writes the name (ii. 8. § 5), who occupied the Pays de Caux. [Caleti.] The place is Lillehone, on the little river Bolbec, near the north bank of the Seine, between Havre and Caudebec, in the present department of Seine Inferieuse. The Itins. show several roads from Juliobona; one to Eotomagus (^Rouen), through Breviodurum ; and another through Breviodurum to Noviomagus {Lisieux), on the south side of the Seine. The road from Juliobona to the west terminated at Carocotinum. [Carocotinuji.] The place has the name Juhabona in the Latin middle age writings. It was a favourite residence of the dukes of Normandie, and William, named the Conqueror, had a castle here, where he often resided. The name Juliobona is one of many examples of a word formed by a Roman prefix (Julio) and a Celtic termination (Bona), like Augustobona, Julio- magus. The word Divoua or Bibona [Divoxa] lias the same termination. It ajtpears from a middle age Latin wi-iter, cited by D'Anville {Notice, ifc, Julio- buna), that the place was then called Illebona, from which the modern name Lillelonne has come by prefixing the article; as the river Oltis in the south of France has become JJOlt, and Lot. The name Juliobona, the traces of the old roads, and the remains discovered on the site of Lillebonne prove it to have been a Roman town. A Roman theatre, tombs, medals, and antiquities, have been discovered. [G. L.] JULIOBRI'GA (^lovKi6§piya), the chief city of the CantabrL, in Hispania Tarraconensis, belonging to the conventus of (Jlunia, stood near the sources of the Ehro, on the eminence of Retwtillo, S. of Rey- nosa. Five stones still mark the bounds which divided its territory from that of Legio IV. It had its port, named Portus Victoriae Juliobrigensium, at Santonna. (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4, iv. 20. s. 34 ; Ptol. ii. 6. § 51 ; Inscr. ap. Gruter, p. 354 ; Blorales, A ntig. p. 68 ; Florez, Esp. S. vol. vi. p. 4 1 7 ; Canfabr. p. 64 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 443.) [P. S.] JULIOJIAGUS ('lov\i6fxayos), a town of the Andecavi, in Gallia Lugdunen.sis, and their capital. (Ptol. ii. 8. § 8.) It is named Juliomagus in the Table, and marked as a capital. It is now Atigei-s. [ANDECA^^.] [G. L.] JULIO'POLIS. [GoRDiuM and Tarsus.] JULIO'POLIS AEGYPTL Pliny (vi. 23. s. 26) alone among ancient geographers mentions this place among the towns of Lower Aegypt. From the silence of his predecessors, and from the name itself, we may reasonably infer its recent origin. According JURCAE. to Pliny, Juliopolis stood about 20 miles distant from Alexandreia, upon the banks of the canal which connected that city with the Canopic arm of the Nile. Some geographers suppose Juliopolis to have been no other than Nicopolis, or the City of Victory, foimded by Augustus Caesar in b. c. 29, partly to commemorate his reduction of Aegypt to a Roman province, and partly to punish the Alexandrians for their adherence to Cleopatra and M. Antonius. ]\Linnert, on the contrary (x. i. p. 626), believes Juliopolis to have been merely that suburb of Alex- andreia which Strabo (xvii. p. 795) calls Eleusis. At this place the Nile-boats, proceeding up the river, took in cargoes and passengers. [\Y. B. D.] lU'LIS. [Ceos.] JU'LIUM CA'RNICUM ('louAior Kapf i/cor, Ptol : Ztiglto), a town of the Carni, situated at the foot of the Julian Alps, which, from its name, would seem to have been a Roman colony founded either by Julius Caesar, or in his honour by Augustus. If Paulus Diaconus is correct in ascribing the foun- dation of Forum Julii to the dictator himself (P. Diac. Hist. Lang. ii. 14), there is little doubt that Julium Carnicum dates from the same period: but we have no account of its foundation. Ptolemy in one place distinctly describes it as in Noricum (viii. 7. § 4), in another more correctly as situated on the frontiers of Noricum and Italy (/xeTa^v t^s 'IraA'tas Kol Noipucov, ii. 13. § 4). But Pliny ex- pressly includes it in the territory of the Carni and the tenth region of Italy (" Julienses Carnorum," iii. 19. s. 23), and its position on the S. side of the Alps clearly entitles it to be considered in Italy. It.s position is correctly indicated by the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 219), which places it 60 M. P., from Aquileia, on the road leading nearly due N. from that city over the Julian Alps. The first stage on this road, " Ad Triccsimum," still retains the name of Trigesimo, and the site of Julium Carnicum is marked by the village of Zuglio (where some Roman remains have been discovered), in a side valley open- ing into that of the Tagliamento, about 4 miles above Tolmezzo. The pass from thence over the Monte di Sta. Croce into the valley of the Gail, now prac- ticable only for mules, follows the line of the ancient Roman road, given in the Itinerary, and therefore probably a frequented pass under the Romans [Alpes, p. 110, No. 7]: but the inscription on the faith of which the construction of this road has been ascribed to Julius Caesar is a palpable forgery. (Cluver. Ital. p. 200.) [E. H. B.] JUNCARIA, JUNCARIUS CAMPUS. [Ik- DIGETES.] JUNONIA INSULA. [Fortunatae Ins.] JURA. [Hel\'etii ; Gallia, p. 951.] JURCAE ("lypfcai), mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 22) as lying contiguous to the Thyssagetae, who lay beyond the Budini, who lay beyond the Sauromatae of the Palus Maeotis and Lower Tanais. Their countiy was well-wooded. They were hunters, and had horses. This points to some portion of the lower Uralian range. They were probably tribes of the L^grian stock, akin to the present Morduins, Tsherimiss, Tshuvashes, of which they were the most southern portion. The reason for for this lies in the probability of the name being a derivative from the root -At- (as in Ukraine and Car in-thia')— border, or boundary, some form of which gave the Slavonic population their equivalent to the Germanic name Marcomanni = March- men. [E. G. L.] JUSTINIANA. JUSTINIA'NA. [Carthago : IIadrumetum.] JUSTINIA'NA PRIJIA. [Scupi.] JUSTINIANO'POLIS. 1. A city in Epeirus, fui-merly called Hadrianopolis. [Hadriajiopolis.] 2. The later name of Hadnimetum in Africa. [Hadrumetum.] JUTHUNGI ('lovdovyyoi), a German tribe dwelling on the banks of the Danube. They are described by some ancient writers as a part of the Alemanni (Amra. Marc. xvii. 6); but they belonged more probably to the Gothic race : even their name seems to be only another form for Gothi or Gothones. (Ambros. Ej)ist. 20.) Dexippus, from frhom we learn most about their history, calls them a Scythian tribe, which, however, clearly means that they were Goths. In the reign of the emperor Am'elian the Juthungi invaded Italy, and, being defeated, they sued for peace, but were obliged to return without having effected their purpose : afterwards they made prepa- rations for another invasion. (Dexip. pp. 11, 12, 18, 19, 21, ed. Niebahr and Bekker.) In these wars, however, they never appeared alone, but always in conjunction with others, either Alemannians, Sue\'i, or Goths. (See Eisenschmidt, de Origine Ostro- ffothorum et Vmgothonim, p. 26; Latham, Tacit. Germ., Epileg. p. cxiii.) [L. S.] JUTTAH ('iTtii/, LXX.), a to^vn of .Judah (Josh. XV. 55), appropriated to the priests ; according to Eusebius (Onomast. s. v. 'Icttoj') it was 18 M. P. from Eleutheropolis. Eeland (Palaest. p. 870) supposes this to have been the residence of Zacharias and Elizabeth, and the birthplace of John the Baptist, — the ttSXis 'lovSa of Luke, i. 39, being so written, by a corruption or from a softer pronun- ciation, instead of ttoAjs 'lovra. The modem Yutta, on the site of the old town, in which there are said to be indications of old remains, preserves the ancient name. (Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. ii. pp. 190, 195, 628 ; Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. sv. pt. i. pp. 638, 641 ; Winer, s. v.) [E. B. J.] .JUVAVUil, Jir\''A'VIA, a town in the interior of Noricum, on the left bank of the river Ivarus. It is the modem city of Salzburg, situated in an extensive and fertile valley, on the slope of a range of a high mountain. It is chiefly known from in- scriptions : one of which (Orelli, no. 496) describes the place as a colony planted by the emperor Hadrian ; but its genuineness is disputed. (Orelli, Inscript. vol. i. p. 138.) Juvavium was the head-quarters of the fifth cohort of the first legion (Notit. Imper.) and the residence of the governor of the province. At an earlier period it seems to have been the resi- dence of the native kings of Noricum. In the second half of the fifth century it was destroyed by the Hernli ; but was restored as early as the seventh centmy, and still contains many beautiful remains of antiquity, especially mosaics. (Comp. Orelli, In- script. nos. 496, 497; Itin. Ant. p. 235, where it bears the erroneous name of Jovavis ; Eugipp. Vit. S. Sever. 13, 24, where it is called lopia ; Vit. S. Buperii, ap. Basnage, tom. iii. pt. 2. p. 273 ; Egin- hard, Vit. Caroli M. 33; Juvavia, oder Nachrichten vom Zustande der Gegenden und Stadt Juvavia, Salzburg, 1784, fol.) [L. S.] K. KADESH (KaS^s, LXX), orKADESH-B ARNEA, a aite on the SE. of Palcbtine, with a fountain, En- KEDEMOTH. 103 MISHPAT (Gen. xiv. 7, xvi. 14), where the Israelites encamped with the intention of entering the Pro- mised Land (Num. xxxii. 8), and the point from which the spies were sent. (Num. xiii. xiv. 40 — 45, xxi. 1 — 3 ; Beut. i. 41 — 44 ; comp. Jvdg. i. 17.) The supposition that the Kadesh-Barnea, to which the Israelites first came, is different from the Kadesh-Meribah, which formed their later encamp- ment, where the wants of the people were mira- culously supplied from the smitten rock (Num. xx. 14), reconciles some difficulties. On the hypothesis that there were two places of this name, the first Kadesh and its localities agrees very well with the spring of 'Ain Kddcs or Kiidcs, lying to the E. of the highest part of Djtbd Ilalal, towards its N. extremity, about 12 miles from Moilahhi TIadjar. (Beer-lahai-roi, Gen. xvi. 14), and something like due S. from Khnla.m (Chezil, Josh. xv. 30), which has been identified by Mr. Rowlands (Williams, Holy City, vol. i. App. pp. 466—468) -with the rock struck by Jloses. The second Kadesh, to which the Israelites came with a view of passing through the land of Edom, coincides better with the more easterly position of 'Ain-el-Weibeh which Dr. Robinson (Bib. Res. vol. ii. pp. 582, 610, 622) has assigned to it (comp. Kitto. Scripture Lands, p. 82). Ritter (Erdkuiule, vol. xiv. pp. 1077 — 1089), who refers to the latest discoveries in this district, does not determine whether one Kadesh would sufliciently answer all the conditions required. [E. B. J.] KADMONITES (KiZix^vam, LXX.), a nation of Canaan at the time that Abraham sojourned in the land (Gen. XV. 19). The name Beni-Kedem, "chil- dren of the East " (Judg. vi. 3 ; comp. Isa. xi. 14), was probably not distinctive of, but collectively ap- plied to various peoples, like the Saracens in the middle ages, and the Beduins in later times. (Ritter, Erdhmde, vol. xv. pt. i. p. 138.) [E. B. J.] KAMON (Kaixd>v, LXX.), a town in Gilead, be- longing to the tribe of Manasseh, where Jair died. (Judges, x. 5 ; comp. Joseph. Antiq. v. 7. § 6.) The Kamona (Kojucei/d) of Eusebius, which lay 6 IL P. to the N. of Legio (Onomast. s. v.), must have been another place of the same name; but the city which Polybius (v. 70) calls Camus (Ka/xovs), and which was taken, with other places in Peraea, by Antio- chus, is identical with the town in Gilead. (Reland, Palaest. 649; Winer, 5. v.\ Von Eaumer, Palest. p. 242 ; Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. p. 1 026.) [E.B. J.] KANAH (Kavd, LXX ). 1. A town in the N. district of Asher. (Josh. xix. 28.) Dr. Robinson recognises it in the large village of Kana, on the brow of the Wady-Ashur, near Tyre. 2'. A river which divided the district of Manasseh from that of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 9, 10), pro- bably the river which discharges itself into the sea between Caesareia and Apollonia (Arundinetis; comp. Schultens, VitaSalad. pp. 191, 193), now the Nahr Abu-Zuhara. [E. B. J.] KAPHARABIS (Kaci>apa§ls), a fortified place, in Idumaea, taken, with Kaphethra, by Cerealis, A. D. 69. (Joseph. B. J. iv. 9. § 9.) [E. B. J.] KEDEMOTH (Ba/ce5^we, LXX.), a city in the tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18), which gave its name to the wilderness of Kedemoth, on the borders of the river Arnon, from whence Moses sent mes- sengers of peace to Sihon king of Heshbon (Devt. ii. 26.) Its site has not been made out. (Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. pt. i. pp. 574, 1208; Winer, s. V.) [E. B. J.] h;4 104 KEDESH. KEDESH(Ka57jr,LXX.). 1. AtownofNaphtali, 20 M. P. from Tyre. (Euseb. Ononutst. s. v. Cedes.) Its Canaanitish chieftain was slain at the conquest of the land (^Josh. xii. 22); afterwards it belonged to the Levites, and was one of the cities of refuge. (Josh. XX. 7, xxi. 32 ; 1 Chron. vi. 76.) Barak was born here (Jtulyes, iv. 6): and Tiglatli-Pileser made the conquest of it (2 Kings, xv. 29). It was the scene of the victoiy of Jonathan Maccabaeus over the princes of Demetrius (1 Macc.x\. 63 — 73), and was the birthplace of Tobias (Kv5is rfjs liecpdaAdfi, Tohit,i.2). In Josephus, KvSiaa (Antiq. ix. 1 1 . § 1) or Ke'Saca (Aiitiq. xiii. 5. § 1) is spoken of as the boundary between Tyre and Galilee: during the war it appears to have been hostile to Galilee (B.J. ii. 18. § 1). The strongly fortified place in this district, called Kv^oicraoi by the same writer (£. J. iv. 2. § 3), is probably the same as Kedesh. A village on the hills opposite the marshes of Hulet- Bdnids, still called Kedes, is identified by Dr. Kobinson with the ancient city. (Bibl. Ees. vol. iii. )). 355.) Kedes was visited in 1844 by the Rev. Eli Smith, who has a full account of it in 5IS. (Biblioth. Sacra, vol. iii. p. 203.) 2. A town in the S. district of the tribe of Judah. {Josh. XV. 23.) 3. A town of Issachar, belonging to the Levites. (1 Chron. vi. 72; Eeland, Palaest. p. 668; Winer, Biblisch. RealwiJrt.s.v. ; Von i;aiimer,P«?M^ p. 129 ; \i.\i\.(tY.Erdkuiide,\-(A. xv.pp. 246—252.) [E.B. J.J KEDEON, KIDKON. [jEr.usALEM.] KEILAII (KeiAo, LXX.; Ki'AAa, Joseph. Antlq. vi. 13. § 1 ; KTj\a, Euseb.), a city in the tribe of Judah {Josh. xv. 44), 8 II. P. from Eleutheropolis. ( F^useb. Onomast. s. ».) When the city was be- fcieged by the Philistines, David relieved it, but the thankless inhabitants would have delivered him into the hands of Saul. (1 Sam. sxiii. 1 — 13.) It assisted in the building of the walls of Jerusalem {Neh. iii. 17, 18); and, according to tradition, the prophet Habakkuk was buried here. (Sozomen, H. E. vii. 29 ; Niceph. U. E. xii. 48 ; Eeland, Palaest. p. 698; Winer, Biblisch. Realwort. s. v.; Von Eau- nier, Palest, p. 207.) [E. B. J.] KENITES (KifoToi, LXX.), a semi-nomad tribe of Midianites, dwelling among the Amalekites. (Ge?J. XV. 19; Num. xsiv. 21; 1 Savi. xv. 6.) Hobab (Jethro), the father-in-law of INloses, and Heber, the husband of Jael, who slew Sisera {Judg. i. 16, iv. 11), belonged to this race. The Eechabites are mentioned, with other families, as belonging to the Keuites. (I Chron. ii. 55 ; Jer. xxxv. 2 ; Winer, s. v.; Eitter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. pp. 135 — 138; Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 337, vol. ii. p. 31.) [E.B. J.] KENIZZITES (KewCaToi, LXX.), a Canaanitish tribe. {Gen. xv. 19.) Caleb, the son of Jephunneh, is called a Kenezite {Num. xxxii. 12; Josh. xiv. 6), and Othniel, his younger brother, is also called a son of Kenaz. {Judg. i. 13, iii. 9 ; comp. Josh. xv. 17 ; 1 Chron. iv. 13.) Another branch of this race are referred to the Edomites. {Gen sxxvi. 11; Winer, S.V.; Eitter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. p. 138; Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 338.) [E. B. J.] KERIOTH {Kapidd, LXX.). 1. A town of the tribe of Judah. {Josh. xv. 25.) It was probably the birthplace of the traitor Judas, who owed his surname ('laKapituTTjs) to this place. (Comp. Winer, s. V. Judas.) Dr. Eobinson {Bibl. lies. vol. ii. p. 472) has suggested that it may be represented by El- Kurei/etein, situated at the foot of the mountain KIRJATH. ridge S. of Hebron, where there are sites of ruins visible. 2. A town of Moah. (Jer. xlviii. 24, 41 ; Amos, ii. 2.) [E. B. J.] Kliy^ATH, a word signifying in Hebrew "town," or "city;" the following are the principal places to which this tenn is attached. 1. KiRjATHAiJi (Ktfiiadaifi, LXX.), or tlie " double city," one of the most ancient towns in the country E. of the Jordan, as it was in the hands of the Emims (Gen. xiv. 5 ; comp. Ewald, Gesch. des |i Volkes Israel, vol. i. p. 308), who were expelled " from it by the Bloabites. (Ueut. ii. 9, 11.) Kirja- thaim was afterwards assigned to the children of Reuben {Num. xxxii. 37; Josh. xiii. 19); but during the exile the Moabites recovered this and other towns. (Jer. xlviii. 1, 23; Ezek. xsy. 9.) Eusebius and Jerome (Onomast. s. v. Kaptadai/x) describe it as being full of Christians, and lying 10 JI. P. W. of Medeba. Burckhardt (Trav. p.367) heard of ruins called El-Teim, half an hour W. of the site of Medeba, which he conjectures to have been this place, the last syllable of the name being retained. This does not agree with the distance in the Onomasticon, but Jerome is probably wrong in identifying the Christian town with the ancient Kirjathaim, as the former is no doubt, from the data assigned by him, the modern Kureyeiat, S. of the Wady Zurka Main, and the latter the El-Teim of Burckliardt, to the N. of the Wady. (Comp. Eitter, Erdkunde, vol. xv. pp. 1185, 1186.) There Wiw another place of this name in the tribe of Naphtali. (1 Chron. vi. 76.) 2. Kiiuatii-Arba, the ancient name of Hebron, but still in use in the time of Nehemiah (xi. 25). [Hedron.] 3. KiRjATH-B.VAL. [Kirjath-Jeakim.] 4. Kirjath-Huzoth, or " city of streets," a town of i\Ioab. (Num. xxii. 39.) 5. Kirjath-Jearlm, or " city of forests," one of the four towns of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 17), and not far distant from Beeroth (El-Birek'). (Ezra, ii. 25.) At a later period the ark was brought here from lieth-Shemesh (1 /Sam. vii. 1,2), and remained there till it was removed to Jenisalem (1 Chron. xiii. 6). The place was rebuilt and inhabited after the exile (Ezra, I.e.; Neh. vii. 29). Josephus (Ant. vi. 1. § 4) says that it was near to Beth-Shemesh, and Eusebius and Jerome (Onomast. s.v. Baal- Carathiarim') speak of it, in their day, as a village 9 or 10 ]\I. P. from Jerusalem, on the way to Dios- polis (Lydda). Dr. Robinson (Bibl. Pes. vol. ii. pp. 334 — 337) has identified it with the present Kuryet-el- Enab, on the road to Ramleh. The monks have found the Anathoth of Jeremiah (i. 1 ; comp. Hieron. in he. ; Onomast. s. v. ; Josej)h. Ant. X. 7. § 3), which is now represented by the modern 'Andta at Kuryet-el- Enab, but the eccle- siastical tradition is evidently incorrect. There was formerly here a convent of the Mnorites, with a Latin church. The latter remains entirely deserted, but not in ruins ; and is one of the largest and most solidly constructed churches in Palestine. (Ritter, Erdkunde, vol. xvi. pp. 108—110.) 6. Kirjath-Sepher, or " city of the book " (Josh. XV. 15, 1 6 ; Judg. i. 11), also called Kirjatii- Sannah, "city of palms." (Jbs/f.x v. 49.) Afterwards it took the name of Debir (Aa€ip, LXX.), a " word " or " oracle." Debir was captured by Joshua (x. 38), but being afterwards retaken by the Canaanitcs, Caleb gave his daughter Achsa to Othniel, for his KIR-MOAB. bravery in carrying it by sturm (Josh. xv. 1 G — 20). It belonged afterwards to tlie priests. (Josh. xsi. 15; 1 C/iron. vi. 58.) Debir is afterwards lost sight of; but from the indications already given, it appears to have been near Hebron, — but the site has not been made out. There was a second Debir in the tribe of Gad. (Josh. xiii. 26.) (Von Kaumer, J'alest. p. 1 82 ; Winer, s. v.) [E. B. J.] KIR-MOAB (rb Te?xos t^s McoaSirtSos, LXX.), "the stronghold of Moab." (/*'«. xvi.), called also Kiu- Hkueskth and Kin-HiciiiiS. (Isa. xvi. 7, 11; Jtr. xlviii. .31.) In the Chaldee vension and the Greek of the Apocrypha, it appears in the form of Kerakka- Jloab, and Characa (XdpaKa, 2 Mace. xii. 17). Under this latter name, more or less corrupted, it is men- tioned by I'tolemy (Xapdicuifia, v. 17. § 5; comp. XapaKfjkco€a, Steph. B.) and other writers, both eccle- siastical and profane, down to the centuries before the Crusades. (Abu-l-fe'da, Tab. Syr. p. 89; Schul- tens, Index ad Vit. Salad, s. t?.) The Crusaders found the name extant, and erected the fortress still known as Kerak, which, with that of Shubek, formed the centre of operations for the Latins E. of the Jordan. With the capture of these, after a long siege by Saladin, A. d. 1188, the dominion of the Franks over this territory terminated. (Wilken, die Kreuzz, vol. iv. pp. 244 — 247.) The whole of this district was unknown till a. d. 1806, when Seetzen (Zachs, Monatl. Con: xviii. pp.433, foil.) penetrated as far as Kerak. A fuller account of the ])lace is given by Burckhardt (Trav. pp. 379 — 387), by whom it was next visited in 1812; and another description is furnished by Irby and llungles (Ti-av. pp. 361 — 370), who followed in the .same direction in 1818. (Robinson, Bill. Res. vol. ii. pp. 566 — 571 ; Ritter, £rdkunde, vol. xv. pp. 916, 121.5.) [E.B.J.] KI6H0N. [CisON.] L. LABANAE AQUAE. [Aquae Lab.vnae.] LABEA'TES. [Labeatis Lacus.] LABEA'TLS LACUS, a large lake of Roman II- lyricimi, situated to the N. of Scodra, the chief city of tlie Lai'.eates (Liv. xliii. 21, xliv. 31, xlv. 26) or Labeatae. (Flin. iii. 26.) It is now called the lake of Scuta7'i, famous for the quantity of fish, especially of the " Cypriuus " family. The rivers, which drain the rocky district of Monte-Negro, discharge them- selves into this lake, which communicates with the sea by the river Barbana. (Wilkiason, Dahnatia, \o\. i. pp. 411,41.5,476.) [E. B. J.] LABl'CUMorLAVrCUM,sometimesalso(Liv.ii. 39, iv. 45) LAVrCI, (rh haSiKuv : Eth. AaSxavos, Labicanus and Lavicanus : La Colonna), an ancient city of Latium, situated at the foot of the north- eastern slope of the Alban hills, and distant about 15 miles from Rome. Its foundation was ascribed, according to a tradition reported by Sei-vius (ad Aen. vii. 796), to Glaucus, a son of Minos: and ^ irgil (I. c.) mentions it among the cities which sent assistance to king Latinus against Aeneas, so that he must have regarded it as more ancient than the Trojan settlement in Latium. But the cur- rent tradition, adopted by Dionysius, represented Labicum, in common with so many other Latin cities, as a colony of Alba. (Dionys. viii. 19 ; Uiodor. ap. Ettseb. Arm. p. 185.) Whatever was its origin, we know with certainty that it was one LABICUM. 105 of the cities of the Latin League, and as suck retained, do^vn to a late period, the right of par- ticipating in the sacrifices on the Alban ]\Iount. (Dionys. v. 61 ; Cic. 2>ro Plane. 9.) It first appears in history as taking part in the league of the Latins against Rome previous to the battle of Regillus (Dionys. I. c), and is afterwards mentioned among the cities which are represented as taken in suc- cession by Coriolanus, during his campaign against the Romans. (Liv. ii. 39 ; Dionys. viii. 19.) It is not improbable that this legend represents the his- torical fact that Labicum, together with Bcjla, Pedum, and other places which figure in the same narrative, actually fell about that time into the hands of the Aequians, as Satricum, Corioli, and other towns further to the S., did into those of the Volscian.s. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 259.) But during the subsequent wars of the Romans with the Aequians, Labicum always appears as a Latin city : and from its position on the frontier of La- tium adjoining the Aequians, its name repeatedly occurs in the history of those contests. Thus, in B. c. 458, its territory was ravaged by the Aequiau general Gracchus : and in 418 we find the Labicans themselves abandoning the Roman alliance, and joining the Aequians, together with whom they established a camp on Mount Algidus. Their com- bined forces were, however, defeated by tlie Roman dictator Q. Servilius Priscus, and Labicum itself was taken by storm. In order to secure their new conquest against the Aequians the Roman senate sent thither a colony of 1500 Roman citizens, which appears to have maintained itself there, though at- tacked the very next 3'ear by the Aequians. (Liv. iii. 25, iv. 45—47, 49.) In it. c. 383, its territory was again ravaged by the Praeuestines, at that tiniu on hostile terms with Rome (Liv. vi. 21) ; and after a long interval, in B.C. 211, it once more sustained the same fate from the army of Hannibal. (Liv. xxvi. 9.) From this time the name of Labicum disappears from history, but we learn that it still existed as a municipium, though in a very poor and decayed condition, in the days of Cicero. (Cic. pro Plane. 9, de Leg. Agr. ii. 35.) Strabo, however, speaks of the town as in ruins, and Pliny mentions the population "ex agro Labicano" in a manner that seems to imply that, though they still formed a "populus" or community, the city no longer existed. (Strab. V. pp. 230, 237; Plin. iii. 5. s. 9.) In like manner we find the " ager Labicanus " elsewliere mentioned, but no further notice of the town. (Suet. Caes. 83.) The inhabitants seem to have, under the Roman empire, congregated together afresh in the neighbourhood of the station on the Via La- bicana, called Ad Quintanas, and hence assun}ed the name of Lavicani Quintanenses, which we meet with in inscriptions. (OvbW.Inscr. 1 18, 3997.) The tenitory appears to have been one of great fertility, and was noted for the excellence of its grapes. (Sil. Ital. viii. 366 ; Jul. Capit. Clod. A Ibin. 1 ] .) The position of Labicum has been a subject of much dispute, having been placed by different writers at Valmontone, Zagarolo, and Lugnano^ But the precise statement of Strabo (v. p. 237) as to the course of the Via Labicana, together with the fact that he describes tlie ancient city as situated on a hill to the right of that roiid, about 120 stadia (15 Roman miles) from Rome, ought to have left no difficulty on the subject : and Holstenius long ago correctly placed the ancient city on the hill now 106 LABICUM. occupied by the village of La Colonna ; a height a little in advance of the Tusculan hills, and com- manding the adjoining portion of the plain. It is about a mile from the 15th milestone on the Eoman road, where, as we have seen, the suburb Ad Qain- tanas afterwards grew up, and is certainly the only position that accords with Strabo's description. No ruins are visible ; but the site is one well calculated for an ancient city, of small magnitude, and the discovery of the inscriptions already noticed in its immediate neighbourhood may be considered con- clusive of the point. The modem village of La Colonna dates only from the 11th century. (Holsten. Not. ad Cliw. p. 194 ; Fabrett. de Aquaeduct. p. 182 ; Nibby, Blntorni di Roma, vol. ii. pp. 157 — 164.) Ficoroni, in his elaborate work (^Memorie (Mia Prima e Seconda Citta di Lahico, 4to. Roma, 1745), has laboured to prove, but certainly without success, that Labicum was situated on the CoUe dei Quadri, near Lugnano, about 5 miles beyond La Colonna. The remains there discovered and de- .scribed by him render it probable that L/iignano was an ancient site, probably that of Bola [Bola] ; but the distance from Rome excludes the supposition that it was that of Labicum. The Via Labicana, which issued from the Porta Esquilina at Rome together with the Via Prae- iiestina, but separated from the latter immediately afterwards, held a course nearly parallel with it as far as the station Ad Quintanas ; from whence it turned round the foot of the Alban hills, and fell into the Via Latina at the station Ad Pictas, where the latter road had just descended from Mt. Algidas. (Strab. V. p. 237 ; Itin. Ant. pp. 304, 305.) It is strange that the Itineraiy gives the name of La- vicana to the continuation of the road after their junction, though the Via Latina was so much the more important of the two. The course of the ancient Via Labicana may be readily traced from the gates of Rome by the Torre Pignatara, Cento Celle, Torre Niwva, and the Osteria di Finocchio to the Osteria delta Colonna, at the foot of the hill of that name. This Osteria is 16 miles from Rome and a mile beyond the ancient station Ad Qtiintanas. From thence the road proceeded to San Cesario, and soon after, quitting the line of the modern road to Valmontone, struck off direct to join the Via La- tina : but the exact site of the station Ad Pictas has not been determined. (Westphal, Rom. Kani- 23agne, pp. 78 — 80; Cell's Topogr. of Rome, p. 279.) On the left of the Via Labicana, about thirteen miles and a half from Rome, is a small crater-formed lake, which has often been considered as the ancient Lacus Regillus : but the similar basin of the Lago di Cornufelle, near Tusculum, appears to have a better clahn to that celebrated name. [Reglllus Lacus.] The course of the Via Labicana in the immediate neighbourhood of Rome was bordered, like the other highways that issued from the city, with numerous sepulchres, many of them on a large scale, and of massive construction. Of these, the one now known as the Torre Pignatara, about three miles from the Porta Maggiore, is represented by very ancient tradition, but with no other authority, as the mau- soleum of Helena, the mother of Constantino the Great. (Nibby, vol. iii. p. 243.) We leani, also, that the family tomb of the emperor Didius Julianus was situated on the same road, at the distance of 5 miles from Rome. (Spartian. Did. Jul. 8.) LACETANL LABISCO. [Lavisco.] LABISCUM. [Lavisco.] LABO'TAS (AaScuras), a small river of the plain of Antioch. (Strab. xvi. p. 751.) It nms from the north, parallel to the Arceuthus, and, mixing with its waters and those of the Oenoparas coming from the east, in a small lake, they flow off in one stream and join the Orontes a little above Antioch. It is the western of the two rivers shown in map. Vol. I. p. 115, and Pagrae (^Bagras) is situated on its western bank near its mouth. [G. W.] LABRANDA (to Ad§povSo or haSpauvda), a village in the west of Caria, about 60 stadia from the town of Mylasa, to which the village belonged, and with which it was connected by a road called the sacred. Labranda was situated in the mountains, and was celebrated for its sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, to which processions went along the sacred road from Mylasa. Herodotus describes (v. 119) the sanctuary as an extensive grove of plane trees, within which a body of Carians, in their war against the Persians, retreated for safety. Strabo (siv. p. 659) speaks of an ancient temple with a ^uavov of Zeus Stratios, who was also surnamed " Labrandenus " or " Labrandeus." Aelian (JI. A. xii. 30), who states that the temple of Labranda was 70 stadia from Mylasa, relates that a spring of clear water, within the sanctuary, contained fishes, with golden neck- laces and rings. Chandler (^Antiq. of Ionia, pt. 1. c. 4, and Asia Minor, c. 58) was the first who stated his belief, that the ruins at lakli, south of Kizeljik, consisting of a theatre and a ruined temple of the Ionian order, of which 16 columns, with the entablattire, were then still standing, were those of ancient Labranda and of the temple of Zeus Stratios. But Choiseul Gouffier, Barbid du Bocage, and Leake {Asia Minor, p. 232), agree in thinking that these ruins belong to Euromus rather than Labranda. Their view is supported by the fact that the ruins of the temple have nothing very ancient about them, but rather show that they belong to a structure of the Roman period. The remains of Labranda must be looked for in the hills to the north-east of Mylasa. Sir C. Fellows (^Journal, p. 261), apparently not knowing what had been done by his predecessors, unhesitatingly speaks of the ruins at lakli as those of Labranda, and gives an engraving of the remains of the temple under the name of the " Temple at Labranda." [L. S.] LABRONIS PORTUS. [Libukxum.] LABUS or LABU'TAS (Aagos or AagovTas), a mountain range in the N. of Parthia, mentioneil by Polybius (x. 29). It seems to have a part of the greater range of M. Coronus, and is probably represented now by the Sohad-Koh, a part of the Elhurz mountains. [V.] LACANI'TIS (Aa/fovrTis), the name of a district in Cilicia Proper, above Tarsus, between the rivers Cydnus and Sarus, and containing the town of Irenopolis. (Ptol. v. 8. § 6.) [L. S.] LACCU'RIS. [Oretani.] LACEA. [LusiTANiA.] LACEDAEMON {AaKiUifiwv, Steph. B. s. v. ; Eustath. ad. II. ii. 582), a town in the interior of Cvprus. (Engel, Kypros, vol. i. p. 158.) [E. B. J.] "LACEDAEMON, LACEDAEMO'NIL [Laco- NIA.] LACEREIA. [DoTius Campus.] LACETA'NI (AaKeTavol), one of the small peoples of Hispania Tarraconensis, who occupied the valleys at the S. foot of the Pyrenees. {Lace- LACIIISIL tanin quae suhjecta Pyrenncis viontibus est, Liv.). Their " pathless forests " (dcvia et silvestris (/ens, Liv.) lay S. of the Cekretani, W. of the Ixdi- OETES, and N. of the Laletani. (It is hnpossible to avoid the suspicion that these names are identical, especially as we have the intennediate form Lae- AETANt, and that Lacctania is only the N. part of Laletania. Moreover, the name is confounded with the Jacetani in the ]\ISS. of Caes. B. C. i. 60.) Only one town is mentioned as belonging to them, and th.it without a name, but simply as having been taken by M. Cato. (Plut. Cat. Maj. 11 ; Liv. xxi. 23, 26, 60, et seq., xxviii. 24, 26, et seq., xxxiii. 34, ssxiv. 20 ; Dion Cass. xlv. 10 ; Martial, i. 49. 22.) [P. S.] LACHISH (Aoxi'y, LXX.; Aax«'^, Aaxeiffa, Joseph.), a city to the south of the tribe of Judali {^Josh. XV. 39), the capital of one of the petty kings or sheikhs of the Canaanites (x. 3). It was taken and destroyed by Joshua (iv. 31 — 33), and is joined with Adoraim and Azekah (2 Chron. xi. 9) as one of the cities built, or rather fortified, by Rehoboam. It was besieged by Sennacherib on his invasion of Judaea, b. c. 713. (2 Kings, xviii. 14, 17, xix. 8.) It is placed by Eusebius and St. Jerome (^Onomast. s. f.) seven miles south of Eleutheropolis, in Daroma or " the valley." {.Josh. xv. 39.) But for this it might have been identified with Um Lukis, on the left of the road between Gaza and Hebron, about five hours from the former, where is an ancient site " now covered confusedly with heaps of small round stones, among which are seen two or three fragments of marble columns." (Robinson, Bibl. Res. vol. ii. ]). 388.) The objections to the identification are not, |)erhaps, so great as is repi'esented : the title Um, equi- valent to metropolis, would seem to mark it as a place of importance; and tliere is no other vestige of a town in those parts that can be referred to Lachish. It is considerably south of west from Beit Jehrin (Eleutheropolis), which is near enough to satisfy the ilescription of Eusebius, who is not remarkable for jirecise accuracy in his bearings, nor, indeed, in his distances, except in the parts with which he was lamiliar, and on the more frecjuented thoroughfares. No argument can be drawn from its juxtaposition with Adoraim and Azekah, in 2 Chron. xi. 9, as it might be near enough to group with them in a list of names which, it is evident, does not pretend to geographical precision. [G. W.] LACIACA or LACIACUM (in the Peut. Table it is called Laciacis), a town in the north-west of Noricum {It. Ant. pp. 235, 258). The name seems to be connected with " lacus," and thus to point to the lake district in upper Austria; hence some have identified the place with Seeicalchen, or St. Georgen on the Attersee. But Muchar {Noricum, p. 267) is probably right in identifying it with Franken- viarkt. [L. S.] LA'CIBI (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3 ; AaKi€is, Ptol. ii. 4. § 11), a tributary town of Hispania Baetica, which I'liny assigns to the conventus of Gades, while Pto- lemy places it among the cities of the Turduli, in in the neighbourhood of Hispalis. [P. S.] LACIBU'RGIUM {AaKi§ovpyiov), aGerman town on the south coast of the Baltic, between the rivers Chalusus, and Suevus or Suebus. It is mentioned only by Ptolemy (ii. 11. § 27). and it is certain that its site must be looked for to the west of Wmtiemiinde, but the precise spot cannot be ascertained, whence some have identified it with Wismar, others with Ratzehurg, and others again v/iihLauenburg. [L.S.] LACIPPO. 107 LACIDAE. [Attica, p. 326, a.] LACI'NIA. [Iapydia.] LACl'NIUM (rb AaKlvLOv aKpov : Ca^yo delle Colonne), a promontory on the E. coast of the Bruttian peninsula, about 6 miles S. of Crotona. It formed the southern limit of the gulf of Ta- rentum, as the lapygian promontory did the northern one : the distance between the two is stated by Strabo, on the authority of Polybius, at 700 stadia, while Pliny apparently (for the passage in its present state is obviously corrupt) reckons it at 75 Roman miles, or 600 stadia ; both of which estimates are a fair approximation to the truth, the real interval being 65 gcog. miles, or 650 stadia. (Strab. vi. p. 261 ; Plin. iii. 11. s. 15; MeL ii. 4. § 8.) The Lacinian promontory is a bold and rocky headland, forming the termination of one of the olfshoots or branches of the great range of the Apennines (Lucan. ii. 434 ; Plin. iii. 5. s. 6) : it was crowned in ancient times by the celebrated temple of the Lacinian .Juno, the ruins of which, surviving through the middle ages, have given to the promontory its modern appellation of Capo delle Colonne. It is also known by that of CajM Nau, a name evidently derived from the Greek NoJs, a temple ; and which seems to date from an early period, as the promontory is already designated in the Maritime Itinerary (p. 490) by the name of Naus. That Itinerary reckons it 100 stadia from thence to Crotona : Strabo gives the same distance as 150 stadia ; but both are greatly overrated. Livy correctly says that the temple (which stood at the extreme point of the promontory) was only about 6 miles from the city. (Liv. xxiv. 3.) For the history and description of this famous temple, see Ckotona. Pliny tells us (iii. 10. s. 15) th.at opposite to the Lacinian promontoiy, at a distance of 10 miles from the land, was an island called Dioscoron (the island of the Dioscuri), and another called the island of Calypso, supposed to be the Ogygia of Homer. Scylax also mentions the island of Calypso immediately after the Lacinian promontory (§ 13, p. 5). But there is at the present day no island at all that will answer to either of those mentioned by Pliny : there is, in fact, no islet, however small, oif the Lacinian cape, and hence modern writers have been reduced to seek for the abode of Calypso in a small and barren rock, close to the shore, near Capo Rizzuto, about 12 miles S. of Lacinium. Swinburne, who visited it, remarks how little it corresponded with the idea of the Homeric Ogygia : but it is difficult to believe that so trifling a rock (which is not even marked on Zannoni's elaborate map) could have been that meant by Scylax and Pliny.* The statement of the latter concerning the island which he calls Dioscoron is still more precise, and still more difficult to account for. On the other hand, he adds the names of three others, Tiris, Eranusa, and Meloessa, which he introduces somewhat vaguely, as if he were himself not clear of their position. Their names were probably taken from some poet now lost to us. [E. H. B.] LACIPEA. [Ll-sitania.] LACIPPO (AaKiVTrw, Ptol. ii. 4. § 11 ; Lacipo, coin ap. Sestini, Med. Jsp. p. 57 ; Mionnet, Suppl. * The different positions that have been assigned to the island of Calypso, and the degree of pro- bability of their claims, will be discussed under the article Ogygia. ■J 03 LACMON vol. i. p. 34), a tributary town of the TurJuli in Hispania Baetica, near the shore of the ]McJiter- ranean, where its ruins are still seen at Akcippe, near Casares. Ptolemy places it too far inland. (Mela, ii. 6. § 7 ; Plin. iii. 1. s. 3 ; Carter, Travels, p. 128 ; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 348.) [P. S.] LACMON (AaKfxwv, Hecat. Fr. 70 ; Herod, ix. 92 ; Steph. B. s. v.) or LACMUS (Aa/c^os, Strab. vi. p. 271, vii. p. 316), the highest summit of Mount Pindus, the Zijgos or ridge of Metzovo. This is geographically the most remarkable moun- tain in Greece ; situated in the heart of Pindus as to its breadth, and centrally also in the longitudinal chain which pervades the continent from N. to S. : it gives rise to five principal rivers, in fact to all the great streams of Northern Greece except the Spercheius ; north-eastward to the Haliacmon, south-eastward to the Peneius, southward to the Achelous, south-westward to the Arachthus, and north-westward to the Aous. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. i. pp. 294, 411 — 415, vol. iv. pp.240, 261,276.) [E. B. J.] LACOBPJ'GA. [1. LusiTANiA ; 2. Vaccaei.] LACO'NIA, LACO'NICA, or LACEDAEMON, the south-easterly district of Peloponnesus. I. Naisie. Its most ancient name was Lacedaemon (Aa(C€- haifjLwv), which is the only form found in Homer, who aoplies this name as well to the country, as to its capital. {II. ii. .581, iii. 239, 244, &c.') The usual name in the Greek writers was Laconica (7; AaKceviKri, sc. yv), though the form Lacedaemon still continued to be used. (Herod, vi. 58.) The Romans called the country Laconica (Plin. xxv. 8. s. 53 ; Laconice, Mela, ii. 3) or Lacoxia (Plin. vi. 34. s. 39, xvii. 18. s. 30), the latter of which is the form usually employed by modem writers. Mela (/. c.) also uses Laconis, which is borrowed from the Greek {rj AaKcovls yala, Hom. Hymn, in Apoll. 410.) The P^thnic names are AdiccDV, -oivos, Ao/ceSai/Uowoy, Lat. Laco or Lacon, -nis, Lacedaemonius ; fem. AaKcuva, AaKcevis, La- conis. These names are applied to the whole free population of Laconia, both to the Spartan citizens and to the Perioeci, spoken of below (for authori- ties, see CHnton,i^. Zf. vol. ii. pp. 405, 406). They are usually derived from a mythical hero, Lacon or Lacedaemon ; but some modern writers think that the root Lac is connected with Aclkos, AaKKos. lacus, lacuna, and was given originally to the central district from its being deeply sunk between moun- tains. (Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. ii. p. 309.) IL General Description of the Country. The natural features of Laconia are strongly marked, and exercised a powerful influence upon the history of the people. It is a long valley, surroimded on three sides by mountains, and open only on the fourth to the sea. On the north it is bounded by the southern barrier of the Ar-cadian mountains, from which run in a parallel direction towards the south, the two lofty mountain ranges of Taygetus and Parnon, — the former dividing Laconia and Jlessenia, and terminating in the promontoiy of Taenarum, now C. Matapan, the southernmost ex- tremity of Greece and of Europe, the latter stretch- ing along the eastern coast, and terminating in the promontory of Malea. The river Eurotas flows through the entire length of the valley lying between these mountain masses, and falls into the sea, which LACONIA. was called the Laconian gulf. Laconia is well de- scribed by Euripides as a country " hollow, sur- rounded by mountains, rugged, and difficult of acces.s to an enemy " (ap. Strab. viii. p. 366) ; and the difficulty of invading it made even Epaminondas hesitate to enter it with his army. (Xen. Hell. v. 5. § 10.) On the northern side there are only two natural passes by which the plain of Sparta can he invaded. (See below.) On the western side the lofty masses of Taygetus form an almost insurmountable barrier ; and the pass across them, which leads into the plain of Sparta, is so difficult as scarcely to be practicable for an army. On the eastern side the rocky character of the coast protects it from invasion by sea. III. Mountains, Rivers, and Plains. IMouNT Tatgetus (Tavyeroi', to TvvyeTov opos, the common forms; Tavyeros, Lucian, /caro7«. 19 ; rd Tatiyira, Polyaen. vii. 49 ; Taygeta, Virg. Georg. ii. 487 : the first half of this word is said by Hesychius to signify great). This mountain is the loftiest in Peloponnesus, and extends in an almost unbroken line for the space of 70 miles from Leondari in Arcadia to C. Matapan. Its vast height, unbroken length, and majestic form, have been celebrated by both ancient and modem writers. Homer gives it the epithet of i:ipifj.i]KiTov {Od. vi. 103), and a modern traveller remarks that, " whether from its real height, from the grandeur of its outline, or the abruptness of its rise from the plain, it created in his mind a stronger impression of stupendous bulk and loftiness than any mountain he had seen in Greece, or perhaps in any other part of Europe." (Mure, Tour in GVeece, vol. ii. p. 221.) Taygetus rises to its greatest height immediately above Sparta. Its principal summit was called Taletum (TaXerov') in antiquity : it was sacred to the Sun, and horses and other victims were here sacrificed to this god. (Pans. iii. 20. § 4.) It is now called S. FJias, to whose chapel on the summit an annual pilgrimage is made in the middle of the summer. Its height has been ascertained by the French Commission to be 2409 metres, or 7902 English feet. Another summit near Taletum was called Evoras (Euopos, Belvedere, Pans. I. c), which Leake identifies with Jit. Paximadhi, the highest summit next to St.EUas, from which it is distant 5^^ geographical miles. The ancient names of none of the other heights are mentioned. By the Byzantine writers Taygetus was called Pentedactylttm (jh XliVTiSa.KTvXov'), or the " Five Fingers," on account of its various sum- mits above the Spartan plain. (Constant. Porphyr. de Adm. Imp. c. 50.) In the 13th century it bore the name of Melinfjus (6 ^vyhs tov Me- Myyov, see Leake, PelojMfittesiaca, p. 138). At the base of Taygetus, immediately above the Spar- tan plain, there is a lower ridge running parallel to the higher summits. This lower ridge consists of huge projecting masses of precipitous rocks, some of which are more than 2000 feet high, though they appear insignificant when compared with the lofty barrier of Taygetus behind them. After at- taining its greatest elevation, Mt. Taj'getus sinks gradually down towards the south, and sends forth a long and lofty counterfork towards the Eurotas, now called Lyhoh'mi {AvkoSuwi, Wolfs-mountain), which bounds the Spartan plain on the south. It there contracts again, and runs down, as the back- bone of a small peninsula, to the southernmost ex- LACONIA. tremity of Greece. Tliis mountainous district between the Laconian and Messenian pulfs is now called 31(1111, and is inhabited by the JIaniates, who always maintained their independence, while the rest of Greece was subject to the Turks : the southern part of the peninsula, as well as the promontory, bore the name of Taenarum in antiquity. [Taenarum.] Although there is no trace of any volcanic action in l\It. Taygetus, many of its chasms and the rent forms of its rocks have been produced by the nume- rous and violent earthquakes to which the district has been subjected. Hence Laconia is called by Homer ''full of hollows" QcrjTutffcra, II. ii. 581, Ckl. iv. 1), and Strabo describes it as a country easily shaken by earthquakes (Strab. viii. p. 367). In the fearful earthquake, which laid Sparta in ruins in B. c. 464, and killed more tlian 20,000 Iff^?«. 207 ; Ch?LV0X\, Fragm. 115, 119 ; Xenoph. Anah. vii. 8. § 1 ; Polyb. v. 77; Piin. iv. 18, V. 40 ; Ptol. v. 2. § 2 ; Staph. B. s. v.) The name of LamsaH is still attached to a small town, near which Lampsacus prubably stood, as Lamsaki itself contains no remains of antiquity. There are gold and silver staters of Lampsacus in ditferent collections ; the imperial coins have been traced from Augustus to Gallienus. (Sestini, Mon. Vet. p. 73.) [L. S.] LANGOBARDL 119 COIN OF LAMPS.\CUS. LAMPSUS, a town of Histiaeotis in Thessaly, on the borders of Athamama. (Liv. xxsii. 14.) LAMPTRA. [Attica, p. 331, a.] LAMUS (Actiuos), a village of Cilicia, at the mouth of the river Lanius, from which the whole district derived the name of Lamotis. The river is mentioned by Stephanus B. (from Alexander Polyhistor), and both the river and the village by Strabo (xiv. p. 671) and Ptolemy (v. 8. §§4, 6). The river, which is otherwise of no importance, formed the boundary between Cihcia Aspera and Cilicia Propria, and still bears the name of 2-a?«as or Lamiizo. About the village of Lamus no particulars are known. (Comp. l^onnus, Dionys. ssiv. 50 ; Hierocl. p. 709.) [L S.] LA5IYR0N (^A.aix.vpiiv'), a great harbour near Cape Heraclium, on the coast of Pontus, not far from Themiscyra. (Anonym. Peripl. Pont. Eux. p. 10.) [L. S.] LANCE {Itin. Ant. p. 395), or LA'NCIA (Aa7- Kia, Dion Cass. liii. 25,29; Flor. iv. 12; Ores, vi. 21), or LANCIATUM {AayKiaTov, Ptol. ii. 6. § 29), the chief city of the Lanceati {^hayinajoi, Ptol. I. c.) or Lancienses (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4), a tribe of the Astures, in Hispania Tarraconensis. It was strongly fortified, and was the most important city of that region, even more so than Legio VII. Ge- MiN.v, at least before the settlement of the latter by the Romans, by whom Lancia was destroyed, though it was again restored. It lay on the high road from Cac.saraugusta to Legio VII. {Leon), only 9 M. P. from the latter, where its name is still to be traced in that of Sollanco or SoUancia. (Florez, Esp. S. vol. xvi. p. 16; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 441.) [P. S.] LA'NCIA, LANCIA'TI, LANCIA'TUM. [Lakce.] LA'NCIA OPPIDA'NA. [Vettojjes.] LANCIENSES. [Lance.] LAXCIENSES OCELENSES or TRANSCU- DANI. [Ocelum.] LANGOBARDI, LOXGOBARDI (Aayyo§dpSoi, Aoyyu§dp3oi, also AayyoSdpSai and AoyyoSdpSai), a tribe of Germans whom we first meet with in the plain, south of the lower Elbe, and who belonged to the Suevi (Strab. vii. p. 290, where Kramer reads AayKoSapdoi ; Ptol. ii. 11. §§ 9, 17). According to Paulus Diaconus, himself a Langobard, or Lombard (Jlist. Longob. i. 3, 8; comp. Isidor. Orig. ix. 2; Etijm. M. s. V. yeveiov), the tribe derived its name from the long beards, by which they distinguished themselves from the other Germans, who generally shaved their beards. But it seems to be more pro- bable that they derived the name from the country they inhabited on the banks of the Elbe, where Borde (or Bord) still signifies " a fertile plain by the side of a river;'' and a district near Magdeburg is still called the lange Borde (Wilhelm, Germanien, p. 286). According to this, Langobardi would sig- nify " inhabitants of the long bord of the river." The district in which we first meet with them, is the left bank of the Elbe, from the point where the Sala empties itself into it, to the frontiers of the Chauci Minores, so that they were bounded in the north by the Elbe, in the east by the Semnones, in the south by the Cherusci, and in the west by the Fosi and Angrivarii. Traces of the name of the Langobardi still occur in that country in such names as Bardengau, Bardewik. The earliest writer who mentions the Langobardi as inhabiting those parts, is Velleius Paterculus (ii. 106). But notwithstanding the unanimous testimony of the ancients that they were a branch of the Suevi, their own historian (Paul. Diac. I c. ; comp. Euseb. Chron. ad an. 380) states that the Langobardi originally did not inhabit any part of Germany, but had migrated south from Scandinavia, where they had borne the name of Vinili, and that they assumed the name Langobardi after their arrival in Germany. It is impossible to say what value is to be attributed to this statement, which has found as many advocates as it has had opponents. F)-om Strabo {I. c.) it is clear that they occupied the northern bank of the Elbe, and it is possible that they were among those Germans whom Tiberius, in the reign of Augustus drove across the Elbe (Suet. Aug. 21). In their new country they were soon reduced to submission by Maroboduus, but I 4 120 LANGOBAEDI. afterwards tliey shook off the yoke, and, in conjunc- tion witli the Semnones, joined the confederacy of the Cheruscans against the Marcomanni. (Tac. Ann. ii. 45.) When, in consequence of the murder of Armi- nius, the power of the Cheruscans was decaying more and more, the Langobardi not only supported and restored Italus, the king of the Cheruscans who had been expelled, but seem to have extended their own territory in the south, so as to occupy the country between Ilalle, Magdeburg, and Leipzig. (Tac.^«?i. xi. 17.) They were not a numerous tribe, but their want of numbers was made up for by their natural bravery (Tac. Germ. 40), and Yellelus describes them as a " gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior." Shortly after these events the Langobardi disappear from history, until they are mentioned again by Ptolemy (I. c), who places them in the extensive territory between the Ehine and Weser, and even beyond the latter river almost as far as the Elbe. They thus occupied the country which had formerly been inhabited by the tribes forming the Cherascan confederacy. Tliis great extension of their territory shows that their power must have been increasing ever since then- liberation from the yoke of Maro- boduus. After this time we again hear nothing of the Longobardi for a considerable period. They are indeed mentioned, in an excerpt from the history of Petrus Patricius {Exc. de Legat. p. 124), as allies of the Obii on the frontiers of Pannonia ; but other- wise history is silent about thi^m, until, in the second half of the 5th century, they appear on the north of the Danube in Upper Hungary as tributary to the Heruli (Procop. de Bell Goth. ii. 15, who describes them as Christians). Whether these Langobardi, however, were the same people whom we last met with between the Rhine and the Elbe, or whether they were only a band of emigrants who had in the course of time become so numerous as to form a distinct tribe, is a question which cannot be answered with certainty, although the latter seems to be the more probable supposition. Their natural love of freedom could not be.ar to submit to the rule of the Heruli, and after having defeated the king of the latter in a great battle, they subdued the neighbouring Quadi, likewise a Suevian tribe, and henceforth they were for a long time the terror of their neighbours and tlie Roman province of Pannonia. (Paul. Diac. i. '22.) For, being the most powerful nation in those parts, they extended their dominion down the Danube, and occupied the extensive plains in tlie north of Dacia on the river Theiss, where they first came in conflict with the Gepidae, and entered Pannonia. (Paul. Diac. i. 20.) The emperor Justinian, wanting their support against the Gepidae, gave them lands and supplied them with money (Procop. Bell. Goth. iii. 33), and under th.eir king Audoin they gained a great victory over the Gepidae. (Paul. Diac. i. 25; Procop. Beil. Goth. iii. 34, iv. 18, 25.) Alboin, Audoin's successor, after having, in conjunction with the Avari, completely overthrown the empire of the Gepidae, led the Langobardi, in a. d. 568, into Italy, where tliey permanently established themselves, and founded the kingdom from which down to this day the north-east of Italy bears the name of Lombardg. (^Exc. de Legat. pp. 303, 304; Marius Episc. Chron. Rone. ii. 412.) The occasion of their invading Italy is related as follows. When Alboin had concluded his alliance with the Avari, and had ceded to them his own dominions, Narses, to take revenge upon Justin, invited them to quit their poor country and take possession of the fertile plains of Italy. Alboin LANUVIUM. accordingly crossed the Alps, and as the north of Italy was badly defended, he succeeded in a short time in establishing his kingdom, which continued to flourish until it was overpowered and destroyed by Charlemagne. (Paul. Diac. ii. 5; Eginhard, Vit. Carol. M. 6.) Tiie history of this singular people whose name still survives, has been written in Latin by Panlus Diaconus (Warnefried), in the reign of Charlemagne, and by another Lombard of the 9th century, whose name is unknown. (Com[i. Wilhelm, Germanien, p. 281, foil.; Zeuss, die Deutschen und die Nachbarstamyne, p. 109, foil.; F. DuflFt, Qimes- tioties de Antiquissima Longobardomm IIi.9toria, Berlin, 1830, 8vo. ; Koch-Sternf'eld, das Reich der Longobarden in Italien, MuniL-h, 1839; Latham, Tac. Germ. p. 139, and Epileg. p. Ixxxiv.) [L.S.] LANGOBRI'GA. [Lusitania.J LANU'VIUM (^havovCov, Strab. ; Aavoviiov, Ptol. : Eth. Aavovios, LanuYinns: Civiia Lavinia), an ancient and important city of Latium, situated on a lofty hill forming a projecting spur or promontory of the Alban Hills towards the S. It was distant about 20 miles from Rome, on the right of the Appian Way, rather more than a mile from the road. The name is often written in inscriptions, even of a good time, Lanivium ; hence the confusion which has arisen in all our J\ISS. of ancient authors between it and Lai'inium: the two names are so frequently interchanged as to leave constant doubt which of the two is really meant, and in the middle ages they appear to have been actually regarded as the same place; whence the name of " Civitas Lavinia" by which Lanuvium is still known, and which can be traced as far back as the fourteenth century. The foundation of Lanuvium was ascribed by a tra- dition recorded by Appian (5. C. ii. 20) to Diomed; a legend probably arising from some fancied con- nection with the worship of Juno at Argos. A tra- dition that has a more historical aspect, though perhaps little more historical worth, represented it as one of the colonies of Alba. (Diod. vii. ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 185.) The statement of Cato {ap. Priscian. iv. 4. § 21) that it was one of the cities which co-operated in the consecration of the cele- brated temple of Diana at Aricia, is the first fact concerning it that can be looked upon as liistorical, and shows that Lanuvium was already a city of consideration and power. Its name appears also in the list given by Dionysius of the cities that formed the league against Rome in b. c. 496, and there is no doubt that it was in fact one of the thirty cities of the Latin League. (Dionys. v. 61 ; Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 17.) But from this time we hear little of it, except that it was the fiiithful ally of Rome during her long wars with the Volscians and Aequians (Liv. vi. 21): the position of Lanuvium would indeed cause it to be one of the cities most immediately interested in opposing the progress of the Volscians, and render it as it were the natural rival of Antium. We have no explanation of the causes which, in B.C. 383, led the Lanuvians sud- denly to change their policy, and take up arms, to- gether with some other Latin cities, in favour of the Volscians (Liv. vi. 21). They must have shared in the defeat of their allies near Satricum; but ap- parently were admitted to submission on favourable terms, and we hear no more of them till the great Latin War in b. c. 340, in which they took an active and important part. At first, indeed, they seem to have hesitated and delayed to take the field ; but in the two last campaigns their forces are LANUVimi. particularly mentioned, both among those that fought at Pedum in b. c. 339, and tlie next 3'ear at Ast«ra (Liv. viii. 12, 13).* In the general settlement of affairs at the close of the war La- nuvium obtained the Roman civitas, but apparently in the first instance without the right of suffrage; for Festus, in a well-known passage, enumerates the Lanuvini among the communities who at one time enjoyed all the other privileges of Roman citi- zens except the sufl'rage and the Jus I\Iagis- tratuum (Liv. viii. 14 ; Festus, v. MunicipiuTn), a statement which can only refer to this period. y^'e. know from Cicero that they subsequently ob- tained the full franchise and right of suffrage, but the time when they were admitted to these privileges is unknown. (Q,\c. pro Balb. 13.) From this time Lanuvium lapsed into the con- dition of an ordinary municipal town, and is men- tioned chiefly in relation to its celebrated temple of Juno Sospita. It did not, however, fall into decay, like so many of the early Latin cities, and is men- tioned by Cicero among the more populous and flourishing municipia of Latium, in the same class with Aricia and Tusculum, which he contrasts with such poor and decayed places as Labicum and Col- latia (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 35). Its chief magi- strate retained the ancient Latin title of Dictator, which was borne by T. Annius Milo, the celebrated adversary of Clodius, in the days of Cicero. (Cic. 7»-o Mil. 10; Orel]. Inscr. 3786.) Previous to this period Lanuvium had suffered .severely in the civil wars of Marius and Sulla, having been taken by the former at the same time with Antium and Aricia, just before the capture of Ri.me itself, 15. c. 87. (Appian, B. C. i. 69 ; Liv. Epit. 80.) Nor did it escape in the later civil wars : the treasures of its temple were seized by Octavian, and a part at least of its territory was divided among a colony of veterans by the dictator Caesar. (Appian, B. C. v. 24; Lib. Colon, p. 235.) It subsequently received another colony, and a part of its territoiy was at one time allotted to the vestal virgins at Rome. {Ibid.) Lanuvium, however, never bore the title of a colony, but continued only to rank as a municipium, though it seems to have been a flourishing place throughout the period of the Roman Empire. It was the birthplace of the emperor Antoninus Pius, who in consequence frequently made it his residence, as did also his successors, M. Aurelius and Commodus : the last of these three is mentioned as having frequently dis- ])layed his skill as a gladiator in the amphitheatre at Lanuvium, the construction of which may pro- balily be referred to this epoch. Inscriptions attest its continued prosperity under the reigns of Alex- ander Severus and Philippus. (Suet. Aiig. 72 ; Tac. Ann. iii. 48; Capit. Ant. Piiis, 1; Lamprid. Commod. 1, 8; Vict, de Cues. 15; Orell. Inscr. 884, 3740, &c.) Lanuvium was the place from which several illus- trious Roman families derived their origin. Among these were the Annia, to which Iililo, the adversary LAXLTIUM. 121 * In the Fasti Capitolini (ad ann. cdxv.; Gruter, p. 297) the consul C. Maenius is represented as celebrating a triumph over the Lavinians, together with the Antiates and Veliterai, where it appears certain from Livy's narrative that the Lanuvians are the people really meant : a remarkable instance at how early a period the confusion between the two names had arisen. of Clodius, belonged by adoption, as well as the Papia, from which he was originally descended; the Roscia, and the Thoria (Cic. pro Mil. 10; Ascon. ad Milan, pp. 32, 53; Cic. de Divin. i. 36, ii. 31, de Fin. ii. 20), to which may probably be added, on the authority of coins, the Procilia and Mettia. (Eckhel, vol. v. pp. 253, 267, 289, 293.) We learn from Cicero that not only did the Roscia Gen.s derive its origin from Lanuvium, but the celebrated actor Roscius was himself born in the territory of that city. (Cic. de Div. i. 36.) But the chief celebrity of Lanuvium was derived from its temple of Juno Sospita, which enjoyed a peculiar sanctity, so that after the Latin War in B. c. 338 it was stipulated that the Romans should enjoy free participation with the Lanuvians them- selves in her worship and sacred rites (Liv. viii. 14) : and although at a later period a temjile was erected at Rome itself to the goddess under Uie same de- nomination, the consuls still continued to repair annually to Lanuvium for the purpose of offering solemn sacrifices. (Liv. xxxii. 30, xxxiv. 53 ; Cic. pi'o Muren. 41.) The peculiar garb and attributes of the Lanuvian Juno are described by Cicero (de Nat. Dear. i. 29), and attested by the evidence of numerous Roman coins: she was always represented with a goat's skin, dravni over her head like a helmet, with a spear in her hand, and a small shield on the left ann, and wore peculiar shoes with the points turned up (calceoli repandi). On coins we find her also constantly associated with a serpent; and we learn from Propertius and Aelian that there was a kind of oracle in the sacred grove attached to her temple, where a serpent was fed with fruits and cakes by virgins, whose chastity was considered to be thus put to the test. (Propert. iv. 8 ; Aelian, II. A. xi. 16, where the true reading is undoubtedly Aavovicf!, and not Aaovtvlqi ; Eckhel, vol. v. p. 294.) The frequent notices in l.ivj and elsewhere of prodigies occurring in the temple and sacred grove of Juno at Lanuvium, as well as the allusions to her worship at that place scattered through the Roman poets, sufficiently show how important a part the latter had assumed in the Roman religion. (Liv. xxiv. 10, xxix. 14, xxxi. 12, xl. 19 ; Cic. de Divin. i. 44, ii. 27 ; Ovid. Fast. vi. 60 ; Sil. Ital. xiii. 364.) AVe learn from Appian that a large treasure had gradually accumulated in her temple, as was the case with most celebrated sanctuaries; and Pliny mentions that it was adorned with very ancient, but excellent, paintings of Helen and Ata- lanta, which the emperor Caligula in vain attempted to remove. (Plin. xxxv. 3. s. 6.) It appears from a passage in Cicero (de Fin. ii. 20) that Juno was far from being the only deity especially worshipped at Lanuvium, but that the city was noted as abound- ing in ancient temples and religious rites, and was probably one of the chief seats of the old Latin re- ligion. A temple of Jupiter adjoining the forum is the only one of which we find any special men- tion. (Liv. xxxii. 9.) Though there is no doubt that Civita Lavinia occupies the original site of Lanuvium, the position of which is well described by Strabo and Silius Italicus (Strab. v. p. 239 ; Sil. Ital. viii. 360), and we know from inscriptions that the ancient city con- tinued in a flourishing condition down to a late period of the Roman empire, it is curious that scarcely any ruins now remain. A few shapeless masses of masonry, princip.'.lly substructions artl foundations, of which those that crown the summit 122 LAODICEIA. of the hill may possibly have belonged to the temple of Juno Sospita; and a small portion of a theatre, brought to light by excavations in 1832, are all that are now visible. The inscriptions discovered on the spot belong principally to the time of the Antonines, and excavations in the last century brought to light many statues of the same period. (Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. ii. pp. 173 — 187 ; Abeken, Mittel Italien, p. 215.) Lanuvium, as ah'eady observed, was situated at a short distance from the Appian Way, on the right of that road : the station " Sub Lanuvio," marked in the Tabula Peutingeriana between Aricia and Tres Tabernae, was evidently situated on the high road, probably at the eighteenth milestfine from Rome, from which point a branch road led directly to the ancient city. (Westphal, Rom. Kamj). p- 28 ; jSIibby, l.c.) The remains of two other ancient roads may be traced, leading from the W. and S. of the city in the direction of Antium and Aatura. The existence of this line of communication in ancient times is incidentally referred to by Cicero («cZ Ait.xu. 41, 43, 46). The tract of country extending S. of Lanuvium in the direction of Antium and the Pon- tine marshes, was even in the time of Strabo very unhealthy (Strab. v. p. 231), and is now almost wholly depopulated. [E. H. B.] LAODICEIA CO.MBUSTA (AaoS'iKna KaraKe- Ka.viJ.ivy) or KiKaif-Uvrj), one of the five cities built by Seleucus I., and named after his mother Seleuca. Its surname (Lat. Combusta) is derived by Strabo (xii. pp. .576, 579, xiii. pp. 626, 628, 637) from the volcanic nature of the surrounding country, but Hamilton {Reseaixhes, ii. p. 194) asserts that there is " not a particle of volcanic or igneous rock in the neighbourhood;" and it may be added that if such were the case, the town would rather have been called A. ttjs KaraKeKav/xhris. The most probable solution undoubtedly is, that the town was at one time destroyed by fire, and that on being rebuilt it received the distinguishing surname. It was si- tuated on the north-west of Iconium, on the high road leading from the west coast to I\Ielitene on the Euphrates. Some describe it as situated in Lycaonia (Steph. B. 5. V. ; Strab. xiv. p. 663), and others as a town of Pisidia (Socrat. Hist. Eccl. vi. 18 ; Hierocl. p. 672), and Ptolemy (v. 4. § 10) places it in Galatia ; but this discrepancy is easily explained by recollecting that the territories just mentioned were often extended or reduced in extent, sothat at one time the town belonged to Lycaonia, while at another it formed part of Pisidia. Its foundation is not men- tioned by any ancient writer. Both Leake {Asia Minor, p. 44) and Hamil- ton identify Laodiceia with the modern Ladik ; and the former of these geographers states that at Ladik he saw more numerous fragments of ancient architecture and sculpture than at any other place on his route through that country. Inscribed marbles, altars, columns, capitals, friezes, cornices, were dispersed throughout the streets, and among the houses and burying grounds. From this it would appear that Laodiceia must once have been a very considerable town. There are a few imperial coins of Laodiceia, behiuging to the reigns of Titus and Domitian. (Sestini, Mon. Ant. p. 95 ; comp. Droysen, Gesch. des IMlen. i. p. 663, foil.) [L. S.] LAODICEIA AU LYCUM (Aao5i'«ia -wphs rS .\vKCf> : Eski Hissar), a city in the south-west of LAODICEIA. Phrygia*, about a mile from the rapid river Lycus, is situated on the long spur of a hill between the narrow valleys of the small rivers Asopus and Caprus, which discharge their waters into the Lycus. The town was originally called Diospolis, and afterwards Rhoas (Plin. v. 29), and Laodiceia, the building of which is ascribed to Antiochus Theos, in honour of his wife Laodice, was probably foianded on the site of the older town. It was not far west from Colossae, and only six miles to the west of Hierapolis. {It. Ant. p. 337; Tab. Pent. ; Strab. xiii. p. 629.) -4.t first Laodiceia was not a place of much importance, but it soon acquired a high degree of prosperity. It suffered greatly during the ]\Iithridatic War (Appian, Bell. Mithr. 20 ; Strab. xii. p. 578), but quickly recovered under the dominion of Rome ; and towards the end of the Republic and under the first emperors, Laodiceia became one of the most important and flourishing commercial cities of Asia Minor, in which large money transactions and an extensive trade in wood were carried on. (Cic. ad Fain. ii. 17, iii. 5 ; Strab. xii. p. 577 ; comp. Vitruv. viii. 3.) The place often suifered from earthquakes, especially from the great shock in the reign of Tiberius, in which it was completely destroyed. But the inha- bitants restored it from their own means. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 27.) The wealth of its inhabitants creared among them a taste for the arts of the Greeks, as is manifest from its ruins ; and that it did not remain behind-hand in science and literature is attested by the names of the sceptics Antiochus and Theiodas, the successors of Aenesidemus (Diog. Laert. ix. 11. § 106, 12. § 116), and by the existence of a great medical school. (Strab. xii. p. 580.) During the Roman period Laodiceia was the chief city of a Roman conventus. (Cic, ad Fam. iii. 7, ix. 25, xiii. 54, 67, xv. 4, ad Att. v. 15, 16, 20. 21, vi. 1, 2, 3, 7, in Verr. i. 30.) Many of its inhabitants were^Jews, and it was probably owing to this cir- cumstance, that at a very early period it became one of the chief seats of Christianity, and the see of a bishop. (St, Paul, Ep. ad Coloss. ii. 1, iv. 15, foil. ; Apocal. iii. 14, foil. ; .loseph. Ant. Jud. xiv. 10, 20 ; Hierocl. p. 665.) The Byzantine writers often mention it, especially in the time of the Com- neni ; and it was fortified by the emperor Manuel. (Nicet. Chon. Ann. pp. 9, 81.) During the invasion of the Turks and Jlongols the city was much ex- posed to ravages, and fell into decay, but the exist- ing reruains still attest its farmer greatness. The ruins near Denisli are fully described in Pococke's, Chandler's, Cockerell's, Arundel's and Leake's works. " Nothing," says Hamilton {Researches, vol. i. p. 515), "can exceed the desolation and melancholy appearance of the site of Laodiceia ; no picturesque features in the nature of the ground on which it stands relieve the dull uniformity of its undulating and barren hills; and with few exceptions, its grey and widely scattered ruins possess no architectural merit to attract the .attention of the traveller. Yet it is impossible to view them without interest, when we consider what Laodiceia once was, and how it is connected with the early history of Christianity. Its stadium, gymnasium, and theatres (one of which is in a state of great preservation, with its * Ptolemy (v. 2. § 18) and Philostratus ( Vit. Soph. 1. 25) call it a town of Caria, while Stephanus B. {s. v.) describes it as belonging to Lydia ; which ari.-es from the uncertain frontiers of these countries. LAODICEIA. seats still perfectly horizontal, though merely laid upon the gravel), are well deserving of notice. Other buildings, also, on the top of the hill, are full of interest ; and on the east the line of the ancient wall may be distinctly traced, with the remains of a gateway ; there is also a street within and without the town, flanked by the ruins of a colonnade and numerous pedestals, leading to a confused heap of folleu ruins on the brow of the hill, about 200 yards outside the walls. North of the town, towards the Lycus, are many sarcophagi, with their covers lying near them, partly imbedded in the ground, and all having been long since rifled. " Amongst other interesting objects are tlie remains of an aqueduct, commencing near the summit of a low hill to the south, whence it is carried on arches of small square stones to the edge of the hill. The water must have been much charged with calcareous matter, as several of the arches are covered with a thick incrustation. From this hill the aqueduct crossed a valley before it reached the town, but, instead of being carried over it on lofty arches, as was the usual practice of the Romans, the water was conveyed down the hill in stone barrel-pipes ; some of these also are much incrusted, and some completely choked up. It traversed the yJain in pipes of the same kind ; and I was enabled to trace tliem the whole way, quite up to its former level in the town The aqueduct appears to have been overthrown by an earthquake, as the remaining arches lean bodily on one side, without being much broken " The stadium, which is in a good state of pre- servation, is near the southern extremity of the city. The seats, almost perfect, are arranged along two sides of a narrow valley, which appears to have been taken advantage of for this purpose, and to have been closed up at both ends. Towards the west are considerable remains of a subterranean passage, by which chariots and horses were admitted into the arena, with a long inscription over the entrance. .... The whole area of the ancient city is covered with ruined buildings, and I could distinguish the sites of several temples, with the bases of the columns still in situ The ruins bear the stamp of Roman extravagance and luxury, rather than of the stern and massive solidity of the Greeks. Strabo attributes the celebrity of the place to the fertility of the soil and the wealth of some of its inhabitants : amongst whom Hiero, having adorned the city with many beautiful buildings, bequeathed to it more than 2000 talents at his death." (Comp. Fellows, Journal written in Asia Minor, p. 280, foil. ; Leake, Asia Minor, p. 251, foil.) [L. S.] LAODICEIA AD LIBANUM {AaoUKua rj trphs Ai§dvQj), mentioned by Strabo (xvi. p. 755) as the commencement of the JIarsyas Campus, which extended along the west side of the Orontes, near its source. [JIarsyas Cajipus.] It is called Cabiosa Laodiceia by Ptolemy (Ka^ioio-a AaoSiKeia, v. 15), and gives its name to a district (AaodiK-nvr]), in which he places two other towns, Paradisus (ITapa- Seiaos) and Jabruda ("[dgpovSa). Pliny (v. 23), among other people of Syria, reckons " ad orientem I-aodicenos, qui ad Libanum cognominantur." [G.W.] LAODICEIA AD MARE', a city of Syria, south of Heracleia [Vol. I. p. 1050], described by Strabo (xvi. pp. 751, 752) as admirably built, with an ex- cellent harbour, surrounded by a rich country spe- cially fruitful in vines, the wine of which furnished its chief supply to Alexandria. The vineyards were LAPATIIUS. 123 planted on the sides of gently-sloping hills, which were cultivated almost to their summits, and ex- tended far to the east, nearly to Apameia. Strabo mentions that Dolabella, when he Qed to this city before Cassius, distressed it greatly, and that, being besieged there until his death, he destroyed many parts of the city with him, a. d. 43. [Diet. ofBioy. Vol. I. p. 1059.] It was Ijuilt by Seleucus Nicator, and named after his mother. It was furnished with an aqueduct by Herod the Great (Joseph. B.J.\.1\. § 11), a large fragment of which is still to be seen. (Shaw, Travels, p. 262.) The modern city is named Ladiklyeh, and still exhibits faint traces of its former importance, not- withstanding the freqwnt earthquakes with which it has been visited. Irby and Mangles noticed that " the Marina is built upon foundations of ancient columns," and " there are in the town, an old gate- way and other antiquities," as also sarcophagi and sepulchral caves in the neighbourhood. {Travels, p. 223.) This gateway has been more fully de- scribed by Shaw (Z. c.) ami Pococke, as " a remark- able triumphal arch, at the SE. corner of the town, almost entire: it is built with four entrances, like the Forum Jani at Rome. It is conjectured that this arch was built in honour of Lucius Verus, or of Sep- timius Severus." (^Description of the East, vol. ii. p. 197.) Shaw noticed several fragments of Greek and Latin inscriptions, dispersed all over the ruins, but entirely defaced. Pococke states that it was a very inconsiderable place till within fifty years of his visit, when it opened a tobacco trade with Damietta, and it has now an enormous traffic in that article, for which it is far more celebrated than ever it was for its wine. The port is half an hour distant from the town, very small, but better sheltered than any on the coast. Shaw noticed, a furlong to the west of the town, " the ruins of a beautiful cothon, in figure like an amphitheatre, and capacious enough to receive the whole British navy. The mouth of it opens to the westward, and is about 40 feet wide." [G. W.] COIN OF LAODICEIA AD MARE. LAODICEIA (AaoSiKeta). 1. A town in Media, founded by Seleucus Nicator, along with the two other Hellenic cities of Apameia and Heracleia. (Strab. xi. p. 524 ; Steph. B. s. v.) Pliny (vi. 29) describes it as being in the extreme limits of Media, and founded by Antiochus. The site has not yet been identified. (Ritter, Erdhinde, vol. viii. p. 599.) 2. A town which Pliny (vi. 30) places along with Seleuceia and Artemita in Mesopotamia. [E. B. J.] LAPATHUS, a fortress near Mount Olympus. [ASCURIS.] LAPATHUS, LAPETHUS {AditaOos, Strab. xiv. p. 682; Adirrjeo^, Ptol. v. 14. § 4; Plin. v. 31 ; Ar\-K-t)Qis, Scyl. p. 41 ; Adiridus, Hierocl.: Eth. Aa- irrjOivs, AairT]6ios : Lapil/io,Lapta'),a,io\\n of Cyprus, the foundation of which was assigned to the Phoeni- cians (Steph. B. s. v.), and which, according to Nonnus 124 LAPATHUS. (^Dionys. siii. 447), owed its name to the legendaiy Lapathus, a follower of Dionysus. Strabo {I. c.) says that it received a Spartan colony, headed by Praxander. He adds, that it was situated opposite to the town of Nagidus, in Cilicia, and possessed a harbour and docks. It was situated in the N. of the island, on a river of the same name, with a district called Lapethia (AaTrrjAia, Ptol. v. 14. § 5). In the war between Ptolemy and Antigonus, Lapathus, with its king Praxippus, sided with the latter. (Diod. xix. 59.) The name of this place was synonymous with stupidity. (Suid. s. v. Aanddtoi.) Pococke (Trav. in the East, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 223) saw at Lapltlw several walls that were cut out of the rock, and one entire room, over the sea: there were also remains of some towers and walls. (Mariti, Viaggi, vol. i. p. 125 ; Engel, Kgjjros, vol. i. pp. 37, 78, 174, 224, 364, 507.) [E. B. J.J LAPATHUS, a fortress in the north of Thessaly, near Tempe, which Leake identifies with the an- cient castle near Kdpsani. (Liv. xliv. 2, 6; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. pp. 397, 418.) LAPHY'STIUM. [Boeotia, p. 412, b.] LAPIDEI CAMPI or LAPIDEUS CAMPUS (TreSior' Ai0c55es, \idi.vov TTiSiov), in Gallia Narbo- nensis. Strabo (p. 182) says: "Between Massalia and the mouths of the Rhone there is a plain, about 100 stadia from the sea, and as much in diameter, being of a circular form ; and it is called the Stony, from its character ; for it is full of stones, of the size of a man's fist, which have grass growing among them, which furnishes abundant food for animals : and iu the middle there is standing water, and salt springs, and salt. Now all the country that lies above is windy, but on this plain especially the Melamborian (La Bise) comes down in squalls, — a violent and chilling wind : accordingly, they say that some of the stones are moved and rolled about, and that men are thrown down from vehicles, and stripped both of arms and clothing by the blast." This is the plain called La Crau, near the cast side of the east branch of the delta of the Klione, and near the E'tang de Berre. It is described by Arthur Young (Traveb, cfc. vol. i. p. 379, 2nd ed.), who visited and saw part of the plain. He supposed that there might be about 136,780 English acres. "It is composed entirely of shingle — being so uniform a mass of round stones, some to the size of a man's head, but of all sizes less, that the newly thrown up shingle of a sea- shore is hardly less free from soil. Beneath these surfiice -stones is not so much a sand as a kind of cemented rubble, a small mixture of loam with frag- ments of stone. Vegetation is rare and miserable." The only use that the uncultivated part is turned to, he s.ays, is to feed, in winter, an immense number of sheep, which in summer feed in the Alps towards Barcelonette and Piedmont. When he saw the place, in August, it was very bare. The number of sheep said to be fed there is evidently an exaggeration. Some large tracts of the Crau had been broken up wlien he was there, and planted with vines, olives, and mulberries, and converted into corn and meadow. Corn had not succeeded ; but the meadows, covered richly with " clover, chicory, rib-grass, and arena elatior," presented an extraordinary contrast to the soil in its natural state. The name Crau is probably a Celtic word. In the Statistique du Depart, des Bouches du Rhone (torn. ii. p. 190, quoted in Ukert's Gallien, 425) it is supposed that Craou, as it is there written, is a Ligurian word ; which may be true, or it may not. What is added is more valuable LAPPA. information : " There is in Provence a number of places which have this name; and one may even say that there is not a village which has not in its terri- tory a Craou." Aristotle (Strabo, p. 182) supposed that earth- quakes, of the kind named Brastae tlirew up these stones to the earth's sui-fiice, and that they rolled down together to the hollow places in these parts. Posidonius, who, having travelled in Gallia, had probably seen the Crau, supposed that the place was once a lake. Here the text in Strabo is obscure, and perhaps corrupt; but he seems to mean that the action of water rounded the stones, for he adds, after certain words not easy to explain, that (owing to this motion of the water?) " it was divided into many stones, like the pebbles in rivers and the shingle on the sea-shore." Strabo (whose text is here again somewhat corrupted) considers both explanations so far true, that stones of this kind could not have been so made of themselves, but must have come from great rocks being repeatedly broken. Another hypo- thesis, not worth mentioning, is recorded iu the notes of Eustathius (ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 76). It is a proof of the early communication between the Phocaean colony of Massalia and other parts of Greece, that Aeschylus, whose geography is neither extensive nor exact, was acquainted with the existence of this stony plain ; for in the Prometheus Unbound (quoted by Strabo) he makes Prometheus tell Hercules that when he comes into the country of the Ligyes, Zeus will send him a shower of round stones, to de- feat the Ligurian army with. This stony plain was a good ground for mythological figments. (The fol- lowing passages of ancient authors refer to this plain : Mela, ii. 5; Plin. iii. 4, xxi. 10; Gellius, ii. 22, and Seneca, Nat. Quaest. v. 17, who speak of the violent wind in this part of Gallia; and Dionys. Halicarn. i. 41, who quotes part of the passage from the Prometheus Unbound.) This plain of stones probably owes its origin to the floods of the Rhone and the Durance, at some remote epoch when the lower part of the delta of the Rhone was covered by the sea. [G. L.] LA'PITHAE (AawiOai), a mythical race in Thes- saly. See Diet, of Biogr. and Myth. Vol. II. p. 721. LAPITHAEUM. [Laconia,?. 113,a.] LAPITHAS. [Eus, p. 817, b.] LAPPA, LAMPA (hdnva, Ptol. iii. 17. § 10 ; Aa,u7ra, Aa/xirai, Hierocl. ; Adfiirr], Steph. B. : Eth. Acnnra7os, Aafj.Traios), an inland town of Crete, with a district extending from sea to sea (Scylax, p. 18), and possessing the port Phoenix. (Strab. x. p. 475.) Although the two forms of this city's name occur in ancient authors, yet on coins and in inscriptions the word La))pa is alone found. Stephanus of Byzantium shows plainly that the two names denote the same place, when he says that Xenion, in his Cretica, wrote the word Lappa, and not Lampa. The same author (s. V. Ao/UTrTj) says that it was founded by Agamem- non, and was called after one Lampos, a Tarrhaean ; the interpretation of which seems to be that it was a colony of Tarrha. When Lyctus had been destroyed by the Cnossians, its citizens found refuge with the people of Lappa (Polyb. iv. 53). After the submission of Cydonia, Cnobsus, Lyctus, and Eleutherna, to the arms of Me- tellus, the Romans advanced against Lappa, which was taken by storm, and appears to have been almost entirely destroyed. (Dion C;iss. xxxvi. 1.) Augus- tus, in consideration of the aid rendered to him by the Lappaeans in his struggle with M. Antonius LAPURDUM. bestowed on them their freedom, and also restored their city. (Dion Cass. li. 2.) When Christianity was established. Lappa became an episcopal see ; the name of its bishop is recorded as present at the Synod of Ephesus, A. D. 431, and the Council of Chalcedon, a. d. 451, as well as on many other sub- sequent occasions. (Cornelius, Creia Sacra, vol. i. pp. 251, 252.) Lappa was 32 JI. P. from Eleutherna and 9 M P. from Cisamus, the piort of Aptera {Peut. Tab.); dis- tances which atjree very well with Polls, the modem representative of this famous city, where Jlr. Pashley (Travels, vol. i. p. 83) found considerable remains of a massive brick editice, with buttresses 15 feet wide and of 9 feet projection ; a circular building, 60 feet diameter, with niches round it 1 1 feet wide ; a cistern, 76 ft. by 20 ft. ; a Roman brick building, and several tombs cut in the rock. (Comp. 3fn3. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 293.) One of the inscriptions relating to this city mentions a certain JIarcus Aurelius Clesippus, in whose honour the Lappaeans erected a statue. (Gruter, p. 1091; C\\\s\m\\, Antiq. Asiat. ^. 122; Mabillon, M us. Hal. p. 33; Boekh, Corp. Inscr. Gr. vol. ii. p. 428.) The head of its benefactor Augustus is exhibited on the coins of Lappa : one has the epigraph, ©Efi KAI2API SEBASTil; others of Domitian and Conmiodus are found. (Hardouin, Num. Antiq. pp. 93, 94 ; Mionnet, vol. ii. p. 286 ; Snpplcm. vol. iv. p. 326 ; Rasche, vol. ii. pi. ii. p. 1493.) On the .autonomous coins of Lappa, from which Spanheim supposed the city to have possessed the right of asylum, like the Grecian cities enumerated in Tacitus, see Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 315. The maritime symbols on the coins of Lappa are accounted for by the ex- tension of its territory to both shores, and the posses- sion of the port of Phoenix. [E. B. J.] LAPURDUM, in Gallia. This place is only men- tioned in the Notilia of the Empire, which fixes it in Novempopulana; but there is neither any historical notice nor any Itinerary measurement to determine its position. D'Anville, who assumes it to be re- presented by Bayonne, on the mex Adour, says that the name of Bayonne succeeded to that of Lapurdum, and the country contained between the Adour and the Bidasoa has rc'tained the naine of Lahourd. It is said that the bishopric of Bayonne is not men- tioned before the tenth century. The name Bayonne is Basque, and means " port." It seems probable that Lapurdum may have been on the site of Bayonne ; but it is not certain. [G. L.] LAR FLUVIUS. [Canis Flumen.] LARANDA (ra AapavSa : Eth. AapavSet;?, f. Aapav^is ; Larenda or Karaman), one of the most important towns of Lycaonia, 400 stadia to the south-east of Iconium. Strabo (xii. p. 569) states that the town belonged to Antipater of Derbe, which shows that for a time it was governed by native princes. Respecting its history in antiquity scarcely anything is known beyond the fact that it was taken by storm, and destroyed by Perdiccas (Diod. sviii. 22) ; that it was afterwards rebuilt, and on ac- count of the fertility of its neighbourhood became one of the chief seats of the Isaurian pirates. (Amm. Marc. xiv. 2 ; comp. Steph. B. s. v. ; Ptol. v. 6. § 17; Hierocl. p. 675 ; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 19.) .Suidas (s. v.) says that Laranda was the birthplace of Nestor, an epic poet, and father of Pisander, a poet of still greater celebrity; but when he calls the former Aapav^tvs iic Avidas, he probably mistook Lycia for Lycaonia. Leake (As. Min. p. 100) LARINUM. 125 states that he found no Greek remains at Laranda nor are there any coins belonging to the place. The ancient name, Larenda, is still in common use among the Christians, and is even retained in the firmans of the Porte ; but its more general name, Karaman, is derived from a Turkish chief of the same name ; for it was at one time the capital of a Turkish kingdom, which lasted from the time of the partition of the dominion of the Seljukian monarchs of Iconium until 1486, when it was conquered by the emperor Bayazid II. At present the town is but a poor place, with some manufactures of coarse cotton and woollen stuffs. Respecting a town in Cappadocia, called by some Laranda, see the article Lkandis. [L. S.] LARES (Sail. Jug. 90, where Laris is the ace. pi. : Adpjjs, Ptol. iv". 3. § 28 : the abl. form La- EiBus is given, not only, as is so usual, in the Itin. Ant. p. 26, and the Tab. Peut., but also by Au- gustine, adv. Donat. vi. 20 ; and that this ablative was used for the nominative, as is common in the Romance languages, is shown by the Greek form AaptSos, Procop. B. V. ii. 23, whence came at once the modern name, Larhuss or Lorbi/s). An important city of Numidia, mentioned in the Jugurthine War as the place chosen by Marias for his stores and military chest. (Sail. Jurj. I. c.) Under the Romans it became a colony, and belonged to the province of Africa and the district of Byzacena. Ptolemy places it much too far west. It lay to the E. of the Bagradas, on the road from Carthage to Thevesle, 63 M. P. from the latter. In the later period of the Empire it had decayed. (Pellissier, Exploration Scientifque de I'Ahjtrie, vol. vi. p. 375.) [P. S.] LARGA, in Gallia, is placed by the Anton. Itin. between the two known positions of Epamanduodurum (Mandeure) and Mons Brisiacus (Vieux BvisacJi). The distance from Epamanduodurum to Larga is 24 JI. P. in the Itin., and in the Table 16 Gallic leagues, which is the same thing. Larga is Laryitzen, on or near the Largues, in the French department of TIaut Rhin and in the neighbourhood oi Allkirch. [El'.VMANDUODUKUM.] [G. L.] LA'RICA (Aapi/fr}, Ptol. vii. 1. §§ 4, 62), a rich commercial district on the extreme of India, described by Ptolemy as being between Syrastrene and Ariaca, and having for its chief town Barygaza (Beroach), the emporium of all the surrounding country. It must, therefore, have comprehended considerable part of Giizerat, and some of the main land of India, between the gulf of Barygaza and the Namadus or Nerhudda. Ptolemy considered Larice to have been part of Indo-Scythia (vii. 1. § 62), the Scythian tribes having in his day reached the sea coast in that part of India. [V.] LAPJ'NUM (AapifO!/,Ptol.; Acipi/'o, Steph. B.: Eth. AapivaloT, Steph. B.; but Aapiyarts, Pol; Lari- nas, -atis : Larino Vecchio), a considerable city in the northern part of Apulia, situated about 14 miles from the sea, a little to the S. of the river Tifernus. There is much discrepancy among ancient authori- ties, as to whether Larinum with its territory, ex- tending from the river Frento to the Tifernus, belonged properly to Apulia or to the land of the Frentani. Ptolemy distinctly assigns it to the latter people; and Pliny also, in one passage, speaks of the " Larinates cognomine Frentani :" but at the same time he distinctly places Larinum in Apulia, and not in the " regio Frentana," which, according to him, begins only from the Tifernus. Jlela takes the same view, while Strabo, strangely enough, omits all 12G LARINUM. mention of Larluum. (Ptol. iii. 1. § 63; Plin. iii. | 11. s. 16; Mel. ii. 4. § 6.) Caesar, on the other hand, di.stinguislies the territory of Larinum botli from that of the Frentani and from Apulia (" per fines Marrucinorum, Frentanorum, Larinatium, in Apnliam pervenit," B. C. i. 23). Livy uses almost exactly the same expressions (xxvii. 43); and this appears to be the real solution, or rather the ori(jbi of the difficulty, that the Larinates long formed an independent community, possessing a territory of considerable extent, which was afterwards regarded by the geographers as connected with that of their northern or southern neighbours, according to their own judgment. It was included by Augustus in the Second Region of Italy, of which he made the Tifernus the boundary, and thus came to be natu- rally considered as an appurtenance of Apulia: but the boundary would seem to have been subsequently changed, for the Liber Coloniarum includes Larinum among the " Civitates Regionis Samnii," to which the Frentani also were attaclied. {Lib. Colon, p. 260.) Of the early history of Larinum we have scarcely any information. Its name is not even once men- tioned during the long continued wars of the Romans and Samnites, in which the neighbouring Luceria figures so conspicuously. Hence we may probably infer that it was at this period on friendly terms ■with Rome, and was one of those Italian states that passed gradually and almost imperceptibly from the condition of allies into that of dependents, and ultimately subjects of Rome. During the Second Punic War, on the other hand, the territory of Larinum became repeatedly the scene of operations of the Roman and Carthaginian armies. Tims in B.C. 217 it was at Gerunium, in the immediate neighbourhood of Larinum, that Hannibal took up liis winter-quarters, wliile Fabius established his camp at Calela to watch him; and it was here that the engagement took place in which the rashness of Jlinucius had so nearly involved the Roman army in defeat. (Pol. iii. 101; Liv. ssii. 18, 24, &c.) Again, in b. c. 207, it was on the borders of the same territory that Hannibal's army was attacked on its march by the praetor Hostilius, and suftered severe loss (Liv. xxvii. 40) ; and shortly after it is again mentioned as being traversed by the consul Claudius on l;is memorable march to the IMe- taurus. {Ibid. 43 ; Sil. Ital. xv. 565.) In the Social War it appears that the Larinates must have joined with the Frentani in taking up arms against Rome, as their territory was ravaged in b. c. 89 by the praetor C. Cosconius, after his victory over Tre- batius near Canusium. (Appian, B. C. i. 52.) During the civil wars of Caesar and Pompey, the territory of Larinum was traversed by the former general on his advance to Brundusium (Caes. B. C. i. 23). Pompey seems to have at one time made it liis head-quarters in Apulia, but abandoned it on learning the disaster of Domitius at Corfinium. (Cic. ad Ait. vii. 12, 13. b.) From the repeated mention during these military operations of the territory of Larinnm, while none occurs of the city itself, it would appear that the latter could not have been situated on the high road, which probably passed through the plain below it. But it is evident from the oration of Cicero in de- fence of A. Cluentius, who was a native of Larinum, that it was in his day a flourishing and considerable municipal town, with its local magistrates, senate, public archives, forum, and all the other appurte- nances of municipal government. (Cic. pro Cluent. LAKISSA. 5, 8, 13, 15, &c.) We learn from the Lib?r Co- loniarum that it received a colony under Caesar {Lege Julia, Lib. Colon, p. 260): but it appears from inscriptions that it continued to retain its mu- nicipal rank under the Roman Empire. (Orell. Inscr. 142 ; Jlommsen, Inscr. Regn. Neap. pp. 272, 273.) The existing remains sufficiently prove that it must have been a large and populous town: but no mention of it is found in history after the close of the Roman Republic. Its name is found in the Itineraries in the fourth century {Itin. Ant. p. 314, where it is corruptly written Arenio; Tab. Pent.') ; and there is no reason to suppose that it ever ceased to exist, as we find it already noticed as an episcopal see in the seventh century. In A. D. 842 it was ravaged by the Saracens, and it was in consequence of this calamity that the in- habitants appear to have abandoned the ancient site, and founded the modern city of Larino, a little less than a mile to the W. of the ancient one. The ruins of the latter, now called Larino Vecckio, oc- cupy a considerable space on the sunmiit of a hill called 3Ionterone, about three miles S. of the Bi- ferno (Tifernus) : there remain some portions of the ancient walls, as well as of one of the gates; the ruins of an amphitheatre of considerable extent, and those of a building, commonly called II Palazzo, which appears to have stood in the centre of the town, adjoining the ancient forum, and may probably have been the Curia or senate -house. (Tria, Me- morie di Larino, i. 1 0.) The territory of Larinum seems to have originally extended from the river Tifernus to the Frento {Fortore), and to have included the wliole tract between tliose rivers to the sea. The town of Cli- ternia, which was situated within these limits, is expressly called by Pliny a dependency of Larinum ("Larinatum Chternia," Plin. iii. 11. s. 16); and Teanum, which is placed by him to the N. of tlie Frento, was certainly situated on its right bank. Hence it is probable that the municipal territory of Larinum under the Roman government still com- prised the whole tract between the two rivers. The Tabula places Larinum eighteen miles from Teanum in Apulia, and this distance is confirmed by an ex- press statement of Cicero. {Tab. Pent; Cic.^wo Cluent. 9.) There exist numerous coins of Larinum, with the inscription ladinod in Roman letters. From this last circumstance they cannot be referred to a very early period, and are certainly not older than the Roman conquest. (Eckhel, vol. i. p, 107; Momm- sen, liom. Milnzwesen, p. 335.) [E. H. B.] COIN OF LAniXUM. LARISSA {Adpiaa-a, but on coins and inscr Aa- piaa or Aopeicra: £tk. Aapiaaaios, Aapiaaios), a name common to many Pelasgic towns, and probably a Pelasgic word signifying city. (Comp. Strab. xiii. p. 620; Dionys. i. 21 ; Kiebuhr, Ili^t. of Rome, vol. i. note 60.) Hence in mythology Larissa is repre- sented as the daughter of Pekvsgus (Paus. ii. 24. LARISSA. § 1 ), or of riasiis, a Pelasgiuii prince. (Strab. xlv. 1..G21.) 1. An important town of Thessaly, the capital of the district Pelasgiotis, was situated in a fertile plain npon a gently rising ground, on the right or south bank of the Peneius. It had a strongly forti- fied citadel. (Diod. xv. 61.) Laris3a is not men- tioned by Hoiner. Some commentators, however, suppose it to be the same as the Pelasgic Argos of llunier (//. ii. 681), but the latter was the name of a di.strict rather than of a town. Others, with more probability, identify it with the Argissa of the poet. {11. ii. 738.) [See Vol. I. p. 209.] Its foundation was ascribed to Acrisius. (Steph. B. s. f.) The plain of Larissa was formerly inhabited by the Perrhaebi, who were partly expelled by the Larissaeans, and jiartly reduced to subjection. They continued sub- ject to Larissa, till Philip made himself master of Thessaly. (Strab. is. p. 440.) The constitution of Larissa was democratical (Aristot. Pol. v. 6), and this was probably one reason why the Larissaeans were allies of the Athenians during tlie Pclopon- ncfian War. (Thuc. ii. 22.) During the Poman wars in Greece, Larissa is frequently mentioned as a place of importance. It was here that Philip, the son of Demetrius, kept all his royal papers during liis campaign against Flaminiims in Greece; but after the battle of Cynoscephalae, in B. c. 197, he was obliged to abandon Larissa to the Romans, having previously destroyed these documents. (Polyb. xviii. 1 6.) It was still in the hands of the Eomans when Anliochus crossed over into Greece, B.C. 191, and this king made an ineffectual attempt upon the town. (Liv. xxxvi. 10.) In the time of Strabo Larissa continued to be a flourishing town (ix. p. 430). It is mentioned by Hierocles in the sixth century as the first town in Thessaly (p. 642, ed. Wessel.). It is still a considerable place, the residence of an arch- bishop and a pasha, and containing 30,000 inhabit- ants. It continues to bear its ancient name, though the Turks call it Yeniskehcr, which is its official appellation. Its circumference is less than three miles. Like other towns in Greece, which have been continually inhabited, it presents few remains of Hel- lenic times. They are chiefly found in the Turkish cemeteries, consisting of plain quadrangular stones, fragments of columns, mostly fluted, and a great number of ancient cippi and sepulchral stelae, which now serve for Turkish tombstones. (Leake, North- ern Ch-eece, vol. 1. p. 439, seq.) LAPJSSA. 127 COIN OF LARISSA. 2. Lakissa Ckejiaste (?; Kpe^acrTTj Aaptcra-a), a town of Thessaly of less importance than the pre- ceding one, was situated in the district of Phthiotis, at the distance of 20 stadia from the Maliac gulf, npon a height advancing in front of Jlount Othrys. (Strab. ix. p. 435.) It occupied the side of the hill, and was hence surnamed Cremaste, as hanging on the bide of Mt. Othrys, to distinguish it from the more celebrated Larissa, situated in a plain. Strabo also describes it as well watered and producing vines (ix. p. 440). The same writer adds that it was sur- named Pelasgia as well as Cremaste (/. c). From its being situated in the dominions of Achilles, sonse writers suppose that the Eoman poets give this hero the surname of Larissaeus, but this epithet is per- haps used generally for Thessalian. Larissa Cre- maste was occupied by Demetrius Poliorcetes in b. c. 302, when he was at war with Cassander. (Diod. xx. 110.) It was taken by Apustius in the first war between the Romans and Philip, b c. 200 (Liv. xxxi. 4C), and again fell into the hands of the Eo- mans in the war with Perseus, B. c. 171. (Liv. xlii. 56, 57.) The ruins of the ancient city are situated upon a steep hill, in the valley of Gardhiki, at a di- rect distance of five or six miles from Khamalco. The walls are very conspicuous on the western side of the hill, where several courses of masoni^ remain. Gell says that there are the fragments of a Doric temple upon the acropolis, but of these Leake makes no mention. (Gell, Itinerarij of Greece, p. 252; Dodwell, Travels, vol. ii. p. 81; Leake, Northern Greece, voh iv. p. 347.) 3. The citadel of Argos- [Vol. I. p. 202.] LAKISSA (Aapiccro). 1. A to^^Tl in the territory of Ephesus, on the north bank of the Caystrus, which there flows through a most fertile district, producing an excellent kind of wine. It was situated at a distance of 180 stadia from Ephesus, and 30 from Tralles. (Strab. ix. p. 440, xiii. p. 620.) In Strabo's time it had sunk to the rank of a villace, but it was said once to have been a xtiAij, with a temple of Apollo. Cramer {As. Min. i. p. 558) conjectures that its site may correspond to the modem Tirieh. 2. A place on the coast of Troas, about 70 stadia south of Alexandria Troas, and north of Hamaxitus. It was supposed that this Larissa was the one men- tioned by Hoiner (//. ii. 841), but Strabo (xiii. p. 620) controverts this opinion, because it is not far enough from Troy. (Comp. Steph. B. s. r.) The town is mentioned as still existing by Thu cydides (viii. 101) and Xenophon {Hellen. iii 1. § 13 ; comp. Scylax, p. 36 ; Strab. ix. p. 440, xiii. p. 604). Athenaeus (ii. p. 43) mentions some hot Ejirings near Larissa in Troas, which are still known to exist a little above the site of Alexandria Troas. ( Voyage Pittoresque, vol. ii. p. 438.) 3. Larissa, surnamed Phriconis, a Pelasgiar town in Aeolis, but subsequently taken possession of by the Aeolians, who constituted it one of the towns of their confederacy. It was situated near the coast, about 70 stadia to the south-east of Cyme (J) vepi rrjv Kvfj.7iv, Str.ab. xiii. p. 621 ; Herod, i. 149). Strabo, apparently for good reasons, considers this to be the Larissa mentioned in the Iliad (ii. 840). Xenophon {ITellen. iii. 1. § 7, comp. Cyrop. vii. 1. § 45) distinguishes this town from others of the same name by the epithet of " the Egyptian," because the elder Cyrus had esta- blished there a colony of Egyptian soldiers. From the same historian we must infer that Larissa was a place of considerable strength, as it was besieged in vain by Thimbrom ; but in Strabo's time the place was' deserted. (Comp. Plin. v. 32 ; Veil. Pat. i. 4 ; Vit. Horn. c. 1 1 ; Steph. B. s. v. ; Ptol. v. 2. § 5.) [L. S] LAPISSA (Adpiffaa, Xen. Anab. iii. 4. § 7), a town of Assyria, at no great distance from the left bank of the Tigris, observed by Xenophon on the 128 LARISSA. retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks. It appenrs to have been situated a little to the north of the junction of the Lycus {Zdb) and the Tigris. Xenophon describes it as a deserted city, formerly built by the Medes, with a wall 25 feet broad, and 100 liigh, and extending in circumference two parasaugs. The wall itself was constructed of bricks, but had a foundation of stone, 20 feet in height (probably a casing in stone over the lower portion of the bricks). He adds, that when the Persians conquered the Medes, they were not at first able to take this city, but at last captured it, during a dense fog. Adjoin- ing the town was a pyramid of stone, one plethron broad, and two jilethra in height. It has been con- jectured that this was the site of the city of Eesen, mentioned in Genesis (x. 12) ; and there can be little doubt, that these ruins represent those of Niinrud, now so well known by the excavations ■which Mr. Layard has conducted. [V^-] LARISSA (Aapicrcra), a city of Syria, placed by Ptolemy in the district of Cassiotis, in which An- tioch was situated (v. 15. § 16), but probably iden- tical with the place of the same name which, according to Strabo, was reckoned to Apamia (xvi. p. 572), and which is placed in the Itinerary of Antoninus 1 6 M. P. from Apamia, on the road to Emesa. D'Anville identifies it with the mo- dern Kalaat Shyzar, on the left bank of the Orontes, between Ilamah and Kalaat el-Medyk or Apamia. [G. \V.] LARISSUS or LAEISUS, a river of Achaia. [Vohl. p. 14, a.] LA'RIUS LACUS (rj Adpios Ai/ivrj: Lafjo di Como), one of the largest of the great lakes of Northern Italy, situated at the foot of the Alps, and formed by the river Addua. (Strab. iv. p. 192 ; Plin. iii. 19. s. 23.) It is of a peculiar form, long and narrow, but divided in its southern portion into two great arms or branches, forming a kind of fork. The S\V. of these, at the extremity of which is situated the city of Como, has no natural outlet ; the Addua, which cairies off the superfluous waters of the lake, flowing from its SE. extremity, where stands the modern town of Lecco. Virgil, where he is speaking of the great lakes of Northern Italy, gives to the Larius the epithet of "maximus" (^Georff. ii. 159); and Servius, in his note on the passage, tells us that, according to Cato, it was 60 miles long. This estimate, though greatly overrated, seems to have acquired a sort of tra- ditionary authority: it is repeated by Cassiodorus (Va/: Ep. si. 14), and even in the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 278), and is at the present day still a prevalent notion among the boatmen on the lake. The real distance from Como to the head of the lake does not exceed 27 Italian, or 34 Roman miles, to which five or six more may be added for the distance by water to Riva, the Logo di Riva being often regarded as only a portion of the larger lake. Strabo, therefore, is not far from the truth in estimating the Larius as 300 stadia (37^ Roman miles) in length, and 30 in breadth. (Strab. iv. p. 209.) But it is only in a few places that it at- tains this width; and, owing to its inferior breadth, it is really much smaller than the Benacus {Logo di Garda) or Verbanus (^Lago Maggiore). Its waters are of great depth, and surrounded on all sides by high mountains, rising in many places very abruptly from the shore : notwithstanding which their lower slopes were clothed in ancient times, as they still are at the present day, with rich groves LARIX. of olives, and afforded space for numerous villas. Among these the most celebrated are those of the younger Pliny, who was himself a native of Comum, and whose paternal estate was situated on the banks of the lake, of which last he always speaks with affection as " Larius noster." (^Ep. ii. 8, vi. 24, vii. 11.) But, besides this, he had two villas of a more ornamental character, of which he gives some account in his letters {Ep. ix. 7): the one situated on a lofty promontory projecting out into the waters of the lake, over which it commanded a very exten- sive prospect, the other close to the water's edge. The description of the former would suit well with the site of the modern Villa Serbelloni near Bellaggio; but there are not sufficient grounds upon which to identify it. The name of Villa PUniana is given at the present day to a villa about a mile beyond the village of Torno (on the right side of the lake going from Como), where there is a remarkable intermit- ting spring, which is also described by Pliny {Ep. iv. 30) ; but there is no reason to suppose that this was the site of either of his villas. Claudian briefly characterises the scenery of the Larius Lacus in a few lines {B. Get. 319 — 322); and Cassiodorus gives an elaborate, but very accurate, description of its beauties. The immediate banks of the lake were adorned with villas or palaces (praetoria), above which spread, as it were, a girdle of olive woods ; over these again were vineyards, climbing up the sides of the mountains, the bare and rocky summits of which rose above the thick chesnut-woods that encircled them. Streams of water fell into the lake on all sides, in cascades of snowy whiteness. (Cas- siod. Fa7\ si. 14.) It would be difHcult to de- scribe more correctly the present aspect of the Lake of Como, the beautiful scenery of which is tlie theme of admiration of all modern travellers. Cassiodorus repeats the tale told by the elder Pliny, that the course of the Addua could be traced throughout the length of the lake, with which it did not mix its waters. (Plin. ii. lOo. s. 106; Cassiod. I. c.) The same fable is told of the Lacus Lcman- mis, or Lake of Geneva, and of many other lakes formed in a similar manner by the stagnation of a large river, which enters them at one end and flows out at the other. It is remarkable that we have no trace of an ancient town as existing on the site of the modern Lecco, where the Addua issues from the lake. We learn, from the Itinerary of Antoninus (p. 278), that the usual course in proceeding from Curia over the Rhaetian Alps to Jlediolanum, was to take boat at the head of the lake and proceed by water to Comum. This was the route by which Stilicho is represented by Claudian as proceeding across the Alps {B. Get. I. c.) ; and Cassiodorus speaks of Comum as a place of great traffic of tia- vellers {I. c.) In the latter ages of the R(5man empire, a fleet was maintained upon the lake, the head-quarters of which were at Comum. {Not. Digii. ii. p. 118.) The name of Lacus Larius seems to have been early superceded in common usage by that of Lacl's CoMACiNUS, which is already found in the Itinerary, as well as in Paulus Diaconus, although the latter author uses also the more classical appellation. {Itin. Ant. I. c; P. Diac. Hist. v. 38, 39.) [E.H.B.] LARIX or LARICE, a place on the southern frontier of Noricum, at the foot of the Julian Alps, and on the road from Aquileia to Lauriacum. The town seems to have owed its name to the forests of larch trees which abound in that district, and its site LARXUJr. mnst be looked for between Iilria and Krainhnrg, in Illyricuni. {It. Ant. p. 276; comp. Muchar, Nori- cum, p. 247.) [L. S.] LAKNOI {Tordera), a small coast river in the territory of the Laeetani, in Ilispania Tarra- conensis, falling; into the sea between Iluro and Ijjanda. (Plin. iii. 3. s. 4.) It has been inferred that there was a town of the same name on the river, fiom Pliny's mention of the Larnexses in the conventus of Caesaraiigusta : but it is plain that the Laeiitani belonj:;ed to the conventus of 'I'arraco. (Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 456, assigns these Larnenses to the Arevacae.) [P. S.] LAPvTOLAEAETAE. [Laeetani.] LARYMXA (Adpu/xva), the name of two towns in Boeotia, on the river Cephissus, distinguished as Upper and Lower Larynma. (Strab. ix. pp. 405, 40(5.) Strabo relates that the Cephissu.s emerged from its subterranean channel at the Upper Larynma, and joined the sea at the Lower Larymna ; and that Upper Larymna had belonged to Phocis until it was annexed to the Lower or Boeotian Larymna by the liomans. Upper Larymna belonged originally to the Opuntian Locris, and Lycophron mentions it as one of the towns of Ajax Oileus. (Lycophr. 1146.) Pausanias also states, that it was originally Locrian; and he adds, that it voluntarily joined the Boeotians on the increase of the power of the Thebans. (Pans, is. 2.3. § 7.) This, however, probably did not take place in the time of Epaminondas, as Scylax, who lived subsequently, still calls it a Locrian town (p. 2.3). Ulrichs conjectures that it joined the Boeotian league after Thebes had been rebuilt by C;ussander. In b. c. 230, Laiymna is described as a Boeotian town (Polyb. xx. 5, where Aapv/xvau should be read instead of Aa§pvvav); and in the time of Sulla it is again spoken of as a Boeotian town. We may conclude from the preceding statements that the more ancient town was the Locrian La- rynma, situated at a spot, called Anchoe by Strabo, where the Cephissus emerged from its subterranean channel. At the distance of a mile and a half Larymna had a port upon the coast, which gra- dually rose into importance, especially from the time when Larymna joined the Boeotian Leagiie, as its port then became the most convenient communication with the eastern sea for Lebadeia, Chaeroneia, Or- choraenos, Copae, and other Boeotian towns. The port-town was called, from its position. Lower Larymna, to distinguish it from the Upper city. The former may also have been called more espe- cially the Boeotian Laiymna, as it became the sea- port of so many Boeotian towns. Upper Larymna, though it had joined the Boeotian League, continued to be frequently called the Locrian, on account of its ancient connection with Locris. 'When the Romans united Upper Larymna to Lower Larymna, the in- habitants of the fomer place were probably trans- ferred to the latter ; and LTpper Larymna was henceforth abandoned. This accounts for Pausanias mentioning only one Larymna, which must have been the Lower city ; for if he had visited Upper Larymna, he could hardly have failed to mention the emissaiy of the Cephissus at this spot. More- over, the ruins at Lower Larymna show that it be- came a place of much more importance than Upper Larymna. These ruins, which are called Ka.stri, like those of Delphi, are situated on the shore of the ^'"1/ 1^ Larmes, on a level covered with bushes, ten minutes to the left of the mouth of the Cephissus. VOL. II. LA.S. 129 The circuit of the walls is less than a mile. The annexed plan of the remains is taken from Leake. PLAN OF LARTTMNA. 1. Pi. small port, anciently closed in the manner here descrihed. 2. The town w.-ill, traceable all around. 3. Another wall along the sea, likewise traceable. 4. A mole, in the sea. h. Various ancient foundations in the tower and acro- polis, fi. A Sorus. 7. Glyfuncro, or Salt Source. 8. An oblong foundation of an ancient building. Leake adds, that the walls, which in one place are extant to nearly half their height, are of a red soft stone, very much corroded by the sea air, and in some places are constracted of rough masses. The sorus is high, with comparison to its length and breadth, and stands in its original place upon the rocks : there was an inscription upon it, and some ornaments of sculpture, which are now quite defaced. The Glyfonero is a small deep pool of water, impregnated with salt, and is considered by the peasants as sacred water, because it is cathartic. The sea in the bay south of the ruins is very deep ; and hence we ought probably to read in Pausanias (ix. 23. § 7), \tfj.r]v 5e' (rd, which is now crowned by the ruins of a fortress of the middle ages, among which, however, Leake noticed, at the southern end of the eastern wall, a piece of Hellenic wall, about 50 paces in length, and tvvo-thirds of the height of the modern wall. It is formed of polygonal blocks of stone, some four feet long and three broad. The fountain Galaco is the stream Tm-kovrysa, which rises between the hill of Fas- savd and the village of Kdrvela, the latter being one mile and a half west of Passavd. (Leake, Morea, vol. i. p. 254, seq., p. 276, seq. ; Peloponnesiaca, p. 150 ; Boblaye, Eecherches, cf-c. p. 87 ; Curtius, Peluponnesos, vol. ii. p. 273, seq.) LASAEA (Aocraia), a city in Crete, near the roadstead of tiie '' Fair Havens." (Acts, xxvii. 8.) This place is not mentioned by any other writer, but is probably the same as the Lisia of the Peutinfjer Tables, 16 M. P. to the E. of Gortyna. (Comp, Hock, Kreta, vol. i. pp. 412, 439.) Some MSS. have Lasea; others, Alassa. The Viilgate reads Thalassa, which Beza contended was the true name. (Comp. Coney- beare and Howson, Life and Epist. of St. Paul, vol. ii. p. 330.) [E. B. J.] LA'SION (Aatricoi/ or Aaauav^, the chief town of the mountainous district of Acroreia in Elis proper, was situated upon the frontiers of Arcadia near Pso- phis. Curtius places it with great prob.ability in the upper valley of the Ladon, at the Paleokastro of Kiimani, on the road from the Eleian Pylos and Ephyra to Psophis. Lasion was a frequent object of dispute between the Arcadians and Eleians, both of whom laid claim to it. In the war which the Spar- tans carried on against Elis at the close of the Pelo- ponnesian War, Pausanias, king of Sparta, took La- sion (Died. xiv. 17). The invasion of Pausanias is not mentioned by Xenophon in his account of this war; but the latter author relates that, by the treaty of peace concluded between Elis and Sparta in B.C. LATHON. 400, the Eleians were obliged to give up Lasion, in consequence of its being claimed by the Arcadians. (Xen. Hell. iii. 2. § 300 I" ^- C- 366 the Eleians attempted to recover Lasion from the Arcadians ; they took the town by surprise, but were shortly afterwards driven out of it again by the Arcadians. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. § 13, seq.; Died. xv. 77.) In B.C. 219 Lasion was again a fortress of Elis, but upon the capture of Psophis by Philip, the Eleian garrison at Lasion straightway deserted the place. (Polyb. iv. 72, 73.) Polybius mentions (v. 102) along with Lasion a fortress called Pyrgos, which he places in a district named Perippia. (Leake, Morea, vol. ii. p. 200, seq.; Boblaye, Recherclies,(fc. p. 125; Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. i. p. 41.) LA'SSORA, a town of Galatia, mentioned in the Pent. Tab. as 25 miles distant from Eccobriga, whence we may infer that it is the same place as the Aaa-Kopia of Ptolemy (v. 4. § 9). Tlie Anto- nine Itinerary (p. 203) mentions a town Adapera in about the same site. [L. S.J LASTI'GI, a town of Hispania Baetica, belonging to the conventus of Hispalis (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3), and one of the cities of which we have coins, all of them belonging to the period of its independence : their type is a head of Mars, witli two ears of corn lying parallel to each other. The site is supposed to be at Zahai-a, lying on a height of the Sierra de Ronda, above the river Guadalete. (Carter's Travels, p. 171 ; Florez, JSsp. S. vol. ix. pp. 18, 60, Med. vol. ii. p. 475, vol. iii. p. 85 ; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 50, Suppl. vol. i. p. 113; Sestini, Med. Isp. p. 61; Num. Goth.; Eckhel, vol. i. p. 25; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. pp. 358, 382.) [P. S.] LASLfS, a town of Crete, enumerated by Pliny (iv. 12) among his list of inland cities. A coin with the epigraph AATIHN, the Doric form for haaiaiv, is claimed by Eckhel (vol. ii. p. 316, comp. Sestini, p. 53) for this place. [E. B. J.] LATARA. [Ledus.] LATHON {Ade^v, Strab. xvii. p. 836, where the vtilgar reading is Aa5u)v ; comp. xiv. p. 647, where he calls it A-qOaLOS ; Ptol. iv. 4. § 4 ; ArjOcev, Ptol. Euerg. ap Ath. ii. p. 71 ; Fluvius Lkthon, Plin. V. 5 ; Solin. 27 ; Lethes Amnis, Lucan, ix. 355), a river of the Hesperidae or Hesperitae, in Cyre- naica. It rose in the Herculis Arenae, and fell into the sea a little N. of the city of Hesperides or Be- renice : Strabo connects it with the harbour of the city (\iiJ.T)v 'EaTrepiSaJi/ : that there is not the slightest reason for altering the reading, as Groskurd and others do, into \t/xvrj, will presently appear) ; and Scylax (p. 110, Gronov.) mentions the river, which he calls Ecceius ('E/cKeioj), as in close proximity with the city and habour of Hesperides. Pliny ex- pressly states that the river was not far from the city, and places on or near it a sacred grove, which was supposed to represent the " Gardens of the Hes- perides" (Plin. v. 5: nee procul ante oppidum flu- vius Lethon, Incus sacer, iibi Hesperidum horti me- morantm-). Athenaeus quotes from a work of Ptolemy Euergetes praises of its fine pike an