PURCHASED BY THE 
 
 HINMERS BEQUEST.
 
 THK 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF 
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ; 
 
 OR, 
 
 THE CHURCH IN SPAIN 
 
 IN THE TIME OF 
 
 FERDINAND & ISABELLA. 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 
 FROM THE GERMAN OF DR. VON HEFELE 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN CANON DALTON. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 THOMAS BAKEE, SOHO SQUARE. 
 
 * 1885.
 
 TO 
 
 HIS EMINENCE CAEDINAL WISEMAN, 
 
 glrtl) inswap of SHesfmrmita, &. 
 
 MY LOED CAEDINAL, 
 
 AMONGST all the great prelates who lived in Spain in 
 the sixteenth century, none claims more admiration than the 
 illustrious Cardinal Ximenez, the honour and glory of his 
 country. Hence I know no one to whom this translation of his 
 life can be dedicated with more propriety, than to your Eminence, 
 who not only was born in that great Catholic country, but has 
 also ever taken the most lively interest in its welfare, and been, 
 ready to defend it from false and unjust attacks. 
 
 Cardinal Ximenez was evidently raised up by God to do a 
 great work in his day, for the attainment of which he courage- 
 ously encountered and surmounted innumerable difficulties. And 
 so do all Catholics recognize in your Eminence a " great priest," 
 chosen by Providence to build up the walls of Jerusalem, in our 
 own dear country of England, where your Eminence has sur- 
 mounted difficulties of no ordinary character, that would have 
 daunted less courageous hearts. 
 
 Cardinal Ximenez was likewise an illustrious patron of learn- 
 ing, and the first who had the honour of publishing a Polyglot 
 Bible. And so do we recognize in your Eminence, one who 
 diligently treads in his footsteps, by the constant exhortations 
 and endeavours of your Eminence to aid and promote the advance 
 of knowledge amongst all classes, Catholic as well as those who
 
 IV DEDICATION. 
 
 are separated from us. But especially do we admire, in the 
 biblical learning of your Eminence, a counterpart of that zeal for 
 the purity of God's Word, and a critical knowledge of the Sacred 
 Scriptures, which added so much splendour to the abilities of 
 Cardinal Ximenez, and thus enabled him, as your Eminence has 
 already done, to confer so many benefits on the Church. 
 
 May God grant your Eminence length of days, for the welfare 
 of our holy religion. 
 
 Thanking you for the kind permission granted to me, of dedi- 
 cating this translation to your Eminence, 
 
 I am, 
 
 My Lord Cardinal, 
 Tour Eminence's most respectful Servant, 
 
 JOHN CANON DALTON.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PREFACE ............................................................ fap. x 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE BIRTH ANI> YOUTH OF XIMENEZ ..... ...................... ] 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 FERDINAND AND ISABELLA ASCEND THE THRONE CONQUEST 
 
 OF GRANADA ........................................ . ............. 12 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 XIMENEZ IS CHOSEN CONFESSOB TO QUEEN ISABELLA, AND 
 
 PROVINCIAL OF HIS ORDER .................................... 26 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 XIMENEZ BECOMES ARCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO .................. 33 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 WHAT MANNEB OF LIFE THE NEW ABCHBISHOP LED ......... 40 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 THE FIRMNESS OF THE NEW ARCHBISHOP, WHO TAKES A 
 PART IN THE AFFAIRS OF STATE FOR THE FIRST 
 TIME . 50
 
 VI CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE YIT. 
 
 XIMENEZ AT GRANADA. THE CONTEESION OF THE MOOES Page 58 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 NABRATIYE OF ETENTS CONNECTED WITH THE EOTAL FAMILY 
 
 DEATH OF THE QUEEN 83 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 HISTOEICAL PARALLEL BETWEEN ISABELLA OF SPAIN AND 
 
 ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND 97 
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ALGAL A 110 
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 THE COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOT 134 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 OTHER LITERARY LABOURS OF XIMENEZ THE MOZARABIC 
 
 LITURGY 176 
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 XIMENEZ IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF HIS DIOOESE RE- 
 FORM OF THE CLERGY, SECULAR AND REGULAR PIOUS 
 FOUNDATIONS 197 
 
 CHAPTEE XIV. 
 
 XTMENEZ TAKES PART IN THE AFFAIRS OF STATE UNDER 
 
 PHILIP THE FAIR 225 
 
 CHAPTEE XV. 
 
 THE DEATH OF PHILIP XTMENEZ BECOMES REGENT OF THE 
 
 KINGDOM . . 250
 
 CONTENTS. VI 
 
 CHAPTEE XVI. 
 
 XIMENEZ IS NAMED CABDINAL, AND &KAND INQUISITOB OF 
 
 CASTILE AND LEON Page 272 
 
 CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 THE SPANISH INQUISITION THE LITTLE TBU8T WHICH IS 
 
 TO BE PUT IN THE STATEMENTS OF LLOBENTE 276 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 XIMENEZ AND THE INQUISITION 381 
 
 CHAPTEE XIX. 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF OBAN 401 
 
 CHAPTEE XX. 
 
 XIMENEZ ATTENDS TO HIS DIOCESE HIS MUNIFICENCE 
 TEBESA ANTIQUES THE UNKIND TEEATMENT WHICH 
 HE BECEIYED FBOM FEBDINAND, ETC 432 
 
 CHAPTEE XXI. 
 
 THE CABDINAL SUPPOBTS THE CAUSE OF POPE JULIUS II.... 439 
 
 CHAPTEE XXII. 
 
 DEATH OF KING FEBDINAND 448 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 XIMENEZ TAKES POSSESSION OF THE BEGENCT, AND EXEBTS 
 
 HIMSELF IN FAYOUB OF CHAELES 455 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIV. 
 
 XIMENEZ' SOLICITUDE FOB THE PEACE, OBDEB, AND SECUBITY 
 OF THE STATE ., 465
 
 Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXV. 
 
 SOLICITUDE OF XIMKNEZ FOB AMERICA Page 495 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 THE LAST YEAR OF THE CABDINAL's LIFE HIS DEATH ... 518 
 
 CHAPTEE XXVII. 
 
 XIMENEZ AND BICHELIEU 556 
 
 APPENDIX . . 575
 
 PBEFACE. 
 
 EUROPE contains no nation whose history is so interesting 
 as that of Spain. The country itself is perfectly unique, both 
 in its physical character, in its scenery, in the manners and 
 dispositions of its inhabitants, as well as in its religious and 
 political condition. It is a nation, however, difficult to 
 be understood, except by those who have been in the country 
 for some length of time. Every part of the continent but 
 Spain has been trodden again and again by English travellers. 
 Hitherto, the want of sufficient internal communication, 
 united with civil wars, and an ungenerous prejudice in the 
 English mind against Spain, may have deterred the great 
 mass of our tourists from visiting a country whose historical 
 recollections are so grand and so instructive. 
 
 But have Spaniards any cause to regret this circumstance ? 
 Certainly not; for those who have visited the country, 
 either for pleasure or information, have all (with a few 
 honourable exceptions) indulged in such misrepresenta- 
 tions and calumnies against the Spanish nation and her 
 religion, as to make the name of an Englishman synonymous 
 with everything that is dishonourable, arrogant, and abusive. 
 Ford's " Hand-book for Spain/'* and Borrow's " Bible in 
 Spain/'f are in a special manner samples of Protestant 
 prejudice and base pandering to English bigotry. And then, 
 
 * With regard to Mr. Ford, who died last year, it is but just to add, that 
 he exceedingly regretted having said so many untrue and unkind things about 
 Spain in his "Hand-book," which, in other respects, contains such a mass of 
 useful and interesting information. 
 
 t Sorrow's infamous work received a severe castigation in the "Dublin 
 Review" (No. XXVIII., May 1843). 
 
 b
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 what little confidence can be placed in the letters or reports 
 of newspapers' "Own Correspondents " connected with Spain, 
 Italy, or Austria. The Pope, the Queen of Spain, the 
 Emperor of Austria, and the King of Naples, are the objects 
 of unceasing, base, and calumnious attacks from the English 
 press, with a few exceptions. 
 
 But with regard to Spain, though she is now fallen from 
 what she once was, yet she is still a noble nation, great in the 
 recollections of the past; while the historical names, that 
 throw such lustre around her, can never perish or be for- 
 gotten in the annals of Europe. Hence, whatever her faults 
 may now be, travellers should respect her for the many good 
 qualities of her people ; but especially when they favour us 
 with the history of their " wanderings " in the Peninsula, 
 they should above all things learn to speak the truth. It is 
 far, however, from my intention to condemn all the works 
 that have been written on Spain. In the vast domains of 
 literature and of art England,* France, Germany, and America 
 have contributed, each in its own peculiar way, to illustrate 
 and make known all that can interest and delight us. Indeed, 
 many of the writers belonging to those countries appear to 
 have taken more interest in Spanish history and literature 
 than even the Spaniards themselves. f This is much to be 
 lamented, as most of the authors alluded to are anti-Catholic. 
 Hence, in whatever directly concerns the Catholic religion, 
 or the history of Spain's illustrious saints, kings, statesmen, 
 or prelates, little confidence can be placed in the statements 
 of Protestants ; for either they do not take the trouble, like 
 Robertson, to consult original authorities ; or if they do, as 
 Mr. Stirling, Prescott, and Washington Irving appear to have 
 done, their prejudices against everything Catholic destroy 
 half the value and interest of their works. Fortunately, 
 
 * For instance, Mr. Stirling's "Annals of the Artists of Spain" (3vols. 8vo. ; 
 Ollivier, London, 1848) are a most valuable contribution to our knowledge of 
 Spanish painters. He is now engaged on a life of Murillo. 
 
 t In the last century, there was a great revival of literature in Spain, 
 though now it appears to be dead.
 
 PREFACE. XI 
 
 there appeared a few years ago (1844 the second edition iu 
 1851) a work in German, connected with the life of the 
 illustrious Cardinal Ximenez,* written by Dr. Hefele,t in a 
 truly Catholic spirit. This is the Biography a translation 
 of which is now presented to English readers. A French 
 translation was published by Messrs. TAbbe Sisson et 
 PAbbe Crampon (Paris, 1856). Dr. Hefele's work is 
 remarkable for depth of research, clearness of method, and 
 elegance of style, He is enthusiastically devoted to his sub- 
 ject, and not without solid grounds. Hence, the public and 
 private life of Ximenez is described with admirable skill and 
 judgment, both as a religious, a prelate, and a statesman. 
 Not only has the author made use of the labours of preceding 
 biographers, but he has also drawn abundant materials from 
 the valuable letters of Peter Martyr; from the historians 
 Mariana, Pulgar, Ferreras, Zurita, Wadding, Braucas, Pres- 
 cott, Florez, Marineo Siculo, &c. The transactions of the 
 Royal Academy of History, embracing the valuable com- 
 munications of Muhoz and Clemencin,J have also furnished 
 their share. The history of the foundation of the university 
 of Alcala, of the complutensian Polyglot, and the conquest 
 of Oran, forms brilliant episodes in the life of the Cardinal ; 
 while the historical notice on the Inquisition, though con- 
 sidered as incorrect in many respects by the Spaniards them- 
 selves, is nevertheless worthy of the highest praise, on account 
 of the satisfactory manner in which he exposes the lies and 
 inaccuracies of Llorente. 
 
 The biography of such a man as Cardinal Ximenez has 
 long been a desideratum in history. Sketches of his life 
 
 * This is the proper way to spell the name of Ximenez, though, according 
 to modern orthography, many now write it Jimenez. 
 
 t Dr. Hefele is still Professor of Theology in the University of Tiibingen, 
 and is highly respected for his virtue and learning. He is a disciple of the 
 illustrious Mohler, and is the author of several other works. He was born in 
 1809. 
 
 See the valuable work in Spanish entitled " Memorias de la Real 
 Academia de la Historia" (Madrid, 1821). It consists of several volumes. 
 
 A notice of the German edition appeared in the " Dublin Review " 
 (No. LXV., 1852). 
 
 b 2
 
 Xll V HE FACE. 
 
 have appeared now and then, but never a complete life in 
 English, drawn from authentic sources. Two or three lives 
 have been published in French, one by Flechier, another 
 by Marsollier, and the third by Baudier.* These writers 
 have taken their materials principally from Gomez, who 
 wrote a valuable life of Ximenez in Latin, which was pub- 
 lished in one folio volume at Alcala (Complutum) in the 
 year 1569.f It was for a long time the sole authority that 
 was referred to ; indeed, it will always form the basis of every 
 biography connected with the illustrious Cardinal, inasmuch 
 as Gomez had access to documents many of which are now 
 lost, or very difficult to be met with. The university of 
 Alcala commissioned him to write the life of its noble 
 founder, and well did he execute the task, though a few 
 mistakes are to be found here and there, especially in the 
 chronology. 
 
 After Gomez there appeared another life of Ximenez 
 or, rather, compendium by Eugenio de Robles, entitled 
 " Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del Cardenal Don Fray 
 Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros " (Toledo, 1604). This 
 work is especially valuable for the interesting and curious 
 account it gives of the ancient Mozarabic rite and office, 
 re-established by Ximenez in the cathedral of Toledo, and 
 continued to the present day.J 
 
 This work was followed by another " Compendio de la 
 
 * Marsollier's life was published in Paris, 1693 ; that by Flechier, which is 
 far superior to the former, appeared in 1700. Baudier's "Histoire de 
 I'Administration du Card. Xime'nes," 4to., was published in 1635. 
 
 f Another edition appeared at Frankfort in 1581 ; and it was again re- 
 published in 1603, amongst the "Scriptores Hispanise Illustratse." The 
 edition of Alcala is now very scarce, even in Spain ; it bears the following 
 title " De Rebus Gestis a Francisco Ximenio, Cisnerio, Archiepiscopo Tole- 
 tano, Libri Octo, Alvaro Gomecio Authore ; Compluti, 1569." Nicolas Antonio 
 gives a short biography of Gomez in his " Bibliotheca Hispana Nova" (torn. iii. ; 
 Matriti, 1783). 
 
 J El Seflor Don Remigio Garcia, canon of the metropolitan cathedral of 
 Valladolid, and formerly professor in the university of Toledo, has assured 
 me, that the Mozarabic Mass is still celebrated every day in the cathedral 
 of Toledo with great solemnity. The funds left for this purpose by Ximeuez 
 have fortunately been preserved to a considerable amount. There are several 
 chaplains, who keep choir.
 
 PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 Vida Portentosa del Cardenal Cisneros, por Fray Nicolas 
 Aniceto Alcolea" (Madrid, 1777). Though short, it is ex- 
 ceedingly interesting, besides containing historical notices of 
 some of the most illustrious men who were educated in the 
 university of Alcala. 
 
 After Gomez, the life of Ximenez by Padre Quintanilla, 
 is the most known and interesting. It is entitled, " Arche- 
 typo de Virtudes, Espejo de Prelados, el Venerable Padre 
 y Siervo de Dios, Fray Francisco Xiraenez de Cisneros " 
 (Palermo, 1633). The author, who was a Franciscan him- 
 self, spent nearly all his life in endeavouring to promote the 
 canonization of Ximenez, to whom he was enthusiastically 
 
 devoted. He considered him a saint in the strictest sense 
 
 
 
 of the word : but his devotion often carries him beyond the 
 due bounds of sober criticism. He is too credulous, for 
 many of the miracles recorded of Ximenez cannot stand the 
 test of that rigid investigation, which the Holy See always 
 requires before a saint can be canonized. Still, as a whole, 
 the life is very interesting and valuable, since many facts 
 are recorded by him which are not mentioned by Gomez ; 
 he also seems to have examined with care the curious 
 " Papers and Documents " which are still preserved in the 
 library of the university of Madrid, connected with the 
 beatification of Ximenez. (See the " Appendix/' in Quinta- 
 nilla.) 
 
 Gonzalez Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, in his work 
 entitled " Quincuagenas," also makes honourable mention 
 of Ximenez, in one of the dialogues which compose this 
 curious manuscript. It is much to be regretted that a 
 selection has never yet been made from the mass of informa- 
 tion which the manuscript contains, respecting so many 
 illustrious personages who were known to Oviedo. Two or 
 three copies are preserved in Madrid, besides other " manu- 
 scripts " in the Royal Library, and that of the " Universidad 
 Central," connected with Ximenez. It is wonderful that 
 a good life of the Cardinal has never been published by any
 
 XIV PREFACE. 
 
 of the Spanish academicians, although such abundant mate- 
 rials still exist. Don Modesto la Fuente, in his " Historia 
 General de Espana" (Madrid, 1850, torn. x. lib. iv. &c.), gives 
 merely a sketch ; and this, too, is not written in a Catholic 
 spirit, but with many of those false and "liberal" views 
 which unfortunately prevail amongst several Spanish writers 
 of the present day. 
 
 For the sake of brevity, I omit other Spanish works, in 
 order to say a few words respecting Mr. Prescott, the cele- 
 brated American author, whose " History of the Reign of 
 Ferdinand and Isabella"* is most valuable and interesting. 
 Mr. Prescott has, it seems, been the first writer who gave 
 the English public an idea of the exalted character of 
 Ximenez a sketch of whose life naturally appears in his 
 " History." Though the author has fallen into a few 
 mistakes, which have been corrected by Dr. Hefele ; yet, on 
 the whole, he has evidently taken considerable pains to 
 consult all the original authorities connected with Ximenez. 
 Hence, short as the sketch is, it will always be read with 
 pleasure and profit. The judgment he has pronounced on 
 the character of Ximenez is, for the most part, exceedingly 
 favourable, though he does not admire his " political life," 
 which he considers to have been arbitrary, and in direct 
 opposition to the constitution, as well as the rights and 
 privileges of the people. t Without discussing this point, I 
 will merely remark that, with all Mr. Prescott's learning and 
 undoubted ability, one thing alone seems wanting. He is too 
 much inclined to employ the words " bigotry," " intolerance," 
 " superstition," " ignorance," &c., when speaking of the 
 Catholic religion or her ministers, and especially where he 
 treats of the Inquisition. For example, as Catholics, we 
 
 * The "History of Ferdinand and Isabella" was translated a few years 
 ago into Spanish, by Seflor Sabau y Larroya, with several corrections and 
 additions. 
 
 t M. Le'once de Lavergne, a French writer in the "Revue des Deux 
 Mondes" (torn. xxvi. Mai 1841), passes a severe and veryxinjust judgment on 
 nearly all the actions of Ximenez, especially during the period of his regency.
 
 PREFACE. XV 
 
 cannot approve of such expressions as these : " Ximenez had 
 a full measure of the religious bigotry which belonged to the 
 age; and he had a melancholy scope for displaying it, as 
 chief of that dread tribunal over which he presided/' &c. 
 (vol. ii. p. 329, &c. fifth edition; London, 1849). Again-. 
 " He distinguished his noviciate by practising every ingenious 
 variety of mortification with which superstition has con- 
 trived to swell the inevitable catalogue of human suffering " 
 (p. 337, vol. ii.). Several most objectionable passages 
 likewise occur, in his remarks on the part Ximenez took in 
 the conversion of the Moors of Granada ; but, as they have 
 been refuted by Dr. Hefele, it is unnecessary to dwell any 
 longer on the subject. Mr. Prescott should remember that 
 the offensive terms which he makes use of should not be 
 employed without good and solid reasons; for many facts 
 recorded of Ximenez may, in the eyes of a Protestant, savour 
 of "intolerance," "bigotry," "superstition," &c., and yet 
 may have no foundation in reality. 
 
 Hence it must be evident, that no one but a Catholic can 
 properly appreciate such a character as Ximeuez. I do not, 
 however, mean that a Catholic writer is bound to defend all 
 the actions of the illustrious Cardinal ; but that, being of the 
 same religion, he can more easily understand what were the 
 motives and springs of those actions which, in the eyes of 
 Protestants, so often seem to be either unaccountable, or to 
 have been the necessary consequence of what he would call 
 "bigotry and superstition."* 
 
 In the year 1813 (London : J. Booker, 61, New Bond 
 Street) the first English life of Ximenez was published by 
 the Rev. B. Barrett, who seems to have been a Catholic 
 priest. Though interesting to the general reader, it has 
 nothing original about it, consisting merely of a compilation 
 
 * What an immense difference there is between a Protestant's and a Catholic's 
 treatment of Ximenez, may be seen by comparing Prescott with Wadding, in 
 his "Annales Minorum" (see torn. xy. ; ed. Eome, 1736).
 
 XVI PREFACE. 
 
 from Flechier and Marsollier, together with a few facts- 
 taken from Dr. Robertson's " Life of Charles V." 
 
 The present life will, I hope, be more useful and acceptable 
 to the public. Dr. Hefele has taken great pains and diligence 
 in examining all the original authorities connected with 
 Ximenez; though the learned author would have acquired 
 more valuable particulars had he been at liberty to visit and 
 examine the libraries in Spain, and especially those of 
 Madrid. The first chapter of his work (German edition) is 
 devoted to a condensed account of the political state of 
 Spain previous to the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. As, 
 however, it seems more properly to belong to an introduction, 
 I have embodied the substance of it in the following pages, 
 together with a few additional remarks of my own. " The 
 Visigoths," says Dr. Hefele, "overthrew, in the fifth cen- 
 tury, the power of Rome in Spain ; but scarcely had three 
 centuries passed away before their own throne apparently 
 so powerful fell beneath the attacks of Muza and Taric, in 
 the battle of Xerez de la Frontera (July 26th, 711). In the 
 north only, amongst the mountains of the Asturias and of 
 Biscay, to which Pelayo, a descendant of the ancient kings, 
 and a few followers had fled, was a weak but Christian and 
 independent kingdom preserved and continued. In the 
 Basque provinces the inhabitants were enabled to maintain 
 against the Moors the liberty of which the Visigoths them- 
 selves could not deprive them. The rest of Spain, having 
 quickly fallen under the Moorish dominion, was incorporated 
 with that power, under the rule of a caliph. In 756 the 
 independent throne of Cordova was established under 
 Abdalraham, a city that became the seat of the arts 
 and sciences, as well as the abode of luxury and every 
 kind of sensuality." (Chap. i. German edition, p. 1 ; 
 Tubingen, 1851.) 
 
 Dr. Hefele, in these few remarks, seems to suppose that all 
 his readers are acquainted with the early history of Spain, 
 and of its conquest by the Moors. If they are not, the best
 
 PREFACE. XV11 
 
 account of the Moorish invasion occurs in Gibbon* (vol. vi. 
 p. 87, &c. ed. Bohn; London, 1855). Mariana, and some 
 other Spanish historians, place the first invasion under 
 Muza in the year 713, and the battle of Xerez de la Fronteraf 
 in 714. But modern Spanish critics have detected such as 
 Lafuente and Ferreras several mistakes in Mariana, es- 
 pecially in his " Chronology." The correct date for the first 
 invasion, given by Gibbon, is 710 ; the battle of Xerez took 
 place in 711, as Dr. Hefele mentions. The popular story of 
 Count Julian's daughter Florinda commonly called Cava 
 having been seduced by King Roderic, and the crime assigned 
 as the real cause why the Moors were invited into Spain by 
 Julian, is now considered a mere legend. Conde (" Domina- 
 cion de los Arabes inEspana," cap. viii. p. 13; edition Paris, 
 1840) expressly mentions, in a note, " that the whole account 
 is a Moorish fiction." 
 
 The celebrated Don Pelayo is generally supposed to have 
 fought at the battle of Xerez, and on his escape to the 
 mountains of the Asturias, to have been elected king by his 
 followers. The cave of Covadonga, J where he lay in ambush, 
 and with only two hundred men defeated a large Moorish 
 force, is still to be seen, having from time immemorial been 
 considered by all true Spaniards as a " holy and venerable 
 place." From Covadonga, Pelayo and his successors gra- 
 dually extended their conquests to Leon. (See " Curso 
 Elemental de Historia General de Espana, por Don 
 Saturnino Gomez." Quinta edicion ; Madrid, 1856.) 
 
 Dr. Hefele proceeds: "In the middle of the eleventh 
 century a new and more important era commenced, by the 
 
 * In Spanish, the best account will be found in Conde's " Dominacion de 
 los Arabes en Espafta" (cap. x.). 
 
 f Xerez is about two leagues from Cadiz. (See Ford's "Hand-book for 
 Spain," vol. ii.) 
 
 J It is situated south-east of Oviedo. The cave has always been sacred, on 
 account of the associations connected with it. In the summer of the year 1858, 
 the Queen of Spain visited the sanctuary, with the Infanta and the Prince 
 of the Asturias, when they were both solemnly[confinned. The place is to be 
 restored and embellished at the queen's expense.
 
 XVlll PREFACE. 
 
 formation of the different states of Spain. In 1028 Castile 
 passed by inheritance into the hands of Sancho III., king of 
 Navarre. In 1085 it was assigned to his son Ferdinand ; 
 and as this prince inherited, three years afterwards, the 
 kingdom of Leon and Galicia, these three states whose 
 union, though sometimes interrupted, was finally sanctioned 
 by law, under Ferdinand III., in 1230 soon formed the 
 most extensive Christian kingdom of Spain, which was 
 destined to free the Peninsula for ever from the Moorish 
 dominion. Toledo, the ancient residence of the Gothic 
 kings, having been retaken by the Christians in 1084, 
 became the capital of Castile. 
 
 " This state fortunately adjoined the kingdom of Aragon, 
 which, though weak in its origin, rapidly became powerful 
 and extensive. Navarre, of which it was a part at first, 
 formed, like Castile, a separate kingdom, under Ramirez, son 
 of Sancho. Conquest and inheritance gradually added to 
 the power and influence of Aragon; and when, in 1137, 
 Barcelona was added to it, Aragon then became the second 
 Christian state in Spain, while Navarre ranked as third. But 
 various changes and inheritances between sons and daughters 
 tended to weaken and dismember the Spanish states, until at 
 length Ferdinand III. (1230), by a definitive law, effected 
 the perpetual union of Castile, Leon, and Galicia. A like 
 union took place, in 1319, between Aragon, Barcelona, and 
 Catalonia. 
 
 "These Christian states, however, were numerous, and 
 often waged fierce civil wars with each other. Hence the 
 Moors had then but little to fear, even from the heroism and 
 enthusiasm of the Spanish cavaliers. But about three 
 hundred years after the Moors conquered Spain, dissensions 
 began to creep in amongst the Saracens themselves ; they 
 were even obliged oftentimes to implore the assistance of the 
 Christians. Moreover, exactly about the period that Castile 
 and Aragon had recovered their grandeur and independence, 
 the dynasty of the Ommiades was extinguished at Cordova
 
 PREFACE. XIX 
 
 under Hescham III. The power of the caliph then became 
 divided and subdivided into several small states, just as the 
 empire of Alexander was portioned after his death. In the 
 year 1099, thanks to the bravery and exploits of the ' Cid 
 Campeador/* the Christians had reconquered half of the 
 Peninsula, as far as the Tagus. The Moors soon began to 
 experience a series of defeats. In 1212 Cordova itself, their 
 proud capital, fell beneath the attacks of the Castilians at the 
 great battle of Navas de Tolosa." 
 
 These few observations of Dr. Hefele comprise the sub- 
 stance of many volumes. A history, in detail, of the gradual 
 formation and extension of the Spanish kingdoms, would 
 be out of place in an introduction like the present. The 
 general reader will find abundant matter in Prescott's intro- 
 duction to the " History of Ferdinand and Isabella ; " in 
 Dr. Dunham's " History of Spain and Portugal " (" Cabinet 
 Cyclopaedia"), and also in the " History of Spain " (2 vols. ; 
 London, J. Goodwin, 1814). In French there is a short 
 history, entitled " Histoire d'Espagne, depuis les Temps les 
 plus recules jusqu'k nos Jours, par FAuleur de FHistoire 
 de Kussie" (Lille, 1845), which may be read with profit. 
 In German, Dr. Haveman, of Gottingen has published a 
 valuable work on Spanish history, entitled, " Darstellungen 
 aus der innern Geschichte Spaniens, " &c. (ed. Gott. 
 1850). For a history of the Spanish Arabs, the reader may 
 consult Mr. Southey's " Introduction " to his translation of 
 the " Chronicle of the Cid ;" Cardonne, " Histoire d'Afrique 
 et de FEspagne sous la Domination des Arabes;" and 
 Conde's, " Dominacion de los Arabes,"f &c. 
 
 With regard to the old Spanish chronicles, most of them, 
 however interesting, are to be read with caution, inasmuch 
 
 * His Spanish name is Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar. Bivar is a small place, two 
 leagues north of Burgos, in the cathedral of which some curious memorials of 
 the renowned warrior are still preserved. Trans. 
 
 t See also the " Mahommedan Dynasties in Spain," by the learned Don 
 Pascual de Gayangos. The English translation appeared a few years ago, in 
 London.
 
 XX PREFACE. 
 
 as they relate many legends which have no foundation what- 
 ever in history. It was not till about the time of Charles V. 
 that national chroniclers were appointed by the sovereign, 
 though something of the kind seems to have existed under 
 Alfonso the Wise. The " Chronica General de Espana, 
 porFlorian de Ocampo" (Alcala, 1587; Madrid, 1791), is 
 frequently quoted, and yet it is sadly disappointing ; for 
 everything is exaggerated, and so few authorities are quoted, 
 that the author seems to be writing a novel rather than 
 sober history. This work was continued by Ambrosio de 
 Morales, who was appointed chronicler for the Castilian 
 provinces by Philip II. In elegance of style it is far 
 superior to Ocampo, besides being more trustworthy, as far 
 as it goes. Still, great allowance is to be made for these 
 writers, since they were under certain restraints, and could, 
 therefore, not write with that freedom and boldness which 
 later authors adopted. Zurita, Blancas, Graribay, Ferreras, 
 Mariana, Pulgar, Salazar de Mendoza, Carbajal,* and others, 
 whom it is unnecessary to mention, are writers more or 
 less deserving of credit, though Mariana the most known, 
 perhaps, to English scholars has fallen into many mistakes : 
 these have been corrected by the learned annotations of the 
 Marques de Mondejar, which are to be found in the edition 
 of Mariana's " Historia de Espana " (Valencia, 1783f) - This 
 history has been continued by Miniana, with annotations 
 by El Ilmo. Senor Sabau y Blanco, bishop of Osma (ed. 
 Madrid, 1817). Masdeu has done much by his critical 
 investigations to correct the mistakes of preceding writers, 
 though, unfortunately, he had not time to complete his 
 labours. (See " Historia Critica de Espana, y de la Cultura 
 Espanola;" Madrid, 17831805.) The learned Florez,t in 
 
 * Carbajal is in manuscript. 
 
 t To this edition is prefixed an interesting life of the holy and learned 
 Jesuit Father. 
 
 Padre Maestro Fray Henrique Florez lived in the eighteenth century, 
 under Carlos III. of Spain. He was an Augustin, and Professor of Theology 
 in the university of Alcala. Padre Antolin Merino and Fray Francisco
 
 PREFACE. XXI 
 
 his " Espana Sagrada," which has been continued by Risco, 
 Fray Jose de la Canal y Merino, should not be omitted by any 
 one who wishes to become acquainted with the history and 
 antiquities of Catholic Spain. His " Clave Historial,"* is ex- 
 ceedingly useful for those who wish to have a short summary 
 of Spanish history, as well as of that of other nations. For 
 the ecclesiastical history of Spain, I strongly recommend 
 another work also, entitled, " Historia Eclesiastica de Espana, 
 por D. Vicente de la Fuente " (3 vols. ; Barcelona, 1855). It 
 contains many important additions to the " History of the 
 Church," published in Germany, by Alzog. The work is, 
 moreover, written in a spirit eminently Catholic, and 
 respectful to the Holy See, while the research which it 
 displays reflects great credit on the author. 
 
 The preceding short and imperfect notice of some of the 
 principal works connected with the history of Spain, will, I 
 trust, be useful to the reader. To understand the difficulties 
 that Ferdinand and Isabella had to surmount (before they 
 ascended the throne), it is necessary to be well acquainted 
 with the state of Spain previous to the fifteenth century. 
 With their great and glorious conquest of Granada in 1492 
 every diligent reader of Spanish history must be familiar, by 
 having perused the works of Washington Irving and Prescott. 
 Justly does Dr. Hefele remark : " That never did Granada 
 appear more secure than towards the middle of the fifteenth 
 century. The city was strong in its position, and still 
 stronger by the courage of its inhabitants. . . . This was 
 the period, too, when the situation of the Spanish states 
 was such as to raise the hopes of the Moors, and depress 
 those of the Christians. Then it would indeed have been 
 difficult, humanly speaking, to have foreseen the days of 
 
 Mendez have left us an interesting account of his life and writings. Besides 
 his " Espana Sagrada," which was commenced in 1746, he is the author of 
 several other valuable works. (See "Proldgo por P. Fray Antolin Merino, 
 tomo xliii. de Espana Sagrada ; " ed. Madrid, 1819.) 
 
 * The best edition of this popular work is that published, with corrections 
 and additions, by Jose" de la Canal (Madrid 1851).
 
 XXli PREFACE. 
 
 glory and splendour that were in store for Spain. Portugal 
 had ceased to tight against the Moors, in order to direct all 
 her energies to the extension of her commerce. In Spain, 
 disorder and civil war reigned in almost every state. The 
 possession of Navarre was disputed by John II., regent of 
 Aragon, in favour of his virtuous son, Don Carlos, Prince 
 of Viana, to whom Navarre belonged by right of inheritance 
 from his mother Blanche. A cruel war was the consequence, 
 which was terminated only by the death of Don Carlos, in 
 the flower of his age, in 1461. This struggle for the posses- 
 sion of Navarre divided and crippled the power of Aragon ; 
 hence the religious war against the Moors was obliged to be 
 suspended. 
 
 " The fiery inhabitants of Castile were also unable, like 
 those of Aragon, to develop their energies. John II.* of 
 Castile had nothing in common with John of Aragon but 
 the name. Though possessed of many estimable qualities, 
 yet during his long reign he brought more calamities upon 
 Castile than any sovereign amongst his most depraved ances- 
 tors. He had no capacity for business, but was excessively 
 fond of music and of poetry. f . . . But amidst songs and 
 brilliant festivals, the nation was verging towards its ruin. 
 All the cares of state were left to his favourite, Alvaro de 
 Luna, J an illegitimate descendant of a noble house in Aragon. 
 This remarkable personage could ride, fence, dance, and 
 sing better than any cavalier in the court. His influence 
 over the king was unbounded. But gradually he began to 
 lose the esteem and love of his royal master, till at length 
 an occurrence completely alienated the affections of the king 
 from him. John II., on the death of his first wife, Mary of 
 
 * The father of Isabella the Catholic. (See Prescott's "History of Ferdi- 
 nand and Isabella," vol. i. p. 93, &c.; ed. London, 1349.) 
 
 t The age of John II. (1407 1464) was, according to Bouterwek, more 
 distinguished fora revival of ancient poetry than as a new epoch. HU chapter 
 of the " Poetical Court of John II." ia exceedingly interesting. ("History of 
 Spanish Literature ;" ed. Bogue, London, 1847.) 
 
 J See "Crdnica de D. Alvaro de Luna" (Madrid, 1784).
 
 PREFACE. XX111 
 
 Aragon, had formed the design of marrying a daughter of 
 Charles VII., king of France. But Alvaro de Luna, in the 
 mean time, without having mentioned the matter to the 
 king, privately entered into negotiations for his marriage 
 with Isabella of Portugal. The monarch, strangely enough, 
 afterwards acquiesced in the arrangement, and the marriage 
 accordingly took place in 1447. But the new queen, instead 
 of being attached to Alvaro, or grateful for his services, con- 
 ceived a great dislike for him, and endeavoured to wean the 
 mind of her husband also from paying him that deference 
 which he was accustomed to do. A plot was formed, when 
 the unfortunate minister fancied himself at the height of his 
 power. He was suddenly committed to prison, condemned 
 to death without any legal form, and beheaded in Valladolid" 
 (1453). So far Dr. Hefele. 
 
 As it is unnecessary to enter into fuller details, it will be 
 sufficient to observe that king John II. died the following 
 year, leaving the throne to his son Henry, who assumed the 
 name of Henry IV. of Castile. His father, by his second 
 wife (Henry IV. was the only child by his first wife), had 
 two children, viz. Alfonso and Isabella, who afterwards 
 became the great, good, and illustrious queen of Castile, 
 which was united with Aragon by her marriage with Ferdi- 
 nand. She had only attained her fourth year at the time 
 of her father's death, having been born on the 22nd of April, 
 1451, at Madrigal.t 
 
 The accession of Henry IV. was welcomed with enthusiasm 
 by the people; but their hopes were soon doomed to be 
 disappointed. The public discontent increased every day. 
 His expenditure was enormous : his crusade against the 
 Moors ended in a mere border foray ; his subjects were un- 
 heeded when they remonstrated ; and the coin was adulterated 
 to such a deplorable extent, that the price of the most 
 common articles of food increased five or six fold ; but above 
 
 * Madrigal is a few leagues south of Medina del Campo.
 
 XXIV PREFACE. 
 
 all, the immoralities and debauchery of the king were so 
 great, that his subjects could not longer restrain themselves. 
 A party accordingly rose up against him, burnt his effigy 
 under the walls of Avila, and proclaimed his brother Alfonso, 
 then only eleven years of age, as his successor. But another 
 party still adhered to Henry ; for though they despised the 
 person of the king, they were not disposed to allow the royal 
 authority to be publicly degraded. Henry summoned all his 
 faithful subjects to rally round his standard; for he was re- 
 solved to settle the question by an appeal to arms. The 
 battle of Olmedo, however, was attended with no result. 
 Both parties claimed the victory. The consequence was, 
 that the whole country became a scene of anarchy and 
 bloodshed, which was put a stop to by the sudden death of 
 Alfonso in 1468. No alternative now remained but for the 
 subjects of Henry, who had opposed him, to negotiate terms 
 with him in the best manner possible. This was soon effected, 
 and a general amnesty was proclaimed by the king.* Isabella, 
 his sister, was also proclaimed heir to the throne, to the 
 exclusion of his daughter, Joanna Beltraneja. Henry after- 
 wards endeavoured, in vain, to set aside this treaty. In the 
 mean time Isabella was publicly married to Ferdinand of 
 Aragon, in Valladolid, October 39th, 1469. By the death 
 of Henry IV., in December, 1474, Isabella ascended the 
 throne, under whom, and her spouse Ferdinand, Spain quickly 
 rose to a height of power and of glory never before or since 
 surpassed.f The illustrious prelate, who by his talents and 
 his virtues contributed so much to the glories of such a 
 
 * See the whole account in Prescott's " History," vol. i. chap. iii. p. 145. 
 &c. 
 
 t In the sixth tome of the "Memorias do la Real Academia de laHistoria" 
 (Madrid, 1821), the learned secretary of the academy, Don Diego Clemencin, 
 has writteu most interesting and valuable " Illustrations," as they are termed, 
 of Isabella's character and policy. In the year 1858 I had the great pleasure 
 of examining Isabella's will, which is still carefully preserved amongst the 
 archives of Simancas. Her signature is scarcely legible. The will is dated 
 from Medina del Campo (now a most wretched place), where she died, 
 Nov. 26, 1504, aged 54.
 
 PREFACE. XXV 
 
 reign, was Cardinal Ximenez, whose life I trust will prove 
 interesting to every reader. Isabella and Xiraenez are two 
 names dear to every true Spaniard ; but while Isabella the 
 " Catholic" has now become familiar to Englishmen, the 
 noble actions and distinguished character of Ximenez are not 
 so well known, nor appreciated as they justly deserve to be. 
 
 I have been unable to discover in what year Ximenez was 
 sent to study at Alcala de Henares, or how long he remained 
 in the university of Salamanca. Dr. Hefele mentions that 
 Ximenez passed " six years" there. But the present rector 
 of the University has informed me, that all the " documents" 
 connected with the residence of Ximenez in Salamanca having 
 been lost or destroyed, it is impossible to ascertain in what 
 particular year he arrived there, or how long he remained. 
 Though Alvarez Gomez,* and Robles, f mention the fact 
 that Ximenez studied at Alcald and Salamanca, yet no dates 
 are given. It seems that before he went to Rome he taught 
 canon law at home, and that from the money which he re- 
 ceived from his scholars, he was enabled to support his parents. 
 (Robles, cap. xi. p. 37.) 
 
 Neither Gomez nor Robles mention how long Ximenez 
 remained in Rome, though Dr. Hefele states that he resided 
 there "six" years; but for this assertion no authority is 
 given. 
 
 Cisneros, from which the family of Ximenez originally 
 came, is not near Medina del Campo (as Dr. Hefele supposes), 
 but about six leagues north-west of Palencia, in the ancient 
 kingdom of Leon. The vast open plains in this part of 
 Spain are called "Tierra de Campos" by Robles, which 
 expression seems to have misled the learned author. 
 
 * " Hinc Salmanticam florentissiman omnium doctrinarum academiam 
 veniens, civilis pontificiique juris studiis operain non inutilem neque 
 infelicem dedit." (Gomez "De Rebus Gestis," lib. i. ; ed. Compluti, 1569.) 
 
 t "Le embiaron & estudiar la gram^tica & Alcala, adonde se ensefiaba con 
 mucho cuydado y curiosidad en aquel tiempo ; y de alll file" & Salamanca 
 donde estudid derechos, y sali<5 consumadissimo jurista," &c. (Robles, ut 
 supra.)
 
 XXVI PREFACE. 
 
 Dr. Hefele also makes a slight mistake in calling the 
 mother of Ximenez Maria ; her real name was Dona 
 Marina Ximenez de la Torre. She was a native of Tor- 
 delaguna/* where Ximenez was born. There were also two 
 other sons; viz., Juan Ximenez de Cisneros and Bernardino. 
 The former married, and perpetuated the family ; the latter 
 became a Franciscan, in the same order as his brother, the 
 illustrious Cardinal. (See Eobles, cap. ii. p. 5.) 
 
 Tordelaguna (now generally called Torrelaguna) is a few 
 leagues from Madrid, in the diocese of Toledo. The Fran- 
 ciscan monastery founded there by Ximenez is fast going to 
 ruin, and so also is the aqueduct which he erected to supply 
 the place with water. A few foundations of houses in ruins 
 are pointed out, as having belonged to the parents of 
 Ximenez. 
 
 Uzeda (or Uceda), where Ximenez was confined by Alonso 
 Carrillo,t archbishop of Toledo, is about a league from Tor- 
 relaguna. The castle must at one time have been very 
 strong; but it is now a complete ruin. Ponz visited it in the 
 last century. Few of the inhabitants now seem to know that 
 the fortress had any connection with Ximenez. It was in 
 this prison, according to Robles (from whom Dr. Hefele has 
 taken the account), that a priest who was confined there 
 with Ximenez announced to him his future greatness. 
 
 Dr. Hefele's parallel between Isabella of Spain and Eliza- 
 *beth of England to some may appear unnecessary, inasmuch 
 as Prescott himself admits "that their characters afford 
 scarcely a point of contact." Dr. Hefele himself, too, must 
 acknowledge that the more the history of Elizabeth J comes 
 to be examined, the more is her character lowered ; whereas 
 
 * So called by Robles ; Dr. Hefele spells it Torrelaguna, and so also does 
 Ponz, in his " Viage de Espafia/'who gives a description of the parish church 
 which Ximenez erected there. It is a Gothic building, and has three naves. 
 (See Carta iii. torn. x. p. 33 ; ed. Madrid, 1781.) 
 
 f See a short notice of Don Alonso Carrillo in Pulgar's " Glares Varones 
 de Castilla" (cap. xx. p. 117; ed. Madrid, 1789). 
 
 J Isabel in Spanish corresponds with Elizabeth in English.
 
 PREFACE. XXV11 
 
 the deeper we study the life of Isabella the Catholic, the 
 more do we love, admire, and venerate her. 
 
 Still, as so many Protestants now admire Elizabeth, 
 Dr. Hefele shows, by facts and proofs, that she cannot stand 
 a comparison with Isabella of Spain. 
 
 But however much most anti-Catholic writers love and 
 even venerate the name of Isabella however enthusiastically 
 they may exalt the character of Ximenez also there is one 
 side of the picture which always appears to their eyes dark and 
 desolate. Who has not heard of the "Inquisition" that 
 was re-established by Isabella, and supported by Ximenez, 
 her faithful minister? What Protestant does not devoutly 
 deplore the banishment and exile of the Jews, and consider 
 that both Isabella and Ximenez were guilty of the "greatest 
 injustice " towards these unfortunate people ; while the esta- 
 blishment of the Inquisition by Isabella is proclaimed to 
 be a blemish of the deepest dye on her administration ? 
 Mr. Prescott, with all his boasted fairness, nowhere shows 
 himself more unfair, more unjust in his invectives, and more 
 reckless in his accusations, than in his chapter on the 
 " Establishment of the Modern Inquisition." (" History of 
 the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. i. p. 291 ; ed. 
 London, 1849.) 
 
 Of all the institutions connected with the Catholic Church, 
 the Society of Jesus and the Inqxiisition are the two, which in 
 a special manner Protestants and infidels agree together in 
 hating, denouncing, abusing, and calumniating, in the most 
 shameful manner. Even the very words Jesuit and Inqui- 
 sition have actually passed into the English language as 
 having a meaning of their own, independently of that which 
 belongs to them historically. Thus, when a Protestant 
 hears the word " Inquisition " pronounced, his hair stands 
 on end; and there immediately occurs to his mind all 
 that he has ever heard or read connected with a secret, 
 dark, and bloody tribunal, whose head-quarters are in Rome, 
 under the guidance and direction of the Pope, the Cardinals, 
 
 c 2
 
 XXV111 PREFACE. 
 
 and the Jesuits, but whose ramifications have extended to 
 every quarter of the globe, and especially to poor benighted 
 Spain ; thus throwing a gloom of fanaticism, cruelty, and 
 bigotry over that once lovely and chivalrous land. Then 
 come before him, in terrible array, the dungeons, the 
 horrors, the tortures, the groans and shrieks of the victims, 
 mingled with the jeers and laughter of the inquisitors, who 
 take a most diabolical pleasure in witnessing the infernal 
 scene. He fancies that he beholds the "cruel" Dominic, 
 the " blood-thirsty " Torquemada, the "bigoted" Ximenez, 
 and even the " deluded " Isabella, together with the " stern, 
 gloomy, and savage" Philip II., surrounded with bishops, 
 priests, monks, ladies, and cavaliers, all hastening some 
 in one century and others in another to witness an " auto- 
 da-fe," in Toulouse, Seville, Toledo, or Valladolid. But 
 should his imagination not carry him so far, our good Pro- 
 testant is content to hear a lecture in Exeter Hall from 
 Gavazzi, Achilli, or the Madiai ; and, as a matter of course, 
 believes what they tell him as firmly and sincerely as if the 
 God of Truth himself had been speaking ! 
 
 Thus is the great "Protestant tradition"* of lies and 
 calumnies against everything Catholic perpetuated from 
 father to son, from one generation to another ; and thus, in 
 a special manner, is given a kind of dramatic interest to the 
 subject of the Inquisition, which is invested with all the 
 characteristics of real life. 
 
 It is with shame and grief I am forced to admit, that a 
 few unprincipled Spanish writers (besides an American 
 one Mr. Prescottf) have done more to spread erroneous 
 notions on the subject of the Inquisition, and thus pander to 
 English bigotry and prejudice, than any other authors with 
 whom I am acquainted. I allude to Puigblanch, under his 
 assumed name of Natanacl Jomtob ; to Lorenzo Villanueva ; 
 Adolpho de Castro ; and Llorente. With regard to the first 
 
 * See Dr. Newman's "Lectures on Catholicism in England." 
 t Mr. Presoott died on the 28th of January, 1859, aged 63.
 
 PREFACE. XXIX 
 
 writer, who died some years ago in London, and published a 
 work entitled "La Inquisicion sin Mascura" f (1811), the 
 following are the reasons he gives for assuming the name of 
 Natanael Jomtob : " These Hebrew words are two proper 
 names, which form the inscription, Dedit Deus diem bonum. 
 I wish thus to express the happiness of being able to speak 
 and write freely against the tribunal of the Inquisition, 
 and the joy I feel in seeing it abolished." (Prologo, p. cxv.) 
 If the reader wish to know either the character of the man, 
 or of his work, he will find the best authority in one of the 
 " notes " inserted by Balmes in the appendix to his " Pro- 
 testantism and Catholicity compared " (English translation, 
 p. 400). To the same source we are indebted for most 
 useful observations on Villanueva and Llorente, which show 
 us at once how little dependence is to be placed on the 
 statements of such men with regard to the Inquisition. f 
 Dr. Hefele has also given us an insight into the character of 
 Llorente, by the analysis of a short biography, which ori- 
 ginally appeared in the " Revue Encyclopedique" (Avril,1823), 
 inserted in his chapter on the Inquisition. J Here in Spain 
 his character is also well understood ; but, independently of 
 this point, one fact alone tells volumes against him as a 
 writer undeserving of credit. Llorente himself acknow- 
 ledges " that he burnt nearly all the ' official reports ' 
 connected with the Inquisition, with the exception of those 
 that related to the history of some of the most remarkable 
 persons," &c. ("Histoire Critique del'Inquisition d'Espagne;" 
 ed. 1818, p. 145.) Now, as Balmes justly remarks, ask every 
 impartial man whether there be not room for great mistrust 
 with respect to an historian who claims to be a sole authority, 
 
 * " The Inquisition Unmasked." It has been translated into French and 
 English. 
 
 t With regard to the work of Adolpho Castro, entitled " Religious Intole- 
 rance in Spain" (Parker, London, 1853), I refer the reader to an account of it 
 in the "Rambler," part ix. September, 1854. 
 
 + 'See also D. Jose Clemente Carnicero, "Impugnacion de la Obra de D. 
 Juan Antonio Llorente" (Madrid, 1816).
 
 XXX PREFACE. 
 
 because he had the opportunity of consulting the original 
 authorities whereon he founds his history, and who, never- 
 theless, burns and destroys these same documents ? Assuredly 
 we may draw the conclusion that Llorente was apprehensive 
 lest those documents should afterwards be examined. 
 
 I. Let us now come to the Inquisition. As it is a subject 
 on which Catholics as well as Protestants are divided, I 
 cannot flatter myself that I shall be able to satisfy every 
 one. Dr. Hefele himself has taken a view of the matter 
 different from that entertained by many literary men in 
 Spain, and I believe in France also.* He seems to consider 
 the " Spanish Inquisition" to have been purely a " political 
 institution," preserved and encouraged by kings and queens 
 for no other object than to advance the interests of the 
 State. To support his view, he quotes the authority of 
 Ranke, Leo, Guizot, M. Lenormant, and the count de 
 Maistre, &c.f But, with all due deference to Dr. Hefele 
 and the great names he mentions, I consider that the Inqui- 
 sition was originally established by Isabella solely and 
 entirely on religious grounds; and that afterwards it was 
 of a mixed character, combining in its government the 
 "political and ecclesiastical element." What was the state 
 of Spain when the Catholic sovereigns ascended the throne ? 
 Difficulties of every kind surrounded them ; but none gave 
 them so much trouble and uneasiness as the Jews and 
 the Moors. The former were then exceedingly powerful in 
 the kingdom, both on account of their riches and their 
 alliances with the most influential families. But for genera- 
 tions the Jews had been objects of fear and distrust, through- 
 out the whole of the Peninsula. This was the case not only 
 with regard to the unconverted Jews, but also with respect 
 to those who embraced Christianity. Their sincerity was 
 
 * When the French translation of Dr. Hefele's work appeared in Paris 
 (1856), the chapter on the Inquisition was severely criticised by L'Univers; 
 and so also in the Spanish Esperanza. 
 
 f- See the quotations in the German edition (chap, xviii.). They have been 
 omitted in the translation, as well as a few other paragraphs.
 
 PREFACE. XXXI 
 
 generally distrusted, inasmuch as they were considered by 
 the body of the nation as still identified in interests, in sym- 
 pathies, and probably in belief also, with the rest of their 
 brethren, whose creed they had outwardly abandoned. For 
 proof of these remarks, the reader has only to consult the 
 pages of Hefele and Balmes.* 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella were informed of this state of 
 things ; and they knew also that a vast system of proselytism 
 had been organized, to overthrow both the throne and the 
 Catholic faith. f What was the expedient which they adopted 
 to prevent the threatened danger, which was in reality so 
 imminent? Animated with a desire to comply with the 
 earnest entreaties both of the people and the clergy, and 
 influenced also with a pure desire of preserving intact the 
 Catholic religion, Ferdinand and Isabella solicited from Pope 
 Sixtus IV. permission to revive the functions of the Inquisi- 
 tion in Castile, which for some time had gone into abeyance. 
 Their request was complied with by his Holiness expediting 
 a bull, dated November 1st, 1478, J authorizing them to 
 appoint two or three ecclesiastical inquisitors, of irreproach- 
 able manners, who were to be bachelors in divinity or doctors 
 in canon law. Hence, the Inquisition originated not so 
 much in political, as in religious motives. No contemporary 
 authority, as far I know, asserts the contrary ; while Balmes, 
 the best modern authority in Spain on the subject of the 
 Inquisition, positively asserts "that it would be wrong in 
 this affair to attribute all to the policy of royalty" (English 
 ed. chap, xxxvi. p. 164). Lafuente, in his " Historia General 
 
 * Not to mention Zurita, Mariana, Zuniga, &c. See also " Estudios sobre 
 los Judios de Espaila, por Amador de los Rios." 
 
 f- When the Catholic sovereigns were requested to revive the Inquisition, 
 they were simply told "that, as Catholic princes, they were bound in con- 
 science to chastise such detestable error ; because, if they did not, the Catholic 
 faith would receive great injury," &c. (Pulgar, " Crdnica de los Reyes 
 Catolicos," cap. 77 ; ed. Valencia, 1780.) 
 
 Considerable discrepancy exists among contemporary writers respecting 
 the date of the establishment of the Inquisition. Amongst modern writers 
 Prescott, Dr. Hefele, Llorente, and Caruicero, place it in 1478.
 
 XXX11 PREFACE. 
 
 de Espana," expresses the same opinion : " Neither can I 
 find," he says, " in any contemporary author any indica- 
 tion which induces me to believe what certain modern 
 historians assert ; viz., that the Catholic sovereigns in re- 
 establishing the Inquisition were influenced by political 
 considerations, and that they intended to harmonize religious 
 unity with political unity."* (Tom. ix. parte 2, lib. iv. nota 
 p. 232-3.) Don Vicente de la Fuente, another writer of 
 the same name, and author of " Historia Eclesiastica de 
 Espana" (torn. ii. p. 478), gives the same judgment. I cer- 
 tainly prefer the opinion of these Spanish writers, rather than 
 follow those mentioned by Dr. Hefele. 
 
 II. That the Spanish Inquisition was not merely a "poli- 
 tical" institution, but ecclesiastical also, seems to be the 
 general opinion of most Spanish writers. Catholic contro- 
 versialists, by endeavouring to prove that the Inquisition was 
 entirely political, hope by this line of argument to disconnect 
 the Church from the odium which is popularly directed 
 against that tribunal/]- But independently of the early 
 writers, such as Zurita, Zuiiiga, Brancos, Paramo,! Pulgar, 
 &c., never making any such distinction in their works, it 
 must be evident, from a careful study of the Inquisition, that 
 the Church had a great deal to do with its organization and 
 proceedings. Was it not established in virtue of a papal 
 bull, and did it not proceed, from its very commencement, 
 with the papal sanction? Did not Sixtus IV. appoint Fray 
 Tomas de Torquemada, prior of the Dominican convent in 
 Segovia, to be the inquisitor-general for Castile, and afterwards 
 
 * "Tampoco hallamos de ninguu autor contemporaneo una indicacion quo 
 nos induzca ;! creer lo que despuea noa han dicho muchos escritores de los 
 siglos modernos ; a saber, que al fundar la nueva Inquisicion, obrarou los 
 Reyes Cattflicas inipulsados de un pensamiento politico, y que se propusieron 
 armonizar la uriidad religioaa con la unidad politica." (Ed. Madrid, 1852, 
 torn. ix. ut supra.) 
 
 f" Thia is the case with Count de Maistre, in his "Letters on the Spanish 
 Inquisition ;" with Dr. Hefele, &c. See also an article on the subject in the 
 "Dublin Review" (No. LVI. June, 1850). The writer has made a few 
 mistakes. 
 
 J " De Origine et Progresau Officii Sanctae Inquisitionis " (Matriti, 1598).
 
 PREFACE. XXX111 
 
 for Aragon? And when Torquemada established various 
 courts in different parts of the country, was it not principally 
 ecclesiastics who transacted the business of the said courts? 
 A few years later, when the Catholic sovereigns, with the 
 object of securing the interests of the crown in the confiscated 
 property, established a court of supervision, under the name 
 of "El Consejo de la Suprema,"* it is remarkable that the 
 grand -inquisitor was appointed president, together with 
 three other ecclesiastics. But though latterly those were 
 appointed by the crown Avho were to decide all cases con- 
 nected with the Inquisition ; though they were responsible 
 to the crown, and removable at its pleasure ; yet as all the 
 leading officials were ecclesiastics, and the whole machinery 
 for the most part ecclesiastical also, how can the Inquisition 
 be called a purely royal or political constitution ? But it is 
 said that Pope Sixtus IV., hearing in 1482 of the great 
 severity which had been used by the inquisitors in the exer- 
 cise of their office, loudly complained that Ferdinand and 
 Isabella had not sufficiently informed him of the nature of 
 the powers which had been sought from him, and that he 
 had been betrayed into concessions " which were at variance 
 with the decrees of his predecessors/' &c. That such a com- 
 plaint was made, cannot be denied. But what does it prove ? 
 Not that the pope considered the Catholic sovereigns had 
 assumed any undue authority, in opposition to his own, but 
 that he was both surprised and displeased at the severity 
 which was used, towards the relapsed Jews and the Christians 
 who had apostatized. 
 
 But whatever may have been the cruelties or undue seve- 
 rity exercised by the different tribunals, they cannot be 
 imputed to the Church,^ but solely to the individuals who 
 composed those tribunals. Dr. Hefele shows that the number 
 of those executed at Seville and other places has been 
 
 * Council of the Supreme. 
 
 t That is, the Holy See did not authorize or approve the excessive cruelties 
 which were often used.
 
 XXXIV PREFACE. 
 
 exceedingly exaggerated by Llorente, and that Ximenez en- 
 deavoured, in every possible way, to lessen the sufferings of 
 the unfortunate victims. Those sufferings we now deplore, and 
 regret that, both under Isabella and Philip II., some other 
 means could not have been found to preserve the country 
 from the machinations of Jews, Moors, and Protestants. 
 However, no one can deny that Rome was always inclined to 
 the side of mercy. Whoever appealed to Rome was sure to 
 better his condition. Hence, as Balmes well observes, " the 
 number of cases commenced by the Inquisition, and sum- 
 moned from Spain to Rome, is countless during the first fifty 
 years of that tribunal. But I do not know that it would be 
 possible to cite one accused person who, by appealing to 
 Rome, did not obtain indulgence and relief. .... We con- 
 stantly find, on the part of the Holy See, a desire to restrain 
 the Inquisition within the bounds of justice and humanity." 
 (" The Inquisition in Spain," ch-ap. xxxvi. p. 165.) Indeed, 
 throughout the whole history of the Inquisition there exists 
 abundant matter to prove, that the great object of the popes 
 was to mitigate the rigour of its exercise. But at the same 
 time I will remark, that we of the present day can form no 
 conception of the terrible dangers that surrounded the throne 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella in the fifteenth century, and that, 
 therefore, it is difficult for us to decide how far they were 
 justified, or how much to be blamed for the exercise of the 
 severity to which they resorted. All Protestants condemn 
 them for the expulsion of the Jews.* But contemporary 
 writers, who are generally the best judges, took a different 
 view of the matter. To me it seems undeniable that the 
 sovereigns were animated by the purest motives of religion, 
 and an anxious interest in the welfare of their country; 
 and that they had no desire to erect the Inquisition into 
 a great state political-engine. The well-known piety of 
 Isabella especially forbids such a supposition. Still, I admit 
 that it was more or less dependent upon the crown, and that 
 
 * That is, of those who refused to be baptized.
 
 PREFACE. XXXV 
 
 the popes had not that full control over its proceedings 
 which they so often endeavoured to acquire. But it does 
 not follow that therefore the Inquisition was purely a poli- 
 tical institution, as Dr. Hefele endeavours to prove. Its 
 history may be divided into three epochs ; the first extends 
 from the time of its establishment till about the middle of 
 the reign of Charles V. ; the second embraces the period 
 from the middle of the reign of Charles V. till the accession 
 of the Bourbons ; and the third extends from the last-named 
 period till its abolition in 1820. During the first period, 
 the efforts of the Holy Office were principally directed against 
 the relapsed Jews and the Christians who had apostatized ; 
 during the second, under Philip IJ., all its energies were 
 concentrated towards preventing the introduction of Protes- 
 tantism ; while, during the third, the Inquisition contented 
 itself with punishing infamous crimes, and repressing the 
 circulation of infidel and immoral publications, 
 
 III. As, then, the institution has evidently been modified 
 according to circumstances, so also must it be judged.* 
 Under Philip II. the peculiar dangers which threatened 
 Spain from the insidious attacks of Protestantism, induced 
 that monarch to employ and direct all his powers and severity 
 towards its repression. He knew what fatal effects Protes- 
 tantism had produced in Germany and other countries, and 
 therefore both he and the whole nation concluded, that if it 
 were allowed to gain ground in Spain, the same, if not greater, 
 disasters would infallibly happen, the terrible consequences 
 of which it was awful to contemplate. Philip, however, did 
 not establish a new Inquisition; he only continued what 
 Ferdinand and Isabella had commenced : why then should 
 
 * As I am now leaving the reign of Isabella, I here wish to protest against 
 the violent and unjust manner in which Prescott and others endeavour to 
 blacken the character of Fray Tomas de Torquemada, the queen's confessor. 
 As Zurita, Pulgar, and all the ancient Spanish writers speak of him with the 
 highest respect for his zeal and piety, we must conclude that they had better 
 means of appreciating his character than Mr. Prescott, even though he was 
 an inquisitor !
 
 XXXVI P HE FACE. 
 
 Protestant writers condemn him so severely, when, at the 
 same time, they are inclined to make every allowance for the 
 conduct of the Catholic sovereigns, though they were far more 
 severe than Philip? The reason is evident. Protestants 
 adopted every expedient to gain a footing in Spain; but 
 because Philip and the Inquisition baffled them, there- 
 fore are they hated, denounced, vilified, and held up in 
 countless publications to universal execration. Prescott, in 
 his Lifo of Philip II., has done great injustice to that monarch. 
 Even amongst Catholics there seems to exist a certain 
 amount of prejudice against him. His history has yet to be 
 written ; * and when examined from a Catholic point of 
 view, I am confident that his policy with regard to Protestants 
 will be found to have been influenced more by religious 
 motives than by political ones. He was a pious Catholic, f 
 most anxiously bent upon the maintenance and preservation 
 of a religion in which he so firmly believed. Protestantism, 
 then, he must have considered to be false, and dangerous by 
 its principles to the peace and welfare of his country. Hence, 
 he was bound to preserve the faith and welfare of his 
 dominions at every cost. Now, as he found the Inquisition 
 already established, it was natural he should make use of it 
 to promote the important objects he had in view. Had he 
 not done so, Protestantism would infallibly have entered the 
 country ; a civil war would have ensued, and probably the 
 throne itself would have been overt urned.J But by these 
 observations, I do not mean to approve or justify all the 
 acts of Philip's policy. As we regret that Queen Mary 
 
 * Balmes has a most valuable chapter ou Philip If. and the Inquisition 
 in bis "Protestantism and Catholicity compared" (English ed. p. 167). 
 
 ) See a curious volume in Spanish, entitled "Dichos y Hechos de el Seiior 
 Rey Don Philipe Segundo, &c., por el Licenciado Balthasar Porrefio " (Madrid, 
 1784). Many of his sayings are remarkably good and witty. 
 
 See Stirling's "Cloister Life of Charles V." (chap. viii. p. 159), where he 
 mentions how Protestants endeavoured to disturb the kingdom. Prescott, in 
 his " Life of Philip II." (chap. iii. book ii.), shamefully perverts historic facts 
 connected with Protestantism in Spain ; so also does M'Crie, in his " History 
 of the Reformation in Spaiu" (Edinburgh, 1829).
 
 PREFACE. XXXVll 
 
 of England was forced, in a manner (though some Spanish 
 friars protested against the act), to burn Cranmer, Ridley, 
 and Latimer ; so do we deplore, with Balmes, that Philip 
 allowed so many to be executed in Valladolid,* when per- 
 petual imprisonment might, perhaps, have equally served the 
 ends of justice. Though the Inquisition was not a mere 
 instrument of Philip's policy ; yet it experienced more or less 
 the influence of that policy ; and hence, had it been during 
 his reign exclusively under the direction of the Holy See, it 
 seems certain that those executions would never have taken 
 place. Those who suffered (an Englishman named Nicholas 
 Burton was amongst the number) are extolled as Protestant 
 martyrs !f Be it so. But have Protestants never persecuted, 
 never imprisoned, never tortured, never put to death any 
 unfortunate beings? Let history answer the question. 
 Protestants, with all their boasting about " liberty of worship 
 and the inalienable rights of conscience," have persecuted 
 others who differed from them, in a manner that ought to 
 make them blush when they object the same to us. What 
 fierce contests did not Luther carry on with the Sacramen- 
 tarians, and still more so with the Anabaptists, whom he 
 
 * The spot on which the house of the unfortunate Dr. Augustine Cazalla stood 
 is still pointed out in Valladolid. Even the street still bears bis name Calle 
 de Cazalla. His secret conferences with the Protestants were discovered by 
 the wife of a silversmith, who immediately denounced him to the Inquisition. 
 
 f- The generality of Protestants have very imperfect ideas of the Spanish 
 auto de fe. They imagine it must be a huge bonfire, round which the 
 Spanish kings, bishops, nobles, and ladies assembled on Sundays and holidays, 
 like so many cannibals, to behold a number of poor wretches roasting and 
 broiling ; and that they enjoyed the execution of heretics with as much pleasure 
 as they would a bull-fight ! The truth is, that an auto de fe (act of faith) con- 
 sisted neither in burning nor in putting to death ; but partly in the acquittal 
 of those who had been falsely accused, and partly in the reconciliation of those 
 who repented to the Church. At other times, sentence was pronounced on 
 the prisoners who continued obstinate, and these were delivered over to the 
 secular authority. Many executions did certainly take place in Seville, 
 Toledo, Valladolid, &c. But we should remember that Llorente himself 
 mentions several autos de fe when not one single person was executed. Hence, 
 in many cases, these aiitos were so many acts of mercy, so many religious 
 spectacles, at which devout Spaniards might well love to be present. Such 
 scenes Protestants cannot understand, unless to denounce them as " bloody 
 and cruel in the extreme." Might not such epithets be applied, with much 
 more propriety, to the execution of many priests under Elizabeth ?
 
 XXXV111 PREFACE. 
 
 endeavoured to repress more promptly and severely than 
 his own rebellion was by Catholic Princes ? The his- 
 tory of Calvinism is equally significant. The religious 
 despotism exercised by Luther was continued by Calvin in a 
 form more complete, violent, and systematic. The direct 
 object of one of his treatises is to prove " that heretics should 
 be repressed by the sword ; >} and upon this principle we 
 know how he acted with regard to Castalio, Ochino, and 
 Servetus, &c. In the burning of the latter, not only 
 individual divines concurred such as Beza, Bucer, and the 
 " mild Melancthou. " but the great synods of Zurich, Berne, 
 Schaffhausen, and Basel expressed their approbation also. 
 But in no country did religious persecution and intolerance 
 attain to such a fearful height as in England and Scotland. 
 Dr. Lingard's " History of England," and Bishop Challouer's 
 "Missionary Priests," show too well the sanguinary and 
 unjust enactments to which Catholics were subjected for 
 their faith. In Scotland, Tytler* has proved that Knox was 
 implicated in the murder of Rizzio ; in a word, that he was 
 an avowed persecutor, and this too upon principle ; for did he 
 not proclaim that it was the duty, not only of the civil 
 magistrate, but even of private individuals, to exterminate all 
 idolaters that is papists ? If such then be undeniable facts, 
 why should Protestants say a word on the subject of the 
 Inquisition ? Even Prescott, with all his violent denuncia- 
 tions against it, is forced to make the following admission : 
 " However mischievous the operations of the Inquisition may 
 have been in Spain, its establishment, in point of principle, 
 was not worse than many other measures, which have passed 
 with far less censure, though in a much more advanced and 
 civilized age. Where, indeed, during the sixteenth and the 
 greater part of the seventeenth century, was the principle of 
 persecution abandoned by the dominant party, whether 
 
 * " History of Scotland" (vol. vi. p. 215).
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Catholic or Protestant."* (Character of Isabella, chap. xvi. 
 p. 471 ; ed. London, 1854.) 
 
 The famous trial under Philip II. of the archbishop of 
 Toledo, Fray Bartolome Carranza de Miranda is frequently- 
 cited by nearly all Protestant historians as a demonstrative 
 proof both of the injustice and cruelty of Philip, and of the 
 arbitrary character of the Inquisition. Space will not allow 
 me to enter into all the details of this celebrated case.f A 
 statement of a few of the principal points will be sufficient. 
 Carranza was born at Miranda (in the kingdom of Navarre), 
 in the year 1503. He studied philosophy at Alcala, and 
 theology in Salamanca ; and thence, after a few years, he 
 was sent to the Dominican convent in Valladolid, where he 
 taught divinity for some time. He was so highly esteemed 
 by Charles V. for his knowledge and eloquence, that he was 
 sent to assist at the council of Trent. Philip II. chose 
 him for his confessor in 1548, and soon after appointed 
 him archbishop of Toledo. It is said that this elevation 
 excited the hatred and envy of the grand-inquisitor, Fernando 
 Valdes, archbishop of Seville. Carranza was in England at 
 the time of his appointment. When he came to Spain, to 
 take possession of his see, he remained a few weeks at 
 Valladolid, in the noble convent of San Pablo,J with his 
 brethren of the order of St. Dominic. But having written 
 a tract on the " Residence of Bishops," he was anxious to 
 
 * In a note the author also remarks : " I borrow almost the words of 
 M. Hallam, who noticing the penal statutes against Catholics under Elizabeth, 
 says, ' They established a persecution, which fell not at all short, in principle, 
 of that for which the Inquisition became so odious.'" 
 
 f- See his life, by Salazar de Miranda (Madrid, 1788) ; also, "Documentos 
 In^ditos" (torn. v. p. 389); and " Noticia de la Vida de Bart. Carranza de 
 Miranda," por D. M. S. (Madrid, 1845). Don Vicente de la Fuente has like- 
 wise given a few interesting details of him in his " Historia Ecclesiastica de 
 Espafta" (torn. iii. p. 123). But the most valuable is the notice of the case, 
 and the observations upon it, by Balmes, in his chapter on the Inquisition 
 (xxxvii. p. 169, English ed.). 
 
 t Now destroyed. The church remains, and is one of the finest Gothic 
 buildings in Valladolid.
 
 Xl PREFACE. 
 
 practice what he had inculcated ; he therefore hastened to 
 Toledo as soon as circumstances allowed. In August, 
 1559, while visiting his diocese in Torrelaguna, he was 
 suddenly arrested by the officers of the Inquisition, and 
 conducted under a strong guard to Valladolid. The arrest 
 of such a person naturally caused a great sensation through- 
 out the country. 
 
 (1.) Why was he arrested? Not, as Prescott asserts, 
 because he adhered to the doctrine of justification by faith 
 alone, but because both his discourses and his writings* 
 afforded some grounds for suspicions against his faith. 
 (2.) In those times the mere imputation or suspicion of 
 heresy was considered a sufficient reason to justify the arrest 
 of any one, however exalted his station might be. (3.) It 
 seems certain, that Carranza was treated with extreme and 
 unnecessary rigour. (4.) No contemporary historian asserts 
 that Philip acted towards him from personal hatred or 
 resentment. (5.) It seems almost certain that the king 
 was induced to treat Carranza so severely from the sus- 
 picion, or rather conviction, he had of his being heretical. 
 (6.) When the case was summoned to Home, where 
 an impartial examination of it took place, he was not 
 acquitted on all the points having been obliged by the 
 Pope to abjure sixteen propositions found in his writings; he 
 was also suspended from his episcopal duties for five years, 
 and required to perform several penances. A few days after 
 the sentence had been pronounced, Carranza died. A monu- 
 ment was erected to his memory by the Pope.f On his 
 deathbed, he protested that he died a true son of the 
 Catholic Church. His great fault was that, considering the 
 critical times in which he lived, he was not cautious in his 
 
 * He wrote "Commentaries on the Catechism," and also "Summa Con- 
 ciliorum," which are now seldom referred to in Spain. His "Summa" was 
 printed at Salamanca in 1551. 
 
 t An immense mass of documents exists in one of the libraries of Madrid 
 connected with the trial of Carranza. Llorente fortunately did not burn tJtem, 
 as he did others.
 
 PREFACE. Xli 
 
 words ; and did not explain himself with sufficient clearness 
 in his " Catechism/' when treating of justification. Philip's 
 hatred of heresy or what might even lead to it was, no 
 doubt, the true cause of the excessive severity with which 
 he treated him. 
 
 Balmes positively asserts that the Inquisition was not a 
 mere instrument of Philip's policy. To support his assertion, 
 he mentions how Don Antonio Perez, in his " Relations," 
 answers a letter of Fray Diego de Chaves, who believed 
 that secular princes had power over the lives of their subjects 
 and vassals. These are the words of Perez : " I shall not 
 undertake to relate all that I have heard said, on the subject 
 of the condemnation of some of these propositions. Those 
 who are concerned in this matter will at once understand 
 the import of my words. I shall content myself with stating 
 that, when I was at Madrid, the Inquisition condemned the 
 following proposition. A preacher (whose name I need not 
 mention) maintained in a sermon at St. James's church, in 
 Madrid, in presence of Philip II., ' that kings had an abso- 
 lute power over the persons of their subjects, as well as over 
 their properties.' These words the preacher was obliged to 
 retract as erroneous, which he did publicly, and with all the 
 form of a juridical act, saying from a paper: 'Kings have 
 no other power over their subjects than what is given them 
 by Divine and human law : they possess none which comes 
 from their own free and absolute will.' " (" Relaciones de 
 Antonio Perez." Paris, 1624 ; quoted by Balmes. Notes, 
 p. 399.) This passage seems to have been overlooked by 
 Dr. Hefele. 
 
 Another objection often brought against the Inquisition, 
 both under Isabella and Philip, is, that it crushed the intel- 
 lect of the Spanish people, and consequently destroyed in 
 them a love and cultivation of learning and science. Such 
 an assertion has not the slightest foundation in truth. The 
 whole reign of Isabella was a remarkable development of the 
 national enthusiasm for learning and science. It was pre- 
 
 d
 
 Xlii PREFACE. 
 
 cisely at the period when the "Inquisition" began to be 
 consolidated that learning began to flourish. A number of 
 schools and universities were erected; the art of printing 
 was introduced ; every species of poetry was cultivated ; 
 celebrated scholars, such as Peter Martyr, Lucio Marineo 
 Siculo, &c., were invited into Spain from foreign parts; 
 while the Spanish nobility themselves, by the example and 
 encouragement of Isabella, turned from the art of war to the 
 more ennobling pursuits of literature. Even a lady Dona 
 Lucia de Medrano publicly taught classics in the university 
 of Salamanca; and another Doha Francisca de Lebrija 
 occupied the chair of rhetoric at Alcald de Henares.* Philip 
 also showed a laudable zeal for the advancement of learning. 
 When he erected the Escurial, he took care to order Doctor 
 Benito Arias Montano " to be very diligent in collecting all 
 the choice books, printed and manuscript, which he should 
 think proper, in order to place them in the library of the 
 said monastery. Indeed, it is one of the chief possessions 
 which I wish to leave to the religious who are intended to 
 
 live there I have also commanded my ambassador in 
 
 France, Don Francisco de Alaba, to collect the best books he 
 can meet with in that kingdom. You will communicate 
 with him on the subject," &c. (Quoted by Balmes, notes, 
 p. 399.) His majesty also ordered Ambrosio de Morales 
 to undertake a literary journey into the kingdoms of Leon, 
 Galicia, and to the Asturias, in order to procure relics of 
 saints and manuscripts, and examine the royal sepulchres. 
 The result of his journey, with the notes thereon, forms a 
 curious volume, an edition of which was published by 
 Florez.f Cabrera de Cordova, in his " Life of Philip II.," 
 proves that his majesty erected and founded many schools 
 
 * See "Memorias de la Real Acad. de Historia" (torn. vi. Ilust. 16) ; also, 
 Nic. Antonio, "Bibliotheca Vetus et Nova" (Matriti, 1783). 
 
 t It is entitled " Viage de Ambrosio de Morales, por orden del Rey D. 
 Phelipe II. & los Reynos de Leon, y Galicia, y Principado de Asturias, para 
 reconocer las Reliquias de Santos, Sepulcros Reales, y Libros Manuscritos de 
 Ins Cathedrales y Monasteries" (ed. Madrid, 1765).
 
 PREFACE. xliil 
 
 and monasteries for the education of ecclesiastics, amongst 
 which the English college of Valladolid, though established 
 by Father Persons, was at first entirely dependent on the 
 funds generously given for its support by Philip, who may be 
 called its founder. Several celebrated Spanish writers lived 
 under the reign of Philip II. ; and their works were printed 
 with the permission of the Inquisition.* But if we include 
 the whole period from the time of Ferdinand and Isabella till 
 the end of the reign of Carlos III., what brilliant names in 
 Spanish literature, both sacred and profane, present them- 
 selves before us ! Juan Boscan, Garcilaso de la Vega, Diego 
 de Meudoza, Montemayor, Herera, Luis de Leon, Juan de la 
 Cueva, Bermudez, Cervantes, Lopez de la Vega, Calderon, 
 Pulgar, Zuhiga, Zurita, Mariana, Blancas, Santa Teresa, 
 San Juan de la Cruz, Luis de Granada, El Venerabile Padre 
 d'Avila, &c. But, above all, it is to Spain, under the rule 
 of the Inquisition, that we are indebted for the first Polyglot, 
 published at the sole expense of a grand-inquisitor the 
 immortal Cardinal Ximenez ! All readers of Spanish history 
 know what a splendid revival of learning took place, and how 
 many magnificent editions of old writers were published in 
 the reign of Carlos III. Surely, then, it cannot be main- 
 tained for a moment that the " Inquisition " was opposed to 
 the development of the human mind, or to the cultivation 
 and progress of literature. 
 
 With regard to the use of " torture " by the Inquisition, 
 no one can deny but that its frequency and its severity are 
 grossly exaggerated by Protestant writers. Besides, it is 
 ungenerous, as well as unjust, to make the Inquisition solely 
 answerable for the use of torture, when at the same time it 
 formed the ordinary part of all criminal proceedings in 
 secular tribunals in nearly all the states of Europe, especially 
 
 * The committee which drew up the official report respecting the Inquisi- 
 tion, and abolished it in 1812, had the boldness to assert, "that all learning 
 vanished when the Inquisition appeared." (See " Informe sobre el Tribunal 
 de la Inquisition." &c. ; Cadix, 1812.) The members of the committee were 
 " liberals" of the worst sort. 
 
 d 2
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 in England, France, and Germany. It must also be borne in 
 mind that torture could only be used under certain restric- 
 tions, and never by the local tribunals, without the consent 
 of the grand-inquisitor, or of the supreme court. The 
 regulations for its exercise, as laid down in the "instruc- 
 ciories" of Torquemada, are remarkable for their leniency 
 and caution. Additional precautions were introduced by 
 Philip II. Llorente acknowledges, "that for a long time 
 the Inquisition did not make use of torture, and that at the 
 commencement of the present century we may consider it as 
 totally abolished." "Balmes also observes : " Thus we see 
 the auto de fe becomes more and more rare as we approach 
 our own times ; so that at the end of the last century the 
 Inquisition was only a shadow of what it had been" 
 (chapter xxxvii. p. 175). 
 
 Many more observations might be made on this important 
 subject ; indeed, a complete history of the Inquisition has 
 yet to be written. But Dr. Hefele has done a great deal 
 towards exposing the lies and inaccuracies of Llorente. 
 An immense mass of papers and documents connected 
 with the Inquisition still exist in the archives of Simancas. 
 Though I was assured by the keeper of them that 
 little or nothing was to be found amongst them respecting 
 Ximenez, yet I have reason to believe that, if the papers 
 relating to the Inquisition under Philip II. were properly 
 examined and digested, a new light would be thrown 
 on many points which are now but imperfectly known or 
 understood.* 
 
 With regard to the university of Alcala,t little remains 
 
 * The correspondence which passed between Charles V. when at Yuste, 
 and his son Philip II., respecting the Inquisition, is very curious. A great 
 number of letters from Charles and Philip are preserved at Simancas. The 
 emperor was horrified when he discovered how Protestantism had secretly 
 spread in Valladolid. He urged his son to execute speedy justice upon 
 heretics, and to spare no one. Lafuente, in his " Historia General de Espafla," 
 torn xii., quotes a few of the letters. 
 
 t Alcalk de Henares, so called from the river Henares. It was named 
 Complutum by the Romans.
 
 PREFACE. xlv 
 
 to be added by me, as Dr. Hefele has already given so many 
 interesting details respecting its foundation by Ximenez. So 
 far back as the year 1498, the Cardinal seems to have con- 
 ceived the idea of such a noble and gigantic undertaking ; 
 but he was unable to commence it till the year 1500, when 
 the first stone of the Colegio Mayor de San Ildefonso was laid 
 by his Eminence in person, with all due solemnity. Amidst 
 all his distracting duties, the Cardinal never lost sight of 
 his beloved building. When circumstances allowed him to 
 remain at Alcala for a short time, often was he seen with 
 rule and plummet in his hand, taking the measurements of 
 the edifice, and encouraging the industry of the workmen. 
 At length, after the expiration of about eight years, he had 
 the inexpressible joy of beholding his glorious undertaking 
 nearly completed. The first professors came from the 
 University of Salamanca.* A code of studies and discipline 
 was drawn up by Ximenez, remarkable for its wisdom and 
 religious spirit. Chairs were established for nearly the 
 whole circle of sciences which were taught at that time, 
 special attention being directed to those studies which tended 
 to elucidate the Holy Scriptures. In 1508 the university 
 was opened for students, who soon nocked from all parts of 
 Spain to its academic halls. Different popes, and especially 
 Leo X., bestowed many privileges on the rising university, 
 which afterwards became so renowned that when Francis I. 
 visited it a few years after the Cardinal's death, it is said 
 that near seven thousand students came out to meet him. A 
 history of the great men who were educated there would fill 
 several volumes. Well "may the ancient biographers f of 
 Ximenez love to dwell on its literary glories, and the muni- 
 ficence of its illustrious founder, to whom too much praise 
 
 * The university of Salamanca was founded by Alfonso IX. in the twelfth 
 century. Before this period, one existed in Palencia where St. Dominic was 
 educated. Salamanca is now a mere wreck of what it once was. The school 
 of medicine has been removed to the university of Valladolid. 
 
 t Eobles calls the university " octava maravilla del mundo" (cap. xvi. 
 
 r- 127).
 
 xlvi PREFACE. 
 
 cannot be given for so noble a memorial of his love for 
 the arts and sciences. Our admiration increases when 
 we remember, that the University was erected at his sole 
 expense ! 
 
 But, alas ! all its glories have now passed away. Revolu- 
 tionary governments have committed sad havoc with Alcald. 
 The university was suppressed in 1822, but re-established the 
 following year, until, at last, it was transferred to Madrid by 
 a royal decree, in the year 1836, and now forms what is 
 called " Universidad Central/' Thus have all the ancient 
 associations so honourable and glorious to Spain ceased 
 to have any connection with the "Colegio Mayor de San 
 Ildefonso " in Alcala. This building was sold by Senor 
 Quinto to a committee, composed of the principal inhabi- 
 tants of the town, who nobly resolved to prevent its entire 
 destruction, by making some repairs which were absolutely 
 necessary. The chapel, however, is in a great measure 
 destroyed, the beautiful ceiling having fallen in. The 
 ancient lecture-rooms and halls are completely stripped of 
 their furniture and ornaments, though the courts and front 
 of the building are in a good condition. But the remains of 
 the Cardinal, having been solemnly translated to another 
 sepulchre in 1857,* still render Alcala, and the collegiate 
 church wherein they repose, spots that will ever be dear, not 
 only to true Spaniards who love the memory of their great 
 prelates, but to men of every clime, who remember what 
 the arts and sciences owe to Cardinal Ximenez. The town 
 itself contains a population of about 7,000. It is celebrated as 
 the birthplace of Cervantes and Catherine of Aragon. It is 
 only a few leagues from Madrid. The whole now presents 
 a desolate aspect, sad to look upon.f 
 
 On the merits of the Complutensian Polyglot, I do not 
 
 * An interesting account of the translation has been kindly sent to me from 
 Madrid, by the Marque's de Morante. I shall notice it in the Appendix. 
 
 t The best history of Alcala" (Complutum) is by Miguel de Portilla y 
 Esquivel" (2 vols. 4to. AlcalfS, 1725).
 
 PREFACE. Xlvii 
 
 consider myself competent to pass a critical judgment, espe- 
 cially as I have good reasons for believing that the remarks 
 which Dr. Hefele has made upon it are, on the whole, correct 
 and satisfactory. He has given the best description of the 
 Polyglot, from an actual inspection of its contents, in opposi- 
 tion to some writers in Germany and other places, who have 
 ventured to copy one from another, without having either seen 
 or examined it themselves. Le Long, in his " Bibliotheca 
 Sacra " (ed. Masch, part i. p. 332 339), mentions most of 
 the authors who have written on the Complutensian Polyglot. 
 Goeze's * defence of it, against the attacks of Semler and 
 "Wetstein in the last century, should also be read by those 
 who wish to see the answers to all the objections that can 
 be urged against the work. Dr. Hefele enters into a few 
 valuable details connected with the subject, and proves that 
 the Complutensian editors did not alter their Greek text, to 
 support or exalt the Vulgate. Their rejection of the words 
 following the " Our Father " (" for Thine is the kingdom, 
 the power, and the glory ") has been completely justified by 
 modern biblical critics. The celebrated text of the three 
 witnesses (1 St. John, v. 7) is found in the Complutensian 
 Polyglot.t 
 
 Whether the codices were ancient or modern, what 
 particular manuscripts were sent to Ximenez by Leo X., or 
 whether the celebrated Codex Vaticanus j was used by the 
 editors, are questions which have not as yet been satis- 
 factorily settled. It seems certain that other manuscripts 
 were used besides those which had been sent from Rome. 
 D. Michaelis mentions that the Codex Rhodiensis and Codex 
 Bassarionis, were given to the Cardinal as presents; and 
 
 * Vertheidigung der Complutensischen-Bibel, insonderheit des Neuen 
 Testaments, gegen die Wetsteinischen und Semlerschen Beschuldigungen" 
 (Hamburg, 1765). 
 
 + See Cardinal Wiseman's valuable dissertation on this celebrated text, 
 reprinted in his " Essays on various subjects" (vol. i. Dolman, 1853). 
 
 t Known as the Codex B. It is now happily printed, and so accessible to 
 all scholars. " "Vetus et Novum Testamentura ex Antiquissimo Codice 
 Vaticano, edidit Angelus Mai, S. K. E. Card. ; Romae, 1857."
 
 Xlviii PREFACE. 
 
 Gomez states that Ximenez spent large sums in the purchase 
 of Hebrew manuscripts. It is to be regretted that the 
 editors were not more careful in describing the manuscripts 
 which were used by them ; and yet ought not every allowance 
 to be made, considering that the art of criticism was then 
 in its infancy, and the antiquity of manuscripts but little 
 understood ? 
 
 It is asserted by many writers that the manuscripts lent 
 to Ximenez were either destroyed at Alcala, or were never 
 returned. To support the first assertion, Dr. Hefele repeats 
 the story so often mentioned by biblical critics, how Dr. 
 Holdenhawer undertook a journey to Spain in the year 
 1784, and went to Alcala for the purpose of discovering and 
 examining the Greek manuscripts which had been used by 
 the editors of the Polyglot. But on his arrival he was 
 informed that, about thirty years before, they had all been 
 sold by the librarian to a person named Toryo, who used 
 them for making rockets ! Professor Tychsen, the com- 
 panion of Dr. Holdenhawer, confirms the above statement, 
 according to D. Michaelis, who gives the whole account in 
 his " IntBoduction to the New Testament." (Part i. vol. ii. 
 p. 440, Marsh's translation; ed. Cambridge, 1793.) The 
 same story is given by Mr. Ford, in his " Hand-book for 
 Spain." (See Alcala de Henares.) Bayer, Puigblanch, De 
 Castro, &c., repeat the same statement. 
 
 But it is only just to mention that the whole account is 
 considered inaccurate, if not altogether false, by Spanish 
 writers. I have been assured by one of the most learned 
 professors * in the " Universidad Central," that he has 
 taken the greatest pains in examining the papers and docu- 
 ments that were brought from Alcala when its university 
 was suppressed, and could find nothing to justify such a 
 supposition. On the contrary, it now appears certain that 
 the " Greek codices " were restored, as Father Vercellone 
 
 * Seflor Don Vicente de la Fuente, author of the " Historia Eclesiastica de 
 Espafia."
 
 PREFACE. xlix 
 
 has found and published the papal acknowledgment of their 
 having been returned. The following are the words of the 
 receipt : 
 
 "Aug. 23, 1518. Pope Leo X. motu proprio, &c. We 
 acknowledge to have received from the venerable brother 
 John, archbishop of Cosenza, our nuncio to Spain, two 
 volumes of the Mosaic Bible, written in Greek, which we had 
 formerly commanded to be lent to the cardinal of Toledo, 
 of happy memory, during his lifetime, by the hands of our 
 beloved son, Eneas de Blandrata, subdeacon and our friend, 
 ordering the librarian that it be registered in the book and 
 certified, and that it should also be registered in the Aposto- 
 lical Chamber. 
 
 " Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, Aug. 23, 1518, in the 
 seventh year of our Pontificate. Thus we acknowledge and 
 command. I, L. Parmenius, custodian, acting as librarian, 
 have written and certify on the day and year as above. I, 
 Paul Morelli, of Lucca, carried and presented the said man- 
 date." (Translated from the Prolegomena to the published 
 Codex Vaticanus. Rom se, 1857.) 
 
 This receipt seems to set the matter at rest, regarding the 
 supposed destruction of the manuscripts. Lafuente men- 
 tions that, about the period of Dr. Holdenhawer's arrival in 
 Alcala, a rumour was current that some Arabic manuscripts 
 had been burnt there ; and this may have led him into the 
 mistake of supposing they must have been the Greek codices, 
 which the ignorant people called "Arabic." 
 
 Ximenez, as Gomez * relates, intended by the publication 
 of his Polyglot, to follow the plan first conceived by Origen 
 in his Hexapla, of exhibiting the Holy Scriptures in their 
 ancient languages. Another object was to revive biblical 
 studies, and especially the knowledge of Hebrew and Greek, 
 of which the clergy of that period seem to have been gene- 
 rally ignorant. The Cardinal foresaw, also, that men would 
 
 * "De Rebus Gestis," lib. ii. fol. 37, &c.
 
 1 PREFACE. 
 
 arise, who, pretending to have studied the Scriptures pro- 
 foundly, would impiously turn their knowledge against the 
 Church of Christ, taking advantage, in the mean time, of the 
 ignorance of the clergy to spread their corrupt and poisonous 
 doctrines. Hence this great man spared no pains or expense, 
 to provide his clergy with the means of becoming proficients 
 in Biblical knowledge. 
 
 Alfonso de Zamora, professor of Hebrew, and one of the 
 editors of the " Polyglot," often related in presence of Gomez 
 that seven Hebrew manuscripts cost Ximenez 4,000 golden 
 ducats; and that the expense of the whole "Polyglot/ 5 
 including the payment of salaries, the purchase of manu- 
 scripts, the casting of new types, travelling expenses, &c., 
 amounted to more than 50,000 ducats ; * a sum which, 
 estimated according to the value of money at that period, 
 must have been immense. Though the work consisted of 
 six volumes in folio, a copy could be purchased at the low 
 price of only six ducats and a half. The editors commenced 
 their labours in the year 1502. After twelve years the first 
 volume (including the New Testament) was completed, 
 January 10th, 1514. The last volume was finished July 
 10th, 1517. Only 600 copies were printed off. The printer 
 was a German, named Arnauld William Brocar, whom 
 Ximenez had invited to Toledo, in order to superintend and 
 publish an edition of the Mozarabic Breviary. He afterwards 
 went to Alcala to print the "Polyglot." When his son, 
 John Brocar, clad in his festal garments, carried the last 
 sheets to Ximenez, the Cardinal, then almost on the verge of 
 the grave,f exclaimed, " I give Thee thanks, O Lord ! that 
 Thou hast enabled me to bring to the desired end, the great 
 work which I undertook." Then turning to those around 
 him he said, " Of the many arduous duties which I have 
 performed for the benefit of the country, there is nothing, 
 
 * About 25,000 sterling. 
 
 + The cardinal died in November, 1517, four months after the completion of 
 the Polyglot.
 
 PREFACE. H 
 
 my friends, on which you ought to congratulate me more 
 than on the completion of this edition of the Bible, which 
 now opens to us the sacred fountains of religion, when they 
 are most needed." (Gomez, fol. 38.) Some difficulties 
 delayed its publication ; until at length Pope Leo X. issued 
 a brief (dated March 22, 1520) authorizing Francisco de 
 Mendoza, bishop of Avila, to allow the sale of the work in 
 all parts of the kingdom. 
 
 Several copies of the " Polyglot " are to be found in the 
 Spanish Libraries, though many of them are imperfect. 
 There is a magnificent copy on vellum, preserved at Madrid, 
 which was brought from Alcala. Some of the universities of 
 Germany and the colleges in England possess copies, amongst 
 which there is a beautiful one (I believe perfect) in the 
 noble library of St. Mary's College, Oscott. 
 
 Making every allowance for the blemishes or imperfections 
 necessarily belonging to such a gigantic undertaking as the 
 Complutensian " Polyglot," we must yet acknowledge, in 
 the words of Mr. Prescott, " That the Cardinal's Bible has 
 the merit of being the first successful attempt at a Polyglot 
 version of the Scriptures, and consequently of facilitating, 
 even by its errors, the execution of more perfect works of the 
 kind.* Nor can we look at it in connection with the age, 
 and the auspices under which it was accomplished, without 
 regarding it as a noble monument of learning, piety, and 
 munificence, which entitles its author to the gratitude of the 
 whole Christian world."t (Character of Ximenez, chap. xxi. 
 p. 522 ; ed. 1854.) 
 
 The account given by Dr. Hefele of the conquest of Oran, 
 is most interesting. Such an enterprise, though apparently 
 
 * The Complutensian was followed by the Antwerp Polyglot, the Paris 
 Polyglot, and the London Polyglot. Several minor polyglots have also 
 appeared at different times, the chief of which is known as Bagster's Polyglot, 
 with a prolegomena by Dr. Lee. 
 
 t Ximenes had also a number of religious works published for popular 
 reading, corresponding with the " cheap publications " of the present day. 
 Amongst these was a life of St. Thomas of Canterbury, to whom the cardinal 
 was exceedingly devoted. (See Gomez and Dr. Hefele.)
 
 Ill PREFACE. 
 
 inconsistent with the peaceful pursuits of a primate, was 
 undertaken by Ximenez in a purely Christian spirit ; he 
 sighed for the day when the banner of the Cross should sup- 
 plant the proud Crescent, in a country where such men as 
 St. Cyprian and St. Augustine lived, and where the Catholic 
 faith once flourished so gloriously. The undertaking as well 
 as the execution of that celebrated expedition, reflect the 
 highest lustre on the military talents of the Cardinal. It was 
 with difficulty that he obtained the consent of Ferdinand, 
 who dreaded the expense; but Ximenez generously con- 
 tributed a large sum from his own revenues, while the 
 chapter of Toledo granted a considerable loan. It Avas he 
 who allayed the jealousy of the military commanders, appeased 
 the dissensions of the officers, established discipline in the 
 army, supplied all its wants with foresight and promptitude, 
 and enflamed the religious ardour of the troops before the 
 attack with a few burning words, such as Napoleon or 
 Wellington might have pronounced.* It was only by the 
 urgent entreaties of the officers, that he was prevented from 
 exposing himself in the ranks of his soldiers to the fire of 
 the enemy. Oran was taken. The standard which was 
 carried before Ximenez, is still preserved in the library of the 
 " Universidad Central " of Madrid. 
 
 But it is time to bring this long preface to a conclusion, 
 though much more might be said on other points, especially 
 on the boldness and vigour of his measures when regent. 
 During a period of nearly two years Ximenez displayed to the 
 fullest advantage all his great stateman-like talents. Indeed, 
 it was only by his consummate prudence, foresight, and 
 courage, in resisting the intrigues of the grandees, as well as 
 the ambitious designs of others, that he was enabled to save 
 his country from the terrible dangers that threatened it on 
 
 * See his address in the chapter on the conquest of Oran. Gomez states 
 that the Cardinal often acknowledged " that the smell of gunpowder was more 
 grateful to him than the sweetest perfumes of Arabia." Doubtless, because 
 Xirnenez wished to destroy the power of the infidel, and was glad whenever 
 he had an opportunity of attacking the Moore.
 
 PREFACE. liii 
 
 every side. His policy, however, as a statesman has been 
 attacked by some French and English writers, especially with 
 regard to his treatment of the Moors after the conquest of 
 Granada. But as the observations of Dr. Hefele on the 
 subject are very just, I refer the reader to the translation, 
 without offering any remarks of my own. 
 
 The part which Ximenez took in the conversion of America 
 was so slight^ or, rather, all the documents which could throw 
 any light on the subject having either perished or been 
 destroyed, the biographers have not given us any details 
 respecting so interesting and important a matter. Only 
 a few allusions to the subject are given by Gomez ; according 
 to whom it seems that Ximenez, after the death of Ferdinand, 
 sent a number of Hieronymite monks on a mission for 
 America, nominating Las Casas as the head of them. The 
 instructions which he gave them were most admirable, and 
 the effects of the mission highly beneficial to the poor 
 Indians, and thus were thousands of souls indebted to the 
 Cardinal for their happiness, both in this life and the next.* 
 (See Dr. Hefele's chapter on the " Solicitude of Ximenez for 
 America," chap, xxviii. German ed.) 
 
 Ximenez spent the last few months of his life, in the year 
 1517, in making preparations for the arrival of Charles V. in 
 Spain. But that monarch, at the instigation of his treacherous 
 Flemish advisers, who were jealous of the power of Ximenez, 
 protracted his residence in the north in order to avoid meet- 
 ing the regent. He had even the ingratitude to address a 
 letter to him, in which, after thanking him for his former 
 services, he dismissed him not only from his office as regent, 
 but from all political duties likewise. Ximenez, however, had 
 already been preparing himself to appear before another 
 royal master, who he hoped would reward his services better 
 a thousand-fold than any earthly monarch could do. The 
 
 * See Herrera, " Historia de las Indias Occidentals, " Madrid, 1730. For 
 an account of Las Casas the reader may consult Irving's " Life of Columbus," 
 or Colon, as the Spaniards call him.
 
 v PREFACE. 
 
 account of his death which is given by Dr. Hefele is most 
 edifying ; the news of it filled all Spain with mourning, and 
 never has that Catholic land seen his equal since. To do 
 justice to his exalted character needs no words of mine. As 
 a statesman, he was far superior to Richelieu ; * as a prelate, 
 he was the model of bishops; as a monk, full of the spirit of 
 his order ; as a patron of learning, he could not be surpassed. 
 Not only was he irreproachable in his morals, kind and 
 generous to the poor, severe to himself alone, zealous beyond 
 conception for the advancement of the Catholic faith, a father 
 to his clergy and canons of Toledo, devoted to the Holy See ; 
 forgiving and even kind to his enemies ; but, in addition to all 
 this, he is the only prime minister mentioned in history, who 
 was considered to be a saint, both living and dead.f Well 
 may Spain be proud of such a prelate, whose history, together 
 with that of Isabella, throws such glory around the period in 
 which they lived, and which, alas ! at the same time, forms 
 such a painful contrast with the present degenerate race of 
 statesmen, in whose hands unfortunately are placed the 
 destinies of the noble Spanish nation. 
 
 If I can inspire my readers with the same love and admi- 
 ration for the character of Ximenez that I feel myself, and 
 induce them to take an interest in a country with which we 
 ourselves were once closely united, and which often assisted 
 English priests when persecution drove them from their 
 homes, then will the labour of the translation be fully 
 repaid. 
 
 The will of Ximenez is still preserved with great care in 
 
 * Dr. Hefele devotes a chapter to a comparison between Ximenez and 
 Richelieu. But why do so, when every writer is forced to give the palm to 
 Ximenez? The difference between the two is immense. 
 
 + Though the Church has not as yet pronounced any decree respecting the 
 sanctity of Ximenez, he is still called a saint by many Spanish writers. The 
 cause of his canonization was anxiously pressed by the Spanish sovereigns in 
 the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; but the Holy See has not thought 
 fit to enrol him amongst the saints. Whether she considered the miracles 
 recorded of him not to have been sufficiently proved, or his virtues not to have 
 been heroic, I am unable to say. (See Quintanilla, " Archive Complutense," 
 at the end of his " Archetypo de Virtudes," &c.)
 
 PREFACE. Iv 
 
 the university of Madrid, and some interesting memorials of 
 him are shown in the chapter-room of the cathedral of 
 Toledo, especially three fine pictures, one of which is said to 
 be a likeness. A volume of letters, written by the Cardinal 
 on various subjects, is also preserved at Madrid, in the Koyal 
 Library ; but I was unable to discover anything among the 
 documents at Simancas, except a curious account of the 
 expenses of the troops that were sent to the siege of Oran. 
 Many of the papers and documents connected with Ximenez 
 were unfortunately lost or destroyed during the French 
 invasion, which was in so many respects disastrous to Spain. 
 
 One relic, however, of the Cardinal, and that, too, exceed- 
 ingly precious, and which I have had the happiness of seeing, 
 is now in possession of the illustrious archbishop of Burgos, 
 who was educated at Ushaw College. It is the identical ring 
 which the Cardinal wore, with his name, Ximenez, inscribed 
 inside. This ring was presented to his grace the archbishop 
 of Burgos (Fernando de la Fuente) by the right Rev. Dr. 
 O'Connor, bishop of Pittsburg, in America, when they met 
 in Rome in the year 1854. Dr. O'Connor received it from 
 the late bishop of Philadelphia, to whom it was given by 
 Joseph Napoleon, the intruded king of Spain, and he was 
 presented with it by the university of Alcala, on occasion of 
 a visit which he paid to the place. The archbishop has 
 assured me, that there is no doubt of its authenticity. 
 
 I cannot conclude, without expressing my gratitude and 
 thanks for the kind assistance given to me by the archbishop 
 of Burgos, while translating this work, in sending me letters 
 of introduction to Salamanca and Toledo. I also feel exceed- 
 ingly indebted for much valuable information, which I have 
 received from Senor Don Vicente de la Fuente, professor in 
 the royal University of Madrid ; from the Marques de 
 Morante, of Madrid ; from the senator Senor Don Pedro 
 Gomez de la Serna ; and from the illustrious rector of the 
 University of Salamanca. I am likewise bound to express 
 my thanks for the assistance afforded to me by the respected
 
 Ivi PREFACE. 
 
 rector of St. Alban's College, Valladolid, the very Rev. 
 Dr. Guest, and the vice-rector of the Irish College in Sala- 
 manca, the Rev. J. Mooney. I owe many thanks also to the 
 librarians of the university of Valladolid, and the college of 
 Santa Cruz, in the same city, for the facilities they have 
 afforded me of consulting books. It is my duty, moreover, to 
 state, that in consequence of my time being much occupied 
 while here, that portion of the work which embraces the 
 refutation of Llorente's one-sided and inaccurate view of 
 the Inquisition, as well as from page 285 to the end of the 
 volume, has been translated by the accurate hand of 
 Mr. Meno Haas. 
 
 JOHN DALTON. 
 
 ST. ALBAN'S COLLEGE, VALLADOLID, 
 1859. 
 
 In the Appendix will be found an account of the transla- 
 tion of the Cardinal's remains to a new sepulchre at Alcala 
 de Henares, which solemn ceremony took place April 27th, 
 1857. 
 
 fans 31*0
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE OF CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE BIETII AND YOUTH OF XIMENEZ. 
 
 AFTER Spain had been for a long time in a mise- 
 rable state, Cardinal Ximenez no doubt holds the 
 first rank amongst those who were preparing for 
 her better days, at the end of the fifteenth and the 
 commencement of the sixteenth century. 
 
 As a priest, he was pious as a saint; as bishop and 
 primate, he was very remarkable for his great cha- 
 rity to the poor, and indefatigable zeal in the cause 
 of morality and the pursuit of knowledge ; as a 
 statesman, few were so active and wise : so that to 
 his very name is attached an undying remembrance 
 of justice and honour. A Spaniard even now blesses 
 his memory; and although since his birth more 
 than four hundred years have passed away, yet 
 writers both of profane and ecclesiastical history, 
 politicians, too, and theologians, still speak of him 
 with the highest esteem.* 
 
 Many biographers f have laboured in vain to trace 
 
 * For the history of Spain from the eighth to the fifteenth 
 century, see Prescott's "Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. i. 
 
 t Eugenio de B/obles, " Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del 
 Cardenal Fray Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros" (Toledo, 1604). 
 
 B
 
 2 THE LIFE OF 
 
 his origin from the famous counts of Cisneros. 
 Ximenez, however, was perhaps more than any one 
 else indebted to his own deeds, without depending 
 on or requiring the splendour of ancestry. 
 
 The celebrated cardinal belonged to the family of 
 Ximenez, which came from the decayed nobility of 
 Castile. The surname Cisneros was derived from the 
 town where the family dwelt. His father, Alphonso 
 Ximenez, discharged the humble office of receiver of 
 tithes for the king, a tax which was levied by per- 
 mission of the pope, in order to assist the kings of 
 Spain in their wars against the Moors. Alphonso 
 had espoused a lady named Dona Marina de la 
 Torre,* who was descended from a decayed, though 
 renowned, family, the name of which, together with 
 the arms of the noble house, were given on account 
 of the valour of one of her ancestors who took by 
 assault a strong tower in Madrid, f Ximenez was 
 the eldest son, born in the year 1436, $ at Torre- 
 laguna, a small town in the province of Toledo. At 
 his baptism he received the name of Gonzales, 
 which he changed into Francis, after he entered the 
 Franciscan order. His parents wishing their son to 
 
 Also Quintanilla, " Archetype de Virtudes, Espejo de Prelados, 
 el .Venerable Padre y Siervo de Dios, Fray Francisco Ximenez de 
 Cisneros" (Palermo, 1633, fol.), p. 5. 
 
 Prescott, though a very agreeable writer, has fallen into several 
 mistakes respecting the cardinal, and misunderstood many of his 
 greatest actions. Trans. 
 
 * See Plechier, " Hist, du Cardinal Ximenes" (Amsterdam, 
 1700), liv. i. p. 4. Trans. 
 
 t The city was besieged by King B/amiro, who was on the 
 point of retiring, when one of the strongest towers was unex- 
 pectedly taken. (See Eug. de Robles, cap. 8.) Trans. 
 
 J Prescott accuses Flechier of making a mistake of twenty 
 years in the date of Ximenez' birth. But the mistake seems 
 evidently to be a mere misprint for 1437, instead of 1457, which 
 is on the margin of some editions. In the very first sentence 
 Flechier mentions that Ximenez was born in the reign of John II. 
 of Castile.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 3 
 
 dedicate himself to the Church, and having trained 
 him to exercises of piety at an early age, soon sent 
 him to Alcala, in order to study grammar under 
 able masters. He afterwards was removed to the 
 renowned university of Salamanca, where he con- 
 tinued his studies, and began to learn canon and 
 civil law, philosophy, and theology ; the two last of 
 which he acquired under a celebrated professor 
 named Roa. Here it was that he first manifested 
 that preference for biblical studies which afterwards 
 produced such abundant and fruitful results. By 
 giving private lessons on civil and ecclesiastical law, 
 Ximenez was enabled to support himself for six 
 years at this university ; after which period he left 
 Salamanca and returned to his native town, having 
 acquired a good stock of knowledge, and taken his 
 degree of bachelor in canon and civil law. Poverty 
 and the advice of his father induced him soon after, 
 in the year 1459, to seek his fortune in Rome.* 
 On his way, he was twice plundered by robbers, of 
 his money, clothes, and horse : being unable, there- 
 fore, to continue his journey, he was obliged to stop 
 at Aix, in Provence. Here, however, he had the 
 good fortune to meet with an old friend, named 
 Brunet, formerly a schoolfellow with him at Sala- 
 manca. He, too, was on his way to Rome ; and 
 having been informed of the misfortune which 
 happened to Ximenez, he liberally assisted him, 
 and accompanied him to the capital of Chris- 
 tendom, f 
 
 At Rome, Ximenez, while pursuing his studies, 
 undertook the office of consistorial advocate in the 
 
 * Flechier gives the reason of his journey : " De peur de luy 
 etre a charge," &c. (liv. i. p. 6). Trans. 
 
 t Gomez (a cotemporary of Ximenez), "De Rebus gestis 
 Francisci Ximenii," lib. i. in " Hispania? illustrate Scriptores " 
 (Francof. fol.), torn. i. p. 932. 
 
 B 2
 
 4 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ecclesiastical courts. After six years' residence, he 
 soon attracted the notice of his superiors ; but the 
 death of his father recalled him to Spain, in order 
 that he might take care of the family, now almost 
 reduced to poverty. With a view of being some 
 assistance to them as soon as possible, he had asked 
 and obtained of the pope letters called " Expec- 
 tativa3," which gave him the first vacant benefice 
 in the diocese of Toledo. 
 
 During several centuries, and especially in the 
 twelfth century, the spiritual lords and civil patrons 
 had introduced the evil custom of granting these 
 letters " expectativa3," for benefices not yet vacant. 
 Although provision was thereby made for men of 
 merit, yet the custom was opposed to the ancient 
 laws of the Church, besides opening a door to 
 simony and every other disorder. The third general 
 council of Lateran, held under Alexander III., 
 considered it necessary absolutely to forbid such 
 kind of promises.* This zealous pontiff not only 
 reserved to the Holy See the collation to benefices 
 already vacant, by the decree " Mandata de provi- 
 dendo :" he also, on the other hand, strictly sup- 
 pressed the said letters altogether, and forbade any 
 regard to be paid to them. Still, his successors, 
 viz., Celestine III., &c., from the year 1191 to 
 1198, again renewed the permission, as may be 
 seen from a decree of Pope Innocent Ill.f Inno- 
 cent himself, it is true, adhered to the letter of the 
 decree of the third council of Lateran, and forbade 
 all letters " expectativae," under the form " Pro- 
 mitto praBbendam, cum vacabit ;" but by allowing 
 another form, " Promitto prsebendam, cum potero, 
 seu cum facultas se obtulerit," he weakened the 
 force of his first resolution. About ninety years 
 
 * Harduin, Collect. Concil., torn. vi. p. 1677, cap. 8. 
 t Corp. Jur. Canon., cap. 4, de Concessione, &c.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 5 
 
 later, Boniface VIII. withdrew again the power of 
 conferring benefices not yet vacant, even under the 
 form " Cum potero," &c., on account of the abuses 
 which (he says) had crept in. But he himself, by 
 making use of a sophistical distinction,* whilst he 
 condemned letters " expectativse " as regards a par- 
 ticular benefice, granted them for any benefice in 
 general which might first become vacant, f Thus 
 was the enemy of ecclesiastical order driven out on 
 one side, but he was admitted on the other : hence 
 it was, that during the great schism in the West 
 in the fourteenth century, a favourable opportunity 
 was afforded of exercising fully this pernicious power. 
 Both parties, viz. the popes of Rome and the anti- 
 popes at Avignon, sought thereby to enrich and 
 multiply their adherents, by granting permission to 
 possess these benefices. "When the vacancies were 
 not sufficient, these letters "expectativse" were 
 granted without number ; they were often sold at a 
 fixed price, in order to replenish the exhausted 
 coffers. J 
 
 At last, Pope Martin V., importuned by com- 
 plaints from various quarters, solemnly declared in 
 the council of Constance, that henceforth he would 
 not grant letters " expectativse," except for inferior 
 benefices, and one only for each diocese ; Italy and 
 Spain, however, were excepted, because in these 
 countries the benefices being very poor, more were 
 allowed. In the thirty-first session of the council 
 of Basle (1483) a general law was made against 
 
 * This expression is disrespectful, and not at all just. (See 
 Hurter's Life of Innocent III.) The letters complained of were 
 given with great reluctance by most of the popes, and only in 
 favour of those who deserved well of the Church. (Thomassin, 
 "Discip. de 1'Eglise.") Trans. 
 
 t Corp. Jur. Canon., cap. 2 et 3, de Concessione, &c. 
 
 J Theodore de Niem. de Schismate, ii. 7, 8. 
 .- " Auf niedere Pfriinden," &c. p. 13 (German ed.). Trans.
 
 6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 all these " letters " above named; but as this coun- 
 cil is considered to be schismatical from the twenty- 
 sixth session, the regulations of Martin V. alone 
 remained in force. The pope, therefore, and 
 Ximenez were both in the same circumstances, on 
 the ground of historical right ; viz., one by seeking 
 the letters, and the other by granting them. The 
 council of Trent, by the command of Pius IV., 
 absolutely suppressed the " Gratis expect ativas."* 
 
 The first benefice which became vacant in the 
 diocese of Toledo, was that of the archpriest of 
 Uzeda : the revenue was not indeed great, but 
 Ximenez was in a special manner satisfied with it, 
 because his native town of Torrelaguna was included 
 in the limits of the benefice. In the mean time, 
 Alphonso Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, had already 
 promised this benefice to an ecclesiastic of his house- 
 hold : he was, therefore, exceedingly angry that 
 Ximenez laid claim to it. Milder bishops than 
 Carillo had often resisted the like concessions of the 
 popes ; much more opposition, then, was to be ex- 
 pected from a prelate whose ambition and inflexible 
 obstinacy were well known throughout the whole of 
 Spain, f For a long time, being all-powerful as 
 minister under Henry IV. of Castile, he had often 
 placed himself at the head of the rebels ; and ex- 
 changing the rochet for a coat of mail, had boldly 
 headed an insurrection, and commanded at the 
 bloody battle of Olmedo, in 1467. Seldom did any 
 one venture to resist such a prelate : but from that 
 day Ximenez began to exhibit that remarkable 
 
 * Sess. xxiv. cap. 19, de Beform. (Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trid., 
 lib. xxiii. cap. 6.) 
 
 t Mariana, speaking of this prelate, says, " Magno vir animo, 
 turbido tamen et inquieto" (Hist, de Rebus Hispan., lib. xxii. 
 cap. 4). Flechier mentions him as a bishop " qui etoit 
 naturelment severe " (liv. i. p. 9). It is to be hoped that the 
 character given of this prelate is somewhat exaggerated. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 7 
 
 feature in his character to which he was indebted 
 afterwards as the means of his exaltation I mean, 
 that unalterable, unshaken firmness which no danger 
 could subdue, when there was any occasion of de- 
 fending right against might. Ximenez, then, in 
 accordance with his character, persisted most reso- 
 lutely in pressing his claim to the vacant benefice ; 
 but the more he persisted, so much the more haughtily 
 did the powerful archbishop withhold the benefice 
 from him. The result was, that Ximenez, instead 
 of becoming the parish priest of Uzeda, was de- 
 tained a prisoner there, closely confined in one of 
 the strongest towers. Some time afterwards, when 
 he had arrived at the height of his greatness, this 
 same place was chosen by him for his treasury.* 
 Here it was, according to the relation of his ancient 
 biographers, that a priest, who was his companion 
 in captivity, announced to him his future greatness, 
 and even elevation to the archiepiscopal see of 
 Toledo. "My father," calmly replied Ximenez, 
 " such a commencement does not certainly promise 
 so happy an end ;" and thus he continued, without 
 making any complaint against his oppressor, man- 
 fully to endure the severity of his imprisonment.! 
 
 After a few years, he was removed to the fortress 
 of Santorcaz, which was then the usual place of 
 confinement in the diocese of Toledo for contuma- 
 cious ecclesiastics. Here he resolutely rejected 
 as he had done before the repeated attempts which 
 were made in order to induce him to renounce his 
 benefice. At last, after Ximenez had been deprived 
 of his liberty for more than six years, Carillo being 
 convinced that force was powerless in bending such 
 
 * G-omez, lib. i. p. 932 ; Robles, c. 2, p. 40 ; also Flechier, who 
 adds, " that he kept here the money which he intended for his 
 expedition into Africa " (liv. i. p. 8). Trans. 
 
 t Flechier, liv. vi. p, 518.
 
 8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a character, and being also influenced by the en- 
 treaties of his niece, the countess of Buendia, gave 
 him his freedom, together with the possession of his 
 benefice. 
 
 Ximenez, however, having but little confidence in 
 the future goodwill of Carillo, wished to leave the 
 diocese of Toledo. He exchanged, therefore, in the 
 year 1480, his benefice of archpriest for the first 
 chaplaincy of Sigiienza ; but as the revenues of the 
 latter were greater than those of Uzeda, he made an 
 engagement to restore the difference to the former 
 head chaplain of Sigiienza. 
 
 At Sigiienza, his virtues soon acquired for him 
 the general esteem and friendship of many illustrious 
 individuals ; amongst whom was the rich archdeacon 
 of Almazan, Juan Lopez de Medina-Cceli. By the 
 advice of Ximenez, this ecclesiastic was induced to 
 found the academy of Sigiienza, which was unfor- 
 tunately suppressed in the year 1807.* Ximenez 
 himself ardently devoted all his time to his biblical 
 studies, and learned the Hebrew and Chaldaic lan- 
 guages. 
 
 Such a man could not long remain unknown to 
 the bishop of Sigiienza. Prom the year 1468 this 
 see had been occupied by Pedro Gonzalez, of the 
 illustrious house of Mendoza, a prelate of great 
 prudence and high attainments, and one, too, who 
 exercised an important influence over the history of 
 Spain and the destiny of Ximenez. In the year 
 1474 Gonzalez was honoured by the pope with a 
 cardinal's hat, with the title in addition of cardinal 
 of Spain : he had also received from King Henry IV. 
 the dignity of archbishop of Seville ; but as the 
 diocese of Sigiienza was intrusted to him at the 
 
 * I am unable to state whether the seminary has been since 
 restored. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 9 
 
 same time, the* archbishop was anxious to find an 
 able and trustworthy administrator of it. He soon 
 discovered " the right man " in Ximenez, whom he 
 appointed to be his grand- vicar, and honoured with 
 his fullest confidence, rewarding him at the same 
 time with the possession of several benefices. How 
 long Ximenez exercised his zeal in such a wide field, 
 cannot be discovered with any degree of certainty, 
 as all his ancient biographers seem very careless 
 about dates. Quintanilla gives the year 1484 as the 
 probable date. It seems, however, certain, that 
 Ximenez governed the diocese in 1483 ; for it was 
 about this time that the Count Silva de Cifuentes, 
 having been taken prisoner by the Moors, confided 
 to him the administration of his estates (which were 
 considerable) in the diocese of Sigiienza. 
 
 In the mean time, the vicar-general pleased every 
 one better than he pleased himself. He was not 
 happy. He longed to withdraw from the harassing 
 duties and worldly cares of his office. He sighed 
 for the calm of holy contemplation and the study 
 of theology. In vain did friends endeavour to 
 change his mind ; he gave up all his benefices to 
 them, recommending to their care and protection 
 his younger brother, Bernardin, then addicted to a 
 worldly life on the condition, however, that he be- 
 came virtuous. Ximenez soon retired as a novice 
 into a convent belonging to the Observantines of the 
 Franciscan order. It was called the convent of San 
 Juan de los Reyes, and was founded at Toledo by 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, in consequence of a vow.f 
 
 * Mariana assures us that this plurality of benefices was con- 
 trary to the practice of the Spanish church (Hist. Hispanise, lib. 
 xxiii. cap. 19). 
 
 t This vow was made in consequence of the successful issue of 
 the "War of Succession, by the defeat of Alphonso, king of Por- 
 tugal. (See Robles, Gomez, and Quintanilla.)
 
 10 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ximenez chose it, because it was celebrated for the 
 strict observance of the rules. 
 
 Scarcely had he finished his noviciate and made 
 his profession, when the fame of his piety spreading 
 far and near, numbers of the inhabitants came to 
 confess to him, asking for advice, comfort, and in- 
 struction from him. His interior life being hereby 
 disturbed and interrupted, Ximenez begged his 
 superiors to send him into some lonesome and dis- 
 tant monastery. He was accordingly sent to the 
 small convent of Our Lady of Castanar, which 
 derived its name from its pleasant situation, in the 
 midst of a forest of chestnuts, near Toledo. Ximenez 
 himself assures us, that in this tranquil oasis he 
 spent the most pleasant days of his life, which were 
 equally divided between study and religious duties, 
 with the Bible and the scourge in his hand, and his 
 body covered with a hair shirt. There, after the 
 example of the ancient anchorites, he spent many 
 days and nights in a lonely hermitage which he had 
 built with his own hands, by the permission of his 
 superiors. He loved this retreat to such a degree 
 that afterwards, in the midst of all his grandeur, 
 he said he would willingly exchange for it his 
 see of Toledo, and also his cardinal's hat and the 
 ensigns of the regency which he held. All the re- 
 ligious brethren of his order esteemed his prudence 
 and piety ; and often was he sent for by his superiors 
 to Toledo, in order that they might have the benefit 
 of his advice in all important matters connected 
 with the good of the order. 
 
 In one of these journeys to Toledo, his exaltation 
 to the see of Toledo was again foretold. Being 
 once, with another companion, overtaken in the 
 night, he was obliged to sleep on the grass with 
 his fellow-brother, Pedro Sanchez. The latter awoke 
 suddenly, and exclaimed, "I dreamt only a mo-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 11 
 
 ment ago, Father Francis, that you were arch- 
 bishop of Toledo, and that I saw a cardinal's hat 
 on your head." Ximenez, whatever he thought 
 of this dream, did not long enjoy his peaceful re- 
 treat of Castanar ; for the rule of the order required 
 the religious often to change their residence. The 
 pious father was accordingly sent to Salzeda, a less 
 rigorous solitude than the former, where he con- 
 tinued his mortified life, and even redoubled his 
 austerities. He was soon unanimously chosen by 
 the religious as their guardian.* "Whilst he was 
 fulfilling the duties of this humble office, with the 
 same exactitude which he had shown in the adminis- 
 tration of an extensive diocese, many events had 
 taken place which influenced his future life, and 
 clearly pointed him out as destined to become one 
 of the most active instruments in the regeneration 
 of Spain. 
 
 * Prescott, speaking of this period of the cardinal's life, 
 says : " It is no wonder that he should have indulged in ecstasies 
 and visions until he fancied himself raised into communication 
 with celestial intelligences" (vol. ii. p. 338, 5th edit.). Where 
 does the writer of these lines find his authority for such 
 assertions ?
 
 12 THL LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER, II. 
 
 FERDINAND AND ISABELLA ASCEND THE THEONE. CONQUEST 
 Or GEANADA. 
 
 THE greatness of Ximenez, as well as the future 
 destiny of Spain, depended on Ferdinand and 
 Isabella coming to the throne. Two things were 
 absolutely necessary, in order to deliver Spain from 
 the miserable state in which she groaned about the 
 middle of the fifteenth century, and to restore once 
 more that beautiful land to glory and power ; viz. 
 sovereigns able to rule, and the union into one 
 kingdom of the Spanish states, which hitherto were 
 so often opposed to each other. Ferdinand and 
 Isabella seemed destined to fulfil these two con- 
 ditions. But at their birth no one could certainly 
 have anticipated such a blessing, so far distant did 
 the crown seem to be from their heads.* The 
 sceptre of Arragon belonged to Ferdinand's elder 
 brother, Carlos, prince of Viana, who was then in 
 the bloom of age and the strength of his man- 
 hood. But he died unmarried, 23rd of September, 
 1461 ; thus unexpectedly leaving Ferdinand heir 
 to the throne. Isabella, however, appeared even 
 more unlikely to succeed to the crown of Arra- 
 gon; for, before this could be effected, it was 
 necessary that death should remove both her bro- 
 thers, viz., Henry IV. and Alfonso ; and also that 
 
 * Ferdinand was born March the 10th, 1452, and Isabella 
 April the 22nd, 1451. The date of Isabella's birth rests on the 
 authority of the learned Spanish historian Clemencin. (See torn. vi. 
 "Memorias do la lleal Academia de la Historia," Madrid, 1821.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 13 
 
 Beltraneja* should be declared by her father in- 
 capable of succeeding to the throne. 
 
 Yet even supposing that this almost impossible 
 union of events should be effected, another con- 
 dition was requisite for the future prosperity of 
 Spain ; viz. the union of Arragon and Castile, two 
 powerful states, by the marriage of Ferdinand and 
 Isabella. But a thousand obstacles appeared in 
 the way of this consummation, which for a long 
 time seemed insurmountable. It is true, that 
 Isabella, when yet a child about six or seven years 
 old, was betrothed to Ferdinand; but political 
 motives soon dissolved this proposed union. Her 
 hand was then solicited by Ferdinand's elder 
 brother, Carlos, the prince of Viana, before she had 
 reached her tenth year. After his death, she was 
 promised to Alfonso of Portugal (1464) ; but in 
 spite of threats and entreaties, this proposal did 
 not succeed; for the princess, now only in her 
 thirteenth year, was quite opposed to it. Some time 
 afterwards she was exposed to the still greater 
 danger of becoming the victim of the base political 
 artifices of her brother. The kingf wished to give 
 her in marriage to the Grand Master of Calatrava, 
 Don Pedro Giron, brother of the marquis of Yillena, 
 and uncle to the powerful Archbishop Carillo. The 
 object of the king, by this proposal, was to weaken 
 the power of his enemies by attaching to himself 
 these three men from the rank of the insurgents. 
 The Grand Master had even obtained a dispensation 
 from his vows. But Isabella was horrified at the 
 mere idea of being united with a man who was 
 
 * So called from her reputed father, Beltran de la Cueva. Her 
 baptismal name was Joanna. She was supposed to be an ille- 
 gitimate daughter, though Henry IV. wished her to be considered 
 as presumptive heir to the crown. Trans. 
 
 t Her brother, Henry IV. Trans.
 
 14 THE LIFE OF 
 
 considered to be a depraved character.* She 
 therefore besought Heaven, by prayers and fasting, 
 to deliver her from such a fate ; while her faithful 
 friend Beatriz de Bobadilla was resolved to murder 
 him, should he make his appearance. Giron, 
 however, diedf (May 2nd, 1466) on his way to 
 celebrate the marriage ; and thus was the princess 
 delivered from her fourth intended spouse. 
 
 "When at last Isabella was declared heir to the 
 throne, by the treaty which was drawn up at a place 
 called Toros de Guisando,$ there came again fresh 
 suitors from the royal families of England and 
 Prance. But she had already cast her eyes on her 
 cousin, Per dinand of Arragon, || a young prince about 
 the same age as herself, distinguished for the 
 comeliness of his person and his chivalrous quali- 
 ties, as well as renowned for many noble deeds of 
 valour which he performed while serving in the 
 battles carried on by his father. This time 
 politics and inclination agreed, while the people 
 already rejoiced in anticipation of such a happy 
 union between two such regal personages. But in 
 
 * So Prescott represents him, asserting " that his private life 
 was stained with most of the licentious vices of the age " (p. 163, 
 fifth edit.). Isabella certainly disliked the man exceedingly. 
 Trans. 
 
 f Some attributed his death to poison ; but not a shadow of 
 suspicion was ever cast on Isabella, as having caused his death. 
 Trans. 
 
 J So called from four bulls, sculptured in stone, which were 
 discovered there. (Prescott, p. 172, note.) 
 
 The one from England was a brother of Edward IV., but 
 which of the brothers seems uncertain. The other suitor, from 
 France, was the duke of Guienne, brother of Louis XI. (Prescott, 
 p. 173.) 
 
 | I refer the reader to Mr. Prescott' s " History of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella" for all the details connected with Ferdinand, which 
 Dr. Hefele merely touches upon. Dr. Hefele, however, corrects 
 some mistakes into which Mr. Prescott has fallen. These I shall 
 notice later. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 15 
 
 order to effect the marriage, the consent of Henry 
 of Castile was necessary ; for by the treaty of Toros 
 it was settled, that Isabella should not be forced to 
 marry against her will, nor without the consent of 
 her brother. 
 
 Henry, however, was secretly plotting to annul 
 the above treaty, and deprive his sister of the 
 throne.* In order, therefore, that Isabella's claims 
 might not receive any strength and support from 
 an alliance with Arragon, he endeavoured to marry 
 her to Alfonso, the old king of Portugal, and to 
 unite his daughter Beltraneja (Joanna) with the 
 son and heir of the Portuguese monarch, who, it 
 was supposed, would, for his son's sake, espouse the 
 claims of Beltraneja and reject those of Isabella, f 
 But what at last constituted an open violation of 
 the treaty, which Henry swore to observe, was a 
 threat of force and imprisonment, unless she agreed 
 to a union that was hateful to her, both on political 
 and personal grounds. Isabella now considered 
 herself freed from all her engagements, and she 
 accordingly married Ferdinand publicly, on the 
 19th of October, 1649, without the consent of her 
 brother. | Ferdinand, in the true style of a gallant 
 
 * Of Castile and Leon. The marquis of Yillena had, perhaps, 
 more to do with this plot than Henry. The marquis Con- 
 sidered the union of Castile and Arragon would be opposed to 
 his interests. Trans. 
 
 t Dr. Hefele seems to forget that it was the marquis of Villeua 
 who revived the pretensions of Alfonso ; and when the princess 
 absolutely refused the king's hand, it was Villena, in reality, who 
 tried to force her by threats of violence and imprisonment. (See 
 Prescott.) Trans. 
 
 J " Ferdinand was at this time in the eighteenth year of his 
 age. His complexion was fair, though somewhat bronzed by con- 
 tinual exposure to the sun ; his eye quick and cheerful ; his fore- 
 head ample and approaching to baldness. His muscular and well- 
 proportioned frame was invigorated by the toils of war, and by the 
 chivalrous exercises in which he delighted. He was one of the
 
 16 THE LIFE OF 
 
 knight, had exposed himself to a thousand dangers 
 from, the soldiers of Henry, on his way from Arragon 
 to Valladolid. 
 
 Though King Henry declared his sister had lost 
 all right and title to the throne of Castile, yet the 
 people and the Cortes continued to regard Isabella 
 as the lawful heir to the crown. In proportion, too, 
 as Henry, now lingering under an incurable disease, 
 was approaching the grave, so did most of the 
 families belonging to the high Spanish nobility 
 hasten to enrol themselves under the standard of 
 his sister, together with the celebrated Cardinal 
 Mendoza,* and all his numerous and powerful 
 adherents. 
 
 Thus when Henry died (llth of December, 1474), 
 Isabella was immediately proclaimed queen, and 
 solemnly acknowledged by the Cortes as sovereign 
 in February, 1475. Ferdinand received the title 
 of king, but the exercise of the royal power in 
 Castile belonged solely to the queen, as reina pro- 
 prietaria.* "Whatever part Ferdinand took in the 
 government of the state, was supposed to emanate 
 from her, and to have her consent. To her ex- 
 clusively belonged the highest prerogatives, such 
 as the nomination to military commands and 
 ecclesiastical dignities ; while on the other hand, 
 
 best horsemen in his court, and excelled in field sports of every 
 
 kind Isabella was a year older than her lover. In 
 
 stature, she was somewhat above the middle size. Her com- 
 plexion was fair ; her hair of a light chestnut colour, inclining to 
 red ; and her mild blue eye beamed with intelligence and sensi- 
 bility. She was exceedingly beautiful : ' the handsomest lady,' 
 says one of her household, ' whom I ever beheld, and the most 
 gracious in her manners.' The portrait still existing of her in the 
 royal palace is conspicuous for an open symmetry of features, 
 indicative of the natural serenity of temper, and that beautiful 
 harmony of intellectual and moral qualities which most distin- 
 guished her." Prescott, pp. 184-5. 
 
 * Archbishop of Toledo. f Queen proprietor.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 17 
 
 public notifications, seals, and the current coin, 
 bore the likeness and the arms united, of both the 
 sovereigns.* 
 
 Isabella, in the mean time, did not long occupy 
 the throne in peace; for Archbishop Carillo, who 
 once laboured so much for her exaltation, seeing 
 his hopes frustrated of being able to rule the young 
 queen, owing to the rising influence of Cardinal 
 Mendoza, was resolved to take vengeance. Accord- 
 ingly, following the example of Oppas, archbishop of 
 Seville, who, in the eighth century, introduced the 
 Moors into Spain, so did Carillo, traitor-like, now 
 invite the Portuguese into his native land, and 
 thereby enkindled the War of Succession, which 
 was as bloody as it was of long continuance. The 
 same Alfonso of Portugal who, eleven years before, 
 was anxious to marry Isabella, now sought the 
 hand of Joanna Beltraneja, who had scarcely 
 reached her thirteenth year. Supported by Carillo 
 and other rebels, he endeavoured by the sword to 
 advance and support her pretended claims to the 
 throne of Castile. Fortune favoured him in the 
 beginning, and already the old archbishop boasted 
 that " he had raised Isabella from the distaff, and 
 would soon send her back to it again." But through 
 the untiring activity of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 through the generosity of the clergy, who offered 
 half of the ecclesiastical revenues for the defence of 
 the country, and also through the enthusiasm of 
 the people for their sovereign queen, joined to the 
 hatred of the Castilians against the Portuguese, 
 Alfonso was defeated and completely routed at the 
 bloody battle of Toro, in the year 1476. Carillo and 
 the other traitors were obliged to sue for pardon, on 
 most humiliating terms. But peace was not fully 
 
 * The original marriage contract is in the archives of Siraancas, 
 which are now, happily, thrown open to the public. Trans. 
 
 C
 
 18 THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 established till September, 1479. Ferdinand, by the 
 death of his father (1479), then became king of 
 Arragon, to the great advantage of Castile. Alfonso 
 renounced all claims to the latter kingdom, and to 
 any union with Joanna, to whom the choice was 
 given, either to take the veil or marry Don Juan, 
 the infant son of Ferdinand and Isabella,* as soon 
 as he was of a proper age. On the other hand, a 
 marriage was resolved upon between the young 
 Alonso, son of the prince of Portugal, and the 
 eldest daughter of the Castilian sovereigns, the 
 Infanta Isabella (born 1470) : this union was 
 eifected later. Beltraneja, after she had taken 
 the veil in a convent at Coimbra, soon left her 
 cell, in order once more to assert her claims to the 
 throne and the royal dignity ; but little attention 
 was paid to her words. She died in the year 1530. f 
 
 Thus, while Ximenez was part of his time a 
 prisoner, and during another period of his life ruled 
 the diocese of Sigiienza, there came to the throne 
 of Castile a queen who, with the assistance of 
 Ximenez, was destined by Providence to advance 
 the glory and prosperity of their beloved land. 
 
 The first event which promoted the elevation of 
 Ximenez was the capture and conquest of the Moor- 
 ish kingdom of Granada, in the south of Spain. 
 
 The happy issue of the War of Succession had put 
 Isabella in quiet possession of the throne, while 
 numerous reforms in the state, the public prosperity 
 continually on the increase, the consolidation of 
 the regal authority, and the improvement in the 
 
 * Their son was born June 28th, 1478. (Prescott, note, p. 241.) 
 f Prescott says that she left her convent, not once only, but 
 several times. She affected a royal style and magnificence, sub- 
 scribing herself to the last, "I, the queen." She died at Lisbon, 
 in the sixty-ninth year of her age. Senor Clernencin gives many 
 details connected with her history after taking the veil. (Mem. 
 de la Acad., torn. vi. Thes. 19.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 19 
 
 revenue, together with the extinction of the deadly 
 feuds between the nobility, all these blessings 
 enabled the queen to aim at a still higher object 
 a nobler enterprise. Assisted by the military expe- 
 rience of her spouse, Isabella now began to direct 
 her thoughts towards the accomplishment of a work 
 which would confer numberless benefits on the 
 Catholic Church, as well as honour and glory on the 
 Spanish crown. It was only with feelings of bitter 
 grief that a Christian could behold the beautiful lands 
 of southern Spain, where the Cross was supplanted 
 by the Crescent, and the Gospel by the Koran ; while 
 the Spanish patriot, too, must have wept with no 
 less sorrow when he cast his eyes on the fair city 
 of Granada, then a standing monument of the weak- 
 ness and degradation of his father-land. Hence it 
 was that for some time the young sovereigns, con- 
 scious of their strength, had been maturing their 
 plans for the conquest of the south, and feeding 
 their minds with the hopes of success. The com- 
 mencement of hostilities, on the part of the Moors, 
 soon gave Ferdinand and Isabella the much wished- 
 for opportunity of accomplishing their designs and 
 realizing their hopes. " I will pick out the seeds 
 of this pomegranate one by one,"* said Ferdinand ; 
 and he kept his word. 
 
 Muley Abul Hassanf was the first to interrupt 
 the friendly relations hitherto maintained with Cas- 
 tile. In 1481 he surprised the fortress of Zahara, 
 which had been left in a careless state of defence, 
 and carried away the inhabitants as captives to 
 Granada. The capture, by the Castilians, of the 
 rich and strong Moorish fortress of Alhama (in 
 
 * Granada is the Spanish word for pomegranate. (See Washington 
 Irving's most interesting "History of the Conquest of Granada.") 
 
 t He succeeded his father, Aben-Ismael, in 1466. Zabara 
 was a small fortified town on the frontier of Andalusia. (Prescott.) 
 
 c 2
 
 20 THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 1482) was the first reprisal for the loss of Zahara. 
 From this event many far-seeing Moors clearly 
 perceived and acknowledged that this misfortune 
 would not be the last punishment inflicted on 
 them for the violation of the treaty of peace ; but 
 rather that it was the forerunner of still greater 
 evils : and so it happened. Ferdinand had, indeed, 
 been repulsed with great loss the same year (1482), 
 from an attempt made to take the fortress of 
 Loja,* while a more terrible disaster befell his 
 little army (in the month of March, the following 
 year), which caused their almost total destruction, 
 amongst the defiles of the Axarquia, near Malaga. 
 
 These reverses, however, were of short duration. 
 The Moors were at war amongst themselves. Abu- 
 Abdallah, or Boabdil, as he is called by the Spanish 
 writers,! revolted against his own father, Abul- 
 Hassan, and deprived him of the greater part of his 
 kingdom, together with the capital. Thus, while 
 Boabdil reigned in Granada, his father ruled in 
 Malaga ; and thereby the strength of the kingdom 
 was weakened by such discord. 
 
 It was only a month after the defeat of the 
 Christians in the defiles of Axarquia, that Boabdil 
 was taken prisoner at the battle of LucenaJ (21st of 
 
 * It is not many leagues from Alhama, on the banks of the 
 Xenil. The city was deeply intrenched among hills, and under 
 the Moors was 'defended by a strong fortress. Ferdinand seems 
 not to have made sufficient preparation for the attack. (See Pres- 
 cott, vol. i. p. 390.) 
 
 t Boabdil was surnamed " el Chico," the little, to distinguish 
 him from an uncle of the same name. (Prescott, note, p. 398, 
 vol. i.) 
 
 J " He was discovered after the battle hidden among the reedy 
 thickets of the river, by a common soldier named Martin Hurtado. 
 The prince, being instantly attacked, defended himself with his 
 scimitar, until Hurtado, being joined by two more of his country- 
 men, succeeded in making him prisoner." (Prescott, p. 422, 
 vol. i. ; and Irving.)
 
 CARDINAL XOIENEZ. 21 
 
 April, 1483). Isabella gave him his liberty, but 
 only on these conditions : " That he should pay a 
 yearly tribute as vassal of Castile ; and that he 
 should grant a free passage to the Spanish soldiers, 
 and furnish them with supplies on their march 
 against his father." 
 
 His return to Granada renewed the civil war;* 
 even in the capital itself, the blood of Moors, shed 
 by Moors, flowed for fifty days and fifty nights suc- 
 cessively ! " El Zagal," that is, the Valiant, had 
 deposed his brother, the old king, and made a vio- 
 lent attempt upon the life of his nephew, Boabdil ; 
 while, in the mean time, the Spanish arms began 
 at last, though late, to be crowned with success 
 in every direction. One fortress after another fell 
 into the hands of Isabella ; and in August, 1487, 
 Malaga, " the beautiful," was obliged to yield to its 
 conquerors. Two years after, Baza followed the 
 example of Malaga ; it was the capital of " El 
 Zagal," who, despairing of any more success, re- 
 nounced, in December, 1489, the throne of his 
 ancestors. By this event a part of the Moorish 
 kingdom was recovered ; the Christians took posses- 
 sion of all the strong cities, and left to the Moors the 
 suburbs and the open plains ; and also their pro- 
 perty, laws, and customs, as well as allowing them 
 the free exercise of their religion ; but only on con- 
 dition of their paying to the crown of Castile the 
 tribute which their sovereigns had paid before. 
 
 To this fortunate success of the war Isabella had 
 contributed as much as the most skilful general. 
 
 * " The Moors became separated into two hostile factions, 
 headed by the father and the son, and several bloody encounters 
 took place between them ; yet they never failed to act, with all 
 their separate force, against the Christians as a common enemy." 
 (Washington Irving's " Conquest of Granada," to which I refer 
 the reader for all the details, which are merely alluded to in the 
 text.) Trans,
 
 22 THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 Often did she clothe herself in armour, and by her 
 presence inflame the courage of her soldiers ; she 
 even surpassed many of the chiefs themselves, by 
 her penetration and invincible perseverance. With 
 indefatigable energy she provided for every neces- 
 sity, and pledged more than once her very jewels, 
 to provide for the expenses of the war, and levy 
 fresh troops. She took care of the poor, assisted 
 the wounded in their sufferings, and was the first 
 to provide for them what are now called " ambu- 
 lances"* As this war was not merely political, 
 but also a religious one, Isabella knew how to 
 impress on all hearts the same devout feelings 
 which in past ages animated the soldiers who 
 fought in honour of the Cross. Prayer and re- 
 ligious ceremonies were used, both at the com- 
 mencement and the close of a battle ; no noisy 
 quarrels were ever heard, or gambling allowed, 
 or any "bad character" permitted to be seen in 
 the camp. 
 
 Of the entire powerful kingdom that the Moors 
 possessed, the weak Boabdil now retained only half 
 of what it once was. Depending, too, on the crown 
 of Castile to which he was subject for his protec- 
 tion, this prince had already promised to deliver 
 up Granada ; on condition, however, that " El 
 Zagal " should be obliged to surrender his portion 
 of the kingdom ;f Boabdil being reminded by Per- 
 
 * What the French style " hospices amlulans." This encomium 
 on Isabella is true to the very letter. At the siege of Baza, Peter 
 Martyr (or, to use his Italian name, Pietro Martire), who was 
 present, speaks in raptures of the order that Isabella preserved 
 in the camp. See his Epistles, lib. ii. epist. 73. Trans. 
 
 t Prescott, in his " History," falls into some mistakes respecting 
 this event. These I have pointed out and corrected, in an article 
 which appeared in " Der Tiibinger Theol. Quartalschrift," 1843, 
 B. 447. 1 do not know to what mistakes Dr. Hefele refers. 
 Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 23 
 
 dinand that, as the conditions (made at Loja) were 
 fulfilled, the time was now come to surrender 
 Granada. The weak king, however, returned an 
 evasive answer " That he was no longer free, and 
 could not therefore keep his promise." No doubt 
 there was some truth in these words ; for the Moors 
 had all risen up, inspired with new enthusiasm 
 against the Christians ; while Granada, protected by 
 its numberless* towers, seemed to bid defiance to 
 the most powerful army.f Indeed, Ferdinand him- 
 self, in the first expedition undertaken in 1490, 
 attempted nothing of a decisive character. But in 
 the following year, when the Moors beheld the 
 town of Santa Fe % rising opposite to Granada with 
 marvellous rapidity, the presence of the Spaniards 
 clearly convinced them that they were determined 
 not to raise the siege : then it was that the courage 
 of the Moors failed, and all hopes of deliverance 
 vanished. 
 
 Isabella had named the new citySantaFe; because, 
 on the one hand, she looked upon the war as a con- 
 test in behalf of the Christian faith (fe) ; and because, 
 on the other, she had a pious and strong belief that 
 the whole of the enterprise would be brought to a 
 successful issue. Her hopes were realized ; for, on 
 the 2nd of January, 1492, she entered the capital of 
 the Moorish kingdom, to receive the homage of the 
 
 * The text mentions the number at 1,030. 
 
 t Washington Irving gives a very beautiful description of 
 Granada. 
 
 | " The holy faith." In less than three months the town was 
 erected, consisting of solid structures made of stone and mortar, 
 and including, besides, stables for a thousand horses. The town, 
 was quadrangular in its form, two spacious avenues intersecting 
 each other at right angles in the centre. The whole army was 
 anxious that the new city should bear the name of their illustrious 
 queen, but Isabella modestly declined the honour, and gave it the 
 name which it still bears. Trans.
 
 24 THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 last of its sovereigns.* With a heavy sigh, Boabdil 
 bade adieu to the land of his fathers, and looked for 
 the last time on beautiful Granada from an emi- 
 nence near the city. This place is still called by 
 the Spaniards, "El ultimo Sospiro del Moro."t 
 Boabdil departed on his way to a small principality 
 in the mountains of the Alpuxarras, which was 
 appointed for his abode. But he soon left this 
 place, and returned to Africa to die amidst his 
 friends. 
 
 The remaining population obtained similar, and 
 even milder conditions than did the subjects of 
 " El Zagal " a few years before. Their property, 
 religion, mosques, national manners, customs, and 
 government, remained untouched. The tribute was 
 the same as it was under their own sovereigns ; and 
 for the first three years no tax whatever was levied : 
 in addition to these advantages, all who wished to 
 emigrate were at liberty to do so. Thus, after eight 
 hundred years had passed away, the object which 
 every Spaniard most ardently wished for was now 
 attained; the long- standing ignominy of his ancestors 
 was effaced ; and the power of the Moors destroyed 
 after a war of ten years' continuance, which was 
 compared to that of Troy. The whole of Europe 
 shared in the joy of Spain ; and even secular princes 
 vied with the Holy See in celebrating, with the 
 utmost magnificence and pomp, an event which 
 both interested and gladdened the whole of Chris- 
 tendom. The Pope granted to the two sovereigns, 
 
 * See all the details in Irving. 
 
 t " The last sigh of the Moor." Boabdil did not long remain 
 in Spain. The next year he passed over to Fez with his family, 
 having commuted his petty sovereignty for a considerable sum of 
 money paid him by Ferdinand and Isabella, lie soon after fell 
 in battle, in the service of an African prince. (Prescotfc, vol. ii. 
 p. 85.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 25 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, the title of " Catholic 
 Majesties" Los Reyes Catolicos, a name which 
 has spread their glory throughout the world.* 
 
 * Prescott (vol. ii. p. 87) gives an interesting quotation from 
 Lord Bacon, showing what joy was experienced in England when 
 the news arrived of the conquest of Granada, in the reign of 
 Henry VII.
 
 26 
 
 CHAPTER, III. 
 
 XIMENEZ IS CHOSEN CONFESSOR TO QUEEN ISABELLA, AND 
 PEOVINCIAL OF HIS OBDEE. 
 
 DURING the ten years of the Moorish war, which 
 had occupied Spain so much, Ximenez had been 
 spending his days in the calm retirement of a 
 monastery : the termination of it was the means 
 of drawing him from his peaceful cell. Indeed, 
 amongst the numberless remarkable consequences 
 of this war, not the least was the fact that Isabella's 
 attention was thereby directed to three illustrious 
 men, destined afterwards to become her greatest 
 and most faithful subjects, and to contribute so 
 much to the undying glory of her reign, as well 
 as to the welfare of Spain itself. The men to 
 whom I allude were, Columbus, who discovered 
 America; the great warrior Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
 and Cardinal Ximenez. Isabella, rejoicing over the 
 conquest of Granada, and thus encouraged to un- 
 dertake still greater and nobler enterprises, at last 
 heard the prayers of Columbus, which had remained 
 so long unheeded ; and on the 17th of April, 1492, 
 presented him with that small fleet at Santa Fe, 
 which was destined soon to discover a new world. 
 
 No less illustrious in history is Gonsalvo de 
 Cordova, truly called " El gran capitano," the great 
 captain. For the first time in the Moorish wars, he 
 it was who displayed those extraordinary talents 
 and that rare genius whereby he performed won- 
 ders with such slender resources; and, relying on 
 the strength of his undaunted soul, as well as on
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 27 
 
 the magic influence he possessed over his troops, he 
 it was too who knew, not only how to conquer 
 Naples, but also how to retain it in possession of 
 Spain. 
 
 The rise of Ximenez is no less intimately con- 
 nected with the Moorish wars, though not in such 
 a direct way as those were whom I have already 
 mentioned. An archbishopric had been established 
 in Granada not only for the benefit of the new 
 Christian colonists who might settle in the con- 
 quered land, but also for the conversion of the 
 Moors. The dignity of archbishop had been given 
 by Isabella to her confessor, Fernando de Talavera. 
 If personal virtues, unspotted purity of life, and 
 a remarkable gentleness of character, could enable 
 any one to become the apostle of the Moors, this 
 religious was the man. He was of the order of 
 St. Jerome, and had exchanged his rich bishopric 
 of Avila for the poor see of Granada, generously 
 refusing every indemnification which was offered 
 to him. 
 
 Just at this time, Isabella was thinking of choos- 
 ing another confessor, as pious and prudent as her 
 former one was. Cardinal Mendoza, who had been 
 primate of Toledo since the death of Carillo, now 
 directed the attention of Isabella to Ximenez, whom 
 he had already known and esteemed at Sigiienza. 
 He therefore considered him quite capable of 
 directing the conscience of the queen, and even 
 giving her prudent and wise counsel respecting the 
 affairs of the kingdom, on which it was known that 
 she frequently consulted her confessor. By her 
 particular desire to see this remarkable man, and 
 personally judge of him herself, Cardinal Mendoza 
 ordered Ximenez, under pretence of some urgent 
 business, to hasten to court immediately. The 
 poor Franciscan of Salzeda obeyed the summons;
 
 28 
 
 and after the cardinal had been speaking to him 
 for a long time on various matters, he introduced 
 Ximenez, as it were by accident, and without his 
 suspecting anything, into the apartment of the 
 queen. His modest and recollected appearance, so 
 full of dignity at the same time, his candour of 
 soul, and the noble sentiments which he manifested 
 in his words, all tended to fill Isabella with the 
 highest esteem and admiration for Ximenez. But 
 he was still ignorant of the intentions of her ma- 
 jesty, until two days after, being again introduced 
 to the queen, he was informed of her wishes. But 
 he modestly declined an office which he considered 
 both too weighty for him, and also in direct opposi- 
 tion to the plan of life which he had laid out for 
 himself. Isabella, however, insisted on his accept- 
 ing the office of confessor; and hence Ximenez 
 could no longer refuse. But he obtained permission 
 to remain in his monastery, and to appear at court 
 only when he should be sent for.* 
 
 The learned Peter Martyr, of Arona,t who was 
 resident in the court at this time, mentions that this 
 choice gave the queen the greatest pleasure and 
 satisfaction ; the Spaniards themselves called their 
 sovereign " happy " in having appointed such a 
 man to be her confessor, one, too, who " was equal 
 in wisdom to St. Augustine, to St. Jerome in 
 austerity of life, and in zeal to St. Ambrose." 
 Even on the courtiers, the venerable appearance of 
 the pious father made a profound impression, which 
 is thus expressed by Alvarez, the royal secretary of 
 Eerdinand, in a letter written to his friend Peter 
 
 * See Gomez, lib. i. p. 935 ; Eobles, p. 56 ; and Flechier, 
 liv. i. p. 15. 
 
 t Dr. Hefele mentions in the text Anghiera ; but it is perhaps 
 more correct to say that Peter Martyr was a native of Arona, 
 situated on the borders of Lake Maggiore, in Italy. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 29 
 
 Martyr : "A man of great sanctity," he says, " has 
 come from the depths of a lonesome solitude ; he is 
 wasted away by his austerities, and resembles the 
 ancient anchorites, St. Paul and St. Hilarion. He 
 has succeeded the archbishop of Granada." * 
 
 The more Ximenez endeavoured to abstain from 
 all interference in political matters, so much the 
 more frequently did Isabella seek his advice, until 
 at last she resolved to execute nothing of im- 
 portance without having beforehand heard his 
 opinion. 
 
 A short time after Ximenez had been chosen 
 the queen's confessor, he was also elected, by the 
 chapter of the Franciscan order, provincial of Old 
 and New Castile. He consented with pleasure to 
 bear the burden of this dignity for the usual term 
 of three years, in order to be able to labour more 
 effectively for the restoration of monastic discipline 
 and austerity; while, at the same time, it would 
 give him an opportunity of not appearing frequently 
 at court. 
 
 Upon the recommendation of the guardian of 
 Alcala, Ximenez had chosen for his secretary and 
 assistant a young and well-informed Franciscan, 
 named Francisco Baiyz. He accompanied Ximenez 
 in his journeys, which he made with untiring zeal 
 and energy through the different parts of his vast 
 province, in the visitation of the monasteries of the 
 order. In performing this duty, Ximenez corrected 
 whatever abuses f had crept in, and by word and 
 
 * Pietro Martire, Epist. 105 et 108, ed. 1670. In chap. ix. 
 of this work, I shall speak more at length of Peter Martyr. His 
 Italian name is Pietro Martire. (See Prescott's note on him, 
 vol. ii. p. 63.) 
 
 t Prescott, it seems to me, greatly exaggerates, as most Pro- 
 testant writers do, the abuses which had crept into the religious 
 orders previous to the Reformation. Trans.
 
 30 THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 example encouraged the religious to aim at a more 
 austere life. All his journeys he made on foot : it 
 was only when sickness compelled him, and then it 
 was hut seldom, that he made use of a poor mule 
 to assist him. Faithfully keeping to the strict letter 
 of his rule, the provincial himself often begged 
 what was necessary to support him on his journey ; 
 and so often was he obliged to be content with a few 
 raw roots, that Brother Ruyz once said to him, 
 with a smiling countenance, " Most reverend 
 father, you will certainly be the cause of our dying 
 through hunger ! God gives to every one his par- 
 ticular talent. Do you meditate and pray for me, 
 while I am begging for you."* 
 
 Ruyz, however, understood something more than 
 begging ; for Ximenez soon honoured him with 
 his friendship, and afterwards recommended him 
 for a bishop. 
 
 On one occasion, when they had arrived at Gib- 
 raltar, Ximenez conceived an ardent desire, after 
 the example of his founder and model, St. Francis 
 of Assisium, to pass over into Africa and be- 
 come an apostle, and perhaps a martyr, among the 
 infidels. But a pious woman, belonging to the 
 class called " Beata3,"t appearing to have had 
 some revelation of his future greatness, advised 
 him to renounce such a thought, and rather await 
 the glorious career which was reserved for him in 
 Spain. 
 
 The queen soon recalled him to court, in order 
 to hear his opinion, and support her in the project 
 she had formed for a general reformation of all the 
 religious orders. Ximenez approved of the pro- 
 
 * Gomez, p. 936 ; Quintanilla, lib. i. cap. 10 ; Flechier, liv. i. 
 p. 16. 
 
 t So the Spaniards called those who belonged to the third order 
 of St. Francis.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 31 
 
 ject with all the energy of his character ; and this 
 he did the more willingly because the religious 
 orders in Spain stood in great need of a thorough 
 reform. 
 
 The Franciscan order was the first to which he 
 immediately directed his attention, for his recent 
 visitation had shown him into what a deplorable 
 state it had fallen. Not only were most of the 
 monasteries in the hands of the " Conventuals,"* 
 who were considered very lax, but the greater part 
 of the religious seem to have entirely forgotten the 
 practice of penance and apostolic poverty, in order 
 to lead an idle and luxurious life in magnificent 
 houses. Supported by the royal authority, Ximenez 
 especially endeavoured to transform the Conven- 
 tuals into " Observantines," so called because they 
 adhered to the primitive rule. He then took away 
 from the monasteries all the possessions which they 
 were not allowed to retain : he expelled the un- 
 worthy members, and endeavoured to induce the 
 better disposed to embrace the reform. To many 
 he offered pensions, if they should wish to leave the 
 order, and make room for others who would be 
 willing to lead an austere life. This offer was ac- 
 cepted by the Franciscans of Toledo, who, as if in 
 mockery of Ximenez, solemnly sang, on leaving 
 their monastery, the psalm, " In exitu Israel de 
 JEgypto,"t &o. 
 
 A thousand calumnies would be sure to assail a 
 reformer placed in such circumstances, engaged 
 
 * Those who did not adhere to the primitive rule of the order. 
 
 f " Y he oido a personas rnny graves, que los Frayles 
 Claustrales de San Francisco de Toledo, el dia que salieron 
 desterrados de aquella Ciudad, llevavan una Cruz delante, y iban 
 cantando el Psalmo (113) ' In exitu Israel de ^Egypto,' &c." 
 (Eobles, " Compendio de la Yida y Hazanas del Cardenal Don Fray 
 Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros," Toledo, 1604, p. 68.)
 
 32 THE LIFE OF THE 
 
 in a contest against relaxed orders, and with men 
 who preferred the good things of this life to the 
 austerities of their rule. But Ximenez pursued his 
 path unmoved, until at length his elevation to the 
 archiepiscopal see of Toledo gave him opportunities 
 of attaining his object.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 33 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 XIMENEZ BECOMES ABCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO. 
 
 WHILE Isabella and her pious confessor were zea- 
 lously carrying on the reform of the Franciscan 
 order, Cardinal Mendoza fell ill ; in consequence of 
 which he retired to his native town, Guadalaxara, 
 in order to enjoy its invigorating air, and to have 
 some repose away from the cares of state. Not long 
 after, towards the end of the year 1494, Eerdi- 
 nand and Isabella paid a visit to their sick minister. 
 They had a long interview with him, during which 
 he left them, as it were, his last political will ; for 
 he spoke to them on the future government of the 
 kingdom, as well as leaving them excellent rules to 
 be followed out after his death. Amongst other 
 matters, he told them, in an especial manner, what 
 his ideas were respecting his successor in the see 
 of Toledo.* 
 
 The archbishop of Toledo was both primate of 
 Spain and chancellor of Castile : his revenues f 
 were immense, his vassals numerous ; while the 
 towns and fortified places belonging to him were 
 no less so. Possessing this double capacity, the 
 archbishop was, no doubt, after the king, the first 
 and most influential personage in the kingdom ; and 
 when he placed himself at the head of the nobility, 
 
 * Gomez, p. 938. 
 
 t Prescott estimates the revenue at 80,000 ducats, in the 
 beginning of the sixteenth century. Isabella annexed the dignity 
 of High Chancellor to that of Archbishop of Toledo ; but, in later 
 times, it seems to have been a mere honorary title. (Vol. ii. note, 
 p. 343.) 
 
 D
 
 34 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in opposition to the throne, then the king himself 
 frequently had cause to tremble. In a kingdom so 
 completely aristocratic as Castile was, at the time 
 of Isabella coming to the throne, when the sove- 
 reign did not surpass the grandees in their revenues, 
 and was but a little above them in power and im- 
 portance, the primate and chancellor held as high 
 a position as did formerly the archbishop of Guesen 
 in Poland. Hence it was that Mendoza, though 
 belonging himself to the highest nobility, advised 
 the queen not to appoint, for the future, to such 
 an important see any one of a noble family, but 
 only a person of great virtue belonging to the 
 respectable middle class. As a confirmation of 
 his opinion, he mentioned the example of Alfonso 
 Carillo, his predecessor, who at one time was feared 
 both by Isabella and her brother Henry, and had 
 shaken even the throne itself. It is supposed that 
 Mendoza recommended to the queen, as the fittest 
 person to succeed to the see of Toledo, her present 
 pious confessor. A few days subsequent to this inter- 
 view, the great cardinal died (January llth, 1495),* 
 after a year of sufferings. For a period of twenty years 
 he had served Isabella and her consort as a faithful 
 minister; and had exercised such great influence 
 over the affairs of the kingdom, as to be playfully 
 called " the third king of Spain." 
 
 In his youth his manners were not irreproach- 
 able ; for, alas ! at that period the Spanish clergy 
 were somewhat lax : but his numerous virtues 
 afterwards blotted out every stain : his immense 
 revenues were devoted to the advancement of 
 science and the comfort of the poor; while he 
 himself laboured with all his strength, and with 
 
 * Both Gomez and Peter Martyr, not to mention other writers, 
 give the highest character of the illustrious cardinal. (See Goinez, 
 " De Eebus Gestis," fol. 9 ; also, Peter Martyr, Epist. 158.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 35 
 
 an admirable sagacity, for the prosperity of the 
 State : in a word, his sweetness and modesty 
 gained for him every heart. Hence his name was 
 no less loved in Spain, than it was celebrated in 
 foreign countries ; while the queen herself showed 
 the illustrious dead the greatest mark of her re- 
 spect, by undertaking in person the execution of 
 his will. 
 
 The necessity of appointing some one to occupy 
 the archiepiscopal see was now the object of Isa- 
 bella's serious consideration; for, since her mar- 
 riage, she had reserved to herself the nomination 
 to all ecclesiastical dignities. She felt, therefore, 
 the deep responsibility which was attached to the 
 exercise of a right that was so frequently dangerous 
 in the hands of sovereigns. Though she did not 
 forget the advice which Mendoza had given her, 
 yet, in a matter of such great consequence, she was 
 anxious to hear the opinion of her prudent con- 
 fessor. Ximenez differed widely from the advice 
 given by Mendoza. It was his decided opinion, 
 that for such a dignity only a person belonging to 
 the highest class of the nobility should be chosen : 
 he accordingly advised the queen to appoint the 
 nephew of the late archbishop of Seville, Diego 
 Hurtado Mendoza. Ferdinand, on the other hand, 
 was most anxious to have the rich dignity bestowed 
 on his natural son, Alfonso of Arragon, who, from 
 the time he was six years old, occupied the archi- 
 episcopal see of Saragossa, in spite of every re- 
 monstrance ;* having been appointed by Ferdinand 
 himself, in his hereditary states of Arragon. Though 
 
 * Mariana (lib. xxiv. cap. 16) mentions that Sixtus IV. had 
 made great opposition to the appointment, and had even refused 
 the dispensation; but that Ferdinand aud the king of Naples had 
 compelled him to acknowledge the Infant as perpetual adminis- 
 trator of the archbishopric. (See also Ferrera's " History of 
 Spain," torn, vii.) 
 
 D 2
 
 30 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Isabella was, on the whole, careful to pay every 
 deference to the wishes of her consort, and though 
 there could be no doubt of the talents of Alfonso, 
 yet his youth (he was only in his 24th year), and 
 his somewhat scandalous life, forbade Isabella from 
 agreeing to the wishes of Ferdinand : hence every 
 entreaty, and even flattery and indignation, on the 
 part of the king, were all unable to alter the reso- 
 lution of the queen. She placed more confidence 
 in a lawyer, named Oropesa, who had resigned a 
 place in the cabinet of her majesty, in order the 
 more easily to spend his days in prayer and medi- 
 tation. Ximenez also spoke in favour of this 
 person. The decree for his nomination was already 
 drawn out, and even a courier had been sent to 
 Home to solicit the confirmation, when Isabella 
 suddenly changed her arrangement. This was ac- 
 counted for, either from the great age of Oropesa, 
 which probably influenced the decision of the 
 queen, or from the fact that the good old man 
 himself, as some writers mention, requested to be 
 exempted from the dignity. At the same time, 
 Isabella now immediately resolved to raise her own 
 confessor to the vacant see. She therefore sent, 
 without his knowledge, a second courier to Rome, 
 with an order to her ambassador there not to for- 
 ward the first appointment, but to obtain the ne- 
 cessary bulls for the elevation of Ximenez. A short 
 time after the pope held a consistory, and acceded 
 to the wishes of Isabella : the bulls were accordingly 
 despatched to Madrid, in the Lent of 1495, where 
 the court was then residing. On Good-Friday, 
 Ximenez, after he had heard the confession of the 
 queen, was preparing himself to leave his convent at 
 Madrid, in order to spend the holy days in retire- 
 ment at Ocana, when one of her majesty's cham- 
 berlains unexpectedly summoned him to the palace.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 37 
 
 He immediately obeyed, hoping soon to obtain leave 
 of absence. Isabella, however, to his great asto- 
 nishment, after speaking with him for a long time 
 on many indifferent things, presented the papal 
 bulls to him, with these words : " Reverend father, 
 you will see by these letters what are the commands 
 of his holiness." Ximenez kissed them with the 
 greatest reverence (as is the usual custom in the 
 Catholic Church) before he began to read them. 
 When he opened them and saw the superscription, 
 running thus "To our venerable brother Fran- 
 cisco Ximenez de Cisneros, archbishop elect of 
 Toledo," he changed colour, and immediately left 
 the chamber, saying, " These letters are not for 
 me," without even taking leave of Isabella, who 
 contented herself with replying in a kind manner : 
 " Allow me to see what his holiness has written to 
 you." She wished the first emotions of surprise to 
 subside, in order to give Ximenez an opportunity of 
 more easily collecting his thoughts. He hastened, 
 however, to Ocana, without saying anything to 
 his companion, Ruyz, but these words : " Come, 
 brother, we must leave here as soon as possible."* 
 
 A short time after, the queen, supposing that 
 Ximenez was still in Madrid, sent two of the head 
 chamberlains of the court to his Franciscan con- 
 vent, in order to induce him to accept the offered 
 dignity. When, however, they were informed that 
 the provincial f had already departed for Ocana, 
 they hastened after him with all speed, and overtook 
 him about three miles from Madrid. Though they 
 succeeded, after a long interview, in persuading the 
 good father to return, yet he persisted again, with 
 
 * Gomez (pp. 10, 11), Eobles (cap. xiii. pp. 76, 77), and 
 Flechier (pp. 35, 36, 37) give a few more interesting details, 
 which Dr. Hefele omits. Trans. 
 
 t Ximenez, who was then provincial of his order.
 
 38 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the greatest firmness, in refusing the dignity. The 
 " Nolo episcopari" has indeed passed into a pro- 
 verb. But the resolution of Ximenez to remain a 
 religious, and to work out his salvation in the soli- 
 tude of a monastery, was so clearly without the 
 affectation observable in others, and his refusal of 
 the dignity was so long maintained, that the queen 
 considered it necessary to complain to the pope on 
 the subject. Six months had already passed away ; 
 and in the mean time, while the court had fixed its 
 residence in Burgos, there arrived a new papal 
 brief, which commanded the provincial, by virtue 
 of canonical obedience, immediately to accept the 
 archbishopric. Thus a very unworthy pope* 
 (Alexander VI.) was instrumental in commanding 
 one of the most eminent men of the time to occupy 
 the primatial see of Spain. 
 
 As further opposition was no longer permitted, 
 Ximenez allowed himself to be solemnly consecrated 
 on the octave of the Feast of St. Francis, October 
 llth, 1495, in a convent of his order, at Tarazona, 
 in the presence of the two sovereigns, and amidst 
 the acclamation of all good people. 
 
 After the ceremony was concluded, the newly 
 consecrated prelate, according to custom, went to 
 kiss the hands of Ferdinand and Isabella. In 
 doing so, he used these few but memorable words : 
 " I come to kiss the hands of your majesties, t not 
 because they have raised me to the first see in 
 Spain, but because I hope they will assist me in 
 supporting the burden which they have placed on 
 my shoulders." Full of emotion, the two sovereigns, 
 and after them all the grandees of the court, respect- 
 
 * This expression I consider uncalled for, as it is not used by 
 any of the biographers of Ximenez. Trans. 
 
 t Charles V. was the first king of Spain who took the title of 
 " Majesty."
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 39 
 
 fully kissed in their turn the anointed hands of the 
 new prelate, who devoutly gave them his blessing. 
 He was then conducted with great pomp to his 
 palace. 
 
 It is remarkable, that while Ximenez in his youth 
 sought after humble ecclesiastical dignities, they 
 seemed to fly from him, and were even the cause of 
 his being confined in a prison. But when, on the 
 other hand, he began to despise them, then the 
 highest honours followed his steps, and were forced 
 upon him quite in opposition to his wishes. Scarcely 
 had twelve years passed away since the death of the 
 proud Carillo, and already had that poor priest, 
 whom he detained in prison for six long years on 
 account of a paltry benefice, inherited the power 
 and the dignity of his persecutor. And now, again 
 though more than three hundred years have passed 
 away, the name of Ximenez is still remembered by 
 every well-informed person with respect, while that 
 of Carillo has long since been forgotten.
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 WHAT MANNER OF LIFE THE NEW AECHBISHOP LED. 
 
 MATURED by experience, and with a soul strength- 
 ened by mortification, Ximenez took possession of 
 the archiepiscopal see of Toledo, in the fifty-ninth 
 year of his age. As bishop, reformer of religious 
 orders, promoter and patron of science, and a great 
 statesman, Ximenez was destined to effect immense 
 good in all these different capacities. Like all true 
 reformers, he began by reforming himself, and so 
 giving in his own life and. conversation an example 
 and a pattern to others. "A bishop," says St. Paul, 
 " is one that ruleth well his own house (1 Tim. 
 iii. 4). Ximenez so faithfully followed this injunc- 
 tion, that we may, without the least hesitation, 
 compare him to St. Charles Borromeo, and other 
 heroes of the Church, who were poor in the midst 
 of riches, hermits in the midst of the world, and 
 models of mortification amidst pomp and luxury. 
 
 Let us, then, contemplate this extraordinary man 
 in the interior of his house, before we consider 
 him and his actions on the great theatre of the 
 world. 
 
 Being a Franciscan heart and soul, Ximenez was 
 anxious, in his present new dignity, to realize in his 
 own person the apostolic poverty and religious 
 austerity of the glorious founder of his order, and 
 thus to combine the dignity of a bishop with the 
 simplicity of a monk. No silver, therefore, adorned 
 his table, nor was any ornament to be seen on the 
 walls of his apartments : nowhere could be found
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 41 
 
 the least trace of luxury, nowhere the least symp- 
 tom of pomp or riches. His garment was the 
 Franciscan habit, and his food only such as the 
 poorest monastery affords. The journeys which he 
 was obliged to make were always performed on 
 foot, though occasionally he made use of a mule, as 
 most poor Spanish priests do. His palace was 
 changed into a monastery, while only ten Franciscan 
 monks composed the staff of one who was both 
 primate and chancellor.* 
 
 But as wasps settle on the ripest fruit, so great 
 fault was found with the archbishop's manner of life. 
 Some blamed him for not having correct notions of 
 his high dignity, while others accused him of pride 
 and hypocrisy : both parties, however, agreed that 
 his dignity and the respect which was due to the 
 high rank he held in church and state were con- 
 siderably diminished by his present mode of life. 
 The good and the evil-disposed carried, at last, their 
 complaint before the Holy See ; in consequence of 
 which Alexander VI., in a brief, which, perhaps, is 
 the only one on record of its kind, dispenses a 
 follower of the apostles from his apostolic poverty 
 and simplicity, f It^runs thus : 
 
 " To our ivell-beloved Son Francis, Archbishop Elect 
 of Toledo, health and apostolical benediction. 
 
 " You are not ignorant, venerable brother, that 
 the holy and universal Church is decorated with many 
 
 * Prescott relates the following anecdote from Quintanilla. 
 " On one occasion, as Ximenes was travelling, and up, as usual, 
 long before dawn, he urged his muleteer to dress himself quickly : 
 at which the latter irreverently exclaimed ' Cuerpo de Dios ! 
 does your holiness think I have nothing more to do than shake 
 myself like a wet spaniel, and tighten my cord a little ?' " (See 
 Gomez, Eobles, and Flechier, for further particulars of his life.) 
 
 t This expression is hardly correct, as is evident by the Pope's 
 brief. Trans.
 
 42 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and various ornaments, like unto the heavenly 
 Jerusalem, in which, if excess is blamable, one may 
 err by trying to avoid the opposite extreme. A due 
 observance of what belongs to each one's state of 
 life is pleasing to God, and consequently deserving 
 of praise. Every one, therefore, and especially pre- 
 lates of the Church, ought so to regulate their mode 
 of life, their dress, and whole exterior, that no one 
 may be able to accuse them either of pride through 
 an excessive magnificence, or of an abject mind 
 through too great plainness and simplicity, inasmuch 
 as both these faults weaken the authority of eccle- 
 siastical discipline. 
 
 " Wherefore, as the Holy See hath raised you 
 from an inferior state to the archiepiscopal dignity, 
 and as we greatly rejoice to hear that you lead a life 
 according to God and your conscience, we now ex- 
 hort you, venerable brother, outwardly to conform 
 yourself to the dignity of your state of life, in your 
 dress, attendants, and everything else relating to 
 the promotion of that respect due to your authority. 
 
 " Given at Rome, under the Fisherman's seal, the 
 15th of December, 1495, in the 4th year of our pon- 
 tificate." * 
 
 It was with great reluctance that Ximenez 
 changed his mode of life, in obedience to the exhort- 
 ation of the pontiff. But because he thought it his 
 duty to obey, and nothing was further from his 
 intention than to do anything injurious to the dignity 
 
 * This brief is found in Gomez (fol. 13), Quintanilla, Raynald's 
 Continuation of Baronius (ad annum 1495), and Wadding, 
 "Annales Minorum," torn. xv. I suspect that the date, 15th of 
 December, is incorrect ; for Ximenez had then been consecrated 
 two months. Fleehier is certainly mistaken in assigning the 15th 
 of September, 1496, as the date of the brief; for Ximenez had then 
 been consecrated more than a year. Perhaps, if we were to assign 
 the 15th of September, 1495, as the date, it would be more in 
 accordance with the word "elect," found in the address.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 43 
 
 of his ecclesiastical position, hence, for the future, 
 he was resolved to display in public a certain mag- 
 nificence, more in accordance with his high office. 
 But at the same time he preserved in private all his 
 former austerity. Towards the end of the Middle 
 Age, a fondness for pomp, dress, and luxury seemed 
 to prevail more than at any other period. This 
 was especially the case with the Spaniards, who, 
 having been accustomed under the Moors to a quasi- 
 Asiatic pomp, carried outward magnificence beyond 
 all bounds. Even the greatest men of the time, like 
 the " Great Captain," were persuaded that they 
 could only uphold and strengthen the fame of their 
 illustrious deeds by an extravagant display of pomp 
 and boastful splendour. Only a few exalted minds, 
 like Isabella and Ximenez, remained uncontami- 
 nated by the general contagion. But as the queen 
 did not hesitate to appear in public with royal pomp 
 whenever the respect due to her rank seemed to 
 require it, so did Ximenez, after he had received the 
 papal injunction, and heard the complaints made 
 against him, consider it necessary to yield in some 
 degree to the weakness and prejudices of his country- 
 men. He accordingly now appeared clad in furs 
 and silk garments, though under his splendid robes 
 he always continued to wear, close to his body, 
 the coarse garment used in his order ; and this he 
 himself repaired from time to time, that so he might 
 always be reminded of his own nothingness. In 
 like manner did Pius VII., when a captive in Erance, 
 practise the same humility ; but while the French 
 ridiculed the virtue of the pontiff, the contemporaries 
 of Ximenez knew how to appreciate this same virtue 
 more sincerely ; for, after his death, a small box, 
 in which Ximenez kept his thread and needle, was 
 found, and was carefully preserved as a relic. 
 
 In the archbishop's palace were indeed to be seen
 
 44 THE LIFE OF 
 
 magnificent beds, covered with silk and purple, the 
 posts of which were richly ornamented with ivory 
 and gold. The archbishop, however, was accus- 
 tomed to sleep either on the bare floor or on a plank, 
 with his habit on; and this austere practice he 
 carefully concealed from his domestics, by never 
 allowing any one of them to enter his sleeping-room. 
 But an accident once led to the discovery of his 
 secret; so that the mortification which the holy 
 man practised upon himself was thus very soon 
 known throughout the country. 
 
 Magnificent banquets were now more frequently 
 given by the prince of the Church ; but, whilst his 
 table could scarcely bear the multitude of good 
 things provided for his guests, he himself partook 
 very sparingly of food, and that was of the plainest 
 kind. Pages belonging to the first families of the 
 Spanish nobility constantly attended the illustrious 
 prelate ; but for his own immediate wants he had, 
 according to his former custom, no other servant 
 but himself. He also took especial care of the 
 proper education of these young nobles. 
 
 He filled up all his time with labour, prayer, and 
 study.* After attending to state affairs, he returned 
 again to his breviary with fresh vigour and devo- 
 tion ; he offered the holy sacrifice every day, was 
 frequently present in the choir, and gave the pre- 
 ference to the plain chant before every kind of 
 harmonized music ; he was particularly fond of 
 praying in a small dim chapel, the stillness of which 
 penetrated the depth of his soul. Daily did he 
 peruse, on his knees, some chapters of the Holy 
 Scriptures ; and numberless times in the day did he 
 also gaze on a crucifix which was attached to his 
 
 * These and other edifying details are taken from Q-omez, 
 Plechier, and Quintanilla. The Spaniards, at the present day, 
 revere Ximenez as a saint. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 45 
 
 arm by a string : he considered it as a preservative 
 against sin. A promenade was the only relaxation 
 which he allowed himself, and this he took but 
 seldom ; while, on the other hand, he daily enter- 
 tained himself with pious conversations, which he 
 held with his religious brethren around him, and 
 other theologians. He likewise, from time to time, 
 renewed his fervour by making a retreat in some 
 monastery of his order ; and there, like the hum- 
 blest of the brothers, he performed with them all 
 the religious exercises, made his confession, and 
 took the discipline. In a secret chamber of his 
 palace he also frequently used the discipline with 
 such severity on his body that Pope Leo X. was 
 obliged to interfere. He seldom wore anything but 
 a hair-shirt next his skin. 
 
 As his poverty had been blamed before, so many 
 now found fault with the splendour of his appear- 
 ance in public ; so much so that Father Contrera 
 once forgot himself to such a degree as to make, in 
 his sermon before Ximenez, a bitter and improper 
 allusion to a rich fur which he wore at the time. 
 After he had finished his discourse, Ximenez, having 
 shown the preacher his hair-shirt with his usual 
 calmness, the officious accuser was confounded. 
 
 But all the discontented were not so easily re- 
 duced to silence ; even from the religious of his own 
 order Ximenez had to endure many contradictions, 
 and especially from those who composed his house- 
 hold. A deep pride often lies concealed under the 
 poorest habit ; and this pride had accordingly so far 
 deceived many Franciscans as to raise in them great 
 expectations of receiving from their brother, now 
 so highly exalted, all kind of favours, honours, 
 dignities, bishoprics, &c. The inmates of his palace 
 were in a particular manner so bent upon realizing 
 their projects as to have recourse to mean intrigues.
 
 46 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ximenez alone was so much opposed to any blind 
 partiality for his order, that on the contrary, through 
 a real love for its welfare, he was anxious to remove 
 far from it all honours and dignities, because he con- 
 sidered them as so many " rocks " that were danger- 
 ous to the monastic life. He was also very careful 
 not to allow his brethren in religion the least in- 
 fluence in the management of his diocese; and 
 hence, while he often spoke with them in the most 
 friendly manner on the affairs of the order, he con- 
 stantly preserved a strict silence in their presence 
 respecting his plans and affairs. As was to be 
 expected, the complaints of humbled pride and dis- 
 appointed hopes were loud and constant. It was 
 said, " that he was a hard man, incapable of friend- 
 ship, and distrustful, whose high position did a great 
 deal more harm than good to the order." Ximenez, 
 however, remained silent and immovable. The 
 only step he took was to send seven out of the 
 ten Franciscans who composed his household, one 
 after the other, quietly back to their monastery, 
 and to retain only three, one of whom was Francisco 
 Kuyz. One was appointed his almoner, another 
 his confessor, and the third his chaplain. They 
 afterwards became bishops, by the recommendation 
 of Ximenez, united with their own virtues, and 
 attained, besides, other ecclesiastical dignities. We 
 shall see, a little farther on, how the Franciscans 
 whom he had dismissed wickedly sought to be 
 revenged upon him. 
 
 But amongst all his domestics, none gave him so 
 much trouble as his own beloved brother, Bernardin. 
 At the time when Ximenez lived in his monastery, 
 Bernardin was wandering round the world without 
 any employment. At last he entered, as it were by 
 chance, into the Franciscan order, wherein he dis- 
 played such great fervour, that Ximenez not only
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 47 
 
 forgav his past errors, but granted him consider- 
 able authority in his palace. But his violent temper 
 soon changed him into a despot, and urged him on 
 to a series of most foolish and ill-judged actions. 
 By his coarseness he offended the archbishop, as 
 well as his friends and officers of the household ; by 
 his own authority he drove the servants from the 
 palace ; and when Ximenez remonstrated with him, 
 he became insolent, and more than once retired in 
 his passion to his monastery till the heat of his anger 
 had cooled. Ximenez, however, always received him 
 back again with renewed kindness and friendship, 
 without adverting in any way to the past. But on 
 one occasion Bernardin left the archbishop's house 
 in such a passion that, having arrived at Guadalfa- 
 jara, he there published a libel against his brother, 
 with the intention of presenting it to the queen on 
 the first opportunity. Ximenez, on receiving infor- 
 mation of his design, immediately ordered him to be 
 arrested, confiscated all his papers, suppressed the 
 libel, and imprisoned the calumniator for two years, 
 until at last he began to show signs of repentance, 
 and promised to amend for the future. This severe 
 lesson, however, did not tame the spirit of Bernar- 
 din ; on the contrary, it left such feelings of hatred 
 in his heart, as to urge him on to still deeper crimes. 
 Once, when Ximenez was ill at Alcala, Bernardin 
 mixed himself up, against the express command of 
 his brother, with a lawsuit that was carried on in 
 the archbishop's court ; and so violent and over- 
 bearing was his conduct, that he induced the judges 
 to pronounce an unjust sentence. Ximenez, having 
 been informed by the injured party of what had 
 taken place, immediately ordered the acts of the 
 process to be brought before him ; he annulled the 
 sentence, dismissed the judges, and resolved to 
 punish his peevish brother. The displeasure which
 
 48 THE LIFE OF 
 
 he felt at this event had evidently increased his 
 sickness, and so preyed upon his feeble frame that, 
 when Bernardin came into his presence, Ximenez 
 forgot his usual calmness of mind, especially when 
 he heard his brother assert that he was in the right, 
 and even accuse the archbishop of injustice. Angry 
 words arose; and when Ximenez threatened to 
 imprison Bernardin, his anger knew no bounds ; 
 and, not being master of himself, he seized his sick 
 brother by the throat, with both hands endeavouring 
 to choke him. Whether it was that he supposed he 
 had murdered him,* or that in some degree he 
 began to be conscience-stricken, leaving the arch- 
 bishop half-dead, he quietly left the chamber, com- 
 manded the servant outside not to make any noise, 
 lest the archbishop might be disturbed in his sleep, 
 and concealed himself in a cave, awaiting the result. 
 One of the pages, however, named Avellaneda, 
 having heard the dispute, and noticed an extraor- 
 dinary agitation in Bernardin, immediately hastened 
 into the chamber of his master. [Finding him in a 
 senseless state, he instantly summoned the phy- 
 sicians. Under their treatment, the archbishop soon 
 came round ; but he solemnly assured them, that it 
 was far better for him to have been exposed to such 
 imminent danger of death, than to have tolerated 
 an act of injustice. He then mentioned the guilty 
 party, ordered him to be sent in chains to Turrigio, 
 near Toledo, and there shut up in a poor monastery. 
 Bernardin never afterwards dared to appear in the 
 presence of his deeply injured brother, though some 
 time after the latter restored him to liberty, at the 
 request of King Eerdinand, and bestowed on him a 
 
 * Flechier seems to attribute to Bernardin the intention of 
 really murdering his brother, as if he had harboured it for a long 
 time. But the supposition is not well founded, besides being very 
 improbable. (See Gomez, fol. 10.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 49 
 
 handsome pension.* His faithful page he took 
 care of, by giving him an excellent education, and 
 providing for him during the rest of his life. Ber- 
 nardin survived the archbishop several years. Gomez, 
 the historian of Ximenez, mentions, that when he 
 was a boy, he once saw Bernardin at Alcala (Com- 
 plutum) ; he was then a very old man, and was 
 living quietly in that place ; he was of slender 
 stature, had a bold look, and eyes particularly red 
 and inflamed, with a long crooked nose.f 
 
 Ximenez received more consolation from his 
 second brother John, who, in accordance with the 
 wishes of Ximenez, married an excellent lady 
 belonging to a noble family. Don Juan Zapala, 
 brother of the Count Barajas, having died an early 
 death, left behind him a daughter who had received 
 a very good education : her name was Eleonore ; 
 and her mother was anxious to form an alliance 
 with the family of the great cardinal, who, as he 
 was not opposed to the union, permitted the 
 marriage to take place, soon after, between his 
 brother John and Eleonore. The archbishop pro- 
 vided the new family with everything necessary, 
 though without any superfluities. This same family 
 still exists in Spain ; and not long ago an illustrious 
 descendant of it, Lieutenant-General Sir David 
 Ximenez, died in the English service, in Berkshire, 
 August, 1848, aged 71. t 
 
 * Gomez mentions the sum ; viz. " Octogena numuin millia," 
 which probably amounted to 800 ducats. Trans. 
 
 t " Hunc ego Bernardinum extremam pene senectam agentem 
 puer olim Compluti vidi ; molli otio et genio indulgentem. Erat 
 statura procera, froiite perfricta, vultu minim in modum rubro 
 flammeoque, naso prselongo et incurvo ; oculis introrsum reductis, 
 totiusque corporis firma quidem compactione, sed macra." (Gomez, 
 "De Eebus Gestis," fol. 16.) 
 
 I Dr. Hefele refers to the " Augsburg Allg. Zeitung," No. 246, 
 p. 3917. I have endeavoured to discover some further particu- 
 lars respecting Sir David Ximenez. Trans. 
 
 E
 
 50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE FIRMNESS OF THE NEW ARCHBISHOP, WHO TAKES A PART 
 IN THE AFFAIRS OF STATE FOR THE FIRST TIME. 
 
 FIFTEEN rich cities, besides a considerable number 
 of small towns and villages, formed the princely 
 domain of the archbishop of Toledo ; in consequence 
 of which, he had many civil officers and judges 
 under him. But, as after the death of Cardinal 
 Mendoza the privileges and functions of these per- 
 sons ceased, so the new archbishop took the oppor- 
 tunity of sending certain experienced delegates 
 around the province, for the purpose of establishing 
 in all the fortresses, castles, and towns, faithful 
 governors, besides conscientious judges and admi- 
 nistrators ; and also that they might receive their 
 oaths of fidelity in his name. 
 
 It was about this time that Ximenez exhibited 
 such a remarkable proof of the independence with 
 which he intended to act in all affairs. This deter- 
 mination was so much the more necessary, as men 
 are naturally inclined to impose all kind of claims 
 on a poor parvenu. And, moreover, amongst many 
 abuses which then prevailed in Spain, a very bad 
 custom had crept in, of bestowing dignities and 
 employments, not on account of personal merit, 
 but through the protection of exalted grandees and 
 the intrigues of favourites. Being justly grieved 
 at such a monstrous abuse, Ximenez was resolved 
 to turn a deaf ear to all entreaties from such 
 quarters; and hence he seized upon the first op-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 51 
 
 portunity of publicly manifesting his dislike, by 
 an example that would plainly deter others from 
 following it. 
 
 One of the most honourable and lucrative posts 
 which it was in the power of the archbishop to 
 bestow was the government of Cazorla, which 
 the late cardinal had given to his brother, Pedro 
 Hurtado Mendoza. He was a man of great merit, 
 honesty, and talent ; having besides every reason to 
 expect kindness and favours from the new arch- 
 bishop, who was much indebted to his late brother. 
 However, he thought proper to seek the goodwill of 
 the queen first ; and then he sent some of his friends 
 to Ximenez to remind him of the wish of Isabella, 
 that he should continue to hold his present office ; 
 and also to recall to his mind the many acts of 
 kindness which he had received from the late 
 cardinal. But Ximenez received the deputation in 
 such a manner, that he clearly and firmly declared 
 to them, " He would rather renounce his see 
 itself, than lose the free choice of his officers and 
 servants." The members of the deputation, sent by 
 Mendoza, returned disappointed and exasperated, 
 and related the cardinal's reply to the queen. She 
 calmly listened to what they said, appearing to 
 understand well what were the intentions of her 
 pious but firm archbishop. 
 
 Some days after, Ximenez met Don Pedro Hur- 
 tado at court, and remarking that he tried to 
 avoid him, he went up to him in a friendly manner, 
 and saluted him as governor of Cazorla, saying : 
 "As I am now perfectly free, I confirm you in 
 your office, and am confident that for the future 
 you will serve the queen, the state, and the arch- 
 bishop with the same fidelity that you formerly 
 displayed under your illustrious brother." From 
 that time both continued to live on the best of 
 
 E 2
 
 52 THE LIFE OF 
 
 terms, and Ximenez honoured and loved his faithful 
 governor during all his life.* 
 
 But, in other matters, the affairs of state began 
 to occupy the attention of the new chancellor 
 soon after his elevation to the title. Just at this 
 period, events of the greatest importance for the 
 future of Spain, as well as for the history of the 
 world itself, were on the point of taking place. 
 Ferdinand and Isabella had already concluded those 
 historical alliances with Maximilian I., emperor of 
 Germany, the result of which in a short time was 
 to unite in the person of Charles V. the Spanish 
 and Austrian crowns, and thus form one of the 
 greatest European powers. Don Juan, the Spanish 
 prince, and eldest son of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 was united w r ith Margaret, the daughter of Maxi- 
 milian ; while, on the other side, the Archduke 
 Philip le Bel, son and heir of the same Maximilian, 
 was espoused to the Spanish Infanta, Joanna. 
 From this last marriage came Charles V., who, 
 after the death of all his near relations, succeeded 
 to the inheritance of both his ancestors. 
 
 It is now impossible to ascertain what part 
 Ximenez took in the final adjustment of these 
 alliances. But there is no doubt they occupied his 
 attention very much ; for it was only after their 
 arrangement that he was able to proceed to Toledo, 
 and take possession of his cathedral. It seems 
 certain that he was present with Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella at Tortosa,f where, in the year 1496, the last 
 clauses of the alliances were agreed upon ; at least, 
 it is certain that about the middle of July, in the 
 same year, he accompanied the queen to Burgos, in 
 order to make the necessary arrangements for the 
 departure of the Princess Joanna to Flanders. But 
 
 * Flechier, liv. i. pp. 40, 41. f See Ferreras, torn. viii. c. 11.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 53 
 
 as the queen conducted her daughter to the port of 
 Laredo, Ximenez then obtained permission (which 
 he had long desired) to spend some time in his 
 diocese, and then to proceed to Alcala, the usual 
 residence of the archbishops of Toledo. "When, 
 however, the queen returned to Burgos, her grand 
 chancellor was obliged to come there also, in order 
 to perform the solemn ceremony of the marriage of 
 Prince Juan with Margaret of Austria : this took 
 place April 3, 1497. Ximenez had before obtained 
 permission to remain a little longer in his diocese ; 
 but the queen was unwilling that so important a 
 marriage should be performed by any one, except by 
 the primate of the kingdom. 
 
 An unfortunate accident, however, detained 
 Ximenez at Burgos longer than he expected. 
 During one of the magnificent tournaments, Alonso 
 de Cardenas lost his life through a fall from his 
 horse. The archbishop was accordingly compelled 
 to console both the deeply afflicted father and the 
 queen herself, who was overpowered with grief for 
 the poor father. Pew crowned heads ever took 
 such a deep and sincere interest in their servants as 
 this admirable queen did. She had a particular 
 esteem for the father of the unfortunate Alonso, 
 whose fidelity towards her she experienced when 
 his services were required, in order to hasten her 
 marriage with Eerdinand of Aragon, and to over- 
 come the difficulties which opposed it. 
 
 After Ximenez had fulfilled his duties at Burgos, 
 he went to Toledo, and thence to Alcala, in order 
 at last to take solemn possession of his cathedral 
 church, and to draw up some useful regulations for 
 his diocese.* In the mean time, he always had his 
 attention fixed on the affairs of state ; and every one 
 
 * These we shall speak of more at length in Chapter XIV.
 
 54 THE LIFE OF 
 
 was convinced that when he came to court, he came 
 only for the good of the people ; indeed, their wel- 
 fare was the object of his constant care and vigilance. 
 As far as his power extended, he removed all the 
 abuses which were made known to him, while others 
 he mentioned to the queen herself; he protected 
 the poor and the weak against oppression and in- 
 justice; he was also in a special manner the terror 
 of corrupt officers and servants, whose arbitrary 
 conduct and illegal acts he denounced to the queen, 
 without the least scruple. Amongst the numerous 
 benefits which he conferred upon the country, an 
 alteration in the mode of collecting certain taxes 
 drew down blessings upon him from the people. 
 
 The Moorish wars had introduced some necessary 
 but extraordinary kinds of taxation in the kingdom 
 of Castile, which had now continued for about a 
 century. The most burdensome of all, and that 
 which completely clogged all commercial business, 
 was a tax called Alcavala. The law was, that the 
 tenth part of everything sold or exchanged should 
 be given to the exchequer. This unjust tax was 
 rendered still more burdensome by the manner in 
 which it was collected ; the constant intrigues of 
 the functionaries, and also by the tricks, the lies, 
 and false oaths of the buyers and sellers. It was 
 impossible at that time totally to abolish the hateful 
 impost, however earnestly Ximenez may have wished 
 it ; nevertheless, at his suggestion, it underwent 
 an important alteration,* which was this: the whole 
 revenue of the tax was fixed at a certain sum, and 
 an equitable distribution of it made amongst the 
 
 * Ximenez, a short time before his death, sent a pressing letter 
 to Charles V. for the abolition of the Alcavala, but without success, 
 It was, doubtless, in accordance with the suggestions of the 
 cardinal that Isabella recommended in her will the speedy abolition 
 of this tax. (See Prescott, vol. ii.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 55 
 
 towns and villages, according to their relative size 
 and condition ; while the citizens themselves col- 
 lected the tax in their own localities, and the whole 
 band of publicans were dismissed from their office. 
 This excellent plan Ximenez was enabled to carry 
 out by the help of Don Lopez de Biscaja, one of the 
 most illustrious and clever financiers of that time. 
 Both the citizens and the exchequer gained by this 
 arrangement ; while an immense number of odious 
 salaries were suppressed, and a multitude of vexa- 
 tions and contentions ceased ; so that by this happy 
 change every one rejoiced that a new era of pros- 
 perity and happiness had dawned. 
 
 In the mean time, while Ximenez was holding 
 his first synod, of which we shall speak a little 
 later, events of the gravest importance happened 
 in the royal family, which required the particular 
 attention of the great chancellor, and also his 
 presence at court. On the 3rd of April, he had 
 blessed the union of Don Juan with Margaret of 
 Austria ; and only six months after, the prince died, 
 in the 19th year of his age,* having raised the 
 highest expectations of his future greatness. A fever 
 which seized him at Salamanca, immediately after 
 his marriage, overpowered his weak constitution, 
 and caused his death, October 4th, 1497 ; an end 
 being thus put to a life which was adorned by a 
 love for the arts and sciences. The physicians 
 ascribed the origin of the malady to a too great 
 fondness for the company of his beautiful consort, f 
 His preceptor, Peter Martyr, who gives us these 
 details with tears, adds that Queen Isabella would 
 never consent to a separation of the newly married 
 
 * He was born 30th of June, 1478. 
 
 t " Die Aerzte wolten die Quelle des Uebels in dem zu 
 baufigen Umgange des jungen Prinzen mit seinen Schonen 
 Gemablin gefunden baben," &c. (p. 50).
 
 56 THE LIFE OF 
 
 couple contrary to the wishes of the physicians, 
 to whom she replied : " What God has joined to- 
 gether, let no man separate." The prince gave up 
 all hopes of recovery after the first attack ; he was 
 also the first to console his afflicted parents.* 
 
 A short time after, Margaret gave birth to a dead 
 child ; and thus the right of succession to the 
 Spanish throne passed to the eldest daughter of 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, whose name was the same 
 as that of her mother ; not long before, she had 
 been espoused to Don Emanuel, king of Portugal. 
 In the mean time, it seemed as if the Archduke 
 Philip, who was married to the second daughter of 
 Joanna, wished to assert his claim to the title of 
 " Prince of Castile," in consequence of the death of 
 his brother-in-law. In order to have a proper 
 understanding on the subject, and that all trouble- 
 some disputes might be avoided, Eerdinand and 
 Isabella immediately summoned the Cortes of Cas- 
 tile to meet at Toledo, and that of Aragon to meet 
 at Saragossa. They also invited the Queen of 
 Portugal and her consort to come and receive in 
 person the homage of the States. 
 
 Ximenez, in accordance with his dignity as High 
 Chancellor, took a considerable part in all these 
 proceedings : he assisted at both the meetings of 
 the Cortes ; and at that which was held at Toledo 
 on the part of Castile (April 29, 1498), he received 
 the customary oaths, in concert with the grand 
 constable of the kingdom.f 
 
 It was more difficult to obtain the homage of the 
 inhabitants of the kingdom of Aragon than that 
 of Castile, because in the former the laws forbade 
 the succession of women. As soon, therefore, as the 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, Epp. 176182. The Epistles of this cele- 
 brated scholar are very valuable. Trans. 
 t Ferreras, book viii. torn. ii. p. 190.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 57 
 
 Cortes at Toledo was dissolved, Ferdinand and 
 Isabella took Ximenez with. them, to Saragossa, al- 
 though his authority as Grand Chancellor extended 
 only to Castile, not to Aragon. They were unwilling, 
 however, to be deprived of the advice of their wise 
 minister ; for, just at this time, they indeed stood 
 in greatest need of it. Opinions were divided ; and 
 no decided advance towards an arrangement seemed 
 likely to be made, when the object of all the con- 
 tention, the young Isabella, died in child-birth, 
 August 23, 1498. Ximenez had prepared her for 
 death. The last words of the noble princess were a 
 request to the archbishop not to forget to give all 
 the consolation he could to her parents. This mourn- 
 ful duty he fulfilled ; he also used the greatest 
 diligence in procuring the homage of Aragon for 
 the young motherless Infant, named Miguel. In 
 accordance with the advice of Ximenez, the prince 
 was conducted with royal pomp, in a litter, through 
 the streets of Saragossa, and thus shown to the 
 people. The Cortes immediately paid him their 
 homage, and appointed Ferdinand and Isabella as 
 the guardians of the young heir to the throne. 
 Ximenez returned with the court to Castile, where 
 Miguel received the homage of that state at Ocaria, 
 in January, 1499. He died, however, July 20, 1500, 
 before he had reached the second year of his age.
 
 58 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 XIMENEZ AT GEANADA. THE CONYEBSION OF THE MOOES. 
 
 AFTER the Cortes held at Ocana had been dissolved, 
 both the sovereigns went to Granada, in September,* 
 1499, in order to see with their own eyes the state 
 of the late conquered kingdom of the Moors, and 
 also with the view of putting an end both to the 
 dangerous intrigues of the Spanish Moors with their 
 brethren in Africa, and to prevent for the future the 
 hostile attacks of the latter. Seven years had already 
 passed away since the last Moorish prince, Boabdil, 
 had lost the kingdom and all his authority, though 
 the conquered people were allowed by the treaty f 
 to retain their mode of worship, their mosques, 
 their property, laws, customs, and civil tribunals. 
 They also possessed certain privileges which even 
 Spaniards themselves were deprived of 4 
 
 After the taking of Granada, Isabella appointed 
 Mendoza, count of Tendilla, chief governor of the 
 city. Under his wise, benevolent, but firm admini- 
 stration, the Moors enjoyed an amount of happiness 
 
 * This is the date given by Peter Martyr (Epist. 211), who 
 accompanied them on the journey. Ferreras is mistaken in 
 placing it in March. 
 
 f The whole of the treaty made between Ferdinand and 
 Isabella and the Moors is given at length by Marmol, " Historia 
 del Bebelion y Castigo de los Moriscos," &c. Madrid, 1797. 
 
 J For example, the commerce of the Moors was not subject to 
 the same restrictions as it was in Castile. Every Moorish slave, 
 too, who fled to Granada from any part of Spain recovered his 
 liberty. (See Prescott.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 59 
 
 and prosperity to which people so lately reduced to 
 subjection could hardly aspire. 
 
 The queen was no less fortunate in her choice of 
 the good and pious Talavera* as archbishop of 
 Granada. It was natural that Catholic sovereigns 
 should be anxious to re-establish the archiepiscopal 
 see, which existed in Granada before the invasion 
 of the Moors. Their religious feelings also imposed 
 this step upon them as a matter of duty, while 
 another motive was no less powerful ; viz., a regard 
 for the welfare of those Spaniards who settled in 
 the conquered kingdom. Political reasons likewise 
 had their influence with the sovereigns, who were 
 anxious to bind the Moors to the rest of Spain by 
 the introduction of the Christian religion amongst 
 them. Whilst, therefore, Ferdinand and Isabella 
 repudiated every intention of compelling by force 
 the Moors to embrace Christianity, as contrary to 
 the treaty made between them, and while they 
 were also unwilling to interfere with the customs f 
 of the people, on the other hand, they considered 
 themselves perfectly justified in trying to establish 
 at Granada a bishopric, and likewise a mission for 
 their peaceful and voluntary conversion. 
 
 Fray Fernando de Talavera, a monk of the order 
 of St. Jerome, was born of poor and obscure parents 
 at Talavera. But, owing to his virtue and wisdom, 
 he was in time chosen confessor to their Catholic 
 majesties, and afterwards bishop of Avila. After 
 the conquest of Granada, he begged of his sovereigns 
 
 * He had previously been for twenty years prior of the monas- 
 tery of Santa Maria del Prado, near Valladolid. (See Oviedo, 
 " Quincangenas," MS. dial, de Talavera.) Trans. 
 
 t Exemptions from the laws were made in favour of the Moors. 
 For example, in order to put a stop to the extravagance of dress 
 so prevalent at this period, Isabella forbade her subjects to wear 
 silk dresses. The Moors, however, were allowed to do so, through 
 deference to their national customs. (Prescott.)
 
 60 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to allow him to resign his dignity, in order to be 
 able to dedicate his whole life to the conversion of 
 the Moors. This proof of self-denial induced the 
 pious queen to recommend him to the pope as a fit 
 person for the newly-established see of Granada; 
 and though it was poorer in worldly means than 
 the bishopric of Avila, yet Talavera firmly refused 
 every offer of an increase in his revenue, which 
 Isabella considered proper to make the worthy 
 prelate.* 
 
 We have seen above how the translation of this 
 prelate to the see of Granada was the cause of 
 Ximenez being chosen to succeed him as confessor 
 to the queen. It is also worthy of notice, how these 
 two prelates, so eminent by their virtue and piety, 
 resembled each other in this respect particularly, 
 that though they had large incomes, yet, as far as 
 regarded themselves, they were poor and economical, 
 while they were noble and generous in the extreme 
 when the public good was concerned. Indeed, the 
 new archbishop of Granada devoted the greater part 
 of his revenues to works of charity ; and frequently 
 did he, like St. Martin, divide half of his garment 
 with some poor person. f Such friendship existed 
 between him and the count of Tendilla, that, accord- 
 ing to the testimony of Peter Martyr, " they both 
 formed one soul in two bodies." J But Talavera 
 must have felt, both as a Christian and a bishop, a 
 great interest in the spiritual welfare of the new 
 arch-diocese ; while the conversion of the Moors no 
 doubt formed the subject of his most ardent wishes. 
 This was the reason why he learned, in an advanced 
 age, the Arabic language : he required the same 
 thing of his clergy ; and caused some of the most 
 
 * Marmol Carvajal, " Historia de los Moriscos " (Madrid, 
 1797), torn. i. p. 105. 
 f Prescott, vol. ii. p. 362. J Petrus Martyr, Ep. 219.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 61 
 
 beautiful parts of the New Testament, the Liturgy 
 also, and Catechism, to be translated into the same 
 language. It was on this solid foundation that he 
 hoped to be able to establish a mission among the 
 Moors.* No force, or commands, or threats can 
 convert a conquered people to Christ. This object 
 can only be accomplished gradually, by gentle in- 
 structions and the inward force of Christian truth, 
 accompanied by the spectacle of a sublime ritual. 
 But the best recommendation of the new faith was 
 the archbishop's irreproachable purity of morals, 
 his angelic sweetness of disposition and great charity, 
 the powerful influence of which produced numerous 
 conversions. Hence the number of new Christians 
 daily increased ; and in the whole of Granada no 
 one was so much beloved as the " great Alfaqui 
 of the Christians;" for so the Moors were accus- 
 tomed to call him. t 
 
 The government supported the mission, by grant- 
 ing certain advantages to those who were converted, 
 and also by protecting them from all threatening 
 losses or dangers. But towards the end of the year 
 1499, the Catholic sovereigns, during their short 
 residence at Granada, directed their particular atten- 
 tion both to the development of the material pros- 
 perity of the country, and to the progress of the 
 mission among the Moors. For this object they 
 were now anxious to invite Ximenez to Granada ; 
 and most probably it was by his suggestion that, 
 in October, 1499, a law { was made, the wisdom 
 and moderation of which are praised even by 
 Llorente himself. By virtue of this law, no Moor 
 was allowed to disinherit his converted son merely 
 
 * Marmol Carvajal, p. 108 ; also Prescott, vol. ii. p. 363, &c. 
 t Marmol Carvajal, p. 107. 
 
 J This law (or pragmatica, as it is called) is dated October 31st, 
 1499. ( Pragmaticas del Eeyno," fol. 5.)
 
 62 THE LIFE OF 
 
 on account of his change of religion ; while the 
 daughters of the Moors who embraced Christianity 
 received a dowry out of the property acquired by 
 the state from the conquest of Granada. From the 
 same fund, converted Moorish slaves were enabled 
 to regain their liberty. 
 
 Ximenez now took part for a time with Talavera 
 in the business of the Moorish mission ; while the 
 gentle archbishop of Granada gave his consent the 
 more willingly, because he was more concerned for 
 the glory of God and the salvation of souls, than to 
 be sole master in his diocese. When the Catholic 
 sovereigns were about to leave Granada for Seville, 
 in November 1499, they commanded both the pre- 
 lates to continue their peaceful and pious exertions ; 
 and, indeed, these archbishops were as anxious to 
 remove from the Moors all grounds of complaint 
 connected with their religious feelings, as they were 
 zealous in wishing to continue the work of conver- 
 sion. To attain this object, Ximenez had recourse 
 to means as novel as they were efficacious. He fre- 
 quently invited to his palace some of the principal 
 " alfaquis," or Moorish priests and doctors, where 
 he held a conference with them almost daily on 
 matters of religion; and thus he sought to gain 
 their hearts by his kindness and friendship towards 
 them. But at the same time, in order that his 
 instructions might make some impression on their 
 sensual minds, he did not hesitate to make them 
 agreeable presents, chiefly consisting of costly arti- 
 cles of dress, silks, &c. For this object, he encum- 
 bered the revenues of his see for many years. The 
 conversion of some of the alfaquis was quickly fol- 
 lowed by the conversion of great numbers of other 
 Moors; so much so that, after labouring for two 
 months only, Ximenez was able to baptize in one 
 day four thousand people : this took place on Decem-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 63 
 
 her 18th, 1499.* The holy sacrament was adminis- 
 tered as is usual in large missions, not by immer- 
 sion, but by aspersion. The anniversary of this 
 great event continued afterwards to be celebrated, 
 in the dioceses of Toledo and Granada, every year 
 as a festival. 
 
 The result corresponded with such a happy com- 
 mencement ; so that, in the course of a short time, 
 a great number of the inhabitants of Granada had 
 embraced Christianity, and the place had already 
 begun to assume the appearance of a Christian city. 
 The sound of bells, forbidden by the laws of Maho- 
 met, was now constantly heard ; so that Ximenez, 
 to whom this introduction was attributed, received 
 from the Moors the surname of " Alfaqui Cani- 
 panero." f 
 
 All this success, however, tended, as a matter of 
 course, to excite a reaction amongst those Moors 
 who were more strict in their religion. Hence, 
 many of the more educated, being grieved to the 
 heart at beholding their national faith on the 
 decline, endeavoured with all their strength to pre- 
 vent any further conversions amongst the people, and 
 to excite in them a hatred of Christianity, and also 
 dissatisfaction against the government. $ There is 
 no doubt but that these acts were unjust in a great 
 measure, inflammatory, and therefore deserving 
 punishment : hence, Ximenez had right on his side, 
 when he ordered the most clamorous to be arrested. 
 But he overstepped, on the other hand, in the height 
 of his zeal, the bounds of the treaty which the 
 
 * Eobles assures us that he baptized all these with his own 
 hand : " T alfin con halagos, dadivas, y caricias, los truxo a 
 conocimiento del verdadero Dios ; y por esto medio vino a con- 
 vertir mas de quatro mil Moros, y baptizarlos por su propia 
 mano," &c. (" Compendio de la Vida," &c. pp. 100, 101. ) 
 Prescott, note, vol. ii. p. 367. 
 
 I Marmol Carvajal, p. 114 ; also Flechier, liv. i. p. 87.
 
 54 THE LIFE OF 
 
 government had made with the Moors, by trying to 
 impose on the prisoners the obligation of receiving 
 instruction from his chaplains on the Christian reli- 
 gion. Those who refused he even punished very 
 severely. Amongst this class was a noble Moor, 
 named Zegri, who belonged to the illustrious family 
 of Aben-Hamar, so renowned in Moorish song. He 
 had acquired great glory in the late wars of Gra- 
 nada against the Spaniards, and was also held in 
 much esteem by his own countrymen. Ximenez 
 confided him to the care of one of his chaplains, 
 named Pedro Leon, with the hope of his being con- 
 verted. But, finding every gentle means useless, he 
 had recourse to severity in such a manner, that 
 Zegri, playfully alluding to his name,* said, some 
 time afterwards, " that Ximenez had only to let his 
 Leon loose, and in a few days the most obstinate 
 Moor would be converted." And, in truth, Zegri 
 himself was obliged to fast for some days, and to 
 wear heavy irons ; till, suddenly, he expressed a 
 wish to be introduced to the great " alfaqui " of the 
 Christians. Having had his request granted, he 
 assured Ximenez how, in the preceding night, Allah 
 had commanded him in a vision to become a Chris- 
 tian. Ximenez rejoiced exceedingly on hearing 
 these words, and immediately baptized the new 
 convert, who took the name of Fernando Gonsalvo, 
 in honour of the " great captain," for he had once 
 fought with him on the plains before Granada. 
 
 During the remainder of his life, he continued to 
 display such Christian zeal, that many believed he 
 had been called by God, in a miraculous manner, to 
 embrace Christianity, f Zegri also attached himself 
 to Ximenez with an inviolable fidelity, was con- 
 stantly by his side, and was employed by him in a 
 
 * Leon, a lion. 
 
 t Marmol and Gomez are of this opinion. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 65 
 
 multitude of affairs, which required both great zeal 
 in the cause of Christianity, and the most delicate 
 tact and sound judgment. He likewise found him 
 very useful in the conversion of the Moors ; and, 
 indeed, Zegri was instrumental in conducting many 
 to the Church, both by word and example. 
 
 These conversions tended more and more to con- 
 firm Ximenez in the hopes he had conceived of soon 
 putting an end to Islamism in Granada : hence, he 
 no longer considered it necessary to listen to the 
 advice of those who, less zealous than himself, were 
 willing to leave to the future the complete triumph 
 of Christianity. On the contrary, he seemed per- 
 suaded, that any delay in the matter would be 
 ruinous to the spiritual interests of the Moors, as 
 well as highly culpable ; and that the work of con- 
 version would be likely to advance more by pressing 
 it forward, than by any tedious delay.* 
 
 Wishing then to annihilate Islamism by one blow, 
 he caused several thousand copies of the Koran to 
 be burnt in the public square, together with other 
 religious books of the Moors, which their " alfa- 
 quis " had delivered up to him.f Works on medi- 
 cine only escaped the flames : these were afterwards 
 removed to the library of the University of Alcala, 
 founded by Ximenez. 
 
 It would be a mistake to form any comparison 
 between this action and the burning of the library 
 at Alexandria by Omar ; for the archbishop was not 
 an unlettered barbarian, but one of the greatest 
 promoters of knowledge at the time of the destruc- 
 tion of the Moorish books, which was effected just 
 
 * Gomez, ed. Francof. fol. p. 959. 
 
 t According to Eobles, the number amounted to a million. 
 Gomez mentions only 5,000, and Conde 80,000. Prescott seems 
 to think that the last writer is the most correct, as being better 
 acquainted with Arabic lore. (Vol. ii. note, p. 369.) 
 
 F
 
 66 THE LIFE OF 
 
 about the period when, at his own expense, he was 
 founding the new university of Alcala, and was also 
 publishing the most learned and admirable work of 
 the age.* In the life of Luther, a parallel may be 
 found to the act related of Ximenez, but with this 
 difference, that, in the fire kindled before the east 
 gate of Wittenberg, f Luther caused the books of 
 canon law belonging to the Christian Church to be 
 burnt; while Ximenez, on the other hand, was 
 anxious in his zeal to promote the extension of the 
 said Christian Church. Still, some contemporaries 
 of Ximenez had a perfect right to condemn all vio- 
 lence, and to appeal to the synods of Toledo, which 
 strictly prohibited any one to be forced to embrace 
 Christianity. $ Ximenez, however, persevered in the 
 course he had entered upon, and left nothing untried 
 in order to make the whole of Granada Christian ; 
 his courage increased in proportion as did the great 
 dangers which surrounded him. The means which he 
 made use of for the conversion of the infidels could 
 not fail to produce an immense amount of discontent. 
 Nothing, however, so much excited the hatred of the 
 Moors against the archbishop as the violence which 
 he employed against those who were descendants 
 of renegades from Christianity : these he forcibly 
 received into the Church, against the wish of 
 their parents. On this account, feelings of ani- 
 mosity had for some time been nourished against 
 Ximenez, when suddenly, towards the end of the 
 
 * It must be remembered, that it was principally the copies of 
 the Koran which were burnt ; which Ximenez justly considered 
 would be, if read, an obstacle in the way of the Moora being con- 
 verted. Trans. 
 
 t See Audin's " Life of Luther," vol. i. pp. 234-5, ed. Dolman, 
 1854. Mr. Prescott's use of the word " bigotry" is more appli- 
 cable to Luther than to Ximenez. Trans. 
 
 % Gomez, fol. 959, &c. 
 
 Mariana, lib. xxvi. cap. 5, p. 238.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 67 
 
 year 1499, a very terrible outbreak occurred. Sal- 
 zedo, major-domo of the archbishop, attended by an 
 officer of justice and another younger servant, went 
 into the Abaycin (a quarter inhabited exclusively 
 by Moors), in order to arrest the daughter of an 
 apostate from Christianity. The young woman, 
 however, raised such a great outcry, and exclaimed 
 with such vehemence against the violation of the 
 treaty, that numbers of the infidels rushed to her 
 rescue. The officer of justice, whose profession 
 rendered him doubly odious, and who answered 
 the abusive language of the Moors with threats of 
 punishment, after he had been ill used, together 
 with his companion, was at last killed by a stone 
 thrown at him. The major-domo of Ximenez was 
 saved from a similar fate only through the com- 
 passion of a Moorish woman, who concealed the poor 
 trembling man under her bed until he found an 
 opportunity of returning back in safety to the city. 
 
 After the murder of the officer, the whole of the 
 Albaycin, containing five thousand houses, seized 
 their arms ; the infidels in the other parts of the 
 city also joined in the mutiny, and rushed in a 
 tumultuous crowd, heated with passion, towards the 
 palace of the archbishop, in order to murder him 
 whom they esteemed the " destroyer " of their 
 liberty, together with his officer. A few days before, 
 the streets resounded with songs in praise of the 
 liberality of Ximenez, whilst now the multitude were 
 thirsting and crying out for his blood. 
 
 The heroic courage of the archbishop appeared in 
 strong contrast with the fickleness of the multi- 
 tude. His friends were anxious to conduct him by 
 a secret passage into the fortress of Granada, the 
 celebrated Alhambra ; but he assured them that he 
 would never desert his servants in the hour of 
 danger, while he encouraged them by his example 
 
 F 2
 
 68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to make a vigorous resistance, making every arrange- 
 ment at the same time for the defence of his palace : 
 this he did with wisdom and calmness. During the 
 whole of the night, they succeeded in repelling the 
 attacks of the Moors ; at the break of the day, how- 
 ever, the nohle count of Tendilla appeared, with an 
 armed force from the Alhambra ; and thus he saved 
 the archbishop from the danger which threatened 
 him. The revolt continued, nevertheless, nine days 
 more.* 
 
 The count of Tendilla now sent a herald to the 
 rebels, in order to induce them to yield, but they 
 broke his staff of office on his body, and at last even 
 murdered him.f Ximenez himself made another 
 attempt, by summoning all the Moorish priests 
 around him, and trying to pacify the multitude by 
 words of peace ; but it was to no purpose. At length 
 the Archbishop Talavera adopted an experiment 
 which was most dangerous, though fortunately it 
 succeeded. Attended only by his chaplain, who bore 
 the archiepiscopal cross before him, he went forth on 
 foot towards the rebellious multitude (as Pope Leo 
 once did to meet the terrible Attila) ; and so calm did 
 he appear, that it seemed as if he were going to preach 
 the truths of Christianity to willing crowds. The 
 appearance of the mild and universally beloved 
 prelate immediately calmed their heated passions ; 
 while crowds pressed round the man of God, in 
 order to kiss the hem of his garment. 
 
 The count of Tendilla took advantage of this 
 momentary calm in the midst of the storm ; for he 
 presented himself before the rebels as a messenger 
 of peace, in a civil costume ; and, as a proof of his 
 friendly intentions, he threw his scarlet bonnet 
 amongst the crowd, an act which was received with 
 
 * Gomez, p. 960. Carvajal, pp. 116120. 
 t Peter Martyr, Ep. 212.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 69 
 
 shouts of joy. Both of these popular men now 
 represented to the Moors " how useless it would be 
 to continue the contest against the power of Spain, 
 and that their obstinacy would only bring on them- 
 selves new miseries ; but if, on the other hand, they 
 would return to their duty, that both the count and 
 the archbishop would make use of all their influence 
 to obtain the royal pardon for the repentant." 
 
 The count, as a proof of his sincerity, left his wife 
 and two children as hostages in the Albaycin. This 
 had the effect of restoring something like tran- 
 quillity.* 
 
 Whilst these events were taking place iti Granada, 
 the Catholic sovereigns were residing in Seville, to 
 whom Ximenez, after the third day of the revolt, 
 hastened to send an account of what had already 
 happened. The letters were already written when 
 a grandee of Granada came to him, and offered him 
 the services of his Ethiopian slave, as a bearer of 
 the letters, assuring him that he could run fifty 
 leagues in two days. Ximenez accepted the offer ; 
 but the slave got drunk on the way, and was thus 
 delayed ; so that he arrived at Seville five days after, 
 when the report of what had happened in Granada, 
 with the usual exaggerations, had already reached 
 the ears of the sovereigns before his arrival : the 
 report was, that Granada was entirely lost to Spain. 
 The whole of the court was completely terrified; 
 the king especially blamed Ximenez exceedingly, 
 as having by his indiscreet zeal lost the fruit of 
 so many bloody battles in one hour.f An old 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 212. Mendoza, " Guerra de G-ranada," 
 lib. i. p. 11. Mariana, " Hist, de Espaiia," torn. ii. lib. 27. 
 
 t Robles quotes the words he makes use of: " Que os parece, 
 Sefiora, en que nos ha puesto vuestro Ar9obispo, que lo que los 
 reyes nuestros predecessores y nosotros, en tan largo tiempo, y 
 con tanto trabajo y sangre temos ganado, el lo ha puesto en uua
 
 70 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " grudge " against Ximenez having rankled in his 
 breast at the same time : he hitterly reproached Isa- 
 bella for having raised to the see of Toledo an incom- 
 petent monk, instead of his natural son, Alfonso of 
 Aragon. Isabella herself was now beginning to 
 doubt the prudence of Ximenez, whose mysterious 
 silence on the events she could not understand. She 
 therefore ordered Almazan, her secretary, to write to 
 the archbishop, and demand an immediate account 
 of his proceedings ; and to blame him also for his 
 negligence in not having written before. 
 
 Ximenez in the mean time was free from any 
 anxiety on the matter, supposing that the slave 
 had certainly delivered his letters. Now, however, 
 having received the queen's despatch from her se- 
 cretary, he repented having intrusted so important 
 a letter to such a man as a slave ; he therefore sent 
 to Seville Francisco Ruyz, one of his own household, 
 and a religious of his order, to inform his sovereigns 
 of the true state of affairs ; and also to announce to 
 them that when the revolt was put down, he should 
 appear at court in person and vindicate his conduct. 
 This he did soon after, and defended himself with 
 such success, that not only were Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella appeased, but they expressly thanked him for 
 his services, and gave him their confidence even more 
 than ever.* By his advice, this alternative was 
 offered to the savage inhabitants of the Albaycin and 
 its neighbourhood, either to undergo the punish- 
 ment of high treason or to receive baptism. In 
 consequence of this, nearly all the Moors of Granada 
 
 hora a riesgo de perderse ? La reyna le disculpava todo quanto 
 le era posible" (cap. xiv. p. 107). 
 
 * " Non solilm oinnis indignatio discussa est, omnisque ratio 
 offensionis abolita ; verum magnae illi actse sunt gratise, quod rem 
 tarn difficilem animo priraum concipere ausus, ad exitum tam 
 felicem perduxisset." (Gomez, fol. 32.) The testimony of Robles 
 is almost similar (cap. xiv. p. 108). Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 71 
 
 and its environs embraced Christianity ; the remain- 
 der retired to the mountains, or crossed over to the 
 coast of Barbary, so as to be able to retain the faith 
 of their ancestors. 
 
 Peter Martyr, however, justly remarks, that their 
 conversion was only exterior, because it was forced ; 
 and hence, that Mahomet was still in the hearts of 
 those who with their lips professed to call upon 
 Christ. But the learned writer adds very properly, 
 that from the conversions which were effected among 
 the present generation little fruit could be expected ; 
 but that their posterity would reap all the ad- 
 vantages.* 
 
 A modern American writer, Mr. Prescott, passes 
 a harsh and severe judgment on the conduct of 
 Ximenez, with respect to these Moorish conversions, f 
 He calls it a " master-piece of monkish casuistry," 
 because the archbishop, by the rebellion of the 
 Moors, considered himself justified in breaking the 
 treaties which already existed. But the fact is, 
 that the infidels themselves were the very first to 
 violate the treaty ; and surely no government in 
 the world would consider itself bound to accord to 
 its rebellious subjects advantages which were granted 
 only on condition of their remaining true and faith- 
 ful to the said government. 
 
 From the court at Seville, Ximenez returned to 
 
 * Opus Epist. (epist. 215). The number who were converted 
 is variously estimated ; some writers making it amount to 50,000, 
 others even to 70,000. 
 
 t Mr. Prescott is certainly too fond of using the word "bigotry," 
 which often has no definite meaning in the mouth of a Protestant. 
 Ximenez may have been wanting in prudence, sometimes ; but all 
 must admire the zeal of a man who, in such a short period, 
 effected the conversion of so many infidels. Granting that the 
 conversion of hundreds was not sincere, yet must we not allow 
 that many others were sincere in their profession of Christianity ? 
 Trans.
 
 72 THE LIFE 
 
 Granada, in order to take part with the archbishop 
 of the city in instructing the newly-haptized Chris- 
 tians, and accustoming them to the use of holy 
 ceremonies. It was truly a touching sight, to be- 
 hold these two illustrious prelates catechising the 
 poorest persons, and working together in the sweet- 
 est harmony. It was only on one point that there 
 was a difference of opinion. Talavera, as we have 
 already noticed, had some time before caused certain 
 portions of the Holy Scripture and some religious 
 works to be translated into Arabic ; he also wished 
 to prepare for publication a complete version of the 
 Bible. Ximenez, on the other hand, would only 
 allow books of devotion and edification not the 
 Bible to be placed in the hands of the new con- 
 verts;* drawing the attention of Talavera, at the 
 same time, to the evils and dangers likely to arise 
 from the mere reading of the Bible, in the minds of 
 those who were rude and ignorant. His opinion 
 was followed, and the proposal of Talavera was 
 therefore rejected ; but the prelates still remained 
 united in the bonds of friendship, and the good 
 Talavera was heard to say, " that Ximenez had 
 gained greater triumphs than even Ferdinand and 
 Isabella, since they had conquered only the soil, 
 while he had gained the souls of Granada." 
 
 The fame of Ximenez began to spread more and 
 more throughout Spain. Those even who were the 
 most indifferent to the principles of religion must 
 have been forced to appreciate the great temporal 
 advantages which the conversion of the Moors to 
 Christianity promised for Spain. It is true that 
 
 * " Ximenius indignum esse dicebat, raargaritas ante porcos 
 projicere ; hoc est, hominibus nondum bene in religione con- 
 firmatis, sacra nostra irridenda, aut contemnenda proponere." 
 (Gomez, fol. 40. See also FJechier, " Hist, du Card. Ximenes," 
 liv. i. p. 97.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 73 
 
 Granada only had embraced the faith, while the 
 remaining part of the Moorish kingdom still 
 adhered to Mahometism ; but these provinces in a 
 short time violated the terms of the treaty, and 
 thereby forfeited, like the rebels of the Albaycin, 
 the free exercise of their religion. 
 
 Ximenez, after his mission to Granada had ter- 
 minated, returned to his diocese, where he ordered 
 a solemn mass of thanksgiving to be celebrated for 
 the events which had taken place ;* he also made a 
 visitation of his diocese, and carried on with energy 
 the building of the university of Alcala. His health , 
 which had been weakened by his recent labours, 
 was now beginning to be restored, when his sove- 
 reigns unexpectedly summoned him to return to 
 Granada, on account of an outbreak amongst the 
 Moors who dwelt in the mountains of the Alpux- 
 arras.f This happened in the year 1500. 
 
 The wild range of the Alpuxarras Alps extends 
 in a south-easterly direction from Granada, for the 
 kings of which it had furnished in ancient times the 
 very best warriors ; and even in their late engage- 
 ments with Ferdinand, they had not lost their 
 ancient renown. In the year 1492, they had, it is 
 true, fallen under the Spanish dominion ; but their 
 love of freedom and of their ancient institutions 
 was stronger and more intense than that of the 
 inhabitants of the plains. 
 
 Many of those who fled from Granada had in- 
 formed the Moors of the Alpuxarras how the in- 
 habitants of the ancient capital had been forced 
 to renounce their faith. This news exasperated 
 
 * Kobles says, " La fiesta desta conversion celebran las Iglesias 
 de Toledo y Granada siete dias ante de la Natividad de Cristo 
 nuestro Senor" (cap. xiv. p. 108). 
 
 t This word means, in Arabic, " pasturage," according to Conde 
 (" Descripcion de Espana," p. 187).
 
 74 THE LIFE OF 
 
 them ; and hence, fearful of a similar violence, the 
 wild sons of the mountain flew to arms (anno 1500), 
 and took possession of the Spanish fortresses : they 
 also, according to their ancient custom, made in- 
 cursions upon the habitations of the Christians; 
 not remembering that thereby they brought upon 
 themselves those very evils which they seemed so 
 anxious to avoid. 
 
 The count of Tendilla immediately hastened to 
 unite himself with the " Great Captain" (Gonsalvo 
 de Cordova), who was once his pupil, but now 
 might well be his master in the art of war, and at 
 this time was residing in Granada. They attacked 
 the fortress of Huejar,* and soon took it from the 
 rebels. Afterwards, King Ferdinand himself found 
 it necessary to take the field in person, when he 
 captured the haughty and almost impregnable 
 fortress of Lanjaron, on March 7th, f 1500, while 
 his generals seized upon other important places, 
 and inflicted terrible punishment on the rebels. 
 
 At last, the inhabitants of the whole of the Alpux- 
 arras, being discouraged and disheartened, gradually 
 surrendered themselves in the course of the year 
 1500, and were mercifully dealt with by Ferdinand 
 and Isabella. They were obliged to deliver up their 
 arms and fortified towns, contribute to the expenses 
 of the war, and receive Christian missionaries 
 amongst them. But no one was forced to receive 
 baptism, though many advantages and material 
 benefits were bestowed on those who became Chris- 
 tians of their own free choice. " The wisdom of 
 these temperate measures," says Prescott, " became 
 
 * Situated in one of the eastern ranges of the Alpuxarras. 
 (Prescott, vol. ii. p. 381.) (See also Marmol, "Bebelion de 
 Moriscos," torn. i. lib. i. cap. 28 ; and Mendoza, " Ghierra de 
 Granada," p. 12.) 
 
 t Prescott gives as the date March 8th (vol. ii. p. 383).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 75 
 
 every day more visible, in the conversion not merely 
 of the simple mountaineers, but of nearly all the 
 population of the great cities of Baza, Guadiz, and 
 Almeria, who consented, before the end of the 
 year, to abjure their ancient religion, and receive 
 baptism"* (vol. ii. p. 385). 
 
 In the mean time, a fresh revolt broke out in 
 another part of the Moorish mountains. The in- 
 habitants of the Sierra Vermeja (Red Sierraf), 
 which lay to the west of Granada, being exasperated 
 by the apostasy of their countrymen, took a horrible 
 vengeance on the Christians, in spite of every friendly 
 assurance on the part of the government : they 
 murdered the missionaries ; plundered men and 
 women, and sent them to be sold as slaves in Africa. 
 Ferdinand himself, therefore, marched against the 
 rebels ; but, though he was successful at the com- 
 mencement,]: the greater part of his forces were 
 terribly cut up in the mountain-passes by the 
 Moors ; so that the red rocks of the Sierra were 
 made redder still by the blood of the Spaniards. 
 The universal grief for this day of sorrow is still 
 preserved in some most plaintive romances. Alonso 
 de Aguilar, elder brother of the " Great Captain," 
 whom Ximenez loved so tenderly, fell in this engage- 
 
 * See also Carvajal, " Armies MS.," anno 1500. 
 t So called from the colour of the rocks rising to the east of 
 Konda. The river Eio Verde divided the Spaniards from the 
 Moors. Percy has given a translation of the romance com- 
 mencing, 
 
 " Eio Verde, Rio Verde, 
 Tinto va en sangre viva," &c. 
 
 Dr. Hefele here omits many interesting details, which may 
 be read in Prescott, especially the account of the death of the 
 brave Alonso de Aquilar. Trans. 
 
 The Spanish "romances" correspond with our ballads. (See 
 the " History of the Civil Wars of Granada," " Hist, de las Civiles 
 Guerras de 'Granada." Madrid, 1694).
 
 76 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ment a perfect model of a hero* (March, 1501). 
 There were but few of the Spanish nobility who 
 were not now obliged to put on mourning. 
 
 But at last the Moors themselves, being terrified 
 at the thought of the vengeance that was quickly 
 coming upon them, and alarmed even at their 
 own victory, hastened to sue for peace. Though 
 Ferdinand's Spanish heart was most deeply wounded, 
 yet the dictates of prudence induced him to impose 
 no other conditions than these, either to embrace 
 Christianity or to leave Spain, on the payment of ten 
 doblas of gold per head. The few who had the 
 will or the means to leave the country, had a free 
 passage to Africa ; for Eerdinaud was faithful to 
 his royal promise. The majority, however, de- 
 clared themselves willing and ready to embrace 
 Christianity ; and thus, throughout the whole ex- 
 tent of the ancient Moorish kingdom of Granada, 
 there was no one who had not received baptism; 
 while those who were established in the other 
 provinces of Spain were allowed to profess their 
 religion without any hindrance, t Henceforth, the 
 Christian descendants of the ancient Moors now 
 appear under the name of Moriscos ; but though 
 their various misfortunes have made them objects 
 of pity, yet it cannot be denied that they brought 
 on themselves many of their miseries, through 
 
 * He fell, fighting with a Moor of immense strength and size, 
 named Feri cle Ben Estepar, after having performed prodigies of 
 valour. His body was interred with great pomp in the church of 
 St. Hypolito, at Cordova. Trans. 
 
 f About seventy years after this rebellion (in 1570), another 
 insurrection broke out, which was put down by the count of 
 Urena. Many of the soldiers were descendants of those who had 
 fought under Alonso de Aguilar. This revolt called forth the 
 admirable work of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who is justly 
 called the Spanish Sallust. The tifcle of it is "Guerra de Granada." 
 Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 77 
 
 their obstinate adherence to Islamism and their 
 repeated acts of treason.* 
 
 When peace was re-established, Ximenez was 
 summoned to Granada by his sovereigns. The 
 sorrow which he experienced at the death of his 
 friend Aguilar detracted somewhat from the joy 
 which he felt at the rapid progress that Christianity 
 had made. Ferdinand and Isabella received him 
 with the greatest friendship ; and, to testify the 
 high esteem in which they held him, they appointed 
 him apartments in the fortress of the Alhambra 
 itself, and at the same time consulted him in every 
 important and secret business. It seems probable 
 that to his advice is to be ascribed an edict which 
 appeared in July, 1501, forbidding any intercourse 
 of the Moors of Granada with those who still re- 
 mained unconverted in other provinces of Castile, 
 in order to remove all danger of a relapse from 
 them. 
 
 It is doubtful whether Ximenez had anything to 
 do with the edict (Praginatica) published in February 
 1502. Under this date, the Catholic sovereigns issued 
 that well-known Praginatica, whereby all unbap- 
 tized Moors in the kingdoms of Castile and Leon, 
 above fourteen years of age if males, and twelve if 
 females, were commanded to leave the country by 
 the end of the following April. They were, how- 
 ever, allowed, as the Jews were before, to sell their 
 property, and to emigrate into any country, except 
 the territory of the sultan, and such parts of Africa 
 as Spain was then at war with.f But a later edict, 
 issued on September 17th, 1502, confined their 
 choice almost exclusively to Aragon and Portugal. 
 If we may judge from the silence of the Castilian 
 writers, very few of the Moors made use of the 
 
 * More will be said about tbe Moriscos in Chapter xviii. 
 t See " Pragmaticas del Beyno," fol. 7.
 
 78 THE LIFE OF 
 
 permission granted them ; on the contrary, they 
 preferred following the example of their brethren 
 in Granada, and consented to receive baptism. In 
 the kingdom of Aragon, however, Islamism seems 
 to have been tolerated till the time of Charles V. 
 
 If we are to believe the Chronicle of Bleda, the 
 grand inquisitor, Torquemada, was the first who 
 induced the Catholic sovereigns to publish the 
 severe edict of the 12th of February, 1502 ; but, 
 according to the just remark of Prescott,* Torque- 
 mada had already been dead some years before. 
 With more reason does Llorente attribute its pub- 
 lication to the influence and advice of the second 
 grand inquisitor, Deza, who at that time was the 
 confessor of King Ferdinand, and formed one of his 
 attendants at court, f 
 
 Whilst Ximenez was attending the court at 
 Granada, several important events took place, in 
 which he no doubt took part, by his advice respect- 
 ing them. I allude especially to the treaty con- 
 nected with the partition of the kingdom of Naples, 
 a project which, though planned and talked of some 
 time before, was finally resolved upon at Granada in 
 the month of August, 15014 
 
 Besides the isle of Sicily, which, after the mas- 
 sacre known under the name of the " Sicilian 
 Vespers," passed into the royal house of Aragon, 
 King Alfonso V., of Aragon, had also in the 
 fifteenth century obtained possession of the king- 
 dom of Naples, partly by inheritance, and partly 
 by the force of arms : thus both kingdoms were 
 united with Aragon. On the death of Alfonso 
 
 * Note, vol. ii. p. 400. 
 
 t " Histoire de 1' Inquisition," torn. i. p. 335. Paris ed. 1817. 
 
 J Ferreras, vol. xii. p. 242. 
 
 So called from the signal of the bell tolling for vespers. The 
 massacre was caused by the unjust claims of Charles VIII. of 
 France to the crown of Naples.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 79 
 
 (May, 1458), the succession of the whole belonged 
 of right to his brother John, the father of Ferdi- 
 nand the Catholic. But Alfonso had made an 
 arbitrary partition of his states : he gave the crown 
 of Naples to his natural son Ferdinand, whilst his 
 other Italian possessions were united with Aragon, 
 and left to the rightful heir. Neither John his 
 father, nor Ferdinand the Catholic, gave their con- 
 sent to this division of the kingdom; and it was 
 only very perplexing events which prevented the 
 latter from depriving the bastard line of their 
 unjust possessions, and of reuniting to the crown of 
 Aragon, Naples, which had been conquered by the 
 blood of the Aragonese. Ferdinand the Catholic 
 had indeed, in the year 1496, supported and de- 
 fended his cousin, Ferdinand of Naples, against the 
 claims of Charles VIII. of France ; but only four 
 years after, the same Ferdinand consented to take 
 away Naples from his cousin, and to divide it with 
 Louis XII. of France. 
 
 Ferdinand has often been reproached for this act, 
 as a proof of his want of good faith ; but powerful 
 reasons can be adduced to justify him, according to 
 the remarks of his contemporary, Peter Martyr.* 
 
 For a long time, Ferdinand had endeavoured to 
 prevent the French king from seizing upon Naples ; 
 but when Louis XII. had positively resolved upon 
 war, Ferdinand had only these two alternatives 
 remaining, either to see the whole of his kingdom 
 taken away from him, or by some combination of 
 circumstances to try and obtain at least half of it 
 for himself, though by right he could have claimed 
 the whole of it. 
 
 This object, however, applied only to the kingdom 
 of Aragon, not to that of Castile, and Ximenez 
 
 * Epist. 218.
 
 80 THE LIFE OF 
 
 exercised his office of grand chancellor merely for 
 the benefit of the latter ; hence, the archbishop 
 took at most only a confidential, not an official part 
 in these affairs. 
 
 In the same month wherein this treaty had been 
 concluded, the Catholic sovereigns made another 
 political move of great importance. This was inti- 
 mately connected with the conversion of the Moors, 
 and very probably Ximenez had some share in 
 promoting it. The sultan of Egypt, Syria, and 
 Palestine, hearing that the professors of his religion 
 in Spain had been oppressed, threatened reprisals, 
 and seemed determined to force all his Christian 
 subjects to embrace Islamism. In order to prevent 
 so great a misfortune, Ferdinand and Isabella sent 
 (in August, 1501) Peter Martyr as special ambas- 
 sador to the sultan. He was a very learned man, 
 and prior of a church in Granada.* He has left us 
 an account of his dangers and adventures encoun- 
 tered on the journey, in a work entitled, " De Lega- 
 tione Babylonica,"f and also in his admirable letters. 
 He passed through Prance, and arrived at Venice 
 by land, having a commission to fulfil with the 
 senate on the part of his sovereigns ; thence he em- 
 barked for Alexandria in Egypt, where he arrived 
 after a voyage of three months, which had been full 
 of perils and tempests ; he then sailed up the Nile, 
 attended with a guard of Mamelukes, as far as 
 Cairo, which was the residence of the sultans, and 
 was then called Babylon, on account of its prox- 
 imity to the ancient Babylon.:}: The object of the 
 voyage was accomplished, the sultan was pacified, 
 and confirmed and insured not only the free ex- 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epiat. 224. 
 
 t It is appended to his more celebrated work, " Decades de 
 Helms Oceanicis et Novo Orbe." 
 J Epist. 235.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 81 
 
 ercise of religion to his Christian subjects, but 
 also permitted pilgrimages to be made to the Holy 
 Land. Peter Martyr left Egypt towards the end of 
 April, 1502 : returning to Venice, he entered into 
 fresh negotiations with the senate, in order to 
 obtain for his sovereign the friendship and assist- 
 ance of Venice against France. He at length ar- 
 rived in Spain, in the month of August, 1502, after 
 a year's absence.* 
 
 Ximenez, besides taking a part in these and other 
 affairs of state, and giving his counsel and advice 
 in the most confidential and secret negotiations of 
 the sovereigns, carried on, during his residence at 
 Granada, frequent intercourse with the Moorish 
 chiefs, and laboured with untiring zeal to instruct 
 the newly-converted Christians. Having endured 
 for two months these numerous labours, his strength 
 failed him at last, and a severe illness brought him 
 almost to the grave : he was then in his sixty-fourth 
 year. It was then that Ferdinand and Isabella 
 showed the tenderest sympathy with his sufferings ; 
 they honoured him, too, by frequently coming to see 
 him. The queen, especially, evinced the deepest 
 solicitude for his recovery, and asked the physicians 
 if a change of place would not be very beneficial 
 for the invalid archbishop. He was accordingly 
 removed from the fortress of the Alhambra (which 
 was too much exposed to the wind) to the royal 
 summer-house of Xeneralifa, not far distant. But 
 after he had spent a month at this villa, no change 
 for the better took place in his health ; and though 
 the physicians employed all their skill to cool his 
 burning fever, Ximenez was now nearer death than 
 before. Already his complaint was declared to be 
 incurable, when fortunately Erancisca, a Moorish 
 woman and a convert, who was married to the head 
 
 * Epist. 249. 
 G
 
 82 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cook of the archbishop, said that she was acquainted 
 with an old dame, eighty years old, who had in her 
 possession a quantity of ointment and herbs of great 
 virtue. She was accordingly sent for at night ; and 
 in eight days the fever had so far abated, that 
 Ximenez was able to leave his bed. The pure and 
 bracing air of the river Darro, which flowed near, 
 on the banks of which he walked every forenoon, 
 was the means of hastening his recovery ; and when, 
 some time afterwards, he was enabled to return to 
 his beloved Alcala, he found himself restored once 
 more to perfect health.* 
 
 * The account of this illness is taken from Gomez, lib. ii. 
 fol. 35.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 83 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 NARRATIVE OF EVENTS CONNECTED WITH THE EOTAL FAMILY. 
 DEATH OF THE QUEEN. 
 
 WHILE Ximenez was recruiting his health at Alcala, 
 amidst the air of his native climate, and enjoying a 
 repose so seldom granted to him, Ferdinand and 
 Isabella arrived at Toledo, in the year 1502, in order 
 to attend the meeting of the Cortes, and definitely 
 to settle for the future the succession to the 
 throne. 
 
 In September, 1498, and in January of the fol- 
 lowing year, the new-born prince, Miguel,* was 
 acknowledged by the Cortes of Aragon and the 
 kingdom of Castile as heir to the throne. The 
 Catholic sovereigns loved this prince with such sin- 
 cere love, that they wished to have him always by 
 their side. Accordingly, they took him with them 
 to Granada, in the summer of 1500 ; but a few days 
 after their arrival, the poor weak child died.f Peter 
 Martyr being an eye-witness describes the deep 
 grief which this affliction caused to Ferdinand and 
 Isabella, and which was the more intense in propor- 
 tion as they endeavoured to conceal it from the eyes 
 of the world.! 
 
 Soon was Isabella's prophecy accomplished. In 
 a short time, at the commencement of the year 1500 
 
 * This prince was the son of the queen of Portugal, who was a 
 daughter of Isabella. Trans. 
 
 t The mother of the child died an hour after her delivery, 
 August 23rd, 1498. 
 
 I Epist. 21G. 
 
 G 2
 
 81 THE LIFE OF 
 
 (February 24), her daughter Joanna gave birth to 
 another grandson of Isabella, who afterwards be- 
 came the illustrious Charles V. At the news of 
 this event, Isabella was heard to exclaim, " As 
 the lot fell upon the apostle Matthias, so will 
 crowns also one day descend upon this child."* 
 And, in reality, Charles became some time after 
 heir to the crowns of Castile, Aragon, Sicily, Aus- 
 tria, and the Low Countries. Such a political 
 position required that his claims, and those of his 
 mother, to the Spanish throne, should be acknow- 
 ledged by the Cortes. Eor this purpose, the sove- 
 reigns requested their daughter Joanna, and her 
 consort, the archduke Philip, to hasten to Spain. 
 At the same time, anxious for the welfare of their 
 other children, they married their third daughter 
 Maria" (born in 1482) to her brother-in-law Ema- 
 nuel, king of Portugal, the widower of the deceased 
 infanta Isabella. The fourth daughter, Dona 
 Catherina, was united with Prince Arthur, heir to 
 the throne of England. Maria died in Portugal, 
 universally regretted and beloved, in the year 1517. 
 But Catherina lived, to her great misfortune, a much 
 longer period, being divorced from Henry VIII. of 
 England, to whom she had been married, after the 
 early death of his brother Arthur. The whole world 
 knows how this marriage was, in one sense, the 
 occasion of England being lost to the Church. 
 
 When these marriages, in which Ximenez had 
 probably a share, were accomplished, the archduke 
 Philip and his consort Joanna arrived in Spain, 
 January 28th, 1502. Out of regard to his wife, 
 and at the same time to satisfy his own excessive 
 love for amusements, Philip's journey through 
 France was prolonged to a considerable time : at 
 
 * Ferreras, lib. viii. cap. 11.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 85 
 
 the court of Blois, he took part in the banquets and 
 all kinds of amusements which had heen prepared 
 for him; he even sat in the parliament of Paris, 
 as a peer of Prance, and swore homage to King 
 Louis XII. for his possessions in Planders.* The 
 Spanish historian Mariana blames, in few but 
 severe words, as is usual with him, this servility of 
 the prince ; while, on the other hand, he praises the 
 consort of Philip for having been mindful of the 
 honour of her country, by refusing to acknowledge 
 the sovereignty of the king of Prance, and taking 
 no part in the acts of the archduke. King Perdi- 
 nand the Catholic was also very displeased with his 
 son-in-law for being on such terms of friendship 
 with the court of Prance. Nevertheless, he ordered 
 Philip and his consort to be received with all due 
 honour when they arrived at Pontarabia, the fron- 
 tier of Spain, and that thence they should be con- 
 ducted to Madrid, f 
 
 In the mean time the States of Castile met at 
 Toledo, in order to offer their homage. Perdinand 
 and Isabella arrived at the same city April 22nd, 
 1502. The queen immediately summoned Ximenez 
 from Alcala to meet her there, in order that he 
 might take part in the business which would be 
 brought forward. He arrived towards the end of 
 April, about eight days before Philip and Joanna. 
 He prepared everything himself on the most mag- 
 nificent scale for their entrance into the city. On 
 the 7th of May, the archbishop, clothed in his 
 pontifical robes, received the royal visitors at the 
 porch of the church, where a cross was placed, 
 resplendent with gold and precious stones. After 
 Philip and Joanna had testified, on their knees, 
 their respect for the emblem of our redemption, 
 
 * Mariana, lib. xxvii. c. 11. t Ibid.
 
 86 THE LIFE OF 
 
 they were conducted by the archbishop to the high 
 altar ; and thence, after remaining a short time in 
 prayer, they proceeded to the state apartments of 
 the sovereigns. 
 
 The festivities continued for more than fourteen 
 days, till the 22nd of May. The solemn ceremony 
 of paying homage took place on a Sunday, in the 
 metropolitan church. The Cardinal Diego Hurtado 
 Mendoza,* archbishop of Seville, nephew of the 
 illustrious cardinal deceased, officiated at this 
 solemnity, and was the first who took the oath of 
 fidelity to the archduke and the princess. After 
 him came Ximenez; next followed the other bishops; 
 and lastly the civil authorities all of whom swore 
 to be faithful, f 
 
 During the five months which the archbishop 
 spent with the court at Toledo, he was occupying 
 himself with the formation of those great plans for 
 the advancement of the sciences, of which we shall 
 treat in the succeeding chapters. Towards the end 
 of August, 1502, the court went to Aranjuez, and 
 thence to Saragossa, in order to receive the homage 
 of the States of Aragon, in case the king should die 
 without a male heir to the throne. J Isabella, how- 
 ever, went to Madrid, in order to meet the Cortes of 
 Castile assembled there: after a short time, the 
 other members of the royal household joined her, 
 with the intention of spending the winter in that city. 
 All of a sudden, to the great surprise of every one, 
 the archduke Philip declared his intention was to 
 leave Spain immediately, and return to Elanders. 
 He was displeased with the stiff manners of the 
 Spaniards ; but especially was this vain and fickle 
 prince apprehensive of being brought under the 
 
 * See what Peter Martyr says about this prelate (Epist. 222). 
 The cardinal died soon after these festivities. 
 
 t Mariana, lib. xxxii. c. 11. J Ibid. c. 14.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 87 
 
 tuition of his wise relations. It was in vain, 
 therefore, that Isabella represented to him that the 
 future sovereign of Spain should make himself well 
 acquainted with the manners and customs of the 
 country ; in vain did she try to convince him that 
 the prosperity of his future government would 
 necessarily depend on this knowledge, and that, 
 therefore, it was his duty to remain longer ; in vain 
 did she call his attention to the state of his wife, 
 now near her confinement, who would be unable to 
 undertake so long a journey in the winter, and that 
 were she separated from him she would be most 
 miserable. Philip alleged, " that the climate of 
 Spain was very bad for his health, and that his 
 former preceptor, "Francis Basseidan, archbishop of 
 Besa^on, had already sunk under it." On the other 
 hand, his love for his wife was so cold, that it could 
 not detain him in the country, since for a long time 
 it was evident (and he himself felt it) that he was 
 justly to be blamed for his groundless jealousy of 
 Joanna. 
 
 His departure was accordingly resolved upon. He 
 justified his obstinacy by an assertion, which was no 
 doubt untrue, that before his departure from Flan- 
 ders, he had promised his subjects and attendants to 
 return within a year, and that he was obliged to 
 keep his word as a prince. He also added, that war 
 having broken out between France and Spain, his 
 dominions stood in need of his presence and assist- 
 ance.* He further declared it was his intention, in 
 spite of the war between Ferdinand and Louis XII., 
 of travelling back through France : nothing could 
 turn him from his resolution ; he even offered him- 
 self as a mediator between the two sovereigns, which 
 offer Ferdinand accepted; not, however, without 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 250.
 
 88 THE LIFE OF 
 
 some mistrust, knowing the preference which Philip 
 had for Louis, and that his attendants were bribed 
 by the gold of Prance.* His misgivings were soon 
 confirmed ; for on the 5th of April, 1503, Philip 
 concluded, at Lyons, a foolish treaty with Louis XII. 
 and with his clever minister, Cardinal D'Amboise ; 
 by virtue of which Prince Charles (Philip's son), 
 then three years old, was some day to espouse the 
 Princess Claudia of Prance ; while the kingdom of 
 Naples, then an object of dispute between Prance 
 and Spain, was to belong to both these children. 
 But, on other points, this treaty was prejudicial to 
 the rights of Spain ; and hence, Perdinand consi- 
 dered himself bound not to acknowledge it. This 
 step he took without much hesitation, because Phi- 
 lip had evidently overstepped his power. After this 
 declaration, the war again resumed its course, and, 
 after many vicissitudes, ended at last (thanks to the 
 military genius of the " Great Captain ") in the 
 reunion of the kingdom of Naples with the crown 
 of Spain. 
 
 The fears of Isabella respecting the fatal con- 
 sequences likely to follow from Philip's departure 
 were soon to be confirmed. Joanna, so unlike her 
 illustrious mother in the endowments of her mind, 
 that Peter Martyr said of her, " Simplex est 
 femina, licet a tant& muliere progenita,"f had con- 
 centrated her whole existence in her "beautiful" 
 consort, whom she loved most passionately. Being 
 overpowered then by the pangs of separation from 
 him, she began to exhibit those symptoms of deep 
 melancholy which very soon terminated in a com- 
 plete derangement of her mind. The world had lost 
 all its charms for her ; she showed as little concern 
 for the tenderness of her mother, as she did for the 
 affairs of the kingdom. She spent whole days, as 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 253. t Epist, 250.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 89 
 
 if lost in silent reverie, immovable, and with her 
 eyes fixed motionless on the ground ; her body 
 seeming to be in Spain, and her soul in Flanders. 
 But when Philip's name was mentioned, she imme- 
 diately awoke from her dream, and ordered the 
 fleet to be got ready, which was to convey her to 
 her beloved as quickly as possible. Such is the 
 account which Peter Martyr gives us of this un- 
 fortunate princess ; for he was an eye-witness both 
 of her affliction and that of the Queen Isabella, 
 who resolved to send her daughter back imme- 
 diately after her confinement. But this event not 
 taking place so soon as she expected, caused more 
 affliction to Joanna : the queen herself, too, began 
 to be unwell.* 
 
 Sighing for a milder climate, and seeking too for 
 more comfort and consolation, Isabella returned to 
 Madrid in the beginning of January, 1503 ; thence 
 she hastened with her daughter to Alcala, where 
 Ximenez was then residing. With a zeal inspired 
 by religious and other good motives, the archbishop 
 endeavoured to soothe the sorrows of both mother 
 and daughter by frequent interviews, t He was 
 soon able to strengthen and console the great mind 
 of Isabella, and to induce her again to occupy 
 herself with the cares of government, especially 
 with reference to the French war. As to Joanna, 
 she was safely delivered of a second son at Alcala, 
 March 10th, 1503. Ximenez baptized him with 
 great solemnity, and called him Ferdinand, after 
 his grandfather. He was afterwards known in his- 
 tory under the name of the Emperor Ferdinand I. 
 Ximenez, having met, on the birthday of the young 
 prince, a poor criminal going to be executed, 
 obtained a royal pardon for him, in memory of 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 253, 255. 
 t Gomez, lib. iii. fol. 44.
 
 90 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the auspicious event, to the great joy of the 
 people. 
 
 After the confinement of the archduchess, the 
 heat at Alcala became so overpowering, that in the 
 beginning of June the queen was obliged, together 
 with her daughter, to leave that city and hasten to 
 Segovia, the air of which seemed more suitable for 
 her health, which was always delicate. When 
 there, Isabella would be near the coast, where 
 every preparation could be made for the departure 
 of her daughter. But, unfortunately, it was neces- 
 sary to defer it from month to month ; for the 
 king of France, being exceedingly angry that Fer- 
 dinand refused to acknowledge the treaty of Lyons, 
 seemed determined to invade Spain with a nume- 
 rous force, and thus take a terrible vengeance 
 on his rival.* Under these circumstances, the 
 voyage to Flanders would be as dangerous by sea 
 as it would by land ; Isabella was consequently 
 obliged to detain her daughter. But, on the other 
 hand, symptoms of derangement in the mind of the 
 archduchess again began to show themselves ; she 
 left her mother, and hastened to Medina del Campo, 
 that so she might at least be near the coast, and near 
 the fleet also, which was intended to convey her to 
 Flanders. 
 
 Joanna, having received a letter from her husband 
 Philip in the month of November, expressing a 
 wish that she should return, as he had obtained a 
 free passport for her through France, was anxious 
 to depart the very same day. But Juan Fonseca, 
 the excellent bishop of Burgos, who was intrusted 
 with the care of the archduchess, immediately sent 
 information to the queen of her daughter's resolu- 
 tion ; and at the same time implored the princess, 
 
 * Prescott, vol. ii. p. 290.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 91 
 
 by the most tender and powerful entreaties, to 
 delay the journey until the arrival of her mother. 
 But in vain ; she heeded not the wishes either of 
 the governor of the town, Juan de Cordova, or of the 
 bishop. To prevent her, therefore, from leaving the 
 place, the governor was obliged to order the gates 
 to be closed, although she threatened both the 
 bishop and himself with death whenever she at- 
 tained power. Purious on beholding her plans 
 frustrated, " tanquarn Punica Iea3na," as Peter 
 Martyr expresses it, she obstinately refused to 
 return to her apartments, and spent a day and a 
 night in the open air, in the court of the castle, 
 half naked, and almost benumbed with cold.* The 
 next day, she was with difficulty persuaded to 
 enter a cook-shop near at hand, in order both to 
 warm herself and get something to eat. There 
 she remained, in spite of all representations, until 
 the arrival of her mother, who had already sent 
 Ximenez and the high admiral of the fleet to try 
 to calm her. 
 
 . When the court left Alcala in the month of 
 June, 1503, Ximenez went to Brihuega, on account 
 of illness. It was in a pleasant place, situated in a 
 mountainous country, and was originally given to 
 the archbishops of Toledo, by King Alfonso VI. 
 Ximenez soon left this retirement and went to 
 Santorcaz, where he had formerly been a prisoner, 
 when contending for his right of archpriest of 
 Uzeda. Hardly had he recovered sufficient strength 
 to return to Alcala, towards the end of the year, 
 when he was obliged to hasten to the unfortunate 
 princess. Isabella arrived very soon after him; 
 and, by the advice of the archbishop, she com- 
 manded the fleet at Larido, which was intended to 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 268.
 
 92 THE LIFE OF 
 
 convey the archduchess to Planders, to be prepared 
 as soon as possible. It was then only that Joanna 
 consented to return to her apartments. 
 
 On the 1st of March, 1504, Joanna was at length 
 enabled to set sail, by virtue of an armistice con- 
 cluded between Spain and Prance. She arrived 
 quite safe at the residence of her consort, to be more 
 miserable than ever. 
 
 Philip received her indeed, in spite of his frivolity, 
 with every mark of friendship ; but Joanna soon 
 perceived that he loved one of the noble dames 
 whom he had brought with him from Spain ; and 
 hence the most furious jealousy now arose within 
 her breast. The whole palace resounded with her 
 complaints, reproaches, quarrels, and curses. Being 
 informed that the flaxen locks of the young lady 
 particularly captivated Philip, Joanna on one occa- 
 sion suddenly rushed upon her, cut off her beautiful 
 hair to the very roots, and cruelly tore the flesh of her 
 face. Philip's indignation could not contain itself 
 within bounds ; he treated the unfortunate prin- 
 cess with open contempt, reproached her in the 
 most cutting language, and rejected her company 
 for a long time.* 
 
 The news of these unfortunate events in Planders 
 made a most painful impression on both the Catholic 
 sovereigns, and seems to have thrown them into 
 a fever at Medina del Campo, where they were 
 residing in the beginning of July, 1504. t Ximenez 
 immediately hastened to them, comforted them, 
 instructed them one after the other in their duties, 
 and assisted them by his advice in those affairs 
 which their illness did not allow them fully to 
 attend to. He was also indefatigable in procuring 
 for them everything which could contribute to their 
 recovery. 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 272. f Epist. 273.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 93 
 
 Isabella's solicitude for the state of her husband 
 augmented her own sorrows ; but while Ferdinand 
 happily recovered his health at the end of a few 
 months, the queen's illness became more and more 
 critical a strong fever was wasting away her 
 strength. In October, symptoms of dropsy showed 
 themselves, and the physicians began already to give 
 up all hopes of her recovery. The consternation of 
 men at this sad news was great and universal, both 
 on account of the veneration in which the illustrious 
 invalid was held, as well as through fear for the 
 future welfare of the kingdom.* 
 
 The mind of the queen, however, was still vigorous, 
 in spite of the infirmity of her body ; so much so, 
 that Prospero Colonna, an Italian noble, told Fer- 
 dinand, " that he had come to Spain to see a woman 
 who from her sick bed ruled the world." f She 
 very frequently received visits from her friends and 
 relations. She took a great interest in all the affairs 
 of the kingdom, especially in the war with Naples, 
 and the heroic deeds performed by the " Great 
 Captain," who commanded the Spanish army. 
 Among the foreigners who were introduced to the 
 queen at this time, was a Venetian traveller, named 
 Vianelli, distinguished for his bravery, who was the 
 first person that suggested the expedition into Africa, 
 which was afterwards so gloriously accomplished by 
 Ximenez. Vianelli, during his residence at court, 
 gave the archbishop an opportunity of expressing 
 himself in words that were both beautiful, and at 
 the same time in accordance with his own character. 
 The traveller was anxious to sell a diamond ring of 
 extraordinary value ; he offered it to Ximenez, who 
 having asked the price of it, and being told that 
 it was worth 5,000 ducats, replied, " With such a 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 274. 
 
 t Prescott, note, p. 465, seventh edit. London, 1854.
 
 94 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sum, it would be infinitely better to do good to five 
 thousand poor people, than to possess all the 
 diamonds of India."* 
 
 Another stone, more precious in his eyes, came 
 into his possession at this time. A religious of the 
 order of St. Erancis, warden of a convent in 
 Jerusalem, was sent by the sultan of Egypt as liis 
 envoy into Spain. He had brought with him a 
 stone slab from the Holy Sepulchre, and had it 
 divided into five parts, so as to make five altar- 
 stones. One he intended to present to the pope ; 
 one to Queen Isabella ; one to Emanuel, king of 
 Portugal ; one to Cardinal Carvajal, who took his 
 title from the holy cross; and the other to Ximenez. 
 As Isabella received her present of the altar-stone 
 from our Lord's sepulchre with the deepest vene- 
 ration, so also did Ximenez resolve henceforth never 
 to say mass on any altar, except on this stone. At 
 his death he bequeathed it, as a most precious stone, 
 to his cathedral at Toledo. 
 
 I must not here omit making mention of another 
 circumstance. Ximenez., during his residence at 
 Medina del Campo, visited the neighbouring town 
 of Cisneros, where his parents were born, and many 
 of his ancestors were buried. His object was to 
 have masses and anniversaries fixed for the eternal 
 repose of their souls. 
 
 Soon after, the archbishop was obliged to take 
 leave of the queen, in order personally to attend to 
 his diocese. She graciously dismissed him with 
 these words : " I hope very soon to be able to 
 follow you to Toledo." But Ximenez was destined 
 never more to see her alive in this world ; for she 
 died at Medina del Campo on the 26th of November, 
 1504, in the fifty-fourth year of her age, and the 
 
 * Prescott gives a somewhat different version of this story, and 
 sneers very unjustly at the answer of Ximenez. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 95 
 
 thirtieth of her reign. * According to her directions, 
 her body was laid in a plain coffin, and interred 
 at first among the Franciscans of Granada, in the 
 ancient Moorish fortress of the Alhambra. She 
 wished to repose in the ground which she had won 
 for Spain and for Christendom. But after Ferdi- 
 nand's death, as she desired not to be separated 
 from her husband, her corpse was translated to the 
 cathedral of Granada, f There may still be seen the 
 two superb monuments raised by Charles V. (in 
 the Renaissance style) to the memory of his an- 
 cestors. Laborde, in his admirable work, " Voyage 
 Pittoresque," gives a very beautiful plate of the 
 tombs. 
 
 Such was the sovereign who, through her know- 
 ledge of men's character, raised Ximenez, once a 
 simple monk, to the highest ecclesiastical dignity in 
 Spain ; and chose him also for her adviser in all the 
 most important affairs of the kingdom. To her he 
 was indebted for all the greatness which he possessed, 
 and for all the opportunities of doing the good 
 which he effected. When Ximenez, therefore, re- 
 ceived from King Ferdinand the sorrowful news of 
 the queen's death, he broke out into loud lamenta- 
 tions; his grief overcame those feelings which, 
 before, were wont to be so strictly repressed. 
 " Never," he exclaimed, " will the world ever again 
 
 * Prescott gives many interesting details about the queen's 
 death and funeral, and pays a high compliment to her noble 
 character, so different from that of our English Elizabeth. Dr. 
 Hefele mentions in a note, that Caesar Borgia, after the death of 
 his father, Alexander VI., was deprived of all his possessions, and 
 being taken prisoner at Naples by the " Great Captain," was sent 
 to Medina del Campo. There he was imprisoned for three years ; 
 but having made his escape afterwards, he was killed in battle in 
 the year 1507. Trans. 
 
 t See Ford's " Handbook of Spain," where an account is given 
 of the present state of the royal tombs at Granada. Trans.
 
 9G THE LIFE OF 
 
 behold a queen with such greatness of soul, with 
 such purity of heart, with such ardent piety, and 
 such zeal for justice." 
 
 Thus did he give a true portrait of the queen's 
 character. Peter Martyr, who was an eye-witness 
 of her life and death, comprises a sketch of her in 
 these few but eloquent words : " The world has lost 
 its noblest ornament ; a loss to be deplored not only 
 by Spain, which she has so long carried forward in 
 the career of glory, but by every nation in Christen- 
 dom ; for she was the mirror of every virtue, the 
 shield of the innocent, and an avenging sword to 
 the wicked. I know none of her sex, in ancient or 
 modern times, who, in my judgment, is at all worthy 
 to be named with this incomparable woman." * 
 
 Indeed, if, with respect to the art of governing, 
 Elizabeth, her namesake, f of England, may be 
 compared with Isabella, the latter is infinitely 
 superior to the great sovereign of Albion, in the 
 good qualities of her heart and the accomplishments 
 of her mind. 
 
 # Epist. 279. 
 
 t Isabella is synonymous with Elizabeth, in Spanish.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 97 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 HISTORICAL PAEALLEL BETWEEN ISABELLA OF SPAIN AND 
 ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 THE two queens arrived at the throne by the road 
 of adversity and of trial. But whilst these impedi- 
 ments were raised against Isabella by the injustice 
 of her brother Henry, who wished to crown the 
 bastard Beltraneja, Elizabeth had only to suffer in 
 her youth for having been implicated in a dastardly 
 conspiracy against Queen Mary, her own sister ; 
 so that the crime fell back upon herself, but Isabella 
 was only unfortunate by the crime of another. 
 
 The effects which misfortune produced upon their 
 minds were not less different. It hardened and 
 froze for ever the heart of Elizabeth ; it made her 
 truly cruel, and so far extinguished in her gentleness 
 and mercy, the natural appanage of woman, that in 
 the transports of her rage she would go so far as 
 to box the ears of her counsellors and ministers, 
 and spit in their faces, not to mention the torrent 
 of coarse insults with which she overwhelmed 
 them.* Isabella came forth from adversity mild 
 and benevolent ; even in punishments and acts of 
 necessary rigour she never forgot either religion or 
 humanity, f 
 
 During a long and fortunate reign, both in- 
 creased the prosperity of their country, and added 
 a fresh lustre to its glory ; but Elizabeth will never 
 
 * Lingard, History of England, vol. vii. (6th edition), passim. 
 t Prescott, vol. ii. pp. 380-2, note 65. 
 
 H
 
 98 THE LIFE OF 
 
 be admired except as a queen, whilst the personal 
 virtues of Isabella secure to her the veneration and 
 affection of posterity. One of the modern historians 
 of Spain, Munoz, calls her " the incomparable 
 Isabella," and the memory of that glorious era 
 draws from him the exclamation : O ! si renaciera 
 el spiritu de los reyes catolicos, autores de la gran- 
 dezza del imperio espanol ! (Oh ! that the spirit of 
 the Catholic sovereigns would revive, the authors of 
 the greatness of the Spanish kingdom).* 
 
 Both exercised over their subjects an extraor- 
 dinary influence, enchained them to their wills with 
 a singular power; during many years they main- 
 tained peace in their kingdom, subdued every party 
 rebellion ; but the Englishman bent his head before 
 the pride and despotic will of his queen, and the 
 Spaniard obeyed with reliance the inspirations of 
 the genius and the heart of a sovereign whom he 
 loved as a mother. 
 
 Both found a kingdom in the second rank among 
 the states of Europe, and, undeniably, raised it to 
 the first, by the wisdom of their internal institutions, 
 by the formation of a powerful navy, and by suc- 
 cessful wars. But Isabella, in politics as in her 
 private life, never lost sight of honour and justice ; 
 whilst Elizabeth, although superior to Isabella by 
 the impulse which she gave to commerce, rested 
 her policy upon cunning and insincerity, scattered 
 the seeds of discord among neighbouring nations, 
 fostered in other states rebellion and civil war, and, 
 to fix her own crown upon her head, had basely 
 recourse to the murder of a queen, her cousin and 
 her guest. f 
 
 Elizabeth and Isabella equally held the sceptre 
 with a powerful hand, and lived in an age when the 
 
 * Meniorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, torn. iii. p. 29. 
 t Lingard, vol. iii. passim.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 99 
 
 absolutism of monarchs was at its height. But the 
 queen of Spain respected the liberties already 
 acquired by her people, as well as the voices of the 
 Cortes, and in her will she requested, moreover, that 
 certain revenues should be sanctioned by the con- 
 sent of that assembly. Elizabeth, on the contrary, 
 in spite of her seeking for popularity, her pretended 
 demonstrations of friendship for the peasantry and 
 farmers,* was a despot in the full sense of the word : 
 for her was absolute power, for all others passive 
 obedience: she reduced Parliament to be nothing 
 more than the shadow of a deliberative assembly, 
 and despised it in that abasement ; she instituted 
 arbitrarily new courts of justice worthy of a nation 
 of slaves, and by them, at her pleasure, disposed of 
 the lives and the liberty of her subjects. In that 
 respect nothing is more characteristic than the 
 reply which she made one day, when informed that 
 the court had refused to condemn Norfolk : " Well," 
 she exclaimed, inflamed with rage, " if the laws are 
 insufficient to condemn him, my royal authority 
 shall be large enough. "f The right of pardoning 
 the guilty is for all sovereigns the finest prerogative 
 of the crown : Elizabeth rejoiced in the power of 
 delivering over to the executioner those whom the 
 law had acquitted. History has recorded a thousand 
 freaks of her arbitrary and despotic will : thus it 
 was that she ordered the destruction of woad, 
 because the scent of that useful plant was disagree- 
 able to her. As for the religious belief of her subjects, 
 she arrogated to herself the right of ruling it with a 
 power more absolute than ever did her contempo- 
 rary Philip II., king of Spain. J 
 
 * Lingard, vol. iii. passim. 
 t Historisch-politiache Blatter, vol. iii. p. 700. 
 J See Bottek, Weltgeschichte (zweite auflage, 1826), p. 7, 
 s. 311. 
 
 H 2
 
 100 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Isabella displayed the greatest zeal that justice 
 should be equally dispensed without respect to per- 
 sons : never did corruption the most seductive arrest 
 the execution of the law ; never did any influence, 
 not even that of her husband, divert her from 
 what appeared to her to be her right and her 
 duty.* "The justice which each enjoyed under 
 her happy government," says Marineo Siculo, 
 " was the same for all, for the noble and for the 
 knight, for the citizen and for the countryman, for 
 the rich and for the poor, for the master and for 
 the servant." f 
 
 Under the reign of Elizabeth, on the contrary, 
 these sorts of complaint were so frequent, the 
 tyranny, injustice, and rapacity of the public func- 
 tionaries excited so many murmurs, that a justice 
 of the peace was openly described in Parliament as 
 " an animal who, for half a dozen of chickens, would 
 dispense with a dozen of laws.":}: By the famous 
 Court of Star Chamber, by the Court of High 
 Commission, the queen herself threw trouble and 
 uncertainty in all the laws ; she extended with 
 unexampled rigour the martial laws to ordinary 
 offences, arbitrarily recalled magistrates, for money 
 interrupted the course of justice ; permitted the lords 
 and ladies of her court to accept of presents as the 
 price of their interference in the suits of private 
 individuals : so that the Erench ambassador might 
 with truth assert that the administration of justice 
 was more corrupt under Elizabeth than under her 
 predecessors. " Another, and intolerable griev- 
 ance," says Lingard, " was the discretionary power 
 assumed by the queen, of gratifying her caprice or 
 
 * Prescott gives many examples of this (vol. ii. p. 376.) 
 t Cosas Meraorables, p. 180 ; in Prescott, ibid. p. 588. 
 % Lingard, vol. iii. p. 323. Ibid.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 101 
 
 resentment by the restraint or imprisonment of those 
 who had given her offence."* Elizabeth never for- 
 gave a personal wrong, and punished without mercy 
 the slightest offence to her vanity ;f whilst Isabella 
 willingly forgot the faults which only were directed 
 against her person, without injuring the welfare of 
 the public.^ 
 
 Both queens acquired large possessions in Ame- 
 rica : Isabella testified the greatest solicitude for the 
 condition of the poor Indians, and never permitted 
 them to be illused ; and we find, in 1567, on the 
 coast of North America, two large English ships 
 engaged in the slave-trade for the special service of 
 the queen of England. || 
 
 Both queens rewarded genius and talent; they 
 sought for and found great men, who made the immor- 
 tal glory of their government. But whilst Isabella, 
 gifted with singular prudence and great knowledge 
 of mankind, selected only ministers capable of pro- 
 moting the welfare of her people, Elizabeth, with as 
 much perspicacity, permitted herself frequently to 
 be guided in her choice by the external advantages 
 and corporeal qualities of the candidates ; she often 
 desired to have favourites and lovers in the persons 
 of her ministers. 
 
 Isabella treated her councillors with kindness, 
 
 * Lingard, vol. iii. p. 324. 
 
 t The least criticism upon her pronunciation of the French 
 language irritated her excessively ; and the French ambassador, 
 Buzenval, could not negotiate with the English cabinet on ac- 
 count of his having allowed himself, several years previously, to 
 make use of criticism of this sort (Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Grit., 
 art. "Elizabeth," note E.) 
 
 J Prescott, vol. ii. p. 383. 
 
 In 1500, Columbus having sent two natives as slaves to 
 Spain, the queen indignantly demanded by what right Columbus 
 dared thus to treat her subjects, and instantly set them at liberty. 
 (See chap, xxvii.) 
 
 || Lingard, ibid. p. 235.
 
 102 TILE LIFE OF 
 
 confidence, and friendship. She took a sincere inter- 
 est in their welfare ; rewarded them worthily ; pro- 
 tected them against hatred and envy, as Ximenez 
 and the Great Captain experienced ; comforted them 
 in misfortune ; visited them when sick ; and some- 
 times herself undertook the office of testamentary 
 executor, as she did, for instance, on the death of 
 Cardinal Mendoza and the great commander Car- 
 denas. She showed the same familiarity, the same 
 kindness, to the ladies of her court ; forgot among 
 them the differences of rank ; took advantage of all 
 occasions to make them delicate presents ; and tes- 
 tified to them, whenever they met, the frankest 
 cordiality, especially to the friend of her youth, 
 Dona Beatrix Bobadilla, afterwards marchioness of 
 Moya.* 
 
 Elizabeth never admitted familiar and kindly 
 relations between her and her circle : she passed 
 incessantly from one of two extremes to the 
 other, sometimes playing the part of coquette in 
 her own court, at others indulging in the irritable 
 disposition which she inherited from Henry VIII., 
 so far as to swear at and box the ears of her maids 
 of honour and her ministers. She trusted no one 
 around her, and did not believe any person capable 
 of a sincere devotedness ; but she was as much 
 deceived on all sides, and more than once the craft 
 and lies of her ladies and her ministers impelled her 
 to false steps. Another capital evil of her court had 
 its rise in her avarice and parsimony towards her 
 servants and the members of the royal household. 
 Hence arose an odious corruption : to indemnify 
 themselves, the courtiers sold places, monopolies, 
 patronages ; law-suits themselves became an object 
 of traffic. The queen, on her part, loved to receive 
 
 * Prescott, vol. ii. p. 381.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 103 
 
 presents ; she knew adroitly how to provoke gene- 
 rosity and make her gracious visits productive.* 
 
 Both sovereigns were gifted in their youth with 
 extraordinary beauty ; but whilst Elizabeth suffered 
 herself to be governed by a foolish vanity, by a 
 love of ornaments, a desire to please carried to 
 ridiculous excess, Isabella displayed none of these 
 feminine weaknesses. f When the English Thetis 
 gave audiences, she constantly was pulling off and 
 putting on gloves to draw attention to her fine 
 hands. $ No flattery more agreeable could be ad- 
 dressed to her than praising her celestial beauty : 
 almost a septuagenarian, she yet desired that 
 homage should be paid to her faded charms with 
 the pomp of Oriental style. Still more, she boasted 
 of her own attractions : she one day announced to 
 her faithful subjects that none of the portraits which 
 had hitherto been taken of her person did justice to 
 
 * "At her first lighting at the lord keeper's she had a fine 
 fanne, with a handle garnisht with diamonds ; in the middle was 
 a nosegay, and in y* a very rich jewel, valued at 400 at least. 
 After dinner in her privy chamber, he presented her with a fine 
 gown and a juppin (petticoat), which things were pleasing to her 
 highness; and to grace his lordship the more, she of herself tooke 
 from Mm a salte, a spoone, and a forcke of faire agatte." (Sidney 
 Papers, vol. i. p. 376.) On the 6th of December before her 
 death, she dined with Sir Robert Cecil, and accepted from him 
 presents to the amount of 2,000 crowns, &c. (Lingard, vol. iii. 
 p. 321.) 
 
 t Isabella, in stature, " was somewhat above the middle size. 
 Her hair of a bright chesnut colour, inclining to red ; and her 
 mild blue eye beamed with intelligence and sensibility. She was 
 exceedingly beautiful ; ' the handsomest lady,' says one of her 
 household, ' whom I ever beheld, and the most gracioxis in her 
 manners.' The portrait still existing of her in the royal palace 
 is conspicuous for an open symmetry of features, indicative of 
 the natural serenity of temper, and that beautiful harmony of 
 intellectual and moral qualities which most distinguished her." 
 (Prescott, vol. i. p. 190.) 
 
 J Bayle, Diet. &c. "Elizabeth," note D. 
 
 Lingard, ibid.
 
 104 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the original ; that, at the request of her council, she 
 had resolved to procure an exact likeness from the 
 pencil of some able artist ; and that all the previous 
 portraits must be reformed after the new one.* 
 However exalted the opinion which she had of her 
 person, she did not disdain the aid of foreign orna- 
 ments, and at her death there were found in her 
 wardrobe two, some say three, thousand dresses. She 
 covered herself with such a mass of trinkets of gold 
 and precious stones, that the verse of the poet might 
 have been applied to her : 
 
 " Gemmis auroque teguntur 
 Omnia; pars minima est ipsa puella sui."f 
 
 The bishop of London having one day, in his 
 sermon, endeavoured to raise the thoughts of the 
 queen to the care of the beauty of her soul, her 
 coquetry was so much offended by it, that she 
 threatened the preacher with death if he should 
 again take a similar liberty. J 
 
 Very different is the portrait of Isabella drawn by 
 Prescott, her latest biographer. " She was equally 
 simple and economical in her apparel. On all 
 public occasions, indeed, she displayed a royal mag- 
 nificence ; but she had no relish for it in private, 
 and she frequently gave away her clothes and 
 jewels as presents to her friends." 
 
 Prescott relates that Isabella manifested little 
 taste for those frivolous amusements that occupy so 
 large a place in the life of courts. || Elizabeth, by 
 the admission of her panegyrist Leti, took great 
 pleasure in them : she loved balls and other such 
 
 * Lingard, vol. iii. p. 321. 
 
 t She is BO covered with gold and jewels, that the smallest part 
 of the girl is the girl herself ! 
 
 J Lingard, ibid. Prescott, vol. iii. p. 175. 
 
 || Prescott, ibid. p. 371.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 105 
 
 merriments ;* even at a far advanced age, dancing 
 was her favourite pleasure, to which she daily de- 
 voted herself, f 
 
 The finest ornament of Isabella, was the purity 
 and innocence of her morals, in which envy itself 
 never found a stain, and which caused Peter Martyr 
 to say, that she not only was a living model of 
 chastity to wives, but might justly be called chastity 
 herself. J Is it necessary to add that the Virgin 
 Queen cannot here be compared with her ? The 
 shameful part which Henry VIII. had played with 
 his wives Elizabeth in her time played with her 
 lovers, and, more faithfully to resemble her father, 
 she put to death the dearest of her favourites, the 
 Earl of Essex. Every one admits that the outward 
 charms of Isabella concealed a lofty soul and noble 
 mind ; and when age had wrinkled the face of 
 Elizabeth, Essex, the friend of her advanced years, 
 might say with truth that she had a soul as 
 crooked as her body ; an expression which, perhaps, 
 contributed more to his ruin than all his political 
 errors. || 
 
 The court of Isabella was for the young nobility 
 of both sexes a school of discipline, of good morals, 
 and of polished manners.^f Cotemporaries desig- 
 nate the court of Elizabeth as " a place in which all 
 enormities reigned in the highest degree, a place 
 where there was no love but that of the lusty 
 god of gallantry, Asmodeus." " The only dis- 
 content I have," says a correspondent from the 
 court of England, "is to live where there is so 
 
 * Bayle, Diet. " Elizabeth," note N. 
 
 t Lingard, vol. iii. p. 320. J Pet. Mart. Epist. 279. 
 
 An Act of Parliament conferred the right of succession on 
 the natural children of the Virgin Queen. (Cobbett, " History of 
 the [Reformation of England," lett. 10.) 
 
 || Liugard, ibid. 302. f Prescott, vol. ii. 371. ; i. 562.
 
 106 THE LIFE OF 
 
 little godliness and exercise of religion, so disso- 
 lute manners and corrupt conversation generally, 
 which I find to be worse than when I knew the 
 place first."* 
 
 In addition to the royal diadem, Elizabeth aspired 
 to place upon her brow the laurel of science. And, 
 indeed, she possessed more knowledge than any 
 other woman of her time : she understood five 
 foreign languages, and read with ease the Greek 
 text of the New Testament. But she made no use 
 of her learning, except for the purposes of ostenta- 
 tion, and sought, with offensive affectation, on all 
 occasions to display her intellect, her abilities, 
 and acquaintance with languages. Isabella also, 
 although in this respect inferior to the queen of 
 England, possessed more than ordinary acquire- 
 ments : she spoke Latin with equal fluency and 
 eloquence ; but she rarely used it, being in this, as 
 in all the rest of her behaviour, modest and unpre- 
 tending. She introduced printing into Spain, esta- 
 blished libraries, founded and endowed schools, and 
 laboured in the advancement of all the sciences. 
 As for Elizabeth, she wished to confine learning to 
 herself, and, as Hume admits, showed more vanity of 
 her own knowledge than real love for the sciences ;f 
 but whilst she protected them to satisfy her vanity, 
 sentiments far more noble instigated a similar con- 
 duct on the part of the queen of Spain ; she bestowed 
 her protection upon them because she honoured 
 
 * Lingard, vol. iii. p. 322. Raumer's statement is therefore a 
 colossal falsehood, when he says of the court of Elizabeth, 
 " Hitherto there had never been seen a court so learned and so 
 moral, so intelligent and romantic." (Gesch. Europa's, ii. 618.) 
 The romance, according to the " Historisch-Polit. Blatter," ii. 701, 
 doubtless lay in those boxes on the ear which Elizabeth so 
 liberally dispensed to the people of her court. 
 
 t Prescott, vol. ii. 386.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 107 
 
 them, and because she was convinced of their power- 
 ful influence upon the welfare and prosperity of the 
 people. 
 
 Both sovereigns showed themselves intolerant in 
 regard to heterodoxy : but in Elizabeth it was policy, 
 and not the warmth of sincere conviction, which 
 dictated the penal enactments : Isabella, on the 
 contrary, proved the sincerity of her religious zeal 
 by her tender mercy, by the innocence of her life 
 and innumerable works of charity ; and her severity 
 towards the Moors and the Jews is a thousand 
 times more easy to be justified than the cold and 
 atrocious persecution exercised against the Puri- 
 tans and the Catholics by a queen who, probably, 
 herself had neither faith nor conviction. Under the 
 reign of Mary she had solemnly embraced Catho- 
 licism ; she had, on her accession to the throne, 
 sworn to maintain that religion ;* and, on more 
 than one occasion, had hypocritically received the 
 Catholic communion to deceive her subjects who had 
 returned to the Church of Home under the preced- 
 ing reign. But as soon as she had thrown off the 
 mask, she issued against the Catholics laws so bar- 
 barous, and caused them to be enforced with so 
 much cruelty, that she left very far behind even 
 the excesses of the Spanish inquisition. The first 
 refusal to acknowledge tlie queen as spiritual head 
 of England was punished with confiscation of pro- 
 perty, the second with death, f Crowded prisons, 
 horrible torture in constant use, gibbets incessantly 
 erected, the bodies of Catholics true to the ancient 
 faith cut to pieces, quartered, and disgracefully 
 mutilated, are, for posterity, irrefutable proofs of 
 the religious despotism of Elizabeth.:}: Assuredly, 
 if the inquisition under Isabella killed one thousand, 
 
 * Lingard, vol. iii. p. 4. f Ibid. p. 7. J Ibid. p. 162, &c.
 
 108 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Reformation by Elizabeth slew ten times the 
 number ! 
 
 Finally, the latter days of both queens were 
 clouded with cares; but it was solicitude for the 
 future of her kingdom that weighed upon Isabella ; 
 she gave her last commands with a firm and tranquil 
 mind, and, like a pious Christian, fortified by the 
 blessings of the Church, she awaited death with 
 calmness and fortitude. Elizabeth, on the contrary, 
 plunged in profound melancholy, a prey to the 
 bitter reproaches of her conscience for the murder 
 of her favourite, Essex ; heart-broken at seeing the 
 popular favour estrange itself from her old age ; 
 became, by the caprices of her ill-temper, the tor- 
 ment of the servants who waited upon her. In place 
 of seeking for the consolations and the support 
 of the sacraments for the sick, she ordered a sword 
 to be placed by her table, and thrust it with violence 
 into the tapestry of her chamber. Afraid of death, 
 she refused, in the latter days of her existence, to 
 go to bed ; she remained seated in the middle of her 
 apartment upon a stool, bolstered up with cushions, 
 with her eyes fixed on the floor, in the attitude of 
 despair. In vain did the archbishop of Canterbury 
 pray beside her, her heart seemed insensible to the 
 consolations of religion.* In this manner she died, 
 on the 24th of March, 1603, nearly a century after 
 Isabella. Prescott, who has also endeavoured to 
 draw an impartial parallel between the two queens, 
 remarks that " the masculine genius of the English 
 queen stands out relieved beyond its natural dimen- 
 sions by its separation from the softer qualities of 
 her sex ; while her rival's, like some vast but 
 symmetrical edifice, loses in appearance somewhat 
 of its actual grandeur from the perfect harmony 
 
 * Lingard, vol. iii. p. 316.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 109 
 
 of its proportions."* However accurate this re- 
 mark of the American historian may be, it is far 
 from expressing the entire truth. It is not only 
 the absence of the gentle qualities of her sex, but 
 the positive existence of the worst qualities in the 
 character of Elizabeth, which justifies the severe 
 judgment which cotemporary history, in its learned 
 impartiality, has begun to bring upon that queen ;f 
 whilst Isabella finds the same respect, the same 
 veneration, in all historians, to whatsoever nation 
 they belong, or opinions that they represent. : 
 
 The death of Isabella was for Spain the source of 
 numerous political difficulties, in the solution of 
 which Ximenez had the principal part. But before 
 following him upon that theatre, we proceed to study 
 the other works of this illustrious prelate. 
 
 * Prescott, vol. iii. p. 192. 
 
 t Schiller puts this menace in the mouth of Mary Stuart : 
 " Wo to you, if the world shall one day raise the mantle of 
 honour with which your hypocrisy covers the horrible fire of your 
 secret pleasures." Besides, Elizabeth did not appear to care much 
 for this revelation of her secrets, and for her reputation in that 
 respect. 
 
 J Havemann also draws a fine portrait of Isabella in his 
 " Darstellungen," &c. p. 134 137.
 
 110 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FOUND ATION OF THE UNIVEESIir OF ALCALA. 
 
 SPAIN, like other western states, beheld, in the 
 middle of the fifteenth century, a new era of learn- 
 ing dawn, especially in philological and classical 
 studies. John II. was then king of Castile, which 
 formed the principal province of Spain, though it 
 had not yet been united with the other states : he 
 was the father of Queen Isabella the Catholic. Dur- 
 ing his long reign (from 1406 to 1454) nothing 
 was attended to in the kingdom but the arts and 
 sciences. While, therefore, all other business was 
 neglected, learning began to nourish; and the hearts 
 of the Castilians, especially the nobility, were soon 
 captivated with it. But all these tender blossoms 
 were crushed by civil war, under the inglorious and 
 disturbed government of the dissolute Henry IV. ; 
 and when Isabella ascended the throne of her bro- 
 ther (in December 1474), almost every vestige of 
 what her father had established was destroyed. The 
 schools were reduced to a very small number, and of 
 these Salamanca only deserved to be named. But 
 the illustrious queen had inherited from her father a 
 great love for the arts and sciences ; and with this 
 love were also united the most noble qualities and the 
 grandest regal virtues, though they may seem incom- 
 patible with her sex : these endowments were totally 
 wanting in her father, to his own great misfortune 
 and that of his people. Following the example of 
 King John II., she also made a collection of books,
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. Ill 
 
 and thus contributed to the foundation of a library.* 
 Even when seated on the throne, amidst all the cares 
 of government, she found time to learn Latin, and 
 in the course of a single year she acquired a solid 
 knowledge of it ; while Ferdinand, her spouse, whose 
 education was far from being complete, was entirely 
 ignorant of it.f 
 
 Isabella was unable during the first years of her 
 reign, on account of her contest for the crown with 
 Beltraneja and with Portugal, to make any exer- 
 tions on a large scale for the advancement of learn- 
 ing ; but as soon as she was firmly seated on the 
 throne, she directed all her zeal and penetration to 
 this object, and so gave such a powerful encourage- 
 ment to learning, that under her protection there 
 arose a new epoch in Spanish literature. But above 
 all, the art of printing, then but lately invented, 
 was introduced into Spain, encouraged, extended, 
 and liberally supported by the queen. Civil advan- 
 tages and freedom from taxation, &c. were the 
 rewards and encouragement bestowed on the most 
 eminent printers, whether natives or foreigners. The 
 liberty of introducing foreign works excited a still 
 greater desire for them, and sharpened the diligence 
 of collectors. Hence, Spain soon possessed poetry, 
 classics, and works of piety ; and in the year 1478, 
 there appeared a translation of the Scriptures at Va- 
 lencia, by the brother of St. Vincent Eerrer. || Often 
 
 * Prescott mentions that there are still to he seen in the royal 
 library of the Escurial many books in manuscript which belonged 
 to Isabella ; others, no doubt, are among the archives of Simancas. 
 Trans. 
 
 t Marineo Siculo, De Eebus Hisp. lib. xxi. p. 506. (See 
 " Hispaniae Illustratae Scriptores ;" ed. Francof. 1603.) 
 
 % " Archivo de Murcia," apud Mem. de la Acad. de Hist, 
 torn. vi. p. 244. 
 
 Mendez, " Typographia Espanola," p. 52, &c. 
 
 || See Mendez, in the work already cited (pp. 61 63) ; also
 
 112 THE LIFE OF 
 
 did the queen herself furnish money for the publi- 
 cation of good works ; while Ximenez also published 
 a great number at his own expense,* distributed 
 prizes to the best workmen, and so generally encou- 
 raged the art of printing (then only in its infancy) 
 that in a short time printing-presses might be seen 
 in all the principal towns of Spain, f 
 
 Isabella had invited many German printers into 
 Spain : to Italy, also, she was indebted for the pre- 
 sence of many learned men in her dominions Italy, 
 which then far surpassed every other country by its 
 literary glory and renown. Thus, there came to her 
 court the two brothers Antonio and Alessandro 
 Geraldino4 both conspicuous for their classical eru- 
 dition. Peter Martyr, named Anghiera, likewise, a 
 native of Arona, on the borders of the LakeMaggiore, 
 descended from one of the noblest families in the 
 north of Italy, and closely related to the Borromeos, 
 was brought to Spain from Borne in the year 1487, 
 by the count de Tendilla, Isabella's ambassador. 
 The admiral Henriquez was the means of inducing 
 Marineo Siculo to leave Sicily, and accompany him 
 to Spain. The queen received all these learned 
 
 Le Long (torn. ii. p. 145). Cyprian de Valera assures us that he 
 saw this version. Consult Calraet ; art. " Bibles Espagnoles." 
 
 * Ximenez also composed books, as well as published them. 
 They consisted chiefly of theological treatises on the nature of sin, 
 on angels, &c. (See Flechier, liv. vi. p. 504). Trans. 
 
 t Such as Toledo, Seville, Granada, Valladolid, Burgos, Sala- 
 manca, Barcelona, Valencia, Murcia, Alcala, Madrid, &c. Trans. 
 
 Antonio died in 1488. Some of his Latin poetical works 
 were printed in 1505, at Salamanca. The younger brother, 
 Alessandro, after serving in the Portuguese war, embraced the 
 ecclesiastical state, and died Bishop of St. Domingo, in 1525. 
 (Prescott, note p. 165, vol. ii.) 
 
 Celebrated for his " Epistles " and other works. His 
 " Epistles" were first published at Alcala, in 1530 ; but a second 
 edition, in a more beautiful form, was issued from the Elzevir 
 press in 1070, folio. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 113 
 
 men with the greatest kindness and affability, and 
 considered them as most precious seed for the im- 
 provement and renovation of the national literature. 
 Neither were those Spaniards forgotten who sought 
 to collect rare and rich treasures of knowledge in 
 foreign lands : after their return to Spain, the 
 queen appointed them professors in the public 
 schools. Such were Antonio de Lebrija* (Nebrissa), 
 and Avias Barbosa.f It was principally to the 
 brothers Antonio and Alessandro Geraldino that 
 she intrusted the education of her children, who 
 became, under such masters, more learned than 
 any other prince or princess in Europe at that 
 period. Erasmus himself was astonished at the 
 knowledge of Isabella's youngest daughter, who 
 was afterwards married to Henry VIII. of England; 
 while the great Spanish classical scholar Vives J 
 mentions with admiration how the unfortunate 
 Joanna, mother of Charles V., was able to deliver a 
 Latin speech extempore. 
 
 Such examples tended to inspire the nobility 
 especially with a love for learning ; for the queen 
 was particularly anxious for the improvement of 
 their education. Eor their instructor she appointed 
 Peter Martyr, who, soon after his arrival in Spain, 
 took part in the Moorish war, exchanging litera- 
 ture for the military life ; but after the conquest of 
 
 * He spent ten years in Bologna, and returned to Spain, laden 
 with stores of erudition, in 1473. He published several works, 
 mentioned by Prescott (vol. ii. p. 175). Trans. 
 
 t This learned man was a Portuguese ; but he spent most of 
 his life in Spain. Like Lebrija, he studied in the schools of Italy. 
 (See Nic. Antonio, " Bibliotheca Nova," p. 170.) 
 
 J The passage comes in his treatise " De Christiana Femina," 
 cap. 4, apud "Mem. de la Acad. de Hist.," torn. vi. Erasmus 
 calls Catherine of Aragon "egregie doctam" (Epistolae, Londini, 
 1642, Epist. 31). Trans. 
 
 I
 
 114 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Granada (in 1492) he wished to receive holy orders.* 
 Having been introduced to the queen by means of 
 the great Cardinal Mendoza, she offered him to 
 undertake the education of the young nobility attend- 
 ing her court, on condition of receiving valuable 
 remuneration from her, and also for the sake of 
 promoting a good work.f Peter willingly agreed to 
 her proposals. The queen accordingly, after the 
 example of Charlemagne, instituted a " Schola pala- 
 tina ;" that is, a school which was to accompany the 
 court wherever it went. The commencement was 
 indeed difficult ; for the young grandees prized 
 nothing but the art of war, and considered, there- 
 fore, that the arts and sciences were incompatible 
 with their profession. However, in the month of 
 September, 1492, Peter Martyr begins to speak of 
 his success : he tells us how his house was filled 
 every day with crowds of young Spanish nobles ; 
 and that Isabella herself daily sent her relations and 
 those of Ferdinand to hear his lectures.^ 
 
 Although he was canon, and afterwards prior, of 
 the church of Granada, he still remained at court. 
 His efforts, however, were so successful, that the 
 young nobility made most rapid progress in learn- 
 
 * Epist. 113, ed. Elzevir, 1670. He was not made priest till 
 a much later period ; viz. 1505. 
 
 t This is his own account, as related in Epist. 102. 
 
 j " My house," he says, " swarms all the day long with noble 
 youths, who, reclaimed from ignoble pursuits to those of letters, 
 are now convinced that these, so far from being a hinderance, are 
 rather a help in the profession of arms. . . It has pleased our 
 royal mistress, the pattern of every exalted virtue, that her own 
 near kinsman, the duke of Guimaraens, as well as the young 
 duke of Villahermosa, the king's nephew, should remain under 
 my roof the whole day," &c. (Epist. 115.) Trans. 
 
 \ Plechier and some other writers call him dean of Granada ; 
 but they are incorrect; for Peter Martyr styles himself " prior" 
 of Granada, which dignity seems to have been the same as pro- 
 vost of the chapter. (See Peter Martyr's Epist. 345.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 115 
 
 ing; and, even after several years, the worthy 
 scholars highly esteemed him as a father. He says 
 himself, " that all the Castilian nobles had sucked 
 his literary breasts." 
 
 In union with Peter Martyr other illustrious 
 scholars worked; such as Lucio Marineo, the Sicilian. 
 He was first professor at Salamanca ; then, in the 
 year 1500, he was invited to court, where he 
 laboured with such success for the education of the 
 Spanish nobility that " no Spaniard was considered 
 noble who showed any indifference to learning." 
 Erasmus also declares " that the Spaniards had 
 attained such eminence in literature that they not 
 only excited the admiration of the most polished 
 nations of Europe, but served likewise as models to 
 them."* Many belonging to the first houses of the 
 Spanish nobility once so high and so proud now 
 made no hesitation in occupying chairs in the uni- 
 versities. Thus Don Gutierre de Toledo, son of the 
 duke of Alva and cousin of the king, lectured in the 
 university of Salamanca; as also did Don Pedro 
 Fernandez de Velasco, son of the count of Haro. 
 
 Noble dames likewise vied with illustrious gran- 
 dees for the prize of literary pre-eminence ; while 
 many even held chairs in the universities, and 
 gave public lectures on eloquence and classical 
 learning, f 
 
 With such a zeal for knowledge, the old schools 
 now began to be filled and newly endowed ; but 
 Salamanca excelled them all. It was called the 
 Spanish Athens, and was said at one time to have 
 
 * Epist. 977. 
 
 t Some of the names of these literary Spanish ladies have been 
 preserved ; viz., the marchioness of Monteagudo, Dona Maria- 
 Pacheco, and the queen's instructor in Latin Doiia Beatriz de 
 Galindo. Dona Lucia de Medano and Dona Francisca de Lebrija 
 are also mentioned. Trans. 
 
 i 2
 
 116 THE LIFE OF 
 
 seven thousand students ! It was there that Peter 
 Martyr gave lessons on Juvenal (1488) before such 
 an immense audience that the entrance to the hall 
 was completely blocked up, and the lecturer had to 
 be carried in on the shoulders of the students.* 
 
 But at the commencement of the sixteenth 
 century, there entered the lists with the ancient 
 university of Salamanca the new university of 
 Alcala, which owed its magnificent establishment to 
 Ximenez, and was called by the Spaniards the 
 " eighth wonder of the world." f 
 
 "When Ximenez was head chaplain of the church 
 of Siguenza, he already showed a great esteem and 
 love of learning ; while he not only endeavoured by 
 diligent study to supply any deficiency in his own 
 education, but he also prevailed on his rich friend, 
 Juan Lopez de Medina Ccali, archdeacon of Alrna- 
 zan, to found the academy of Siguenza. 
 
 But not only did the queen herself see the necessity 
 of providing a higher education for all classes of 
 her subjects, and especially for the clergy, but 
 many prelates, and other illustrious individuals in 
 the kingdom, had the same convictions. About a 
 year before Isabella ascended the throne, the 
 council of Aranda found it necessary to make a law, 
 that no one should be allowed to receive holy orders 
 who was unacquainted with the Latin language. J 
 Wherefore, in order to afford every one the means 
 of acquiring a good education in all the provinces 
 of the queen's vast dominions, a number of schools 
 were established about this period ; viz., that of 
 Toledo, by Francisco Alvar; that of Seville, by 
 Hoderigo de San jElia; that of Granada, by the 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 57. 
 
 t- " Octava maravilla del mundo." (Robles, p. 127, ed. 
 Toledo, 1004.) 
 
 + Harduin, " Collect. Cone.," torn. ix. p. 1504.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 117 
 
 Archbishop Talavera ; that of Ognate, by Mercato, 
 bishop of A vila ; Ossuna, by Giron, count of Urena ; 
 and Valencia, by Pope Alexander VI. 
 
 But all these schools were far excelled by the 
 foundation of Ximenez at Alcala. As soon as he 
 had been raised to the archiepiscopal see of Toledo, 
 he resolved to devote the immense revenues which 
 he possessed to found a sanctuary where the arts and 
 sciences could be taught. As a place most suitable 
 for this purpose, he chose Alcala de Henares, the 
 ancient Complutum,* where, for two hundred years, 
 there had already existed a school, which the arch- 
 bishops of Toledo often honoured with their pre- 
 sence. Its pure air, its atmosphere always serene, 
 and its pleasant situation on the banks of the 
 Henares, recommended the spot to Ximenez. In 
 the year 1498 he had already taken the first step 
 towards carrying out his magnificent design ; he 
 then fixed on the spot where the building was to 
 be erected, and adopted the plans which were drawn 
 out by Pedro Gumiel, who at that time was the 
 most celebrated Spanish architect. At length, in 
 in the year 1500, t the foundation-stone of the 
 college of San IldefonsoJ was laid by the archbishop 
 himself, with great solemnity. He delivered an 
 eloquent discourse on the occasion, blessed the place 
 where the building was to be raised, and offered up 
 public prayers for its happy completion. Gonsalvo 
 
 * "Quse dicitur esse Complutum ; sit vel ne, nil mihi curse," 
 says Peter Martyr (Epist. 254). Consult Ford's excellent 
 " Handbook of Spain," on the present state of Alcala. I believe 
 the university was suppressed in 1850. 
 
 t Gomez and Eobles agree in placing the foundation of the 
 university in the year 1500. But the first writer falls into serious 
 mistakes in his chronology relating to this event. 
 
 J So named from the patron saint of the cathedral in Toledo. 
 Ximenez had a particular devotion to St. Ildefonso. (See F. Florez, 
 "EspanaSagrada,"tom.v.; and also Alban Butler, Jan .23.) Trans.
 
 118 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Zegri, whom Ximenez had baptized some time 
 before in Granada, and who was tenderly attached 
 to the archbishop, placed in the foundation-stone, 
 according to the ancient custom (as Gomez men- 
 tions in the sixteenth century), gold and silver coins, 
 together with a brass image representing a Fran- 
 ciscan monk, in the middle of which was placed the 
 deed of the foundation, written on parchment. 
 
 Just at the time when Ximenez was commencing 
 the foundation of the university, the revolt amongst 
 the Moors broke out in the mountains of the Alpu- 
 xarras : on this account, therefore, the archbishop 
 was summoned again to Granada by the Catholic 
 sovereigns. Scarcely had he fulfilled his duties 
 there, and recovered his strength after a severe ill- 
 ness, when he immediately hastened back to Alcala, 
 in order to continue the good work, and to adorn 
 the town itself with several new streets.* Towards 
 the end of the year 1501, and in the beginning of 
 1502, these works were going on. He remained at 
 Alcala till the end of April, 1502 ; but he was 
 obliged to hasten to Toledo in the month of May, 
 the same year, in order to be present at the solemn 
 recognition of Joanna and Philip as heirs to the 
 throne. He made a good use of his five months' 
 residence in that city, in order to mature his plans 
 still more, and to obtain for his new university an 
 annual and considerable revenue from the royal 
 treasury. He was also able to obtain new privileges ; 
 for on the 10th of March, 1503, Prince Ferdinand 
 afterwards emperor of Austria was born at Alcala, 
 and on the fifth day after was baptized by Ximenez. 
 
 * These details are all taken from Gomez, who tells us that 
 some of the people blamed the cardinal for being too fond of 
 building, jocosely observing, " that the church of Toledo never 
 had a bishop 01 greater edification, in every sense of the word, 
 than Ximencx."
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 119 
 
 On this occasion the queen bestowed so many fresh 
 favours on the new university, that great numbers 
 both of teachers and scholars crowded to it. As a 
 memorial of this event, Alcala has ever since pre- 
 served, as a precious relic, the cradle of Eerdinand. 
 
 When the court left Alcala, Ximenez (as we have 
 already seen), hastened, in the summer of 1503, to 
 breathe the pure air of Brihuega, the Tivoli of the 
 archbishops of Toledo ; illness, however, detained 
 him at Santorcaz, where he had once been a pri- 
 soner ; whence he returned restored to health 
 to Alcala on the vigil of the Nativity, in 1503. 
 Soon after his arrival he was summoned to Medina 
 del Campo, in order to console the unfortunate 
 Princess Joanna. There he remained after her de- 
 parture, on account of the illness of Isabella, till 
 the affairs of his diocese recalled him to Toledo. 
 Thence he hastened back to Alcala, with the inten- 
 tion of forwarding the work he had commenced 
 there. Often was he seen on the ground with the 
 rule in his hand, taking the admeasurements of the 
 works, and stimulating the men by his example, 
 and also by suitable rewards.* 
 
 About this time viz. towards the end of the 
 year 1503, or the beginning of 1504 a brief arrived 
 from Rome authorizing the erection of the new 
 university. "With a view of obtaining this authoriza- 
 tion, Ximenez, four years before, had deputed Fran- 
 cisco Eerrera to Rome (he was attached to the church 
 of Alcala) ; but the business was unaccountably 
 delayed, till Alexander VI. (who died August 18th, 
 1503) and Julius II. (who was elected November 1st 
 of the same year) at last granted the most exten- 
 
 * "On le vit plusieurs fois la regie a la main, visitant ses 
 batiments, prenant lui-meme les proportions, et les mesures, et 
 animant les ouvriers par sa presence et par ses bienfaits." 
 (Flechier, liv. vi. p. 504.)
 
 120 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sive privileges and liberties to the new foundation :* 
 these were afterwards still further augmented by 
 LeoX. 
 
 The college of San Ildefonso was the head of the 
 new university. The name was taken from the 
 patron saint of the cathedral of Toledo, to whom 
 Ximenez had an especial devotion. On the 26th of 
 July, 1508 (or, according to others, f in 1510), seven 
 students arrived at the university from Salamanca.* 
 Their names were Pedro Campo, Miguel Carasco, 
 Pernando Balbas, Bartolomeo Castro, Pedro de 
 Santa Cruz, Antonio Roderigo, and Juan Eontius. 
 It was enacted, that for the future the college 
 should consist of thirty-three professors, according 
 to the number of years our Saviour lived ; and that 
 twelve priests (who were called chaplains) should 
 be added, in remembrance of the twelve apostles. 
 These latter were not allowed to take any part in 
 the teaching of the students, but were merely to 
 dedicate themselves to the divine service and their 
 
 * Both G-omez and Flechier place the bull of erection in the 
 year 1502 ; but they are certainly mistaken ; for Julius II. did not 
 ascend the pontifical throne till towards the end of the year 1503. 
 It was only in the year 1513 that the statutes of the new univer- 
 sity, having the approbation of Julius II., were promulgated 
 among the professors of San Ildefonso. They were printed at 
 Complutum in 1560, under this title : " Constitutiones Insignia 
 Collegii Sancti Ildefonsi." In addition to this note of Dr. Hefele, 
 I may remark, that Prescott mentions the year 1508 as the date 
 when the university was opened for the admission of pupils. 
 Trans. 
 
 t Garibay, " Compendio Historiat de las Chronicas," &c. 
 (Anveres, 1571, fol. lib. xv. c. 10). 
 
 J " Studiosorum juvenum colonia, a Salmantica Complutum 
 Ximenii jussu deducta," &c. (Gomez, lib. iv.) 
 
 Neither Gomez nor Robles gives the names in Spanish. I 
 cannot, therefore, be certain whether I have spelt the names 
 properly. All the account respecting the university is taken from 
 Gomez, who had every opportunity of collecting materials for his 
 History of Ximenez. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 121 
 
 pastoral duties ; to recite the canonical office 
 together, and distribute amongst the poor whatever 
 remained after meals. The professors, properly 
 so called, who were all theologians, occupied for 
 the most part the academic chairs; or merely 
 prepared themselves, like the "fellows" in Eng- 
 lish universities, to fulfil the duties of high and 
 important offices ; while some amongst them appear 
 to have been intended for the post of adminis- 
 trators. It was, in effect, to these latter that the 
 administration of the whole university was con- 
 fided. When they appeared in public, they were 
 distinguished from the other academic members by 
 their imposing dress, which consisted of a long red 
 robe, closely fitted to the body, together with a 
 kind of scarf of the same colour, and about three 
 inches in breadth. It was thrown over the left 
 shoulder, and reached almost down to the ankles, 
 hanging on the back in large folds.* 
 
 Besides this head college, Ximenez founded 
 several other institutions, adapted to all kinds of 
 wants. Eor poor young students in the classics, 
 he endowed two boarding-schools, f where forty- 
 two scholars were supported for three years free 
 of all expense : they were dedicated in honour of 
 St. Eugenius and St. Isidore. The students at- 
 tended the lectures given by the six professors of 
 languages, who were attached to the university ; at 
 their houses, however, special exercises were given, 
 and disputations held for fourteen days. Strict 
 examinations were required before any one could 
 be admitted to a higher class, or to a particular 
 course of lectures on any science. All these 
 regulations were followed by such great results, 
 
 * " Haec autem est veluti insigne Collegii Primarii ; cseteris 
 enim non licet sic vestiri." (Gomez, lib. iv.) 
 
 t Convicta, or, as the Germaus call them, " Contubernien."
 
 122 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that, according to the judgment of Erasmus, 
 "Alcala was especially distinguished by its able 
 philologists.* 
 
 Two other colleges that of St. Balbiiia (from 
 whom Ximenez took his title of cardinal) and that 
 of St. Catherine were intended for students in 
 philosophy. In the first logic was studied for two 
 years, and in the other physics and metaphysics 
 for the same term. Each of these institutions 
 numbered forty-eight scholars, the elder of whom 
 were obliged to take care of the younger. All 
 attended the lectures given by the eight professors 
 of philosophy in the university; while, for the period 
 of fourteen days, public disputations were held in 
 presence of the rector and chancellor of the uni- 
 versity; after which diplomas were given to the 
 successful candidates for the degrees of bachelor, 
 licentiate, and master of arts.f Another building, 
 dedicated to the Mother of God, was provided for 
 students who fell ill. But as the architect made 
 it smaller than Ximenez wished, the archbishop 
 erected a much larger one for the same object, in 
 the year 1514 ; and appropriated the other build- 
 ing for eighteen poor theological students and 
 six students in medicine : the course of whose 
 studies was to continue for four years. A sixth 
 college, named the " Little School," was founded in 
 honour of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, where 
 twelve Franciscan scholars, under the authority of 
 a warden, and separated from the convent of 
 St. Francis, in the city, devoted themselves entirely 
 to their studies. According to the testimony of 
 Wadding, from this house came forth a great 
 
 * " Academia Complutensis non aliunde celebritatem nominis 
 auspicata eat, quam a complectendo linguas ac bonas literas." 
 (Epist. 755.) 
 
 t Gomez, "De Kebus Gestis," &c. lib. iv.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 123 
 
 number of generals of different orders, provincials, 
 bishops, and learned men.* 
 
 The College of Three Languages, for thirty scholars, 
 dedicated in honour of St. Jerome, was also founded 
 by Ximenez ; in this ten were taught Latin, ten 
 Greek, and the same number learned the Hebrew 
 language, f and all thoroughly. 
 
 Thus by degrees there arose such a number of 
 buildings connected with the university in Alcala, 
 that many bon-mots were made at the expense 
 of their founder. $ But, besides these foundations 
 of the archbishop, many other institutions arose, 
 which owed their origin to the renown of the 
 university ; for all the monastic orders in Spain, 
 with the exception of the Benedictines and 
 Jeronymites, established houses of their own 
 in Alcala, in order to give the young religious 
 an opportunity of studying in such an illustrious 
 place. 
 
 The superintendence over all these colleges, from 
 which that of San Ildefonso made up the number 
 of its staff, was confided to the rector of the uni- 
 versity, who was also assisted by three counsellors ; 
 and to these was given the power of admitting the 
 stipendiary professors. Ximenez reserved only a 
 few free places for his relations, and other persons, 
 besides some particular corporations. He placed 
 the whole of the university under the perpetual 
 patronage of the king of Castile, of the Cardinal de 
 
 * " Annales Minorum," torn. xv. p. 143. 
 
 t " Tambien el Colegio Trilingue, con titulo de San Geronymo, 
 
 con treynta colegiales en quien se ha fundado la 
 
 puridad de las lenguas, y elegancia de la retdrica." (Robles, 
 p. 132.) 
 
 J The play upon the word "edification" has already been 
 related. Trans. 
 
 Eobles, p. 133.
 
 121 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Santa Balbina, the archbishop of Toledo, the duke 
 del Infantado, and the count of Coruna. 
 
 Ximenez wished that the rector of the university 
 should be at the same time rector of the college of 
 San Ildefonso. Herein he deviated from the custom 
 followed at Salamanca and other universities, even 
 out of Spain, of appointing as " Rector Magnificus " 
 (honorary rector) a student who might belong to a 
 royal family, or at least to some noble house.* 
 Ximenez appointed three counsellors for the rector, 
 to assist him ; and these were chosen from the pro- 
 fessors of San Ildefonso. Their business was to 
 consult together on all affairs of minor importance 
 connected with the university, without being obliged 
 to trouble the other professors. Hence they formed 
 a kind of august senate, being chosen, like the rector, 
 from the professors of San Ildefonso : they were 
 changed, however, every year. Matters of importance 
 were submitted to the " fellows " of San Ildefonso, 
 and sometimes were discussed by all the professors 
 of the university. By means of papal indults and 
 royal privileges, the rector was invested with the 
 right of correcting the faults of all persons belong- 
 ing to the university. He also possessed great in- 
 fluence, and his dignity was highly respected ; for, 
 in union with his three counsellors, he had the 
 power of nominating persons to nearly all offices, 
 and even to the professorial chairs. 
 
 The first rector was chosen on the feast of 
 St. Luke, 1508 ; his name was Pedro Campo, one 
 of those academicians who were summoned from 
 Salamanca, and who were the first that were received 
 in the college of San Ildefonso. 
 
 Besides the rector, the university of Alcala, 
 
 11 Voight, in his treatise " Ueber Fiirstenleben und Fiirsten- 
 sitte ira 16 Jahrhundert," mentions several princes who, whilst 
 students, were rectors of the university of "Wittenberg.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 125 
 
 following the example of the university of Paris, 
 had also a chancellor, who conferred academic 
 degrees, and took part in examinations, disputations, 
 and scientific exercises. Ximenez chose the learned 
 Pedro Lerma for the first chancellor, having invited 
 him from Paris, and appointed him ahbot of San 
 Justus, and pastor in Alcala. He made a rule, that 
 for the future the dignity of chancellor should 
 always be united with the office above named. 
 
 Ximenez invited professors, partly from Sala- 
 manca, and partly from Paris ; and so numerous 
 were the excellent and learned men whom he col- 
 lected around him, through his immense liberality, 
 that on the opening of the university, which took 
 place October 18th, 1508, (only eight years after 
 the foundation-stone had been laid,) all the chairs 
 of the professors were found to be occupied. Their 
 number amounted to forty-two : of these six 
 taught theology ; six, canon law ; four, medicine ; 
 one, anatomy ; one, surgery ; eight, philosophy ; 
 one, moral philosophy ; one, mathematics ; four, 
 the Hebrew and Greek languages ; four, rhetoric ; 
 and six, grammar.* The following are the names 
 of the first professors of theology : Gonsalvo JEgidio 
 de Burgos, the Franciscan Pedro Clemente, and 
 Pedro Sirvel de Daroca; for philosophy were 
 Miguel Pardo de Burgos and Antonio Morales de 
 Cordova ; medicine was taught by Torracona and 
 Cartagena ; and philology by Demetrio Ducas of 
 Crete, and Nunez de Guzman, f or Pinciano. Hebrew 
 was taught by Paulo Coronel, a converted Jew ; 
 canon law by Loranca and Salceo, and rhetoric by 
 Fernando Alfonso Eerrara. There was no chair 
 
 * Robles, p. 133. 
 
 t This was a very celebrated pcholar, belonging to the ancient 
 house of that name. He was the author of the Latin version in 
 the polyglot of Ximenez. Trans.
 
 126 THE LIFE OF 
 
 appointed for civil law, as this branch was studied 
 with success at Salamanca and Valladolid. Ximenez 
 himself had no taste for this science, although he 
 had profoundly studied jurisprudence. 
 
 In order to excite the zeal of the professors, he 
 made a law that their period of holding office should 
 not continue longer than four years, at the end of 
 which a fresh concursus was to be held. For the 
 like object Ximenez made a law, that if a professor 
 had no audience, he was not to receive the emolu- 
 ment attached to his chair, and that his salary was 
 to be confined only to his benefice, or to some office 
 he might have in the college. This regulation is 
 similar to one which now prevails in the colleges of 
 many universities. 
 
 The archbishop adopted other no less efficacious 
 means of exciting the zeal of masters and of scholars. 
 Thus he often attended the lectures, and presided 
 in person at the academic exercises and disputa- 
 tions.* He obtained for the university the right of 
 conferring degrees in philosophy, medicine, and 
 theology ; following herein the rules of the Paris 
 university as his pattern. But the theological 
 honours were far more solemn, and much more 
 difficult to attain. No one could venture any claim 
 to them before he had devoted ten years to the study 
 of theology. Hence it happened, that well-deserving 
 persons, and even priests, who had been in office and 
 dignities for years, were yet obliged to undergo a 
 rigorous examination in theology. Gomez relates, 
 that Fernando Balbas, a professor in San Ildefonso, 
 was obliged to wait till the expiration of his rector- 
 ship before he could receive his degree of licentiate 
 in theology. 
 
 The annual revenues with which Ximenez en- 
 
 * Gomez, lib. iv.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 127 
 
 dowed the university amounted at first to 14,000 
 ducats ; but in the time of Robles (anno 1600) they 
 had risen to 30,000.* This writer also remarks, 
 with particular emphasis, that of all the foundations 
 made by Ximenez, not one had failed. 
 
 Quickly there hastened to Alcala an immense 
 number of students f from all parts of the Peninsula. 
 The university itself counted in a short time as 
 numerous a body as any of its elder sisters in Spain. 
 But amongst so many, it was to be expected that 
 sometimes there would occur outbreaks of juvenile 
 rashness ; as, for example, in the following case : 
 One day the students rescued an unfortunate 
 man, who was going to be hanged, J and insulted 
 the police. Ximenez pardoned them, and obtained 
 their pardon from the king also ; but reprimanded 
 the offence so firmly, that the like never happened 
 again in his lifetime. About six years after, 
 Ximenez had to bear another severe trial, on 
 seeing many of his most able professors leaving 
 Alcala for the rival university of Salamanca, and 
 even taking with them many of the students. 
 They were seduced by promises of all kinds from 
 the authorities at Salamanca. || Amongst the 
 
 * Robles, p. 129. I do not exactly know the amount in English 
 money; no doubt it was equal to several thousand pounds. 
 Trans. 
 
 t Prescott mentions, that 7,000 students came out to meet 
 Francis I. when he visited Alcala, only twenty years after the 
 university had been opened. 
 
 J This case is mentioned by Gomez, who states that the stu- 
 dents attacked the mayor and the executioner. Nothing is said 
 about the police, if there were any such body in those days. 
 Trans. 
 
 " TJnd die Polizei dabei insultiren." (Hefele.) 
 
 || Gomez gives more particulars : " Nam viri ill! prsestantes, 
 quibus munus docendi datum diximus, partim Ximenii favore 
 abutentes, partim Salmanticensis Academies pollicitis invitati 
 (verebantur enim Salmanticenses, ne sua schola non ita floreret,
 
 128 THE LIFE OF 
 
 professors whom Ximenez lost at this time, was 
 JEtHo Antonio de Lebrija (Nebrissa), a town in 
 the neighbourhood of Seville. He was born* 
 of a noble family, in the year 1442. He studied 
 five years at Salamanca and ten in Italy, with 
 extraordinary success, having acquired vast stores 
 of knowledge, especially in languages. About 
 the year 1470 he returned to his native country, 
 and was appointed tutor to the nephew of the arch- 
 bishop of Seville. Soon after, he was named to a 
 chair in the university of Salamanca, f where his lec- 
 tures, and especially his works on philology, gained 
 him an extraordinary reputation. In order, how- 
 ever, to be able to devote all his time to the compo- 
 sition of a Latin lexicon, he resigned his public 
 professorship about the year 1488, and lived in 
 retirement with the grand master of the order of 
 Alcantara, who was afterwards known as Cardinal 
 Zuniga. At the cardinal's death, Lebrija accepted 
 the office of preceptor to Prince Juan, the heir to 
 the throne ; and was also appointed the " historio- 
 grapher " under Ferdinand and Isabella. After the 
 queen's death, he returned, in 1505, to his professor- 
 ship at Salamanca, where he remained till 1508, 
 when Ximenez induced him to become professor in 
 
 si Complutensis tarn insignes haberet professores), salaria sibi 
 majora dari poscebant. Id cum Ximenius, ad eos provehendos 
 alioqui munificus, indignutn esse et impudens duceret, semper 
 enim vir in promittendo parcus, bene de ipso sperarent edixerat 
 coepit animo nonnihil commoveri." (Lib. iv.) Dr. Hefele omits 
 mentioning that the professors wished their salaries to be raised. 
 Trans. 
 
 * Prescott states that he was born in 1444. But Senor Muiioz 
 proves the date to be incorrect. (See his life of Lebrija, torn. iii. 
 " De las Memorias de la Beal Academia de la Historia," p. 2. 
 Madrid, 1799.) 
 
 t Prescott states that he was appointed to the two chairs of 
 grammar and poetry, a thing unprecedented in the university. 
 (See his notice of Lebrija, vol. i. p. 451.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 129 
 
 his new university at Alcala, and to assist him in 
 the great work of his Polyglot Bible. It is uncer- 
 tain in what year Lebrija left Ximenez, to return 
 to Salamanca. But in 1513 the archbishop had the 
 consolation of beholding this learned professor re- 
 turning to him once more, never again to leave him.* 
 Ximenez rewarded him with princely generosity, 
 and testified the highest esteem for him. Often did 
 he pass before his residence, and converse with him 
 through the window, sometimes on difficult points 
 which he could not understand, and at other times 
 on the affairs of the university. Lebrija on his part 
 deserved so well the gratitude of Alcala, that for 
 several years after his death (which took place in 
 1522) his anniversary was commemorated by the 
 university with a solemn service, as a mark of 
 respect for his memory. According to the opinion 
 of Gomez, f Spain owes to Lebrija almost all the 
 glory of her classical knowledge. His two " De- 
 cades" on the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 composed at Alcala in 1509, contain most valuable 
 stores for the history of that period. $ 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1514, the new 
 university was highly honoured by a visit from King 
 Ferdinand, who personally inspected all the insti- 
 tutions, attended some of the lectures, and admired 
 
 * The real motive which induced Lebrija to leave Salamanca 
 seems to have been this. The first chair in Humanity being vacant, 
 Lebrija was most anxious to occupy it. But the students of Sala- 
 manca had then the right of election : they entered into a plot, 
 and rejected the learned professor. This so displeased him, that 
 he abandoned the university for ever. (Munoz, " Memorias de la 
 Acad. de la Hist." p. 22.) 
 
 t " Cui Hispania debet quicquid habet bonarum literarum." 
 (See also Antonio, "Bibliotheca Nova," torn. i. pp. 132 139.) 
 
 J Thus his new biographer, Juan Bautista Munoz, speaks of 
 him as, " El restaurador del gusto y solidez en toda buena litera- 
 tura," and " Maestro por excelencia de la nacion Espanola." 
 (" Memorias," &c. torn, iii.) 
 
 K
 
 130 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the grandeur and beauty of the buildings.* Having 
 noticed that one of the walls was made merely of clay, 
 the king remarked, " that such a wall but ill corre- 
 sponded with a building which was destined to last for 
 ever." " It is true," replied Ximenez ; " but a man, 
 who is mortal, should make haste to see the termina- 
 tion of his labours. I am consoled by the reflection, 
 that what is now made of clay will one day be made 
 of marble." And his words came true ; for forty- 
 three years after, by order of the rector Turbalano, 
 the whole wall alongside of the Franciscan convent 
 was built of marble. While the king was conversing 
 with the archbishop, Fernando Balbas, the rector 
 of the university, came from the college of San 
 Ildefonso, attended by his beadles, who carried their 
 maces with great gravity. The rector invited his 
 majesty into the college. But when the attendants 
 of the king perceived the pomp and state of the 
 beadles, they called out to them to lay aside those 
 insignia, as unbecoming the presence of kingly 
 power. Ferdinand, however, blamed the zeal of his 
 attendants, and commanded that respect should be 
 shown to the customs of the university, adding 
 these words : " Here is the residence of the Muses, 
 where the learned are kings." f The rector then 
 threw himself at the feet of Ferdinand, who received 
 him kindly, and heard with interest the details which 
 he gave him respecting the state and progress of 
 the university. In the mean time night came on, 
 
 * Flechier (liv. iii. pp. 302, 303) and Prescott also assign the 
 date 1513 for this event. But Balbas was not elected rector till 
 October 18th, 1513 : and Ferdinand did not arrive at Alcala till 
 January in the following year. 
 
 t Gomez gives the answer somewhat differently: "Musarum, 
 inquiens, illas sedes esse, in quibus fas poscebat, ut Musarum 
 sacris initiati regnarent " This is the seat of the Muses, and 
 those have a right to reign there who are initiated in the myste- 
 ries of the Musea. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 131 
 
 and the young pages of the king were waiting to 
 accompany his majesty back with torches. But, 
 on a sudden a quarrel arose between them and the 
 students, which ended in violence.* When the 
 king arrived and heard of the tumult, he was very 
 angry, and bitterly upbraided Ximenez in these 
 words : " If the first excesses which the students 
 committed had been punished as they deserved, 
 the present insolent proceedings would not have 
 occurred." t The bishop replied by making an 
 allusion to the provocation which had been received 
 from the pages : " O king, even an ant has its 
 gall, and every one will be revenged when he is 
 oppressed." These words calmed the anger of the 
 king. 
 
 Some years after the death of Ximenez, the 
 university received a visit from another no less 
 illustrious personage, Francis I., king of France. 
 After he had visited all the various institutions, he 
 uttered these remarkable words : " Your Ximenez 
 has undertaken and accomplished a work which I 
 myself could not attempt. The university of Paris, 
 the pride of my kingdom, is the work of many 
 sovereigns. But Ximenez alone has founded one 
 like it." 
 
 After Ximenez had made every regulation con- 
 nected with the course of studies in the university, 
 his solicitude also provided for aged and infirm 
 professors. On this subject he consulted with the 
 plenipotentiary of Charles V., afterwards known as 
 
 * " His vero fustibus et saxis se ulciscentibus," &c. (Gomez), 
 show how the quarrel was carried on. 
 
 t " Haec sunt (inquit) prsemia mea? semper lenitatis. Nam si 
 isti tui scholastici, cum primum in regies ministros irreverenter 
 se gesserunt, fuissent ut inerebantur mulctati, non pervenissent 
 ad tantam impudentiatn, ut, me praesente, in meani familiam tarn 
 procaciter irruerent." (Gomez, lib. iv.) 
 
 K 2
 
 132 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Pope Adrian VI., and who was associated with the 
 archbishop in the regency of Castile. Adrian was 
 then not only professor in the university of Louvain, 
 but he was also honoured with the dignity of 
 " Dean" of the church of St. Peter in that city. 
 Now, there a custom prevailed of providing for 
 aged professors, the same as was done for the 
 canons. Ximenez approved of this custom, and 
 therefore he solicited Pope Leo X. to incorpo- 
 rate with the university of AlcaM the collegiate 
 church of SS. Justos and Pastor.* His petition 
 was granted; and hence he was empowered to 
 bestow canonries on professors of theology ; while 
 lesser benefices were given to the professors of 
 philosophy. 
 
 The academy of Siguenza, after the death of its 
 founder, expressed a desire to be united with the 
 university of Alcala; but Ximenez would not 
 consent to the proposal, out of respect to the 
 memory of his friend who had founded the college 
 at Siguenza. Neither would he give his consent 
 that his university should be incorporated with that 
 of Salamanca. 
 
 But it was reserved for the 19th century (1807t) 
 to behold this magnificent home of the arts and 
 sciences, together with the academy of Siguenza, 
 and many other colleges in Spain, completely dis- 
 solved and suppressed. $ 
 
 * These were two martyrs, whose bodies reposed in the church 
 of Alcala. (See Robles, who gives many interesting details con- 
 nected with the university, cap. xvi.) Trans. 
 
 t Dr. Hefele refers to the invasion of Spain by the French, 
 when religion and literature were alike outraged. 
 
 J The Univers of the 6th of June, 1857, speaking of the 
 translation of the remains of Cardinal Ximenez, refers to a much 
 later date the suppression of the university of Alcala : " Tout 
 demeure dans le meme etat jusqu'en 1850, ou 1'Universite d' Alcala 
 se trouva supprimee par la creation de 1' University Centrale, et
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 133 
 
 ses bailments vendus au Comte de Quinto. Les habitants de 
 cette ville, voyant que 1' edifice allait etre detruit, sans respect 
 pour les souvenirs qui s'y rattachent, et pour le merite artistique 
 de sa construction, resolurent de sauver au moins le riche tombeau 
 du Cardinal Cisneros," &c. A more detailed account of the 
 translation of the cardinal's remains is given in the Preface. 
 Trans.
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOT. 
 
 THE greatest literary work published at Alcala is 
 the cardinal's celebrated Polyglot; the name 
 " Complutensian" being added from Complutum, 
 the place of its publication. It was the ancient 
 name of Alcala. 
 
 The impetus that was given to philology at the 
 commencement of the 15th century, exercised a very 
 beneficial influence on the progress of biblical 
 studies, and especially with reference to biblical 
 criticism and hermeneutics.* Even in the middle 
 ages there were biblical critics; such as abbot 
 Stephen, of Citeaux, who received the vows of St. 
 Bernard, and the learned Dominican, Hugo de Santo 
 Caro (1236). f There was also the famous Sorbonne 
 of Paris, that attempted to correct the text of the 
 Vulgate, not merely from ancient Latin manuscripts, 
 but also from a comparison with ancient Greek and 
 Hebrew ones.J But the incapacity of copyists, and 
 the ignorance of many who undertook the correction 
 of Scripture, were so many obstacles which prevented 
 
 * It treats of the principles of biblical interpretation. (See 
 Dr. Dixon's " Introduction," &c. vol. i. p. 270. Duffy, 1852.) 
 Trans. 
 
 t The writer's account, in this introduction to the polyglot of 
 Ximenez, is very meagre. He passes over the labours of St. Jerome, 
 Origen, Eusebius, Lucian, Cassiodorus, and Alcuin. Reference 
 should also have been made to St. Augustine's treatise " De Doc- 
 trina Christiana," where he insists on the necessity of procuring a 
 correct text as far as possible. Trans. 
 
 J See Welte's "Kirch. Ansehen der Vulgata," Q.uartalschr. 
 1845.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 135 
 
 the full growth and development of critical investi- 
 gation.* Hence, at the commencement of the 
 fifteenth century, Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly com- 
 plained bitterly, but very justly, of the deplorable 
 state of the original text of Scripture.! 
 
 But just at the period when in the West the new 
 impulse given to philological studies had revived the 
 long-delayed hopes and wishes of at last beholding 
 an emendated text of Scripture, then it was that 
 Germany gave to the world a new instrument of 
 power, applicable to all branches of literary know- 
 ledge and science. This was the art of printing, 
 whereby books, beautifully got up, could be multi- 
 plied a thousandfold, and sold at a comparatively 
 low price, t 
 
 It was but natural that the newly-invented art 
 should immediately have given its services to the 
 Holy Scriptures ; and in reality we find, that from 
 the year 1462 to the year 1500, no fewer than eighty 
 complete editions of the Vulgate appeared, of which 
 the Roman edition of 1471 had been corrected 
 from ancient manuscripts by the learned bishop 
 Joannes Andreas of Aleria. 
 
 Soon did the zeal of the pious and learned extend 
 to the original text of the sacred books. The Jews 
 were the first who endeavoured to multiply copies 
 
 * The reader will not fail to peruse Cardinal Wiseman's tenth 
 lecture, on oriental studies, in his " Lectures on Science and 
 Eevealed Religion," where an immense mass of information will 
 be found on the history of biblical criticism. Trans. 
 
 t It is now, however, acknowledged that the Hebrew and 
 Greek manuscripts of the Scripture have not been wilfully cor- 
 rupted, and that no material or substantial interpolation has found 
 its way into them. The accuracy of our ordinary text is won- 
 derful. Trans. 
 
 J See Charles Knight's interesting volume, " The Old Printer 
 and the Modern Press." (London, Murray, 1854.) 
 
 A town in Corsica. There is a short account of this bishop 
 in Watt's " Bibliotheca Britanuica." Edinburgh, 1824. Trans.
 
 136 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the Hebrew Bible. After several attempts had 
 been made upon the Psalms and other single books 
 of Scripture, a Jew published the first complete 
 Hebrew Bible, in the year 1488,* at Soncino, a 
 town in Lombardy, between Cremona and Brescia. 
 Several other editions followed, especially that of 
 Brescia, in the year 1494, f all being edited by 
 Jews. Up to this period there is no question but 
 that Christians were behind others in biblical 
 emendations. But there now appeared a man 
 who was destined to restore to the Christians their 
 ancient renown in scriptural knowledge; and this 
 personage was Cardinal Ximenez. No one lamented 
 more bitterly than he had done the miserably low 
 position which biblical studies held in the theo- 
 logical course of studies pursued at that time. We 
 have already noticed how he himself, in riper years, 
 and when he was head chaplain of Siguenza, 
 learned the Hebrew and Chaldaic languages through 
 his love of the Bible. Often was he heard to say 
 that he would willingly give up all his knowledge 
 of civil law (which was then considered essential 
 to a theological education), to be able to explain 
 only a single verse of the Bible.J Gomez assures 
 us that Ximenez had two especial reasons for 
 lamenting the neglect of biblical science in the 
 clergy of his time, and also their ignorance of 
 Hebrew and Greek. The first was, because such 
 neglect closed up the principal source of sacred 
 learning, viz., the Bible and the works of the 
 
 * Abraham Ben Chajim seems to have been the name of the 
 editor. The third and last of the Soncinates editions was printed 
 in 1517, folio. (See Le Long, " Bibliotheca Sacra." Paris, 1723.) 
 Trans. 
 
 t Herbst, " Historisch-Kritische Einleitung in's A. Test.," 
 herausgegeben von Dr. Welte, 1840, thl. i. ss. 128132. 
 
 J Gomez, lib. i. p. 933 (in "Hispanise illustrate Scriptores," 
 Francof. 1603, fol.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 137 
 
 fathers ; and secondly, they at the same time made 
 themselves incapable of offering any opposition 
 (which was so necessary to be done) to those 
 impious heretics who either abused the Holy 
 Scripture or perverted it. 
 
 Scarcely had the archbishop been elevated to the 
 primatial see of Spain, when he began to show his 
 early love for learning, not by the foundation of 
 the university of Alcala only, but he also at the 
 same time resolved to give a new impulse to biblical 
 studies, by the publication of a work equal to the 
 " Hexapla " of Origen, now unfortunately lost.* 
 His ideas on this subject are thus expressed in the 
 prolegomena to the Polyglot : " No translation 
 can fully and exactly represent the sense of the 
 original, at least in that language in which our 
 Saviour himself spoke. The manuscripts of the 
 Latin Vulgate differ so much one from another 
 that one cannot help suspecting some alterations 
 must have been made, principally through the 
 ignorance and negligence of the copyists. It is ne- 
 cessary, therefore (as St. Jerome and St. Augustine 
 desired), that we should go back to the origin of 
 the sacred writings, and correct the books of the 
 Old Testament by the Hebrew text, and those of 
 the New Testament by the Greek text. Every 
 theologian should also be able to drink of that 
 water 'which springeth up to eternal life,' at the 
 fountain-head itself. This is the reason, therefore, 
 why we have ordered the Bible to be printed in the 
 
 original language with different translations 
 
 To accomplish this task, we have been obliged to 
 have recourse to the knowledge of the most able 
 
 * Gomez, p. 966. One of the most learned amongst the 
 members of the Spanish academy, Senor J. B. Munoz, pays a just 
 tribute to Ximenez for the services he rendered to learning. (See 
 his article in " Memorias de la Historia," &c., torn. iii. p. 18.)
 
 138 THE LITE OF 
 
 philologists, and to make researches in every direc- 
 tion for the best and most ancient Hebrew and 
 Greek manuscripts. Our object is, to revive the 
 hitherto dormant study of the Sacred Scriptures."* 
 
 During the summer of 1502 Ximenez was obliged 
 to spend five months in Toledo, on account of 
 Joanna and Philip being acknowledged as heirs 
 to the crown of Spain. But while the court of 
 grandees were rejoicing amidst the splendid fetes 
 which followed the act of homage, the archbishop 
 was preparing a more magnificent feast for sacred 
 theology. It was then that he conceived the plan 
 of his great Polyglot, that he chose learned men 
 to help him, that he procured the manuscripts, 
 and fixed upon his new university to be the place 
 where this gigantic work was to be prepared and 
 completed.! 
 
 The men to whom this undertaking was in- 
 trusted were the celebrated Antonio de Lebrija, of 
 whom mention has been made ; Demetrius Ducas, of 
 Crete, who had been invited by Ximenez to Alcala, 
 to teach the Greek language ; Lopez de Zuniga 
 (Stunica or Astuniga), so well known by his discus- 
 sions with Erasmus ; Nunez de Guzman (Pintianus), 
 of noble extraction, professor at Alcala, and author 
 of several commentaries on the classics. With 
 these Ximenez associated three learned Jews, con- 
 verts to Christianity; viz., Alfonso, physician at 
 Alcala ; Paul Coronell, of Segovia (he died, in 1534, 
 professor of theology at Salamanca) ; and Alfonso 
 de Zamora, who was specially appointed to compose 
 a grammar and Hebrew dictionary for the Poly- 
 
 * " Tit incipiant Divinarum Litterarum studia hactenus inter- 
 mortua reviviscere," &c. (Prolegomena, inserted in vol. i. of 
 the Old Testament.) If this introduction was not written by 
 Ximenez himself, it certainly expresses his ideas and sentiments. 
 
 t Gomez, p. 905.
 
 CARDINAL XIMBNEZ. 139 
 
 glot. Demetrius of Crete, Zuniga, and Nunez de 
 Guzman, occupied themselves especially with a Latin 
 version of the Septuagint. They afterward made 
 use of the assistance of their scholars, one of whom, 
 Peter Yergara (who died canon of Alcala, in 1557), 
 translated the sapiential books of Proverbs, Eccle- 
 siastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Ecclesiasticus, 
 and the Book of Wisdom. It would be quite a 
 mistake to suppose that Ximenez was able to collect 
 all these men together in a day to help him in his 
 work. Alfonso de Zamora, for instance, did not 
 receive baptism till the year 1506, and consequently 
 he did not belong to the learned band till after the 
 others had been connected with it several years. 
 
 The whole of the plan for his magnificent under- 
 taking was formed by Ximenez himself, and these 
 learned men worked under his direction, being con- 
 fident that they would be most liberally rewarded. 
 He himself, with noble generosity and immense 
 zeal, supplied all their wants, and furnished them 
 with every help necessary for the work. Often did 
 he quicken their zeal by such words as these : 
 " Make haste, my friends ; for as all things in this 
 world are of a transient nature, you might lose me 
 as your patron, or I might have to lament your 
 loss."* He made researches on all sides for 
 manuscripts of the Old and New Testaments ; and 
 sometimes was obliged to purchase them at an 
 enormous expense, while others generously hastened 
 to lend them for his use ; Amongst whom was Pope 
 Leo X. This pontiff honoured and revered Ximenez, 
 and still more, he loved the fine arts. He therefore 
 generously supported him in the publication of the 
 celebrated Polyglot. In return, Ximenez dedicated 
 the work to his holiness, and in the introduction 
 
 * Gomez, p. 966.
 
 140 THE LIFE OF 
 
 gave him public thanks in these words : " Atque 
 ex ipsis (exemplaribus) quidem Grseca Sanctitati 
 Tuae debemus ; qui ex ista Apostolica Bibliotheca 
 antiquissimos tarn Veteris quam Novi Testamenti 
 codices per quam. humane ad nos misisti."* 
 
 I am aware that a doubt respecting the chronology 
 of this event has been raised. Leo X. was only 
 elected pope in March, 1513, while the first part of 
 the Polyglot the New Testament was only com- 
 pleted on the 10th of January, 1514. During so 
 short an interval, then, it is asked, how could the 
 Vatican manuscripts have been not merely collated 
 together, but also have been copied ? We are 
 inclined to believe, with most biblical critics, that 
 before Leo X. was made pope, when he was only 
 cardinal, he had sent the archbishop the manu- 
 scripts f from Rome, and that the public thanks for 
 them were offered by Ximenez (such as we have 
 seen in the preface) after Leo had been elected 
 pope. J 
 
 * " It is to your holiness that we are indebted for the Greek 
 manuscripts. You have sent us, with the greatest kindness, the 
 copies both of the Old and New Testament, the most ancient that 
 the apostolic library possessed." These manuscripts having been 
 unfortunately lost or destroyed, critics cannot pronounce any 
 judgment on their precise date. It seems the editors must have 
 had other manuscripts, besides those which had been sent from 
 Rome. (See Michaelis, "Introduction to the New Testament," 
 vol. ii. p. 433, ed. Cambridge, 1793. Also, Hug's " Introduction 
 to the Writings of the New Testament," vol. i. p. 304. London, 
 1827.) _ 
 
 t This is the opinion of Ma^gh, in his " Remarks on Michaelis' 
 Introduction ;" Professor Hug, Feilmoser, and others, give the 
 same explanation. See the curious and rare volume of Zuniga 
 (Stunica), entitled, "Itinerarium dum Compluto Eomam pro- 
 ficisceretur." 4to. 
 
 J Respecting these manuscripts, Michaelis relates (" Introduc- 
 tion to the New Testament," vol. ii. pp. 440 441), that Professor 
 Moldenhawer, who was in Spain in 1784, went to Alcala, for the 
 purpose of discovering the manuscripts which had been used for 
 the Complutensian Polyglot. It was supposed that very pro-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 141 
 
 In the same prologue, Ximenez also mentions 
 what great pains and trouble he took in order to 
 collect from various parts a considerable number of 
 Hebrew, Greek, and Latin manuscripts. He like- 
 wise informs us, in the second prologue, that for 
 the Greek text (probably used for both the Old and 
 New Testament) he made special use of the Roman 
 manuscripts,* besides consulting others, particularly 
 one sent by the republic of Venice, which was a 
 copy of a codex that once belonged to Cardinal 
 Bessarion. Mention is also made of some very 
 ancient Latin manuscripts, written in Gothic cha- 
 racters, which seem to have been made use of for 
 the edition of the Vulgate. "We 'learn, too, from 
 Zuniga,f one of the principal editors of the Poly- 
 glot, that a Codex Rhodiensis (Griesbach speaks 
 of it under No. 52 of the manuscripts for the Acts 
 
 bably the Greek manuscripts were preserved in the library of the 
 university. But on making inquiries, the professor found that 
 about thirty years before his arrival, an ignorant librarian, who 
 wanted room for some new books had sold the ancient vellum 
 manuscripts to a person named Toryo, as " Membranas inutiles "! 
 This man, who made fireworks, used them as materials for his 
 rockets ! Michaelis candidly admits that the editors of the Poly- 
 glot did not alter the Greek text to confirm the authority of the 
 Vulgate, and that when they described their manuscripts as being 
 of the greatest antiquity, the editors were honest, though they 
 were mistaken ; the art of criticism being then in its infancy, and 
 the antiquity of manuscripts but little understood. (Vol. ii. 
 p. 434.) 
 
 * It is uncertain whether the " Codex Vaticanus " was in the 
 number of the manuscripts which were sent from Home. The 
 Complutensian Polyglot differs from it very frequently, according 
 to Blanchini: " Palluntur qui putant ad solum exemplar ex 
 Bibliotheca Vaticana suppeditatum a Leone X., suam editionem 
 exprimendum curasse Ximenius, cum ab ipsa saepissime, facta a 
 nobis collatione, deflectat." (" Evangeliarum Quadruplex," pars i. 
 p. 495.) Trans. 
 
 t Lopez de Zuniga is the same person who has been men- 
 tioned before, whose " Itinerarium " is referred to in a previous 
 note.
 
 142 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the Apostles and catholic Epistles)* was made 
 use of for the Greek text of the New Testament. 
 In a word, Gomez testifies that seven Hebrew 
 manuscripts alone cost no less a sum than 4,000 
 ducats ; and that the total expense of the whole 
 work amounted to 50,000 ducats, t a sum which, 
 if estimated at the value of money then, could 
 have been expended only by a man who united the 
 wants of a monk to the revenues of a king. The 
 purchase of manuscripts ; the remuneration of those 
 engaged in procuring them ; the emoluments of the 
 editors, the copyists, and assistants; the expense 
 also of the new letters, which were all to be cast 
 in Alcala ; the bringing over able printers from 
 Germany; the printing itself; all these required 
 an enormous outlay. The sale price bore no kind 
 of proportion to the expense of publication; for 
 Ximenez had no more than 600 copies taken off, 
 while each copy, though consisting of six folios, cost 
 no more than six ducats and a half.$ But even the 
 produce of the sale was devoted by Ximenez, in his 
 will, to charitable purposes, as may be seen from 
 the papal bull of confirmation, in the first volume 
 of the Old Testament. 
 
 The small number of the copies that were printed 
 accounts for the scarcity of the work and the dear- 
 ness of the price ; for at the present day a perfect 
 
 * See his "Krit. Aus. des N. Test.," 2 band, p. 8. 
 
 t This sum would amount in English money to near 25,000 
 sterling. 
 
 J This price we know from the declaration of Francisco Ruyz, 
 bishop of Avila, who was an intimate friend of Ximenez ; and 
 who, after the death of the cardinal, tried to extend the sale of 
 the Polyglot. His declaration may be found at the end of the 
 preface to the Old Testament. 
 
 In all Germany there are not more than fifteen copies. 
 (See Hanlein's " Introduction to the New Testament," part 2, 
 p. 260.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 143 
 
 copy cannot be purchased under 500 florins.* The 
 second volume, viz., the Hehrew-Chaldaic Lexicon, 
 is often wanting in many copies. Gomez, the bio- 
 grapher of Ximenez, informs us that in his time it 
 was difficult to find it, even in Spain. 
 
 The learned editors commenced their labours in 
 the same year that Ximenez conceived the design 
 of the Polyglot (1502). f But it was not till twelve 
 years after (January 10, 1514), that the first volume 
 was finished, containing the New Testament. This 
 date is evident from the final remarks appended to 
 the Apocalypse. J 
 
 This volume, the first in the order of time, and 
 forming the sixth of the work, contains the whole 
 of the New Testament, and other matter, in the 
 following order : It commences by a kind of preface 
 in Greek and Latin, explaining why the Greek text 
 of the New Testament has no accents. As the 
 ancient Greeks did not make use of any accents, so 
 also, it seems that the writers of the New Testament 
 did not use them in their autographs: thus the 
 editors of the Polyglot wished to adhere to the 
 ancient custom. Their absence, however, can cause 
 
 * The price varies according to the state of the copy. A short 
 time ago a copy was sold in London for 75. Five hundred 
 florins would amount to about 40, for which I believe a copy 
 could be procured from Mr. C. J. Stewart, of King-William 
 Street. Trans. 
 
 t Not in 1505, as Schrockh and others suppose ; nor in 1500, 
 as Bosenmiiller states in his " Handbuch fur die Literatur der 
 Bibl. Kritik und Exegese" (band iii. s. 281). 
 
 J From comparing each volume, and from the prologue to the 
 whole work added to each volume of the Old Testament, it is very 
 evident that the New Testament was printed first. Many, how- 
 ever, have fallen into an error on this point. 
 
 "We should be mistaken were we therefore to conclude 
 that'the Greek copies which the editors had were without accents. 
 Michaelis appears to believe that their manuscripts really had
 
 144 THE LIFE OF 
 
 no difficulty to any one who has a slight knowledge 
 of Greek. Still, the tonic syllable of every poly- 
 syllable is marked with a stroke, resembling our 
 acute accent. As to the Septuagint the Greek ver- 
 sion of the Old Testament, there is no difficulty 
 with the modern accentuation, since the question 
 is not about the original text, but merely of a 
 translation. In a word, we are assured that only 
 the most ancient and correct copies were made use 
 of, " Antiquissima emendatissimaque exemplaria," 
 which Pope Leo X. had specially sent to serve as 
 the basis of the Greek text.* 
 
 This short preface to the reader is followed by the 
 letter of Eusebius Pamphilus (who died in 340) 
 to Carpianus, respecting the harmony of the Gos- 
 pels. The letter is in Greek, without a Latin trans- 
 lation. This letter generally precedes the canons of 
 Eusebius, connected with the concordance of the 
 Gospels. But the Polyglot contains the letter only, 
 and simply mentions the order of the canons. They 
 are ten in number. In the first are included all 
 those passages which are found in the four Evan- 
 gelists ; in the second are the passages which are 
 common to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke ; 
 in the third, those which are found in St. Matthew, 
 St. Luke, and St. John ; in the fourth, those which 
 
 accents, and that therefore they were not so ancient as the editors 
 supposed. 
 
 * These are the words of the preface to the New Testament : 
 " Illud lectorem non la teat, non qusevis exemplaria impression! 
 huic archetypa fuisse, sed antiquissima emendatissimaque, ac 
 tantse prroterea vetustatis, ut fidem eis abrogare nefas videatur ; 
 quse Sanctissimus in Christo Pater et Dominus noster Leo X. 
 Pontifex maximus huic institute favere cupiens, ex Apostolica 
 Bibliothec& educta, misit ad Reverendissimum Dominum Car-, 
 dinalem Hispanic," &c. In the letter addressed to Leo X. by 
 Ximenez, to thank his Holiness for sending the manuscripts, he 
 says, " Qui nobis in hoc negotio maximo fuerunt adjumento " 
 meaning the manuscripts. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 145 
 
 are common to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. 
 John ; in the fifth, those which St. Matthew and 
 St. Luke have in common; in the sixth, those of 
 St. Matthew and St. Mark ; in the seventh, those 
 of St. Matthew and St. John ; in the eighth, those 
 of St. Mark and St. Luke ; in the ninth, those of 
 St. Luke and St. John ; and the tenth, finally, in- 
 cludes all those passages which belong only to one 
 single Evangelist, and for which no parallel passage 
 is found in the others.* 
 
 Then there follows the letter of St. Jerome to 
 Pope Damasus, upon the four Gospels : there are 
 also two prefaces on St. Matthew, together with a 
 dissertation (argumentum) on his Gospel. 
 
 After these introductory parts, come the four 
 Gospels themselves, divided into two columns, the 
 largest of which contains the Greek text, and the 
 smallest the Vulgate, with reference to the margin 
 of the parallel places and quotations. The division 
 into verses is wanting both in the Old and New 
 Testament. This division, it is well known, was 
 invented a few years later (1551), by Robert Ste- 
 phens. The chapters, however, are distinguished 
 from each other according to the manner intro- 
 duced by Cardinal Hugo in the thirteenth century. 
 
 At the end of the Gospel of St. Matthew is intro- 
 duced the preface of St. Jerome or St. Mark, 
 though, by an error of the press, St. Matthew is 
 put instead of St. Mark. In like manner, after the 
 Gospel of St. Mark, a preface of St. Jerome precedes 
 the Gospel of St. Luke, which is followed by a preface 
 on the Gospel of St. John. 
 
 Two dissertations in Greek come after this first 
 part of the New Testament ; the shorter one is ano- 
 
 * These canons (Tabellen) of Eusebius, together with the 
 letter to Carpianus, are printed in Mill's edition of the New 
 Testament.
 
 146 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nymous, though probably composed by the editors 
 themselves : it treats of St. Paul's journeys. The 
 other is much longer : it was composed in the fifth 
 century by the deacon Euthalius, the inventor of 
 stichometry,* and treats of the chronology of St. 
 Paul's preaching, and also of his death. 
 
 Then there follows a preface of St. Jerome upon 
 all the epistles of St. Paul, and a particular pre- 
 face of the same father upon the Epistle to the 
 E/omans ; after which comes the text of St. Paul's 
 epistles, by the side of the Vulgate. To each 
 epistle is prefixed a preface and a dissertation 
 (argumentum). 
 
 The Epistle to the Hebrews closes the series of 
 all St. Paul's epistles ; then come the Acts of the 
 Apostles, with two prologues ; and the Acts are fol- 
 lowed by the seven catholic epistles ; and last of all 
 is the Apocalypse. At the end of the Apocalypse of 
 St. John are added five pieces of poetry, upon the 
 work itself, and upon Ximenez ; two of which 
 were composed in Greek by Demetrius Ducas and 
 Nicetas Eaustu, who was probably a scholar of De- 
 metrius. The three others, however, are in Latin, 
 and were composed by Juan Vergara, Nunez Guz- 
 man Pintianus, and Maestro Bartolo de Castro. 
 These were doubtless five learned men, who were 
 principally occupied with the labour of preparing 
 the New Testament, f 
 
 To these poems succeeds a table, explanatory of 
 all the proper names in the New Testament, ranged 
 
 This is a biblical term, from the Greek orixoyutrpm. It 
 consists in setting just so many words in one line as are to be 
 read uninterruptedly, so as clearly to give the sense of the author. 
 No punctuation was then used. (See Hug's " Introduction to 
 the New Testament," vol. i. p. 240, &c.) 
 
 t There is a very excellent account of the Complutensian 
 Polyglot in Le Long's " Bibliotheca Sacra" (ed. March.), 
 pp.332 339.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 147 
 
 according to the order of the books ; there is also a 
 complete, though small, Greek grammar, printed on 
 one single folio leaf; together with a short Greek lex- 
 icon, with the meanings in Latin, intended for read- 
 ing the New Testament, and the books of Wisdom 
 and Ecclesiasticus. The editors inform us, in their 
 " Introductio quam brevissima ad Grrecas Literas," 
 that the lexicon was composed by the express 
 order of Ximenez. To them it appeared " Lexicon 
 copiosum, maxima cura et studio elucubratum." 
 
 This volume, and all the other copies of the work, 
 though not wholly free from mistakes, are yet very 
 beautifully printed, especially if we consider them 
 as the production of an art which was then only in 
 its infancy. Each title-page bears the arms of the 
 cardinal in red and black letters. The characters 
 are large and clear : the Latin ones are made accord- 
 ing to the Gothic form, and the Greek according to 
 the form of letters used in ancient manuscripts, from 
 the ninth and following centuries : those letters 
 were small.* 
 
 The Greek text and the Vulgate are indicated by 
 small Latin letters, which point out the corre- 
 sponding words in both languages. If there come 
 a chasm in the Latin translation, or if the Latin 
 words are not sufficient to complete the line, the 
 open space is filled up with serpentine lines crossing 
 each other. The following example from St. Matthew 
 (xiii. 1) will illustrate this arrangement, and make 
 the mode of accentuation clear : 
 
 b cd e f bdcef 
 
 Ev tit rr\ i]ji'tpa (Ktivrf, f%t\5d>v o irjffovc In illo die exiens lesus oooos 
 
 S h i k 1 g h i k 1 
 
 OTTO rrjc oiKi'ac, ticd^T)To napa rqv a\a<rffav de domo sedebat secus mare oo 
 
 * See Montfaucon, " Pateographia Graca," pp. 271, 291, 293, 
 808, 324. Also Marsh's " Kemarks on Michaelis' Introduction " 
 (Notes, vol. ii. p. ii. p. 838, &c,). 
 
 L 2
 
 148 THE LIFE OF 
 
 But while we acknowledge the care and zeal which 
 were bestowed on this great work, we must also so 
 much the more express our regret that the editors 
 did not see the necessity of giving some account of 
 the text, and of entering upon questions of criti- 
 cism, which seem indispensable in such an under- 
 taking. Hence, in the whole of the New Testa- 
 ment, they considered it necessary to make only 
 four remarks of a critical nature,* with the excep- 
 tion of a few exegetical observations, which are of 
 very little importance. 
 
 Moreover, an account of the " Variant es " is en- 
 tirely wanting, and no manuscript authority is 
 given even for a single reading. There the text 
 stands as if it had dropped down from the clouds, and 
 not once are the codices named from which it has 
 been taken. The preface to the New Testament 
 merely mentions certain manuscripts which had 
 been sent by Leo X. from the Vatican library ; but 
 instead of describing them, the writer of the preface 
 contents himself with giving only a vague and pre- 
 sumptuous assurance, that not merely have the best 
 copies been made use of, but also the most ancient 
 and correct "antiquissima emendatissimaque," &c.; 
 and these were of such great antiquity, that if they 
 could not be trusted, no confidence could be ffiven 
 
 * O 
 
 to any other codex. Whether the letters were 
 uncial or small ; of what date the manuscripts were ; 
 what was the number used, and to what family they 
 belonged, &c., these and other questions remain 
 unanswered, t Hence it is, that the merits of the 
 
 * Dr. Hefele's note in reference to the nature of the remarks 
 lias been omitted. Trans. 
 
 t Though these omissions must be lamented, yet, at the same 
 time, allowance should be made for the first attempt of the kind, 
 which, considering the state of biblical studies at that period, 
 claims our highest praise. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 149 
 
 Complutensian Polyglot, as we shall see later, have 
 been often controverted. 
 
 A few months after the first volume, the second 
 appeared, in May, 1514, to serve as an introduction 
 to the edition of the Old Testament. This is the 
 work of the converted Jew, Alfonso Zamora. It 
 contains a Hebraeo-Chaldaic lexicon on the Old 
 Testament sufficiently extensive : the various mean- 
 ings of the words are given in Latin, pointing out 
 at the same time all the places in the Bible where 
 they occur. Another small dictionary resembles 
 the index which Gesenius has added in our times 
 to his Hebrgeo-Chaldaic lexicon. It contains the 
 Latin phrases, and refers the reader to the corres- 
 ponding Hebrew and Chaldaic words ; so that, as the 
 preface states, by the help of the lexicon and index, 
 the Latin can be translated into Hebrew or Chaldee, 
 and vice versa. This volume also contains an ex- 
 planatory table of the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek 
 proper names both of the Old and New Testament, 
 in alphabetical order ; and likewise a Hebrew gram- 
 mar, tolerably copious for the period. In the ex- 
 terior arrangement of the Polyglot, this volume 
 occupies the fifth place. The four following 
 volumes are exclusively devoted to the Old Testa- 
 ment.* The first commences with the prologue of 
 which we have already spoken ; in which Ximenez 
 dedicates his work to Pope Leo X., and gives a short 
 explanation of the plan he has followed in the 
 arrangement of the Polyglot. He speaks of the 
 manuscripts which served as the basis of the text, 
 and also of the happy results which he hopes will 
 follow from the publication of the work. Then there 
 comes, after a second preface to the reader, a direc- 
 
 * At the end of the last volume we are informed that the 
 printing was finished July 10th, 1517.
 
 150 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tion taken from, the grammar of the preceding 
 volume, upon the method of finding out the roots 
 of Hebrew words. There is also a prologue (of 
 which mention has been made above, and which 
 belongs to the New Testament) : this gives the 
 reasons why the accents were omitted, &c. There 
 is likewise reprinted a kind of introduction to the 
 Hebrew lexicon. 
 
 Then follow dissertations on the origin of the 
 Septuagint, on the versions of Aquila, Theodotion, 
 and Symrnachus ; upon the Hexapla of Origen, and 
 the biblical labours of St. Jerome. 
 
 In the same manner, there is a short treatise on 
 the four different ways of interpreting the Holy 
 Scriptures ; viz, the historical, the allegorical, the 
 anagogical, and the tropological, or moral.* The 
 definition of these is the same that is usually 
 given : the character and difference of one from the 
 other are given in a few words and examples. Thus, 
 while the " historical " gives the literal sense, the 
 three other methods aim at the more profound 
 meaning concealed under the literal sense ; and 
 this they discover either in the " moral " precepts, 
 or in allusions to the redemption (" allegorical "), 
 or in some reference to the Church in its glorious 
 state ("anagogical"). Here, too, are quoted the 
 well-known verses, which were made use of in the 
 "middle age" to express the character of these 
 different modes of interpretation : 
 
 " Litera geata docet ; quid credas allegoria ; 
 Moralia quid agas ; quo tendas anagogia." 
 
 Then follows a letter of St. Jerome to Paulinus 
 on all the books of Holy Scripture ; and also the 
 preface of the same father on the Pentateuch. Bc- 
 
 * See Dr. Dixon'a " Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures," 
 vol. i. p. 279 (ed. Duffy, 1852).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 151 
 
 fore we come to the original text of the Bible, is 
 found immediately preceding it the brief of Leo X., 
 dated March 22nd, 1520, addressed to the bishop of 
 Avila and the archdeacon of Cordova, Erancisco 
 Mendoza : the brief authorizes the publication of 
 the Polyglot. In addition to the pontifical letter, 
 the bishop of Avila makes some short observations 
 on the price of the work. These two last documents 
 were naturally printed some years after the com- 
 pletion of the rest of the work, and the death of 
 Ximenez, which took place in 1517. A glance at a 
 copy of the Polyglot will be sufficient to show the 
 reader that the page in which these two documents 
 appear, was inserted afterwards in the volume. 
 
 After these introductions, this volume presents 
 us with the Pentateuch in Hebrew, Chaldee, and 
 Greek, together with three Latin translations. 
 
 Each page is divided horizontally into two sections. 
 The higher section is composed of three parts, which 
 include three columns ; the lower section has only 
 two columns. The three columns of the higher 
 section contain the Septuagint, the Vulgate, and 
 the Hebrew text. The Vulgate holds the middle 
 place ; that is, between the other two texts. The 
 second preface gives the reason of this collocation ; 
 viz. that as our Lord was crucified between two 
 thieves, so the Latin Church stands between the 
 Synagogue and the Greek Church. Some writers, 
 by taking this comparison to mean that the Vulgate 
 is as much superior to the Hebrew text and the 
 Septuagint, as our Saviour was above the two thieves, 
 have been induced to believe that Ximenez was not 
 the writer of this second preface, since in the first 
 preface he gave to the original text so decided a 
 preference. In reality, it is necessary to adopt this 
 supposition, or to attribute gross inconsistency to 
 Ximenez, if the words in question have really the
 
 152 THE LIFE OF 
 
 meaning attributed to them. But this is not the 
 case. Far from giving the Vulgate such an im- 
 mense preference, the second preface, as well as the 
 first, calls the Hebrew text the truth, veritas, 
 and this by the side of the other versions. It is, 
 however, nowhere said that the Latin version 
 has the same relation to the Greek and Hebrew 
 text as our Saviour had to the thieves ; but that the 
 Latin Church stands in the same relation with the 
 Greek Church and the Synagogue. The question 
 then is not about the texts, but the relation of the 
 churches. It was only the exterior arrangement 
 of the texts an arrangement very reasonable in 
 itself, which gave occasion to the remarks on the 
 relation of the churches ; which remarks were quite 
 out of place. By adopting this explanation, we free 
 Ximenez from any imputation of inconsistency, or 
 from having recourse to a supposition which is far 
 from probable, because the last words of the first 
 preface necessarily belong to a second preface,* 
 which explains to the reader the order and arrange- 
 ment of the Polyglot. And such in effect is the 
 object of the second prologue, which, together with 
 the study of the Bible itself, will be our guide in 
 what remains to be said respecting this and the 
 following volumes. 
 
 Of the three columns of the upper section of each 
 folio page, the Septuagint, corrected in many places 
 from the Hebrew text, always occupies the inner 
 one, nearest to the back of a bound book, while the 
 Hebrew text always has the outside place in the 
 volume. 
 
 Above the text of the Septuagint is placed a Latin 
 interlinear translation, giving the literal sense : this 
 
 * These are the last words of the first prologue : " Hunc ad 
 iuatruenduin de operis artificio lectorem convertimur."
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 153 
 
 is the production of the editors. Each Latin word 
 is placed just over the corresponding word in the 
 Septuagint. 
 
 Only two columns fill up the lower section ; the 
 larger space is occupied by the Chaldaic text, that 
 is, the Targum of Onkelos ; and the smaller space 
 contains a Latin translation of the Targum. On the 
 exterior margin of the Hebrew and Chaldaic texts 
 
 *j 
 
 are marked the roots and forms of difficult words 
 in both these languages. When, for example, the 
 word urjn occurs in the line, we see in the margin 
 the root of it rwy. It is the same with the 
 Chaldaic. Small Latin letters point to every word 
 of the text which corresponds with the root placed 
 in the margin. The same small Latin letters unite 
 the Hebrew text, as we saw above with regard to 
 the New Testament, with the version of the Vulgate ; 
 but this is not the case with the Chaldaic and Greek 
 versions. Here also ovals (oooo) are made use of, 
 either to fill up chasms in the Latin version, or in 
 the empty spaces at the end of the lines. However, 
 in the Hebrew and Chaldaic text, whatever empty 
 space might remain at the end of the lines, it was 
 not filled up by the enlargement of the final letter, 
 but by a number of jods ( * < ). The lines of the 
 Yulgate are only about half as long as those 
 of the Hebrew text ; but as a line in Hebrew, 
 on account of the characters being large, required 
 double the height of the Latin, so it is that each 
 line in the Hebrew corresponds with two lines of 
 the Latin text. The same relation exists between 
 the Chaldaic text and the Latin version belonging 
 to it. The Chaldaic characters, though identical 
 in form with the Hebrew ones, are evidently 
 smaller : the characters of the Latin translation 
 of the Chaldaic are also smaller than those of the 
 Vulgate ; hence it is that one line of the Chaldaic
 
 15 4< THE LIFE OP 
 
 i 
 
 corresponds with two of the Latin version belonging 
 to it. 
 
 The Greek characters of the Septuagint are small, 
 and full of volutes and abbreviations, such as we 
 often meet with in the old Greek type. In no way 
 can they be compared, either in size or in form, 
 with the characters of the New Testament. The 
 same height is given to the Gothic letters of the 
 Latin interlinear version, which is placed over the 
 Septuagint ; hence one line of this version and the 
 Septuagint form two equal lines, which always cor- 
 respond with a line of the Hebrew text. Thus the 
 column of the Septuagint necessarily has the same 
 length as that of the Hebrew text. 
 
 It may also be well to remark that, in the arrange- 
 ment of the whole work, the order used in the West 
 is followed, and not the Oriental method ; thus the 
 first chapter of the book of Genesis comes, not in 
 the last page of the volume, as is the custom in 
 Hebrew and Chaldaic works, but in the first page. 
 
 The type, especially that of the Hebrew and 
 Chaldaic, which are in what are called " Spanish" 
 characters, is very beautiful, though, unfortu- 
 nately, it is not free from errors. Both texts have 
 the vowel-points and the large accents. Should 
 the accent in the Hebrew words, instead of falling 
 on the last syllable, fall on the antepenultimate, 
 then this tonic syllable receives the grave accent. 
 But the Greek text of the Septuagint is fully 
 accented, the same as the Greek text of the New 
 Testament. 
 
 A somewhat different arrangement is found in the 
 following volumes of the Old Testament. As the 
 Targum of Onkelos includes only the Pentateuch ; 
 and, moreover, as the Chaldaic paraphrases of the 
 other books seemed to Ximenez or his learned 
 assistants (as is mentioned in the second prologue),
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 155 
 
 either to have been corrupted, or full of fables, so 
 they were accordingly omitted in the whole remain- 
 ing portions of the Old Testament.* Nevertheless, 
 Ximenez caused these Targums to be translated 
 into Latin ; he also ordered these translated to be 
 separated from the Polyglot, and preserved in the 
 university library at Alcala. It is from the second 
 prologue, so often named, that we have taken these 
 details. 
 
 The absence of the Chaldaic text has allowed the 
 second volume of the Old Testament to be divided,not 
 into five but only into three columns. This volume 
 contains the books of Josua, Judges, Ruth, the four 
 books of Kings, the two books of Paralipomenon, 
 and the Prayer of Manasses. The Vulgate occupies 
 its usual place between the Hebrew and the 
 Septuagint ; the latter has an interlinear translation 
 with it, as before. The remaining portion resembles 
 the first volume of the Old Testament : the very 
 letters themselves and the general arrangement are 
 the same. The Prayer of Manasses, at the end of 
 the volume, is merely given in Latin. 
 
 The third volume of the Old Testament includes 
 the proto-canonical and deutero-canonical books 
 in the following order : Esdras, Nehemias, Tobias, 
 Judith, Esther, Job, the Psalms, Proverbs, Eccle- 
 siastes, the Canticles, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus. 
 As we have already mentioned, it was Juan Vergara 
 who gave a new translation of the five last books. 
 The whole arrangement corresponds with that of the 
 preceding volumes, with the following exceptions. 
 The division into three columns, intended to receive 
 the Hebrew text, the Vulgate, and the Septuagint 
 
 * Indeed, the Targum of Jonathan on the prophets, &c. con- 
 tains many fables, not to speak of the incorrectness and caprices 
 of the translations. (See Herbst, " Einl. iu's A. Test." heraus- 
 gegebeu von Dr. Welte, thl. i. s. 178 187.)
 
 156 THE LIFE OF 
 
 (with their interlinear translation), is only used for 
 the hooks which belong to the first canon, or the 
 canon of the Jews ; hut the Hebrew text is wanting 
 in all the deutero-canonical books ; viz., Tobias, 
 Judith, Wisdom, and some parts of Esther, which 
 come in various parts of the Septuagint, but were 
 united by St. Jerome ; and after him by the editors 
 of the Complutensian Bible. There is, however, 
 in these deutero-canonical pieces a division into 
 three columns; but as the Septuagint, with its 
 Latin version, requires a space double that of the 
 Vulgate, two columns, therefore, are assigned to it, 
 between which the Vulgate always occupies the 
 middle space. Among the proto-canonical, or 
 Hebrew books of this volume, the Psalms have this 
 peculiarity, that the Vulgate is not, as elsewhere, 
 placed by the side of the Hebrew text, but comes as 
 an interlinear version to the Septuagint, with which 
 it corresponds. The middle of the three columns 
 contains the version of the Psalms, made from the 
 Hebrew by St. Jerome : it is by the side of the 
 Hebrew text. 
 
 The fourth and last volume of the Old Tes- 
 tament contains Isaias, Jeremias, the Lamenta- 
 tions, Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, with the deutero- 
 canonical fragments of the 3rd, 13th, and 14th 
 chapters ;* Osee, Joel, Amos, Abdias, Jonas, Mi- 
 
 * The Complutensian Polyglot has been described by writers 
 who seem never to have examined the work. The celebrated 
 Rosen rn uller (" Handbuch fur die Literatur der Bibl. Kritik und 
 Exegese," s. 279) gives a description of this Polyglot ; but from 
 his account, it is evident he never saw the work : if he had, he 
 would have perceived that the words of the parentheses (in hoc 
 libro habentur libri de Susanna, &c.) are not the words of the 
 editors themselves, but an ancient account of the Polyglot, written 
 in Latin and copied by B-osenmuller. Very recently, another 
 writer, who does not give his name, in an article on the 
 Complutensian Bible, which appeared in the " Zeitschrift " of
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 157 
 
 cheas, Naimm, Habacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Za- 
 charias, Malachias, and the three books of the 
 Machabees. The fragments inserted in Daniel 
 (viz., the prayer of Ananias, the canticle of the 
 three children in the furnace, the history of Susan- 
 na, and of Bel and the Dragon), Baruch, and the 
 three books of Machabees, not being proto-cano- 
 nical, are not found in the Hebrew. The third 
 book of Machabees, not being deutero-canonical, 
 but apocryphal, is not in the Vulgate : hence, the 
 Polyglot has only two columns here, both of which 
 contain merely the Septuagint, with its new Latin 
 interlinear version. 
 
 This volume, the last of the Old Testament and 
 of the Polyglot, was issued from the press of 
 Arnold William de Brocario, of Alcala, July 10th, 
 1517. As soon as John Brocario, the young son of 
 the printer, clothed in his best attire, ran with the 
 last sheets to the cardinal, Ximenez exclaimed with 
 great joy, raising his eyes to heaven :* "I give 
 thee thanks, O most high God, that thou hast 
 brought to the long-wished-for end this work which 
 I undertook." 
 
 Thus was Ximenez allowed to behold the print- 
 ing of his great Bible finished ; but four months 
 
 Pletz, contents himself with reproducing the manual of Eosen- 
 miiller, without examining for himself. The history of Susanna 
 is attributed to Ezechiel, instead of to Daniel. As regards Eosen- 
 miiller, I could mention other facts which prove, either that 
 he had never seen the Polyglot, or that he examined it very 
 carelessly. 
 
 * " Audivi Joannem Brocarium Comp. excussorem, Arnoldi 
 Gulielmi Brocarii filium, ssepenumero ad aequales dixisse, eo ipso 
 die ultima manus a patre operis excussioni imposita fuit, se 
 pueruin eleganter vestitum cum ultimo Bibliorum volumine ad 
 Ximenium venisse ; cui impendio Isetatus, ita coelum suspiciens 
 acclamavit, ' Gratias tibi ago, summe Christe, quod rem magno- 
 pere a me curatam, ad optatum finem perduxeris,' " &c. (Gomez, 
 lib. ii. p. 38, ed. 1569.)
 
 158 THE LIFE OF 
 
 after he died, November 8th, 1517. The papal per- 
 mission which authorized the publication of the 
 work, did not appear till two years after his death, 
 viz. March 22nd, 1520.* A year passed away 
 before any copy could pass the Spanish frontier. 
 The text, therefore, of this Bible could not be made 
 use of, either for the editions of the Old Testament 
 by Bomberg (1518), or for the first edition of the 
 New Testament by Erasmus (1516). But a little 
 later, the Complutensian Polyglot was not without 
 its influence on the formation of the text of the 
 Bible. As regards the New Testament, it is, without 
 doubt, the " editio princeps " in the order of time 
 (1514), though the first edition of Erasmus became 
 public before it (in 1516). But this same Erasmus, 
 who had devoted only five months of labour to his 
 work, and that very superficially, and who possessed 
 but a small number of manuscripts, was fortunate in 
 the later editions (the fourth in 1527, and the fifth 
 in 1535), by being able to consult the Compluten- 
 sian text.f 
 
 It is certainly very pleasing to consider the mild- 
 ness with which Ximenez defended the work of 
 Erasmus against the attacks of even his own friends 
 around him. As soon as his edition of the New 
 Testament appeared, Zuniga, one of the chief edi- 
 tors of the Polyglot, began to make remarks against 
 the notes of Erasmus. Ximenez expressed a desire 
 that the manuscript of this sharp critic should first 
 
 * The death of Ximenez was the reason why the approbation 
 was not solicited from Rome. At length, Leo X., in order not to 
 deprive the world any longer of so great a work, approved the 
 publication proprio motu, as the brief mentions. Hug, in his 
 Introduction, is mistaken both in the month and the year, by 
 giving as the date of the brief, March 20, 1525. (See vol. i. 
 p. 304, English ed. ; London, 1827.) 
 
 t Griesbach, N. Test. torn, proleg. p. G.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 159 
 
 be shown to the accused author, and then only made 
 public if Erasmus should manifest no inclination to 
 correct his mistakes. But Zuniga would not agree 
 to the proposal ; he even went so far one day as 
 to express, in the presence of Ximenez, a very con- 
 temptuous judgment on Erasmus. Then it was that 
 the cardinal answered him with a simplicity com- 
 bined with earnestness, in the following words : 
 " God grant that all writers may do their work as well 
 as he has done his. You are bound either to give us 
 something better, or not to blame the labours of 
 others." Zuniga was silenced : these few words 
 made such an impression on him, that during the 
 lifetime of the cardinal he never indulged in any 
 invective against Erasmus. But after the death of 
 Ximenez, he became still more violent and bitter. 
 At length, however, towards the end of his life, 
 Zuniga began to relent ; for a short time before his 
 death (1530), he ordered that his other manuscripts 
 directed against Erasmus should not be printed, but 
 sent to him for his use.* 
 
 Prom about the middle of the sixteenth century, 
 almost innumerable editions of the New Testament 
 followed, sometimes that of Erasmus, sometimes 
 the text in the Complutensian Polyglot, and some- 
 times both together. While the editions printed at 
 Basle gave the preference to Erasmus, the editions 
 issued from the Plantinian press at Antwerp and 
 Geneva followed the text of the Complutensian 
 Bible. The famous Polyglot of Paris, which 
 appeared in 1645, also adopted the same text for 
 the New Testament, in its ninth and tenth volumes. 
 But not to dwell on other editions, the great 
 
 * Du Pin, " Nouvelle Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesias- 
 tiques," &c. torn. xiv. p. 75. See also Erhard, " Geschichte 
 des Wiederaufbliihens der "Wissenschaftl. Bildung," Bd. ii. 
 s. 571.
 
 160 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Antwerp Polyglot published in 1569, and edited 
 by Spaniards at the expense of King Philip II., 
 followed the text of Erasmus and the Compluten- 
 sian compared together. 
 
 The Bible of Ximenez had no less influence on 
 the celebrated editions of the Stephens'. The first, 
 published by Robert Stephens, printer, at Paris 
 (1545), adopted the Complutensian text entirely for 
 its basis ; and though the third edition of Stephens 
 (much superior to the first) followed the fifth edi- 
 tion of Erasmus, yet it is not to be forgotten that 
 the Polyglot of Ximenez was made use of by Eras- 
 mus. It is by this third edition of the Stephens' 
 that the Polyglot of Alcala is connected with the 
 "textus receptus," which became known by the 
 family of the Elzevirs, who were printers at Leyden. 
 Their press produced from 1624 to 1735 innumer- 
 able copies of the text of the third edition of the 
 Stephens', with readings from the edition of Beza. 
 These were so multiplied that they received the 
 name of the " Textus receptus."* 
 
 Such was the great influence which the Complu- 
 tensian edition of the New Testament exercised on 
 the text of the New Testament in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries, until at length the English 
 Polyglot, by Brian Walton (who was afterwards arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury) f opened a new era in 1657. 
 Dr. Pell, bishop of Oxford, published his edition 
 
 * The "received text." Dr. Hefele merely glances at this 
 interesting part of the subject. For further details I refer the 
 reader to Dr. Dixon's "Introduction," or to a similar work in 
 French by Glaire, torn. i. (Paris, 1839). Trans. 
 
 t Dr. Hefele is mistaken in supposing Walton to have been 
 archbishop of Canterbury. He was bishop of Chester. The 
 history of the London Polyglot and of the labours of "Walton, 
 are most interesting. (See Archdeacon Todd's " Memoirs of the 
 Life and Writings of Walton," 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1821.) 
 Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 161 
 
 of the New Testament in 1675 ; and Mill published 
 another, more splendid and accurate, in 1707, at 
 Oxford, where he was one of the professors in the 
 university. These editions, however, were surpassed 
 by those of Bengel and Wetstein.* 
 
 The labours of Griesbach and other modern 
 biblical critics have certainly thrown the Complu- 
 tensian Polyglot into the shade. But we need not 
 wonder at this, when we remember that the editors 
 of that Bible seem to have consulted at the most 
 only about ten manuscripts, while, in our days, 
 through the labours of Scholz,f more than five 
 hundred manuscripts have been collated and classi- 
 fied. Still, the Complutensian text has very lately 
 been made use of by Dr. Gratz, in his edition of 
 the New Testament (Tubingen and Mayence, 
 1821). The edition by Dr. Van Ess has adopted 
 for its basis the text of the Complutensian and that 
 of Erasmus at the same time. A still later and 
 more widely-extended edition, by Goldhagen, has also 
 followed the Complutensian text.J 
 
 The Complutensian Polyglot has exercised no 
 less influence on the text of the Old Testament. 
 Here, it is true, it is not considered the " eclitio 
 princeps," as it is in the New Testament. This 
 glory belongs, as we have already remarked, to the 
 
 * Bengel's edition appeared in 1734. He did not confine 
 himself to the u received text." Wetstein's famous edition ap- 
 peared in two volumes folio, at Amsterdam, in 1751 and 1752. 
 Trans. 
 
 t One of the Catholic professors at Bonn. The work forma 
 two volumes quarto ; it was published at Leipsic, the first part, 
 containing the four gospels, in 1830, and the second part in 1836. 
 Though possessing great merit, the edition has been severely 
 criticised by Catholic writers. Trans. 
 
 J Among the modern editions may be mentioned the one by 
 the late Dr. Bloomfield (2 vols. 1832). The notes are open to 
 criticism, though the ordinary Greek text is impartially treated. 
 Trans. 
 
 M
 
 162 THE llFE OF 
 
 editions published by Jews at Socino (1488) and at 
 Brescia (in 1494) : still, the Complutensian forms 
 the second fundamental basis of the Hebrew text. 
 The question still remains undecided, whether the 
 editions of Socino or Brescia were consulted or not. 
 Many critics have fancied they could discover a 
 resemblance between the text of the Complutensian 
 and 'that of Brescia, but on a closer examination 
 all traces of resemblance have vanished.* Gomez, 
 the earliest biographer of Ximenez, mentions that 
 the cardinal purchased seven Hebrew manuscripts 
 for 4,000 ducats; but the archbishop himself, or 
 some of his learned assistants, in the first Prologue 
 addressed to Pope Leo X., merely state " that they 
 had collected together a considerable number of 
 Hebrew, Greek, and Latin manuscripts," without 
 any further explanations. Quintanilla asserts that 
 the seven Hebrew manuscripts arrived too late, and 
 were therefore useless, f But Gomez, who lived at 
 Alcala a short time after Ximenez, makes not the 
 slightest allusion to this circumstance, which, if 
 true, was certainly of importance to be recorded. 
 However, he merely states that these seven Hebrew 
 manuscripts were preserved, in his time, at Alcala. 
 
 Some years after the Polyglot of Complutum, 
 the celebrated Hebrew Bible of Bomberg was pub- 
 lished at Venice (1518), $ from the press of Daniel 
 
 * Kosenrauller, " Handbuch," &c., thl. iii. s. 289. 
 
 t " Archetype de Virtudes, espejo de Prelados el Venerable 
 Padre, y Siervo de Dios, F. Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros" 
 (Palermo, 1653), lib. iii. cap. x. p. 137. The writer was a 
 Franciscan, and was employed in procuring the beatification of 
 Ximenez. 
 
 J Several editions of this Bible appeared at different times ; 
 the most remarkable is the second of 1526. Some were in folio, 
 others in quarto. They were called Rabbinical JBibles, because 
 the text is accompanied with Babbinical commentaries. (See 
 Calmet, " Bibliotheque Sacree," l re partie ; " Bibles Hebraiqvics 
 et Eabbiniques.") Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 163 
 
 Bomberg. But though it appeared before the Com- 
 plutensian, yet as regards the New Testament, both 
 are on an equality, and both share the glory 
 Ximenez and Bomberg of having been the first 
 Christians who gave editions of the Hebrew text of 
 the Old Testament. Hence, the Bible of Alcala 
 and an edition of Bomberg, viz. that published in 
 folio by the learned Jew Jacob Ben Chayim (in 
 1526), became afterwards the basis of most of the 
 editions which followed. The Polyglot of Heidel- 
 berg, by Bertram, in three editions (1586 1616), 
 borrows not only the Hebrew text of the Complu- 
 tensian, but also the Septuagint and the Vulgate.* 
 
 The Antwerp Polyglot (1569-72) adopts the 
 Hebrew text of the Complutensian, compared with 
 that of Bomberg; and this has been followed by 
 the editions of Plantinus, and also in the celebrated 
 London Polyglot of 1657. 
 
 Prom this time the influence of the Compluten- 
 sian Polyglot on the text of the Old Testament 
 began to decline. In proportion as the labours of 
 Athias, Buxtorf, Norzi, a Jew of Mantua, John 
 Henry Michaelis of Halle, Professor Kennicott of 
 Oxford, and Rossi, t a professor at Parma, began to 
 throw light on the original text of the Scripture, 
 so much the more did the Complutensian Polyglot 
 fall into the oblivion of libraries. Such is the lot 
 of all human works ; even those which are con- 
 sidered the most perfect are in their turn supplanted 
 by others. 
 
 But in the last century, the Complutensian Bible 
 was in great danger of being deprived of its ancient 
 and well-deserved merit, through the attacks of an 
 
 * Herbst, " Einleitung in's A. Test.,'' thl. i. s. 135. 
 
 t For a very interesting account of these biblical scholars, see 
 Cardinal Wiseman's Lecture X., in his " Connection between 
 Science and Eevealed Religion." 
 
 M 2
 
 164 THE LIFE OF 
 
 unjust critic. The Hebrew text was allowed to 
 remain undisturbed : but complaints were made, 
 that alterations had been made in the Septuagint 
 by the editors of the Complutensian, in order to 
 render it more conformable to the original text.* 
 The Greek text of the New Testament was the 
 object of long and bitter discussions on the part of 
 some learned Protestant writers. f 
 
 The first who undertook to controvert the merit 
 of the Complutensian Bible was the critic John 
 James Wetstein, of Basle. In the prolegomena to 
 his magnificent edition of the Bible (1730 and 
 1751), he brings forward the three following serious 
 objections against the Complutensian text of the 
 New Testament : 
 
 1. " That the Greek text does not rest on ancient 
 manuscripts. 
 
 2. " That it has intentionally been altered ac- 
 cording to the Vulgate. 
 
 3. " That the assertion of manuscripts having 
 been received from Leo X. deserves little credit ; 
 because his holiness was elected pope on the llth of 
 February [read March llth], 1513, and the printing 
 of the New Testament was finished January 10th, 
 
 In the year 1764, Dr. Semler had the pro- 
 
 * Dr. Michaelis, " Oriental und Exeget. Bibliothek," bd. ix. 
 s. 162 ; Rosenmuller, " Handbuch fiir die Literatur der Bibli- 
 nchen Kritik und Exegese," bd. iii. s. 289. 
 
 f The details connected with this controversy may be seen in 
 Walch's " Nenester lieligions-geschichte," bd. iv. s. 423 490. 
 An epitome of this account is given by Rosenmiiller, in his 
 " Handbuch," bd. iii. s. 291. 
 
 J This last objection we have already answered. To assert, 
 with Semler, that the manuscripts sent from Rome were made 
 use of, not for the New, but for the Old Testament, is grossly to 
 contradict the very words of the editors of the Complutensian 
 Bible, in their Preface to the New Testament.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 165 
 
 legomena of "Wetstein reprinted at Halle; but 
 although Semler adhered to the principles of criti- 
 cism adopted by Bengel, and not to those of 
 "Wetstein, yet he adopted as his own all the 
 objections of the latter against the Complutensian 
 Bible, and brought them forward again. Wishing, 
 however, to give them still greater force, he pub- 
 lished in the same year (1764) a work, entitled 
 " Historical and Critical Remarks on certain Pass- 
 ages brought forward to support Dogmas ;" first 
 part, on 1 John v. 7. 
 
 " It cannot be denied," the writer says, at p. 77, 
 " that this edition (the Complutensian) has been 
 wilfully altered from the Latin text, and that the 
 whole is the production of men who had but little 
 profound learning." Such is the judgment which 
 Semler dared to pronounce even before he had seen 
 a single copy of the Complutensian Bible ; and this 
 reproach he could not help allowing his adversaries 
 to make in the discussion, though at a later period 
 he endeavoured to remove it ! 
 
 While J. N. Kiefer, rector and pastor at Saar- 
 briick, sided with Semler, another pastor, John 
 Melchior Gotze,* of Hamburg, defended the Com- 
 plutensian Bible. A controversy sprung up ; and 
 such a number of treatises, answers, and replies 
 appeared on the subject, that at last the public 
 began to be tired of the discussion. But the cha- 
 racter of Semler had received a more severe wound 
 than even his learning. Yet even this was far 
 from being victorious. Semler had commenced 
 
 * The title of the work by Gotze was, "A Complete Defence of 
 the Complutensian Greek Testament, with a collection of the 
 principal differences between the Greek Text and the Latin Text 
 of that edition." (Hamburg, 1766.) " A Continuation of the 
 Defence" appeared in 1769. (See the notes of Marsh, in Michaelis' 
 " lutroductiou," vol. ii. part 2, p.- 813.) Trans.
 
 166 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the discussion by asserting that the whole of the 
 Complutensian Bible had been altered from the 
 Latin text, knowingly and wilfully ; but in his 
 second pamphlet against Gotze, published in 1768, 
 he was obliged to abandon his position, and main- 
 tain that he did not mean that the whole of the 
 Complutensian text had been altered, but only a 
 falsification of it in the " liturgical parts " had 
 been made. 
 
 But Kiefer reduced this assertion also to a very 
 small compass, by confining it to two or three 
 passages (St. Matthew vi. 13 ; 1 St. John v. 7 ; 
 and in a certain way, 1 St. John ii. 14). Thus it 
 was evident, that Semler, after he had at first 
 undertaken to defend the whole of his fortifica- 
 tion, was at last forced to save himself in a small 
 tower. 
 
 Gotze defended himself in the controversy with 
 much greater success than he did ten years after, 
 against Lessing. He proves, in four works, that 
 the Greek text of the Complutensian differs from 
 the Vulgate in more than nine hundred places, and 
 this too in many of the liturgical parts;* and 
 moreover, that the editors must have followed, 
 generally speaking, their own Greek manuscripts 
 in opposition to the Vulgate :f this furnishes an 
 inductive proof, that the two or three contested 
 passages have their text formed from the Greek 
 manuscripts, and still more that the very im- 
 portant passage (1 St. John v. 7) in the Complu- 
 tensian Bible is evidently not a translation from 
 the Vulgate. 
 
 Thus the objections of Wetstein and Semler against 
 
 * Walch, " Neuester Eeligions-gesch.," s. 461. 
 
 t For example, in the verse on the resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 51), 
 where the editors of the Complutensian have given the true 
 reading, quite in opposition to the Vulgate.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 167 
 
 the Complutensian Bible cannot be considered 
 valid or just; on the contrary, most able critics, 
 like John David Michaelis, have become the de- 
 fenders of the Polvglot. Amongst these is the 
 
 f O O 
 
 celebrated Ernesti, in his " Neue Theologische 
 Bibliothek" (bd. vi. s. 723), and the author of the 
 epitome of the whole controversy, in Walch's 
 " Neuester Religions-geschichte." Griesbach also 
 asserts that Semler went a great deal too far in his 
 attacks against the Complutensian Bible ; and that 
 through the progress which biblical criticism has 
 made, and by the discovery of new manuscripts, 
 many passages which Semler had considered as 
 having been "wilfully altered" were now fully 
 vindicated.* On the whole, a more favourable 
 judgment is, in our day, pronounced on the Com- 
 plutensian Bible, and with justice ; because, in 
 reality, the complaints respecting an alteration 
 having been made in the Greek text from the 
 Vulgate have been gradually reduced to almost 
 nothing. Hence, one must not for the future be 
 too hasty in condemning the Complutensian Bible. 
 1. With regard to a passage in St. Matthew 
 (vi. 13), where the editors of the Complutensian 
 have omitted the well-known Doxology after the 
 "Our Father," they have put in the margin the 
 following remark : " In exemplaribus Grsecorum 
 post hsec verba Orationis Dominican, Sed libera nos 
 a malo, statim sequitur, on o-oy e<rnv i) fiourfaeia. 
 x. r. x. Sed advertendum, quod in Missa Grseco- 
 ruin, postquam chorus dicit ilia verba Orationis 
 Dominica?, Sed libera nos, &c., sacerdos respondit 
 ista verba supra dicta : Quoniam tuum est reg- 
 
 * Griesbach, N. Test. Proleg., p. ix. This illustrious critic, 
 however, seemed to believe that, in some parts of the New Testa- 
 ment, the editors of the Complutensian Bible have given the text 
 different from their manuscripts.
 
 168 THE LIFE OF 
 
 num, &c. Sic magis credibile videtur, quod ista 
 verba non sint de integritate Orationis Doniinicae, 
 sed quod vitio aliquorum scriptorura fuerint Me 
 inserta, &c." 
 
 The editors of the Complutensian frankly acknow- 
 ledge, then, that here they departed from the Greek 
 codices, and at the same time they give their reason 
 for so doing, viz., that this doxology, which was 
 used in the Greek Liturgy, had crept into the text 
 by an error of the copyists. All critics of the present 
 day consider that the editors had good grounds for 
 departing from the Greek text, while the frankness 
 with which they mention this departure gives us 
 a strong presumption for the correctness of the 
 alterations in other passages. 
 
 2. The second objection respects the omission in the 
 1st Epistle of St. John (chap, ii.), where the editors 
 of the Complutensian, in opposition to their codices, 
 have suppressed the words at the commencement of 
 verse 14 : " I write unto you, babes, because you 
 have known him who is from the beginning." Such 
 is the objection. But these words are evidently only 
 a literal repetition of the commencement of the 
 preceding verse. It cannot, therefore, have been 
 any great rashness in the editors to ascribe the 
 insertion of the words, in spite of the authority of 
 excellent codices, to the error of some ancient 
 copyist. But it cannot now be decided whether the 
 editors of the Complutensian Bible wilfully omitted 
 the words merely from a conviction that the autho- 
 rity of the Vulgate would thereby be strengthened, 
 or whether the words were really wanting in the 
 manuscripts they used. The editors have no remark 
 whatever in this place. But, in any case, neither 
 doctrine, nor the liturgy, nor any controversial or 
 theological question, depends upon the fact being 
 known, whether the verse is found once or twice
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 169 
 
 in the Epistle of St. John referred to. Hence, the 
 Catholic Church has no interest in determining 
 whether any alteration was really made from the 
 Vulgate by the editors of the Complutensian 
 Polyglot. 
 
 3. The third and last objection refers to what is 
 called the "Comma Joanneum," in the 1st St. John 
 v. 7. It is maintained that the verse was trans- 
 lated from the Vulgate, and introduced into the 
 Greek text, without any authority whatever. The 
 words, " And there are three who give testimony 
 in heaven, the Father, and the "Word, and the Holy 
 Ghost ; and these three are one" (v. 7), are always 
 quoted by theologians as a proof of the Blessed 
 Trinity ; but it is well known, that the passage is 
 not found in any single Greek codex of authority. 
 But as the Greek text of the Complutensian Bible 
 in this passage does not perfectly agree with the 
 words of the Vulgate, hence the suspicion that the 
 editors translated the verse from the Vulgate is con- 
 siderably weakened. The editors give no explana- 
 tion whatever ; for the half-critical and half-exege- 
 tical remark which comes in the margin, and seems 
 to have been borrowed from St. Thomas, gives no 
 data for deciding whether the comma existed or not 
 in any of the Complutensian manuscripts. 
 
 The objection against the Complutensian Bible 
 becomes still weaker, from the fact that, up to the 
 present time, three Greek manuscripts of recent 
 date have been discovered, which contain the"Comma 
 Joanneum."* Erasmus had already referred to a 
 " Codex Britannicus," from which he had inserted 
 
 * By this phrase is understood the controverted parts in the 
 1 Epist. of St. John v. 7, as if they were a modern interpolation 
 into the text. (See Cardinal Wiseman's learned and satisfactory 
 Letters on the Controversy, published in the Catholic Magazine, 
 1832.)
 
 170 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the passage in his last editions of the New Testa- 
 ment.* The passage is certainly found in the Codex 
 Britannicus, or Codex Montfortianus (No. 34, in 
 Griesbach), and in two other manuscripts com- 
 pared by Scholz (Nos. 162 and 173) ; one of which, 
 No. 162, belongs to the Vatican, f The number 
 "three" must be increased, if we may admit that 
 the Codex Britannicus of Erasmus is different from 
 the Codex Montfortianus, as the diversity of the 
 readings allows us to think that it is.J 
 
 As then there are, properly speaking, four manu- 
 scripts which contain the controverted passage, and 
 one of them is in the Vatican, may we not therefore 
 conclude, without any rashness, that the editors of 
 the Complutensian Bible might have found the said 
 passage in one or other of the manuscripts which 
 they had ? This assertion would be still more un- 
 deniable, were there not a possibility that the pass- 
 age was first copied from the Complutensian Bible 
 into the recent manuscripts (Nos. 34, 162, 173). 
 What took place in the controversy between Zuniga 
 and Erasmus makes us somewhat suspicious of the 
 Complutensian editors. 
 
 Zuniga had reproached Erasmus with the omis- 
 sion of the " Comma Joanneum" in his first edi- 
 tions; but Erasmus demanded the place to be 
 pointed out to him in the Greek text where the pass- 
 age could be found. Zuniga evaded the question, 
 
 * See the Dissertation of Griesbach on 1 John v. 7, in his 
 Appendix to part ii. of his New Testament, p. 3. 
 
 t See the Annotations of Scholz on 1 John v. 7, in his 
 edition of the New Testament. The "Codex Ravianus," at 
 Berlin, contains also the " Comma Joanneum ;" but it is only 
 a copy of the the Complutensian text. (Griesbach, Appendix, 
 PP- 4, 5.) 
 
 J Griesbach has printed the reading of Erasmus in the third 
 page of his Appendix ; and at page 4, the reading of the " Codex 
 Montfortianus."
 
 CARDINAL X1MENEZ. 171 
 
 and confined himself merely to complaints respect- 
 ing the corruption of the Greek manuscripts.* 
 
 This incident may certainly have given rise to the 
 suspicion ; but there is no ground for any certainty, 
 when we recollect (what has already been stated), 
 that in the passage the Greek text of the Complu- 
 tensian does not agree with the Vulgate, and that 
 in almost a thousand other places the editors have 
 neglected to form the Greek text according to the 
 Vulgate. Indeed, it is not at all improbable, but that 
 the editors may have found the passage in question 
 in some recent codex, as Erasmus did. But even 
 supposing they had inserted the " Comma Joan- 
 neum " without the authority of any manuscript, 
 relying merely on the Vulgate and the twelfth 
 general council, &c., still even this one fact cannot 
 possibly justify a sweeping and general accusation 
 against their honesty ; at a time, too, when men had 
 for their guide, not so much fixed laws of criticism, 
 as vague rules, which were altered according to the 
 caprice of the moment. All that can in any way be 
 objected against the editors amounts to what Gries- 
 bach has already mentioned, viz., (1.) That they 
 exaggerated the age of their manuscripts, and 
 asserted that their "codices" were " antiquissimi 
 et vetustissimi,"t when, in reality, they could not 
 have reached beyond two hundred years. (2.) That 
 when the manuscripts differed in their readings, 
 they preferred those which were more conformable 
 with the Vulgate. J But this is a circumstance which 
 must not be dealt with too severely, since the result 
 
 * Griesbach, Appendix, pp. 7, 8. "Waleh, p. 438. 
 
 t The same happened to Erasmus, who also calls his manu- 
 scripts " vetustissimos, veneranda3 autiquitatis ;" and yet they 
 did not date beyond the eleventh or twelfth century. (See 
 Ernesti, "Neue Theol. Bibliothek," bd. vi. a. 718.) 
 
 J Grriesbach, N. Test. Proleg., pp. 6 and 9.
 
 172 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the labours of our biblical scholars at the present 
 day tends to strengthen the conviction that the 
 Vulgate had for its basis most excellent manu- 
 scripts.* In any case, the Complutensian text 
 adheres to the Vulgate much less than that of Eras- 
 mus, who, it is well known, in his first editions of 
 the New Testament, translated several passages 
 from the Vulgate through the want of Greek 
 manuscripts, f 
 
 It cannot, indeed, be denied, that the editors of 
 the Complutensian Bible possessed none of the best 
 and most ancient manuscripts ; for their text is 
 throughout conformable to recent manuscripts, 
 
 * On the " Comma Joanneum," see the letters of his 
 Eminence Cardinal Wiseman (mentioned in a preceding note) ; 
 also Perrone, " Praelectiones," torn. ii. p. 294, &c. The following 
 are their principal reasons for supporting the text in 1 St. John 
 V. 7: 
 
 1. Christianity reached the north of Africa, from Italy, at the 
 commencement of the second century, if not before. 
 
 2. With the faith, Home also sent the Holy Scripture. 
 
 3. The Bible was translated into Latin in Africa not in Rome, 
 where every one understood the Greek language ; a translation 
 was therefore useless. Lachmann admits this conclusion of the 
 cardinal (Nov. Test. Graece et Latine, torn. i. proleg. p. 11, &c.). 
 
 4. This translation was made in the second century. Tertulliau, 
 St. Cyprian, &c., made use of it. 
 
 5. It must have had for its basis a Greek text more ancient 
 than any of the Greek manuscripts known to us at the present 
 day, which at the most do not extend beyond the third century. 
 
 G. Now, the " Comaia Joanueum" is found in the ancient Latin 
 version made in Africa. It must, therefore, have been in the 
 ancient Greek manuscript sent from Home to Africa ; and conse- 
 quently its antiquity is greater than the most ancient manuscripts 
 which we possess. 
 
 7. The " Comma " is wanting in the manuscripts of later date ; 
 which may have happened either through its being omitted by 
 anti-trinitarian heretics, or through the fault of the copyists, by 
 the fimilarity of words occurring near each other. Thus the 
 " Codex Veronesus " omits verse 8, because it commences and ends 
 like verse 6; and yet its authenticity is acknowledged by critics. 
 
 f lljiulcin, "Einl. iu's N. Test.," thl. ii. s. 200.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 173 
 
 when these differ from the ancient, while it never 
 agrees with the ancient in opposition to recent 
 manuscripts.* 
 
 It is also proved that the editors had not the use 
 of the venerahle Codex Vaticanus (B) ; whether it 
 was not then to be found in the Vatican, or whether 
 the librarian himself did not lend it to them, is now 
 uncertain. t What particular manuscripts were sent 
 to them from Rome cannot be discovered, because 
 hitherto they have not been found in that city ; and 
 also because Griesbach, Scholz, and others, who 
 have examined and compared the different manu- 
 scripts of the New Testament which are preserved 
 in the Vatican library, assure us that none of them 
 have served as a basis for the Complutensian text. 
 Perhaps and this is the opinion of Ernesti \ the 
 copies sent to Ximenez belonged, not to the Vatican 
 library, but to the pope himself ; and after his death 
 they may have passed into other hands. 
 
 We may also form another supposition, viz., that 
 after the manuscripts had been consulted, they may 
 have remained at Alcala, and have shared the sad fate 
 of those others used for the Complutensian Polyglot. 
 In the year. 1784, a German professor, named Dr. 
 Moldenhawer, went to Alcala, in order to inspect 
 on the spot the precious manuscripts ; but on his 
 arrival, he found, to his great sorrow, that in the 
 year 1749 the librarian had sold them all, " as waste 
 
 * Griesbach, Prolog., p. 7. 
 
 t The celebrated "Codex Vaticanus" seems to have been written 
 about the fifth century. Its antiquity, however, has been variously 
 estimated by different critics. Mill quite takes it for granted 
 that this codex was used by the Complutensian editors ; but he 
 does not prove his assertions, which are mere conjectures. 
 Dr. Hefele seems to have good ground for supposing that the 
 codex was not known to the- editors of the Bible of Alcala. 
 Trans. 
 
 I " JSTeue Theol. Bibliothek," bd. vi. s. 725.
 
 174 THE LIFE OF 
 
 paper," to a rocket-maker of the name of Torzo I 
 In almost the same way did Ludwig of Wurtem- 
 berg act, by taking a great number of manuscripts 
 away from the celebrated monastery of Hirsau, and 
 putting them in " usum bombardicum."* Professor 
 Tychsen, the companion of Dr. Moldenhawer, con- 
 firms the account about the manuscripts of Alcalajf 
 and adds, moreover, that a learned Spaniard, named 
 Martinez, when he first heard of such vandalism, 
 endeavoured to save such a treasure from destruction. 
 But all had perished, with the exception of a few 
 leaves. These he preserved, and collecting them 
 together, deposited them in the library at Alcala. 
 Marsh,} having given these details, draws the con- 
 clusion that the manuscripts, having been written 
 on paper, must have been of no great antiquity ; 
 because parchment could not have been made use of 
 for rockets. 
 
 But though the barbarous act of a librarian may 
 have rendered impossible any further research 
 respecting the character of the manuscripts used 
 by the editors of the Complutensian Bible, still I 
 believe we can form a correct judgment respecting 
 their antiquity from the nature and form of the 
 Greek letters employed in the Polyglot. Ximenez 
 must first have the types cast, and this was done, 
 very probably, according to the model which the 
 form of his manuscripts furnished : hence we may 
 draw the conclusion that the manuscripts written 
 in small letters date from the 9th to the 13th 
 
 * Feilmoser, "Einl. in's N. Test.," 2te Aufl. a. 625. 
 
 t This account has already been given in a preceding note, 
 taken from Michaelis. Trans. 
 
 J Herbert Marsh, who died bishop of Peterborough. He 
 translated " The Introduction" of Michaelis into English ; a 
 work which, though abounding with much critical learning, is too 
 full of German rationalism to be safely followed. The bishop 
 himself was also unfortunately tainted with it. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 175 
 
 centuries. According to the researches made by 
 critics, it seems that the readings in the Complu- 
 tensian a,gree the nearest with those manuscripts 
 which are now designated under the names of Codex 
 Havniensis 1, Laudianus 2, Yindobonensis Lambeci 
 35, and Codex Guelpherbytanus C.* 
 
 There is no doubt but that the modern recensions 
 of texts are far superior to those of the Compluten- 
 sian Bible ; but yet it will always have the honour 
 and glory of having been the " first " among the 
 Polyglots, and the most ancient of the editions of 
 the New Testament. 
 
 Time has, indeed, robbed Alcala of its ancient 
 glory her university; but the Bible of Alcala, though 
 so few copies of it were printed, remains for all 
 time in honour and renown, and raises itself aloft 
 untouched amidst the ruin and desolation which 
 for fifty years have laid waste unfortunate Spain. 
 Political revolutionists have, alas ! destroyed or 
 suppressed all those magnificent colleges which 
 Ximenez believed he had established for ever ; but 
 amidst the ruin of his buildings they cannot bury 
 the glorious name of their founder, and much less 
 can they silence the voice of his great Polyglot, 
 which will proclaim to posterity both the glory of 
 its originator, and his undying love for biblical 
 pursuits. 
 
 * Hanlein, " Einl. in's N. Test,," thl. ii. s. 259. These manu- 
 scripts are described in Michaelis. (See his " Introduction," 
 English ed.)
 
 176 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 OTHER LITERAEY LABOURS OP XIMENEZ. THE MOZARABIC 
 LITUEGT. 
 
 As Ximenez intended his Polyglot, for theological 
 studies, so also was he anxious, at the same time, 
 to promote philosophical pursuits by means of a 
 great work of a similar character. For this object 
 he chose Juan Vergara,* and some other learned 
 men, well skilled in the Greek and Latin languages ; 
 to them he gave a commission to prepare a complete 
 edition of the works of Aristotle. At this period 
 the Peripatetic philosophy was held in high repute, 
 especially in Spain, an inheritance which had come 
 down to the Christians from the time of the Moors. 
 It was, then, but natural that the art of printing, re- 
 cently in vented, after having consecrated its first effort 
 to the Book of all books, should immediately after- 
 wards offer its services to the prince of philosophers. 
 Although Aldus Manutius had already published at 
 Venice, between the years 1495 and 1498, the first 
 Greek edition of Aristotle, in five volumes folio, 
 yet Ximenez wished to enrich science with a much 
 better edition, which, in addition to the Greek text, 
 and an ancient Latin version of it, was to contain 
 in a third column a new Latin translation, the object 
 of which was to correct and elucidate the obscurities 
 of the first edition. Vergara applied himself imme- 
 diately to the work, and translated a number of the 
 
 * He died canon of Alcala, in 1557. Gomez gives a few de- 
 tails about him, in liis " Life of Ximenez," lib. ii.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 177 
 
 physical, psychological, and metaphysical treatises 
 of the Stagiritc. But as the publication was deferred 
 till the completion of the Polyglot, the death of 
 the archbishop, which soon followed, put a stop 
 to the noble enterprise. The materials, however, 
 which were already complete, were deposited in the 
 library belonging to the cathedral of Toledo. But 
 there appeared no second Ximenez to carry on the 
 work. 
 
 The works of the celebrated Spanish critic, Alfonso 
 Tostatus,* bishop of Avila, met with a more fortu- 
 nate fate ; they were printed for the first time, by 
 the order of Ximenez. Other works of less note 
 also appeared, which the archbishop had printed 
 more for the instruction of the people than for the 
 use of the learned. Some of them were in Latin, 
 and some in Spanish ; and they were published at 
 the same time that the printing of the Polyglot 
 was going on. Among these were the Letters 
 of St. Catharine of Sienna; the writings of St. 
 Angela de Eoligno, and of the holy Abbess 
 Mechthildes; the Ladder of Perfection, by St. 
 John Climacus ; the Rule of Life, by St. Vincent 
 Eerrer and St. Clare ; Meditations on the Life 
 of Christ, by the Carthusian, Landulph ; and a 
 Biography of St. Thomas & Becket, archbishop of 
 Canterbury.! 
 
 The intention of Ximenez, in publishing these 
 works, was that they might find their way into 
 domestic circles, and thereby displace all immoral 
 writings : thus, by multiplying at his own expense 
 these good books, he hoped also to increase and 
 
 * Dr. Dixon gives a short account of this writer, in vol. ii. of 
 his " Introduction," p. 363. He wrote rather diffuse Commen- 
 taries on certain books of Scripture, which display great learning. 
 He died in 1454 or 1455. Trans. 
 
 t Gomez, ibid. p. 967. 
 
 N
 
 178 THE LIFE OF 
 
 extend piety and devotion in every direction ; for 
 this object he gave away an immense number of 
 copies of the works referred to above. They were 
 eagerly received, and read with avidity ; so that in 
 the time of Gomez, fifty years after, very few copies 
 of them could be found.* 
 
 There was also another undertaking of Ximenez 
 which deserves notice, relating in a special manner 
 to the good of his diocese. Hitherto the ecclesiasti- 
 cal music-books, especially in Spain, could only be 
 multiplied in manuscript, and of course were very 
 dear and scarce. The archbishop, therefore, now 
 ordered a great number of new works on ecclesiasti- 
 cal music to be published, containing the whole 
 series of church-offices, together with the notes and 
 other musical additions, on parchment. These he 
 distributed to all the churches of his diocese, in 
 order that the Gregorian Chant, which he loved 
 exceedingly, might be everywhere known and un- 
 derstood. 
 
 Ximenez, being likewise anxious to promote the 
 material prosperity of the country, procured the aid 
 of a clever and experienced agriculturist, named 
 Ferrera, brother to the professor of rhetoric at 
 Alcala. He assisted the cardinal in publishing 
 several popular treatises on agriculture, which he 
 distributed amongst the country-people. Gomez 
 assures us that these publications were quite equal 
 to the ancient classical works on the same subject, 
 and that many years after several editions of them 
 were published, t 
 
 * " Sed hi libri . . paucissimi nunc inveniuntur, et sui 
 pretium raritate adaugent." (Lib. ii. p. 39, ed. Compluti, 1569.) 
 These and other interesting details are mostly taken from Gromez. 
 The account of the Mozarabic Liturgy is given by Florez, in his 
 " Espana Sagrada." Trans. 
 
 t Hoc ille (Ferrera) argumentum ita feliciter tractavit, ut jure
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 179 
 
 Another undertaking of Ximenez deserves honour- 
 able mention, for its object was to promote not only 
 the interests of science, but also those of literature. 
 Whilst he was residing, in the year 1502, at Toledo, 
 (the city where he first conceived the idea of his 
 Polyglot), having had occasion to visit the library 
 of his cathedral, he found that many of the valuable 
 manuscripts were much injured by the humidity of 
 the place. He immediately resolved to erect an en- 
 tirely new building for a library, which should be in 
 a better locality, more spacious, and more airy and 
 lightsome. He also intended to have endowed it 
 with considerable funds, so that it might vie with 
 the Vatican itself in its literary treasures. But this 
 and other intended erections at Alcala were deferred, 
 on account of the enormous expense arising from 
 the publication of the Polyglot ; and at last it un- 
 fortunately happened, that the death of the arch- 
 bishop suddenly put an end to everything. 
 
 This visit, however, to the library at Toledo, was 
 not without profit both to the Church and to 
 science. Ximenez found, amongst the manuscripts 
 there, several which were written in old Gothic 
 characters. By this discovery, the thought occurred 
 to him of preserving from impending destruction 
 the Gothic or Mozarabic Liturgy.* 
 
 The ancient Spanish Liturgy, which was intro- 
 duced into Spain by the apostles of that country, 
 viz., St. Torquatus and his companions (called 
 Septemviri Apostolici), resembled, as Plorezf has 
 proved, the Roman Liturgy, at least in all essential 
 
 cum priscis illis contendat, qui Greece Latineve de ea re scrip- 
 serunt. Quanti vero fiant quae scripsit, testimonio sunt crebrae 
 illorum voluminum editiones, nostri nimirum homiuibus ea 
 semper avide exoptantibus." (Gomez, lib. ii.) 
 
 * Gomez, lib. ii. 
 
 t "Espaiia Sagrada," torn. iii. pp. 192 198. 
 
 N 2
 
 180 THE LIFE OF 
 
 points. But this resemblance was soon lost ; because 
 in Borne itself various alterations were made in the 
 Sacrament aries by different popes ; viz., in the sixth 
 and seventh centuries by Leo the Great, Gelasius I., 
 and St. Gregory the Great.* Then there came into 
 Spain, soon after this period, the Alani, the Suevi, 
 the Vandals, and Visigoths, t all of whom were 
 Arians. Having conquered the country, they intro- 
 duced their own particular Liturgy, which was in 
 reality like the Latin, though composed according 
 to the model of the Grasco-Arian.J The Arian and 
 ancient Spanish rite existed together for some time. 
 But the old orthodox Church, through Arian bar- 
 barities and intolerance, soon saw herself reduced 
 to such destitution, that nothing but confusion and 
 disorder surrounded her rites and ceremonies. But 
 the evil was still greater : the violent system of 
 proselytism made use of by the Arian conquerors 
 had for its object to make both their religion and 
 their Liturgy dominant in Spain ; the consequence of 
 which was, in some places, a mixture at least of 
 the ancient and new rites. Thus certain elements, 
 if not entirely Arian, still foreign and Grecian in 
 their origin, gradually crept into the ancient Liturgy, 
 and developed themselves still more under the 
 influence of Grecian priests who came and settled 
 in the country. Indeed, from the commencement 
 of the fourth century, viz. from the time of Hosius 
 of Cordova, we know that a frequent intercourse 
 subsisted between the Spanish Church and that 
 of Constantinople ; while, in the commencement of 
 
 * Florez, torn. iii. p. 209. 
 
 t See Gibbon, for an account of these tribes (vols. ii. and iii. 
 Bohn's ed. 1854). Trans. 
 
 J In Spanien einfielen und ihre eigene, der Griechisch- 
 Arianischen nachgebildete, aber doch Lateinische Liturgie, nach 
 Spanien mitbrachten." (Dr. Hefele, pp. 150, 151.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 181 
 
 the fifth century, we find that Pope Hormisdas 
 considered it his duty to put John, archbishop of 
 Tarragona, on his guard respecting certain Grecian 
 clergy who were then resident in Spain.* In a 
 word, it is very probable that the heresy of Pris- 
 cillian,t not yet extinguished at this period, con- 
 tributed its share towards corrupting the ancient 
 Spanish Liturgy ,J To such an extent was this 
 evil carried, that, in the year 537, Profuturus, 
 archbishop of Galicia, wrote to Pope Yigilius for 
 advice in this matter. His holiness sent him the 
 canon of the mass according to the Roman rite, 
 together with the entire mass for Easter, that these 
 might serve as models for the reformation of the 
 Spanish Liturgy. 
 
 But a very important change took place in this 
 Liturgy when, towards the end of the sixth century, 
 the Visigoth kings were converted to the Catholic 
 faith. In the fourth council of Toledo, held under 
 King Sisenand, in the year 633, the Spanish bishops, 
 with St. Isidore of Seville (who died in 636) at 
 their head, resolved to put an end to the diversity of 
 rites which then prevailed, and to establish through- 
 out the whole of the country one and the same 
 Liturgy and Psalmody. Por this object, the bishops 
 undertook to give to each priest, at his ordination, 
 
 * Florez, torn. iii. p. 222. 
 
 t See a learned note of Alban Butler, in the " Life of 
 St. Martin" (Nov. 11), on Priscillianism. It was supported in 
 Spain by the severe laws of Honorius, the zeal of St. Leo, and of 
 St. Turibius, a Spanish bishop. Trans. 
 
 Florez, torn. iii. p. 219. 
 
 The learned Jesuit, Mariana, in his " History," gives us most 
 interesting details connected with this and other early kings of 
 Spain, as well as general information, to which modern writers 
 are much indebted. (See " Historia General de Espafia," ed. 
 Madrid, 1623.) Another edition appeared in 1780, which is 
 superior to the former. Trans.
 
 182 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a ritual, to which he was strictly obliged to adhere 
 in the performance of his sacred functions.* It is very 
 prohahle that St. Isidoref himself, who was then the 
 most illustrious of all the Spanish bishops, under- 
 took the compilation of the new Liturgy ; and that 
 he was enabled, from the ancient liturgical books 
 still existing, to collect materials which would be 
 useful to him, and so to compile the work by making 
 certain alterations and additions, or suppressing what 
 was unnecessary. Hence it is that the work often 
 bears his name ; and the mistake arose already 
 refuted by Cardinal Bona that St. Isidore himself 
 was the author of the new Missal and other 
 works. I 
 
 This Gothic Liturgy, with part of it in Greek and 
 part in Latin, soon came into general use in Spain. 
 It extended everywhere, without being influenced in 
 any way by the reform of St. Gregory the Great, 
 which about this time began to be adopted, when, at 
 the commencement of the eighth century, the Moors 
 conquered the greater part of the country. Every 
 one knows that numbers of the Spaniards remained 
 on the battle-field, while others took refuge in the 
 Sierras of the north, in order to preserve their liberty. 
 But those who were willing to submit to the Moors 
 were allowed to preserve and practise their religion 
 without any danger. Those living under the Moorish 
 power received the name of "Mostarabuna," that 
 
 * Harduin, " Collectio Concil." torn. iii. p. 579, cap. 2. 
 
 t See a short account of Isidore, in Mariana's " Historia de 
 Espana," libro sexto, cap. 7 ; also a note of Alban Butler, in the 
 Life of the Saint, April 4th. There seems to be a great difference 
 of opinion amongst the learned respecting the real origin of the 
 Mozarabic Missal and Breviary. P. Lesley, a Jesuit, gave a new 
 edition of the Liturgy, at Rome, in 1755. Trans. 
 
 J See Stolberg's " Geschichte der Religion Jesu Christi," con- 
 tinued by Dr. Brischar, of Tubingen. (Bd. xlvi. s. 402 404.) 
 
 Signifying, " Mixed with Arabs." It is an Arabic participle.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 183 
 
 is, Arabizants ; while at the same time their Liturgy 
 also was soon called the Mostarabic, the Muzar- 
 abic, Mozarabic, or Mixt-Arabic. 
 
 Not long after, the rise of the heresy of the 
 Adoptians made this Liturgy suspected of contain- 
 ing false doctrine ; for Glipandas, of Toledo, who 
 was the chief of these heretics, had quoted some 
 passages from it in support of his errors. The synod 
 of Frankfort (held in 794) believed his assertions, 
 and therefore showed itself to be very unfavourable 
 to this Liturgy.* Plorez, however, tries to prove 
 that the Adoptians quoted, not genuine, but false 
 passages from the Mozarabic Liturgy, f As to the 
 approbation which, about one hundred and thirty 
 years later, Pope John X. (in the year 924) for- 
 mally gave to the Mozarabic Liturgy, this rests 
 only on a single document, which is certainly not 
 genuine. J 
 
 Whilst the Mozarabians lived under the dominion 
 of the Moors, their brethren, who possessed liberty, 
 were beginning gradually to recover a great part of 
 their native land ; until at last Toledo, the ancient 
 capital of the Visigoth kings, was once more con- 
 quered. About this period, a change in the Liturgy 
 took place among the Spaniards who were free ; for 
 the popes Alexander II. and St. Gregory VII. were 
 enabled by the legates Hugo Candidus and Cardinal 
 Richard to introduce into Castile and Aragon the 
 Gregorian rite, in place of the ancient Gothic one. 
 In Aragon, King Sancho Ramirez had effected 
 this change at the Synod of San Juan de la Pena, 
 under Pope Alexander II. But about the same 
 time, Alfonso VI., king of Castile, by the advice of his 
 
 * Harduin, " Collect. Concil." torn. iv. p. 885. 
 
 t Florez, torn. iii. p. 270. 
 
 J Florez, Appendix, torn. iii. p. 29. 
 
 Or Bamiro, as Mariana calls him. Trans.
 
 184 THE LIFE OF 
 
 queen, Constantia, who had been accustomed to the 
 Gregorian rite in her native country of France, and 
 who now regretted that it was not followed in Spain, 
 wrote to the Abbot Hugo of Clugny, expressing a 
 wish for the pope to send into Spain Cardinal 
 Girald, who was then nuncio in France, in order to 
 introduce the Roman Liturgy. The violence, how- 
 ever, with which this cardinal conducted matters, 
 prevented at first any good effect ; and though, in 
 the year 1074, the Castilian bishops promised their 
 assistance to the newly-elected pope, Gregory VII., 
 and Alfonso VI. had even made a law for the intro- 
 duction of the Liturgy, still the synod held at Bur- 
 gos, in 1077, offered the most energetic opposition 
 to it. As, therefore, the two parties could not come 
 to any agreement, it was determined to decide the 
 matter by single combat, according to the custom of 
 the times ! The knight of the Mozarabic Liturgy 
 gained the victory. But King Alfonso then soli- 
 cited the pope to send another legate ; and accord- 
 ingly Gregory VII. appointed Cardinal Richard, 
 who was at last enabled, by the support which he 
 received from the king and most of the bishops, to 
 introduce the Roman Liturgy into the whole of Cas- 
 tile, in the year 1085. The celebrated council of 
 Burgos, held in 1085, solemnly sanctioned this 
 introduction.* 
 
 When, a few years later, Toledo was recovered 
 and annexed to the crown of Castile, the Gre- 
 gorian rite was adopted in place of the Moza- 
 rabic. The choice was confirmed in a council held 
 in that ancient royal city (which was again honoured 
 as the primatial see) in the year 1088. But 
 the approval of the council raised such a powerful 
 
 * Stolberg's " Geschichte," &c., continued by Dr. Brischar, 
 bd. xlvi. B. 407 414 ; also Florez, torn. iii. p. 299, &c.
 
 CAEDINAL XIMENEZ. 185 
 
 opposition amongst those who adhered to the Moza- 
 rabic Liturgy, that it was considered necessary this 
 time to decide the matter by having recourse to the 
 "judgment of God" (Gottesurtheil). A copy of 
 both Liturgies was accordingly thrown into a blazing 
 fire. The Gregorian copy rebounded from the pile 
 of wood and fell by the side of it, while the Moza- 
 rabic remained uninjured in the midst of the flames. 
 The inhabitants of Toledo exulted over the victory. 
 But the king decided, that as both Liturgies appeared 
 to be respected by the fire, so they should both be 
 allowed in his kingdom. This decision, it is said, gave 
 rise to the proverb, " "Where kings wish, there the 
 laws go."* 
 
 But though the king recognized both Liturgies, 
 he was far from granting them equal rights. The 
 Mozarabic Liturgy was only allowed in Toledo, and 
 in these six parish churches of St. Justa, St. Luke, 
 St. Eulalia, St. Marc, St. Torquatus, and St. Sebas- 
 tian, in the same city : these parishes were inhabited 
 by Christians living under the Moorish dominion. 
 But all the other churches of the city and of the 
 kingdom were obliged to use the Gregorian rite. 
 But in course of time, when the Mozarabic families 
 died, or, through mixing with strangers, lost all 
 attachment to their ancient Liturgy, then the Gre- 
 gorian began by degrees to be adopted in the above- 
 mentioned six parishes; until, at last, the Mozarabic 
 Liturgy was used only on certain festivals of the 
 year, to keep up the memory of it. 
 
 * " Alia van leyes, donde quieren reyes," as quoted by 
 Mariana, who gives the curious details connected with the trial of 
 the two Liturgies (libro nono, cap. xviii. p. 444, ed. Madrid, 
 1623). According to Archbishop Eodrigo, it seems that the 
 Gregorian or Roman Liturgy was really burnt. The words of 
 the archbishop are quoted by Eobles, from a work entitled, " De 
 Commutatione Officii Toletani." (See Bobles, p. 235.) Trans.
 
 186 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Such was the state of matters when Ximenez 
 took possession of the primatial see of Toledo. His 
 predecessor, Cardinal Mendoza, had heen engaged 
 in the same object, viz. that of restoring the Moza- 
 rabic rite. But Ximenez effected what death pre- 
 vented Mendoza from accomplishing. He carefully 
 collected all the best manuscripts of the said Liturgy, 
 and chose Canon Alfonso Ortiz, together with three 
 parish priests attached to the churches of the 
 Mozarabic rite, to revise the manuscripts ; he also 
 changed the ancient Gothic characters (not the 
 language) for the Castilian* letters, and expended 
 a considerable sum in the printing of a great num- 
 ber of Mozarabic Missals and Breviaries : this was 
 done by the assistance of Melchior Gutierrez, of 
 Toledo, f 
 
 But, in order that the Mozarabic rite might for 
 the future rest on a more secure foundation, Xime- 
 nez erected a very beautiful chapel, called " Ad 
 Corpus Christi," in his own cathedral : he also 
 founded a college of thirteen priests for the Moza- 
 rabic rite, who were called " Mozarabes Sodales, or 
 Capellani," with a head chaplain, named Capellanus 
 Major. These celebrated the divine office every day, 
 and recited the canonical hours according to this 
 Liturgy. They also exercised the right of presenta- 
 tion to all ecclesiastical posts in the six parish 
 churches of the Mozarabic rite. The patronage of 
 
 * Bobles says, Ximenez changed the characters " de la letra 
 Gotica en la letra Latina" (p. 236). Trans. 
 
 t Q-omez, lib. ii. fol. 41. Binterim, in his " Denkwiirdigkeiten 
 der Christi. Kirche," bd. iv. thl. iii. s. 116. This last writer gives 
 1500 as the date of the publication : we certainly read this date 
 at page 474 of the Mozarabic Missal, reprinted in 1755. But if 
 we are to follow Gomez, the most ancient biographer of Ximenez, 
 it seems that the Mozarabic books must have been printed about 
 the period of Queen Isabella's death, viz. in 1504. (See Gomez, 
 lib. iii.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 187 
 
 these institutions was confided to the chapter of 
 Toledo.* 
 
 Other hishops followed the example of Ximenez ; 
 so that in the 16th century similar institutions arose 
 at Salamanca and Valladolid. The first was founded 
 by Patriz Maldonato de Talavera, and the other by 
 Pedro Gasca, bishop of Sagunto.t 
 
 Thus it is to Ximenez that we are indebted at the 
 present day for our knowledge of this Liturgy, so 
 venerable for its antiquity and deep piety. In less 
 than half a century after the death of Ximenez, 
 the books that were published by him became so 
 scarce, that a single copy of a Missal was sold, 
 in the presence of Gomez, for 30 ducats. But 
 now Mozarabic copies of the Missals and the 
 Liturgy may be found in almost every library ; for 
 an edition was reprinted in Rome in the year 
 17554 
 
 It would be out of place here to enter into any 
 long details connected with this Liturgy ; they may 
 be found in Robles, Pinius, Thomasius, Bona, Mar- 
 tene, Aguirre, and others. Still, a short description 
 of the Mozarabic Mass may not be unacceptable to 
 the reader. It commences by a prayer, a little 
 different from the Homan rite, at the steps of the 
 altar : the psalm " Judica" (Psalm xlii.) and the 
 
 * Eobles (p. 237, &c.) gives a long description of this founda- 
 tion, of its chapels, revenue, &c. He himself was one of the 
 chaplains, and was a cure at the church of the Mozarabic rite of 
 St. Mark, in Toledo, about the year 1600. His " Compendio de 
 la Vida y Hazanas" of Ximenez was published in 1604, at 
 Toledo. 
 
 t Binterim, loco citato, p. 117. 
 
 j By the learned Jesuit F. Lesley. Trans. 
 
 Cardinal Aguirre died in Home, in 1699. His celebrated 
 work, entitled " Collectio Maxima Conciliorum Hispania? et Novi 
 Orbis," was published in Some, in 1693, 1694. Another edition 
 appeared in 1753, 6 vols. folio. Trans.
 
 188 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " Confession of Sins" form the principal parts. The 
 " Introit" varies according to the festivals, but 
 differs considerably from ours. The " Gloria in 
 Excelsis" follows, or, on certain days, the canticle 
 of the " Three Children in the Furnace ;" then comes 
 a prayer and a lesson from the Old Testament, 
 amongst which prayers are versicles quite different 
 from those in the E-oman Missal. After the gradual 
 called " Psallendum," comes the epistle, properly 
 so called, which is distinct from the lesson, and is 
 always taken from the New Testament, and generally 
 from the epistles. It is announced by the priest 
 or deacon in these words : " Silentium facite." 
 It commences, as our gospel does, with the 
 " Sequentia," * &c. ; to which the choir answers, 
 " Deo gratias," and, at the end of the epistle, 
 " Amen." 
 
 The gospel, on the other hand, is announced by 
 the form, " Lectio sancti Evangelii ;" to which the 
 choir answers, as with us, " Gloria tibi, Domine." 
 It generally begins with these words, " In illis 
 diebus ;" and at the end of it the people answer, 
 " Amen." 
 
 A second book (which is necessary for the Moz- 
 arabic Mass), called " Omnium Offerentium" (that 
 is, Liber), is placed on the epistle side of the altar. 
 It contains prayers common to all the Masses ; and 
 the " Offertory" commences with prayers similar to 
 those in our Missals, though not alike. After the 
 " Offertory," as is the case in the ancient Greek and 
 Milanese Liturgies, a series of prayers come, the 
 third of which, by its title, " Post Nomina," alludes 
 
 * On certain days, such as the Ascension and Pentecost, &c., 
 there is read, instead of the epistle, a passage from the Acts of the 
 Apostles, with the initial form " Principium Libri Actuuin," or 
 "Lectio Libri Actuum." (See the Mozarabic Missal, p. 250 250, 
 ed. Komje, 1755.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 189 
 
 to the reading of the dyptichs which preceded the 
 Offertory. After the fourth prayer, entitled " Ad 
 Pacem," the kiss of peace takes place, which is given 
 here, as in the Greek and Milanese Liturgy, not after , 
 but before, the consecration. The priest kisses the 
 paten, and thus receives the peace ; he then gives it 
 to the deacon, and the deacon gives it to the nearest 
 person among the people. 
 
 The preface, called the " Illatio," * that is, the con- 
 clusion (viz. of the first part of the Mass), often 
 varies in its form. It begins by the words, " Introibo 
 ad altare Dei ;" to which the choir answers, " Ad 
 Deum, qui Igetificat juventutem meam." Then 
 come the following versicles. The priest says, 
 " Aures ad Dominum ;" to which the choir responds, 
 " Habemus ad Dominum;" the priest, " Sursum 
 corda;" the choir, " Levemus ad Dominum;" the 
 priest, " Deo ac Domino nostro Jesu Christo Eilio 
 Dei, qui est in coelis, dignas laudes dignasque 
 gratias referamus;" the choir, "Dignum et justum 
 est." The preface itself commences, as with us, 
 by the words, " Dignum et justum est, nos tibi 
 gratias agere;" and concludes with the Trisagion, 
 Sanctus, &c. 
 
 Up to this part, the Mozarabic Liturgy bears a 
 great resemblance to the Roman ; but in the canon 
 of the Mass there is a great difference. After the 
 Trisagion (or Sanctus), and a short prayer called 
 the " Post-sanctus," the consecration immediately 
 follows. It is then, as with us, that the Host and 
 chalice are elevated before the people ; while in the 
 Greek Mass this takes place after the consecration, 
 immediately before the communion. During the 
 
 * In a work by Thomasius, entitled " Codices Sacramentorum " 
 (Eomse, 1680), and which contains a " Missale Gothicum," the 
 preface is called " Immolatio Missae." Tram.
 
 190 THE LIFE OF 
 
 consecration, the priest of the Mozarabic rite uses 
 these words : " Adesto, adesto, Jesu bone, Pontifex 
 in medio nostri;* sicut fuisti in medio discipulorum 
 tuorum : sancti^fica hanc oblationem :J<ut sancti- 
 ficata>J<sumamus per manus sancti angeli tui, 
 sancte Domine ac E/edemptor seterne. Dominus 
 noster Jesus Christus in qu& nocte tradebatur, 
 accepit panem; et gratias agens bene^dixit ac 
 fregit ; deditque discipulis suis, dicens : Accipite et 
 manducate. Hoc : est : corpus : meum : quod : pro : 
 vobis : tradetur." f Then the priest elevates the 
 sacred Host, and thus continues : " Quotiescunque 
 manducaveritis, hoc facite in meam^commemora- 
 tionem." Taking the chalice, he says : " Similiter 
 et calicem postquam ccenavit, dicens : Hic>J<est : 
 calix : novi : testamenti : in : meo : sanguine ; 
 qui : pro : vobis : et : pro : multis : effundetur : in : 
 remissionem : peccatorum." The sacred chalice, 
 covered with a pall, called " filiola," is then shown 
 to the people ; and the priest adds the words, "Quo- 
 tiescunque biberitis, hoc facite in meam^comme- 
 morationem." The choir answers, " Amen." 
 
 After a few more short prayers, and another 
 elevation of the Host, comes the Credo, J which in 
 
 * These words are used at the commencement of the canon, 
 according to Robles " Comien9a luego el sacerdote consecu- 
 tivamente el sacro canon, con aquellas palabras .... Adesto, 
 adesto, Jesu bone, Pontifex in medio nostri," &c. This writer, 
 as one of the Mozarabic chaplains at Toledo, gives a very inter- 
 esting account of the Mozarabic Mass. (See cap. xxvii. of his 
 " Compendio de la Vida y Hazanas del Cardenal Ximenez.) 
 Trans. 
 
 t This form of consecration is almost all taken from the words 
 of St. Paul. 1 Epist. Corinth, chap. xi. 24. We have copied the 
 form, word for word, together with the punctuation, from the 
 Mozarabic Missal. 
 
 J I use the word " credo," but in the Mozarabic Liturgy it is 
 always " credimus." (Robles, p. 289.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 191 
 
 the Roman Liturgy is recited before the offertory, 
 but in the Greek immediately after. The Creed is 
 that of Constantinople and Nice, with the addition 
 of " Pilioque ;" but it is translated quite differently 
 from ours. I am convinced, by comparing the 
 symbol of the Mozarabic Liturgy with that which 
 comes in the Acts of the third Council of Toledo 
 (held in 589, when the Visigoths were Catholics), 
 that both rites completely agree with each other, 
 with the exception of a few unimportant parts ; 
 and that the Mozarabic symbol is no other than an 
 ancient translation of the old Spanish (Toletana) 
 symbol, remodelled so as to resemble in some respect 
 the Roman Credo. By a canon of the council of 
 Toledo, the Credo has its proper place in the Moz- 
 arabic Liturgy.* 
 
 The breaking of the Host is a rite exceedingly 
 peculiar. The priest divides the sacred Host into 
 two parts ; these are again divided, one into five 
 and the other into four parts.f These he ranges on 
 the paten, on which is engraved a cross formed of 
 seven small circles, in such a manner that each 
 circle receives the first seven particles of the Host. 
 The two other particles are also placed on the 
 paten, to the right of the cross. Each of these 
 nine parts has a name corresponding with some 
 period in the life of our Lord. These are the names 
 in order : 1. Corporatio ; 2. Nativitas ; 3. Circum- 
 cisio ; 4. Apparitio ; 5. Passio ; 6. Mors ; 7. Re- 
 surrectio; 8. Gloria; 9. Regnum. Their proper 
 
 * Concil. Tolet. III. Canon 2. Apud Harduin, torn. iii. p. 479. 
 See also Aguirre, Concil. Hispanise, torn. ii. p. 349. 
 
 t Thus making nine divisions, to correspond with the nine 
 principal mysteries of the Catholic faith, contained in the 
 " Creed" already recited by the priest. (Eobles, p. 289.) 
 Trans.
 
 192 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 arrangement will be understood from the following 
 figure :* 
 
 RECNUM 
 9 
 
 After the breaking of the bread comes the 
 " Pater noster," with a rather long introduction.! 
 To each petition the choir answers, Amen. Then 
 the priest, after having prayed for the afflicted, for 
 
 * Oorporatio is the same as Incarnatio ; and Apparitio the same 
 as Epiphania. (Eobles, p. 290.) Trans. 
 
 t It corresponds with the " Oremus, Prseceptis salutaribus 
 moniti," &c. in the Koman Liturgy. (Eobles, p. 291.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 193 
 
 those in prison, for the sick, and for the dead, 
 strikes his breast, as is done with us at the " Nobis 
 quoque peccatoribus." He then takes the particle, 
 " Regnum," and lets it fall into the chalice, saying 
 the proper words* prescribed. 
 
 The blessing of the people immediately follows ; 
 then comes the communion, during which the 
 choir sings, " Gustate et videte, quam suavis est 
 Dominus," &c. The priest then takes the particle 
 "Gloria," saying, "Panemcoelestemde mensaDomini 
 accipiam, et nomen Domini invocabo :" he prays 
 for the dead, says the " Domine, non sum dignus," 
 striking his breast three times ; he then consumes 
 the particle " Gloria," together with the others, one 
 by one. Then he receives the precious blood, and 
 afterwards the ablutions, and recites another prayer. 
 
 The deacon then removes the Liber Offerentium 
 from the altar, and places on the Epistle side the 
 proper Missal, from which the priest reads the post- 
 communion. Instead of our "Ite Missa est," he says, 
 " Solemnia completa sunt, in nomine Domini nostri 
 Jesu Christi; votum nostrum sit acceptum cum 
 pace;" to which the choir answers, "Deo gratias." But 
 on feasts of no particular solemnity, the priest merely 
 says, " Missa act a est, in nomine Domini nostri Jesu 
 Christi; perficiamus cum pace." Then comes the 
 " Salve Regina," after which the priest, turning 
 towards the people, f blesses them in these words, 
 
 * Which are, " Saneta Sanctis, Conjunctio Corporis et San- 
 guinis," &c. Dr.' Hefele omits mentioning a very curious 
 ceremony which takes place from Easter till "Whitsuntide at 
 Mass ; and is also used on Corpus Christi. It is this : When the 
 priest holds the particle " Eegnum " over the chalice, he says, three 
 times, in a loud voice, as if singing the victory of our Lord over 
 death" Vicit Leo de tribu Judae ; Kadix David, Alleluia 1" The 
 choir answers each time " Qui sedes super Cherubim ; Eadix 
 David, Alleluia !" Eobles, p. 292. Trans. 
 
 t According to Binterim (p. 131), this is the only time that 
 
 O
 
 194 THE LIFE OP 
 
 " In imitate Sancti Spiritus benedicat vos Pater et 
 Films, Amen :" after which he leaves the altar, and 
 unvests in the sacristy. 
 
 Having now described the Mass of the Mozarabic 
 Liturgy, let us return to Ximenez. It certainly 
 seems remarkable that a man who loved and pro- 
 moted so much all branches of knowledge, should 
 himself occupy no considerable place in the rank of 
 authors. Our astonishment, however, increases, 
 when we see Ximenez described by his contempo- 
 raries as one "Doctrina singulari oppletus," and 
 compared even with St. Austin for the quickness 
 of his genius.* But without dwelling upon the fact 
 that Ximenez, though so highly educated, was far 
 more conspicuous for his virtue than for his learn- 
 ing, f yet it is evident that his natural character 
 was more practical than theoretical, more formed 
 for action than for writing. Moreover, his many 
 important and various duties, both as a bishop and 
 statesman, could have afforded very little leisure for 
 literary undertakings, even to one whose talents 
 were of the first order ; hence, he who rules others 
 well is justly dispensed from the labours of an 
 author. J 
 
 It is said, however, that Ximenez found sufficient 
 time to compose several theological treatises ; for 
 
 the priest turns round to the people ; but according to the 
 Mozarabic Missal (p. 3), he also turns round before the Preface, 
 when he says : " Adjuvate me, fratres, in orationibus vestris, et 
 orate pro me ad Deum." These words seem to correspond with 
 our " Orate, fratres." (See Quartalschrift, 1849, s. 342.) 
 
 * Peter Martyr (Epist. 108). It is not the judgment merely of 
 Peter Martyr himself, but of others also. 
 
 t " Aiunt homines esse virum, si non literis, morum tamen 
 sanctitate egregium," says Peter Martyr. (Epist. 160.) 
 
 J Dr. Hefele somewhat detracts from the merit of Ximenez by 
 his remarks, for the cardinal certainly found abundance of time 
 for the completion of his Polyglot amidst all his other duties. 
 Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 195 
 
 example, a work entitled " De Natura, Angelica," 
 and another " De Peccatis." These were never 
 printed, but were preserved in manuscript in the 
 monastery of the Blessed Virgin at Salzeda, where 
 Ximenez was once warden. It has likewise been 
 said that there were found at Alcala, composed by 
 Ximenez, a biography of the old Gothic king 
 "Wamba ; and also certain critical treatises and 
 observations on various parts of the Holy Scripture, 
 falsely attributed to Nicholas de Lyra.* It is 
 certainly difficult to determine whether these asser- 
 tions are correct. Gomez is silentf on the subject, 
 while Nicolas Antonio, the learned editor of the 
 " Bibliotheca Hispana," expressly says, " that 
 Ximenez was indeed a very learned man, and pro- 
 moted every branch of knowledge, but that no work 
 of his own was published by him" (s. 11. p. 687). 
 The assertion of Robles, adopted also by Fle'chier, 
 that Ximenez did compose several works, will lose 
 all authority whatever when we remember that the 
 work " De Natura Angelica " was composed, not by 
 our Ximenez (as Robles asserts), but by another, 
 Francisco Ximenez, who lived almost a century 
 before, and was bishop of Elne (or Perpignan), 
 and titular patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 
 It is no less incorrect to ascribe to Ximenez a 
 biography of king Wamba, for the assertion only 
 
 * Robles (p. 114) says : " Cuyo original se conserva oy dia, 
 escrito de su propria mano, en el monasterio de JSTuestra Senora 
 de la Sa^eda." This is certainly strong testimony. (See Flechier, 
 liv. vi. p. 505.) Trans. 
 
 t Cave, " Historia Litteraria," appendix, p. 57. Busse, 
 " Grundridtz der Christl. Literatur," bd. ii. s. 331. 
 
 J Dr. Hefele is mistaken. Gomez expressly says, " Scripsit 
 etiam historiam de rebus gestis a rege Bamba .... qua3 in 
 Bibliotbecis Hispanise asservatur " (folio 22, ed. Complutum, 
 1569.) Trans. 
 
 He died about the year 680. He seems to have been a most 
 
 o 2
 
 196 THE LIFE OF 
 
 rests on a mistake made by Robles, and which has 
 been thoughtlessly copied by Plechier. Gomez 
 relates that Ximenez at his first synod of which 
 we shall soon speak ordered the feast of St. Ilde- 
 fonso of Toledo to be kept as a solemn feast through- 
 out the diocese. On this occasion the historian 
 (Gomez) remarks, that St. Ildefonso (who died in 
 667) left amongst his writings a life of king 
 Wamba. Robles, not understanding this passage 
 properly, ascribes this biography to Ximenez, instead 
 of his ancient predecessor. 
 
 But Ximenez, after all, has done so much, service 
 to literature, by the foundation of the university of 
 Alcala, together with its rich and numerous institu- 
 tions, and also by the publication of his great 
 Polyglot and several other literary undertakings, 
 that his name alone will be immortal. We shall 
 now see how deserving of our esteem was his zeal 
 for the good of his diocese and the reformation of 
 religious orders. 
 
 excellent king. Mariana gives some interesting particulars of 
 his life. (" Historia General de Espana," lib. sext., cap. xiv.) 
 Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 197 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 XIMENEZ IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF HIS DIOCESE. EEFORM 
 OF THE CLEEGY, 8ECTJLAB AND BEGULAE. PIOUS FOUNDA- 
 TIONS. 
 
 XIMENEZ, from the time he became archbishop, 
 gave constant and numerous proofs of his apostolic 
 zeal for the good of his diocese. Even in his literary 
 foundations, it is easy to see that he had the best 
 interests of the Church at heart before all things else. 
 But it is the property of true zeal never to be satis- 
 fied in doing good, and therefore it is, that we 
 behold Ximenez extending his zeal and activity to 
 different objects at one and the same time. One of 
 the principal objects to which he applied his energies 
 was the reformation of morals, especially amongst 
 the clergy of his diocese. 
 
 Many causes had contributed to impair the morals 
 of the Spanish clergy. 
 
 1. The bishops possessed great revenues and 
 widely-extended domains ; they also took an active 
 part in political matters, and even sometimes ex- 
 posed themselves personally to the horrors of war.* 
 
 * According to Marineo Siculo (" Cosas Memorables de 
 Espafia." Alcala, 1539, lib. iv.) the archbishop of Toledo had an 
 annual revenue of 80,000 ducats ; Seville, 24,000 ducats ; San- 
 tiago, 20,000 ducats ; Granada, 10,000 ducats ; the bishop of 
 Burgos, 20,000 ducats ; Siguenza, the same ; Cuen9a, 16,000 
 ducats ; and Segovia, 14,000 ducats. The bishoprics in Aragon 
 were not so richly endowed. (Dr. Hefele should have added, 
 that most of the bishops and archbishops belonging to the dif- 
 ferent sees made a very good use, generally speaking, of their 
 enormous revenues. Now how different is the condition of the 
 Spanish bishops and clergy ! God knows they are poor enough,
 
 198 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The consequence was, that they either became very 
 worldly, or were in a great measure incapacitated 
 from properly fulfilling the duties of the sacred 
 office which they had undertaken.* 
 
 2. The number of ecclesiastics became so great in 
 Spain, that many of them experienced what dangers 
 to morality arise from idleness. 
 
 3. The benefices were numerous and richly en- 
 dowed ; hence, they attracted many to embrace the 
 ecclesiastical state who had not real vocation or 
 sufficient learning. Being thus deprived of two 
 essential elements in the support of a sacerdotal life, 
 they yielded to sensual pleasures, and the enjoy- 
 ments of a dissipated mind. The evil at length 
 became so great that the council of Aranda (in 1473) 
 made a law that no one should be allowed to 
 receive holy orders who was ignorant of the Latin 
 language. Peter Martyr assures us that in his 
 time a clergyman of noble birth who could preach, 
 " was more scarce than a white crow."f 
 
 4. This want of learning in the Spanish clergy 
 favoured the rise and growth of errors under the 
 name of Judaism, which we meet with in the 
 Spanish history of the period ; while, during the 
 fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the opposition 
 which was raised against the Church in Italy took 
 the form of Anti-Trinitarianism (as, for instance, 
 
 and yet how patient, how zealous, and exemplary are they as a 
 body ; this is evident from the interesting article on " Spain," 
 written by his Eminence Cardinal "Wiseman, in the Dublin 
 Beview, No. XXXVI., June, 1845. Trans. 
 
 * The religious wars with the Moors excited for a long time 
 the warlike propensities of several Spanish bishops. Sometimes 
 they took part even in civil commotions. Monks also followed 
 their example occasionally. Clemencin devotes a whole treatise 
 on this subject, viz. the warrior-bishops of Spain, in the " Me- 
 morias de la Real Academia de la Historia," Madrid, 1821 ; torn. vi. 
 ilustrac. 15, p. 388. 
 
 t "Alba cornice rarius." (Epist. 35G.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 199 
 
 Socinus) ; in Germany, that of Predestination 
 (Luther) ; in Spain, on the other hand, learned 
 Jews there were enabled to infect a great part of 
 the clergy with their errors, so that even Chris- 
 tian bishops were secretly attached to Judaism.* 
 If one may credit the statement of a recent English 
 traveller, f vestiges of this attachment to Judaism 
 are yet to be found in the Peninsula. 
 
 5. As in the later period of the middle ages 
 sins of the flesh prevailed to such an extent, so 
 in Spain also they were even more common, be- 
 cause the evil example of the neighbouring Moors 
 exercised a very destructive influence on the manners 
 of the Christians. Another influence, probably no 
 less disastrous, was the corruption of the Castilian 
 court under Henry IV. Cast-off mistresses were 
 made abbesses ! The sovereigns themselves shame- 
 fully denied the sanctity of the marriage state, and 
 almost intentionally endeavoured to root out of their 
 people all feelings of modesty and detestation of 
 impurity. J It was no uncommon thing to behold 
 the concubines seated by the side of the lawful wife ; 
 while ladies of the highest rank were not ashamed 
 to countenance such a state of things : open concu- 
 binage seems to have been almost as freely tolerated : 
 public opinion was silent on the matter. No 
 wonder, then, that this corruption reached even the 
 clergy ; and what was a remarkable feature in the 
 
 * Dr. Hefele here refers to a bishop of Calahorra, and gives for 
 his authority Llorente. "What credit is due to this writer we all 
 know, who have read his mendacious work on the Inquisition. 
 Trans. 
 
 t Borrow's " Bible in Spain." For the character of this work 
 see an article in the Dublin Review, No. XXVIII. 1843. Trans. 
 
 J For example, Catharina von Sandoval, once the king's mis- 
 tress, became abbess of the monastery de San Pedro de las Dueiias, 
 in order (said King Henry) " that she might reform its morals !" 
 (Becker, " Geschich. Ferd. und Isab.," thl. i. s. 36.)
 
 200 THE LIFE OF 
 
 immorality of this period is the fact, that the con- 
 cubines were not so much blamed for their wicked- 
 ness as for the extravagance of their dress.* In a 
 word, the laws of Castile declared that the bastards 
 of ecclesiastics might, in the absence of any will, 
 become lawful heirs, f 
 
 Such was the deep degradation into which the 
 inferior clergy were plunged in Spain. But amongst 
 the bishops, though in general they were not so 
 corrupt, yet many were not without reproach. With- 
 out recalling the case of Rodrigo Luna, archbishop 
 of Santiago, who was deposed in 1458, for having dis- 
 honoured a lady on the day of her marriage, $ Alfonso 
 Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, of whom we have 
 already frequently spoken, had led an unchaste life, 
 and the people were not ashamed to bury his corpse 
 in the Franciscan monastery at Alcala, by the side of 
 his natural son named Troilo. But Ximenez, justly 
 indignant at such a proceeding, ordered the body of 
 the latter to be removed. Fonseca, archbishop of 
 Santiago, bestowed the right of succession to the 
 see on his own son, not, however, without great 
 opposition on the part of Ximenez, as we shall have 
 an opportunity of seeing later. 
 
 6. Another terrible evil was, that very frequently 
 
 * An ordinance (dated 1405) had commanded all the concu- 
 bines of ecclesiastics to wear on their head a piece of red cloth, in 
 order that they might be distinguished from others. (Ferreras, 
 torn. vi. p. 162.) 
 
 t Dr. Hefele quotes Mr. Prescott for his authority. But the 
 statements of this writer with regard to the Spanish clergy of the 
 period under consideration must be received with great caution. 
 Trans. 
 
 J Mariana, lib. xxii. cap. 20. Dr. Hefele speaks of Rodrigo as 
 archbishop of Compostella : but Mariana says he was " Arzobispo 
 de Santiago." This wicked prelate came to an untimely end. 
 Trans. 
 
 Flechier, liv. vi. p. 495. See also Moreri, Diction, art. 
 " Carillo."
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 201 
 
 the bastards of kings and grandees were raised to 
 episcopal sees, there to continue the incontinence of 
 their fathers. Thus, in the time of Ximenez, we 
 see, for example, Alfonso Henriquez occupying the 
 episcopal see of Osma : he was a natural son of the 
 grand-admiral of Castile. Ximenez himself also 
 beheld, in his younger years, the archiepiscopal see 
 of Saragossa, the first in the. kingdom of Aragon, 
 occupied by Don Juan of Aragon, the bastard of 
 King John II. On the death of Don Juan, in 
 1475, Don Alonso of Aragon, a bastard of Ferdinand 
 the Catholic, was raised to the same see (1478) 
 when he was only six years old. Pope Sixtus IV. 
 had long protested against this abuse ; but through 
 political influence, and under a threat of seeing all 
 the church property in Sicily confiscated, he was at 
 last obliged to consent that the bastard should 
 have the perpetual administration of the property 
 belonging to the archbishopric.* 
 
 7. This general corruption had also found its way 
 into the monasteries. The vow of poverty was no 
 longer observed by the mendicant orders; their cells 
 were often changed into magnificent apartments, and 
 asceticism exchanged for luxury. That holy see, it is 
 true, which had so often before stirred up neV life 
 in the Church, and so severely punished wickedness, 
 was at this period occupied by Innocent VIII. and 
 Alexander VI., whose individual sins forbad them 
 to punish the guilt of others. 
 
 A prelate, then, like Ximenez was absolutely 
 necessary for Spain, and also a queen like Isabella ; 
 both of whom exhibited in their unspotted lives 
 the fairest pattern of every virtue. By the purity 
 of their morals they gained the public esteem; 
 
 * Mariana, lib. xxiv. cap. 16. Zurita, "Annales," torn. iv. 
 lib. ix. cap. 23. Ferreras, torn. vii. p. 550.
 
 202 THE LIFE OF 
 
 \ 
 
 and by their wise institutions of every kind, espe- 
 cially the advancement of knowledge amongst the 
 clergy and people in general, they strove to improve 
 their manners and to banish vice. 
 
 "When the chapter of Toledo was informed of the 
 elevation of Ximenez, they appointed two canons, 
 viz. Pranz Alvar and Juan Quintanapallia, to wait 
 on the new prelate. The archbishop took that first 
 opportunity of communicating his views to the 
 clergy. He did not conceal from them his inten- 
 tion of introducing a more strict discipline amongst 
 them; and his wish to commence with the vene- 
 rable chapter itself. Like nearly all other chap- 
 ters, that of Toledo had widely departed from its 
 ancient strictness : the canons had formally aban- 
 doned all traces of community life, and introduced 
 that mode of irregular living so opposed to the very 
 name of canon that is, a rule. Ximenez therefore 
 informed the deputies from the chapter that it was 
 his express wish to see all the canons give up, as 
 soon as possible, their private magnificent dwellings, 
 and live together in the ancient manner, " vita 
 communis ; " but above all, he wished that those 
 who had to attend the weekly services of the Church, 
 should live together in a house near the cathedral, 
 so as always to be ready to attend to their sacred 
 duties. He promised them, on his part, to procure 
 a suitable dwelling for them. The zeal with which 
 he immediately ordered the building to be com- 
 menced, proved that he had not uttered mere idle 
 words. 
 
 The chapter, having been informed by the depu- 
 ties of the archbishop's intentions, and seeing very 
 soon that he was quite in earnest, by the erection of 
 the building, did not dare, openly, to oppose his 
 intended reform. But they resolved to prevent him, 
 if possible, from carrying out his intentions, and
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 203 
 
 accordingly they secretly sent an agent to Home for 
 this object. Their choice fell upon a canon named 
 Alfonso Albornozj who was a clever man, and accus- 
 tomed to business. He immediately departed for 
 Rome, but as privately as circumstances would allow, 
 pretending that he had some other business. But 
 his real object was, to obtain the papal confirmation 
 of the chapter in its present state, and protection 
 from the reform about to be introduced by the arch- 
 bishop. In reality, their hopes of obtaining what 
 they wished were sanguine, judging from the cha- 
 racter of Alexander VI. Ximenez, also, had too 
 much reason to fear, lest some obstacle might be 
 raised by the pope to his plans of reform. Accord- 
 ingly, when he first heard of the agent's journey to 
 Home, he despatched, by the royal authority, a 
 police-officer to the nearest port, in order to arrest 
 the deputy of the chapter, in case he intended to 
 embark : but he had already set sail. Ximenez, 
 however, had provided for this contingency, and 
 sent out a fast-sailing galley to overtake the other 
 vessel. At the same time, he wrote to Garcilasso 
 de la Vega, the Spanish ambassador at Home, to 
 arrest the said deputy as soon as he should arrive, 
 and to send him back to Spain. 
 
 Everything happened as well as could be wished. 
 Albornoz, having been sent back to Spain, was sum- 
 moned before the archbishop at Alcala, who kept 
 him in prison for some months, with more or less 
 severity. This punishment so terrified the canons, 
 that for the future no more opposition was made. 
 In this affair Ximenez exhibited a peculiarity in his 
 character which I do not wish wholly to justify, 
 I mean the use of severe measures in order to 
 promote what one may consider useful objects. 
 
 Ximenez, however, thought it necessary to allay 
 any fears which might arise in the minds of the
 
 204 . 
 
 canons. He therefore assured them, that he did 
 not intend or wish to introduce the proposed changes 
 by force, but merely by advice and exhortations 
 thereto. But we are not informed that his 
 wishes and exhortations, as regards living in com- 
 munity, were attended to by the canons, those espe- 
 cially who had to officiate at the services of the 
 Church. Gomez, who lived so near the times of 
 Ximenez, is silent on the subject ; on the contrary, 
 we learn from him, that the buildings which were 
 erected by him for the residence of the canons, were 
 some time afterwards added to the archiepiscopal 
 palace at Toledo.* 
 
 About the middle of the year 1497, having 
 assisted at the marriage of Prince Juan with Mar- 
 garet of Austria, he obtained permission to reside at 
 Toledo. This he had for a long time desired, be- 
 cause he had not yet taken possession of his cathe- 
 dral, having been obliged since his promotion to 
 reside either with the court or at Alcala, the usual 
 residence of the archbishops of Toledo. 
 
 In order to avoid all pomp, Ximenez wished to 
 make his entrance at night and in silence, and so 
 take possession of his cathedral in the ancient capital 
 of Spain. But the inhabitants being so pressing in 
 their entreaties that he would not decline the 
 honourable reception prepared for him, had at last 
 their wishes gratified by the consent of the cardinal 
 to make a public entrance. Accordingly, his recep- 
 tion was most enthusiastic and magnificent ; never, 
 indeed, had an archbishop of Toledo been so greeted 
 
 * Gomez, folio xviii. (ed. Compluti 1569). The reason why 
 Ximenez did not then insist on the canons living together, appears 
 to have arisen from an apprehension that some tumult and dis- 
 turbance might have taken place : " Cffiterum tumultus et turbas 
 emersuras prsevidentem," &c. (Gomez). Ximenez, no doubt, 
 gained his object at last. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 205 
 
 by his people. The reason was evident. The fame 
 of his sanctity had already preceded him ; hence, 
 hoth clergy and people vied with each other in the 
 pomp and splendour of their demonstrations towards 
 him. Having heen conducted in triumph to the 
 porch of the cathedral, Ximenez stopped there to 
 venerate a relic of the true cross, which was brought 
 to him in procession. Having entered the cathedral, 
 he prayed before the high altar for a short time, 
 and then took the oath to maintain all the rights 
 and laws of the cathedral church of Toledo. After 
 the ceremony was finished, the archbishop retired to 
 his palace near the cathedral.* 
 
 Three days after, he summoned all his chapter 
 around him, and spoke to them in the following 
 words : " None of you are ignorant, my beloved 
 brethren, how unwillingly I accepted my present 
 dignity ; no one knows, too, better than myself, how 
 unworthy I am of the exalted office which I have 
 undertaken, under the weight and responsibility of 
 which I already begin to totter and to groan. I 
 feel, then, that I stand in great need, not only of 
 the aid of Divine grace (which I earnestly implore), 
 but of human help also ; and, above all, assistance 
 from you, venerable brethren, who possess so much 
 piety and prudence, and who can support me by 
 your advice and prayers in carrying on the affairs 
 of the Church. Confidently, therefore, do I hope 
 and trust that you will be of the greatest assistance 
 to me by your co-operation, zeal, and advice, that 
 so we may be enabled to extend and promote, not 
 
 * Gomez mentions that the streets and houses were so crowded 
 with people that the lives of many persons were in danger, and 
 that the immediate attendants of the cardinal could hardly push 
 their way through the multitude of men, women, and children. 
 It was the hour for vespers before the procession arrived at the 
 cathedral. Trans.
 
 206 THE LIFE OF 
 
 only in this parish, but throughout the whole of 
 the diocese, the worship of God; the reform of 
 ecclesiastical discipline and morals, if not to their 
 ancient strictness (which would be a difficult task 
 in this corrupt age), at least to something of their 
 former purity and vigour. This object will, I am 
 sure, be accomplished, if I behold in you models of 
 every virtue. It is but just and proper that priests, 
 above all others by their dignity and emoluments, 
 should also surpass others by their merits and the 
 sanctity of their morals. What fruit can we expect 
 from our instructions, advice, or preaching to the 
 faithful, if you neglect your duties, and excite 
 divisions or quarrels amongst yourselves ? No ; you 
 must rather show your people by your very dress, 
 by the very movements and gesture of your body, by 
 your mutual peace and union one with another, by 
 your holy conversation, and by your good works, 
 that you are interior men, and therefore worthy of 
 the sacerdotal dignity with which you are honoured. 
 As for myself, I will act candidly with you, by 
 assuring you that whomsoever I shall see walking 
 through this life piously, and ascending step by step 
 towards the heavenly Jerusalem, those I shall not 
 only encourage in their efforts, but will watch over 
 their interests, and honour them with my confidence 
 and esteem. But if any amongst you should err from 
 the paths of justice (which God forbid), and walk 
 in the ways of this world, and fall into the abyss of 
 vice, I shall follow in their regard the example of 
 the good Samaritan in the gospel, and pour out on 
 them oil and wine in such proportions that they 
 will feel more the sweetness and refreshment of the 
 oil than taste of the sourness of the wine ; unless, 
 however, some deep corruption should require the 
 knife or the fire ; then, in spite of my repugnance, 
 I should be obliged4o have recourse to these extreme
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 207 
 
 measures, whenever my conscience before God and 
 your good should demand this duty of me. But I 
 am confident that better fruit will come from so 
 venerable and prudent a chapter. Moreover, because 
 I have resolved to hold my first synod at Alcala, 
 in order to deliberate on ecclesiastical affairs, I 
 earnestly exhort you to send your deputies, according 
 to ancient custom. I shall receive your observations 
 and advice with gratitude in this church, or in any 
 other place within my jurisdiction, and also what- 
 ever remarks you may consider fit to make respecting 
 the project of reform." * 
 
 After a respectful reply from the dean, the chapter 
 retired. The archbishop devoted a few days for the 
 reception of the magistrates and citizens of Toledo. 
 In order to expedite the reception, he adopted the 
 following expedient. On a table by his side he 
 placed a Bible, opened, before him. If, after the 
 usual compliments had passed, the visitor had 
 nothing of importance to communicate to him, he 
 immediately began to read the book, thus intimating 
 to the troublesome talker that it was time to retire. 
 He kindly received the petitions that were addressed 
 to him, and took a special interest in those which 
 related to the protection and support of the poor. 
 Hence the fame of the new archbishop's generosity 
 attracted round his palace such a number of suppli- 
 cants and beggars, that on one occasion when he 
 was about to leave home he was unable to pass 
 through the crowd, till by a device of his almoner 
 a sum of money had been thrown amongst them.f 
 
 During the few days which Ximenez spent in 
 Toledo, he made rich presents to the churches, and 
 
 * This address is translated almost word for word from Gomez 
 (fol. 19). It is indeed worthy of the zeal and eloquence of the 
 illustrious prelate. Trans. 
 t Gomez, fol. 20.
 
 208 THE LIFE OF 
 
 published many excellent regulations both for the 
 clergy and people. It was discovered on one occasion 
 that the choir of his cathedral was somewhat con- 
 tracted by a mortuary chapel, which contained the 
 remains of ancient kings. But by removing the 
 tombs into another chapel of the church, he was 
 enabled to enlarge the choir. The queen approved 
 of what had been done, in spite of the opposition of 
 the clergy who were attached to the chapel, and 
 were supported by the chapter. Immediately after, 
 Ximenez went to Alcala, in order to make prepara- 
 tions for the opening of his first synod there. 
 
 Alfonso Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, after the 
 ecclesiastical institution of synods had for a long 
 time become obsolete in Spain, had indeed, in De- 
 cember, 1473, convoked a provincial synod of his 
 suffragans at Aranda, at which many useful regula- 
 tions were made. 
 
 Every two years a provincial council was to be 
 held, and every year a diocesan synod (cap. 1). 
 Every Lent the clergy were commanded to explain 
 to their respective flocks the principal articles of 
 religion (cap. 2). No one was to be admitted to 
 holy orders who did not understand Latin ; and 
 when the bishops were unable to be present them- 
 selves at the examinations of the clerics, they were 
 to appoint two delegates to examine the candidates, 
 who should attest by oath their fitness (cap. 3). 
 The ecclesiastical vestments were somewhat curtailed 
 of their excessive magnificence (cap. 5, 6, 7). Keep- 
 ing concubines was punished with loss of the be- 
 nefice (cap. 9). The game of dice was forbidden 
 (cap. 11). The use of firearms was not allowed 
 (cap. 15). And the permission to preach was re- 
 served for those priests only who were approved of 
 by the bishop (cap. 13). The celebration of marriage 
 was only allowed to take place at certain periods
 
 -CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 209 
 
 (cap. 16). Secret affiances, unless five witnesses 
 had been present, were punished by excommuni- 
 cation against the parties ; while the ecclesiastic 
 who had blessed such affiances was suspended for 
 three months, and deprived of his benefice for the 
 same period (cap. 17). Theatrical plays and repre- 
 sentations were strictly forbidden to be held in 
 churches, especially on Christmas Eve and the three 
 following days; while those priests who permitted 
 such unbecoming scenes were heavily fined (cap. 19). 
 Other regulations were made, more or less useful.* 
 But, alas ! all these reforms were only on paper, 
 never having been put into execution, for Carillo 
 was not the man to undertake and carry out such 
 important measures. 
 
 This glory was reserved for Ximenez, who, 
 amongst other excellent regulations for the improve- 
 ment of his diocese, held two synods also,f the 
 " acts " of which have not, unfortunately, come 
 down to us. But the decrees have been made known 
 to us both by Gomez and Robles.J 
 
 In the first synod Ximenez gave confessors the 
 right of absolving each other in the sacred tribunal 
 from all cases reserved to the bishop, in order that 
 none of them might be prevented from offering up 
 the adorable sacrifice. He also commanded all who 
 had the care of souls to explain the Gospel on Sun- 
 days and holidays of obligation ; and in the evening, 
 after complin, at the hour of the " Angelus," that 
 the bell should be rung, and all the children of the 
 parish assembled together to recite the " Salve," in 
 honour of the glorious Queen of Heaven. At the 
 
 * Harduin, " Collect. Concil." torn. x. pp. 1501-1516. 
 t One was held in Talavera, and the other at Alcala. Trans. 
 I Gomez, fol. 21, 22. Eobles, cap. xv. p. 109. 
 This decree is not found in Gomez, but it is mentioned by 
 Robles (p. 110). 
 
 P
 
 210 THE LIFE OP 
 
 same time, they were to be taught the creed, the 
 articles of faith, the commandments, and other points 
 of Christian doctrine. The archbishop likewise 
 granted an indulgence of forty days to all who should 
 assist at catechism.* This regulation still existed 
 in the time of Gomez ; and was afterwards con- 
 sidered so useful that it came into general use, and 
 served as a model for all catechistical instructions 
 on Sundays. 
 
 He also re-established the custom (which had 
 almost entirely fallen into disuse) of taking holy 
 water at the entrance of the church. He likewise 
 ordered, though Carillo had forbidden it, that the 
 paten should be taken to the laity to kiss at mass, 
 as a sign of peace (instrumentum pacis). 
 
 In order to prevent many from being impoverished 
 through the expenses arising from cases at law, and 
 to shorten the long duration of judicial proceedings, 
 he enjoined all ecclesiastical and lay judges through- 
 out the diocese to give judgment there and then on 
 all cases of minor importance, without making use 
 of any writ ; and in other cases to carry on the 
 proceedings as much as possible by word of mouth. 
 Towards ecclesiastics especially, he wished that 
 every respect should be shown to their character in 
 all cases of trifling importance. If the accusation 
 was light, sentence was to be pronounced by the 
 vicar-general privately, and without any formal 
 proceedings either of acquittal or punishment. If, 
 on the other hand, the accusation was grave and 
 serious, and judicial proceedings seemed unavoidable, 
 still Ximenez recommended the judges to respect as 
 much as possible the honour of Christ's anointed. 
 
 * I have added from Robles some additional interesting matter, 
 which Dr. Hefele has omitted, in the last two sentences. The 
 fifteenth chapter of Kobles " De dos Synodos que el Cardenal 
 celebro" is well worth reading. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 211 
 
 In this synod regulations were also made, which 
 were productive of the greatest good to the diocese, 
 that " registers " of births and deaths should be 
 kept in all churches, in order that a stop might be 
 put to marriages which were null through the 
 relationship existing between the parties ; and to 
 criminal divorces often made under pretext of alleged 
 relationship. Many difficulties, too, connected with 
 questions of inheritance were removed. Another 
 decree obliged all curates to keep an account of those 
 who led lukewarm or disorderly lives in the diocese. 
 
 In addition to this, all priests were commanded 
 to send information to the bishop of any public and 
 serious scandal which should occur in their parish, 
 in order that he might apply a remedy to the evil 
 as soon as possible ; a regulation which, Gomez tells 
 us, was continued to his time in the diocese of Toledo 
 with great benefit, and which other bishops also 
 adopted, especially the suffragans of Xirnenez. 
 
 Other rules and decrees relate to festivals. The 
 archbishop followed therein the calendar of Pope 
 Sixtus IV. (who died in 1484), who was, like 
 Ximenez himself, a Franciscan. Thus it was decreed, 
 that the feast of the Presentation of our Lady should 
 be fixed on the 21st of November, and the feast of 
 St. Joseph on the 19th of March. It was also 
 ordained that the feast of St. Erancis of Assisium 
 should be observed as a festival, and that of St. 
 Julian also, who was bishop of Toledo (he died in 
 690), be kept on the 8th of March.* 
 
 A few years later, in the summer of 1498, 
 Ximenez held a second synod, in the palacef of his 
 
 * Gomez has made a few mistakes about the calends and 
 nones. For example, he has put " xi. Calendas Octobris," in- 
 stead of Decembris. 
 
 t One would suppose, from the words of the text, that the 
 synod was really held in the palace of Juan Aiala ; but Gomez 
 
 p 2
 
 212 THE LIFE OP 
 
 friend Juan Aiala of Talavera de la Reina, near 
 Toledo, at the time when the cortes was assembled 
 in the latter city to do homage to the young Isabella, 
 then recently married to the king of Portugal. 
 Gomez mentions that a great number of priests were 
 present at this synod, and that Ximenez opened 
 nearly all the sessions with a solemn pontifical 
 service. Holy and learned men were appointed to 
 preach upon all the subjects which were to be dis- 
 cussed in the synod; amongst whom Gregorio 
 Castello, a pontifical judge, particularly distinguished 
 himself, and gained the admiration and thanks of 
 every one, especially of Ximenez. The decrees of 
 the first synod were confirmed in this second ; and, 
 according to Gomez, several new and wise regula- 
 
 c? * c_> 
 
 tions were made and promulgated ; but, unfor- 
 tunately, only one of these has been preserved by 
 Gomez ; viz., that for the future a yearly diocesan 
 synod should be held for the maintenance of ecclesi- 
 astical discipline.* Ximenez was afterwards so 
 engaged with ecclesiastical and political affairs, that 
 he was unable to carry out this regulation which he 
 himself had made. It was only after the council of 
 Trent that King Philip II. established the custom of 
 holding provincial and diocesan synods in Spain, f 
 Moreover, the decrees of both these synods held by 
 Ximenez were quietly embodied in the " constitu- 
 tions " of several of his successors in the archi- 
 episcopal see ; and thus did they come into active 
 operation, long after the death of the illustrious 
 cardinal. 
 
 only intimates, that many of- the clergy were hospitably enter- 
 tained there, together with Ximenes. Trans. 
 
 * Robles, in the fifteenth chapter of his work, seeins to unite 
 both the synods and decrees together (p. 109). 
 
 f Gomez (fol. 26). Prescott, in his "History of Philip II.," 
 has misrepresented many of this king's actions. See especially 
 book ii. chap. iii. " Protestantism in Spain." Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 213 
 
 But independent of these synods, Ximenez pub- 
 lished many excellent regulations for the good of 
 his diocese. For example, he ordered a list to be 
 made of all the parishes, and of the revenues they 
 possessed ; of the state of morals amongst the 
 parishioners ; of the incomes belonging to parti- 
 cular families and localities ; and of the abuses 
 which prevailed, &c. He also sent round visitors 
 and commissioners, in order to introduce reforms 
 both amongst the clergy and laity. The appoint- 
 ment of persons to ecclesiastical dignities was an 
 object of his particular care and attention. He 
 made choice of those only who were really worthy 
 that is, virtuous and humble priests, without any 
 regard to rank, birth, or previous condition. With 
 a view of removing any ill kind of intrigue and 
 patronage, he made it a point resolutely to reject 
 every one who, either by himself or by the inter- 
 cession of others, should seek to obtain benefices. 
 It was generally about the time of Easter that the 
 appointment to vacant benefices was made.* 
 
 Already it was evident what great progress disci- 
 pline and religion had made in the diocese. But in 
 order that Ximenez might labour with still greater 
 eifect, and especially that he might be able to con- 
 quer the opposition of certain ecclesiastics, who 
 claimed exemption from episcopal jurisdiction, he 
 obtained from Pope Alexander VI. a brief (dated 
 June 23rd, 1497), which invested him, by the 
 
 * " II s'informoit de leurs inclinations ; de leurs etudes ; de la 
 conduite de leur vie passee. II pesoit leur merite, et ensuite il 
 les placoit, selon la proportion de leurs talens avec les besoins 
 
 des paroisses C'etoit sa coututue de reserver toujours 
 
 quelque benefice pour ces bons pretres, qu'on decouvre de tems- 
 en-tems, a qui la pauvrete ne permet pas d'attendre les occasions, 
 et qui sont obligez d'aller chercher de 1'emploi hors de leurs 
 dioceses." (Flechier, " Hist, du Card. Ximenes," liv. vi. p. 426 
 497.) Trans.
 
 214 THE LIFE OF 
 
 authority of the Holy See, with full and unlimited 
 power over all ecclesiastics in his diocese, whatever 
 might be their privileges or dignities.* 
 
 Ximenez, being now supported both by the autho- 
 thority of the pope and that of his sovereigns, for- 
 mally declared war against all vices and abuses in his 
 diocese. His efforts were crowned with such abun- 
 dant fruit that, to use the words of Gomez, " Men 
 seemed to have been born again. "f 
 
 But so confident was he of having right and 
 power on his side, that even out of his diocese he 
 resolved strictly to uphold ecclesiastical discipline, 
 and hesitated not to punish severely and boldly any 
 violation of it. Of this spirit he gave a remarkable 
 proof in the affair connected with the archbishopric 
 of San Jago of Compostella. This see the aged pre- 
 late Eonseca had resigned, in favour of his son 
 Alfonso ; hence, with the permission of King Ferdi- 
 nand, but to the great scandal of the faithful, it came 
 to pass, that a son, who was more distinguished for 
 his warlike than his virtuous habits, was seen to 
 succeed his father in the metropolitan see. Ximenez 
 boldly represented to his sovereign that even kings 
 had no right to violate the laws of the Church, and 
 that the inheritance of Christ ought not to be pos- 
 sessed by a bastard. As Ferdinand, however, refused 
 to recall his consent, Ximenez then uttered these 
 words : "If Fonseca is to possess the revenues of 
 the Church, on your highness must rest the respon- 
 sibility, the expiation, and restitution."! 
 
 * The brief is given by G-omez (fol. 24). 
 
 t " Ita in orani disciplina et sanctitate diocesim suam con- 
 tinebat, ut homines denuo renati viderentur, et bellum om- 
 nibus vitiis indictum, priscamque illam severitatem rediisse " 
 (fol. 24). 
 
 J Flechier, liv. vi. p. 495. Zurita, " Annales de Aragon" (torn, 
 vi. lib. viii. cap. v. p. 141), informs us that this- event happened
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 215 
 
 While Ximenez, however, was carrying on these 
 reforms in his diocese with untiring energy, he did 
 not forget at the same time the reformation of the 
 Franciscan order, which he had commenced even 
 from the period when he was chosen provincial and 
 confessor to Queen Isabella. As we have already 
 remarked, his intention was to bring the lax ".Con- 
 ventuals " into a stricter observance of their rule ; 
 those, on the contrary, who refused to submit, he 
 endeavoured to remove from the monasteries, partly 
 by mildness, and partly by force, and then to reno- 
 vate the houses with monks of stricter observance. 
 From the very commencement Ximenez met with 
 powerful opposition. But when he became archbishop, 
 as he strove to accomplish the reform with redoubled 
 energy, so also was the opposition redoubled ; for 
 the lax Conventuals found numerous supporters 
 amongst the nobility. Many of the best families 
 had tombs and mortuary chapels in the churches 
 of the Conventuals. But as the " Observantines," 
 who were to be introduced in their place, were not 
 allowed to receive any remuneration for services 
 performed, nor any revenues for pious foundations ; 
 so these noble families began to fear that the masses 
 and prayers for their ancestors would cease altoge- 
 ther, especially as a false report had spread that 
 Ximenez intended to divert the foundations to other 
 purposes. 
 
 The authority of the pious queen, however, kept 
 down the opposition of the nobility. But Ximenez 
 met with a greater and more serious obstacle on the 
 part of the court of Borne. The reform was consi- 
 dered by many there as a violation of the constitu- 
 tions of the order, which had been approved of by 
 
 in 1507, and that the aged Fonseca, after his resignation, took 
 the title of Patriarch of Alexandria,
 
 216 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Paul II., Sixtus IV., and Innocent VIII., by virtue 
 of which neither the Conventuals nor Observantines 
 could take possession of the monasteries and churches 
 belonging to either, even with the permission of the 
 Holy See. Alexander VI. had certainly approved 
 of the alteration intended by Ximenez. But after- 
 wards he listened to the complaints and grievances 
 made by the Franciscan General Samson, who be- 
 longed to the Conventuals, as all his successors did 
 till the year 1517. The pope, having consented to 
 the representations of the general, decreed, that 
 the royal visitors of the monasteries (obtained by 
 Ximenez) should not undertake the business of 
 reform alone, but only in union with other dele- 
 gates, who were to be chosen by the general from 
 amongst the Conventuals. But in addition to this, 
 the pope went still further. As these delegates were 
 not respected in Spain, and their advice no longer 
 listened to, his holiness addressed a brief to Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella (dated Nov. 9th, 1496), where- 
 by the continuation of the reform in Spain was to 
 be suspended for a time : but the name of Ximenez 
 was not mentioned.* 
 
 The queen, almost disheartened, communicated 
 this intelligence to Ximenez ; but he did not give 
 up all hopes of accomplishing his good intentions, 
 for he sent such powerful representations to Rome, 
 that the pope withdrew the prohibition, and com- 
 mitted the carrying-on of the reform to Ximenez 
 and the two bishops of Catanea and Jaen. Thus it 
 came to pass, that, with few exceptions, the strict 
 rule of the Observantines was introduced into 
 all the monasteries of the Franciscans in Spain ; and 
 whatever piety, discipline, mortification, and purity 
 
 * The brief is given in Gomez (fol. 23). See also Wadding, 
 " Annales Minorum" (torn. xv. p. 127).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 21? 
 
 were observable amongst them in the time of 
 Gomez, all, it is said by him, must be ascribed to 
 Ximenez. 
 
 But even after the archbishop had obtained the 
 papal permission, many obstacles had yet to be 
 overcome ; for about a thousand Conventuals, who 
 were averse to the reform, went over to Africa, 
 and by their apostasy to Mahomedanism freed 
 themselves from the strictness of reform, and gave 
 themselves entirely up to the gratification of their 
 base passions. Such, at least, is the account given 
 by Petrus Delphinus, and after him by Raynaldus,* 
 in his continuation of Baronius. Zurita,f also, and a 
 more recent writer, the Spanish academician Cle- 
 mencin, J give this fact as quite certain. Hence, the 
 assertion of Prescott (which rests only on a single 
 authority), that the rebellious monks did not go 
 over to Barbary, but into Italy and other Christian 
 countries, scarcely deserves credit. 
 
 But amongst all those who opposed the reform of 
 the order, the most determined was the general of 
 the Franciscan order, jEgidius Delphinus. Prom 
 the time he was raised to this dignity (in 1500), he 
 had been planning how to unite the Conventuals 
 and Observantines together : he came into Spain, 
 a short time after his election (in the same year, 
 1500), for the purpose, if possible, of supplanting 
 
 * Raynald. ad annum 1497, n. 34. 
 
 t " Hist, del Bey Hernando," lib. iii. cap. xv. (See Mr. Pres- 
 cott's note on the subject, vol. ii. p. 350, ed. 1849). Trans. 
 
 % See his " Elogio de la Eeina Dona Isabel," in the " Memo- 
 rias de la Real Academia de la Historia" (torn. vi. p. 201). 
 
 Dr. Hefele is here somewhat mistaken. Mr. Prescott does 
 not positively assert that the monka went into Italy. He merely 
 says, in a note : " One account represents the migration as being 
 to Italy and other Christian countries," &c. (vol. ii. p. 350). 
 But in the text he states that " they passed over to Barbary." 
 Trans.
 
 218 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ximenez.* Soon did all the enemies of the arch- 
 bishop range themselves on the side of the general ; 
 and zealously did they endeavour to collect together, 
 for the inglorious campaign, all their griefs, com- 
 plaints, and accusations. Supported with such arms 
 and provisions in abundance, the cunning general 
 first endeavoured to lower Ximenez in the estima- 
 tion of the queen. Eor this object he asked for an 
 audience, which was granted by Isabella. After the 
 usual greetings and civilities were over, he imme- 
 diately began to launch forth the poisoned arrows of 
 his false zeal : " What did your majesty see," he 
 said, "in brother Francisco Ximenez, that could 
 induce you to promote him to so exalted a dignity ? 
 What is his origin ? What his learning ? What 
 are the proofs of his holiness and virtue ? As to 
 his birth, he is nothing but a poor hidalgo : as to 
 his learning, an ignoramus. What knowledge had 
 he of canon law, or what knowledge could the ob- 
 scure official of Siguenza have acquired in four days, 
 that your majesty should intrust him now with 
 affairs of such great confidence ? If you chose him 
 for his holiness and virtue, your majesty should not 
 trust to a feigned sanctity, which is nothing better 
 than hypocrisy and deceit. It could not escape his 
 penetrating eye, that Ximenez was very fickle ; and 
 that he often passed from extreme severity to ex- 
 treme laxity. He did not wish to dwell on his 
 rude and melancholy character, on his boorish 
 manners, and his want of education and good- 
 breeding. All these were, however, so many proofs 
 that Ximenez had no true holiness about him, since 
 real virtue was mild and gentle, serene and uniform. 
 Even his long refusal to accept his present dignity 
 
 * Accusations against Ximenez had been previously sent to 
 Home, to the general, who, according to Eobles and Gomez, 
 believed every unfounded report against the archbishop.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 219 
 
 was a proof, not so much of his virtue as of his 
 cunning. Your majesty is still able to heal the 
 wound," he continued, " which you have inflicted 
 on the church of Toledo, since it cannot be dif- 
 ficult for you to deprive a man of his dignity who 
 is in every way so utterly unfit for it."* 
 
 To these words he also added other accusations 
 and insinuations ; but he so completely failed in his 
 attack, that the queen could hardly restrain her 
 indignation, and prevent herself from ordering him 
 to leave the room immediately. She, however, con- 
 tented herself with addressing these few but severe 
 words to him : " Are you, father, in your right 
 senses, or do you know to whom you are speaking ?" 
 "Yes," he passionately replied; " I am in my 
 senses, and I know well to whom I am speaking 
 to Queen Isabella, a handful of dust and ashes, 
 like my self, "f 
 
 Having said these bold words, he suddenly arose, 
 and departed like a fury. He continued for a few 
 years throwing the order into confusion, until at 
 last he was deposed in 1506, by a general chapter 
 held in B/ome. As to Ximenez, he continued his 
 labours for the reformation of discipline, not only 
 amongst the Franciscans, but also amongst all the 
 other religious orders in Spain, towards the accom- 
 plishment of which object he had already made a 
 beginning, with the approbation of the pope, when 
 he was confessor to the queen. % If the Franciscans 
 submitted to the reform with great reluctance, the 
 
 * This impudent address is taken partly from Eobles, and partly 
 from Gomez. Trans. 
 
 t " Diziendo : Entero juyzio tengo, y bien se que hablo con la 
 Eeyna Isabela, un poco de ceniza y polvo, tambien como yo.'* 
 (Ebbles, p. 91.) Trans. 
 
 J Quintanilla, " Archetypo," &c. (lib. i. cap. xi. xiv. p. 21), 
 gives some details connected with the reform of the religious 
 orders. So also does Eobles (p. 67, &c.).
 
 220 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Dominicans, on the other hand, the Carmelites, and 
 Augustinians, most readily embraced it.* 
 
 But while Ximenez was carrying on these affairs, 
 connected with the good of his diocese and the 
 reform of the religious orders, so great was his zeal 
 that he expressed a desire to hasten to Granada, 
 and remain there some time for the conversion of 
 the Moors. f After he had satisfied his zeal, the 
 attendance at court and the ceremonies respecting 
 the homage which was to be paid to Philip and 
 Joanna occupied his attention. Scarcely had he 
 recovered his health at Santorcaz, towards the end 
 of the year 1503, when he returned to Toledo, in 
 order to be able to continue the work of reform 
 with energy. But he had scarcely departed, when 
 the queen immediately summoned him to Medina 
 del Campo, where her daughter Joanna was afflicted 
 with a deep melancholy. The archbishop hastened, 
 as we have already seen, to console the princess ; but 
 in the mean time, anxious not to slacken in carrying 
 out the work of the reform, he commissioned his 
 vicar-general Dr. Alonso Garcia Villalpando, and 
 Canon Eernando de Eonseca, to visit the chapter of 
 Toledo officially. The canons, however, seeing 
 therein a violation of their ancient right of being 
 responsible to no one but the archbishop himself, 
 would not acknowledge or accept the visitation of 
 the two delegates ; they, accordingly, appealed to 
 Borne. 
 
 Three of the most obstinate and clamorous 
 amongst the canons were arrested by Ximenez, from 
 the report sent in by the vicar-general : their names 
 were Sepulveda, Barzana, and Ortiz. The others, 
 fearful of the same fate, sent a deputation to the queen 
 
 * Zurita ; Quintanilla. 
 
 t The labours of Ximenez amongst the Moors have already 
 been mentioned in a previous chapter.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 221 
 
 at Medina del Campo, where she was then residing 
 with the archbishop. The head of the deputation, 
 Dr. Francisco Alva, assured her majesty " that it 
 was not through any spirit of opposition against 
 the archbishop, or any fear of the reform, that 
 induced them to undertake the journey. They were 
 even ready to submit to the censures of the arch- 
 bishop, although every one knew that Ximenez was 
 without comparison far more severe than his vicars- 
 general. But the interests and honour of the chapter 
 were at stake, which from time immemorial had 
 never been responsible to any one but to the arch- 
 bishop himself." 
 
 Ximenez, no doubt, perceived that in this matter 
 he had acted with too much precipitation. He 
 accordingly entreated the queen to allow him to 
 visit the chapter in person, and so put an end to the 
 dispute. She granted him leave to do so, for the 
 interest of religion, though she was herself then 
 beginning to be unwell : Ximenez therefore left 
 Medina for Toledo. At his departure she addressed 
 these words to him : "As soon as my health is 
 restored, I shall rejoin you at Toledo ;" but death 
 prevented the queen from ever seeing Ximenez 
 again.* 
 
 The visitation of the archbishop to the chapter 
 calmed all their fears. Unfortunately, the particu- 
 lars have not reached us, or the regulations which 
 he made ; still we know that the relation in which 
 Ximenez afterwards stood towards the canons was 
 most amicable; that he consulted them on all 
 important matters, and often entreated them to 
 remember him in their prayers at the altar, f 
 
 * She died November 26th, 1504. (See Clemencin's eulogy of 
 this most illustrious and pious queen, in the " Memorias de la 
 real Academica de la Historia," torn, vi.) Trans. 
 
 t Flechier, liv. vi. p. 487.
 
 222 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ximenez, about this period, founded other very 
 useful institutions in his diocese. He discovered 
 that many young women were driven by poverty to 
 a life of sin and dishonour ; and on his visitations as 
 provincial he also found out that several who had 
 taken the veil through necessity, and without having 
 any vocation, became afterwards very unhappy in 
 their convents. To remedy this double evil, he 
 founded at Alcala the Convent de San Juan, to 
 which he joined a house of charity for poor girls, 
 under the title of " Santa Isabel." Here they lived 
 to a certain age, under the guidance of a spiritual 
 mother and the warden of the Franciscans of the 
 city, with certain rules drawn up for their direction. 
 They had the choice either of marrying or of em- 
 bracing a religious life. If they chose the former, 
 they received a dowry from the revenues of the 
 house ; if the second state, they were received with- 
 out a dowry into the convent of San Juan. 
 
 Ximenez lived long enough to behold the blessings 
 arising from such institutions. He was so pleased 
 with their success, that in his will he left con- 
 siderable sums to them, though in his lifetime he 
 had endowed them with large donations, which 
 were afterwards considerably increased by Erancisco 
 lluyz* and King Philip II. By these means the 
 establishments became so flourishing that even 
 ladies of respectability and daughters of officers 
 connected with the royal household endeavoured to 
 be educated in them. 
 
 Ximenez also encouraged such institutions which 
 were so productive of good, even when they had 
 been founded by other people. Thus two indivi- 
 duals of the middle class, named Jeronymo Madrit 
 and Pedro Zalamea, being grieved that no institu- 
 
 * He was bishop of Avila. (See Gomez, fol. 51).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 223 
 
 tions for the poor existed in Toledo, resolved to 
 found an hospital which was intended for poor inva- 
 lids. A considerable number of these were brought 
 to a house, where doctors and other necessary helps 
 were provided for them. The middle age, so fruitful 
 in good works " for God's sake," had scarcely com- 
 menced this pious undertaking, when immediately 
 many persons hastened to give it their support. 
 Accordingly Madrit and Zalamea, having united 
 their resources together, soon saw themselves in a 
 condition, not only to provide for poor invalids, but 
 also to take care of widows and orphans who had 
 been abandoned, besides undertaking numerous 
 other works of mercy. Ximenez was the chief 
 patron of these institutions ; he invited Madrit to 
 come and see him, and encouraged him to persevere ; 
 he gave him also most substantial assistance, assur- 
 ing him of his willingness always to aid him by his 
 advice, money, and authority. This encouragement 
 excited the zeal of the founders to such a degree, 
 that the undertaking soon assumed the form of a 
 
 <j 
 
 religious congregation, whose office was to take 
 care of the poor and the sick, and especially of those 
 who wished not be known as paupers. Every night 
 during the year, from the 1st of November to the 
 last day of March, two of the members were obliged 
 to walk through the streets of Toledo, with torches 
 in their hands, collect together all the houseless 
 poor, and conduct them to the newly-erected hos- 
 pital. When Ximenez saw the success of the insti- 
 tution, he gave to it, during the year of famine in 
 1505, more than 4,000 bushels of corn, to be distri- 
 buted amongst the poor. Indeed, every year he 
 made valuable presents to it, both in money and 
 provisions. After the death of Ximenez, Pope 
 Adrian VI., as a memorial of the pleasant days 
 which he and Ximenez had spent together in Spain,
 
 224 THE LIFE OF 
 
 solemnly approved of the institution. Gomez* 
 seems to delight in describing the blessings which 
 flowed from its establishment, as well as the grati- 
 tude which the public felt and expressed towards 
 Ximenez by the celebration of a solemn service on 
 the anniversary of his death and an abundant dis- 
 tribution of alms to the poor. 
 
 In addition to these benefactions, Ximenez was 
 also in the habit of performing a number of other 
 works of charity. Thus, he visited the hospitals in 
 person; he gave dowries to distressed women; 
 every day he fed at his palace thirty poor people ; 
 he released those who were in prison ; and founded 
 four hospitals, eight monasteries, and built twelve 
 churches, f 
 
 But while he was thus engaged in promoting the 
 welfare of his diocese, assisting the poor, and 
 endeavouring to lead his clergy along the paths of 
 virtue, the noble Queen Isabella died. By her 
 death the faithful chancellor was again interrupted 
 in the performance of his episcopal duties. 
 
 * Lib. iii. fol. 50, 61. 
 
 t Flechier (liv. vi. pp. 499 501) gives these and many other 
 edifying details about the charity, zeal, and devotedness of 
 Ximenez.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 225 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 XIMENEZ TAKES PART IN THE AFFAIRS OF STATE UNDER 
 PHILIP THE FAIR. 
 
 BY the death of Isabella, who died without a male 
 descendant, Castile came to be settled on the Infanta 
 Joanna, the consort of Philip the Pair ; while Per- 
 dinand, by this event, lost all right over Castile, 
 and was therefore obliged to be content with his 
 hereditary states of Aragon. But this posture of 
 affairs, so simple in itself, soon became exceedingly 
 complicated, both by reason of the enfeebled state 
 of Joanna's mind, and the inconstancy of Philip.* 
 Philip seemed to have but little regard for Spain ; 
 and so anxious was he to leave the country almost 
 immediately, that people began to doubt whether he 
 intended ever to take up his residence there, and 
 not rather live in the Netherlands, the land of his 
 affection. As to Joanna, who doted upon him with 
 excessive fondness, and whose jealousy was also 
 proportioned to her love, would she in this case 
 consent to remain absent from him, and so leave 
 Castile without a sovereign ? No one could be 
 deceived on the question ; she would never remain 
 behind him. But, independent of this consideration, 
 
 * He was archduke of Austria, and son of the emperor Maxi- 
 milian. Joanna, to whom he was married, was the second 
 daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. But Philip being a stranger 
 to Spain, the marriage proved very unfortunate. He treated 
 Joanna with the greatest indifference. In spite of every solici- 
 tation on the part of his wife, and of Ferdinand and Isabella, he 
 could not be prevailed upon to remain for any length of time in 
 Spain. Trans. 
 
 Q
 
 22G THE LIFE OF 
 
 it was also to be feared, as indeed was afterwards 
 the case, that the disordered state of Joanna's mind 
 would become worse and worse, and so render her 
 incapable of holding the reins of government. 
 
 Isabella, therefore, in order to guard against both 
 dangers, viz., either the departure * of her daughter, 
 or her increasing infirmities of mind ; and being 
 aware, too, that her own death was approaching, 
 appointed her husband Ferdinand regent of Castile ; 
 for in his prudence she could confide. She had 
 already, towards the end of the year 1503, wished 
 the Cortes of Castile to sanction a law, that in case 
 she herself should die in the absence of Philip and 
 her daughter, Ferdinand should be elected ad interim 
 regent of the states of Castile. But the queen 
 declared her wishes more clearly in this respect in 
 that admirable will which she dictated in October, 
 1504, a few months before her death. Foreseeing 
 either the absence or the incapacity of Joanna, she 
 declares, that after mature reflection, and by the 
 advice of several prelates and nobles of the land, she 
 had appointed King Ferdinand, her husband, " to 
 be the sole regent of Castile," until her grandson 
 Charles should have attained his twentieth year. 
 She also bequeathed to Ferdinand a rich income, 
 and bestowed on him during his lifetime half of the 
 revenues which should arise from the newly dis- 
 covered lands in the Indies, together with the 
 grand-masterships of three Spanish military orders, 
 which a short time before had been united to the 
 crown by a papal indult.f The queen made no 
 
 * From the time Philip left Spain to return to the Low Coun- 
 tries, Joanna began to sink into a deep melancholy. She was 
 always talking and thinking about her husband ; and never re- 
 covered her tranquillity till she returned to Brussels, the year 
 after Philip's departure from Spain. Trans. 
 
 t Mariana, lib. xxviii. cap. ii.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 227 
 
 mention of Philip in her will, and did not confer 
 the regency on him ; because he turned a deaf ear 
 to her advice, ill-treated her daughter, and con- 
 stantly preferred the interests of France to those of 
 Spain.* 
 
 Isabella had named as her executors King Ferdi- 
 nand, Archbishop Ximenez, Deza, bishop of Palencia, 
 Antonio Fonseca, and Juan Velasquez, two inspectors 
 of the finances, together with her secretary Juan 
 Lopez Lezarraga.f The two first had full powers 
 to act, in conjunction with any one of the others. 
 
 Many of the nobles of Castile were, however, 
 exceedingly displeased with these appointments of 
 the queen, for they did not wish to hear anything 
 about the regency of Ferdinand ; whether they were 
 blinded by the rivalry so long subsisting between 
 Castile and Aragon, or whether they hoped to exer- 
 cise greater influence under Philip, a weak and 
 inconstant prince, than under Ferdinand, who 
 was strong and resolute. Scarcely had they heard 
 the will of Isabella read than they broke forth 
 into complaints, and sent messengers forthwith to 
 Flanders to invite Philip to hasten without delay 
 into Spain. J 
 
 Ferdinand, on the other hand, instructed by these 
 intrigues, and with the intention of complying with 
 the regulations of the will, solemnly resigned the 
 title of King of Castile, and ordered the heralds 
 publicly to proclaim that his absent daughter 
 Joanna, and her husband Philip, were now the 
 sovereigns ; but that he himself, according to the 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 277. 
 
 t Prescott gives a good epitome of Isabella's will. (See 
 " History of Ferdinand and Isabella," part ii. chap, xvi.) There 
 seems, however, to be a difference respecting the date of the will, 
 between Mr. Prescott and Dr. Hefele : the former mentions as 
 the date, November 23rd, 1504 ; the latter, October 12th, 1504. 
 
 % Peter Martyr, Epist. 277. 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 THE LIFE OF 
 
 wish of the deceased queen, was merely the admi- 
 nistrator of the kingdom.* 
 
 According to ancient custom, he also delivered 
 the standard of Castile to the duke of Alva, and 
 summoned the primate and grand chancellor to 
 meet him at Toro, on the confines of Portugal, in 
 order to deliberate about the affairs of the kingdom 
 and the execution of Isabella's will. In the mean 
 time, while Ferdinand and Ximenez were conferring 
 together on business at Toro, the corpse of Isabella, 
 attended by the faithful Peter Martyr and a great 
 number of cavaliers and ecclesiastics, was borne from 
 the north to the south of Spain, Granada, amidst 
 the most dreadful weather, f The wise Ferdinand 
 surpassed himself in royal civilities towards Ximenez, 
 in order to gain to his side such an influential 
 prelate. He saw clearly that he then stood more 
 in need of Ximenez than Ximenez of him : he 
 accordingly went forth to meet him, welcomed him 
 in the most friendly manner, and offered him a seat, 
 while he himself continued to stand. The executors 
 met and consulted together almost every day. The 
 Cortes was also immediately convoked at Toro 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 279. 
 
 t Scarcely had the funeral procession left Medina del Campo, 
 where the queen died, than a tremendous tempest arose, which 
 continued with little interruption during the whole of the journey. 
 Such is the testimony pf Peter Martyr and others. The remains 
 of Isabella were first laid in the Franciscan monastery of the 
 Alhambra, at Granada ; but on the death of Ferdinand, they 
 were removed to the cathedral, where both now lie, side by side. 
 A magnificent mausoleum of white marble was erected to their 
 memory, by their grandson, Charles V. The sides were adorned 
 with figures of angels and saints, richly sculptured in bas-relief, 
 while on the top reposed the effigies of the illustrious sovereigns. 
 The Capella de los Reyes, though forming a part of the cathedral, 
 is quite distinct in a manner from it. Fortunately, the royal 
 remains have never been disturbed. (See Ford's " Handbook of 
 Spain," Granada ; also, " Spain as it is," by Hoskins, vol. i. 
 chap. xiii. ; and Laborde's " Itineraire," ed. Paris, 1827.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 229 
 
 (January, 1505), in order to ratify the wishes of 
 Isabella as expressed in her will, to take the oaths 
 of allegiance to the queen Joanna and her consort, 
 and to acknowledge Ferdinand as the administrator 
 of the kingdom.* Unfavourable news, however, 
 having arrived respecting the state of Joanna's mind 
 while the Cortes was holding its sittings, it was 
 declared that the circumstances which were foreseen 
 by Isabella regarding her daughter had arrived ; and 
 therefore Ferdinand was expressly requested not to 
 abandon the kingdom, but to carry out the wishes 
 of the deceased queen. At the same time, notice of 
 these proceedings was sent to the court of Philip, t 
 
 Thus every arrangement was made in accordance 
 with the laws of justice, and with a view to the 
 future welfare of Castile. But many of the nobles 
 seemed as unwilling to comply with the commands 
 of the Cortes, as they did to carry out the last wishes 
 of the queen expressed in her will. They even 
 spread injurious reports about Ferdinand, as if he 
 intended, by a marriage with Beltraneja, to acquire 
 possession of Castile for himself, and also demand 
 half of the kingdom of Granada. Others, likewise, 
 openly declared themselves the friends of Philip ; 
 viz, the marquis of Villena, the duke of Najara, and 
 Don Juan Manuel, the ambassador of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella at the court of Maximilian. On being 
 informed of the death of the queen, he immediately 
 hastened to Flanders without the permission of his 
 sovereign, where he gained great influence over 
 Philip by his talents, increased the ill-will already 
 
 * Mariana, lib. xxviii. cap. xii. 
 
 t Zurita, " Anales de Aragon," torn. vi. lib. vi. cap. iv. 
 
 J " This nobleman, descended from one of the most illustrious 
 houses in Castile, was a person of uncommon parts, restless and 
 intriguing, plausible in his address, bold in his plans, but exceed- 
 ingly cautious, and even cunning iu the execution of them," &c.
 
 230 THE LIFE OF 
 
 existing between Ferdinand and Philip, and openly 
 refused to obey the command of the former to 
 return to his post of ambassador : he also served as 
 a means of communication between Philip in Flan- 
 ders and the rebellious Castilian nobles.* His in- 
 sinuations succeeded so much the more powerfully 
 with Philip, as they were supported by the court 
 favourites of the prince, who hoped the more easily 
 to enrich themselves with the gold of Castile, by 
 the removal of Ferdinand out of the way. Philip 
 also, dreading to find in his father-in-law a severe 
 and troublesome tutor, readily came into the plans 
 of Don Manuel to drive Ferdinand from Castile, in 
 spite of the will of Isabella. 
 
 Such difficulties were, of themselves, sufficient to 
 damp the courage of Ferdinand. For thirty years 
 lie had been accustomed to love Castile as his own 
 father-land ; while in union with his wise and faith- 
 ful queen, he had done innumerable good things 
 for its welfare, and even gained a new kingdom for 
 it by the conquest of Granada. But now it seemed 
 as if he were about to lose the fruit of all his labours, 
 and that the band which had so long united him 
 with Spain would be broken, in case the light-minded 
 Philip should succeed. f Ferdinand, also, began to 
 have some apprehensions about the kingdom of 
 Naples, recently added to the crown of Aragon. 
 Neither could he divest himself of a suspicion which 
 forced itself on him for a long time, that perhaps 
 the " Great Captain " might, as a Castilian, unite 
 himself with Philip, and so deliver up Naples to him. 
 
 Ximenez, however, was entirely devoted to the 
 
 (Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella," part ii. ch. xvii.) 
 Trans. 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 282. See also Ferreras, torn. viii. 
 
 t Sucb are the apprehensions expressed by Peter Martyr 
 (Epist. 283).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 2ol 
 
 cause of Ferdinand. He advised him to send some 
 persons of tried fidelity to the court of Flanders, in 
 order to inform Philip of the self-interested views 
 and plans of the Spanish nobles ; to offer him the 
 friendship of Ferdinand, and to request the young 
 prince (Charles) to come into Spain. Lopez Con- 
 chillos and Miguel Ferrera were accordingly sent 
 to Flanders.* 
 
 Ximenez, during his stay at Toro, was very 
 anxious to see and venerate the corpse of St. Ilde- 
 fonso of Toledo (who died in 667) ; it was preserved 
 in the neighbouring town of Zamora. But the in- 
 habitants of the place refused him permission, through 
 the apprehension they had, that he might perhaps 
 request for himself a portion of the saint's body. 
 Being painfully disappointed at the refusal of the 
 people, Ximenez applied himself again to his epis- 
 copal duties ; but it seems uncertain whether he 
 returned to Alcala, and carried on the business of 
 the reform (now for some time interrupted) in his 
 diocese, or whether, as some other writers say, he 
 joined the king at Segovia, and was unwilling to 
 leave him till the aspect of affairs became more 
 settled. 
 
 About this time, Philibert de Vera, of Burgundy, 
 and Andrea de Burgo, from Cremona in Italy, 
 arrived in Spain as ambassadors of Philip and the 
 emperor Maximilian. Their object was to repeat 
 by word of mouth what Philip had already expressed 
 in writing to Ferdinand ; viz., that Ferdinand should 
 resign Castile, and retire as soon as possible into 
 his own hereditary states. The unfortunate Joanna, 
 in her lucid intervals, saw with grief the blindness 
 of Philip, the cruel treatment shown to her father, 
 and the dangers also which threatened his states of 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 282 ; Mariana, lib. xxviii. cap. xiii.
 
 232 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Castile. Acting according to the advice of Conchillos, 
 who was her secretary, she addressed the following 
 affecting words to her father : " If the entreaties 
 of a loving daughter are of any force, do not, my 
 father, resign a kingdom which, in union with 
 Isabella, you delivered from ruin, and made great 
 and powerful. I, the heiress of that kingdom, hereby 
 surrender to you full powers for its government ; and 
 when I return to Castile, your counsel shall be my 
 rule of conduct." Conchillos had intrusted this 
 letter to his companion Perrera, that so he might 
 take it with him to Spain. But Ximenez and others 
 were deceived by this man ; for he was base enough 
 to deliver the confidential letter to Philip. When 
 he read it, his rage knew no bounds ; he banished 
 all the Spanish ladies and grandees from the court 
 of Joanna, censured her correspondence with 
 Spain, and threw the unfortunate Conchillos into a 
 horrible dungeon as a state criminal. There the 
 miserable young man, probably under the effects of 
 poison, soon lost his hair, and for a time even his 
 reason.* Philip immediately equipped a powerful 
 fleet to drive by force his father-in-law from Castile ; 
 and having entered into an alliance with Prance, it 
 was arranged that Louis XII. should take Naples 
 from King Perdinand, while Philip at the same time 
 was to land in Spain. f 
 
 Oppressed under all these difficulties, Perdinand 
 summoned Ximenez to Segovia, in order to oppose 
 his authority to the unruly nobles, and to confer 
 with the ambassadors from Planders. Immediately 
 on his arrival in the city, even before he had any 
 
 * Gomez, and Peter Martyr, Epist. 286. 
 
 t Peter Martyr, Epp. 285, 289, 290, 291. These details are 
 somewhat different from those given by Mr. Prescott, who seems 
 to forget a reference to any authorities. (See chapter xvii. of his 
 History, <c.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 233 
 
 interview with the kinsr, Ximenez invited both the 
 
 O ' 
 
 ambassadors to an audience with him. These, in 
 opposition to the representations of the Spanish 
 grandees, showed such respect for the primate and 
 grand-chancellor, that they at once arose from table, 
 and hastened to Ximenez, who received them in the 
 royal apartments. The archbishop then represented 
 to them, " how deplorable it was, that Philip should 
 mistrust his father-in-law, and deliver himself over 
 to rapacious vultures and hungry wolves. As to the 
 imprisonment of Conchillos, he proved that the 
 punishment was much greater than the fault he had 
 committed ; he therefore requested them immedi- 
 ately to send off a courier to Philip, to demand his 
 liberation : above all, he convinced them that it 
 was high time for Philip to show himself more con- 
 ciliating towards Ferdinand ; for should his anger be 
 once roused, he could easily prevent Philip by force 
 from entering Spain."* Alarmed by these words 
 of Ximenez, and also dreading his firmness, as well 
 as fearful of his influence, they immediately sent off 
 even before they arose from table a courier to 
 Philip, to inform him of the conference which had 
 just taken place, and to beg of him to come to some 
 understanding with Ferdinand ; for that this would 
 be the only means of avoiding great evils. Everything 
 succeeded so well, that Conchillos was released from 
 prison, and fresh negotiations were opened between 
 Philip and his father-in-law. 
 
 Another circumstance contributed to make Philip 
 more pacific. At the time when he was making pre- 
 
 * Robertson, in bis " History of Charles V.," is to be blamed 
 for having attributed to Ferdinand the intention of resisting the 
 landing of Philip by force. Ximenez only wished to terrify the 
 ambassadors by such a threat. Peter Martyr assures us that 
 Ferdinand had no idea of employing force against Philip. (See 
 Epist. 291.)
 
 231 THE LIFE OF 
 
 parations for war against Ferdinand, in union with 
 Prance, Ferdinand, by his tact and wisdom, had suc- 
 ceeded not only in averting the threatened storm, 
 but even in gaining over to his cause his hereditary 
 enemy, Louis of France. Through his hatred of 
 Philip, he went so far as to marry Germaine,* the 
 niece of the king, that so he might leave Aragon to 
 another heir, rather than to the ungrateful Philip, t 
 Thus, the enmity between the son-in-law and the 
 father-in-lawthreatened to undo all that the marriage 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella had effected for the wel- 
 fare of Spain. The hatred, too, of Ferdinand had 
 become so intense, that he sacrificed precious advan- 
 tages in order to detach France from Philip, and 
 to gain it over to his cause. While Louis renounced, 
 in favour of Germaine, all his claims to Naples, Fer- 
 dinand engaged himself, in case Germaine should 
 die without children, to deliver the moiety of the 
 kingdom of Naples to France : in a word, the 
 affiance between the young prince Charles and 
 Claudia (which was not agreeable to the French) 
 was declared to be of no eifect. The two parties 
 signed the treaty in October, 1505. Peter Martyr 
 justly calls it "a shameful treaty" (Epist. 292); 
 but, he adds, that Eerdinand considered it abso- 
 lutely necessary; and these words explain the reason 
 why Ximenez gave it his co-operation .{ France 
 now took in a decided manner the part of Eerdinand, 
 and refused Philip an entrance into Spain, so long 
 
 * She was the daughter of Jean de Foix, viscount of Nar- 
 bonne, and one of the sisters of Louis XII. ; and granddaughter 
 to Leonora, queen of Navarre, the guilty sister of King Fer- 
 dinand. (Prescott, chap, xvii.) 
 
 t Dr. Hefele omits here several details connected with the alli- 
 ance between Ferdinand and France, and also many of the terms 
 on which this alliance was to bo based. Trans. 
 
 I " Noil abiiueute Ximeuio." (Gomez.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 235 
 
 as he refused to be reconciled to his father-in- 
 law. 
 
 The letter in which Ferdinand announced these 
 events to his son-in-law is interesting : " You 
 have no reason, my son, to be angry with me 
 for having concluded a treaty of peace with your 
 friend of France; since as long as the king was 
 my open and your secret enemy, you eagerly sought 
 to obtain his assistance against me, and even 
 against yourself. In making this treaty, I have 
 not been unjust towards you; but you, by your 
 alliance with Prance, have treated me with con- 
 tempt and done me great harm, and also yourself; 
 you have likewise forced me to enter upon this 
 new marriage. Recover, then, yourself. Should 
 you come into Spain as a son, and not as an enemy, 
 I shall forget the past, and receive you as my son ; 
 so great is the power of paternal love. Should you 
 listen to the advice of one who knows perfectly 
 both the people and the nobility, your presence in 
 Spain will be happy and welcome. But should you 
 continue to give your confidence to those who 
 think only of their own interest and your de- 
 struction, you will certainly fall into terrible 
 misfortunes."* 
 
 This unexpected turn of events compelled Philip 
 to become more pacific towards Perdinand, who, 
 after the treaty with Prance was arranged, went 
 from Segovia to Salamanca in company with Xime- 
 nez. There the archbishop first heard of the death 
 of the governor of Cazorla, Pedro Hurtado Men- 
 doza, brother of the late great cardinal of the same 
 name. He immediately commissioned persons with 
 full authority to confirm the inferior officers in their 
 places, and to provide for the levying of the taxes ; 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 293.
 
 236 THE LIFE OF 
 
 but he deferred till a later period the appointment 
 of any one to the late governor's post. 
 
 It was during his stay at Salamanca that the 
 affair of the regency was settled, November 24th, 
 1505 ; it was publicly proclaimed on the feast of 
 the Epiphany. From this date it was settled, that 
 all royal decrees and documents should bear at the 
 head of the page the names of Ferdinand, Philip, 
 and Joanna, together ; and that they were to carry 
 on the government in union with each other.* But 
 the friends of Philip amongst the Spanish grandees 
 considered this treaty only as a necessary evil, 
 which was unavoidable on account of the friend- 
 ship of Ferdinand with France ; but that it would 
 be null and void as soon as Philip should once arrive 
 in Castile. They hoped, that then Ferdinand would 
 no longer occupy the first place, or rather no place 
 at all, in the government of Castile, but that he 
 would be obliged, against his wish, to retire into 
 Aragon. 
 
 Their prophecies were correct, because they them- 
 selves had a share in the accomplishment of them. 
 Ferdinand, in the mean time, being satisfied with 
 the treaty, left Salamanca, and returned to Segovia, 
 to enjoy the pleasures of hunting, which he loved 
 excessively. But when he heard that Philip and 
 Joanna had embarked for Spain (January, 1506), 
 he ordered public prayers to be offered up through- 
 out the whole of Castile for their safe arrival. He 
 himself came more towards the north, as far as 
 Yalladolid, in order that he might hasten to the 
 coast as soon as he heard of their arrival in Spain. 
 Peter Martyr mentions with what profound grief 
 Ferdinand was afflicted, when the news reached him, 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 294. The treaty was really intended 
 by Philip to lull the suspicions of Ferdinand, who was quite 
 deceived in the matter, as events prove. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 237 
 
 some time after, that a most furious tempest had 
 destroyed part of the Flemish fleet, and a fire broken 
 out in Philip's ship, while the remainder of the 
 vessels were cast on the coast of England.* 
 
 Being obliged to remain some time in England, 
 
 o o o 
 
 Joanna took the opportunity of visiting her sister 
 Catherine, f Philip at last set sail, and reached the 
 port of Coruila on the 28th April, 1506. Eerdinand 
 hastened to meet them, and sent two envoys to 
 Philip to assure him of his friendly intentions ; and 
 that after he had taken part in the government of 
 Castile for two years, he should then retire into his 
 kingdom.^ Ximenez followed the king by his spe- 
 cial command. Gomez relates, that on his journey 
 he obtained for the inhabitants of Villumbrale, by 
 his prayers, a most abundant shower of rain, which 
 had been long wanted. Eerdinand and Ximenez 
 arrived together at Molina, while Joanna and Philip 
 proceeded to Compostella. There their arrival was 
 waited for by the ambassadors, who had been 
 deputed by Eerdinand to congratulate them. 
 
 But in the mean time, the friendship which had 
 but just commenced between both parties so closely 
 related was soon destined to be broken. Philip was 
 so unwise, and also so presumptuous, as publicly to 
 declare that the treaty of Salamanca was not bind- 
 ing in his estimation ; that he should receive no 
 advice from Eerdinand, nor allow Joanna his wife 
 to have an interview with her father. || Philip was 
 
 * At Weymouth. When Henry VII. heard of the shipwreck, 
 he invited the illustrious persons to Windsor, where they were 
 magnificently entertained for three months. Trans. 
 
 t Catherine of Aragon, who was then married to Henry VIII. 
 Trans. 
 
 J Peter Martyr, Epp. 294, 301, 304. 
 
 Gomez, lib. iii. folio 58. 
 
 II Peter Martyr, Epist. 305 (also, Epist. 300). The letters of
 
 238 THE LIFE OF 
 
 exceedingly irritated at the marriage of Ferdinand 
 with Germaine, because such an event threatened 
 to deprive him of Aragon, Naples, and Sicily. The 
 Castilian nobility were also irritated at this union, 
 because it seemed to injure the memory of the great 
 Isabella, the national honour, and likewise the wel- 
 fare of Castile. Thus numbers of the grandees were 
 already deserting the cause of Ferdinand, and going 
 over to the side of Philip, who was intentionally 
 endeavouring to avoid an interview with his father- 
 in-law ; he even hastened away from Compostella, 
 like a fugitive, in order not to meet Ferdinand there 
 on his arrival. Ximenez, the grand-admiral, the 
 grand-constable of Castile, the duke of Alva, his 
 brother, the marquis de Denia, and a few others, 
 were the only persons who remained faithful to 
 the king. 
 
 One can hardly decide whether it was meanness 
 or wickedness that induced Philip to hide himself, 
 like a thief, in the mountains of the north of Spain.* 
 The words, " odiunt, quern laeserint," are certainly 
 applicable to him ; for he must naturally have felt 
 a strong dislike to appear before Ferdinand, whom 
 he had lately irritated by his violation of the treaty 
 agreed upon at Salamanca, and by his refusing 
 Joanna an interview with her father. 
 
 Towards the middle of May, 1506, Ferdinand, 
 with the object of effecting some good, commissioned 
 Peter Martyr to have an audience with Philip, 
 hoping that the archduke would lend a willing ear 
 to the representations of so learned a man, whom 
 he had so highly honoured ever since his arrival in 
 Spain. t But as the visit was useless, Ferdinand 
 poured out all his grief into the bosom of Ximenez, 
 
 this learned man are of great historical value for this period of 
 our history. Trans. 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epiat. 308. f Ib. 305, 306.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 
 
 though he had fortitude enough to conceal it from 
 the eyes of the world. He now regretted having 
 remained so long at Molina, and thus allowed his 
 son-in-law to escape from him. He also reproached 
 Ximenez for not having corrected his negligence ; 
 but the archhishop at once replied, " that he had, 
 alas ! constantly given advice to his majesty which 
 was never attended to ; that he had frequently 
 entreated him, not only to make haste, but also to 
 have recourse to arms to subdue his rebellious 
 nobles, and to keep his evil-minded son-in-law in 
 check : but still, that [Ferdinand must not lose 
 courage, and might count for certain on his support 
 and adherence."* 
 
 The result of this conversation was, that Ximenez, 
 though now advanced in years, undertook the dim- 
 cult task of effecting a reconciliation between 
 Ferdinand and Philip. He accordingly hastened to 
 overtake the latter, followed him across the moun- 
 tains, and ceased not till he found him at Orense, in 
 Galicia.f On the same day of his arrival, he sent 
 his companion Francisco Iluyz to Philip, to offer 
 him his respects and ask for an audience. This was 
 readily granted, while Ferdinand expressed his joy 
 to Ruyz at the arrival of so venerable a prelate, and 
 appointed the following day for the audience. Philip 
 received Ximenez before the whole court with extra- 
 ordinary marks of respect and kindness ; for he had 
 already learned to esteem, not only the ecclesiastical 
 dignity of the primate, and his great political influ- 
 ence, but also the high personal character which he 
 bore. The first interview which was private lasted 
 more than two hours. Several other interviews 
 
 * Gomez, folio 59. 
 
 t Gomez states, that Ximenez commenced his journey at the 
 beginning of May, 1506 ; but it is clear, from Peter Martyr, that 
 it was at the commencement of June.
 
 240 THE LIFE OF 
 
 followed, and conferences with the ministers of 
 Philip. Hence, the best amongst the Castilian nohles 
 now began to rejoice at seeing Ximenez become the 
 only mediator capable of effecting a reconciliation 
 between the two hostile parties. 
 
 The representations which Ximenez made to Philip 
 may be seen in a letter which the archbishop ad- 
 dressed to Ferdinand from Orense. It was to the 
 following effect : " He assured the young prince, 
 that the Spanish grandees sought only their own 
 interest, even at the risk of the repose and security 
 of the kingdom ; that they hated King Ferdinand, 
 because he saw through their avarice, and was deter- 
 mined to put a check upon it. As Ferdinand had 
 rendered great services to Philip, the latter could 
 do nothing better than allow himself to be guided 
 by his wise father-in-law, whose long experience and 
 knowledge of the Castilian people and nobility 
 would be a pledge for promoting the welfare of the 
 kingdom. But should he refuse to confide in Fer- 
 dinand, and be resolved to trust himself to Don 
 Manuel, such an act would be nothing more or less 
 than to cut himself off from a strong support, and 
 rest only on a weak reed. Seldom indeed do step- 
 mothers agree with their step-children ; but quite 
 the opposite is the case between a father-in-law and 
 son-in-law, especially in the present case, where the 
 father-in-law, having no male heir, would devote 
 himself to the interests of his daughter and her 
 children."* 
 
 But the words of Ximenez were of no avail. Philip 
 could not be induced to allow Ferdinand to retain 
 the provisional government of Granada, which had 
 been conquered by him, and was not yet entirely 
 subdued. Philip persisted in wishing Ferdinand to 
 
 * Gomez, Tolio 60.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 241 
 
 remove from Castile, and would allow him to claim 
 nothing but the revenues which his wife Isabella 
 left him in her will. 
 
 Ximenez, believing that any further negotiations 
 would be perfectly useless, accepted the conditions 
 mentioned above. But as he earnestly desired that 
 the two princes should have an interview with each 
 other, he resolved not to depart from the court of 
 Philip till he had effected a meeting between them. 
 Ferdinand, on his part, did not delay in expressing 
 to Ximenez his warm thanks for all his exertions : 
 he declared that he was ready even to abandon his 
 kingdom, to govern which he was forbidden by the 
 blindness of his son-in-law. 
 
 Thus was an apparent reconciliation effected, 
 principally through the condescension of Eerdinand:* 
 from this period Ximenez seems constantly to have 
 remained by the side of Philip, as he was required 
 by his duties of grand-chancellor of Castile. 
 
 It was about this period that Ximenez bestowed 
 the office of governor of Cazorla on his cousin, Count 
 Garcias de Villaroel. It was remarkable that the 
 mode of collation w r hich he made use of, respected 
 at once both the right of confirmation which be- 
 longed to the crown, as well as the liberty of elec- 
 tion which belonged to the archbishop. Ximenez 
 one day addressed these words to Garcias in the 
 presence of Philip : " Kiss the hand of the king, 
 our master, for having made you governor of 
 Cazorla." The king, quite taken by surprise, could 
 not refuse his consent, because it seemed as if the 
 appointment had come directly from himself. Thus 
 it was seen, that Ximenez had deferred appointing 
 
 * Ferdinand, through the love which he had for his daughter, 
 sacrificed his rights, as Peter Martyr remarks : " Ab armis tem- 
 peratum est a Fernando, quia paternus amor tot opprobria ferre 
 coegit." (Epist. 309.) 
 
 R
 
 242 THE LIFE OF 
 
 any one to the office till the arrival of Philip, as, 
 indeed, it was the general opinion from the first 
 that such would be the case. 
 
 When Philip met the Cortes at Burgos, and thence 
 went to Puebla de Senabria, Ximenez accompanied 
 him, where he at last obtained a promise from him, 
 that he would consent to have an interview with his 
 father-in-law. Philip chose Don Manuel to regulate 
 all the details. But this individual had offended 
 Ferdinand too grievously to dare to appear before 
 him till the duke of Alva and Don Antonio Fonseca 
 had offered themselves as hostages : Ximenez re- 
 ceived them in his house. After everything had 
 been arranged, the solemn interview at last took 
 place in an open plain near Senabria, on the borders 
 of Leon and Galicia, June 23rd, 1506. Philip, 
 accompanied by a great number of Belgians and 
 Spaniards, and surrounded by a considerable force, 
 as if prepared for a battle, made his appearance on 
 the plain with royal pomp ; Don Manuel being 
 on his left hand and Ximenez on his right. Fer- 
 dinand, on the other hand, came without any pomp 
 or military escort, attended only by about two 
 hundred followers, who were mounted, like himself, 
 on quiet mules, without any warlike preparations. 
 Even his very enemies could not help admiring his 
 wisdom and tact, in seeing him thus advance like a 
 father going to meet his children ; while Philip 
 hastened to his father-in-law as if he were going 
 forth to encounter an enemy. The pompous parade 
 of the one did not diminish the simplicity of the 
 other. 
 
 The military formed an extensive circle round the 
 two sovereigns and their noble attendants, while 
 the Spanish grandees, being now brought so near 
 to Ferdinand, could not help, in spite of their 
 enmity against him, from showing him formal marks
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 243 
 
 of their respect. This ceremony certainly cost their 
 pride a great deal, for many were conscious how 
 grievously they had injured Ferdinand, and, above 
 all, the count of Benevente and the marquis of 
 Astorga, who had refused Ferdinand on his journey 
 to meet Philip a passage through their territory. 
 Ferdinand, however, thanked them all with kind- 
 ness, and added, moreover, many good-humoured 
 remarks and witty allusions. Several of the grandees 
 wore armour inside their clothes, because they had 
 no faith in the reconciliation of the two princes, and 
 feared the worst from their own guilty conscience. 
 These precautions had not escaped the sharp eyes of 
 Ferdinand : he said, therefore, to Don Garcilasso 
 de la Vega (who was once his ambassador at Rome), 
 while he was embracing him in a friendly manner : 
 " Why, my dear Garcilasso, what broad shoulders 
 you have ! You have grown wonderfully stout since 
 last we met !" 
 
 The moment when the two sovereigns were to 
 embrace each other having now arrived, Philip 
 wished outwardly to give a proof of that respect 
 which he really entertained in his heart for his 
 father-in-law. But Ferdinand tried to prevent the 
 exhibition ; he made a sign to him not to dismount, 
 and instead of offering him his hand to kiss, he 
 embraced him, kissing him with great tender- 
 ness " on his forehead and cheeks," as well as 
 two knights could do. Almost all the nobles of 
 Castile and a great number of people witnessed 
 this scene. The two kings then dismounted, and 
 entered a small hermitage close at hand, in order 
 to be able to confer more leisurely with each 
 other. 
 
 They were followed only by Don Manuel and 
 Ximenez. When they entered, the archbishop, being 
 most anxious to banish the demon of hatred from 
 
 R 2
 
 244 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the breast of Philip, suddenly turned towards Don 
 Manuel, and addressed these laconic words to him, 
 uttered with all possible earnestness : " The princes 
 wish to speak to each other in confidence, let us 
 therefore depart ; I will remain as sentinel at the 
 door." Manuel accordingly retired. Ximenez closed 
 the door, and then seated himself near the sovereigns 
 on a bench in the chapel. 
 
 The interview lasted about two hours. After 
 Ferdinand had complained of the undeserved mis- 
 trust to which he had been exposed, he gave Philip 
 a description of the grandees of Spain ; told him 
 their real character ; dwelt on the amount of their 
 fidelity, and the manner in which he was to treat 
 each one of them. He then recommended Ximenez 
 to the young prince, as one of the wisest and most 
 loyal of all the great men in the kingdom ; worthy 
 before every one else of the royal confidence, and 
 deserving to be treated with love and esteem. Philip 
 promised to follow the benevolent advice of his 
 father-in-law ; left the chapel with Ferdinand ; and 
 renewed before the whole assembly his most friendly 
 intentions.* 
 
 A few days after, on the 27th of June, Ferdinand, 
 in the presence of Ximenez and others, solemnly 
 swore to observe the treaty which had been agreed 
 upon ; the same was done by Philip on the following 
 day. But [Ferdinand went still further; for he 
 executed another instrument, in which he plainly 
 acknowledged the incapacity of his daughter for 
 carrying on the government, and promised to sup- 
 port Philip as sole regent, f But Ferdinand, before 
 signing the document, made a protest in private, 
 before several witnesses, that what he was about to 
 
 * All these details are taken from Gomez and Zurita, and also 
 from the valuable epistles of Peter Martyr. Trans. 
 
 t Zurita, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. viii. Prescott, chap. xvii.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 245 
 
 do was not of his own free choice, but from necessity; 
 and that so far from relinquishing his claims to the 
 regency, it was his intention to enforce them, and 
 to rescue his daughter from captivity as soon as he 
 was able to do so, Philip's conduct, too, was far 
 from being honourable, for under friendly appear- 
 ances he nourished continually a bitter hatred. This 
 hatred manifested itself on the very same evening 
 of the interview, by his refusing to accompany Fer- 
 dinand on his journey to Aragon, and not allowing 
 him to see his poor beloved daughter after such a 
 long separation from each other, though his desire 
 to see her was supported also by the authority of 
 Ximenez. Nay, only a short time afterwards, when 
 Ferdinand and Philip met together in a church at 
 Renedo, near Valladolid, and Ferdinand took the 
 opportunity of again pressing his request, Philip 
 refused permission in a harsh tone,* and repeated 
 several times these insulting words : " The good of 
 Spain requires that Ferdinand should leave Castile 
 as soon as possible." According to Zurita, this 
 second interview took place in the presence of 
 Ximenez, July 5, 1506, and lasted an hour and a 
 half,t though Peter Martyr says it lasted only half 
 an hour. Philip contented himself with merely 
 promising Ferdinand permission to retain the grand 
 masterships of the three military orders for ever, 
 and the revenues secured to him by the will of 
 Isabella. Nothing was said on other subjects. $ 
 Ferdinand had now the sorrow to see himself obliged 
 
 * " Durior Caucasia rupe," says Peter Martyr (Epist. 310). 
 
 t Zurita, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. x. Peter Martyr, Epist. 310. 
 
 There appears to be some discrepancy in the dates of these 
 two interviews. Prescott seems to take it for granted, that it 
 was on the 27th of June that Ferdinand surrendered the sove- 
 reignty of Castile to Philip and Joanna. Altogether three inter- 
 views took place between the two sovereigns. Trans.
 
 246 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to depart for Aragon, attended only by the duke of 
 Alva and the marquis of Denia. It was his intention, 
 however, as soon as possible, to visit his states of 
 Naples and Sicily. 
 
 Ximenez, in the mean time, was constantly at the 
 court of Philip, and therefore was unable to remain 
 in his diocese for the present, because he wished to 
 guide the young prince in the way of virtue, as far 
 as circumstances would allow. We may relate (in 
 passing), that about this time Ximenez gave a 
 remarkable proof of his courage. The count Pimentel 
 de Benevente, while the young king was on his way 
 from Senabria to Valladolid, had prepared a great 
 bull-fight in his honour. Before the combat com- 
 menced, Ximenez, wishing to cross over to the place 
 where the king was sitting, suddenly met one of the 
 beasts, who got free through the carelessness of the 
 keeper. It furiously attacked the attendants of the 
 archbishop, wounded several, and threatened to 
 attack Ximenez himself. But he stood before it 
 calm and tranquil, like a man prepared to fight or 
 to die; the royal guard, however, quickly came, 
 and drove the bull away. When he was praised 
 for his calmness and courage, he jocosely answered : 
 " When the king's guard is near, no one need 
 fear." * 
 
 Ximenez now began to excercise his influence, 
 not without fruit, in calming the terrible and often 
 fatal quarrels which soon began to break out in the 
 court of Philip between the grandees, and especially 
 between the houses of Benavente and Mendoza. He 
 also took part in a quarrel with Ponseca, archbishop 
 of Compostella, because as primate he had to receive 
 an appeal against a decision of Fonseca. This last 
 prelate had excommunicated two of the government 
 
 * Gomez, folio 63, 64.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 247 
 
 judges for having imprisoned Francisco Ribas, 
 although, he had received minor orders. For this 
 reason the judges appealed to Ximenez. What was 
 the issue we are not informed. 
 
 The Cortes soon after took the usual oath of 
 fidelity and homage to Queen Joanna, as " Seiiora 
 natural," to her consort Philip, and also the Prince 
 Charles, as presumptive heir to the crown. But 
 Ximenez soon had an opportunity of witnessing 
 the evil influence which the Spanish and Flemish 
 favourites began to exercise over Philip. Judges 
 the most faithful and talented, officers the most 
 able, governors, prefects, and other persons in 
 authority, were odious and suspected, merely be- 
 cause they had been appointed by Ferdinand. Even 
 the marquis of Moya was dismissed from his post of 
 governor of Segovia, without any regard being paid 
 to his past fidelity and that of his spouse, Beatriz 
 Bobadilla, in favour of the late queen, Isabella.* 
 Unworthy favourites, and even strangers from 
 Flanders, got possession of the most important 
 offices : often were the posts purchased by money, 
 and even the property of the state sold to supply 
 the excessive prodigalities of a corrupt court. Philip 
 himself said once, " that having been rich when 
 count of Flanders, he became poor when he was 
 the greatest king in Europe." f Complaints the 
 most just, when addressed to the sovereign, re- 
 mained unanswered ; so that it is not wonderful 
 if, as was the case in Andalusia, a revolt broke out 
 in some of the provinces. Ximenez now thought it 
 was his duty to overthrow the pernicious influence 
 of Don Juan Manuel, and to close the too credulous 
 ears of Philip to his advice and suggestions. A 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 312. Prescott, chap. xix. part ii. The 
 government of Segovia was given to Don Juan Manuel, 
 t Peter Martyr, Epist. 313. Flechier, liv. ii. p. 181.
 
 248 THE LIFE OF 
 
 favourable opportunity soon presented itself. In 
 one of the treaties signed by Philip, he had insured 
 to Ferdinand, conformably with a clause in the 
 will of Isabella, the revenues arising from the silk- 
 manufactures of Granada. This solemn pledge, 
 however, did not prevent Don Manuel from farming 
 out the said revenues to some speculating favourite ; 
 thus making his royal master's words so many lies. 
 Being prime minister, Don Manuel was also inspec- 
 tor of finance. When the contract was found in his 
 cabinet, signed with his own hand, Bertrand de 
 Salto, one of the royal collectors, showed it to 
 Ximenez, without having any suspicion that mat- 
 ters were going wrong. Ximenez tore it in pieces 
 immediately, and went directly to the king to 
 inform him of the disgraceful conduct of Don Juan 
 Manuel. Then, taking advantage of this circum- 
 stance, the archbishop spoke in a general manner 
 of the evils which the bad counsellors of the king 
 had brought upon Spain, &c. He concluded his 
 address by imploring his majesty to remove Don 
 Manuel from court, under some honourable pretext. 
 Though Philip refused to do so for a long time, he 
 at last promised to send him as ambassador to 
 Home : the promise was not, indeed, fulfilled ; but, 
 according to the testimony of Gomez, his influence 
 from that day began to decline. 
 
 At the request of the king, Ximenez was soon 
 after charged with the difficult but important task 
 of studying the nature of all the different affairs 
 which were brought every Eriday before the council 
 of state, and then of giving in a report respecting 
 them to the king. By this means it was very easy 
 to show the king everything in its true light and 
 bearing. Every Thursday Ximenez gave an audience 
 to some of the principal ministers, who gave him an 
 account of the most important matters which were
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 249 
 
 to be brought under the consideration of the council 
 the following day. Don Manuel himself was now 
 becoming more discreet and reasonable than he used 
 to be : often did he accompany the other ministers 
 to the house of the energetic prelate, who was the 
 real cause of the downfall of his influence. 
 
 God only knows whether the king would have 
 continued long in this way ; for, as the Almighty 
 called him out of this world in the flower of his age, 
 Philip was unable to give sufficient proof of his 
 having altered for the better.
 
 250 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 T1IE DEATH OF PHILIP. XIMENEZ BECOMES REGENT OF THE 
 KINGDOM. 
 
 AMONGST many other dignities conferred upon 
 Don Manuel by Philip, was that of governor of 
 Burgos. This favourite had therefore prepared a 
 magnificent feast for his royal master in person, as 
 a proof of his gratitude for the honour. The most 
 lively joy and pleasure prevailed at the banquet. 
 The king, however, who had eaten and drunk to 
 some excess, on rising from table wished to take a 
 little exercise. He called for his horse, and rode on 
 the riding-ground with great ease. Then he dis- 
 mounted and had a game at tennis-ball, which he 
 passionately loved. At this he played for a long 
 time with considerable exertion. But he became 
 so heated that he thoughtlessly drank a jug of 
 cold water, which brought on a fever that very 
 same evening. This happened on the 19th of Sep- 
 tember, 1506. At first there seemed to be no 
 danger, but it soon increased with fearful rapidity, 
 either through negligence or improper treatment. 
 One only amongst the physicians of Philip (Ludo- 
 vico Marliano,* from Milan) was aware of the 
 danger in which the prince was ; all the others 
 believed there was no danger whatever. When 
 Ximenez heard of the case, he thought it his duty to 
 
 * He afterwards became bishop of Tuy, in Galicia. Peter Mar- 
 tyr, who was his friend and admirer, calls him " Lucida lampas 
 inter philosophos et clericos " (Epist. 313). See also Mariana, 
 lib. xxviii. cap. 23.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 251 
 
 send his own physician (Dr. Yanguas) immediately 
 to visit the sick prince. Philip received him kindly, 
 and told him all the particulars of his illness. Yan- 
 guas saw no remedy but in bleeding. The Flemish 
 doctors, however, were exceedingly opposed to such 
 treatment, pretending to know the nature of the 
 malady, as well as the constitution of the king, 
 better than the Spanish physician. Their opinion 
 prevailed. Yanguas then hastened to inform the 
 archbishop that there was no hope for the king.* 
 
 As soon as the report spread abroad, the nobles 
 and ministers considered it necessary to deliberate 
 on the present posture of affairs, and consider the 
 best means of providing for the government of the 
 kingdom, in case the king should die. The inca- 
 pacity of the queen was evident to all. The grand- 
 constable, Velasco ; Henriquez, admiral of Castile ; 
 and the duke of Infantado the two first of whom 
 were related to the royal family, declared them- 
 selves in favour of Ferdinand, and were of opinion 
 that he ought to be immediately invited to return 
 from Naples, and, as guardian of his daughter, 
 undertake the regency of Castile. But the duke of 
 Najara and the marquis of Villena, two old enemies 
 of Ferdinand, opposed such a motion with great 
 earnestness. The count of Benavente and others 
 sided with them, mostly through fear, lest when 
 Ferdinand should come into power again, he might 
 revenge on them the injuries which they had com- 
 mitted against him after the death of Isabella. The 
 nobles, being thus divided, put the matter into the 
 hands of Ximenez till the king's death. They con- 
 jured him to try and conciliate the two parties, and 
 preserve the peace, in quality of his dignity as 
 grand-chancellor and primate. 
 
 * Gomez, folio 66.
 
 252 THE LIFE OF 
 
 In a second conference, held on the 24th of 
 September, just when the king was near his death, 
 Ximenez at last succeeded, by his prudence and 
 wisdom, in effecting a union among the numerous 
 nobility who surrounded him. Many had already 
 spoken in favour of King Ferdinand ; and their 
 advice would probably have been followed, had not 
 Pimentel, count of Benavente, opposed the others 
 with all his might. " What !" he exclaimed, " will 
 you all be so mad as to invite back again to Spain 
 one whom you have so lately driven away ? Are 
 you not afraid, lest, after being kind to you in the 
 beginning, he may at last exercise all his deep 
 vengeance upon you ? This I now tell you openly : 
 I possess at home two new suits of armour ; these 
 shall be torn from my body before I suffer the king 
 of Aragon to return to Castile."* 
 
 These fiery words produced a great effect, for most 
 of the grandees came over to the views of the count 
 of Benavente. 
 
 Hitherto Ximenez had not spoken, as he listened 
 in silence to the various opinions which were ex- 
 pressed. Though devoted, as all right-minded per- 
 sons were,f to the cause of Ferdinand, he could only 
 speak under the present circumstances in a general 
 way, invested as he was by the nobility with the 
 character of a mediator. He promoted, then, the 
 interests of his country, as well as the cause of Fer- 
 dinand, much better by the way in which he spoke ; 
 for he represented to the assembled nobles, that 
 King Ferdinand had indeed a long and practical 
 experience of affairs, and had also displayed talents 
 of the highest order for governing ; but, at the same 
 time, that Castile had no need of choosing a regent 
 
 * Gomez, folio 67. 
 
 t Peter Martyr says : " Fernandas apertis visceribus a bonis 
 desideratur ; is nisi redierit, ruent orania." (Epist. 317.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 253 
 
 out of the kingdom, because there were so many fit 
 and excellent men within her own bounds. The 
 nobility, therefore, had only to choose some one 
 amongst themselves, who possessed the love and 
 esteem of the people. As for himself, he would 
 honour and support any one they might choose, just 
 as he would the king himself.* 
 
 Scarcely had Ximenez finished his address, when 
 it was received with the most lively joy by the no- 
 bility. Had he taken the part of Ferdinand then, it 
 is very probable, that after Philip's death there 
 would have been a civil war. The only thing for 
 which Ximenez can be blamed is, that he showed 
 himself more politic than candid with the passionate 
 grandees. Some were fearful, that if Ximenez had 
 spoken more in favour of Ferdinand, he might 
 quickly have excited or irritated their minds. The 
 result was, that Ximenez himself, together with the 
 grand-constable, the grand-admiral, the duke of 
 Najara, the duke of Infantado, the ambassador of the 
 emperor of Germany, Andrea del Burgo, and Vere, 
 a Flemish nobleman, were chosen for the provisional 
 administrators of the kingdom, until the Cortes 
 (now near at hand) should pronounce a definitive 
 judgment on the choice. f The biographers of Xime- 
 nez, with Gomez at their head, who is followed by 
 all the others, seem to think, in their account of 
 these proceedings, that Ximenez was chosen regent 
 of Castile personally, with only two councillors, viz. 
 the grand-constable and the duke of Najara. But 
 Zurita has given us all the authentic documents 
 of the meeting, and from these sources it is that 
 we have taken the above account . { 
 
 * Gomez, folio 67. See likewise Flechier, liv. ii. p. 170. 
 t Gomez, folio 68. Zurita, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. xv. 
 J It is certainly true, that Peter Martyr (Epist. 317) speaks 
 merely of Ximenez, the duke of Najara, and the grand-constable.
 
 254 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The following day the fatal event which was 
 so much feared took place. After an illness of six 
 days, Philip died on the 25th of September, 1506, 
 at Burgos, five months after his arrival in Spain, 
 and in the twenty-eighth year of his reign. Being 
 the first of the royal family of Austria, he had a 
 probability of inheriting an almost world- wide mo- 
 narchy ; but it was not given to him to arrive at 
 such greatness, and much less had he the talents and 
 capability of Charles, his son and heir. IFor although 
 nature had not been backward in her gifts to him, 
 yet Philip "the Pair"* was too fond of the plea- 
 sures of life, too light-hearted and weak, ever to 
 become a great sovereign, t 
 
 Joanna, who was so deserving of pity, being pos- 
 sessed of an invincible love for Philip, would not 
 for a moment leave the bed of her deceased spouse. 
 No tears, however, assuaged her sorrow ; for, from 
 the time when she discovered a Belgian maid in the 
 arms of her faithless husband, terror had dried up 
 the fount of tears in the eyes of the unhappy woman. 
 But after the death of Philip, and in spite of her 
 being far advanced in her pregnancy, she could not 
 be removed from the corpse, either by the entrea- 
 ties of the grandees, or even by those of Ximenez 
 himself. J 
 
 On receiving the news of the king's death, 
 Ximenez immediately retired to his domestic 
 chapel ; and there, unseen by men, he wept over 
 
 But he, no doubt, only wished to indicate the principal personages 
 who composed the council for the regency. 
 
 * Felipe el Hermoso, of whom Mariana thus speaks : " Labium 
 inferius porrectum cum gratia" (lib. xxviii. cap. xxiii.). 
 
 t " He was rash and impetuous in his temper, frank, and care- 
 less. He abandoned himself to the impulse of the moment, 
 whether for good or evil." (Prescott, chap, xix.) 
 
 J Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. xv.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 255 
 
 the young prince and recommended his soul to 
 God. After he had performed this duty, he hast- 
 ened forthwith to the queen, not with the view of 
 addressing useless exhortations to moderate her 
 grief, but to console her by sympathizing with her 
 in the affliction which had just befallen her, and 
 then endeavouring to pour the oil of comfort into 
 her afflicted soul. 
 
 The remains of Philip were publicly exposed that 
 day and the following night, according to the 
 Flemish custom. They were covered with costly 
 robes, and all the usual tokens of the royal dig- 
 nity, and surrounded by a great number of the 
 clergy and laity ; amongst whom was Peter Martyr, 
 who gives us the account of the proceedings. In 
 the morning of the same day, the body had been 
 opened by two doctors, embalmed, and then bound 
 round, like a mummy, with cloths, and put into a 
 double coffin of lead and wood. It was then depo- 
 sited in the Carthusian convent of Miraflores, near 
 Burgos ; where it remained till it was removed to 
 Granada, to be interred by the side of Isabella, 
 according to the wish of Philip. But the king had 
 bequeathed his heart to Flanders, to which he had 
 belonged all his lifetime. 
 
 The king's deatli might easily have led to an 
 explosion of hatred (long pent up) on the part of 
 the Spaniards, against the avarice and tyranny 
 of their Flemish masters. To prevent such an evil, 
 the duke of Najara and the grand-constable con- 
 sidered it necessary, by order of the council, to 
 publish in the public square of Burgos, by the 
 assistance of the heralds, "that whoever should 
 be found with arms in the streets would be horse- 
 whipped ; and that whosoever should draw a sword 
 would have his hand cut off; and, finally, whosoever 
 should shed even one drop of blood, would be
 
 256 THE LIFE OF 
 
 punished on the spot with death."* By this means 
 order was preserved. As soon as the funeral cere- 
 monies were over, the grandees assembled again in 
 presence of Ximenez, on October 1st, in order to 
 confirm his authority of regent, and to compel the 
 nobility to yield obedience to him. The decree is 
 to be found in Zurita, who informs us, that a 
 certain pre-eminence was given to Ximenez over 
 his colleagues in such a way, that none of them 
 could send a deputy into the council of regency 
 without his consent, while he alone was com- 
 missioned to receive the adhesion of the nobles and 
 prelates to the new government.f 
 
 But before this meeting took place, Ximenez, 
 immediately after Philip's death, wished, if possible, 
 to enter into a correspondence with Ferdinand ; he 
 therefore instantly sent a letter to him, hoping it 
 would find him at Barcelona before he set sail for 
 Italy. The following is the substance of it : A 
 fever carried off Philip in a few days, and so great 
 is the disunion amongst the grandees, that no one 
 knows what to do. The queen, overwhelmed with 
 grief and mourning, has lost the powers of her 
 mind. If, then, you have any consideration for a 
 kingdom once so dear to you ; if any love yet 
 remains for a daughter so inconsolable, let the 
 affairs of Italy stand by for a time, and return 
 immediately to Castile. Ximenez trusts to the 
 magnanimity of the king, which he hopes will 
 induce him to forget all the evils which the 
 grandees made him suffer. But now nothing of 
 the kind need be feared; rather was Ximenez 
 confident that he would be able to surrender the 
 government into the hands of his majesty, and that 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 317. 
 
 t Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. xvi.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 257 
 
 he would find it in a more tranquil state than it 
 was even under Isabella herself."* 
 
 Louis Ferrer, whom the Catholic king had left as 
 his ambassador at the court of his daughter, took 
 charge of this letter, and immediately sent it by a 
 courier to Ferdinand. Letters of similar import 
 were also sent by the grand-constable and the 
 faithful Peter Martyr, t But Ferdinand had already 
 left Spain, and the courier only overtook him at 
 Portofino, near Genoa, October 6th, 1506. 
 
 But in spite of so many pressing invitations, the 
 king did not think proper to return immediately to 
 Castile. He probably wished his subjects to taste 
 for some time the bitterness of anarchy, before 
 he offered them any assistance, and thought that it 
 would be the most prudent course for him to return 
 then in the character of a liberator. Moreover, a 
 violent and unjust suspicion of the fidelity of the 
 "great captain," J who was his viceroy at Naples, 
 had tormented him. Ferdinand, in order to diminish 
 the power of this man who had been so useful to 
 him, had already conferred a part of his powers on 
 other magistrates. But his suspicions induced him 
 to proceed to Italy at once, in order to suppress 
 any perfidious attempts which some might be 
 plotting against his statholder. He therefore con- 
 tinued his journey towards Naples, and contented 
 himself with sending kind answers to the grandees, 
 prelates, and citizens of Castile, assuring them in 
 affectionate words of his speedy return to Spain. 
 He begged of Ximenez especially, faithfully to attend 
 
 * Gomez, folio, 68. A Spanish historian is mistaken in sup- 
 posing that Ximenez at first wished to make himself regent. (See 
 Ascorgorta, " Compendio de la Historia de Espana," Paris, 
 1838, p. 229.) 
 
 t Epp. 317, 319. Zurita (loco citato), cap. xix.
 
 258 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to the affairs of the kingdom ; not to abandon the 
 unfortunate queen, and frequently to inform him 
 how matters were going on.* 
 
 Enmity and disorder soon began to break out 
 amongst the nobles, while a hatred arose between 
 the grand -const able and the duke of Najara, which 
 threatened to end in bloodshed. Ximenez inter- 
 fered, but his efforts were useless. The queen also 
 began to thwart him, by her complete obstinacy 
 in all matters connected with the regency. She 
 listened, indeed, through a latticed window to the 
 plans of the archbishop and his colleagues, but she 
 paid no further regard to them ; she even refused 
 to subscribe to any decree which was presented for 
 her approval, and neither prayers nor tears had 
 any effect upon her. She had, however, allowed 
 Ximenez to dwell with her in the palace, but she 
 forbad him to speak to her on the affairs of govern- 
 ment, considering him " not to be a councillor, but 
 merely a companion to her." She was exceedingly 
 angry whenever the prelate ventured to meddle in 
 " her affairs," as she expressed herself. f 
 
 The only thing which she did about this time, 
 was to order payment of the Flemish musicians, 
 whom, after Philip's death, she had received into 
 her court. She had loved music from her infancy, 
 for in that she found her only solace during the 
 hours of her melancholy.^ Some time afterwards, 
 shortly before her departure from Burgos, she 
 awoke from her apathy, and by an act which tended 
 to increase still more the public discontent and 
 confusion, she suddenly recalled, without any 
 apparent grounds, all the honours and rewards 
 which her spouse had bestowed on different persons 
 
 * Gomez, folio 71. 
 
 t Peter Martyr, Epist. 317. Zurita (as above), cap. xxi. 
 
 j Peter Martyr, Epp. 317349.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 
 
 during his regency. In other matters she remained 
 mute and almost inaccessible. To every question 
 she merely answered in these words : "I can only 
 do one thing, pray for my husband ;" or with the 
 remark, " My father will soon return, and he will 
 provide for all." With such words she also put off 
 the Flemish servants, who demanded in vain to be 
 paid, that so they might be able to return home. 
 It was equally impossible to induce her to sign a 
 decree against the duke of Medina Sidonia, who 
 had revolted, or for the appointment to important 
 offices which had been long vacant. Several 
 cathedrals were without their bishops : Ximenez, 
 therefore, conjured the queen to present to the 
 pope any persons who were agreeable to her ; but 
 she replied " that her father would know better 
 than herself who were fit subjects." When the 
 spiritual evils were represented to her, that were 
 likely to arise from so many sees being left vacant, 
 she remarked, with a quickness which was not 
 uncommon to her in her lucid intervals, " that the 
 evils would be still greater if she should name 
 unworthy subjects." She remained during the 
 greater part of the day in a dark chamber, with 
 her chin resting on her right hand, quite silent, full 
 of obstinacy towards her attendants, and especially 
 of bitter hatred towards the whole race of women* 
 only two of whom were allowed to approach her, 
 viz., Dona Maria d'Ulloa, countess of Salinas, who 
 was her lady in waiting, and the wife of the grand- 
 constable. Though this last lady was a natural 
 daughter of Ferdinand, yet she left the palace of her 
 husband when Philip and Joanna came to dwell 
 at Burgos ; it was only after the death of the king 
 that she returned : t there the unhappy princess 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 318. f Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. iii. 
 
 s 2
 
 260 THE LIFE OF 
 
 continued to reside for some time, until, for the 
 sake of her health, she removed to the country house 
 of the Vega, near Burgos. 
 
 Her case, however, became worse and worse, until 
 at last it terminated in downright madness. On the 
 feast of All Saints, 1506, she went from Burgos to 
 the convent of Miraflore's, where the body of her 
 spouse had been deposited for a time, in order to 
 convince herself that the body had not been stolen 
 by the Flemish attendants on her husband. She 
 even ordered the coffin to be opened ; she gazed 
 upon the corpse for a long time ; she touched it 
 with her hand in several places, and always with 
 dry eyes and a calm countenance. She then ordered 
 the lid to be put on again, and immediately returned 
 to Burgos.* 
 
 Under these circumstances, and amidst the in- 
 creasing disorder of the kingdom, it was evident 
 that some one was required to save the country 
 from utter ruin, who should be invested with un- 
 limited power. Some of the grandees cast their 
 eyes upon the German emperor Maximilian, father 
 of the deceased King Philip, and wished the govern- 
 ment of the kingdom to be confided to him. Others 
 preferred calling from Flanders the young Prince 
 Charles, who was then in his seventh year, and who 
 could easily choose an administrator and invest him 
 with full power. Another party were anxious that 
 the queen should marry again ; but they could not 
 agree respecting the choice of a husband. Some 
 thought of Ferdinand, the young duke of Calabria, 
 
 * Zurita, cap. xxvi. Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. iii. Flechier (liv. ii. 
 p. 182) confounds another journey to Miraflores, which took place 
 later, with that which Joanna made on the feast of All Saints. 
 This mistake probably arose because Peter Martyr speaks only of 
 the last (Epist. 324). But Mariana and Zurita distinctly men- 
 tion each separate journey.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 261 
 
 or Don Alonso of Aragon, both of whom were her 
 uncles. Others wished her to marry the king of 
 England, or the French count Gaston de Eoix, 
 brother of Germaine. But Joanna rejected all 
 these overtures with invincible firmness. " She 
 loved her spouse now that he was dead, as much as 
 she did when he was alive."* All the best-disposed, 
 however, wished Ferdinand to return ; but on this 
 point different opinions prevailed. Some considered 
 it better that Ferdinand should be acknowledged 
 administrator of the kingdom while absent ; others 
 wished it to be done only on his return to Spain. 
 Ximenez belonged to the first party : hence it was 
 thought that he wished to confide the government 
 to Ferdinand while he was in Italy, in order that 
 Ximenez himself might be named his representative. 
 But, according to the testimony of Zurita, Fer- 
 dinand had in reality bestowed full power and 
 authority on Ximenez to govern Castile during his 
 absence, in concert with other grandees who should 
 seem proper persons. f It would, then, be very rash 
 to impute the zeal which Ximenez showed for the 
 interests of Ferdinand merely to motives of self- 
 interest. It is evident that the good of the country 
 dictated to Ximenez the same line of conduct as 
 other less generous motives might have inspired 
 him with. Who can venture to decide that the sole 
 motive of self-interest, gratuitously alleged, pro- 
 duced acts which it is most natural to attribute, if 
 not to the most noble of the two motives, at least 
 to both of them together ? 
 
 But, however anxious Ximenez was that Ferdi- 
 nand should return to Castile, this could not be 
 effected in the present state of affairs without a 
 royal decree, and the sanction of the Cortes. 
 
 * Zurita, cap. xxi. Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. iii. 
 t Zarita, cap. xxv.
 
 262 THE LIFE OP 
 
 Ximenoz, then, and his colleagues resolved to 
 assemble the Cortes at Burgos, in November, 1506, 
 in order, by a solemn decision, to settle the question 
 of the regency. But the archbishop had wisely 
 taken the precaution beforehand to induce the vari- 
 ous parties into which the nobility were divided 
 to make a solemn promise not to enter into nego- 
 tiations with any prince in the mean time. 
 
 But while Ximenez was thus exerting himself to 
 assemble the Cortes, the other friends of Ferdinand, 
 and especially the duke of Alva, were endeavouring 
 to prevent the meeting. This party had on its side 
 the express declaration of the Catholic king (Ferdi- 
 nand), who derived his right to the regency from 
 the last will of his spouse, and the decree of the 
 Cortes held at Toro, without there being any necessity 
 for a new decision on their part. But Ximenez and 
 the other adherents of the king, and, lastly, his 
 majesty himself, clearly saw that the right acquired 
 by the will of the queen, and through means of the 
 Cortes held at Toro, had been made null by his 
 treaty with Philip.* 
 
 Nevertheless, under such circumstances, the uni- 
 versal and peaceful acknowledgment of Ferdinand 
 could not be made without the ratification of the 
 Cortes. The decree was therefore prepared, accord- 
 ing to the wish of Ximenez, for the convocation of 
 the Cortes. Soon was there a general agitation 
 visible amongst all parties, who were anxious to 
 direct the choice of the provinces and cities so as to 
 promote their own views. The provinces of Guipus- 
 coa and Biscay, which had not been accustomed to 
 send deputies to the Cortes, now demanded to be 
 represented for this time only.f 
 
 * All these details are principally taken from Zurita, " Anales 
 de Aragon," so often quoted. Trans. 
 t Zurita, cap. xxii.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 263 
 
 Ferdinand's party gained great advantages in the 
 elections, for the people universally wished his 
 return, as the only means of recovering tranquillity.* 
 To complete the victory, there were only wanting 
 two points, viz., the opening of the Cortes, and its 
 being acknowledged by the queen. To obtain this 
 result, the grandees, the council royal, and the 
 governor of Burgos hastened to the palace, where 
 Ximenez pressed the queen to accede to the wishes 
 of the deputation, representing to her that the wel- 
 fare of the kingdom depended on the Cortes being 
 convoked. f But no efforts or motives could induce 
 the queen to give her consent. In this extremity 
 Ximenez, contrary to all custom, and in spite of the 
 protestation of the duke of Alva, and without any 
 order from the queen, convoked the Cortes by an 
 edict of the council royal. But as it did not obtain 
 the necessary approbation in all the provinces, only 
 a very small number of deputies arrived at Burgos 
 towards the middle of November ; the meeting, 
 therefore, was soon dissolved.^ 
 
 It was then that the provisional government of 
 Castile ceased, and Ximenez, the duke of Alva, and 
 the grand-constable obtained from King Ferdinand 
 full power to conduct affairs. Ximenez, with an 
 eagerness peculiar to him, now took advantage of 
 the meeting of the Cortes solemnly to declare 
 what the whole of Spain already knew the inca- 
 pacity of the queen. His object was that Ferdinand, 
 on his return, might be spared the pain of being 
 obliged to adopt this measure against his own 
 daughter, and by this means, to avoid any obstacle 
 in his administration. No doubt this arrangement 
 of the archbishop was good, but it is no less certain 
 
 * Zurita, cap. xxv. t Ibid, cap xxi. 
 
 Ibid. cap. xxviii. Mariana, lib. xxix. Zurita, cap. xxxii.
 
 264 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that the compassion which every one felt for the 
 unfortunate Joanna made it useless : neither the 
 people nor Ferdinand himself approved of it.* 
 
 But though Ximenez at first was so determined 
 on convoking the Cortes, yet he began a little later 
 to change his opinion on the subject, when he saw 
 how, in the course of their proceedings, they did 
 nothing but quarrel more and more amongst them- 
 selves, and suffered themselves more than ever to 
 be influenced by the Austrian party. Hence it was 
 that Ximenez, the duke of Alva, and the grand- 
 constable considered it necessary to adjourn the 
 States. They also heard with joy that the queen, 
 the day before her departure from Burgos, had 
 ordered a deputation from the Cortes to retire to 
 their homes. A royal decree prorogued the Cortes 
 for four months. 
 
 After the prorogation of the Cortes, the queen at 
 length yielded to the entreaties of those around her, 
 and left Burgos, which was then ravaged by a 
 pestilence. Having dwelt in the neighbouring Vega, 
 not far from the city, for a few weeks, she resolved 
 to leave that part of the country altogether. A 
 number of the nobility, through the hope of acquiring 
 greater influence over her, offered her their mansions 
 for her habitation, as soon as they heard of her 
 intention to leave the neighbourhood of Burgos. 
 Ximenez himself, if we may trust the assertion of 
 Zurita,f had recourse to this expedient ; while 
 Gomez, on the other hand, assures us that Ximenez 
 endeavoured to dissuade the queen from her intended 
 departure, on account of her being pregnant. But 
 Joanna obstinately refused to listen to any advice, 
 whether good or bad ; she was resolved to follow 
 only her own will. Accordingly, on the 20th of 
 
 * Zurita, cap. xxi. xxxii. f Cap. xx.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 265 
 
 December, 1506, she went to the convent of Mira- 
 flores, in order to disinter the hody of her hushand, 
 and take it with her on her journey. In vain did 
 the bishop of Burgos represent to her that such a 
 proceeding would be contrary both to the laws of 
 the Church and to the will of Philip himself; 
 and that, moreover, no corpse could be removed 
 during the first six months after its burial. This 
 opposition threw the queen into a fearful passion ; 
 she uttered the most terrible threats in case her 
 orders were not obeyed. Fearful lest some dangerous 
 consequences might follow from her passion, and 
 considering, too, the state she was in, the bishop 
 complied with her wishes. Accordingly, all the 
 grandees present, the papal nuncio, the ambassadors 
 of Maximilian and Ferdinand, the bishops of Burgos, 
 Malaga, Jaen, and Mondonedo, as also Peter 
 Martyr, were summoned to view the body, in order 
 to testify to its identity. But, according to Peter 
 Martyr,* nothing could be seen save a form enveloped 
 in cloths, and totally incapable of being recognized. 
 Joanna, however, ordered the coffin to be ornamented 
 with gold and silk coverings. She then placed it 
 on a car, which was drawn by four Flemish horses, 
 and ordered it to be conveyed before her to the town 
 of Torquemada, which lay between Burgos and 
 Valladolid. At this last city she stopped, the journey 
 having taken two days, though the distance is so 
 short ; because the queen travelled only at night, 
 by the light of torches. " A respectable woman," 
 she said, " after the death of her husband, who was 
 to her a sun, should shun the light of day, and 
 travel only in darkness. "t 
 
 At Torquemada she ordered the body to be 
 
 * Epist. 324. 
 
 t Peter Martyr, Epist. 359. Mariana, lib. xxix.
 
 266 THE LIFE OF 
 
 taken into the principal church, and be sur- 
 rounded by numerous guards, as if she wished to 
 repel the attack of an enemy. But her object 
 was to prevent any woman from approaching the 
 royal coffin ; for the jealousy of the afflicted queen 
 still troubled her, even after the death of her 
 husband. Every morning a funeral service was 
 performed in presence of the corpse, and in the 
 evening vespers of the dead were recited. Neither 
 these nor the watching of the guards were inter- 
 rupted during the whole of the journey. Ximenez, 
 at first, had remained at Burgos, with the grand 
 admiral and the duke of Najara ; but he soon 
 hastened to join the queen at Torquemada, in order 
 not to be absent a moment during the approaching 
 " confinement" of Joanna. He feared and his fears 
 were shared by all the friends of order lest, if the 
 queen should die during her delivery, the guardian- 
 ship of Charles, the heir of Castile, together with the 
 regency of Spain, should pass into the hands of the 
 emperor Maximilian I. But these fears of Ximenez 
 were the result of his zeal for the interests of 
 Ferdinand, as well as for the good of the country. 
 Fortunately, they were not realized, for, on the 14th 
 of January, 1507, Joanna gave birth to a princess 
 at Torquemada. She was baptized by Ximenez, and 
 received the name of Catharina. She was afterwards 
 married to the king of Portugal.* The queen soon 
 recovered her strength, though her reason was far 
 from being restored ; on the contrary, her mind was 
 more and more filled with delusions. 
 
 Under such unfortunate circumstances Ximenez 
 considered it his duty, in virtue of the authority 
 with which he was invested, to transfer the royal 
 
 * Gomez, by an error, says the princess was born on the 
 nineteenth calends of January instead of February. (See Zurita, 
 cap. xliii., and also Peter Martyr, Epist. 331.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 267 
 
 council, and also the office of the Inquisition, to 
 Palencia ; while he himself remained near the queen, 
 who became every day more and more incapable of 
 governing. Whenever she was called upon to sign 
 any document, says Peter Martyr, it seemed as if 
 her fingers were glued together.* She cared very 
 little what became of the kingdom, provided she 
 was not disturbed in the deep apathy that had 
 possession of her ; and this prevailed to such an 
 extent, that when once she was seized with it she 
 was unable to raise herself up.f In the mean time 
 the hatred of the nobility one towards another, and 
 especially between the grand-constable and the duke 
 of Najara, arose to such a height that at Torque- 
 mada they would have come to blows, even in the 
 palace of the queen herself, had not the queen, or 
 rather Ximenez by means of the queen, sent some 
 mediators to appease the strife of the parties. 
 
 No wonder, then, that the return of Perdinand 
 was anxiously and daily hoped for ; though Peter 
 Martyr complains that the promises he made of 
 returning were empty and deceitful, t 
 
 During the stay of the court at Torquemada, 
 Ximenez visited the small town of Cisneros, from 
 which his family originally came. There he saw his 
 parents, paid his respects to them, and gave them 
 many tokens of his affection. The inhabitants of 
 the town received him with great honour, and as 
 a return for what they had done to testify their 
 esteem for him, he granted the favour they had 
 asked, viz. that for the future the civil officers 
 were not to be chosen from Castile, but they them- 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 331. f Ibid. 332. 
 
 J Prescott seems to think that Ferdinand showed a " discreet 
 forbearance," in not immediately returning to Spain. He used, 
 however, the most courteous style in his communications to the 
 nobles. (See chap. xx. part ii.) Trans.
 
 268 THE LIFE OF 
 
 selves were to elect two adelantados, or municipal 
 officers, who should have the power of settling all 
 their disputes. 
 
 Towards the end of April, 1507, the queen, at 
 last, left Torquemada, which was not healthy; 
 but, as Peter Martyr remarks, she only exchanged 
 Scylla for Charybdis, by choosing for her residence 
 the small town of Fornillos, which scarcely con- 
 tained sufficient houses for her attendants. In vain 
 was she exhorted to proceed to the neighbouring 
 city of Palencia, where the royal council had already 
 arrived : she resolutely replied, " that widows ought 
 not to dwell in large cities and magnificent houses." 
 Many of her attendants were obliged to erect small 
 cabins for themselves, in order to have some place 
 in Fornillos wherein to dwell.* 
 
 The principal object, in the mean time, which 
 Ximenez zealously aimed at, was, by negotiating 
 with the grandees, gradually to unite all the parties, 
 and so prepare them for acknowledging Ferdinand, 
 so that on his arrival in Spain he might find order 
 everywhere re-established. f Sometimes even his 
 own friends put obstacles in his way, viz., the duke 
 of Alva and the grand-constable ; partly because 
 they considered his negotiations and compacts as 
 disgraceful for Ferdinand to accept; and, above 
 all, because they considered themselves justified in 
 complaining that favours were promised to their 
 adversaries, which ought to have been the reward of 
 their own fidelity. Another obstacle to the complete 
 success of Ximenez was his want of the authority 
 with which Ferdinand had invested him the preced- 
 ing year, during his negotiations with Philip. Still 
 
 * Peter Martyr, Epist. 339. 
 
 t Ximenez was unwilling to employ any severity, except 
 against the two most obstinate enemies of Ferdinand, viz., the 
 duke of Najara and Don Manuel.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 269 
 
 Ximenez succeeded in gaining over the most bitter 
 enemies of Ferdinand ; viz., Garcilasso de la Vega, 
 the marquis of Villena, the count of Benavente, 
 and the duke of Bejar. But the duke of N ajar a and 
 Don Manuel remained inflexible.* 
 
 Ximenez derived great assistance from Ferdi- 
 nand's ambassador, Louis Ferrer, who used his ut- 
 most endeavours to keep the archbishop, the duke 
 of Alva, the admiral, and grand-constable united 
 together. 
 
 As a recompense for so many services on the part 
 of Ximenez, Ferdinand endeavoured to show his 
 gratitude to the archbishop. Hence, during his 
 residence in Italy, a report was spread through 
 Spain that Ferdinand had obtained the cardinal's 
 hat for Ximenez from Pope Julius II., and also that 
 he had reserved for him the dignity of grand in- 
 quisitor of Castile. f Zurita insinuates that these 
 two dignities were objects of ambition with Ximenez ; 
 he likewise mentions, in another place, that Ferrer 
 had made proposals on the subject to Ximenez in 
 the name of Ferdinand, and at the same time had 
 promised a bishopric to his friend Huyz.t These 
 promises were fulfilled on the arrival of Ferdinand 
 in Spain. 
 
 In the mean time Ferdinand, having left Naples, 
 set sail for the port of Savona, instead of Ostia, 
 where Julius II. had been expecting him in vain. 
 At Savona, Ferdinand and Louis XII., king of 
 France, met together amidst great pomp. The "great 
 captain" also was amongst Ferdinand's attendants, 
 though he was once deprived of his dignity of 
 viceroy over Naples by the suspicious monarch ; but 
 
 * Zurita, cap. xxxix. ; also lib. viii. cap. vi. 
 t Peter Martyr, Epp. 340, 343. J Zurita, cap. xxii. 
 
 It seems as if Ferdinand had designedly avoided having an 
 interview with the pope. (See Peter Martyr, Epp. 352, 353.)
 
 270 THE LIFE OF 
 
 now the illustrious warrior was loaded with the 
 highest honours by the king of Prance, against whom 
 he had so often fought in battle.* 
 
 At length, after having enjoyed the splendid 
 hospitality of Louis for four days, Ferdinand and 
 his queen re-embarked, and reached their own port 
 of Valencia on the 20th of July, 1507. After a 
 short repose, he proceeded by slow journeys towards 
 Castile, while all the grandees and nobility came 
 forth to meet him with great pomp. His daughter 
 Joanna was also anxious to meet him on the frontier 
 of Castile ; but Ximenez, at the suggestion of Fer- 
 dinand, dissuaded her from the undertaking, and 
 advised her to remain in some town not far from 
 Eornillos, where sufficient room could be found for 
 the residence of both courts. Joanna accordingly 
 set out on her journey in the middle of the night of 
 August 24th, accompanied by the corpse of Philip, 
 and attended by Ximenez and the other officers of 
 the court. She reached TortoMs, which was about 
 fifteen miles from Fornillos. A few days before 
 (August 21st), Ferdinand had arrived in the terri- 
 tory of Castile, where the duke de Infantado, the 
 admiral, and a crowd of grandees and cavaliers, 
 received him most solemnly and cordially. 
 
 On the 27th of August he entered Tortole*s, and 
 embraced his daughter with tears of joy, though 
 he was exceedingly shocked by Joanna's outward 
 appearance, which was wild and haggard. f 
 
 After a long interview, at which Ximenez only 
 
 * The " great captain " was also exceedingly honoured by 
 Ferdinand himself, who now studied to efface from his mind every 
 uncomfortable impression. (See Prescott, chap, xx.) Trans. 
 
 t She survived forty-seven years after this meeting, but took no 
 part in public affairs. Philip's remains were finally removed to 
 the cathedral church of Granada, where they were deposited 
 with those of his wife Joanna, in a magnificent sepulchre erected 
 by Charles V. (Prescott.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 271 
 
 was present, it was resolved that the court should 
 remove to Santa Maria del Campo. The king de- 
 parted in the morning, but Joanna, as usual, would 
 travel only by night, taking along with her the 
 corpse of Philip. On his arrival Ferdinand assumed 
 the reins of government with a firm hand, and also 
 with the full consent of his daughter. So confident, 
 too, was he in the justice of his cause, that he took 
 no trouble to have his " right and title" ratified 
 by the approbation of the Cortes, which was only 
 convoked three years after, on the 6th of October, 
 1510.
 
 272 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 XIMENEZ IS NAMED CARDINAL, AND GBAND INQUISITOR OF 
 CASTILE AND LEON. 
 
 ONE of the first acts of Ferdinand, the new regent 
 of Castile, was to procure the cardinal's hat for 
 Ximenez. For a long period the Spanish episco- 
 pacy had been honoured by having several cardinals 
 in its ranks. The kings themselves generally soli- 
 cited this dignity from the pope in favour of those 
 amongst their subjects who had served the State 
 more than the Church. It was during the time when 
 Ferdinand was residing in Italy, that he proposed 
 to the holy father to invest Ximenez with the purple, 
 alleging most powerful reasons for wishing to honour 
 him with this distinction ; amongst which were the 
 great services he had rendered to himself, to his 
 deceased queen, and to the kingdom of Castile. 
 
 Often had the Holy See been obliged to accede 
 with regret to solicitations of this kind. But, in 
 this case, Pope Julius II. and the Sacred College 
 were exceedingly delighted to be able to accord such 
 an honour to a man who was one of the most illus- 
 trious prelates of his time. Nay, so loudly and 
 frequently did the cardinals express their joy at this 
 new creation, that a great number of letters having 
 been sent from Home by the resident Spaniards there, 
 the news quickly spread through Spain. Gomez 
 assures us that he himself found several of these 
 documents in the archives of the church of Toledo. 
 After all the negotiations and necessary formalities 
 had been completed at Home, on the 17th of May,
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 273 
 
 1507, the brief was published, which raised Ximenez 
 to the dignity of a cardinal of the Roman Church.* 
 With the title of St. Balbinus, was also united the 
 honourable appellation of " Cardinal of Spain," 
 which his immediate predecessor in the primatial 
 see of Toledo had also borne, as well as Pedro Erias, 
 bishop of Osma, in the fourteenth century, f 
 
 On the very same day, after the publication of 
 the pontifical brief, Eerdinand, who was still at 
 Naples, wrote a letter to Ximenez, in which he 
 assured him, "that his numerous and extraordinary 
 virtues, as well as the important services which he 
 had rendered to Spain and to himself personally, 
 had induced him to solicit the holy father to confer 
 the dignity of cardinal upon him, and that he, Eer- 
 dinand, hoped the archbishop would accept this 
 favour with the same kind feeling and sentiments 
 that had inspired him with the idea of obtaining it 
 for him," &c. This letter, written by the king's 
 own hand, contained something still more honour- 
 able and important. He was named, at the same 
 time, grand-inquisitor of Castile and Leon, in place 
 of Deza, archbishop of Seville, who had just resigned 
 that dignity. 
 
 Though the papal brief and royal letters had been 
 
 * " Venerabili Fratri nostro Francisco, S. E. E. Presbytero 
 Cardinali, Julius II. P. M. : 
 
 " Dilecte fili, Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Induct! 
 praeclaris meritis et virtutibus tuis ; contemplatione etiam caris- 
 simi in Christo filii nostri Aragonum, Sicilise, Regis Catholici, 
 qui hoc a nobis per literas et oratores instantissime petiit, hodie 
 in consistorio nostro secreto, S. R. E. Cardinalium consortio et 
 collegio te aggregavimus ; sperantes quod eidetn S. R. E., cujus 
 tarn honorabile membrum es, utilis eris et honorificus, illiusque 
 authoritatem pro viribus conservabis, et augebis. 
 
 " Datia Romse, apud Sanctum Petrura, sub annulo Piscatoris, 
 die xvn. Maii, MDVII. pontificatus nostri anno quarto." (See 
 Gomez, folio 76 : Alcala, 1560.) 
 
 f Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. x. p. 34*. 
 
 T
 
 274 THE LIFE OF 
 
 for some time previously received in Spain, it was 
 ten months before Ferdinand returned. He brought 
 with him the red cap or birretta belonging to the 
 dignity of cardinal, in order that he might solemnly 
 place it on Ximenez, in the place of the pope ; a 
 function which the Catholic sovereigns themselves 
 very frequently fulfilled.* It was the original inten- 
 tion of Ferdinand that the solemn ceremony should 
 take place in presence of the court, at Santa-Maria 
 del Campo : Joanna, however, who seemed to view 
 with displeasure the honours which had been con- 
 ferred upon Ximenez, absolutely refused her consent, 
 remarking, " That such a festivity was quite incon- 
 sistent with a widow's ^sorrow ; that some other 
 place ought to be chosen ; and if so, that she would 
 undertake to provide the tapestries and other orna- 
 ments necessary for the solemnity of the function, 
 from the royal treasury." Ferdinand, yielding with 
 regret, fixed upon the neighbouring town of Maha- 
 mudf for the ceremony, which, he considered, ought 
 properly to be performed before the court. However, 
 many grandees of the kingdom were present. The 
 papal nuncio, Giovanni Bufo, bishop of Bertinovo, 
 near Ravenna, celebrated mass ; the pontifical brief 
 being publicly read, Ximenez was then decorated 
 and honoured by receiving the red birretta, in Sep- 
 tember, 1507. Soon after, he sent official notice to 
 the chapter of Toledo of his election, and of the 
 honour which had been conferred upon him by 
 Ferdinand, entreating the canons at the same time 
 
 * Her majesty Isabel of Spain performed the same solemn 
 ceremony at Madrid, on the 6th of April, 1858, by placing 
 the red birretta on the recently-elected cardinals of Toledo and 
 Seville. 
 
 t The modern name of this place seems to be unknown. It 
 was called " Mahamudum " by the inhabitants, according to 
 Gomez. Robles names it Mahamuz. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 275 
 
 to pray for him, and also for the good estate of the 
 whole of Christendom.* 
 
 The second dignity of grand-inquisitor, which was 
 bestowed on Ximenez in the same year (1507), 
 invites us to direct our especial attention to the 
 history and nature of the Spanish Inquisition. The 
 importance of the subject in itself, towards enabling 
 us to draw a correct portrait of the cardinal, 
 demands of us so much the greater diligence in the 
 examination of the question. 
 
 * Gomez (folio 76) ; Peter Martyr (Epist. 340343, 364) ; 
 Zurita (torn. vi. lib. viii.) ; Eobles (pp. 161, 162). 
 
 T 2
 
 276 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE SPANISH INQUISITION. THE LITTLE TRUST WHICH IS TO 
 BE PUT IN THE STATEMENTS OF LLORENTE. 
 
 IT often happens, that one and the same word 
 points out two similar things, though essentially 
 different in their meaning; and hence the similarity 
 of expression is calculated, by degrees, to confound 
 the radical diversity of the things themselves. 
 Such has been the case with the word " Inquisition," 
 which at first was used to designate an " ecclesias- 
 tical tribunal " in matters of faith ; but afterwards 
 it meant a " political institution," which became the 
 terror of Europe by its cruelties, real or imaginary. 
 There is sufficient evidence to prove, that from the 
 very commencement of Christianity, an ecclesias- 
 tical tribunal existed in matters of faith. It is also 
 certain, that the punishments inflicted on heretics 
 in the first ages of the Church were, like the tribu- 
 nal itself, purely ecclesiastical and spiritual, without 
 any effect in the department of the State. Thus 
 obstinate heretics were banished from the society of 
 the faithful, or, in other words, "excommunicated;" 
 for the Church could not act otherwise, without 
 losing her right as guardian of the doctrines of 
 Christ. 
 
 A new order of things opens before us, when the 
 emperor Constantine united the Church and State 
 together, and made regulations himself which, at 
 first, were in a great measure ecclesiastical. The 
 emperor, in virtue of being the "protector and 
 secular arm" of the Church, now assumes the title
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 277 
 
 of " Episcopus ad extra," and considers himself 
 absolutely bound to punish by exile and other penal- 
 ties those heretics who should disturb the peace of 
 the Church. Two motives justified, in his eyes, 
 these severe proceedings against heresy. The one 
 was, that, being the " first son " of the Church, he 
 was bound to protect her for the future against her 
 open enemies ; the other, that, being head of the 
 State, he was obliged to preserve order and tran- 
 quillity in the kingdom, by the removal of the dis- 
 affected ; for when religious strife and dissensions 
 prevailed, then order was at an end. 
 
 When, however, Constantius and Valens came 
 to the throne, much more cruel punishments than 
 banishment were directed by the Arians against 
 the Christians. By the first they were imprisoned ; 
 by the second, they were drowned in the sea.* All 
 the Arian princes in the new Germanic empire suc- 
 cessively followed this cruel example towards those 
 who differed from them in religion. At the end of 
 the fourth century, we meet, for the first time, with 
 the fact of Catholics punishing heretics. This hap- 
 pened under the emperor Maximus, who, in order 
 to suppress the Priscillianists, commanded the 
 leaders amongst them to be executed at Treves, in 
 the year 385. But the most illustrious bishops of 
 that time, viz. St. Martin of Tours, St. Ambrose 
 of Milan, Pope Siricius, and others, and later St. 
 Leo the Great, all loudly condemned the shedding 
 of the blood of heretics. St. Augustine himself was 
 of the same opinion, though he did not disapprove 
 of the use of force as a means of correcting error. 
 This opinion gradually gained ground, and after- 
 wards served as a basis for the civil laws under 
 Theodosius II. and Valentinian III. These sove- 
 
 * Socrates, " Hist. Eccl." lib. iv. cap. xvi.
 
 278 THE LIFE OF 
 
 reigns considered heretics as enemies of the State, 
 and disturbers of public order and morality; and 
 accordingly they excluded them from all posts of 
 honour, and deprived them of the rights of succes- 
 sion, besides the loss of many other civil privileges ; 
 but at the same time, they did not punish them 
 with death. 
 
 In the middle ages the union of Church and State 
 was much closer than it was under Constantine. A 
 grand idea then began to be entertained, of which 
 Pope Gregory VII. was the originator, of uniting 
 the whole of the West into one vast theocratical 
 alliance ; the Pope, under God, was to be its pro- 
 tector, while those only were to be members who 
 belonged to the Church. Prom this point of view 
 heretics evidently became guilty of high treason, 
 because by their errors they rose up in rebellion 
 against God, who was considered to be the head of 
 the alliance. Hence the civil legislation of the 
 middle ages always threatened heretics with death. 
 The teaching of several illustrious theologians of 
 the period accords with this legislation. Thus, for 
 example, St. Thomas of Aquin, in his celebrated 
 " Summa," does not hesitate to defend the punish- 
 ment of death : "To corrupt the faith," he says, 
 "is a crime much greater than that of corrupting 
 the coin, and therefore it ought to be punished as 
 the latter always is. But in order to win over the 
 guilty, the Church does not immediately pronounce 
 the excommunication. It is only after the heretic, 
 having received several warnings and admonitions, 
 still remains obstinate, that then she pronounces 
 the sentence and delivers him over to the secular 
 arm, in order that by his death the other members 
 may be preserved sound." St. Bernard, however, 
 thought otherwise; and many other lights of the 
 Church, also continued, like the ancient fathers, to
 
 CARDINAL XIMBNEZ. 279 
 
 protest against the punishment of death being in- 
 flicted on heretics.* 
 
 Thus, while on the one hand civil punishments 
 were inflicted on heretics by princes from the time 
 of Constantine, on the other, the Church from the 
 very commencement decided cases of heresy by 
 means of her bishops and synods. Hence, if we 
 wish to have a clear idea of the real object of the 
 Inquisition, viz. the seeking out of heretics and 
 their punishment by the ecclesiastical authority, 
 sanctioned by the civil power, we shall find that the 
 Inquisition in its first form dates its origin from the 
 time of the Apostles, and in the second from the 
 reign of Constantine the Great. 
 
 But, according to the usage of language, the 
 Inquisition was not yet properly organized, until 
 special courts and tribunals had been established for 
 the discovery and punishment of heretics. 
 
 This organization took its rise in the eleventh 
 and twelfth centuries, when a prodigious number 
 of sects arose in the West, like a destroying pesti- 
 lence, and infected all classes of society, penetrating 
 even amongst the chapters of cathedrals and the 
 cloisters of monks. 
 
 The first celebrated edict issued against these sects 
 does not belong, properly speaking, to the history 
 of the Inquisition, inasmuch as it appointed no 
 special court for the examination of heretics. It 
 contented itself with recommending, in general, to 
 the civil power the obligation incumbent upon it 
 of punishing them. The third general council of 
 Lateran, held in the year 1179, under Pope Alex- 
 ander III., issued the following decree against the 
 heretics residing in Gascony and about the borders 
 of Albi and Toulouse. These sects were called 
 
 * Hurter, " P. Innocenz III." (Hamb. 1834), bd. xi. s. 245.
 
 280 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cathari, Pateri, or Publicans. The decree, though 
 cited by Llorente in his "History of the Inquisition," 
 is mutilated by him. The following is the decree : 
 " As these heretics no longer remain in obscurity, 
 but boldly proclaim their errors, and try to seduce 
 the weak and simple,* they and their abettors are 
 hereby excommunicated. None of the faithful are 
 allowed to associate with them any more, or to hold 
 any intercourse with them." The same punishment 
 was inflicted on the heretics and their abettors who 
 then desolated Aragon, Navarre, and the Basque 
 provinces in the Spanish peninsula, " because they 
 practised great cruelties on the orthodox, and spared 
 neither churches, widows, nor orphans, f It is 
 decreed, therefore, that the faithful are freed from 
 all obligations towards them, until they shall have 
 been reconciled to the Church. Force may be 
 opposed to force ; their goods can be confiscated, 
 and Christian princes can even reduce these heretics 
 to slavery. "J 
 
 Though these decrees against the heretics are 
 severe, yet no mention is made in the council of any 
 tribunal for the Inquisition. But a few years later 
 we see traces of such a tribunal under Pope Lucius 
 III. and the emperor Frederic Barbarossa. At a 
 council held at Verona, in presence of the said em- 
 peror, and in concert with the bishops, his Holiness 
 decreed as follows, with the consent of the emperor : 
 " (1.) That the Cathari, the Pateri, the poor men 
 
 * These words, so necessary for understanding the true nature 
 and history of the Inquisition, are entirely omitted by Llorente 
 in his " History of the Inquisition." (Paris, ed. 1817, torn. i. 
 p. 28). 
 
 This passage also is omitted by Llorente. 
 
 J Harduin, " Collect. Concil," torn. vi. para. ii. p. 1683. 
 Respecting these decrees against heretics, compare Van Espen, 
 " Commentarius in Canones et Decreta Juris Veteris ac Novi " 
 (Colon, ed. 1755, p. 557).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 281 
 
 of Lyons, &c., were excommunicated. (2.) That all 
 others who should preach without permission, and 
 try to propagate their errors, were also liable to the 
 same punishment. (3.) So were those, too, who 
 encouraged such people. (4.) The council, more- 
 over, decrees, that as mere ecclesiastical punish- 
 ments are often despised by such persons, an here- 
 tical cleric shall first be degraded, and if he do not 
 retract, that he shall be delivered over to the secular 
 power ; that heretical laymen, if they continue 
 obstinate in their errors, shall be given up to the 
 civil authorities in order to be punished. (5.) That 
 those who are ' suspected,' and who hesitate or 
 delay in appearing before the bishop to clear them- 
 selves from all suspicion of heresy, shall be treated 
 as heretics. (6.) That all who have renounced their 
 errors, and have again relapsed, shall have an oppor- 
 tunity given them of renouncing their errors a second 
 time; but if they refuse the offer, they shall be 
 delivered to the secular power." 
 
 So far these decrees of the council of Verona are 
 only applications of what were decreed in preceding 
 synods. The following decrees, however, of the said 
 council show a transition towards the establishment 
 of a tribunal, properly so called. The pope decreed, 
 with the consent of the prelates and the emperor 
 assembled, " That all bishops should make, at 
 least every year, either in person or by means of 
 their archdeacon, a visitation of those parts of their 
 diocese which were inhabited by the heretics ; and 
 that the bishop should bind by oath three or four 
 respectable and virtuous persons to denounce the 
 different heretics, and those also who held secret 
 meetings, and separated themselves from the rest of 
 the faithful ; after which the bishop or archdeacon 
 shall summon the said persons before his ' tribunal' 
 and examine them."
 
 282 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Here we see, for the first time in history, bishops 
 making visitations connected with the Inquisition : 
 these journeys were regulated according to certain 
 rules, and the bishops had assistants to attend them. 
 Here was the commencement of tribunals in the 
 proper sense of the word. Other decrees of the 
 same council were as follows : " (1.) That all civil 
 magistrates shall be bound by oath to obey these 
 decrees made against the heretics, and to enforce 
 the punishments directed against them. (2.) That 
 all those magistrates who favour or protect the 
 heretics shall at once be deprived of all their honours 
 and dignities." 
 
 All the measures which were in the mean time 
 adopted against heresy took as their base these 
 decrees of the council of Verona. But the twelfth 
 general council (the fourth of Lateran), held under 
 Pope Innocent III., in the year 1215, renewed the 
 decisions of the council of Lateran held in 1179, and 
 particularly enjoined on the bishops to make visita- 
 tions of the diocese connected with the heretics, and 
 to take with them assistants. 
 
 By the war carried on against the Albigenses, the 
 character and nature of the Inquisition began to be 
 more and more developed. 
 
 Towards the end of the twelfth century, the nu- 
 merous sects, which we have already mentioned, 
 began to infect almost the whole of Europe. As 
 their principles were Manichsean,they committed the 
 most frightful disorders. The contagion principally 
 prevailed in the south of Prance, where the powerful 
 barons on the one hand (like the Count Raymond 
 of Toulouse), either adhered to the heresy them- 
 selves or were its supporters ; while, on the other 
 side, the ignorance, the apathy, and even sometimes 
 the vices of the bishops and the clergy, opposed but 
 a feeble resistance to the errors and disorders of the
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 283 
 
 heretics. Nay, even many of the clergy of the higher 
 and lower orders were secret adherents of the sects. 
 Pope Innocent III. was accordingly obliged to 
 appoint legates, with a view to extirpate this heresy 
 from the south of Prance. But being convinced 
 that error cannot be overcome by force alone, except 
 the clergy are models of learning and virtue, the 
 pope confided the mission to members of the Cister- 
 cian order, because, though it was still, as it were, 
 in its infancy, it possessed men who were eminent 
 for their learning and virtue. Peter de Castelnau, 
 Brother Rodolph, and Arnold, abbot of Citeaux, 
 were appointed the apostolic missionaries and legates 
 for the south of Prance. Scarcely had these com- 
 menced their labours, when twelve more Cistercian 
 abbots joined them, together with the pious bishop 
 of Osma, in Spain, Don Diego de Azevedo, and a 
 priest named Domingo Guzman.* This took place 
 in the year 1206. f The latter personage, who 
 afterwards became the celebrated St. Dominic, is 
 considered by many writers to have been the first 
 grand-inquisitor. But there is no evidence for such 
 a supposition ; for the fact is, that St. Dominic, 
 while in the south of Prance, exercised no other 
 office but that of a missionary : even in the whole 
 history of his life there appears no trace of his having 
 ever acted as a judge in the tribunal of the Inqui- 
 sition; on the contrary, he always appears as a 
 travelling preacher of the faith. But if we wish to 
 speak of the " inquisitors" of this period, we must 
 cast our eyes on Peter de Castelnau and the other 
 papal legates, who possessed, together with the 
 power of teaching, the power also of compelling 
 
 * St. Dominic. (See the interesting life of this great saint 
 published in the " Popular Library." Burns and Lambert : Lon- 
 don, 1857.) Trans. 
 
 t Hurter, Band ii. p. 276.
 
 284 THE LIFE OF 
 
 bishops and civil magistrates to drive out of their 
 territories those who were heretics ; to excommuni- 
 cate all who were negligent in complying with this 
 command ; and who, in a word, had full power to 
 do whatever they thought proper for the success of 
 the mission and the extirpation of heresy. Indeed, 
 the author of the "History of Languedoc"* dates 
 the origin of the Inquisition from this very mission 
 to the south of Prance, which was authorized by 
 Pope Innocent III. But though the legates were 
 connected with the Inquisition, properly so called, 
 in the capacity of special judges for discovering and 
 examining heretics, yet there is a difference between 
 the one and the other, inasmuch as their office of 
 legates was only transitory, while the Inquisition 
 was something permanent a regularly-established 
 tribunal. The mission to the south of Prance would 
 not have been organized had not the obstinacy of 
 the Albigenses forced the pope to send it. Indeed 
 it may be said that the war against the Albigenses 
 arrested the commencement of that organization 
 which the Inquisition had already received ; the 
 suppression of the heretics by means of the tribunals 
 was changed into a war of religion ; thus making 
 the legates no longer inquisitors, but the leaders of 
 a crusade that deserves to be called, not the Inqui- 
 sition, but a thirty years' war. As at the conclusion 
 of a civil war the conquerors erect tribunals before 
 which those are tried who persist in exciting re- 
 bellion, so the natural result of the crusade against 
 the Albigenses was something similar : a tribunal 
 was considered necessary for the suppression of 
 those who, though defeated in battle, did not cease 
 to carry on their rebellion against the Church. 
 
 * Dom. Vaissette, " L'Histoire du Languedoc," torn. iii. 
 p. 131.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 285 
 
 Indeed, the Inquisition may be considered really to 
 have commenced at this period. In the year 1229 the 
 great council of Toulouse, embracing the ecclesiastical 
 provinces of Auch, Bordeaux, and Narbonne,was con- 
 voked, under the presidency of the cardinal legate 
 Romanus. It was attended by many bishops, as well 
 as a considerable portion of the nobility of the South 
 of Erance, amongst them the counts of Toulouse 
 and Foix, who had formerly supported the heretics. 
 This council not only exercised an act of inquisition, 
 by inquiring into the orthodoxy of numerous accu- 
 sed persons, and by enjoining penances of various 
 kinds and degrees upon those who repented, con- 
 fessed, or were convicted, but took also for the 
 future measures against heresy, chiefly by the insti- 
 tution of special tribunals. The following is an 
 abstract of the decisions : " Chap. I. orders the 
 archbishops and bishops to appoint in all the 
 parishes a priest and several laymen of good repute, 
 and to bind them by oath zealously and faithfully 
 to search for the heretics in their districts, and to 
 report them as well as their abettors to the bishop, 
 the lord of the district, or to their representatives. 
 The same measures are in Chap. II. enjoined upon 
 the exempted abbots for their districts ; and Chap. 
 
 III. calls upon the secular lords to find out the 
 heretics, and destroy their hiding-places. Chap. 
 
 IV. threatens those with the loss of their dominions 
 who harbour heretics knowingly ; but a lesser pun- 
 ishment is imposed, according to Chap. V., upon 
 those by whose negligence the heretics find refuge 
 in their dominions. Chap. VI. The house to be 
 rased in which a heretic is found. Chap. VII. 
 Negligent officials to be severely punished. Chap. 
 VIII. shields the innocent and calumniated by enact- 
 ing that no punishment be imposed before the bishop, 
 or those authorized by him, have found the accused
 
 286 THE LIFE OF 
 
 guilty. Chap. X. Heretics whose native places are 
 infected with heresy, are, on renouncing their 
 doctrines of their own free will, to be removed to 
 other places not infected; to wear two coloured 
 crosses fastened upon their dress, and to be disabled 
 from holding public offices, until the Pope or his 
 legate have with due solemnity received them again 
 into the Church; whilst, according to Chap. XI, 
 those who abjure heresy only from fear are to be kept 
 imprisoned by the bishop, so as not to infect others, 
 and their maintenance to be defrayed either out of 
 their own property, or by the bishop. Chap. XII. 
 All males of fourteen years and upwards, and all 
 females of twelve years and upwards are to swear 
 that they will remain faithful, and denounce all 
 heretics to the authorities ; which oath is to be 
 repeated every two years. Chap. XIII. Such as 
 omit going to confession and communion three times 
 a year, at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, to be 
 suspected of heresy. Chap. XIV. No layman to 
 have a Bible, or any portion of the same, except the 
 Psalms, nor any other books, save the Breviary and 
 the offices of St. Mary in the original. Chap. XV. 
 Persons branded with or suspected of heresy not to be 
 permitted to attend as physicians, nor any one sus- 
 pected of heresy to be allowed to visit sick persons.* 
 
 Thus the council of Toulouse instituted the first 
 real Inquisition, leaving, however, to the bishops, 
 as in former times, the power of sitting in judgment 
 upon heretics. 
 
 Shortly after we find special inquisitors in Italy, 
 where heresy had spread considerably, and become 
 so dangerous as to induce Frederick II., who 
 
 * ITaurdin, torn. vii. p. 173 178. The remaining decrees of 
 this synod refer to other matters, such as the public peace, the 
 keeping of the Lord's day, &c.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 287 
 
 certainly cannot be accused of bigotry, at his coro- 
 nation, and repeatedly afterwards, to decree capital 
 punishment against the heretics in his dominions. 
 Llorente ascribes to him even the nomination of 
 special inquisitors from the Dominican order before 
 the sitting of the council of Toulouse. But the 
 edicts of the earlier years of the emperor* make no 
 mention of this, and the document upon which 
 Llorente bases his opinion is not dated 1224 but 
 1239, as he might have learned from Rolandini " in 
 Muratori Scriptores."t 
 
 But in Italy we meet with the first special in- 
 quisitors two years after the council of Toulouse, 
 introduced by the same Gregory IX., whose legates 
 presided at this council. In his bull of the year 
 1231 he anathematizes all heretics, as well as their 
 abettors, brands the obstinate ones with infamy, 
 declares them unable to hold public offices, to act as 
 witnesses, to be testators, or inheritors, &c., whilst he 
 excommunicates such as are suspected and cannot 
 sufficiently clear themselves, and punishes as heretics 
 those that remain under the ban for one year. 
 
 In consequence of this bull, which makes no 
 mention yet of the Inquisition, the senate of Rome, 
 and its president, Annibald, issued on their part 
 decrees for the persecution of heretics within the 
 jurisdiction of the Roman territory. Those decrees, 
 which speak for the first time of " inquisitores ab 
 
 * The edict of the year 1224 is given in extenso in Eaynaldi 
 " Contin. Annal. Baronii," ad ann. 1231, n. 18. 
 
 t The edict in question is to be found in Harduin, torn. vii. 
 p. 370, and in the letters of Petrus de Vireis, i. 25, but without 
 a special date. It was signed at Padua, the 22nd February of the 
 twelfth indiction, the year 1224 being designated by the twelfth 
 indiction, Llorente hastily places the document in this year, 
 forgetting that the year 1239 bears the same number, and that 
 Frederick did not visit Padua before the year 1239. See Rolan- 
 dini, lib. iv. c. 9, and Pertz, vol. iv. p. 326 et seq.
 
 288 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ecclesia dati," were, together with his own bull, sent 
 by Gregory to the archbishop of Milan and his 
 suffragans, as well as to other parts of Italy, to be 
 acted upon. 
 
 Shortly after we find the Dominicans at the side 
 of the episcopal inquisitors charged with the duties 
 of the inquisitions, but it is impossible to determine 
 when they first took place ; it probably happened in 
 the following manner. 
 
 The chief object of the order being the conversion 
 of heretics by preaching (whence it was also called 
 the order of the Preachers), Hadrian III. recom- 
 mended the bishops to avail themselves of the aid 
 of its members. They showed great zeal in their 
 exertions, and were probably charged with extra- 
 ordinary inquisitorial functions even before the 
 institution of regular tribunals. When these were 
 established, in 1229, many bishops selected, doubt- 
 less, also priests of the Dominican order for their 
 inquisitors and officers. 
 
 There can be no doubt about Gregory IX. having 
 done so. He greatly befriended both the Domini- 
 cans and Pranciscans. The former had, in 1233, 
 zealously laboured to extirpate heresy from Milan 
 and its environs, and, two years after, were specially 
 sent to several towns charged by Gregory with the 
 reconciliation of a number of persons guilty or 
 suspected of heresy. But besides the Dominicans, 
 other priests and members of other religious orders 
 were labouring in the cause of the Inquisition, as, 
 for example, in Prance, in the year, 1233, Stephen, 
 prior of the Benedictine abbey of Cluny. 
 
 Under Pope Innocence IV. (1243-54), however, 
 the influence of the Dominicans began to develop 
 itself more fully, and, as we believe, first in Spain. 
 Aragon was, of all the Spanish provinces, the one 
 nearest to those parts of southern Prance, where
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 289 
 
 heresy had established its head-quarters. That part 
 of it situated on the other side of the Pyrenees 
 belonged even to the ecclesiastical province of Nar- 
 bonne in France. Heresy had, therefore, infected 
 Spain, especially Aragon, where King Alfonse II. 
 had already, in 1194, put into execution the above- 
 mentioned bull of Lucius III. against heresy. 
 
 Peter II. of Aragon, at first followed in his 
 footsteps, but shortly after joined the count of 
 Toulouse, and other nobles of the South of France, 
 who fought in the ranks of the Albigenses, against 
 the crusaders. His death (he fell in the battle of 
 Muret, 1213) re-established the former state of 
 things in Aragon, and Gregory IX. summoned, in 
 1232, the archbishop of Tarragona, Esparraga and 
 his suffragans, to search for heretics themselves, or 
 to have them searched for by the Dominicans. 
 Indeed in a few years we find the latter at the head 
 of an inquisitorial tribunal at Lerida. 
 
 What had hitherto only been exceptional, became 
 now a rule. Innocent specially invested the Domi- 
 nicans with full inquisitorial powers, equal to those 
 of the bishops. In his brief of the 20th October, 
 1248, addressed to the great Dominican, St. Ray- 
 mond of Pennafort, he declares : "The Dominicans 
 having, as it were, been sent to him by Provi- 
 dence to assist him in the extirpation of heresy, 
 and their zeal remarked by him, he had decided 
 upon intrusting these affairs to them . . . ipsis 
 hujusmodi negotium providimus specialiter commit- 
 tendum." He orders, therefore, Father Raymond 
 to send several Dominicans, as inquisitors, to that 
 part of Aragon which belonged to the ecclesiastical 
 province of Aragon, and to give them the decrees 
 issued bv Gregory, which were confirmed bv 
 
 v O / * 
 
 himself.* Innocent, doubtless, meant by this the 
 * The decree of the Pope is recorded by Mansi, torn, xxiii. 
 
 U
 
 290 THE LIFE OF 
 
 decrees of the council of Toulouse, for his own 
 inquisitorial statutes, divided into thirty-eight 
 paragraphs, were only issued several years after 
 this brief. In these statutes, dated the 15th May, 
 1252, we find the Dominicans mentioned as regular 
 inquisitors for Lombardy, the Roman States, and 
 the province of Treviso. 
 
 Thus the Inquisition was gradually transferred 
 from the bishops to the Dominicans, who intro- 
 duced it into almost all parts of Europe. 
 
 In the peninsula, to which we must confine 
 ourselves, it soon extended from Aragon to Castile, 
 Navarre, and Portugal. The former province 
 counted many tribunals, over which several cele- 
 brated inquisitors presided, as for instance, Nicolas 
 Eymerick, author of the " Directorium Inquisito- 
 rum," and which, on account of the close proximity 
 to southern Prance, where heresy prevailed, had 
 from time to time to renew their activity. 
 
 In Castile, however, the Inquisition fell gra- 
 dually into disuse about the middle of the fifteenth 
 century, so much so, that, in the year 1460, Father 
 Alphonse Espina, who, as a Franciscan, was anta- 
 gonistic to the Dominicans, complained of the 
 absence there of an inquisitor delegated by the 
 pope, which allowed heretics and Jews to scoff at 
 the Christian religion. 
 
 Anton Biccio, provincial of the Dominicans, is 
 said to have in consequence been nominated grand- 
 inquisitor of Castile by Pope Paul II. But though 
 this may be true, it is certain that no successor 
 was appointed to him ; for, at the commencement 
 of Eerdinand and Isabella's reign, no inquisitor was 
 to be found in Castile for the trial of Peter of 
 Orma, which had to be conducted before the arch- 
 bishop of Toledo, and to be confirmed by Pope 
 Sixtus IV.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 291 
 
 It is, however, remarkable, that Castile became 
 the home of (as Llorente calls it) the modern, or 
 rather, the political inquisition, owing to peculiar 
 circumstances belonging exclusively to Spain. 
 
 In the very first centuries of the Christian era, 
 the Jews became so numerous and powerful in 
 Spain, that they were even emboldened to believe 
 they might attempt to "judaize" the whole coun- 
 try. Some records of doubtful authority state that 
 they came into Spain about the time of Solomon ;* 
 but it seems much more probable that they entered 
 the peninsula from Africa, about a century before 
 the birth of Christ. By degrees they became very 
 numerous, obtained considerable power and influ- 
 ence, and carried on the work of proselytism with 
 exceeding zeal and perseverance. So far back as 
 the commencement of the fourth century (303 
 313), a synod held in Illeberis,t considered it neces- 
 sary to decree, "that no Christians possessing 
 estates should have their lands blessed by Jews; 
 that neither priest nor layman should hold any 
 intercourse with them ; and laymen were especially 
 forbidden to contract marriage with them." But it 
 was no easy matter to uproot the evil ; for it is 
 certain that at this period (as Jost positively asserts) 
 many Spanish Christians were addicted to the 
 practices and doctrines of Judaism. The third 
 council of Toledo, held in the year 589, considered 
 it absolutely imperative to renew the decree which 
 we have just cited regarding marriage. Moreover, 
 as the Spanish Jews carried on a considerable traffic 
 in slaves, whom they frequently circumcised, the 
 same council forbad this traffic, and declared 
 
 * Jost, " Geschichte der Israeliten, seit der Zeit der Maccabaer 
 bis auf unsere Tage " (Berlin, 1825), vol. v. p. 13. 
 
 t Or Elvira, supposed to have been where Granada now 
 stands. 
 
 u 2
 
 292 THE LIFE OF 
 
 every slave to be free who had been circumcised.* 
 Several other decrees of the same character were 
 issued against them ; but they appear not to have 
 been carried into effect. Many of the Jews pur- 
 chased by their gold the protection even of several 
 amongst the Spanish clergy: against this evil the 
 fourth council of Toledo, held in 633, issued severe 
 decrees.! 
 
 The Visigoth kings, on the other hand, were at 
 the same time endeavouring to convert the Jews 
 by force; but the same fourth council of Toledo 
 expressly forbad any violence to be used : " Eor the 
 future" (these are the words of the 57th canon), 
 " no Jew must be forced to embrace Christianity ; 
 but those who have already been converted, even 
 should it have been done by force, and have received 
 the holy sacrament, shall be obliged to preserve 
 their faith, and on no account dishonour or despise 
 it. "| Respecting baptized Jews, the 59th canon 
 further decrees : "A very great number are still 
 Jews in secret ; but as King Sisenand commands, 
 they must be induced to embrace Christianity 
 again." In order to avoid the guilt of apostasy, the 
 62nd canon forbids all intercourse whatever between 
 Jews baptized and non-baptized. 
 
 Thus this ancient council made an essential dif- 
 ference between Jews who had been baptized and 
 were yet secretly attached to their old religion, and 
 real Jews. This distinction must, in our future 
 remarks be always carefully borne in mind. 
 
 In the mean time the number of Jews apparently 
 converted to Christianity, but still secretly attached 
 to their former practices, considerably increased by 
 the severe laws of the Visigoth kings against them 
 in the seventh century. These laws, first made by 
 
 * Harduin, torn. iii. p. 481, can. 14. f Ibid. p. 590, can. 58. 
 Ibid. torn. iii. p. 590.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 293 
 
 the civil power, were confirmed by the ecclesiastical 
 authority in the fourth, sixth, twelfth, and sixteenth 
 councils of Toledo, and tended to deprive the Jews 
 of many of their civil rights, in order more effec- 
 tually to force them to become Christians. 
 
 The consequence was, that amongst these pre- 
 tended Christians a terrible plot was secretly and 
 silently extending on all sides, which had for its 
 object the downfall of the Christian kingdom of the 
 Visigoths by the assistance of the Saracens in Africa, 
 and the erection of a new Jerusalem in Spain.* But 
 the deep-laid plot was discovered by King Egica, and 
 the originators severely punished. The seventeenth 
 council of Toledo alludes to this event, where it says 
 (speaking of the baptized Jews, " qui tunicam fidei, 
 qua eos per undam sacri baptismi induit sancta 
 Mater Ecclesia, maculaverint"), "Ausu tyrannico 
 inferre conati sunt ruinam patrise et populo universo 
 
 et regni fastigium sibi per conspirationem 
 
 usurpare maluerint." The guilty were condemned 
 to slavery, and the incursion of the Saracens was, 
 fortunately, repulsed. 
 
 Prescott, who mentions this event in his "History 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella," falls into a serious mis- 
 take on this point, for he positively asserts, " that 
 no sooner had their Arian masters (the Visigoths) 
 embraced the orthodox faith, than they began to 
 testify their zeal by pouring out on the Jews the 
 most pitiless storm of persecution ;" and he adds 
 the words, " one of their laws alone condemned 
 their whole race to slavery" (vol. i. p. 296, ed. 
 1849). He supports his assertions by referring to 
 the seventeenth council of Toledo. But he, unfor- 
 tunately, seems to have forgotten that both the real 
 Jews and pretended converts were the very persons 
 
 * Jost, loco citato, p. 147.
 
 294 THE LIFE OF 
 
 who drew down upon themselves these severe laws 
 by their secret machinations, and especially that the 
 council expressly states " Slavery was to be the 
 punishment, not of the whole race, but only of the 
 chief conspirators." * 
 
 But the Jews soon recovered from the adversities 
 and punishments which they were forced to endure 
 in the seventh century. After the invasion of the 
 Arabs, they again acquired riches, power, influence, 
 and honours ; they established flourishing schools 
 and academies in Cordova (anno 948), Toledo, and 
 Barcelona. Several learned men arose amongst them, 
 until at last the Jews reached a degree of impor- 
 tance and literary eminence in Spain which they 
 never acquired in any other part of Europe. 
 
 They suffered also greatly by the religious wars 
 of the Spaniards against the Moors, many Spanish 
 knights seeing in them nearer and consequently more 
 dangerous enemies to the Christian faith. In these 
 difficult times it was the clergy and the popes who 
 (though they are seldom given credit for it) pro- 
 tected the Jews. This is clearly proved by a brief 
 of the predecessor and friend of Hildebrand, Alex- 
 ander II., in which he applauds the Spanish bishops 
 for having protected the Jews and prevented their 
 massacre. In the same manner and for the same 
 reason he wrote to Viscount Berengar of Narbonne, 
 but to the archbishop of that province he wrote, 
 censuring him : " Your prudence will know that all 
 ecclesiastical and civil laws condemn the shedding 
 of blood." One hundred and fifty years later, Pope 
 
 11 These are the words of the council, as given by Plorez : 
 " Que todos Io8 Judios sean hechos esclavos, y confiscados todoa 
 sua bieues, pues no solo haviau judaizado despues de bautizados 
 sino que havian conspirado contra el reyiio " (torn. vi. p. 229, 
 ed. 1751). The words certainly seem to imply, that the whole race 
 was condemned to slavery. Trans,
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 295 
 
 Honorius III. imitated the example of Alexander 
 by guarding the Jews from brutal treatment.* On 
 the other hand, the popes, without being incon- 
 sistent, demanded, as, for instance, Gregory VII. 
 of King Alphonse VI., of Castile, that the Jews 
 should not be allowed to hold power over Christians, 
 either as their masters or as their judges. We 
 nevertheless repeatedly find them holding public 
 offices, especially since Alfonse X., the astrologer, 
 who esteemed them highly for their astronomical 
 learning, had collected around him many learned 
 Jews. 
 
 It was no uncommon thing to see them employed 
 as governors, administrators, and treasurers, both 
 to the kings and the grandees of Spain. Many of 
 them, by practising the art of medicine, gained access 
 into private families, and thus learnt every domestic 
 secret. Most of the dispensaries in the country were 
 in their hands. They had their own judges, and 
 were tried by laws and rights peculiar to themselves, 
 often to the prejudice of the Spaniards. They also 
 possessed several privileges which the Christians did 
 not enjoy ; for instance, that of not being imprisoned 
 (which privilege belonged only to the nobility) 
 without the express command of the king. We even 
 find Jews at this period as ministers of finance, and 
 favourites with kings to such a degree as to hold the 
 reins of government in their own hands. The con- 
 sequence was, that often, in the fourteenth century, 
 the Cortes and different councils were obliged to 
 send remonstrances to the government on the sub- 
 ject of these privileges enjoyed by the Jews ; while 
 several civil commotions proved what were the feel- 
 ings of the Spanish people towards these dangerous 
 foreigners. 
 
 * The clergy of Prance, too, in the thirteenth century, pro- 
 tected the Jews against the severity of the civil courts. Jost, vi. 
 302.
 
 298 THE LIFE OF 
 
 But those who pretended to be converts to Chris- 
 tianity were far more dangerous than the real Jews. 
 The number of the former had increased exceedingly 
 since the persecutions at the end of the fourteenth 
 century. The real Jews had indeed monopolized a 
 great part of the national property and commerce, 
 while the pretended converts threatened to uproot 
 the Spanish nationality itself and the Christian faith, 
 because, on the one hand, they were raised to several 
 ecclesiastical dignities, and even to bishoprics;* 
 
 * Joat, vol. vii. p. 100. Borrow, in chap. xi. of " The Bible in 
 Spain," tells a very remarkable adventure bearing on this subject. 
 On his way to Talavera, in the beginning of the year 1836, he met 
 a man, dressed in a manner strange and singular for the country, 
 who appeared to be half Spaniard, half foreigner, and in reality 
 was a disguised Jew. After a short discourse, the man, believing 
 to have discovered in Borrow another son of Abraham, opens his 
 heart to him, tells him that his family had always remained faithful 
 to the creed of their forefathers, that he was possessed of great 
 wealth, and had large sums employed in usury, &c. " My grand- 
 sire was a particularly holy man," he continues, " and I have 
 heard my father say, that one night an archbishop came to his 
 house secretly, merely to have the satisfaction of kissing his head. 
 He was one of us, at least his father was, and he could never 
 forget what he had learned with reverence in his infancy. He 
 said, he had tried to forget it, but he could not ; that the truth 
 was continually upon him, and that even from his childhood he 
 had borne its terrors with a troubled mind, till at last he could 
 bear himself no longer ; so he went to my grandsire, with whom 
 he remained all night ; he then returned to his diocese, where he 
 shortly after died, in much renown for his sanctity." On Borrow 
 expressing his surprise, and questioning him as to whether he had 
 reason to suppose that many of his people were to be found among 
 the priesthood, the Jew continued : " I not only suppose, but know 
 it. There are many such as I amongst the priesthood, and not 
 amongst the inferior priesthood either ; some of the most learned 
 and famed in Spain have been of us, or of our blood at least, and 
 many of them at this day think as I do. There is one particular 
 festival of the year at which four dignified ecclesiastics are sure to 
 visit me ; and then, when all is made close and secure, and the 
 fitting ceremonies have been gone through, they sit down upon 
 the floor and curse." In chapter xvii. Borrow repeats his asser- 
 tion that many disguised Jews were then still to be found amongst
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 297 
 
 and, on the other, not only possessed many civil 
 posts of importance, but intermarried with noble 
 families, and used these advantages and their riches 
 as so many instruments to erect Judaism in place 
 of the Spanish nationality and the Christian faith. 
 It is a well-known fact, admitted even by Llorente 
 himself in a work prior to his " History of the 
 Inquisition," and denied by no one, that in the 
 time of Ferdinand the Catholic the proselytism 
 carried on by the Jews had reached an alarming 
 degree.* And the Cortes, too, of 1812, of philo- 
 sophical memory, who legally suppressed the In- 
 quisition, positively asserted that the Jews were at 
 this period " a people within another people ;" and 
 that, in the year 1473, they even tried, by means of 
 their money, to obtain possession of the fortress of 
 Gibraltar, the key of Spain. 
 
 Under these circumstances, many of the clergy 
 and laity, seeing the great danger which the Jews 
 threatened to bring on the nation, and being also 
 
 the clergy in Spain, saying that he derived his information from a 
 priest formerly belonging to the Inquisition at Cordova. Dr. 
 Kunstmann in the " Miincheuer G-elehrte Anzeigen " (1845, 
 No. 97), remarks with reference to this : " This report is to be 
 accepted with caution, not only because it is highly improbable 
 that a stranger on the first meeting would be initiated into the 
 secrets of crypto-judaism, the adherents of which were liable to 
 severe punishment, but also because in the very year of Borrow's 
 tale, 1836, nearly the half of the sixty-two episcopal sees of Spain 
 were vacant, and a meeting of four bishops in one and the same 
 house impossible without causing great sensation. It is true, that 
 a tendency towards Judaism is still to be found in some Spanish 
 families, but not a single instance can be found, either in former 
 days, when the usual inquiry, de genere, was rigorously conducted, 
 or in modern times, of a priest of Jewish extraction, having been 
 raised to the episcopal dignity. 
 
 * Don Jose Clemente Carnicero, " La Inquisiciou justamente 
 restablecida ; 6, Impugnacion de la Obra de Don Juan Llorente, 
 Auales de la Inquisiciou de Espaiia, y del Manifesto de las Cortes 
 de Cadiz." (Madrid, 1816, torn. i. p. 61.)
 
 298 THE LIFE OF 
 
 convinced that the evil could not be averted without 
 the assistance of the government, several times 
 solicited Ferdinand and Isabella to proceed with 
 severity against the disguised converted Jews.* 
 It was these that the " Inquisition" afterwards 
 punished, and not the Jews properly so called, which 
 is carefully to be borne in mind.f 
 
 The young sovereigns received an address of this 
 kind while they were residing at Seville, during the 
 years 1477 and 1478. Philip de Barberis, inqui- 
 sitor of Sicily, had arrived at that city about this 
 time, in order to obtain from his sovereign, Ferdinand 
 the Catholic, the confirmation of an ancient privilege 
 for his institution in Sicily. Both he and the prior of 
 San Pablo in Seville, Alonso de Ojeda, who belonged 
 to the Dominican order, as also Diego de Merlo, a 
 respectable magistrate of the city, represented to the 
 sovereigns the necessity of re-establishing in Castile 
 a tribunal to judge heretics. If we may credit the 
 assertion of Llorente, Nicolas Franco, the pope's 
 nuncio, supported their representations. According 
 to the same author, the queen was at first quite 
 opposed to the introduction of the Inquisition. If 
 this assertion be correct, she must soon have seen 
 by the course of affairs the absolute necessity of 
 such a tribunal, for in her last will she expressly 
 recommended her heirs to favour and uphold the 
 Inquisition. These are her words : " E que siempre 
 favorezcan mucho las cosas de la santa Inquisicion, 
 contra la heretica pravedad,"$ &c. 
 
 * Pulgar, " Cronica} de los Reyes Catolicos," &c. (ed. Valen- 
 cia, 1780). 
 
 t Neither the unbaptized Jew nor the unbaptized Moor could 
 be brought before the Inquisition, but only those of these two 
 creeds who had relapsed. Maistre, pp. 49 53. 
 
 J Carnicero, pp. 229, 230. The will is still to be seen in the 
 archives of Sirnancas. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 299 
 
 Soon after Ferdinand and Isabella had resolved 
 to introduce the Inquisition into Castile, Pope 
 Sixtus IV. authorized (November 1st, 1478) the 
 sovereigns to establish a tribunal for searching out 
 and punishing heretics, Avhich was to consist of two 
 or three dignitaries of the Church, who might be 
 either seculars or regulars, according to the wish of 
 the sovereigns, provided the said dignitaries were at 
 least forty years of age, of pure morals, bachelors of 
 theology, or doctors of canon law.* 
 
 The sovereigns, however, before establishing the 
 tribunal, tried some other means of arresting the 
 progress of concealed Judaism. It was no doubt 
 with their consent that Mendoza, the great arch- 
 bishop and cardinal of Seville (and afterwards of 
 Toledo), published a catechism, in which the prin- 
 cipal duties of a Christian's life from the time of 
 his baptism till his death were briefly explained. 
 This little work the cardinal not only circulated in 
 Seville, but had it also posted up on all the church 
 doors throughout his extensive diocese, commanding 
 all the curates to make it known to the faithful, to 
 exhort them to live according to its maxims, and to 
 teach their children to do the same. This measure, 
 
 * According to Bernaldez and Zuniga the papal bull is dated 
 1480, but Llorente and his usual opponent Carnicero place it and 
 the introduction of the Inquisition in the year 1478. The date 
 matters little. Of greater importance is, that Pope Sixtus shortly 
 after declared the bull, confirming the Spanish Inquisition, had 
 been obtained of him by an imperfect representation of the royal 
 intentions. Through a misconception of these, he had confirmed 
 the royal plan, which, as it now appeared, was contrary to the 
 decrees of the holy fathers and the general practice of the church. 
 (Llorente, torn. iv. p. 347 in the documents.) This observation is 
 for those who believe that the pope was overjoyed at the political 
 inquisition of Spain. AVe shall see later how different it was from 
 the ecclesiastical one, and how it became an institution for the 
 absolutism of the king.
 
 300 THE LIFE OF 
 
 so wise and so gentle, was afterwards made the 
 occasion of accusing the noble cardinal of having 
 been instrumental in establishing the Inquisition. 
 But no contemporary writer makes any mention of 
 his participation; and even modern historians* 
 consider the accusation devoid of truth. 
 
 In order to render this measure of the archbishop 
 more successful, Ferdinand and Isabella ordered 
 several regular and secular priests to endeavour to 
 wean back to the Church, by public preaching and 
 private discourses, such as had been misled ; and on 
 leaving Seville requested the vicar -general Don 
 Pedro (Llorente says Alonso) de Solis, the corregidor 
 Merlo, and the above-named father Alphonse, to 
 watch the results of this peaceful mission. 
 
 But these efforts could not bend the obstinacy 
 of the Judaists. Ear from being induced to be- 
 come sincere Christians, they published a cutting 
 and bitter pamphlet against the conduct of the 
 government, and even against the Christian re- 
 ligion, This publication, however, soon drew down 
 upon the heretics themselves the severest punish- 
 ments. It was not answered with such a friendly 
 spirit by the sovereigns as Isabella's confessor, the 
 mild Ferdinand of Talavera, would have wished. 
 By virtue of the papal bull, two royal inquisitors 
 were immediately nominated for Seville, both of 
 whom were Dominicans, viz., Miguel Morillo and 
 Juan Martin; the first was the provincial of his 
 order, and the last the vicar. With these were 
 united Dr. Juan Ruiz, counsellor of the queen, and 
 her chaplain, Juan Lopez del Barco. 
 
 Such is the origin of the modern, or rather of the 
 Spanish state Inquisition, between which and the 
 
 * Prcscott, for instance.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 301 
 
 ecclesiastical Inquisition there is this difference, 
 that in the former, the persons, whether clerical or 
 lay, appointed to seek out and punish heretics, were 
 not employed as servants of the church, but as 
 functionaries of the State, and received from the 
 sovereigns their appointment and instructions. 
 
 The ancient Spanish writers do not agree as to 
 the exact date of the commencement of the modern 
 Inquisition.* Some see its rise in the institution 
 just named ; others refer it's beginning to the period 
 of Torquemada's nomination as grand-inquisitor. 
 This last opinion is supported by the authority of 
 Zurita;f while the first, on the other hand, is con- 
 firmed by an ancient inscription on the tribunal of 
 the Inquisition at Seville, which mentions 1481 as 
 the year of its establishment. 
 
 The Inquisition of Seville, immediately after its 
 establishment (January 2nd, 1481), issued a decree 
 wherein a number of " signs " were given, by which 
 the secret Judaism of a pretended Christian could 
 be detected; this decree also contained a general 
 order to every one to denounce those who showed 
 these " signs " of Judaism. Llorente attacks this 
 decree with his usual violence, asserting that twenty- 
 two of the signs indicated in the edict would scarcely 
 be sufficient at the present day to establish a mere 
 suspicion of Judaism.^ Prescott maintains the 
 same opinion. But it is easy to prove what little 
 honesty the first writer possesses, and what little 
 
 * Similar reasons called the Portuguese state inquisition into 
 existence. 
 
 t " Anales de la Corona de Aragon," torn. iv. lib. xx. cap. xlix. 
 
 t The edict itself is to be found in Llorente, torn. i. pp. 153 
 158. 
 
 " Hist, of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. i. p. 311, ed. 1849. 
 Mr. Prescott is exceedingly incorrect and unjust in his remarks 
 on the Spanish Inquisition. Trans.
 
 302 THE LIFE OF 
 
 judgment and want of criticism the other shows. 
 If, for instance, the pretended convert would not 
 allow, after his baptism, any fire in his house on the 
 Sabbath-day, and if on that day he wore better 
 clothes than usual, would there not be in such con- 
 duct, as the edict asks in the fourth section, matter 
 sufficient for a just suspicion, however ridiculous 
 Llorente may consider it ? And again : who would 
 not suspect a secret relapse into Judaism on behold- 
 ing the practice of those who, after the baptism of 
 their infant, hastened to wash those parts of the 
 body which had received the unction of the holy oil? 
 (Section 24.) 
 
 Llorente and his followers might have borne in 
 mind the axiom : duo si faciunt idem non est idem 
 and that one born of Christian parents may, 
 without being suspected of crypto-judaism, do many 
 things which one of Jewish descent may not. Yet 
 were the former to show many of the signs indicated 
 in the decree, even he would not escape from being 
 gravely suspected of apostasy. 
 
 But the dishonesty of Llorente does not stop 
 here. A little further, he asserts (p. 160), that in 
 the year 1481 alone, the Inquisition of Seville 
 ordered no less than two thousand persons to be 
 burnt in the two dioceses of Seville and Cadiz. In 
 order to strengthen the faith of his readers in such 
 a monstrous assertion, he appeals to the authority 
 of the celebrated Spanish historian Mariana. Now, 
 if we peruse his work, we shall certainly find the 
 number two thousand mentioned.* But it is 
 
 * Mariana thus approves of the modern Inquisition : " Eeme- 
 dio muy a proposito contra los males que se aparejaban .... 
 Dado del cielo, que sin duda no bastara consejo, ni prudencia 
 de hombres, para preveuir y acudir a peligros tan grandes como 
 se han experimentado, y se padecen en otras partes." (Lib. xxiv. 
 cap. xvii. ed. Valencia, 1795.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 303 
 
 expressly mentioned that this was the number of 
 those who were burnt under Torquemada. There- 
 fore not during the year 1481 alone (when Torque- 
 mada was not grand inquisitor yet), and not in 
 these two dioceses only, but throughout the whole 
 provinces both of Castile and Aragon.* What 
 Mariana says, Llorente might have seen in Pulgar 
 also, who was contemporary with these events ; for 
 after having mentioned that Torquemada established 
 tribunals in the provinces of Castile, Aragon, Valen- 
 cia, and Catalonia, he thus continues : " These 
 tribunals now conducted the Inquisition against 
 heresy . . . they summoned all the heretics to appear 
 before them of their own accord . . . About fifteen 
 thousand responded to the call, and, after having 
 done penance, were reconciled with the Church. 
 Those who waited to be accused, were tried, and, if 
 convicted, delivered over to the secular power. Of 
 these, about two thousand men and women were burnt 
 at different times, and in certain cities and towns."f 
 Llorente, who so often quotes Pulgar, must have 
 seen this passage ; but in his estimation, it seemed 
 more dramatic to make his readers suppose that so 
 great a number were burnt in one year, and in one 
 single province. The boldness and indifference with 
 which he misquotes and falsifies Mariana is still less 
 excusable. $ 
 
 * The jurisdiction of the tribunal of Seville was not confined to 
 Andalusia alone, but extended over the whole of Castile and Leon. 
 The bull of Sixtus IV., of the year 1483, clearly proves this, as 
 therein mention is made of several bishoprics, in which these two 
 inquisitors exercised their power and functions. The bull is to 
 be found in Llorente, torn. iv. p. 357. 
 
 t " Destos fueron quemados en diversas veces, y en algunas cib- 
 dades e villas, fasta dos mil homes e mugeres" (ed. Valencia, 
 1780, p. 137). In this beautiful edition, the ancient orthography 
 of many words is preserved. Trans. 
 
 J Prescott also acquiesces in the assertion of Llorente ; but he 
 has the candour to acknowledge that L. Marineo, also a contem-
 
 304 THE LIFE OF 
 
 I am, however, far from praising the inquisitors 
 of Seville for their mildness and indulgence : on 
 the contrary, they deserved the just reproaches and 
 complaints which were abundantly heaped upon 
 them by Pope Sixtus IV., in a brief dated January 
 29th, 1482, in which he complained that the bull of 
 confirmation had unfairly been obtained from him. 
 " It was only through regard for Ferdinand and 
 Isabella," he says, " that he had not deposed the two 
 inquisitors against whom complaints were made, of 
 having condemned even persons who were not guilty 
 of heresy."* Prescott represents the matter in such 
 a manner as to lead the reader to suppose "that the 
 pope was for a moment touched with something 
 like compunction ; that he rebuked the intemperate 
 zeal of the inquisitors, and even menaced them with 
 deprivation. But these feelings were but transient; 
 for we find the same pope in 1483, quieting the 
 scruples of Isabella respecting the appropriation of 
 the confiscated property, and encouraging both 
 sovereigns to proceed in the great work of purifi- 
 cation," &c. (vol. i. p. 313.) The brief, dated 
 February 23rd, 1483, in which the pope is repre- 
 sented as having made use of such language, may 
 be seen in Llorente (torn. iv. p. 352). As far as 
 regards the assertion of Prescott that the pope 
 endeavoured to calm the scruples of the queen 
 respecting the confiscated property, the truth is, 
 that, " he assures her majesty he fully credits the 
 assurance she gives him, that she had not persecuted 
 the heretics through any motives of self-interest." 
 In a second brief, dated August 2nd of the same 
 
 porary, diffuses the two thousand capital executions over several 
 years. Why does not Mr. Prescott say the same of Mariana and 
 Pulgar ? 
 
 * The brief may be seen in Llorente, torn. iv. The date (1481) 
 which he gives is incorrect. It ought to be 1482.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 305 
 
 year, the pope requires* " that all those who repent 
 of their heretical doctrines shall be allowed to retain 
 possession of their property" 
 
 But if Sixtus praises the queen, he does so on 
 account of the Inquisition in Sicily, and not that 
 in Spain ; he approves of the Inquisition as such, 
 but not of the political one, as may be seen from 
 his brief of February 25, 1483, in which he ex- 
 presses to her doubts of his ability to grant several 
 requests concerning the Inquisition. Moreover, his 
 aversion against the political Inquisition is shown 
 by the nomination of the Archbishop of Seville, 
 Don Inigo Manrique, as papal councillor of appeal, 
 to whom appeals could be made against the sentences 
 of the royal inquisitors. And when he found that 
 this measure neither lessened the severity of the 
 latter, nor was respected by them, he received him- 
 self appeals of the persecuted, declaring in his edict 
 of the 2nd August, 1483, that he was forced to this 
 step not only by the contempt shown to the power 
 intrusted to the Archbishop of Seville, but especially 
 by many of the accused having been prevented from 
 appealing to the papal judge. 
 
 He further cautions therein strongly against too 
 great severity, takes the repenting heretics under 
 his protection, demands pardon for them, though 
 their time of grace may have elapsed, and enjoins 
 the sovereigns to leave them in the quiet possession 
 of their property. 
 
 If so mild an edict had been issued by a secular 
 prince, or better still, by a republican senate, 
 Llorente could hardly have praised it enough ; but, 
 coming froin the pope, he sees therein nothing but 
 contradiction and violation of the Archbishop of 
 Seville's rights ; he would rather have recorded 
 
 * Llorente, torn. iv. p. 357. 
 X
 
 306 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that a few thousand additional heretics had been 
 burned than that their appeals went to the Holy 
 See. Nay, even the merciful benevolence which 
 dictated to the pope to absolve such in private, and 
 not to proclaim their offence as had addressed 
 themselves to him of their own accord, is in his 
 eyes nothing more than a desire to extort increased 
 fines.* 
 
 The brief of August 2nd, 1483, had no effect 
 in dissuading Ferdinand and Isabella from their 
 
 <j 
 
 design of converting the Inquisition into apoliti- 
 cal institution, f A short time after, Pope Sixtus 
 authorized them to name as grand-inquisitor for the 
 whole of Castile the Dominican Tomas Torquemada, 
 prior of the convent of Santa Cruz, in Segovia, with 
 the power invested in himself of choosing other 
 inferior ministers.^ In a second brief, dated 
 October 17th, 1483, the pope consented that Tor- 
 quemada should unite with his other powers that 
 of grand-inquisitor of Aragon also. 
 
 It was not without strong opposition that the 
 other inquisitors of Aragon accepted the authority 
 of their new head, who had been invested by the 
 crown with such extensive powers : from his 
 appointment, the Spanish state Inquisition dates its 
 full organization. In a short time, Torquemada 
 established four tribunals, at Seville, Cordoba, Jaen, 
 and Villa-Real ; the last of which was afterwards 
 
 * Several mistakes of this nature, made by Llorente, were ably 
 refuted by a writer in the " Theologische Quartalschrift," pub- 
 lished at Tubingen in the year 1820. 
 
 t Both the " Univers " and the Spanish "Esperanza" blame 
 Dr. Hefele for representing the Spanish Inquisition as a purely 
 political institution. (See preface to the translation.) 
 
 % Paramo, " De Origine Inquisitionis " (Matriti, 1508), lib. ii. 
 cap. iii. p. 137.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 307 
 
 removed to Toledo : for these tribunals he drew up 
 several rules and statutes.* 
 
 Ferdinand placed under his presidency a council, 
 consisting of theologians and jurists, who lent him 
 their advice in all matters purely religious, but 
 whose majority decided in all cases of a civil and 
 juridical nature. It is evident that these council- 
 lors, more still than the great inquisitor, were func- 
 tionaries of the state, whose nomination required 
 not even the sanction of the pope, or any other 
 ecclesiastical power. Whether they were eccle- 
 siastics or laymen is a question of no import, as 
 modern times furnish many similar cases, in which 
 civil offices were filled by members of the Church. 
 We shall, moreover, see later that Ferdinand acted 
 upon his principle of laymen also being able to hold 
 places in this council. 
 
 While the organization of these tribunals was 
 going on, Pope Sixtus IV. died. His successor, 
 Innocent VIII., approved of the tribunals and 
 statutes in a brief, dated- February llth, 1486. 
 Soon did the new Inquisition behold its power 
 extend more and more, when Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 in the year 1492, immediately after the conquest 
 of Granada, issued a decree for the banishment of 
 all those Jews who refused to be baptized. But the 
 causes and circumstances connected with this event 
 have no direct connection with the history of the 
 Inquisition, and it may therefore suffice to say that- 
 various reasons tended to occasion that decree. 
 The inquisitors and other zealous persons saw the 
 impossibility of suppressing crypto-judaism as long 
 as the Jews remained in Spain. It needed little 
 
 * There is a copy of these " Statutes" in the public library of 
 Valladolid. They seem to be drawn up with great care and mode- 
 ration. Trans, 
 
 x 2
 
 308 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sagacity to see the indefatigable proselytism of the 
 Spanish Jews, whose aim was not only to bring 
 back to their faith the Maranos,* but also to convert 
 the old Christians and to judaize the whole of 
 Spain. Hence the warnings of the inquisitors were 
 listened to by the statesmen, who for some time 
 previous had looked with suspicion upon the grow- 
 in sr national wealth of the Jews, in whose hands 
 
 O * 
 
 were the most lucrative trades of the country. 
 The public weal, this word whose magic power must 
 also in our times cover many a violation of justice 
 and religious liberty, demanded, therefore, impera- 
 tively the expulsion of the Jews ; and this the more, 
 as, perhaps, through the great severity used against 
 them, there seemed little hope of converting them 
 into peaceful subjects, and of deterring them from 
 their desire to make converts. 
 
 However reluctantly these measures were resorted 
 to, they were hastened on by several ill-timed 
 brutalities and acts of revenge on the part of the 
 Jews. They defaced crucifixes, profaned consecrated 
 Hosts, and were gravely suspected of having, at La 
 Guardia, in the Mancha, in the year 1490, and 
 elsewhere, crucified Christian children, and at- 
 tempted the same crime at Valencia. In 1485 a 
 conspiracy of the Jews was discovered in Toledo, 
 the object of which was nothing less than the 
 seizure of the town on Corpus Christi day, and the 
 murder of all the Christians, f 
 
 All this, and the wealth of the Jews, had so 
 
 * So called from Maranatha : " The Lord is coming." 
 1 COBINTH. xvi. 22. 
 
 t See Jost, Pen-eras, Carnicero, and Balmes, all of whom 
 prove that the Jews at this period were guilty of most terrible 
 crimes. The chapter of Balmes, on the " Inquisition in Spain," 
 is most valuable. (See English ed. London, 1849, chap, xxxvi. 
 p. 101.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 309 
 
 exasperated the Christian population of Spain, that 
 government could rely upon their co-operation in 
 the expulsion of the Jews. In vain they endea- 
 voured to ward off the blow by offering to Ferdinand 
 the sum of 30,000 ducats, at a time when, still 
 engaged in his war against Granada, he stood 
 greatly in need of money. The latter is indeed 
 said to have nearly yielded to temptation, and to 
 have intended to relinquish his plans against the 
 Jews. But Torquemada appeared before him and 
 Isabella, holding in his hands a crucifix. " Judas 
 sold our Saviour for thirty pieces of silver, but your 
 highnesses will sell Him for 30,000. Here He is, 
 sell Him." So saying, he laid the crucifix before 
 them and retired. This bold behaviour made such 
 an impression upon the sovereigns, that they imme- 
 diately after issued at Granada the memorable edict 
 of the 31st March, 1492, which commanded all the 
 Jews to leave the country who, up to the 31st July, 
 had not become converts. They were allowed 
 until then to sell their possessions, and to take with 
 them their property in bills or in goods, but not in 
 specie, whilst the sovereigns provided them with a 
 pass and vessels for their transport.* The Spanish 
 preachers used their utmost exertions to win over 
 many Jews before the expiration of the term of 
 emigration, and Torquemada in particular charged 
 the Dominicans to devote their utmost zeal to this 
 cause. Many thousands, however, preferred exile 
 to conversion, and left the country in large masses 
 at the end of July, having been compelled to sell 
 their property at very low prices, as, for instance, a 
 house for a mule, &c. 
 
 * Ferdinand and Isabella say in this edict, " that they had 
 been advised to it by many wise and distinguished men, and 
 adopted it only after long and profound reflection." Carnicero, 
 torn. i. p. 273.
 
 310 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Llorente assures us that, according to the calcu- 
 lation of Mariana, ahout eight hundred thousand 
 Jews were banished. But the conscientious historian 
 of the Inquisition forgets to remark that Mariana 
 declares the number to be exaggerated, and indeed 
 almost incredible.* He also neglects, according to 
 his usual custom, to acknowledge that Eerreras, 
 another Spanish historian, after having given the 
 number of those who were exiled throughout the 
 provinces, makes them amount to about thirty thou- 
 sand families, and one hundred thousand souls. 
 
 Although many of the emigrants acted against 
 the prohibition of taking precious metals with them, 
 and sewed gold-pieces in the saddles and halters of 
 their mules, or swallowed them in small pieces, and 
 hid them on parts of their body where delicacy 
 forbade to search for them, Ferdinand kept his 
 word and let them pass unmolested. Most of them 
 wandered to Portugal, Italy, France, or to the 
 Levante, and to Africa. But their misfortunes did 
 not end here. Many were carried off in Italy by 
 epidemics ; and in Africa, they were robbed and 
 murdered by the Moors, who denied their wives and 
 daughters, and cut their bodies open in search of 
 the gold-pieces they had swallowed. Many thou- 
 sands returned then, in the greatest misery, to 
 Spain, submitting to baptism. Those who had 
 from the beginning declared their intention to 
 remain, had had to do the same, but their conversion 
 was only outward. They continued in their old 
 
 * These are the words of Mariana: "El niimero de los Judios 
 
 que salieron de Castilla y Aragon no se sabe No falta 
 
 quien diga que llegaron a ochocientos mil almas ; gran muche- 
 dumbre sin duda," &c. (lib. xxvi. cap. i.) Prescott himself can- 
 didly owns that the calculation made by Llorente is exaggerated : 
 " A review of all the circumstances," he continues," will lead us, 
 without much hesitation, to adopt a more moderate computation." 
 (" Hist, of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. ii. p. 130.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 311 
 
 Jewish rites, and, as a necessary consequence, fell a 
 prey to the Inquisition, whose functions were 
 thereby greatly extended. 
 
 The tribunals of the Spanish Inquisition were, to 
 a much less degree, called into requisition by the 
 Moriscos, or baptized Moors. Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella, after the conquest of Granada, in 1492, 
 solemnly confirmed to the Moors, besides their 
 civil privileges, the retention of their mosques and 
 the free exercise of their religion, and authors who 
 have taken only this into consideration stigmatize 
 severely the subsequent proceedings against them. 
 The facts, however, are as follows. 
 
 The sovereigns did not consider that they broke 
 their word, by appointing Talavera and Ximenez, 
 the two most virtuous bishops of their state, to win 
 the Moors over to Christianity by persuasion and 
 instruction. Nor can it be called a violation of 
 their promise, to have conferred special civil and 
 material privileges upon those who were converted. 
 
 We have seen, in the tenth chapter, what threat- 
 ening revolts were caused by these attempts at con- 
 version, by the exasperated Moorish population of the 
 Albaycim, the Alpuxarras, and the Sierre Yermeja. 
 No wonder that the sovereigns considered themselves 
 no longer bound by their treaties of 1492. Had 
 not the Moors, by their rebellion, broken them 
 first ? They henceforth treated them, therefore, as 
 rebellious subjects, and thought it but a merciful 
 and lenient exercise of their rights, instead of 
 arraigning them for high treason, to compel them 
 either to be baptized, or, without confiscating their 
 property, to allow them to emigrate on payment of 
 a fine of ten gold florins for every head. The 
 greater part of them remained, and embraced 
 Christianity, so that, soon, not a single unbaptized 
 Moor was to be found in the entire old kingdom of
 
 312 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Granada. Many lived, however, still in the pro- 
 vinces of Castile and Leon, which had been subju- 
 gated before by the Christians ; and to guard the 
 Moriscos of Granada against a relapse, an edict, of 
 the 20th July, 1501, forbade all communication 
 with their co-religionists. By a second edict, dated 
 but a few months later (12th February, 1502), the 
 more rigorous measures used against those of 
 Granada, to be baptized or to emigrate, were also 
 extended to them. Many preferred the former 
 alternative, were baptized, and remained in Spain. 
 
 Diego de Deza, a Dominican, successor to Torque- 
 mada (who died 16th September, 1498) in the office of 
 grand-inquisitor, confessor to Ferdinand, and Bishop 
 of Jaen, afterwards Archbishop of Seville, is said to 
 have been the chief instrument in causing these 
 severe measures to be taken against the Moors.* 
 It is also he who induced the sovereigns, to intro- 
 duce the Inquisition into Granada, to prevent the 
 Moriscos from returning to Islamism. Isabella, 
 however, granted him only the permission of ex- 
 tending the jurisdiction of the tribunal of Cordova 
 to Granada, forbidding, at the same time, to molest 
 the Moriscos on any other ground than that of 
 apostasy. Under the same condition, the Moriscos 
 residing in Castile, Leon, and Aragon, were placed 
 tinder the Inquisition, and a declaration of theirs, 
 of the year 1524, shows that they were not treated 
 harshly. In this document, which is addressed to 
 the fifth grand-inquisitor, Manrique, they say : 
 " We have always been treated justly by your 
 predecessors, and properly protected by them." 
 Manrique did not change this policy, even when 
 a visitation of the kingdom of Granada, in 1526, 
 showed that almost all the Moriscos had renounced 
 
 * Several historians wrongly attribute this measure to have 
 originated with Torqueraada, who died several years previously.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 313 
 
 Christianity, and that hardly seven had remained 
 faithful to it. The consequence of this visitation 
 was, indeed, the erection of a special tribunal for 
 Granada, but it was conducted with great leniency 
 towards those that had relapsed. Pope Clement 
 VII. made it his special care to provide for the 
 Moriscos a sound instruction in the Christian 
 religion, and the Emperor Charles V. ordered that 
 the possessions of apostates could not be confiscated, 
 but were to be retained for their children ; nor could 
 they be handed over to the civil authorities, still 
 less condemned to death. 
 
 They fared similarly under Philip II. Not one 
 was condemned to capital punishment for apostasy, 
 and harsher means were resorted to against them 
 only after the inhabitants of Granada had revolted 
 again, proclaiming as king a descendant of one of 
 their former rulers. Several popes, especially Gre- 
 gory XIII., tried unsuccessfully to win the Moriscos 
 over by kindness. They were never thoroughly 
 converted, nor for any length of time, but revolted 
 and revolted again, conspiring with the Moors in 
 Africa, until at last, in the year 1609, Philip III. 
 issued a decree for their expulsion from Spain, a 
 measure which Francis I. of Erance had recom- 
 mended before to the Emperor Charles V.* 
 
 The Inquisition has hitherto appeared to us only 
 as a barrier against "the encroachments of Judaism 
 
 * Llorente, torn. i. p. 429. The decree of expulsion is to be found 
 in Carnicero, torn. i. p. 289, and also in Balmes, p. 218. The 
 Spaniards have frequently been reproached for this expulsion of 
 the Moriscos, but the Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen (July 28, 
 1842) have already pointed out correctly how it was considered 
 an urgent necessity by the most enlightened and liberal contem- 
 poraries, such as Cervantes and others. The " Ausland," too, in 
 its number 146, for 1845, acknowledges that the unity of the 
 state was, by the open and secret partisans of the Moors, much 
 more jeopardized than is generally believed.
 
 314 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and Islamism.* "VVe shall now see what further 
 political reasons induced the Spanish kings to 
 favour an institution, which, though apparently of 
 an ecclesiastical nature, was constantly complained 
 of and combated against by the popes and bishops. 
 The reign of Ferdinand and Isabella was, in Spain, 
 the phase of transition of the old state into the 
 modern one, of the primitive and free state into the 
 abstract and absolute one, as Ranke has clearly 
 shown in his " Princes and People of the Sixteenth 
 and Seventeenth Centuries." In the old state, the 
 central or monarchical power was restricted by 
 three tolerably independent corporations : the aris- 
 tocracy, the clergy, and the towns. Their close 
 connection with foreign countries of the clergy 
 with Ilome, of the aristocracy and the towns with 
 the aristocracy and towns abroad prevented the 
 concentration of the state in itself, and the royal 
 power from gaining too much ascendancy. But 
 nowhere in Europe was royal power so limited as 
 in Castile and Aragon ; hence we find the sovereigns 
 here, earlier than elsewhere, striving to lessen the 
 independence of the three states and to increase the 
 central power. They succeeded sooner in Castile 
 than in Aragon, but in both countries the Inqui- 
 sition was the most efficient instrument for subju- 
 gating entirely to the crown all the subjects, in 
 particular the nobility and clergy, and completing 
 the absolute power of the monarch. f 
 
 * De Maistre, in his Letters on the Spanish Inquisition, ob- 
 serves very justly with reference to this: " Great political evils, 
 and especially violent attacks on the state, can only be prevented 
 or repulsed by means equally violent. This is an irrefutable 
 principle in politics. The Judaists and disguised Moors neces- 
 sarily either inspired fears or had to fear for themselves." 
 
 t Ranke, vol. i. p. 248. " The Inquisition was the means of 
 completing the absolute authority of the king." Very remarkable 
 is what Count Alexis de St. Priest, in his history of the banish-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 315 
 
 Hence the two upper classes were the fiercest 
 opponents of the Inquisition, and oftener persecuted 
 as enemies of the same, than as heretics. The 
 prelates in particular soon saw themselves entangled 
 in numerous suits with the new tribunals. The 
 popes, too, could not fail to discover that the 
 Spanish Inquisition served more as a means to 
 consolidate the absolute power of the monarch than 
 to purify the Church, and therefore endeavoured to 
 thwart it in the same degree in which they favoured 
 the ecclesiastical Inquisition. Nor were the Cas- 
 tilian people blind to the fact that the tribunals of 
 the Holy Office were the rock against which the 
 power and authority of the nobles and the clergy 
 would be shattered.* 
 
 ment of the Jesuits from Portugal (" Revue des Deux Mondes," 
 April, 1844), observes, with reference to the relation of Piombal 
 to the Inquisition. This minister, the destroyer of the Jesuits 
 and apostle of absolutism, an enemy of Rome and the hierarchical 
 power like no other, recognized in the Inquisition the best means 
 for the accomplishment of his plans. " He had found," says St. 
 Priest, " this formidable institution a convenient and safe weapon, 
 a sort of committee of public safety ; hence he also spoke of it 
 always in terms of the greatest admiration." One day he said to 
 the French ambassador: " I intend to reconcile your country with 
 the Inquisition, and prove the utility of this institution to the 
 world. It was established under the authority of the most faith- 
 ful king, for no other reason than to exercise certain functions of 
 the bishops, which are much safer in the hands of a corporation 
 chosen by the sovereign, than in those of a single individual, who 
 can deceive himself or others." It was Piombal who persecuted 
 the Jesuit P. Madrigal for his connection with the family Tanora, 
 and accused him of heresy before the Inquisition. He was sen- 
 tenced to be strangled, and afterwards burned in a solemn auto- 
 da-fe. 
 
 * Philip II., in particular, used the Inquisition to act against the 
 Jesuits and reduce their privileges. This is clearly shown by 
 the famous bull, " Dominus ac Redemptor," by which Clement 
 XIY. suppressed the order of the Jesuits in 1773 : " Mult hinc 
 orta3 adversus Societatem querimonise, quae nonnullorum etiam 
 principum auctoritate munitae . . . fuerunt. In his fuit clarae 
 memori Philippus II., Hispaniarum rex Catholicus, qui turn
 
 316 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The Inquisition, therefore, found great favour 
 with the lower classes, and the Castilian even 
 boasted of this institution of his country. But there 
 is still one other reason, mentioned also by Ranke, 
 which made it really popular in Spain. There, more 
 than elsewhere, a marked distinction existed between 
 persons of pure and impure blood, and the Inquisi- 
 tion, by making this opinion her own, became the 
 most powerful weapon against the latter. National 
 hatred divided in Spain the sons of the Germanic 
 Visigoths from the descendants of the Jews and the 
 Moors, so that the most severe laws against these 
 were joyfully received by the former. It was con- 
 sequently natural that, urged on by the sovereigns, 
 who were struggling for absolutism, and considered 
 as a national institution by the people, the Inquisi- 
 tion spread rapidly, and without much opposition, 
 throughout the whole of Castile.* 
 
 In Aragon, the endeavours to change the old 
 state into the new one were less successful and less 
 complete than in Castile. We find here rather a 
 a fierce opposition against the new tribunals on the 
 part of the nobles and the representatives of the 
 towns, although the ecclesiastical Inquisition had, 
 for centuries, continued to exist there unattacked. 
 Similar events took place in Sicily and Naples, where 
 the inhabitants, accustomed since time immemorial 
 to the old Inquisition, could only by main force, and 
 
 gravissimas, quibus ille vehementer impellebatur rationes, turn 
 etiam eos, quos ab Hispaniarura Inquisitoribus ad versus immode- 
 rata societatis privilegia ac regiininis formatn acceperat clamores 
 .... Sixto V. Predecessor! exponenda curavit." (Nat. Alexander, 
 Suppl. II. p. 134. Venet. 1778.) 
 
 * Balmes coincides with this view, and is moreover of opinion 
 that Ferdinand and Isabella followed, in their introduction of the 
 measure, more the general voice of the nation than their own 
 political viewa.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 317 
 
 after the suppression of several insurrections, be 
 brought to submit to the political Inquisition.* 
 
 But the irritation of the nobles of Aragon against 
 the Inquisition was raised to such a height, that, on 
 the 15th September, 1485, they assassinated the 
 first royal inquisitor of Seville, Dr. Peter Arbues, 
 of Epila, canon of Saragossa, whilst singing the 
 matins in the church. This outrage was, however, 
 the very cause of the political Inquisition taking a 
 firmer footing in this country, f 
 
 Modern historians, whose researches have at once 
 been more accurate and impartial, have thoroughly 
 recognized the political character of the Spanish 
 Inquisition. Ranke testifies to it in the following 
 words : 
 
 "We have a celebrated book on the Inquisition by 
 Llorente, and if I am so bold as to say anything 
 in opposition to him, it is only because this 
 well-informed author wrote in the interest of the 
 Alfrancesados and the government of Joseph. He, 
 consequently, contests the privileges of the Basque 
 provinces, although they can hardly be denied, 
 and considers the Inquisition a usurpation of the 
 spiritual power over the political. But I must be 
 much mistaken if, on the contrary, the result of 
 the facts adduced by him does not show that the 
 Inquisition was only a royal tribunal, furnished with 
 spiritual weapons. In the first place, the inqui- 
 sitors were royal officials. The king had the right 
 
 * They fared in this similarly to the Templars in the fourteenth 
 century, who insisted upon being tried by the old Inquisition, well 
 aware, as the historians of the order say, that they could expect 
 milder and juster treatment of this institution than of Philip the 
 Fair of France. 
 
 t Blancas, p. 264, calls Arbues and his colleague the Domini- 
 can, Caspar Inglar, " duo egregii et prsestantes viri ;" and Arbues 
 especially, " vir Justus, optimus, singular! bonitate et modestia 
 praeditus, imprimisque literis exaltus et doctrina."
 
 318 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to appoint and dismiss them, and, independent of the 
 other councils belonging to the court, had a council 
 of the Inquisition. The tribunals of the Inquisition 
 were subject to the same royal visitations as other 
 bodies, and their assessors were often men who held 
 seats in the highest court of justice of Castile. 
 Ximenez in vain opposed the introduction of a 
 layman into the council of the Inquisition, who had 
 been nominated by Ferdinand the Catholic, 'Do 
 you not know,' said the king, ' that if this council 
 has any jurisdiction whatever, it is only owing to 
 the king ? ' As regards the measures which, Llo- 
 rente says, were projected against Charles V. and 
 Philip II., it is indeed evident, from his own 
 account, that Paul IV., then in open war with 
 emperor and king, proposed proceedings against 
 them, but we cannot learn from him if their propo- 
 sals were accepted, or even attempted to be carried 
 out.* Secondly, the profits from the confiscations 
 of this tribunal fell to the king . . . the proceeds of 
 these confiscations formed a sort of regular revenue 
 for the royal treasury. Thirdly, the state was first 
 rendered entirely independent by the Inquisition, 
 the king thereby becoming the master of a tribunal 
 from which neither grandee nor archbishop could 
 withdraw. Foreigners were particularly shocked 
 by this. ' The Inquisition,' says Segni, ' has been 
 
 * Eanke states the facts incorrectly. It is true, Paul IV., em- 
 bittered against Charles, threatened him and his son Philip with 
 the Inquisition ; but, of course, he intrusted the inquiry not to the 
 Spanish State Inquisition, but to the Eoinan tribunal, which had 
 to declare whether the emperor had not made too great conces- 
 sions to the Protestants of Germany. Paul charged the Spanish 
 inquisitors only with the trial of those theologians, who, like 
 Melchior Carus, had advised Charles " to force the Pope to yield." 
 But Charles protected Carus, and his Inquisition had to act after 
 his will. (Llorente, torn. ii. p. 172 176.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 319 
 
 invented to rob the rich of their possessions, and 
 the mighty of their authority.' 
 
 "When Charles knew no other means of arraigning 
 the bishops who had lent assistance to the com- 
 mittees in their revolt, he ordered the Inquisition 
 to try them. When Philip despaired of his ability 
 to punish Antonio Perez, he called the Inquisition 
 to his aid. Accordingly, as this tribunal reposed on 
 the authority of the king, its administration turned 
 to the profit of the royal power. It belonged to 
 those spoliations of the Church by which this reign 
 became powerful, for instance, the management of 
 the grand -master ship, the appointment of the 
 bishops but in its spirit and aim it was intrinsically 
 a political institution. It was of importance to the 
 popes to throw obstacles in its way, and they did so 
 as often as they could. The kings, on the other 
 hand, were interested in advancing its power con- 
 stantly."* 
 
 The opinions of Henry Leo on the Inquisition are 
 similar to those of Leopold Hanke. " Isabella," he 
 says, " knew how to break the nobles and the clergy 
 of Castile by means of an ecclesiastical institution 
 entirely dependent on her, and equally directed 
 against laymen and clergy ;" and further " These 
 sovereigns knowing how to employ, as political 
 agents, other and similar institutions in the rest of 
 their dominions, in the same manner in which they 
 had made use of the Inquisition in Castile, to 
 undermine the power of the nobles and the clergy, 
 the greater part of the peninsula advanced, under 
 their rule, at the end of the middle ages, towards 
 absolute monarchism." 
 
 * Eanke, vol. i. p. 245. " It is evident from the letters of 
 Visconti, the papal nuncio, of the year 1563, that Borne ascribed 
 to the Spanish Inquisition a great decrease of the papal authority 
 (graii diminuzione dell' autorita di questa santa sede)."
 
 320 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Guizot's opinion coincides with the ahove : " The 
 Inquisition was, at first, more political than ecclesi- 
 astical, and destined rather to uphold order than to 
 defend the faith." Professor Havemann expresses 
 himself much in the same manner in his " Essay 
 on Ximenez :" " Royalty and the Inquisition have 
 frequently been regarded as two distinct powers 
 to which Spain was then subjected. Yet the Inqui- 
 sition has, at no time, occupied here a position 
 independent of the crown, although in the days of 
 Ferdinand it was not as much a political instru- 
 ment as it became during the reign of Philip II. 
 Avarice, and the desire to undermine the national 
 freedom of Spain, were no less the causes of the 
 establishment of this institution than zeal for the 
 Church. The king appointed the president, and 
 himself prepared his instructions, whilst the ratifi- 
 cation of the Holy See was only sought to save the 
 forms in the eyes of the Church : the assessors were 
 sometimes nominated by the king, sometimes by the 
 president in his name. Neither grandee nor arch- 
 bishop could withdraw from this tribunal, nor even 
 the three powerful knightly orders, which, by virtue 
 of their ' fueros,' had long maintained an independ- 
 ence difficult to be reconciled with the power of 
 royalty." 
 
 To these opinions of eminent Protestant scholars 
 we add a few from the writings of not less distin- 
 guished Catholics. Lenormant, formerly substitute 
 for M. Guizot in the professorship of history, speaks 
 in the following terms : " The Inquisition, in its 
 original conception and its essence, was not an 
 ecclesiastical, but a political institution ; and far 
 from abhorring the enormity of a justice which 
 covered her mysteries with an impenetrable veil, 
 the Spaniard felt even proud of possessing so excel- 
 lent an institution. The very fact of this secret
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 321 
 
 tribunal having been principally composed of civil 
 functionaries* is a decided proof of its character ; 
 and the Inquisition was nothing more than a police 
 excellently served, admitting no distinction of per- 
 sons, "f 
 
 The celebrated Count de Maistre observes: "Many 
 believe the Inquisition to have been a tribunal purely 
 ecclesiastical ; this is false .... the tribunal of the 
 Inquisition was purely royal. It was the king who 
 appointed the Inquisitor-general, who, in his turn, 
 nominated the councillors, subject to the approval 
 of the king. The rules for this tribunal were issued 
 in the year 1484 by Cardinal Torquemada, in concert 
 with the king." | In the same manner, the ultra- 
 liberal Cortes of 1812 expressed themselves : " The 
 Spanish kings have always rejected the advice given 
 to them against the Inquisition, because they could 
 in all cases, and at their pleasure, nominate, sus- 
 pend, or remove the councillors. " It is, therefore, 
 not without reason that Charles V., who knew how 
 to govern, and loved absolute power, recommended 
 the Inquisition so warmly to his successor in his 
 will, that he might be able properly to discharge his 
 duties as sovereign. 
 
 The correctness of these opinions of the political 
 character of the Inquisition is clearly shown by the 
 very statutes of the year 1484. All the paragraphs 
 stamp the Inquisition unmistakably as a political 
 
 * This is incorrect. Most of the members were priests, but 
 secular priests ; hence the misconception of Lenormant. 
 
 t Spittler, in his interesting preface to Eeuss's collection of 
 the instructions of the Spanish Inquisition, bears testimony to 
 this truth when he says, p. xiv. : " It was an instrument in the 
 hands of the kings who sought to establish absolutism on the 
 ruins of the great national liberties." P. xv. : " The new tribunal 
 was merely a royal one." P. xviii. : " Everything to the interest of 
 the king and not the Church." 
 
 J Lettres sur 1'Iuquisition, pp. 11, 12. Pp. 37, 38. 
 
 Y
 
 322 THE LIFE OF 
 
 institution, and expressions like the following recur 
 constantly : "Their Highnesses [that is, Ferdinand 
 and Isabella] will, ordain, command ;" " their 
 Highnesses pardon;" "it is not at all the inten- 
 tion of their Highnesses;" "the Most Serene 
 Sovereigns the King and the Queen ordain, ap- 
 prove, &c. ;" whilst no mention is made of the will 
 and the dispositions of the ecclesiastical power. 
 
 The Portuguese Inquisition was equally consi- 
 dered a political institution by the sovereigns of 
 that country. This is evident from the decree of 
 the minister Piornbal, of the 20th March, 1769. " I 
 have been informed," says King Joseph I., "that, 
 contrary to the usage of all other tribunals, which 
 have at all times taken, and still take, the title of 
 Majesty, because they represent my royal person, 
 an abuse has crept into the Holy Office to adopt a 
 different address, though this tribunal, by its organi- 
 zation and its service, is immediately and more than 
 any other attached to my royal person" The king 
 proceeds farther on " As the members of the 
 council of the Holy Office exercise my royal jurisdic- 
 tion not only in criminal and disciplinarian matters 
 against all who offend against religion, but also in 
 civil matters against the privileged classes, as I 
 am further acquainted that the intrigues of the 
 so-called Jesuits profit by this abuse (namely, the 
 suppression of the title of majesty by the council of 
 the Inquisition) to lower the authority of this 
 tribunal, I ordain that the general council (of the 
 Inquisition) be, in all addresses, writings, and 
 petitions, treated as majesty"* 
 
 But for that very reason that the Inquisition, as 
 we have seen, was closely connected with political 
 absolutism, and perhaps its most powerful weapon, 
 
 * Colec9ao de Legi8la9<ao Portugueza (Lisbon, 1829), torn. ii. 
 p. 379, et seq.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 323 
 
 the Inquisition was necessarily compelled to die as 
 soon as the absolute power of the monarch vanished. 
 This is, in few and striking words, said already in 
 Art. II. of the decree of suppression, issued by the 
 Spanish Cortes on the 22nd February, 1813 : " El 
 tribunal de la Inquisicion es imcompatible con la 
 constitucion." And when, on the return of Eer- 
 dinand VII., in the year 1814, the old monarchy 
 was re-established, the Inquisition was immediately 
 revived to keep down the demagogues ; but as soon 
 as Eerdinand, in the year 1820, had been compelled 
 to grant again a constitution, the Inquisition was 
 once more suppressed. Similar events happened in 
 Portugal and other states; the Inquisition stood 
 and fell with political absolutism. 
 
 This correct estimate of the object and political 
 character of the Inquisition has, in our times, pro- 
 duced a more just appreciation of this institution 
 and its effects. History, which, in general, of late 
 has been freed from many often-repeated falsehoods, 
 has also learned better to appreciate facts connected 
 with the history of the Inquisition. Before, there- 
 fore, we proceed to examine what part Ximenez 
 took in the proceedings of the Holy Office, truth, not 
 the desire to defend that institution, induces us to 
 make the following observations : 
 
 1. The Inquisition has often been unjustly judged 
 according to the principles of the nineteenth century, 
 insteadof thoseof i\^& fifteenth and sixteenth. Whilst 
 many, for the last hundred years and more, were 
 inclined to see in heretics and infidels of all kinds 
 the most enlightened and honourable citizens of the 
 state, the Inquisition, in direct opposition, was 
 based on the opinions of the Middle Ages, according 
 to which heresy was high treason, and only such 
 subjects were safe and worthy of confidence as 
 conformed to the religion of the state. It is natural 
 
 T 2
 
 324 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that the defenders of modern ideas cannot appreciate 
 and judge impartially facts which find their reasons 
 in those of former ages, if they are unable to divest 
 themselves of the ideas of the present time, and to 
 think themselves into those of the past. Every true 
 historian does this. But the Inquisition has mostly 
 been described by such writers as tried to substitute 
 mere words and assertions for sound and conscien- 
 tious researches ; gave romantic descriptions for real 
 facts, and hid their want of absolute knowledge under 
 liberal phrases. Persons of this kind understood of 
 course not the maxim, cujus est regis,illius est religio, 
 on which the whole Inquisition is based, and which 
 formerly was thoroughly and universally recognized, 
 and so little contested, that Protestants in particular 
 have defended it and carried it into practice. The 
 Palatinate may serve as an example. Here the 
 Elector Frederick III., who had been a Lutheran, 
 after having turned Calvinist in the year 1563, 
 forced all his subjects to do the same ; and expelled 
 from his country all who would not adopt the 
 Heidelberg catechism. Thirteen years later, in the 
 year 1576, his son Ludwig re-established the old 
 Lutheran confession, drove away the Calvinistic 
 preachers and teachers, and forced his subjects to 
 become Lutherans again. In 1583, the Elector John 
 Casimir, in his office of guardian to Frederick IV., 
 introduced Calvinism once more, and with equal 
 severity ; so that the Palatinate has sufficiently 
 experienced that conformity to the religion of the 
 state and court was enforced not in Spain only, and 
 by Eerdinand the Catholic, but also in Germany 
 and by Protestant princes, and that the severest 
 civil punishments were inflicted by them upon dis- 
 senters. Spain has indeed not acted otherwise than 
 the Lutherans and Calvinists in Germany. The 
 Peace of E/eligion, concluded at Augsburg 26th
 
 CARDINAL XIMBNEZ. 325 
 
 September, 1555, gives, in paragraph 24, to every 
 state of the empire full powers to put to their sub- 
 jects the alternative either of adopting the religion 
 of the state or emigrating, on payment of a certain 
 fine ; just as the Jews and Moors were treated in 
 Spain. It is well known that precisely to this 
 lenient Spanish measure the Reformation owes much 
 of its extension in Germany. It can, moreover, not 
 be doubted that mild treatment was not to be 
 expected in Germany by those who, obeying out- 
 wardly only the dictates of their Protestant princes, 
 and adhering to the old faith, sought to re-establish 
 it again in the dominions of their masters. But it 
 may be doubted whether it was worse to fall into 
 the hands of the Spanish Inquisition than into those 
 of a zealous Lutheran prince. 
 
 2. It is, further, often forgotten, in judging the 
 Inquisition, that the criminal law of those days was 
 frequently more cruel and bloody than that of the 
 present century. Many offences which now are 
 punished but slightly, called formerly for blood. 
 The most striking proof of the criminal justice of 
 those times to which the Inquisition owes its origin, 
 is the Carolina, or penal code of Charles V., of the 
 year 1532. Blasphemy against God and the Blessed 
 Virgin is therein (in sect. 106) punished with 
 mutilation and death ; (sect. 116), pederasty and 
 sodomy with death on the stake; (sect. 106), 
 sorcery with death. Even purely civil offences are 
 visited with similar severity. So coiners and persons 
 circulating base coin knowingly are (sect. Ill) 
 condemned to the flames; (sect. 113), defaulters of 
 measures and weights to flogging, or, if the offence 
 be great, to death; (sect. 159 162), burglars, 
 however large or small the thefts might be, to 
 death by hanging, to blinding, to the chopping off of 
 the hand, &c. ; whilst repetitions of the same crime
 
 326 THE LIFE OF 
 
 were punished with death. In a similar manner 
 the smallest offences against the safety of the roads 
 were punished with death in France ; and the cruel 
 measures used formerly against poachers are well 
 known. 
 
 On looking further back in history, we do not 
 meet with greater mildness in the laws, but, on the 
 contrary, find that the penalties were even more 
 severe before the compilation of the Carolina, 
 especially in the application of torture ; so that the 
 penal code of the great emperor may be called mild 
 if compared to the earlier practice. Nay, in the 
 very century which gave birth to the Inquisition, 
 one of the wisest and most liberal men of Europe, 
 the celebrated Chancellor of Paris, Gerson, recom- 
 mended pain of death to be applied even to pope 
 and cardinals, if their actions were detrimental to 
 the interests of the Church. If Gerson did not recoil 
 from advising such stringent measures against the 
 highest authorities of the world, what could here- 
 tics of impure blood expect in Spain ? 
 
 But in the same degree in which the treatment of 
 heretics bore relation to the criminal justice of those 
 days, in the same degree their treatment became 
 less severe under the milder laws of subsequent 
 times. Llorente even acknowledges this ; nor are 
 his followers in the Cyclopaedia of Ersch and Gruber 
 silent upon it. 
 
 3. It must further not be overlooked, that pain 
 of death against heretics was not decreed by the 
 Inquisition only, but was common to all countries 
 and to all confessions. We have before, at page 277, 
 adduced the ancient code of Suevia as testimony ; 
 but a better witness still is Michael Servetus, of 
 whom the well-known reformer Bucer said, in 1531, 
 whilst delivering, at Strasburg, a public sermon from 
 the pulpit, that he deserved the most miserable
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 327 
 
 death for his work against the Trinity. And Calvin 
 showed, twenty-two years later, that this was not 
 idle talk of the reformer, by having, on the 27th 
 October, 1553, the " heretic " burned at the stake 
 by a small fire. To justify which act the great re- 
 former wrote his work : " Eidelis Expositio Errorum 
 Michaelis Serveti, et brevis eorum Refutatio, ubi do- 
 cetur, jure gladii coercendos esse Hsereticos." And 
 to place it quite out of doubt that the Protestants of 
 those times wished to have capital punishment 
 inflicted upon heretics, the " mild " Melancthon 
 wrote to Calvin : " I have read thy book in which 
 thou hast fully refuted the horrible blasphemies of 
 Servetus, and thank the Son of the Lord for having 
 awarded thee the victory in the contest thou hast 
 sustained. The Church owes thee now and for ever 
 eternal gratitude for this. I quite agree with thy 
 opinion, and maintain that thy tribunal has acted in 
 accordance with justice, in having, after due investi- 
 gation, put to death a blasphemer."* Eor super- 
 abundance I may add that also Theodore Beza com- 
 posed a work : " De Haereticis a Magistratu civili 
 puniendis ;" and that, besides Servetus, many others, 
 as for instance, Valentine Gentilis, Bolsec, Carol- 
 stadt, Castello, Judge Ameaux, by their imprison- 
 ment, banishment, or death, learned that the 
 Inquisition of the Protestant church was not less 
 severe than that of Spain. Many Protestants, as 
 for instance, Prescott, in his " History of Eerdinand 
 and Isabella," acknowledge this. But there is no 
 need for going back as far as the sixteenth century, 
 or even for recalling the horrible atrocities committed 
 against the Catholics in England, to furnish pendants 
 to the Spanish Inquisition among the Protestants. 
 A singular case of this kind is recorded by Pfeil- 
 
 * Schrockh : Neuere Kirchengeschichte, vol. v. p. 517.
 
 328 THE LIFE OF 
 
 schifter of a young soldier, who, convicted of having 
 entered into a pact with the devil, was, at Rends- 
 burg, in Holstein, in the year 1724, decapitated 
 by the mercy of the king. Nay, even in our days, 
 that is, on the 3rd April, 1844, the painter J. O. 
 Nilson, for having apostatized and embraced a 
 heretic religion (the Catholic), was banished from 
 Sweden, his civil and hereditary rights declared for- 
 feited, and this judgment confirmed by the highest 
 tribunal of the land. The unfortunate Nilson died 
 in misery at Copenhagen, in February, 1847. This 
 is not intended as a reproach. Our only object is to 
 show, that the Protestants had also adopted the 
 sanguinary principle, that " deviation from the 
 Church of the country is to be punished by death ;" 
 and that Sweden adheres to this doctrine, slightly 
 modified, to the present day. If the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries had doubted the correctness 
 of this principle, the Protestants ought necessarily 
 to have been the first to raise scruples, as their own 
 apostasy should have made them indulgent towards 
 other converts. 
 
 4. Amongst the victims of the Inquisition, the 
 so-called witches and sorcerers form a considerable 
 portion. It is needless to prove at length, that 
 these unfortunate persons were persecuted just as 
 much in Germany as in Spain, and as mercilessly 
 by Protestants as by Catholics. Not Torquemada 
 only, but two hundred years later, Benedict Carpzov 
 also delivered them to the flames. The Reformer 
 Beza reproaches the Erench parliaments with negli- 
 gence in the persecution of witches ; and Walter 
 Scott owns that, the more Calvinism extended in 
 England, the more numerous became the trials for 
 witchcraft. Seventy years before the Protestant 
 Thomasius shook the belief in witches amongst his 
 co-religionists, the Jesuit Frederick Spee, of Langen-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 329 
 
 feld* had done so amongst the Catholics. As late 
 as 1713, the Faculty of Law at Tubingen condemned 
 a witch to death ; and, one year later than in Spain, 
 in 1782, the last witch was burned in the canton of 
 Glarus, tried and condemned by a reformed tribunal. 
 In general, a comparison of the German trials of 
 witches with the proceedings of the Spanish In- 
 quisition, would hardly be to the advantage of the 
 former. 
 
 5. Moreover, it must not be forgotten that the 
 tribunal of the Inquisition confined itself to the 
 sentence, that the accused be more or less, entirely, 
 partly, or not at all, guilty of heresy, blasphemy, or 
 other crimes. The tribunal has never pronounced 
 pain of death, but its sentence was, nevertheless, 
 followed by this punishment ; those found " guilty 
 of heresy " by the Holy Office, being handed over 
 to the secular arm, which, and in particular the 
 Council of Castile, the highest Spanish court of 
 justice, condemned them to death or prison. We 
 learn from the sentence of the Inquisition, cited by 
 Count de Maistre,f that the tribunals always pleaded 
 in behalf of the convicted heretic. This document is 
 the more trustworthy, as it was first published by the 
 author of the book, " The Inquisition Unmasked," 
 one of the bitterest enemies of the Inquisition. % 
 He thinks, it is true, that this intercession was mere 
 idle form, and to strengthen his assertion, cites 
 the canon law of the celebrated Van Espen (torn. i. 
 pars ii., tit. x. ch. iv. & xxi.), but, apart from this 
 author treating there of something totally different, 
 
 * Leibnitz, in his Theodicee, I., sees. 96, 97, has erected a 
 beautiful monument to this noble and zealous priest. 
 
 t Lettres, p. 32. 
 
 J Don Antonio Puigblanch, under the pseudonym Nathaniel 
 Jomtob. See Balmes about this incorrect and fanatic Spanish 
 writer.
 
 330 THE LIFE OF 
 
 namely, the intercession of the bishop in behalf of a 
 priest about to be handed to the secular arm, such 
 forms, even if they at last became mere phrases, 
 which we will not deny, unmistakably had origi- 
 nally a real meaning ; which opinion is held also by 
 Van Espen in the passage just quoted. 
 
 6. The Spanish Inquisition is generally repre- 
 sented as an offshoot of Romish intolerance; but the 
 popes, especially, were least favourable to this 
 institution, and have at all times tried to reduce its 
 power and influence. Even Llorente, who can as 
 little be called a partisan of Papacy as a Jacobin 
 can be called a friend of royalty, shows in almost 
 numberless cases and examples the truth of this 
 assertion. 
 
 a. From the very beginning, Pope Sixtus IV. was 
 little pleased with the royal plan of the new Inqui- 
 sition, and the relations between the Spanish and 
 Pontifical courts became, in consequence, so con- 
 strained, that the ambassadors of both were impri- 
 soned, and Ferdinand's subjects recalled from Home. 
 We know that Sixtus at last yielded to the impe- 
 tuosity of the kingj by granting the bull of the 1st 
 November, 1478. But when complaints of the 
 severity of the first inquisitors reached the Holy 
 See, he issued, on the 29th of January, 1482, the 
 energetic brief, of which we have spoken before, in 
 which he declared the preceding bull as surrepti- 
 tiously obtained, and notified to the inquisitors, 
 under strong censure, that nothing but his regard 
 for the sovereign deterred him from dismissing 
 them. To put a stop for the future to similar 
 excesses of the inquisitors, he further ordered in this 
 brief, that they were henceforth only allowed to 
 proceed against heretics in concert with the bishops 
 of the diocese. And further on, he opposes the 
 intention of Ferdinand and Isabella to introduce the
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 331 
 
 same Inquisition into other provinces of their 
 dominions, because the old, namely the ecclesias- 
 tical and episcopal tribunals, already existed. And 
 when Isabella, not long after, desired the abolition 
 of the concurrence of the bishops being obligatory 
 in the proceedings of the Inquisition, Sixtus, in 
 many polite phrases, again sent a refusal. 
 
 b. At about the same time, in the year 1483, the 
 Pope tried further to diminish the severity of the 
 Spanish inquisitors, by appointing the archbishop 
 of Seville, Manrique, judge of appeals, to whom 
 such as were treated with too great severity by the 
 Holy Office, could address themselves. 
 
 c. But when the Pope found that these were not 
 better protected by the archbishop than before, he 
 received himself the appeals against the sentences 
 of the Inquisition, suppressed numerous cases, 
 modified certain punishments, and demanded milder 
 treatment for those who repented and abjured 
 heresy. He even went so far as to implore the king 
 and queen, by the mercy of Christ, to be merciful 
 and lenient towards such of their subjects as had 
 fallen into error.* Ferdinand, however, and after- 
 wards his grandson, Charles V., endeavoured to frus- 
 trate all these appeals to the Papal court, causing 
 thereby many disagreeable embroilments with the 
 Holy See. They demanded that all those against 
 whom the Inquisition had pronounced sentence, 
 should address their appeals to the royal minister of 
 justice, and not to the Papal court. And as they 
 had from the beginning considered the Inquisition 
 only a political institution, the consistency of their 
 demand cannot be called into question. 
 
 d. The popes endeavoured, besides, to mitigate 
 the severity of the Inquisition by trying to regain 
 
 * The edict is to be found in Llorente, torn. iv. p. 365.
 
 332 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the restitution of the property and civil rights of 
 many condemned persons, preventing by this the 
 impoverishment of numberless families. We know 
 this from the best source; for anything advanced by 
 Llorente in favour of the popes, must of necessity be 
 an undeniable fact. 
 
 e. The children of the condemned were a matter 
 of special solicitude to the popes. They endeavoured 
 to shield them from suffering together with their 
 parents, and from being punished with infamy 
 and confiscation of their property. Unfortunately, 
 numerous Papal edicts to this purpose were disre- 
 garded by royal command.* 
 
 f. The benevolence of the popes did not end here. 
 To guard repenting heretics, they repeatedly ordered 
 the inquisitors to absolve such penitents secretly, 
 in order to save them from civil punishments and 
 public shame. Thus fifty heretics were secretly 
 absolved by virtue of an order of the Pope, of the 
 llth February, 1486; another fifty by an order of the 
 30th May, of the same year ; an equal number on 
 the following day ; and again fifty by a fourth brief 
 of the 30th June. One month later, on the 30th 
 July, 1486, the Pope issued a fifth edict for secret 
 absolution. Llorente does not state the number to 
 whom the favour was extended, but he does say 
 that these Papal edicts of grace were very frequently 
 disregarded on the part of the Spanish government. 
 
 ff. Under Julius II. and Leo X. the appeals to 
 the Papal court not only continued, but we learn, 
 even from Llorente, numerous cases in which these 
 popes appointed special judges to rescue the appel- 
 lants from the hands of the Inquisition. Frequently, 
 also, the popes notified their will to the grand inqui- 
 
 * In a similar manner Pope Clement IV., in the thirteenth 
 century, endeavoured to mitigate the severity of the French laws 
 against blasphemers. De Muistre, p. 23.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 333 
 
 sitors, in special edicts and strong terms, to liberate 
 less guilty prisoners. To others they remitted the 
 punishment of carrying the san benito, or shirt of 
 penitence; removed this sign from the graves of 
 persons over which it had been hung as an addition 
 to their punishments, and, in general, saved the 
 memory of numerous deceased from ignominy. 
 Many of these Papal mitigations had the intended 
 effect, but many miscarried, because the Spanish 
 kings, Eerdinand the Catholic, and Charles V., in 
 particular, frequently intimidated the judges dele- 
 gated by the Pope to replace the inquisitors, or 
 opposed the execution of the Papal briefs. Some- 
 times the Spanish inquisitors suppressed the Papal 
 edicts of mercy, or had their sentences so quickly 
 executed, that the protests of the pope arrived too 
 late, or even went so far as formally to refuse to 
 obey them. But the soul of this opposition was 
 always the Spanish government, bent upon render- 
 ing null the Papal mediation, frustrating the appeals, 
 and making the Inquisition entirely independent of 
 the Church. 
 
 h. The inquisitors were often called to account 
 by the Pope, or his nuncio, or his delegate, and 
 threatened with excommunication if they persisted 
 in persecuting persons who had sought aid at the 
 Papal court. This excommunication was repeatedly 
 carried into effect, as, for instance, by Leo X. against 
 the inquisitors of Toledo, to the great annoyance of 
 Charles V. 
 
 i. Sentences pronounced by the Inquisition, and 
 already half carried out, were at times cancelled by 
 the popes. Eor instance, that against Virues, the 
 preacher to Charles V., who, being suspected of 
 holding Lutheran views, was condemned to be 
 imprisoned in a cloister, but by Pope Paul III., in 
 the year 1538, declared innocent, and able to fill all
 
 334 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ecclesiastical offices. Times became afterwards 
 bishop of the Canary Islands. 
 
 k. To deter witnesses from giving false evidence 
 in the tribunals of the Inquisition, Leo X. decreed, 
 on the 14th December, 1518, pain of death against 
 them. 
 
 /. Leo X., irritated by the disregard shown to 
 several of his edicts of mercy, purposed, in the year 
 1519, an entire reorganization of the Inquisition. 
 All the inquisitors then in office were to be removed, 
 and two canons to be presented by each bishop to 
 the grand-inquisitor, one of whom was to be ap- 
 pointed provincial-inquisitor; but even this nomi- 
 nation to be subject to the approval of the Holy See, 
 and the new inquisitors to be carefully visited every 
 two years. But Charles strained every nerve to 
 frustrate this intention of the Pope, and to prevent 
 the three briefs already issued by the same, from 
 being carried into execution. And as during the 
 negotiations Charles had become emperor of Rome, 
 the Pope desisted from pressing the matter further, 
 in order to avoid the dangers of a rupture. To 
 frighten the Pope, the Spanish ambassador even 
 advised his master apparently to favour Luther, 
 which, however, did not deter Leo from declaring 
 that the Spanish Inquisition worked much mischief. 
 
 m. We have seen above, how in later years the 
 popes, especially Gregory XIII., continued their 
 efforts to soften the rigorous measures of the In- 
 quisition. Llorente supplies us with more ample 
 information. Paul III. in particular complained 
 bitterly of the Spanish Inquisition, and protected 
 those who endeavoured to hinder its introduction 
 into Naples. Pius IV. and his nephew, the great 
 St. Charles Borromeo, acted similarly by opposing 
 the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition into 
 Milan. Llorente avows openly that the Spanish
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 335 
 
 government had long made it their special business 
 always to take the part of the inquisitors whenever 
 the Papal court decreed anything which was dis- 
 pleasing to them. 
 
 A convincing proof of the little influence possessed 
 by the Holy See over the Spanish Inquisition is 
 furnished by the trial of the celebrated Bollandists. 
 Since the year 1683, complaints had been made in 
 Belgium against the learned Jesuit Daniel Pape- 
 broch, and the works of the Bollandists, then edited 
 by him. These complaints found their way to 
 Spain, and were brought before the Inquisition of 
 Toledo, which, in the year 1695, issued an edict, 
 condemning the first fourteen volumes of the "Acta 
 Sanctorum," on account of alleged heretical propo- 
 sitions, although popes, cardinals, bishops, and 
 other distinguished Catholic notabilities, had con- 
 stantly praised and in every way supported the 
 work. Father Papebroch in vain defended himself 
 and his work in various Latin and Spanish pamphlets, 
 as well as in a special letter to the grand-inquisitor. 
 He received no answer, nor were the heretical pro- 
 positions pointed out to him. When the matter 
 was brought to Rome, Pope Innocent XII. did not 
 hesitate calling the decree of the Inquisition a 
 fiera censura, and several cardinals, amongst them 
 the celebrated Cardinal Henry Noris, declared them- 
 selves decidedly in favour of the learned Jesuit. The 
 Congregatio Indicis, however, would not pronounce 
 either of the two contending parties wrong, but in 
 the year 1698 imposed silence on both, which did 
 not prevent Cardinal Noris from openly saying that 
 regard for Spain had been the only reason for not 
 pronouncing the Bollandists entirely innocent.* 
 
 * The complete history of this trial is to be found in Bollandi 
 Thesaurus Eccles. Antiquitatis . . . seu Prsefationes, Tractatus, <fec. 
 torn. i. pp. 92, 95, 97, 350; torn. iii. pp. 149, 150, 152, 305, 306, 
 et seq.
 
 336 THE LIFE OF 
 
 All this shows that the Papal See has acted an 
 honourable part in the history of the Inquisition, 
 and was, as it has at all times been, a protector of 
 the persecuted. 
 
 But the Inquisition has also to be cleared of 
 many unjust reproaches, which we will endeavour 
 to do here. 
 
 7. The cruel tortures and torments of all kinds to 
 which prisoners were subjected in the prisons of 
 the Inquisition, are particularly dwelt upon. But 
 let us recall to those who shudder at the bare men- 
 tion of them, that the torture in those days was 
 used by all civil courts of all countries nay, that it 
 legally existed in many German states as late as the 
 present century, and fell practically into disuse only 
 about the middle of the last, simultaneously in the 
 Inquisition and the civil courts. It is certain, says 
 Llorente, that the Inquisition has long ceased to 
 condemn prisoners to the torture ; so that this 
 punishment may now (writing at the beginning 
 of this century) be considered abolished. As long 
 as the torture was not abolished by law, the fiscal 
 of each tribunal had, in certain cases, to propose its 
 application ; but the judges never sanctioned it, and 
 Llorente observes justly : " The fiscal would have 
 been sorry had his proposition been complied with." 
 This is common to all courts of justice in all states. 
 Severe legislation, as, for instance, the Carolina in 
 Germany, existed still as law when it had long 
 ceased to be carried out in practice. 
 
 The above remarks of Llorente explain and confirm 
 also an anecdote told by the Count de Maistre in his 
 " Letters on the Inquisition." He relates that he 
 had, in the year 1803, met two distinguished and 
 well-informed Spaniards, with whom he conversed 
 on the Inquisition and the application of the torture. 
 They looked at each other in astonishment, he
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 337 
 
 continued, and assured me most positively never to 
 have heard anything about it in their own country. 
 Quite natural; for, according to Llorente's own 
 confession, the torture had long ceased to exist. 
 
 It requires hut little love of truth to convince 
 oneself that the Inquisition used at least not more 
 severity in the treatment of its victims than the 
 other courts of justice of those times, both in 
 Catholic and Protestant countries. A simple 
 comparison with the Carolina will suffice to dispel 
 all doubts on the subject. The penal code of 
 Charles V. not only speaks of execution by fire and 
 sword, of quartering, the wheel, the gibbet, and 
 death by drowning, but also of burying alive, of 
 tearing with red-hot pincers, of the loss of the 
 tongue, the ears and hands, &c. The Inquisition 
 knows absolutely nothing of all these barbarous and 
 painful punishments. Add to this, that at a time 
 when the prisons in the whole of Europe were 
 damp, impure holes, into which neither air nor light 
 penetrated, veritable graves, full of putrefaction and 
 pestilential atmosphere, those of the Inquisition 
 were, to speak with Llorente, " well-vaulted, light, 
 and dry rooms."* "No prisoner of the Inquisi- 
 tion" f (we quote him again) " ever sighed under the 
 weight of chains, handcuffs, iron collars, &c. ; he 
 knows of one only who was put in fetters, and he 
 to hinder him from committing suicide. The 
 prisoners were asked if they were treated well by 
 the gaoler ; the sick were properly nursed. For the 
 prisoners for life, special buildings, called peni- 
 tentiaries, were erected, which were periodically the 
 object of scrupulous investigation. 
 
 * The same assurance was recently given to Ferdinand III. by 
 his grand-inquisitor. De Maistre. 
 
 t The statutes of the year 1484 admitted the repetition of the 
 torture ; but this severity was soon after abolished. 
 
 Z
 
 338 THE LIFE OF 
 
 We must, moreover, not omit to mention that 
 the civil legislation, the Carolina in sections 55 and 
 57, admits the repetition of torture to extort con- 
 fession, whilst, again according to Llorente, the 
 great council of the Inquisition from time to time 
 impressed on the provincial inquisitors that the 
 torture was admissible hut once in one and the same 
 trial, and always to cease as soon as the physician 
 in attendance considered the life of the prisoner in 
 danger. It is true, Llorente adds, that the sub- 
 inquisitors often evaded these benevolent orders of 
 their superiors, by having the torture applied a 
 second time, under the pretext that it was only a 
 continuation of the first ; but everybody knows how 
 frequently inferior functionaries, even in the present 
 century, are severer than the stern law itself. We 
 must, besides, take into consideration that the In- 
 quisition, at its very commencement, often threat- 
 ened with the torture without applying it, and that 
 the grand council of the Inquisition, as early as the 
 year 1537, forbade almost every application of this 
 punishment against the Moriscos.* No other court 
 of justice of that time can boast of similar benevo- 
 lence. Other wise and precautionary measures were 
 soon introduced. According to one, the provincial 
 tribunals had no power to impose the punishment 
 of torture, but only the grand council of the Inqui- 
 sition. According to another, this power was vested 
 in the bishop of the diocese, acting in concert with 
 the councillors and the inquisitor ; but the punish- 
 ment could be inflicted only after the accused had 
 exhausted all means for his defence. In this case, 
 to avoid all brutal treatment, the bishop, the coun- 
 
 * The torture was, in the civilized states in general, legally 
 abolished only in the present century, in the Inquisition by a 
 decree of Pope Pius VII. of the year 1810.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 339 
 
 cillors, and the inquisitor were necessitated to attend 
 each application of the torture. 
 
 So sure, therefore, as it cannot be denied that the 
 torture was a stain on the old criminal legislation, 
 so unjust it would be to blame the Inquisition 
 exclusively for proceedings which were admitted, 
 and unhappily too often carried into effect by 
 enlightened Athens, by Rome, learned in the law, 
 and by all the courts of justice of all countries in 
 ancient times, and during the middle ages. 
 
 8. It has further grown customary to look upon 
 the Inquisition as a rapacious monster, constantly 
 lying in wait for its victims, ready and eager, on 
 the slightest suspicion, to snatch them up. This 
 representation, which works so powerfully in histo- 
 rical romances and romantic histories, is totally 
 wrong and perverted, and must be altogether dis- 
 missed, if Llorente is not to be accused of being a 
 partisan of the Inquisition. 
 
 a. Each tribunal began its activity by promul- 
 gating a time of grace t announcing publicly that 
 " every one would be absolved and saved from heavy 
 punishments who, conscious of apostasy, presented 
 himself within the limited time, and did penance." 
 
 Such penitents had, of course, to undergo smaller, 
 and especially ecclesiastical punishments, and their 
 penance was required to be public if their apostasy 
 had been also public. These measures, though based 
 on the old discipline of the Church, are, nevertheless, 
 commented upon by Llorente, who certainly, as 
 priest, ought to have known from his own expe- 
 rience, that ecclesiastical punishments, vindicative 
 as well as medicinales, are imposed even upon those 
 who confess of their own free will. Besides, the 
 statutes of the Inquisition ordered the mildest 
 possible treatment for such penitents. 
 
 Although after the expiration of the term of grace, 
 
 z 2
 
 340 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the rigour of the law was to be resorted to 
 against the apostates, these terms were repeatedly- 
 renewed and prolonged. So, on the occasion of the 
 removal of the tribunal from Villareal to Toledo, a 
 time of grace of forty days was fixed. Llorente 
 relates " A great number of new Christians were 
 seen hastening to confess of their own accord their 
 relapse into Judaism." And he continues, " The 
 term having expired, the inquisitors accorded an 
 extension of sixty days and another of thirty days." 
 
 b. The statutes of the Inquisition, referring to 
 youthful heretics, merit our full attention. By a 
 decree of Torquemada, the sons and daughters of 
 heretics who had not yet reached their twentieth 
 year, and who, through the advice and instruction 
 of their parents had fallen into error, were, if they 
 presented themselves for absolution of their own 
 free will, to be kindly received, even after the expi- 
 ration of the term of grace; their exercises of peni- 
 tence to be less heavy than those of grown-up 
 persons ; and their instruction in the faith and the 
 sacraments of the holy mother Church to be properly 
 cared for. Boys under fourteen and girls under 
 twelve years of age were unable solemnly to abjure 
 heresy. This, because the punishments for relapse 
 being severe, the Inquisition wished to guard young 
 people against the possibility of a relapse, by allow- 
 ing them only to renounce heresy when their under- 
 standing had become more mature. 
 
 o. The slightest and most innocent expressions, it 
 is asserted, were sufficient to throw the unfortunate 
 persons into the prisons of the Inquisition. But 
 the second grand-inquisitor Deza, whose severity is 
 considered to have surpassed that of Torquemada 
 himself, decreed, on the 17th June, 1500, "that 
 nobody could be arrested for matters of slight im-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 341 
 
 portance, nor even for blasphemies, if uttered in a 
 fit of anger. 
 
 d. If any one was accused of having spoken 
 heretical language, the Inquisition first inquired of 
 the physician if debility of mind might not be the 
 cause of the punishable expressions of the prisoner. 
 Llorente does not allude to this precaution ; but in 
 a trial of the Inquisition in Sicily, where, at the 
 beginning of the sixteenth century, the ecclesiastical 
 Inquisition had made way for the Spanish one, 
 express mention is made of the tribunal having 
 consulted, under oath, several medical men on the 
 mental condition of the accused. 
 
 e. The tribunals of the Inquisition were not 
 disposed to listen indiscriminately to every denun- 
 ciation. Llorente relates, on the contrary, many 
 cases in which only repeated accusations could 
 induce the Inquisition to proceed against a person. 
 They were more inclined to consider the mad 
 behaviour of many of the heretics the result of 
 mental derangement. 
 
 c/ 
 
 f. It may in addition be boldly asserted that no 
 other court of justice of that time was bound by so 
 many restrictions and conditions in the grant of 
 orders for arrest. Torquemada, in the first article 
 of his statutes of the 25th May, 1498, decrees, " At 
 each tribunal are to assist two inquisitors, the one a 
 jurist,* the other a theologian, who are forbidden to 
 issue an order for arrest otherwise than by mutual 
 consent." Article III. of these statutes declares, 
 " No person can be imprisoned whose crime is not 
 placed beyond doubt by sufficient evidence." If 
 the inquisitors did not agree, or the suspected was a 
 person of some importance, for instance, an eccle- 
 
 * This jurist was generally also an ecclesiastic.
 
 342 THE LIFE OF 
 
 siastic, the arrest could be ordered only by the grand 
 council. Philip II. extended this even more, and 
 King Charles IV. decreed that the Inquisition was 
 not allowed to arrest any one without first having 
 acquainted the king. The tales of secret arrests, 
 according to which persons had suddenly disappeared 
 without leaving a trace behind, are therefore mere 
 fables, the more so, as each prisoner had a special 
 administrator appointed for his property, and the 
 arrest itself was subject to numerous formalities. 
 
 The right of the Inquisition to imprison was still 
 further restricted. If any one was accused of here- 
 tical expressions, and his heresy not quite clear, the 
 tribunal had to obtain the opinion of a commission 
 of learned theologians, professors, &c., called quali- 
 ficators, who, without being directly connected with 
 the Inquisition, indorsed their opinion in a docu- 
 ment signed by them, and decided whether the 
 suspicious (spoken or printed) propositions were 
 really heretical or not. In the latter case, the 
 arrest could not take place, unless other qualifi- 
 cators, consulted before, had given a different 
 decision. Llorente, indeed, complains that these 
 qualificators were principally scholastic theologians, 
 but freemasons, which he probably would have 
 preferred, they certainly could then not have been. 
 
 9. Many accuse the Inquisition of barbarous 
 cruelty ; of having in its trials sought not truth, but 
 the conviction of the prisoners ; and of having used 
 all manner of cunning and intrigue to find even the 
 most innocent guilty. 
 
 a. Llorente, for one, pretends that the Maranos 
 and Moriscos were interrogated on points which so 
 little support a suspicion of heresy, that the most 
 orthodox Christians might permit themselves to do 
 things for which those unfortunate persons were 
 condemned by the Inquisition. Prescott echoes this
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 343 
 
 assertion; but we have already alluded to the 
 invalidity of the accusation, and shown that many 
 actions of converted Jews or Mohammedans would 
 raise just suspicions, which a Christian by birth 
 might do with little danger of seeing them miscon- 
 strued. It is, for instance, very harmless to wash a 
 child immediately after baptism on those parts of 
 the body where it was anointed with the holy oil. 
 But this action assumes a different aspect if done 
 by a convert from Judaism, especially if his conver- 
 sion seems not to have been very sincere. Most of 
 the points, however, on which the Maranos and 
 Moriscos were questioned were really such as would 
 prove apostasy, among which may be reckoned the 
 circumcision of a child, the assertion that the Mosaic 
 law possessed the same efficacy for salvation as the 
 gospel, and other matters. 
 
 Prescott imagines that he has discovered, in a 
 glaring case, the most monstrous tyranny in the 
 proceedings of the Inquisition. "The Christian 
 Jew," he says, " became suspected of relapse, if he 
 gave his children names from the Old Testament, 
 whilst he was forbidden to give them such as belong 
 to the New." Our indignation would be just, if this 
 assertion were true ; but it is utterly false, because 
 Prescott confounds Jews with Christian Jews. 
 Those Jews who adhered to their religion were 
 forbidden to give Christian names to their children, 
 but not so those who had been converts to Chris- 
 tianity. Whilst the former were punishable for 
 giving their children names from the New Testa- 
 ment, the latter became equally so for choosing for 
 theirs names from the Old. 
 
 b. Every court of justice is exposed to receive false 
 witnesses against or in favour of the accused, but a 
 tribunal loving justice will punish them equally; the 
 former one because it aims at truth, and not at the
 
 344 THE LIFE OF 
 
 conviction of the criminal ; the latter one because 
 it cannot suffer justice to yield to falsehood. The 
 Inquisition acted in this respect the same as other 
 courts. Article VIII. of its statutes of the year 
 1498 decrees that false witnesses are to be publicly 
 punished. Llorente makes use of a wrong artifice 
 in trying to make us believe that by false witnesses 
 such were principally understood as spoke in favour 
 of the accused, whilst those who made calumnious 
 accusations passed almost unpunished. Llorente 
 not only omits substantiating this assertion by 
 facts, but is compelled to confess, in another place, 
 that Ximenez, in a celebrated trial, rejected as 
 suspicious a number of witnesses who spoke against 
 the accused persons, and that in the year 1559 at 
 an auto-da-fe in Seville a false witness received not 
 less than four hundred lashes, and was besides con- 
 demned to the galleys for four years. We have 
 already cited the instructions of Leo X. to the 
 inquisitors, in virtue of which false witnesses were 
 punished by death. 
 
 c. The mode and manner in which the Inquisition 
 had to proceed in its interrogatories, equally con- 
 tradicts the assertion that it intended to find even 
 the most innocent guilty. 
 
 a. The interrogatory was conducted by the secre- 
 tary of the tribunal, in presence of two of the 
 provincial inquisitors and two priests in no way 
 connected with the Inquisition, who, in the office 
 of assessors, had to guard the prisoners against 
 ill-treatment and arbitrary power. 
 
 $. Valdes, the eighth grand-inquisitor, described 
 by Llorente as one of the severest, decreed further, 
 that the accused was to be treated with benevolence 
 and to be left sitting, except during the reading of 
 the act of accusation, to which he was to listen 
 standing.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 345 
 
 7. By the same instruction the inquisitors are 
 enjoined to mistrust the accuser as much as the 
 accused, and carefully to guard against embracing 
 the side of either beforehand, as this would easily 
 lead them into error. 
 
 8. Article XXIII. decrees, "the inquisitors are to 
 let the accused choose an advocate amongst those of 
 the Holy Office (who were all bound by oath to 
 silence), and to administer an oath to the one 
 chosen, faithfully and loyally to defend his client." 
 The fiscus paid the fees of the advocate, if the pri- 
 soner was poor. 
 
 e. The accuser, in his turn, was obliged to swear 
 that he was not moved by private hatred, and was 
 threatened with the severest punishments on earth, 
 as well as eternal damnation, if he gave false evi- 
 dence. 
 
 d. The solicitude of the Inquisition, shown by 
 the revision of the protocols, also merits our 
 attention. The protocols were not only read to 
 the prisoner immediately after the interrogatory, in 
 presence of the' two priests above named, in order 
 to establish the identity of the depositions, but they 
 were, four days later, subjected to a second revision, 
 in presence of the same priests, when such remarks 
 were added as had the first time been omitted. If 
 the prisoner had not yet reached the twenty-fifth 
 year, a special procurator was selected for him from 
 the most honourable inhabitants of the town, espe- 
 cially the jurists, whose business was to assist 
 during the trial, to correct the protocol, &c. 
 
 Llorente complains that these precautions were 
 often rendered useless by the great ignorance of the 
 accused, which prevented him from comparing his 
 depositions with the protocol. But let us not 
 forget that ignorance may also in our days make a 
 protocol a dangerous instrument, and that the two
 
 34>6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ecclesiastical assessors before mentioned were spe- 
 cially appointed for the benefit of these ignorant 
 persons. As regards the alleged alterations of 
 these protocols, which the enemies of the Church 
 reprove with so much energy, they consisted simply 
 in translating the depositions of the accusers and 
 witnesses from the first into the third person, and 
 suppressing such points as would have revealed the 
 names of the accusers to the accused : this was done 
 to avert Spanish vengeance. 
 
 e. The inquisitors, furthermore, received instruc- 
 tions to be zealous and careful in collecting all the 
 materials which might serve for the defence of the 
 accused, and after obtaining them, to inquire of 
 him if he desired other researches to be made ; in 
 which case his wishes were to be complied with 
 as far as possible. 
 
 Llorente, we see, has hitherto given us the best 
 weapons to defend the Inquisition against unjust 
 accusations. He will still continue to do so in our 
 subsequent observations. 
 
 10. The sentences of the Inquisition were sur- 
 rounded by equally great precautions. 
 
 a. Each sentence of the provincial tribunals was 
 subject to the revision and consent of the supe- 
 rior authorities, the grand-inquisitor, and the grand 
 council, and only acquired legality after being con- 
 firmed by them.* 
 
 b. The grand-inquisitor had to transmit the 
 original documents, sent to him by the lower court 
 for revision, to a number of jurists, who, under the 
 title of counsels, were advocates to the upper court, 
 but in no wise functionaries of the same. Llorente 
 regrets that they could not participate in the ulti- 
 
 * In the commencement, the upper tribunal revised only such 
 sentences as had not been come to unanimously ; afterwards all, 
 without discrimination. Llorente, torn. i. p. 221.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 347 
 
 mate voting, but to my knowledge such practice 
 exists nowhere in the world.* 
 
 c. In the same manner in which, before the 
 imprisonment of suspected persons, impartial theo- 
 logians were consulted for their opinion on the 
 alleged heretical expressions, so, in the same man- 
 ner, after the interrogatory and the depositions of 
 the witnesses had thrown more light upon them 
 and denned them more clearly, the qualificators 
 were referred to a second time, in order to declare if 
 they still adhered to their former opinion. 
 
 d. The accused had the right to object to the 
 judges of a provincial tribunal, in which case the 
 grand-inquisitor was compelled to appoint others. 
 (Statutes of the grand-inquisitor Valdes, of the 
 year 1561.) 
 
 e. In the absence of the prisoner's own confession, 
 conviction for heresy was rendered extremely diffi- 
 cult. Torquemada already recommended in this 
 case the utmost circumspection and care. 
 
 f. Many passages of Uorente's work prove that 
 the bishop of the diocese for the time, or his substi- 
 tute, had to assist in the passing of the sentence of 
 the Inquisition ; but his illogical style makes it 
 impossible for us to determine what share they 
 had therein. 
 
 g. Besides all this, we have shown before that 
 the popes ordered Spanish archbishops to receive 
 appeals against the sentences of the Inquisition, 
 and that the papal court itself received numberless 
 cases of this kind. 
 
 11. The Inquisition has been bitterly reproached 
 for never revealing to the accused the names of the 
 witnesses who bore testimony against them. This 
 
 * These counsels seem, in later days, to have been abolished, and 
 their functions transferred to members of the upper tribunal qua- 
 lified for the purpose. Llorente, torn. i. p. 319, No. 3.
 
 348 THE LIFE OF 
 
 was said to be opening a door to numerous de- 
 nunciations; but the real state of the matter is 
 different. 
 
 a. Already the statutes of Torquemada, of the 
 year 1484, allude to this in the following man- 
 ner : " It has become notorious that great damage 
 and danger would accrue to the property and person 
 of the witnesses, by the publication of their names, 
 as experience has shown, and still shows, that several 
 of them have been killed, wounded, or maltreated 
 by heretics." 
 
 b. Leopold K-anke has also seen and explained 
 the real motive of this measure, when he says that 
 the Inquisition introduced the concealment of the 
 names of witnesses and accusers, in order to save 
 them from the persecutions of the culprits, who were 
 often rich and powerful.* 
 
 c. Lenormant expresses himself in the same 
 manner : "the accusers mostly belonged to the lowest 
 class, and were, therefore, by this law (the suppres- 
 sion of the names) protected against the revenge 
 and persecution of distinguished and powerful 
 families." 
 
 d. The correctness of the views of these eminent 
 historians is corroborated by Llorente's statement, 
 that under Charles V., the Cortes of Yalladolid de- 
 manded the publication of the witnesses at the 
 Inquisition, as this would no longer be attended 
 by disastrous results, except if the accused were a 
 duke, margrave, count, bishop, or prelate. 
 
 e. The danger caused by the suppression of the 
 names of witnesses was to a considerable extent 
 neutralized by another measure, according to which 
 the accused had the right to name such persons as 
 he considered his enemies, and whose testimony he, 
 
 * Vol. i. p. 247.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 349 
 
 therefore, rejected. It may often have happened, 
 as Llorente observes, that the accused mentioned 
 persons who had never appeared against him ; but 
 this did not much matter, as they were simply 
 passed over. On the other hand, it was of consider- 
 able importance to the prisoner to have thereby the 
 legal means of excluding his personal enemies from 
 being witnesses against him. It is self-evident 
 that he was required to support his rejection of the 
 witnesses by sufficient reasons and other witnesses ; 
 in the like manner as it was the duty of the tri- 
 bunal to inquire if the witnesses not excluded by 
 him were not animated by personal hatred. 
 
 The accused had, moreover, the right of naming a 
 number of witnesses in his favour ; the Inquisition 
 was obliged to hear them, even if they were to be 
 fetched from America, as is proved by a case related 
 by Llorente. 
 
 12. We are asked " But has not the Inquisition 
 cruelly protracted its trials ?" The statute of the 
 year 1488 says in reference to this " Those who 
 have been imprisoned are not to be tormented 
 by detention, but tried at once, so as not to have 
 cause for complaint." The statute of Torquemada, 
 of 1498, equally demands precaution and precision. 
 If, in spite of these regulations, the trials of the 
 Inquisition lasted a considerable time, the reasons 
 must be sought for in the delays occasioned by the 
 qualificators in giving their opinion ; by the revision 
 of the protocols, the examination of all the wit- 
 nesses, who, at times, had to be summoned from 
 distant countries, by the transmission of the acts to 
 the upper tribunal, their revision by the counsels, 
 and the final confirmation or modification of the 
 sentence by the grand council of the Inquisition. 
 Sometimes the proceedings were purposely pro- 
 tracted, not with the intent of tormenting the
 
 350 THE LIFE OF 
 
 prisoner, but of giving him time for reflection 
 and repentance, the Holy Office never handing any 
 penitent to the secular arm for capital punishment 
 except in cases of relapse. "Erom the moment 
 the accused confessed and repented," says De 
 Maistre, " the crime changed into sin, and punish- 
 ment into penance. The culprit fasts, prays, and 
 mortifies himself. Instead of being led to the place 
 of execution, he sings psalms, confesses his sins, 
 listens to the holy mass, is made to do spiritual 
 exercises, is absolved, and restored to society and 
 his family." 
 
 As we have seen before, the Holy Office was not 
 permitted to condemn an accused as long as a 
 witness for the defence remained unexamined, even 
 if this witness lived in America ; it was equally for- 
 bidden to protract the imprisonment by awaiting 
 evidence against the prisoner from distant countries. 
 The statute of 1488 says expressly that the sentence 
 is not to be deferred under pretext of awaiting the 
 completion of the evidence of the crime, that, on 
 the contrary, the prisoner is only to be judged ac- 
 cording to the evidence produced, and,'if insufficient, 
 to be released. The proceedings could be recom- 
 menced if fresh proofs turned up ; in other words, 
 the detention of the prisoner ceased from want of 
 evidence, and the inquiry against him was resumed 
 with the arrival of fresh proofs, similarly to the 
 absolution of prisoners ab instantia. 
 
 13. There exist fabulous accounts of the enor- 
 mous revenues of the inquisitors, who are alleged to 
 have condemned many prisoners in order to enrich 
 themselves by the confiscation of their property. 
 Justice would indeed be badly administered by that 
 judge who derives pecuniary advantages from his 
 sentences, and the Holy Office would assuredly have 
 been a dangerous and abominable institution had
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 351 
 
 the income of the inquisitors depended upon the 
 number of the condemned. But notwithstanding 
 the insinuations of Prescott, we know from Llorente 
 that the confiscated property of the condemned fell 
 to the royal fisc, whilst all the officers of the Inqui- 
 sition received a fixed salary quarterly. This is the 
 reason why Llorente accuses the Spanish kings of 
 cupidity, and not the inquisitors ; in which opinion 
 Ranke coincides.* Similar reproaches were made 
 to Ferdinand and Isabella already, soon after the 
 institution of the tribunals. In a letter to Pope 
 Sixtus IV. Isabella complains of the accusations 
 made against her, of having, in the establishment of 
 the Holy Office, been actuated by motives of cupidity, 
 rather than zeal for religion. It is well known that 
 the first statute of Torquemada, of the year 1484, 
 declares the confiscated property of heretics to be 
 employed by the Spanish sovereigns in the cause of 
 God, especially in the war against the Moors. 
 
 Ferdinand was often so embarrassed in his 
 finances, that the public treasury could not pay 
 even the salaries which were due. The archbishopric 
 of Granada, then newly established, furnishes a 
 striking and deplorable example : this see, not being 
 endowed with lands, could not obtain all its revenues, 
 although Peter Martyr, as many of his letters still 
 show, warmly urged at court the cause of his col- 
 leagues and the archbishop. In consequence of the 
 functionaries of the Inquisition frequently being 
 left unpaid, Torquemada, on the 27th October, 1488, 
 intended to establish a rule for having the confis- 
 cated property of the condemned handed over to the 
 royal fisc, only after the deduction for the salaries 
 of the officers and servants of the Inquisition had 
 been made. This project was rejected by King 
 
 * Page 244.
 
 352 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ferdinand, but he devised some other plan to supply 
 the necessary expenses of the Inquisition. Already, 
 in the year 1486, he had obtained a bull authorizing 
 the inquisitors to enjoy the revenues of their former 
 benefices, for an additional five years, even should 
 they be prevented by their new office from residing in 
 them ; thus maintaining the royal inquisitors at the 
 expense of the church livings. But in the year 1501, 
 the acute monarch gained from the pope another 
 concession, by which each episcopal church of Spain 
 had to cede one canonry to the Inquisition, to enable 
 the latter to defray the expenses of its adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 But Llorente acknowledges that even the royal 
 fisc derived little financial benefit from the Inqui- 
 sition. The first years during which the rich 
 Maranos were brought to punishment, may have 
 yielded considerably, but the moneys were spent in 
 the national war against the Moors. 
 
 About fifteen years after the establishment of the 
 institution, Llorente tells us, Ferdinand complained 
 to the pope, that the decisions of the inquisitors on 
 the confiscated property had repeatedly been preju- 
 dicial to the royal fisc. The pope immediately, on 
 the 29th March, 1496, charged Archbishop Ximenez 
 with the investigation of the causes of these com- 
 plaints ; but Llorente gives us no further details, 
 and leaves us to guess the real state of affairs. 
 There is, however, no difficulty in divining it, for 
 we know that in another case, when the inquisitors 
 wanted to appropriate some confiscated property to 
 their own use, Ferdinand quickly interposed, without 
 imploring the assistance of the pope. It is natural 
 to think that he would again have known how to 
 help himself, and not have required a papal dele- 
 gate, if the inquisitors had repeated their attempt to 
 enrich themselves. We must, moreover, remember
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 353 
 
 that the popes constantly exerted themselves in 
 behalf of the penitents, and the children of the 
 condemned heretics, and tried to preserve their 
 property for them. If the inquisitors, in conse- 
 quence of the papal bulls to that effect, wrested at 
 different times a long-coveted prey from the royal 
 fisc, it is clear why Ferdinand preferred complaining 
 at Rome, to taking the law in his own hands. The 
 Inquisition is, therefore, also in this respect better 
 than its repute. 
 
 Besides, the law for the confiscation of the pro- 
 perty of convicted prisoners existed in Castile long 
 before the establishment of the Inquisition, and the 
 time of grace granted by each tribunal before the 
 commencement of their proceedings was specially 
 devised for the saving of the property, fortunes, 
 &c., of heretics. 
 
 From the Moriscos the royal fisc derived no reve- 
 nue, because the property even of those who were 
 condemned, fell to their children, and not to the 
 State ; the fisc was, on the contrary, compelled to 
 cede part of the confiscated property to the minors 
 of the other condemned, and to provide for their edu- 
 cation. Moreover, Ferdinand and Isabella restored 
 the whole, or part, of the confiscated property to 
 many widows and orphans. 
 
 14. We have been accustomed to consider the 
 autos-da-fe (or acts of faith) enormous fires, round 
 which, every three months, the Spaniards assembled 
 to watch, like cannibals, the roasting and toasting 
 of several hundred heretics. The purport of the 
 autos-da-fe was, however, neither to burn nor to 
 murder, but, on the contrary to procure the release 
 of such persons as were falsely accused, or to re- 
 concile penitents with the Church. Numerous autos- 
 da-fe have passed without the burning of anything 
 but the candles which the penitents carried in their 
 
 2 A
 
 354 THE LIFE OP 
 
 hands as a symbol of the resuscitation of their faith. 
 Llorente, to prove the great zeal of the Inqusition, 
 describes an auto-da-fe which took place at Toledo 
 on the 12th February, 1486, at which not less than 
 750 culprits were punished. But not one of all 
 these was executed ; their punishment consisting 
 merely in a public penance. Another great auto- 
 da-fe was held in the same town on the 2nd April 
 of the same year, when not one of the " 900 
 victims " suffered capital punishment. A third and 
 fourth auto-da-fe took place on the 1st May and 
 10th December of the same year, at which 750 and 
 950 culprits were present ; but again not one was 
 put to death. 
 
 The number of persons at Toledo who at that 
 time were condemned to do penance, amounted in 
 all to about 3,300; of which twenty-seven were 
 executed. Llorente, our authority for this, is not 
 one who would have altered figures for the benefit 
 of the Holy Office. 
 
 We find elsewhere in his work, the description 
 of another auto-da-fe held at Rome, with 250 
 Spaniards, who had appealed to the Pope. None 
 were put to death ; but all, after having per- 
 formed the prescribed penance, were at the auto- 
 da-fe reconciled with the Church. They afterwards 
 walked two and two to the Basilica of the Vatican, 
 there to offer their prayers ; thence in the same 
 order to S. Maria Minerva to take off thesan-benito, 
 or shirt of penitence ; and ultimately returned to 
 their homes, abandoning for the future every sign 
 of the sentence previously passed upon them. 
 Another auto-da-fe is described by an English 
 ecclesiastic, Townsend, in his " Voyage in Spain " 
 (during the year 1786), and cited as an example of 
 the horrors of the Inquisition. An impostor, specu- 
 lating on the credulity of persons, having sold love-
 
 CARDINAL XIMEXEZ. 355 
 
 philters, was publicly whipped and condemned to 
 do penance. The inquisitor who read the sentence 
 to him, addressed him in terms such as we should 
 like to hear from the mouth of every judge. 
 
 Of all the trials recorded by Llorente, very few 
 terminate with the death of the culprit. No one 
 will accuse him of having selected the mildest cases 
 and suppressed the most gloomy ones ; for it is well 
 known, his aim was to paint the Inquisition in the 
 darkest possible colours. 
 
 The above facts explain the reason why the 
 Spaniards, as Llorente even confesses, regarded the 
 autos-da-fe rather as acts of mercy than of cruelty. 
 
 After the reconciliation of the penitents with the 
 Church, the obstinate heretics, and such whose 
 offences were partly civil, were transferred to the 
 secular power.* Llorente omits mentioning that 
 the auto-da-fe was then at an end, and the inqui- 
 sitors retired. We learn this, however, from 
 Malten's "Library of Cosmology," published in 
 1829. A trial is therein reported at full length, 
 which took place in Sicily in the beginning of the 
 eighteenth century, and at which the civil punish- 
 ment was inflicted only the day after the auto- 
 da-fe. 
 
 15. It is further not to be overlooked, that the 
 persons condemned by the Inquisition were far 
 from being all heretics. They included (a) so- 
 domites, such as carried on infamous intercourse 
 with animals ; (b) polygamists, who, owing to the 
 example of the Moors, were rather numerous, and 
 are said still to be so at the present day.f (c) The 
 
 * Llorente, torn. i. p. 321. " La condamnation au feu par la 
 justice du roi." 
 
 t Llorente, torn. ii. pp. 338 341. At an auto-da-fe held at 
 Murcia on the 8th September, 1560, seven bigamists were burnt ; 
 three years later, at the same place, thirteen others ; and there 
 
 2 A 2
 
 35G THE LIFE OF 
 
 jurisdiction of the Inquisition was also extended to 
 those who had committed ordinary carnal sins, if 
 the seducer had made the girl believe that their 
 action was not sinful, (d) The same punishment 
 awaited the ecclesiastic or monk who had married, 
 having concealed their station from the girl, or 
 persuaded her that, although ecclesiastics, they 
 were permitted to marry. In the like manner were 
 punished (e) confessors who had seduced their 
 female penitents ; (f) priests who had dissuaded 
 the women, with whom they had sinned, from 
 confessing their fault ; (g] laymen who had exer- 
 cised ecclesiastical functions ; (h) deacons who had 
 heard confessions; (?') persons pretending to be 
 agents of the Inquisition, which, as we know 
 from Gil Bias, frequently happened ; (&) hlas- 
 phemers ; (1) church-robbers ; (m) usurers ; and 
 (n) even murderers and rebels, if their deeds 
 were in some way connected with the affairs of the 
 Inquisition. Thus, for instance, the murderers of 
 Arbues, the inquisitor of Saragossa, and the rebels 
 of Cordova, who had liberated the prisoners of the 
 Inquisition, were judged by the Holy Office. Even 
 (0) the servants of the Inquisition were not exempt 
 from punishment, but sentence of death was passed 
 upon those who had violated female prisoners of 
 the Inquisition. In the like manner smugglers 
 were punished, who during war, in particular that 
 with Erance, sold horses and ammunition to the 
 enemy ; and lastly, an immense number of witches, 
 sorcerers, mixers of love-potions, pretended saints, 
 and, in fact, all who speculated upon the credulity of 
 the people. 
 
 The Inquisition was charged by the Spanish 
 
 was hardly a large auto-da-fe at which not one or more sinners of 
 this kind appeared. If they repented, and had not relapsed, they 
 received only ecclesiastical punishments.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 357 
 
 monarchs with the prosecution of all these nume- 
 rous and various crimes, partly contrary to the will 
 of the grand-inquisitors.* If we remember the 
 number of witches only, burnt in Germany, that 
 of heretics, sorcerers, witches, murderers, usurers, 
 sodomites, fornicators, smugglers, church-robbers, 
 and other criminals condemned by that institution, 
 will no longer appear extravagant. 
 
 Soldau, in his " History of the Trials of Witches," 
 narrates that in the little Protestant town of 
 Nordlingen, in Bavaria, numbering, in his lifetime, 
 about six thousand inhabitants, not less than thirty- 
 five witches were burnt during the years 1590 1594. 
 Applying this scale to Spain, the number of witches 
 executed during four years would amount to 
 50,000, or, according to Llorente, to 20,000 more 
 than there were criminals of all classes executed 
 by the Holy Office during the 330 years of its 
 existence. 
 
 Taking further into consideration, that in Ger- 
 many the criminal code of Charles V. pronounced 
 capital punishment against blasphemers (sect. 106), 
 sodomites (sect. 116), sorcerers (sect. 109), church- 
 robbers (sect. 172), and similar criminals, and de- 
 ducting the probable number of all these, as well 
 as the other criminals quoted above (such as 
 witches, bigamists, usurers, smugglers, &c.), from 
 the thirty thousand condemned to death by the 
 Inquisition, the number of persons executed in 
 Spain for heresy decreases considerably, even if we 
 accept Llorente' s computations as by no means 
 exaggerated. 
 
 16. But we assert that they are exaggerated, and 
 will endeavour to prove this. 
 
 * The grand-inquisitor Aveda, for instance, would allow no 
 other persons to be tried before the Inquisition but such as had 
 sinned against religion. De Maistre, pp. 92, 93.
 
 358 THE LIFE OF 
 
 It must always be borne in mind that Llorente 
 has derived his statistics neither from official regis- 
 ters nor even private sources; but that they are 
 solely and entirely the result of calculations of 
 probability based on wrong premises. He himself 
 at different places (torn. i. pp. 272, 406; torn. iv. p. 
 242) avows this openly and candidly, and describes 
 the method adopted by him ; the fallacy of which is 
 evident. 
 
 a. Llorente starts with the assertion that, accord- 
 ing to the Jesuit Mariana, two thousand victims 
 were given to the flames at Seville in the first 
 year of the Inquisition, 1481. On referring to 
 the work of this historian, we find, however, that 
 the passage (lib. xxiv. c. 17) referred to by Llo- 
 rente, runs as follows : "A Turrecremata edictis 
 proposita, spe venia3 homines promiscuse setatis, 
 sexus, conditionis, ad decem et septem millia ultro 
 crimina confesses, memorant duo millia cremates 
 igne, &c." Mariana says, therefore, expressly, that 
 two thousand were burnt under Torquemada. Llo- 
 rente, fixing himself 1483 as the year of the instal- 
 lation of Torquemada as grand-inquisitor, could not 
 say that the two thousand mentioned by Mariana, 
 were executed by him, in Seville alone, in the 
 year 1481 only, when Torquemada had as yet no 
 participation in the proceedings of the Inquisition. 
 He ought, on the contrary, to have known, from 
 the works of Marineo Siculo and Pulgar,* that 
 this number was to be distributed over several years, 
 and included the executions of all the tribunals of 
 the kingdom under Torquemada. 
 
 To our question, how many were really executed 
 in the first year of the Inquisition, Llorente himself 
 
 * Marineo Siculo, " Cosas Memorabiles," p. 164. Pulgar, 
 " Cronica de loa Reyes Catolicos," p. II. ch. kxvii. p. 137.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 359 
 
 supplies us, in another place, with the correct 
 answer. He states that the tribunal had, up to 
 the 4th November, 1481, burnt already 298 persons; 
 but, as if feeling his own contradiction, adds that 
 these were executed in Seville alone, the remaining 
 1,700 in its environs and the bishopric of Cadiz. 
 Unhappily for him, he had closed a back-door by 
 asserting elsewhere that before Torquemada, or 
 1483, only one tribunal existed for the whole of 
 Andalusia ; and, consequently, also for Cadiz. This 
 was at Seville, where the suspected persons were 
 brought from all parts of Andalusia, and if con- 
 victed, executed on the Quemadero, the only place 
 of execution so long as no other tribunal was 
 erected.* It is therefore evident the right number 
 is 298, and the statement of 2,000, wrongly based 
 on Mariana, utterly erroneous. 
 
 b. Llorente pretends to know from Bernaldez, that, 
 during the years 1482 1489, eighty- eight persons 
 were annually executed at Seville. We cannot verify 
 this assertion, as the work of Bernaldez, who was 
 chaplain to the second grand-inquisitor, exists only 
 in Spain in manuscript ; but must object to the 
 conclusions which he has drawn from it. He rea- 
 sons thus : In Seville the delations were more 
 numerous than elsewhere ; the number of persons 
 condemned by each of the other three tribunals may 
 therefore be calculated at forty-four, or half the num- 
 ber of those at Seville. So far his hypothesis seems 
 admissible. But he retains this figure even after 
 
 * Llorente, torn. i. p. 150. At page 160 Llorente relates that 
 on the stone scaffold at Seville, called Quemadero, four large 
 statues of plaster, under the name of the Four Prophets, were 
 standing, in which the unfortunate victims of the Inquisition 
 were broiled to death in the manner of Phalaris. He retracts, 
 however, this assertion afterwards, observing that the condemned 
 were tied only to these statues. Jost, in his "History of the Jews," 
 vol. vii. p. 77, still repeats the false assertion of Llorente.
 
 360 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the tribunals were increased to eleven, allotting to 
 each forty-four sentences of death. Hence, accord- 
 ing to his theory, criminals would augment in 
 proportion to the establishment of new courts of 
 justice ; and a country, possessing at first only one 
 court of justice would, if eleven more were added, 
 produce as many more criminals. 
 
 c. Another flaw in the calculations of Llorente has 
 already been indicated by Prescott, that of reckon- 
 ing the same number of condemned for the five 
 tribunals of Aragon, as for those of Castile ; although 
 the latter province contained five times as many 
 Jews as Aragon, and for that reason, certainly, also 
 many more judaizing Maranos. 
 
 d. Prescott adds the following words : " One 
 might reasonably distrust Llorente' s tables, from 
 the facility with which he receives the most 
 improbable estimates in other matters, as, for ex- 
 ample, the number of banished Jews, which he puts 
 at 800,000. I have shown, from contemporary 
 sources, that the number did not probably exceed 
 160,000, or, at most, 170,000." 
 
 e. If Llorente, therefore, states the number of per- 
 sons burnt under Torquemada during the eighteen 
 years of his administration to be 8,800, we have more 
 than one just reason to doubt the correctness of 
 his assertion. Having shown him wrong in his 
 premises, on which his fabric of numbers is built, 
 we ought, by rights, to oppose our own calculations 
 of probability to his, which would run as follows : 
 Llorente having sextupled the actual number of 
 persons condemned at Seville in 1481, and quin- 
 tupled that of the Jews expelled from Spain, we are 
 justified in taking for granted that he has in the 
 same ratio multiplied the number of victims of the 
 Inquisition. But we are not minded to adopt this 
 in earnest : we intend only to prove how easily
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 361 
 
 Llorente's system of calculation may be turned 
 against him. 
 
 f. His arbitrary reasoning and his incorrectness 
 are more particularly evident in his statements re- 
 specting Ximenez. He expressly tells us, as we shall 
 see hereafter, that our archbishop endeavoured to 
 lessen the severity of the Inquisition, deposed bad 
 functionaries, pardoned numerous accused persons, 
 &c. Not one of the special sentences recorded by 
 him of the administration of the third grand-inqui- 
 sitor, is a death-warrant. Yet he hesitates not to 
 include this period in his calculations, and to assure 
 us that, under Ximenez, as many prisoners were 
 executed as under Deza and his auxiliary Lucero, 
 both of whom he accuses of the most barbarous 
 cruelty and the greatest severity. Are stronger 
 proofs needed to show the fallacy of his theory ? 
 
 17. Those who would apply .modern notions to 
 the estimation of the minor punishments of the 
 Inquisition imposed on the penitents and less 
 guilty, would necessarily conceive a wrong and 
 exaggerated opinion. 
 
 Numerous persons were found guilty only in a 
 minor degree (de levi], and in that case not even 
 submitted to ecclesiastical punishments. They were 
 merely, as it was then termed, absolved ad cautelam ; 
 that is, the excommunication was not pronounced 
 against them, though they might have deserved it. 
 The same practice is to the present day adhered to 
 by the Catholic Church in the confessional, the 
 penitent being absolved by the confessor, even if he 
 had incurred excommunication through his sins. 
 Llorente himself acknowledged that since the middle 
 of the last century, all the sentences of the Inquisi- 
 tion belonged to the class de levi, but regrets that the 
 prisoners were acquitted without being indemnified 
 for loss of time, &c. I cannot say whether future
 
 362 THE LIFE OF 
 
 generations will adopt what Llorente claims from 
 the Inquisition ; up to the present time it has not, 
 to my knowledge, been the practice of any court of 
 justice. 
 
 "We have now arrived at the san-benito, or dress 
 worn, we are told, by all suspected persons, one 
 which was in itself a stigma and an indelible mark 
 of ignominy on the wearer. The history of the 
 Church, as well as Llorente, provides us with the 
 facts necessary to dispel this illusion. San-benito 
 is a corruption of the Spanish words saco bendito, 
 the name of the dress which, in conformity with the 
 early usages of the Christian Church, was worn by 
 penitents, to show their repentance and contrition 
 also by outward signs. To appear in court dresses 
 embroidered with gold and diamonds, was unknown 
 to the Church, and consequently not allowed by the 
 Inquisition, which Llorente considers very hard 
 and cruel. The saccus, mentioned already in the 
 Old Testament, was subjected during the Middle 
 Ages to benediction for the use of penitents ; hence 
 its name of saccus benedictus, or in Spanish, saco 
 bendito. The colour of this dress was blue in some 
 countries, in others grey or black ; in Spain, yellow. 
 
 Those who were absolved de levi, had to wear it 
 during the act of reconciliation, but only then, and 
 without any other sign or figure ; many were alto- 
 gether dispensed from it ; and those who confessed 
 of their own free will, entirely escaped the publicity 
 of their penance, their reconciliation with the Church 
 taking place in secret autos-da-fe in the interior of 
 the tribunals. Penitents who had to abjure, wore 
 a san-benito with half a cross fixed on it if gravely 
 suspected, and an entire one if they had been decided 
 heretics. Such, however, and only such, as showed 
 no repentance whatever, were handed over to the 
 secular arm, dressed in a san-benito, painted all over
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 363 
 
 with flames and figures of demons, carrying besides 
 in their hands a cap (caroza), painted in the same 
 manner. Spain, like all other countries, has had a 
 dress for criminals the sau-benito, in which they 
 were led to the place of execution. In states which 
 are justly reckoned amongst the most civilized of 
 Germany, they were, even in the present century, 
 dragged thither in hides. 
 
 With regard to the penance of those who were 
 reconciled with the Church, we have to consider 
 two things. Firstly, that the very statutes of the 
 Inquisition command the exercises of penitence to 
 be as merciful and mild as is compatible with con- 
 science ; secondly, that the ancient Church and the 
 Middle Ages looked upon penance as a matter of 
 devotion rather than of disgrace. Whilst, in former 
 days, thousands thought nothing of confessing their 
 sins before the whole community, few are now found 
 who will do so in private. Kings left their thrones 
 to do penance in sackcloth and ashes ; as for instance, 
 Theodosius the Great, for his cruelty to Thessalonica. 
 His subjects did not consider him dishonoured by 
 this act, nor when St. Louis submitted of his own 
 free will to the discipline of his confessor, did France 
 lament the disgrace of her sovereign ; on the con- 
 trary, millions admired him for his piety. Numerous 
 examples from history could be added ; but these 
 suffice to show that formerly sin, not penance, was 
 looked upon as a disgrace, and the latter merely 
 regarded as an atonement for the former. 
 
 In this light we must also view the penances 
 imposed by the Inquisition. Indeed Llorente him- 
 self furnishes several instances of persons, who, 
 having been punished de levi by the Inquisition, 
 were thought so little disgraced, that they married 
 into the highest families, and even into that of the 
 king. Nor were such as were gravely suspected,
 
 364 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and had done penance, excluded from again attain- 
 ing the highest civil and ecclesiastical dignities. 
 The prisons of persons who, on account of their 
 greater culpability, or to prevent their infecting 
 others, had been condemned to confinement for life, 
 were either their own houses, as decreed by the 
 Statutes of Valladolid, or penitentiaries similar to 
 those of the Beguines or the houses of the Fugger 
 at Augsburg, where they could follow their former 
 occupations and trades.* 
 
 18. Several writers have asserted that the Inqui- 
 sition has smothered the genius of the Spanish 
 nation, retarded the progress of intellect and the 
 cultivation of sciences. They find this a very natu- 
 ral and necessary consequence of such an institu- 
 tion, but do not stop to inquire whether history has 
 no objections to make, and does not teach differently. 
 Now, it is an indisputable fact, that during the reign 
 of Ferdinand and Isabella, with whom the Inquisi- 
 tion originated, science began again to nourish in 
 Spain; numerous schools and universities were esta- 
 blished, and the classical studies pursued with 
 unusual vigour ; belles-lettres and all kinds of poetry 
 revived, celebrated savants of foreign countries were 
 invited to come to Spain and well rewarded, the nobi- 
 lity was reinspired with love for the productions of 
 the mind, even ladies of high rank taking professor- 
 ships in the universities. In short, Spain was then 
 the theatre of a scientific life, incomparably more 
 active than it is in the present day. We are far from 
 attributing these noble results to the Inquisition. 
 Our aim is only to show that this institution was not 
 the violent storm which swept away the precious buds 
 and blossoms of science. We hold this opinion, in 
 
 * Torquemada already ordered small buildings surrounded by 
 a common wall, as it were a little town in the town, to be erected 
 for the penitents.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 365 
 
 spite of the committee of the Cortes of 1812, who, 
 misguided by modern doctrines, strove to engraft on 
 Spain, then at war with France, a constitution fash- 
 ioned after the French, and declared, in their report, 
 that the writers disappeared the moment the In- 
 quisition was introduced. They have by this shown 
 themselves utterly unworthy of the praise generally 
 bestowed upon Spaniards, and recently repeated by 
 Arndt in his "Comparative History of Nations," that 
 of having a thorough contempt for falsehood. The 
 most brilliant epoch of Spanish literature extends 
 from the end of the 15th to the middle of the 17th 
 century, and embraces just the very period during 
 which the Inquisition was most powerful. All the 
 writers through whom Spain has become famous, 
 lived during this time ; and their works were printed 
 with the consent of the Holy Office. 
 
 Spain's three great poets, Cervantes, Lope de Vega, 
 and Calderon, as well as her eminent historians, F. 
 de Pulgar, Zurita, Mariana, not to mention a host of 
 other authors of less note, belong to this period. 
 Llorente, it is true, enumerates in the second volume 
 of his History, 118 learned men who were prose- 
 cuted by the Inquisition, but omits adding that they 
 escaped without personal injury. 
 
 19. We cannot pass over in silence the opinions 
 pronounced on the Inquisition by the greatest and 
 most cultivated minds of Spain. Llorente, who 
 likewise devotes a special chapter to this subject, 
 lays particular stress upon the celebrated historian 
 Pulgar having expressed himself against the Inqui- 
 sition, which was established during his lifetime. 
 It is true Pulgar blames the Inquisition for the 
 application of capital punishment against heretics, 
 but no one will ever be able to prove that he spoke 
 against this institution in general. From Mariana, 
 Llorente prudently quotes only such passages as
 
 366 THE LIFE OF 
 
 are introduced by that author, into his history, as 
 the opinions of others. He forgets to give Mariana's 
 own, which is the more weighty, as he was himself 
 once the object of the persecutions of the Holy 
 Office. Mariana says that the Inquisition had been 
 " reipublicse universse majori commodo," and " prse- 
 sens remedium adversus impendentia mala, quibus 
 aliaB provincise exagitantur, coelo datum ; nam hu- 
 mano consilio adversus tanta pericula satis caveri 
 non potuit." Lib. xxiv. ch. 17. 
 
 Let us now listen to what Peter Martyr says, a 
 philosophical writer, whose candour is praised by 
 Llorente, and whose letters, he adds, are so liberal 
 that they had to be published abroad. The latter 
 assertion is incorrect, as the first edition of this 
 celebrated collection of letters was printed at 
 Alcala de Henares, in the year 1530. True it is, 
 that Peter Martyr repeatedly and openly passed 
 very strong censures on the inquisitor Lucero 
 and his conduct, calling him Tenebrero (man of 
 darkness) instead of Lucero (man of light). The 
 opinion which this great humanist and avowedly 
 liberal writer passes on the Inquisition itself is quite 
 different. In his 279th letter, addressed to an 
 intimate friend, he says, with reference to Queen 
 Isabella, who had just died,-^-" Qualem una cum 
 viro se gesserit ad exstirpandas hsereses, purgandam 
 religion em .... nemo ambigit;" thus reckoning 
 the zeal of the queen against the heretics as one of 
 her virtues. In his 295th letter he censures Lucero, 
 but calls the Inquisition itself a "prseclarum in- 
 ventum, et omni laude dignum opus, ut omnis 
 religione labes tollatur." This was written at a 
 time when the persecutions of Lucero against the 
 archbishop of Talavera, a friend whom he greatly 
 esteemed, had already begun, and in a letter to so 
 intimate a friend, that reserve, much less dissimu-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 367 
 
 lation or falsehood, is out of the question. Peter 
 Martyr refers several times to the trial of Talavera, 
 without once attacking the Inquisition, but only the 
 person of Lucero. Yet it must not be supposed that 
 his pen was chained by fear. His vehement expres- 
 sions against Lucero, and his courageous behaviour 
 before the judges of the Inquisition, in favour of 
 Talavera, disprove this. (Ep. 334.) 
 
 Of Zurita, the celebrated historian of Aragon (died 
 1580), Prescott speaks as more free from religious 
 prejudices than any other Spanish writer, and 
 Llorente calls him the trustworthy and truthful 
 author of the " Anales de Aragon." But what 
 does the liberal Zurita say : " For this reason 
 they [Ferdinand and Isabella] established the holy 
 office of the Inquisition against heresy. It was the 
 best means which could be devised for the protection 
 of our holy faith, and seems to have been a divine 
 inspiration to guard Spain against numberless errors 
 and heresies by which the rest of the Christian 
 world has been disturbed."* At the end of the 
 chapter, and elsewheref in his work, he regards the 
 Inquisition as a benefaction for Spain. 
 
 A younger contemporary of Zurita, and his suc- 
 cessor in the office of historiographer of Aragon, was 
 Hieronymus Blancas (died 1590), distinguished 
 both by his elegant Latin and his high-minded love 
 of liberty. In his principal work, " Commentaria 
 Rerum Aragonensium," of which the beautiful 
 edition of Saragossa, published in 1588, lies before 
 me, he speaks, at page 263, in the following man- 
 ner of the Inquisition : " The greatest proof of 
 the wisdom and piety of Ferdinand and Isabella 
 is to be found in their having, for the purpose of 
 turning the minds of heretics and apostates from 
 
 * Tom. v. lib. i. ch. vi. 
 
 t For instance, torn. iv. lib. xx. ch. xlxix.
 
 368 THE LIFE OP 
 
 fatal errors, and breaking their boldness, estab- 
 lished the office of the Holy Inquisition, an insti- 
 tution the utility of which is readily acknowledged, 
 not only by Spain, but the whole Christian world." 
 Blancas repeatedly returns to his praises of the 
 Inquisition for instance, at page 274 ; and it is 
 unmistakable that he, like Zurita and others, valued 
 the Inquisition the higher the more he saw the 
 horrors produced in other countries by the wars 
 of religion consequent upon the Reformation. 
 Hence, also, he assures us, at page 346, that the 
 Inquisition was held in the highest regard by his 
 contemporaries. His opinions are embraced by 
 more modern writers, who agree with him that the 
 Inquisition was a preventive measure, by which 
 Spain, for a considerable time, was saved from civil 
 and religious wars. 
 
 20. We have but one more duty to perform, to 
 investigate whether Llorente, whose history is 
 considered by many as irrefutable, is a witness 
 worthy of credit or not. Having been a functionary 
 of the Holy Office, he is generally believed to have 
 made revelations. We would wish he had done so, 
 and instead of empty tirades and long declama- 
 tions, given us plain sterling facts. True, he fre- 
 quently quotes documents to support his asser- 
 tions; but they have reference mostly to minor 
 punishments only, whilst we should have greatly 
 preferred to learn the entire decisions and sentences 
 of the tribunals, on which the large autos-da-fe 
 were based. 
 
 As it is impossible for us to examine the secret 
 documents which Llorente professes to have used, 
 and thereby be enabled to form a judgment on 
 their value, it is the more necessary to inquire 
 carefully into his own moral and scientific character, 
 to enable us to find in it either a guarantee for his
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 369 
 
 truthfulness or reasons for doubting the correctness 
 of his assertions. 
 
 Happily we possess an interesting biographical 
 sketch of him, written by two of his Paris friends, 
 Mahul and Lanjuinais, and inserted in the April 
 number of the " Revue Encyclope'dique " for 1823, 
 to which he was himself a contributor for many 
 years. In spite of the partiality for the friend, they 
 have given therein sufficient truthful matter for us 
 to pass a correct judgment on him. 
 
 Juan Antonio Llorente was born March 30th, 
 1756, of a noble family in Aragon. He studied 
 civil and canon law at Saragossa, was ordained priest 
 in 1779 for the diocese of Calahorra, and made a 
 doctor of canon law in Valencia. He belonged then 
 already to that class of the clergy who were called 
 eclaires ; and as the Spanish government favoured 
 at that time persons of such tendencies, a path to 
 civil and ecclesiastical honours was soon opened for 
 Llorente. Only two years after his ordination, he 
 became at Madrid a counsellor in the High Council 
 of Castile, and was elected a member of the Academy 
 of San Isidore, which had been established after 
 the expulsion of the Jesuits, and favoured Jansen- 
 ism from the very commencement of its career. 
 In the year 1782, we find him, though hardly 
 twenty- six years old, acting as vicar-general of the 
 bishop of Calahorra ; and in 1784, according to his 
 own testimony, entirely and completely " purified 
 from the last remains of the leaven of ultramon- 
 tanism." For this change he was indebted " to a 
 very learned and intelligent friend." Erom that 
 period (Llorente tells us so) he became intimate 
 with the Freemasons, to whom, no doubt, the same 
 " learned and intelligent friend " belonged, who 
 convinced him how full of errors and prejudices his 
 knowledge had hitherto been, and taught him to 
 
 2 B
 
 370 THE LIFE OF 
 
 throw off the yoke of authority, and to listen only 
 to the voice of reason ! "We have no cause for 
 calling in question the assertion of his panegyrists, 
 that Llorente made rapid progress in this new path ; 
 it was to this fact that he owed his nomination by 
 the king to a canonry in the cathedral of Calahorra ; 
 that he was chosen by the minister, Count Florida- 
 blanca, a member of the new Academy of History ; 
 and by the grand-inquisitor, Seiior Don Augustin 
 Rubin de Cevallos, bishop of Jaen, appointed 
 secretary-general of the Inquisition at Madrid in 
 the year 1789. Since the days of Aranda and 
 Piombal, it was no uncommon thing to behold 
 Jansenists and Freemasons occupying the most 
 important ecclesiastical offices, both in Spain and 
 Portugal. The university of Coimbra, for example, 
 was full of theologians, who were members of the 
 fraternity of Masons.* 
 
 Llorente was secretary to the Inquisition of 
 Madrid till the year 1791 ; he was then banished 
 from the capital and sent back to his canonry of 
 Calahorra. Being recalled, however (1793), by the 
 enlightened grand-inquisitor, Don Manuel Abad y 
 la Sierra, he laboured with him, and after the fall 
 of Don Manuel was associated with the minister 
 Jovellanos, the Countess Montijo, and others, in 
 endeavouring to introduce liberalism into the re- 
 ligious and political institutions of Spain. But 
 some of his letters, having been intercepted, com- 
 promised him; and though his name was on the 
 list of candidates for a bishopric, he was arrested, 
 deprived of the office which he held in the Inqui- 
 sition, and condemned to do penance for a month 
 in a monastery. 
 
 He was in disgrace till the year 1805, when the 
 
 * Pfeilschifter, " Politische Studien," vol. i. p. 7.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 371 
 
 notorious " Prince of Peace," the Spanish minister 
 Godoy, endeavoured to deprive the Basque provinces 
 of their ancient rights and privileges,* and to bring 
 them under his own despotism. 
 
 In order to facilitate the success of this tyrannical 
 enterprise, the violent act was to be accompanied by 
 a so-called historical and scientific exposition. 
 
 For this business Godoy selected Llorente, who 
 was recalled to Madrid, and for writing his work, 
 " Noticias Historicas sobre las tres Provincias Bas- 
 congadas " (Madrid, 1806-7, in 3 volumes), in 
 which he attacked the privileges of these provin- 
 ces, successively named canon of the cathedral of 
 Toledo, scholastic of the chapter, chancellor of the 
 university in the same city, and knight of the order 
 of Charles III. Llorente, who thus had become 
 the pliant instrument of despotism, was in conse- 
 quence, as if in mockery to the provinces, named 
 a member of the " Patriotic Association of the 
 Basque Provinces." The improper conduct of 
 Llorente is also reproved by Hanke.f To us it fur- 
 nishes a proof how the writer could make history 
 bend to his own views and plans ; and if we had no 
 other work by him but this unjust attack on the 
 Basque Eueros, in which history is violated and 
 perverted, it would suffice to justify our suspicions 
 against his mode of writing history. 
 
 Every one knows how Napoleon (May 10th, 1808) 
 forced Eerdinand VII., then a captive in Bayonne, 
 to resign his crown, in order that he (Napoleon) 
 might bestow it on his brother Joseph. The Spanish 
 patriots courageously rose up against the stranger 
 who was forced upon them. There was, however, 
 a party so forgetful of the national honour as to 
 sell themselves to the Erench ; in the ranks of this 
 
 * " Fueros," as they are termed in Spanish, 
 t " Fiirsten und Volker," vol. i. p. 242. 
 2 B 2
 
 372 THE LIFE OF 
 
 party was to be found Llorente. The religious 
 orders were suppressed, the monasteries robbed of 
 their property, while to Llorente was confided the 
 honourable mission of putting the sacrilegious 
 decrees into execution, of extending a system of 
 rapine and spoliation throughout the whole country, 
 and of administering the "secularized" property, 
 not, it is said, without enriching his private 
 purse with many a precious jewel stolen from the 
 churches. Indeed, he exhibited so much ability 
 in the art of confiscation, that he was very soon 
 raised to a " director-general" of the national pro- 
 perty, a name by which his patrons were pleased 
 to designate the confiscated property of the patriots 
 who were opposed to Prance. 
 
 Having been accused of the embezzlement of 
 eleven millions of reals, Llorente shortly after lost his 
 office ; but, as the crime could not be proved, was 
 appointed instead commissary-general of the bull "de 
 la cruz," a bull by which, in former days, the popes 
 allowed the Spanish kings to raise certain funds for 
 the purpose of defraying the expenses of the Moorish 
 wars. Though the object had ceased to exist, the 
 contribution still continued. 
 
 Since the year 1809, Llorente, by order of King 
 Joseph, was engaged in the publication of several 
 pamphlets in support of the Prench cause, but es- 
 pecially in writing his history of the Inquisition, 
 for which, in conjunction with others, he collected 
 documents. Being, after the fall of Joseph, banished 
 from Spain on a charge of high treason, he repaired 
 to Paris, in the year 1814, where he edited his 
 famous " Histoire Critique de 1' Inquisition," four 
 vpls. Svo, originally written by him in Spanish, and, 
 under his own superintendence, translated into 
 Prench by Alexis Pellier (1817-18). In conse- 
 quence of the appearance of this work, the arch-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 373 
 
 bishop of Paris interdicted him both to hear confes- 
 sions and to read mass, and when he endeavoured 
 to support himself by giving private lessons in the 
 Spanish language, the University of Paris forbade 
 him to teach in private educational establishments ; 
 so that he was forced to live partly by his pen, partly 
 by the charity of the Freemasons of Paris. Though 
 comprised in the amnesty of 1820, Llorente remained 
 in Paris, translated about this time the immoral 
 adventures of Faublas, and published in 1822 his 
 equally exceptionable "Portraits Politiques des 
 Papes," which latter work determined the French 
 government to banish him from France in December, 
 1822. Shortly after his arrival in Madrid, death 
 overtook him on the 5th February, 1823. 
 
 Having given this sketch of Llorente' s life, the 
 question naturally arises Can a man who sold him- 
 self to a tyrannical minister, and, by the perversion 
 of history, aided him to extinguish the ancient 
 liberties of a brave people ; a man who proved him- 
 self a traitor to his country, and sold his soul and 
 body to a foreign oppressor ; a priest, who lent 
 himself as the instrument of violence and the sacrile- 
 gious robbery of church property ; who, on account 
 of his principles, was by the ecclesiastical authori- 
 ties forbidden to exercise his sacerdotal functions, 
 and to teach youth ; can such a man be worthy of our 
 confidence, can we put faith in such an historian ? 
 
 Nobody will be tempted to give an affirmative 
 reply to our first question ; for a writer who perverts 
 the history of the Basques can also falsify that of 
 the Inquisition. We have Ranke's testimony that he 
 has done this.* So much for Llorente as an historian. 
 It remains for us now only to inquire what he was 
 as a priest and churchman. The above-mentioned 
 
 * Fiirsten und Volker, vol. i. p. 242.
 
 374 THE LIFE OF 
 
 stains on his sacerdotal character were allied to an 
 uncommon enmity for the Church, which drew from 
 his pen a series of falsehoods and mistakes. We 
 will not repeat that he falsely represented the Inqui- 
 sition as a usurpation of the ecclesiastical over the 
 civil power, although the document brought for- 
 ward by him shows clearly that this institution was 
 nothing but a royal tribunal armed with spiritual 
 weapons. His hatred for the popes is vented against 
 them even when they endeavoured to mitigate the 
 severity of the Inquisition and to protect its victims, 
 and with marvellous ingenuity he discovers the 
 worst motives in their best and kindest actions. 
 As an instance of the misrepresentations which 
 hatred caused him to make, we will cite the fol- 
 lowing : Charles Y. desired to obtain a living for 
 one of his favourites, which before had been given to 
 a monk by the Pope. When Leo X. in consequence 
 persuaded the latter to renounce his rights, the 
 Spanish ambassador, who reported it to his master, 
 added that the monk was said formerly to have 
 been a Jew, but this did not signify much to Rome. 
 Llorente on this exclaims : "What a singular state of 
 things ! the court of Rome does not care much if a 
 monk is a Jew or not, whilst the Spanish Inquisition 
 is so scrupulous and severe in this respect." It is 
 manifest how perfidiously Llorente here perverts the 
 fact of the monk having formerly been a Jew, in 
 order to enable him to accuse the Papal See of the 
 most culpable indifference. How much history 
 becomes caricature under his pen, may also be 
 seen in what he says concerning the crusades : 
 " This war [speaking of the first crusade] and the 
 subsequent expeditions of the same kind, would, by 
 their injustice, have been revolting to Europe, had 
 she not before been carefully indoctrinated with the 
 absurd notion, that war was allowable if carried on
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 375 
 
 for the glory and honour of Christianity." What 
 other author would not shrink from and feel ashamed 
 of writing in this vein ? 
 
 In another work of Llorente's, " Project of a 
 Religious Constitution," which, according to the 
 title, was only edited by him, but from the testi- 
 mony of his biographers written by him, we find 
 the assertion " The advantages humanity has de- 
 rived from Christianity are counterbalanced by the 
 many evils which the change of the primitive consti- 
 tution of the Church brought with it." After this 
 confession, which for every Catholic amounts to 
 nothing less than self-excommunication, Llorente 
 strives to place the Church again on that footing 
 on which she was two hundred years after Christ. 
 The supremacy of the Pope such is the opinion of 
 our Catholic priest and canon is therefore to be re- 
 jected as a mere human institution, and no one to 
 obey the decrees of the head of the Church if they 
 are not in accordance with the decisions of the tri- 
 bunal of individual reason. The "pious priest" 
 further rejects the obligation to confess and take the 
 sacrament of the holy supper once a year, at Easter ; 
 to hear mass on Sundays, specially to confess one's 
 sins, &c. ; and adds that the priest is not bound to 
 press the performance of these exercises. Our doctor 
 of canon law considers divorce allowable, demands 
 the abolition of the obstacles to marriage, of religious 
 vows, celibacy, and the suppression of the four minor 
 orders of priesthood, &c. In short, he proposes 
 such a number of anti-ecclesiastical and an 'lolic 
 changes, that already, in 1822, the Tubirtgwn Theo- 
 logical Quarterly found it necessary sharply to cen- 
 sure his doctrines, and point out his numerous 
 contradictions and errors against history. 
 
 But Llorente's hatred for the Church and her 
 head, shows itself most glaringly in his " Portraits
 
 376 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the Popes " a work, of which even his Jansenistic 
 friends say, that " the author not only accepted as 
 authentic, a mass of things of doubtful truth, as for 
 instance the fable of the so-called Popess Joanna, 
 which has sufficiently been proved quite apocryphal, 
 but also, we grieve to say, the subject, tendency, and 
 even tone of the work, are such as to be incompa- 
 tible with the character of a Catholic priest." And 
 further on they proceed : " He has also attacked 
 those traditions of apostolic origin which every true 
 Catholic respects as the dogmas of his faith." 
 
 We add, Llorente, after having in his work ex- 
 hausted the repertory of old reproaches against Rome, 
 is at no loss to invent new accusations. Thus, for 
 instance, he reproaches, at page x. of his preface, 
 most of the popes with having, for the extension of 
 their power, taken the title of (Ecumenic or Univer- 
 sal Bishop. We can scarcely suppose that Llorente 
 was ignorant enough to believe in his own assertion. 
 
 > 7 <j 
 
 With great affected simplicity he continues : " If 
 the popes were really the vicars of Christ on earth, 
 Divine Providence would never have permitted the 
 succession of the first popes to be left in doubt, but 
 made it a matter of certainty whether Cletus 
 and Anacletus were one and the same person or 
 not. This being left doubtful, the popes could not 
 be the vicars of Christ." * Gregory the Great is to 
 him (i. p. 166) the most venal flatterer ; and in his 
 wrath he calls Gregory VII. the greatest monster 
 ambition ever engendered, the cause of a thousand 
 wars and murders, a man who has done more mis- 
 chief in history than any other, who lived in con- 
 cubinage with Mathilde, poisoned his predecessor, 
 &c. f Rome is to Llorente the centre of intrigues 
 (i. 241), and history, he assures us, will never par- 
 
 * Portraits Politiques des Papes, torn. i. pp. 11, 12. 
 t Pp. 344-350.
 
 CAEDINAL XIMENEZ. 377 
 
 don the sovereigns of Europe the re-establishment of 
 the States of the Church. 
 
 This will, I believe, suffice to enable us to pass a 
 judgment on Llorente's sentiments towards the 
 Church. Let us, however, put aside his ecclesias- 
 tical character, and consider him in his capacity of 
 profane historian. Here his incorrectness is not less 
 apparent, and no confidence can be placed in him. 
 His little pamphlet on the constitution of the Church 
 furnishes abundant proofs. Llorente has absolutely 
 fixed the year 200 after Christ as the normal one 
 for the regeneration of the Church. All the changes 
 in the Church since this year are to be put aside ; 
 but he is so illogical or thoughtless as immediately 
 after to speak of the prescriptions of the general 
 councils to be retained for the regenerated Church, 
 and yet the first general council was held only in 
 the fourth century, in the year 325. 
 
 It is of little moment whether the Apostle Paul 
 was married or not; but a theologian who, in the face 
 of the Bible, furnishes him with a wife, is either an 
 incorrect writer, or worse still, an intentional forger ; 
 and who, like Llorente, gives as a fact, that the 
 Apostles, before their separation, together composed 
 the Apostolic Creed, is not only little versed in theo- 
 logy, but shows also great audacity in propounding 
 as certain and indisputable, what he could only 
 know from hearsay. 
 
 The " Portraits of the Popes " are not less rich in 
 historical blunders. Vol. i. p. 66, Llorente relates 
 in the most serious manner that Paul of Samosata 
 adopted the heresy of Sabellius, an assertion which 
 will cause the least tyro in church history to smile. 
 Page 9 we are told that St. Justin had written his 
 works before Ignatius of Antioch, that is, whilst 
 he was still in his cradle. On the same page we
 
 378 THE LIFE OF 
 
 find the celebrated heathen Apollonius of Tyana 
 amongst the ancient heretics ; the well-known perse- 
 cution of the House of David is placed under the 
 emperor Vespasian instead of Domitian, and the most 
 confused and irrational trash is written about the 
 ancient heresies. His equal also is not to be found 
 in the treatment of modern history and statistics. 
 " The consequence," he says, "of the refusal of Leo X. 
 to reform his court, was that England, Switzerland, 
 Saxony, Bavaria, Holland, Germany, Wurtemberg, 
 Hanover, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, and E/ussia are 
 now Protestant countries." * Yes, Llorente goes so 
 far as to be of opinion, Russia and Greece would still 
 belong to the Roman Church if Leo X. had been 
 more yielding.! 
 
 After all these specimens, we will throw a last 
 glance on Llorente's " History of the Inquisition." 
 He there makes Gregory VII. go to war with the 
 emperor Henry III. (i. 23) ; the Pseudo-Isidorian 
 decrees are composed in the eighth century (i. 15) ; 
 the Crusaders take Antioch before laying siege to 
 Nicea and Edessa ; and the Protestants receive their 
 name from their protesting against a decree of the 
 Pope. At page 196 of the same volume he raises by 
 his own power the monk Peter of Castelnau to the 
 dignity of Abbot of Citeaux, and as a set-off assas- 
 sinates him four years too early. His blunders in 
 the history of his own country are equally gross. 
 Thus, he repeatedly speaks (i. 145, 150) of the 
 count of Arcos and margrave of Cadiz as of two 
 distinct persons, although one and the same famous 
 warrior, Ponce de Leon, to whom to a high degree 
 Spain owes the conquest of Granada, united both 
 these titles. The mistake here committed is at least 
 
 * " Portraits," torn. ii. pp. 198 ct seq. f P. 200.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 379 
 
 as great as if a French historian made Marshal Ney 
 and the duke of Elchingen two generals of the 
 French empire. 
 
 Another mark of the greatest carelessness is, 
 for a Spanish historian, to prolong the life of 
 Philip I., the father of Charles V., to the year 1516 
 and 1517 (i. 421), when he had been dead ten years, 
 and his death caused such disturbances and commo- 
 tions in Spain as we have seen in chapter XIV. 
 We shall take occasion, in the following chapter, to 
 point out other gross blunders of Llorente, even in 
 the history of Spain. 
 
 If we sum up, after all that has been said con- 
 cerning the life and character of Llorente, and his 
 mode of writing history, our verdict will be consi- 
 dered mild, when we say, that he is an author not 
 to be depended upon, and unworthy of our confi- 
 dence. The artistic part of his history does not 
 concern us. But we will insert the criticism of his 
 Paris friends. They say : " The good which this 
 work has produced, is not owing to the style in 
 which it is written, being devoid of all colouring 
 and elegance ; nor to a skilful and judicious arrange- 
 ment of the materials, nor to the clearness of the 
 descriptions or the depth and beauty of the views and 
 reflections no, the art of being able to write history 
 is not revealed by this work." Whoever has read 
 the four volumes of the history, will agree that this 
 criticism is by no means exaggerated. 
 
 Before concluding this chapter, we must add that 
 we are far from wishing to be the champion of the 
 Spanish Inquisition as such. On the contrary, we 
 entirely deny the right to the secular power of ruling 
 over consciences, and are, from the bottom of our 
 heart, averse to every religious oppression on the 
 part of the temporal power, no matter whether
 
 380 THE LIFE OF 
 
 perpetrated by a Torquemada in the cowl- of a 
 Dominican, or by a minister of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury in his court dress. Our intention was only to 
 show that the Inquisition was not that abominable 
 monster which party passions and ignorance have 
 often represented it. We are obliged to do this, in 
 order to be able properly to appreciate the man 
 who for ten years presided over this institution as 
 grand-inquisitor. If the Inquisition in reality had 
 been what it is frequently depicted an institution 
 more blood-thirsty than the legislation of the times, 
 a colossus of injustice, all the brilliant virtues and 
 eminent qualities of Ximenez would not have availed 
 to wipe out this stain on his character. 
 
 We have proved that it was not so, and can now 
 turn to the great Cardinal in his new office.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 381 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 XIMENEZ AND THE INQUISITION. 
 
 IN many historical works it is asserted, repeated 
 also by Rotteck in his work on Spain and Por- 
 tugal (published in 1839), that Ximenez, in union 
 with Cardinal de Mendoza, was instrumental in 
 advising Queen Isabella to establish the Inquisition. 
 But Llorente himself declares this assertion to be 
 without foundation ; indeed, a simple examination 
 of dates and facts will suffice to show that Ximenez 
 appeared at court ten years after the tribunal of the 
 Inquisition had been established, and that he was 
 only an obscure priest when it was first introduced. 
 The first participation of Ximenez in the affairs 
 of the Inquisition dates from the year 1496, after 
 Ferdinand the Catholic had complained to the Holy 
 See that the inquisitors had, without his knowledge 
 or consent, been disposing of the property of the 
 condemned, and thus deprived the revenue of con- 
 siderable sums. We have before expressed our 
 opinion, that the Inquisitors very likely robbed 
 the royal fiscus of many a prey by preserving the 
 paternal property to the children of condemned 
 persons, thereby incurring the displeasure of the 
 king. Alexander VI., who governed the Church 
 at that stormy period, considering it necessary to 
 gain the friendship of Ferdinand, appointed the 
 Archbishop Ximenez (March 29th, 1496) to examine 
 the matter ; and at the same time gave him power 
 to demand restitution, if necessary, of whatever had
 
 382 THE LIFE OF 
 
 been unjustly taken away from the revenue of the 
 king. The result of this inquiry is unknown. 
 
 What connectionXimenez had with the Inquisition 
 under Deza, the second grand-inquisitor and successor 
 of Torquemada, we have no means of ascertaining. 
 It was the vast knowledge of Deza that caused him 
 to be chosen to occupy the high dignity of grand- 
 inquisitor, and which afterwards was the means of 
 his being elevated to the archiepiscopal see of 
 Seville, as well as being ranked amongst the most 
 illustrious theological writers of Spain. 
 
 Prescott seems to consider it " worthy " of a 
 grand-inquisitor, that Deza should constantly have 
 a tame lion at his feet. Llorente also represents 
 him as a man possessed of a savage and austere 
 nature, who surpassed in cruelty even Torquemada 
 himself, and introduced the terrors of the Inquisi- 
 tion into Naples and Sicily. But this judgment is 
 annulled by the Spanish academician Munoz, who 
 wrote a eulogium on Lebrija,* with whom Deza 
 once had some misunderstanding. Munoz, however, 
 gives Deza the character " of a great and good pre- 
 late and a learned theologian." We ourselves may 
 also add, that he was amongst the small number of 
 those enlightened men who, by having encouraged 
 and assisted Columbus, had a share in the glorious 
 discovery of the New World. 
 
 The person who contributed most to injure the 
 reputation of Deza as grand-inquisitor, was his 
 assistant Diego Rodriguez de Lucero, scholastic of 
 Almeria and inquisitor of Cordova, who, it must be 
 owned, persecuted innocent persons, perpetrated 
 barbarities of all kinds, and abused the confidence 
 of Deza. As early as January, 1506, Peter Martyr 
 describes him as "severus et iracundus a natura, 
 
 * " Memorias de la Seal Academia de la Historia," torn. iii. 
 p. 17.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 383 
 
 judaico nomini et neophytis infensissimus," * and 
 one year later he repeatedly declares that his name 
 Lucerius was a lie, and should be Tenebrerius.f 
 
 One of the most odious trials commenced at the 
 instigation of Lucero, was that against Talavera, the 
 archbishop of Granada, which brought Ximenez again 
 in connection with the Inquisition. We have, in 
 a former chapter, spoken of the virtues of Talavera, 
 and his labours for the conversion of the Moors. 
 But Lucero conceived the idea of accusing this 
 noble prelate of judaizing tendencies, because he 
 had from the beginning opposed the introduction of 
 the Inquisition, protected the suspected neophytes, 
 and was, on his mother's side, of Jewish extraction. 
 The grand-inquisitor was soon won over for the pro- 
 secution, especially as Lucero produced a sufficient 
 number of witnesses, who were probably bribed. $ 
 As early as the commencement of the year 1506, 
 Peter Martyr began to complain of the insult offered 
 to the most holy man in Spain. But not Talavera 
 only was accused of heresy ; several relatives of his 
 fared the same, and were even imprisoned, particu- 
 larly his nephew, Francisco Herrera, dean of the 
 cathedral of Granada, and the sisters and mother 
 of the latter. || 
 
 We learn from Llorente, that Deza at first 
 intended to intrust Ximenez with the examination 
 of the orthodoxy of the archbishop of Granada.^" 
 
 * Epist. 295. f Ib. 333, 334, 339, 342. J Ib. 333, 339. 
 
 Epist. 295. According to Llorente (i. 341), Lucero con- 
 ferred first with Isabella concerning the suspicion against Tala- 
 vera; but Isabella had then already been dead one year and a half. 
 Leonce de Lavergue (in his Essay on Ximenez, " Revue des Deux 
 Mondes," 1841, May) represents this matter as if Talavera had 
 been attacked by the Inquisition on account of his intention of 
 preparing an Arabic version of the Bible for the Moors. 
 
 || Epist. 342. 
 
 IT When Talavera learned that Ximenez, and not the Inquisi-
 
 384 THE LIFE OF 
 
 But Ximenez reported the whole affair to Pope 
 Julius II., and by following this course was instru- 
 mental in bringing about the speedy deliverance of, 
 and tranquillity to the accused. The Pope, namely, 
 took the inquiry entirely out of the hands of the 
 grand-inquisitor, confiding it to the care of his legate 
 in Spain, John Ruffo, bishop of St. Bertinoro, in the 
 Homagna, and to a special commission, as Peter 
 Martyr informs us.* 
 
 The history of this memorable trial is much 
 curtailed by Llorente, but the details are happily 
 supplied by Peter Martyr, himself one of the chief 
 actors in the affair. The inquiry was opened in the 
 spring of 1507, either at Torquemada, where the 
 unfortunate Queen Johanna resided for some time 
 after the death of her husband, or in the vicinity of 
 this little town, at Palencia. Talavera sent a special 
 representative to the court in the person of the canon 
 Gonzalez Cabecas to conduct his case. He found, 
 besides, an energetic defender in Peter Martyr, who 
 warmly pleaded the cause of his venerable and well- 
 beloved friend the archbishop, reminding the judges 
 in particular of the venerable age of the man, who 
 was then eighty years old, of his universally admired 
 holy life, as well as of the zeal he had shown in the 
 conversion of the Moors, f The legate, himself a 
 friend of Peter Martyr, J showed much benevolence 
 for the accused, interceded for them with the Pope, 
 and sent the papers to Home, whence the complete 
 acquittal of Talavera and his relatives soon arrived. || 
 
 tion, was to conduct the inquiry, he became somewhat reassured, 
 as well as the people who loved him. Talavera says so himself in 
 his letter to King Ferdinand of the 23rd January, 1507, reprinted 
 in the " Memorias," &c., torn. vi. p. 489. 
 
 * Epist. 334. Llorente, i. p. 342, wrongly calls the nuncio 
 bishop of Bristol, although he might have known from Peter 
 Martyr, Letter 428, that Ruffo was Episcopus Britonoriensis. 
 
 t Ep. 334. $ 328330. 334, 335. || 342.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 385 
 
 Talavera did not long enjoy his liberation ; in a letter 
 dated the last of May, 1507, Peter Martyr mourns 
 the death of this wise and pious prelate, whom he 
 elsewhere compares to King Solomon, and the 
 patriarch of monachism, St. Hilario.* 
 
 Another trial, if possible, still more scandalous, 
 instituted by Lucero, led to the nomination of 
 Xirnenez as grand-inquisitor. 
 
 Several persons in Andalusia accused of heresy, 
 had falsely denounced a great number of others in 
 the hope of saving themselves and seeing their trials 
 suppressed by a general amnesty, which they thought 
 might be obtained if the number of suspected were 
 increased. Lucero was credulous and suspicious 
 enough, on their report, to threaten a great number 
 of persons of all ranks, ages, and sexes ; nobles, 
 ladies, priests, monks, nuns, and other persons of 
 distinction. Deza gave his consent ; but Ximenez 
 raised his voice to oppose it, and entreated King 
 Ferdinand to assist him, by writing to the pope and 
 requesting him to deprive Deza of his office of grand- 
 inquisitor. According to Zurita, who gives us this 
 account, f Ximenez himself was then aspiring to this 
 dignity. Ferdinand, however, would not agree to 
 the proposal : it was only after the arrival of King 
 Philip in Spain that Deza was ordered to confine 
 himself to his diocese; his jurisdiction was suspended, 
 and the aifairs of the Inquisition were confided to the 
 royal council. Zurita informs us that this proceed- 
 ing was severely commented upon by the nation. 
 
 But when Philip died, Deza appeared again in 
 
 * Petrus Martyr. Ep. 334. Llorente (i. 342) wrongly states 
 the trial to have lasted three years, whilst in reality it lasted only 
 one year and a half. He further makes the archbishop live several 
 months after his liberation, which took place on the 21st May. 
 On the last of the same month he was already dead. 
 
 f " Anales," torn. vi. lib. vii. cap. 29. 
 
 2 c
 
 386 THE LIFE OF 
 
 public, and protesting against what had been done 
 in opposition to him, reinstalled himself in his 
 former dignity. His return encouraged the inqui- 
 sitor of Cordova (Lucero) to recommence proceed- 
 ings against those who had been falsely denounced. 
 An insurrection was the consequence, for on the 6th 
 of October, 1506, the whole population of Cordova 
 rose. Lucero was forced to fly for his life ; the 
 buildings of the Inquisition were seized, and the 
 prisoners released by the Marquis de Priego, who, in 
 conjunction with the chapter of the cathedral and 
 the magistrates of the city, required Deza to depose 
 Lucero. The grand-inquisitor refusing to comply 
 with their request, the insurrection became more 
 threatening, and extended throughout the whole of 
 Andalusia. Ferdinand now began to be convinced 
 that Deza, his friend and confessor, against whom 
 the public dislike was so clear and intense, could no 
 longer preside over the Inquisition. He therefore 
 made, during his residence in Italy, every requisite 
 arrangement with Pope Julius II. for transferring 
 the dignity of grand-inquisitor to Ximenez. Deza 
 submitted, and resigned his office. Ximenez suc- 
 ceeded him, and his appointment was confirmed by 
 a royal edict dated May 18th, 1507. There was, 
 however, this alteration made, that his jurisdiction 
 (contrary to what his predecessors enjoyed) should 
 be confined only to Castile. Another grand-inqui- 
 sitor, Don Juan Enguera, Bishop of Vich, was 
 appointed for the kingdom of Aragon. But as both 
 he and his successor, Don Luis Mercader, a Car- 
 thusian, died very soon after each other, the dignity 
 of grand-inquisitor for Aragon was offered to 
 Ximenez. He refused to accept it, and recom- 
 mended Adrian, the dean of Louvain, in his place, 
 who after the cardinal's death united both dignities
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 387 
 
 in his own person, and afterwards became celebrated 
 under the name of Pope Adrian VI. 
 
 Ximenez, immediately after his elevation to the 
 dignity of grand-inquisitor, drew up several regu- 
 lations, which were ordered to be published and 
 observed as laws throughout the whole of Castile. 
 They applied especially to the new converts, regu- 
 lating the manner in which they themselves, their 
 children, and all belonging to them, were to con- 
 duct themselves and observe the practices of the 
 Christian religion, in order not to incur any sus- 
 picion of apostasy, witchcraft, blasphemy, &c.* At 
 the same time, the cardinal commanded more 
 complete instruction to be given them in reli- 
 gious matters, and particularly that they should 
 be put on their guard against every form of 
 superstition and blasphemy. Indeed, he adopted 
 every expedient which justice and humanity dic- 
 tated, in order to diminish the number of judicial 
 cases reserved for the tribunal of the Inquisition. 
 Llorente himself acknowledges that Ximenez ex- 
 erted all his energy in providing for the instruc- 
 tion of the converts, for which object priests were 
 appointed in all the large towns, with special in- 
 junctions to visit the new Christians in their houses, 
 and warn them not to commit any act which 
 might make them amenable to the Inquisition. 
 
 Another important matter which occupied the 
 attention of the cardinal, was the trial of the 
 inquisitor of Cordova, t Ximenez lost no time in 
 ordering his arrest. Having been suspended from 
 his functions, he was conducted to Burgos, and 
 there imprisoned and ordered to give an account of 
 his stewardship. 
 
 * Gomez gives us all these particulars (" De Eebua gestis," 
 lib. iii. ; Compluti, 1569). t Lucero. 
 
 2c2
 
 388 THE LIFE OF 
 
 All suspected witnesses were likewise arrested. 
 Ximenez, considering the serious nature of the case 
 and the great number of the accused, appointed, 
 with the king's consent and approbation, a com- 
 mission, under the name of " Catholic Congre- 
 gation," w r hich, as Llorente acknowledges, consisted 
 of twenty-two of the most respectable personages 
 that could be found ; these were to preside and 
 take cognizance of the case, the cardinal himself 
 being the president of the " commission." The 
 names of the members were the bishop of Vich, 
 who was grand-inquisitor of Aragon ; the bishops 
 of Ciudad-Rodrigo, of Calahorra, and Barcelona; 
 the mitred abbot of the Benedictine convent in 
 Valladolid ; the president of the council of Castile, 
 together with eight of his counsellors ; the vice- 
 chancellor and president of the chancery of Aragon ; 
 two provincial inquisitors ; two counsellors belong- 
 ing to the higher court of the Inquisition, and an 
 auditor of the chancery of Valladolid. 
 
 The reason why Ximenez named so many in 
 the " commission " who belonged to Aragon was, 
 that Castilian families had an interest in the 
 case, and therefore it was necessary to obtain im- 
 partial judges. 
 
 In November, 1507, Peter Martyr, who was then 
 residing at court, sent several particulars connected 
 with the trial to his friends in Granada; viz., to 
 Count Tendilla, viceroy of the city, and to the dean 
 of the cathedral. " Lucero," he says, " stoutly 
 asserts his innocence, but the judges suspect he has 
 been guilty of great cruelty." (Epp. 370, 372.) 
 In the month of March of the following year, this 
 writer remarks, " that the judges, having care- 
 fully examined the sentences pronounced some time 
 before by Lucero, were convinced that he had too
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 389 
 
 easily believed improbable accusations, and conse- 
 quently punished the innocent." (Epist. 375.) 
 
 On the 9th of July, 1508, the " commission de- 
 clared the witnesses brought forward by Lucero 
 to be unworthy of credit or confidence, both on 
 account of their bad character and contradictory 
 depositions. "What they had asserted was, therefore, 
 inadmissible as proof against the prisoners, who 
 were accordingly liberated. The memory of those 
 who had already perished was honourably men- 
 tioned; the houses which had been pulled down, 
 under the pretext that they were private synagogues, 
 were rebuilt ; while the defamatory " notes," 
 which had been supplied by the inquiries of Lucero 
 and his agents in the books of the Inquisition, 
 were erased. 
 
 On the 1st of August, 1508, the judgment of the 
 " commission " was published with great solemnity 
 in Valladolid, in presence of the king, and a crowd 
 of prelates and grandees. 
 
 With regard to Lucero, Llorente informs us that 
 after he had been confined for some time in prison 
 at Burgos, he was, by an excess of indulgence, 
 ordered to return to his diocese of Almeria. Cer- 
 tainly Peter Martyr (Ep. 393) and several others 
 regretted that Lucero had been treated with such 
 mildness. But since he seems to have acted more 
 from excessive credulity and false zeal than from 
 any real wickedness of heart, and since the trial had 
 not revealed any " mala fides " in his conduct, as 
 Gomez observes, it seemed but natural that he 
 should be released after a year's imprisonment. He 
 was also deprived of his dignity, and reduced to his 
 former rank of canon, though Llorente erroneously 
 makes him a bishop.* 
 
 * He is simply called " canoiiicus " by Gomez.
 
 390 THE LIFE OF 
 
 About this period, Ximenez also acquired great 
 renown by the protection he gave to the cele- 
 brated Antonio de Lebrija, or Nebrissa, so called 
 from a town in the neighbourhood of Seville. In 
 the two chapters which treat of the foundation of 
 the university of Alcala and the Complutensian 
 Polyglot, we have already said sufficient to prove 
 that Lebrija was one of the most distinguished 
 scholars of his time in Spain. The freedom with 
 which he spoke, in a work entitled " Critical 
 Remarks on some Passages of Scripture," respecting 
 a few mistakes in the translation of the Vulgate, 
 roused the indignation of several theologians, who 
 accused him of rashness and presumption.* Deza, 
 taking advantage of these complaints, condemned 
 his two first commentaries on the Bible, in con- 
 sequence of which Lebrija suspended the publi- 
 cation of other works which he had prepared, 
 until Ximenez became grand-inquisitor, to whom 
 he then addressed an apology in self-defence, 
 written with considerable boldness and indepen- 
 dence. Such is the account given us by the acade- 
 mician MunoZjf and Nicolao Antonio, the historian 
 of Spanish literature. J Llorente is quite mistaken, 
 however, when he speaks of unkind treatment 
 shown to Lebrija. The fact is, that in spite of his 
 books being condemned, he continued to live undis- 
 turbed by Deza, sometimes at Salamanca as pro- 
 fessor, and at other times at court as the royal 
 historian, until the year 1508, when Ximenez made 
 use of his labours in the publication of his Polyglot, 
 appointed him professor in the new university of 
 
 * Du Pin, " Nouvelle Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesias- 
 tiques," torn. xiv. p. 121. 
 
 t " Memorias de la Heal Academia," torn. iii. p. 17. 
 
 J " Bibliotheca Hispana Nova," torn. i. p. 132 (Madrid, 1783).
 
 CARDINAL XIHENEZ. 391 
 
 Alcala, and honoured him with his particular 
 friendship. In chapter XI. we have already seen 
 how Ximenez consulted him in all important 
 matters connected with the university; and how 
 familiarly he often spoke to him from the balcony 
 of his palace. To the end of his life, the archbishop 
 also accorded his support and protection to many 
 other learned men, who were thereby freed from 
 the examinations of the Inquisition ; amongst these 
 may be mentioned the first chancellor of Alcala, the 
 abbot Lerma, and the learned Vergara. 
 
 Llorente relates many other events, all of which 
 tend to the honour of Ximenez ; amongst these we 
 may mention the scrupulous care with which he 
 watched over the officers of the Inquisition. The 
 details connected with the case at Cordova show to 
 what extent the officers of that tribunal abused 
 their power by violence and oppression. Ximenez, 
 therefore, endeavoured to diminish their influence 
 by depriving them, amongst other things, of the right 
 of permuting works of penance for some others 
 which were imposed ; he also closely watched their 
 conduct, and even deprived many of their office 
 altogether. In vain did these protest against his 
 proceedings ; in vain did they appeal to the pope 
 himself. The Holy See confirmed all the acts of 
 Ximenez, and resolutely maintained his authority.* 
 
 The cardinal, however, could not carry into effect, 
 his project of having only ecclesiastics admitted to 
 the grand-council of the Inquisition. The reply 
 Ferdinand gave him on the llth February, 1509, 
 respecting this, shows clearer than anything else, 
 the political character of the Inquisition. Ximenez 
 protested against the nomination of Hortugno 
 
 * Llorente, torn. ii. p. 358.
 
 392 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ybagnez d'Aguirre as member of the grand-council, 
 on account of his being a layman. But Ferdinand 
 told him that the grand-council was indebted solely 
 to the king for its jurisdiction ; the king had there- 
 fore a right of appointing for it and every other 
 court of justice any one he chose. Ximenez was 
 forced to yield during the lifetime of the king ; but 
 when, after the death of Ferdinand, he became 
 regent of Castile, Aguirre was excluded from the 
 grand-council. Charles V., however, reappointed 
 this otherwise very worthy layman, after the decease 
 of the cardinal. 
 
 Llorente does not tell us why Ximenez deposed 
 also Antonio E/uyz de Calcena, the secretary of the 
 grand-council, but relates other details which are 
 not without interest. 
 
 At Toledo, the assistant of the gaoler of the In- 
 quisition had had culpable connection with several 
 of the imprisoned females ; this crime had caused 
 great sensation and general indignation. Doubtless 
 the letter of Gonzalo de Ayora, cited by Llorente 
 elsewhere (i. 349), in which the knight speaks in 
 the strongest terms of such scandalous conduct, has 
 reference to this case. Ximenez immediately recog- 
 nized the greatness of the evil and the urgency of 
 prompt remedy, and with his usual energy and 
 severity did not hesitate, in concert with the grand- 
 council, to decree pain of death against any func- 
 tionary of the Inquisition found guilty of carnal 
 connection with female prisoners. 
 
 We have before mentioned several beneficial mea- 
 sures of the new grand-inquisitor framed with the 
 view of procuring better religious instruction for 
 the newly-converted, and of guarding them against 
 the danger of drawing on themselves a suspicion 
 of apostasy. To these belong tho foundation of
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 393 
 
 special parishes for the new Christians, and the 
 rules of conduct which the cardinal issued for them 
 to preserve them against the suspicion of the in- 
 quisitors. 
 
 Unlike the above, and in itself of no importance, 
 is the decree of Ximenez, of the year 1514, by which 
 in future the crosses fixed in certain places of the 
 Sanbenito were no longer to be of the usual form, 
 but in the shape of a cross of St. Andrew, in order, 
 says Llorente, that the cross of Christ might not be 
 dishonoured by being represented on the dresses of 
 the condemned. 
 
 The receivers of the revenues of the confiscated 
 estates, generally obtained assistants at the expense 
 of the fiscal ; Ximenez abolished this custom, made 
 the receivers pay for their assistants, and demanded 
 of them to render an exact account of the posses- 
 sions confided to their administration. In order to 
 have their accounts properly examined, he issued 
 special instructions for the use of the receivers and 
 the persons charged with the revision of their man- 
 agement. 
 
 It is much to be regretted, that of all the cases 
 examined and adjudged by Ximenez, Llorente gives 
 us an account of only four. The details, however, 
 connected with them, show us at once how careful 
 and exact that great prelate was in the discharge of 
 the duties of an office which has been so much 
 calumniated and misunderstood. 
 
 The first of these trials took place in the year 
 1511, and concerns a so-called saint, the daughter of 
 a peasant from Piedrahita, in the diocese of Avila, 
 who wore the dress of the third order of St. Dominic, 
 pretended to be in relation with Christ and the 
 Holy Virgin, held frequent conversation with both, 
 and called herself the bride of Christ. She held,
 
 394 THE LIFE OF 
 
 besides, the opinion that she was constantly accom- 
 panied by the Holy Virgin, for which reason, out of 
 politeness, she remained at the doors, offering the 
 precedence to Mary, &c. Ferdinand ordered her to 
 be brought to Madrid, and he, as well as Ximenez, 
 conversed with her. 
 
 The opinions of the most learned theologians 
 differing greatly on her account, one party declaring 
 her a self-deluding visionary, the other party re- 
 cognizing in her a saint, the Pope ordered his 
 nuncio and two other bishops to inquire into the 
 matter ; whilst on the other hand, also, the Inquisi- 
 tion, as in duty bound, tried the girl. Ximenez, for 
 his part, believed her to be inspired, and as the 
 tribunal could not discover anything dangerous, 
 heretical, or deceptive in the person, she was spared 
 further molestations. 
 
 The second trial related by Llorente, concerns 
 Juan Henriquez de Medina. The Inquisition of 
 Cuenca had, after his death, declared him guilty of 
 heresy, and purposed to confiscate his property; 
 Ximenez, on the appeal of the heirs, appointed com- 
 missioners to revise the trial. When these, according 
 to the established usage, refused to communicate 
 the names of the witnesses to the relatives of the 
 deceased, the interested parties appealed to Leo X., 
 who, by his briefs of the 8th February and 9th 
 May, 1517, ordered, under pain of excommunication, 
 the communication of the acts and an equitable 
 judgment ; Henriquez was in consequence entirely 
 absolved. Ximenez, who was then near his death, 
 seems to have had no other share in the proceedings 
 than the nomination of the commissioners for the 
 revision. 
 
 The third trial ended only after the cardinal's 
 death. John of Covarrubias, of Burgos, who had
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 395 
 
 once before been absolved, was after his death again 
 denounced to the Inquisition by the fisc. Leo X., 
 from the very beginning, interested himself the 
 more warmly in behalf of the accused, as Covar- 
 rubias had been his schoolfellow. By a letter dated 
 15th February, 1517, he recommended to Ximenez 
 a quick conclusion of the inquiry, and shortly after 
 translated the case to the court of Rome. Ximenez 
 remonstrated against this, and Charles V., after the 
 Cardinal's death, in the autumn of the same year, 
 protested so strongly against this pretended en- 
 croachment of the B/oman court on the rights of 
 the Holy Office, that the Pope handed the matter 
 over to Cardinal Adrian, the successor of Ximenez 
 in the office of grand-inquisitor ; Llorente does not 
 tell us the ultimate result. 
 
 We cannot gather from Llorente that Ximenez 
 participated at all in the fourth trial. The superiors 
 of the Augustines had complained of the prosecution 
 of several members of their order by the Inquisition, 
 and obtained by a brief of Leo X., of the 13th May, 
 1517, the privilege for the order of its members 
 being in matters of faith judged by their own supe- 
 riors, and not the Holy Office. We do not learn 
 whether Ximenez regarded this exemption favour- 
 ably. If we did not know Llorente better, the 
 selection of these trials would induce us to believe 
 that he intended to show the solicitude of the Holy 
 See to lessen the severity of the Inquisition. A 
 decree of Ferdinand, of the 31st August, 1509, 
 specially directed against these endeavours of the 
 Pope, is very remarkable ; he therein threatens with 
 death all those who obtained of the Pope or his 
 legate, a bull or other document directed against 
 the Inquisition; Llorente, of course, finds this 
 sanguinary measure in favour of the Inquisition
 
 396 THE LIFE OF 
 
 very rational and just, because it is based on the 
 principle of opposition to Rome, nor does it shake his 
 opinion that the Inquisition was an ecclesiastical 
 institution. 
 
 How easily the most astonishing contradictions 
 are made to agree by Llorente is strikingly illus- 
 trated by the following example : He is of opinion 
 that Ximenez is the real author of an anonymously 
 written allegorical novel on the Inquisition, dis- 
 covered in the library of St. Isidor, at Madrid, and 
 entitled " Of the Government of Princes." He 
 asserts that it furnishes clear proof of the cardinal's 
 aversion to the Inquisition, as well as of his demands 
 for numerous important changes, for instance, 
 publicity of the debates, &c. This curious work is 
 addressed to Charles V., when still prince of Asturia, 
 and partly reprinted amongst the documents in 
 vol. iv. of Llorente' s History. Llorente presumes 
 it to have been written by Ximenez himself, or at 
 his instigation, before his nomination as grand- 
 inquisitor, and after the death of Isabella, that is 
 between the years 1504 and 1507, forgetting that a 
 few pages before (iv. 389) he has fixed 1516 as the 
 year in which it was written ; this date is probably 
 correct, for during the years 1504 1507 Charles, 
 then only four to seven years old, was in no wise 
 capacited for the consideration of such important 
 topics. 
 
 Although we would gladly accede to Ximenez the 
 honour of such liberal principles as are expressed in 
 the book in question, yet we cannot help strongly 
 doubting the admissibility of Llorente's opinion. 
 Prince Charles is therein urged to introduce several 
 important changes in the Inquisition, more especially 
 publicity of the inquiry ; but, in reality, it was Xime- 
 nez who determined King Ferdinand not to yield to
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 397 
 
 the clamour of the new Christians, and is said even 
 to have sought to indemnify him from his own 
 purse for the refusal of 600,000 ducats, which the 
 new Christians had offered him, to tempt him to 
 grant their request.* When, after the death of 
 Ferdinand, they repeated their offer to Charles V., 
 raising the sum to 800,000 gold ducats, and were 
 even backed in their petition by Chievres, duke of 
 Croy, the instructor and confidant of Charles, 
 Ximenez protested once more against the grant of 
 publicity, addressing the following letter to the 
 king : 
 
 " Most high and mighty Catholic King, most 
 gracious lord ! The Catholic kings, as your Majesty 
 is aware, have bestowed so much care upon the 
 Holy Tribunal of the Inquisition, and examined its 
 laws and institutions with so much prudence, 
 wisdom, and conscientiousness, that modifications 
 of the same are not needed, but would rather be 
 prejudicial than otherwise. At the present moment 
 such changes would fill me the more with sorrow, 
 as they would assuredly tend to increase the defi- 
 ance shown to the Inquisition by the Catalonians 
 and the Pope. The pecuniary embarassment of 
 your Majesty is, I confess, very great, but certainly 
 that of Ferdinand the Catholic, the grandfather of 
 your Majesty, was greater, when the newly con- 
 verted Christians offered him six hundred thousand 
 gold ducats to carry on the Navarrese war. He did 
 not accept their proposals, because he preferred the 
 
 * Llorente, torn. i. p. 367. Flechier, liv. vi. p. 492. Jost, 
 vol. viii. p. 237. Ximenez would probably have heard of this offer 
 only after the acceptance of it by Charles, if Cardinal Pucci, 
 whose nephew was destined as nuncio for Castile and therefore 
 wished to ingratiate himself with Ximenez, had not given him 
 timely notice. Gomez, p. 1104.
 
 398 THE LIFE OF 
 
 purity of the Christian religion to all the gold of the 
 world.* With all the true devotion of a loyal 
 subject, with the zeal which I must have for the 
 office to which your Majesty has raised me, I he- 
 seech you to open your eyes and follow the example 
 of your Majesty's grandfather, and consent to no 
 changes in the proceedings of the Inquisition. All 
 the objections raised by its adversaries have before 
 been refuted, under the Catholic kings of glorious 
 memory. The modifications of even the most un- 
 important law of the Inquisition could not be done 
 without betraying the honour of God and insulting 
 that of your most illustrious ancestors. If this consi- 
 deration has not sufficient weight with your Majesty, 
 may it please you to recall the deplorable occurrence 
 which has lately taken place at Talavera de la Reina, 
 when a newly-converted Jew, who had learned the 
 name of his accuser, searched for him and stabbed 
 him. The hatred against these informers is indeed 
 so great that, if the publication of their names is 
 not prevented, they will not only be assassinated 
 in private and public, but even at the foot of the 
 altar. No one will be found in future willing to risk 
 his life by similar denunciations ; this would be the 
 ruin of the Holy Tribunal, and the cause of God 
 would be left without a defender. I live in confi- 
 dence your Majesty, my King and Lord, will 
 not become unfaithful to the Catholic blood which 
 runs in your veins, but be convinced that the 
 Inquisition is a tribunal of God, and an excellent 
 institution of your Majesty's ancestors. "f 
 
 After this it was impossible that Ximenez should 
 
 * Ximenez does not speak here of his own offer to Ferdinand, 
 and we cannot vouch that he ever made it. 
 
 t Carnicero, torn. ii. p. 289 293. Gomez gives only an 
 abstract of this letter.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 399 
 
 have written or been the instigator of the allegorical 
 novel mentioned by Llorente. It must, on the con- 
 trary, be attributed to one of those whose influence 
 he opposed in the above letter. 
 
 In the computation of the victims of the In- 
 quisition under the administration of Ximenez, 
 Llorente has evidently done injustice to the car- 
 dinal. Llorente' s usual practice of basing his 
 calculations rather upon probabilities, the fallacy of 
 which we have demonstrated before, than upon 
 documents, is in this instance specially invalidated 
 by other circumstances. According to his own 
 confession, the administration of Ximenez com- 
 menced on the 1st of October, 1507, and lasted 
 therefore little more than ten years, whilst Llorente's 
 calculations are based upon eleven years. Besides 
 this, he makes Ximenez responsible for the condem- 
 nations of all the twelve ancient tribunals instead of 
 only seven, Ximenez being only grand inquisitor of 
 Castile and not also of Aragon. The hypothetical 
 number of two thousand executions would conse- 
 quently be reduced by half. 
 
 In the year 1514 Ximenez established a new tri- 
 bunal at Cuenca. Llorente here again commits the 
 same error which we have exposed before, that of 
 increasing the number of criminals with each addi- 
 tional court of justice. And lastly he starts in his 
 calculations with the entirely arbitrary assumption 
 that Ximenez, whose benevolence he admits, exe- 
 cuted every year as many persons as his predecessors, 
 Torquemada and Deza, whom he describes as cruel. 
 
 We know nothing certain or even probable of the 
 number of trials conducted under Ximenez ; but 
 this we know, that our cardinal more clearly circum- 
 scribed the jurisdiction of each separate tribunal, 
 by dividing them according to the provinces and
 
 400 THE LIFE OP 
 
 bishoprics and introduced tribunals in Oran in 
 Africa, which he had conquered, as well as in the 
 Canary Islands and America. These latter held, 
 however, as we shall see hereafter, jurisdiction only 
 over the old Christians who had settled there, and 
 not over the indigenes. Ximenez has, in all these 
 affairs of the Inquisition, shown himself the same 
 straightforward and thoroughly just, though severe 
 man, which he was in all his other actions. We 
 shall find him the same again on a field on which 
 the former Franciscan monk will hardly be expected 
 that of battle.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 401 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF ORAN. 
 
 MILITARY events have always occupied a more 
 prominent place in history than other more im- 
 portant facts that occur in time of peace. Thus, 
 more abundant details have been preserved connected 
 with the part Ximenez took in the Spanish con- 
 quests in Africa than respecting other events in his 
 life, however important. 
 
 So far back as the year 1505, when the " Great 
 Captain " (Gonsalvo de Cordova) returned to Spain 
 from his glorious Italian campaigns, crowned 
 with honour and accompanied by his victorious 
 legions, Ximenez advised the king to employ these 
 troops in the conquest of some strong fortress in 
 Africa. As a bishop, he sighed for the day in which 
 he should see the cross replanted in that country, 
 where once the Church flourished so prosperously, 
 and where prelates, like St. Cyprian and St. Augus- 
 tine, displayed such genius, learning, and piety : as 
 a statesman, too, Ximenez had not forgotten his 
 interview with the famous Venetian traveller 
 Vianelli; hence, he saw at once the immense ad- 
 vantage that would be gained by Spain, both in a 
 strategic and commercial point of view, if she had a 
 station on the coast of Africa. 
 
 Directly opposite to the Spanish port of Cartha- 
 gena, was a large and strong fortress called by 
 
 2 D
 
 402 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Moors Mazarquivir. It stood on the sea, and 
 had hecome, in consequence, a nest of pirates, who 
 spread terror in every direction. Some years 
 before (1501), the Portuguese had attempted, but 
 in vain, to gain possession of it. However, in 
 September, 1505, Eerdinand, assisted by the mu- 
 nificence of Ximenez, sent a fleet against the 
 place under the command of Diego de Cordova 
 and Raymund de Cardona. The expedition suc- 
 ceeded. Cordova was appointed governor of the 
 conquered city, and remained there with a strong 
 garrison, whilst his companions in arms returned 
 to Spain.* 
 
 About this period Ximenez conceived a still vaster 
 plan ; viz., a new crusade against the infidels for the 
 recovery of the holy sepulchre in Jerusalem. Eor 
 this object, he entered into negotiations with the 
 kings of Spain, Portugal, and England. Gomez 
 has preserved a remarkable memorial of these nego- 
 tiations : a letter addressed by King Emmanuel of 
 Portugal to Ximenez, in which his majesty expresses 
 the most profound respect for the cardinal, and the 
 hope that his pious desires for the recovery of the 
 holy places and the overthrow of Mahometanism 
 may speedily be realized. At the same time he 
 assures Ximenez, that every day he fancies himself in 
 the holy sepulchre receiving from his hands the true 
 and real body of our Lord ; and that he counts more 
 on the part which Ximenez takes in the enterprise 
 than upon the efforts of the most powerful kings in 
 Europe, because the presence of so holy a man would 
 be sure to draw down most abundant blessings from 
 heaven. Moreover, that the pecuniary assistance 
 offered by the cardinal, his high character, zeal, and 
 
 * Gomez, Zurita, Ferreras, &c.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 403 
 
 geographical knowledge, would be a certain pledge 
 of success.* 
 
 But in spite of so much ardour and enthusiasm, 
 all this beautiful project fell to the ground, in con- 
 sequence of the political events which quickly 
 followed, by Philip becoming regent of Castile, and 
 afterwards quarrelling with Ferdinand. Ximenez, 
 too, experienced profound grief on beholding the 
 small Christian colony of Mazarquivir exposed to 
 the greatest danger of being lost. The circumstances 
 are as follows : In the same month that king Fer- 
 dinand returned from Italy, to assume the govern- 
 ment of Castile after the death of Philip (August, 
 1507), a terrible misfortune happened to the Spanish 
 garrison in Africa. The governor, Cordova, being 
 most anxious to extend his conquests further, had 
 fortunately succeeded in taking two small places 
 from the Moors. He was returning with a con- 
 siderable booty of men and beasts, when his troops, 
 having halted to take some repose, were suddenly 
 attacked by the enemy and completely routed ; the 
 governor himself escaped with difficulty. Gomez, 
 while mentioning the great grief which filled the 
 heart of Ximenez on hearing the account of this 
 terrible disaster, adds, that it only served to con- 
 firm the cardinal the more in the plan he had 
 conceived, of extending the Spanish conquests in 
 Africa still further. His character, indeed, was such, 
 that the more obstacles he met with to oppose his 
 designs, the stronger his resolutions became to carry 
 them into execution. 
 
 The arrival of Ferdinand, however, and the events 
 which followed therefrom, delayed for a time the 
 accomplishment of the cardinal's project. In 
 
 * Gomez, " De Kebus gestis," p. 78 (ed. Compluti, 1569). 
 2 D 2
 
 404 THE LIFE OF 
 
 August, 1507, the king arrived at Tortoles with his 
 daughter Johanna (called " loca "*) ; and thence 
 hastened with the court to Maria del Campo, and 
 sent the cardinal's hat to Ximenez, who was then 
 residing in a neighbouring town, named Mahamud. 
 After Johanna had taken up her residence at Arcos, 
 in company with Ferdinand's second consort, Ger- 
 maine, his majesty and Ximenez proceeded together 
 to Burgos, in order to devise some remedy for the 
 evils that afflicted the kingdom. f 
 
 As many of the grandees viewed the return of 
 Ferdinand with regret, they publicly evinced their 
 hostility to him in many ways. But the king con- 
 ducted himself towards them with as much pru- 
 dence as mildness. He endeavoured rather to win 
 them to his cause than to punish them ; and if he 
 sometimes spoke of their past conduct, it was not 
 by way of reproach, but as it were in joke. How- 
 ever, with regard to some of the nobles who continued 
 obstinate in their refusal to submit, Ximenez 
 advised Ferdinand to be firm and severe. Hence, 
 the duke de Najara and the marquis de Priego, 
 who were amongst the most turbulent, were severely 
 punished ; so also were the bishops of Badajoz and 
 the young duke de Medina-Sidonia. Ximenez was 
 of great assistance to Ferdinand in his work of 
 pacification and in the humiliation of the grandees. 
 It is uncertain whether the cardinal took any part 
 in the formation of the league of Cambray, which 
 was directed against Venice, and concluded, De- 
 cember 10th, 1508, between Ferdinand, Louis XII., 
 king of France, the emperor Maximilian, and Pope 
 Julius II. That which gives some ground for the 
 
 * That is, deranged, mad. 
 
 f Peter Martyr, epp. 367, 368.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 405 
 
 uncertainty is, that Ximenez did not assist at the 
 negotiations. He was then too much occupied with 
 the expedition to Africa. The league of Cambray 
 reconciled Ferdinand with two of his most dangerous 
 enemies, the king of France and the emperor 
 Maximilian ; the latter renounced all his claims to 
 the regency of Castile. 
 
 A short time after, Ferdinand was delivered from 
 another source of trouble. His unfortunate daughter 
 Johanna at last consented (March, 1509) to reside 
 at Tordesillas, a pleasant and healthful spot, whither 
 she took the remains of her deceased husband. 
 There most of her former follies disappeared, that 
 profound melancholy only remaining which adhered 
 to her till the end of her days.* 
 
 Matters being now quietly settled in the kingdom, 
 Ferdinand at last yielded to the prayers and repre- 
 sentations of the cardinal, and resolved to fit out a 
 considerable fleet for the expedition to Africa. 
 The object was the conquest of Oran. This city, 
 situated at a short distance from Mazarquivir, 
 was one of the most important of the Moorish pos- 
 sessions, being very populous and strongly forti- 
 fied. It was a kind of republic, under the protection 
 of the king of Tremesen, and had acquired consider- 
 able opulence by its extensive commerce with the 
 Levant. Oran was also as powerful as it was rich, 
 having at its command an immense number of 
 cruisers, which swept the shores of the Mediterranean 
 and committed fearful ravages. This stronghold 
 Ximenez was most anxious to take ever since the 
 Spaniards gained possession of Mazarquivir: Via- 
 nelli had already furnished him with plans of the 
 
 city and its environs ; but the political state of 
 
 i 
 
 * Peter Martyr, epp. 410, 411.
 
 406 THE LIFE OF 
 
 affairs in Spain had hitherto delayed the fulfilment 
 of the cardinal's anxious desires. The cardinal was, 
 however, now resolved, though in his seventy-second 
 year, to march in person to the conquest of this 
 important place, and even to furnish himself all the 
 necessary expenses, so that the king might incur no 
 risk or suffer any loss, should the enterprise not 
 succeed.* In vain did many of the grandees ridi- 
 cule the whole affair, exclaiming " that the world 
 was turned upside down ; and that while the Great 
 Captain was telling his beads in Valladolid, the 
 Franciscan father was preparing himself for battles 
 and sieges !"f 
 
 But impartial observers thought otherwise; for 
 Gomez assures us, that they considered, Ximenez 
 possessed all the requisite qualities of a general: 
 an invincible courage and an admirable prudence, 
 united with a mind fruitful in resources. Such, 
 too, was the conviction of Ferdinand himself, who 
 immediately placed all the forces that could be 
 raised, at the disposal of Ximenez, and left him to 
 choose any Spanish port he thought proper for the 
 equipment of the fleet. He also gave him a number 
 of blank papers (signed with Ferdinand's name) 
 which could be filled up by Ximenez, when circum- 
 stances required any orders to be carried out in the 
 king's name. Two military judges were likewise 
 annexed to the expedition to punish military offences. 
 In a word, orders were issued throughout the whole 
 kingdom for the levy of troops, and the purchase of 
 
 * Zeal for the propagation of the faith and the conversion of 
 the Moors, were the chief motives that enkindled the zeal of 
 Ximenez. (Eobles, cap. xxii. p. 246.) Trans. 
 
 t " Gonsalvum Fernandum, orbiculos quibus preces annurae- 
 rari solent, Pintise volvere ; antistitem vero Toletanum csedes et 
 lanienam optare," &c. (Gomez, p. 100.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMBNEZ. 407 
 
 everything necessary for so important an under- 
 taking.* 
 
 Ximenez would willingly have named his friend 
 the " Great Captain " commander of the forces ; 
 but through regard for King Ferdinand, who for 
 some time had not been on terms of friendship with 
 Gonsalvo, he intrusted the post to Count Pedro 
 Navarro, who was brought up in the school of the 
 illustrious warrior during his Italian campaigns. 
 Navarro had also recently acquired great glory in 
 Africa, having conquered for the Portuguese, in 
 1508, by the permission of Ferdinand, the strong 
 city of Arzila, in the kingdom of Fez. Troops now 
 came pouring in from the provinces of Castile and 
 Aragon, amongst which Alcala especially distin- 
 guished itself by its zeal and energy ; hence, in a 
 short time, four thousand horse and ten thousand foot 
 were under arms,f and officers appointed to com- 
 mand them who were already illustrious for their 
 bravery. Gomez gives us the names of several of 
 them; amongst whom we find a titular bishop, 
 named Bustamante, at the head of one of the 
 divisions. Garcias Villaroel, a cousin of the cardi- 
 nal and prefect of Cazorla, commanded the cavalry ; 
 whilst Vianelli, being perfectly acquainted with the 
 locality of the country, was named one of the 
 
 * Leonce de Lavergne highly praises the military talents of 
 Ximenez, in an article on the conquest of Oran, inserted in the 
 " Revue des Deux Mondes" (torn. xxvi. p. 536 ; Mai, 1841). See 
 also an article on the subject, by Vincente Gonzalez Arnao, in 
 the " Memorias de la Seal Academia de la Historia," torn. iy. 
 pp. 215. 
 
 t The numbers are variously stated. Flechier says the whole 
 of the forces amounted to about 16,000 ; while Robles estimates 
 the cavalry at 2,000. Trans. 
 
 J Peter Martyr, ep. 413; Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. 18; Zurita, 
 torn. vi. lib. viii. cap. 30.
 
 408 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Eor some years before, the cardinal had been care- 
 fully husbanding his revenues with a view to this 
 expedition, so that Peter Martyr and others were 
 almost inclined to accuse Ximenez of avarice, saying 
 " that he was richer than Crassus himself." The 
 metropolitan chapter of Toledo, having been re- 
 quested by Ximenez to assist him in his expedition,* 
 sent him a considerable sum " for the success of a 
 war in which the honour and extension of the Chris- 
 tian faith were interested." Many of the canons 
 even wished to accompany the cardinal to Africa, if 
 he would allow them to do so. Pecuniary assistance 
 was sent from other dioceses also, as Gomez makes 
 mention of a letter addressed by Ximenez to Ferdi- 
 nand, wherein he expresses his delight " that other 
 churches and dioceses had followed the example of 
 Toledo." 
 
 Though everything was now ready for the expe- 
 dition to sail, it was delayed under various pretexts, 
 by false reports and base insinuations. At the 
 head of the intrigue against Ximenez were the 
 senator Varga and his friend Villalupo, who had 
 charge of the commissariat and stores. Navarro 
 himself, by continually proposing new plans, endea- 
 voured to obtain the sole command. But Ximenez 
 satisfied all the scruples and calmed all the fears of 
 the king, whilst he reminded him with great wisdom 
 and judgment, and in words as powerful as they 
 were worthy of an archbishop, " that his promise 
 had already been given, and the honour of the 
 Christian name, as well as the good of the kingdom 
 were at stake," &c. By these and other pressing 
 arguments Ferdinand was induced, towards the end 
 of the year 1508, to renew his promise of supporting 
 the expedition. 
 
 * Ximenez addressed a very interesting letter to the chapter 
 on the subject, the substance of which is given by Gomez. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 409 
 
 But new difficulties arose, on the part of Varga 
 and Villalupo, who refused, on various pretexts, to 
 deliver the munitions provided by them, alleging 
 that it would be better to forward them to Mazar- 
 quivir in transport vessels rather than intrust them 
 to the fleet. The folly of such a proposition was 
 evident, and Ximenez terrified his two enemies into 
 submission by threatening them with the king's 
 anger. Matters seeming now to be more quiet, the 
 cardinal, in the spring of the year 1509, summoned 
 Navarro and the other principal officers around him, 
 in order to arrange with them the plan of the expe- 
 dition. He afterwards went to Toledo, and confided 
 the temporary government of his diocese to the 
 bishop of Calahorra ; he also collected together the 
 prefects and governors of various towns and cities, 
 to the number of twenty-four, each at the head of 
 his division of troops, and addressed many encou- 
 raging words to them. Public prayers were likewise 
 ordered for the success of the enterprise. At length, 
 at the commencement of the year 1509, Ximenez 
 hastened to join the army, being attended by two of 
 his canons ; viz., Francisco Alvar, theologian of the 
 chapter; and Carlo Mendoza, abbot of St. Leoca- 
 dia : these followed him to Carthagena, where the 
 fleet, together with the forces, awaited his arrival. 
 He arrived there March 6th; Navarro had pre- 
 viously ordered the vessels to sail from Malaga 
 to Carthagena to receive Ximenez. Some more 
 levies had also been raised by Colonel Spinosa, at 
 the expense of the cardinal ; while relays of horses 
 were distributed at certain distances, so as to con- 
 nect Carthagena with different parts of Spain, that 
 the king might receive immediate information of 
 what had passed. 
 
 Just as the fleet was about to sail, a mutiny sud- 
 denly broke out in the army. Ximenez had wisely
 
 410 THE LIFE OF 
 
 resolved not to give any pay to the soldiers till after 
 the expedition, in order to be able the more easily 
 to keep the military in his power. But now they 
 refused to embark, declaring " that they would take 
 no part in the war unless they received the whole 
 of their pay in advance." In every direction was 
 heard the wild exclamation : " The monk is rich 
 let him pay let him pay us." A great number of 
 soldiers left the camp, and occupied a neighbouring 
 hill, threatening at the same time to proceed to extre- 
 mities. Vianelli, instead of suppressing the mutiny, 
 only enflamed it the more, by executing some of the 
 ringleaders.* Ximenez, who perceived the threat- 
 ening aspect of affairs, immediately deputed Garcia 
 Villaroel, prefect of Cazorla, to command Vianelli to 
 use some mildness. Villaroel probably discharged 
 his commission somewhat rudely. The consequence 
 was, that a violent altercation took place between 
 them. Vianelli spoke contemptuously both of 
 Ximenez and Villaroel. The latter immediately 
 drew his sword, and severely wounded Vianelli on 
 the head. He fled for refuge into the citadel, fearing 
 the indignation of Ximenez, who, however, soon 
 reconciled the two combatants by the valuable 
 services of an officer named Salazar. Being a po- 
 pular speaker, he also harangued the seditious 
 soldiery, and soon quelled the mutiny. Ximenez, 
 too, having promised the troops to advance a 
 portion of their money as soon as they had em- 
 barked, they hastened to the vessels to the sound 
 of trumpets, bags of gold crowned with boughs of 
 laurel being carried before them. The pay was dis- 
 tributed according to the cardinal's directions, and 
 order completely restored. Ximenez, on this occa- 
 sion, deemed it prudent to use mildness and modera- 
 
 * Vianelli is supposed to have encouraged the revolt.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 411 
 
 tion, especially as he suspected that General Navarro 
 had excited the revolt, through the hope either of 
 delaying the expedition or of breaking it up alto- 
 gether.* In a confidential letter addressed to his 
 faithful friend Ruiz, he complained bitterly of the 
 perfidy he had to endure, together with numerous 
 other trials and vexations ; but he suffered all things 
 patiently (he said) in order to avoid greater evils. 
 
 At last, on the 16th of May, 1509, the fleet 
 weighed anchor. It consisted of ten galleys, eighty 
 large transports, besides a large number of smaller 
 vessels, f The forces amounted to four thousand 
 horse and ten thousand foot, as we have already 
 mentioned. The following day, being the feast of 
 our Lord's Ascension, the fleet reached the coast of 
 Africa. Fires were soon observed blazing along the 
 Moorish hills, announcing the arrival of the enemy, 
 and calling the infidels to arms. All the Spanish 
 vessels safely entered the port of Mazarquivir, 
 without having suffered the least injury. Ximenez 
 was received by the governor of the city, and con- 
 ducted to his apartments in the castle. But he 
 spent the night without sleep, occupied in giving 
 instructions for the following day. All the cares 
 and troubles which he had lately undergone, had 
 evidently affected his health. But though his body 
 was weak and emaciated, his mind still possessed its 
 wonted vigour ; while he knew well how to infuse 
 into his soldiers the courage which animated his 
 own breast, and to elate them with the hope of 
 victory. 
 
 * These and other details connected with the expedition are 
 all taken from Gomez, lib. iv. 
 
 t " Classis ergo octoginta actuariis navibus, decem maximis 
 triremibus, quas nunc regias galeras vocant, constabat ; prseter 
 permulta navigia minora, et scaphas majoribus servientes." 
 (Gomez, p. 107.)
 
 412 THE LIFE OF 
 
 He summoned Navarro in his presence, and 
 assured him, before all the officers, " that the glory 
 of this expedition would belong to him alone ; and 
 that as regarded himself, he only undertook to 
 furnish the expenses of the war, to encourage 
 the troops, and to acquaint the king with their 
 exploits." 
 
 No time was now to be lost. A council of war 
 having been held, it was resolved to gain possession 
 as soon as possible of a hill situated between 
 Mazarquivir and Oran, and which was the key 
 to the latter ; if there were any delay, the Moors 
 would probably hasten to defend it ; and therefore 
 the galleys were to drop down under the walls of 
 Oran in the morning, and attack the city both by 
 sea and land.* 
 
 As soon as the army had landed and formed in 
 order of battle, Ximenez left the castle. He was 
 clothed in his pontifical robes and mounted on a 
 mule, with a belted sword at his side. A number of 
 priests and religious surrounded him. Before him 
 rode, on a white charger, a Franciscan friar of im- 
 mense stature, bearing aloft the silver cross of the 
 primate as the standard ;t a scimitar hung from 
 his girdle, and all the other ecclesiastics wore their 
 swords, according to the directions of Ximenez. As 
 it was Eriday, the cardinal dispensed the soldiers 
 from their accustomed fast. 
 
 As the cavalcade advanced, the priests and other 
 religious sang, with great devotion and enthusiasm, 
 
 * The bill being tbe principal point of attack, Oran was at first 
 assaulted merely to divert tbe attention of the inhabitants. 
 Quintanilla gives the best account of the attack in his " Arche- 
 typo," lib. iii. 
 
 t Eobles thus speaks of it : " Un estandarte que de la una 
 parte llevava un santo Crucifixo, y de la otra las armas de los 
 Cisneros " (p. 252).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 413 
 
 the hymn " Vexilla " regis prodeunt, fulget Crucis 
 mysterium," &c. The cardinal rode along the 
 ranks, and imposing silence, addressed the following 
 harangue to the troops : " If I thought, my brave 
 Spanish soldiers, that your courage and confidence 
 stood in need of being excited by any words of 
 mine, it is not I, without eloquence and unskilled 
 in the art of war, who would have ventured to 
 address you. This duty I leave to one of your 
 valiant captains, whose stirring eloquence has often 
 led you on to victory, and who has won your 
 confidence by sharing in your toils and triumphs. 
 But knowing your ardour to prosecute this holy 
 war, in which both the glory of God and the 
 welfare of our country are interested, I wish to be 
 a witness of your bravery and magnanimity now 
 that the die is cast, as the proverb expresses it. 
 Por many years you have heard the words re- 
 peated : ' The Moors are ravaging our coasts ; 
 they are dragging our children into slavery ; they 
 are dishonouring our wives and daughters; they 
 are insulting the Christian name.' These crimes 
 and evils you have long thirsted to avenge. Sol- 
 diers ! you I have chosen, to give to our country this 
 consolation. The mothers of Spain have seen us 
 pass through towns and cities ; prostrate before 
 the altars of God, they have entreated the Most 
 High to bless our undertaking. They are already 
 anxious to behold us returning victorious ; already, 
 in imagination, they behold us breaking the chains 
 of their captive children, and restoring them once 
 more to their loving arms. The day so long 
 desired has at length arrived. Soldiers ! behold 
 before you the accursed land : behold the proud 
 enemy who insults you, and now thirsts for your 
 blood. Prove to the world this day, that hitherto 
 it has not been lack of courage on your part, but
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 only the want of a fitting opportunity to avenge 
 the wrongs of your country. As for myself, I wish 
 to be the first in facing every danger ; for 1 have 
 come here with the resolution to conquer or to die 
 with you, which God forbid. Where can the priests 
 of God find a better place than on the battle-field, 
 fighting for their country and religion? Many 
 of my noble predecessors in the see of Toledo have 
 given me an example, and have died a glorious 
 death on the field of battle."* 
 
 After this address, Ximenez was about to place 
 himself in the foremost ranks of the soldiers, whose 
 enthusiasm had reached the highest pitch on 
 hearing the stirring words of the cardinal. They 
 were deeply affected at beholding a prelate in his 
 seventieth year, worn out with fatigues and watch- 
 ings, so anxious to expose his sacred person to 
 danger. But both men and officers pressed around 
 him, conjuring him, for the common good and his 
 own safety, to retire from the field. Ximenez 
 very unwillingly yielded to their entreaties, and 
 retired into the fortress of Mazarquivir, after having 
 given his blessing to the whole army. In the 
 citadel was an oratory dedicated in honour of 
 St. Michael. There, on bended knees and with his 
 arms uplifted towards heaven, the cardinal offered 
 his prayers, that the God of battles would grant 
 victory to the Christians, t 
 
 Ximenez had, however, scarcely entered the 
 fortress, when he was informed that Navarro 
 thought the cavalry would be useless in a country 
 so hilly as that around Oran appeared to be, and, 
 
 * This address is almost a literal translation from Gomez 
 (lib. iv. p. 109). Flechier has also given a translation of it 
 (liv. iii. p. 241). Robles gives merely a short epitome. Trans. 
 
 t Gomez adds, that he also prayed, " multis lachrymis."
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 415 
 
 therefore, intended to employ only the fleet and the 
 infantry. Ximenez, who was quite opposed to such 
 a measure, immediately left his apartments, and 
 ordered the cavalry to support the infantry in the 
 engagement. He also gave orders for the troops 
 to occupy the defiles of the sierras around Oran, so 
 as to be out of the reach of any sudden attacks 
 from the Moors. This double precaution contri- 
 buted considerably to the success of the day. 
 
 But another difficulty presented itself to Navarro. 
 Perceiving an immense number of the enemy occu- 
 pying the heights which he had resolved to attack 
 first ; seeing also the exhausted state of the troops, 
 who had hardly recovered from the effects of their 
 voyage, and that the day was far advanced, Na- 
 varro began to doubt which would be the best 
 plan to adopt, whether to defer the attack to the 
 following day, or to profit by the enthusiasm of the 
 troops and commence the attack immediately. In 
 this perplexity he hastened to Ximenez to ask his 
 advice. The cardinal, after a few moments' reflec- 
 tion, replied in the following words : " Navarro, 
 in this engagement, Christ, the Son of the Most 
 High, and the impostor Mahomed, are about to 
 contend. To defer the battle, would, I consider, not 
 only be injurious and dangerous, but also sinful ; 
 therefore, be not fearful, but lead your men on to 
 battle ; for I am confident that this day you will 
 gain a glorious victory over the enemy."* The 
 wisdom of this advice was afterwards seen, for only 
 three hours after the capture of Oran, the messuar, 
 or chief visir of Tremesen, arrived with powerful 
 reinforcements ; but seeing the city already in the 
 
 * Gomez, p. 109. Prescott and others sadly curtail these 
 words, which seem to have been, as it were, inspired.
 
 416 THE LIFE OF 
 
 hands of the Christians, immediately returned, 
 without attempting its relief. 
 
 Navarro, returning to the camp, gave instant 
 orders for the troops to advance. He divided the 
 infantry into four battalions, placing the artillery 
 and cavalry in the rear. When the trumpet sounded 
 for the attack, the troops raised the national shout, 
 " Santiago, Santiago !" and began their ascent up 
 the sides of the sierra, amidst a shower of stones 
 and arrows which were hurled down upon them by 
 the Moors. But the Spaniards pressed forward 
 with such impetuosity, that some of the foremost 
 soon came in contact with the enemy, with whom 
 they fought, contrary to the commands of their 
 officers, hand to hand, according to the chivalrous 
 custom of the time. Luis Contreras was killed in 
 one of these single combats, and his head, having 
 been cut off, was carried to Oran and shown to the 
 populace as the first trophy of victory ; after which 
 the children kicked it about in the streets like a ball. 
 The Christian captives were told that the head 
 belonged to the " great alfaqui," that is, to the car- 
 dinal ; but the falseness of the report was detected 
 by one of the prisoners, who had been a servant of 
 Ximenez. The Spaniards gradually became masters 
 of the lower part of the sierra, where they found a 
 stream of clear water that restored their exhausted 
 strength. The attack was again renewed, while 
 the Moors, rushing down, endeavoured to drive back 
 their assailants. The position was disputed with 
 fearful obstinacy, until at length Navarro placed a 
 battery of guns in such a position as to operate on 
 the dense masses of the enemy. Their flank being 
 attacked, the enemy began to waver, seeing them- 
 selves decimated both by the sword and the fire of 
 the Spanish artillery. A retreat was made, which 
 soon ended in a confused flight. The heights being
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 417 
 
 abandoned, the Spaniards pursued the flying enemy, 
 without paying the least regard to the commands or 
 menaces of their officers ; a circumstance which 
 might have proved fatal, but fortunately only tended 
 to increase the terror of the Moors, who supposed 
 the Spanish army to be much more numerous than 
 it really was. 
 
 The fleet, in the mean time, had anchored before 
 the city, and opened upon it a heavy fire, which was 
 answered with great spirit and vigour from the 
 Moorish battlements, until at last a Spanish gunner, 
 by a well-directed shot, destroyed one of the prin- 
 cipal batteries. The fire of the enemy beginning to 
 slacken in consequence, the troops on board made 
 good their landing and soon joined their comrades, 
 who, pushing forward with all haste towards Oran, 
 resolved to carry the place by escalade : though but 
 ill provided with ladders, they overcame every ob- 
 stacle. In a short time the Spanish colours floated 
 from the walls. The first who gained the summit 
 was Sousa, a captain of the cardinal's guard, who, 
 having planted the standard of his master on the 
 highest tower of the fortifications, exclaimed with 
 a loud voice, Santiago y Ximenez ! The soldiers, 
 rushing into the city, obtained possession of the 
 gates, and threw them open to their comrades. For 
 some time the enemy continued the engagement 
 with obstinate fury : seeing themselves, however, 
 pressed on all sides by the Spaniards, they fled in 
 confused masses towards Tremesen ; but being met 
 by the Spanish cavalry, they were all cut to pieces. 
 Though the victory was glorious, it was stained 
 with cruelty and unnecessary bloodshed. All were 
 massacred within the walls, without distinction of 
 age or sex. In vain did Navarro call the troops 
 off; in vain did he strive to restrain their fury. 
 They returned to the slaughter with renewed 
 
 2 E
 
 418 THE LIFE OF 
 
 madness, until at last, wearied with plundering and 
 butchery, and gorged with wine, the greater part 
 of the soldiers sank down in the streets to sleep 
 by the side of the bodies they had slain. 
 
 Navarro, fearing an ambuscade on the part of 
 the Moors, kept watch all the night with some 
 troops under arms. The following day, when the 
 sun rose on the scene of carnage, the Spaniards 
 were thoroughly ashamed of their previous excesses. 
 The general placed guards at all the important 
 points, and summoned the Moors, who had fled to 
 the mosques and other places, to surrender ; his 
 object was to have everything quiet and secure 
 in the city before the arrival of the cardinal. 
 Force, however, was necessary, in order to gain 
 possession of the mosques, which were only taken 
 after considerable difficulty and labour. Pour 
 thousand Moors are said to have fallen in the battle, 
 and from five to eight thousand were made prisoners; 
 while the loss of the Spaniards is said to have 
 amounted only to thirty,* an assertion which can 
 scarcely be believed. The spoil was estimated at 
 about five hundred thousand golden ducats ; in con- 
 sequence of which many of the soldiers returned to 
 Spain exceedingly rich with their share of the 
 booty, f 
 
 When Ximenez received, the same evening, the 
 news of the glorious victory, he spent the whole 
 night in acts of praise and thanksgiving to God. 
 The following day he proceeded by sea to Oran, 
 where he made his solemn entry, preceded by the 
 archiepiscopal cross, and surrounded by his victo- 
 
 * The number certainly seems incredible ; but both Gomez 
 and Eobles state that it amounted only to thirty slain. Trans. 
 
 t Several minor particulars of the engagement have been 
 omitted by Dr. Hefele ; while Prescott gives several details which 
 are not found in Gomez. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 419 
 
 rious troops, who received him with loud acclama- 
 tions of joy, declaring " that he alone was the real 
 conqueror of the infidels." But the cardinal, humbly 
 disclaiming any merit on his part, was heard to 
 repeat aloud the words of the Psalmist : " Non 
 nobis, Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da 
 gloriam." 
 
 Ximenez immediately proceeded to the fortress 
 called Alcazava, where, having received the keys 
 from the governor, he had the inexpressible happi- 
 ness of setting at liberty three hundred Christians, 
 who had been taken captives to Oran. The spoil 
 found in the city was presented to him, as being the 
 commander-in-chief ; but though it consisted of a 
 great number of most valuable objects in gold and 
 silver, he took nothing for himself, but merely 
 reserved a part for the king, and divided the 
 rest amongst the army. He thanked publicly 
 the whole of the forces, including the generals and 
 officers, for the signal courage they had displayed 
 in the capture of the city ; and distributed decora- 
 tions and presents to those who had particularly 
 distinguished themselves. Eearing a pestilence 
 might arise, he also ordered the bodies of the slain 
 to be removed and interred as soon as possible. 
 Such a quantity of provisions were found in the 
 city, and especially so many engines of war, amount- 
 ing to more than sixty pieces of cannon,* that every 
 one was astonished such a strong place could have 
 been taken in a few hours. Some believed a 
 miracle had been wrought by the piety of the cardi- 
 nal ; whilst others, and especially the Moors them- 
 selves, suspected treachery on the part of some of 
 the inhabitants of Oran, who shut the gates of the 
 city against the Arabs that were coming to their 
 
 * " Pluaquam sexaginta aunt capta." (Gomez.) 
 
 2 E 2
 
 420 THE LIFE OF 
 
 assistance, and opened them for the Spanish troops. 
 Another account is also given by Gomez, of the 
 cardinal having gained over to his side, by means of 
 two individuals, named Alfonso Martos and Martin 
 Argoto, some of the principal inhabitants in Oran, 
 who acted as spies, and gave Ximenez secret intel- 
 ligence of the movements and plans in the Moorish 
 camp.* 
 
 Ximenez remained in Oran for some time. The 
 day after his entry, he visited the city on horseback, 
 in order to examine its situation, and give the neces- 
 sary orders for the repair of the fortifications. He 
 was especially assiduous in dedicating the mosques 
 to the worship of the true God, having converted 
 them into churches. The principal one was conse- 
 crated in honour of the Blessed Virgin, under the 
 title of the Annunciation. He ordered a solemn 
 festival to be celebrated every year, in memory of 
 the conquest of Oran. Another mosque was 
 dedicated in honour of St. James, the patron of 
 Spain, and an hospital established and dedicated to 
 St. Bernardin of Sienna. He also founded two 
 monasteries, one for Franciscans and the other for 
 Dominicans. And as he was fearful lest many of 
 the converted Spanish Jews might hasten to Oran, 
 in order to renounce the Christian religion with 
 impunity, he established a tribunal of the Inqui- 
 sition there, appointing as the chief officer over it 
 a priest named Yiedra, who was as pious as he 
 was learned. 
 
 The cardinal immediately sent a courier to Ferdi- 
 nand, to give him all the necessary information 
 respecting the capture of Oran. Fernandez de 
 
 * M. Leonce de Lavergne maintains, as an undeniable fact, 
 that a Jew and a few Moors were induced by Ximenez to assist 
 him in the capture of the city. (" Revue des Deux Mondes," 
 torn. xxvi. ; Mai, 1841.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 421 
 
 Vera was chosen to carry the despatches ; but the 
 thoughtless young man, more intent on enjoying 
 himself during the journey than on minding his 
 errand, allowed a soldier, who perceived his negli- 
 gence, skilfully to steal the despatches from him, 
 and on their delivery to Ferdinand, to receive the 
 presents which were intended for Vera. Xime- 
 nez afterwards deputed his faithful friend, Fran- 
 cisco Ruiz, to repair the negligence of the first 
 
 messenger. 
 
 The cardinal now began to deliberate about the 
 propriety of advancing still farther into Africa with 
 his victorious army. An event which happened 
 about this time had some weight with Ximenez. 
 The inhabitants of Tremesen, being exasperated at 
 the capture of Oran, seized their arms, and massa- 
 cred all the Christian merchants in the town, in 
 spite of the efforts of the king to restrain them, and 
 although they were living under the royal protec- 
 tion. The Jews shared the same fate. But when 
 the first transports of their fury had passed away, the 
 Moors were seized with terror. Fancying that the 
 Spaniards were already at the gates, they abandoned 
 their homes, and retired into the kingdom of Fez. 
 But if this could be considered a favourable cir- 
 cumstance for the continuance of the war, other 
 reasons induced Ximenez not to carry it on in person. 
 Navarro began to be very jealous of the cardinal's 
 fame ; and on one occasion publicly said, " that he 
 never could have thought an old captain like him- 
 self would have been obliged to receive orders from 
 a monk." When one of Navarro' s soldiers had 
 killed a domestic of the cardinal, and the latter was 
 about to order instant punishment to be inflicted 
 on the culprit, Navarro interfered, and insolently 
 addressed the following unbecoming language to 
 Ximenez : " Whatever disorder arises, comes from
 
 422 THE LIFE OF 
 
 you. No army ever knew two masters. Had I 
 the sole command in Africa, I could subdue the 
 country in a few months. The king nominated you 
 generalissimo solely for the siege of Oran : with the 
 siege, therefore, your power expires. Return to 
 your diocese, and there reap the fruits of your 
 victory ; but if you remain here, know that hence- 
 forth you shall be treated as no other than a private 
 individual."* This threat was no sooner pro- 
 nounced than executed. 
 
 Ximenez, however, preserved his composure, and 
 made no reply. On the following day he sent for 
 Navarro, and issued his orders as usual, mildly 
 but firmly. Navarro obeyed, and also acknow- 
 ledged his fault. But what contributed more than 
 anything else to induce Ximenez to return to Spain 
 was a letter which fell into his hands, addressed 
 by the king to Navarro, in which Ferdinand re- 
 quested him " to detain Ximenez in Africa as long 
 as his presence was necessary." The old prelate's 
 feelings were hurt, for he began to suspect that 
 the king wished him to die in a foreign and 
 burning climate. The jealous mind of Ferdinand 
 seemed to justify this suspicion, for he could not 
 endure to see the glory of his friend, the " Great 
 Captain," dimmed by that of Ximenez. 
 
 The cardinal immediately resolved to hasten 
 his return to Spain. Before his departure he ap- 
 pointed Navarro commander-in-chief of the army, 
 observing at the same time, that " old men were 
 usually timid and circumspect, and that he was 
 convinced he could be of more service to the war in 
 Africa by returning to Spain than by remaining in 
 the camp." He then gave Navarro much good 
 
 * One can hardly believe such language could have been used 
 by Navarro, had not Gomez given us the very words themselves. 
 Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 423 
 
 advice respecting the government of the new ac- 
 quisitions, entreating the general especially not .to 
 allow any fraud or embezzlement by his officers. 
 For the maintenance of the army, he left an abun- 
 dant supply of stores, consisting of fruit, wine, and 
 biscuit ; and for the revictualling of the fleet, a large 
 sum of money. He also appointed Villaroel gover- 
 nor of the fortress Alcazava, and promised to send 
 him from Spain, as soon as he arrived there, an 
 abundant supply of provisions. 
 
 All the officers were so much affected by the 
 cardinal's kindness and attention, that they imme- 
 diately entreated him not to abandon them in a 
 strange land ; for as fortune had so wonderfully 
 favoured them under his guidance, they were 
 afraid that if he now left them, it would fare 
 ill with them. Navarro himself joined his en- 
 treaties with those of the soldiers, and appeared 
 exceedingly grieved for his past conduct towards 
 Ximenez. 
 
 The cardinal set sail from Oran on the 23rd of 
 May (1509), and with a favourable wind arrived the 
 same day at Carthagena, accompanied by a few 
 attendants. He remained there a week, solely occu- 
 pied with providing for the necessities of the army, 
 and establishing a line of transports to run between 
 Carthagena and Oran. He also addressed a letter 
 to Ferdinand, entreating him to send royal com- 
 missioners to Carthagena, with powers to provide 
 everything requisite for Oran and the troops quar- 
 tered there. Towards the end of May, fearing he 
 might suffer from the excessive heat of the place, 
 he departed for Alcala de Henares. Before the 
 harvest commenced, he most kindly sent to their 
 homes all the labourers whom he had enrolled for 
 the war ; and afterwards, in his will, appointed 
 two canons of Toledo to visit all his subjects, and
 
 424 THE LIFE OF 
 
 repay them for whatever losses they had sustained 
 from the expedition to Oran. 
 
 The rector of the university of Alcala, Don Pedro 
 Campo, hearing of the cardinal's approach, deputed 
 two of the most distinguished doctors to advance a 
 day's journey, and meet his eminence. The cardi- 
 nal received them with exceeding joy, like a father 
 receiving his children after a long absence. Whilst 
 taking refreshments with them, he asked many 
 questions respecting the state of the colleges, the 
 progress of the new buildings, the state of discipline, 
 and the number of students. The two professors 
 were utterly astonished on hearing Ximenez speak 
 only of the Muses, instead of dwelling upon his 
 African conquests and brave Spanish soldiers. One 
 of them, named Fernando Balbas, playfully alluded 
 to the cardinal's pale looks and emaciated frame. 
 Ximenez, roused by the remark, as if it were a re- 
 flection upon his indolence or cowardice, replied 
 with warmth : " You do not know, Fernando, the 
 strength and vigour which God has given me. Had 
 my army been faithful to me, pale and emaciated 
 as you see me, I should have hastened at this 
 moment to plant the Cross of Christ in all the chief 
 cities of Africa." * 
 
 The next day he made his entry into Alcala, where 
 he was greeted, both by the citizens and the students 
 of the university, with extraordinary acclamations. 
 A part of the walls had been broken down, in order to 
 receive him as a conqueror in the most solemn man- 
 ner ; but Ximenez refused this honour, preferring to 
 enter through the usual gate. He was preceded, as 
 in the triumphs of ancient times, by a body of 
 Moorish slaves, leading camels loaded with the 
 
 * Translated from Gomez (lib. iv.), but almost wholly omitted 
 by Dr. Hefele. Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 425 
 
 booty* destined for the king. For himself the 
 cardinal had reserved some rare curiosities, with 
 which he intended to enrich his beloved univer- 
 sity; viz., several Arabic manuscripts on astrology 
 and medicine; the keys of the gates and citadel 
 of Oran ; some chandeliers and basins from the 
 mosques ; Moorish colours which had been taken ; 
 besides several other things all of which Ximenez 
 ordered to be preserved in the church of San Ilde- 
 fonso.f To Talavera he sent the key of Oran, which 
 had for a long time been called the " key of Tala- 
 vera," because it was taken by a captain of that 
 city, named Bernardin de Meneses. He also pre- 
 sented a red standard, in the middle of which figured 
 an azure crescent. Both these gifts were deposited 
 in a chapel of the Blessed Virgin. 
 
 In order to perpetuate the memory of the capture 
 of Oran, a large tablet was placed in the Mozarabic 
 chapel of the cathedral of Toledo, containing the 
 following inscription, which gives an epitome of 
 the events already related in this history. It is 
 taken from Robles (p. 143) : 
 
 " Anno salutis Christiana? millesimo quingen- 
 tesirno nono, pontificatus domini Julii papaB secundi 
 anno sexto, regnante serenissima domina Joanna 
 regina Castella3, relicta quondam Philippi Bur- 
 gundi, unici Maximiliani imperatoris nati, ac pro 
 ea Eerdinando ejus genitore Aragonum et utrius- 
 que Sicilia? rege Catholico regnorum gubernacula 
 gerente : reverendissimus pater et dominus frater 
 Eranciscus Ximenez de Cisneros, cardinalis Hi- 
 
 * " Caineli auro argentoque ex praeda Africana onustae." 
 (Gomez.) 
 
 t Gomez says that they were to be seen in his time. " Quae 
 adhuc Compluti magno studio visuntur." At the present day, 
 a few curiosities are still shown in the sacristy of the cathedral at 
 Toledo, which are said to have been brought from Orau by 
 Ximenez. Trans.
 
 426 THE LIFE OF 
 
 spaniee et archiepiscopus Toletanus, ex portu 
 Carthaginensi cum ingenti armatorum classe, tor- 
 mentis et commeatibus refectissima, movens, in 
 biduo ad Mazarquibir, die decimo octavo Maii 
 appulit, et ea nocte in classe pernoctato, sequenti 
 die egresso e navibus exercitu, cum hostibus con- 
 flictum habuerunt, quibus ultra urbis Aurensis 
 ambitu expulsis et profligatis ad portas usque 
 impune preventum est, ubi picas pro scalis ad 
 muros exponentes, in urbem primi congressores 
 ascenderunt, et elevatis ad moenia signis Christia- 
 norum ac portis undique reseratis, cuncti fideles 
 pariter intraverunt, et caesis passim iv. mill, 
 hostium, urbs ipsa cum arce infra quatuor horas 
 capitur, triginta de nostris solum desideratis, an- 
 nuente Deo, qui in Trinitate perfecta vivit et 
 regnat in ssecula sseculorum. Amen." 
 
 Ximenez remained a few months in AlcaM, in 
 order to recruit his health. But he declined going 
 for the present either to Toledo or to the court at 
 Valladolid, to receive the congratulations which he 
 heard awaited him there. However, at his request, 
 the chapter of Toledo ordered public prayers to be 
 offered, to thank God for the success of the expedition 
 and his safe return to Spain. But the sad news 
 which Ximenez received from Oran about this time 
 considerably lessened his joy. Zarata, one of the 
 chief judges there, had informed him that Navarro 
 and Vianelli, by acts of the most revolting avarice, 
 were actually causing a famine in the city, in 
 spite of the abundant supply of provisions which 
 Ximenez had sent from Spain. They had monopo- 
 lized all the corn, and forbidden any to be introduced 
 into the place. In vain Zarata endeavoured to put 
 an end to such disorders. He was only answered 
 by threats; and when he offered to resign his
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 427 
 
 office and return to Spain, was not allowed to do 
 so, lest he should inform the king of their conduct. 
 Ximenez then considered it his duty to inform 
 Ferdinand of the disgraceful proceedings of Na- 
 varro. He requested his majesty to exclude him 
 from all authority in the civil government, and 
 confine him to his military command. Moreover, 
 in order to introduce more unity in the operations 
 of the military power in Africa, Ximenez pressed 
 upon Ferdinand the necessity of placing Oran and 
 the citadel of Mazarquivir, under the authority of 
 one and the same governor. He proposed Don 
 Fernando de Cordova, the then prefect of Mazar- 
 quivir, as the person most capable, in his opinion, 
 of fulfilling the duties of that important post. 
 " It is also necessary," continued Ximenez, " to 
 send a certain number of priests to Oran with fixed 
 salaries, and to establish colonies, in order that 
 the fertile soil of the country may be cultivated." 
 In a word, Ximenez feminded Ferdinand, if he 
 wished to preserve the Spanish conquests in Africa, 
 it was of the highest importance that the defence of 
 Oran should be committed to the knights of the 
 order of St. James each knight being required to 
 spend at least twenty years in the country just as 
 the knights of St. John of Jerusalem had done for 
 the defence of Rhodes against the Turks.* 
 
 Ferdinand complied with the whole of this advice, 
 except the latter part ; but Ximenez did not live to 
 see it fulfilled, not daring during his regency to 
 attempt so important an undertaking without the 
 consent of Charles V., and died before he had an 
 opportunity of conferring with the young monarch 
 
 * Gomez, lib. iv. Mariana, lib. xxix. cap. 18. Flechier, liv. iii. 
 pp. 259-260.
 
 428 THE LIFE OP 
 
 on the subject. In accordance with the pressing 
 solicitations of the wise statesman, Ferdinand in 
 the following year ordered Navarro to attack the 
 strong and important Moorish city of Bugia, which 
 the Spaniards took on the 5th of January, 1510,* 
 after having performed prodigies of valour. The 
 joy over the victory, however, was lessened by the 
 death of Count Altamira, who, in charging boldly 
 the ranks of the enemy at the head of his troops, 
 was mortally wounded by a poisoned arrow. When 
 he perceived his end to be near, he lifted up his 
 eyes towards heaven, and thanked God that he died 
 fighting in His cause. His death was universally 
 regretted by the whole army, and by none more 
 than Ximenez, who had raised the young hero to 
 the rank of lieutenant-general during the expedi- 
 tion to Oran, on account of his bravery. 
 
 Five months later, the king of Bugia endeavoured 
 with a powerful army to retake his capital ; but he 
 was repulsed with great slaughter by Navarro. 
 Algiers, Tunis, and Tremesen soon became subject 
 to the Spanish crown ; while, towards the end of 
 July, Navarro became master of Tripoli. t Such 
 unexpected successes caused the greatest joy, not 
 only to Ferdinand and Ximenez, but also to the 
 pope and the sacred college. A solemn act of 
 thanksgiving was performed in Home, and in a 
 consistory held by Julius II. the highest eulogiums 
 were passed upon Ximenez as the first author and 
 soul of these successful expeditions. $ 
 
 In the mean time, a fatal accident happened in 
 
 * Peter Martyr (epist. 434). Mechier is mistaken in the date 
 1511 ; it ought to be 1510. 
 
 t Gomez (lib. iv.). 
 
 J Peter Martyr (epp. 435, 436, 437, 440, 442). Gomez 
 (lib. iv.).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 429 
 
 Africa to the illustrious Vianelli and Don Garcias 
 de Toledo. The first perished through the treason 
 of an officer whom he had injured. One day he 
 went to dig a well at some distance from the fortress, 
 without having any guard with him but a few 
 servants. The officer secretly conducted some 
 armed Moors to the place ; where they suddenly 
 attacked Vianelli, and massacred both him and his 
 servants. 
 
 Garcias de Toledo, son of the duke of Alba, and 
 father of the celebrated captain of the same name, 
 had attacked, by the orders of Navarro, the isle of 
 Gerbe or Zerbi,* near Tripoli. Being the month 
 of August (1510), the heat was excessive. The 
 soldiers, oppressed by a devouring thirst, hastened 
 in disorder to the different wells in the island. 
 But whilst quenching their thirst, they forgot to 
 take the requisite precautions against the enemy, 
 who suddenly emerging from a wood of palm-trees, 
 assailed the Spaniards, and killed Garcias and four 
 thousand of his soldiers. Those who escaped the 
 sword died through thirst. This was the com- 
 mencement of Navarro' s misfortunes. Losing the 
 favour of Ferdinand, he renounced his allegiance, 
 and served in the armies of Prance. But being 
 afterwards taken prisoner by the Spaniards, he 
 was confined in a dungeon, where he soon died ; 
 or, as some assert, put an end to his existence. 
 With him terminated Ferdinand's conquests in 
 Africa, f 
 
 Ximenez was at last induced to visit Toledo, in 
 order to fulfil the vows he had made during his 
 
 * Prescott and Flechier call the island Gelves. Trans. 
 
 t Villaroel returned from Oran to enjoy a life of repose. But 
 having ill-treated a respectable citizen, he lost the favour of 
 Ximenez, and died in obscurity. Trans.
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 expedition to Oran, and to gratify the wishes of his 
 venerable chapter. He was received with unbounded 
 joy. He ordered two annual masses to be solemnly 
 celebrated by the chapter (for which he left suffi- 
 cient funds), in memory of the day on which the 
 Spanish army took Oran and he made his solemn 
 entry into the captured city. As long as he lived, 
 he never ceased to take the deepest interest in his 
 " dear Christian oasis," that lay amidst a desert of 
 infidelity : even death itself, if we may credit some 
 of the cardinal's biographers, could not lessen his 
 affection or solicitude for it. The tradition is, that 
 the Moors often beheld the gigantic form of a 
 Franciscan wearing a cardinal's hat, some times 
 riding on a mule, and at other times fighting against 
 them with a sword in his hand at the head of his 
 troops. It was in the year 1643, at the time when the 
 Moors of Algiers were besieging Oran, that the form 
 of the cardinal was seen last, infusing new courage 
 into the Spanish soldiers and promising them 
 victory. Other prodigies are mentioned by Q.uin- 
 tanilla,* who seems to be too fond of the mar- 
 vellous. 
 
 But without our being obliged to give credence to 
 these, or deciding on what foundation they rest, it 
 is certain, that for some centuries the Spaniards 
 retained possession of their African conquests, until 
 the year 1790, when an earthquake occurred and 
 destroyed nearly the whole of the city. It soon 
 after fell into the hands of the dey of Algiers. But 
 in our time Oran and the north of Africa fortu- 
 nately again belong to Christians, and form an 
 important colony of the French empire. 
 
 The plan which Ximenez had conceived, of plant- 
 
 * " Archetype," &c., lib. iv. cap. 21. (Ed. Palermo, 1653.)
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 431 
 
 ing Christianity in Africa, and there establishing 
 the power of Spain, was full of grandeur and wisdom. 
 Charles V. hoped to see it realized. But it was not 
 the fault of these two great men, if the daily decay- 
 ing state of the monarchy, so far from extending its 
 conquests, was at length unable even to preserve 
 them. With the Spanish lion, the cross of Christ 
 also disappeared from the soil of Africa.
 
 432 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 XIMENEZ ATTENDS TO HIS DIOCESE. HIS MUNIFICENCE. 
 TEBESA ANTIQUES. THE UNKIND TBEATMENT WHICH HE EE- 
 CEIVED FBOM FERDINAND, ETC. 
 
 AFTER the death of Isabella, Ximenez, being 
 engaged in many important matters, could not 
 bestow so much attention to his diocese as he 
 desired. But when the regency had been secured 
 to Ferdinand, the troubles in Castile settled, and 
 the conquest of Oran achieved, Ximenez considered 
 it his duty to visit his diocese, and provide for 
 its necessities. The first object of his solicitude was 
 the church of Baza. It was originally under the 
 jurisdiction of the bishop of Toledo : in the eighth 
 century it was taken by the Moors, and reconquered 
 by Isabella in 1489. The church was then incor- 
 porated by the queen, as part of the diocese of Cadiz, 
 by and with the consent of Mendoza, who was pri- 
 mate of Spain. Ximenez, wishing to have it restored 
 to the diocese of Toledo, referred the matter to his 
 chapter, and ordered the archives to be examined, in 
 order to prove his claim. The Holy See, also, having 
 been consulted, gave its decision in favour of Baza 
 being restored to Toledo. 
 
 Ximenez soon after founded a convent for nuns 
 at Illescas, which was dedicated to the Blessed 
 Virgin ; and another Franciscan convent at Torre- 
 laguna,* the place of his birth. Hearing that a 
 
 * Ximenez endowed these convents with ample revenues. Don 
 Antonio Ponz speaks of a Franciscan monastery being in existence 
 there, when he visited the town in the last century : " Fabrica
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 433 
 
 monastery, not far distant from that town, had 
 become disorderly, he visited it to restore discipline. 
 Once, when a great scarcity of provisions occurred 
 in his diocese, he ordered public granaries to be 
 erected ; and from his own revenue settled upon 
 the poor an annual donation of forty thousand 
 measures of wheat. He committed the distribu- 
 tion of it to the magistrates, who, in order to testify 
 their gratitude, raised a fund for the performance 
 of an annual service, in the chapel where the 
 Mozarabic Liturgy w r as celebrated in Toledo, at the 
 conclusion of which a panegyric was to be pro- 
 nounced in honour of Ximenez. In proportion 
 to their extent, the cardinal bestowed the same 
 relief, under certain conditions, upon the towns 
 of Cisneros and Alcala de Henares. In Torrela- 
 guna, he also erected a magnificent church,* and 
 endowed it with ample funds. For the conve- 
 nience of the building, as well as for the benefit of 
 the public, he constructed an immense aqueduct, 
 for the formation of w r hich passages were opened 
 through rocks and mountains. The expense is 
 said to have amounted to a million of English 
 money. 
 
 But, in the midst of his pastoral solicitude, an event 
 happened about this time which caused Ximenez 
 great trouble and vexation. Several of the gran- 
 dees, whom he had been instrumental in humbling, 
 had long sought an opportunity of making him lose 
 the favour of Ferdinand. When the cardinal was 
 in Oran, he ordered that all the correspondence 
 between Spain and Africa should pass through his 
 hands ; hence, he opened the king's letter to 
 Navarro, of which we have already spoken in the 
 
 grande y solida, que fundo el Cardenal Cisneros," &c. (" Viage 
 de Espana," ed. Madrid, 1781, carta. iii. tomo decimo.) Trans. 
 * Described by Ponz, ut supra. 
 2 F
 
 434 THE LIFE OF 
 
 preceding chapter. When Ximenez returned to 
 Spain, the circumstance of the letter having heen 
 opened was eagerly laid hold of by the nobles, who 
 denounced the act to the king as a public outrage, 
 and an attempt upon the rights and privileges of 
 his majesty. 
 
 But, not content with seeking the ruin of the car- 
 dinal, they also wished to deprive him of the greater 
 part of his property, hoping that this would result 
 from his losing the king's favour. Knowing the 
 royal exchequer to be almost exhausted, and 
 Ferdinand ready to seize any pretext in the hope 
 of freeing himself from his obligations, they repre- 
 sented to him that the cardinal could not demand 
 payment of the money which he had lent for the 
 conquest of Oran; for though they could not 
 positively deny the engagements to which the king 
 had pledged himself before the expedition, yet 
 they maintained that the cardinal had acquired so 
 much glory as well as booty in Africa, that he lost 
 all right to demand any other compensation. The 
 conditions to which the king had acceded were, that 
 he should either annex Oran to the archbishopric 
 of Toledo, or refund from the treasury the expense 
 incurred by Ximenez. Ferdinand seemed unwilling 
 to fulfil the contract. The cardinal, however, both 
 asserted his claim, and refuted the objections 
 urged against him. "As for the booty," he said, 
 " all that he had reserved for himself were a few 
 books and manuscripts, which he had bestowed 
 upon his university ; a gift which would tend rather 
 to the benefit of the country at large than to his 
 own profit." 
 
 Ximenez, finding that he gained no redress, wrote 
 a letter to the king, in which he reminded him of 
 his promise, and alleged in excuse for his appli- 
 cation the demands of the Church upon the money
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 435 
 
 expended on the expedition. The king referred the 
 matter to his council, and proposed for their delibe- 
 ration, whether it would be better to grant the 'juris- 
 diction of Oran to the cardinal, or to reimburse him. 
 Some gave it as their opinion, that the first propo- 
 sition was the best, because the maintenance of the 
 garrison of Oran would then belong to the arch- 
 bishops of Toledo. But others objected to the offer, 
 because thereby an important position, the key of 
 the whole kingdom, would be placed at the discre- 
 tion of individuals, a measure at all times danger- 
 ous, as the treason of Count Julian, assisted by 
 Archbishop Oppa, had proved. The king agreed 
 with this opinion, and accordingly decided on repay- 
 ing the money, but with conditions exceedingly 
 hurtful to the feelings of the cardinal. A com- 
 missioner was appointed to examine all his private 
 apartments, to see what he had reserved for himself 
 from the spoils of Oran. The soldiers, too, whom 
 Ximenez had levied for the expedition, were com- 
 manded to show to the commissioner the carpets, 
 silks, and other articles distributed amongst them, 
 a fifth part of which was to be set apart for the king. 
 But Ximenez refunded to these poor men the amount 
 of what they had forfeited, and consoled them under 
 their trial. As for himself, being conscious of his 
 rights, he bore the indignity in silence, contenting 
 himself with merely producing his account-book. 
 
 About the same time, the king proposed to him, to 
 cede the archbishopric of Toledo to his natural son, 
 Alonso de Aragon, in exchange for the archbishopric 
 of Zaragoza. Don Alonso was a worldly prelate, a 
 skilful politician, and an intrepid warrior, exceed- 
 ingly beloved by his father. Ximenez declined the 
 offer, with as much dignity as firmness : " Never 
 will I leave my spouse," he replied, " in exchange 
 for another ; I would rather return to my former 
 
 2 F 2
 
 436 THE LIFE OF 
 
 state, the poverty and solitude of which have always 
 been dear to me. I will not give up my see to any 
 one, except to the church and the poor." Here 
 the matter ended. Ximenez heard no more from 
 Ferdinand on the subject. * 
 
 In the year 1510, when Ximenez was in Alcala, 
 he received information of the death of the bishop 
 of Salamanca. No one appeared more worthy to 
 occupy the vacant see than Francisco Ruiz : but 
 every one knew in what horror the cardinal held all 
 intrigues for obtaining ecclesiastical dignities. This 
 time, however, Ximenez appeared really anxious 
 that his old and dear friend should obtain the 
 bishopric. He, therefore, commissioned one of his 
 domestics to have an interview with Ferdinand and 
 to solicit the dignity in favour of Ruiz. But as 
 Ferdinand had previously nominated Francisco Bo- 
 badilla, son of the celebrated countess de Moja, who 
 was a particular friend of Isabella, he sent word to 
 Ximenez, that Ruiz might, if he chose, succeed 
 Bobadilla in the bishopric of Ciudad-Rodrigo. He 
 did so. Some years after, on the death of the bishop 
 of Avila, Ruiz was translated to that see : this was 
 done, however, without the consent of Ximenez, 
 who was opposed to bishops changing their sees. 
 
 Though at this period Ferdinand showed a certain 
 coldness towards the cardinal, yet all was forgotten 
 by him when his interests or the welfare of the king- 
 dom were at stake. As he had espoused the cause 
 of Pope Julius II. against the king of France, he 
 applied to Ximenez for his co-operation, and desired 
 him to meet him at Seville. The Cardinal immedi- 
 ately obeyed the summons, though it was in the 
 depth of winter (January, 1511). It was necessary 
 
 * This circumstance is related by Pulgar, in bis life of the 
 cardinal. (See Flochier, " Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes," liv. iii. 
 p. 272.) Trans.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 437 
 
 for him to pass through a small town in Castile, 
 called Torrijos, where lived a pious lady, named 
 Teresa Antiques. Ximenez had been her confessor 
 when he was a simple religious. She was very 
 anxious to receive and entertain him in her house, 
 on account of the great esteem she had for him, and 
 her desire to profit by his instructions and advice. 
 But knowing how particular Ximenez was with 
 regard to females, she caused a report to be spread 
 that she was obliged to leave home on account of 
 urgent business. In the mean time the cardinal 
 accepted her invitation, supposing that she had really 
 left the town ; but he was hardly a few hours in 
 the house before the lady returned, and requested 
 an audience of him. Ximenez, however, was so 
 angry with her, on discovering the ruse, that he 
 instantly left the house, without even attending to 
 the usual rules of politeness, and took up his resi- 
 dence in a neighbouring Franciscan monastery. The 
 next morning he departed at an early hour.* 
 
 In order to satisfy his piety he remained a few 
 days at Guadaloupe, a place celebrated for the num- 
 ber of pilgrims resorting there in honour of our 
 Blessed Lady. Ximenez left behind him many proofs 
 of his munificence and veneration for the Mother of 
 God. Continuing his journey along roads that were 
 almost impassable, he arrived at the town of For- 
 nillos, where he had formerly resided for some time 
 with Queen Johanna, after the death of her husband. 
 The inhabitants, who had preserved a grateful re- 
 membrance of his kindness, showed him the greatest 
 marks of respect. On the way the cardinal lost a 
 great number of mules belonging to his retinue, 
 through their having eaten a poisonous plant which 
 grew in that part of the country. As he approached 
 
 * The account is taken from Gomez, lib. v.
 
 438 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Seville, towards the end of February, 1511, he sent 
 word to his representative at court, Lopez Ayala, 
 that he should arrive the following evening. When 
 Ferdinand heard this, he went out several miles 
 with his court, to meet a man whom he loved not, 
 but of whose advice and assistance he stood much 
 in need. The compliment, however, gave great 
 offence to the courtiers.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 439 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE CABDINAL SUPPOETS THE CAUSE OF POPE JULIUS II. 
 
 ON the death of Pius III., Julius II. was elected 
 to succeed him, a pontiff who possessed both mili- 
 tary and political talents of the highest order, which 
 threw into the shade all his predecessors. He was 
 an enemy of all nepotism; but, being more of a 
 secular than an ecclesiastical prince, he directed his 
 efforts, not to the aggrandisement of his family, but 
 to the extension of the temporal power of the Church.* 
 Above all, he was most anxious to reconquer the 
 territories which had been wrested from the states 
 of the Church, to force his vassals into obedience, 
 and to put an end to the depredations which his 
 enemies were continually making upon the inheri- 
 tance of St. Peter. He was also the declared enemy 
 of Venice, which was then at the height of her 
 power, and mistress of almost all the seaports in the 
 pontifical states. 
 
 The first years of his reign were occupied in sub- 
 duing the pride and insolence of the Baglionis, 
 Bentivoglios, and other intractable vassals. At last 
 an opportunity presented itself of humbling the 
 " Lion of St. Mark." The republic had recently 
 gained a brilliant victory over the emperor Maxi- 
 milian, and imposed upon him most humiliating 
 conditions. But this triumph was the subsequent 
 cause of all its misfortunes. The king of Trance, 
 Louis XII., viewed with a jealous eye the strength 
 
 * See Peter Martyr, ep. 577.
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and power of Venice increasing more and more 
 every day ; hence he began to fear for his states of 
 Milan, seeing they were near so dangerous a foe. 
 Under the frivolous pretext that his dignity had 
 been wounded, in the treaty concluded between the 
 republic and the emperor, he formed the celebrated 
 League of Cambray* with Maximilian, the pope, 
 and the king of Spain, with the sole object of 
 enfeebling Venice and depriving her of her posses- 
 sions. This design was accomplished by the allies 
 during the years 1509 and 1510, when Julius II. 
 recovered the rich domains of which the republic 
 had despoiled the states of the Church. 
 
 But the political views of the pope did not rest 
 here. Though Venice was weakened, France, on the 
 other hand, was all-powerful in the south of Italy, 
 where she had possession of Milan : might she not, 
 therefore, become a dangerous enemy to the ponti- 
 fical states ? Whatever may have been the motives 
 of his holiness, he separated himself from his former 
 allies, and took part with the Venetians against 
 Prance. The king of Erance was naturally exceed- 
 ingly surprised and irritated at the sudden change 
 in the sovereign pontiff's politics, which thus 
 destroyed all his plans and designs with regard to 
 Italy. He immediately vowed vengeance, and even 
 resolved to overthrow the pope himself, if possible. 
 Two methods were devised for effecting this object ; 
 viz., the force of arms, and the convocation of a 
 council in opposition to the Holy See. The first 
 was very soon carried into execution, for in the sum- 
 mer of 1510, while the Erench prelates were assem- 
 bled at Tours, a Erench army seized upon Bologna. 
 About the same time the emperor Maximilian and 
 Louis XII., in concert with several cardinals, at the 
 
 * December 10th, 1508.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 441 
 
 head of whom was the Spanish cardinal Bernardin 
 de Carvajal, convened a council at Pisa. There the 
 pope was accused of having disturbed the peace of 
 Europe, of having gained the tiara by simony, and 
 neglected, in spite of his solemn promise, to assem- 
 ble a general council. 
 
 Surrounded by these difficulties, and confined to 
 his bed by an attack of fever, Julius II. wrote to 
 the king of Spain. His letter arrived at Seville 
 (May 18th, 1511), where Ferdinand and Ximenez 
 were then residing. The pontiff explained to his 
 majesty the deplorable state of affairs, especially 
 lamenting the conduct of the cardinals, almost all 
 
 9 
 
 of whom had abandoned the cause of the Church. 
 His holiness concluded by imploring the assistance 
 of Ferdinand against their common enemy, the 
 king of France.* 
 
 The king, as Flechier justly remarks, always con- 
 sidered it an honour to protect the Holy See when 
 his own interest was concerned. He therefore 
 summoned a council of all his ministers in the 
 palace, at which also Ximenez was present, toge- 
 ther with all the bishops then at court. The 
 subject was discussed with considerable care and 
 earnestness. The unanimous opinion was, " that it 
 would be folly to fight the enemies of the Christian 
 religion in Africa, when the head of the Catholic 
 Church was attacked in Rome.f" Ferdinand 
 resolved, accordingly, to send into Italy all the forces 
 at his disposal ; while, at the same time, he deprived 
 cardinal Carvajal of his bishopric by the express 
 desire of the pope. 
 
 Ximenez was the principal person that induced 
 Ferdinand to adopt this resolution. To Julius he 
 
 * Flechier gives the letter at greater length, liv. iii. p. 284. 
 Trans. 
 
 t Peter Martyr, ep. 468.
 
 442 THE LIFE OF 
 
 had been indebted for his dignity of cardinal, and 
 the university of Alcala for numerous privileges. 
 "For these and many other reasons Ximenez loved his 
 holiness, and admired his unbending and energetic 
 character. But this was not all. The cardinal 
 wrote a letter to the pontiff to encourage his holi- 
 ness to persevere in his efforts, sending him at the 
 same time a considerable sum of money for the 
 wants of the Church. 
 
 [Ferdinand now began in earnest to prepare him- 
 self for carrying on the war against France. He 
 summoned, for this object, the cortes to meet him in 
 Burgos : Ximenez, also, who had returned to his 
 diocese from Seville was invited to attend; but 
 fearing the heats of summer, and not having quite 
 recovered the fatigue of his journey to Seville, he 
 begged to be excused till the end of August. He 
 then hastened to Burgos. Hardly had the cortes 
 commenced its deliberations, when the pope's nuncio 
 arrived with the information, that an alliance had 
 been concluded between Julius II. and Venice. 
 Eerdinand also joined the alliance, and published 
 the bull for the convocation of the fifth general 
 council of Lateran. The proceedings of the schis- 
 matical meeting at Pisa are well known. Louis XII. 
 easily gained over the Emperor Maximilian to his 
 cause, both of whom were anxious to have the pope 
 deposed. Besides seven refractory cardinals, twenty 
 bishops (chiefly Erench) assisted at the opening, 
 which took place November 1st, 1511. But the 
 clergy of Pisa refused to take any part in the pro- 
 ceedings, and even refused to lend the prelates the 
 chalices and vestments necessary for saying mass. 
 The pope, too, threatened to excommunicate the 
 inhabitants if they gave any support to the schis- 
 matics. The assembled prelates themselves were 
 seized with a sudden panic ; and fearing to fall into
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 413 
 
 the hands of the pope, they soon removed from 
 Pisa to Milan, in order to be under the protection 
 of France. Here they continued their sessions, 
 amidst the contempt and derision of the people; 
 and in the eighth and ninth sessions, had the 
 audacity to declare the pope "deposed." But Julius, 
 on the other hand, lost no time in convoking a 
 general council to meet in the Lateran palace at 
 Easter (1512), at which he invited all the princes of 
 Christendom to attend, and gave thus the death- 
 blow to the schismatical assembly.* 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when the pope's 
 legate arrived in Spain. Gomez, unfortunately, 
 does not give us any details connected with the 
 subsequent events. We are therefore obliged to 
 depend upon the account given us by Peter Martyr, 
 who was then in Burgos at the court of Ferdinand. 
 Ferreras has also inserted in his " History," the 
 chronicle of a contemporary ecclesiastic named 
 Bernaldez,f who gives some interesting details 
 relating to the publication of the bulls for the 
 council. The pope had named as his legate in 
 Spain one of the judges of the rota, named Casa- 
 dorus, who arrived at Burgos at the beginning of 
 November (1512). By the king's desire, the bull 
 for the convocation of the council was published 
 with great solemnity in the cathedral on Sunday, 
 November 16th. After the gospel, in presence of 
 Ferdinand, of all the prelates, the grandees, and an 
 immense number of the faithful, the legate read 
 from the pulpit the pontifical bull in Latin ; then 
 
 * Peter Martyr, epp. 469, 470. See also Harduin, " Collect. 
 Coneil." t. ix. p.* 1584. 
 
 t Andres Bernaldez was curate of a town near Seville, named 
 Los Palacios. He was a native of Fuente, in Leon, and died 
 about the year 1513. His " chronicle " is still in manuscript. 
 Trans.
 
 444 THE LIFE OF 
 
 he explained it in Spanish, and gave many reasons 
 to prove the necessity for calling the council, inviting 
 the king at the same time to send as many prelates 
 as possible to assist at it. The legate afterwards 
 adressed Ximenez and the other bishops, begging 
 them to be present in person at the council, if cir- 
 cumstances permitted. He concluded his discourse 
 by exhorting the grandees, and the laity in general, to 
 defend, if necessary, by arms, the unity of the Church. 
 By the order of Ferdinand, Valerian de Villa- 
 quiran, bishop of Oviedo, ascended the pulpit after 
 the legate. Being an excellent popular speaker, 
 he addressed the people at considerable length, and 
 explained the meaning of the bull, enlarging also 
 upon the words of the legate. But suddenly 
 changing his style, he inveighed with great force 
 and earnestness against those cardinals who had 
 proved traitors to the sacred college and the Church. 
 He also denounced the king of Prance as the head 
 of the revolt, and as guilty of great wickedness in 
 having opposed the pope and seized upon Bologna, 
 &c. Ferdinand, moved by these burning words, 
 assured the legate that he would joyfully devote 
 all his power and resources to the defence of the 
 Church, and commission a certain number of pre- 
 lates to assist at the council. The legate respectfully 
 thanked the king in the name of the pope. About 
 this time Ferdinand had the good fortune to gain 
 over to the cause of the pope and the council his 
 son-in-law, Henry VIII. of England. Even the 
 Emperor Maximilian himself was induced to de- 
 tach himself from France and declare war against 
 that country ; while, to justify his conduct before 
 Europe, Ferdinand addressed a remarkable letter to 
 Ximenez, which is preserved by Gomez.* 
 
 * Lib. v. p. 138 ; ed. Compluti, 1569.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 445 
 
 The dissolution of the cortes and the commence- 
 ment of the Italian campaign, allowed Ximenez an 
 opportunity for returning to Alcala to attend to the 
 affairs of his diocese and family.* On his return, 
 he found that Cabrera, archdeacon of his cathedral, 
 had, on account of his advanced age, obtained from 
 the Holy See powers to nominate a co-adjutor. 
 But this proceeding being contrary to the statutes 
 of the chapter of his cathedral, he forbad the canons 
 to agree to the powers he had received. At the 
 same time, he wrote to the pope and the king, 
 entreating them to revoke the permission which 
 had been granted. He remained at Alcala till the 
 matter was satisfactorily adjusted. 
 
 His university now occupied his principal atten- 
 tion. For its better regulation, he enforced the 
 observance of two decrees, which had lately been 
 promulgated by the council of Lateran. The first 
 required every master, besides instructing his pupils 
 in profane literature, to be exceedingly careful in 
 teaching them the duties of their religion and the 
 rules of ecclesiastical discipline ; also the Holy 
 Scriptures, the articles of faith, the forms of prayer, 
 the traditions of the Church, and the examples 
 of the saints. It particularly enjoined, that on 
 Sundays and holidays the students should dili- 
 gently perform the exercises of devotion, hear mass, 
 attend a sermon, and read good books. The second 
 decree forbade all students in holy orders to spend 
 more than five years in the study of grammar, 
 logic, and philosophy. Rectors were not allowed 
 to permit them to remain longer in the college, 
 unless it was the intention of the students to apply 
 to canon law or theology. 
 
 In order to make the professors attached to their 
 
 * He married hia niece, Joanna de Cisneros, .to Alfonso de 
 Mendoza.
 
 446 THE LIFE OF 
 
 office, Ximenez afforded them every comfort and 
 convenience, and built three country-houses for 
 their recreation during the vacations. In the 
 chapter on the university of Alcala, we have 
 already described the royal visit of Ferdinand to 
 that noble seat of learning, and the manner in 
 which he was received (anno 1514). Leo X. had 
 a very high esteem for the cardinal, whom he often 
 consulted by letter, as he was unable to attend the 
 council of Lateran ; while Ximenez, on his part, 
 endeavoured to enforce throughout his diocese all the 
 most important decrees. The project which Leo X. 
 had conceived (realized two centuries later by Gre- 
 gory XIII.) of reforming the Julian Calendar, met 
 with a warm supporter in Ximenez, who often 
 declared that the Church would derive great benefit 
 by the alteration. 
 
 Though Ximenez was so devoted to Leo X. and 
 the Holy See, yet he opposed the introduction into 
 his diocese of the papal bull relating to the com- 
 pletion of St. Peter's Church in Rome, which had 
 been commenced under the pontificate of Julius II. 
 Leo X., in order to be enabled to continue the 
 work, renewed the indulgences which had been 
 granted (1509) by his predecessor, to all those who 
 should contribute to the expenses of the pious 
 undertaking.* The bull was published in Spain by 
 the permission of Ferdinand. Ximenez, however, 
 though he commended the liberality of those who 
 devoted their property to the promotion of works 
 of piety, and especially to the erection of churches, 
 yet freely expressed his regret both to the pope and 
 the king, that the liberality of the faithful was 
 encouraged by means of " privileges." f In this 
 
 * Pallavicini, " Hist. Concil. Trident." 
 
 t " Ximenius, ut erat priscse religionis tenacissimus, laudabat 
 quidem eos, qui in templi Apostolici constructionem suas pecunias
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 447 
 
 relaxation of temporal punishments imposed upon 
 sinners, the austere prelate perceived a dangerous 
 custom introduced, which might tend to enervate 
 ecclesiastical discipline. 
 
 On another occasion, his zeal for the maintenance 
 of discipline placed him in opposition to Home. 
 A canon of Avila had obtained a brief from 
 Rome, dispensing with his attendance at choir, 
 but allowing him at the same time the usual 
 remuneration " distributiones quotidianse." The 
 cardinal, fearing lest this dispensation might be- 
 come a dangerous precedent for others, commanded 
 the canon to resign his privilege; this he did in 
 obedience to the authority of Ximenez, as metro- 
 politan. The cardinal also advised Perdinand to 
 enact a law, that for the future all bulls which 
 came from Rome should be inspected, before their 
 publication, by the minister of state.* This advice 
 may be excused, though it cannot be justified, on 
 the ground, that at this period a great number of 
 dispensations were granted by the Holy See with 
 little or no difficulty. 
 
 largiebantur, sed privilegia ob id dari, contra vetustos Ecclesiae 
 ritus, numquatn probare voluit; et quid de Lac re sentiret, ad 
 pontif. max. prudentissime scripsit, et regi Fernando in privatis 
 colloquiis, sine ullo fuco declaravit." (Gomez, lib. v. p. 143.) 
 Trans. 
 
 * This advice one would hardly have expected from Ximenez, 
 who was so devoted to the Holy See. But his object was no 
 doubt good to prevent abuses. Gomez mentions the fact. 
 Trans.
 
 448 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 DEATH OF KINO FEBDINAND. 
 
 SINCE the end of the year 1513 the health of Fer- 
 dinand gradually gave way, and in November of the 
 following year, Peter Martyr predicted his speedy 
 end, unless he immediately abstained from two 
 things, the continual connection with his wife and 
 the immoderate exercise of the chase, in which he 
 indulged now, during the most inclement weather, 
 even to a greater degree and with more passion than 
 in his early days.* Restlessness of the mind con- 
 stantly drove him from town to town in the northern 
 provinces of his realm ; and this man, formerly so 
 active in the conduct of state affairs, felt now a real 
 aversion to them. This made him and his council- 
 lors wish more for the presence of the Cardinal. 
 But Ximenez showed little inclination to share the 
 restless life of the king in his old age, and desired, 
 as Gomez tells us, to reserve his remaining strength 
 for the probable speedy end of Ferdinand, t He 
 was, however, obliged to yield to the desire of the 
 king, when the latter convoked the Cortes of Castile 
 to Burgos for the purpose of obtaining subsidies for 
 the war, which, after the death of Louis XII. and 
 the succession of Francis I. to the throne, threat- 
 ened to break out with France. At the same time 
 the queen was forced to depart for Calatayud, in 
 order to conduct the negotiations with the Cortes 
 of Araffon assembled there. 
 
 o 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, ep. 542. t Gomez, p. 10G6.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 449 
 
 Whilst at Burgos, Ferdinand, during one night of 
 the month of July, was attacked by such a violent 
 fit of vomiting that, unable to call for aid, he was 
 nearly suffocated. Happily, a soldier on guard in 
 the anteroom heard the groaning, and hastened with 
 his comrades to the assistance of the king. They 
 raised him up, and, by rubbing him and sprinkling 
 water in his face, restored him to consciousness. 
 Ferdinand, believing his death near at hand, made 
 his will, appointing, in case of his decease, his second 
 nephew, Ferdinand, regent until the arrival of his 
 elder nephew Charles, and repaired for the better 
 preservation of his health to Aranda de Duero, a 
 quiet and secluded place.* Ximenez in this extre- 
 mity could no longer refuse to comply with the 
 request of the king, and accordingly arrived at 
 Aranda in the month of August. Ferdinand, though 
 still very feeble, received him solemnly before the 
 town gates in his sedan-chair, showing him the 
 same honours which he had almost always accorded 
 him. 
 
 Shortly after, at the end of the same month, 
 Ximenez accompanied the sovereign to Segovia, 
 whence Ferdinand suddenly started for Aragon, 
 because the states of that kingdom had shown 
 themselves intractable, and refused the subsidies. 
 Ferdinand, having already ordered the imprisonment 
 of their chancellor, Anton Augustin,f hastened to 
 Calatayud in the hope of suppressing the opposition 
 by his personal authority. During his absence from 
 Castile, the reins of government were intrusted to 
 
 * Ferreras wrongly gives the 27th July as the date of this 
 attack. Petrus Martyr mentions it already in his letter of the 
 18th of the same month. 
 
 t Liberated by Ximenez in the following year, after his acces- 
 sion to the regency. Gomez, p. 1068. 
 
 2 G
 
 450 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ximenez, who was to act in concert with the 
 members of the royal council.* 
 
 The king was deceived in his hopes : the states 
 adhered to their refusal, and were dissolved. Ferdi- 
 nand, greatly annoyed, returned to Castile, in order 
 to reside at Madrid. Ximenez repaired again to 
 Alcala. But the king could find no rest at Madrid. 
 The ill-omened bell of Vellala, a village of Aragon, 
 is said to have at that time struck of its own accord, 
 thus prophesying the speedy death of the king. In 
 mortal anguish he was again driven from town to 
 town, and removed in the winter to the provinces of 
 the south, there to equip a powerful fleet against 
 Africa or Italy. At the end of November he arrived at 
 Plasencia, having on his way again indulged freely 
 in the pleasures of the chase. Here he received in 
 December the dean of Utrecht, Hadrian (afterwards 
 Pope Hadrian VI.), the preceptor of the Infant, 
 Charles, whom his illustrious pupil had sent there, 
 under the pretext of negotiating the marriage of 
 Charles with a French princess : in reality, however, 
 for the purpose of inquiring into the condition 
 of things in Spain, and of taking possession of the 
 realm as soon as Ferdinand had breathed his last. 
 Ferdinand, who divined his motives, endeavoured to 
 keep him away from court. He granted him, how- 
 ever, an audience, and received him with all due 
 honour. But when Hadrian asked for a second 
 interview, the king exclaimed angrily "Does the 
 spy want to see whether I am already dying ? Tell 
 him that I will not receive any one." Nevertheless, 
 on the representations of his ministers, he allowed 
 Hadrian to enter his chamber, and politely dismissed 
 him, saying that his health was at present too much 
 shaken to permit the discussion of state affairs, and 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, Ep. 552.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 451 
 
 that the dean might meanwhile repair to the monas- 
 tery at Guadaloupe, where he would follow him 
 when better, and hold conference with him. The 
 king ordered him also a guard of honour, evidently 
 for no other purpose than to keep from Hadrian 
 persons with whom the king did not wish him to 
 confer.* 
 
 At the same time Ferdinand again invited 
 Ximenez to Plasencia. But the cardinal had now 
 even stronger reasons than before for evading the 
 request, pointing out in particular that in the 
 absence of the king from Castile his own presence 
 was imperatively called for by the unsettled state of 
 that province. He pleaded, moreover, heavy rains, 
 and the consequent inundations, as obstacles to his 
 journey ; adding that in January he would be ready 
 to come to Talavera, the farthest limit of his diocese 
 towards Plasencia, there to receive the orders of the 
 king. In the same letter he took occasion to speak 
 of the conduct of Ferdinand towards Hadrian, 
 praised him for having received the ambassador 
 with so much honour, but blamed him for the 
 undisguised mistrust shown to that worthy man in 
 giving him a guard of honour which almost amounted 
 to imprisonment. In conclusion, he warned the 
 king, "for reasons explained before," but which have 
 not come to our knowledge, to extend his journey 
 farther south. f Ximenez also addressed a very 
 friendly letter to Hadrian, in which he congratulated 
 him on his arrival in Spain, and expressed his regret 
 at not yet having been able to make the personal 
 acquaintance of so virtuous and learned a man. It 
 was natural that the wise cardinal should endeavour 
 to win the favour of a man who had educated the 
 future sovereign and was deep in his confidence. 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, Ep. 561, 565. f Gomez, p. 1068. 
 
 2 G 2
 
 452 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ximenez here, as on many former occasions, had 
 the good sense to adopt a course dictated equally by 
 prudence and good breeding, for Hadrian deserved 
 indeed, in no slight degree, the praise and mark of 
 respect bestowed upon him by the cardinal. 
 
 Meanwhile Queen Germaine had returned t.o 
 Alcala from Aragon, to forget there, in the beautiful 
 regal palace, surrounded by merry companions, the 
 dulness of her stay at Calatayud. There Ximenez 
 conferred with her on the affairs of the state, the 
 health of the king, and his reasons for postponing 
 his journey to him. 
 
 Fresh news of a more alarming nature having 
 arrived, the queen hastened to her husband, pro- 
 mising Ximenez to excuse him with the king for his 
 non-appearance. She travelled day and night, but, 
 in spite of her haste, found the king dying, incapable 
 of speaking with her. 
 
 In consequence of a prophecy made to the king 
 many years before, that Madrigal would be disas- 
 trous to him, Ferdinand had always avoided this 
 town, situated in the vicinity of Avila, and the 
 birthplace of the celebrated theologian, Alphonse 
 Tostatus. Suddenly attacked by a severe illness 
 on his way to Guadaloupe, he was obliged to 
 be taken to the nearest village, which, as chance 
 would have it, bore nearly the same name as 
 the above-mentioned town. It was called Madri- 
 galejo, and became indeed the place of the king's 
 death. A visionary saint from Avila having shortly 
 before predicted him long life, he refused at first to 
 see Hadrian, who had hastened from Guadaloupe, 
 and even his pious confessor, the Franciscan Mati- 
 enso. But his principal physicians and councillors 
 directed his attention to the danger in which his 
 life stood, and the violence of the evil itself reminded 
 him that his end was near : he therefore received
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 453 
 
 Hadrian with kindness, promising him a longer 
 audience if he recovered from his illness. After 
 this he remained for several hours in secret converse 
 with his confessor, and, at his advice, turned his 
 mind once more to the consideration of the affairs of 
 the state. Above all, he communicated now to the 
 councillors most in his confidence the contents of 
 his former will, according to which the temporary 
 regency of Castile and the grand-mastership of the 
 three knightly orders were assigned to the Infant 
 Ferdinand. By advice of his ministers this will was 
 annulled, as there were fears of its becoming a cause 
 of discord between the brothers, and as it would have 
 weakened the crown too much by severing from it the 
 grand-masterships. They contended that one grand- 
 master was already sufficient to involve the king in 
 many unpleasant affairs, how much more a man who 
 united in his hands the highest dignity of the three 
 powerful knightly orders ?* The question who, in 
 the place of the Infant Ferdinand, was to become 
 regent of Castile until the arrival of Charles, pre- 
 sented greater difficulties. The bitter hatred existing 
 between the grandees of the kingdom made the 
 
 
 
 choice of any of them for this office impossible. 
 When, in this emergency, Doctor Carvajal, a 
 learned jurist and councillor of the king, proposed 
 Ximenez, the king at first turned away with a dis- 
 contented air, saying that the cardinal was too 
 austere to be able to manage properly the different 
 characters as regent. The councillors were silent : 
 but after further reflection Ferdinand proceeded 
 " If he were but a little more pliable, I could not 
 wish a better regent, as he would also be the best 
 man to re-establish discipline, order, and morality ; 
 and as you seem to persist in your vote for him, I 
 
 * As regent for Aragon he nominated bis natural son Ferdi- 
 nand, the archbishop of Saragossa.
 
 454 THE LIFE OF 
 
 will accede to your proposition, on account of his 
 virtues, and his love of justice. Not being the 
 descendant of a noble family, he will be able to con- 
 duct the administration with more impartiality 
 than others ; besides his attachment for the royal 
 house, increased by many favours, especially from 
 Isabella, has always been most sincere and devoted." 
 The ministers thanked the king for this decision, 
 which was annexed to the will. He then received 
 the Holy Sacraments, clad in the Dominican cowl, 
 and before the break of the following day, the 23rd 
 January, 1516, breathed his last, in the sixty-fourth 
 year of his life, and the forty-first of his reign. 
 
 The news was at once conveyed to Hadrian who 
 was already on his way to pay another visit to the 
 king. On the same day the will was opened in the 
 presence of the ambassador, and a great number of 
 high personages, civil and ecclesiastical. A copy 
 was sent to Flanders, and Ximenez, by a letter from 
 the royal council, invited to take upon himself the 
 reins of Government, until the arrival of Charles. 
 Misled by the ill advice of his courtiers, particularly 
 Gonsalvo Guzman, the commander of the order of 
 Calatrava, and the Bishop of Astorga, Prince Fer- 
 dinand attempted to take possession of the regency. 
 He sent a haughty message to the royal council, 
 ordering them to assemble at Guadaloupe, and to 
 await there his further orders. But the council 
 replied in a short and energetic letter that Charles 
 was master, not he ; * upon which he desisted from 
 his pretensions. The remains of the king were 
 taken to Granada by Peter Martyr and others, and 
 interred at the side of Isabella, in the town con- 
 quered by them for Spain. 
 
 * The council having made use of the words of the Bible, " Non 
 habeinus alium regera nisi Caesarem," these were afterwards consi- 
 dered as a kind of prophecy of the future dignity of Charles.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 455 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 XIMENEZ TAKES POSSESSION OF THE EEGENCY, AND EXEETS 
 HIMSELF IN FAVOUB OF CHAELES. 
 
 WHEN Ximenez received the intelligence of the 
 decease of Ferdinand, and of his own nomination to 
 the regency, the recollection of his obligations towards 
 the royal house, together with the thought of the 
 frailty of all human greatness, so overcame him, that 
 the man, usually so stern and austere, burst out into 
 tears. In order to provide for the necessities, and, 
 above all, for the tranquillity of the state, he at once 
 hastened to Guadaloupe, where the royal council had 
 met, paid the dowager-queen the honours due to her, 
 and assured himself of the person of the Infant Ferdi- 
 nand. This young prince was acquainted with the 
 contents of the former will, by which he had been 
 nominated regent of Castile, and, misguided by his 
 advisers, endeavoured, as we have seen in the preced- 
 ing chapter, to frustrate the subsequent arrangement 
 of his grandfather, to declare the nomination of the 
 cardinal an injustice, and possess himself of the reins 
 of the government. His first attempt had miscarried. 
 To forestall a repetition, and insure the tranquillity 
 of public order, Ximenez henceforth kept him under 
 his eye, without forgetting the respect due to his 
 royal origin.* 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1071. Vine. Gonzalez Arvao,"Elogio del Cardinal" 
 in the " Memorias de la Real Academia," torn. iv. p. 20. Here a 
 sketch is also given of the difficulties Ximenez had to contend 
 with on entering the regency. Lavergne (" Revue des Deux 
 Mondes," torn. xxvi. pp. 542 544) blames Ximenez for having 
 secured Spain for the elder brother instead of the younger, or 
 rather for having done his duty.
 
 456 THE LIFE OF 
 
 When the cardinal proceeded to take possession 
 of the regency, Dean Hadrian presented a document 
 previously signed by Charles, by virtue of which he, 
 the dean, in the event of the death of King Fer- 
 dinand, was appointed regent of Castile in the 
 name of the hereditary prince. A quarrel was 
 unavoidable, but the jurists consulted on the ques- 
 tion, decided in favour of Ximenez. They contended 
 that King Ferdinand was, by the will of Isabella, 
 and the consent of the Cortes, sole and legitimate 
 regent of Castile until Charles had attained his 
 twentieth year. Consequently, every arrangement 
 made by him during his lifetime had the force of 
 law, and was binding, whilst Prince Charles, who 
 during the life of his grandfather had been invested 
 with no authority to govern, could not transfer or 
 cede this to any one. 
 
 Ximenez, desirous of settling the dispute amicably, 
 proposed to his rival to conduct the affairs and sign 
 the decrees conjointly, until Charles himself, having 
 by the death of Ferdinand become absolute master 
 of his will, should decide which of the two compe- 
 titors he selected as regent during his absence. 
 
 Even before a reply had arrived from Flanders, 
 Ximenez saved for Charles and the crown the grand- 
 mastership of the order of San lago di Compostella. 
 Ferdinand and Isabella had, as we know, by the 
 consent of the Pope, succeeded in uniting with the 
 crown the grand-mastership of the three great 
 knightly orders of Spain, in the person of the king. 
 During the lifetime of the latter the Spanish nobles 
 endeavoured to wrest this again from the crown, and 
 the " Great Captain " is said to have entertained 
 hopes of becoming grand-master of San lago after 
 the death of Ferdinand. But Gonzalvo died before 
 the king ; and Pedro Portocarrero, brother of the 
 duke of Escolano, obtained from Rome the promise
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 457 
 
 of this dignity. The death of Ferdinand seemed to 
 offer a favourable opportunity for his being elected 
 by the commanders of the order, and then main- 
 taining himself in his position by force of arms. 
 His .arrangements were already made, and several 
 districts secretly excited to rise, when Ximenez 
 received intelligence of the conspiracy, and in con- 
 cert with Hadrian sent Villafagne, one of the four 
 criminal judges, with full powers, to the disturbed 
 provinces. Simultaneously he placed a body of 
 troops ready for marching, in order to suppress the 
 whole undertaking, if need be, by force. Portocarrero, 
 however, perceiving the energetic measures of the 
 cardinal, thought it wiser at once to submit, and 
 relinquish his pretensions ; whilst the commanders 
 in all haste returned to their districts, and never 
 attempted again to meet without the consent of 
 the cardinal. 
 
 This matter terminated, the necessity was felt of 
 transferring the seat of the regency and the council 
 from Guadaloupe to a more suitable place. Ximenez 
 selected Madrid as being more central, and not far 
 from his own possessions. By this, he explained to 
 the royal council, he would always be enabled easily 
 to raise a sufficient force to suppress any insurrec- 
 tionary movement, whilst in other places his power 
 was likely to be neutralized by the grandees who 
 owned property in the neighbourhood. Thus Madrid 
 became, through Ximenez, the seat of government, 
 and, as the sovereigns confirmed his choice, since 
 Philip II. the capital of the kingdom.* 
 
 Whilst these events were taking place in Spain, 
 the envoys despatched by Ximenez and the royal 
 council, brought Charles at Brussels the intelligence 
 
 * Lavergne, who finds fault with Ximenez almost in everything 
 he has done, blames him also for his choice of Madrid as capital.
 
 458 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of the death of Ferdinand, and the quarrel about 
 the regency. The Flemish advisers of the young 
 prince, more especially his former instructor, the 
 Duke William of Croy, lord of Chievres, his chan- 
 cellor Jean Sauvage, lords de la Chaux, Amerstorf, 
 Lanoi, and others, were ill-disposed towards Ximenez. 
 They saw, with displeasure, at the head of affairs in 
 Spain, a man who was likely to become a powerful 
 barrier against their culpable designs of using this 
 state for the enrichment of their own finances. 
 Nevertheless Charles, perceiving, doubtless, that a 
 foreigner like Hadrian would be odious to the 
 Spaniards, and for other reasons which will become 
 apparent hereafter, returned in very flattering terms 
 a decided answer in favour of the cardinal. In his 
 letter to the royal council, he expressed his great 
 grief at the death of his grandfather, who had loved 
 him so dearly, and guided him so faithfully and 
 devotedly. He proceeds to say that his sole con- 
 solation for this loss, but this only a partial one, 
 could be the cardinal, whom Ferdinand had appointed 
 to reign temporarily as regent of Castile ; a man the 
 fame of whose consummate wisdom, experience, and 
 eminent virtues had reached even Flanders. In con- 
 clusion, he confirms to its full extent the authority 
 given to Ximenez, desiring Hadrian to be considered 
 only as his ambasssador.* 
 
 At the same time, he addressed letters to his 
 brother Ferdinand, to the dowager-queen Germaine, 
 to Ximenez, the grandees and prelates, acquainting 
 them of his intention to come to Spain in the course 
 of the following summer, and exhorting them to 
 obey Ximenez and the royal council as they would 
 
 * Prescott, who seems to have known this letter only from the 
 manuscript annals of Carvajal, might have found it also printed 
 in Robles, p. 181, whom he often quotes.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 459 
 
 himself.* The letter directed to Ximenez was 
 couched in the following terms : 
 
 " Most Reverend Father in Christ, Cardinal of 
 Spain, Archbishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain, 
 Grand-chancellor of Castile, our most esteemed and 
 dearly-beloved friend ! Most Reverend Sir : 
 
 " We have received the news of the decease of his 
 R/oyal Highness, the most powerful Catholic king our 
 lord, whom God will receive in his glory. It has 
 caused us great grief, because Christendom in general 
 has lost in him an illustrious defender, and our king- 
 doms in particular are thereby deprived of a wise ad- 
 ministrator and good king. This loss is particularly 
 painful to us, who are fully aware of the great benefit 
 and advantages we could have derived from his kind 
 advice and vast experience. But as God has so or- 
 dained it, we must submit to his decrees and his will. 
 In the will of our grandfather we have everywhere 
 recognized his good and holy intentions, and the 
 thought that for their sake God will be merciful to 
 him, is a great consolation to us. The most excellent 
 clause we have found in the testament is that by 
 which you, Most Reverend Sir, are during our ab- 
 sence invested with the government of the kingdom 
 and the administration of justice. It was the best 
 the late king could do, for he thereby insured the 
 peace and tranquillity of our states. Indeed, Most 
 Reverend Sir, if this had not been done already, we 
 could, considering your integrity, wisdom, and zeal 
 for God and ourselves, not have selected for this 
 office a man who would give greater satisfaction to 
 our conscience, and in whose hands the weal of our 
 kingdoms could be safer. We therefore have written 
 to several prelates and lords, as well as to our prin- 
 cipal towns, requesting and enjoining them to obey 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, Ep. 569. Gomez, p. 1073.
 
 460 
 
 you, and make others obey you, and to execute your 
 orders as well as those of the royal council. 
 
 " We now beseech you most earnestly to under- 
 take the administration of justice, and to apply 
 yourself to the preservation of peace amongst our 
 subjects, until we ourselves, if it be God's will, soon 
 shall come in proper person to console and rule 
 them. We further request you to write us con- 
 stantly, and acquaint us of all that may happen, 
 giving us, at the same time, your advice, which we 
 shall receive as that of a father, not only from 
 gratitude for the eminent services you have rendered 
 to King Philip, our much-esteemed lord and father, 
 but also from our warm friendship for you and our 
 confidence in your excellence. Most Reverend 
 Father in Christ, Cardinal of Spain, our very dear 
 friend, may God have you constantly in his holy 
 keeping ! Brussels, the 14th February, 1516. 
 
 I, the Prince.* 
 
 At the end of the letter addressed to the royal 
 council, the prince intimated that he had intrusted 
 a secret commission of the highest importance to 
 his ambassador, Hadrian, on which he wished them 
 to deliberate without delay, and give their opinion 
 as soon as possible. Pope Leo X. and the Emperor 
 Maximilian, in their letters of condolence and con- 
 gratulation, had already addressed him by the title of 
 King of Spain, and Charles himself, spurred by his 
 Flemish courtiers, greatly desired to obtain this title, 
 although, during the lifetime of his mother, he 
 could lay claim only to that of Prince Regent in 
 Castile and Aragon. To insure the success of his 
 wishes he had prudently signed his letters " El Prin- 
 cipe," and charged Hadrian to lay them before the 
 
 * Sandoval, " Historia de Carlos V.," lib. ii. Flechier, liv. iv. 
 p. 357.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 461 
 
 nobles of Castile. His letter to Ximenez, the esteem 
 he professed for him, and the quickness with which 
 he confirmed his nomination, owed much to the 
 same cause, as Charles knew well that the powerful 
 cardinal was sufficient to insure the success, or cause 
 the defeat, of his projects. But Ximenez and the 
 councillors earnestly implored the prince to desist 
 from his plan, as he could not gain any increase of 
 real power by it, and would only thereby give to the 
 discontented nobles of Castile occasion for com- 
 plaining of the infringement of the laws of the 
 country, and an apparent reason for civil dissensions. 
 Their letter was sent off to Elanders in March of the 
 year 1516, but could not shake the resolution of 
 Charles. He wrote back to Ximenez and the coun- 
 cil, saying, the pope, the emperor,* and the cardinal 
 having already given him the title, it would be in- 
 compatible with his honour to relinquish it, and he 
 confidently hoped they would obtain its recognition 
 from the nobles of Castile. He, moreover, requested 
 the cardinal to have him proclaimed King of Castile, if 
 necessary, even without the concurrence of the coun- 
 cil and the grandees. Ximenez, conceiving that he 
 could no longer disobey the express orders of the 
 prince, in conjunction with Hadrian assembled, in 
 the royal palace at Madrid, the royal council, the 
 nobles and bishops then present in that town. The 
 meeting was attended by the grand-admiral, the 
 duke of Alba, the duke of Escalona, the count of De, 
 the archbishop of Granada, Antonio de Rojas, the 
 bishops of Burgos and Siguenza, Erancis Euyz de 
 Avila, and other personages of less distinction, f 
 Ximenez notified to them the will of the prince ; but, 
 undecided what reply to give, they called upon Dr. 
 
 * " Csesaris est reges creare," says Peter Martyr, Ep. 572. 
 t Lavergne wrongly asserts that Ximenez convoked the States. 
 (" Eevue des Deux Mondes," xxvi. 545.)
 
 462 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Carvajal, one of the most learned members of the 
 royal council, to give them his opinion on the 
 subject. Carvajal, in a long and detailed speech, 
 represented to them that the royal council had at 
 first advised the prince to desist from his intention, 
 but having, at the instigation of the two great heads 
 of Christendom, the pope and the emperor, already 
 accepted the title of king, Charles could not now 
 retrace his steps with honour. He added, even if 
 Charles had the intention of doing so, the duty of 
 the Castilians was to oppose it, in order to prevent 
 their sovereign from being considered rash and in- 
 constant. The kingdom could, in his opinion, only 
 benefit by Charles being invested with the full 
 dignity of a king, and by being no longer, even in 
 appearance, dependent upon his mother, who was 
 incapable of conducting the affairs ; for the greater 
 his authority, the prompter also the obedience of his 
 subjects. He cited examples from Spanish history, 
 showing that not only sons, but even brothers and 
 cousins, had been appointed regents and kings con- 
 jointly with the legitimate sovereigns. Lastly, he 
 concluded, Charles did not intend to submit his 
 proceedings to the investigation and approval of his 
 subjects, but simply demanded their recognition of 
 and congratulation on his elevation. In confirma- 
 tion of what he had said, Carvajal read to them a 
 letter of Charles, couched in imperative terms. The 
 grandees were silent for a considerable time, evi- 
 dently perplexed by the speech, but, partly from 
 interested motives, unwilling to agree with its 
 purport. Seeing their minds wavering, Ximenez, 
 together with the bishops and several of the nobles, 
 declared themselves for Prince Charles, whilst the 
 grand-admiral,the duke of Alba, and others, defended 
 the opposite opinion, and denied that the examples 
 adduced by Carvajal proved the validity of the
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 463 
 
 case. The duke of Escalona returned an evasive 
 answer, saying, that as Charles, according to the 
 words of Carvajal, did not seek their advice, he 
 would not press his upon him, and therefore abstain 
 from declaring himself. Under these circumstances 
 it was to be feared that the meeting would be dis- 
 solved without any result. Ximenez, with knitted 
 brow and raised voice, then addressed them in the 
 following manner : " The matter under considera- 
 tion is indeed one in which your advice is neither 
 asked nor required, for the prince is not dependent 
 upon that of his subjects ; but having your interest 
 at heart, I called you hither to enable you to win 
 the good graces of the king, by respectfully acceding 
 to his wishes, and congratulating him. As you have 
 not understood this, I will this very day order 
 Charles to be proclaimed king in Madrid as an 
 example to the other towns." With these words, 
 which taste pretty strongly of absolutism, he dis- 
 missed the meeting. Immediately after, he sent for 
 the prefect of Madrid, Pedro Correa, to give him 
 the necessary orders for the solemn proclamation 
 of Charles, which was celebrated with all pomp at 
 Madrid, on the last day of the same month. The 
 nobility, seeing further resistance was unavailing, 
 joined in the universal joy at the accession of the 
 new king. On the succeeding day Ximenez wrote 
 to the magistrates of the towns, and to all the 
 grandees, summoning them also to acknowledge the 
 royal title of Charles, declaring at the same time 
 that in all public documents the name of Queen 
 Johanna was to precede that of her son. 
 
 The severity of the Cardinal was so much dreaded 
 that every one obeyed promptly and without oppo- 
 sition. But Toledo surpassed all the other towns 
 by the zeal and splendour with which the ceremony 
 of homage to the new king was celebrated. The
 
 464 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Aragonians, however, over whom the archbishop of 
 Saragossa was regent, stoutly refused to acknow- 
 ledge Prince Charles as king, until their Cortes 
 had deliberated on the question whether the title 
 could be acceded to him during the lifetime of 
 his mother ; and imitated the example of the 
 Castilians only after the arrival of Charles in 
 Spain, at the diet of Saragossa.* 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, Epp. 568, 572, 590, 603, 605, 617, 618, 624. 
 Robles, p. 18r3. Gomez, p. 1077, is mistaken when he asserts 
 that Charles obtained in Aragon the title of king only after the 
 death of his mother (1555).
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 465 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 XIMENEZ' SOLICITUDE FOE THE PEACE, ORDEE, AND SECURITY 
 OF THE STATE. 
 
 XIMENEZ had scarcely entered upon the duties of 
 the regency, when he was called to repress numerous 
 attempts against public order. The first and almost 
 the most serious one was made by Pedro Giron, eldest 
 son of the count of Urena. We have seen before how 
 this bold and energetic nobleman was exiled from 
 Spain by Ferdinand, together with his ward and 
 brother-in-law, the young duke of Medina Sidonia, 
 who owned large possessions in the south of Spain. 
 Soon after their return to the country, in the year 
 1513, the young duke died without issue. Giron 
 forcibly took possession of his estates, on the plea 
 that the inheritance belonged to his wife, a sister of 
 the deceased. Alvar, half-brother of the duke, pro- 
 tested against this, and became possessor of the 
 whole property by a feudal sentence of Ferdinand. 
 As long as Ferdinand lived, Giron yielded to force ; 
 but the regency appeared to him a favourable mo- 
 ment for the recovery of these rich domains. On the 
 news of King Ferdinand's death, he immediately 
 invaded the duchy of Sidonia, with open force, and 
 besieged San Lucia, a strongly-fortified place on the 
 sea, and the key of the whole duchy. He justified 
 his conduct, by alleging that the old Duke of Medina 
 Sidonia had, after the death of his first wife, mar- 
 ried her sister without a proper dispensation ; con- 
 sequently only the children by the first marriage 
 were entitled to inherit him, but not those by the 
 
 2 H
 
 466 THE LIFE OF 
 
 second marriage. Duke Henry and Mencia, Giron's 
 wife, were the only issue of the marriage ; hence, 
 after Henry's death, the latter, and not Alvar, his 
 half-brother hy the second marriage, was entitled to 
 the inheritance. The sentence of Ferdinand, he main- 
 tained, was not only unjust but also partial, Alvar 
 having married Anne of Aragon, daughter of the 
 archbishop of Saragossa and grandchild of the king. 
 Ponce, duke of Arcos and Cadiz, and Gomez Salis, 
 commander of the order of St. Jago, repulsed the 
 first attack of Giron on the duchy, and communicated 
 these events to the cardinal and the Council of 
 Castile. Ximenez immediately ordered the inhabi- 
 tants of Seville and Cordova and the surrounding 
 country to aid against Giron, declared the latter 
 guilty of high treason, and sent an able general, 
 Anton Pon-seca, at the head of a considerable force, 
 to Andalusia, to quell the revolt. At the same time 
 he despatched Cornejo, one of the four criminal 
 judges, to institute the necessary proceedings against 
 the rebels. Giron, terrified by these preparations, 
 dismissed his army, and, through the intercession of 
 his father and the archbishop of Seville, obtained 
 pardon. But the ambitious count could not rest 
 long. Perceiving the great dissatisfaction which the 
 question of the royal title had provoked amongst the 
 nobility, he renewed his secret intrigues, and, backed 
 by his uncle, the grand-constable of Castile, endea- 
 voured to form the nobles into a league sufficiently 
 formidable to set the cardinal openly at defiance. 
 In his boldness, he ventured into Madrid, there to 
 continue his canvass, as it were under the eyes of 
 Ximenez, and to consult with his partisans; and 
 carried his audacity even so far as to send a message 
 to the cardinal to inform him that he had come for 
 the purpose of conferring with his friends. Ximenez 
 contented himself with replying that he hoped his
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 467 
 
 affairs would end well, but kept a watchful eye on 
 the movements of the nobility. 
 
 A considerable number of the nobles were, for 
 some reason or other, hostilely inclined towards 
 Ximenez. Several were won over by Giron's repre- 
 sentations that prudence advised opposition to the 
 cardinal, for Charles would set but little value 
 on the allegiance of those who so readily obeyed his 
 vicar. Others, amongst them the grand-constable, 
 had different motives. Knowing that it was the 
 intention of Ximenez to reunite with the crown all 
 briefs and revenues to which no sufficient legal title 
 could be shown, they resolved to resist the man 
 who threatened to dispossess them of their property. 
 The grand-constable, in particular, exerted himself 
 to the utmost in uniting all the hostile grandees for 
 the overthrow of the cardinal. He directed his 
 special care to win for the cause the Count Pimental 
 of Benevente, the Duke Cueva of Albuquerque, the 
 Duke Cerda of Medina Coeli, the bishop of Siguenza, 
 and the duke of Infantado. These he addressed, 
 representing to them that they ought no longer to 
 tolerate the rule of a monk of base extraction over 
 the nobility of Spain ; that it was not for him to 
 command princes, but to obey them ; that the will of 
 Ferdinand had certainly intrusted the regency to 
 Ximenez, but that their fear of their late king, who 
 had treated them so cruelly, should now cease. For 
 his part, he added, he was resolved no longer to obey 
 Ximenez, unless he could produce the most absolute 
 powers signed by the hand of Charles himself. These 
 words raised the indignation of the nobles against 
 the cardinal to the highest pitch. The duke of 
 Infantado alone appeared more prudent than his 
 friends. He, in his turn, represented to them that 
 none had greater cause for being discontent with 
 Ximenez than he himself, inasmuch as the cardinal 
 
 2 H 2
 
 468 THE LIFE OF 
 
 had prevented the marriage of his niece with the 
 house of Infantado, and was now desirous of depriv- 
 ing him of his possessions. Nevertheless he did not 
 concur in their views, being well aware of the great 
 power and still greater obstinacy of the cardinal, and 
 considering a political rising a very hazardous and 
 dangerous undertaking; if, however, they could 
 devise some other means to guard their authority 
 and break the power and pride of the monk, they 
 might rely, this he swore on his honour, upon his 
 hearty co-operation. These words having somewhat 
 cooled the ardour of the other grandees, it was ulti- 
 mately decided formally to accuse the cardinal before 
 the king, and to send Don Alvar Gomez, a well- 
 informed and sensible man, son-in-law of the duke 
 of Infantado, to Elanders, to demand the dismissal 
 of Ximenez. 
 
 The cardinal received intelligence of all these 
 machinations and plans, but was nothing daunted. 
 To some of his friends, who expressed their alarm, he 
 laconically replied " These men have only words, 
 not money to raise a revolt." At the same time he 
 gave the conspirators to understand that it would 
 be for their own interest to abstain from causing 
 disturbances, as otherwise they would soon learn 
 who was the stronger. [Frightened by this lan- 
 guage, almost every one of them tried to clear 
 himself in the eyes of the cardinal, even the duke 
 of Infantado and the grand-constable assuring him 
 by letter and through the medium of friends, of 
 their submission and respect. It is related that, at 
 the instigation of the grand-constable, several gran- 
 dees had previously waited on the cardinal to request 
 the presentation of the documents upon which he 
 held the regency. Ximenez invited them for the 
 following day, when, taking them to the window, 
 and showing them his soldiers and artillery, he 
 said " Behold the powers by which I govern Gas-
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 469 
 
 tile, by the will of the king, my lord and master." 
 But Gomez was unable to authenticate this anec- 
 dote, and reports it only as a tradition. 
 
 The grandees, notwithstanding, persisted in their 
 former resolution, and sent several ambassadors to 
 Brussels to accuse the cardinal. Ximenez, for his 
 part, sent Diego Lopez to procure more extended 
 power for him, and place him in a position to sup- 
 press more effectually any attempt at rising on the 
 part of the nobles. 
 
 Without waiting for the return of his ambassador 
 he now set vigorously to work to introduce a new 
 system in the recruiting of the army with the object 
 of securing the peace of the kingdom against every 
 contingency. Peter Martyr informs us that Xime- 
 nez had always taken great interest and pleasure in 
 discussions on war and armaments.* In one of his 
 familiar conversations with Ferdinand, the king had 
 intimated that armies recruited from different 
 countries offered more danger than security to a 
 state, and that a kind of standing militia would be 
 infinitely preferable to the system then pursued. 
 He argued that citizens fighting for their own home 
 would be more faithful and brave, while their better 
 education would be a pledge for their better conduct 
 and greater mildness to the enemy. Ferdinand had, 
 to the confession of Ximenez, once drawn up the 
 plan for such a military organization, but been pre- 
 vented by illness and other occupations from carrying 
 it into effect. Ximenez now bethought himself of 
 putting this great and important plan into execution, 
 for which purpose he had already (in April, 1516) 
 demanded from Charles the fullest powers for the 
 administration of the kingdom in all its branches : 
 but he was too impatient to wait for their arrival. 
 After a long conference with the royal senate, and 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, ep. 573 : " Bellicis colloquiis et apparatibus 
 gaudet."
 
 470 
 
 an experienced warrior, he issued a proclamation to 
 all the towns and cities in Castile, promising impor- 
 tant privileges to the inhabitants, and in particular 
 to the citizens who inscribed their names in the 
 lists of troops about to be levied. They were to be 
 exempt from lodging the king and his retinue, as 
 well as from all taxes, socages, and other charges. 
 In return they were to serve without pay, the officers 
 and musicians only receiving a remuneration. The 
 proclamation at first met with universal approbation. 
 In a very short time not fewer than 30,000 citizens 
 had voluntarily enlisted, who were daily drilled 
 before their fellow-townsmen, thereby inducing a 
 great number of young men to follow their example. 
 Ximenez was highly pleased at this success. Foreign 
 princes looked with envy and suspicion upon this 
 new institution, capable of making Spain so power- 
 ful, while the anger with which it filled the king of 
 Prance was one of the greatest proofs of its utility. 
 The cardinal of Guise, a relative of Charles, who 
 visited Madrid in June of the year 1516, avowedly 
 for the purpose of paying his addresses to Ximenez, 
 but it is supposed on a secret mission of the Empe- 
 ror Maximilian to observe affairs in Spain, thanked 
 him in the name of Christendom for a work which 
 would more effectually protect Spain against the 
 attacks of the infidels. 
 
 Opposition, however, was not wanting, especially 
 on the part of those who, either for gain or pleasure, 
 delight in disturbing the public peace. They endea- 
 voured by every means in their power to cast asper- 
 sion and contempt on the new scheme, representing 
 it as a dangerous innovation, calculated to ruin the 
 citizens by taking them away from their employ- 
 ments. The nobility, moreover, perceived in the 
 arming of the citizens an encroachment upon their 
 privileges, and an attempt to deprive them of their
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 
 
 political influence. Hence, the introduction of the 
 new system found powerful opposition in Leon, 
 Burgos, Salamanca, Medina del Campo, Arevalo, 
 Madrigal, Olmedo, and Valladolid.* In the latter 
 town the excitement was so great that the inhabi- 
 tants imprisoned the envoy of the cardinal, one 
 Topia from Segovia, declared Ximenez an oppressor 
 of liberty, and fortified the town in all haste to be 
 prepared for resistance in case of need. One of the 
 principal instigators of the revolt was Antonio de 
 Hojas, archbishop of Granada and president of the 
 royal council, a man who secretly worked against 
 the cardinal, and is even said to have incited the 
 deputies of Valladolid against the " tyrant." The 
 grand-admiral, the bishop of Astorga, and other 
 grandees who owned possessions in the neighbour- 
 hood of Valladolid, were also implicated in the 
 revolt; and, partly from interest, partly from revenge, 
 encouraged the citizens in their opposition to 
 Ximenez. Although the number of towns which 
 defied the cardinal was comparatively small, it was 
 to be feared that their example would work in- 
 juriously upon the rest. Ximenez endeavoured 
 therefore to gain Valladolid by promises and kind 
 remonstrances. But the inhabitants rejected his 
 proposals ; replying haughtily that he might say and 
 do what he liked ; they knew well how to defend 
 themselves and their liberties until the arrival of 
 Charles. Ximenez, hesitating to adopt rigorous 
 measures against the town without the consent of 
 Charles, meanwhile contented himself with collect- 
 
 * Peter Martyr shared the universal dissatisfaction. Ep. 575. 
 As usual, Lavergne blames the cardinal for these reforms. Ac- 
 cording to his opinion, Ximenez had, in introducing them, only 
 the intention of humbling the nobles. His leading idea was, 
 therefore, not the regeneration of the commons, but the advance- 
 ment of despotism. " Revue des Deux Mondes," torn. xxvi. p. 545.
 
 472 
 
 ing, under another pretext, more troops in its 
 neighbourhood, at the same time urging Diego 
 Lopez, his agent at Brussels, to obtain from Charles 
 as quickly as possible express powers for the reduc- 
 tion of the rebellious cities and grandees. More- 
 over, to counteract the false reports which several 
 nobles had sent to Charles and the duke of Chievres, 
 he addressed a letter to Charles himself, in which 
 he explained the utility of the system, and asked for 
 the transmission of arms and ammunition from 
 Elanders. Ximenez gained his point. Charles sent 
 the powers ; and in a special letter summoned the 
 rebellious towns to render prompt obedience to 
 Ximenez, the depository of his authority. They all 
 obeyed, even Valladolid not excepted. After their 
 resistance was broken, Ximenez showed every kind- 
 ness and indulgence : to Valladolid he prudently 
 granted the privilege which best secured the future 
 obedience of the town. The grand- admiral and the 
 count of Benevente, having succeeded in introducing 
 many of their partisans into the municipality of 
 Valladolid, Ximenez, in order to counterbalance 
 their influence, permitted the citizens to elect two 
 procurators, with the power of veto in the sittings 
 of the municipality, similar to the ancient tribunes. 
 With regard to the military organziation introduced 
 by him, it has served as the model for the standing 
 armies : it is not for us to decide whether the model 
 is better than the imitation.* 
 
 Simultaneously with these changes in the army, 
 Ximenez effected important improvements in the 
 maritime power of Castile. He added twenty 
 trireme galleys to it, and equipped the entire 
 fleet to resist the attacks of the Moors and pirates, 
 the most famous of whom, Barbarossa, then ra- 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1081 1084. Mariana, p. 3. Arvao, in the 
 " Memorias," torn. iv. pp. 22.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 473 
 
 vaged the coasts of the Mediterranean, carrying 
 terror in every direction. The usefulness of these 
 arrangements soon became evident. In July, 1516, 
 a number of Spanish vessels encountered five 
 Turkish ones of considerable size, near Alicante, 
 attacked them, and, after great slaughter, sank 
 two, while the remaining three were towed in tri- 
 umph into the harbour of Alicante. This success, 
 and the congratulations which he received from 
 Leo X., encouraged him to continue his exertions 
 to strengthen the navy. He accordingly, in the 
 following year, ordered the restoration of the dock- 
 yards near Seville, which long neglect had rendered 
 almost useless, hereby providing the means of 
 permanently supplying Castile with a sufficient 
 number of vessels ready for sea.* 
 
 Events at the other extremity of Spain now 
 equally claimed his attention. Shortly after the 
 death of Ferdinand, the young king of Erance, 
 Erancis I., began to raise an army, the destination of 
 which was at first not known. It became, however, 
 soon apparent. Jean d'Albret, the exiled king of 
 Navarre, thought the moment favourable for the 
 recovery of his dominions ; considering this an easy 
 matter whilst the reins of government were in the 
 hands of a monk. The faction of the Agramonts 
 had declared for his cause, t and many Navarrese 
 fled across the Pyrenees to enlist in the army which 
 he formed in all haste. On the receipt of the 
 ntelligence of his march against Navarre, in con- 
 junction with a Erench army, Ximenez, in concert 
 with the royal council, appointed the duke of Najara, 
 a man experienced in arms and owner of con- 
 siderable property in Navarre, governor of this 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1084. Miniana, p. 3. 
 
 t That of the Beaumonts sided with Castile. Petrus Martyr, 
 ep. 570.
 
 474 THE LIFE OF 
 
 province, in the stead of the actual viceroy, who was 
 considered no match for the emergency. The grand- 
 constable, the old enemy of Ximenez, was so em- 
 bittered by this choice, that he threw every possible 
 obstacle in the way of the duke, nearly enabling 
 Jean d'Albret thereby to regain Navarre. But the 
 Colonel Ferdinand Villalba, after encountering ter- 
 rible fatigues, boldly attacked the enemy in the 
 gorges of the Pyrenees, totally defeated him, and 
 made a great number of superior officers, belonging 
 to the first families of Navarre, prisoners. Amongst 
 them, in particular, the Marshal Pedro of Navarre, 
 Diego Velez, the favourite of Albret, the lords of 
 Garri and Gambra, and many others, all of whom 
 Ximenez ordered to be confined in the castle of 
 Atienza, and carefully guarded. King d'Albret, 
 having now lost all hope of reconquering Navarre, 
 retired under heavy losses across the Pyrenees into 
 his principality of Beam, where he and his wife 
 died shortly after. Villalba was treated with great 
 respect by Ximenez, and ever after consulted by him 
 on the military affairs of Navarre. The consequenee 
 was that Ximenez ordered many of the fortresses of 
 the province to be rased, as he could neither afford 
 to garrison them sufficiently with Castilian troops, 
 nor dared leave them in the hands of the Navarrese, 
 who still remained attached to the house of their 
 former king. These measures highly exasperated 
 the Navarrese, who shed bitter tears at the sight of 
 the demolition of the walls, and the dismantling of 
 the castles. But Ximenez swerved not from his 
 resolution, he only exerted himself in expediting the 
 necessary though painful work.* The enemies of 
 the cardinal of course found in these measures fresh 
 
 * Villalba soon after died ; it is supposed, poisoned by the 
 Navarrese, because he advised the rasing of their fortresses. 
 Gomez, p. 1088.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 475 
 
 occasion for complaints and accusations, and were 
 naturally supported by the enraged Navarrese. One 
 of their chief accusations consisted in reproaching 
 the cardinal with having profaned religion by the 
 destruction of a convent of the Franciscans and the 
 church belonging to it. But the Castilians univer- 
 sally approved of the steps taken by him, to which 
 Spain in subsequent wars owed much of the preser- 
 vation of Navarre.* 
 
 The war of Navarre was hardly ended, when fresh 
 complications arose in another quarter. A courier 
 of the king of Portugal, destined for France, having, 
 through his own imprudence, drawn suspicion on 
 himself, had been taken prisoner by the governor of 
 Salces, then a Castilian fortress : despatches written 
 in cipher were found on him, revealing the nego- 
 tiation of a marriage and alliance between France 
 and Portugal to the detriment of Castile. These the 
 governor forwarded at once to the government at 
 Madrid. In the absence of Ximenez, who had gone 
 to Alcala to superintend the building of the univer- 
 sity, the letters were opened by Hadrian, who still 
 took part in the affairs of the government. Fright- 
 ened by their dangerous contents, and perceiving 
 their importance, he immediately sent the courier to 
 Alcala, with orders to deliver the despatches to 
 Ximenez, without loss of time, and even to have him 
 awakened in the night if necessary. Ximenez read 
 them indeed at midnight, and replied to the mes- 
 senger : " Tell Hadrian that he may rest in peace, I 
 undertake to face the danger." He forthwith 
 acquainted Charles with these secret intrigues, and 
 gave orders to his ambassador at Lisbon to watch 
 carefully the steps of the king of Portugal, t 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 10861088. Petrus Martyr, epp. 569, 570, 571. 
 Miniana, p. 3. 
 
 t Gomez, p. 1089.
 
 4/76 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Meanwhile the affairs of Navarre claimed once 
 more the attention of the cardinal. Ferdinand had 
 confided the government of Pampeluna, the capital 
 of this country, to an Aragonian of the name of 
 Ferrara, whom Ximenez considered unfit for this 
 important post, partly from his not being a Cas- 
 tilian, partly from his excessive severity. Ximenez 
 resolved therefore to replace him by a Castilian of 
 tried fidelity, who would win the affection of the 
 people by kindness and benevolence. Charles gave 
 his consent, but the choice of the cardinal is not 
 known, Gomez having already endeavoured in vain 
 to learn the name of the person on whom it had 
 fallen.* 
 
 But an affair of still greater annoyance awaited 
 the cardinal. For many years the supreme council 
 of Navarre had been equally divided between the 
 two rival factions of the Beaumonts and Agramonts. 
 The nomination of the president had given rise to 
 constant quarrels. To whichever of these families 
 he belonged, he was sure to be the object of the 
 fiercest opposition on the part of the other faction. 
 D'Albret, and after him Ferdinand the Catholic, 
 to obviate these constantly -recurring quarrels, had 
 introduced the practice of appointing a foreigner to 
 this dignity. The Navarrese now exerted themselves 
 to re-establish the former institution, and unknown 
 to Ximenez, had, probably by a bribe, won over to 
 their cause the duke of Chievres and other coun- 
 cillors of the court of Charles. They entertained 
 already sanguine hopes for the success of their 
 plans, when Ximenez became acquainted with their 
 intrigues, and frustrated them by representing to 
 Charles the danger of such an innovation.! 
 
 At the same time, the pope demanded of Ximenez 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1089. t Ibid.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 477 
 
 to reinstate Cardinal d' Albert, brother of the former 
 king of Navarre, in his bishopric of Pampeluna, 
 from which he had been ejected. Ximenez con- 
 sulted the duke of Najara, then still viceroy of 
 Navarre, on the matter, and on his representations 
 that it was dangerous to provide so powerful a 
 political adversary with influence and money for 
 fresh revolts, refused to grant the request of Leo.* 
 The tranquillity of Navarre was thus preserved, 
 affording Ximenez leisure to turn his mind to the 
 consideration of other very important matters. 
 
 In Malaga a revolt had broken out against the 
 jurisdiction of the grand-admiral. By the ancient 
 laws of Spain, the grand-admiral not only held the 
 command of the naval powers, but was also intrusted 
 with the supervision of the coast, and the jurisdiction 
 over all the persons belonging to the fleet, official 
 and private, whose disputes he had to settle. Special 
 judges had accordingly been appointed in all the sea 
 and mercantile places. But this institution, though 
 it may have worked well in the beginning, had in 
 the course of time, engendered numberless abuses. 
 Thus, if the town alguazils had taken up one of those 
 rogues and idlers with which seaports abound, he 
 disputed the competency of the ordinary courts to 
 try him, and demanded to be transferred to that of 
 the grand-admiral, on the plea of being a discharged 
 sailor, or something similar. The soldiers, who were 
 stationed at the coast for its defence, acted in a like 
 manner. If brought before the royal courts, they 
 insisted upon belonging to that of the admiral, or 
 vice versa, according to which of them offered the 
 greatest chance of escape. Hence a deplorable delay 
 in the procedure, and what is still more pernicious, 
 the impossibility of quickly punishing offences against 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1089. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 372.
 
 478 THE LIFE OF 
 
 order and the police ; or the impunity of criminals 
 who escaped through these quarrels about the com- 
 petency of the courts. 
 
 By these means, the tribunals of the admiralty had, 
 for a long time, become exceedingly odious to the 
 inhabitants of the coast. Having in vain solicited 
 their suppression of Ferdinand, they now, after his 
 death, endeavoured to right themselves, as they 
 called it. The inhabitants of Malaga rose in open 
 rebellion, effaced all the outward emblems of the 
 jurisdiction of the admiral, expelled his officers, and 
 refused him obedience. Ximenez, on learning these 
 disorders, exhorted them in a pastoral letter, to 
 return to their allegiance, pointed out to them the 
 course they were to pursue to obtain redress against 
 the admiral, and assured them, that as long as he 
 lived, justice would not be influenced by the autho- 
 rity of any grandee, however noble he might be ; 
 this letter produced but little effect. Incited by 
 several hot-headed persons, and even by Flemish 
 nobles, they rejected the authority of the cardinal- 
 regent, appealed to King Charles himself, armed 
 the whole town, and mounted as many pieces of 
 artillery as they could obtain on the ramparts, in 
 order to resist all attacks of the cardinal. Xime- 
 nez, on hearing this, immediately despatched Don 
 Antonio Cueva, with 6,000 infantry and 400 horse, 
 against the rebellious town, choosing soldiers from 
 the recently-organized militia for the expedition, 
 and thereby testing, for the first time, the merits of 
 the new military system. At the same time, he 
 summoned the inhabitants to surrender, threatening 
 them, in case of refusal, to regard them guilty of 
 high treason. The army moved in forced marches 
 towards the south. When arrived within two days' 
 march from Malaga, the inhabitants began to 
 tremble, and to open their eyes to the impending
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 479 
 
 danger. They accordingly deputed two of their 
 chief magistrates to Cueva, to assure him of their 
 willingness to lay their complaints against the 
 grand-admiral before the cardinal, and to accept 
 his decision. Cueva hastened to convey the news 
 to Madrid ; and soon received orders to spare the 
 city, and punish only the principal ringleaders. 
 Ximenez sent an account of the whole affair to 
 Charles, acquainting him that Malaga had returned 
 to order without the shedding of blood, and would 
 have done so sooner, had the rebels not been encou- 
 raged in their proceedings by letters from Flanders, 
 which he enclosed. He gave, by these, fresh proofs 
 to his majesty, of how little the real wants and 
 necessities of Spain were understood and cared for 
 in Flanders, and how necessary it was, therefore, 
 to guard the regent against these influences and 
 intrigues ; his authority being so closely allied to 
 the king's that it could neither rise nor fall without 
 increasing or injuring the other.* 
 
 Another revolt at Arevalo terminated in an 
 equally happy manner. King Ferdinand had be- 
 queathed a yearly income of 30,000 gold florins to 
 his wife Germaine, to be derived from the revenues 
 of the kingdom of Naples. But as the dowager- 
 queen intended to remain in Castile, Ximenez pro- 
 posed to exchange the dowry for the Castilian towns 
 and villages of Arevalo, ALmedo, Madrigal, and S. 
 Maria de Nieve, considering this arrangement, to 
 which both Germaine and King Charles gave their 
 consent, at once more honourable and safe. Arevalo 
 formerly belonged to the widow of John II. of Cas- 
 tile, the mother of Isabella, whose grand-master of 
 the household, Count Gutierre Velasquez of Cuellar, 
 had been appointed prefect of that town. His son 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1090. Flechier, liv. iv. pp. 372 376. Miniana, p. 3.
 
 480 THE LIFE OF 
 
 had retained this office after the death of the 
 princess, but feared now to lose it through the 
 intended exchange. At the instigation of his wife, 
 a bitter enemy of Germaine, after having been her 
 intimate friend, he determined to maintain himself 
 in the possession of Arevalo. Ximenez, who greatly 
 esteemed this otherwise very worthy man, endea- 
 voured, by friendly letters and exhortations to 
 dissuade him from his undertaking, and induced even 
 Charles to address a very kind and gracious letter to 
 him. But the grand-admiral, who hated the queen, 
 and liked the cardinal but little, having, together 
 with several other grandees, offered their assistance, 
 Cuellar and the inhabitants of the town were easily 
 encouraged to persist in their hostile intentions. 
 Wnen Ximenez perceived the fruitlessness of further 
 efforts to bring about an amicable arrangement, he 
 sent, in the summer of 1517, one of the higher 
 judges, Cornejo, with an armed force against the 
 rebellious town. His instructions were, once more 
 to offer pardon and mercy to the inhabitants and 
 the count, and to threaten them in case of continued 
 resistance, with confiscation of their property, with 
 branding, and all the pains of high treason. As in 
 this extremity, neither the grand-admiral nor any 
 of the other grandees sent the promised assistance, 
 Cuellar, seeing himself abandoned, dismissed his 
 troops, and sent his submission in to Cornejo. The 
 city gates were thrown open, the commissary of the 
 cardinal entered the town, and occupied the citadel. 
 Ximenez forthwith interested himself, like a friend, 
 in behalf of the count, interceded with Charles for 
 his pardon, and at his decease, which happened 
 shortly after, recommended his family to the mercy 
 of the sovereign, and his eldest son to the succession 
 of the offices and possessions of his father. As 
 regards the admiral, Ximenez requested Charles to
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 481 
 
 reprimand him severely for his conduct, as otherwise 
 the example of so high a personage and relative of 
 the royal family might have a dangerous influence 
 over the rest of the nobility.* 
 
 The submission of Arevalo accomplished, the car- 
 dinal refused to deliver this and the other fortified 
 town, Olmedo, to Queen Germaine. A Spanish 
 proverb says : "Arevalo and Olmedo, afterwards the 
 whole of Spain." Ximenez remembering this adage, 
 and knowing the queen to have sided with the 
 Infante Ferdinand, and participated in the plans 
 to raise him to the crown of Castile in place of 
 his brother Charles, feared to see these important 
 fortresses in the hands of a woman who, little 
 inclined towards the king, could give courage and 
 help to the discontented party to rise in open rebel- 
 lion. In vain did Germaine complain, in vain 
 attempt to take possession of Olmedo by force ; in 
 vain were her threats to leave Spain and return to 
 her native country. Ximenez, provided with full 
 power from Charles, remained inexorable. She was 
 forced to content herself with Madrigal until the 
 arrival of the young king, and obtained possession 
 of these towns only when the presence of Charles 
 dispelled all fears of pretensions to the throne, f 
 About the same time another royal widow, Johanna, 
 the mother of Charles V., occupied the care and 
 solicitude of the cardinal. Her father, Ferdinand, 
 as we have observed before, had brought her to the 
 castle of Tordesillas, a pleasant and healthy retreat, 
 but her mind, constantly occupied with the death of 
 her late husband, found there no relief. She 
 obstinately refused to exchange her dark and un- 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1091, 1092. Miniana, p. 4. Flechier, liv. iv. 
 p. 376379. 
 
 t Gomez, p. 1092 et seq. Miniana, p. 4. Flechier, liv. iv. 
 pp. 379, 380. 
 
 2 i
 
 482 THE LIFE OP 
 
 clean room for a lighter and better apartment, or 
 leave it to enjoy the fresh air. In the like manner 
 she dispensed with a bed, rejected during winter the 
 warmer clothing provided for her, and often passed 
 two or three days without taking either food or 
 drink. Ximenez, being of opinion that her major- 
 domo, Luis Ferrier, a man advanced in years and 
 of a serious disposition, was incapable of exercising 
 the necessary influence over the unfortunate queen, 
 still less to exhilarate her and dispell the clouds 
 which hovered over her mind, removed Ferrier from 
 his office, and appointed in his stead Fernando 
 Ducas, surnamed Strata, a prudent and cheerful 
 man. The choice turned out a happy one ; Ducas, by 
 kindness and artifice, gained such an ascendancy 
 over the queen, that she not only consented to have 
 her room cleaned and to sleep on a bed, but 
 attended also at the public offices of the church. 
 This produced so visible an improvement in her 
 mental and bodily condition, that Charles took 
 occasion to express his gratitude to Ximenez in the 
 warmest terms.* 
 
 Old Ferrier was not the only one whom Ximenez 
 removed. Many other useless or unjust public 
 functionaries were dismissed or punished by him. 
 Thus, shortly after his father, young Ferrier, prefect 
 of Toledo, was deposed and replaced by Porto- 
 carrero, count of Palma. A severer punishment 
 awaited several of his subordinates, who, taking 
 advantage of his careless administration, had been 
 guilty of gross malpractices. The commissary of 
 the regent ordered them to be led through the 
 streets of the town by a herald proclaiming their 
 misdeeds and the executioner flogging them with 
 rods.f 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1093. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 382. 
 t Gomez, p. 1094.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 483 
 
 Arovia, the prefect of Zorita, a knight of the 
 order of Calatrava, who had committed violence on 
 the wives and daughters of his subjects, escaped 
 similar or severer punishment by flight. Ximenez 
 placed in his stead an honest man, Sancho Cabrero, 
 and wrote to Charles to hang the fugitive if he 
 should find his way to Flanders.* He further dis- 
 missed the secretary of the grand-council of the 
 Inquisition, Calcena, and a judge of the same 
 tribunal, d'Aguirre : the latter, however, only be- 
 cause he was a layman, and Ximenez would not 
 suffer any but priests to be members of the grand- 
 council of the Holy Office, t 
 
 All this, as well as the many proofs of his wisdom 
 and power, tended to raise the authority of the 
 cardinal. At the end of the first year of his 
 administration his authority had increased so much 
 that even those grandees who had been most op- 
 posed to him, recognized the necessity of submitting 
 to him and seeking his friendship. The duke of 
 Infantado, the grand-constable, and the duke of fc 
 Alba, were the only ones who continued their 
 resistance, but they feared Ximenez too much to 
 show it in more than words, or to disobey his 
 orders. On the other hand, Ximenez had, by a wise 
 distribution of the public offices and dignities to 
 able members of high families, succeeded in at- 
 taching to himself a large portion of the nobility, 
 often winning the good will of the whole kindred by 
 showing honour to one single man. $ 
 
 Order at last being restored, Ximenez directed 
 his attention to the reformation of abuses, and the 
 introduction of useful institutions. To guard the 
 kingdom against disturbances from within and 
 without, he ordered the three strategically most 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1094. t Ibid. I Ibid. pp. 1094, 1095. 
 2 i 2
 
 484 THE LIFE OF 
 
 important towns of Castile Medina del Campo, 
 Alcala, and Malaga to be supplied with the neces- 
 sary material for war, especially with cannons of 
 large calibre. But, according to the testimony of 
 Gomez, he lived only to see the armament of the 
 first of these towns completed. The accusation of 
 his having intended during his regency to issue coin 
 bearing the effigy of St. Francis, and having aban- 
 doned the plan only on the representation of the 
 royal council, requires confirmation.* 
 
 Another intention of the cardinal, and one of 
 much greater importance, was frustrated by his 
 death : that of having a list drawn up of all the 
 revenues of the crown, as well as a description and 
 statistical tables of the kingdom. Only portions of 
 this useful work were completed, and it is to be 
 regretted that it was left unfinished. He was more 
 fortunate in the execution of a similar plan with 
 reference to the three military orders. By the desire 
 and in the name of Charles, who was their grand- 
 joiaster, Ximenez ordered an exact list and account 
 to be prepared of their revenues, institutions, fi- 
 nances, laws, and administration. The commanders 
 resisted at first, but by the able management of 
 Ximenez, were soon brought back to obedience, 
 without violence having been necessary. The 
 result of the investigation was the discovery that 
 these orders had annually wronged the royal 
 treasury to a considerable extent, and, besides that, 
 the order of Calatrava was in possession of two 
 towns belonging to the king. Ximenez abolished 
 these abuses. On the other hand, he returned 
 several privileges to the orders, of which they had 
 been unlawfully and unjustly deprived by Ferdi- 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1094, 1095. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 384.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 485 
 
 nand, and at their request dismissed several officers 
 who had been forced upon them. One of these, 
 the treasurer Ciaconio, King Charles reinstated in 
 his former office, in spite of all the representations 
 of Ximenez.* 
 
 At about the same time another measure of con- 
 siderable delicacy drew upon Ximenez the hatred 
 of a great number of persons. The wars of Ferdi- 
 nand had not only emptied the royal treasury, but 
 burdened it largely with debts. Nevertheless the 
 court at Brussels was constantly sending for fresh 
 supplies of money, ostensibly for the equipping of 
 the fleet which was to convey Charles to Spain. 
 But it was openly said that Chievres and Sauvage 
 retained considerable sums for themselves, and 
 purposely protracted the departure of the king, in 
 order to be able to ask for further remittances from 
 Spain, f In this financial embarrassment Ximenez. 
 probably by the orders of Charles, cancelled a great 
 many salaries paid to different noblemen and cour- 
 tiers without their doing any actual services for 
 them. To show his impartiality he commenced 
 with his own friends, such as the heirs of the great 
 captain. Gomez supposes this and similar matters 
 to have occasioned the complaints of the cardinal 
 that he was burdened with the most odious com- 
 missions from Flanders, and passed in Spain as the 
 evil spirit of Charles, who had originated and ad- 
 vised them.J This supposition is strengthened by 
 the fact that Ximenez for a long time vainly endea- 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1095, 1096. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 385, 386. 
 
 t On the cupidity and avarice of these two first judges of 
 Charles, see Petrus Martyr, epp. 576, 577, 582, 594, 614. They 
 protracted the king's journey, partly because they thought, as 
 foreigners, they would in Spain be less able to govern the country 
 than from Brussels. Petrus Martyr, ep. 580. 
 
 J Gomez, p. 1097. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 386.
 
 486 THE LIFE OF 
 
 voured to prevail upon the king to continue the 
 pension of the learned Peter Martyr.* 
 
 At the same time Ximenez proposed to the king 
 a new method of levying taxes, cheaper and safer 
 than the one before in use. He also boldly and 
 frankly remonstrated with Charles for his lavish- 
 ness with the public money, telling him that he 
 had, during the four months of his being king, 
 given away more money than had his grandparents, 
 the Catholic kings, during the forty years of their 
 reign. If Charles was desirous of exercising libe- 
 rality, that noble virtue of kings, he should rather 
 bestow it upon true and faithful servants and 
 friends than upon those whose services were null, 
 and whose fidelity was doubtful. In his opinion 
 three things were essential to consolidate the power 
 of a king uniform justice to high and low, gene- 
 rosity towards deserving warriors, and carefulness to 
 keep the finances in good order, t 
 
 These internal reforms of Ximenez were inter- 
 rupted by fresh armaments. In consequence of the 
 conquest of Oran, Algiers had, as we have seen 
 before, acknowledged the supremacy of Spain, and 
 consented to pay a yearly tribute. Shortly after, 
 the young and daring pirate, Horac Barbarossa, 
 from Mitylene, in the island of Lesbos, began to 
 make his name terrible in the Mediterranean and 
 on its coasts. He had hardly reached his twentieth 
 year when he already commanded a piratical fleet 
 of forty galleys. As early as 1515, when Ferdi- 
 nand was still alive, he attempted to take Bugia, a 
 fortress in Africa which was then in the hands of the 
 Spaniards. Though a cannon-ball had carried away 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, ep. 581. Peter Martyr says nothing of 
 Ximenez having been the originator of the cancelling of these 
 salaries. 
 
 f Gomez, p. 1098. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 389.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 487 
 
 his left arm in the first attack, he returned to the 
 assault, and having gained possession of the smaller 
 citadel of Bugia, put the whole Christian garrison 
 of the same to death. On the 25th of November of 
 the same year he attacked the principal fortress, 
 but failed in the attempt, and retired.* He was 
 more successful in his exertions to excite the Moors 
 in Africa to shake off the Spanish yoke. He roused 
 the fanaticism of their holy tribe, the Morabites, by 
 representing to them that it was a crime and a 
 shame for a Mussulman to pay tribute to a Chris- 
 tian. The consequence was, that the king of Algiers, 
 Selim Beni Timi, asked his assistance to enable 
 him to withdraw his allegiance from Spain and 
 refuse to pay the tribute. Barbarossa responded 
 to the call, but treacherously murdered his friend 
 in a bath, seized the throne, refused the tribute, 
 and not only menaced the neighbouring fortified 
 towns of the Spaniards, but also those of the 
 Moorish princes allied to Spain, f He threatened 
 Tunis, took the king prisoner and put him to 
 death. The heir to the throne fled to Spain to im- 
 plore the assistance of Ximenez against the robber. 
 The cardinal immediately sent, at the end of Sep- 
 tember, 1516, eight thousand men and the requisite 
 vessels to Algiers to regain the place and punish 
 the pirate. Ferdinand Andrada, to whom the com- 
 mand was first offered, refused it, on the ground that 
 the army contained too many in whom no reliance 
 could be placed. The cardinal then fixed upon 
 Diego Vera, a general of artillery, a choice which 
 from the beginning was regarded as hazardous by 
 many, and amongst them also by Peter Martyr, who 
 calls him " magis loquax et jactabundus quam 
 strenuus" (ep. 574). 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, ep. 571. 
 
 t Ibid. ep. 574. Gomez, p. 1099. Elechier, liv. iv. p. 390.
 
 488 THE LIEE OF 
 
 Early in October the fleet landed on the coast of 
 Algiers, and found the town vigorously defended 
 and skilfully fortified. In order to be enabled to 
 attack it from all sides, Vera, in opposition to the 
 advice of his officers, divided his army into four 
 bodies, thus weakening his strength considerably. 
 The officers, obeying reluctantly, showed little 
 zeal, and Vera himself committed many other blun- 
 ders. The expedition having miserably failed, he 
 was forced to return to Spain, covered with shame, 
 where he became an object of ridicule to all the 
 children, and lampoons were made on him, in which 
 he was taunted with having been unable with his 
 two arms to overcome the one-armed Barbarossa. 
 The sad intelligence reached Xirnenez at the end of 
 October, at an hour when, according to his usual 
 wont, he was seated in the midst of a number of 
 theologians, discussing theological matters. After 
 having perused the letters, he calmly said to those 
 around him : " Our army has been defeated and 
 partly destroyed. There is, however, one consola- 
 tion in it : Spain is thereby ridden of a great many 
 idle and bad characters." He then resumed the 
 discussion, admired by all for his coolness and self- 
 possession. His enemies failed not to take advantage 
 of this reverse, representing to Charles that the 
 cardinal only was to be blamed for the disaster. 
 Ximenez defended himself against these accusations 
 in a special letter, in which he stated the number of 
 Christians slain to be one thousand. He seems also 
 to have acquainted Leo X. of the event, for this 
 Pontiff expressed to him, through Cardinal Bembo, 
 his regret at the calamity, urging him at the 
 same time to prepare another attack against Algiers, 
 and assuring him of his willingness to exhort the 
 Christian princes to a war against the Turks. The 
 cardinal, however, died before a second expedition
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 489 
 
 against Barbarossa could be carried out. The latter 
 met his death in the year 1518, in a war with 
 Spain and the king of Tremesen, by the stone-throw 
 of a Spanish ensign.* 
 
 Shortly after these events, Ximenez, in union with 
 the royal council, issued an edict against the Genoese 
 merchants in Spain, ordering them, under pain of 
 confiscation of their property, to leave the kingdom 
 by a given time. This severe measure was occa- 
 sioned by the following circumstance : A valiant 
 mariner, John del Rio, native of Toledo, impa- 
 tient at the inactivity to which peace condemned 
 him, secretly carried on piracy on his own account, and 
 had a short time previous to the sailing of the fleet 
 destined for Algeria, done considerable damage to the 
 Genoese. These resolved to revenge themselves at 
 the first opportunity. Accordingly they waited for 
 him in the Spanish harbour of Carthagena, with three 
 war-gallions, and three merchant vessels which were 
 taking in wool. Del Rio arrived with his gallion, 
 but in company and under the protection of Don Be- 
 renguel of Omus,who returned richly laden with spoils 
 from a successful expedition against the African 
 pirates. Berenguel having refused to comply with the 
 just demand of the Genoese to deliver Del Rio over to 
 them, they took the matter into their own hands, 
 opened fire on the vessel of the pirate and sank it. En- 
 raged at this, Berenguel attacked the Genoese in his 
 turn, firing on them not only from his own ships, but 
 also from the heavy guns of the port. The slaughter 
 was great on both sides. After an obstinate resistance 
 the Genoese were forced to retire, not without first 
 having destroyed the principal houses and towers 
 by a well-directed cannonade, and caused such havoc 
 in the town that the inhabitants lamented and com- 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1099, 1100. Petrus Martyr, ep. 621. Flechier, 
 liv. iv. pp. 391394.
 
 490 THE LIFE OF 
 
 plained, saying the Turks could hardly have carried 
 devastation further. The indignation against the 
 Genoese was universal. Ximenez shared it, as 
 is proved by his severe and cruel edict. On 
 the other hand, he was highly and justly irritated 
 against Berenguel, whom he immediately dismissed 
 from his command of the fleet. But Berenguel 
 found friends at the court of Flanders who inter- 
 ested themselves in his behalf and obtained his 
 reinstallation in his former dignity, much to the 
 annoyance of the cardinal. We must add, that he 
 shortly after retrieved his offence to a certain extent 
 by his success in a naval engagement, in which he 
 captured four three-oared galleys from the Turks.* 
 The Genoese soon felt the disastrous effects of the 
 edict upon their commerce. They consequently 
 sent an embassy to Flanders to excuse themselves 
 with the king, and assure him of the deep regret, 
 which the occurrence had caused to the republic, 
 contending, however, that the chief blame rested 
 not with them, but with Berenguel. They further 
 stated, to satisfy the Spanish crown, the senate had 
 pronounced sentence of death against the captains 
 of the three war-gallions, and condemned the infe- 
 rior officers to other severe punishments. These 
 sentences would have been carried out, had not 
 providence forestalled them by all but utterly de- 
 stroying the vessels in a storm near Nice. Charles 
 pardoned the Genoese, and promised to revoke the 
 edict of the cardinal. But Ximenez remonstrated 
 and gave reasons why the sequestration of their 
 property should continue, assuring Charles of 
 having in the interval received intelligence of an 
 alliance between Genoa and Erance, the purport of 
 which was nothing less than to wrest from Spain 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1100, 1101. Petrus Martyr, ep. 673, 576.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 491 
 
 her possessions in Italy. As long as such an alli- 
 ance existed, the property could not be restored, in 
 order to be able, in case of a rupture, to fight the 
 Genoese with their own money. The Genoese, how- 
 ever, soon removed these suspicions, and, with the 
 consent of Ximenez himself, entered again into the 
 possession of their property.* 
 
 The solicitude of Ximenez was not merely con- 
 fined to Castile, but embraced all the dominions of 
 his king, whose interest he had constantly at heart. 
 The following is an instance : The duke of Najara, 
 viceroy of Navarre, informed the cardinal that he 
 had received orders from King Charles to send the 
 cavalry under his command to Italy, and place them 
 at the disposal of the emperor, Maximilian, then 
 engaged in the siege of Brescia. Prance had lately 
 gained considerable ground in Italy; the war of 
 Maximilian against this power was therefore as 
 much in the interest of his grandson as in his own. 
 Convinced that it was his duty not to withhold his 
 advice in so grave an affair,Ximenez despatched in all 
 haste a courier to Charles, urging him to induce his 
 grandfather to abstain from continuing the siege of 
 Brescia, a place which nature and art had made 
 almost impregnable, and persuade him to lay siege 
 to Milan instead, as the fall of the capital would 
 necessarily draw after it that of Brescia and the 
 rest of Lombardy. If the king of Prance attacked 
 Naples, he, for his part, would, with Charles's con- 
 sent, make a diversion into Prance, and order his 
 soldiers to march direct upon Paris. As regards 
 the Neapolitan nobles, who were living at the court 
 of Brussels, Charles would do well to forbid his 
 courtiers to treat them with insolence as heretofore, 
 and to settle their affairs as quickly as possible, 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1102, 1103. Petrus Martyr, ep. 585. Flechier, 
 liv. iv. pp. 394399.
 
 492 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that they might not be affronted, but become at- 
 tached and remain faithful to their allegiance in 
 case of war. Above all, he advised Charles no longer 
 to withold the pay due to the Spanish troops sta- 
 tioned in Naples; it would be better to postpone the 
 payments to his household than those to the soldiers. 
 In order easier to suppress the movement by which 
 Italy was agitated, Charles should endeavour to 
 gain the goodwill of the pope. Although Leo X. 
 professed the greatest friendship, his political inten- 
 tions could not implicitly be trusted, the less so 
 because only recently he had sanctioned in France 
 the levying of the tax for the holy war, whilst it was 
 evident that the plans of the king were not directed 
 against the Turks, but against Germany and Spain. 
 Eor this reason the pope should be kept a little in 
 fear. He himself (Ximenez) had, a short time ago, 
 acted in this spirit, by addressing a letter to Leo in 
 which he had candidly spoken his mind, and invited 
 him to more friendly dispositions towards Spain. 
 It was therefore of the greatest importance that 
 Charles should be particularly careful in the choice 
 of his ambassador to Home, and select only such 
 a man as was likely easily to obtain considerable 
 influence with the diplomatic body at the court of 
 Rome. This admonition was the more needed as 
 Charles, on the advice of his friends in Flanders, 
 had, in the person of Don Pedro Urreo, appointed 
 an adjunct to Hieronymus Viet, till then his only 
 ambassador at Rome, and these two men, instead of 
 working in concert for the interest of their master, 
 constantly opposed each other, and paralyzed their 
 actions. Equally important, continued Ximenez, 
 was the choice of the papal nuncio, upon whose 
 reports to the pope depended much of the ami- 
 cable relation of the two courts, the most violent 
 quarrels and agitations having resulted from the
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 493 
 
 incapacity or arrogance of a nuncio. According to 
 recent information, the pope had destined Lawrence 
 Pucci, a nephew of the cardinal of the same name, 
 as nuncio for Castile : Charles should endeavour 
 to prevent this choice, as the young prelate was 
 frivolous and the uncle proud and of insatiable 
 avarice.* The pope sent, indeed, not Pucci, but 
 the cardinal Aegidius of Viterbo, general of the 
 Augustins, but not until after the death of Ximenez, 
 in the spring of 1518. f 
 
 During these events, Ximenez exerted himself 
 strenuously in behalf of his former opponent, the 
 Cardinal Carvajal. This prelate had been the chief 
 of the league of the cardinals against Pope Julius II., 
 and had in consequence been excommunicated. 
 Yielding to the desire of this pope, King Ferdinand, 
 as we have seen before, had deprived Caravajal of 
 his bishopric of Siguenza, and given it to Prince 
 Frederick of Portugal. After the death of Julius, 
 Caravajal, having become reconciled to Leo X., and 
 been reinstated into his dignity of cardinal, $ soli- 
 cited the restitution of his bishopric of Siguenza, 
 backed by Ximenez in his request. But difficulties 
 arose which prevented the settlement of the question. 
 The partisans of Caravajal, and those of Bishop Fre- 
 derick came even to blows^ and the affair was 
 arranged only after the death of the bishop of Pla- 
 sencia, whose seat was given to Caravajal as indem- 
 nification for that of Siguenza. 
 
 Ximenez rendered a similar service to Hadrian, 
 in the summer of 1516, by proposing him to Charles 
 for the vacant bishopric of Tortona, and the place of 
 grand-inquisitor for Aragon. Hadrian obtained 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1104. Flechier, liv. iv. pp. 399401. 
 
 t Petrus Martyr, ep. 616, 621. 
 
 j Kaynaldus, ad. ann. 1513, n. 47. 
 
 Gomez, pp. 1104, 1105. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 402.
 
 494 THE LIFE OF 
 
 these two high offices, but nevertheless continued to 
 reside in Castile, and remain in his former relations 
 to this kingdom.* Ximenez procured also for Mota, 
 the celebrated preacher and secretary to Charles, 
 the bishopric of Badajoz, the former occupant of 
 which, Manrique, received that of Cordova instead. t 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1107. Miniana, lib. i. c. i. p. 4. 
 t Gomez, p. 1107. Petrus Martyr, ep. 576.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 495 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 SOLICITUDE OF XIMINEZ FOB AMERICA.* 
 
 THE new world had, shortly after its discovery, 
 been the object of the pious zeal of our cardinal. 
 He did not neglect it when he became regent. 
 
 About the time when Christopher Columbus made 
 his first voyage of discovery, and on the 12th of 
 October, 1492, saluted the land so long wished 
 for, Ximenez was first called from the solitude 
 of his cloister to the brilliant court of Isabella. 
 Born in one and the same year, one and the same 
 event determined the career of these two great men. 
 Full of joy at the conquest of Granada, Isabella 
 granted to the intrepid mariner the vessels which he 
 had solicited for so many years, appointed her 
 former confessor, the virtuous Talavera, to the new 
 archiepiscopal see of Granada, and summoned Xi- 
 menez in his place to the court. During the time 
 that the pious Franciscan guided the conscience 
 of the queen, Columbus returned from his first 
 voyage on the 15th March, 1493, full of the glorious 
 news of his discoveries, and bringing proofs of them 
 to his masters. The sight of the indigenes, whom 
 he had brought with him, increased the desire, so 
 natural in Christian princes, of communicating the 
 light of the gospel to those infidels. Ferdinand 
 and Isabella resolved, in consequence, to have the 
 young heathens educated to become apostles of their 
 nation. They themselves, together with the here- 
 ditary prince, Juan, stood sponsors to them, and sent 
 
 * The former biographers of the cardinal have almost entirely 
 omitted mentioning his activity in this respect.
 
 496 THE LIFE OF 
 
 them to Seville to receive the necessary instruction 
 for their future office.* But, like Pope Gregory the 
 great, who could not patiently await the moment 
 when the Anglo-Saxon youths whom he had bought 
 would become fit to be sent back to their native 
 country as missionaries, so the Spanish monarchs 
 could not wait, but at once organized a mission for 
 the new Indies, the members of which set sail with 
 Columbus for the New World in September of the 
 same year.f 
 
 A Papal brief had placed Bernard Boil, abbot of 
 the celebrated Benedictine monastery, Montserrat, 
 in Catalonia, t at the head of the mission, and under 
 his guidance, the Franciscan, Juan Perez of Mar- 
 chera, is said to have built the first Christian chapel 
 in Hispaniola. The assertion is false that Bartho- 
 lomew Las Casas, then still a layman, and student 
 of nineteen years of age, afterwards priest, and the 
 warmest defender of the liberties of the Indians, 
 accompanied Columbus and his own father to the 
 New World. || 
 
 * Herrera, " Historia de las Indias Occidentales," Madrid, 
 1730; decada i. lib. ii. c. v. p. 42. 
 
 t Benzon (" Historia Indise Occidentalis," 1586, p. 35) narrates 
 that Columbus took four baptized Indians back with him to 
 America. But as he arrived in Spain in March, 1493, and re- 
 turned to the New "World in September of the same year, these 
 four can hardly have been sufficiently educated to act as mis- 
 sionaries, but only as interpreters for the missionaries. 
 
 J . According to Eaynaldi (" Contin. Annalium Baronii," ad. ann. 
 1493, n. 24) Boil was a Franciscan. But Herrera, who is the 
 greatest authority for the early history of America, declares him 
 to have been a Benedictine (decas i. lib. ii. c. v. p. 42). Nor does 
 "Wadding, the historian of the Franciscan order, claim him as a 
 member of his fraternity ; he only refutes those who seek in Boil 
 the first patriarch of India, and the real apostle of the new 
 world. (Annales Minorum, torn. xv. p. 28 et seq.) Boil, indeed, 
 effected but little. The papal brief for him and his companions is 
 to be found in Raynaldus. Wadding, torn. xv. p. 18, n. 2. 
 
 || Llorente, in his edition of Las Casas's works (p. ii.), asserts
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 497 
 
 The proofs of Ximenez' participation in this first 
 mission to America are wanting, but we have the 
 testimony of Gomez, that, eight years after, at his 
 instigation, a new eifort was made to christianize 
 the transatlantic world, the mission of Boil and 
 his companions having produced but little results. 
 
 Columbus was in the right path when he advised 
 his priests to learn the language of the indigenes.* 
 Several caciques, as, for instance, Guarinoer, showed 
 inclination to embrace the Christian religion ; but 
 the firm rooting and propagation of the gospel was 
 prevented, partly by the vices and the cruelty of the 
 Spaniards, partly by the incapacity of the first mis- 
 sionaries, f "We know nothing of the fruits of their 
 exertions, except that Father Roman Pane, of the 
 order of the Hermits of St. Jerome, together with 
 John Borgonon, a Franciscan, had for a short period 
 won over the above cacique and his subjects. The 
 cruelties of the Spaniards, however, as well as the 
 representations of the other Indians, soon provoked 
 this tribe to renounce the newly-adopted faith. This 
 was the only glorious achievement of the whole mis- 
 sion. On the other hand, we know that Eather Boil 
 unjustly took part against Columbus, that he belonged 
 to the party of the malcontents, complained bitterly 
 of the hardships of his position, and especially of a 
 famine which they had to endure, and returned in 
 1494, with several of his companions, to Spain, there 
 to swell the number of the enemies of the great 
 admiral. J 
 
 that he accompanied Columbus only in his third voyage in the 
 year 1498. Prescott has committed a double error with refer- 
 ence to him. In vol. i. he despatches him to America as early as 
 1493, and as an ecclesiastic ; and in vol. ii. he places his first voyage 
 in the year 1498 or 1502. 
 
 * Herrera, decas i. lib. iii. c. iv. p. 70. f Ibid. 
 
 J Idem, decas i. lib. ii. c. xii. p. 53 ; c. xvi. p. 59 ; c, xviii. 
 p. 62. 
 
 2 K
 
 498 THE LIFE OF 
 
 In the year 1496, Columbus returned to Spain to 
 defend himself against the accusations of his enemies. 
 He was successful, but committed the grave fault of 
 taking, for want of better colonists, a number of con- 
 victed criminals with him to America,* who soon 
 turned the new world into a hell, and furnished the 
 opponents of Columbus with numerous pretexts for 
 complaints. Affairs grew worse through the oppo- 
 sition and rebellion of Francis Roldan, supreme 
 judge of the New World. But the admiral himself 
 completed the disorder, by the introduction of the 
 repartwiientos or distributions, f according to which 
 the indigenes were portioned off to the Spaniards 
 like so many cattle. The Indians were thereby 
 exposed to numberless tortures, and filled with the 
 most intense hatred for their conquerors and 
 oppressors. Ferdinand, and even Isabella, the 
 great friend of Columbus, then conceived doubts, 
 which may easily be excused, as to the fitness of 
 the great mariner for the government and adminis- 
 tration of their new possessions. % This unfavourable 
 opinion was nourished by Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, 
 for several years president of the Council for India. 
 It increased, and reached its height, when, in June 
 of the year 1500, two vessels arrived from Ame- 
 rica freighted with three hundred Indians, whom 
 Columbus had given as slaves to ancient partisans 
 of Roldan, who had before returned to Spain. " By 
 what right," asked the indignant queen, " dares 
 Columbus thus treat my subjects ? " || 
 
 In consequence of this injudicious act, the Spanish 
 monarchs sent Francis de Bobadilla, a knight of the 
 
 * Herrera, decas i. lib. iii. c. ii. p. 66. 
 
 t Idem, decas i. lib. iii. c. xvi. p. 93 et seq. 
 
 J Irving, Columbus, book xiii. c. i. 
 
 Herrera, decas i. lib. iii. c. xv. p. 91. Irving, book v. c. viii. 
 
 | Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. xvii. p. 109. Irving, book xiii. c. i.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 499 
 
 order of Calatrava, as perquisidor to Hispaniola, with 
 full powers to inspect the administration of Colum- 
 bus, and, in case of his being found guilty, to take 
 upon himself the reins of the government of the 
 colony. Documents left in blank, but signed by the 
 monarchs, were to enable him at once, there and 
 then, to execute under royal authority any and every 
 disposition he deemed necessary. Ferdinand and 
 Isabella had arrived at this decision as early as the 
 spring of 1499, but it was not carried into effect 
 until July of the following year, because more fa- 
 vourable news was still expected from Hispaniola. 
 
 Precisely about this period that is, when this 
 resolution was first taken, and ultimately executed 
 the monarchs resided in the southern provinces of 
 the kingdom, sometimes at Granada, sometimes at 
 Seville, for the purpose of organizing the administra- 
 tion of thenewly- conquered kingdom, and suppressing 
 the rebellions which had broken out there. Ximenez 
 was also there, occupied with the conversion of the 
 Moors. He had an interview with the sovereigns 
 at Seville, in which, Gomez tells us, he proposed, 
 amongst other matters, another Christian mission 
 to the New World.* Gomez doubtless here alludes 
 to the journey of the archbishop to Seville, of which 
 we have before spoken at page 69, undertaken in 
 the beginning of the year 1500, to reassure Eerdi- 
 nand and Isabella about the revolt in the Albaycim, 
 and justify himself and his proceedings. At the 
 instigation of Ximenez, Gomez continues, a number 
 of excellent monks from different monasteries of 
 Spain were then sent to Hispaniola, amongst them 
 also Francis Ruyz, the well-known friend and com- 
 mensal of the archbishop, John Tressiera, and John 
 Robled.f But although -there can be no doubt about 
 
 * Gomez, p. 962, 27. f Idem, p. 962, 36. 
 
 2 K2
 
 500 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a mission having, by the advice of Ximenez, heen 
 despatched to America in the commencement of the 
 sixteenth century, his ancient biographer is not 
 correct as to the date, and furnishes himself the 
 proofs of his error. A few lines after telling the 
 above facts, he informs us that, his health failing, 
 Ruyz, at the end of six months, was compelled to 
 return home, and made his voyage back in the same 
 fleet which conveyed Bobadilla as prisoner.* This 
 happened in the summer of the year 1502; therefore, 
 if Ruyz had sailed with Bobadilla, he would in 
 reality have stayed two years in the New World, 
 and not a few months only. 
 
 The dates of Gomez are easily rectified if we 
 consult the profane history of the New World of the 
 next two or three years. Bobadilla landed on His- 
 paniola on the 23rd August, 1500,t and immediately 
 treated Columbus as a criminal, sending him to 
 Spain in irons, " for fear," as Columbus's son and 
 biographer ironically observes, " he might by some 
 miracle be enabled to swim back to Hispaniola."$ 
 
 Thus degraded, treated like a criminal, on the 25th 
 November, 1500, the man whose monument is the 
 discovery of a new world, arrived in Spain. Indig- 
 nant at such ill-treatment, the monarchs released him 
 without delay, decreeing shortly after the revocation 
 of Bobadilla, who had so shamefully abused the autho- 
 rity confided to him. Nicolas Ovando, knight of the 
 order of Calatrava, was in his stead appointed gover- 
 nor of the Indies, and sailed on the 13th February, 
 1502. In July of the same year he sent Bobadilla 
 as prisoner back to Spain. But a violent storm 
 
 * Gomez, p. 962, 43. 
 
 t Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. viii. p. 110. Navarette, Eelation 
 des Quatre Voyages entrepris par Ch. Colomb (Paris, 1828), 
 tibm. iii. p. 57. 
 
 J Fernan Colon, Historia del Almirante, c. 86. 
 
 Herrera, decas i. lib. v. c. i. p. 123 ; c. ii. p. 126.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 601 
 
 destroyed nearly the entire fleet : Bobadilla found 
 his grave in the waves ; and a few vessels only, one 
 of them bearing Ruyz, were fortunate enough to 
 reach the Spanish coast. 
 
 Thus it is clear that the six months of which 
 Gomez speaks are correct, if we assume Ruyz to 
 have started with Ovando in February, 1502, and 
 returned in the summer of the same year with the 
 shipwrecked fleet. This assumption is strengthened 
 by the account of Herrera, who records that ten 
 Franciscan friars, under the guidance of Father 
 Alonso del Espinar, embarked for the New World 
 with Ovando.* 
 
 The sincerity of Ferdinand, and particularly that 
 of Isabella, to christianize the New World, is beyond 
 doubt, and best shown by their exhortations to 
 Ovando : to proclaim the liberty of all the Indians, to 
 rule them justly, and to be zealous in the propaga- 
 tion of the holy Catholic faith ; but, above all, 
 carefully to avoid ill-treating the Indians, so as not 
 to retard or prevent their conversion, f 
 
 It is hardly necessary to add that Wadding, the 
 great chronicler of the Franciscan order, correctly 
 places the above mission in the year 1502.J It 
 may, however, not be unimportant to investigate the 
 cause which has given rise to the mistake committed 
 by Gomez. He knew that the Franciscan, John 
 Tressiera, accompanied Bobadilla to America ; and 
 this fact in all probability led him to assert that 
 the other missionaries embarked at the same time, 
 whilst in reality they followed him two years after. 
 
 * Herrera, decas i. lib. v. c. i. p. 123. Irving, book xvi. ch. iii. 
 Together with Bobadilla, six other missionaries embarked for the 
 New World. Irving, book xiii. c. i. 
 
 t Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. ii. p. 117 ; c. xii. p. 118. 
 
 J Wadding, Aunales, torn. xv. p. 247, n. 3. 
 
 Ibid. p. 229, n. 2 ; p. 248, u. 4. Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. 
 c. ii. p. 113.
 
 602 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Prom the year 1502 to his nomination as regent, 
 ancient chronicles are silent about any further par- 
 ticipation of Ximenez in the christianizing of the 
 New World. 
 
 True to the instructions received from Isabella, 
 Ovando at first abolished the repartimientos, and de- 
 clared the Indians free. But when he saw that 
 their natural dislike to work could not even be 
 overcome by money, that they remained equally 
 averse to the Christian religion, and that the utter 
 ruin of the Spanish colonies was thereby threat- 
 ened,* Ovando introduced on his own responsibility 
 another species of repartimientos, which he called 
 " hirings." By these the Indians were for a specified 
 time, and against a stipulated sum, forced to work 
 the mines and till the soil for the Spaniards. Ovando 
 succeeded in obtaining for his measure the consent 
 of Isabella, this great patron of the Indians, not 
 without receiving from her fresh and excellent in- 
 structions for the conversion of the savages, f The 
 severity, however, by which his administration, in 
 other respects wise and praiseworthy, is darkened, 
 prevented the spreading of the gospel. 
 
 The cruelties perpetrated by Christians in the New 
 World were carefully concealed from Isabella. When, 
 shortly before her death, she heard of them, she gave 
 in the last days of her life touching proofs of her 
 solicitude for the unfortunate victims, and on her 
 deathbed forced the promise from her husband to 
 recall Ovando, a promise which was but tardily 
 executed by Ferdinand. She, moreover, introduced 
 a clause in her testament, by which she admonishes 
 her successors to hasten the baptism and civilization 
 of the poor Indians, to treat them with the greatest 
 
 * Herrera, decas i. lib. iv. c. xi. p. 140. 
 
 t Idem, decas i. Jib. v. c. xi. p. 140 ; c. xii. p. 143.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 503 
 
 humanity, and repair the injustice done to their 
 persons and property.* 
 
 In spite of these exhortations, the lot of the indi- 
 genes became worse after the death of the queen, 
 under the administration of Diego, a son of Colum- 
 bus, and more particularly that of Albuquerque. 
 The avarice of the Spaniards rose to such a pitch 
 that the cacique Hatuey believed, not without 
 reason, that gold was the real god of the Christians. 
 It was in vain, under these circumstances, to build 
 Christian churches, and erect episcopal sees in 
 America. The Indians conceived such a hatred 
 against the religion of their oppressors, that the 
 same cacique Hatuey declared he would rather not 
 go to heaven if Spaniards were there. 
 
 In these calamitous times there arose Christian 
 priests, foremost amongst them Las Casasf and the 
 missionaries of the Dominican order, to defend the 
 liberty and inalienable rights of the poor Indians. 
 They preached from the pulpit, and spoke in the 
 confessional in their favour. As early as 1511 
 Montesino, one of the most gifted preachers of the 
 Dominicans in America, preached a sermon in the 
 cathedral of St. Domingo, in the presence of the 
 governor Diego Columbus, the principal public 
 functionaries, and nobles of all kinds, in which he 
 thundered against the ill-treatment of the Indians, 
 in the most impassioned tones of popular eloquence. 
 The auditors, fearing the dangers of a reform which 
 would be prejudicial to their interests, demanded of 
 his superiors the punishment of the audacious 
 monk who had dared to speak against the royal 
 ordinance. But the vicar of the Dominicans, a 
 firm and enlightened man, rejected their unrea- 
 sonable demands, declaring : " What the father 
 
 * Prescott, vol. ii. 
 
 t He had accompanied Ovando to America in the year 1502.
 
 504 THE LIFE OF 
 
 has said is unanimously embraced by the whole 
 convent; he has in his sermon said nothing incom- 
 patible with the service of God or the king." The 
 order being threatened with expulsion if Montesino 
 did not retract, the latter appeared willing to do 
 so. On the following Sunday the church was over- 
 flowed ; but when the father, to the universal 
 astonishment of his audience, not only repeated his 
 assertions, but strengthened them by fresh proofs, 
 the functionaries became enraged, and carried their 
 complaints direct to the king. Nevertheless, the Do- 
 minicans persevered in their zeal, obstinately refusing 
 absolution and the sacraments to every one who 
 owned an Indian as a slave. The Franciscans, 
 Father Espinosa at their head, pursued a less rigorous 
 practice. Envoys were, by both parties, sent to 
 Spain, to plead their cause with the king. Monte- 
 sino, who was one of them, made a favourable 
 impression upon the king. But, unwilling to 
 decide without a previous thorough investigation 
 of the affair, Ferdinand appointed a committee 
 composed of a considerable number of statesmen 
 and theologians, who, taking the last will of Isabella 
 for their basis, declared the Indians free, and 
 entitled to all the rights which nature has given 
 to man.* 
 
 This declaration did not stop the repartimientos. 
 The king contented himself with commanding, in 
 the year 1512, a better treatment of the Indians, 
 and restricting real slavery to the anthropophagous 
 Caribs.f In the following year he favoured the 
 Spaniards still more, by proclaiming that, according 
 to the matured opinion of the learned, and in virtue 
 of the bull of Alexander VI., which made him 
 possessor of the New World, the repartimientos 
 
 * Hcrrara, decas i. lib. viii. c. xi. pp. 221, 222 ; c. xii. p. 123. 
 t Idem, decas i. lib. viii. c. xii. p. 124.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 505 
 
 were quite in accordance with divine and human 
 rights. Every one might therefore, without scruples 
 of conscience, be owner of Indians, as the king and 
 his council would bear all responsibility. The 
 Dominicans he admonished to show in future more 
 moderation.* 
 
 This edict induced Las Casas to return to Spain 
 in the year 1515, where he pleaded the cause of the 
 Indians with so much warmth that Ferdinand pro- 
 mised to remedy the evil. But death prevented the 
 execution of his resolution. Las Casas prepared 
 to go to Flanders, there to renew his exertions with 
 the new king Charles, when Ximenez, now become 
 regent of Castile, kept him back by promising to 
 look personally into the matter, f 
 
 The cardinal gave several audiences to Las Casas, 
 in presence of Hadrian, the dean of Louvain, of the 
 minister and licentiate Zapata, the doctors Car- 
 vajal and Palacios E-ubios, and of Francis Ruyz, 
 who had been raised to the episcopal see of Avila. 
 
 After having made himself acquainted with the 
 laws which the affair of Father Montesino had called 
 into existence, he charged the zealous missionary, in 
 conjunction with Dr. Palacios E-ubios, to consider 
 the best mode of governing the Indians. Their 
 reports determined him to the following resolution, 
 which struck the ministers of the late king with 
 terror. According to his opinion, it was not in the 
 province of statesmen to decide upon this question, 
 but of priests, who, invested with full powers, could 
 investigate the matter in Hispaniola. Neither the 
 Franciscans nor the Dominicans appearing to him 
 sufficiently unbiassed and unprejudiced for an 
 impartial inquiry, he addressed himself to the 
 General of the Jeronimites, requesting him to select 
 
 * Herrera, decas i. lib. ix. c. xiv. p. 255. 
 
 t Idem, decas ii. lib. i. c. xi. p. 16 ; lib. ii. c. iii. pp. 26, 27.
 
 506 THE LIFE OF 
 
 several members of his order, to send them with 
 royal authority to America. The general, who 
 resided in the monastery of St. Bartholomew of 
 Lupina, immediately called together all the priors 
 of the province of Castile to a private chapter, in 
 which, agreeably to the desire of the cardinal, twelve 
 of the most worthy members of the order were 
 selected. Pour priors were sent to Madrid to 
 acquaint the cardinal of what had been done. 
 Ximenez received them one Sunday afternoon, in 
 the monastery of St. Jerome, in the presence of 
 Hadrian, Zapata, Carvajal, Rubios, and the bishop 
 of Avila. Las Casas, present on the occasion, was 
 charged to repair to the general of the Jeronimites 
 and invite him to select from the chosen twelve, 
 three monks of his order whom he considered fittest 
 for the mission. The choice fell on Father Bernardin 
 of Manzanedo, on Ludwig of Pigueroa, prior of La 
 Mejorada at Olmedo, and on the prior of the 
 Jeronimite monastery at Seville.* 
 
 Ximenez remained steadfast in his resolution, in 
 spite of the insinuations of almost all the Spaniards 
 who had returned from the New World and were 
 then living at the court. They accused Las Casas 
 of having grossly exaggerated his accounts of the 
 condition of the New World, and of often having 
 committed imprudent actions by his impetuous zeal. 
 If his plans were adopted, the civilization and con- 
 version of the Indians would become an impossibility; 
 these could only be achieved by forcing the barbarous 
 and indolent indigenes to work and associate with 
 the Christians, f 
 
 Ximenez now ordered the instructions to be 
 drawn up, which his monastic commissaries were to 
 take with them to the New World. Immediately 
 
 * Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. iii. p. 27. Gomez, 1085. 
 t Herrera, ibid.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 507 
 
 after their arrival, and before proceeding to other 
 matters, they should liberate all the Indians whose 
 masters were not resident in America. They should 
 assemble the Spanish colonists, and declare to them 
 that evil reports of their conduct were the sole 
 cause of their arrival in the New World ; and should, 
 if necessary on oath, question them on the real state 
 of the country. They should, at the same time, not 
 neglect to obtain privately the fullest information, 
 and think of the best means of remedying the 
 abuses. 
 
 The fathers should call the principal caciques to a 
 meeting, and declare to them, in the name of Queen 
 Isabella and her son Charles, that they were free 
 subjects of their majesties, that any injustice which 
 had been done to them would be repaired, and that 
 they should communicate this to the other caciques 
 and to their own subjects to deliberate with them 
 about the measures to be taken for the improvement 
 of their condition, which was a matter of great con- 
 cern to their majesties. In order that the Indians 
 might believe them, these meetings should be attended 
 by several monks who already possessed the confi- 
 dence of the savages and spoke their language.* 
 
 The other chapters of the instructions charged the 
 three fathers to send monks of the country to the 
 different islands of the New World, to investigate 
 their condition, and obtain the fullest information as 
 to the treatment to which the Indians had hitherto 
 been subjected. It would be advisable to build 
 villages for the Indians in the four islands in which 
 mines existed, as the work would be less irk- 
 some to them if they lived nearer the place of their 
 occupation. Each of these villages should consist 
 of three hundred families, as many houses, a church, 
 
 * Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. iv. p. 28.
 
 508 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a larger habitation for the cacique, and an hospital ; 
 and the choice of the place be left to the cacique and 
 his Indians. 
 
 Such tribes of the Indians as were too far removed 
 from the mines should be collected in villages 
 built on their native soil, be taught agriculture and 
 the breeding of cattle, and in return pay a certain 
 tribute to the king. 
 
 To each village sufficient territory should be al- 
 lotted, and this divided in such a manner that each of 
 the citizens received one portion, the cacique four, 
 the remainder to serve as thrashing-place and pas- 
 ture ground. No Indian could be forced to join the 
 community. If the subjects of one cacique were 
 insufficient to fill a village, several tribes were to be 
 united, each cacique retaining his authority over 
 his own subjects, the lesser caciques as heretofore 
 being subordinate to the greater ones. Each village 
 to be governed by the principal cacique in conjunc- 
 tion with the priest of the community and the 
 royal administrator. The latter to have the super- 
 intendence of several villages and his post to be 
 filled by none other but a Castilian. If a cacique had 
 no male issue, and a Castilian married the hereditary 
 daughter, the latter to be cacique after the death of 
 his father-in-law. In concert with the priest, the 
 caciques to be permitted to punish their subjects, but 
 their power not to extend beyond the sentence of 
 flogging. Graver cases to be brought before the 
 ordinary royal courts, which punished also the 
 caciques if they failed in doing their duty.* 
 
 The fathers should exhort the administrators of 
 the districts to visit, from time to time, the villages 
 of which the inspection was confided to them, to 
 be watchful that the Indians lived orderly with 
 
 * Herrara, decas ii. lib. ii. c. iv. pp. 28, 29.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 509 
 
 their families in their habitations, and were indus- 
 trious in the mines as well as in the field. 
 The Indians were, however, in no wise to he op- 
 pressed, and the administrators to be sworn not to 
 burden them with too much work. The latter 
 might, in the execution of their functions, be accom- 
 panied by three or four armed Castilians ; but only- 
 such weapons to be given to the Indians as were 
 required for hunting. The administrators and 
 priests of the villages of the Indians should endea- 
 vour to accustom the savages to wear dresses, to 
 sleep in beds, to retain their furniture and working 
 tools, to wean them from eating squatted on the 
 ground, &c., to exhort them to content themselves 
 with one wife and not to abandon her, also to recom- 
 mend chastity to the women, or to threaten them 
 with flogging in case of adultery. 
 
 The administrators were to receive an adequate 
 remuneration for their services, one half of which 
 was defrayed by the king, the other half by the re- 
 spective villages ; they should be married, to prevent 
 abuses, and keep a book in which the names of the 
 caciques and their Indians were to be inscribed, as 
 also the greater or lesser industry with which they 
 performed their work. 
 
 One regular or secular priest to be appointed for 
 every village, whose duty would be to instruct the 
 Indians in the Christian faith, to teach each indivi- 
 dual according to his faculties, to preach to them, 
 to administer the sacraments, to accustom them to 
 hear mass, and there to keep the women apart from 
 the men ; to admonish them to pay their tithes, and 
 bring their firstlings as offerings for the Church and 
 her servants. These ecclesiastics were to say mass for 
 the Indians every Sunday and festival, as also several 
 times during the week. For this they were to 
 receive, in addition to casual offerings and presents,
 
 510 THE LIFE OP 
 
 a portion of the tithes, but nothing for confessions, 
 marriages, interments, or the administration of the 
 sacraments in general. On the evenings of the 
 Sundays and festivals the Indians should be called 
 together by the bell to receive instruction in the 
 catechism, and light penances should be imposed on 
 such as were absent. For the inferior service of the 
 Church, a sacristan was to be appointed in every 
 village, whose duty would be, besides, to teach the 
 children to read, taking particular care gradually to 
 accustom the Indians to the Spanish language. The 
 hospital, which was to be erected in the centre of each 
 village, to be supported by the inhabitants, and to 
 admit the sick, the aged who could no longer work, 
 and orphans. Every poor person to receive daily one 
 pound of meat from the common slaughter-house. 
 
 All the male inhabitants of a village between the 
 years of twenty and fifty should, one third at a time, 
 work in turns at the mines, and be relieved every 
 three months, according to the directions of the 
 cacique. The women to be exempt from these occu- 
 pations, unless they offered themselves of their own 
 free will or by order of their husbands. The places 
 of master-miners and inspectors could only be given 
 to Indians. Until these had accustomed themselves 
 to the breeding of cattle and poultry, a number of 
 mares, cows, sows, hens, &c., should be kept for 
 the benefit of the whole community, as also a 
 common slaughter-house erected. 
 
 The gold ore should remain with the Indian 
 master-miners until the time of melting, which was 
 to take place every two months, in presence of the 
 principal cacique and the administrator. The pro- 
 ducts to be divided into three equal portions one 
 for the king, and two for the Indians. From the 
 latter were to be deducted the costs of the imple- 
 ments and cattle, as well as the expenses connected
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 511 
 
 with the construction of the villages. The rest to 
 he equally distributed amongst all the families, the 
 caciques receiving six, the master-miners two por- 
 tions. Each Indian to defray from his portion, the 
 expense of his tools for mining operations. 
 
 Besides these Indians, twelve Castilian master- 
 miners should be appointed to search for gold mines, 
 which, if found, were to be given over to the Indians 
 for working. 
 
 The Castilians should respect the liberty of the 
 Indians in general, but be permitted to make slaves 
 of the anthropophagous Caribs. Whoever, under 
 this pretext, dared to oppress the peaceful Indians, 
 was to be punished with death, and any one ill- 
 treating them to be brought for punishment before 
 the court, which admitted even the depositions of 
 the Indians themselves. 
 
 These instructions were, however, in no way 
 binding for the Jeronimite commissaries. Ximenez 
 gave them full powers, in each individual case, to 
 modify or otherwise alter them, according to their 
 best judgment and circumstances. He did this the 
 more readily, as he really had the civilization of the 
 New World* at heart.* 
 
 Foreseeing the possibility of the Jeronimites being, 
 after due inquiry, compelled to sanction the con- 
 tinuance of the repartimientos, the cardinal provided 
 them with the necessary instructions. They should, 
 in this case, adopt the laws of the year 1512, but 
 modify their rigour in the following points : the 
 women and children should not be forced to work, 
 the Indians not be burdened with heavy loads, nor 
 exchanged ; their time for work be diminished, and 
 they allowed three hours' rest every day. They 
 should receive daily rations of meat, and their pay 
 be increased. Whoever treated an Indian as a slave 
 * Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. v. pp. 29 31.
 
 512 THE LIFE OF 
 
 who was not given him by the repartimientos should 
 be punished. One-third only of the working popula- 
 tion should be employed at a time, and the adminis- 
 trators take an oath not to overwork the Indians. It 
 should be the duty of the administrators during the 
 whole year to visit the villages, and their particular 
 endeavour to find out whether any Indians were fit to 
 be emancipated, and able to live without supervision 
 as free subjects of the king ; care should be taken to 
 promote this object as much as possible. Lastly, 
 a well-informed and conscientious man should be 
 appointed to defend the cause of the Indians at 
 court ; and Spanish workmen sent to the island, to 
 hasten the construction of the buildings.* 
 
 The despatches for the Jeronimites completed, 
 Ximenez appointed Las Casas protector of all the 
 Indians, with a yearly salary of 100 pesos, and 
 directed him to join the three monks, in order to 
 assist them by his experience, and give them further 
 instructions. At the same time, he nominated the 
 licentiate Alonso Zuazo, a distinguished and very 
 honest jurist of Valladolid, criminal judge, to accom- 
 pany the commission, and investigate the adminis- 
 tration hitherto practised in the country. The 
 ministers Zapata and Carvajal refused at first to 
 sign the very extensive powers conceded to this 
 man; but Ximenez, in his quality of regent, ordering 
 them peremptorily to do so, they ultimately affixed 
 their signatures ; not, however, without reserving 
 the right of acquainting King Charles, at his arrival, 
 of their refusal, and the force employed by the car- 
 dinal. The commission then prepared to depart ; 
 but the prior of Seville being unable to join his 
 companions, Alphonso, the prior of St. John of 
 Ortega, at Burgos, was chosen in his stead ; and 
 
 * Herrera, deeas ii. lib. ii. c. vi. pp. 31, 32.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 513 
 
 Father Ludvvig of Figueroa, appointed the head of 
 the commission. 
 
 Meanwhile, fourteen Franciscans, pious and 
 learned men, had arrived in Spain from Picardy, 
 to join the American mission. Amongst them was 
 a brother of the king of Scotland, an old grey- 
 headed man, who was greatly revered for his vir- 
 tues ; and at their head, Father Remigius, who 
 had once been a missionary in the New World. 
 Ximenez showed great kindness to these monks, 
 members of the same Order to which he belonged, 
 and provided for their passage to Hispaniola. 
 
 By the hands of his commissaries, Ximenez for- 
 warded several despatches to the royal functionaries 
 in America, by which he ordered a correct statement 
 to be prepared of the revenues which the royal fiscus 
 had derived from America, until the death of Fer- 
 dinand ; as, according to the will of Isabella, one 
 half of these belonged to Ferdinand, the other half 
 to the crown of Castile. The cardinal also took 
 occasion earnestly to remind the governors and 
 judges of the necessity of treating the Indians with 
 humanity, and of continuing the zeal for their 
 conversion. At the same time, he forbade them 
 to send out any ships for fresh discoveries, &c., 
 without an ecclesiastic who could watch over the 
 strict observance of his orders and regulations. 
 
 A third edict of still greater importance was at 
 this period issued by the cardinal-regent. Negro 
 slaves had repeatedly been sold to America, and 
 been employed there in the colonies. They were 
 in special demand, and well paid for, on account of 
 their aptitude and strength for work, one negro 
 being calculated to do the work of four Indians. 
 Shortly before the departure of the Jeronimites, 
 proposals were made to Ximenez to permit the trade 
 
 2 L
 
 514 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in negro slaves, particular stress being laid upon 
 the advantage which the royal exchequer could 
 derive from an impost laid upon this trade. It is 
 not known from whom these proposals emanated, 
 but there is nothing to justify our charging Las 
 Casas with them ; although, it is a well-known fact 
 that this patron of the Indians in the interest of 
 his favourites ultimately carried this point with 
 Charles V.* Ximenez not only stanchly resisted 
 all insinuations, but published an edict forbidding 
 all and every importation of negro slaves, f 
 
 Everything having at last been arranged, the 
 Jeronimites and their companions set sail for the 
 New World on the 15th November, 1516. Zuazo, 
 who was not ready yet, and Las Casas, were left 
 behind ; the latter on the alleged ground that the 
 ship was already too full to accommodate him pro- 
 perly. The real motive, however, was the desire 
 of the Jeronimites not to arrive in America in 
 company of a man who was, already, bitterly hated 
 by the colonists, as by appearing to share his 
 sentiments, they would, from the very beginning, 
 lose much of their influence. The Jeronimites 
 landed in Hispaniola on the 20th December, 1516, 
 and Las Casas, who had sailed in a second vessel, 
 thirteen days after them.:}: They fixed their resi- 
 dence in the monastery of the Franciscans, much 
 astonished, says Gomez, at perceiving ripe grapes 
 and figs in the gardens, and finding the air so hot 
 that they perspired, in the middle of the night, whilst 
 
 * Las Casas began only in the year 1517 to advocate the 
 introduction of negroes, after a great number of them had already 
 been imported there. 
 
 t Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. viii. p. 34. It is doubtful whether 
 Ximenez refused the importation of negro slaves from humanity 
 or for political reasons. Irving is of opinion that his clear 
 political mind foresaw the future revolts of the negroes. 
 
 + Gomez, p. 10S5.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 515 
 
 singing their matins, as plentifully as during the 
 dog days in Spain.* 
 
 The fathers, after having handed their powers to 
 the astonished royal functionaries, began at once to 
 inquire into the condition of the island, the treat- 
 ment of the Indians, and all the other points indi- 
 cated to them by Las Casas, showing much tact and 
 prudence in their proceedings. f They interrogated 
 the judges about the administrators, conversed with 
 a great number of indigenes and ecclesiastics, con- 
 sulted Las Casas at every step, and abolished the 
 repartimientos of persons not living in America, 
 those present being permitted to retain theirs under 
 the condition of treating the Indians kindly. These 
 concessions were intended to allay the excitement 
 produced amongst the Spanish colonists by the zeal 
 of Las Casas. They considered it necessary to pro- 
 ceed slowly and gradually with an affair so grave as 
 the emancipation of the Indians. Their sudden and 
 complete delivery threatened not only greatly to 
 injure the interests of the colonists, but to endanger 
 altogether the colonization and civilization of the 
 New "World, and to stop the propagation of Chris- 
 tianity. 
 
 Las Casas, for his part, was highly exasperated 
 by these concessions, having imagined the Jeroni- 
 mites would, on their arrival in Hispaniola, entirely 
 suppress the repartimientos. He grew so passionate 
 in his zeal, that he even threatened the fathers, and 
 retired every night into a monastery of the Domini- 
 cans to place his life in security against the hatred 
 of the Spaniards. The Jeronimites, knowing the 
 purity of his intentions, did not resent his violence, 
 
 * Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. xii. pp. 40, 41. 
 
 t The Indians showed so little understanding, that several 
 ecclesiastics were of opinion that they were not real men, and 
 objected, therefore, to the blessed sacrament being given to them. 
 
 2 L 2
 
 516 THE LIFE OF 
 
 but used every effort to improve the condition of 
 the Indians, to shield them from oppression, and 
 convert them to the Christian faith. 
 
 Zuazo, arriving soon after from Spain, commenced 
 at once an inquiry into the conduct of the royal 
 functionaries, and decided a great number of suits, 
 both civil and criminal, with great despatch and 
 equity, to the complete satisfaction of the fathers. 
 The latter verified the accounts, ordered the con- 
 struction of buildings, and introduced numerous 
 very praiseworthy arrangements and regulations.* 
 
 Hispaniola possessed already the two bishoprics 
 of St. Domingo and Concepcion de la Vega in 
 Hispaniola, which had recently been established. 
 The former was confided to the learned Alessandro 
 Geraldino, a Roman, who had before been tutor at 
 the court of Castile. Ximenez, in his office of grand- 
 inquisitor, appointed these two bishops inquisitors 
 for these islands ; thus introducing the Holy Office 
 into the New World. 
 
 But the Inquisition became formidable to the 
 Indians only under Charles V., who, however, in 
 the year 1538, exempted them from the jurisdiction 
 of this institution, and confined it to the heretical 
 Europeans.! 
 
 The colonies were soon thrown again into violent 
 agitation, by Las Casas accusing the royal judges of 
 Hispaniola of being the authors and accomplices of 
 the horrible massacres of the Indians, and of nume- 
 rous barbarities committed towards them. 
 
 Desirous of leaving the decision to the king him- 
 self, and his ministers, the fathers tried to prevent 
 these accusations from being inquired into in 
 America. Las Casas, thereupon, and suspecting 
 besides that his last letters to the cardinal had 
 
 * Herrera, decas ii. lib. ii. c. xv. p. 44. 
 
 t Ibid. c. xvi. p. 46. Llorente, torn. ii. pp. 195, 19G.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 517 
 
 been intercepted at Seville, determined once more 
 to return to Spain.* He sailed from America in 
 May, 1517, and immediately on his arrival repaired 
 to Aranda, where the court then resided ; but the 
 cardinal was too ill to communicate with him. 
 Las Casas therefore departed to Valladolid, to await 
 the arrival of Charles V. Meanwhile the Jeroni- 
 mites had, on their part, despatched their colleague, 
 Bernardin de Manzanado, to Spain, to give an 
 account of their proceedings in India. f 
 
 Whilst Las Casas awaited the king at Valladolid, 
 Ximenez died, on the 8th November, 1517. He had 
 to negotiate now with the chancellor of Charles, 
 
 o 
 
 Jean Sauvage, the Duke of Chievres, his tutor, and 
 La Chaux,J his grand chamberlain, who all three, 
 from their jealousy of Ximenez, were well disposed 
 to censure the former administration of America, 
 and the commission of the Jeronimites. The latter 
 were recalled, and Rodrigo de Pigueroa appointed 
 supreme judge in the place of Zuazo. But the new 
 administration recognized the impossibility of sud- 
 denly emancipating the Indians from compulsory 
 work. This became feasible only after they had 
 adopted the proposal formerly rejected by Ximenez, 
 and now made by Las Casas, of importing into 
 America a sufficient number of negro slaves from 
 Africa. 
 
 As the history of the New "World ceases here to 
 touch the biography of our cardinal, we turn to 
 another subject the history of the last year of his 
 life. 
 
 * Herrera, decaa ii. lib. ii. c. xv. p. 45. 
 t Ibid. c. xvi. p. 46. J Ibid. p. 47. 
 
 Gomez, p. 108G.
 
 518 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 THE LAST YEAB OF THE CARDINAL'S LIFE HIS DEATH. 
 
 THE civil disturbances, of which we have spoken 
 in a preceding chapter, continued during the last 
 year of the cardinal's life, and even till the arrival 
 of Charles in Spain. But after the sketch we have 
 given of them in connection with other occurrences, 
 it remains for us only to relate the events which 
 took place in the year 1517. 
 
 The prolonged absence of Charles had caused 
 great discontent in Spain, which, fanned by Erench 
 misrepresentations, soon broke forth in loud com- 
 plaints and reproaches. The king, it was said, had 
 not the wish to come to Spain ; would, if on board a 
 vessel to convey him thither, disembark again under 
 the pretext of being unable to endure the sea-sick- 
 ness, &c.* Ximenez had great difficulty in quieting 
 these false rumours. To appease them, Seigneur de 
 la Chaux was sent to Spain, who, after having been 
 a favourite of Philip, filled now the office of cham- 
 berlain to Charles, and was distinguished for his 
 skill in political negotiations, f Peter Martyr has a 
 less favourable opinion of him : he describes him 
 indeed as a man of wit and ability, but fitter to 
 enliven a company than to apply himself to serious 
 work ; one who could offer but little consolation to 
 Spain. J 
 
 Urged by the enemies of Ximenez, Hadrian had 
 complained to the king that his authority was in- 
 sufficient to counterbalance that of the cardinal, who 
 
 * Ggmez, p. 1108. t Ibid. J Petrus Martyr, ep. 581.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 519 
 
 would admit no colleague into the regency. In 
 order to support him, La Chaux was sent to Castile, 
 and the grandees already rejoiced at the success 
 of their intrigues against Ximenez. The latter, 
 although well aware of the purport of the mission, 
 prepared great festivities for the arrival of the royal 
 envoy, and received him with all the honours usually 
 accorded only to royalty. La Chaux had scarcely 
 entered Madrid, and Ximenez paid his addresses to 
 him in person, when the grandees began to incite 
 him against the cardinal. Ximenez feigned igno- 
 rance of all these machinations, but consulted La 
 Chaux rarely and only in very urgent cases on state 
 affairs, and then he invariably consigned to him 
 the place after Hadrian. One day Hadrian and La 
 Chaux thought they had found a favourable oppor- 
 tunity for conquering for themselves the first places 
 in the triumvirate. They hastened to affix their 
 signatures first, to a number of newly-drawn-up 
 decrees, leaving only sufficient room for the cardinal 
 to sign his name after theirs. When the papers 
 were brought to Ximenez, he, without saying a word, 
 ordered fresh copies to be made out, signed these by 
 himself only, and issued them. Henceforth neither 
 Hadrian nor La Chaux was ever asked again to sign 
 a decree : they ventured not to resist, but contented 
 themselves with complaining to the king, and 
 asking for further assistance. Charles sent a third 
 ambassador, in the person of Baron Amerstorf, who 
 remained, however, as much a cipher in matters of 
 business as his colleagues. The complaints con- 
 tinued, and the king, annoyed by these constant 
 accusations, at last reproved the opponents of 
 Ximenez, and confirmed him in the exclusive 
 administration of the regency.* 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1109. Eobles, p. 186 et seq. Flechier, liv. v. 
 p. 414 418. Prescott, vol. ii.
 
 520 THE LIFE OF 
 
 This gave a moment's respite to the cardinal, but 
 the intrigues soon revived. In order effectually to 
 break his power, his Memish and Spanish enemies 
 advised Charles to appoint, as his colleague, a man 
 of greater distinction, proposing as such, Count 
 Ludwig of the Palatinate, a relative of the king. 
 Ximenez energetically protested against such an 
 arrangement. He declared to the king " That the 
 nomination of a co-regent would inevitably be 
 attended by quarrels and discord : the reins of the 
 government should either be left exclusively to 
 himself or taken altogether out of his hands ; he 
 would greatly prefer a successor to a colleague. The 
 age of the king, he continued, rendered the regency 
 unnecessary, the avarice and cupidity of his coun- 
 cillors paralyzed his actions, and the continual dis- 
 turbances threatened destruction to Spain. He was 
 weary of the struggle, and would much rather retire 
 to his diocese, there to await, as in a secure haven, 
 the tempest which threatened to break over the king- 
 dom. If the king protracted his arrival much longer, 
 he could see but one safeguard against the impend- 
 ing dangers, that of investing him with the power 
 of appointing all the judges and civil functionaries, 
 whilst Charles retained the nominations of the 
 bishops and military, the distribution of mercy and 
 favours. Charles and his Memish ministers were 
 loth to accede to these demands. But fearing lest 
 they should lose a man of whom they stood so much 
 in need, they praised his conduct, and accepted his 
 conditions, not without the secret hope of displacing 
 him and indemnifying themselves, after their arrival 
 in Spain. Ximenez thanked the king as if the 
 powers given to him had been granted heartily and 
 with the best will.* 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1110. Fleehier, liv. v. p. 418420.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 521 
 
 Meanwhile the Emperor Maximilian, who pos- 
 sessed great influence over his grandson Charles, 
 and already strove to secure for him the German 
 crown, had departed for Flanders. He held seve- 
 ral conferences with Charles at Vilvorda, near Brus- 
 sels, in which he urged him to accelerate his voyage 
 to Spain. Ximenez being wrongly informed about 
 the purport of these meetings, and supposing Maxi- 
 milian opposed to the departure of Charles, with the 
 intention of visiting Spain himself, wrote a letter to 
 Chievres, in which, with great ability, he demon- 
 strated by numerous examples from history, the 
 dangers of such a course.* 
 
 When, in spite of the representations of Maxi- 
 milian, Charles still hesitated to go to Spain, but 
 demanded fresh supplies of money from Ximenez, 
 and Chievres and Sauvage openly continued their 
 shameful traffic in public offices, the discontent 
 in Castile broke out afresh. Important towns, such 
 as Burgos, Leon, Valladolid, and others, openly de- 
 clared that the kingdom would go to ruin if prompt 
 remedies were not applied. The movement of the 
 towns was with difficulty kept within the limits of 
 the law. But the citizens were ultimately prevailed 
 upon to send a deputation to Ximenez and the 
 royal council, in order to state to them the deplorable 
 condition of the country, and demand the convoca- 
 tion of the general cortes. Their request was not 
 unreasonable. Ximenez, however, dreading the effects 
 of a violent agitation of the country in the absence of 
 the king, replied that he could not accede to their 
 demands until it had been established that the king 
 had really postponed his voyage to Spain for a con- 
 siderable period. At the same time he wrote to 
 Charles, acquainting him with these occurrences, and 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1111. Petrua Martyr, ep. 582. Flechier, liv. v. 
 p. 421.
 
 522 THE LIFE OF 
 
 urging him so to arrange his departure, as to arrive 
 in the country before the meeting of the states could 
 take place. Gomez has preserved a Latin translation, 
 made by him, of one of Ximenez' letters of this period, 
 in which the cardinal strongly urges the king to 
 appoint only men of ability and merit as councillors 
 and other officials, and to hasten his departure for 
 Spain.* Charles, who received the letter kindly, 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1111, 1112. The editors of the " Documents 
 Inedits " have reprinted this letter in the Latin translation of 
 Gomez, in the collection of the " Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de 
 Granvelle " (torn. i. p. 85 88), as if it had never been published 
 before. The letter runs as follows : 
 
 "Ximenius gubernator et senatus regius Carolo regi salutem. 
 Pro antiqua et fideli observantia, qua erga majores parentesque 
 tuos et nunc demum erga teipsum obnoxii sumus, ut fidos minis- 
 tros, optimos cives et consiliarios incorruptos decet, tuis reipub- 
 licae commodis, ad quam suscipiendam, tot regni hseredibus parvo 
 temporis intervallo extinctis, Dei nutu vocatus es, necessario 
 prospicere cogimur ; teque ipsum continue admonere ea, qua? 
 reipublicse convenire visa sunt. Ita nos enim culpa vacabimus et 
 crimine neglectae reipublicse, aut potius proditae, liberati erimus. 
 Magni principes et suscipiendi reges tamdiu a Deo potestatein, et 
 ab hominibus reverentiam consequi merentur, quamdiu justo et 
 recto imperio populos eorum fidei commissos regunt. Id autem 
 ab ipsis fieri nullo meliori argumento intelligi potest, quam si ad 
 tantam molem sustinendam adjutores et socios quam spectatis- 
 simos et idoneos elegeriut. Neque enim unus aliquis, quantum- 
 libet pra3claris dotibus et virtutibus excelluerit, rebus tarn diversis 
 abeundis par esse potest. Nam nihil aliud priscos illos centimanos 
 ease existimamus, nisi reges consideratos et sapientes, qui per 
 egregios et probos ministros, aeque ac per seipsos regna sibi 
 commissa tuerentur. Sed fabulosa ista relinquamus; majorum 
 tuorum res gestas, cseteris exemplis praeter missis, intueamur. 
 Enricus tertius, atavus tuus, qui propter assiduas in setate 
 florenti imbecillitates Valetudinarius cognominatus est, cum se 
 viribus corporis destitutum regio muneri imparem videret, pru- 
 dentissimo consilio usus, viros, literis et moribus et religione 
 prsestantes ad se accersitos, magno semper in pretio habuit, eisque 
 comitibus et consiliorum participibus adeo rempublicam pacatam 
 et optime institutam tenuit, ut magno ejus merito successoribus 
 optimi principis exemplum sit habitus. Coiitra, Enrico quarto, 
 tuo majori avuuculo, omnia dura et infausta contigerunt, quoniam 
 eos rerum gerendarum suasores per sumniam socordiam apud se
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 523 
 
 would certainly have yielded to the desire of the 
 Spaniards, had not his egotistical and avaricious 
 Flemish advisers exercised too great an influence over 
 
 retinuit, qui nullo hominum pudore, nulia Dei immortalis reve- 
 rentia, omnia sursura ac deorsuui miscentes, gravissima mala 
 reipublicse intulerunt. Sed quid in aliis commemorandis immo- 
 ramur ? Annon avi tui, Catholici reges, satis magno documento 
 esse possunt ? Quibus id unum ante omnia curse fuit, muneribua 
 publicis viros egregios, quicumque tandem ii essent, praeficere. 
 Unde, propriis ministria et aulae fainiliaribus praetermissis, qui suo 
 voluti jure hsec importune solent extorquere, ignotos homines nee 
 sibi unquam visos, quod essent meritis suis commendati et publica 
 opiuione eelebres, prater omnem expectationem ad res magnas 
 vocarunt. Nemo, illis regnantibus, ambitus est convictus ; nemo 
 lege Julia de repetundis condemnatus ; quod, proh dolor ! 
 miserrimo hoc tempore frequens esse magnopere dolemus. Fuit 
 etiam illorum regum hoc prseclarum institutum, raro cuiquam 
 summa concedere, nisi per inferiores gradus devolutus, specimen 
 su33 probitatis et virtutis exhibuisset ; ut pro cujusque facultate 
 et ingenio hsec aut ilia munera deferrentur. Qua nimirum ratione 
 factum est, ut omnia suis numeris quadrantia, concentum quemdam 
 reipublicse constituerent, qualem numquam ad id tempus vide- 
 ramus. His igitur artibus et consiliis, ut de cseteris taceamus, 
 rempublicam alioruin principum negligentia collapsam, et sicariis 
 hominibus atque tirannicis violentiis vehementer afflictam, sus- 
 cipientes, tibi hisce difficultatibus liberam tradiderunt. Proinde 
 cum Deus optimus maximus, sub cujus tutela reges estis, id tibi 
 ingenium et judicium dederit, earn prudentiam in juvenilibus 
 annis largitus sit, denique singularibus virtutibus majestem tuam 
 exornaverit, quales homini principi necessarise sunt, sequum est 
 ut quae diximus animadvertas, et quantum ponderia habent, 
 consideres. Invenies enim gravissimam cladem et ingentem 
 perniciem, si hsec contempseris, reipublicse imminere ; contra, si 
 haec egeris, maximam quandam felicitatem promitti. Res universse 
 a principiis suis pendent, et errores in principio solent minimo 
 labore emendari, ut facile in viam rectam redire possimus. Sero 
 remedium parari a sapientibus dicitur, dum mala vires diutinas 
 sumpserunt. Quare tuis pedibus Hispania universa supplex 
 provoluta, ut ejus commodis prospicias, ut hominum corruptorum 
 cupiditates reprimas, ut gliscentia vitia cohibeas, ut tuorum reg- 
 norum tranquillitati consulas, te votis omnibus et precibus orat et 
 obtestatur. Id autein facile net, si Hispaniam, amplissimam et 
 nobilissimam regionem suorumque principum obsequio devotis- 
 simam, secundum leges patrias et antiqua majorum instituta 
 gubernari et vivere concesseris. Vale.
 
 524 THE LIFE OF 
 
 him. The people, seeing themselves again deluded, 
 broke forth in fresh murmurs, and pressed Ximenez 
 and the royal council more earnestly than ever to 
 convoke the cortes. To refuse would have been both 
 unjust and impolitic. It was then the month of 
 January, 1517. Ximenez fixed the meeting of the 
 cortes for the following September, hoping Charles 
 would by that time have arrived in Spain. The 
 clamour of the nation was appeased. Ximenez now 
 besieged the king with such pressing letters, begging 
 him no longer to delay his voyage, that Charles at 
 length determined, in the autumn of 1517, to embark 
 on board of one of the vessels which Ximenez had 
 despatched from Castile to convey him to Spain.* 
 
 In the interim the enemies of the cardinal had 
 not been idle. Amongst other things, they had 
 circulated the report that the energy employed by 
 the cardinal in the suppression of the popular move- 
 ments, had sprung only from his desire of showing 
 to the king that there was no necessity for hur- 
 rying himself, and that he had acted in this in 
 concert with Chievres.f Others published pasquils 
 against him, Chievres, and Buy Blaz, in which the 
 latter was represented as the Davus of the whole 
 comedy. Ximenez took little heed of these things ; 
 nevertheless, he saw himself forced to do so, on the 
 protests of Hadrian and La Chaux. The culprits were 
 prosecuted, but the inquiry against them conducted 
 so carelessly that they came off unharmed. | 
 
 A matter of greater importance, and much more 
 harassing to Ximenez, was the constant opposition 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1113. Flechier, liv. v. p. 424. 
 
 t How much Ximenez, on the contrary, desired the speedy 
 arrival of Charles, we learn by Peter Martyr, letter 598, in which 
 he says: "Regis adventum affectu avidissimo desiderare videtur. 
 Sentit, sine rege noil rite posse corda Hispauorum moderari 
 uc regi." 
 
 J Gomez, p. 1113. Fleuhier, liv. v. p. 426.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 525 
 
 and persevering hatred of the dukes of Alba and 
 Infantado, and of the Count Giron of Urefia. The 
 Duke of Infantado, as we have seen before, was 
 already embittered against Ximenez, on account 
 of his having prevented a marriage of his nephew 
 with a niece of the cardinal. His irritation was 
 increased by the quarrel about the seigniory 
 over Velefia, near Guadalaxara. This little town 
 had formerly belonged to the elder brother of the 
 duke, but in due legal form, been sold to the count 
 of Coruna. Already, during the lifetime of Eerdi- 
 nand, the duke had demanded the restitution of 
 this possession, on the ground that it was inalien- 
 able from the property of the family. But although 
 a favourite of Ferdinand, he had not been able to 
 accomplish his design. When Ximenez became 
 regent, the duke insisted upon the judgment in 
 this case being deferred until the arrival of Charles, 
 as the cardinal was related to the count of Coruna. 
 Charles granted him a privilege to this effect, but 
 revoked it on the representations of Ximenez. The 
 judgment of the court of Valladolid was averse to 
 the duke. Exasperated at this, he revenged him- 
 self on Ximenez in a manner equally mean and 
 illegal. The vicar- general of the archbishop of 
 Alcala, having sent a fiscal to Guadalaxara, in order 
 to institute an inquiry about a crime committed 
 there, the duke ordered the fiscal to be imprisoned, 
 under the pretext of his having infringed on the 
 rights of his brother Bernardin Mendoza, the arch- 
 deacon of Guadalaxara ; and not content with this, 
 ordered him to be beaten, and threatened to hang 
 him if he dared to come again. Ximenez received 
 intelligence of this outrage at Madrid. Before re- 
 sorting to forcible measures, he caused the report to 
 be circulated that the duke could, for this double 
 crime against the civil and ecclesiastical authorities,
 
 526 THE LIFE OF 
 
 be dispossessed of his duchy ; hoping thereby to in- 
 timidate him. But instead of suing for peace, the 
 duke sent his chaplain Peter to Madrid, to insult the 
 cardinal. Having obtained an audience of Ximenez, 
 the chaplain, after the usual ceremony of throwing 
 himself at the feet of the cardinal, began to hurl 
 against him a torrent of threats and invectives. 
 Ximenez listened composedly until he had finished, 
 then asked him if he had anything more to say. On 
 receiving a negative reply, he advised him to return 
 to his master, who no doubt repented already of 
 this hasty step. His prediction proved true. The 
 duke quarrelled already with his friends, for not 
 having prevented his folly, and when the chaplain 
 returned, reproached him bitterly. The grand- 
 constable, on learning these events, endeavoured to 
 bring about a reconciliation between the duke and 
 the cardinal. A personal interview was arranged 
 to take place in Fuencarral, a village near Madrid. 
 The duke, accompanied by the grand-constable, 
 had hardly entered the room in which the car- 
 dinal awaited them, when he flew into a passion. 
 Ximenez calmly and earnestly represented to him 
 that he could punish him in his double capacity 
 of regent and grand-inquisitor, but that he bore him 
 no ill-will, and had given before, special proofs of his 
 esteem for him by nominating him patron of the 
 university of Alcala. Such language could not fail 
 to disarm the duke the reconciliation was accom- 
 plished. Whilst still seated together in conversation, 
 the clatter of arms was heard before the house. 
 The two nobles feared they had been entrapped, and 
 that the arrest of the duke was intended. It turned 
 out, however, that John Spinosa, a captain of the 
 guard, having heard of the cardinal's secret journey 
 to Euencarral, had considered it his duty to follow 
 him with his company, as the usual escort of honour.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 527 
 
 Ximenez rebuked him kindly for his over-zeal, and 
 the two noblemen, re-assured for their safety, parted 
 amicably from the cardinal, who returned at once to 
 Madrid.* 
 
 The affairs of the proud and daring Count Giron of 
 Urena caused still greater convulsions in the king- 
 dom. Ximenez, who had undertaken to arrange 
 the disputes between the nobles, wished also to settle 
 the celebrated case of the seigniory of Villadefredes, 
 a town near Valladolid, which was in possession of 
 Giron, but claimed by Gutierre Quijada. The court 
 of Valladolid, having inquired into the matter, pro- 
 nounced judgment in favour of Quijada. But when 
 the commissaries arrived, to take possession of the 
 estate, Giron and his younger son E/oderick assailed 
 and miserably beat them with sticks, and drove them 
 away. Several young friends of Roderick, belonging 
 to the first families of the kingdom, such as Bernardin, 
 the son of the grand-constable, and Ferdinand, a son 
 of the grand-admiral, had joined in the affray. The 
 excitement and indignation at this violation of the 
 royal authority was universal. The bishop of 
 Malaga, president of the court of Valladolid, a man 
 otherwise calm and moderate, at once assembled a 
 considerable force to send to Villadefredes, and 
 punish the offenders. Seeing the danger which 
 threatened his son and his friends, the grand-con- 
 stable hastened to Villadefredes, and persuaded the 
 young nobles to quit the town, before the arrival 
 of the royal troops. They followed his advice ; on 
 which the bishop of Malaga, praising the grand- 
 constable for his intercession, dismissed his troops. 
 When Ximenez was informed of these occurrences, 
 he ordered a criminal inquiry for high treason to be 
 instituted against Giron and his confederates ; and 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1115, 111G. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 429434.
 
 528 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sent the supreme judge, Sarmento, at the head of 
 a detachment of soldiers, to Villadefredes, to punish 
 the inhabitants for their participation in this act of 
 violence. Reduced to this extremity, Giron and his 
 friends roused the surrounding country to open rebel- 
 lion against Ximenez. They forcibly took possession 
 of the contested town, caring little for the proclama- 
 tions of the cardinal, which declared them traitors ; 
 nor for the laws against rebels, which he had had 
 posted up everywhere. The relatives of the parties 
 implicated in the revolt were greatly frightened. A 
 meeting of the grandees took place at Portillo, to 
 consult about the best means to avert the impending 
 danger. They resolved to have recourse to supplica- 
 tion, and accordingly drew up a very humble petition, 
 in which they begged Ximenez for mercy for their 
 children and kinsmen. Simultaneously with this 
 they despatched a letter to King Charles, in which 
 they complained that the excessive rigour of the car- 
 dinal had thrown the whole of Castile into disorder. 
 Giron, in particular, accused the royal judges of 
 partiality, trying to demonstrate, at the same time, 
 that he had once before been treated unjustly in the 
 quarrel about the duchy of Medina Sidonia. Having 
 been informed of these intrigues by the bishop of 
 Malaga, Ximenez hastened, in concert with the royal 
 council, to send an exact and faithful account of the 
 facts to Planders. He assured Charles that he was 
 not moved by any personal hatred towards Giron, 
 and that it was folly to accuse a court of partiality, 
 or rather conspiracy, against him, which had always 
 enjoyed so high a reputation for its justice and 
 equity. But it could not be wondered at that a 
 man so turbulent and quarrelsome as the count 
 hated those who kept a watchful eye on his unlawful 
 deeds, and resisted them energetically. In conclu- 
 sion, he begged Charles not to prevent the execution
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 529 
 
 of the sentence of the court by an exemption of the 
 count, but to respect the laws of the country, whose 
 guardian and vindicator he had been appointed by 
 Heaven. 
 
 In spite of the humble petition mentioned above, 
 a considerable portion of the nobles persevered in 
 their armed opposition to the cardinal. Several of 
 them, foremost amongst them the restless bishop 
 of Zamora, collected troops, and incited whole pro- 
 vinces to rebellion. The grand-constable played a 
 double part by openly exhorting the people to order 
 and obedience, but secretly aiding the revolt, and 
 fanning the excitement. Ximenez intercepted one 
 of his letters, which seriously incriminated him ; he 
 did, however, not make use of it for the destruction 
 of his enemy. The duke of Alva too, otherwise a 
 stanch adherent of the royal house, had already 
 resolved to levy an army and place himself at the 
 head of the armed insurgents, when he was deterred 
 from this dangerous proceeding by the advice of his 
 friend Cueva. The young friends of Giron, who were 
 shut up in Villadefredes, pushed their defiance of the 
 cardinal so far, as to drag an effigy of him, dressed 
 up in pontifical attire, through the streets of the 
 town. They were, however, soon compelled to 
 surrender, fled, and left the town in the hands of 
 Sarmento, who had conducted the siege. Sarmento, 
 master of the place, sentenced the town, for its par- 
 ticipation in the revolt and in the ill-treatment of the 
 royal functionaries, according to ancient laws, to be 
 rased to the ground, the land to be torn up with the 
 plough, and strewn with salt, as a sign that the spot 
 was condemned to eternal solitude. The sentence was 
 executed ; the town was given to the flames, and 
 the most guilty of the inhabitants chastised with 
 rods. Giron, his son Roderick, and his accomplices, 
 were declared guilty of high treason. The severity 
 
 2 M
 
 530 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and rigour of this measure was blamed by many, 
 and even by such nobles as were on good terms with 
 Ximenez. But the fate of the unfortunate town 
 struck such terror into the hearts of the discon- 
 tented,* that an attempt of Pedro Giron, the 
 eldest son of the rebellious count, to raise troops 
 against the cardinal in Andalusia, miscarried. And 
 when King Charles approved of everything Ximenez 
 had done, and, moreover, declared Giron guilty of 
 high treason, if he did not deliver himself up to 
 justice by a certain time, the authority of the 
 cardinal, as well as the respect for the law and the 
 royal power, increased considerably. Villadefredes 
 thus became the tomb of a great portion of the au- 
 thority and independence of the Spanish aristocracy. 
 
 There remained only the submission of Giron, 
 which was effected through the mediation of the 
 duke of Escalona and Francis Ruyz. The proud 
 count humbled himself before Ximenez, surrendered 
 himself to the law, and begged for mercy, which the 
 king, at the intercession of Ximenez, granted him. 
 Nevertheless Giron continued to vent his sarcasms 
 upon the cardinal whenever an opportunity offered. 
 One day, when going to pay him a visit, he asked 
 his servant if King Ximenez was at home. Every 
 one will perceive in these words an allusion to the 
 despotism of the cardinal, but for the Spaniard 
 they had a deeper meaning. Tradition enume- 
 rates amongst the early kings of Spain a fabulous 
 one of the name of Ximenez, and it had become 
 customary to say of anything rough and uncouth, 
 or contrary to the manners of the day, that " it 
 belonged to the times of King Ximenez." t 
 
 Whilst these occurrences took place, Leo X. 
 
 * "Erigere cristas posthac nullus audebit," says Peter Martyr, 
 ep. 591. 
 
 t Gomez, pp. 11171120. Petrus Martyr, epp. 584, 501. 
 Flechier, liv. v. pp. 434 441.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 531 
 
 created thirty-one new cardinals ; amongst them 
 also Hadrian, who still took part in the administra- 
 tion of the kingdom, in conjunction with Ximenez. 
 The latter thought this a propitious moment for 
 the removal of Hadrian, and solicited Charles either 
 to recall him to Manders, or to send him to Rome 
 as ambassador, or to his bishopric of Tortosa, 
 pleading as ground that in his new dignity he was 
 likely to become an obstacle to the unity of the 
 government. But his representations were not 
 listened to, and Hadrian remained at Madrid.* 
 
 The affair with Giron was hardly settled when 
 Ximenez saw himself entangled in another quarrel 
 with the ducal house of Alva, about the priorate 
 of Consuegro, which belonged to the order of St. 
 John of Jerusalem, and was one of the most lucra- 
 tive places in Spain. The former possessor of this 
 dignity had resigned in favour of his nephew, 
 Antonio Zuniga, who had been confirmed in it 
 by King Philip and Pope Julius II. But when 
 Ferdinand, after the death of Philip, ascended 
 the throne, desirous of rewarding the duke of 
 Alva for his services and fidelity to him, he 
 installed his third son, Diego, in the priorate still 
 held by Antonio Zuniga. To save appearances, 
 and justify this glaring violation of the law, the 
 grand-master of the order declared that Zuniga 
 possessed the priory illegally, having received it 
 only from the pope, and not from him, the head of 
 the order. Zuniga had to relinquish his post in 
 favour of Diego Alva, whom, the grand-master duly 
 nominated prior of Consuegro in the year 1512. 
 Antonio Zuniga complained in vain to the pope : 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1120. Flechier, liv. v. p. 441. The simultaneous 
 creation of so many cardinals was severely censured. It was 
 believed that the Pope had taken money for several of the hats. 
 Petrus Martyr, ep. 596. 
 
 2 M 2
 
 532 . THE LIFE OF 
 
 he could get no redress, and fled to Elanders for 
 the purpose of inducing Charles to inforce the deci- 
 sion of his father as soon as he had the power of 
 doing so. Immediately after the death of Ferdinand, 
 Zuniga renewed his suit about the priory. He 
 brought it before the court of Rome, where young 
 Alva also tried to defend his rights. The court 
 decided in favour of Zuniga, who returned to Spain, 
 armed with the papal decree, and the following 
 letter of Charles : 
 
 " Charles, king of Spain, to Franciscus, cardinal 
 of Toledo, our beloved friend ; What you have re- 
 ported to us concerning the priorate of St. John of 
 Jerusalem has in every respect met with our appro- 
 bation. But the importance of the case, as well as 
 the high rank of the contending parties, demand 
 first to exhaust all means for an amicable settlement 
 of the dispute before we resort to more stringent 
 measures. We have therefore, in our mildness, con- 
 sidered it best to take possession of the priory with 
 all its castles, towns, and revenues, and to keep it in 
 our own hands until we are enabled to give a final 
 decision. You will endeavour to induce the rivals 
 to obey. They are to select us as umpire, and send 
 us, without delay, a legally-authenticated document 
 to that purport. We, for our part, shall keep their 
 interest as much as possible in view : if they obey, 
 they will render us an agreeable service ; but if they 
 refuse, we give them fifteen days for consideration, 
 after the lapse of which you will take possession of 
 the priory in our name, and place faithful governors 
 in the castles and towns. If Alva and Diego intend 
 in no wise to yield, we exhort you and command 
 the royal council to execute in virtue of our royal 
 authority, and without regard to any one, the papal 
 decree which Zuniga has brought from Rome. Fare- 
 well. Brussels, the 15th January, 1517."
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 533 
 
 Zuniga and his brother, the duke of Bejar, 
 brought this letter to the cardinal, and, together 
 with several other grandees, assured him of their 
 aid and assistance against Alva, if he should require 
 it. Alva, for his part, declared that he would de- 
 fend his rights to the last, not against the king, but 
 against the cardinal, the enemy of his family. A 
 violent fever, which confined Ximenez at this time 
 to Madrid and to his bed, increased his boldness. 
 He incited his numerous relatives and other mem- 
 bers of the higher aristocracy to opposition. Both 
 parties contending for the priory prepared for strife. 
 Francis Huyz, during the illness of the cardinal, 
 added three hundred men to the body-guard of the 
 latter, which he kept constantly under arms to pre- 
 vent either of the parties from taking possession of 
 Madrid. When Ximenez had somewhat recovered, 
 he ordered the two chiefs, Zuniga and Alva, to ap- 
 pear before him and exhorted them to peace, until, 
 his health being re-established, he would be able 
 to settle their quarrel. During this time public 
 prayers were read in all the churches of Madrid, 
 and the whole of Castile, for the recovery of the 
 cardinal, on whose life the future tranquillity of the 
 kingdom seemed to depend. 
 
 Alva now sought, by perverted representations of 
 the facts of the case, to determine the young king to 
 a different decision ; but Ximenez solicited Charles 
 by letter to adhere to his former resolution, as the 
 word of a king should be firm and unalterable. 
 
 Meanwhile the royal senate had taken up the 
 matter. Several members of it, amongst them even 
 Hadrian and La Chaux, favoured the cause of Alva. 
 They raised objections to the royal decree, and hesi- 
 tated to execute it until Ximenez, having partly 
 recovered his health, re-established unity in the 
 senate, and induced the members forthwith to carry
 
 534 THE LIFE OF 
 
 out the royal commands. Alva then addressed him- 
 self to the dowager queen, Germaine, with whom he 
 was a great favourite. Through her influence even 
 the kings of Prance and England interceded for him 
 with Charles and the duke of Chievres. Charles 
 had begun to waver, when Ximenez, by a letter to 
 Chievres, strengthened him again in his first reso- 
 lution. At the same time he endeavoured to per- 
 suade Alva to accept the king as arbiter : but 
 all amicable representations and peaceful remon- 
 strances proving unavailing, Ximenez ultimately 
 ordered the general, Ferdinand d'Andrada, to take 
 possession of the priory by force of arms, in 
 the name of the king. Hadrian and La Chaux, 
 frightened by the possibility of a civil war, begged 
 the cardinal to postpone the settlement of the 
 question until the arrival of Charles. Anton Eon- 
 seca too, one of the ablest nobles, but a friend of 
 Alva, remonstrated with Ximenez, pointing out the 
 probability of a great revolt and a universal rising 
 of the discontented : but Ximenez remained sted- 
 fast. "Be composed, Eonseca," he said, "and not 
 alarmed at the result. I will so arrange matters 
 that everything shall end well." He forthwith 
 ordered a thousand horse and five hundred foot to 
 march to Consuegro, where Diego had intrenched 
 himself, and besides levied a considerable number 
 of soldiers in his own dominions to be able to 
 strengthen his army in case of need. Before at- 
 tacking Diego, and laying siege to the fortress, he 
 summoned him once more to surrender it, as well 
 as the other possessions of the priory, to Charles, 
 and accept the king as arbiter : on his repeated 
 refusal to do so, the place was invested. Alva 
 sent a body of troops, consisting of a thousand 
 foot and a detachment of horse, to the assistance of 
 his son; but they were routed by the army of
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 535 
 
 Ximenez, and lost their treasure-chest and provi- 
 sions. Hereupon Alva once more went to Madrid 
 to settle the matter amicably through the interces- 
 sion of Germaine and Hadrian. Ximenez' condition 
 was, the unconditional surrender of the priory to 
 the king, in return for which he promised pardon 
 for his late acts. Diego Alva submitted, and 
 Anton of Cordova was appointed temporary ad- 
 ministrator of the disputed possessions. But after 
 the death of Ximenez, Diego obtained again pos- 
 session of the priory. The quarrel which ensued in 
 consequence between him and Zuniga was not even 
 settled by the division of the property between them, 
 and terminated only on the death of the latter.* 
 
 The dispute about the county of Kibadeo in 
 Galicia, was of less importance, but equally dis- 
 agreeable to Ximenez. The estates were not 
 considerable in extent, but situate in a very fertile 
 and pleasant country, and desirable on account of 
 several privileges connected therewith. Count 
 Villandrado, the former owner, had, by virtue of a 
 papal dispensation, been divorced from two wives, 
 both marriages having remained without issue. By 
 his third marriage with Leonora, a lady belonging 
 to a Moorish family of rank, he had a son, Roderick, 
 who, as his sole descendant, inherited the possessions 
 of his father. The collateral relations, however, de- 
 clared Roderick a bastard ; and the strong-minded 
 and influential Dona Maria Ulloa, countess of Sali- 
 nus, in particular, laid claim to the inheritance. 
 Ximenez viewed the matter in a different light : his 
 opinions were based on the canon law, according 
 to which he declared Roderick the lawful heir to 
 the disputed property. Ulloa, however, achieved 
 what Alva could not accomplish in his quarrel with 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 11211124. Robles, pp. 189193. Flechier, 
 liv. iv. pp. 442 448. .
 
 536 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Zufiiga : she obtained a decree of Charles which 
 upset the decision of the cardinal and adjudicated 
 the county of Ribadeo to the son of Maria Ulloa. 
 Ximenez' remonstrances were unavailing, though he 
 pointed out to Charles the pernicious effect which 
 the perversion of justice, and injustice done to 
 orphans, would produce. His representations were 
 not listened to. As sole consolation, he received the 
 reply that the king had finally determined to repair 
 to Spain, and that the cardinal should make the 
 necessary arrangements.* Ximenez sent in conse- 
 quence a well-equipped fleet to Flanders to fetch 
 the king, garrisoned the best and healthiest har- 
 bours of the north of Spain, provided them with 
 everything requisite for a magnificent reception of 
 Charles and his suite, and fixed his own residence 
 farther north, at Aranda, to be nearer the king at 
 his landing.! But before departing for Aranda he 
 settled another very important affair, that about 
 the ecclesiastical tithes. 
 
 After leaving Madrid, Ximenez first visited his 
 own cathedral, Toledo, to make fresh arrange- 
 ments for the diocese, and inspect the monasteries 
 founded by him. This opportunity was chosen by 
 the wily prefect of Toledo, Portocarrero, surnamed 
 the Eox, to obtain surreptitiously from the cardinal 
 a favourable decision in the dispute between Toledo 
 and Burgos about the precedence in the Cortes. 
 But Ximenez refused his artfully-veiled request, 
 and left him no hope of ultimately gaining his 
 point. J 
 
 The question of ecclesiastical tithes caused the 
 cardinal considerable trouble. With the consent of 
 the fifth Lateran council, Leo X. had imposed a 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1124 et seq. 
 
 t Idem, 1125. Flechier, liv. iv. p. 448. 
 
 J Gomez, pp. 1113 et seq. Harduin, torn. ix. p. 1851.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 537 
 
 tithe on ecclesiastical property to guard the coast of 
 Italy against the irruptions of the Turkish emperor, 
 Selim. When the news arrived that the Pope 
 intended to introduce this measure in Spain, many 
 of the clergy were highly exasperated. They con- 
 tended that this tax was contrary to the ecclesias- 
 tical immunities and decisions granted by ancient 
 synods, and the more unjust as the princes upon 
 whom the protection of Christendom devolved had 
 neither fitted out a fleet nor enlisted an army for 
 the purpose. The clergy of Aragon, in a provincial 
 synod presided over by the archbishop of Saragossa, 
 who was at the same time regent of this kingdom, 
 agreed to refuse the payment of the tithe. They 
 solicited Ximenez to use his influence at Rome for 
 the protection of the interests of the Spanish clergy.* 
 The cardinal, equally unwilling to introduce the 
 tithe in Castile, readily consented, but advised the 
 Aragonians to dissolve the synod and abstain from 
 further opposition to Rome, in order to facilitate his 
 negotiations with the Pope and Charles. He forth- 
 with communicated to the king his opinion that 
 the clergy of Castile should likewise investigate the 
 admissibility of the demands of the pope, but their 
 meeting could, according to ancient custom, take 
 place only at the residence of the royal court. On 
 the other hand, Ximenez offered the pope, through 
 his agent at Rome, Arteaga, not only the tithes of 
 his own diocese, but all his revenues, the sacred 
 vessels, and the treasure of the church, if the welfare 
 of Christendom should require these sacrifices, and 
 the Pope in reality be willing to institute a crusade 
 against the Turks. He could, however, not lend 
 his assistance to a taxation of the Spanish clergy 
 for other than these purposes, and foresaw the 
 
 * His primacy extended over the whole of Spain.
 
 538 THE LIFE OF 
 
 impossibility of surmounting their aversion to such 
 an impost. Simultaneously, he ordered his agent 
 to give him an exact report of the decisions of the 
 Lateran council concerning the tithes. The car- 
 dinals, Lawrence Pucci and Julian of Medicis (after- 
 wards Clement VII.), who possessed the greatest 
 confidence of the Pope, replied in the name of his 
 Holiness, that the Pope would, by virtue of the 
 Lateran decrees, impose a universal ecclesiastical 
 tithe only in the last extremity. He had, hitherto, 
 not done so, and if his nuncio in Spain had announced 
 such a tax, he had done so prematurely, without 
 instructions from Rome. On the arrival of this 
 communication, Ximenez dismissed the clergy who 
 had assembled at Madrid, and already decided on 
 supplicating the Pope for the suppression of the 
 tithe, or in case of denial to refuse payment. Peter 
 Martyr, who assisted this synod, informs us that 
 Ximenez had given in his adhesion to these decisions 
 and promised his assistance. But the fears of the 
 clergy were now allayed, as Leo levied the tithe, for 
 the present, only in the papal states. Fresh quar- 
 rels arose after the death of the cardinal, when Leo 
 granted the Spanish tithes to the emperor Charles, 
 to enable him to equip a fleet against the Turks. 
 The clergy of the country refused to pay ; the pope 
 threatened excommunication and interdict, and laid 
 the whole country under the latter, but finding it 
 of no avail, he annulled it after four months, on the 
 solicitation of Charles himself. The tithe was not 
 paid.* 
 
 In August, 1517, Ximenez, accompanied by the 
 court and Prince Ferdinand, travelled to Aranda de 
 Duero, near Burgos ; intending to fix his residence 
 in the Franciscan monastery, Aguilera, which was 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1114. Petrus Martyr, epp. 596, 006, 642. Miniana, 
 lib. i. c. v. p. 13.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 539 
 
 situated in a pleasant and healthy neighbourhood. 
 Hadrian and Amerstorff were also in his suite, but 
 not La Chaux, who took a different road to meet the 
 king. On his way Ximenez visited Torrelaguna, 
 the place of his birth, which he left on the llth 
 August, 1517. On the following day he arrived at 
 Bozeguillas, a place in a mountainous part of the 
 country. Here an attempt is said to have been made 
 to poison him. The suspicion is strengthened by 
 the circumstance, that, on the same day, a masked 
 rider called to the provincial of the Eranciseans, 
 Marquina, and several monks who were passing him 
 on their way to Ximenez, " If you are going to the 
 cardinal, hasten yourselves, and warn him not to eat 
 of the large trout it is poisoned. If you come too 
 late, urge him to prepare for death, for he will not 
 be able to overcome the poison." Marquina, imme- 
 diately after his arrival, related to the cardinal what 
 had happened, but the latter would not credit the 
 warning. " If I really am poisoned," he said, "it 
 is by a letter received from Elanders a few days ago, 
 the sand of which has considerably affected my 
 eyes ; yet even this I do not believe." Moreover, 
 Erancis Carillo, who served Ximenez at Bozeguillas, 
 and, as customary, tasted first of every meal, fell 
 seriously ill. Some supposed the poison to have 
 been sent from Elanders, others suspected Baracaldo, 
 the secretary of the cardinal, but the friends of the 
 cardinal declared him entirely innocent of the crime 
 and he enjoyed the confidence and intimacy of 
 Ximenez until the death of the latter. There are, 
 besides, strong doubts on the subject. Even well- 
 informed writers such as Peter Martyr and Cara- 
 vajal, who were near the cardinal at the time, say 
 not a word about it.* 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1125. Petrus Martyr, ep. 598. Flechier, liv. v. 
 p. 449.
 
 540 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Shortly after the arrival of Ximenez at Aranda, a 
 revolutionary movement took place at Valladolid. 
 It was rumoured that Charles was not coming, that 
 Ximenez had spread the report of his departure 
 only in order to be better able to send Prince 
 Ferdinand to Flanders, and to govern Spain him- 
 self. Order was, however, soon restored by the 
 publication of the real facts of the case.* 
 
 Ximenez had occasion to show at Aranda how 
 little illness had impaired his courage and energy. 
 We know that Prince Ferdinand, who was born and 
 educated in Spain, enjoyed more popularity with 
 the Spaniards than Charles, who was a thorough 
 stranger to them. Incited by the courtiers surround- 
 ing him, Ferdinand constantly coveted the Spanish 
 throne. His instructor, Pedro Nunez de Guzman, 
 grand-commander of the order of Calatrava, and 
 his tutor Osorio, bishop of Astorga, in particular, 
 exerted themselves in winning the favour of the 
 people for the prince, to the detriment of Charles. 
 Ximenez, who for this reason disliked them much, 
 wished to remove them from the prince, and repeat- 
 edly urged on the king the necessity of this measure. 
 Charles yielded at last : on the 7th September, 1517, 
 shortly before his departure, he wrote a letter to the 
 cardinal, in which he ordered him to pension off the 
 two tutors of his brother, as well as his chamberlain, 
 Gonsalvo Guzman, and gave him powers to proceed 
 with the rest of the household of Ferdinand accord- 
 ing as he thought proper. In a second letter to 
 Ferdinandf himself, Charles acquainted his brother 
 with these instructions. Both letters, together with 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1126. 
 
 t These two letters of Charles's are to be found, in the Spanish 
 original, together with a French translation, in the collection of 
 the " Documents Inedits," amongst the " Papiers d'Etat du 
 Cardinal Granvelle," torn. i. pp. 89105.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 541 
 
 a third to Hadrian, were addressed under cover to 
 Ximenez, and intended to be read first by him, that 
 he might make the necessary arrangements before the 
 delivery. Ximenez being then in the monastery, the 
 packet was opened by Hadrian, who forthwith for- 
 warded to the prince the letter destined for him. Thus 
 Ferdinand received intelligence of the orders of the 
 king before Ximenez, and the latter was prevented 
 from carrying them into effect without clat. Nunez 
 and Osorio incited the prince, advising him to oppose 
 the cardinal. On the following day, Ferdinand, with 
 a well-studied speech, went to the monastery Agui- 
 lera, reproached the cardinal bitterly, complained 
 that his truest and most faithful friends should 
 without reason be torn from his side, and begged 
 Ximenez, by the memory of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 to spare him this disgrace. Deeply moved by the 
 grief of the youthful prince, Ximenez spoke to him 
 in the kindest terms, praised him for his attachment 
 to his friends, but represented to him " that his own 
 brother and king should occupy the first place in his 
 heart, and be dearer to him than any of his friends, 
 and that it would be neither wise nor just to disobey 
 his commands. Such resistance would be pernicious, 
 not only to himself, but also to the friends whom he 
 wished to guard." The prince was deaf to these 
 remonstrances ; he replied, " Formerly you often 
 gave me proofs of your affection, but now that I need 
 it most, withdraw it from me ; if you are resolved 
 to ruin me and my friends, I will myself seek for 
 means to save us." Irritated by this stubbornness, 
 Ximenez answered, " You may do what you like, 
 but I swear by the head of Charles, to-morrow by 
 sunset his orders, which you should be the first to 
 obey, shall be executed." Ferdinand left the cardi- 
 nal with premature Spanish grandezza, and returned 
 to Aranda. Ximenez, for his part, intrusted the
 
 542 THE LIFE OF 
 
 supervision of the town and the prince to the two 
 colonels of his body-guard, Canabillas and Spinosa, 
 who posted guards everywhere to prevent Ferdi- 
 nand's escape. The prince uttered violent threats 
 against the cardinal, and handed a document to 
 his friends and servants, who saw the necessity of 
 yielding, by which he pledged himself to recall 
 them as soon as he was free, and to reward them for 
 their fidelity towards him. He summoned, besides 
 the papal nuncio, several bishops, and all the royal 
 councillors, to his presence, declaring to them that 
 he obeyed the commands of the king, but begged 
 them to acquaint his brother with the ill-treatment to 
 which he had been subjected ; which they promised 
 to do. Ximenez, on the other hand, requested 
 Hadrian to send Nunez and Osorio to him, that he 
 might open to them his plans, and appease their 
 irritation. They appeared before him : after a long 
 conference they promised to obey, and begged the 
 cardinal to intercede in their behalf for an indemni- 
 fication. Before sunset, as Ximenez had declared, the 
 orders of the king were carried out, and the marquis 
 of Aguilar appointed major-domo to Ferdinand, who 
 soon gained the sincere affection of the prince. In 
 all, thirty-three servants of the prince were dismissed 
 and replaced by others. The measure, though hard, 
 found universal approbation with the wisest and 
 most experienced men of the nation, who considered 
 it necessary for the future peace of the country.* 
 
 Meanwhile, Ximenez, confined to the monastery 
 of Aguilera, suffered severely from dysentery and 
 suppuration of the ears. The rumour having spread 
 of his death being near, and of his having retired 
 from public affairs Pedro Giron again took up arms 
 to reconquer the duchy of Medina Sidonia, the Moors 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 11261129. Petrus Martyr, ep. 600. Flechier, 
 liv. v. pp. 450467.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 543 
 
 returned to their ravages of the coast of Spain, and 
 the Turks threatened to lay siege to Oran. But 
 his usual spirit and energy had not deserted the 
 cardinal. He immediately despatched Count Luna, 
 prefect of Seville, with a large army against Giron, 
 who, perceiving that Ximenez was still alive, has- 
 tened to disarm, while his father, mindful of the fall 
 of Villadefredes, humbly petitioned the cardinal to 
 pardon his son. If Charles had followed the advice 
 of Ximenez, Giron would not have escaped this time, 
 but been severely punished as an example to others. 
 The inroads of the Moors were successfully repulsed, 
 and the garrison of Oran, and in particular the 
 governor of this town, Ferdinand Comario, were 
 exhorted bravely to defend themselves behind the 
 ramparts until the arrival of reinforcements. They 
 were, however, not required ; for the Numidians 
 themselves drove back the Turks.* 
 
 "While these events took place, Charles, after having 
 concluded a treaty of peace with France at Noyon, at 
 last embarked from Elanders on the 7th September, 
 1517, in spite of the warnings of his courtiers, who 
 feared the dangers of navigation during this season. 
 Towards the middle of the same month, t after a 
 tempestuous voyage, Charles landed near Tazonas, in 
 the province of Asturia, where he was not expected, 
 and repaired at once to the neighbouring town of 
 Villaviciosa, accompanied by his sister Eleonora, and 
 numerous Spanish and Elemish nobles ; Chievres 
 and Sauvage were of the number, and La Chaux, 
 too, appeared again in the suite of the king. $ The 
 
 * Gomez, pp. 1129 et seq. Flechier, liv. v. p. 469. 
 
 t Gomez, p. 1130, gives the 27th September as the date of 
 Charles's arrival. This is wrong, for he was then already several 
 days at Villaviciosa, as is proved by a letter directed on that day 
 to Ximenez, which is still preserved, and quoted by us in a 
 subsequent page. 
 
 Charles wrote to Ximenez, in his letter from Middleburg :
 
 544 THE LIFE OF 
 
 inhabitants of the coast were greatly alarmed at the 
 sight of an unknown fleet. Fearing a secret invasion 
 of the French, they sent their wives and children to 
 the mountains, and posted themselves, armed with 
 arrows and other weapons, on the hills near the sea, 
 to prevent, if possible, the landing of the supposed 
 enemy. On seeing this, Charles ordered the admiral 
 to exclaim, "Spain, Spain, the king is coming!" 
 and his arms, the lion of Leon and the castle of 
 Castile, to be hoisted. The Asturians, upon this, 
 evinced the greatest enthusiasm, saluted the king 
 on their knees, and accompanied him to Villaviciosa, 
 frantic with joy. The grand-constable, who owned 
 large property in this part of the country, upon being 
 apprised of the arrival of Charles distributed great 
 quantities of corn to the poor of the neighbourhood, 
 supplied the villages with all kinds of provisions, 
 and hastened himself, with a retinue of four hundred 
 of his kinsmen and retainers on horseback, to Villa- 
 viciosa to pay homage to the king. But he and his 
 followers soon retired, as the country was too poor 
 to provide all the necessaries for so large a court. 
 For this reason, also, the other grandees were for- 
 bidden to render their homage to the king during 
 his residence in this part of the country.* 
 
 The news of the arrival of the king appears to 
 have worked beneficially upon the health of Ximenez. 
 On the 4th of October, the feast of St Francis, he 
 celebrated mass in the monastery of Aguilera, and 
 dined in the refectory together with the monks. 
 Charles was highly delighted at this, and, to the 
 great disgust of his Flemish courtiers, frequently 
 expressed to them the great obligations lie was 
 
 " La Chaux will bring me your despatches to the harbour where 
 I land." Flechier, liv. v. p. 461. 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1130. Petrus Martyr, epp. 597, 599, 601. 
 Flechier, liv. v. pp. 469471.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 545 
 
 under to the illustrious man. They dreaded an 
 interview between Charles and Ximenez, fearing 
 lest the latter might gain too powerful an influence 
 over the young prince, and therefore employed 
 every possible artifice to prevent such an interview. 
 Acting upon the intelligence which they daily re- 
 ceived from two physicians, touching the condition 
 of the cardinal, and the probable duration of his 
 life, they retarded the king's progress to Castile, in 
 the hope of the cardinal dying in the mean time. 
 Ximenez, though weak and infirm, "wrote several 
 letters to the king containing advice as to how his 
 majesty should deport himself in Spain, how receive 
 this or the other grandee, what care he should take 
 to retain the royal possessions in Africa, &c. Charles 
 received these letters with much pleasure, apparently 
 willing to be guided by the directions contained 
 therein.* A letter of Charles addressed to Ximenez, 
 from the Spanish coast, bearing date the 27th Sep- 
 tember, 1517, is still preserved, which clearly shows 
 the solicitude which the cardinal retained for the 
 weal of the state, even in this last stage of his life. 
 The king acknowledges therein the receipt of his 
 letter of the 23rd of the same month, and informs 
 him that he has listened attentively to the communi- 
 cations he had intrusted to his agent, Don Lopez de 
 Ayala. He expresses his regret at the bad state of 
 his health, thanks him cordially for the zeal and 
 prudence displayed in the affair with Prince Ferdi- 
 nand, and acquaints him of his intention to proceed 
 with his attendants to Santander, where the cardinal 
 had made every arrangement for his reception, beg- 
 ging him at the same time to remain with Ferdinand 
 and the royal council at his present residence, until 
 he could appoint a place for an interview with him. 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1131. Eobles, p. 198. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 471, 
 472. 
 
 2 N
 
 546 TUB LIFE OF 
 
 Charles concluded this letter with expressions of 
 displeasure at the conduct of Giron, and of hopes 
 that Ximenez would be able effectually to settle 
 this matter, and continue to acquaint him of any 
 future occurrence of importance.* 
 
 The Flemish ministers, in order to carry out 
 safely their plans of frustrating an interview, per- 
 suaded the king to visit Aragon before entering 
 Castile to receive the homage of the people. Xi- 
 menez opposed these designs, exhorting the king 
 to send his brother to Germany to the Emperor 
 Maximilian, but to arrange this in such a manner 
 that it would be evident this was done in the 
 prince's own interest. This could best be done by 
 ceding to Ferdinand part, if not the whole, of his 
 hereditary provinces there, since Providence had 
 already given Charles such ample and vast domi- 
 nions, f This advice, backed by Chievres, was ulti- 
 mately followed by Charles. He gave Austria, and 
 afterwards Bohemia and Hungary to his brother, 
 After the cardinal's death, when the revolt of the 
 States broke out, Charles was principally indebted 
 to this wise measure for the preservation of Spain. 
 
 Ximenez still continued to stay in the monastery 
 of Aguilera. Convinced of the approach of his 
 death, he was anxious to renew, and correct the will 
 which he had previously made by the permission of 
 the pope,! and revised before his departure from 
 Aranda. 
 
 The principal heir to his vast property was the 
 university of Alcald, founded by him. Large 
 
 * Documents Tnedits, 1. c. pp. 105 109. 
 
 t Gomez, p. 1131.. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 472, 473. 
 
 J According to ancient canon law the Church inherited, after 
 the death of a priest, everything he had acquired by his office. 
 Whoever wished to dispose of his property obtained when a priest, 
 required the permission of the pope to do so.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 517 
 
 legacies were left besides to the monasteries, hos- 
 pitals, and other establishments, which he had 
 erected, and considerable sums destined for the 
 endowment of poor young women, the ransom of 
 prisoners, the embellishment of churches, and the 
 foundation of anniversaries and masses for the 
 dead. "We have already seen how, by a special 
 clause in the will, all those were indemnified who 
 had suffered losses in the expedition against Oran. 
 Erancis Huyz, bishop of Avila, the faithful com- 
 panion of his life, was named his chief executor, and 
 also intrusted with the care of his interment, as 
 well as the publication of the Complutensian 
 Polyglot.* 
 
 During these preparations for death, the cardinal 
 often repeated, that he was particularly grateful 
 to God for enabling him to say, that he had never 
 wilfully or knowingly wronged any one, but always 
 administered justice without being biassed by 
 friendship or hatred, f 
 
 Antonio de Rojas, archbishop of Granada, pre- 
 sident of the royal council, and constant enemy of 
 Ximenez, tried to take advantage of the debility of 
 the cardinal to pay his respects to the king in 
 conjunction with the senate, but without Ximenez. 
 The latter, who anticipated his desire, had obtained 
 from Charles two documents, which forbade the 
 archbishop and the senate to leave the cardinal. 
 The archbishop having, nevertheless, departed with 
 several members of the senate, Ximenez induced 
 Charles to despatch couriers to order them to return 
 to the cardinal, and beg his pardon. J 
 
 His treatment of the grandees was quite different. 
 
 * The will is reprinted in Quintanilla, "Archetype," pp. 36 
 50 of the Appendix. 
 
 t Gomez, p. 1131. Flechier, liv. v. p. 473. 
 Gomez, p. 1132. Flechier, liv. v. p. 474. 
 
 2 N 2
 
 548 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The grand-admiral had politely offered to accompany 
 him, if it should be his intention to go and meet the 
 king, asking, as a particular favour, to be allowed to 
 form one of his suite. Ximenez thanked him for 
 this honour, but recommended him to proceed to 
 Charles, with a large retinue of his own, that the 
 Flemish might see the difference between Flemish 
 and Spanish noblemen. The same advice he gave 
 to other grandees who had equally offered to accom- 
 pany him.* 
 
 Winter being near at hand, Ximenez quitted the 
 monastery of Aguilera on the 17th October. Care- 
 fully wrapped in furs, and accompanied by the 
 prince and the senate, he departed for Boa, a place 
 situated between Valladolid and Segovia, to enable 
 him with greater facility to reach whichever of 
 these towns the king should visit first. Ximenez 
 had before advised Charles to repair to Valladolid ; 
 but a contagious malady having broken out there, he 
 requested him now, on the 22nd October, to change 
 it for Segovia. At the same time, he endeavoured 
 to persuade him to postpone the convocation of the 
 cortes for a while, as the agitation of the people 
 had not entirely subsided, and might find vent in 
 that assembly. This advice was unfortunately not 
 attended to. Disturbances broke out in the king- 
 dom which caused great annoyance and uneasiness 
 to Charles, and convinced him too late of his 
 imprudence. 
 
 A deputation from Toledo arrived at Roa with 
 the object of inducing Ximenez to persuade the 
 king to select that ancient capital of Spain for the 
 first convocation of the Cortes. Ximenez supported 
 their petition in vain. The influence of the Flemish 
 ministers, who preferred a town less central 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1132. Flechier, liv. v. p. 474.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 549 
 
 than Toledo, prevailed, and Valladolid was chosen 
 instead.* 
 
 Before departing for this town, Charles wished 
 to pay a visit to his mother at Tordesillas. He 
 publicly notified this resolution to Ferdinand, to 
 Ximenez, and all the grandees, declaring that " he 
 had come to Spain to comfort his mother and would 
 in every way be guided by her in the government 
 of the kingdom." Ximenez highly praised him for 
 his filial love, but did not approve of this wordy 
 and evidently hypocritical declaration, saying that 
 " it showed less love for his mother than fear a 
 certain party might gain influence over her, and 
 thereby oppose him." " Kings," he added, "should 
 do many things without talking about them."f 
 
 Preparations were now being made at Valladolid 
 for the reception of the king and his suite, at the 
 approaching meeting of the cortes. The care of 
 finding suitable residences was intrusted by Charles 
 to four Flemish officers. Ximenez intended to fix 
 his with the lawyer Bernardin, whose house seemed 
 to be situated in a particularly healthy neighbour- 
 hood. The four commissioners, however, refused 
 to let him have it, and in order to baffle him more 
 effectually, destined it for the Queen Germaine. 
 Alba was the instigator of these intrigues. Ximenez 
 ultimately gained his point, but his servants were 
 quartered in a neighbouring village, a slight which 
 would never have been offered him by Ferdinand, 
 Isabella, or Philip. Yet he was too proud to show 
 his annoyance and pain at such ignoble treatment. 
 Still greater insults were reserved for him. At the 
 suggestion, it is said, of Motta, the bishop of 
 Badajoz, a favourite of Chievres, Charles had the 
 ingratitude to write to Ximenez that as it was now 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1133. 
 
 t Ibid. Fleehier, liv. v. p. 477.
 
 550 THE LIFE OF 
 
 his intention to set out for Tordesillas * there to 
 pay his respects to his mother, he wished greatly to 
 meet the cardinal at Mojados, and receive his advice 
 on the government of the kingdom and the private 
 affairs of the royal house. This done, he would no 
 longer deprive him of the quietude so necessary to 
 him, and relieve him of his burdensome duties. 
 God alone could worthily recompense him for all 
 his labours for the good of Spain ; he, for his part, 
 would, as long as he lived, retain for him the 
 respect and affection a son owed to his father. 
 These words contained in reality, not only the dis- 
 missal of the cardinal from the regency, but also from 
 all other participation in the conduct of public affairs. 
 Many writers assert that this cruel letter accelerated 
 his death. But Erancis B/uyz assures us that this 
 testimony of the ingratitude of princes never reached 
 the cardinal. Too ill to bear the shock, it was only 
 communicated to the royal senate. Hadrian also 
 acquainted the king, that, considering the condition 
 of Ximenez, the letter could not be delivered to 
 him.t 
 
 At the approach of his death, Ximenez, with 
 Christian fortitude, spoke to his servants, who had 
 been summoned to his presence, of the instability of 
 all earthly things, and the infinite mercies of God. 
 Then embracing, with pious affection, a crucifix 
 which he held in his hands, he asked God for the 
 remission of his sins, and invoked the intercession 
 of all the saints, particularly that of the Blessed 
 Virgin, St. Michael, the Apostles Peter and Paul, 
 St. James, the patron of Spain, St. Francis of Assisi, 
 SS. Eugene and Ildephonse, the first two bishops 
 
 * Petrus Martyr, who relates this visit in his 602nd letter, 
 says " that the sight of her children, Charles and Eleanor, gave 
 great joy to Johanna." 
 
 t Gomez, p. 1133. Flechier, liv. v. pp. 479, 480.
 
 CARDINAL XIMEXEZ. 551 
 
 of Toledo. All those surrounding him burst into 
 tears. He then received the holy Viaticum and 
 extreme unction. A few hours before, he dictated 
 a letter to Charles, in which he recommended to him 
 his university of Alcala, and the monasteries he had 
 founded, but was unable to sign it. Petrus Lerma, 
 Antonio Rodrigo, and Balbas recited the prayer 
 for the dying, when he calmly expired, exclaiming 
 the words of David, " In te, Domine, speravi," on 
 the 8th November 1517, in the eighty-second year 
 of his life, and the twenty-second of his episcopacy.* 
 His death occurred on a Sunday. A herald 
 having proclaimed the sad news, all the inhabitants 
 of Hoa and the surrounding country hastened to 
 kiss the cardinal's hands, whilst he was lying in 
 state. The corpse was embalmed, and temporarily 
 transferred to the church at Roa, until, according 
 to the orders of the deceased, it could be removed 
 to Alcala. A few days after, it was conveyed thither. 
 The journey was commenced under a deluge of rain, 
 which rendered the removal as dangerous as that 
 of the remains of Queen Isabella to Granada. On 
 the second day the funeral procession arrived at 
 Torrelaguna, the birthplace of Ximenez. Here the 
 grief of the population was excessive. The body 
 was conveyed, amidst the blaze of innumerable 
 torches, to the monastery of St. Mary, founded by 
 him, and a funeral service celebrated there. On 
 the third day the procession reached Alcala. In 
 the gate leading towards Burgos the university had 
 erected a mortuary chapel. All the students and 
 professors of the university together with their rector 
 Michael Cerrasco, all the religious of the city, the 
 corporation, the bishops, the grandees, the abbot and 
 chapter of the collegiate church of SS. Justus and 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1134. Flechier, liv. v. p. 480. Kobles, p. 201.
 
 552 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Pastor, and an immense concourse of people, met 
 the body before the town. It was then placed in 
 the mortuary chapel, where the matins for the dead 
 were chanted. 
 
 A discussion arose between the university and the 
 chapter of San Justo respecting the place of inter- 
 ment. The dispute was ultimately settled by the 
 bishop of Avila declaring that Ximenez himself had 
 expressly notified his wish to be buried in the college 
 of San Ildefonso, upon which the canons withdrew 
 their opposition. 
 
 Ximenez had ordered in his will that his funeral 
 should be as simple and unostentatious as possible ; 
 but Francis Ruyz departed from these instructions, 
 arranged a befitting ceremony, and permitted Sirvelo, 
 a learned and eloquent doctor, to preach the pane- 
 gyric of the deceased, in which allusions were not 
 wanting to the dangers which threatened Spain, 
 through the Flemish courtiers. 
 
 The remains of the illustrious deceased arrived 
 at Alcala on the 15th November, the feast of 
 St. Eugene, who is considered to have been the 
 first archbishop of Toledo.* In celebration of the 
 event, the university decreed that a funeral service 
 should annually be held on this day, and a panegyric 
 of Ximenez be preached. 
 
 A monument of marble was erected over his tomb, 
 on which, besides other ornaments by eminent artists, 
 a portrait of the cardinal in his pontifical robes was 
 sculptured. The front side was covered by the fol- 
 lowing hexastich by the young Vergara, selected 
 
 * This is Eugene the elder, a disciple of St. Denis of Paris, 
 who lived in the third century. Spanish tradition asserts that he 
 founded the bishopric of Toledo. His body was, under Philip II., 
 conveyed from St. Denis to Spain. He is not to be confounded 
 with the Archbishop Eugene, of Toledo, who died in the year 657. 
 Gome/, p. 1155.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ 553 
 
 from a number of inscriptions sent in for that 
 purpose. 
 
 " Condideram musis Franciscus grande lyceum, 
 
 Condor in exiguo nunc ego sarcophago. 
 Prsetextam junxi sacco, galeamque galero, 
 
 Prater, Dux, Praesul, Cardineusque pater. 
 Quin virtute mea junctum est diaderaa cucullo, 
 Cuin mihi regnanti paruit Hesperia." 
 
 Eifty-eight years after the foundation of the uni- 
 versity, the then rector, Alphonse Mendoza, under 
 whose auspices Gomez wrote his biography of our 
 cardinal, ordered the monument to be surrounded 
 by a magnificent enclosure of bronze, on which 
 were represented the principal events of the life of 
 Ximenez.* 
 
 Ximenez was tall and thin, but firmly and strongly 
 built ; his face long, his nose aquiline, his nostrils 
 wide, his forehead high and wrinkled ; his eyes of 
 middle size, deep set, piercing, but frequently dimmed 
 by moisture ; his teeth closely set, the two eye-teeth 
 somewhat prominent, which gained him the nick- 
 name of " the elephant ;" his lips thick, but well 
 formed ; his voice firm and agreeable. On opening 
 his tomb in 1545, his skull was found to be without 
 seam, whence arose probably his violent headaches, 
 which often bordered on melancholy. He always, 
 even in anger, spoke to the point, but in as few 
 words as possible, and never without previous reflec- 
 tion. He gave more than he promised, and jested 
 but rarely with his friends. According to the custom 
 of the times, he kept a dwarf, whose jokes he relished, 
 and whom he recommended at his death to the college 
 of St. Ildephonse at Alcala. He devoted a great 
 deal of his time to study, entered frequently into 
 scientific discussions with learned men, and was 
 fond of attending the disputations of the students.f 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1135. f Ibid. p. 1136.
 
 554 THE LIFE OF 
 
 As regards his personal virtues and brilliant 
 talents for government, they need not further be 
 extolled. His zeal in prayer and all devotional 
 exercises, his extraordinary charity, his severity 
 towards himself, the unimpeachable purity and 
 chastity of his manners, as well as his prudence, 
 love of justice, undaunted courage, and, above all, 
 his extreme firmness, have constantly come under 
 notice in the preceding pages. Gomez observes 
 justly : " The news of his death produced a deep 
 sensation and sorrow in the minds of all good men 
 and patriots. The discontented rejoiced to be rid 
 of a man who was the terror of all miscreants and 
 sinners.* Former political adversaries of the cardinal 
 such as the duke of Alva, candidly acknowledged, 
 now that passion was at an end, that Ximenez 
 was one of the most remarkable men, a truly old 
 Spanish, heroic character."! 
 
 His virtues were so well recognized by Spain, that 
 efforts were made for his canonization. In the years 
 1650 and 1655, Philip IV. corresponded with the 
 Holy See on the subject, while, at the same time, 
 Quintanilla, a Franciscan friar, to prove the great 
 virtues of the cardinal, composed his " Archetypo 
 de Virtudes," a work which has been repeatedly 
 quoted by us. The negotiations with Rome remained 
 without result ; nevertheless, in many parts of the 
 peninsula, Ximenez is honoured as a saint. His 
 name occurs in seven martyrologies of the Spanish 
 church, and on the celebration of the anniversaries 
 founded by him, prayers were offered only for the 
 dead in general. The special ones were left out, the 
 cardinal being supposed already to be amongst the 
 blessed in Heaven.:}: 
 
 * Gomez, p. 1136. t Ibid. 
 
 The documents relating to this are reprinted in " Quin- 
 tauilla," in the Appendix.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 555 
 
 The archbishop of Saragossa, Alphonse of Aragon, 
 expected to succeed Ximenez in his dignity of primate 
 of Spain. He had long coveted this dignity, and even 
 before the actual death of the cardinal, taken steps 
 to secure it for himself. But to the great scandal of 
 the Spaniards, Chievres procured it for his young 
 nephew, William of Croy, who died, however, a few 
 years afterwards, in 1521.* 
 
 "We cannot part from Ximenez, without drawing 
 a parallel between him and another great man with 
 whom he has often been compared the Cardinal 
 Richelieu. 
 
 * Petrua Martyr, p. 602.
 
 556 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 XIMENEZ AND BICHELIEU. 
 
 THE similarity between these great statesmen has 
 repeatedly been pointed out by former historians, 
 and in the beginning' of the last century furnished 
 the subject for a special work in a hundred chapters, 
 by the Abbe Richard.* We confine ourselves here 
 to the most important and remarkable points in the 
 lives of the two cardinals, and will endeavour to show 
 the similarity or difference of their destinies, political 
 principles, and moral character. 
 
 Both, scions of noble but poor houses, attained 
 high ecclesiastical and civil dignities, became bishops 
 and cardinals of the Roman Church, and powerful 
 ministers, who exercised an extraordinary influence 
 on the destinies of their countries. The family of 
 Ximenez, being obscure and unknown, entitled its 
 son to no aspirations for a position in the world for 
 dignities and offices ; whilst the descendant of the 
 ancient and illustrious house of Richelieu, gifted by 
 nature, could easily obtain them. Although Pran- 
 gois de Plessis, lord of Richelieu, and other domains 
 in Poitou, knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost, 
 &c., had died poor, the name of an illustrious family 
 supported his sons. Alphonse, the elder, obtained 
 the bishopric of Lu9on, an appanage to the family. 
 Armand Jean, the younger, born at Paris, on the 
 5th September, 1585, was destined for the army, 
 
 * " Parallele du Cardinal Ximenez, Premier Ministre d'Espagne, 
 et d u Cardinal de Richelieu, Premier Miniatre de France. Par 
 M. 1'Abbo Richard." Rotterdam, 1705. Several times reprinted.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 557 
 
 and received in consequence a secular education 
 and instruction in chivalrous exercises. Alphonse, 
 having suddenly resolved to become a Carthusian, 
 Jean Armand quitted the army, and, with all the 
 energy of his character, studied theology to be able 
 to replace his brother in the bishopric of Lu9on. 
 King Henry IV. nominated him to it, and Pope 
 Paul V. confirmed the appointment, after Richelieu, 
 by a well-sustained disputation, had gained the 
 degree of Doctor of Theology. In 1606 or 1607, 
 when 21 or 22 years old, he was consecrated at 
 Rome.* Thus Richelieu sought and obtained in his 
 youth a high ecclesiastical dignity, which Ximenez 
 attained only in riper age. Richelieu owed his ele- 
 vation to his pedigree, Ximenez solely to his merits. 
 Both travelled to Rome when still young the one, 
 in spite of his youth, to receive a bishopric; the other, 
 like a poor pilgrim, unable to win even the smallest 
 benefice. Richelieu, in order to obtain the dispensa- 
 tion of the Holy Father, is said to have stated his 
 age to be more than it really was, and confessed 
 this ruse to the pope, and begged his forgiveness, 
 only after having been confirmed in his dignity. If 
 this be a fact, it is a spot on Richelieu's character, 
 of which Ximenez would never have rendered him- 
 self guilty for all the riches of the world, t 
 
 The return of the two to their native countries, 
 is marked by a strong contrast. The young, 
 vigorous, talented, zealous, and undoubtedly very 
 able Bishop Richelieu, was received with every pos- 
 sible mark of honour and solemnity ; Ximenez was 
 imprisoned by his bishop, for aspiring to the place 
 of archpriest of Uzeda. I And yet he was destined 
 to become as great and powerful as Richelieu ! 
 
 * Aubery, " Histoire du Cardinal Richelieu," pp. 5 9. Eichard, 
 pp. 1 6. Baumer, " Geschichte Europa's," vol. iv. p. 58. 
 t Eichard, p. 6. % Ibid. pp. 7, 8.
 
 558 THE LIFE OF 
 
 After his liberation, Ximenez was appointed vicar- 
 general of Siguenza, and began to make a name for 
 himself. But he quitted his diocese to take leave 
 of the world in a Franciscan monastery of very 
 severe discipline. Richelieu, too, quitted his diocese 
 after a few years, but for quite a different purpose, 
 to enter the great theatre of the world, and play a 
 distinguished part at court.* 
 
 Mary of Medici, the imperious widow of 
 Henry IV., conducted at this time the reins of 
 government for her son, who, although only four- 
 teen years old, had been declared of age. The 
 Bishop of Lu9on, having gained the favour of the 
 omnipotent Marshal d'Ancre, was nominated her 
 almoner and shortly after, in November 1516, Se- 
 cretary of War and Foreign affairs. Like Ximenez, 
 who was recommended to Queen Isabella by the 
 grand-cardinal Mendoza, Richelieu was proposed 
 to the dowager Queen Mary by the Marshal 
 d'Ancre. Isabella made Ximenez her confessor, 
 and adviser even in political affairs ; the Queen 
 of France, Richelieu her almoner and influential 
 member of the council of state, f But whilst 
 Ximenez all his life long showed the greatest 
 attachment and respect for Isabella, Richelieu 
 and Mary became in later years the bitterest 
 enemies, so much so, indeed, that Richelieu 
 was the cause of her banishment and poverty, 
 and gave her just reason for charging him with 
 the foulest ingratitude.! To the justification of 
 Richelieu be it said, that the blame of this enmity 
 
 * Richard, p. 9. 
 
 t Ibid. pp. 12 17. Aubery, pp. 10 12. Richelieu is gene- 
 rally considered to have been appointed almoner to the dowager- 
 queen ; but Daniel, in his " Histoire de France," quotes the 
 document of his nomination, which proves that he held this post 
 to the young wife of Louis XIII. 
 
 I Raumer, pp. 99, 109, 126.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 559 
 
 rests not with him, but with the queen, who had 
 nearly ruined the kingdom by her intrigues, and 
 forced him to proceed against her in the manner in 
 which he did. He remained faithful to her cause 
 as long as possible, longer even than his own 
 interests permitted, endeavouring in every possible 
 way to bring her back to the right path. 
 
 Whilst Xirnenez, from the moment of his nomi- 
 nation as confessor of Isabella until his death, 
 never suffered a reverse in power or honours, the 
 path of Richelieu was soon beset with dangers. 
 Luynes, a favourite of the king, gradually under- 
 mined the influence which Mary and the Marshal 
 d'Ancre possessed with the latter. He succeeded 
 even in inducing the king to countenance the 
 murder of the marshal (1617), and to proclaim 
 the banishment of the queen from the court.* The 
 king and Luynes wished to retain Richelieu in the 
 council of state, but he preferred following Mary 
 to Blois, where he exerted himself in making her 
 relations to the court as smooth as possible. His 
 intentions being suspected, he received orders to 
 return to his diocese, the administration of which 
 he conducted again with much zeal and success. 
 He led a simple and exemplary life, introduced 
 reforms in ecclesiastical affairs, converted many 
 Huguenots, and wrote for this purpose several 
 theological works which were much admired at 
 the time. His influence being still considered 
 too dangerous, even at Lu9on,* he was, in the 
 passion week of the year 1618, banished to Avignon ; 
 one year later, however, recalled to effect a recon- 
 ciliation between Mary and the king, and sent 
 to Angouleme, where the former resided. His 
 mission succeeded. Mary returned to court, and 
 
 * Aubery, pp. 1286. Richard, p. 20.
 
 560 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in return for this service procured him a cardinal's 
 hat in the year 1622.* In the like manner, Fer- 
 dinand the Catholic showed his gratitude to 
 Ximenez who had been the means of his return to 
 Castile as regent. 
 
 Shortly after having been created cardinal, 
 Richelieu endeavoured to get the reins of govern- 
 ment into his hands. He showed in this so much 
 eagerness, that the angry king exclaimed : " This 
 man would like to be admitted to my council, 
 but I cannot make up my mind to allow this, after 
 what he has done against me." In spite of this 
 reluctance, the cardinal succeeded, in the year 1624, 
 in becoming minister in the place of Yieuville, and 
 soon exercised by far the greatest influence in the 
 cabinet of the king. In the year 1629 he became 
 prime minister, which position he retained until his 
 death. f In opposition to this striving after in- 
 fluence and this hunting after honours, Ximenez, 
 as we know, rejected the dignity of archbishop and 
 that of grand-chancellor, and could only be prevailed 
 upon to accept them by the express commands of 
 the king and the pope. Like Richelieu, he remained 
 in the possession of his power to the end of his 
 days. Both had great opposition to contend against. 
 King Ferdinand endeavoured to induce Ximenez to 
 resign in favour of the archbishop of Saragossa. 
 He refused. The grandees exhausted every means 
 to overthrow him after the death of Ferdinand, but 
 in vain. Nevertheless, Ximenez, through the ascetic 
 turn of his character, was willing at any time to 
 return to the solitude of the Franciscan monastery. 
 Hichelieu had to fight much harder battles with his 
 opponents. His fall was several times, and parti- 
 cularly in the year 1630, imminent. He repeatedly 
 
 t 
 
 LUC; J^O-L -L vwv, uuiuiuunu* JJ.C 
 
 Aubery, pp. 16 21. Richard, p. 61. 
 Aubery, pp. 24, 25. Raumer, p. 59.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 561 
 
 solicited his dismissal, when the affairs of the state 
 rendered the grant of his request impossible. Hence 
 we have no hesitation in alleging that it was never 
 seriously meant, and that the withdrawal from his 
 power would have cost him a thousand times more 
 self-restraint than it would to the cardinal of Spain. 
 Ximenez pardoned those who endeavoured to over- 
 throw him, and never revenged himself for personal 
 injuries. Richelieu, on the other hand, ordered 
 his enemies to be executed, and took the life of 
 almost every one who had opposed, threatened, or 
 plotted against him. Thus, Count Chalais, Marshal 
 Marillac, Duke Montmorency, De Thou, Cinqmars, 
 and others were executed by his orders.* He has 
 been justly censured for this, and forms, indeed, in 
 this respect, a strong contrast to Ximenez. But 
 circumstances attenuate his proceedings. All these 
 rebels were the instruments of members of the royal 
 house : the dowager-queen Maria, the brother of the 
 king, the Duke Gaston of Orleans, who exerted 
 themselves not only to overthrow the minister 
 Richelieu, but also the whole state, together with 
 the king. Richelieu was, therefore, justified in 
 identifying his interests with those of the kingdom. 
 Leniency towards the rebels would probably have 
 ruined both. 
 
 The latter days of the two cardinals show equally 
 strong marks of resemblance. When Ximenez died, 
 the power of Spain attained its greatest develop- 
 ment under Charles V. Richelieu left France more 
 powerful than she had ever been, full of confidence 
 in the Dauphin (Louis XIV.), who was destined to 
 raise her to the pinnacle of her greatness. In 
 the like manner in which Ximenez was retained 
 by Ferdinand and Charles, less from affection 
 
 * Raumer, pp. 81, 100, 111, 113, 132, 138. Eichard, pp. 102 
 104. 
 
 2 O
 
 562 THE LIFE OF 
 
 than from necessity, so Richelieu was retained by 
 Louis XIII., who had long become reserved in his 
 manner towards the cardinal, and even jealous of 
 his power.* The prudent, but feeble king saw too 
 well the impossibility of doing without him. The 
 treatment of the two by their respective sovereigns 
 was, however, widely different. Louis accorded to 
 his minister outwardly every mark of respect and 
 esteem, and visited him repeatedly during his last 
 illness ; so that Richelieu may be said, almost lite- 
 rally, to have died in the arms of his sovereign. 
 Charles, on the contrary, carefully avoided every 
 interview with Ximenez, wounded his feelings, and, 
 even whilst he was lying on his deathbed, signed 
 the warrant for his dismissal, the reading of which 
 the cardinal, however, was spared, t 
 
 Ximenez and Richelieu both died like good 
 Christians, provided with the holy sacrament, re- 
 signed to the will of God, and forgiving their 
 enemies. " I have," said Richelieu, shortly before 
 his death, " never had other enemies than those of 
 the state and my master." These words may be 
 taken almost literally. His last prayer "In 
 manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum " 
 is similar to that of Ximenez : "In te, Domine, 
 speravi." Like Ximenez, who, in his last moments, 
 protested that he had never willingly wronged any 
 one, but treated all with justice, so Richelieu ex- 
 claimed : " I pray God, from the bottom of my 
 heart, to condemn me, if, during my administration, 
 
 * One evening the king, accompanied by Richelieu, was going 
 to another room in the castle. On arriving at the door, Richelieu 
 made room for the king, but the latter exclaimed, angrily, " Go 
 on, go on; you know you are master!" Whereupon the cardinal 
 took a wax candle from one of the pages in attendance, and carried 
 it before the king, saying, " Sire, I can only precede your majesty 
 when performing the duties of one of your humblest servants." 
 
 t Richard, pp. 156158, 164168.]
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 563 
 
 I have ever had any other object in view than the 
 interest of religion and the state.* 
 
 The truth of Ximenez' words was fully recognized 
 and publicly confirmed at his death by the universal 
 grief of the whole nation, even his former political 
 adversaries testifying to his virtues in the most 
 eulogistic terms; only the enemies of Spain in- 
 wardly rejoiced at his decease. Not so Richelieu, 
 whose death was sincerely mourned by but a few. 
 The nation in general received the intelligence with 
 loud acclamations of joy ; bonfires were lighted, and 
 balls were given, t 
 
 Ximenez was universally beloved ; Richelieu feared 
 by all. Hence the ingratitude of his contemporaries. 
 Posterity only has awarded him more justice. 
 
 Richelieu died on the 4th December, 1642, in his 
 fifty-eighth year, or at the age when Ximenez just 
 started on his important career. Both were at the 
 head of the government for nearly an equal length 
 of time; Ximenez twenty-two, Richelieu eighteen 
 years. J 
 
 The similarity which marks their destinies i& 
 also observable in their political principles and 
 sentiments. 
 
 Both were eminent in the conduct of affairs by 
 the combination of two qualities rarely united in 
 statesmen : talent and industry, and an activity as 
 indefatigable as their genius was great. "Real 
 statesmen," said Richelieu, very justly, "are not 
 those who, chained to their desks, catch at the 
 smallest flies. Such mass of writing serves only to 
 
 * Eichard, p. 168. Joly, " Histoire du Ministere du Cardinal 
 Eiehelieu" (1816, Paris), torn. ii. p. 217. Kaumer, p. 139. 
 
 t Richard, p. 172. 
 
 J The cranium of Ximenez was found to be without suture, 
 whence probably arose his frequent headaches ; whilst that of 
 Eichelieu showed twelve small apertures, which led to the belief 
 that he never suffered from headache. Eichard, p. 169. 
 
 2 o 2
 
 564 THE LIFE OF 
 
 
 
 deaden genius, and to incapacitate the mind for the 
 conception of great thoughts." To these two quali- 
 ties both cardinals united a third, equally necessary 
 and important : an unshakable firmness in the 
 execution of their commands, which were only 
 issued after mature reflection. Ximenez has given 
 proofs of his firmness in the revolt of the Albaycim, 
 and in many other instances, and shown that his 
 courage was greatest in the time of danger. Riche- 
 lieu is reported to have once said of himself: "I 
 am timid by nature, and never venture upon an 
 undertaking without previous repeated reflection; 
 but my resolution taken, I act boldly, press onwards 
 to my aim, overthrow every obstacle, mow every- 
 thing down, and cover the whole with my cardinal's 
 mantle."* In his famous political testament he 
 declares courage and intrepidity to be two of the 
 most essential qualities of a statesman. 
 
 Both cardinals exercised a most extraordinary 
 influence on the affairs and history of their countries, 
 with this difference, however, that Ximenez served 
 sovereigns who were themselves masters of the 
 art of governing, and ruled the state with a firm 
 hand, whereas Richelieu, who served a virtuous 
 and prudent, though weak king, could apply himself 
 to the administration of the kingdom more inde- 
 pendently than Ximenez. 
 
 Richelieu may be said, for eighteen years, to 
 have been absolute ruler of Prance. He was 
 minister only by name, similar to Charles Martel 
 and the Pepins in the Merovingian era. Ximenez, 
 on the contrary, was under Ferdinand and Isabella 
 really only a minister, and his power, even during 
 the year and a half of his regency, more restricted 
 than that of his Erench colleague. Backed by the 
 
 * Kaumer, p. 71.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 565 
 
 royal name, Richelieu could act more independently 
 than the regent of Castile, whose actions were 
 paralysed by the intrigues at the court of Brussels. 
 To prove this, it suffices to recall that Ximenez 
 had never, even when regent, the power of ap- 
 pointing officials, and particularly bishops, whilst in 
 Prance no place of importance, either ecclesiastical 
 or civil, no bishopric or military command, was 
 given away by any but Richelieu.* Besides, Prance, 
 when Richelieu took the reins of government, was 
 in a much less nourishing condition than Spain 
 at the time of Ximenez' accession to power. Hence 
 the reforms introduced by the former appear much 
 more striking than those of the latter. Richelieu 
 was the only great politician of his time.f The 
 generation of Ximenez had to divide its admiration 
 between several illustrious ministers and cardinals, 
 for instance, in Prance the great cardinal and 
 minister d' Amboise ; in Spain the famous Grand- 
 cardinal Mendoza ; not to forget the able Cardinal 
 Wolsey, and the acute Granvella ; all men of the 
 first rank, and his rivals on the field of glory. 
 
 But this difference belongs more to the times 
 and to circumstances, than to the men. Both 
 applied one and the same fundamental maxim 
 to the internal administration of their countries : 
 aggrandisement of the royal power, by the weak- 
 ening of the nobles, and the suppression of their 
 independence, to which Richelieu, more than 
 Ximenez, added another the humiliation of the 
 Parliaments. Both ministers succeeded in raising 
 
 * Baumefj pp. 162, 194, 209. It must be owned that Richelieu 
 gave the bishoprics to very efficient men. Aubery, pp. 599 602. 
 
 t Even Olivarez, the prime minister of Spain, at the time of 
 Richelieu, acknowledged this, saying : " The king of France has 
 the ablest minister which Christendom has possessed for the last 
 thousand years." His successor, Mazarin, rivalled him in sagacity, 
 but not in elevation of thought.
 
 566 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the royal power to a height unknown before ; both 
 suppressed and punished every disturbance of the 
 peace by the nobles, and shielded the people from 
 their oppression and violence. But Ximenez was 
 more a friend of the people ; Richelieu, more a man 
 of the court : Ximenez universally beloved ; Riche- 
 lieu hated by a great part of the nation. It was 
 said of him, that he had done everything for the 
 king, nothing for the people.* 
 
 At first sight, a striking contrast is to be found 
 in their external politics. Ximenez strove to 
 raise the. Spanish Austrian power ; Richelieu, on 
 the contrary, endeavoured to weaken, and, if pos- 
 sible, to break it altogether. Yet this conflict in 
 their actions emanated from a common principle : 
 the wish to raise their country to the first rank 
 amongst the powers of Europe. Both succeeded 
 in this, only their measures for attaining it 
 differed frequently. Both cared for the mainte- 
 nance of justice, introduced reforms in the finances, 
 lessened the number of the officials, and kept a 
 sharp control over them, abolished unnecessary 
 salaries, watched over the interests of the colonies, 
 promoted those of trade and commerce, strengthened 
 the navy, &c. But whilst Ximenez knew no other 
 justice than that of the ordinary courts, Richelieu 
 frequently appointed, for political offences, special 
 commissions dependent from the court. Abuses 
 as revolting and immoral as the traffic in places, 
 which Ximenez would not have tolerated for one 
 hour, were permitted by Richelieu if he considered 
 them to the interest of the state. Scrupling 
 little in the choice of his means, as long as 
 they tended to further his object, he more than 
 once subordinated his conscience to state reasons, 
 
 Kichard, p. 87. Eaumer, pp. 60, 61, 63, 70, 71, 141.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 567 
 
 and blamed statesmen who were more conscientious 
 and had a greater regard for morals.* It is un- 
 deniable, and can be proved by numerous examples, 
 that he went too far in this, and often pursued 
 dishonourable and antichristian politics, in the in- 
 terest of Prance, the effects of which are still felt 
 by Germany. 
 
 It was Richelieu who, in order to humiliate 
 Austria, and break the power of Germany, called the 
 king of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, into the empire, 
 and, after the death of the " Goth," continued to add 
 fuel to the religious war ; it was he who excited and 
 assisted the rebellious Puritans against the king of 
 England, the Catalonians in their revolt against the 
 king of Spain ; who tried to detach Maximilian of 
 Bavaria from the cause of religion and the country, 
 and constantly sought his own selfish interest in the 
 misfortunes of others. Ximenez knew nothing of 
 such artifices ; his honest, upright nature revolted 
 against them. 
 
 The rigour used by Ximenez in the christianizing of 
 the Moors, and his activity as grand-inquisitor, have 
 frequently been compared to the measures adopted 
 by Richelieu against the Huguenots. Richelieu, it 
 is true, destroyed their political influence, " their 
 state in the state," but left their religious freedom 
 not only untouched, but protected and defended it. 
 His co-religionists have, for this reason, reproached 
 him with lukewarmness for his own Church. In his 
 capacity of statesman he considered it advisable not 
 to encroach upon the religious liberties of the Hugue- 
 nots, but as bishop he converted many by peaceful 
 missions, f After they had themselves violated the 
 treaties, Richelieu had as much right to attack their 
 
 * Bfiumer, pp. 63, 64, 66, 72, 88, 130. Eichard, pp. 124, 
 151, 208. 
 
 t Eichard, p. 36. Aubery, pp. 3740, G03 606.
 
 568 THE LIFE OF 
 
 liberties as Ximenez had in his proceedings against 
 the Moors ; yet he reasoned differently from the 
 Spaniard, and did not vindicate for the state the right 
 of governing consciences. " As statesman I do not 
 attack the religious opinions of the Huguenots," 
 said he, " hut their disobedience."* Nevertheless, 
 his conduct against them furnishes a parallel with 
 Ximenez. Both placed themselves at the head of 
 an army ; Ximenez to conquer Oran, Bichelieu to 
 conduct the siege of La Rochelle, with marvellous 
 firmness and ability. But whilst Ximenez led his 
 soldiers, mounted on a mule, and attired in pontifical 
 robes, Richelieu appeared on a war-horse, clad in 
 armour, with a sword at his side and pistols in his 
 belt.f Like Isabella, he had the morality of his 
 soldiers at heart, and instituted a mission of the 
 Jesuits in the army.J The taking of La Rochelle 
 procured him the gratitude of his sovereign; Ximenez 
 obtained from Ferdinand but little thanks for his 
 conquest of Oran. 
 
 Ximenez and Richelieu had each a friend, their 
 adviser and instrument in their private and political 
 affairs. We have often spoken of Francis Ruyz in 
 the preceding pages. Father Joseph, a Capuchin, 
 occupied a similar position with Richelieu, only his 
 influence was greater, as he had a greater aptitude 
 for politics, and often surpassed his master and 
 friend in prudence and courage. Descended from 
 the illustrious family of the Le Clerc du Tremblai, 
 son of a president of the parliament of Paris, god- 
 child of the brother of the king (Henry III.), a man 
 of talent and erudition, he suddenly, already on the 
 
 * Eaumer, pp. 80, 90. 
 
 t Aubery, pp. 6374, 8184. Bichard, pp. 73, 74, 83. 
 Eaumer, p. 94. 
 
 J Aubery, p. 597. Eichard, p. 78.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 569 
 
 high-road to honours, turned Capuchin and a zealous 
 missionary amongst the Huguenots. He soon became 
 provincial of his order, and, having gained the esteem 
 of both the pope and the king, was intrusted by 
 the latter with several important political missions. 
 Through his exertions, Richelieu was called back to 
 the court, from his exile at Avignon, and the two 
 lived henceforth in the most intimate friendship, 
 inhabiting the same palace, and seeming like two 
 souls in one body. After Richelieu, Joseph was the 
 most powerful man of his time in Prance, so that, in 
 this respect, he far outstripped the friend of Ximenez. 
 Ruyz was, by the intercession of Ximenez, nominated 
 bishop. Joseph repeatedly rejected this dignity, and 
 died, before Richelieu, in the year 1638, when he 
 was about to receive the cardinal's hat.* 
 
 Convinced that no state could flourish without the 
 cultivation of the sciences, Ximenez and Richelieu 
 became powerful protectors of the same. Ximenez 
 founded the university of Alcala, Richelieu the 
 French Academy, and, besides, reopened the Sor- 
 bonne. Like Ximenez, he ordered the publication 
 of many excellent works, collected numerous very 
 valuable manuscripts, particularly in the Oriental 
 languages, and took a delight in conversing with 
 learned men. But, unlike Ximenez, he also 
 esteemed and patronized the belles lettres and the 
 drama, f Whilst his own writings, theological and 
 historical, secure for him the place above Ximenez, 
 the latter surpassed him by the fame of having called 
 into existence so stupendous and beneficial a work as 
 the " Complutensian Polyglot." Richelieu seems 
 to have felt this, by the anxiety he showed to take 
 part in the publication of the " Paris Polyglot," 
 
 * See the article " Joseph," in Moreri Dictionnaire. 
 
 t Flechier, liv. v. p. 525. Bichard, pp. 15, 51, 131, 187.
 
 570 THE LIFE OF 
 
 then in course of progress. But the editor, Le Jay, 
 jealous to secure the glory of this undertaking 
 entirely for himself, rejected all his overtures.* 
 
 The preceding will doubtless have suggested 
 already that, with reference to personal character, 
 the comparison will not turn out to the advantage 
 of Richelieu. The anti-christian politics which he 
 pursued in the temporary interest of Prance, as 
 well as his severity against his political adver- 
 saries, place him, in point of morality, much below 
 Ximenez. But our political parallel has now 
 reached a point in which few statesmen, nay, men 
 in general, can vie with our cardinal that of his 
 extraordinary personal virtues. 
 
 In a comparison with other diplomatists, Riche- 
 lieu would, even in this respect, carry off the palm 
 over many. He was zealous in the performance of 
 his devotional and pious duties ; took the sacrament 
 every Sunday ; sang the holy mass himself at least 
 on festivals ; recited the daily prayers, and begged 
 the pope to dispense him from them, and prescribe 
 him shorter ones, when his multifarious duties would 
 no longer permit him to say them ; conversed fre- 
 quently on religious topics ; showed always a sincere 
 repentance of his sins ; and often closeted a preacher 
 with him, to listen to a discourse specially made for 
 him only.f But with all this, Richelieu never 
 attained the heroic piety of Ximenez, whose whole 
 nature was more deeply pervaded by a real Christian 
 spirit, and .filled with a more ardent faith. Com- 
 pared to Ximenez, he is, in this respect, like a 
 respectable man of the world vis-a-vis a man who, 
 by his ascetic exercises, has become almost a saint. 
 As regards the allegations of his enemies, concerning 
 
 * Richard, p. 49. On the learning of Richelieu, and his 
 patronage of the sciences, see Aubery, pp. 606 611. 
 t Aubery, pp. 595598.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 571 
 
 his questionable relations to his niece, the duchess 
 of Aiguillon, they seem to us to be utterly un- 
 founded. 
 
 Ximenez and Richelieu were both charitable, and 
 spent, in particular, large sums for the ransoming of 
 Christian prisoners.* The charity of the Spaniard, 
 however, is at once on a more colossal scale, and 
 nobler, by his renouncing and abstaining from all 
 the enjoyments of life. 
 
 Both were faithful friends, and careful, indulgent 
 masters. Yet the affection of Richelieu was more 
 worldly. He procured offices and dignities for his 
 favourites, with the view of increasing his friends, 
 and through them his influence. Ximenez, on the 
 contrary, procured his friends very few places ; and 
 never, like Richelieu, promoted them to the detri- 
 ment of, or by doing injustice to others. t 
 
 Both showed zeal and attachment for their 
 relations. But whilst the family of Ximenez was 
 never more than well to do, his niece only marrying 
 into a higher family, Richelieu obtained for his the 
 ducal title, considerable property, and high offices, 
 and married all his nieces to members of the first 
 houses. :{: 
 
 The difference between Ximenez and Richelieu 
 is also shown in their wills. Ximenez bequeathed 
 the bulk of his fortune to his beloved university ; 
 Richelieu left his to his relatives. The other heirs 
 of Ximenez were the poor, the hospitals, and the 
 monasteries; that of Richelieu, the man of the world, 
 was the king, to whom he bequeathed his palace, 
 afterwards the Palais Royal, his carriages, and his 
 chapel. Ximenez made, in his will, numerous 
 
 * Aubery, pp. 611612, 626. Eicbard, p. 52. 
 
 t Aubery, pp. 592594. Bichard, pp. 81, 87, 151, 183, 198. 
 
 t Eicbard, p. 88. 
 
 That of Eicbelieu is to be found in Aubery, pp. 619 626.
 
 572 THE LIFE OF 
 
 arrangements for the salvation of his soul, Richelieu 
 left his famous political testament, full of excellent 
 advice for the administration of the kingdom. 
 
 Both have been the object of many pasquils, and 
 of much blame and calumny from their adversaries. 
 Ximenez disdained such attacks, and proceeded 
 against the perpetrators only when compelled to do 
 so by others, and then with great leniency. Riche- 
 lieu never pardoned an injury or offence. The maxim 
 that the lion should not care for the barking of 
 little dogs, was recognized by him in theory, and 
 a painting, conveying this idea, hung up in his 
 castle of Richelieu ; in practice, however, he could 
 never raise himself to this height, but persecuted 
 the pasquillants with the utmost rigour, even into 
 foreign countries.* 
 
 We seek also in vain in Richelieu for the straight- 
 forwardness, the truthfulness and honesty, which 
 distinguished Ximenez, and at times showed itself 
 in rather a rough and awkward manner. Richelieu 
 was always the polished courtier, who liked as much 
 to address pleasant words and flatteries to others 
 as he was pleased to hear them himself. After all 
 this, Ximenez undoubtedly carries the palm, in 
 reference to personal excellence. Abbe Richard, 
 in spite of his patriotism, justly acknowledges this 
 in his work ; and Robertson, in his history of Charles, 
 observes rightly, that in the whole history of the 
 world Ximenez is the only prime minister who was 
 revered by his contemporaries as a saint, and to 
 whom the people he ruled ascribed the power of 
 working miracles, f The modern Spanish acade- 
 
 * Kaumer, pp, 66, 140. Eichard, pp. 15, 186. 
 
 t Leonce de Lavergne also draws a kind of comparison between 
 the two cardinals, and gives the palm to Richelieu. But his 
 comparison is very prejudiced and one-sided, as indeed is the 
 entire essay. Revue des Deux Mondes, torn. xxvi. p. 554.
 
 CARDINAL XIMENEZ. 573 
 
 mician Arnao, in adopting these words of the 
 English historian, adds, "Ximenez knew how to 
 unite in his person the virtues of the most pious 
 monk, of the most zealous bishop, and the most 
 accomplished statesman."* "Spain," he continues, 
 "passed, under him, through the most prosperous 
 and happy phase of her history : would that another 
 Ximenez were horn to her in the nineteenth 
 century ! "t We heartily join in his wish, adding 
 only, that not Spain alone, but other countries too, 
 may after so many centuries of errors and disastrous 
 experiments, recognize that true religion is the only 
 sound basis for the real happiness of nations. 
 
 * Memorias, torn. iv. p. 2. t Ibid. pp. 13, 23.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE following interesting account of the trans- 
 lation of the remains of Cardinal Ximenez is taken 
 from a pamphlet* on the subject, kindly sent to me 
 from Madrid, by his excellency the Marques de 
 Morante. 
 
 The ceremony took place at Alcala de Henares, 
 on the 27th of April, 1857, with the greatest pomp, 
 solemnity, and devotion. But before we describe 
 the particulars of an event which does such honour 
 to all those concerned in it, and especially to the 
 queen and her ministers, it will be necessary to 
 mention the different translations which were made 
 of the cardinal's venerable remains. 
 
 Ximenez, in his will, expressed his desire to be 
 interred in the chapel belonging to the college of 
 San Ildefonso, at Alcala. Accordingly, after his 
 death in 1517, his remains were conveyed there 
 from Roa, and interred in the said chapel with 
 great solemnity. Here they remained for the space 
 of eighty years, viz. from 1517 to 1597. But as 
 the vault was found to be very damp, the remains 
 were taken up in 1597, by order of the king, and 
 
 * The following is the Spanish title of the pamphlet : " Eelacion 
 de la Solemne Ceremonia celebrada para la Inhumacion de los 
 Restos Mortales del Cardenal, Don Tray Francisco Ximenez de 
 Cisneros, en su sepulcro de la Iglesia Magistral de Alcala de 
 Henares, el dia 27 de Avril de 1857. Escrita por Don Eoman 
 Goicoerrotea." Madrid, 1857.
 
 676 APPENDIX. 
 
 placed in a reliquary* on the gospel side, next to 
 the high altar in the church of San Ildefonso, 
 where the relics of the saints "belonging to the 
 college were usually preserved. In this reliquary 
 the remains were kept for a period of forty-seven 
 years, when, in 1664, they were removed to a niche 
 on the gospel side, near the steps of the altar : the 
 niche had an iron grating before it, which formed 
 a part of the sepulchre of San Diego. There they 
 continued for twenty-four years. But in the year 
 1668, as the veneration of the faithful towards the 
 remains of the cardinal, whom all considered to be 
 a saint, was daily becoming more intense, it was 
 considered prudent to remove them to the original 
 spot, where the body had first been interred. His 
 translation was accordingly made. There they 
 continued for nine years. But in 1677 the members 
 of the university, fearful lest the bones of their 
 illustrious founder might be injured, if not destroyed, 
 by the dampness of the vault (in spite of every 
 precaution which had been taken), resolved privately 
 to remove them, and place them in a niche on the 
 right of the high altar, in the church of San Ilde- 
 fonso. This translation was effected under the 
 direction of Padre Quintanilla. The bones, and part 
 of the skull, were carefully wrapped in silk and cloth- 
 of-gold. All the particulars of this private trans- 
 lation, together with an accurate account of the 
 state and number of the bones, were inscribed in 
 the archives of the university, signed by the rector, 
 Dr. Canal, Padre Quintanilla, and his brother, Pray 
 P. de Quintanilla. In the niche was also placed 
 another shorter document, containing the principal 
 particulars. The niche was then entirely closed up. 
 In this niche the remains continued till the year 
 
 * The Spanish word is "Alacena," or "Armario," which 
 signifies a recess in the wall, with folding doors.
 
 APPENDIX. 577 
 
 1778, when they were seen by el Senor Dr. Luque, 
 Don Orozco y R-ojas, and Don Juan Jose" Barrios. 
 They took a copy of the acts of the translation 
 made in 1677. But from the year 1778 to 1850, 
 it seems that all traces of the cardinal's remains 
 had been lost : owing, no doubt, to the confusion 
 of the times, and perhaps to the carelessness or 
 indifference of those in authority, the documents 
 had disappeared. But what was still more deplo- 
 rable, the government had allowed the magnificent 
 college of San Ildefonso to fall into decay, the uni- 
 versity of Alcala having been translated to Madrid. 
 The chapel which contained the remains of Ximenez 
 was daily becoming a complete ruin, the whole of 
 the building having been sold to an individual 
 named Quinto, who, heedless of the associations 
 connected with the college, began to pull down the 
 famous towers, in which were hung the bells cast 
 from the cannon taken at the siege of Oran. This 
 act of barbarism was too much for the inhabitants 
 of Alcala to endure. With a spirit and enthusiasm 
 deserving of the greatest praise, they repurchased 
 from Quinto their beloved college of San Ildefonso, 
 at a cost of 90,000 reals.* 
 
 In the chapel of this college had been erected a 
 magnificent monument to Ximenez, in the year 
 1520. But in 1845 the government, considering 
 the damp situation in which the monument was 
 placed, and that the chapel was falling into ruins, 
 appeared inclined to remove the whole of the mau- 
 soleum to the monastery of St. Jerome (San Ger6- 
 nimo) in Madrid. Workmen had actually begun to 
 take down the grating which enclosed the monument, 
 
 * Amounting, in English money, to about 900 guineas. Quinto 
 purchased the college from the government for 700 guineas ! 
 That any Spanish government could have allowed such a thing, 
 seems incredible. 
 
 2 p
 
 578 APPENDIX. 
 
 when the inhabitants of Alcala, anxious to preserve 
 amongst them such an interesting memorial of 
 Ximenez, petitioned the government to allow them 
 to remove the monument to the Iglesia Magistral,* 
 which they promised to do at their own expense. 
 Their request was fortunately granted, but not till 
 the year 1850, when a royal decree was signed by 
 her majesty to remove the said monument. The 
 inhabitants were filled with joy, on beholding their 
 ardent wishes at last realized. A commission was 
 accordingly formed, to collect subscriptions for 
 repairing the monument and placing it in the church. 
 Everything succeeded so admirably, and such a 
 spirit of enthusiasm and generosity prevailed, that 
 the first stone was laid on the twenty-first of Octo- 
 ber, 1850, in presence of the archbishop of Toledo, 
 his eminence Cardinal Bonel y Orbe, and a nume- 
 rous assembly of the clergy and civil authorities 
 belonging to Alcala and the neighbourhood. 
 
 But when the tomb came to be examined, the 
 remains of Ximenez could not be found, though the 
 constant tradition in Alcal was, that they were 
 beneath the spot, or behind the high altar in the 
 church of San Ildefonso. In vain, however, was 
 a diligent search made for them. In the mean 
 time, the restoration of the tomb continued with 
 unabated activity. But of what use would it be 
 without the remains of Ximenez? In this critical 
 juncture, Providence unexpectedly came to the 
 assistance of the searchers. A document was found 
 amongst some old papers in the town, which proved 
 to be a copy of the translation of the remains made 
 in the year 1677. This document indicated the exact 
 spot where they were to be found, in the church of 
 San Ildefonso. The news of this important dis- 
 
 * Called also the Church de San Justo y Pastor. It formed a 
 part of the university.
 
 APPENDIX. 579 
 
 covery filled all the inhabitants with unbounded 
 delight. The authorities hastened to the spot. The 
 cavity was soon discovered, and the chest also, con- 
 taining the bones of the illustrious cardinal, enclosed 
 in which was a parchment, testifying that the chest 
 contained the remains of Ximenez.* An exami- 
 nation of their authenticity having been made, all 
 doubts were removed from the minds of the most 
 sceptical. Nothing now remained to be done except 
 the translation of the remains to the new mausoleum, 
 which was completed in the beginning of June, 1851. 
 
 Through various causes, however, the solemn 
 ceremony did not take place till April 27th, 1857. 
 That day will ever be memorable in Alcala. The 
 minister of state at that time was Ramon Maria 
 Narvaez, who proposed to the queen, that the trans- 
 lation of the remains of Ximenez should be made 
 at the expense of the crown. Her majesty most 
 willingly complied with the request of her prime 
 minister, and, by a royal decree, ordered a sum of 
 60,000 realsf to be placed at the disposal of the 
 commission engaged in restoring the tomb. Prefixed 
 to the royal decree was an eloquent tribute to the 
 worth and memory of Ximenez. 
 
 On the morning of the 27th of April, Alcala was 
 a scene of the greatest animation and enthusiasm. 
 Nearly all the ministers of her majesty's govern- 
 ment were to be seen in the palace of his excellency 
 el Marques de Morante, to whom too much praise 
 cannot be given for his hospitality, and the lively 
 
 * The following is the inscription : 
 
 * 
 
 " Hsec sunt ossa S. N. Em. D. Pundatoris, ne amplius putres- 
 cerent, hue translate, postquam juridice ab Episcopis Arcadia? et 
 Cesarse, p pect : : : : sunt. 
 
 " E re Lesaca Anno 1677." 
 
 t Amounting to 600 guineas.
 
 580 APPENDIX. 
 
 interest he took in everything connected with the 
 ceremony. The evening before they had arrived 
 from Madrid, together with the canons belonging to 
 the metropolitan cathedral of Toledo, and the chap- 
 lains of the Mozarabic rite, belonging to the said 
 cathedral. A few days previous, came also the re- 
 presentatives of the chapter of Sigiienza, of the clergy 
 and civil authorities of Torrelaguna, and of other 
 places. An immense number of persons of distinction 
 arrived on different days ; consisting of dukes, mar- 
 quises, rectors of colleges and universities, military 
 men, professors in the universities of Madrid and 
 Salamanca, senators, literary notabilities, &c. ; in- 
 deed, all classes and ranks were represented on this 
 solemn occasion. 
 
 The procession, having been formed at the palace 
 of the Marques de Morante, passed through the 
 principal streets of Alcala, accompanied by a military 
 band to the Iglesia Magistral, where the cardinal's 
 remains were deposited some days before. Troops 
 of soldiers and the civil guard lined the streets, to 
 preserve order. On arriving at the gates of the 
 church, the authorities were received by the civil 
 governor of the province, and conducted to their 
 appointed seats in the choir, while the rest of the 
 procession occupied various places in the body of the 
 church, which was beautifully adorned with tapestry 
 and festoons. Over one of the principal doors of the 
 presbytery hung the glorious standard of Ximenez, 
 which was carried before him at the siege of Oran ; 
 whilst in the choir were seen his breviary, pastoral 
 staff, and the keys of Oran. The whole spectacle 
 was most imposing and exciting ; an immense 
 multitude of people filled the naves of the beautiful 
 Gothic church. 
 
 After a solemn pontifical mass, which was cele- 
 brated by his grace the patriarch of the Indies, a
 
 APPENDIX. 581 
 
 magnificent panegyric was pronounced on Ximenez 
 by one of her majesty's chaplains, Doctor D. Ber- 
 nardo Rodrigo. The usual prayers for the dead 
 being chanted, the urn containing the remains of 
 the cardinal was placed in a small hearse, and 
 carried by four canons in procession round the 
 church, attended by the clergy and civil authorities. 
 Having arrived at the tomb, the urn, which was 
 enclosed in a coffin of lead, and another one of 
 wood, was deposited in the crypt prepared for it. 
 And so ended a funeral ceremony in honour of 
 Spain's most illustrious prelate, Cardinal Ximenez. 
 Every one, throughout the country, was delighted 
 on hearing that such a tribute was paid to the 
 memory of one whose deeds will never be forgotten 
 in the annals of the Spanish Church. 
 
 LAUS DEO SEMPER. 
 
 * 
 
 COX AND WVJIAN, PRINTERS, GREAT UUEEX STEEET, LONDON.
 
 TRIUMPH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHURCH IN THE EARLY AGES. 
 
 BY AMBROSE MANAHAN, D.D. 
 
 In Small Octavo (480 Pages), Price 5s. cloth lettered. 
 
 OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 THK volume opens with a masterly sketch of the ancient Gentile civilization 
 in its material greatness and splendour, and its moral aberrations and defects, 
 showing what men without Christianity may accomplish in the material order, 
 and the errors, vices, crimes, into which they run ; the moral and religious 
 degradation to which they fall, without its guiding and succouring hand, or 
 when abandoned to their disordered nature, and the arts and influences of the 
 great enemy of souls. It shows what was the world the Church had to battle 
 with when the Apostles went forth from Jerusalem to proclaim the glad tidings 
 of a Redeemer. It then sketches the founding of all or" nearly all the sees 
 represented in the Council of Nice, the labours, struggles, and victories of the 
 Church in the first three centuries, or the Church at war with and triumphing 
 over PAGANISM, backed by all the material greatness of the old world, and all 
 the political majesty and physical power of the Graeco-Roman empire. Nothing 
 we can possibly say will give the reader an adequate conception of the wealth of 
 thought and learning of the volume itself, or of the fresh and original manner 
 in which the author treats questions with which most of us had considered 
 ourselves previously familiar. The author's style is original, rich, and splendid, 
 and in passages highly ornate and finished ; and, under any point of view we 
 can consider it, his book is the most important and valuable work, in what we 
 hold to be the right direction, that any American Catholic writer has yet 
 produced. Brownson's Review, January, 1860. 
 
 " The Triumph of the Catholic Church in the Early Ages " is a work of rare 
 erudition and research, and the reverend author deserves the thanks of the 
 Catholic community for collecting, from sources not accessible to the generality 
 of readers, and grouping together such a mass of facts and testimony relating to 
 the early Catholic Church. It is divided into four books, and each book is 
 subdivided into several chapters. The first book treats of the condition of the 
 civilized world before Christ ; the second, of the establishment of the Catholic 
 Church ; the third, the opposition met with in its establishment; and the fourth, 
 the changes effected by the Church in man's nature, the institutions she founded, 
 the churches she erected, the benevolence and enlightenment she diffused 
 throughout the world. Metropolitan Record (New York). 
 
 The subject of this work is one of deep interest to the Catholic Christian, as 
 narrating the antecedents, accompaniments, and consequences of the first 
 establishment of our holy faith. The perusal of such a series of narratives
 
 Opinions of the Press (continued'). 
 
 cannot fail to impart a vast fund of indispensable information, and to furnish 
 the student or general reader with triumphant arms, not only against the enemies 
 of the Catholic Church but against the foes of all religion. The entire book, in 
 short, abounds in matter which we have not seen so attractively brought out in 
 any other work, besides that it contains a vast body of itiformation that must be 
 totally new to the generality of readers. The Catholic Publishing Company 
 have therefore conferred another benefit on the faithful, by placing within their 
 reach a volume so comprehensive in its arrangement, and so invaluable, not to 
 say indispensable, in the subjects it treats upon. No Catholic family whose 
 means will permit it should be without Dr. Manahan's work, and we feel 
 convinced that no one who makes it his own will regret the purchase. 
 Catholic Telegraph, March, 1860. 
 
 A most instructive volume, elegantly and eloquently written. * * * 
 Valuable as a store of information, historical aud religious. Nation, 17 th March, 
 1860. 
 
 We have great pleasure in commending this work to our readers, and 
 especially to Catholic Young Men's Societies, and Catholic Colleges, to whose 
 libraries it will be a most valuable addition ; and this not merely on account of 
 the actual information it contains, but because it is a book that stimulates to 
 deeper studies, and has on it the marks of a large as well as a pious mind. 
 Tablet, March Zlst, 1860. 
 
 The Pope, considered in his Relations with the Church, 
 
 Temporal Sovereignties, Separated Churches, and the Cause of Civilization. 
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