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 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MAROONS, 
 
 FROM THEIR ORIGIN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT 
 OF THEIR CHIEF TRIBE AT 
 
 SIERRA LEONE : 
 
 INCLUDING THE 
 
 EXPEDITION TO CUBA, 
 
 FOR THE PURPOSE OF PROCURING SPANISH CHASSEURS; 
 
 AND THE 
 
 STATE OF THE ISLAND OF JAMAICA 
 
 FOR THE LAST TEN YEARS: 
 WITH A 
 
 SUCCINCT HISTORY OF THE ISLAND 
 
 PREVIOUS TO THAT PERIOD. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES, 
 VOL. II. 
 
 By R. C. DALLAS, EsQ^ 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 ' miNTrii nv a. strahan, trin-i tR!-sTRf it, 
 
 FOP. T. N. LONCMAS AND 0. REES, P ATFRM05TBR-R0Wn 
 
 1803.
 
 IG 
 
 C O N T E xNT T S 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 Alclancholy Situation cf the Colony, Converfation that 
 fuggejled the idea of fending for Spanifj Chaffeurs. 
 Colons! ^larrell appointed Commifftoner in an Expe- 
 dition to Cuba, Sails in the Schooner Mercury. 
 ^ueflion refpecling the employing of Chaffeurs fated. ^ 
 The Mercury chafed by another Schooner. Arrival and 
 Detention at Trinidad. Pqftg^ through the Jardines, 
 The Mercury attacks a Guarda Cofla by Mifahe. 
 Arrival at Batabano. Troops fationed there. Mode 
 of conveying the Kings Duties and Merchandife to the 
 Havantia. Port of Xagua. Arrival at Befucal. 
 Reception. Alarquifa de St. Felippe et St. fago. 
 Converfation ivilh her refpcBi/ig Chaff urs. Befucal ^ 
 and the Alar qui ft s Territory. Hir Palace and Family. 
 The C'jmmiffioHcr proceeds to the Havanna. Recep- 
 tion by the Governor Don Luis de las Cafas, Tage l 
 
 A a I.ET1T.R 
 
 414M;0
 
 ( iv ) 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 News of Peace between France and Spain. Jealoufy of 
 the Officers in Adminijl ration at the Havatina. Cha- 
 raEler of the Governor. Mutiny on board the Mercury. 
 How quelled. DoBor Dominguez. Proclamation 
 relative to the Rewards for taking Maroons tranflatedy 
 and fent into the Mountains of Befucal. Defcription 
 of the Per/on of a Spanifh Lawyer. Account of the 
 Chaffeurs del Key. Infance of their taking Affafftns 
 who had plundered an Englifh Ship. Defcription of 
 the Men and Dogs. Thofe of Befucal. Employment ^ 
 Mode of Purfuity and Manner of Living. Drefs of 
 a ChaJJeur. Articles of Agreement entered into with 
 the ChaJJeurSi - - - - Page 41 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 A refpeclahle Interpreter unncquainit'd with any Langtuigf, 
 'Don Luis rejiifes the number of Chaffeurs required. 
 -The C'.iumijfioner detained by the Ccnfulat. Leavts 
 the Llavanna, and returns to Bfucal. Hfpitality and 
 Afjlfance cf the Marquifa de St. Felippe et St. Jogo, 
 The Chnjf.iirs proceed with their d'.gs to a Rendezvous 
 near Btitin.ino.'The Commifjloner leaves Bfucal. 
 hinds the (fjiccr at Batabano relieved by a Mexican 
 Lieutenant. A'jonfwur IJ Epee acccmpanits the Covi- 
 
 nufoner. The Chnfeurs refufe to embark. Caufe cf 
 their Refifd. The Mcxiain jnuh an Exprfs to the 
 (j over tier. Tic Commfjiontr guarded. jMeafure^ 
 
 taken
 
 ( V ) 
 
 taken hy him to efcape from Cuba ivlth the Chajfrars. 
 Their Scruples removed. Amufements during the 
 Commijftoner' s Detention. Efcape and Embari.ation 
 with the Chaffeurs. Parfued by tivo Guarda Co/ins. 
 ~The Schooner in danger of Shipwreck. ^CrocodU/os 
 at Ca\'o Blanco. The Chaffeurs endeavour to compel 
 the Commiffioner to go into Trmidad. The Schooner 
 hears anvay for Jamaica. Chafes a French Privateer. 
 Arrives at Montego Bay. Fired upon by the Fort. 
 The ChaJJeurs and Dogs landed. The Commif- 
 fioner s Reception^ - _ _ - Vs^c 72 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 State of the U'^'ar in Jamaica. March to Seven Rivers. 
 The Chaffeurs revieived by General IValpo'e. Cri-' 
 tical Period. Colonel Hull marches in Search of Mon- 
 tague s Party. - Cato killed. The Parties meet.- A 
 Truce. Treaty of Peace. Unfortunate Rencontre 
 ivith Colonel Sievenfons Detachment. Colonel Skinner 
 advances Jrom Pof Augtfus againf Jchifcn. Is 
 recalled. fohifn^s intended Projects. The Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor arrives at Wcmyfs-Cafle. Ratifies 
 General ll'^alpole's Treaty. Dijlruft and Apprcheiftons 
 of the Maroons. Kap cut beyond the Dr.y app '.nted 
 for their Surrender. The Chjjfur; dijjatisfed. 
 General It^alpole's Cpinion rfpcalng them. Bodies of 
 Maroons furrender at difercnt limes. Palmer and 
 Parkinfon^ ifitl) fonie others^ remove tj a difant Part 
 of the Country. Fidelity of fjjnfon and Smith. They 
 beg for a Party to go and bring in the Remainder op the 
 A 3 Maroons.
 
 ( vi ) 
 
 Maroons. RefufeJ. The Spaniards eager to aB. 
 Nutricious Root found in the TVcods. Detachment 
 fent againjl Palmer and Parkinfon. Dilemma of the 
 Party. Palmer and Parkinfon fitr render. Termina- 
 tion of the War^ - - > Page 122 
 
 LETTER Xlir. 
 
 Contrary Opinions refpecling General Walpoles Treaty 
 ivith the Jifaroons. Meeting of forae of the Members 
 of the Council and AJfemhly. Special Secret Committee 
 cf the Council and AJfemhly. Their Re f rations re- 
 fpecling the Treaty. Their Reafons. General Wolpole 
 diffatisfed. His Reafons. The Banif^meiit of the 
 Maroons dfirable on their oivn Account. Public Sub- 
 iniffion and Oath cf the IVindivard Maroons. The 
 Trelaivney Maroons fent to Kingfon. Exception: in 
 favour of fonie of them. The Favour luaved. Obfer- 
 vations. Thanks and a Sword voted to Lord BaU 
 Carres. The fame to General Walpole, who declines 
 rcs-'ving the Sioord. Refcluiion of the AJfemkly to 
 expunge his Anfver from thtir Minutes. Reivard 
 voted to C'-Jonel ^larrell fir his Services. Monument 
 to the Alemory of the Slain. Reiuard of the Chaffeurs. 
 Their Departure^ - - - - 172 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 Tranfportation fihc Trelavney Mc,ro':ns. Canada Plan. 
 Negroes healthy in a co/d Cuinrtc. Sum voted by 
 the Houfe of Afemhly for ren:ovr^g the I, far cons to 
 
 Aiiiicrica.
 
 ( vli ) 
 
 America.'^William Datvcs ^mrrell appointed Com' 
 miJpiry'General. Purport of his Commijfion. De- 
 parture of the Maroofis.-ConduB: during their Pajfige 
 to Halifax in Nova Scotia. Arrival and Reception 
 there. Vljited by Prince Edward. Their Loyalty. 
 Suffered to latidy and employed on the Jforks at the 
 Citadel. /// general Favour. Arrival of Dlfpatches 
 
 from the Duke of Portland. The Governor of the 
 Province undertakes to make Arrangements for the 
 Settlement of the Maroons, The CommlJfary-GenerrJ 
 ccmmunicates his Sentiments on the Subjecl to the Ifland 
 cf Jaiualca. Lands at Prefon piirJoafed. State of 
 the Place. Navigation from the Bay of Fundy to Hall- 
 fax. Facility of opening a Communication by the River 
 Schubennaccadle. Advantages that vjould attend It.- 
 Maroons remove to Preflon. Military Comrnlfiotu 
 given to feme cf them. Appoint merits made by the Go- 
 verncr In the Maroon Eflablfjmcnt.- Attempt to con- 
 vert the Maroons. Their Objections to Marriage. 
 Uproar among the IVomen. The Commlffary-General 
 deftrous of quitting Nova Scotia. RfJnilons of the 
 Houfe of Afftmhly of Jamaica refpecflng a fnuil Provl- 
 
 ficn for the Mar:,onSy _ - _ ^^g'^ 1 94 
 
 LET IE R XV. 
 
 Severity of the Winter. Apprehtnjions of Famine. 
 Prince luhvard fends a Supply to the Maroons. Com- 
 miffarx-Gcneral g'.ts to New-York to pr^^cure Provftori. 
 Pr-,p-iftls Jlr Indent in [I the ALiroons. F'f intent m 
 thf Co::>!'yy. (I'ul ui/tc"g the Aiir'.ons. 'It.c L,,tt.r 
 
 5 "y-v'
 
 ( Vi" ) 
 
 refufe to labour. The Care of them given to the 
 Zchodmajler. Removal of Jome of their Families i& 
 Boydville. They return to IVorh. The Commijfary 
 furrenders the ivhole Charge of the Maroons to the 
 Governor of the Province. Captain Honve made 
 Sttperintendiiiit, The Commijfary detained in Nova 
 Scotia. Jiimnica deemed y by the Duke of Portland and 
 the Governor of Nova Scotia y liable to all Expences 
 incurred for the Maroons. Refolutions of the Ajfembl>f 
 on the Suhjecl. Lord Balcarres rcfiifes to tranfmit 
 them. Cofitradiclory Accounts of the Situation of the 
 Maroons. They rclapfe into Idlenefs. Small Progrefs 
 of their Converfon to Chrifianit\.- Their Fareivell 
 Addrefs io the Cominijptry. Perplexing Situation of 
 the Government of Nova Scotia. Litter from the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia to the Lieutenant- 
 Governor of famaica. Inquiry into the State of the 
 Maroon Afffirs by the Houfe of Afembly of Jamaica. 
 Mifundryjlanding. -State of the ^lejl ion. Defini- 
 tive Refoluiion of the AJfembJy. Opinion of a Committee 
 nf tie Houfe rf peeling the Services of the Commijfary- 
 Crcntial. Foit' oj the Houfe in confenuencc^ Page 232 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 
 Situation of the Maroons. Proceedings and Refolutions 
 of the Houfe of Afvibly of Jamaica fent to Halifax. 
 The Governor of Nova Scotia remonfirates, and 
 unexpectedly prefers Charges againfl the Commijfary. 
 Nature of the (Charges. Hotu treated by the Com- 
 mittee appointed to in^puire into them. The Maroons 
 
 become
 
 ( ix ) 
 
 become a Burden on the Government. Propofal to iht 
 DireBors of the Sierra Leone Company. Their AIo" 
 iives for confenting to receive the Alaroons. Removal 
 of them to Sierra Leone. Their Condufl on their 
 Arrival. Their Importance in the Settlement. They 
 are ejlablijhed in the Colony, Their prefent CharaBe>\ 
 
 Page 27 J 
 
 LETTER XVir. 
 
 Influx cf Foreigners in famaica. Alarm catfed by a 
 Letter writ ten by Santhonax. Rebellion of runaway 
 Slaves. The Jccompong Maroons and Companies of 
 ]Vcodmen employed to reduce them. The Rebellion quel- 
 led.- Evacuation of St. Doming}. ^icflion as to the 
 raiftng Regiments of Black Troops. Alternative offered 
 by the Colonial Legifature. Agreed to by his Majeftys 
 Minifers. Grant for building Barracks in the Interior* 
 of the Country. Alarm on Sufpicion of Black Troops 
 coming to the If and. FrefJj Influx of French Emigrants 
 and their Slaves.- Arrival of the Guadaloupe Rangers. 
 ' The Afftmbly remonfrate. Trade with St. Domingo 
 l:pt open Z'v Touffnint. A Commercial Commiffonrr 
 appointed. Air. Douglas the Commijfiouer difcovcrs n 
 Projeci for invading 'Jauicdca. Renders Service t* 
 the American States, and Joriuards Intelligence ta 
 Jamaica by luhich the Prcjccl is dtfeated. Spcliaflonr 
 at Sea in c^nfequcnce of the Spuni/h Jl^ar. Alteration 
 in the luAfiafical Affairs of the Ifand.^ufuon 
 
 rc'fpiP.inir the JuJ\n-s. Kingfon made 
 
 a Corporate 
 
 Town. Numerical Tables reluiije to the 
 
 StAlc (f th; 
 
 IfanJ, 
 
 2(;o 
 
 3 
 
 Li::rrER
 
 LETTER XVIII. 
 
 dihure of new Canes. Soils. Remarks on Night- 
 JVork during Crop. Improvement in Siigar-mahing 
 by Higgins. Nciv Hints on the Suhji-cf. Negleil 
 of Gardening. The Botanic Garden. Clove Tree. 
 The Bread Fruit. Propofed Improvement of the 
 Navigation of the Gulf of Mexico by erecting Light- 
 Hot fsy Page 332 
 
 LETTER XIX. 
 
 An Account of fever al Modes of Agency. Danger of the 
 middling and/mail Planters.- Motions in the Hoiife of 
 Affemhly for taxing Attornies .-Obj eclions anfivered. 
 Anecdote illuflrative of the Poiver oj Receivers. An 
 honejl Attorney i - - ~ ~ 358 
 
 LETTER XX. 
 
 State of Opinions rr [peeling the Slave-Trade. Internal 
 Legifation efahlifjed in the Hands of the Cclonifs by 
 Cufom and Reafon. Contrafled Statements. Sug- 
 gefion of a Mode for obtaining Negrccs in Africa. 
 Obfervaiions refpecling the Population of CyccIc-BUicIs^ 
 and the Attempt cf cultivating Sng.ir- Plantations by 
 free Negroes. Prcjent State cf Slavery in Jamaica. 
 l)eftrls of tie Colonial Syjlem. Difjiadty of re- 
 njedyingfm: cf them. Religion y - 383 
 
 LETTER
 
 { ^I ) 
 LETTER x:a 
 
 T7r Stihjecl of Religion continued. Phn for MiJJlor.aries 
 prcpcfcd. Maro:.ns. Th.c Opinion of a Miffionary 
 Jcnt to 'Jamaica in the Tear 179^ Cbfervations on 
 tbr Danger apprehended from St. Domingo. Itnproha- 
 hility of a general InfiirrcFlion in 'Jamaica. Plans for 
 the farther Security of the If and ^ - r>ge 439
 
 DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER. 
 
 Frontifpiece of Vol. I. ; Old Cudjoe making Peace. 
 
 Frontifpiece of Vol. II. ; A Chafleur of the Ifland 
 of Cuba. 
 
 The Map of Jamaica, to face Page i. of the Suc- 
 cinft Hiftory. 
 
 The Seat of the Maroon War, to face Page i. of 
 Vol.1.
 
 THB 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MAROONS. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 Melancholy Situation of the Colony. Converfatiott that 
 fuggejled the idea of fending for Spanijh Chajfmrs. 
 Colonel ^uarrell appointed Commijfioner in an Expe- 
 dition to Cuba. Sails in the Schooner Mercury. 
 ^lejlion refpeSling the employing of Chajfeurs flated. 
 The Mercury chafed by another Schooner. Arrival and 
 Detention at Trinidad. Pajpige through the jfardines, 
 The Mercury attacks a Guar da Cojla by Mifloke, 
 Arrival at Bataba'o. -Troops Jlationed there. Mode 
 of conveying the King^s Duties and Merchandife to the 
 Havanna. Port of Xagua. Arrival at Befucal.' 
 Reception. Marquifa de St. Felippe et St. Jago. 
 Converfation ivith her refpeBitig Chajfeurs. Befucaly 
 and the Marquifa s Territory. -^Her Palace andFcitnily. 
 The Comvujfioner proceeds to the Havanna. Recep- 
 tion by the Governor Don Luis de las Cafas. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 JN EITHER the energy and determined 
 
 adivity of Lord Balcarrt^s, nor the fkill, 
 
 Vol. IL B bravery,
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 bravery, and fucceffes of General VValpoIe, 
 feemed to avail in this war. The whole 
 range of cockpits was open to the enemy; 
 if annoyed in one they chofe another, 
 and the. coateft had all the appearance of 
 being an endlefs evil, or rather one that 
 threatened the entire dellrudion of the 
 ifland 5 for had this body of Maroons 
 evinced that their rebellion was not a 
 temporary ftruggle, but a permanent and 
 fuccefsful oppofition to the Government, 
 it is highly probable that tlie example 
 might in time have united alt the turbulent 
 fpirits among the flaves in a fimilar ex- 
 periment:, if not in the fame intereft ; or 
 indeed fuch a decided triumph might have 
 tempted numbers of the plantation negroes, 
 unwilling before to change a ftate of peace 
 for warfare, to join the Maroons : at all 
 events they would have been a rallying, 
 point for every difcontentcd flave, and for 
 all who dreading punifhment were incited 
 by their fears to cfcape. The lives of 
 the colonifts mull have been fpent in 
 
 eon-
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 continual terror ; mafiacre and depredation 
 would have fpread throughout the country, 
 and all the credit of the ifland in Great 
 Britain would have funk to nothing. To 
 complete this miferable pidure, the foreign 
 enemy, when fully affured of the ftate of 
 the colony, would, even though unable 
 to attempt a defcent, have kept the coafts 
 in conftant alarm, and found means to 
 maintain the fpirit of rebellion, and perhaps 
 to fupply the rebels with arms. A peace 
 obtained by fupplication, as the terrors 
 of fome had led them to propofe, would 
 have been equally fatal and more dif- 
 graceful. It was in this ftate of affairs, 
 and while General Walpole, whofe firm^ 
 nefs had refcued the ifland from the fhamc 
 of a precipitate avowal of defpondence 
 and inability, was bent on compelling the 
 Maroons to folicit terms, that an unpre- 
 meditated converfation gave rife to circum- 
 ftances that eventually put an end to a 
 war, in which force and military fkill alone 
 might have been foiled for years. 
 
 B 2 Colonel
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 Colonel Quarrell *, who had been upon 
 fervice with the troops in the mountains, 
 Was compelled by the ftate of his health 
 to leave the head-quarters, and to go down 
 to the fea-{hore. There he met with an 
 intelligent Spaniard, who, talking with 
 him on the ftate of the ifland, related 
 an event, to which Colonel Quarrell paid 
 the utmoft attention, as he thought the 
 ideas it fuggefted might prove of import- 
 ance to the country. It feems that fome 
 years before, when the Britifh abandoned 
 the Mufquito-fhore to the Spaniards, the 
 latter w^ere oppofed by the native Indians, 
 who had always (hown the moft determined 
 enmity to them. They attempted in vain 
 to take poffeflion of the country by means 
 of a military force : in the courfe of a 
 very few months they loft, from furprifes 
 
 * Colonel Quarrell wiflied me not to entitle him accord- 
 ing to his militaty rank, which he confidered as temporary; 
 but the time of which 1 treat fully juRifies my giving him 
 the title of the rank he thtu held, and iiill holds, if he were 
 called into fcrvicc. 
 
 and
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 and ambuflies, nearly three regiments. 
 Compelled to abandon the place, or fall 
 upon fome plan of counteradting the Indian 
 "warfare, they imported from Cuba thirty- 
 fix dogs and twelve chafleurs, who were 
 fent by the Alcalde Provinciale *, at the 
 defire of Don Juan Defpolito, the Gover- 
 nor of the Havanna. Thefe auxiliaries 
 were more formidable than the fineft regi- 
 ment of the moft warlike nation could 
 have been ; and from the time of their 
 being employed, neither furprife nor am- 
 bufh annoyed the troops, the Spaniards 
 foon fucceeded in expelling the Mufquito 
 Indians from the territory on the coaft, 
 and quietly occupied Black River, Blue- 
 fields, and Cape Gracios a Deos. In what- 
 ever light the Philanthropift may view 
 means of the gentleft kind w^hen ufed to 
 drive men from their native lands, he 
 cannot juftly blame the harfheft adopted 
 at home, when relf-prcfcrvation is the end 
 
 * The high-coiidablc of the province whence the dugs 
 and chafTeurti cainc. 
 
 B 3 pro-
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 propofed. Had the cafe been reverfqd, 
 had the Indians employed dogs in driving 
 away the Spaniards and keeping them from, 
 their country, fatisfadtion, and not horror^ 
 would have been the emotion excited. It 
 occurred to Colonel Qyarrell, that the af- 
 fiftance of a certain number of the Cuba 
 chafleurs would be attended with happy 
 effeds ; he forefaw that the very terror 
 they would fpread would induce the Ma- 
 roons to fubmit on proper terms j and he 
 argued, that even if the Commander in 
 Chief were compelled to bring them into 
 adual fervice, it would be better, and more 
 for the intereft of humanity, that fome of 
 the rebels fhould be thus deftroyed, than 
 that the moft barbarous maflacres fhould 
 be committed on the inhabitants, and the 
 colony ruined. Swayed by thefe motives, 
 he fuggefted the fcheme to the Speaker 
 and fcveral Members of the Houfe of 
 Aficmbly, to be laid before the Lieutenant- 
 Governor. The Houfe, however, mif- 
 coiiccivcd the plan : in their anxiety to 
 
 fpare
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 fpare the lives of the troops in fo unequal 
 a warfare, they approved of the means 
 propofed, but contented themfelves with 
 recommemling that a pecuniary encourage- 
 ment (hould be given to the Spaniards 
 trading to the North fide of the ifland, 
 CO bring over a few dogs, in order to fee 
 what efFe(fl the importation would have. 
 Colonel Quarrell, who had now retained 
 the Spaniard with whom he had converfed, 
 and two others in his pay, reprefented the 
 inutility of this- meafure, preiTed the con- 
 dudiing of the bufinefs on furer grounds 
 and a more extenfive plan, and, having 
 obtained full information on the fubjed:, 
 offered to take the bufinefs upon himfelf, 
 provided he were furnifhed with a veficl 
 and a letter from the Governor of Jamaica 
 to the Spanifli Governor at the Havanna, 
 rcquefling permifTion for him to purchafe 
 dogs. The Government, having taken the 
 offer into confideration, acceded to the 
 propofal ; a fchooner called the Mercury, 
 carrying twelve guns, was fent down to 
 B 4 Blue-
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 Bluefields, an open road at the weftera 
 extremity of Jamaica ; and a letter was 
 tranfmitted to Colonel Quarrell, addrefled 
 to Don Luis de las Cafas, the Governor at 
 the Havanna, recommending the bearer 
 of it to his attentions as a commiflioner 
 for the purpofes mentioned in it, and like* 
 wife as a member of the legiflature, and 
 a lieutenant-colonel of the troops. When 
 the captain of the veflel delivered his dif- 
 patches, the commiflioner was ill with a 
 fever : but fo anxious was he that nothing 
 fliould delay the fervice, that he imme^ 
 diately went on board, and the captain 
 requefting orders for the time of failing, 
 he anfwered, that inftant. The crew of the 
 fchooner confided of four Britifh feamen, 
 twelve Cura9oa negroes, and eighteen Spa- 
 nifh renegadoesj but notwithftanding the 
 unpromifing, or rather alarming appearance 
 of fuch a fct of men, the commilTioner, 
 with a friend *, whom he had invited to 
 
 * Captain Gilpin of the militia. 
 
 accom<
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 accompany him on the voyage, and their 
 two fervants, embarked at Bluefields in the 
 end of the month of Odober 1 795, 
 
 Let us now take leave of General Wal- 
 pole and the Trelawney mountains, of 
 the Maroons and the cockpits, for a few 
 weeks ; let us fet fail in the fcliooner, and 
 let us accompany the commiffioner in his 
 expedition to Cuba, remembering, at the 
 fame time, that the fole objed: of it was to 
 quell the Maroon rebellion. We will not, 
 however, take our departure till we have 
 inveftigated the juftice of the means pro- 
 pofed for the end in view. The argu- 
 ment has been dated thus : 
 
 ** The Affembly of Jamaica were not 
 unapprized that the meafure of calling in 
 iuch auxiliaries, and ufmg the canine 
 fpecies againft human beings, would give 
 rife to much animadverfion in England ; 
 and that the horrible enormities of the 
 Spaniards in the conqueft of the new world, 
 4 would
 
 ( M ) 
 
 would be brought again to remembrance. 
 It is but too true, that dogs were ufed by 
 thofe Chriftian barbarians againft the peace- 
 ful and inofFenfive Americans, and the 
 juft indignation of mankind has ever 
 ilnce branded, and will continue to brand, 
 the Spanifh nation with infamy, for fuch 
 atrocities. It was forefeen, and ftrongly 
 urged as an argument againft recurring 
 to the fame means in the prefent cafe, 
 that the prejudices of party, and the 
 virulent zeal of reftlels and turbulent men, 
 would place the proceedings of the AfTem- 
 bly on this occafion, in a point of view 
 equally odious with the condud of Spain 
 on the fame blood-ftained theatre, in times 
 paft. No allowance would be made for 
 the wide difference exifting between the 
 two cafes. Some gentlemen even thought 
 that the co-operation of dogs with Britifh 
 troops, would give not only a cruel, but 
 a very daftardly complexion to the pro-* 
 ceedings of Government. 
 
 To
 
 ( " ) 
 
 " To thefe and fimilar objedions, it 
 was anfwered, that the fafety of the ifland 
 and the lives of the inhabitants were not to 
 be facrificed to the apprehenfion of perverfe 
 mifconftrution or wilful mifreprefentatioix 
 in the mother country. It was main,- 
 tained, that the grounds of the meafure 
 needed only to be fully examined, and 
 fairly ftated, to induce all reafonable men 
 to admit its propriety and neceffity. To 
 hold it as a principle, that it is an al of 
 cruelty or cowardice in man to employ 
 other animals as inftruments of war, is ^ 
 pofition contradicted by the practice of all 
 nations. The Afiatics have ever ufed 
 elephants in their battles ; and if lions and 
 tygers poflefled the docility of the elephant, 
 no one can doubt that thefe alfo would be 
 made to aflifl; the military operations of 
 man, in thofe regions v^^here they abound. 
 Even the ufe of cavalry, as eftabliflied 
 among the mod civilized and poli(hcd 
 nations of Europe, niufl: be rejeded, if 
 this principle be admitted j for wherein, 
 2 it
 
 { 12 ) 
 
 it was afked, does the humanity of thai 
 do<9:nne confift, which allows the employ- 
 ment of troops of horfe in the purfuit of 
 difcomfited and flying infantry, yet fhrinks 
 at th6 preventive meafure of fparing the 
 efFufion of human blood, by tracing with 
 hounds the haunts of murderers, and 
 roufing from ambufh, favages more fero- 
 cious and blood-thirfly than the animals 
 which track them ? 
 
 " The merits of the queftion, it was 
 faid, depended altogether on the origin and 
 caufe of the war, and the objeds to be 
 obtained by its continuance; and the au- 
 thority of the mod celebrated writers on 
 public law was adduced in fupport of this 
 conftru(flion. * If the caufe and end of 
 war,' fays Paley, ' be juftifiable, all the 
 means that appear neceflary to that end 
 are juflifiable alfo. This is the principle 
 which defends thofe extremities to which 
 the violence of war ufually proceeds : for 
 fmce war is a conteft by force between 
 
 parties
 
 ( \3 ) 
 
 parties who acknowledge no common fu- 
 perior, and fince it includes not in its idea 
 the fuppofition of any convention which 
 (hould place limits to the operations of 
 force, it has naturally no boundary but 
 that in which force terminates ; the deftruc- 
 tion of the life againft which the force is 
 direded.' It was allowed, with the fame 
 author, that ufelefs and wanton barbarities 
 derive no excufe from the licence of war, 
 of which kind is every cruelty and infult 
 that ferves only to exafperate the fufferings, 
 or to increafe the hatred of an enemy, 
 without weakening his ftrength, or in any 
 manner tending to procure his fubmiflion ; 
 fuch as the flaughter of captives, fubjedling 
 them to indignities or torture, the viola- 
 tion of women, and in general the deftruc- 
 tion or defacing of works that conduce 
 nothing to annoyance or defence. Thefe 
 enormities are prohibited not only by the 
 pradlice of civilized nations, but by the 
 law of nature itfelf, as having no proper 
 tendency to accelerate the termination, or 
 
 accom-
 
 ( '4 5 
 
 aceoffiplifh the object of the war, and a& 
 containing that tvhich in peace or war is 
 equally unjuftlfiable, namely, ultimate and 
 tilelefs mifchief. Now all thefe very enor- 
 mities were pradifed, not by the colonifla 
 againft the Maroons, but by the Maroons 
 againft the colonifts. Humanity therefore, 
 U Was faid, was no way concerned in the 
 expedient that was propofed, or any other 
 by which fuch an enemy could be moft 
 fpeedily reduced*.'* 
 
 The Maroons, though not coming, more 
 than other people at war, within the defi- 
 nition of the term murderers, with which 
 they are branded in this ftatement of the 
 argument, were, like moft uncivilized 
 people, and not unlike fome civilized na- 
 tions, hurried by unruly pafTions to ads of 
 barbarity. Depredation, devaftation, and 
 maflacre, difgrace the wars not only of 
 favages, but of Chriftlans, or nations fo 
 
 * EcHs'ards, 
 
 called.
 
 ( 15 ) 
 
 called. What ir6 the horrors of the 
 Maroon war in comparifon with thofe wc 
 can trace throughout the French Revolu- 
 tion? Wherever we follow thera, we fee 
 the mod fhocking depravity of human 
 nature. I have already fhown that the 
 Maroons, fafe themfelves in their natural 
 and impregnable garrifons, fent out parties 
 to furprife and deftroy, to maflacre the 
 unprepared, and to burn houfes and plan- 
 tations. They had defied, they had foiled 
 Britilh troops; the colonifts were in de- 
 fpair; and it was with difficulty that 
 General Walpole had prevailed upon an 
 affembly of them to refrain from a con- 
 ceffion that was pregnant with ruin. In 
 fuch a fituation, what archfophift will 
 maintain that delicacy was to be preferved 
 in the means of removing fuch an evil t 
 Were a man bit by a mad dog, would he 
 fcruple to cut or burn out the part which 
 had received the contagion ? Do we not 
 amputate a limb to fave the body ? And 
 if felf-prefervation didate thefe pcrfonal 
 
 fuffer-
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 fufferings, fhall not the prefervation of Jk 
 large community juftify the ufe of the 
 readieft, perhaps the only means of avert- 
 ing its deftrudion ? How different the 
 cafe from that of the Spaniards hunting 
 the native Americans ! How different from 
 the condud of the Romans, fitting at eafe 
 in their amphitheatres to enjoy the fight of 
 criminals encountering wild beads! How 
 different from that mofl horrible of all 
 horrid diverfions the Cryptia, in which the 
 poor unoffending Helots were hunted and 
 poniarded by the Spartans ! Thefe were, 
 indeed, cafes of wanton barbarity ; but the 
 man who fays that the colonifts of Jamaica 
 were cruel in hiring the Spanifh chaffeurs, 
 will be inconfiftent if he does not con- 
 demn the pradice of keeping watch-dogs, 
 left they ihould injure the nodurnal 
 prowler ; or if he allow that he might fave 
 his own life, or the lives of others, by 
 fetting his dog on a lawlefs band of al- 
 failants. The clamour, therefore, that 
 was railed in England againfl the em-^ 
 
 ployment
 
 ( 17 ) 
 plbyment of the Spanifh chaffeurs was 
 groundlefs and unjuft, and it will be 
 admitted to be the more fo, when it is 
 known, that all that was at firft expected 
 by the Inhabitants from the ufe of the 
 dogs, was to difcover ambuflies laid by 
 the Maroons, in order that they might be 
 defeated ; and that many, doubting evea 
 this good effect, ridiculed the project: 
 nay, the extent of the plan was unknown, 
 and the mode of executing it uncertain. 
 The commiffioner, feeling for the fitua- 
 tion of the ifland, had fuggefted it ; the 
 planters finding every other expedient tried 
 in vain, and eager to feize on any hope^ 
 were anxious to try it ; and Lord Bal- 
 carres, folicitous for their welfare, com- 
 plied with their wifhes, on their repre- 
 fenting the probability of its anfwering a 
 good purpofe. Cruelty was entirely fo- 
 reign to the project : the ifland had been 
 thrown into fo fingular and alarming a 
 dilemma, that no means which might ex- 
 tri<iate it could be deemed crnel. The 
 Vol. II. C com-
 
 { 18 ) 
 
 commiflioner's humanity and klndncfs to 
 his own black people are well known in 
 Jamaica; I myfelf bear witnefs to it, having 
 had an opportunity, by refiding at his houfe 
 foT; a. cpnfiderable time, to be well ac- 
 quainted with his difpofition ; and I be- 
 lieve that his flaves enjoyed a far greater 
 portion of happinefs than the generality of 
 the poor in any country upon the face of 
 the earth. But had It been otherwife, had 
 the fuggeftion proceeded from a defpotic 
 and ferocious fpirit, bent on the extermi- 
 nation of fome of the human fpecies by a 
 barbarous expedient, it is not likely that 
 a mild, humane, and beneficent mind, like 
 that of Lord Balcarres, or that the majority 
 of any affcmbly of educated men, would 
 have concurred in the experiment. It 
 appeared to them at that time, as it muft 
 appear now to every rational man, a choice 
 of two evils ; and the one wifely chofen 
 was trivial in comparifon with the magni- 
 tude of the other. 
 
 With
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 , 'With refped to the fcheme, it Is a fad 
 that the Lieutenant-Governor himfelf was, 
 at the time of the commiffioners's departure 
 for Cuba, hardly aware of the extent of it. 
 Colonel Quarrell was empowered to ad 
 according to the bed of his judgment and 
 difcretion, but the letter to Don Luis de 
 las Cafas, only requefted permiflion to pur- 
 chafe a few dogs. Had Lord Balcarres 
 been apprized of the ri{k the commilFioner 
 incurred, or the certainty of the oppofition 
 the plan in its full extent would meet 
 from the Governor of the Havanna, it is 
 probable that his Lordfhip would not have 
 concurred in it. But very different were 
 the fentiments of the commiffioner : having 
 once imprefTed upon his mind that the 
 execution of the defign he had fuggefted 
 would fave the ifland from the ruin that 
 threatened it, he refolved to venture his 
 life, and to ufe liis own refources, in 
 accomplifhing his objedt. Nor, as it will 
 foon appear, was it an eafy or fafe under- 
 taking ; the end was clear, the means of 
 C 2 cfTeding
 
 { 20 ) 
 
 effecting it obfcure and doubtful. The 
 commifTioner determined not only to ob- 
 tain dogs but chafleurs ; he had to confide 
 much in Spaniards, of whofe fidelity he 
 could not be certain ; and while he was 
 oftenfibly purchafing a few dogs, he was 
 to manage to procure their mafters, -with- 
 out whom the animals would have been 
 of no ufe. Such an undertaking required 
 uncommon activity and a penetrating mind, 
 as you will have occafion to obferve more 
 than once in the courfe of this expedition j 
 to which we will now return. 
 
 The fchooner on board of which the 
 commiflioner embarked, leaving the weft 
 end of Jamaica, ftood to the northward in 
 a direct courfe for the port of Trinidad, 
 which it was neceflary to make, in order 
 to procure pilots to carry her through the 
 iflands and banks called the Jardhies del 
 Re'nie, an intricate navigation, to Batabano, 
 another port lying in a very deep bay, 
 within the ifle of Pines, on the South fide 
 
 of
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 of Cuba, at the diftance of about forty- 
 five miles from the Havanna, acrofs the 
 iiland. 
 
 As in giving you an account of this 
 expedition, I wifh to amufe as well as 
 inform you, I take it for granted you will 
 not be difpleafed, that I do not conceive 
 myfelf debarred by my fubjedt from re- 
 lating occurrences that took place in the 
 courfe of it, even though not immediately 
 neceflary to the elucidation of my principal 
 narrative. The traveller who, fpeeding 
 from poll to poll towards his journey's 
 end, difdains to caft a look to the right 
 or to the left, and who confiders a httle 
 chat with a ftranger on the way as lofs of 
 time, may attain the objed: he propofed 
 at fetting out, and get the fooner over his 
 road ; but he furely travels more pleafantly 
 who carries with him a dirpofition to de- 
 light in the tranfient feenes through which 
 he pafles, and in accidental events that 
 pficT themfelves to his enjoyment. If in 
 C 3 avoiding
 
 C ^ ) 
 
 avoiding the trammels of Klftorical com- 
 pofition, I hoped to fhelter myfelf from 
 the fe verity of criticifm, you, my dear 
 friend, and my other readers, will, I truft, 
 be on your part pkafed with the latitude 
 I have gained by my candid artifice, of 
 bringing to your view objects collaterally 
 conne<5led, and of making you as it were 
 a party in the fcenes I defcribe. 
 
 Soon after leaving Jamaica, the com- 
 miflioner's veflel was chafed for fome 
 hours by another fchooner, which, on 
 coming down fo near as to perceive her 
 chace to be an armed veflel, hauled her 
 wind, and ftood precifely the fame courfe 
 with the Mercury, which now in turn 
 gave chace, and came up with the other 
 veflel about two o'clock in the morning. 
 Without waiting for an explanation the 
 latter fired, on which the Britifli fchooner 
 gave her a broadfide. She then ftruck, 
 and proved to be Spanifh, having two and 
 thirty men, and ten guns, with a cargo 
 
 of
 
 { 23 ) 
 
 of thirty-two thoufand dollars. At this 
 period the Spaniards were in amity with 
 England, and at war with France j but it 
 was necefl'ary to take and keep pofleflion 
 of her till the next morning, in order to 
 afcertain what fhe was. Except one man 
 wounded, fhe had fufFered no damage 
 from the attack in the night ; and all the 
 lofs fhe fuftained was a few hundred dol- 
 lars flolen by the Cura9oa negroes, who 
 had been fent on board to take charge 
 of her. This fhe merited for firing pre- 
 cipitately, which made it impofTible for 
 the commiffioner to reftrain his vagabond 
 crew, who were indeed the fcum of rene- 
 gadoes, and from whom more danger was 
 to be apprehended than from any privateer^ 
 however hoftile. Throughout the paflage, 
 the few Englifh who were on board the 
 fchooner, thought it neceflary to keep 
 pofFefTion of the quarter-deck and cabin 
 with arms. Privateering not being the 
 obje(t of the voyage, and the Spaniard 
 making an apology for firing, declaring 
 C 4 that
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 that, not being able to diftinguifh the 
 Britifh colours in the night, he had taken 
 the Mercury for a French privateer, his 
 veflel was allowed to proceed on her 
 voyage *. 
 
 Shortly after this encounter, the BritifU 
 fchooner arrived at the port of Trinidad, 
 where the commiflioner immediately waited 
 upon the Governor of the place, and, in- 
 forming him that he had difpatches from 
 Lord Balcarres to Don Luis de las Gafas 
 at the Havanna, requefted to be provided 
 with pilots for the paflage of the Jardines 
 to Batabano. He was very politely re- 
 ceived, and affured that the pilots fhould 
 be ready mantana^ that is, to-morrow. To- 
 morrow, however, a grand ball was given 
 
 * This fchooner, ^Yhjch was in cv complete ftate bf 
 cruizing, went on to Kingflon in Jamaica, and was there 
 transferred to a fet of men little better than banditti, who 
 embai-ked to make the mod of the chances afforded them 
 at fea. The Spaniard laid out his dollars for Britifh goodsj 
 which he O^ipped on board other vefTels.
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 in honour of the arrival of the com- 
 miflioner, who was fo ill that he could 
 hardly walk, having, as we have feen, 
 left Jamaica with a fever on him : but 
 Spanifh politenefs admitted of no refufal. 
 A large long-tail mule, caparifoQed with 
 a demi-peak faddle, immenfe gilt ftirrups, 
 and a large gilt bit to the bridle, and 
 almoft hid by a red laced holder-cap and 
 houfmg, was difpatched with a number 
 of lanterns and mufic, to bring him up 
 to the houfe of an officer of high rank, 
 Don Tomas Munios, where he received 
 the greateft attention, and was informed 
 by his Excellency the Governor, that the 
 pilots (hould be ready nia?tiaua. No pilots 
 making their appearance the next day, 
 the commlffioner gently complained to the 
 Governor, who laid the blame upon the 
 naval officer, and promifed that the fault 
 ihould be remedied viaii'iana, Maniana 
 was again attended with difappolntmcnt : 
 ^ Spanifli officer of great diftindion, fioiii 
 jhe Callle of Xagua, fent his compliments, 
 I with
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 with a meflage to the Britifh Colone!, 
 informing him that he and his officers 
 would dine with him on board his veflel. 
 .The next day the naval officer found it 
 his duty, and afked permiffion to fearch 
 among the crew of the fchooner, to afcer- 
 tain if any of them were regiftered at or 
 belonged to the port of Trinidad ; but this 
 was peremptorily refufed: it caufed, how- 
 ever, the delay of that day. The commiC. 
 fioner, had again 'recourfe to the Governor, 
 who urged him to poftpone his voyage one 
 day more, pledging his honour at the fame 
 time that the pilots fhould be on board 
 the fchooner maniana : this he accompanied 
 with the requeft of a particular favour, 
 which at laft accounted for the detention 
 of the fchooner. Five fmall vefTels, loaded 
 with the king's duties, paid in fugar and 
 tobacco, were getting ready to fail when 
 the Mercury arrived at the port, and being 
 now prepared, the Governor entreated the 
 commiflioner to take them under convoy 
 to Batabano. To this he confented with 
 4 pleafure,
 
 ( *7 ) 
 pleafure, not only from his difpofitlon to 
 oblige perfons who had treated him with 
 diftindlion, but becaufe he faw that the 
 circumftance would give farther weight to 
 the conlideration he expected at the capital 
 of the ifland. Several officers and gentle- 
 men* availed themfelves of this oppor- 
 tunity of going round to the Havanna, 
 having waited months at Trinidad for a 
 fafe conveyance. Among them was the 
 Governor's fon, a young officer about 
 eighteen years of age, whom his father 
 requefted the commiffioner to take charge 
 of to the Havanna, at the fame time 
 
 * One of them, Don Tomas Munios, difplayed a fplrit 
 of gratitude that refleds the higheft honour upon himfclf, 
 and upon human nature. Some time after, a Jamaica mer- 
 chant named Roblnfon, going from Kingfton to Savaniiah- 
 la-mar with a cargo, was taken by a Spanifh privateer and 
 carried into the port of Trinidad. Having mentioned that 
 he was acquainted with the commifTjoner, it was told to 
 Don Tomas Munios, who immediately took him out of 
 the prifon where he had been loilged, entertained him at 
 his own houfe, furnidicd him with money, and afterwards 
 procured him a vt-fl'd to return to Jamaica without being 
 exchanged as a prifoncr. 
 
 giving
 
 (28 ) 
 
 giving the youth leave to accompany him 
 to Jamaica. 
 
 It feems that a French privateer fchooner 
 of fourteen guns had been cruizing within 
 the ifle of Pines, taking every thing that 
 attempted the paflage of the Jardines. By 
 fome fmall craft, which had arrived the 
 day before through a very intricate and 
 fhallow paflage, information wms received 
 that the privateer was then lying under 
 Point Gordo, at the extremity of the pafi. 
 fage. Relying upon this intelligence, 
 every poflible preparation was made for 
 fecuring the convoy and engaging the 
 privateer, and the naval officer then pre- 
 fented two pilots to the commiffioner, de- 
 firing him to hang them both if bis veflel 
 ran "aground. The paffiige was extremely 
 intricate, and the pilots were placed one 
 at the helm, and tl.e other at the foretop- 
 maft-head. The fchooner, though drawing 
 only ten feet four inches water, brought 
 tp a line of diihu"bed mud aftern during
 
 ( ^9 ) 
 
 the greater part of the firft day. At night, 
 fhe anchored with the convoy, and next 
 morning proceeded at day-dawn. About 
 ten o'clock Ihe made Point Gordo, when 
 there appeared, about half a mile off, an 
 armed fchooner lying at anchor with her 
 foremaft unrigged, and tw^o boats with a 
 number of men on the beach, evidently 
 a part of the crew. The opportunity for 
 deftroying her being very favourable, the 
 convoy was ordered to proceed under an 
 eafy fail, while the Mercury hauled up 
 clofe under the ftern of the fchooner at 
 anchor. The two boats full of men were 
 now pulling off with the greateft expedi- 
 tion, and it was thought right to cut up the 
 veffel before the men could get on board; 
 accordingly a broa^dfide was poured in, but 
 the guns being two much elevated, flie 
 fuffered more in her rigging than in her 
 hull. Soon after the difcharge, all her 
 hands got in ; it was, however, impo/Fiblc;: 
 for her to have cfcapcd had it been her 
 intention; and the Brltilli fcliooncr liaving
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 put about, was preparing to give her an- 
 other broadfide, when fhe fortunately dif- 
 played Spanifh colours, calling out to the 
 Mercury at the fame time to flop for the. 
 love of God, On this the Mercury again 
 brought up under her ftern, when a boat 
 came alongfide with an officer, who in- 
 formed the commiffioner that the veflel 
 belonged to the King of Spain, ^nd had 
 only come out of port the day before, in 
 company with another fchooner, which 
 was to be feen to leeward, in order to take 
 a French privateer that had been cruizing 
 on that part of the coaft. An interchange 
 of civilities followed this explanation ; after 
 which the Mercury bore up for her convoy, 
 and pafTing clofe by the other fchooner, 
 arrived the fame evening at the port of 
 Batabano. This little draggling town, or 
 rather village, is fituated near a morafs of 
 three iiiiles, that feparates it from the fea, 
 with vvliich It communicates by a fmall 
 caufeway almoft covered with water. In 
 the town a company of infantry was fta- 
 
 tioned,
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 tioned, with a detachment of horfe for 
 the purpofe of carrying expreffes. The 
 commanding officer, on being fhown the 
 addrefs of the commiflioner's difpatches, 
 provided him with four horfes for himfelf, 
 his companion, and their fervants. He 
 likewife gave them a guard of two dra- 
 goons, in compliment to the military rank 
 of the commiflioner, and perhaps partly 
 for the purpofe of ferving as fpies, to 
 attend them to the capital, through Befucal, 
 a town in the mountains on the road to 
 the Havanna. The commiflioner was 
 accompanied a confiderable part of the 
 way by twenty caViferos^ or mule drivers, 
 with two hundred mules and horfes, laden 
 with the King's duties, which he had 
 convoyed in fafety to the port of Bata- 
 bano. 
 
 Such is the adherence of the Spaniards 
 to old habits and practices, or fucli their 
 inveterate indolence, that although the 
 road acrofs the country to the Havanna is 
 
 very
 
 ( 3i ) 
 
 very pradicablc for a carriage, and with 
 little trouble might be made a very fine 
 one, they had no mode of conveying the 
 cargoes of the five veflels arrived from 
 Trinidad but on pack-horfes and mules* 
 The greateft part of the trade from the 
 fouth fide of Cuba to the Havanna is car- 
 ried on in the fame manner, which the 
 traders ufually prefer to the rifk attending 
 the navigation by Cape Antonio and the 
 Colorados, at the weft end of the ifland, 
 where they frequently fuffer lofles. From 
 the fame fupine fpirit it is that the port of 
 Xagua, twenty miles to the weftward of 
 Trinidad, is almoft entirely negleded. It 
 might be made the fineft harbour in the 
 world. A narrow entrance, fixty-two feet 
 deep, and a hundred yards wide, is de- 
 fended by a caftlc on a rock. The bafon 
 within is nearly a circle, of a diameter of 
 nine miles ; the land rifes high all round 
 in an eafy afcent, fheltering it from every 
 wind, and an inexhauftible quantity of the 
 largeft cedars on the earth grows from the 
 
 fummit*
 
 ( 3i ) 
 
 fumihits of the hills to the water's edge. 
 No axe ever touches them, except that of 
 fome miferable fifherman, who fells a tree 
 of a middling fize, the neareft at hand, to 
 excavate it for a canoe. 
 
 The commiliioner and his frienjd, with 
 their retinue, arrived late at night at 
 Befucal, where fatigue and the fever, 
 which continued on Colonel Quarrell, 
 made the very firft houfe an acceptable 
 place of reft. A cow-hide ftretched upon 
 a frame, with a mat, pillow, and ftieet 
 upon it, was all the bedding it afforded. 
 Satisfied with this couch, the commifTioner 
 retired to reft ; but had fcarcely lain down, 
 when he was furprifed by a numerous 
 attendance of vifitors, full drefl*ed, who had 
 been incited, fome by civility and others 
 by curiofity, to haften to this miferable petty 
 inn. Better accommodation was offered 
 by feveral hidalgos to the commiiTioner, 
 who was now fo ill as not to be able to 
 
 Vol. II. D move
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 move again that night, which he regretted 
 touch, as among the invitations given him 
 he received one from the lady paramount 
 of the place, the Marqmfa de St, Ftlippe et 
 St. Jugo^ who had commiflioned a French 
 officer, on parole at Befucal, fuppofing 
 that French wag more familiar to the 
 ftranger than Spanilh, to fay that her 
 palace and fervices were at the command 
 of the Englifh officer. Next day, how- 
 ever, he availed himfelf of the flattering 
 offer, though he could not but fmile at the 
 parade and pomp with which the invita- 
 tion was attended. Faffing through a con- 
 fiderable town, about a mile in length, he 
 arrived at a very large houfe, externally 
 net much unlike a prifon, but the interior 
 of which had every thing to render it 
 agreeable, and was in fome refpeds grand. 
 The Spaniard v/hofe converfation had 
 given rife to the expedition, and vi^hom 
 the commiffioner had taken as a guide, 
 had told hlra that he was a native of this 
 place, and that his family were fome of 
 
 5 the
 
 ( 3S ) 
 
 the very people he was In fearch of. Irl 
 this ftaternent he had ftridly adhered to 
 truths and on his arrival loft no time In 
 imparting to his particular friends the 
 bufinefs on which he was come home. He 
 had arrived at Befucal before the commif- 
 fionefj and had fully paved the way with 
 the Marquifa for the enterprlfe that was 
 iht obje<St of the expedition. 
 
 The Marquifa received the commllTioner 
 and his friend with great politenefs, and 
 entertained them moft hoipltably and 
 kindly. By means of the |;uide, whofe 
 name was Pcdrafib, and v,ho alfo D.Ctcd as 
 interpreter, (he was informed of the horrid 
 war waged by the Mciroons in J.iinaica 
 againft the v/hite inha!)itants ; and the b:ir- 
 barities of It were ftrongly reprefentcd to 
 her, in order that llie imprcllion made 
 unon her nuiid nii-'-lit intcreft her the more 
 in fuvoiir of the miihon to Cuba. She 
 was t(;ld, that if the people could only 
 he e;iiardwd againft furprlfcs, the Maroons 
 D 2 would
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 would ibon lofe all their arrogance, and 
 fue for peace ; that the difpatches to Don 
 Luis de las Cafas would, no doubt,- enfure 
 permiflion for purchafing fome dogs ; and 
 that, with her aid, a few of the Befucal 
 people might be induced to go with them 
 to Jamaica. The proclamations offering 
 rewards for killing or taking the Maroons 
 were then read to her. The Marquila 
 attended very gracioufly to the recital of 
 thefe circumftances ; and obferving that 
 the rewards offered were &f themfelves 
 fufEcient to procure a number of her 
 people with their dogs, added, that her 
 influence fhould not be wanting to infti- 
 gate fome of the beft of the chafleurs to 
 attend the commifTioner on his return. 
 
 Befucal is an extenfive town, contain- 
 ing about 5000 inhabitants, two-thirds of 
 whom arc mulattocs, quadroons, and other 
 mLxed grades between tlie white and black. 
 This place, with the furrounding country 
 to an extent of many miles every way, 
 
 including
 
 ( 37 ) 
 including the towns of St. Filippe and St. 
 Jago, is immediately under the govern- 
 ment of the Marquila, who holds a diftint 
 jurirdi<Stion, over which the Government 
 at the Havanna has no control. The 
 various powers, which are there vefted in 
 different hands, are here all centered in 
 hers. She iiolds independent courts, and 
 exercifes fupreme authority in whatever 
 relates to the internal adminiftration of 
 affairs in her franchife, which fhe enjoys 
 as an hereditary right. The amount of 
 her revenues is unknown ; but it is faid 
 that flie is exceedingly rich. The mild- 
 nefs of her government renders the people 
 very happy ; none of them, however, in 
 any of her towns appear to be very 
 opulent, yet the churches are richly en- 
 dowed, and among them are feveral con- 
 vents. The Marquifa has a numerous 
 retinue, and lives in fome ftate, though 
 lefs fplendidly fmce the departure of the 
 Marquis her hull)and, pafTing a greater 
 portion of her time in retirement during 
 D 3 hh 
 
 41d3?^0
 
 ( 33 ) 
 his abfence. Rights nearly fovereign, and 
 an immenfe fortune, added to the perfonal 
 beauty and unconimou charms both of face 
 and mind with which the Marquifa was 
 endowed, engaged the attention of a young 
 nobleman of high rank, to whom fhe was 
 married at the early age of fourteen. At 
 the time of the commiflioner's arrival, the 
 Marquis, who was faid to be rather gay 
 and difhpated, was at Madrid, w^here he 
 had an appointment at court, and whither 
 he had gone about four years before, 
 to attend to a law-fuit. This he had 
 gained, but royal notice, and the luxuries 
 of the capital of Spain, feemed to poflefs 
 attractions too powerful to fuffcr his return 
 to Bcfucal. He had written repeated af- 
 furances of fctrlng out for home, which 
 had been as repeatedly forgotten. His fon, 
 a youth lixtecn years of age, was hereditary 
 colonel of a regiment with which lie was 
 on duty at ^.'Ictanzo?. The Marquifli's 
 domcftic circle was then fmall, confifting 
 of her daughter, who was fix years old, 
 
 and
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 and her coufm, a girl of fixteen. Her 
 confeflbr was conftantly in the houfe, and 
 with Monfieur L'Epee, the French officer 
 whom fhe fent to invite the commiflloner, 
 frequently conftituted the whole party at 
 the palace. She was defirous of detaining 
 the commiffioner for fome time, but ad- 
 mitted of his apology for leaving her, on 
 the promife of a longer ftay when he 
 returned. He accordingly left Befucal, in 
 company with his friend, as fpeedily as 
 poffible, and, taking with him his guide 
 Pedraflb, arrived about the 3d ot Novem- 
 ber at the Havanna, where he was received 
 in a very flattering manner by Don Luls' 
 de las Cafas, wlio, as was iifuai among 
 men cf rank in tliat country, was profufe 
 of civility, oflerlng his rurfe, and a con- 
 flant cover at liis tabic. He readily coii:- 
 pliod witli tbic rcqucft coiitaiiKu in the 
 commiflioiiei's dllputchcj, ['r-inting pcr- 
 iniiTii)n to nKjku tlic pui"clia!^s recjiiircd ; 
 and auJin^ with great urbaiiity, tl^at from 
 rcA.cdl: to Lord Ij.ikarrcs, he Ihould on 
 D 4 inc
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 the prefent pccafion overlook an injundion 
 of his court, againft admitting foreigner^ 
 within his government, the only exception 
 to which was in favour of thofe traders 
 who came with new negroes *. 
 
 * Votes of the Aflembly of Jamaica, 1796. See Ap-^ 
 pendix, No. 2.
 
 ( 4J ) 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 ]l^ews of Peace between France and Spain.- Jealoufy of 
 the Officers in Adminifl ration at the Havanna. Cha- 
 racler of the Governor. Mutiny on hoard the Mercury. 
 Hoiv quelled. DcBor Dominguez. Proclamation 
 relative to the Rewards for taking 'Maroons tranflated^ 
 and fent into the Mountains of B^ucal. Defcription 
 ef the Perfott of a Spanifh Lawyer. Account of the 
 Chafeurs del Rey. Inflance of their taking Affajftn: 
 who had plundered an Englifh Ship. Defcription of 
 the Men and Dogs. Thofe of Befucal. Employment^ 
 Mode of Purfuitt and Manner of Living. Drefs of 
 a Chajfeur. Articles of Agreement entered into with 
 ike ChaJJeurs. 
 
 i HE day before the commlfTioner reached 
 the Havanna, news had arrived by a cir- 
 cuitous route of the peace that had been 
 conchidcd between Trance and Spain ; but 
 as the port had been long blocked up, lb 
 6 that
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 that few veflels had entered, and none 
 from Europe, the particulars of the treaty 
 were unknown. The commifTioner was the 
 firft who fupplied them with the articles of 
 it, and the joy they fpread was unbounded. 
 The merchants rejoiced that their fhips 
 could once more go to fea with fafety, 
 and the priefts were happy in an occafion 
 to difplay their devotion and their pagean- 
 try. The joyous event was celebrated 
 with military parade and religious pro- 
 ceflions. Nothing elfe was thought of. 
 At the grand cathedral, three whole days 
 "were fpent in prayers for the fouls of thofe 
 who had fallen in the war. When, how- 
 ever, the emotions of pleafare began to 
 fubfide, they were mingled vrith appre- 
 henfions of the confequence of entering 
 into a feparate treaty of peace ; the relent- 
 mcnt of the Engliih was foreboded, and 
 tiiC great and only dread was a war Vv'ith 
 England. 
 
 No
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 No civilized people are fo profoundly 
 ignorant of the politics of other nations, 
 and fo little informed of their own, as 
 the Spaniards in general. They both hate 
 and dread the French ; to the Englifli they 
 have no objedion, but on the fcore of 
 religion ; and they have charity enough 
 to regret that a people in other refpeds 
 fo good (hould be damned ; for their Gallic 
 friends they have no fuch charity. 
 
 Although the confideration which Don 
 J^uis de las Cafas had fliown for Lord 
 Balcarres was exprelTed merely as a polite 
 attention, he would have been juftified in 
 making a merit of it ; for the Governors 
 of the Havanna are placed in a very 
 tickllfli fituation. It has always been the 
 petty policy of the Spanifh court to keep 
 up a jealoufy among the different officers 
 of the higher departments in the colonies, 
 encouraging tlicm to lodge complaints 
 and informations aeainil one another ; for 
 ivhich rcafon the Governor, Intendant of 
 
 Mariiic,
 
 ( 44 ) 
 Marine, Chief Judge, and other fupenor 
 piiicers, are feldom known to be on good 
 terms. Had it been poffible, fo worthy 
 and honourable a charader as Don Luis 
 muft have conciliated all parties, and he 
 apparently flood well with all; but while 
 his heart aflured him that he was entitled 
 to their cordiality, his information and 
 wifdom taught him to diftinguifh appear- 
 ance from reality. This nobleman, who 
 held the rank of Lieutenant-General ia 
 Spain, was an excellent and experienced 
 officer, and had been trained in the fervice 
 cf his country on the continent of Europe. 
 He was fufpedled of a tendency to re- 
 publican principles, though not of Jacob- 
 inifm ; and it has been thought owing to 
 this fufpicion, that he was precluded from 
 the ufual fucceflion of the Governors of 
 the Havanna, firft to the Vice-Royalty of 
 of Santa Fe, and afterwards to that of 
 Mexico : for he had received notice that 
 he was to be appointed to the command of 
 thQ troops in Pampeluna, which was by 
 
 no
 
 ( 45 1 
 
 no means confideredas an adequate mark 
 of the favour his rank, charadter, and 
 merit, entitled him to expert from the 
 Spanifti government. The commiflioner, 
 apprized of the fituation in which Don 
 Luis ftood, regulated his condud: accord- 
 ingly, in order to avoid every ground of 
 umbrage or jealoufy that might arife from 
 any marked attentions of the Governor 
 towards him. He only returned the vifits 
 he received, and at fuch times as he knew 
 few people would be at the Government 
 houfe. 
 
 The commiiTioner had been but a very 
 fliort time at the Havanna, when he 
 received an exprefs from the captain of 
 his fchooner at Batabano, informing him 
 that the crew were in a mutinous flate, 
 and that it was to be feared they had a 
 defign of running away with the veiTeL 
 The captain and the three Britifii feamen 
 on board were living in a ftate of fiege. 
 They had pofTeffion of the cabin, where 
 
 thcv
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 they remained with their fmall arms, having 
 turned the two after-guns to command the 
 deck forward, and having fecured the 
 bulkheads below. No affiftance was to be 
 obtained from the fev7 fmall guarda coftas 
 in the port, who w^ere afraid of a banditti 
 that neither acknowledged, nor was ac- 
 knowledged, by any government ; rafcals 
 that cared not againft what country they 
 fought fo they could but plunder. Had it 
 been the intention of the agent who pro- 
 vided the fchooner, to defeat the objed: of 
 the expedition, nothing could have been 
 more effectual than embarking fo villanous 
 a crew ; but it muft be remembered that 
 the fchooner was difpatched in liaftc, and 
 that Britiih feamen vrere not at the time 
 to be obtained. On receivinf'- the exprefs 
 from Batabano, the commiffioner immedi- 
 ately applied to the Governor, and ob- 
 tained permifiion to engage fuch Britifli 
 feamen as he could procure at the Ha- 
 vanna. Lofing no time, he v.-as foon able 
 to dilpatch eighteen picked men acrofs the 
 
 country
 
 { 47 ) 
 
 country on horfeback, with guides; and 
 
 they fortunately arrived in time to fave 
 
 the vefTel. Four ringleaders of the mutiny 
 
 were fent afhore ; at the head of them a 
 
 villain named Coro, who, it now appeared, 
 
 had committed feveral horrid murders, and 
 
 the laft jufl: before he entered on board the 
 
 fchooner. Had it not been for the diffen- 
 
 fions between the Spaniards and the Curaf- 
 
 coa men, the veflel would certainly have 
 
 been carried off, before the Britifli' Tars 
 
 could have reached Batabano. The fierce 
 
 vagabonds were continually fighting, and 
 
 frequently wounded each other with long 
 
 fliarp knives, of which each had one 
 
 aKvavs ftuck in his belt. Scenes of this 
 
 kind were perpetually recurring during 
 
 the paffage from Jamaica, and it was as 
 
 dangerous to interpofe in their broils as 
 
 difficult to pacify the paffionatc favagcs. 
 
 The commiffioner, liowcver, with the 
 
 aninance of Captain Gilpin, had managed 
 
 to keep them under fomc command, v.'iich 
 
 in
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 In their abfence the captain of the fchbonef 
 found impoffible. 
 
 Another occurrence took place at this 
 time, which added greatly to the commif- 
 fioner's folicitude refpeding the iffue of 
 his expedition ; his faithful guide, Pe- 
 draffo, fell fick of the yellow fever. The 
 poor fellow was in very imminent danger, 
 but recovered, owing his life to the great 
 attention and fkill of a medical gentlemanj 
 fettled at the Havanna, named Dominguez. 
 And here, my friend, to make you ac- 
 quainted with Doctor Dominguez, I mufl 
 digrefs a little : not that I mean to imitate 
 the writings of Sterne, who, a great imi- 
 tator himfelf, has had but too many fub- 
 imitators. But I hope that the few 
 digreffions I admit in the tafk I have 
 undertaken, will neither feem unconneded, 
 nor prove unamufmg. Doctor Dominguez 
 is a young Scotchman, perhaps the only 
 one of the name Scotland could ever boafl ; 
 but be that as it may, he refieded honour 
 
 on
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 on his country, where he had received a 
 Jiberal education. Like many others of the 
 fons of Caledonia, it was the fole gift he 
 received from her ; but then it was one 
 of the higheft value, far above fortune 
 or rank without it; and, to the eternal 
 honour of Caledonia, it is a gift fhe beftows 
 on almoft all her children. Sent into the 
 world to feek his fortune, he was, by fome 
 inducement, unknown to me, led to try it 
 among the Spaniards in Cuba, where, 
 having evinced his fkill, he was at firft 
 employed in the care of feveral eftates in 
 the country. Thefe he was foon obliged 
 to relinquifli through the jealoufy of the 
 Spanish practitioners. One of them, about 
 a year before, attempted to aflaffinate him 
 in his bed, which the villain fuppofed he 
 had completed, having cut his throat and 
 given him feveral wounds. Fortunately 
 they were not mortal ; ufmg therefore 
 every caution to preferve life, he made 
 the beft of his way to the Havanna, where 
 he was charitably received by a gentleman 
 Vol. II. E to
 
 ( JO ) 
 
 to whom he was a little known. The 
 greateft care was taken of him, and he 
 was even attended by the daughter of his 
 hoft : nor did the young lady remit her 
 attentions in the fmiling ftages of his con- 
 valefcence, for the doftor-patient was not 
 only learned, but agreeable and handfome. 
 One evening the young fignora was found 
 by her parents fitting on his bed, but not 
 adminiftering phyfic. A pretty fituation 
 for an Iberian mifs ! The dodor roundly 
 afleverated the purity of his lovely nurfe, 
 the nurfe blufhed and blubbered, while the 
 intruding Spaniard and his wife were loud 
 for faving a daughter's honour. It was in 
 vain that the young Paracelfus protefted his 
 own innocence, as well as the virtue of 
 the damfel ; nothing but a marriage would 
 convince the old people of either. " But 
 my name, country, and religion, fignor," 
 fald the Caledonian. " Become a Spa- 
 niard," replied the father. " Change your 
 name," faid the mother. ** He is half a 
 catholic already," added the amiable Leo- 
 nora,
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 nora, wiping away her tears. The girl 
 was beautiful, the family was powerful, 
 and the Doctor thought the marriage a 
 much preferable rifk to that of his throat 
 being cut a fecond time. He married the 
 handfome Spaniard, dropped his own name, 
 Halliday, and took that of Dominguez. 
 Protected by the influence of his wife's 
 family in the exercife of his profeflion at 
 the Havanna, his merit foon eftablifhed 
 the higheft reputation, exciting the jealoufy 
 of the Spanifh phyficians, who, though 
 they fpare his throat, oppofe and thwart 
 him, and do all they can to prejudice their 
 countrymen againft him. He was pecu- 
 liarly fuccefsful in treating the yellow fever, 
 and had written a treatife on the fubje<3:, 
 which it was his intention to fend to 
 England to be printed*. But whatever 
 
 the 
 
 * Dr. Halliday, or Domfngiiez, pullinieJ his Tieatife 
 upon the Yellow Fever, with the fucccfaful mode in which 
 he had treated it at the Havanna. It was tried, but not 
 with llic futne fiuccfs, in Jamaica. The failure there, 
 l.owev.r, is not a good rcafun toi doubting its fiicctfs in 
 E 2 Cul^a,
 
 ( 52 ) 
 
 the merit of the profeflbr, the profeflion 
 itfelf was not much refpeded among the 
 Spaniards. They fuffered their maladies 
 to take their courfc too long, frequently 
 calling in Dominguez and the Bon Dieu 
 together, and generally both too late. 
 
 The fchooner being now fecured by the 
 Britifh feamen fent acrofs the country, 
 the commiflioner bent his thoughts upon 
 procuring chafleurs as fpeedily as poflible. 
 The proclamations offering rewards for 
 
 Cuba, as the Faculty admit that habit and conftitutlon may 
 difpofe the diforder to lefs virulence in fome people than 
 In others. That this difference fliould prevail among the 
 Spanifti feamen is not to be wondered at, when we conCder, 
 in the firft inftance, their habits of temperance ; and in 
 the next, that in their change of climate from tbe ports 
 in Old Spain to thofe of Cuba, the moll northerly of the 
 Weft India iflands, except the Bahamas, the difference of 
 climate is by no means fuch as from Britain to Jamaica. 
 The principle of Dr. Halliday's praftice was approved, 
 but the rapid progrefs of the diforder among the Britifh 
 in Jamaica, was fuch as not to admit of a preparation fo 
 tardy, or even of any, before the more powerful checks were 
 applied. 
 
 taking
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 taking Maroons were tranflated Into Spa- 
 niih, and difpatched to the mountains of 
 Befucal, and a confidential lawyer was 
 employed to draw up articles of agreement 
 with the chafleurs. Let no man judge by 
 appearance : that of this fon of the quill 
 was much againft him. He was a very 
 tall, meagre, fwarthy man, of the colour 
 of a mulatto ; his long greafy black hair 
 was queued in a tail of three feet in length ; 
 his coat of brimftone colour, hung very 
 low, and buttoned over like a furtout. In 
 fhort, he might have been taken for an 
 officer of the holy order of St. Hermadad, 
 or an advocate for the Court of Inquifition, 
 He proved, however, to be lefs a maniana 
 man than the commifTioner had feared; 
 for on being well paid for the expedition, 
 he completed the articles of agreement in 
 tolerable good time. They were difpatched 
 by Pedraflb, and being fupported by the 
 influence of the good Marquifa, operated 
 admirably on the chafrcurs. It was for- 
 tunate that there was no circulation of 
 E 3 ncwf-
 
 { 54 ) 
 
 newfpapers in this part of the world, and 
 that the knowledge of the events of one 
 place is not fpeedily conveyed to another, 
 as in the end it would have embarraffed, 
 if not totally overthrown, the commif- 
 fioner's views. The people at the Ha- 
 vanna knew no more what was pafTing 
 at Befucal, than they did of the occurrences 
 at Pekin. 
 
 The commiflioner every where met 
 with the greateft hofpitality, and received 
 the politefl: attentions from the moft re- 
 fpedtahle families. He was particularly 
 obliged to an Englifh Guinea-merchant, 
 named Allwood, refiding at the Havanna, 
 through whofe influence with perfons of 
 the higheft rank and appointments he had 
 great advantages, many interefl:ing them- 
 felves in promoting his views. One of 
 them, Don Manuel de Seias, the Alcade 
 Provinciale, commanded about fix and 
 thirty chafleurs, who were in the King's 
 pay. The employment of thefe is to 
 
 4 traverfe
 
 ( 5S ) 
 
 traverfe the country for the purpofe of 
 purfuing ai)d taking up all perfons guilty 
 of murder and other offences, in which 
 they feldoin fail of fuccefs, no adivity on 
 the part of the offenders being able to 
 elude their purfuit. An extraordinary 
 inftance occurred about a month before 
 the commiffioner arrived at the Havaana. 
 A fleet from Jamaica, under convoy to 
 Great Britain, pafling through the gulf of 
 Mexico, beat up on the north fide of Cuba, 
 One of the Ihips, manned with foreigners, 
 chiefly rencgado Spaniards, being a dull 
 failer, and confequently lagging aftern, 
 ftanding in with the land at night, was 
 run on fhore, the captain, officers, and the 
 few Britifh hands on board murdered, and 
 the veffel plundered by the Spanifli rene- 
 gadoes. The part of the coafl: on which 
 the velTcl was fl;randed, being wild and 
 unfrequented, the affaffins retired with their 
 booty to the mountains, intending to pene- 
 trate through the woods to fome remote 
 fcttlements on the fouth fide, where they 
 E 4 hoped
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 hoped to fecure themfelves, and elude all 
 purfult. Early intelligence of the crime, 
 however, had been conveyed to the Ha- 
 vanna, and the affaffins w^ere purfued by 
 a detachment of twelve of the Chafleurs 
 del Rey, with their dogs. In a few days 
 they were all brought in and executed. 
 The head and right arm of each were 
 fufpended in frames, not unlike parrot- 
 cages, which were hung on various gibbets, 
 at the port and other confpicuous places 
 on the coaft, near the entrance of the 
 harbour. 
 
 ' The dogs carried out by the Chafleurs 
 del Rey are perfectly broken in, that is 
 to fay, they will not kill the object they 
 purfue unlefs refilled. On coming up 
 with a fugitive, they bark at him till he 
 flops, they then couch near him, terrifying 
 him with a ferocious growling if he ftirs. 
 In this pofition they continue barking to 
 give notice to the chafl'eurs, who come up 
 and fecure their prifoner. Each chafleur, 
 
 though
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 he can hunt only with two dogs properly^ 
 is obliged to have three, which he main- 
 tains at his own coft, and that at no fmall 
 expence. Thel'e people live with their dogs, 
 from which they are infeparable. At home 
 the dogs are kept chained, and when 
 walking with their mafters, are never un- 
 muzzled, or let out of ropes, but for 
 attack. They are conftantly accompanied 
 with one or two fmall dogs called finders, 
 whofe fcent is very keen, and always fure 
 of hitting off a track. Dogs and bitches 
 hunt equally well, and the chafTeurs rear 
 no more than will fupply the number 
 required. This breed of dogs, indeed, 
 is not fo prolific as the common kinds, 
 though infinitely flronger and hardier. 
 The animal is the fize of a very large 
 hound, with ears ered:, which are ufiially 
 cropped at the points ; the nofe more 
 pointed, but widening very much towards 
 the after-part of the jaw. His coat, or 
 fkin, is much harder than that of moft 
 dogs, and fo muft be the whole firudurc 
 
 of
 
 ( 58 ) 
 
 of the body, as the fevere beatings he 
 undergoes in training would kill any other 
 iJDecies of dog. There are fome, but not 
 many, of a more obtufe nofc, and which are 
 rather fquarer fet. Thefe, it may be pre- 
 fumed, have been croflcd by the maflifF, 
 but if by this the bulk has been a little 
 increafed, it has added nothing to the 
 ftrength, height, beauty, or agility, of the 
 native breed. 
 
 The chafTeur has no other weapon than 
 a long flrait mufchet, or couteau, longer 
 than a dragoon's fword, and twice as thick, 
 fomething like a flat iron bar fharpened 
 at the lower end, of which about eighteen 
 inches are as (harp as a razor. The point 
 is not unlike the old Roman fword. The 
 fteel of them is excellent, and made at 
 Guanabacoa, about three miles from the 
 Havanna. The handle of the mufchet is 
 without a guard, but fcolloped to admit 
 the fingers and fuit the grafp. Thefe men, 
 as we have fecn, arc under an officer of 
 
 high
 
 ( S9 ) 
 
 high rank, the Alcade Provinciale, and 
 receive a good pay from the Government, 
 befides private rewards for particular and 
 extraordinary fervices. They are a very 
 hardy, brave, and defperate fet of people, 
 fcrupuloufly honeft, and remarkably faith- 
 ful. 
 
 A body of men of the fame defcription 
 and charader refide at Befucal, within 
 the Marquifa's jurifdicftlon. Thefe are 
 not in the King's pay, but are chiefly 
 employed, like the Maroons in Jamaica, 
 in fcouring the mountains of this extenfive 
 country to take runaways, for which they 
 have a fixed reward, and to attack all 
 bodies of negroes collected for hoftile pur- 
 pofes, which is fometimes occafioned by 
 the rigour exercifed on the Spanifh plan- 
 tations : for although in other employ- 
 ments, and particularly in domeftic fervicc, 
 the flaves are treated kindly, and live a 
 very eafy life, it muft be owned that the 
 ftatc of flavery on the fettlemcnts is not 
 
 unat-
 
 ( 6o ) 
 
 unattended with feverity. The greateft 
 commotions, however, have been occa- 
 (loned by Spanifli piety. Many of the 
 largeft and beft fugar eftates in the ifland 
 of Cuba belong to the different ecclefiaftical 
 orders, who are the moft rapacious of 
 planters. Under the mafk of difcouraging 
 a vicious intercourfe with the fexes, fome 
 of them rehgioufly refolved to purchafc 
 only male negroes ; a devout aufterity 
 impofed upon the poor fellows, which, 
 would the good Fathers candidly confefs 
 it, would appear to originate in the tem- 
 poral policy of ^arenda pecunia primum 
 ejl, it being thought that men can do more 
 work than women. Deprived of con- 
 nexions refulting from one of the chief 
 laws of nature, and driven to defpera- 
 tion, the unhappy negroes, not unlike the 
 firft Romans, have been known to fly to 
 neighbouring eftates, feize on the women, 
 and carry them off to the mountains. 
 There, in order to fecure and defend them- 
 felves, they fell upon fome Spaniards, killed 
 
 them,
 
 ( 6. ) 
 
 them, and thus procuring a few fire arms, 
 lances, and cutlafles, attempted to make 
 a refiftance againft the laws: but in vain; 
 a few of the Befucal people, with their 
 dogs, have always proved an overmatch 
 for them. 
 
 The aO:ivity of the chafleurs no negro 
 on earth can elude ; and fuch is their 
 temperance, that with a few ounces of fait 
 for each, they can fupport themfelves for 
 whole months on the vegetable and fari- 
 nacious food afforded by the woods. They 
 drink nothing ftronger than water, with 
 which, when at a diftance from fprlngs, 
 they are copioufly fupplied by the wild 
 pine, by the black and grape withes, which 
 are -about two inches in diameter, and the 
 roots of the cotton-tree. Of the laft, fix 
 feet junked off the fmaller part of the root, 
 where it tapers to the thicknefs of a man's 
 thigh, will yield feveral gallons of water. 
 In the greatcft drought thefe refources 
 feldom fail. For the wild pine they are 
 iQ obliged
 
 ( 62 ) 
 
 obliged to climb trees ; but that they do 
 almoft with the velocity of a monkey. 
 This plant takes root on the body of a 
 tree, and the leaves of it are fo formed as 
 to catch the rain and condud: it to a 
 refervoir at the bafe, where being- never 
 expofed to the fun, it is found delightfully 
 frefh and cool. But the eafieft method of 
 obtaining water in the woods, and with 
 lefs delay on a march, is from the black 
 and grape withes : it is done with greater 
 expedition than drinking at a fpring. The 
 chafleur catches a pendent withe, which, 
 with his mufchet, he divides about two 
 feet from the ground, and applies the end 
 of the withe, as it hangs, to his mouth, 
 or to his dog's, who indicates his third : 
 he then cuts the withe off, about fix feet 
 higher, keeping the upper end elevated, 
 v/hen the air being admitted above, he 
 receives through the porous fibres of it 
 near a quart of delightful cold water. 
 With refpedt to animal food, if any of 
 them happen to defire it, they find no 
 
 diffi-
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 difficulty in obtaining it. The little finder, 
 if fet on, but not othervvife, will foon bay 
 one of the wild hogs with which the woods 
 abound ; the animal, retreating for fhelter 
 to the trunk of a tree, is immediately 
 transfixed with a lance. The men cure 
 as much of the flefh as they think they 
 will have occafion for, by fcoring it inter- 
 nally to the fkin, fprinkling it with fait, 
 and fmoking it ; over the fmoke they 
 throw fome aromatic leaves, which not 
 only add to its flavour, but affifl in pre- 
 fcrving it. The meat thus cured will keep 
 for months, and is efteemed a very great 
 dainty by the moft refined Epicures. It is 
 in fa6t the jirked hog, already mentioned in 
 the account of the Maroon mode of life. 
 The part of the hog not preferved is given 
 to the dogs. The purfuit of the game is 
 entirely the province of the finder; the larger 
 dogs, from their training, would pafs a hog 
 without notice; were one of them to bark 
 at a hog, he would be fcverely punidied. 
 71ic chafieurs beat their dry/s mofl: unnicr- 
 
 ciiuily.
 
 { 64 ) 
 
 cifully, ufmg the fiat fides of their heavy 
 mufchets. When they are going out on 
 fervice, the large chains in which they are 
 kept at home are taken off, and a light, 
 but well-twifted, cotton-rope fubftituted, 
 to which the muzzle and collar joined 
 together are attached at one end, while the 
 other is fixed to the belt of the chafl^eur ; 
 who, when a purfuit is to be made, flips 
 them oflf, fecuring them round his waift: 
 with the rope to which they are tied, 
 draws his mufchet, and pufhes forward 
 nearly as faft: as his dogs ; for the latter 
 are impeded by the underwood, and are 
 fometimes fo entangled as to require the 
 afllftance of their mafl:ers to cut their way 
 through the difficulty which obftrufts their 
 proceeding. The greatefl: privation felt 
 by a chaflTeur in fervice is the want of a 
 fegar, which he mufi: not ufe in the woods, 
 where the fcent, from the frefhnefs of the 
 trees and fl:illnefs of the air, continues long 
 fufpended, and is gradually fpread in the 
 atmofphere, by which the company could 
 
 not
 
 ( 65 ) 
 
 hot but be betrayed, in fpite of the great 
 filence which they obferve on their marches. 
 At other times the fegar is hardly ever out 
 of their mouths. 
 
 I muft now complete your idea of a 
 Spanifh chafleur, by giving you a defcrip- 
 tion of his drefs^ You may imagine it 
 will be brief, for the wearer is not a man 
 of faOiion, and he lives beneath a vertical 
 fun. A check (hirt open at the collar fo 
 as to expofe the neck, from which hangs 
 a fmall crucifix ; a wide pair of trowfers, 
 alfo check ; a ftraw hat, or rather one 
 manufactured of the morafs thatch divided 
 into fmall filaments, feveri or eight inches 
 in the rim, with a (hallow round crOwn, and 
 very light; add his belt and fword, already 
 defcribed, arid a pair of untanned leather 
 fhoes. Into this drefs put a man with a 
 Spanifh countenance, fwarthy but animated, 
 a perfon above the middle fize, thin but not 
 meagre: to his belt affix the cotton ropes, and 
 imagine them attached by collars round the 
 
 Vol. ir. F necks
 
 [ 66 ) 
 
 necks of his dogs, ^nd you will have at 
 finifhed pidure of him. 
 
 Befides his untanned fhoe, the chafleur 
 often contrives in the w^oods a curious 
 defence for his feet, which is greatly pre- 
 ferable. Having fkinned the thighs and 
 hocks of the wild hog, he thrufts his foot 
 into the raw hide as far as he can force it, 
 then cuts a fmall flip at the inftep, and 
 with his knife takes off the fuperfluous 
 fkin behind, adapting the remainder to 
 his ancle and the lower part of his leg. 
 The pliant hide takes the fhape of a clofe 
 fhort half boot, fitting like a glove on 
 the foot, with a lengthened ufelefs projec- 
 tion beyond the toe, fomething refembling 
 the modern fadiion of our beau.^. This 
 contrivance will laft a march of weeks, 
 or months; but once taken off, the fkin 
 dries, fhrivels, and becomes ufelefs. There 
 are porco %opotos made of dried hides, 
 that reach to the calf of the leg; but 
 
 they
 
 ( 67 ) 
 
 they are wide, hard, and not pliant to the 
 feet. 
 
 The Befucal chafleurs had not above 
 feveniy dogs properly broke ; the others, 
 of which they had many, though of the 
 fame breed, will kill the objed they pur- 
 fue : they fly at the throat, or other part 
 of a man, and never quit their hold, till 
 they are cut in two. Thefe dogs, how- 
 ever, are feldom, if ever, carried out till 
 perfectly trained. 
 
 The articles of agreement between the 
 commiffioner and the chaffeurs were as 
 follows : 
 
 " Don Guillermo Dawes Quarrell, Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel of Militia, and his Britan- 
 nic Majefty's CommifTary, on the one 
 part, and the underfigned individuals on 
 the other, have agreed to the following 
 articles: 
 
 V 2 " i/.
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 " \fl. That we, the underfigned, oblige 
 ourfelves to go to the ifland of Jamaica, 
 taking each three dogs, for the hunting 
 and feizing negroes. 
 
 " id. That, when arrived at the faid 
 ifland, and informed of the fituation of 
 the runaway or rebejlious negroes, we 
 oblige ourfelves to practice every means 
 that may be neceffary to purfue, and ap- 
 prehend with our dogs, faid rebellious 
 negroes ; fettling beforehand the proper 
 time and mode of our excurfions with that 
 government, who are to fupply us with 
 every affiftance that may be judged necef- 
 fary, fuch as troops, arms, and ammuni- 
 tion. 
 
 " 3</. That our flay in the faid ifland 
 fhall be. three months, counted from the 
 day of our embarking at Batabano ; and 
 for our fervices during which time we" 
 are to be allowed two hundred dollars 
 each J one hundred of which is to be paid 
 
 down,
 
 ( <59 ) 
 
 down, and the other at the expiration of 
 the three months. 
 
 " 4/Z?. That befides the two hundred 
 dollars above ftipulated, all our expences 
 of maintenance, in ficknefs or in health, 
 fhall be borne by the faid D. Guillermo 
 Dawes Quarrell, 0- the Government of 
 Jamaica, from the time we embark at Ba- 
 tabano to our return to the faid place. 
 
 " ^tb. That if, at the expiration of our 
 being three months in the ifland of Ja- 
 maica, that Government fhould confider 
 our refidcnce there for a longer time neccf- 
 fary, it then fliall be at our option to make 
 a new agreement ; and in cafe any of us 
 may wilh to return immediately, that Go- 
 vernment then fhall provide us with a paf- 
 fage to Batabano. 
 
 " (jth. That being Informed that the Go- 
 vernment of Jamaica olfjrs a reward of 
 960 dollars for apprehending any of the 
 r 3 rebel-
 
 ( 70 ) 
 
 rebellious negroes, agreeable to proclama- 
 tion publifhed in that ifland ; we hereby 
 agree to fubmit ourfelves to fuch reparti- 
 tion as that Government may make of fuch 
 reward betwixt us and the auxiliary troops 
 that may aflift us, this reward being totally 
 independent of thofe exprefTed in the third 
 and fourth articles. 
 
 *' And, having unanimoufly agreed to all 
 the foregoing articles, we promife to abide 
 by them faithfully and exadly ; and fur- 
 thermore, that we will all of us, with our 
 dogs, be at Batabano on the evening of 
 the ift of December, ready to embark*." 
 
 Thefe articles being drawn up accord- 
 ing to the wilh and intentions of the chaf- 
 feurs, the commiflioner was eager 'to have 
 them executed by the parties, and to fulfil 
 the claufe which bound him to make an 
 immediate advance of a hundred dollars 
 
 * Votes of the Houfc of Affcmbly. 
 
 each.
 
 ( 7' ) 
 
 each. He difpatched the money on mules 
 to the mountains of Befucal, and, flattering 
 himfelf that he had made fuch arrange- 
 ments as. would fecure a fafe and eafy 
 clearance from the port of Batabano, pre- 
 pared to leave the Havanna. 
 
 F4
 
 { 7* ) 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 A refptBable Interpreter unacquainted with any Language, 
 *~-rDon Luis refujes the number of Chajfeurs required. 
 ^^The CommiJJtoner detained by the Qonfulat, Leaves 
 the Havanna, and returns to Befucal.-^Hofpitality and 
 AJfiJlance of the Marquifa de St. Felippe et St. Jago, 
 ^The Chajfeurs proceed nvith their dogs to a Rendezvous 
 near Batabano.''The Commtjftoner leaves Befiical. 
 Finds the Officer at Batabano relieved by a Mexican 
 Lieutenant. Aionfieur L'Epce accompanies the Com-r 
 tnijjioner. 'The Chajjeurs refufe to embark. Caufe of 
 their Refufal. The Mexican fends an Exprefs to the 
 Governor. The Commiffioner guarded. Meafures 
 taken by him to efc ape from Cuba nvith the Chajfeurs. 
 Their Scruples removed. Amufements during the 
 Commiffioner'' s Detention. Efc ape and Embarkation 
 ivith the Chn'eurs. Furfued by tivo Guarda Coflas. 
 The Schooner in danger of Shipwreck. Crocodillos 
 at Cayo .Blanco, The Chajfeurs endeavour to compel 
 the Commiffioner to go into Trinidad. The Schooner 
 hears away for Jamaica. Chafes a French Privateer. 
 
 Arrives at Montego Bay. Fired upon by the Fort, 
 
 The Chajfeurs and Dogs landed. The Ccvimif- 
 fioner's Reception. 
 
 JlSy the intereft of Mr. Allwood with 
 ^he colonel of a r^giuient, a detachment 
 
 of
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 of which was on duty under a captain 
 at Batabano, matters were fo arranged, that 
 the commlflioner on his arrival there, was 
 to be permitted to "pais without any in- 
 quiry or interruption. He therefore con- 
 ceived the greateft difficulty removed ; and, 
 meeting the Governor at a public enter- 
 tainment, informed him of his intention 
 to leave the Havanna. When tlie^ com- 
 miffioner was firfl prefented to Don Luis 
 de las Cafas, he had unluckily made choice 
 of a worthlefs fellow for an interpreter, 
 whom the Governor did not think ic necef- 
 fary to employ, requefling the commiffioner 
 to fpeak Englifli, which, though Don Luis 
 could not fpeak fluently, he underftood 
 fufTiciently well: he converfed in French 
 himfelf, and -in this manner all communi- 
 cations between them contained to be eaHly 
 made. Previous to the commiflioncr's 
 mentioning his departure to the Governor, 
 he had been dining in company, where 
 fpeaking of the EngliQi-'French convcrl,!- 
 tion he had with' his Lxcellcncy, an oi.l. 
 
 Ccrnui.:
 
 { 74 ) 
 
 German officer, commandant at the Punto, 
 oSered to go with him as interpreter when 
 lie was- to take leave. The offer amufed 
 the company, and was accepted by the 
 commiflioner, who in the evening jocularly 
 told the Governor, that he had found 
 a more refpeftable interpreter, whom he 
 would bring with him next day, as he 
 purpofed to wait upon his Excellency for 
 any difpatches he might choofe ' to honour 
 him with for Lord Balcarres. Next day, 
 at the appointed hour, the German colonel 
 called on the commiffioner, full drefled, to 
 accompany him to the Government houfe, 
 where, on his being introduced, Don Luis 
 iid with a fmile, he prefumed that he 
 was not the interpreter meant. Being af- 
 fured he was, and upon a voluntary offer, 
 the Governor laughed heartily : " I never 
 underftand much," faid he, " of what Fre- 
 deric attempts to communicate to me in 
 any language, particularly in Spaniih. He 
 is almoft as unintelligible in French, and 
 has lived fo long out of his own country 
 6 that
 
 < 75 ) 
 
 that he has even forgot his mother tonf^ue: 
 in fhort, Frederic does not know a language 
 upon earth ; and as his affiftance is not 
 very neceflary, we will purfue or ufual 
 mode." 
 
 Having received his difpatches, the 
 commiflioner, rendered too confident by 
 the attention which had been fhown him, 
 applied to Don Luis to be allowed to add 
 to his pafTport the names of a few men to 
 accompany the dogs, and prefented a lift 
 of twenty. Far from confenting, the 
 Governor exprefled furprife at the com- 
 miflioner's fuppofmg he would fanlion 
 the recruiting of men in the dominions of 
 his Catholic Majefty, and particularly in 
 favour of a Power at war with another 
 with which a treaty of peace was juft 
 concluded. For the purpofe, however, of 
 taking care of the dogs that had been 
 purchafed, he confented to their being 
 attended by about fix men. Though ti c 
 commiflioner had bou^^ht only fix or eight 
 
 dogs,
 
 ( 76 ) 
 
 dogs, he had received about as many more 
 in prefents from fome of the gentlemen of 
 high rank by whom he had been hofpitably 
 entertained ; and on his reprefenting that ten 
 would be abfolutely neceflary to manage the 
 dogs, Don Luis was induced to allow names 
 to that number, feleded by the commiffioner, 
 to be inferted in the paO'port, which he 
 figned ; and the commiflioner, after ex- 
 preffing his fenfe of the honourable and 
 kind treatment he had received, took his 
 leave. He was now extremely anxious 
 to fet out on his return; but he found 
 the people as expert at vianiana here as 
 in Trinidad, and was doomed to mafter 
 his impatience at a bull -fight, prepared to 
 entertain and delay him, while the mem- 
 bers of the Confulat, or Council of Agri- 
 culture, Commerce, and Navigation, were 
 engaged in framing a propofal to be made 
 to the Government of Jamaica, for ereifl- 
 ing light-houfes, at the joint expcnce of 
 the two illands, in order to render the 
 navigation of tlic coail of Cuba and gulf of 
 
 Mexico
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 Mexico fafer*. The bufinefs, however, 
 was foon finiflied, the Commiflioner left 
 the Havanna, and, arriving at Befucal, 
 received a gratifying welcome from the 
 generous Marquifa. 
 
 The articles of agreement being exe- 
 cuted by all parties, that is to fay, by the 
 commliiioner and thirty cliafieurs, and the 
 advance money being paid on the part of 
 the ifland of Jamaica, the commiflioner 
 became impatient of the leaft delay, and 
 urged the chaiTeurs to make the bed of 
 their way to the rendezvous appointed, 
 which was at a fmall ifland in the morafs 
 to the eaft: of the town of Batabano, near 
 the port. They were not quite, fo eager ; 
 and inftead of haftening away, they peti- 
 tioned the Marquifa to allov.' them to have 
 a little pl^y, by vvhich they mea.nt gam- 
 bling. This the Marquifa peremptorily 
 refufcd, telling them, at the fame time, 
 
 * Vote;; of Uic lioufc of Affcmbly of Jamaica, 1796, 
 Sec Appendix, No. 2. 
 
 that
 
 ( 78 ) 
 
 that it was Incumbent upon them to leave 
 the advance they had received with their 
 wives and families; and inftead of gambling, 
 they were directed to have a dance. The 
 Marquifa herfelf condefcended not only to 
 be prefent, but to dance a minuet in order 
 to open the ball ; for it feems, whenever 
 it is known that fhe is to be prefent on 
 any of thefe occafions, nothing is done till 
 flie arrives, and till fhe honours the 
 aflembly, whether compofed of high or 
 low, with walking a minuet ; fhe then, 
 having made the party happy, takes her 
 feat as a fpetatrefs. The commifTioner 
 and Captain Gilpin were fuddenly apprieed 
 of their being expeded to accompany the 
 Marquifa and her coufm to the ball-room ; 
 which they did, efcorted by a great num- 
 ber of men walking with lanterns in a row 
 on each fide. On arriving, they found 
 the room full of company, with the chaf- 
 Teurs among them. It was hinted to the 
 commiffioner, that he was expected to walk 
 the minuet with the Marquifa. Dreffed 
 
 a la ^
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 a la militaire^ in boots, and for feme time 
 paft not much addidled to dancing, he 
 would gladly have been fpared the exhibi- 
 tion ; however, a foldier's uniform was 
 excufable, and good humour and addrefs 
 fupplied the place of geflic lore. He went 
 through a minuet both with the Marquifa 
 and her couGn, as his companion was 
 not to be prevailed upon to fport his toe. 
 They then took their feats by the Marquifa, 
 and the reft of the company ftood up to 
 the Spanilli dances, the men with their 
 fwords on. Some of the chaUeurs being 
 among the dancers, the commiffioner was 
 lavifh in their praife, not forgetting to 
 accompany liis flattery feafonably with the 
 requeft of tlieir fettlng oiu early next morn- 
 ing for the place of rendezvous. They 
 promlfcd they v/oiild, and faithfully kept 
 their proinife. While the commifiloner 
 was at brcakfaft v/Ith tlic Mirquifa, Pc- 
 dralTo, the guide, c::ime to inform liim that 
 tlicy were all oH witli ili;:ir dogs, accomp.i- 
 mcd by ioine mere chalTcurs, whom be li'A 
 
 p.T-
 
 { 8o ) 
 
 perfuaded to join the others, although they 
 had not figned the articles, or received 
 the advance. The party of ten chafleurs 
 del Rey, v^ith a cabo or leader, belonging 
 to the body under the Alcade Provinciale, 
 and actually in the King's pay, being the 
 very men who had taken the aflaflins that 
 had ftranded the Englifh fhip, had privately 
 made their way acrofs the mountains from 
 the Havanna, proceeding to the place of 
 rendezvous by different routes, to prevent 
 the fufpicion that might arife from a large 
 party marching together. 
 
 Having fucceeded thus far, the commif- 
 lioner took leave of the good Marquifa 
 and her family, then went and bade fare- 
 well to fome of the priefts who had greatly 
 befriended him : to thefe he promifcd ta 
 fend game-fowls and porter, the moft ac- 
 ceptable prefents that could be made to 
 them ; and his promife Vv^as afterwards 
 faithfully fulfilled. Making now the ut- 
 moft difpatch towards Batabano, he met, 
 3 within
 
 ( 8i ) 
 
 within four miles of the town, the captain 
 of the company ftationed there. The in- 
 telligence he gave was by no means agree- 
 able to the commiffioner. It appeared that 
 he had been relieved the day before by an 
 officer with a detachment of the regiment 
 del Pueblo^ or Mexican. He faid he re- 
 gretted that he was not on the fpot to 
 render the fervices he had been inftrud:e4 
 by his colonel to afford, but at the fame 
 time affured the commiflioner, that no 
 difficulty was to be apprehended, the lieu- 
 tenant who fucceeded him in the command 
 being well acquainted with his inftrudions, 
 to every tittle of which he would flridly 
 conform, and that he had himfelf remained 
 a whole day beyond his time at the poft, for 
 the purpofe of impreffing on his fucccfTor's 
 mind the diredlions he had received from 
 his colonel, who, the Governor excepted, 
 was the man of the greateft confideration 
 in the ifiand. " The foldiers," continued 
 he, " are a parcel of mifcrable Watchinan- 
 goes, or Mexicans, and the lieutenant is 
 Vol. II. G a poor
 
 ( U ) 
 
 a poor Ignorant fellow, who may be eaiily 
 managed. Knowing by whom the bufinefs 
 is fandioned, he will think himfelf happy 
 in promoting a fervice that will gain him 
 credit with the colonel." This parting 
 fpeech of the captain's raifed a hope in 
 the breaft of the commiflioner, that the 
 exchange might not be fo prejudicial to his 
 views as he at firft apprehended, but the 
 poor fubaltern, who had been raifed from 
 the rank of a fergeant, was not altogether 
 the fubjed: the captain had promifed, and 
 it is not unlikely that his predeceflbr was 
 rejoiced at being relieved fo critically from 
 a poft where he had a ticklKh game to 
 play. 
 
 When the commiflloner was about to 
 leave Befucal, Monfieur L'Epee, the French 
 officer on parole there, made him an offer 
 of accompanying him to Batabano, which 
 he thought it advifeable to accept. From 
 the Marquifa's indulgence, he thought no 
 notice would be taken of his goin^ twenty 
 
 miles
 
 ( 83 ) 
 
 miles beyond his limits, to a place where 
 it was probable he would not be recognized^ 
 and whence he could return to his quarters 
 in a few hours. Two other confiderations 
 had great weight with the commilfioner ; 
 L'Epe'e fpoke very good Spanifli, and he 
 might be bribed to do any thing. It is 
 alfo to be obferved, that peace had been 
 concluded between the two nations, and 
 although the Governor delayed the libera- 
 tion of about eight hundred clamorous 
 Jacobins confined in the Cavanna, till he 
 could deliver them over to a French com- 
 miflary, the cafe of the officer was different : 
 he was a peaceable man profefling to be a 
 royalift, whereas the prifoners at the Ha- 
 vanna were dreaded, and had they been 
 turned loofe, every mifchiei r.iight have 
 been expelled from them. 
 
 On the comniiiTioner's an-lval at Bata- 
 
 bano, he was treated v;ith the grcatefl 
 
 refpc-ft and attention tr/ the lieutenant, 
 
 to whom he Hiowed the palip''rt, de!iiiii:% 
 
 ( r 2 :\f
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 at the fame time, that he would fend an 
 order for permitting the veffel to pafs the 
 port. Meanwhile, leaving Monfieur L'Epec 
 at Batabano, to fend him intelligence of 
 whatever pafled there, he proceeded with 
 Captain Gilpin to the place of rendezvous 
 in the morafs, refleding with pleafure on 
 having fo completely tranfadted the bufmefa 
 he had undertaken, and on the profpe6t 
 of failing the next day for Jamaica. Ar- 
 rived on the coaft, Captain Gilpin went 
 on board the fchooner to prepare for the 
 reception of the men and dogs, and the 
 commiffioner returned to his recruits at the 
 rendezvous. He now unhappily found 
 that his greateft difficulties were yet to be 
 conquered. In the paifport obtained from 
 Don Luis de las Cafas, the commiffioner 
 had inferted the names only of fix of the 
 Chaffeurs del Rey, filling up the num- 
 ber to ten Vvith the names of Pedraffio 
 his guide and three other confidential 
 Spaniards. Notice had been given of this 
 circumftance to the Chaffeurs del Rey 
 6 whofe
 
 ( 85 ) 
 
 whofe names were on the lift, and who 
 pointed it out to thofe that were not in- 
 cluded. The latter upon this refufed to 
 embark, giving as a reafon that they ran 
 a rifk of being hanged on their return 
 to Cuba for proceeding without a paflport 5 
 and the former refufed, on the pretence 
 of being by themfelves too few in number 
 to attempt the enterprife, as it was likely 
 that they would be all killed were they 
 to encounter fo unequal a force as that 
 with which they underftood they were to 
 contend. Every argument was ufed to 
 convince the whole body that they ran 
 no danger in embarking, and every per- 
 fuafion prefied to induce them to proceed 
 in the cnterprile in which they had en- 
 gaged, but in vnin : nothing could move 
 them; and the commiflioncr w.is at Icno'th 
 under tlic nccefnty of returning to ]];:ita- 
 bano. 
 
 Conceiving tliat tlie lieutenant wlio li;nl 
 the command was fully acquainted Vv-ifh
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 the bufinefs, and that his iiiftruclions had 
 prepared him to wink at it, the commif- 
 lloner had at firft thought it beft to proceed 
 without troubling him about the matter : 
 bat in the dilemma that arofe, no means 
 prefented themfelves of obtaining his ob- 
 je<!il, but that of applying to the officer 
 to compel the chafieurs to embark. Guefs 
 then how great was his furprize, and what 
 were his feelings, when, arriving at Ba- 
 tabano, he was informed by Monfieur 
 L'Epce, that the whole difficulty had arifen 
 from the lieutenant himfelf, who, having 
 been more inquifitive and tenacious than 
 was expected, had difcovered that above 
 forty chaflfeurs were engaged to embark, 
 although the paffport he had feen men- 
 tioned only ten; and had fent notice to 
 the men at the jlace of rendezvous, of 
 which he had by fome means been in- 
 formed, that all who attempted to go, 
 except thoi'e mentioned in the paiTport, 
 would certainly be hanged ; at the fame time 
 informing them, that as it might be the 
 
 Gover-
 
 ( 87 ) 
 
 Governor's intention to permit more than 
 ten to embark, he had exprefsly Gifpatched 
 a dragoon to the Havanna to inquire his 
 pleafure. A total failure of the commif- 
 fioner's fchemes fcemed now inevitable ; 
 added to which, he was in no little danger 
 of being taken up and fent to the prifon 
 of the Cavanna, if not for life, at leaft till 
 the pleafure of the King of Spain could 
 be known. In this trying fituation his 
 mind became irritated, and his refentment 
 fell upon the poor oHicer, who, though the 
 immediate caufe of his difappointment, was 
 adtuated by a fenfe of duty. The more 
 the commillioner's anger incrcafed, the 
 more mild and fubmiffive appeared the 
 poor lieutenant : he declared that he had 
 not the flighted intention of offending the 
 commiflioner, or of Impeding his plan, 
 which he fald he had no doubt was ap- 
 proved by the Governor, from whom he 
 flioultl very foon receive an order to permit 
 him to fail wltli the chafleurs ; but that 
 as for liimlclf, his hands were bound by 
 G 4 the
 
 { 88 ) 
 
 the ftridnefs of military duty, from which 
 he could not in honour deviate ; and if 
 he did, he fhould probably not only iofe 
 his commiffion, his fole fupport, but be 
 imprifoned for life. Arguments like thefe, 
 aided with uncommon modefty of beha- 
 "viour, could not but have their full weight; 
 and the commiffioner, in the midft of his 
 diftrefs, feeling for the officer's embarraff- 
 ment, and touched with compunction for 
 the refentment he had fhown, forced two 
 hundred dollars as a gift upon the worthy 
 lieutenant, who, while he owned his.ne- 
 cefiities, fcorned a bribe, and affured the 
 commiffioner that no prefent whatever 
 could induce him to fwerve from his duty. 
 Invincible virtue wherever found, whether 
 in the fuperb domes of imperial cities, 
 or on the fwamps of a petty iiffiing-town 
 ill a remote corner of the earth, is the 
 noblefl objedt that can be completely pre- 
 fented to the mind of man. The poor lieu- 
 tenant, vvliofe bravery had raifed him from 
 the lower ftations of life to the rank of 
 
 a gen-
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 a gentleman, evinced a virtue that elevated 
 him on the great fcale of being ; and the 
 commifTioner, however difappointed in his 
 project, could not but eftimate his value 
 faa: above the moft precious metals. But 
 while he admired the virtue of the man, 
 it muft be ov^ned it was with torture hardly 
 to be endured. He had rifen from a Tick 
 bed, haftened acrofs the fea, encountered 
 fatieue, overcome the difficulties he ex- 
 pefted to meet, and was reaping the fruits 
 of his adivity in the foretafte of eflentially 
 ferving the ifland of Jamaica, when an 
 obftacle, for which he was unprepared, not 
 only checked the enjoyment of his re- 
 flexions, but threatened immediate ruin to 
 his fcheme and to himfelf. It is true he 
 had recruited more men than the Governor 
 had allowed, for they were abfolutely ne- 
 cefTary to tlie fuccefs of his voyage ; but 
 he came to Batabano, confident that the 
 way had, by the firfl: Influence in the 
 country, been fmoothcd for him with the 
 additional nunibcr of Bcfucal chalTcurs ; 
 
 antl.
 
 ( 90 ) 
 
 and, had not the officer at the port been 
 relieved, nothing could have prevented his 
 departure. What now v/as his profped? 
 A dragoon had been difpatched to the 
 Havanna, by whom the Governor would 
 learn that, inftead of ten he had carried 
 upwards of forty chafleurs to the port to 
 be embarked ; Don Luis's refentment would 
 neceiTarily be the cohfequence of this in- 
 formation, and however the goodnefs natu- 
 ral to him, and his confideration for the 
 melancholy ftate of the ifland of Jamaica, 
 might incline him to ad leniently on the 
 occafion, it was not to be fuppofed that 
 he would overlook a tranfadlion officially 
 and publicly made known to him, when 
 no perfuafion could induce him to confent 
 to it while the knowledge of it was con-, 
 fined to a few perfons. An order, there- 
 fore, to flop the chafTeurs and fecure the 
 commiffioner was the leaft to be expeded. 
 The happy images of intimidating the 
 Maroons to a furrender, or of driving 
 them from their faftacillsj all vaniflicd, 
 
 and
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 and made way for others of a gloomy 
 nature ; on the one hand, the Brltifh troops 
 haraflTed by the fuccefsful ambuflies of their 
 enemy, the country defolated, long kept 
 in fufpenfe and alarm, and perhaps finally 
 ruined, like St. Domingo, on the other; 
 himfelf thrown into the prifon of the Ca- 
 vanna, waiting the refult of difpatches fent 
 acrofs the Atlantic. 
 
 Although the hope of averting the mif- 
 fortune could be but fmall, the commif- 
 fioner refolvcd to leave nothing .untried 
 that gave him the flighted chance of 
 retrieving his ^lan. If the lieutenant was 
 not to be bribed, equal firmnefs might not 
 inhabit the breafl: of the dragoon whom 
 he had charged with his exprefs for the 
 Governor; and the commillioner, wiihout 
 lofing a moment, dilpatched PcdralTo after 
 him with money. With the guide he 
 fent one of the chalfeurs del Rey, having 
 firft given him a very ample conipcni'a- 
 tlon. Their indruclions were to make 
 
 the
 
 ( 92 ) 
 
 the utmoft fpeed and overtake the dra- 
 goon, to whom they were to oiFer the 
 bribe; if he happened to refufe it, they 
 were to kill his horfe, and engage fome 
 of the Befucal people to fecure his perfon 
 privately; at all events, to prevent his 
 reaching the Havanna with the lieutenant's 
 difpatches. Pedraflb was to proceed thither 
 with a letter to Mr. Alwood, in which the 
 commifTioner informed him of the change 
 of the officer at Barabano and of his own 
 dilemma, requefting him to obtain from the 
 Governor, if poffible, a general order to 
 the lieutenant to let the chafleurs pafs, 
 without fpecifying any number. The 
 chafleur del Rey was to conceal himfelf on 
 the road till Pedraflb came back for him, 
 and on his return to his companions was 
 to produce a lift of the ten cbafl^eurs, 
 written in a Spanifh hand, with which he 
 was farnifhed by Moniieur L'Rpce, and 
 to fay that the Alcadc Provinciale had 
 ordered him to return immediately v/ith 
 pofitive injuns^cicns to the chafTeurs to 
 
 embark
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 embark without delay. Pedraflb was to 
 
 ailert that the Oovernor had given per- 
 
 miflion for as many to go on board as the 
 
 commiflioner chofe to take with him ; and 
 
 that the Marquifa de Filippe et St. Jago 
 
 had direded him to order her people to 
 
 obey the commilfioner. This projedl of a 
 
 forlorn hope was immediately put into 
 
 execution : the dragoon was overtaken, 
 
 received his bribe, and relinquifhed his 
 
 horfe. So far fortunate, Pedraflb lodged 
 
 bis companion on the way, and proceeded 
 
 alone to the Havanna. The guide was al- 
 
 moft the only man among the chaflburs per- 
 
 fonallv known to Don Luis de las Cafas, 
 
 tvho recognizcv! liiin as he was pafling in 
 
 the town; and concluding that he had 
 
 deferred the coinmidloncr after receiving 
 
 his money, ordered him to be carried 
 
 to prifon. Luckily, Pcdranb had twelve 
 
 dollars remaining in Ills pocket, with 
 
 Vs'hicli he prevail'jd on a foidicr to go to 
 
 Mr. Al'.voocl, and inform him of his l:tua- 
 
 x'ion. jMr. A'uvood iintnediatcly fpukc to 
 
 the
 
 ( 94 ) 
 
 the Marquis del Real Secorro, who applied 
 to the Governor for Pedraflb's releafe, 
 afluring him that the fchooner had not 
 failed, and that Mr. Alwood meant to 
 write on bufinefs by him to the commif- 
 fioner. He was on this releafed after a 
 very few hour's confinement ; and having 
 received a letter from that gentleman, fet 
 out on his return to Batabano. Mr. Al- 
 wood, fenfible that an application to the 
 Governor as to an Increafe of the number 
 of chafleurs would be fruitlefs, probably 
 judged that the mention of any .dilemma 
 would be alfo impolitic, and that it would be 
 beft for the commiffioner to extricate himfelf, 
 if poflible, without the circumftance being 
 made known to the Government. No order 
 therefore was obtained, but the moft was made 
 of Pedraffo's confinement. He declared that 
 he had experienced the difpleafure of the 
 Governor, who, at firfl fufpe6ling him of 
 defertion, had ordered him to priioa; but, 
 on being informed that he had been fent 
 on bufinefs by the commiffioner, releafed 
 
 him,
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 him, and defired him to return and order all 
 the chafleurs to embark immediately. The 
 circumftance was literally true, and the af- 
 fertion of it by PedrafTo was corroborated 
 in an extraordinary manner. It happened 
 that the colledlor of the pprt of Batabano 
 was leaving the Havanna, where, as he 
 paflTed, feeing PedrafTo at the prifon gate 
 obtaining his releafe, he inquired and heard 
 the flory of his defertion and confinement 
 publicly talked of. Soon after Pedraflb's 
 arrival, the chafTeur del Rey, who took 
 care not to come exacSlIy at the fame time, 
 appeared with the lift of the names of all 
 his party, and aflTcrtcd that the Alcalde 
 Provinciale, who was coming over, de- 
 clared, that if he found any of them left 
 behind, he would have them imprifoned, 
 and punilhed for difobedience of orders. 
 
 The poor lieutenant now began to ap- 
 prehend that he had not only ofTcnded 
 the commilTioner, but had incurred tlie 
 Governor's difpleafure, and he even con- 
 lo fidcrcJ
 
 ( 96 ) 
 
 fidered the detention of the dragoon, who 
 he fuppofed had reached the Havanna, 
 and fhould have been back full eight- 
 and-forty hours before, as a mark of dif- 
 approbation. He was not, however, fo 
 thoroughly convinced of this as to comply 
 with the commiflioner's defire of imme- 
 diately embarking, but entreated him to 
 extend his patience a little more, it being 
 improbable, he faid, that the dragoon fhould 
 be much longer detained. Anxious to 
 extenuate his apparent rigour of condudt, 
 he afTured the commiffioner, whom he 
 entitled Gra?idc Colonel ^ that he had the 
 higheft refpecl for him, and that, had 
 it not been for the deference he felt, he 
 fhould certainly have fent the French offi- 
 cer, whom he knew to be reflridted to Be- 
 fucal on parole, to the fort of the Cavanna 
 in irons. Confcious of not meaning ill, 
 he befought the commiffioner, if offence 
 fhould be taken at his condud, to write 
 in his favour to the Governor. 'This being 
 promifed, his heart grew lighter, and he 
 
 did
 
 ( 97 ) 
 
 did every thing he could to foften the 
 diftrefs into which he had thrown his gueft, 
 which of neceflity the commiffionerhad now 
 become. Sometimes, the latter, a little angry 
 at being detained fo much longer than was 
 necefTary for the return of the dragoon, 
 and knowing too that he would never 
 return, was upon the point of venting 
 his fpleen, when the humble vifage of the 
 unhappy lieutenant, cloathing itfelf with a 
 fmilc of deprecation, over a fhew-pan in 
 which he was preparing a favoury difh 
 on a charcoal fire near the table, completely 
 difarmed him : the heart that could not 
 have felt for the poor fellov/ mud have 
 been callous. Humble and attentive as 
 he was, however, he fuffered not the 
 flighteft abatement in the vigilance of the 
 guard over the commlffioner, who for four 
 days had the eyes of t\velve Mexican fol- 
 diers upon him, befides a corporal and four 
 dragoons, who were his conftant attendants. , 
 Tlirough the day he was generally at tlie 
 lieutenant's quarters, adjoining the guard- 
 Vol. II. H houfe:
 
 ( 98 ) 
 
 houfe: the place allotted for his lodging 
 at night, was an unoccupied building, of 
 a fingle room, belonging to the Colledlor 
 of the Port, but at fome diftance from his* 
 houfe. There, on two very hard cow- 
 hides ftretched over frames, and covered 
 with mats, he and the French officer re- 
 pofed themfelves, though, as it may well 
 be imagined, the commiffioner at this vex- 
 atious jundurc did not much enjoy the 
 benefit of fleep. Nothing could prevail 
 upon the lieutenant to relax the rigour of 
 his duty, but his mind at the fame time 
 was engaged in fhowing every civility and 
 rcfpe(3:, fuch as he might have thought 
 It incumbent upon him to pay to a ftatc 
 prifoner of high rank. On the 4th day 
 of this kind of imprifonment, that is, on 
 the day of the return of Pedraffo and the 
 chafleur del Rey, the lieutenant, anxious 
 to induce the commiffioner to wait with 
 patience the arrival of the Governor's 
 favourable anfwer, now hourly expected 
 bry the dragoon, ordered a puppet-lhow 
 
 to
 
 ( 99 ) 
 
 to be got up for his amufement. Spanifh 
 foldiers are capital hands at a puppet-lhow. 
 The commiflioner obferved them very 
 bufy all the day : nor had he himfelf been 
 lefs occupied, for from the moment of Pc- 
 draflb's return, he had fet every engine 
 to work in order to effect his efcape. The 
 chafleurs had all fubmitted on the report 
 of Pedraflb and the chafleur who brought 
 the lift, and had agreed to embark upon 
 an order from the commiflioner : the only 
 point then was, to evade the vigilance of 
 the lieutenant and his guard. The plan 
 of efcape was concerted with Pedraflb, who 
 was furniflied with money to play his part 
 properly. He undertook to prevent the 
 return of the fort guard after the puppet- 
 fliow, by lending them a few dollars to 
 engage them in gambling ; to bribe the 
 dragoon ferjeant with a hundred dollars, 
 not only to wink at their efcape, but to 
 aflift in it ; and when every thing was 
 ready for departure, he was, as foon as 
 rhe moon went down, to have a horfr 
 Ha waiting
 
 waiting at a-convenient diftance for the c6m^ 
 miffioner.' -anti to give hiiii notice by tapping 
 at his window. Matters were concluded 
 accordingl)'' : the ferjeant proved himfelf 
 worthy of his wages, no man could have 
 performed his part better, either as direddr 
 of the fhow, or promoter of the efcape ; 
 and as for the guard, Pedraflb was fully 
 confident that the Ihow, and the money 
 he had fcattered among them, would keep 
 them at: the town till the next day. The 
 hour of rriecting being come, the commif- 
 fioncr, his guard attending, was honoured 
 with the ct)mpany of the colledor's daugh- 
 ters, two gigantic damfels, between whom 
 he, walked with fiudied gallantry, affecSling 
 at the fame time to limp, as if he were 
 fenfible of an approaching fit of the gout. 
 The entertainment was tlie ufuiil trumpery 
 of puppet-fliovv^s, but aa incident intro- 
 duced 'iu the lail fcene as a compliment 
 to tlie commiflioner, gave a moll ludicrous 
 turn to the conciufion. A puj'jpct, repre- 
 fenting a aaktd negro, was brought for- 
 ward
 
 ( 'O' ) 
 
 ward in the slOl of running; after him 
 came the figures of dogs, accompanied 
 with a loud barking, and then a figure 
 reprefenting the Grande Colonel himfelf^ 
 with a drawn fword and a high cocked 
 hat, ornamented with long feathers, as like 
 the commlflioner's as it could be made: 
 he was uftiered in with a general (hout of 
 a Maroono^ a Muroono. The puppet being 
 worked too rapidly backwards and for- 
 wards, in the vehemence of action fome 
 of the gentleman's tackling gave vvay, and 
 he was thrown. about in a crippled flate, 
 Wiiich correfp .nding with tlie lamenefs af- 
 fected by the coniiniflioner all that day, 
 occafi^ned a general uproar of laughter and 
 flijuting, which put an end to the piece, 
 when ininy apologies were made by the 
 performers, who protofte'l that tfiey meant 
 no oHcnce to tlie iJri':i ii colonel, nor any 
 jell on ills being coho, or lame, but that 
 the wires o[ his reprdentative were acci- 
 t!e;:taliy biokeii by too violent an exertion 
 to diip'iay liis bravery, it was generally 
 II 3 under-
 
 ( 102 ) 
 
 underftood on the return of Pedraflb and 
 the chafleur del Rey, that the bufinef? had 
 been fully fettled for his departure with 
 the approbation of the Governor, and the 
 Spaniards were all eager in their offers 
 of accompanying him to reduce the Mar 
 roons. The commiflioner now returned^ 
 guarded as before, to fup with the lieute-? 
 nant, and having been at no expence for 
 the puppet-lhow, requefted permiflion to 
 give the foldiers a trifie to drink : this 
 was not objedted to, and he took care to 
 give the Mexicans enough to enfure their 
 intoxication. When he was fuppofed to 
 be giving them rials, he Hipped two dollars 
 into the hands of each, and then fat down 
 to fupper. Completely to blind the lieu- 
 tenant, the commiflioner in the morning 
 had fent a part of his baggage to his 
 quarters, to remain there with fpme fmalj 
 cafks, fuppofed defigncd for porter as pre- 
 fents to feveral perfons, which feemed to 
 be a convincing proof of his intention 
 to wait the refult of the expeded anfwei: 
 
 from
 
 ( 03 ) 
 
 from the Havanna, and was a kind of 
 pledge to the officer for the fecurity of his 
 perfon. But to leaye a full impreffion, 
 not only of his being reconciled to ftay, 
 but of his inability to go, on retiring from 
 fupper to his apartment, he appeared to 
 fufFer torture from the gout. No doubt 
 now remained with the lieutenant that he 
 ftiould have the pleafure of the commif- 
 fioner's company till the return of his 
 exprefs dragoon from the Havanna, and 
 L'Epee was left to ply him with frequent 
 draughts of porter, of which the Spanifh 
 Creoles are very fond. The Frenchman, 
 however, puflied his importunities to fuch 
 excefs, that the wrath of the Mexican was 
 roufed, and fome angry words paffing, the 
 former quitted the field, and joined the com- 
 miflioner, whom he informed that the lieu- 
 tenant was going to bed, but not fo drunk 
 as he could have wi{hed. He was, however 
 too far advanced himfelf to determine the 
 point precife;y. It was about eleven o'clock 
 when Monfieur L'Fpee came to the chain- 
 II 4 ber,
 
 ( I04 ) 
 
 ber, and the commiffioner, recollecting that 
 he had left his piftols at the lieutenants 
 quarters, difpatched him to bring them 
 away ijf pofhble unperceived. This he 
 very dexteroufly efFe(5ted, by going with- 
 out any ceremony into his room after he 
 was in bed, under pretence of looking for 
 fome articles wanted for the night, which 
 the commiffioner had left there among 
 other things. The piftols being immedi- 
 ately loaded, each threw himfelf on his 
 matrafs with his cloaths on, and the lights 
 were extinguifhed. About twelve o'clock 
 the commiffioner, hearing the trampling 
 of a horfe, gently unbolted his door, and 
 fuppofing it to be the guide, afked in a 
 low tone of voice if it was Pedrailb ; but 
 the man paffimg into the ftreet near the 
 door, which opened on the fide of the 
 room into an alley, the commiffioner found 
 that it was the dragoon ferjeant. He was 
 at fuH ftartled, but on being faluted with 
 a bueno uochc ftgfior, in a mild, intelligent 
 tone, he felt afl'ured that the hundred dol- 
 lar*
 
 ( 105 ) 
 
 lars had not been thrown away, and that 
 all was fafe in that quarter. Every thing 
 was now quiet, and the commiffioner 
 counted the minutes as he anxioufly waited 
 the fignal to be given by the guide, who 
 about two o'clock tapped gently at the 
 window, and defired him to crofs the 
 ftreet cautioufly, that he might run no 
 rifk of being obferved^ informing him that 
 he would find him with horfes about a 
 hundred yards off in a dired line. 
 
 Amidft his preparation for efcaping, the 
 commiffioner had not been forgetful of 
 the poor lieutenant, whom he refpetfled 
 and pitied. He wrote letters to his friends 
 at the Havaniia, ftating the circuinftances, 
 and fully exculpating him. He alfo re- 
 quefled Mr. Alvvood to make every in- 
 tercfl in his behalf, and to give him a 
 hundred pounds, (liould he meet anydillrefs 
 upon this occalion. To the French officer 
 he gave a hundred and twenty dollars, 
 and thanked him warmly for his icrviccs, 
 
 the
 
 ( lo6 ) 
 
 the laft f which he was now to perform, 
 by engaging the attention pf the guard at 
 the guardhoufe oppofite the lieutenant's 
 door, a little higher up the ftreet which 
 the commillioner was to crofs. The moon 
 was juft gone down ; no light was to be 
 feeri but the guard's ; and now Ihaking 
 liands witl; Monfieur L'Epe'e, the commif- 
 (ioner, at parting, made him a prefent of 
 his trunks, faddles, barrels, and other 
 things depofited at the lieutenant's quarters, 
 not doubting that his fertile genius would 
 enable him to decamp before day-dawn with 
 all but the empty barrels to Befucal. L'Epe'e 
 was foon at the guardhoufe, where he begai^ 
 talking loudly with the foldiers, who came 
 about him with great vociferation and 
 clamour, the effed of fome dollars' wonh of 
 agua-dente, or rum. The commiffioner, 
 creeping on his hands and knees acrofs the 
 ftreet, heard him delire them to make lefs 
 noife, that they might not wake the colonel, 
 who was ill. This was the laft he heard 
 of Monfieur L'Epee j and having got fafe 
 13 beyond
 
 ( to7 ) 
 
 beyond fight of the guardhcufe, he footi 
 came up with Pedraflb and the horfes, with 
 a CQuple of Spaniards, whom the guide 
 had bribed. He mounted without a mo- 
 ment's delay, benumbed by the chilly 
 damps of the niorafs, in a night uncom- 
 monly cold for the latitude he was in ; his 
 piftols fecured in a belt, his fword by his 
 iide, having neither gloves nor great coat, 
 which were left with his other things at 
 the lieutenant's. In this ftate he rode 
 forward, but had not proceeded many 
 yards when his horfe was tripped up by 
 fome ropes that had been carelefsly left 
 acrofs the path of a rope-walk. Every 
 impediment was now of moment, and the 
 fall he received was very fevere ; but the 
 horfe being fecured, he again mounted, 
 and rode to the edge of the morafs, where 
 he alighted to avoid a fmall houfe in the 
 (Caufeway which ferved occafionally as a 
 ftation for fome of the guard, and waded 
 through a fhort angle of the morafs, he then 
 proceeded with Pedraflb along the caufe- 
 way
 
 ( io8 ) 
 
 way to the beach, wliere he had the fatif^ 
 fadion of finding moft of the chaffeurs 
 ready and anxious to embark, and was 
 told that the reft were coming up frpm the 
 little ifland where they had rendezvoufed. 
 He was very foon joined by thefe, and 
 nothing now remained but to get the dogs 
 on board, and embark as quietly as poffible. 
 This was no light tafk, but fortunately 
 the Englifh failors had fecured all the 
 boats in the harbour, not excepting thofe 
 of the guarda coftas, the officers belong- 
 ing to V hich were dancing fandangoes in 
 the country. Having dUmounted the only 
 two guns that could bear on the fchooner, 
 and the fort-gua '\ being all happily en- 
 gaged in gaming at tf^e town, the commif- 
 fioner proceeded to embark liis people. 
 The trouble attending the embarkation 
 was inconceivable, and tlie loud inceflant 
 barking of more than a hundred large dogs, 
 was enough to give an alarm that might 
 have reached the town. The fliallownefb of 
 the water prevented the boats froui coming 
 
 wit hi u
 
 ( 109 ) 
 withlri two hundred yards of the beach, 
 and of courfe the dogs were to be carried 
 in the arms of the men, which was a work 
 of great labour. The dogs had heavy- 
 chains on, and being unaccuftomed to the 
 failors, ftruggled, fcratched, and made a 
 terrible noife. The howling and barking 
 were tremendous along the fhore, and the 
 figures of the men carrying the dogs, {cen 
 through the dark fliade of night, would 
 have afforded an excellent fubjedl: to a 
 painter of genius. The people had many- 
 turns to make before all the dogs were 
 placed on board, 'and confequcntly a con- 
 fiderable time was confumed in the em- 
 barkation ; however, by fun-rife, forty 
 chaflcurs, with a hundred and four dogs, 
 were fhipped. Of the dogs, thirty-fix only 
 were thoroughly trained, the others were 
 the bed that could be procured, and would 
 have anfwcred the purpofe, if the Ma- 
 roons had compelled the ufe of them. All 
 hands being on board, the fchooner w;i3 
 immediately got under way, and the d''j;;s 
 9 fee ;i red,
 
 ( tlo ) 
 
 fecurcd, to give as little trouble as poflible ; 
 yet many a curfe did they get from the 
 failors, whom they clawed, and contrived 
 to nip with their teeth, though muzzled. 
 
 Nothing was now talked of but a fpeedy 
 pafTage to Jamaica, and the rewards ex- 
 pected. The commiflioner's mind was 
 relieved of a load of anxiety ; mirth and 
 good humour prevailed among the people, 
 and the vefTel was Handing to fea under a 
 croud of fail, when they fuddenly faw two 
 guarda coftas coming out of port after them. 
 This appearance, however, gave them no 
 alarm: the complement of the fchooner now 
 amounted to ninety-fix men; nor would 
 the Spanifh vefTels have dared to attack 
 her, had they even come up with her, 
 which they were probably as little inclined 
 as able to (]o. Towards the evening they 
 tacked and returned to port. The coafl 
 was now clear, and every danger of dif- 
 appointment feemed completely removed, 
 when, as the night was advancing, the pilots, 
 
 ter-
 
 ( 'I ) 
 
 terrified by the guarda coftas, or mlftaking 
 the channel, ran the fchooner aground at 
 a confiderable diftance from any of the 
 keys or iflands. All attempt to get her off 
 was frultlefs, and at twelve o'clock a 
 violent North* fetting in, fhe began to 
 thump with fuch violence, that the rudder 
 was driven up by every flroke fo as to be 
 almoft unfhipped ; and had not the veflel 
 been new and ftrong, fhe muft have gone 
 to pieces. Never could a night have been 
 pafled in greater horror. Surrounded by 
 reefs and breakers, the gale increafing to a 
 ftorm, and the depth of water diminiflied 
 by the power of the wind, there was but 
 little hope of faving either the veflel or the 
 crew. The Englifli failors, perfuaded that 
 a wreck was inevitable, hoifted out the 
 boat to fecure it for themfelves ; and 
 getting all in, kept under the lee of the 
 
 * In the months of November and December, the wind 
 frequently blows from the North for a (hort time, and 
 generally accompanied with rain. Thefe occafioual winde 
 arc called Nortlis. 
 
 fchooner.
 
 ( 112 ) 
 
 fchooner. In the confufion that prevailed, 
 many of the dogs got loofe, and fcized 
 upon the cattle which had been put on 
 board to fuftain them through the voyage. 
 The bellowing of thefe poor animals, the 
 howling of the dogs, the blowing of the 
 wind, the roaring of the fea, the audible and 
 agitated praying of the Spaniards, and the 
 darknefs of the night, confpired to render 
 the fituation tremendous. Captain Gilpin 
 reqaefted the commiffioner to take to the 
 boat with the feamen, who would admit both 
 of them : but a fmall boat, crouded with 
 twenty men^ not having room to ufe their 
 oars, could have no chance of being faved. 
 Had the failors put off from the veflel, they 
 would inevitably have driven upon a reef 
 of rocks a mile to leeward, where they 
 muft have perilhed. When Britiili -feamen 
 defpair, the danger niufl be great indeed: 
 not one of the crew expected to live till 
 the morning, and the commiffioner faw 
 nothing to induce him to embrace the pro- 
 pofal of joining thofe in the boat. Next 
 
 morn-
 
 { "3 ) 
 
 hiorning the violence of the North had fd 
 leflened the depth of water in the channel 
 that the fchooner, which drew ten feet 
 four inches, was now in feven feet fix, 
 fhe confequently no longer thumped the 
 fands, but lay over upon her larboard fide 
 very much. In this fituation fhe remained 
 the reft of the day, and all night. The 
 fucceeding day the North abated, the 
 channels b'egan to fill again, and hope once 
 more revived ; but another night was 
 pafled in the pofition of the preceding. 
 On the third day, a confiderable quantity 
 of the ballaft was thrown overboard, 
 anchors were carried out, and at length, 
 by warping, the fchooner was got afloat. 
 Joy being reftored, the pilots were affured 
 that they fhould be hanged if the vefTcl 
 again ran aground ; but they foon found 
 a proper channel, and cleared the in- 
 tricacies of the Jardlnes. The fchooner, 
 previous to licr clearing the keys, being 
 obliged to come to an anchor under Cayo 
 Blanco, a finall trading vefiel made up to 
 Vol. ir. 1 her
 
 ( "4 ) 
 
 her, to beg fome water; and the people 
 teing told that there was a fpring on the 
 key at a little diftance, faid they had 
 attempted to fupply themfelves there, but 
 had been prevented by a crocodillo. The 
 commiffioner, wifhing to get one of thefe 
 animals, fent fix of the Spaniards with their 
 mufchets and a firong hog-lance to kill 
 and bring it aboard. Some time after they 
 fet out, PedrafTo being informed X)f it, fore- 
 told that they would return unfuccefsful ; 
 which proved to be the cafe : the men 
 came back with their mufchets hacked, 
 and the lance bent at the point. FcdrafTo 
 laughed at the mountaineers, whom he 
 inftruded in the mode of taking a croco- 
 dillo. This was, on the creature's ap- 
 proach, to offer him a hat, which he 
 would feize and tug: the aflailant was 
 then to raife the head with the hat, which 
 gave him an opportunity to pierce vi/ith 
 his weapon the penetrable part of the cro- 
 codillo, between the throat and the bread, 
 in a diredion to the heart ; for as to his 
 
 heaJ,
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 head, back, and fides, they were able td 
 refift the force of a mufket ball. Pedraflb 
 offered to go and take one in the morning ; 
 but the light enabling the fchooner to 
 proceed, the commiffioner's mind was too 
 intent on the iffue of his voyage to 
 permit the delay of a moment. The cro- 
 codillo differs confiderably from the cay- 
 man, or common alligator. The former 
 is never known to exceed feven or eight 
 feet, is lighter made, and will attack man 
 or beaft. The latter grows to fixteen and 
 feventeen feet, is heavy, timid, and flies 
 from man, though he will fometimes feizc 
 on dogs, fheep, and other feeble animals. 
 The Spaniards fay that no crocodillos arc 
 to be found in places frequented by alli- 
 gators : thefe abound on the fouth keys, 
 which are muddy, and on the muddy 
 moraffes of the main ifland, where they 
 live on crabs and fi(h of all fizes, left in 
 abundance on the mud by the tide : on the 
 contrary, the crocodillos are fcen on the 
 drier fandy keys of the Jardines and the 
 I a oppo-
 
 { i6 ) 
 
 oppofite coaft, and particularly in the ifle 
 of Pines, where they are often found in, 
 the lower plains, at fome diftance from 
 the water. 
 
 The fchooner being now under way, 
 quite clear of the Jardines, the conjmif- 
 fioner's hopes of fuccefs were raifed to the 
 higheft pitch, and every flattering image 
 was renewed in his mind. But he was 
 doomed to fufFer frefh vexation from 
 the unyielding piety of the Spaniards. 
 They all declared, that it was incumbent 
 upon them to exprefs their gratitude to 
 St. Anthony for being faved from fhip- 
 wreck, and to receive abfolution from their 
 priefts before they proceeded ; for which 
 double purpofe they infifted on putting 
 into the port of Trinidad. Nothing could 
 prevail upon them to forego this refolu- 
 tion : they declared that they would leave 
 their dogs on board, and return after 
 fatisfying their confclences. The com- 
 mifTioner determined, if pofTible, not to 
 
 truft
 
 ( "7 ) 
 
 truft them ; but they were pofitlve, and 
 being all armed with long fahfes, were 
 fufficiently powerful to efFed their pur- 
 pofe. Though no Teamen, they knew 
 which tack laid the veflel off the coaft, 
 and would not fuffer it : the land breeze 
 however coming off, the failors edged 
 away from the fhore as much as poffible. 
 Fortunately in the morning a heavy North 
 again fet in, jjiiat rendered the making 
 Trinidad impradlicable, and there was 
 fome chance of falling in with a Bri- 
 tifli cruizer, whofe affiftance would have 
 completely fupported the commiflioner's 
 determination of not putting in with 
 the Spaniards ; but the purpofe was as 
 fully anfwered by the North's increafing, 
 which forced the fchooner off tlie coaft 
 of Cuba ; (lie was therefore of necellity 
 put before the wind, and next morning 
 fell in with the land near Falmouth in 
 the parlih of Trelawncy, the liglit of vvhicli 
 was rendered doubly joyous by the recollec- 
 tion of the many difficulties that had been 
 1 3 cucoua-.
 
 ( u8 ) 
 
 encountered and overcome. As flie flood 
 in fhore in the morning, the fchooner 
 law a French privateer, which fhe chafed, 
 and, being a much fafter failer, would 
 have taken, had not the Frenchman, by 
 tacking, gained to windward, the Mercury 
 not holding fo good a wind, owing to her 
 having been obliged to throw fo much 
 of her ballaft over board to get her off 
 the ground in the paflage of the Jardines, 
 At length being now quite out of pro- 
 vifions and water, fhe bore up for Mon- 
 tego Bay, where the commiffioner was 
 to experience a new vexation before he 
 landed. Entering the bay at dufk in the 
 evening, the officer of the fort millook 
 the Mercury for an enemy's privateer, 
 and fhe had to run the gantlet of the bat- 
 teries, from which fhe was welcomed 
 back by feveral vollies of grape-fhot. As 
 fortune would have it, neither men nor 
 dogs were hurt, and on the 14th of De- 
 cember, the fchooner dropped anchor in 
 a birth where fhe lay covered by fome 
 
 Amc-
 
 ( "9 ) 
 
 American veflels between, her and the bat- 
 teries. 
 
 The commiflioner had been abfent feven 
 weeks, and, although he had completely 
 fucceeded in the immediate object of his 
 expedition to Cuba, he was willing to 
 flatter hirafclf that a favourable progrefs 
 had been made in the war, and that 
 there would be no occafion to have re- 
 courfe to the recruits he had brought 
 with him ; but his firft enquiries pro- 
 duced an anfwer, which convinced him 
 that their fervices w^ould be required. He 
 received a melancholy account of the ftate 
 of affairs, and v/as informed that very little 
 progrefs had been made in reducing the 
 Maroons, that the troops had fuffered great 
 loffes, that tlie militia were jaded, and the 
 numbers on duty greatly lefTened. No time, 
 therefore, was loft in landing the chaiTeurs 
 and their doirs : the wild and formidable 
 appearance of l^oth fpread terror through 
 tlic place J the flrccts were cleared, the 
 I 4 doors
 
 ( I2Q ) 
 
 doors of the houfes hut, and the windowst 
 crouded. Not a negro ventured to ftir 
 out. The muzzled dogs with the heavy 
 rattling chains ferocioufly making at every 
 objet, and forcibly dragging on the chaf- 
 feurs, who could hardly reftrain them, 
 prefente(J a fcene of a tremendous nature, 
 well caMblated to give a moft awful colour- 
 ing to fhe report which would be conveyed 
 to the Maroons. 
 
 The defpondence that had prevailed now 
 yielded to hope, renovated by the arrival 
 of the commiflioner, and joy was fpread 
 throughout the ifland. He was congra- 
 tulated, and thanked by all who met him : 
 his exertions were extolled in all com- 
 panies ; no praife was thought too high, 
 nor could a reward be named adequate to 
 his fervices. If, indeed, we confider the 
 fpirit of the enterprife ; the indefatigable 
 activity with which it was purfued, the 
 difficulties overcome, and the difpatch with 
 wh^ch it was completed, we muft allow 
 
 that
 
 ( I2 ) 
 
 that the gratitude of the inhabitants of 
 Jamaica was not premature, for although 
 the uhimate objed of the Cuba expedition 
 remained to be accomplifhed, the expedi- 
 tion itfelf had been conduced with un- 
 common energy and ability, and had been 
 attended with complete fuccefs : and it is 
 no wonder that the great proprietors, fome 
 of whom had declared themfelves ready 
 to lay down the half of their fortunes for 
 the fuppreffion of the dangerous rebellion 
 raging in the heart of the country, fhould 
 feel the obligation they were under to one 
 who had rifen from a bed of ficknefs, de- 
 fpifed fatigue and danger, and reftored to 
 them the profpect of faving their property 
 and the illand from deftrudion.
 
 ( 122 ) 
 
 LETTER XIL 
 
 State cf the War in Jamaica. March to Seven Rivers, 
 The ChaJJeurs reviewed by General Walpole. ~ Cri- 
 iical Period. Colonel Hull marches in Search of Mon- 
 tague's Party. Cato killed. The Parties meet. A 
 ^ruce. Treaty of Peace. Unfortunate Rencontre 
 nvitb Colonel Stevenfon's Detachment. ^Colonel Skinner 
 advances from Pojl Aiiguflus agninfl 'Johnfon.-Is 
 recalled. Johnfon's intended ProjtEls. The Lieu^ 
 tenant Governor arrives at Wemyf-Caflle. R.atifes 
 General Walpoles Treaty -Diflrvfl and /Ippychnfons 
 cf the Maroons. Kap out beyond the Day appointed 
 for their Surrender. The Chuffeurs difati.fuu. 
 General Wa^poWs Cpinion rf peeling them. Bcd'':s of 
 Maroons fur render at different Times. Palmer and 
 Parkinfony nvith fome otherSy remove to a dlflant Part 
 of the Country. Fidelity of Johnfon and Smith. They 
 beg for a Party to go and bring in the Remnincler of the 
 Maroons. Refufcd.The Spaniards eager to aci. 
 Nutritious Root found in the Woods. Detachment 
 fciit againfl Palmer and Parhinfou. Dilemma cf the 
 Party. Palmer and Parkinfon fur render. Termina- 
 iion of the War. 
 
 X REVious to the arrival of the Spanifli 
 
 challcurs, General Walpole, well knowing 
 
 1 1 that
 
 ( 1^3 ) 
 
 that the talents of Johnfon rendered him 
 the moft formidable of the Maroon chiefs, 
 and that his vigour and activity called for 
 the ftridleft vigilance on his enterprife, 
 thought it neceflary to alarm him from 
 time to time by feigned movements, 
 though he could not fpare a fufEcient num- 
 ber of troops to eftablifh ftrong pofts on 
 the Weftmoreland quarter, the principal 
 ftation of his party. Thefe movements 
 were made with an appearance of great 
 fecrefy, but with a defign of Johnfon's 
 being informed of them ; for there was 
 no doubt that he received intelligence by 
 means of fome of the negroes, the certainty 
 of which was afterwards evinced by the 
 fpeedy information given to him of the 
 arrival of the chafleurs. To countenance 
 the feint, General Walpole gave orders for 
 purchafmg provifions for a grand depot on 
 the Wedmorcland fide, while, in reality, 
 he was executing a plan which he had fug- 
 gcfled of carrying a road through the few 
 fprings in the cock-pits from the north fide 
 
 to
 
 ( 124 ) 
 
 to the fouth fide of the ifland, and of pufhing 
 down detachments of the troops to take poft 
 at the fprings, which, from the difficulty of 
 obtaining water, muft have rendered the 
 excurfions of the Maroons eaflward almoft 
 impracticable. General Walpole had efta^ 
 blifhed pofts on the 1 8th of November, at 
 Hector's River, and Mouth River, cover- 
 ing the eaftern part of the ifland with the 
 Clarendon and Vere militia : but great 
 fears were entertained in the Nauflau 
 mountains to the fouth, which, from the 
 want of force, could not be effedually 
 guarded ; and the weather having been 
 dry, the burning the eftates in that quarter 
 was much dreaded. The adion between 
 Captain Drummond and Johnfon, men- 
 tioned at the conclufion of my eighth 
 Letter, happened in confequence of the 
 feigned movements planned by General 
 Walpole. It took place on the 13th of 
 December, the day before the arrival of 
 the chafTeurs, and the Maroons after the 
 adion threatened to burn Bclviderc, Ge- 
 neral
 
 ( J25 ) 
 
 neral Reld's eftate, in a few nights. In 
 the mean time the commiflioncr had landed 
 the chaffeurs, and difpatches were imme- 
 diately fent to General Walpole at the Old 
 Town announcing their arrival. The news 
 jBew fo rapidly through the country, that 
 in lefs than two hours it reached General 
 Reid, at his poft on Great River, and he 
 inftantly wrote to the commiflioncr, re- 
 quefting him to bring the chafleurs to him 
 as fpeedily as poffible ; at the fame time 
 mentioning the action that had been fought 
 with Captain Drummond, and that another 
 attack was intended immediately, affiiring 
 him that he would be refponfible to Ge- 
 neral Walpole for his not waiting his 
 orders. On receiving this letter, the com- 
 miflioncr loft no time in pufliing up the 
 chafleurs towards Poft Auguftus, the ap- 
 pointed rendezvous, where troops were 
 to be aflcmbled for the attack propofed. 
 Two halts were made on the way, at 
 which time cattle were killed for the u(^ 
 of the dogs and men. The manner of 
 I flavlr.o;
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 flaying an ox, by which he was as foon 
 difpatched as by the ordinary mode, was 
 to fet fome dogs on him, who pinned 
 him down, and one of the chafleurs with 
 his fharp mufchet cut the throat of the 
 animal. The dogs catching at the blood 
 with open mouths, and pufhing one an- 
 other's heads about, were half covered 
 with it, and being powdered with duft on 
 their march, exhibited a ferocious appear- 
 ance, well calculated to infpire terror. 
 The negroes on the different eftates through 
 which they pafled, left their work and fled 
 in every direction. The Maroons too 
 were very foon informed of the approach 
 of the chaiTeurs. Johnfon, after the adion 
 with Captain Drummond, had returned to 
 his old pofition, or rather to one a mile to 
 the eaftward of it, where he conceived he 
 ihould engage with more advantage, and 
 he was bold enough to fay, that, covered 
 by the woods, and independent of the 
 cock-pits, he thought himfelf equal to any 
 force that could be brought againft him: 
 
 but
 
 ( 127 ) 
 
 but no fooner did he hear of the arrival 
 of the chafleurs, than he quitted this pq- 
 fition in order to join old Monta^u^'s 
 party. 
 
 The fecond halt of the chafleurs wa^ 
 made at a place called Seven Rivers, 
 where they remained all night. IJIKr^y 
 by an order from General Walpole, fmall 
 fufils were given to the Spaniards, who 
 were with difficulty perfuaded to take 
 them, declaring that they would rather 
 depend entirely on their fwords and dogs ; 
 and though each took one, it feems they 
 determined among themfelves to lodge 
 them w^Ith the rear-guard before they 
 went into adion. They laughed on being 
 told that the Maroons were good markf- 
 men, and would fight under cover, re- 
 tiring from hill to hill. They were fully 
 apprized, they faid, of all the Maroons 
 could do, and only wifhed to get upon 
 their track. 
 
 Anxious
 
 { 128 ) 
 
 Anxious to review the chaffeurs, General 
 Walpole left head-quarters, the morning 
 after they were landed, before day-treak, 
 and arrived in a poft-chaife at Seven Rivers 
 about feven o'clock, accompanied by Co- 
 lonel Skinner, whom he appointed to 
 conduct the intended attack. Notice of 
 his doming having preceded him, a pa- 
 rade of the chafleurs was ordered. They 
 "Were taken to a diftance from the houfe, 
 in order to be advanced when the General 
 alighted. On his arrival, the commiffioner 
 having paid his refpeds to him, was defu'ed 
 to parade them. The Spaniards appeared 
 at the end of a gentle acclivity, drawn out 
 in a line containing upwards of forty men, 
 with their dogs in front, unmuzzled, and 
 held by the cotton-ropes. According to 
 diredlions previoufly given, on receiving 
 the command to fire, they dlfcharged their 
 fufils, and advanced as upon a real attack. 
 This was intended to afcertain what effecft 
 would be produced on the dogs if engaged 
 under a fire of the Maroons. The volley 
 
 was
 
 ( 129 ) 
 
 was no fooner fired than the dogs prefleil 
 forward with the greatell fury, amid ft the 
 continued Ihouts of the Spaniards, who 
 were dragged on with irrefiftlble force. 
 Some of the dogs, maddened by the fliout 
 of attack while held back by the ropes, 
 feized on the ftocks of the guns in the 
 hands of their keepers, and tore pieces out 
 of them. Their impetuofity was fo great, 
 that they were with difficulty flopped be- 
 fore they reached the General, who found 
 it necelTary to go into the chaife from 
 which he had alighted ; and if the greateft: 
 exertions had not been made to flop them, 
 they would certainly have feized upon his 
 Iiorfes. He was much pleafed w^ith the 
 review, and augured a happy efledt from 
 their appearance among the Maroons. The 
 chafieurs hearing that they were to attend 
 the troops in an attack that was to be 
 made as foon as pofTible, expreiled great 
 anxiety to go out alone ; but every felici- 
 tation on the fubjcdt was rcpreffed, and 
 they were dirciftcd to be flri(^ly attentive 
 Vol. II. K ' to
 
 ( I3<5 ) 
 
 to the orders of Colonel Sklftner, under 
 whom they were going out. 
 
 The juncture appeared favourable to 
 General Walpole for attempting to bring 
 the Maroons to terms which it might 
 not be injurious to tli country, or de- 
 rogatory to the dignity of the Govern- 
 ment to grant. It is true no vidory of 
 importance had been obtained over them, 
 but the militia under Colonel Stevenfon, 
 and other detachments, had confiderably 
 checked their predatory incurfions on the 
 provifion grounds in Trelawney, and the 
 General from his own ftation had driven 
 them into the remote cock-pits, where, 
 from the fettlng in of the dry weather, 
 the fcarcity of water muft have been 
 already felt. Parties from Poll Auguftus 
 and Mocha had, by conflids with John- 
 fon, confined his depredations on that fide 
 of the mountains. The pofls eftabliihed 
 at Mouth and Iie6kor Rivers, with the 
 Clarendon and Vere militia, under Colonel 
 Robertfon and Major Shaw, had fuccefT- 
 
 fully
 
 ( i3 ) 
 
 fully oppofed the Maroon inroads to the 
 eaft: and on the 15th Colonel Hull had 
 maintained a gallant action with Mon- 
 tague's party, whom he had forced to 
 retreat. There were confiderations on the 
 other hand, that had great weight in in- 
 fluencing the General to force the Maroons 
 into an accommodation, fo earneftly prefled 
 for by the country in general. The feftival 
 of Chriftmas was approaching, a period 
 when, even in times of the greateft tran- 
 quillity, it has always been ihought proper 
 to be particularly vigilant againft the con- 
 fequences of the intemperance and excefles 
 in which many of the negroes then in- 
 dulge. The protraction of the war had 
 aftonifhed the other bodies of Maroons and 
 the flaves, and had fixed their attention 
 on the events of it, which were fometimes 
 fooner known among them at very diftant 
 parts, than at the capital ; and it was 
 reported that a very large body intended 
 to join the Maroons. The dry weather 
 was fet in, the beginning of crop was at 
 K 2 banj^
 
 ( ^3^ ) 
 
 hand, and the canes now ripe and drop- 
 ping their dry blades, were become very 
 combuftible. A few rebellious negroes 
 might eafily effect a devaftation which it 
 might not be in the power of thoufands 
 of attached and orderly ones to prevent 
 or arreft ; for the violent parching winds 
 prevailing in the dry feafon, would carry 
 a fire through whole diftridls. Now then, 
 General Walpole, inftead of driving the 
 Maroons to defperation, conceived the 
 wifeft ftep he could take would be to feize 
 the opportunity oifered by the terror which 
 was fpread by the arrival of the chafleursj 
 to fhow them that though their firft fuc- 
 cefles had determined him to continue the 
 conflidt till he fubdued them by force of 
 arms, he was willing, when joined by a 
 force which from its nature could not fail 
 of driving them from their receffes, to adopt 
 mild meafures rather than proceed to a 
 purfuit, the efFeds of which would be fo 
 terrible. He accordingly directed Colonel 
 Hull, who had been ordered to advance 
 
 from
 
 ( ^33 ) 
 from the Old Town againft Montague's 
 party, to offer them terms ; and he defired 
 Colonel Skinner, in going out againft John* 
 fon, to keep the chaffeurs in the rear. 
 
 On the 1 8th, Colonel Hull, with a part 
 of the 62d regiment, detachments of the 
 17th light dragoons, and other regular 
 corps, forming a very ftrong force, went 
 out after Montague's party, who had 
 received a meffage from Johnfon to ad- 
 vance and meet him nearer the Old Town. 
 The party having made a movement in 
 confequence of the mefTage, Colonel Hull, 
 after a march of about fix miles, fell in 
 with them much fooner than he expedled, 
 at Pond River. A negro was immediately 
 difpatched to haften the baggage up. Crito, 
 a Have, w^as the perfon fent. During the 
 whole campaign he had been a moft faith- 
 ful guide. It was by liis means the re- 
 treat of the rebels was difcovercd, and he 
 had behaved in a<Stion with great bravery., 
 but returning for the baggage, he was 
 K 3 unfor-
 
 i IH ) 
 
 unfortunately Hlled by a Maroon in an 
 ambulh. 
 
 The Maroons wer-e on the fide of a 
 fteep hill, and the troops on an oppofite 
 acclivity, with a narrow glade between 
 them. Colonel Huirs advanced guard 
 coming upon them by furprife, began 
 a fire, which was returned by the Ma- 
 roons : but orders v/ere immediately given 
 to flop firing, the officers dire(5ling the 
 men to cover themfelves as well as they 
 could by the trees. This being obeyed, 
 the Maroons were called to, repeatedly, to 
 defift firing, and told that the General 
 wifhed to grant them peace. A ftraggling 
 fire, however, being kept up by the body, 
 feemed to enrage their captains, who find- 
 ing the fire of the troops had entirely 
 ceafed, no longer concealed themfelves, 
 but were (een (kipping among the rocks 
 to filcnce their own. This being effeded, 
 they alked if General Walpole was there 
 to talk to them, and were told he was not, 
 
 but
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 but that he fliould be fent for, and that 
 in the mean time Colonel Hull was au- 
 thorized to grant them peace. A long 
 converfation now took place, during which 
 the Maroons appeared extremely diftruftful. 
 At length Mr. Werge of the 17th light 
 -dragoons, with great prefence of mind and 
 cool deliberate courage, threw down his 
 arms and defcended to the foot of the hill 
 clofe to them, calling upon them to meet 
 him, telling them that as the war was 
 nded, neither party fhould be afraid to 
 meet and fliake hands upon it. On this, 
 Fowler, the Maroon, advanced and took 
 him by the hand, and at Mr. Werge's 
 propofal changed hats and jackets with 
 him. Charles Schaw, who had the com- 
 mand of old Montague's party, then came 
 down, and afterwards one or two more of 
 the captains. Nothing more was effeded 
 at this time than a ceiTation of hoftilities. 
 The Maroons declared that they would 
 not fire upon the troops if they did not 
 advance, affuring Colonel Hull that they 
 K 4 on
 
 ( 136 ) 
 
 on their fide would not advance on him. 
 The night, however, coming on, rendered 
 the fituation of both parties hazardous and 
 painful. There was a fmall fpring of 
 water in the glade betv/een them, and it 
 was agreed in order that no partial advan- 
 tage might be gained by either fide, that 
 each fhould advance two fentries to guard 
 it. In this pofition they lay under arms 
 all night. However, about two o'clock 
 in the morning, the want of water, which 
 was feverely felt on both fides, impelled 
 the Maroons to call out to the troops, and 
 propofe that Colonel Hull fhould withdraw 
 his fentries a little way till they fupplied 
 thetnfelves, after which they would with- 
 draw theirs, that the troops might go and 
 take water. The propofal was readily 
 confented to, and both parties obtained a 
 refrefhment they were extremely in want 
 of. 
 
 An exprefs having been fent to General 
 Walpole, informing him of the truce that 
 
 had
 
 ( ^37 ) 
 
 had taken place, the Maroons were told at 
 day-dawn that he was on his way, and 
 in the mean time they were invited to 
 fend fome of their captains to meet an 
 equal number of the officers at the fpring ; 
 but the cautious captains chofe to referve 
 their confidence till they faw the Gene- 
 ral, who with General Reid arrived early 
 in the morning, and was met by old 
 Montague and the captains, depending on 
 the promife of the Commander in Chief 
 for the fecurity of their perfons. After 
 fome talk, the following propofals were 
 made by the Maroons, and granted by 
 General Walpole. 
 
 ijl. That they would on their knees beg 
 his Majefty's pardon. 
 
 Q.d. That they would go to the Old 
 Town, Montcgo Bay, or any other place 
 that might be pointed out, and would fettle 
 on whatever lands the Governor, Council, 
 and AiTcmbly might think proper to allot.
 
 ( '38 ) 
 
 3^. That they would give up all run- 
 aways *. 
 
 To thefe fimple articles, entered into on 
 the 2ift of December 1795, and confidered 
 as a treaty, General Walpole was under 
 the neceffity of adding another, which was 
 a fecret one, promifing that the Maroons 
 fhould not be fent off the ifland, and he 
 was obliged to accede on his oath f . Thefe 
 preliminaries fettled, the General allowed 
 a certain time for them to bring in their 
 women and children, who were concealed 
 in a remote fituation, where they had been 
 liying in a miferable ftate, the meazles 
 having broke out among them, and where 
 they were almoft famifhed from being 
 unable to procure a fuiEcient quantity of 
 provifions. Some of the men returned 
 to head-quarters to reprefent this and 
 the neceffity of carrying in provifions to 
 
 * Votes of the Hcufe of AfTembly. See Appendiic, 
 No. 3. 
 t Ibid. 
 
 their
 
 ( 139 ) 
 
 their families, repeating the moft folema 
 aflurances of their intentioii to come ia 
 with as much expedition as poflible. 
 
 When the articles of the treaty were 
 
 agreed to, General Walpole cautioned the 
 
 Maroons refped:ing a party under Colonel 
 
 Stevenibn that had been fent out from 
 
 another dired:ion with the view of covering 
 
 the grounds and co-operating with Colonel 
 
 Hull, fhould an adion take place. To 
 
 prevent their being attacked, the General 
 
 gave them a letter to Colonel Stevenfon, 
 
 informing him of the peace he had granted. 
 
 On parting, a number of the Maroons, 
 
 now joined by about thirty of their women, 
 
 who were employed in carrying baggage 
 
 and provifions, unfortunately took a route 
 
 towards Colonel Stevenfon's detachment, 
 
 whofe advance came by furprife on the 
 
 women as they were afcending a hill. 
 
 Thefe fled in different directions, while 
 
 the men called out to Hop; but a firir.g 
 
 being begun, the voices were difrcgarded, 
 
 as
 
 ( HO ) 
 
 as the Maroons were accuftomed to call 
 out in battle. Smith having fixed General 
 Walpole's letter in a cleft ftick, ufed his 
 utmoft endeavours to have it noticed by 
 prefcnting it at different openings of the 
 wood, retreating as Colonel Stevenfon ad- 
 vanced. Not fucceeding he at length took 
 to his gun, and the battle became general. 
 Captain Dunbar of the militia, and fome 
 others, were killed, feveral were wounded, 
 and the affair ended like mod of the adions 
 in the woods: the Maroons fought them- 
 felves off, and the militia, after exhaufting 
 themfelves, retreated. 
 
 In the mean time Colonel Skinner, with 
 a part of the i6th regiment, a detachment 
 of the 83d, and the chaffeurs, had quitted 
 Poft Auguftus with the intention of attack- 
 ing Johnfon on the ground he had taken 
 after his adion with Captain Drummond. 
 Johnfon, who before braved all danger, 
 had, on the i8th, in confequence of his 
 meffage to old Montague, when he heard of 
 the chaffeurs approach, made a rapid move- 
 ment
 
 ( HI ) 
 
 ment of his principal force, leaving a fmall 
 party to proceed with the women and bag- 
 gage to a fecure place in the fouthernmoft 
 cock-pits, while he proceeded to form his 
 jundion with Montague's party, which he 
 was prevented from effcdling by their 
 falling in with Colonel Hull. But this 
 was unknown to Colonel Skinner, who on 
 the 19th went in purfuit of him, and 
 having pafled his old poiition, pufhed on 
 with redoubled vigour, expelling every 
 moment to overtake him. The chafTeurs 
 entreated to be allowed to advance, but 
 this he ftridly forbade, keeping them con- 
 ftantly in the rear. The party were VN-itliiii 
 two miles of the body left by Johnfon to 
 convoy the women and baggage, tlioui^h 
 this was at the time unknown, and had 
 the Spaniards been allowed to advance, 
 not one of them could have efcaped. 
 About two o'clock an cxprefs difpatched 
 by General Walpole before he left head- 
 quarters, overtook Colonel Skinner, witfi 
 an order to returrt, informing him \h:\t
 
 ( 142 ) 
 
 the Maroons had fhown a dirpofition to 
 treat for peace, which he hoped in a few 
 hours to conclude with them. This was 
 very unwelcome news to the chafTeurs, 
 who had buoyed themfelves up with the 
 exped:ation of the great rewards which 
 had been offered by the various procla- 
 mations: but fome time after, on being 
 ordered to head-quarters at the Old Town, 
 they continued to entertain hopes of op- 
 portunities being afforded them to a(St. 
 
 The period in which General Walpolc 
 made the peace was a moll critical one. 
 Johnfon had moved to concentre the 
 Maroon force for the purpofe of adopting 
 a dreadful alternative, had a negotiation 
 been unfuccefsfuL Ignorant of General 
 Walpole's defign of admitting them to 
 terms, it was his own intention to have 
 fent in an offer : for he was now, for the 
 firft time fince the burning of his fettle- 
 ment, anxioufly folicitous for peace. It is 
 a circumftance hardly known, that he 
 f meant
 
 ( H3 ) 
 
 meant, on the junction of the whole Ma- 
 roon force, if he had found no opportunity 
 of treating, or in negotiating had failed, 
 to have croffed the ifland, and on the fouth 
 of the cock-pits, through Cave River, to 
 have made a defcent on the eftates in the 
 mountains of Clarendon, where he expeded 
 to find a more favourable difpofition in 
 the negroes than to the northward and 
 weftward ; for in thefe parts, befides the 
 great military force to awe the flaves, the 
 majority of them were adually the deter- 
 mined enemies of the Maroons : whereas 
 in Clarendon, whence the Maroons origi- 
 nally came, a degree of family connexion 
 was ftill acknowledged among them, and 
 emiflaries had been employed to afcertain 
 their inclination. What that really was, 
 never appeared ; but it was natural for 
 Johnfon to depend upon finding many 
 friends in that quarter. Had the peace 
 not been made, and had he crofled the 
 country, it is not unlikely that the fertile 
 parifh of Clarendon would have been laid 
 
 in
 
 ( 144 ) 
 
 in aflies. The confcquences of transferring 
 the feat of war may be eafily imagined : 
 fatiguing marches, new quarters, new in- 
 campments, a new country to be ftudied, 
 new fcenes of adion, concluding with 
 another removal; and after fimilar con- 
 fequences, other removals, by which the 
 war might have been carried round the 
 ifland, and perpetuated for years. But thefe 
 confequences depended on the fuppofition, 
 that Johnfon's defign of croiling the country 
 could have been effedled, of which there 
 could be no doubt previous to the arrival 
 of the chafleurs ; but now his moft dreaded 
 foes, whofe approach had raifed the idea, 
 were too near upon his fkirts ; and before 
 he could have reached the place for the 
 execution of his project, or attempted any 
 enterprife, he would have been overtaken 
 by the chafleurs, who, it may be fuppofed 
 under fuch circumftanccs, would havq been 
 permitted to advance. Some perfons en- 
 tertained doubts refpeding the refult of an 
 adion between the chafleurs and the Ma- 
 roons.
 
 ( '4/ ) 
 
 roons. That their doubts were not re- 
 folved by experience, is not to be regretted. 
 The greateft reliance was placed upon the 
 former, not only by the General and his 
 principal officers, but by the Governor, 
 and the country. Notwithftanding this, 
 General Walpolc judged it prudent not to 
 fufFer them to ad alone ; nor would he 
 hazard the moft diftant chance of removing 
 the terror which had been infpired by the 
 very idea of their arrival. To maintain 
 this terror, and expel that which arofe in 
 the breafts of the Maroons from diftruft of 
 the faith of ihofe with v/hom they were 
 treating, was now General Walpole's chief 
 endeavour: but he found it not fo eafy 
 to fucceed in the latter as in the former ; 
 and the refolution of the Maroons wavered 
 for fome time between the two motives of 
 dread. 
 
 As foon .13 the Lieutenant-Governor 
 received an account of the pacliication 
 with the Maroons, he left Major-General 
 
 Voi.II. L Donald
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 Donald Campbell to command the troops 
 on the fouth fide *, and fetting out for 
 the north fide, proceeded as far as Wemyfs- 
 Caftle, where, on the 28th of December, 
 he ratified General Walpole's treaty ; fixing 
 the 1 ft of January 1 796 for the furrender 
 and fubmiflion of the Maroons f. Diftruft 
 and apprehenfion prevailing among them, 
 they did not come in with that promptnefs 
 
 * A praftice has prevailed In the colonies of giving the 
 rank of General officers to gentlemen who have commiflions 
 in the militia. In real fervice this muft be attended ^'ith 
 much inconvenience, for it is not to be fuppofed that men 
 who occafionally appear on a parade, or on field-davs two 
 or three times a-year, and whofe avocations are incom- 
 patible with great military knowledge, fhould be fufficiently 
 (killed in taftics, to plan either offer.five or defeiifive opeia- 
 tions. It will happen that regular officers of very inferior 
 rank muft be fuddenly created temporary or local com- 
 manders, or the fervice be left to hazard. This obfervatlon 
 ^5 far from being intended as the flightefl reflexion on the 
 officers of the colonial militia, whofe bravery and intelligence 
 are in thefe volumes proved iudifputable, but the thing 
 fpeaks for itfelf. In England, the officers of the miiiiia 
 pcver rife to the rank of a General. 
 
 f Votes of the Houfe of AfTcrnbly. See Appendix, 
 No. 3. 
 
 yvhicl^
 
 ( H7 ) 
 which had been hoped at firfl:. On the 
 24th, only two, Smith and Dunbar, had 
 arrived at head-quarters. Old Montague's 
 doubts were not eafily fubdued. He 
 recolleded that he had once before fur- 
 rendered, with fix-and-thirty of his people, 
 previous to the commencement of hofti- 
 lities; his treatment in Auguft was a check 
 on his confidence in December, and al- 
 though he had entered into the treaty, 
 he became the chief obftacle to the per- 
 formance of it ; but in vain, for many of 
 the Maroons told him that they were 
 determined to have peace, whether h 
 would or not. Several came in on the 
 28th, to whom General Walpole read 
 Lord Balcarres's ratification of the treaty, 
 endeavouring to fatisfy them that no in- 
 fringement of it would enfue, of which 
 they fcemed determined to be fure*. At 
 length the ift of January, the day fixed 
 for the furrender of the whole, arrived, 
 
 * Votci of the Houfe of Affembl)'. 
 
 L 2 and,
 
 ( 148 ) 
 
 and, to the great difappointment of General 
 Walpole, it pafled unnoticed. This was 
 afterwards confidered as a breach of the 
 treaty, and literally it was ; yet, perhaps, a 
 great diflindion might have been made, 
 in the confideration of it, between a diredt 
 breach pregnant with defiance, and one that 
 \va%fufFered to take place through appre- 
 henfion of feverity : for fuch it was. The 
 Maroons, terrified by the thoughts of the 
 chafleurs, had relblved upon peace and 
 fubmiffion, but fearful of their fate, they 
 thought not of the particular confequence 
 of fuch a breach ; many ftraggled in, both 
 before and after it was committed, and 
 many could hardly prevail upon themfelves 
 to abandon their faftnefles and face their 
 deftiny : each was defirous that his neigh- 
 boHr fhould try the white faith firft, and 
 when one was fatisfied, he returned and 
 brought back moft of his family*. With 
 their fears, other caufes combined to delay 
 
 Votes of the Houfc of Aflcmbly. 
 
 the
 
 ( H9 ) 
 
 the furrender of feveral, who had gone 
 in queft of their families, and had found 
 them Tick and unable to travel ; of fome 
 of their women loft at the time of the 
 laft action one only was found ; and 
 yet the extent of the delay was but a 
 fortnight, if we except the fmall party 
 with Palmer and Parkinfon who were out 
 three months *. Be this as it may, the 
 failure of a general furrender on the i ft of 
 January was conftrued to be a continuation 
 of rebellion, and on the 5th, General 
 Walpole received an order to advance 
 with the dogs. The Spaniards began to 
 be out of temper at not being permitted 
 to al:, and the General, who had hither- 
 to been eager to entice in the dilatory 
 Maroons rather than recur to force, now 
 feared any longer temporizing, for, faid 
 
 * Itr may alfo be thouglit that Smith, Dunbar, and 
 ihofe who fiirrcndcred on the ift of January, were pledges 
 for the coming in of their families ; and that Johnfou's 
 mefTcngers were a proof of his comph'ancc, as General 
 'A'li'pMk on going out met them coining in. 
 
 L 3 he.
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 he, if the Spaniards cannot be kept*, it 
 would be better to avail ourfelves of the 
 breach of the treaty by the Maroons, and 
 to move on; as nothing can be clearer 
 than that all treaty would foon terminate 
 were they off the ifland f. 
 
 It would be ufelefs to trace minutely 
 the coming in of the Maroons, which was 
 not completely efFeded till the 2 2d of 
 March ; however, fome of the occurrences 
 that took place may not be uninterefting. 
 It was refolved that in marching, the troops 
 fhould always precede the chafTeurs, the 
 very attendance of the latter being found 
 to produce the defired effed:. Wherever 
 they went, terror flew before them, antici- 
 pating their operations. On the 12th of 
 
 * The dogs were growing too fat from want of exercJfe. 
 While kept at tlieir ftation on the hill at Vaughan's-field, 
 they were never fuffered to exercife, though it was re- 
 quefted by the Spaniards, who murmured very much, de- 
 claring that they would become unfit for ailion. 
 
 f Votes of the lioufe uf AfTcmbly. See Appendix, 
 No 5. 
 
 January,
 
 ( '51 ) 
 
 January, as General Walpole was ad- 
 vancing, he received a meflage from John- 
 fon, informing him that he and his party 
 were coming to the cock-pit within the 
 pofts, and requefting that a fupply of pro- 
 vifions might be ready for them. The 
 General, notwithftanding, kept advancing, 
 and on the 14th twenty-four more of the 
 Maroons came in, and another meflenger 
 from Johnfon, to fay that the number 
 of the fick he had with him would pre- 
 vent his reaching the pofts that day, but 
 that he would not fail to be in next 
 morning. Forty-nine came in the fame 
 day, and on the next, the 15th, General 
 Walpole met Johnfon with between fifty 
 and fixty Maroons coming in : feveral 
 bodies followed, making in all fmce the 
 treaty three hundred and twenty-fix, to 
 whom thofe being added who had pre- 
 vioufly furrendered, the number of Tre- 
 lawncy Maroons in Lord Balcarres's pof- 
 feflion on the i6th of January was four 
 hundred. By Lord Balcarres's order the 
 L 4 Maroons
 
 ( 152 ) 
 
 ?vIaroons were marched down to Montego 
 Bay under efcort. They were fent off 
 at different times. General Walpole re- 
 taining with him feveral, confifting chiefly 
 of the families of Johnfon and Smith, for 
 the purpofe of influencing tlie remainder 
 who were ftill out to furrender. Johnfon 
 and Smith particularly, were indefatigable 
 in their exertions to bring them in, and 
 fucceedcd with fome ; but Palmer and 
 Parkinfon, the two men who, we may 
 remember, had been charged with advifmg 
 the Maroons to fet fire to their towns, 
 and for wliofe heads a confiderable reward 
 had been offered, having from tlie hills 
 which overlooked head-quarters obiervcd 
 the different bodies of thofe who had fur- 
 rendered marched off towards Montegc 
 Bay with an efcort of troops, conceived 
 fome treacliery meant towards them, and 
 w^ith their party and fome others, wlio, 
 going in, were alarmed by a fallc report 
 of the approach of the Spani.irds aiul do^^, 
 fled into the reniOter coclc-pits to the fouth- 
 
 ward.
 
 ( iS3 ) 
 
 ward. This information was brought b)' 
 Johnlon and five other Maroons, who had 
 been fent to prevail upon the reft to come 
 in, and who in their return, after an ab- 
 lence of fix days, the time allowed them, 
 were accompanied by fix additional able 
 Maroons, and a great many women and 
 children. Johnfon and Smith evinced the 
 greateft fidelity in the excurfions they fre- 
 quently made in queft of the body re- 
 maining in the woods, in which they 
 never failed to perfuade many to return 
 with them. Johnfon, while his people 
 continued at head- qua iters with him, kept 
 them in great order, refining tliem rum, 
 and puniOnng the ilighteil difobedience. 
 
 Palmer and Parklnfon in their flight had 
 left a white flag at Pond River, where, on 
 its being found. Smith turned to General 
 Walpole and faid, " Sir, we can bring them 
 in as eafy as kifs your hand." He prefTed 
 for a party of eight Maroons, to be ac- 
 companied by a detachment of the troops. 
 
 but
 
 ( >54 ) 
 
 but without dogs, to go In fearch of them : 
 and both he and Johnfon repeatedly af- 
 fured General Walpole that they believed 
 every man might now be brought in. 
 The General was defirous of trying the 
 experiment, but could not obtain the con- 
 fent .of Lord Balcarres, who had now 
 removed to Dromilly, a little farther from 
 head-quarters, and who thought, from 
 8mith*s application and the propofal of 
 going without dogs, that not a moment 
 was to be loft. General Walpole, how- 
 ever, conceived the lofs to confift in letting 
 flip the opportunity of bringing in all the 
 Maroons that were out, and lamented it, 
 while he obeyed his Lordfhip's orders of 
 fending the Maroons to Montego Bay *. 
 
 The party out had now proceeded 
 fo far into the remoter recelTcs of the 
 mountains, that it became very difficult to 
 find them, without relbiting to the mcafurc 
 of permitting the Spaniards to advance. 
 
 Votes of the Iloiifcof AiTcmlly. Sec Appendix, No. 3. 
 
 Thev
 
 ( 155 ) 
 
 They were more eager than ever, wifhing 
 to go out alone, and to remain, till they 
 completed the bufinefs, in the woods ; 
 where they declared they could live for 
 ever, for they afforded much more fuf- 
 tenance than thofe of their own country. 
 They pointed out feveral articles of whole- 
 fome food, with which the Maroons were 
 unacquainted; particularly a plant having 
 the appearance of fern, with a thin, long 
 root. This root, when grated, is equal 
 to the beft caflava, and there was an in- 
 exhauftible fupply of it near Trelawney- 
 Town. 
 
 On the nth of February, Johnfon and- 
 Smith returned from one of their excur- 
 fions, bringing with them about thirty 
 Maroons. Palmer and Parkinfon, how- 
 ever, were not of the number: having 
 received very exaggerated accounts of the 
 Maroon affairs, and of what they had 
 themfelves to exped, they had removed, 
 as I have already obferved, with a finall 
 
 party
 
 ( IJS ) 
 
 farty to a confiderable diftance. Genera! 
 Walpole being determined to rout them, 
 fent a detachment of the 13th light dra- 
 goons under* Lieutenant Gubbins, accom- 
 panied by fome of the chafTeurs with tTieir 
 d^ogs, and a few of the Accompong Ma- 
 roons as guides, in fearch of them. The 
 party, ill fupplied with provifions, and 
 Ignorant of any fprings in the country^ 
 ' tiirough which they were to pafs, entered 
 the woods from the fide of St. Elizabeth 
 at One-Eye, with a rcfolution to penetrate 
 cither dire<Stly through the cock-pits, or 
 Tip the banks of Elcdor's River *. After 
 a perfevering march of feveral days, in 
 tvhkh the troops fuffered extremely by 
 thirft as well as fatic^ue, tlie commanding 
 officer finding that his provifions would 
 not hold out much longer, was under the 
 neceffity of returning from the woods. 
 
 On the 2 6tti of February General Wal- 
 pole, accompanied by Colonel Skinner, 
 
 Votes of ihe Hcufc of AffciTibly- 
 
 rr arched
 
 ( ^sy ) 
 
 marched from Old Maroon Town with 
 detachments of the 13th light dragoons 
 and 1 6th infantry, confifting of about 
 eighty men, attended by a party of the 
 Spanifh chafTeurs, and pafling through El- 
 derfly, Accompong-Town, and Aberdeen, 
 was conduced by Colonel James Rowe, 
 on the 29th, to a hill about a mile and a 
 half behind the laft place, whence a fmoke 
 had been frequently difcovered, which 
 was again feen this morning in a north- 
 eaft diredion, apparently at no great 
 diftance ; and it was fuppofed that the 
 party could reach the fpot from which it 
 rofe, in the courfe of the day. They 
 accordingly marched on till four o'clock 
 in the afternoon, when they halted, and 
 encamped in a large glade, at the foot of a 
 very fteep and rocky hill. Here the men 
 compbincd of great tliirfi:, and, on enquiry, 
 tlie water carried for their fupply was 
 found to be nearly exhaufted, there re- 
 maining only half a pint for each man's 
 allowance next day. In the mornin^^ the 
 
 p.iry
 
 ( riS ) 
 
 party moved forward about two miles, 
 and then halted for information from a 
 Spaniard who had been fent to the top of 
 a high hill to reconnoitre, and who, on 
 his return, reported that the fmoke ap- 
 peared to be ftill five miles diftant. There 
 was now no water left, nor was there any 
 hope of procuring a fupply. General Wal- 
 pole therefore thought it neceflary to order 
 the return of the party. Upon this, Zeny, 
 a Spaniard who was refiding at Montego 
 Bay when the chafleurs from Cuba arrived 
 there, and who, at the invitation of the com- 
 miflioner, had joined the other Spaniards 
 as an interpreter, offered to proceed with 
 the chaffeurs, if the General would give 
 him ten men. General Walpole refufcd 
 to order the men to advance ; but faid 
 he had no objedion to ten volunteering 
 the fervice, if Zeny thought he fhould be 
 able to procure them a fufficient fupply of 
 water. Zeny was of an enterprifing cha- 
 rader; his fpirit and condud had raifed 
 him highly in the opinion of General 
 8 WaU
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 Walpole and the commiffioner, through 
 whofe recommendation he had been made 
 a captain of the Spaniards. He faid, he 
 had no doubt of procuring water enough 
 for fo fmall a party from the wild-pines, 
 withes,- and cotton-tree roots. Nine of 
 the 13th light dragoons, headed by Quar- 
 ter-mafter Wilkinfon, immediately offered 
 themfelves as volunteers, and proceeded 
 with Zeny and the Spaniards, accompanied 
 by Mr. Lambert Tate*, a furgeon, Mr. 
 Francis Robertfon, a furveyor, and Smith 
 the Maroon captain. Smith, according to 
 his orders, after conducting the party a 
 little way, returned to the main body, 
 which foon after left the woods. The fmall 
 party then marched forward two miles, 
 and halted. At this time Robertfon, being 
 taken ill, fent his fervant to examine the 
 wild-pines and withes, which were found 
 
 * This gentleman, wlio was a great fuffcrer by the Ma- 
 roon war, kept a journal of occurrences, an extracl of which 
 1 was favoured with by Mr. Robertfon, the gentleman 
 to whom I am indebted for the map of the feat of the war. 
 From that extract I have diawn up the account of this ex- 
 ptdivion into the woods. 
 
 to
 
 ( .60 ) 
 
 to he dry. He ftrongly urged Zeny to 
 return, obferving, that from his knowledge 
 of that part of the country, he was con- 
 vinced that the party would be in great 
 danger of perifhlng from thirft if they 
 proceeded : but the Spaniard determined 
 to pufh on at all events, and Robertfon 
 quitted them. Zeny now diredted his 
 march more to the northward, hoping, if 
 the enterprife failed, to be able to reach 
 Old Maroon-Town. In the evening the 
 party paffing two defcrted huts, and enter- 
 ing a glade where thatch had been recently 
 cut, it was fuppofed they were near the 
 town. In this bottom Zeny encamped, 
 judging it better to give reft to the men 
 and the dogs, now exhaufted with fatigue 
 as well as thirft, and to advance on the 
 Maroons In the morning with "the day 
 before him, when the enemy would be 
 lefs able to avail themfclves of their fu- 
 pcrlor knowledge of the ground than in 
 the night. The j^arty had fcarcely eredlcd 
 their huts, when tlie barking: of a dotr 
 . 9 was
 
 ( i6i ) 
 
 was heard near them. They got imme- 
 diately under arms, and, proceeding in the 
 direction of the found, difcovered a negro 
 endeavouring to make his efcape. One of 
 the SpaniQi dogs was fent after him. On 
 coming up, the negro cut him twice with 
 his mufchet, on which the dog feized him 
 by the nape of the neck, and fecured him. 
 He proved to be a runaway, faid that he 
 and two other negroes had deferted the 
 Maroons a few days before, and that the 
 party was at a great diftance from the town, 
 but that he would conduct them to it by 
 noon next day. He told Captain Zeny 
 that there was water in the town, but no 
 where elfe. Early next morning, March 
 the 3d, the party advanced, headed by 
 the prifoner, and pafTed through a deferted 
 town in which there were upwards of a 
 hundred huts, fituated in a large bottom 
 furrounded by rocks. This was Johnfon's 
 town prior to his furrender. In the even- 
 ing the party came up to two huts, where 
 fires had been recently made. At this 
 Vol. II. M place
 
 { l62 ) ' 
 
 place they halted for the night. The 
 negro here informed them that they were 
 within four hours march of the town ; but 
 the dragoons conceiving that he had pur- 
 pofely led them aftray to deftroy the party, 
 became very impatient, threatening to 
 fhoot him, and to endeavour to return. 
 They were however difTuaded, by their 
 quarter-mafter and Captain Zeny, from their 
 defign, which it would have been impof- 
 fible for them to cfFedt, as they mufl have 
 periihed had they attempted another day's 
 march without water. The one they had 
 juft accomplifhed had been truly dlftreffing. 
 The men in walking reeled as if intoxicated, 
 and had frequently dropped in the way. 
 They had moiftened their mouths with their 
 fweat, and would have drunk their own 
 urine, had tlicy not been dlfluaded by the 
 furgeon. The dogs were alfo worn out, 
 and v/ent on with great difficulty. In this 
 fituation Zeny delpaired of fucceeding by 
 an attack ; but conje(fluring that the idea 
 of .the dogs being fo near them would 
 
 terrify.
 
 ( 1^3 ) 
 
 terrify, and induce the Maroons to capi- 
 tulate, he propofed fending a flag of truce 
 into the town, by a negro man who had 
 come with the party, to offer the terms 
 accepted by John Ton, on condition of their 
 immediate furrender. Tate the furgeon 
 offered to go in with the flag, which Zeny 
 thought too hazardous, and at firfl refufed. 
 The party advanced next morning by day- 
 break, and marched till, according to their 
 prifoner's account, they were within a mile 
 of the town, w^hen they halted ; and Zeny, 
 confidering the forlorn ftate of their hope, 
 confented to Mr. Tate's going in with the 
 flag. " Here," faid he to him, " I will 
 wait two hours, after which, if I do not 
 fee Parkinfon, Palmer, or yourfelf, I fhall 
 conclude you have been murdered, and I 
 win proceed with the party to fell our 
 lives as dearly as pofTible. But fiiould 
 you be able to prevail on either Parkinfon 
 or Palmer to come out and meet me, you 
 rnny remain in the town as a hoflnp;c." 
 late gave his arms to one of the men, 
 M 2 and
 
 ( i64 ) 
 
 and advanced with the negro and their 
 prifoner for their guide. At the diftance 
 of a quarter of a mile from the party, they 
 came up to two fires burning, and a Ma- 
 roon from the wood-fide called to Tate, 
 alking what a white man wanted there. 
 Tate replied, that his bufmefs was with 
 Parkinfon or Palmer ; on which he was 
 told to go no farther, and that they fhould 
 be fent to him. In about five minutes, 
 Tate hailed the Maroon, and receiving no 
 anfwcr, proceeded on his way with the two 
 negroes. They met feveral Maroons and 
 runaways, fome of whom were abufive 
 and fome filent, but none offered any 
 violence. They were informed by the 
 two negroes of the flrength and fituatlon 
 of Zeny's party, but one of the Maroons 
 going away faid in an exulting tone ; 
 " We will punifh buckra for true for 
 coming here this time." Having walked 
 on two miles inftead of one beyond the 
 party, Tate perceiving another Maroon on 
 the top of a hill at the entrance of a defile, 
 
 pre-
 
 ( i6j ) 
 
 prefenting his gun at him, called out 
 that he had bufinefs with Captain Parkin- 
 fon. The Maroon made no anfwer, but 
 kept his gun prefented till Tate was very 
 near the muzzle, when taking it from his 
 fhoulder, he faid in a furly voice : " You 
 one buckra may pafs. this time, but the 
 next we fee we all fire." There were 
 about twenty men armed with guns and 
 mufchets in this defile, through which only 
 one man could pafs at a time. .The town 
 was fituatecl at the bottom of the hill. 
 Defcending into it, Tate faw a Maroon 
 giving orders to others, and addreffing 
 him, aflced for Parkinfon or Palmer. This 
 proved to be Parkinfon himfelf, who de- 
 fired to know what he wanted. Tate told 
 him that Captain Zeny, with a detach- 
 ment of dragoons and the Spaniards, was 
 clofe to the town, and had merely from 
 motives of humanity, fent him in to 
 offer them once more the terms which 
 Johnfon had accepted. " What are thofe 
 terms?" faid the Maroon. Tate faid he 
 M 3 did
 
 ( i66 ) 
 
 did not know. " What became of Cap- 
 tain Jarrat and the other captains who 
 were taken up on their way to Spanifli 
 Town?" Of this Tate declared he was 
 ignorant. " How were the Maroons fitu- 
 ated at Montego-Bay ?'* The anfwer to 
 this was, that Tate had feen Johnibn and 
 feveral others in Old Maroon-Town, who 
 appeared perfectly happy, and that they 
 received the fame allowance of every thing 
 as the fol.d'lers. He further aflured Par- 
 kinfon that their wounded meh had been 
 regularly attended to and drefled. On 
 this a Maroon, named Harding, came up 
 and enquired for his fon, who had received 
 a ball thrc^gh the flefhy part of the thigh. 
 Being inM^med that his wound was nearly 
 healed, the old man was greatly rejoiced, 
 thanked Mr. Tate, and immediately be- 
 came an advocate in his caufe. Harding's 
 condudl produced a favourable change in 
 the minds of many, who became more 
 placid and civil. Parkinfon declared that 
 it had long been his wifh, as well as that 
 
 of
 
 ( 16; ) 
 
 of the other Maroons, to come in, but 
 that they had never been able to afcertain 
 the terms on which they would be ad- 
 mitted. Tate advifed him to go and meet 
 Captain Zeny, on whofe word he might 
 depend, and who had full power from the 
 Governor and General Walpole to, treat 
 with him. He urged his going immedi- 
 ately, as the time allowed by Zeny was 
 nearly expired, offering to remain as a 
 hoftage ; on which Parkinfon conducted 
 him to his hut, and went forward to meet 
 the party. It was foon known by the 
 Marogns that there was a good under- 
 ftanding between him and Zeny, and Tate 
 was allowed to join them, accompanied 
 by two boys loaded with canteens of water. 
 It was agreed between Zeny and Parkinfon, 
 that Schaw, Parkinfon's nephew, fhould 
 go back with the party and hear fhe terms 
 at head- quarters, and that if they were 
 fuch as Zeny had mentioned, the Maroons 
 iliould all come in. The troops and Spa- 
 niards being fupplied with water, marched 
 M 4 out
 
 { i68 ) 
 
 out of the woods accompanied by Schaw, 
 who on the 6th proceeded with the Spa- 
 niards to Old Maroon-Town, and foon 
 after returned with Johnfon and Smith 
 to Parkinfon and Palmer, who yielding 
 to the terms offered them, agreed to fur- 
 render. 
 
 On the 1 6th of March four Maroons 
 difpatched by Johnfon arrived at Old Ma- 
 roon-Town, and informed General Walpole 
 that he was on his way with the whole 
 remaining body of the Maroons. Some 
 of them being hog-hunting, they could 
 not be all colleded at once ; but on the 
 2 1 ft, Parkinfon, with thirty-fix of his party, 
 furrendered, bringing with them forty-four 
 ftands of arms. The whole number now 
 remaining in the woods was thirteen, and 
 thefe, with the reft of the runaways, fur- 
 rendered next day. Thus concluded hof- 
 tilities, without recourfe being once had 
 to. the aftiftance of the chafTeurs, beyond 
 the operation of the terror they infpired, 
 8 but
 
 ( 1% ) 
 
 but which it was very evident had been 
 the means of producing the treaty, and 
 of accelerating the furrender of the feveral 
 bodies whofe diftruft kept them back fo 
 long after it was made ; and who, as they 
 gradually came in, always required that 
 the Spaniards and dogs fliould be removed, 
 and feparated from them by a line of the 
 troops. One knows not which to admire 
 moft, the a^llivity and addrefs with which 
 they were procured, or the humanity that 
 in fpite of three months provocation pre- 
 vented their being employed in adion *. 
 
 * It is hardly wor^h while to mention an accident by 
 which an old woman loft'hcr life, but it has been fuggefted 
 that the omifTion of it may receive an unfavourable con- 
 ftruflion. One of the d6gs that had been unmuzzled to 
 dinnk when there was not the leatl appprehenfion of any 
 mifchicf, went up to the woman, who was fitting aftend- 
 ing to a pot in which fhe was preparing a mefs. The 
 dog fmellcd al it, and was troublcfome ; this provoked her, 
 file took, up a (lick and began to beat him, on which he 
 fcized on her throat, which he would not let go till 
 lu's head was fevered from his body by his mafter. The 
 wind-pipe of ilic woman being niucli torn, fli.e could not 
 be favcd. 
 
 7o
 
 ( lyo ) 
 
 To the fkill, temper, and benevolence of 
 General Walpole are the colonifts, whom 
 he had a little before faVed from humilia- 
 tion, indebted for this bloodlefs triumph ; 
 and to William Dawes Quarrell are they 
 indebted for fuggefting, and procuring the 
 means by which the ifland was faved from 
 deftrudlion. " We cannot but take this 
 opportunity," fay the AfTembly, in requeft- 
 ing the Lieutenant-Governor to give orders 
 for the difmiffion of the chalTeurs, " of 
 expreffing our acknowledgments of the 
 eminent advantages derived from the im- 
 portation of the chaffeurs and dogs, in 
 compliance with the general wifhes of the 
 ifland. Nothing can be clearer, than that 
 if they had been off the ifland, the rebels 
 could not have been induced to furrender, 
 from their almoft inacceffible faftneffes. 
 We are happy to have it in our power 
 to fay, that terror excited by the appear- 
 ance of the dogs, has been fufhcient to 
 produce fo fortunate an event j and we 
 
 cannot
 
 ( lyi ) 
 
 cannot but highly approve that attention 
 to humanity fo flrongly proved by their 
 being ordered in the rear of the army" *. 
 
 * Votes of the Houfe of Affpmbly. See Appendix, 
 No. 3.
 
 ( 172 ) 
 
 LETTER Xlir. 
 
 Contrary Opinions refpeEling General Walpoles Treaty 
 ivtth the Maroons. Meeting of fome of the Members 
 of the Council and Affembly. Special Secret Committee 
 ef the Council and Affemhly. Their Refolutions re- 
 
 fpeBing the Treaty. Their Rtafons. General Walpole 
 diffniisfied. His Reafons. The Banijhment of the 
 Maroons deftrahle on their own Account. Public Sub- 
 mijfion and Oath of. the Windward Maroons. The 
 Trelawney Maroons fent to King f on. Exceptions in 
 
 favour of fome of them. The Favour waved. Obfer- 
 vaticns. Thanks and a Sword voted to Lord BaU 
 carres. The fame to General Walpole^ who declines 
 receiving the Sword. Refoluiion of the Affembly to 
 expunge his Anfwer from their Minutes. Reward 
 voted io Colonel ^tarrell for his Services. Monument 
 to the Memory of the Slain. Reward of the Chaffeurs. 
 Their Departure. 
 
 On the wlfdom of the treaty there could 
 be, and there was, but one opinion. It 
 was univerfally approved. Very unfor- 
 tunately, however, the execution of it 
 gave rife to a difference, which ended in 
 
 the
 
 ( ^7:^ ) 
 
 the reilgnation of the honourable and 
 diftinguifhed officer by whom it had 
 been fo judicioufly efFected. He quitted, 
 in difguft, a profeffiori in which he was 
 eminently calculated to {hine ; and, by his 
 retiring, the fervice loft an honeft and 
 gallant foldier. A confequence that renders 
 it neceflary for me to ftate the nature of 
 the caufe of it, and the counter opinions 
 that were entertained on the fubjed:. 
 
 On the 24th of December, on receiving 
 information of the pacification, the Go- 
 vernor called a meeting of fuch members 
 of the Council and Aflembly as could be 
 convened, who, taking the treaty intp 
 confideration, refolved : " That if the Tre- 
 lawney Maroons, according to the third 
 article of their treaty, delivered up the run- 
 aways that had joined them, and if they, 
 according to the firft article of their treaty, 
 laid down their arms, which arms were to be 
 taken away from them, that then, and in fuch 
 cafe, General Walpole's fecret article ought 
 
 to
 
 C 174 ) 
 
 to be ratified, as far as' their not being 
 fent off the ifland ; but that they were to 
 remain in Jamaica, fubjedl to fuch regu- 
 lations as the Governor, Council, and 
 Aflembly, might think proper to enadl in 
 that refped." A day had been appointed 
 by Qeneral Walpole for the furrender of 
 the Maroons, which elapfed without com- 
 pUance. Of this the General informed 
 Lord Balcarres, previous to his ratification 
 of the treaty*; but his Lordfhip fo highly 
 approved of the terms, that he made no 
 hefitation in ratifying it, and appointed a 
 fubfequent day for the furrender. The 
 new-fixed day alfo elapfed without the 
 defired effed:. The Alaroons furrendered 
 by degrees, as they were terrified by infor- 
 mation of the approacli of the chafleurs, or 
 induced by the reprefcntation of thofe fent 
 to them by General Walpole to encouracre 
 them to come in : although the great body 
 of them had furrendered in a fliort time, it 
 
 * Votes of the Aflembly. See Appeuclix, No. 3. 
 
 was
 
 ( '75 ) 
 
 was three months from the date of the 
 treaty before they were all got in ; and 
 the runaway. negroes were not formally 
 delivered up. In the interval, the tranf- 
 portation of the Maroons became the fub- 
 jedl of converfation, and reaching General 
 Walpole's ears about the middle of March, 
 he expoftulated upon it with Lord Bal- 
 carres. He exprefl'ed his uneafinefs at 
 the report of the legillature's meaning to 
 infringe the capitulation accepted by him, 
 and ratified by his Lordfhip. He faid, 
 that as it was through him alone that the 
 Maroons were induced to furrender, from 
 their reliance on his word, from a con- 
 viclion-imprefled upon them by him that 
 the white people would never break their 
 faith, he felt himfelf called upon to fee a 
 due obfervance of the terms, or in cafe of 
 violation to refign his command. Lord 
 Balcarrcs, in rej>ly, aillired him, that "if 
 the terms of the treaty were complied with 
 by the Maroons, lie ihould be of opinion 
 with him, that the country was bound in 
 
 honour
 
 ( 176 ) 
 
 honour not to fend them off the ifland ; 
 but that he thought the country had a right 
 to every advantage the treaty afforded, and 
 that he fhould certainly leave it to the 
 legiflature to decide whether it had been 
 obferved or not. To make this decifion, 
 a fpecial fecret committee was appointed, 
 compofed of members of the Council and 
 Affembly. General Walpole requefted of 
 the committee to be permitted to give his 
 evidence to them ; which, without reflect- 
 ing that he who had made the treaty, had a 
 moral right to be heard in evidence upon 
 it, they waved, obferving, that they had 
 had full information from the Lieutenant- 
 Governor on all the points before them*. 
 
 * This does not fcem to have been in conformity with 
 the fentiments of Lord Balcarres, who in his letter of the 
 9th of March to General Walpole, fays ; " From the high 
 fituation which you have filled, from the intercourfe and 
 convcrfations you have had with thefe Maroons, and above 
 all, that thcTc unhappy people may have every circumftance 
 adduced to the Affembly that can operate in their favour, 
 it may be fair and right in you to give an opinion, if you 
 are fo inclined, how fa'-, in your conception, thefe people 
 have complied with the articles of the treaty." Votes of 
 the AJfemhly. 
 
 The
 
 ( 177 ) 
 The decirion of the committee was mad^ 
 in ten refolutions *. By the third, they 
 were of opinion that the Maroons who 
 furrendered at Vaughans-field, under the 
 proclamation of the 8th of Auguft, together 
 with the fix captains taken up at St. Ann's 
 in their way to Spanifh Town, having 
 come in before any aElual hoJiUities^ fhould 
 be fent off the ijland. By the fourth, they 
 were of opinion that Smith, Dunbar, and 
 Williams, with their wives and children, 
 and the two boys who came in on the ifl 
 of January, were entitled to the benefit of 
 the treaty. By the feventh and eighth, they 
 were of opinion that ^1 the Maroons who 
 furrendered after the ift of January, in- 
 cluding Johnfon and his party, ought to be 
 fliipped oflf the ifland. The decifion for 
 tranfporting the Maroons was grounded on 
 their breach of the treaty in two points : the 
 failure of furrender at the time prefcribed ; 
 and the negled of delivering up the run- 
 
 * Votes of the Aflembly. Appendix, No. 3. 
 
 Vol. II, N aways
 
 ( 78 } 
 
 aways who had joined them, and mofl: of 
 whom came in as Maroons. On the other 
 hand, General Walpole and his friends con- 
 ceived the treaty not to have been fufficiently 
 infringed by the Maroons to warrant the 
 decifion. Their delay in coming in the 
 General confidered fo fat a breach as to 
 juftify the modes he ufed of terrifying 
 them by means of the chafleurs to fur- 
 render, but his chief endeavour had been 
 to remove their fears of the confequences 
 of their coming in, and to convince them 
 that the terms agreed to fhould be facredly 
 fulfilled*; therefore not to keep thofe 
 terms, was to put him in the fituation of 
 a deceiver, or of a cat's-paw f. In about 
 a fortnight they had all furrendered, ex- 
 cept a fmall party of thirty or forty, who 
 continued out with Palmer and Parkinfon J. 
 The Maroons, as they came in, conceived 
 
 * Votes of tke AfTcmbly. Appendix, No. 3. 
 
 f- He was ttnrfal Icll he Oiould appear to have drawn 
 the Maroons into a treaty which he knew was afterwards 
 >o be broken. 
 
 I" V'ote- of thf AiiVmbly .\ppcndix, No. 3. 
 
 it
 
 ( ^79) 
 it was upon the terms of the treaty. The 
 very laft party, as we have feen, were of 
 that opinion. They had committed no hof- 
 tility, and were withheld chiefly by diftruft, 
 to obviate which, the general had been very 
 reludlant in obeying the repeated orders of 
 Lord Balcarres for marching Uie Maroons 
 to Montego Bay, particularly on account of 
 the families of Johnfon and Smith, well 
 knowing the effect it would have on being 
 perceived from the hills by their diftruftful 
 comrades, who had fpies placed -there, and 
 did adually draw the conclufion of treachery 
 from their removal *. The field officers 
 on the fpot never diflfered in opinion "j*. 
 In fhort, their conduct and his could not 
 but be confidered as a perpetually renewed 
 pledge of the terms of peace, from which 
 no aflembly in the world could releafe him. 
 As to the neglect of delivering up the 
 runaways, the fire-arms had been taken 
 from them as a preparatory meafure ; and 
 
 * Votes of the Aircmbl}-. Appendix, No. 3. f Ibid. 
 N 2 fo
 
 ( i8o ) 
 
 fo far was the fufFering them to come m 
 in the charader of Maroons from being 
 a proof of a breach, that it was to be 
 efteemed the very reverfe, for apprehend- 
 ing that the runaways would efcape, as 
 feveral did, Smith had advifed the pro- 
 jedl*, the better to fecure them; and they 
 were ultimately pointed out. 
 
 Be the force of thefe opinions on either 
 fide what it may, certain it is that the Af- 
 fcmbly thought that the fituation of the 
 country would be rendered more fecure by 
 the removal of the Maroons from the ifland> 
 and in this opinion they were fupported by 
 that of a very high authority in England, 
 who judged it to be the preferable plan of 
 difpofmg of them, if it could be done with 
 propriety f . After all, it was not perhaps lefs 
 the intereft of the Maroons themfelves than 
 of the colonifts, that they fhould be removed. 
 
 * Votes of the AfTembly. Appendix, No. 3. 
 f Duke of Portland's Letter to Lord Balcarres. Ap- 
 pendix, No, 3, 
 
 A cor-
 
 ( i8i ) 
 
 A cordial reconciliation between them and 
 the white people was hardly to be ex- 
 peded, while the inherent animofity of the 
 flaves would have received an inexhauftible 
 fupply of fuel from their humiliation. 
 Driven from the dangerous regions of their 
 ftrength and proud defiance, difarmed, and 
 reftridled to fome open fituation at a dif- 
 tance from their native mountains; con- 
 trolled in all their motions, degraded from 
 the fuperior character they had fuftained, 
 infulted and reviled, their exiftence, even 
 were that to have been left fafe by the 
 flaves, would have been a burden rather 
 than an enjoyment. Their removal, there- 
 fore, wanted nothing but the motive, and 
 the certainty of a place of reft, to have 
 made it an aO: of mercy. They were 
 themfelves foon convinced that it was the 
 preferable alternative, and as fuch became 
 perfectly refi^ned to it. 
 
 Let us now return to the order of the 
 
 narrative. On the i8th of March, the 
 
 N 1 wind-
 
 ( 82 ) 
 
 windward Maroons, who we may remem- 
 ber had fhown a ipirit of difobedience by 
 quitting their quarters in Spanifti Town 
 and returning home, made a public fub- 
 miflion on their knees, and took the oath 
 of allegiance to his Majefty, in the prefence 
 of commiflioners exprefsly appointed. The 
 Trelawney Maroons, who, as they furren- 
 dered, had been fent into confinement at 
 Montego Bay and St. Ann's, were now 
 removed to Kingfton, fome being fent 
 round in vefTels and fome marched acrofs 
 the country, preparatory to their final 
 banifhment. It having been recommended 
 by the joint-committee to the Lieutenant- 
 Governor, to permit fome of the Maroons 
 who had diftinguifhed themfelves by their 
 repentance and fubfequent good behaviour, 
 to remain in the ifland, and to grant them 
 fuch other marks of favour as he fhould 
 think proper, Lord Balcarres gave orders 
 for Johnfon, Smith, Williams, Dunbar, and 
 others, with their families, to be permitted 
 to land ; but thefe, led by their feelings to 
 
 wave
 
 ( '83 ) 
 
 wave the diftindtion, petitioned to fliare 
 the exile of their companions, and to be 
 provided for in the fame manner *. All 
 the Maroons now yielded without rehic- 
 tance to their fate, ftrongly impreffed with 
 the idea that, if they were landed and per- 
 mitted without arms to make their way home, 
 it would require a ftrong military force to 
 protect them from being cut to pieces by 
 
 the Haves and free people of colour. 
 
 * 
 
 Thus terminated a war by which one 
 of the tinefi colonies of Great Britain was 
 
 * Tliey were told they might land with their fiimilics. 
 Smith had four wives, and he and the others extended their 
 ideas of family fo far, that a great numher would have been 
 landed : but, on being informed tliat they were allowed 
 only one wife each, and her young children, ihey preferred 
 going. Smith, Williams, and Dunbar, we faw, were of 
 right exempted from banifhment, according to the decilion 
 cA the comau'ttce ; but the decifion of nature was obeyed. 
 Did tluTe men regard their wives as fo many bcalls of 
 burden, and feel no more concern at the lofs of one of 
 them than as a planter at the lofs of a bullock? Was it 
 a common thing f(jr them to fci/e their own infants, and 
 (hifli them to death againll a rock, for crying ? See /'.J- 
 ci'anls^s /IccouTit of the Maronns. 
 
 N 4 threat-
 
 ( i84 ) 
 
 threatened with total deftrudion. The 
 accounts received of it at the time were 
 mifunderftood and mifreprefented. On 
 the one hand, the Maroons were ftated 
 to be the fierceft and moft inhuman of 
 favages ; and on the other, the very idea 
 of the ufe of Spanifli dogs was reprobated as 
 a proof of greater barbarity being pratifed 
 by the colonifts. Time, that opens the ave- 
 nues to reafon which paffion and prejudice 
 clofe up, evinces the employment of the 
 Spanifh chafTeurs to have been both pru- 
 dent and humane ; and has alfo diverted 
 the character of the Maroons of that bar- 
 barous favagenefs with which exaggeration 
 painted it when the paffions of men called 
 for high colouring. That they w^ould 
 facrifice thofe whom they confidered as 
 their enemies, and that they ftrove to excite 
 terror by their actions, cannot be denied : 
 but many of the horrors attributed to them 
 are void of foundation. '' Even women 
 in child-bed and infants at the brcaft, were 
 alike indlfcrimlnately flaughtered by this 
 lavage (:nemy," fays Edwards, " and the 
 
 fliriekfc
 
 ( i85 ) 
 
 (hrieks of the miferable vldlms, whicli 
 were cUftmftly heard at the polls of the 
 Britifh detachments, frequently conveyed 
 the firft notice that the Maroons were hi 
 the neighbourhood." This was not the 
 fa<3: : no woman in child-bed, no infant at 
 the bread;, was ever put to death by a 
 Maroon, no fhrieks heard at the pods of 
 the Britifh detachments. " Proceeding to 
 a plantation of Dr. Brooks," fays the fame 
 author, " they burnt the buildings to the 
 ground, and killed two white men who 
 cppofed them. They left, however, a 
 white woman and her infant unmolefted ; 
 and as this was the firft inftance of tcnder- 
 nefs fliown by the rebels te women and 
 children, it was imputed rather to the 
 confcioufnefs of their inability to continue 
 the war, and the hopes of getting better 
 terms on a treaty by this act of lenity, 
 than to any change in their difpofition." 
 To kill men and burn buildings at the very 
 moment that a due regard is fl:iown to 
 figc and fex, can be no proof that a treaty 
 pf peace v,'a3 in contemplation. This cir- 
 8 cumftance
 
 ( '86 ) 
 
 cumftance took place early in the war; 
 Brooks's was one of the firfl.houles burnt, 
 and was fet on fire by Johnfon's party, 
 juft after his return from finding his own 
 fettlement deflroyed. He had before ad- 
 vifed the Maroons to fue for peace, but 
 at this time he breathed nothing but ven- 
 geance, and had his paflions ever led him 
 to fuch horrid violations of humanity as 
 he has been charged with, it would have 
 been now. After other, hoftile incurfions, 
 he was proceeding to Brooks's, near which, 
 and in his way, flood a fmall houfe be- 
 longing to a white woman, whofe name 
 was Letitia Mahoney, who had feveral 
 fmall children. The w^oman on feeing 
 him was terrified, and at her firfl: emotion 
 thought of flying from him, but he called 
 to her not to be afraid, and coming up 
 to her, told her he was not fighting with 
 women and infants, and that no harm 
 fhould be done to her or her chlldren> 
 but that the party were going to kill the 
 white men who were at Brooks's. He 
 then advifed her to keep out of the way 
 4 of
 
 { -87 ) 
 
 of their (hot, and dired:ed her with her 
 children to a fafe place. Some years have 
 now elapfed lince the events of this war, 
 and juftice and truth need no longer be 
 fupprefled by policy. 
 
 The war being now concluded, the 
 Aflembly took into confideration the emi- 
 nent fervices that had been rendered to 
 their country. To Lord Balcarres they 
 voted thanks, and feven hundred guineas 
 to purchafe a fword. To General Wal- 
 pole they alfo voted thanks, and five hun- 
 dred guineas for the fame purpofe. His 
 Lordfhip, confcious of having done his 
 duty as a foldier, whofe honour he thought 
 placed with emblem and emphafis in his 
 fword, declared he fhould tranfmit the 
 precious gift to his pofterity as an ever- 
 lafting mark of the reverence, the attach- 
 ment, and gratitude he bore to the ifland 
 of Jamaica. General Walpolc, on receiving 
 the Votes of the Houfe, wrote to tlic 
 Speaker of the AiTembly, acknowledging 
 their condefcenfion, giving a great part 
 
 of
 
 ( i88 ) 
 
 f the merit of his fuccefs to the zeal, 
 ikill, and gallantry of Colonel Skinner and 
 the reft of his field officers, and declaring 
 that without their aliiftance all his endea- 
 vours muft have failed. He declined, 
 however, the honour intended him by the 
 vote for a fword, which he conceived 
 he could not with credit to himfelf re- 
 eeive, as the Houfe had thought fit not 
 to accede to the argreement entered into 
 by him and the Trelawney-Town Maroons, 
 and as their opinion of that treaty ftood 
 on their minutes very different from his 
 conception of it. This letter the AfTembly 
 confidered, as containing a mifreprefenta- 
 tion of their proceedings, and to be couched 
 in terms difrefpedtful and derogatory to 
 the honour and dignity of the Houfe, and 
 ordered it to be expunged from their 
 minutes *. 
 
 In eftimating the eminent fervlces ren- 
 dered to the ifland, we cannot but fuppofe 
 
 Votes of the AfTembly. 
 
 that
 
 ( i89 ) 
 
 that thofe of Colonel Quarrell became the 
 fubjeh of the Aflembly's thanks and re- 
 ward, as they had previoufly been the 
 topic of the admiration and gratitude of 
 the country at large. His arrival from 
 Cuba had illumined every countenance 
 with joy ; and to the fuccefs of his miffion 
 the community, in their ardour, had 
 afcribed the falvation of the ifland. They 
 had celebrated, in terms of rapture, the 
 energy and adivity that had overcome 
 difficulties apparently infurmountable, his 
 difregard of perfonal fafety, his expofure 
 at fea, his rifk on fliore, and had loudly 
 proclaimed him entitled to as fubflantial 
 marks of public efteem as could be gained 
 by the moft fplendid military achievement. 
 In doing this, they had refleded on the 
 many lives that might have been loft, the 
 plantations that might have been burnt, 
 the hundred thoufands of pounds that 
 might have been added to the tax-rolls, 
 before the fpreading evil could have been 
 ftopped by the ordinary mode of war, had 
 even that melancholy hope been realized : 
 
 many
 
 ( ^90 ) 
 
 many tears, much private diftrefs, much 
 public expence, they had gratefully owned* 
 had been faved by the wifdom and addrefs 
 with which the caufe of their joy had been 
 planned and executed. The Aflembly too, 
 in addrefling the Lieutenant-Governor, had 
 done juftice in fome meafure to this opi- 
 nion of the public, by ftating that " no- 
 thing was clearer than that if the chaffeurs 
 had been off the ifland, the rebels could 
 not have been induced to furrender from 
 their almoft inaccellible faftnefles : and by 
 declaring in exprefs terms, that the fub- 
 miflion of the Maroons was owing to 
 them*.'* Having the fervices of Colonel 
 Quarrell in contemplation, with a full 
 knowledge of the fentiments of the country, 
 and of their own opinion, they voted him 
 as a reward, the fum of feven hundred 
 pounds currency f , unaccompanied by 
 
 * Votes of the AfTembly. See Appendix, No. 3. 
 
 f Seven hundred poundp currency is five hundred pounds 
 fterling, wliich, payable in Jamaica, v/as at that time, 
 according to the rate of exchange, equal to four hundred 
 and twenty live pounds payablv iii I.onJon. 
 
 thanks
 
 { 'Qt ) 
 
 thanks, or any notice whatever. I feel an 
 almoft irrefiftible inclination to comment 
 on this vote, in fpite of the injunction I 
 have received to the contrary, nor can I 
 refrain from making a general obfervation^ 
 the truth of v^rhich is fupported by it. The 
 generality of mankind are indifpofed to fee 
 or to reward the merit of their equals, 
 while they are prompt enough to diftin- 
 guifh thofe who are already above them, 
 as well as to extol and exalt their inferiors. 
 Colonel Quarrell was a member of the 
 Aflembly. He treated the vote with great 
 good humour : " Gentlemen," faid he, 
 when he met them in private, " I do not 
 confider your vote as an infult, becaufe I 
 am perfuaded it is not meant to be one ; 
 but a pecuniary recompence iliould at lead 
 have been adequate to time and trouble. 
 What attorney among you docs not get more 
 for riding at his eafe once a-year from one 
 lide of the ifland to tlie other? You miglir, 
 mcthinks, have bePtowed a more flattering 
 diRindlion on mc, aiuj at a icfs cxpciH:c. I 
 
 orcc
 
 ( ^92 ) 
 
 once, when but a boy from fchool, r'e- 
 ceived, with others, the thanks of the 
 Aflembly for my exertions againft the 
 Caves who were in rebellion when I came 
 to the ifland: perhaps I do not deferve 
 it lefs now ; and when you were voting 
 fwords, I think you might at leafl have 
 voted me a fmall couteau, or Spanifh 
 mufchet." 
 
 On the termination of the war, a com- 
 mittee was appointed to enquire into lofTes 
 fuftained by individuals, that they might 
 obtain relief. Nor were the dead for- 
 gotten : the Houfe of Aflembly took into 
 confideration the honours due to thofe 
 who had fallen in the fervice of the coun- 
 try during the rebellion, and voted a mo- 
 nument to perpetuate the memory of them> 
 and the gratitude of the ifland. 
 
 Seven thoufand dollars were voted to 
 the chaflcurs, who had been retained in 
 the public fervice for a longer time than 
 
 fpeci-
 
 ( 193 ) 
 
 fpecified in their contract ; and a provi- 
 fion was made for their return to their 
 own country. It is greatly to be lamented 
 that thefe people did not leave the ifland fo 
 fatisfied as might have been expected, and 
 as would have been the cafe, had not fome 
 evil-minded low traders in Montego Bay 
 taken pains to perfuade them, that they 
 were entitled to the full fpecific rewards 
 for every Maroon that came in, as they 
 had been proclaimed. They alfo got into 
 fome unfortunate fquabbles and riots with 
 failors, in which mifchief was done on 
 both fides, and a few of them were iiii- 
 prifoned, but were difcharged on an in- 
 veftigation made by the magiftrates of the 
 town. How they were received on their 
 return to Cuba is not known, but, on their 
 departure for Jamaica, they carried with 
 them the gratitude and warm wifhes of 
 all the colonifts. 
 
 Vol. II. O
 
 ( 194 ) 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 Ty an/port at'ton of the Trelcnimey Maroons. Canada Plan. 
 Negroes healthy iu a coid Climate. Zum voted by 
 the Hoiife of Ajfembly for removing the Maroons to 
 America. -^JVil/iam Dawes ^jarrell appointed Coni' 
 niiJfary-General. Purport of his Commiffton. De^ 
 parture of the Maroons. ConduSi during their Pajfage 
 to Haifa?: in Nova Scotia. Arrival and Reception 
 there. Vifited by Prince Edward. XMdH Royalty.'- 
 Suffered to landy and employed on the Works at the 
 Citadel. In general Favour. Arrival f Difpatches 
 from the Duke of Portland. The Governor of the 
 Province undertakes to make Arrangements for the 
 Settlement of the Maroons, The Commiffary-General 
 communicates his Sentiments on the Subject to the If and 
 of Jamaica. Lands at Prejlon purchafed. State cf 
 the Place. Navigation from the Bay of Fundy to Hali- 
 fax. Facility oj opening a Communication by the River 
 Schubennaccadie. Advantages that wculd attend it. 
 Maroons remove to Preflon. Military Commifjlons 
 given to fome of them. Appoiiitments made by the Go' 
 vernor in the Maroon Fflablif}wie7it.-^ Attempt to con" 
 vert the Maroons. Their ObjeElions to Marriage. 
 Uproar among the Women. The Commijfary -General 
 defirous cf quitting Nova Scotia. Refolutions of the 
 Houfe of AJJlmhly of Jamaica rtfpeBing a final Provi- 
 fion for the Maroons. 
 
 J. HE tranfportatlon of the Maroons having 
 been refolvcd upon by the dccifion of the 
 
 joint
 
 { ^9S ) 
 
 joint committee of the Council and AfTem- 
 bly, it became neceflafy to adopt fome 
 plan refpeding a place for their deftination. 
 Unfettled lands in North America were 
 thought of, as remote from the ocean as 
 poffible, from an apprehenfion that a mari- 
 time fituation would afford them oppor- 
 tunities to efcape and return to the ifland 
 of Jamaica. The gentleman who had 
 fuggefted the plan for reducing the Ma- 
 roons, now propofed Upper Canada as the 
 moft eligible fituation for their final fettle- 
 ment. Colonel Qnarrell had fome years 
 before travelled through that country, in 
 which Governor Simcoe was now extend- 
 ing colonial eftablifhments with great judg- 
 ment and perfeverance ; and it appeared 
 to him, that thefe people might, by that 
 offic"er*s judgment, be fo fettled and dif- 
 pofed of as to become a valuable acquifition 
 to Ills government. On furreuderlng De- 
 troit, which by the definitive treaty with 
 America was to be given up to the United 
 States, that a6live and intelligent officer 
 was appointed by his Majcfly to aUend 
 O 2 to
 
 ( 195 ) 
 
 to the colonization and Improvement of 
 the Britifh territories on the other fide of 
 the boundary ; and fo rapid and fuccefsful 
 were his enterprifes, that. In the very fhort 
 courfe of his adminiftratlon large cultivated 
 diflrids and feveral beautiful towns had 
 rifen in thofe vaft forefts and endlefs wilds. 
 In this country it was, placed in different 
 dlftridls, or kept together in one body, as 
 the wifdom of General Simcoe fhould 
 direct, that the ifland of Jamaica intended, 
 on a very liberal eftlmate, to difpofe of the 
 body of people who had given them fo 
 much uneafmefs; to provide them with 
 lands, houfes, implements of hufbandry, 
 and every comfort that could be exped:ed, 
 and to maintain them alfo for a time, till 
 they had rendered themfelves independent. 
 Whatever be the fate of the queftions re- 
 fpeding the commencement of hoftilities, 
 and the obfervance of the treaty with the 
 Maroons, this defign demands the hlgheft 
 praife. It was noble, and had it been 
 accomplifhed, would pcrliaps have out- 
 weighed the worft conftruflicn that could 
 
 hr^.ve
 
 { '97 ) 
 
 have been given in the folution of thofe 
 queftions. The Maroons, thus difpofed 
 of, would have been furrounded by in- 
 duftrious cultivators, with increafing popu- 
 lation. Led by example to induftry, and 
 remote from the profligacy and diffipation 
 of a fea-port, they would foon have ac- 
 quired a tradlability of manners fuitable 
 to their fituation, and conducive to the 
 general good. Many of them might have 
 been ufefully employed by the Governor 
 in different ways, particularly as guards 
 for depots of all kinds, whether commercial 
 or military, for which they were well 
 fuited. The diftance from the fea, and the 
 difficulty of reaching it, would at once have 
 baniihed every idea of ever feeing Jamaica 
 again, and would have rooted from their 
 minds all hope of returning, a hope which 
 we fhall find, on being excited, rendered 
 them averfe to thelabour of cultivation. Had 
 they reached Quebec in July, which, from 
 the period of their departure from Jamaica 
 might have been the cafe, they would, 
 allowing every poffible delay, have arrived 
 O3 at
 
 ( 198 ) 
 
 at the place propofed for them in the 
 month of Odober, and at no greater ext 
 pence for conveyance and maintenance 
 than was incurred for three months fupport 
 where they were eventually landed. It 
 may not he improper to obferve here, 
 that the climate of Upper Canada is by no 
 means to be compared for feverity with 
 that of Lower Canada. Even at Quebec 
 and Montreal, a diftance of only one 
 hundred and ninety miles, the climate 
 varies confiderably. The river St. Law- 
 rence, running a north-eafterly courfe 
 through the lakes Ontario and Erie, leaves 
 the parts of the Britifh empire in America 
 towards the ftreights of Detroit in a lati- 
 tude confiderably to the fouthward, and in 
 Si climate far more favourable than any 
 through which it runs towards its entrance 
 into the gulph that bears the fame name. 
 There the north-eafterly winds from the 
 coaft of Labradore and frozen regions of- 
 the North, which occafion the feverity of 
 the cold at Halifax and Quebec, have no 
 influence. Nor are we to eftimate the 
 
 ftatc
 
 ( ^99 ) 
 
 ftate of the atmofphere by what is ex- 
 perienced in the fame latitude in the pro- 
 vince of Maine, or any where between 
 the river St. Croix and Bofton, for it is 
 infinitely colder on the eaftern coaft, where 
 the winter is of longer duration than in 
 the interior, and the fummer not near fo 
 warm. In fad, the winter at Detroit is 
 very little, if at all, feverer than in Penn- 
 fylvania or Maryland. Thefe obferva- 
 tions are made on a fuppofition that a 
 cold climate is generally underftood to be 
 infupportable by negroes. The propofi- 
 tion, however, which has been taken for 
 granted, may perhaps on examination be 
 overturned. The ftrudlure of the body 
 of man, as well as of his mind, is the 
 fubjecSt of habit ; but the habits of the 
 former yield more readily to change than 
 thofc of the latter. It is proved by ex- 
 perience, that negroes can endure the 
 feverity of a cold climate as well as white 
 people, if equally well cloathed. The 
 winter in the ftates of Pennfylvania, the 
 Jcrfcys, and New York, is known to be very 
 O 4 iliarp,
 
 ( 200 ) 
 
 fiiarp, and in thofe countries negroes are 
 mixed with the white people as labourers, 
 a great many of them being employed in 
 farming and the moft laborious occupations. 
 In Long Ifland, negroes, and thofe chiefly 
 flaves, compofe a half of the peafantry*. 
 If in thefe places, where they are in gene- 
 ral more expofed than the white people, 
 they can fupport the inclemency of the 
 climate, we may fairly conclude that they 
 <:an exift and thrive in every region in- 
 habited by white people. Whether it be 
 equally pleafmg, is another queftion. It 
 may be well imagined, that at firft the 
 pinching of froft will not be agreeable to 
 fibres accuftomed to the full flow of blood 
 produced by the rarefadion of the torrid 
 zone ; but time, the nurfe of habit, correds 
 this acutenefs of fenfation, and accommo- 
 dates corporeal fenfibility to the influence of 
 
 * The Governor of Nova Scotia fupplics the argument 
 with the teftimony of his experience, in the cafes of the 
 black loyalills and other negroes removed from a waim 
 climate to that of Hahfax. Vide his ktter to the Duke of 
 Portland, dated Halifax, 29th Ottobcr, \'j^6. Votes of 
 Jljfemhlyi 1801. 
 
 climatCc
 
 ( 201 ) 
 
 climate. In fome parts of Nova Scotia there 
 are families of negroes fettled, enjoying, as 
 farmers, comforts equal to thofe of their 
 white neighbours, and fome of them polTefs 
 moderate properties. But whatever the 
 force of this opinion in its full extent, at 
 leaft the climate of Upper Canada was fuf- 
 ficiently temperate for the plan propofed. 
 After a certain time, had any of the Ma- 
 roons been dKTatisfied with their fituation, 
 they might themfelves have removed to 
 the fouthward, whither they would pro- 
 bably have been enticed by the Americans. 
 Suppofmg they had taken a fouthern route, 
 the navigation of the Wabafh or Miamis 
 rivers would have led them into Kentucky, 
 or to other parts of the Ohio, where they 
 would have had fummer enough and 
 plenty of work, in a country Improving 
 in cultivation and incrcafmg in population, 
 parties of them would probably have fettled 
 in different fpots of that region of America, 
 and in a few years the name of Maroon 
 would have been loft in the general cha- 
 
 ra(^cr of the free negro of America. 
 
 Although
 
 ( 202 ) 
 
 Although this plan for removing the 
 Maroons to Upper Canada was generally 
 approved, it was not formally adopted 
 by the legiflature, but twenty-five thou- 
 fand pounds were voted for the purpofc 
 of carrying the tranfportation of them 
 into execution ; and a law was pafled 
 making their return, and harbouring them, 
 death without benefit of clergy. Colonel 
 Quarrell, who had fuggefted the Canada 
 plan, was appointed by the Lieutenant- 
 Governor commiflai'y-general to accom- 
 pany them, to provide and procure them 
 fuitable clothing and maintenance during 
 their confinement on fhipboard, and for a 
 reafonable time after they were landed in 
 any other country ; and he was authorized 
 and required to caufe the Maroons to be 
 landed iti any part or parts of North 
 America^ due permifTion being firft ob- 
 tained ; and, being landed, to provide by 
 purchafe fuch a quantity of land as might 
 be adequate for their habitations, and might 
 afford them by its cultivation the means of 
 fupporting themfelves and their families; 
 
 and
 
 { 203 ) 
 
 and to fupply them with fuch tools and Imple- 
 ments as might be neceflary to enable them 
 to cultivate the lands purchafed for them. 
 
 As there were at this time fome tranf- 
 ports in the harbour bound to Europe, it 
 was thought a good opportunity of en- 
 gaging them to land the Maroons in Ame- 
 rica. Proper preparations being made for 
 the paflage, a quantity of fuitable cloth, 
 linen, and other articles, laid in to be made 
 up while at fea, and the agent for the 
 tranfports entrufted with the care of pro- 
 vifions, the Maroons were difpofed of in 
 three fhips, the Dover, Mary, and Ann, 
 according to the accommodation afforded 
 in each, a due regard being paid to placing 
 families together. The remains of the 
 96th regiment, from St. Domingo, were 
 embarked as guards, and on the 6th of 
 June, 1796, the tranfports failed from Port 
 Royal Harbour, in company with a large 
 fleet bound to Europe, under convoy of 
 his Majefty's ihip Africa, C^aptiiia IJonic, 
 wilh the Rcafonable, Iphlgcnia, an.l Scor- 
 pion.
 
 C 204 ) 
 
 plon. On leaving Jamaica, the cattimif* 
 fary-general was direded by the Lieute- 
 nant-Governor to proceed to Halifax, and 
 to remain there till his Majefty's pleafure 
 was made knov^^n to him, which, on a 
 moderate calculation, from the date of the 
 difpatches fent home on the fubjedl by 
 Lord Balcarres, might be expeded about 
 a fortnight after the arrival of the tranf- 
 ports at that port. The commiflary-general 
 had a deputy and a furgeon appointed to 
 attend the Maroons, and was furnifhed 
 by Lord Balcarres with explanatory let- 
 ters to Sir John Wentworth, Governor of 
 Nova Scotia, Prince Edward, Commander 
 in Chief of the forces, and Admiral 
 Murray. During the voyage, v,^hich vras 
 fix weeks, the Maroons behaved in the 
 mofl orderly manner, and fhowed the 
 greateft alacrity in performing every duty 
 required of them. They were ftationed 
 at the guns. On the paflage feventeen 
 of them died, which was but a fmall 
 number in comparifon with the mortality 
 on board the Dover amon?; the failors and 
 
 invalid?.
 
 ( 205 ) 
 
 invalids. The commiflary, having left 
 Jamaica with a perfe>t confidence of being 
 authorized to put into execution the plan 
 he had fuggefted for fettling the Maroons, 
 and confidering the port of Halifax as 
 intended only for a place to halt at till 
 his Majefty's pleafure fhould be known, 
 had made every arrangement for carrying 
 it into effed:, and that no unneceflary 
 delay might be occafioned at Halifax, the 
 warm cloathing for the Maroons had been 
 made up during the palTage. The cloaths 
 were made in a uniform manner, pre- 
 ferving only fuch diftinctions in thofe of 
 a few of the officers as w^as thought proper 
 to fupport their authority for the welfare 
 of the reft. On the banks of the American 
 coafts the tranfports parted with the home- 
 ward bound fleet. One of theai having 
 feparated from the D:)ver and the other 
 In a fog, arrived on ihc 2 ill of July in 
 Halifax harbour, where the tv*o others 
 anchored on the 2^d. About four iniics 
 below the town, the Dover was bc^arJcd 
 by a man of war's bout, in wMch the 
 I I com-
 
 ( 206 ) 
 
 cOmmifTafy obtained a pafTage, and upon 
 landing, found that an order had been 
 ifTued by His Royal Highnefs the Com- 
 mander in Chief, to prevent any one being 
 landed from the tranfports. A report fo 
 unfavourable to the Maroons had preceded 
 them, that the inhabitants had exprefled 
 the greateft fear of their being permitted 
 to come on fliore. The commifl'ary, having 
 waited on the Admiral in town, and on 
 the Prince and the Governor at their houfes 
 in the country, and delivered his letters ; 
 and having aflured them of the orderly 
 condu(fl; of the Maroons fmce their em- 
 barkation, thought it proper to write fome 
 account of them, in order to give fuch 
 affurances as would remove all apprehen- 
 fion of the dangers with which the inha- 
 bitants had been alarmed. This ftatement 
 being communicated to His Royal High- 
 nefs, and circulated among the principal 
 perfons of the place, had its defired effed:. 
 
 The curiofity of the Prince being greatly 
 excited to fee a body of people who had 
 
 made
 
 ( 207 ) 
 
 made fuch an oppofnion to a regular 
 military force, and who had for months 
 protratSted a war againft fo great a fupe- 
 riority, defired the commiiTary to attend 
 him on board the tranfports. The Maroons 
 were prepared for the occafion, and being 
 drelTed in their new cloathing, made a 
 very handfome appearance. His Royal 
 Highnefs, on going into the Dover, found 
 the detachment of the 96th regiment drawn 
 up on the after-part of the quarter-deck, 
 their arms refted, and mufic playing ; 
 the Maroon men in a uniform drefs in 
 lines on each fide the whole length of the 
 fhip, and the w^omen and children forward, 
 dreifed clean and neat. The Prince was no 
 lefs furprifed with the novelty of the fight 
 and the decent and orderly appearance 
 prcfented by the Maroons, than pleafed 
 with the uniformity and propriety of their 
 drefs. Accuftomed to vie\v lines of men 
 with a very difcriminating eye, the jull 
 proportion of their limbs, their licighr, 
 and tliclr ncatnefs, did not efcapi.' the notice 
 of His Royal Highnefs. He rcmirkcd 
 5 '^'^^^
 
 ( 208 ) 
 
 that they poflefled in thefe an excellence 
 not obfervable in the other claffes of ne- 
 groes he had feen, and faid he thought 
 them well adapted to military fervice. He 
 fpoke to fome of the captains, who, in 
 addreffing him, called him Majfa Prince, 
 and MaJfa Kings Son. His Royal High- 
 nefs, though acquainted with the circum- 
 ftances under vv^hich they were, and that 
 Halifax was only a place of temporary 
 refidence, could not view fuch llrength 
 and vigour in a ftate of ina6tivity, without 
 a wifh to have them ufefully employed. 
 At this time the French fquadron under 
 Richery was off the coaft to the north- 
 ward, and had been committing ravages 
 on the fiihing ftations of Nevv-foundland. 
 From the magnitude of his force, it was 
 not unlikely that he fhould attempt a defcent 
 at Halifax, where every preparation was 
 making to receive him. The fortifications, 
 however, were not fufEciently completed fo 
 as to bid him defiance, and the Prince, in 
 order to accelerate the finiihing of them, 
 propofed to permit the landing of the Ma-
 
 ( 209 ) 
 
 roons provided they would work on the cita- 
 del, a very extenfive fortification, intended 
 for the defence of the town, and lately be- 
 gun to be ere<5ted. On the propofal being 
 communicated to them, they unanimoufly 
 declared that they would work or do any 
 thing for Mafla Prince, or for MafTa King, 
 freely and without pay. And here it may 
 be obferved that it was not only in Nova 
 Scotia that they manifefted their reverence 
 for the very name of the King; he had 
 ever been a favourite with them in the 
 mountains of Trelawney. Negroes in ge- 
 neral have no notions of equality : among 
 themfelves fome families are held in higher 
 cftimation than others, and no people pay 
 a greater deference to their fuperiors than 
 they to their chiefs. When the negroes 
 in St. Domingo were excited to take arms 
 againft the royalifts, it was under the idea 
 that the latter were rebelling againft the 
 will of the king. The teftimony of loyalty 
 given by the Maroons, could not but be 
 pleafing to Prince Edward, but his Royal 
 Highncfs would by no means accept of 
 Vol. II. P their
 
 ( il<^ ) 
 
 their fervices withoilt a compenfation, and 
 they agreed to receive the ufual pay of 
 fuch labour. It being the height of furn- 
 mcr, temporary houfes were made of 
 boards, and others hired for them near 
 the town and citadel ; fotne tents were 
 pitched, and the Governor allotted the 
 barns of his farm near the place for the 
 fame purpofe. The whole body was ac- 
 cordingly landed and marched to their 
 quarters. Providing for them in this fitua-* 
 tion was extremely expenfive, every necef- 
 fary article of life increafmg in Value. In 
 a fhort time this dreadful banditti were 
 confidered as a great acquifition to the 
 country. The little money they brought 
 with them, and what they acquired by 
 their labours, was fpent in the town, 
 whence alfo the neceflary fupplies for im-* 
 mediate ufe were furnifhed, fo that intel- 
 ligence of their re-embarkation would now 
 have been moft unwelcome. The lines 
 of the citadel were raifed with rapidity, 
 and the Maroon-baftion, completed under 
 the diredion of Prince Edward, will long 
 
 remain
 
 ( 211 ) 
 
 temain a monument of the adive induftry 
 of the people whofe name it bears. Pleafcd 
 with the condud and utility of the Ma- 
 roons, and the advantages already flowing 
 from their fiiort refidence, the governor 
 of the province haftened to acquaint his 
 Majefty*s minifters with the happy ifTue 
 of their landing, and in a letter to the 
 Duke of Portland reprefented the pleafure 
 exprefled by the Maroons, and their defire 
 of being fettled in the country. The 
 kindnefs with which they were received, 
 their removal from the tranfports in which 
 they had been long confined, and the 
 pleafant ftate of the weather at the time 
 they arrived, were juft grounds for the 
 fatisfadion they exprefled, and a general 
 joy was diffufed both among them and 
 the inhabitants on the arrival of the dif- 
 patches relative to them from the Duke 
 of Portland, which were received by the 
 Governor nearly about the time they were 
 expected. In thefe difpatches his Grace 
 recommended the Maroons to the care and 
 proteflion of the Governor, and gave in- 
 P 2 ftrudions
 
 ( 2J2 ) 
 
 ftrudions for their being fettled in the pro- 
 vince of Nova Scotia, provided it could be 
 done without injury to the colony *. The 
 liberal intentions of Jamaica teftified in the 
 commiflary- general's commiflion, where 
 the vote of twenty-five thoufand pounds 
 was recited, was generally confidered with 
 great fatisfadion, and the Governor, highly 
 pleafed with the charge, undertook to make 
 fuch arrangements for the fettlement of the 
 Maroons as he judged proper, to which 
 the commiflary, on the communication of 
 the Duke of Portland's letter, thought 
 himfelf under the neceffity of implicitly 
 fubmitting. 
 
 At this juncture the commiflary was 
 attacked by a fever, for the third . time 
 fmce he left Jamaica, and was confined 
 to his bed in fo dangerous a ftate, that two 
 of his phyficians advifed him to prepare 
 for a ferious iflue of his diforder. In this 
 fituation being urgently required by his 
 
 * Votes of the Aficmbly. 
 
 6 deputy
 
 ( 213 ) 
 
 deputy as well as by the Governor, his 
 intended fucceflbrs in the fuperintendency 
 of the Maroon fettlement, and anxious 
 that no impediment might arife in the 
 outfet of it, he was induced to draw bills 
 of exchange on the correfpondents of the 
 Receiver-General of Jamaica in London, 
 in favour of a houfe recommended by 
 the Governor, for fix thoufand pounds 
 fterling, as a depofit fund for intended 
 purchafes, and alfo to fend an order for 
 certain ftores pointed out by his Excellency; 
 arrangements which he informed the com- 
 miflary it was incumbent on his Excellency 
 to report to his Grace the Duke of Port- 
 land*. The commiflary's diforder termi- 
 nated more favourably than was expedted, 
 and when he was able to attend to bufmefs, 
 the Governor pointed out to him fome 
 land and houfes at a place called Prefton, 
 about five miles from Halifax, on the 
 oppofite fide of the harbour, as the moft 
 eligible for a purchafc, for a confiderable 
 
 * Votes of tlic x^ficmbly, 
 
 V 3 part
 
 ( 214 ) 
 
 part of which he had previoufly agreed, 
 Although the meafures now adopted 
 overturned his original plan, and the 
 fettling the Maroons in a body feemed 
 not to him to promife the fpeedieft re-, 
 lief to Jamaica, he thought it incumbent 
 upon him to forward the Governor's 
 views, on the principles he had em- 
 braced under the fandlion received from 
 England. But a credit of ten thoufand 
 pounds llerling brought with him out of 
 the vote of twenty-five thoufand, being 
 foon exhaufled, he was obliged to apply 
 for more, and he at the fame time very 
 freely communicated to the AfTembly of 
 Jamaica his fentiments refpedting the pro- 
 ceedings with the Maroons, ftating the 
 impolicy of keeping them in a body, and 
 predicting that the ifland would not be 
 foon releafed from the burden of fupport- 
 ing them. When the commiflary reco- 
 vered fufliciently to vifit the purchafed 
 lands, he found them in general extremely 
 barren, and learned that the fituation had 
 been before occupied and deferted by two 
 
 fuc-
 
 ( S'J ) 
 
 fucceffivc bodies of people ;^ the firft, dif- 
 banded foldiers, the other, the black loyal- 
 ids of America, flaves who had abandoned 
 their matters in the Gonteft with Great 
 Britain, and who at the conclufion of the 
 war had been allowed to fettle there. 
 Thefe had been induced by the agents 
 of the Sierra Leone company to quit fo 
 unprofitable a fituation and embark for the 
 fettlement in Africa. Nor did the vicinity 
 of Halifax, which was ftated as an ad^ 
 vantage, appear defirable to the commif- 
 fary, who thought it an inducement to 
 the Maroons to undertake employments 
 offered by the town, and to negleift the 
 improvement of their lands. 
 
 There was, indeed, one plan which, had 
 the commiflary been able or empowered 
 to execute, might have proved highly be- 
 neficial to the iiland of Jamaica, and put 
 it in the power of the Maroons theinfelvcG 
 to have defrayed by their labour every 
 expence already incurred for them, oi uc- 
 ccdury la future to their profp^^ritv ; avul 
 I' 4 10
 
 ( 2i6 ) 
 
 to this plan the fituation of Prefton would 
 have been highly favourable. It is well 
 known to thofe who are acquainted with 
 Nova Scotia, that all goods from the Bay 
 of Fundy, or Bafon of Minas, are con- 
 veyed to Halifax, by veffels in a navigation 
 hazardous, expenfive, and uncertain, round 
 Cape Sable at the extremity of the penin- 
 fula, a paflage generally taking ten days 
 or a fortnight, and infinitely more dan- 
 gerous than that from Halifax to the 
 Thames. There are fmall lakes in the 
 neighbourhood of Prefton communicating 
 with each other, and ultimately with the 
 river Schubennaccadie, which falls into 
 the Bafon of Minas. One lake, called 
 Dartmouth lake, from its fituation near 
 that place, is entirely unconnected with 
 the others, and throws out a little river, 
 which, after a courfe of about half a mile, 
 runs into a cove in Halifax harbour. The 
 diftance between the lake of Dartmouth 
 and the neareft of the others, is not more 
 than twenty chain, and the interjacent 
 neck of land is level. A jundion might 
 
 have
 
 ( 217 ) 
 
 have been eafily formed, and by cutting 
 the ground, fomc chains about the con- 
 nedting iflues of the lakes lower down, 
 and in no place would it have been necef- 
 fary to have funk the canals more than 
 eleven feet, an inland navigation would 
 have been opened, by which, without 
 riik, and in one day, all the commodities 
 fent from the Bafon of Mina and Bay 
 of Fundy, might be conveyed to Halifax. 
 The runs of land adjoining the lakes, 
 neceflary for the execution of this proje<3:, 
 might at the time have been purchafed 
 for a very moderate fum, and the Maroons 
 would have completed the work in the 
 courfe of one fummer. The whole length 
 of the ground to be cut through does not 
 exceed a mile and a half, but it would 
 have been requifite near the harbour to 
 have made locks for a defcent of fixty-two 
 feet. Some notion may be formed of the 
 ineftimable advantages of this navigation 
 by contrafting the different regions of Nova 
 Scotia. The fertility of the land on tlie 
 wcfl lule towards the Bay of Fundy and 
 
 the
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 the Bafon of Minas is very great. Grain 
 of every kind is abundant and cheap: 
 butter, cheefe, cyder, and fimilar articles, 
 are made in large quantities. Immenfe 
 orchards are covered with trees, particu-.-* 
 larly the apple, bending to the earth with 
 their fruit. To this may be added, that 
 no part of the world affords good meat 
 at a cheaper rate, the price of beef being 
 two-pence a pound, Halifax currency. On 
 the contrary, near the capital, and on the 
 fide of the peninfula lying on the Atlantic, 
 plenty is unknown, or exotic. Nature 
 has doomed thefe regions to gloomy fogs 
 and poverty of foil. In the neighbourhood 
 of Halifax, there are fome farms that yield 
 chaffy cats, and produce potatoes, clover, 
 and excellent hay, but the land fcarcely 
 pays for the labour of removing the ftones 
 with w^hich it is covered, and the expence 
 of cultivation. The return of Indian corn 
 is not enough to repay the fowing of it, 
 Orchards are unknown : no fruit trees 
 grow on this fide, except here and there 
 a flunted cherry, plumb, or apple, when 
 
 it
 
 ( ^^9 ) 
 
 It is defended on all fides, and the whole 
 height of the tree, by houfes or high 
 boarded fcreens, from the fevere blafts of 
 the wind. To open, theq, fo fpecdy a 
 communication with the more favoured 
 regions of the weft, could not but be of 
 the greateft importance to the country; 
 and the adventurers, whoever they may be, 
 that fhall effed that communication, cannot 
 fail to be amply repaid. The labour, with 
 the purchafe of lands, and confequently 
 the great capital required, are the obftacles 
 that prefent themfelves, but thefe are not 
 infurmountable, and it is not unlikely that 
 in time fome adventuring capitalifts will 
 execute the plan. The fums voted by 
 Jamaica for the eftablifhment of the Ma- 
 roons would have amply fufficed to accom- 
 plilh it, and from the returns it would 
 have produced, not only the Maroon ex- 
 penccs and their fettlement, either in one 
 body or by difperfion in feparate families, 
 would have been covered, but a perpetual 
 fund cftahliflied at the difpofal of the 
 illaiid. The projed, however, would liave 
 
 required.
 
 ( 220 ) 
 
 required a confideration that muft have 
 confumed fome time, and as the govern- 
 ment of Nova Scotia had kindly received 
 the Maroons, and interpofed in their 
 afiairs, the commiflary, apprehenfive of 
 counteracting the plans of the Governor, 
 thought it his duty to give them every 
 ftfliftance in his power. 
 
 The townfhip of Prefton having been 
 determined upon by the Governor for the 
 fettlement of the Maroons, the old houfes 
 on the fpot were to be repaired, and new 
 ones built for their accommodation. It was 
 then thought proper to withdraw them 
 from the works at Halifax, in order to 
 prepare for their accommodation during 
 the winter: in September they began to 
 remove in fmall parties to their new habi- 
 tations, and early in the month of 06tober 
 all had taken pofleflion of the property 
 purchafed for them *. Difputes had arifen 
 
 among 
 
 * It was about tins time tliat on an alarm occafioncd 
 by Richcry's fquadron^ the Governor propofed to embody 
 
 then:
 
 ( 221 ) 
 
 among them for the priority of removal 
 and the choice of habitations, which 
 were not eafily fettled, and many of 
 them became and continued a long 
 time refractory. The cold weather fet- 
 ting in before the arrival of the cloath- 
 ing and other (lores which had been 
 ordered from England, a further great 
 expence was neceflarily incurred in fur- 
 nifliing them from Halifax at an ex- 
 orbitant price. The Maroons were vifited 
 by the Governor at their new fettle- 
 ment, and many of them exprefled the 
 greateft fatisfadion at their fituation. His 
 Excellency conceiving the beft means of 
 advancing their civilization was immediate 
 inftruiftion in the Chriftian religion, read- 
 ing, writing, and arithmetic, appointed 
 for thefe important duties a chaplain and 
 teacher of the church of England, with an 
 
 them ac a corps of militia. He beftowed feveral com- 
 mifliuns on tlicm : Montague and Johnfon, he made 
 colonels; Jarrat. and Bailey, majors; to fomc he gave com- 
 panies, and to others h'curenancics, which highly gratified 
 ihcir vanj;y. 
 
 aiTiflant,
 
 ( 222 ) 
 
 ^ffiftant, to refide among them, to perform 
 public worfhip regularly, and to teach all 
 thofe that were capable. For this eftablifh- 
 ment he allotted the fum of two hundred 
 and fifty pounds flerling a-year, befides a 
 glebe-houfe and land on the eftate. The 
 winter, which generally lafts feven months 
 of the year in Nova Scotia, being neeef- 
 larily a time of but little labour, a con- 
 ftant attendance at the pariih church on 
 Sunday was all that was required of the 
 Maroons, and the younger ones were 
 made to attend the fchool. To thefe due 
 attention was paid by the fchoolmafler, and 
 they made as great a progrefs as could he 
 expeded in the things they were taught. 
 Had their inftrudtion in religion been alfo 
 committed to the care of this mafter, they 
 would probably have reaped much benefit; 
 but as he was a diffenter from the efta- 
 blifhed church, being of the Sandimanian 
 fedl, his religious tenets were deemed an 
 infurmountable obftacle to his being en^ 
 trufted to inculcate the principles of 
 Chridianity. He had, if 1 am rightly 
 
 informed,
 
 ( 223 ) 
 
 informed, been a miffionary among the 
 Iroquois Indians, or Six Nations, with 
 whom he had met but little fuccefs : with 
 young people, fuch as the Maroons, had 
 the objedions to his tenets been removed, 
 he had talents that might have promifed a 
 profperous iflue to his zeal and attention. 
 Little efFed, however, could be reafonably 
 hoped from weekly fermons on dodrines 
 of faith, delivered to old and young pro- 
 mifcuoufly, in a language not underftood. 
 It would be as rational to put Homer 
 into the hands of a child beginning 
 to learn Greek. Once, coming out of 
 church, a gentleman, who had attended 
 the fervice, afked one of the captains, 
 (hivering with cold, if he knew what the 
 clergyman had faid. " Me fabbyf* or, 
 " How (hould I know?" was the anfwer. 
 He had been fmoking his pipe with fome, 
 while others were afleep. The gentleman 
 repeating his qiieftion to Montague the 
 chief, who was induced by his vanity to 
 wifh not to appear ignorant, the old man 
 replied that he knew very well *' MafTa 
 I parfon
 
 ( 224 ) 
 
 parfon fay, no mus tief, no mus meddle 
 wid fomebody wife, no mus quarrel ; mus 
 fet down foftly." This he conceived muft 
 be implied in fo long a talk: but the whole 
 tendency of the fermon was to convince 
 the Maroons that they were happy, and to 
 excite their gratitude to the people of 
 Jamaica for fending them to Nova Scotia ; 
 and it contained panegyrics on the Prince, 
 the Commiffary-general, and the Governor, 
 their beft friend. The inefficacy of this 
 mode, however obvious, never occurred to 
 the preacher; but in juftice to the Go- 
 vernor it muft not be omitted, that he was 
 folicitous that the Maroons fiiould be made 
 to comprehend the benevolent and pure 
 principles of Chriftianity ; and at his 
 requeft they were convened by the com- 
 mifTary himfelf, who undertook to explain 
 to them the Governor's wifhes, in a lan- 
 guage they better underftood. The moft 
 intelligent of the men being brought for- 
 ward in a room at the commifTary's houfc, 
 and as many more as could be introduced 
 attending, it was obferved to them that 
 
 they
 
 ( 22J ) 
 
 tKey had left a country in which religion 
 was not fo fully attended to as it ought, 
 where they had been kept in a ftate of 
 barbarous ignorance, and in habits repug- 
 nant to the order and decency neceffary 
 to be maintained in the fituation they now 
 held among a people who deemed them- 
 felves bound by moral rules and obliga- 
 tions, which were derived from the law of 
 God alone, and enforced by the laws of 
 the country, the breach of them being fol- 
 lowed by punifhment : and that although 
 fome might wickedly tranfgrefs thefe laws 
 without detection in this life, thofe v/ould 
 be called to a fevere account in another 
 world, into which they would pafs from, 
 this, and where mankind would be happy 
 or miferable according to their obfervance 
 or negled of thofe laws. The Governor 
 being particularly delirous that marriage 
 fhould be eftablifhed among them, they 
 were told that thofe who vv'ifhed to enjoy 
 the comfort and fociety of a wife fhould 
 be duly married according to tlic cere- 
 monies of the church, without whicJi no 
 Vol. 1 1. Q_ mati
 
 ( "6 ) 
 
 man was confidered as lawfully married",? 
 nor could his property defcend to his 
 children. On this Captain Smith faid; 
 " But, Mafla, den we muft take fwear:"i 
 that is, enter into an oath. " Yes, you, 
 muft fwear to love and fupport your wife, 
 to keep her in ficknefs and in health, to 
 afford her and her children all the comforts 
 you can, to be faithful and true to her, 
 as long as you both live, and to forfake all 
 others but her." " Dat white people 
 faftiion," faid one who had two wives, 
 " dat no do for we poor Maroon :" and 
 then he argued, as I before mentioned *, that 
 as God and Chrift were good, they could 
 not require that he fhould forfake either 
 of his wives, or any of his children. They 
 were defired to confer upon the fubje6t, 
 and when they had made up their minds 
 to give their anfvver. They however 
 promptly adopted an expedient to evade 
 the bufmefs. " Mafia," faid one of theni, 
 " what you fay we believe very good, but 
 
 * Vo'. I. p. 113. 
 
 we
 
 ( 227 ) 
 
 we no want to bring bad curfe upon we- 
 felves, for Gar A*mighty no love ugly, 
 (that is wickednefs,) and if we do fome- 
 ting for curfe us, he will punifli us. We 
 no mind being married without fwear, but 
 if you pleafe you may make the women 
 take fwear; we men can't do fo.'* The 
 women were then called in, and talked to 
 much as the men had been. None of the 
 wives could be perfuaded to refign her 
 right to her hufband, and the girls were 
 {o riotous and noify in their objed:ion to 
 taking aiUj Jwear^ declaring without quali- 
 fication they would not, that they were 
 fent out of the room to confer, and went 
 off in an uproar, clamouring at the men 
 for making fuch a propofal. On their 
 conference the objedions became ftrongcr, 
 and they retired, making infolent obferv^a- 
 lions on the latitude in which fome of the 
 grcateit chara6lers known to them had 
 indulged. The failure of the attempt to 
 convert the Maroons is not to be won- 
 dered at. Their halnts would naturally 
 prelcrvc their power over them while they 
 O 2 lived
 
 (228 ) 
 
 lived together as a diftind body of people. 
 Had the different families been induced to 
 eftablifh themfelves among the remote fet- 
 tiers in diftrids where there were churches, 
 clergymen, and fchools, they would in time 
 have been influenced by the example of 
 their neighbours, and though the older 
 ones might never have been prevailed 
 upon to part with their wives, or confent 
 to ftigmatize any of their children, the 
 younger ones would have reaped the ad- 
 vantages of inftrudlon, and would have 
 conformed through principle as other ne- 
 gro fettlers had done. Separated from the 
 refractory fpirits that kept up among them 
 an oppofition to induftry, and provided by 
 the bounty of the ifland of Jamaica with 
 the means of fettling their families, they 
 could not have failed to have become in- 
 duftrious and happy. The commifTary- 
 general, conceiving that difperfmg the 
 Maroons very extenfively was the only- 
 means of difpofmg of them properly, and 
 wifhing to fpread them in fmall fcttlements 
 even as far as New Brunfwick, had fug- 
 6 geftcd
 
 ( 229 ) 
 
 gefted the plan, and had warmly urged, 
 that the different unoccupied barracks 
 might be allowed for the Maroons during 
 the winter of 1796-7, to facilitate it early 
 in the fpring ; but objedtions being darted 
 to the propofal, he fubmitted, and it was 
 laid afide. Diflatisfied with the meafures 
 now purfued by the Governor, and the 
 colonizing of a Maroon body in the 
 neighbourhood of Halifax, the commifFary- 
 general, finding his own plan fruftrated, 
 and conceiving that he was confidered 
 merely as an agent to furnifh money, and 
 to a(ft under the Governor's diredion, 
 expreffed fome impatience to quit the co- 
 lony. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Houfe of AfTembly of 
 Jamaica took the ftate of the Maroon 
 bufmefs into confideratlon, and, having 
 given due attention to the accounts re- 
 ceived from the Lieutenant-Governor of 
 Nova Scotia and from the commlfrary- 
 general, by which it appeared, that it was 
 his Majcfly's plea fu re that every thing 
 0^3 llioukl
 
 ( 230 ) 
 
 ihould be done for the comfort of the 
 Maroons; that this had been efFedled in 
 the purchafe of an eftate near Halifax with 
 comfortable buildings ; that the Maroons 
 were pleafed and defirous to fettle in that 
 country ; that a licence of occupation had 
 been granted for fixteen or feventecn thou- 
 fand acres of land adjoining the eftate fo 
 purchafed ; and that the commiffary-gene- 
 ral, by the particular recommendation of 
 the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, 
 had ordered from London various articles 
 to a very confiderable amount for the fup- 
 port and accommodation of the Maroons, 
 refolved, that all farther fupport fhould 
 be limited to the 2 2d of July, 1798 : that 
 the Maroons fhould be comfortably fub- 
 fifted by the ifland of Jamaica to the 2 2d 
 of July, 1797; and that for .the year next 
 enfuing, a fum not exceeding ten pounds 
 fterling fhould be allowed for the fupport 
 of each man, woman, and child ; the Af- 
 fembly being fully convinced from the 
 tenor of the letter from the Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Nova Scotia to the commif- 
 
 fary^
 
 ( 231 ) 
 
 fary-general, that thefe people, poffefling 
 lands, and provided with implements of 
 hufbandry, and feeds for planting, and 
 enjoying moreover the advantages of fifh- 
 ing and fowling, might then fupply their 
 own wants with the greateft facility. They 
 concluded with refolving, that the lands 
 and buildings fliould be veiled in his Ma- 
 jefly, his heirs, and fucceffors, for the ufe 
 and benefit of the Maroons, in fuch manner 
 as he fhould pleafe to dired"^. Thefe 
 refolutions, with directions to execute the 
 conveyance to the crown, were tranfmitted 
 to the commiflary-general, who, on the 
 3d of April, communicated his difpatches 
 to the Lieutenant-Governor of the pro- 
 vince. 
 
 * Votes of the Houfe of Aflenibly of Jamaica. 
 
 CL,4
 
 ( 232 ) 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 
 Severity of the Winter.'^Apprehettficins of Famine.'^ 
 Prince Edward fends a Supply to the Maroons. -^Com- 
 fniJfary-General goes to New- Tor k to procure Proviftons. 
 Propofals for indenting the Maroons. Difcontent in 
 the Country i and among the Maroons. The Latter 
 refufe to Labour. The Care of them given to the 
 Schoolmafler, Removal of fame of their Families to 
 Boy dville.~ They return to Work. The Commijfary 
 furrenders the whole Charge of the Maroons to the 
 Governor of the Province. Captain Howe made 
 Superintendant. The Commiffary detained in Nova 
 Scotia. Jamaica deemed ^ by the Duke of Portland and 
 the Governor of Nova Scotia^ liable to all Expences 
 incurred fr the Maroons. Refolutions of the Ajfembly 
 en the SubjeB. Lord Balcarres refufes to tranfmit 
 them. ContradiElory Accounts of the Situation of the 
 Maroons. They relapfe into Idlenefs. Small Progrefs 
 of their Converfion to Chrijlianity.- -Their Farewell 
 Addrefs to the Commiffary. Perplexing Situation of 
 the Government of Nova Scotia. Letter from the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia to the Lieutenant-, 
 Governor of Jamaica. Inquiry into the State of the 
 Maroon Affairs by the Hotife of Jffembly of Jamaica, 
 Mfunderjlanding, State of the ^tejlion. Defni' 
 tiiie Replution of the Afey-'^Iy. Opinion of a Committee 
 tf the ikufe re/jcBing Lht Services of the Commiffary- 
 General. Vote of the lluufe in confe^uence. 
 
 X HE winter p''oved unufually fevere and 
 long. From the time that the Maroons 
 
 (quitted
 
 ( '^?>2, ) 
 quitted the public works to the fetting in 
 of the cold weather, which w^as early, it 
 had been barely poffible to procure fuel 
 enough for a moderate winter, and the 
 confequence was, that the people burned, 
 not only what had been laid in, but alfo all 
 their pafture- fencing*. Notwithftanding 
 the feverity of the feafon, the Maroons 
 became very healthy ; for previoufly they 
 bad been fickly, owing to their long con- 
 finement on fhip-board, and the fudden 
 change of diet and water, in confequence of 
 which many had died. In the month of 
 December a feafonable fupply of cloathing 
 and ftores arrived according to the order 
 that had been fent to London; but un- 
 fortunately the potatoes, which had been 
 chiefly depended upon for the food of the 
 winter, and which had been carefully laid 
 up in cellars deemed froft-proof, were frozen 
 and deftroyed. This, though a very unufual 
 
 No hedges will grow In Nova Scotia ; where fence* 
 are made of fallen trees, or pieces of wood, the ends of 
 which meet in angles one over another. 
 
 circum-
 
 ( 234 ) 
 
 circumftance, was general, and, the price 
 of flour increafnig, threatened Halifax not 
 merely with a fcarcity, but famine. In this 
 dilemma Prince Edward, at the requeft of 
 the Governor, generoufly fent the Maroons 
 a confiderable fupply from the public ma- 
 gazines; but even this^ proving very in- 
 fufficient, the commiflary refolved to make 
 a voyage to New York in order to pur- 
 chafe a quantity of flour. At this time it 
 feems that pains had been taken to render 
 the Maroons diflatisfied; they complained 
 of the cold, and declared that the country 
 would not do for them. The commiflary's 
 deputy was charged with fomenting thefe 
 difcontents ; but on being fpoken to on 
 the fubjed by the commifl~ary, who pointed 
 out their refpedtive duties, and the guilt of 
 fwerving from them, as well as the injury 
 that would accrue to the ifland of Jamaica, 
 he appeared to feel fo much, that neither 
 the commiflary nor the Governor feemed 
 to entertain any apprehenfions of his future 
 condu(fl. The Maroons being houfed and 
 plentifully provided for a time, the commif- 
 
 fary
 
 ( ^35 ) 
 
 fary put his refolution in execution, and 
 on the 23d of February failed for New- 
 York ; and having engaged a fufficient 
 quantity of flour and other provifions at a 
 moderate price, returned, after a month's 
 abfence, to Halifax. The fupply proved 
 a feafonable relief, and prevented much 
 r^al diftrefs. 
 
 Propofals had been made by feveral of 
 the inhabitants of Nova Scotia for engaging 
 Maroons upon indentures, and otherwife 
 fettling them. Thefe, when made to the 
 commiffary, were always referred by him 
 to the Governor. The application was 
 generally for the choice of the fined fel- 
 lows, regardlcfs of the wives and children. 
 The Maroons themfelves fmiled at the 
 propofals, faid they were free, and that 
 from the Governor's promife in anfwef 
 to their requeft, they depended on being 
 removed to a warmer climate. This pro- 
 mile they affumed from a letter written to 
 them by the Governor, in which he fays : 
 *' I will, on my part, write by the packet, 
 
 and
 
 ( ^36 ) 
 
 and reprefent the requefts of the Ma- 
 roons for the King's confideration : on the 
 other part, you, and each of you, are to 
 continue to ufe your beft endeavours 
 to cultivate and improve the buildings 
 and eftate whereon you now refide and 
 occupy: and faithfully obey and execute 
 my orders and diredions in all things." 
 This could be no promife of removal on 
 the part of the Governor, but it certainly 
 kept alive their wifh of going to a warm 
 country, and confirmed the hope of it. 
 Before the winter elapfed, the general joy 
 that had prevailed on the determination 
 of fettling the Maroons in Nova Scotia, 
 yielded to difcontent on the part of the 
 new fettlers, and apprehenfions of their 
 proving an incumbrance on the part of the 
 inhabitants : and the refolutionsof the Houfe 
 of Aflembly of Jamaica, now prefented 
 by the commiflary to the governor of 
 the province, clouded the happy profpeds 
 which had opened on the arrival of the 
 Duke of Portland's difpatches. Many of 
 the inhabitants, and particularly fome 
 
 members
 
 ( m ) 
 
 members of the Aflembly of Nova Scotia, 
 difappointed in engaging Maroons upon 
 indentures, and other propofals for fettling 
 them, began to be clamorous, and fent a 
 meiTage to the Governor to inquire what 
 was to be done with them, fhould the 
 ifland of Jamaica difcontinue their fupply ; 
 and whether they were to be left a burden 
 on the province, or not. A committee of 
 the Houfe called for and examined the 
 commiflary-general, who obferved to them, 
 that the ifland had furnifhed as much pro- 
 perty for the Maroons as would prevent 
 an equal number of other people in Nova 
 Scotia from being confidered as paupers, 
 and referred them to the Governor, who, 
 on his part, declared that he would anfwer 
 for removing all apprehenfions, and be- 
 come himfelf a pledge and fecurlty for the 
 ifland of Jamaica continuing for them 
 an ample fupport ^. This declaration was 
 made more tlian two months after tlie 
 refolutions of the Houfe had been com- 
 
 * Votcj of die Iloufc of AfllniLly. 
 
 municated
 
 ( 238 ) 
 
 municated to the Governor, and about a 
 month previous to the commiflary's total 
 furrender of the charge. 
 
 The ground continuing bound by the 
 froil long in the month of May, the fpring 
 was far advanced before any labour could 
 be required of the Maroons ; and when 
 the opening of the foil permitted it, they 
 difcovered the greateft reludlance to begin 
 working, and it was evident that ftrong 
 prejudices had exifted in their minds againll 
 fettling in Nova Scotia. The ground, of 
 their condudt was faid to be a hope that 
 had been inftilled into their minds, of a 
 removal to a more congenial climate, and 
 particularly of being embodied as foldiers 
 for the Cape of Good Hope and India, 
 accompanied by their women and children. 
 Some of them were extremely angry with 
 a few who planted potatoes, and evea 
 proceeded to a<5ls of violence againft them ; 
 while Others, well difnofed, complained to 
 the commiiTary that working had been 
 
 dif-
 
 ( 239 ) 
 
 difcouraged by his deputy *. This, as 
 well as other parts of his condu<St refpeft- 
 ing the Governor, was confidered by the 
 latter as an objection to his being continued 
 in the charge of the Maroon concerns, and 
 the commiflary thought it indifpenfable 
 to {how his refentment by breaking off all 
 communication with him ; and, deeming 
 decifive meafures in oppofition to the pre- 
 judices of the Maroons necefTary, he placed 
 them under the immediate care of the 
 fchoolmafter appointed by the Governor, 
 and removed fome of the families to a 
 Settlement called Boydviile, about four 
 miles above the upper bafon of the harbour 
 of Halifax, where, in fpite of the threats 
 cf thofe left at Prefton, they immediately 
 
 * Thii g;;iitlc7r.aii afterward:", defended himfelf at large 
 (jIj oaili before llic Iluufe of Alieinbly In Jamaica, dcnyiiiiJ- 
 or jiidifyirir^ the cliargcs that wvre m;'.de againfl hiin by 
 tlu' (xovernor of Nova Scotia : bi;t as it ij no part of ir.v 
 jvlua to eriler into tlie difputes lliat arofe refpecting the 
 M:iro;)U f ilaLunirr..;it, but oi.ly to flute ihe fait^, I th;, i^ 
 it cn'A],rh t() add iiere, tiiat the AfTcuddy of Janiai'-a f;d;y 
 kcquittcd liim, and aifo granted him a leniune! itiu'; for
 
 ( HO ) 
 
 dlfplayed great ajacrity in working fbf 
 ihemfelves. Orders were left with Mr. 
 Chamberlain, the perfon under whofe in- 
 fpedtion the Maroons were placed, that if 
 they did not work they fhould not be fed : 
 fubmiffion was the confequence, and early 
 in June Mr. Chamberlain had a hundred 
 and fifty at work. On the 2 2d of July 
 1797, the commiflary furrendered the 
 charge entirely to the Governor of the 
 province, and delivered up the property of 
 the ifland of Jamaica to Captain Howe, a 
 gentleman fent by his Excellency to re- 
 ceive it, and in whofe hands the fuper- 
 intendency was now placed. There only 
 remained to comply with the refolutions of 
 the Aflembly of Jamaica, to make a legal 
 conveyance of the property to the Crown; 
 and inftrudtions were given for preparing 
 the deed: but many objections occurred in 
 the mode of wording it, and a confiderable 
 time elapfed before it was executed. It hap- 
 pened that the commiflary, now defirous 
 of returning to Jamaica, was detained by 
 another caufe in Halifax. He had, at 
 
 dif-
 
 ( 241 ) 
 
 tlifFerent periods, drawn bills on the cor- 
 refpondents in London of the receiver-* 
 general of the ifland of Jamaica in confe- 
 quence of the credit voted by the AfTembJy, 
 which bills returned protefted, although it 
 appeared, by the acknowledgment of the 
 receiver's correfpondents, that they a<ftually 
 had in their hands, at the time of pro- 
 tefting, funds to a large amount. It was 
 rather extraordinary, that the whole vote 
 of twenty- five thoufand pounds for the 
 Maroon concern .was not lodged and 
 ready, particularly as the commiflary had 
 given a ftatement of the whole vote being 
 neceflary to purfue the plans adopted in 
 Nova Scotia, and had required adequate 
 funds to be lodged to provide for his bills. 
 It appeared, however, that, at leaft, four- 
 teen thoufand five hundred pounds fter- 
 ling were lodged, and the AfTcmbly ex- 
 prefTed their opinion, that fo far the bills 
 fliould have been honoured by the receiver- 
 general. Why they were not honoured, 
 was never thoroughly explained, though 
 thofe acquainted with the ufe of money 
 Vol. II. R pro-
 
 ( 242 ) 
 
 probably underftand ; but the clrcumftances 
 gave rife to an invidious reflexion among 
 the friends of thofe who protefted the bills. 
 They allowed the commiflary ample credit 
 for his ferviccs, for which they were of 
 opinion he ought to have received a very 
 large remuneration, " but,'* faid they, " it 
 is to be regretted, that the government of 
 Jamaica did not fend with the Maroons 
 a man competent in bufincfs^ The plain 
 meaning of which is, that he ought not to 
 have drawn for the money voted, but 
 manoeuvered his purchafes to advantage, 
 and on credit. A competent bufmefs-man 
 would perhaps have benefited himfelf and 
 his friends in the charge committed to 
 him : but in this art the commifTary was 
 certainly incompetent. To the petty wiles 
 of mercantile tranfadions he was not 
 a ftranger, but he was fuperior to them, 
 and could not difcern the intereft and 
 honour of a refped:able government in the 
 low craft of a little man of bufinefs. The 
 truft repofed in the commiffary was of 
 magnitude j it involved the honour as well 
 3 as
 
 ( 243 ) 
 
 as the intereft of his country, and the fate 
 of more than five hundred human creatures. 
 His objet therefore was a fpeedy and 
 honourable difcharge of his truft: he con- 
 fidered that what was voted by the ifland 
 of Jamaica was adually meant to be paid, 
 and feeling that as a proprietor, and as a 
 member of the leglflature, he compre- 
 hended the intereft of his country fully as 
 well as if he had been educated in a count- 
 ing-houfe, or apprenticed to an attorney, 
 he chofe to al a part which had the fup- 
 port of his own underftanding, and which 
 afterwards received the approbation of the 
 ifland, exprefled in a vote of their Aflembly. 
 However, the confequence of the return of 
 the bills was, that the perfons in whofe 
 favour they were drav/n thought the de- 
 tention of the commifTary in Nova Scotia 
 neccflary to their fecurity. Frefli bills 
 were drawn, of which fome met a fimilar 
 fate ; and it was not till late in the month 
 of April that the commifTary, giving fecu- 
 rity for the remaining unhonoured bills, 
 was able to leave Halifax, wliere he lind 
 R 2 rL;maincd
 
 { 244 ) 
 
 remained upwards of nine months after the 
 relinquifhing of his truft, a fpedator of 
 the ftate of the Maroon fettlement. 
 
 Meanwhile the Governor of the pro- 
 vince, fenfible of the inadequacy of the 
 fums voted by the Houfe of AfTembly of 
 Jamaica to the fupport of the Maroon efta- 
 blifhment, tranfmitted an account of the 
 refolutions he had received, to the Duke 
 of Portland, reprefenting that a larger fum 
 would be indifpenfably neceflary, and 
 entreating his Grace's inftrudlions. He 
 afterwards wrote an expoftulatory letter 
 to the Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica, 
 declaring that he could not accede to the 
 limitation refolved upon, as he was certain 
 it was inadequate ; adding, that it was im- 
 poflible to make any judicious eftimate for 
 the fervice. The Duke of Portland was of 
 opinion, that the ifland of Jamaica was 
 bound, conformably to the intentions ori- 
 ginally exprefled by its legiflature, to de- 
 fray all the expence that fhould be incurred 
 (Hi account of the Maroons, till they could 
 I I fubfift
 
 ( 245 ) 
 
 fubfift themfelves ; and this opinion he ex- 
 plicitly ftated to the two Governors. Thefe 
 letters were laid before the Houfe, and 
 referred to a committee, who having con- 
 fidered them, made the following report : 
 
 " That no refolution or proceeding of 
 the legiflature authorizes the opinion enter- 
 tained, that this ifland intended to pledge 
 itfelf to provide a permanent fupport for 
 the rebellious Maroons of Trelawney-Town, 
 in Nova Scotia, or elfewhere : 
 
 " That, as the Maroons were fent to 
 Halifax, to wait his Majefty's pleafure 
 with refpedt to their future deftination, and 
 the choice of Nova Scotia, as a place of 
 fettlement for them, was not the meafure 
 of the legiflature of Jamaica (as flated in 
 Sir John Wentworth's receipt to Mr. Quar- 
 rell, dated the nth September, 1797), 
 this country ought not to be charged with 
 the extraordinary expence, incurred by the 
 difficulty of eftablilhing them in that fitua- 
 tlon : 
 
 R 3 [' That
 
 ( 24^ ) 
 
 " That the benevolent intentions of this 
 illand have been evinced, by the liberal 
 provifion made for the fupport of the 
 Maroons at the time of their embarkation, 
 and afterwards ; which, in the opinion of 
 the committee, was amply adequate to 
 fulfil the engagement of the legiflature, 
 to maintain them at the public expence 
 of this ifland for a reafonable time after 
 their arrival at the place of their deftina.. 
 tion: 
 
 " The flrft provifion made by this 
 Houfe for the rebellious Maroons, was a 
 grant of the 26th April, 1796, of twenty^ 
 five thoufand pounds currency ; a further 
 requifition having beeii made on the fame 
 account, another grant of ten thoufand 
 pounds currency was voted on the 19th 
 December, 1796, when the houfe thought 
 it expedient to fix a period beyond whicli 
 the iiland would not be bound to fupport 
 thefe people in their fettlement at Nova 
 Scotia I 
 
 *' That
 
 ( 247 ) 
 " That, application having been made 
 hj W. D. Qnarrell, Efquire, and by Sir 
 John Went worth, in his letter of the 4th 
 Auguft, 1797, to his Honour the Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor, for an additional aid, the 
 fum of fix thoufand pounds has been voted 
 by the Houfe for the fame ufe, making, 
 with the two former grants, the fum of 
 forty-one thoufand pounds currency : 
 
 " That, when Mr. Quarrell furrendered 
 the charge of the Maroons to Sir John 
 Wcntworth, property in lands, houfcs, 
 ftock, furniture, farming utenfils, and flores, 
 of the value of ten thoufand three hun- 
 dred and three pounds, fourteen fhillings, 
 and ten-pence halfpenny fterling, w^is de- 
 livered by the former to the latter, for the 
 ufe of the Maroons, over and above the 
 provifions for the expences of maintaining 
 them until the 22d July 1797: 
 
 " The committee mufl here obfervc, 
 
 that from all the communications to this 
 
 houfe on the fubjeil of thefe Maroons, 
 
 R4 it
 
 ( 248 ) 
 
 it appears that on their arrival at Halifax, 
 they were not confidered as atrocious de- 
 linquents tranfported for having taken up 
 arms againft his Majefty's government, but, 
 on the contrary, as a loyal and favoured 
 people, fent thither for the purpofe of co- 
 lonization : 
 
 " It appears to the committee, from the 
 accounts of William Dav^res Quarrell, Ef- 
 quire, and from the information collected 
 from the Receiver-General of this ifland, 
 that the fum of forty-one thoufand pounds, 
 granted at different times for the comfort- 
 able fubfiftence of the Maroons, will not 
 be more than fufficient to defray the ex- 
 pences incurred in that fervice, previous 
 to the 2 2d July 1797; and that a 
 further grant will be neceflary to make 
 good the intention of the Houfe to allow 
 ten pounds fterling for the year ending 
 on the 2 2d July 1798, for each man, 
 woman, and child : 
 
 ' The
 
 ( 249 ) 
 
 *' The committee therefore recommend 
 to the Houfe, to grant the further fum of 
 fix thoufand pounds fterling for that pur- 
 pofe, and to come to a final refolution, 
 not to make any other grants for the future 
 fupport of the Maroons *." 
 
 A copy of this report was fent to Lord 
 Balcarres, accompanied with a requeft that 
 he would communicate it to the Duke of 
 Portland, the Governor of Nova Scotia, 
 and the commiflary ; and that he would 
 tranfmit to the Governor of Nova Scotia 
 the AO: of the Ifland pafled on the ift of 
 May 1796, banifhing the Maroons from 
 Jamaica, and making it felony, without 
 benefit of clergy, for them to return, or 
 for any perfon to receive them in the 
 ifland. His Lordihip thought he could 
 notjConfiftent with his correfpondence with 
 the Duke of Portland and the Governor 
 of Nova Scotia, tranfmit the refolutions, 
 and declined itj upon which the Houfc 
 
 Votes of the Afllmbly. 
 
 diredcd
 
 ( 250 ) 
 
 direded the Committee of Correfpondencc 
 to tranfmit them to the agent of the illand, 
 to be communicated by him to the Duke 
 of Portland. 
 
 Contradidory accounts were given, and 
 appear on the Journals of the Houfe of 
 Aflembly, of the fubfequent difpofition and 
 condudt of the Maroons. By fome it was 
 ftated that they were fuffered to dwindle 
 off into their former habits of idienefs and 
 relapfe into inadlion, while the Governor 
 himfelf faid that, " Since Captain Howe 
 had fuperintended, the whole fettlement 
 wore a new and promifing appearance, 
 the people were all chearfully at work, 
 there was good humour returning, fome 
 had follcited to be fettled for life, and 
 they gradually abandoned all the plans 
 fooliflily and wickedly made, kept up, and 
 cherifhcd among them *." The fad: is, 
 that previous to the charge being delivered 
 up by the commiflary, the people had 
 
 * Votes of the Iloufc of AfRmbly. 
 
 begun
 
 ( 251 ) 
 
 begun to work ; but foon after, they were 
 fufFered to relapfe into idlenefs from the 
 anxiety of the new fuperintendant to be 
 popular among them, and while additional 
 hands were employed in their fervice, 
 the labour was negleded for amufements, 
 for cards and cock-lighting, flrolling to 
 town, and occafionally earning fome money 
 in accidental occupations. The enfuing 
 winter proved almoft as rigorous as the 
 preceding, the fall of fnow was the heavieft 
 ever known in Nova Scotia. While it 
 lafted, the Maroons were houfed, fed, kept 
 warm, and had nothing to do but play 
 cards. The younger ones were inftrud:ed 
 by Mr. Chamberlain, but the older ones 
 refufed to attend the weekly fermon, and 
 made little progrefs in the cultivation of 
 the Chriftian dodrines, the biptifm of the 
 children being the only point gained ; for 
 neither marriages nor funerals were folem- 
 nized according to the rules of the church. 
 The cuflom of a plurality of wives bound 
 only by confent continued, and when a 
 iVJaroon died, he was buried with the 
 
 Coro-
 
 ( 252 ) 
 
 Coromantie ceremonies. The burial fervice 
 was never performed by the chaplain of 
 the eftablifhment. Once, as one of the 
 members of the Aflembly of the Province 
 was, riding out with the commiffary, he 
 faw a large company of them at a little 
 diftance, and heard them finging, on which 
 he commented on their happinefs in their 
 new fituation. " The fmging you hear," 
 faid the commiflary, " is no proof, I doubt, 
 of their happinefs." While the member 
 was proving fmging to be an indication 
 of felicity, they approached the company 
 of Maroons, and found them employed in 
 the interment of one of their friends. 
 
 Whatever folicltations of being fettled 
 for life in the province might have been 
 made by them in the fummer of I797> 
 certain it is their defire of a removal was 
 revived during the winter, and afterwards, 
 in the fpring, clearly exprefTed in a fare- 
 well addrefs written to the commifTary- 
 general when they heard he was about 
 to leave Halifax. This was in the end 
 
 of
 
 ( 2J3 ) 
 
 of April 1798. When he had arranged 
 his bufinefs, he was apprehenfive that on 
 his departure, the whole body of Maroons, 
 who had always manifefted not only de- 
 ference but affection for him, would come 
 to fee him off, and willing to prevent the 
 inconvenience as well as the reflexions to 
 which It might give rife, he induftrioufly 
 avoided all {how of preparation, and con- 
 fided folely in Smith, who, at his defire, 
 mifled the others as to the time of his quit- 
 ting the country. In confequence of this, 
 the addrefs which had been previoufly pre- 
 pared, was not received by the commiflary 
 till he had arrived at Bofton, in his way 
 to Jamaica. Thither it was difpatched 
 after him, and is as follows; 
 
 " To W. D. QuARRELL, Escb 
 
 " Sir, 
 " The Maroons hearing you are fhortly 
 to leave this country, the underfigncd, for 
 themfelves, and in behalf of the whole 
 body, beg leave to afTure you of their 
 unfeigned forrow for the neccifity of your 
 
 d<eparti:re
 
 ( 254 ) 
 
 departure from hence ; they beg leave to 
 aflure you, in the fincereft terms of gra- 
 titude, of the great regard they fhall ever 
 pay to your memory, for the great care 
 and attention you paid to all their wants 
 and intereft, during the time you had the 
 management of their affairs ; and fmce that 
 time, for the very friendly afylum they 
 always experienced at your houfe in Dart- 
 mouth, which rendered their fituation as 
 comfortable as could be for people in their 
 unfortunate condition. They hum.bly beg 
 you will lay before the Houfe of Aflembly 
 in Jamaica, their prefent diflreffes ; their 
 contrition and forrow for their pad offences 
 to their much injured country ; and ac- 
 knowledge the juftlce in the fentcnce of 
 banifhment paffed upon them ; but they 
 entreat the Houfe of Aflembly in the mod 
 fuppliant terms, they may be removed to 
 fome other country more congenial to 
 people of their complexion : the length 
 and feverlty of the two lad winters have 
 been fuch, as almofl: to drive them to de- 
 fpair : they appeal to yourfelf and Dr. 
 
 Oxley,
 
 ( ^55 ) 
 Oxley, who have been daily wltnefies of 
 their condu(5t, if they have not, at all 
 times, behaved themfelves in an honeft, 
 peaceable, and orderly manner, towards 
 every one : it is likewife with extreme pain 
 and mortification they fee immenfe ex- 
 pences incurred, without the leaft tendency 
 to promote their happinefs or comforts, 
 of which they conceive the government 
 and ifland are not fufficiently apprized : 
 if the Houfe of Aflembly will have the 
 gooduefs to take this into confideration, 
 they beg leave to aiTure them, in the moft 
 folemn manner, they will be perfectly 
 fatislied to live upon half the allowance 
 they at prefent enjoy ; ftrenuou/ly endea- 
 vour to provide for themfelves within as 
 fhort a time as poffible ; build their own 
 houfes ; and put the ifland to as fmall an 
 expencc as p' fiiblc : this tliey humbly con- 
 ceive might be r.ccompliriicd (by a fale of 
 their property here) for lefs money than 
 the ifland may be aware of: if the Houfe 
 of Afll'mbly has the gooduefs to take com- 
 paflTion on their fiiflerings, they fervently 
 
 hope
 
 ( 2^6 ) 
 
 hope you will return to them : having 
 already experienced your kindnefs on all 
 occafions, it would encourage them to 
 furmount every difficulty. God blefs you, 
 Sir, wifhing you a fafe paflage, and may 
 you live long and happy, is the fmcere 
 prayer of all the Maroons.. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 Colonel Montague James. 
 '" Colonel Johnson. 
 
 Major J. Jarrett. 
 Captain Smith. 
 Captain Charles Shaw. 
 Captain Dunbar. 
 Captain D. Sha-^v. 
 Captain J. Harding." 
 
 April 20th ^ ^797* 
 
 AVhatever had been the defaults of thefe 
 people, it was impoflible now to leave 
 them without feeling an intereft for their 
 future welfare, and the commiflary fore- 
 faw wuth great pain that their fcttlement 
 in Nova Scotia would neither conduce to 
 
 that,
 
 ( 257 ) 
 that, nor be advantageous to the inha- 
 bitants ; he had fully ftated his opinion in 
 a letter to a member of the AfTembly of 
 Jamaica *, but that opinion was lefs agree- 
 able to the Houfe than the reception of 
 the Maroons in Nova Scotia and the 
 flattering accounts they received from the 
 Governor of the Province. When the 
 commiflary's letter was received, it was 
 not too late to complete the original plan 
 of difpofing of the Maroons on the con- 
 tinent of America; but the Aflembly pre- 
 ferred the fcheme that was attended with 
 the leaft trouble, and, fatisfying their con- 
 fciences by voting a provifiori on an ample 
 fcale, gladly refigned them to the hands 
 of the Governor of Nova Scotia, who, 
 it muft be confcfled, dlfplayed a confi- 
 dence in the plan of keeping them in that 
 province, and fhowed a readincfs to efta- 
 blifh them, which it was not incumbent 
 on the ifland of Jamaica to withftand. 
 The commiflary, as foon as he found him- 
 
 ^- James Weddcrbnrn, Efq. The letter was made jMil)lic. 
 
 Vol. II. S Iclf
 
 ( 258 ) 
 
 felf at liberty to depart, took a paffage in 
 a veffel bound to the United States of 
 America, with the hope of expediting his 
 return to Jamaica, there being no like- 
 lihood of a fpeedjr opportunity from Hali- 
 fax. Unfortunately, when he got to New 
 York, a general embargo was laid on at 
 all the ports, in confequence of the depre- 
 dations of the French cruizers ; and being 
 detained in America while it lafted, it was 
 not till the end of October that he arrived 
 in Jamaica, where he found the AfTembly 
 fitting. 
 
 In the mean time the Maroons con- 
 tinued refractory, and the Governor of 
 Nova Scotia began, with fome reafon, to 
 be very weary of his charge, and heartily 
 to repent the encouragement he had given 
 to their remaining in Nova Scotia. It 
 muft be allowed his fituation was painful 
 and perplexing. He had at his doors a 
 large body of people diflatisfied with the 
 plan laid down for them, and refolute to 
 oppofe it by means which they hoped 
 
 would
 
 ( 259 ) 
 
 would fubvert it, the refufal to labour 5 
 and he anticipated the time when the fums 
 voted by Jamaica would be exhaufted, of 
 courfe when it would be neceflary for him 
 to difpofe of the Maroons without injury 
 to the province. Perhaps the anxiety that 
 refulted from this anticipation might have 
 been greatly relieved, if not wholly re- 
 moved, by refleding on the nature of 
 man, and the examples afforded by the 
 annals of the very province he governed. 
 Not only the natural indolence of men, 
 but their ftrongeft paffions, are fubdued 
 by neceffity. When abfolute want, when 
 flarvation is the alternative, work will be 
 reforted to. The American black loyalifts 
 were not long fupported ; and to this 
 moment the Germans fettled at Lunen- 
 burgh, in Nova Scotia, are a proof that 
 men will not die of famine when labour 
 will give them plenty. They were fed 
 for a confiderable time, during which 
 the country about them remained uncul- 
 tivated, and almoft in a wild flatc of 
 nature ; but when their fupport was with- 
 S 2 dravv'n,
 
 { 26o ) 
 
 drawn, the induftry of the Germans ren- 
 dered Lunenburgh the beft fource of fupply 
 to Halifax. Had the Maroons, on the 
 refolution of the ifland of Jamaica to limit 
 the grant for their fettlement to a certain 
 fum, been informed that they were in 
 future to provide for themfelves, had the 
 land and the money voted for their fervicc 
 been given up to them, had the eflablifh- 
 ment of a fuperintendant, chaplain, doctor, 
 fchoolmafter, &c. been reformed, an efta- 
 bUfhment never before thought of for 
 fettlers, nor originally contemplated for 
 thefe, and had they at the fame time been 
 told that the police of the government 
 would keep a ftrid watch over their con- 
 duct, for which they were amenable to 
 the law, the probable confequence would 
 have been that, finding they muft depend 
 upon their own exertions, and fenfible they 
 were not in a country where they could 
 retire to faftnefles, or defy authority, for 
 as a banditti they could not have exifted, 
 they would with their fhares of their pro- 
 perty have difperfed themfelves in various 
 10 parts
 
 ( 26l ) 
 
 parts of the country, where they would 
 have had the fame chance of religious 
 improvement that others had, and where 
 the fchoolmafters that inftruded the chil- 
 dren of the old inhabitants would have 
 inftrudted theirs. Be this as it may, the 
 Governor of Nova Scotia either did not 
 fee matters in this light, or thought it 
 incumbent upon him to perfift in his 
 endeavours to reclaim the idle colonv, to 
 inflrutl them, and, if pofTible, to render 
 them religious, happy, and ufefal. The 
 tafk was furely more than Herculean ; and 
 however we may admire the defign, we 
 cannot wonder at its failure. 
 
 Now fully convinced that the fum voted 
 would be infufficient, the Governor of 
 Nova Scotia, foon after the commifTary's 
 departure from Halifax, wrote another 
 letter to the Lieutenant-Governor of Ja- 
 maica, in which he aflured the legiflature 
 of the ifland, that the moft prudent and 
 cflicacious means were flcadily purfucd to 
 fettle tlic Maroons, and render them com- 
 S 3 pctent
 
 ( 262 ) 
 
 petent to their own fupport, but explicitly 
 declared that they muft in the mean time 
 be maintained by the ifland of Jamaica, 
 intimating that he could not doubt their 
 providing for an expence which he faid 
 was incurred at their requeft, for their 
 fafety and relief from the horrid dangers 
 of continual infurredion of their negroes, 
 which the Maroons would never ceafe to 
 contrive. He then gave the legiflature to 
 underftand, that they ftill had connexions 
 on many eftates, who they thought would 
 readily give into their views, if they, or 
 any part of them, could once get into the 
 mountains and faftnefles formerly occupied 
 by them. Having ftated what muft have 
 been fo alarming to the people of Jamaica, 
 the Governor proceeded to regret the un- 
 juftifiable infidlous praftices ufed to make 
 the Maroons difcontented, with which he 
 charged the commiflary's deputy, and ap- 
 pealed to the teftimony of the commlflary 
 hirafelf. He exprefled a belief that the 
 evil effedt of thefe pradices would be over- 
 come by prudent perfcverance, and that 
 
 the
 
 ( 263 ) 
 
 the people would in time fee thek error ; 
 adding, that many families were at work 
 with, perfedl good will and induftry, and 
 very thankful to the ifland. He farther 
 informed the Lieutenant-Governor of Ja 
 maica, that he had been under the necef- 
 fity of drawing bills on the Lords of his 
 Majefty's Treafury on account of the ifland, 
 declaring that he confided in the honour 
 and wifdom of the Government of Jamaica 
 to make a provifion for them, and for fuch 
 farther fupport as might be neceflary to 
 enable the Maroons to maintain them- 
 felves *. 
 
 Early in their feflions, the Houfe of Af- 
 fembly entered upon the coniideration of 
 the Maroon .affairs, a number of documents 
 on the fubje^l was laid before them, and 
 the arrival of the commiffary enabled them 
 to inquire minutely into the occurrences 
 that had taken place in Nova Scotia. The 
 Governor of that province had himlelf 
 
 * Votes of the AflcmUy, 17^;^. 
 
 S 4 referred
 
 ( 264 ) 
 
 referred them to him. Having made a 
 general report of his miflion to Lord Bal- 
 carres, he was more particularly examined 
 by a committee of the Houfe of Aflembly. 
 In his examination it appeared, that the 
 original plan of fettling the Maroon fami- 
 lies feparately was counteradbed by the 
 fyftem purfued after the arrival of the 
 difpatches from England approving their 
 reception in Nova Scotia ; that the manage- 
 ment of the new fyftem was conducted 
 by the Lieutenant-Governor, who had of 
 his own accord entered into a treaty for 
 the purchafe of lands, which the coramif- 
 fary did not fee till afterwards; that the 
 Maroons met with great difcouragement 
 from feveral people in Halifax who wrote 
 petitions for them, and alfo from neigh- 
 bouring fettlers who either wifheJ for 
 their removal, with a view to fucceed to 
 their houfes on eafy terms, or dreaded, 
 by their becoming induftrlous, a redudlion 
 in the price of labour ; that a fyftem of 
 inactivity was purftied from the time of 
 the furrender of the charge ; that fub- 
 
 fequent
 
 ( 265 ) 
 
 fequent to that farrender the Maroou 
 eftablifhment was enlarged, unneceflary 
 purchafes made, and much altercatioa 
 fupported among the perfons employ- 
 ed in the eftablifhment ; and that the 
 number of people employed in working 
 for the Maroons was very confiderably 
 augmented. The documents laid before the 
 Houfe, which were referred to the fame 
 committee, confifted chiefly of letters and 
 extrads of letters written by his Grace 
 the Duke of Portland, the Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Nova Scotia, and Mr. Sewell, 
 the agent of the ifland of Jamaica rcfiding 
 in London, the purport of which was, on 
 the one hand, to fhow that his Majefty's 
 minifters had by no at or cxprefllon taken 
 upon themfelvcs the charge of the Maroons, 
 or exonerated the ifland of Jamaica from 
 the expcnces arifing from their concerns ; 
 and on the other, that nothing farther 
 could be realonably expcdled of the people 
 of Jamaica than what the Icgiflature had 
 agreed to do, which was to provide the 
 Maroons vvltli cloathing and nccefl^arles 
 
 for
 
 { 266 ) 
 
 for their pafTage from the ifland, and to 
 maintain them for a reafonable time after 
 their arrival at the place of their deftination ; 
 that the Houfe of AfTembly never had in 
 contemplation the fettling of a diftinft 
 black peafantry in Nova Scotia, or of pro- 
 viding for an unufual fuperiutendency and 
 eftabllfhment ; and that they had relied on 
 the care of his Majefty's government* that 
 the tranfported delinquents fliould not be 
 imprudently ftationed. 
 
 It w^ould be abfurd to imagine that his 
 Majefty's minifters ever intended to pro- 
 vide at the expence of this country for 
 a body of exiles, and one cannot but 
 lament that the generofity they evinced 
 on this occafion fhould, by any mifcon- 
 ception, have been fo ill rewarded. I mull 
 repeat, it is to be regretted that the Af- 
 fembly of Jamaica did not immediately on 
 the information given them by their com- 
 miflary of the fituation of the Maroons, 
 which was foon after their arrival in Nova 
 Scotia, protefl againft the new arrange- 
 ments
 
 ( 267 ) 
 
 mcnts formed, and perfift in the original 
 plan, which might ftill have been executed, 
 at Icfs expence than they afterwards in- 
 curred : but it cannot be denied, that they 
 were eager to feize upon the conftrudion 
 afforded them by the letters of the Duke 
 of Portland and the proceedings of the 
 Governor of Nova Scotia, to get fpeedily 
 and entirely rid of the Maroon concerns, 
 fatisfying their minds with having provided 
 very liberally for them. The Duke of 
 Portland could have ated only in con- 
 fequence of the difpatches fent to him by 
 the Earl of Balcarres long previous to the 
 failing of the Maroons from Jamaica. His 
 Grace had indeed previoufly intimated that 
 he thought their removal from Jamaica beft 
 if it could be done with propriety, and 
 was therefore perhaps not unprepared for 
 the event, but it was on receiving Lord 
 Balcarres's difpatches, and before the arrival 
 of the Maroons at Halifax, that two letters 
 were written by his Grace, which juftified 
 the Governor of Nova Scotia in taking 
 them under his care, in which, however, 
 
 there
 
 ( 268 ) 
 
 there was no afTumption of providing uU 
 timately for any expence, but on the 
 contrary there was in one of them, the 
 expreffion of a full reliance on the ifland 
 of Jamaica for every expence attending 
 them. The firfl of thefe letters I have 
 already cited; * : of the other, which was 
 dated on the 15th of July 1796, the fol- 
 lowing is an extrat. " For the prefent 
 I have nothing farther to add, but to in-' 
 form you, that you are to draw on the 
 Lords Commiflioners of the Treafury for 
 fuch expences as you fhall be under the 
 neceflity of incurring in the execution of 
 this fervice, which you will take care to 
 conduct with the flrideft economy, and 
 to fend over, with your bills drawn on 
 their Lordfhips on this account, corred: 
 and proper vouchers, in order that their 
 amount may be repaid by the legiflature 
 of Jamaica, in the manner ftated in the 
 inclofed extract of my letter to Lord Bal- 
 carres : I muft, however, obferve, that the 
 
 * Ante, p. 21 1. 
 
 mode
 
 ( 269 ) 
 
 mode of providing for this fervice would 
 be much (hortened, if, upon communica- 
 tion with the commiflioner who accom- 
 panies the Maroons, fo me mode could be 
 adopted, whereby the expeiices you will 
 incur may be repaid by that ifland, through 
 its agent or otherwife, in the firfl inftance j 
 you will, therefore, give to this fuggeftion 
 your moft earnefl: attention." ' By this 
 letter the Governor of Nova Scotia was 
 thought to be indemnified and warranted 
 in conducting the Maroon concerns ; and 
 it fhould feem as if the minifter had never 
 been apprized of any other plan having 
 been fuggefted in Jamaica ; but the pro- 
 vifion for the fervice was clearly expedled 
 from the ifland, whether it was to be made 
 through the means of the commifTioners 
 of the Treafury, or more diredtly through 
 the ifland-commifTary to the Governor of 
 the province. Another letter from his 
 Grace the Duke of Portland to Sir John 
 Wentworth, dated the ifl: of November 
 1796, confirmed the opinion of the Plouic 
 of AlTerably, that the management of tlic 
 
 Ahuooiis
 
 ( 270 ) 
 
 Maroons, was confidered by his Majefty's 
 minifters to be in the hands of the Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, as there 
 his Grace faid ; " The manner in which 
 you have provided for the eftablifhment 
 of the Maroons is fuch, as in all refpedts 
 to meet with his Majefty's perfect appro- 
 bation ; the mode of defraying the necef- 
 fary expences of this eftablifhment is very 
 properly arranged ; and, as it is the exprefs 
 intention of the legiflature of Jamaica to 
 continue the provifion for the Maroons 
 until they fhall be enabled to fubfift 
 themfelves, the prefent arrangement for 
 defraying the expence will, of courfe, be 
 co-e^ttenfive with that period, without fub- 
 jeling Jamaica, and his Majefty's Go- 
 vernment here, to the fettlement of any 
 account for that purpofe." But in the 
 conclufion of this and in all the Duke 
 of Portland's letters, the ifland of Jamaica 
 is conftantly regarded as bound to provide 
 for every expenditure. The Aftembly of 
 the ifland were aware of this, but they 
 had now an alternative : they might either 
 
 remon-
 
 ( 271 ) 
 
 remonftrate, and claim the privilege of 
 fpending their own money in purfuing 
 a plan approved by themfelves ; or, they 
 might cut the matter fhort, and fay to the 
 Governor of Nova ScQtia, " you have taken 
 the whole condudl of the concern upon 
 yourfelf, and look to us only for money ; 
 be it fo : you fhall have all the money we 
 intended for thefe people, and five thoufand 
 five hundred and eighty pounds * more, in 
 confideration of the weight you remove 
 from our minds." They chofe the latter, 
 and after enumerating the fad:s by which 
 the Governor of Nova Scotia appeared to 
 them to have taken the charge of the 
 Maroons out of their hands, complaining of 
 his fending no accounts for fifteen months, 
 and adducing the moderate expencc of fet- 
 tling the loyal American refugees in the 
 fame province as a contrafled proof of their 
 
 * This fum v.-as the aggi'cgatc of ilie ten ponmls per 
 head voted for tlie year ending on the 22d of July l"()'^, 
 uiid was apprc)j)riattd to honouring the bills of the Gyv^nn); 
 fc Xciva Scoti:i to that amount. /'"v.Vj- nf /lji:,;hly, 
 
 I own
 
 ( 272 . ) 
 
 own munificence *, they were of opinion 
 that they were not in juftice called upon 
 for any farther provifion for the Maroons, 
 and adhered to their former refolutions J". 
 
 The Houfe of Affembly had now en- 
 tirely difburdened the ifland of all concern 
 with the Maroons, and the accounts of 
 the commiflary- general were examined 
 and fettled. The committee to whom they 
 had been referred, in making their report, 
 declared it to be their opinion, that the 
 commiiTary, notwithftanding he had been 
 prevented from exercifing fully his own 
 judgment in the fettlement of the Maroons 
 of whom he had the charge, had executed 
 the truft repofed in him, and difcharged 
 his duty to the ifland with diligence and 
 fidelity ; that he had in the courfe of fuch 
 
 * The number of thefc loyalifts was five hundred and 
 fixty, who were fubfifted for three years tor twenty-five 
 thoufand pounds flerling. For the Maroons who were not 
 more numerous, Jamaica had advanced twenty-eight thou- 
 fand in the firft year, and fix. thoufand in the fecond. 
 
 f Votes of the Aflembly. 
 
 fervice.
 
 ( 273 ) 
 
 fervice, fuffered great hardfhips and in- 
 dignities, owing to his bills, drawn on 
 account of the ifland, having been returned 
 to Halifax under proteft ; that he had 
 during his abfence from the country, been 
 at a confiderable expence in procuring 
 perfons to manage his eftate and affairs, 
 and otherwife been put to great cods and 
 charges : and they concluded with recom- 
 mending to the Houfe to grant him fuch 
 a fum of money as would be not only 
 a compenfation for his expences and fuf- 
 ferings, but alfo a liberal reward for his 
 meritorious fervices. The Houfe, in con- 
 fequence of this report, voted him the fum 
 of five thoufand pounds currency to be 
 paid by the Receiver-General in the month 
 of Auguft 1799, befides fundry expences, 
 and a balance of account due from the 
 ifiand. However this turn may be con- 
 hdered in the light of a remuneration for 
 fuch acknowledged fervices as had hccn 
 rendered by Colonel OuarreU to the llland 
 of Jamaica, it is not to be imagined that 
 it was in reality what it appears nominally. 
 Vol. IL T Tbs
 
 ( 274 ) 
 
 The lofs of intereft by the mode of pay- 
 ment, the difference between its being paid 
 in Jamaica and its being paid in England, 
 where he was indebted on account of the 
 illand, and its being confidered as covering 
 any further fums that might arife from 
 fubfequent accounts in the clofe of the 
 bufinefs in Halifax, certainly reduced the 
 real value of it to little more than two 
 thoufand pounds flerling. On this vote, 
 fo recommended and on fuch grounds, I 
 have but one obfervation to add : it was 
 unaccompanied with thanks.
 
 ( ^75 ) 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 
 Situation of the Maroons. Proceedings and Refolutions 
 of the Houfe of AJJembly of Jamaica fetit to Halifax, 
 'The Governor of Nova Scotia remonfrates, and 
 unexpeBedly prefers Charges againjl the Commijfary, 
 Nature of the Charges. How treated by the Com^ 
 mittee appointed to enquire into them. The Maroons 
 become a Burden on the Government. Propofal to the 
 DireSIors of the Sierra Leone Company. Their Mo-' 
 fives for confenting to receive the Maroons. Removal 
 of them to Sierra Leone, Their ConduB on their 
 Arrival. Their Importance in the Settlement. --'They 
 are eflablifljed in the Colony, Their prefent Characler. 
 
 A HE Maroons, now left entirely to the 
 diretion of the Government of Nova 
 Scotia, appear to have fometimes turned 
 their minds to employment and a con- 
 tinuance in the province, and fometimes 
 to have been totally bent on a change 
 of country, which they imagined inadlion 
 the beft means of efFeding. In tlie 
 fummer of 1798, a change in the fuper- 
 T 2 intendency
 
 ( 476 ) 
 
 intendency tdok place, and the chief ma- 
 nagement of the cftablifhment was given 
 to Mr. Chamberlain the fchoolmafter, who 
 it feems undertook it upon low terms. 
 He followed the wife plan of withholding 
 all allowance of provifions from thofe who 
 would not work, and had the fatisfadion 
 to find that refolutions made to ftarve 
 rather than labour, yielded to the calls of 
 hunger, and that inftead of dying, they 
 began to turn their woods into gardens 
 and cultivated fields. In the year 1799 
 we find them again refufing to work. In 
 the courfe of the winter their hope of a 
 removal had been revived, and before the 
 fnow was off the ground, they pretty 
 generally declared that they would never 
 fettle to making any improvements in 
 Nova Scotia. 
 
 About this time the proceedings of the 
 Houfe of Allembiy of Jamaica relative to 
 the M.iroou affairs in Nova Scotia, and 
 their reibiUtions upon tiie fubjeO:, arrived 
 in Halifax, and created much agitation in 
 
 the
 
 ( 277 ) 
 
 the minds of thofe concerned in them. 
 The report made by the commiflary- 
 general, and the examination he under- 
 went before the Houfe of Aflembly, were 
 not documents with which the Governor 
 of Nova Scotia could be pleafed. He im-, 
 mediately drew up a ftatement of fats, 
 and tranfmitted them, accompanied by 
 fome affidavits, to Lord Balcarres, to be 
 laid before the Houfe of Affeinbly, ex- 
 preffing his furprife and mortification that 
 they fhould have been deceived into fuch 
 refolutions againfl him, and declaring that 
 he looked forward to their doing him 
 juftice. The ftatement of fads contained 
 a variety of charges againft the commiflary, 
 upon whom the Aftembly called for an 
 aniwer. This he began in fo full a manner, 
 tlirowing fuch light on the fubjed:, that 
 the committee appointed to receive and 
 report it, though fatisfied as to the fads, 
 being unwilling that it fliould be put on 
 t]ic Journals of the Houfe, and pitying 
 tlic ai)lurdltics and glaring laconfiftcnclcs 
 that appeared in tlic attempt to Aipport 
 T 3 f'cvcr.xl
 
 ( 278 ) 
 
 feveral of the charges, requefted the cotn- 
 miflary as a favour to confine his anfwers 
 to eighteen which they pointed out, while 
 they rejeded the reft as unworthy of 
 notice. Thefe charges are heterogeneous, 
 beginning with an attack on his opinions 
 as a member of the AfTembly previous to 
 the tranfportation of the Maroons, repro- 
 bating his conduct in Halifax refpefting 
 the Maroon eftablifhment, cafting an odium 
 on his political principles, and ending with 
 a reflexion on his private concerns. I will 
 not trouble you or myfelf by entering here 
 into a particular difcuffion of this impeach- 
 ment, but I will fend you the eighteen 
 charges made on bare aflertion, and the 
 anfwers given on oath, that you may amufe 
 yourfelf with them at leifure*. When 
 any one, be his fituation in life what it 
 may, prefers charges againft men who, 
 defpifing life and fortune, devote them- 
 felves to the good of their country, he 
 ihould be very careful that they are clear 
 
 * See Appendix, No. 4. 
 
 in
 
 ( 279 ) 
 
 in proof and pure in motive, that they 
 ftand on facts, and come forward unat- 
 tended by fufpicion of perfonal refentment 
 or recrimination. The AfTembly would 
 have been juftified in rejecting the whole 
 with the fcorn with which they treated 
 a part of the charges ; becaufe they had 
 only to turn over the leaves of their own 
 Journals to find them completely refuted 
 in the words of the impeacher himfelf, 
 who in a letter to the Lieutenant-Governor 
 of Jamaica, written after the commiiTary 
 had refigned the whole concern, exprefles 
 himfelf literally as follows. " It is alfo 
 a duty of juftice to your lordfhip, and to 
 the ifland, that I fail not to reprefent Mr. 
 Quarrelfs condud in the fulled terms of 
 refpccH: and approbation; his unremitted 
 humanity, care, and attention, to every 
 thing that could be ufeful to the Maroons, 
 and fcnlible zeal for the honour and In- 
 tereft of his employers, certainly entitle 
 him to the lalling affedion of the Ma- 
 roons, aii.cl tlic mofl; dillinguinicd and 
 grateful confidcration of the govcniiucnt, 
 T 4 and
 
 ( 280 ) 
 
 and every inhabitant of the ifland of Ja- 
 maica*." Was there any thing more 
 wanting to fhow that the arraignment of 
 th commiflary's conduct was an after- 
 thought, was the fuggeflion of refentment 
 for the difclofure his examination on oath 
 had produced? Why in orations, com- 
 pofed in the fummer and autumn of 1798, 
 long after the commiflary had left Nova 
 Scotia, for the purpofe of defending the 
 purity of the Maroon eftablifhment, and 
 of reprobating the difturbers of it, was 
 no blame caft upon him ? Why in a letter 
 written by the Governor of Nova Scotia 
 himfelf fo long after as January 1799, 
 is he ftill mentioned with refped, or at 
 leafi: without cenfure f ? And why does 
 the accufation follow immediately upor^ 
 the arrival of the proceedings of the Houfe 
 of Aflembly of Jamaica at Halifax ? Put- 
 ting afide the recolledion of former fer- 
 vice?, fuch glaring appeals to common fenfe 
 would have dilcharged the Houfe frorrj 
 
 * Votes of the AfTcmbly. f Ibid. 
 
 every
 
 ( 28i ) 
 
 every obligation of attending to a firing 
 of angry and lefentful complaints, the 
 weak after game of an agitated mind. 
 But conceiving that delicacy required of 
 them fome notice of a ftatement proceeding 
 from a perfon holding a high and honour- 
 able office, a committee v^^as appointed to 
 inveftigate the charges. What became of 
 delicacy in the end ? The committee barely 
 reported that they had delivered certain 
 charges to Mr. Quarrell, who had anfwered 
 them on oath, which charges, anfwers, 
 and documents cited in them annexed to 
 the report, they begged leave to refer to 
 the Houfe, who agreed to the report, and 
 fcnt it up to the Governor. Agreeing 
 to the report was in facft agreeing to no- 
 thing ; it was indeed admitting that the 
 charges preferred had been anfwered, but 
 being entered on the Journals of the Houfe 
 without any remark, it fliould feem that 
 jufticc and gratitude were facriticed to falfe 
 delicacy : ff)r, although undoubtedly, as 
 ic was (aid at the time, the fa61s fjKjke for 
 themfelvc^, the coinniiflary had a right to 
 
 cxpeO:
 
 ( 282 ) 
 
 cxpel from the Houfe a public expreffion 
 of their fentiments on thofe fads. They 
 had, it is true, already declared, " that he 
 had executed the truft repofed in him, and 
 difcharged his duty to the ifland with 
 diligence and fidelity, in which he had 
 fuffered hardfhips, indignities, and loffes,* 
 and might think it needlefs to repeat a 
 declaration which it was clear they would 
 not retraCt. 
 
 Let us now return to the Maroons in 
 Halifax. The dilTatisfadion early created 
 among them was ftill foftered by their 
 pretended friends, or by thofe who wifhed 
 their abfence. They were made acquainted 
 with the proceedings of the Affembly of 
 Jamaica and the fubfequent occurrences ; 
 they thought themfelves injured, and pafled 
 the winter of 1799 in difcontent and mur- 
 murs. In this fituation they were become 
 a dead weight upon the hands of his Ma- 
 jefty's Government, the general expence 
 attending their fubfiftcncc amounting to 
 no lefs a funi that ten thoufand pounds 
 
 a-year.
 
 ( 283 ) 
 
 a-year *. It was therefore neceflary to adopt 
 fome meafure refpeding them ; and in de- 
 vifing means to difpofe of them in the beft 
 manner, the minifter thought of the fet- 
 tlement of Sierra Leone. Eight years 
 before, the negro loyalifts of America, 
 "who refided in Nova Scotia, had been 
 induced to quit that country and to join 
 the colony in Africa, where they very foon 
 became turbulent and unruly, and pro- 
 ceeded to the moft criminal lengths, even 
 to attempting the life, of the Governor. 
 This fpirit, though checked at firft, was 
 never fubdued, and it continued to en^ 
 danger the very exiftence of the colony. 
 This confideration had great weight in 
 inducing the directors of the Sierra Leone 
 Company to receive the Maroons. At 
 firft, indeed, when the propofal was made 
 to them by the Duke of Portland, they 
 wiOied to decline it, from the difficulty 
 they had found in governing the Nova 
 Scotia blacks, but upon reflexion they 
 
 * See the evidence fupjjorlm;;; llic report of :i coni- 
 n^ittcc of tlie lioufc of Coiaiiioni iclpciiuii;; oierni J.co.ic, 
 t)t lliu 25U1 ot May 1802. 
 
 formed
 
 ( 284 ) 
 
 formed a notion that the Maroons woul4 
 ferve as a counterpoife to them, a notion 
 thai muft have been the refult of a very 
 different mode of reafoning from that 
 which had been ufed for their tranfpor- 
 tation from Jamaica, v^here the idea once 
 entertained of their forming a counterpoife 
 in favour of the government had been 
 given up, and where their reiidence was 
 conhdered as favourable to future rebel- 
 lions. I will not renew this topic, but 
 we fhall prefently fee the event of the 
 hope indulged by the diredtors of the 
 Sierra Leone Company, who, on being 
 promifed payment of the adual expence 
 incurred in fettling the Maroons in Afri- 
 ca, confented to receive them. The firft 
 intention of the company was to fix the 
 Maroons at a Httle diflance from the chief 
 town of the fettlement, but it was found 
 imprr.dicable. They embarked at Halifax 
 in the autumn of the year i8co, and 
 arrived at Sierra Leone in the month of 
 Oclobcr. On their arrival, their principles 
 were immediately put to the teft. An 
 
 in fur-
 
 ( 285 ) 
 
 infurredion had taken place among the 
 Nova Scotians, who imderftanding that 
 means were about to be ufed for efta- 
 bUfliing the company's authority, had en- 
 deavoured to poflefs themfelves of the 
 government*. Had the Maroons been 
 the difclples of revokitlonary emiflaries, 
 or the abettors of anarchy and equality, 
 they would in all probability have joined 
 the people of their own complexion to 
 extirpate the white tyrant : on the con- 
 .Xrary, they joined with alacrity in quelling 
 the infurredion. Some of the infurgents 
 were killed, many taken and tried, a few 
 executed, and feveral baniihed. A iyilem 
 of order was introduced by the Governor 
 and Council, fupported by their new power 
 and authority; and when another fuclccii 
 and unexpected blow wr.s aimed at the 
 fettlcmcnt by fome native cliicfs, the Ma- 
 roons took ;m active part in rc|)uirmg the 
 the afiailants, and forcing tlicm to remove 
 from the nciglil.iouiiiood of tlic colour. 
 " The power of tlic Nova Scotia [Mii'iy 
 
 * Ki'Dorl to llic iioulc of Coi:i'iiji:> uf ]\!.,\ 25;!! IC.?. 
 
 9 ^-^-'5
 
 ( 286 ) 
 
 being broken," fay the committee of the 
 Houfe of Commons, " the internal peace 
 of the fettle ment is no longer endangered 
 by the number of difafFe(Sted Nova Scotians. 
 The charader of the Maroons is now 
 become a fubjed: of more importance ; for 
 the male adults among the Maroons are 
 full as numerous as the remaining male 
 adults of the other clafs of fettlers *." 
 
 Lots of land were given to the Maroons ; 
 but though they have at different times, 
 cultivated ground to a confiderable extent, 
 no great dependence is placed on their 
 Heady purfuit of agricultural plans. Having 
 now brought you to their eftablifhment in 
 Sierra Leone, I have little more to add 
 refpeding them, for I fee nothing to in- 
 tereft you in returning to Halifax, to ftate 
 who were pleafed or difpleafed, who won 
 or loft by their removal, or to give an 
 account of the fale of the property that 
 had been purchafed for them in Nova 
 Scotia. I cannot, however, better conclude 
 
 * Report of May 25lh, l8o2. 
 
 mv
 
 ( 287 ) 
 
 my hiftory of them, than by giving you 
 their charader at the time of their tranf- 
 portation from Jamaica, in the words of the 
 Governor of that province, and their prefent 
 chara^Ster, as drawn in the language of the 
 committee of the Houfe of Commons 
 appointed to examine the petition of the 
 diredtors of the Sierra Leone Company. 
 " I have converfed," fays the Governor, 
 '* with the bell informed and mod fenfiblc 
 among them, and cannot difcern any ma- 
 lice or revenge in their fentiment; that 
 they in f3.Cc regreited the war, and thought 
 themfelves purfuing felf-prefervation only. 
 In' thefe communications they mention the 
 Spanifli dogs as objeds of terror, from the 
 wonderful reprefcntations of them, but that 
 they had never fufF^rcd by, or even feen 
 them "*." " The Nova Scotians," fays the 
 report of the committee of the Houfe of 
 Commons, " are now much awed by the 
 Maroons, and look up to Europeans for 
 
 * Letter from Sir Juhn Wcntwortli to tl.c Diikc of 
 Portland, dated, HaliTcix, 20lh Stptcn'.'on, s^c/k Vctcs of 
 /IJfonlly, 18-1. 
 
 2 pro-
 
 ( ^^^ ) 
 
 protection. The Maroons are adive and 
 intrepid, prodigal of their lives, confident 
 of their ftrength, proud of the charader 
 of their body, and fond, though not jea- 
 lous, of their independence. They uni- 
 verfally harbour a defire of going back, 
 at fome period of their lives, to Jamaica, 
 and therefore may with more difficulty be 
 induced by profpeQs of future benefit to 
 labour for the improvement of their habi- 
 tations or plantations. Thefe circumftances 
 render them a people not eafy to be go- 
 verned, and to be brouf^ht into that ftatc 
 of fociety v/hich would beft promote the 
 civilization of Africa. The fuppreffion of 
 polygamy among them has been hitherto 
 deemed an experiment too hazardous to 
 be tried, and no fair opportunities have 
 yet occurred of afcertaining how far they 
 will fubmit quietly to fuch reflraints of 
 the civil power as arc moil; repugnant to 
 their inclinations and habits. But there 
 are favourable points in their cliaradler. 
 Though they do not dclire lnilru(ftion for 
 themfelves, thev arc qlad to have it com- 
 
 muuicatecj
 
 ( 289 ) 
 
 municated to their children, who appear 
 to poflefs very good capacities. They 
 have no jealoufy of Europeans ; on the 
 contrary, they appear to he cordially attached 
 to them^ and w^ifh to fee an increafe of the 
 number of white colonifts. They are ge- 
 nerally difpofed to labour for hire ; many 
 of them fliow a great defire to acquire a 
 knowledge of handicraft trades ; and fome 
 of thera, who have turned their attention 
 to fuch trades fince their arrival at Sierra 
 Leone, have become far more expert work- 
 men than could have been expected. This 
 defire will probably be ftronger in their 
 children, who will be brought up in habits 
 very different from thofe which were 
 formed and confirmed in their parents by 
 their fituation in Jamaica." 
 
 Vol. II. U
 
 ( 290 ) 
 
 LETTER XVII. 
 
 Influx of Foreigners in Jamaica.-^ Alarm caufed by a 
 Letter ivritten by Santhonax.' Rebellion of runanvay 
 Slaves.~The Acccmpong Maroons and Companies of 
 Woodmen employed to reduce them.-^The Rebellion quel- 
 led.' Evacuation of St. Domingo. ^ucjlion as to the 
 raifmg Regiments cf Black Troops. Alternative offered 
 lyy the Cclomal Lcgiflature Agreed to by his Majeflys 
 Miniflers. Grant for building Barracks in the Interior 
 of the Country.' Alarm on Sufpicion of Black Troops 
 coming to the Ifland.Frefh Influx of French Emigrants 
 and their Slave s.'" Arrival of the Guadaloupe Rangers. 
 The Affanhly retnonflrate. Trade with St. Domingo 
 kept open ly Tcuffaint. A Commrrcial Commiffiomr 
 appointed. Mr. Douglas the Commiffioner difcovers a 
 ProjeB for invading Jamaica. Renders Service to 
 the American States, and fcrivards Intelligence t9 
 famaica by ivhich the Project is defeated. Spoliations 
 at Sea in confluence of the Spanijb War."- Alteration 
 in the Eccleftaflical Affairs of the Ifland. ^teflion 
 refpecting the Judges. Kingflon made a Corporate 
 Toion. Numerical Tables relative to the State of tJn 
 Ifand, 
 
 IT remains for iiic to lay before you the 
 
 ilate of Jamaica for the ]a!l ten years. 
 
 II The
 
 { 291 ) 
 
 The mod "ftriking and irttereftlng feature 
 of that period is the Maroon war, the 
 events of which, and its confequences, I 
 have already related to you, referving for 
 this portion of my tafk the fubjeds uncon- 
 nefted v^^ith it. 
 
 The revolt of the negroes in St. Do- 
 mingo, the breaking out of the war be- 
 tween Great Britain and France, and the 
 abolition of all manner of flavery in the 
 colonies by the French proclamation, placed 
 Jamaica in a new and awful pofition. 
 Very foon after the arrival of the Earl of 
 Balcarres, we faw it naturally creating 
 anxiety and fufpiclon. In the year 1795, 
 no lefs than 1199 French perfons, in con- 
 fequence of a proclamation, notified their 
 refidence in Jamaica, and, from the dif- 
 perfion caufed by the progrefs of the re- 
 volution, frefh numbers were conftantly 
 arriving in the ifland. Intrigues and con- 
 iplracies were apprehended. Strict in- 
 (|uiries were made without difcovering any 
 ground'^ for them capable of proof. La 
 U 2 Fitte
 
 ( 292 ) 
 
 Fitte and Murenfon, two prevaricating 
 fools, were examined, and although there 
 was not fufEcient evidence of guilt to bring 
 them to a trial, they were confined and 
 fent off the country; and the Houfe of 
 Aflembly requefted the Governor to remove 
 all the French from the ifland to Great 
 Britain or to St. Domingo. However 
 anxious the public mind, no events oc- 
 curred during the remainder of the year 
 1796, after the tranfportation of the Tre- 
 lawney-Town Maroons, to difturb the 
 tranquillity of Jamaica, although intelli- 
 gence was communicated by the Governor 
 in the end of December of the war with 
 Spain. In the courfe of the next year 
 a flight alarm was raifed by a letter re- 
 ceived by Lord Balcarres from General 
 Simcoe, who had fucceeded General Forbes 
 in the command at St. Domingo in the 
 month of March. It covered the copy of 
 one from Santhonax, the commiflioner of 
 the Frencli Government at St. Domingo, 
 to General Beauvais Leogane, dropped in 
 the plain of the Cul dc Sac, in the neigh- 
 bourhood
 
 { 293 ) 
 
 bourhood of Port au Prince. By this it 
 appeared that he had laid a regular plan 
 for a defcent on Jamaica, and for planting 
 the tree of liberty in Kingfton: but the 
 ftyle of the compofition, and the rodo- 
 montade of the fcheme, juftify the idea 
 of the letter having been exprefsly dropped 
 to be picked up. The plan was never 
 attempted, but the great influx of foreign- 
 ers this year created much uneafinefs, and 
 laws and regulations were made to prevent 
 their being dangerous. The year 1798 
 was pregnant with alarm of feveral kinds^ 
 which w^ere by no means groundlefs. In 
 February, a banditti of runaway flaves, 
 w^ho had formed themfelves into a body 
 under a negro named Cuffee in fome of 
 the Trelawney mountains, came down 
 upon the neighbouring fettlers and com- 
 mitted depredations. They gradually in- 
 creafcd in confidence and in numbers, and, 
 before the month of June, had become fo 
 formidable, as to excite the greatcft alarm 
 in the part of the ifland they infcfled : it 
 v;as even faid, that the danger the country 
 U 3 was
 
 ( 294 ) 
 
 was now threatened with, was much 
 greater than that occafioned by the Ma- 
 roons*. This, however, could have been 
 only a hafty opinion arifing from the 
 proximity of the banditti ; for neither their 
 number nor their enterprifes are to be at 
 all compared. The party under CufFee 
 amounted to forty-three ; and it was thought 
 there was another party of thirty in the 
 fame parifh. A confidcrable band of them 
 attempted to furround and deftroy a houfe f 
 in which there were three white men, one 
 of whom was (hot, but the other two, 
 aflifted by a faithful negro named Billy, 
 foiled all their endeavours to burn the 
 houfe, and finally forced them to retreat. 
 Thefe poor wretches fcem to have had no 
 determined obje(St : Cuffee, the head of 
 them, and Polydore, were actuated by a 
 fplrit of revenge againft the mafter to 
 whom they belonged, and to kill him was 
 the extent of their views. They were 
 heard to fay, that they were determined 
 
 * Votes of the AfTembly, 1793. 
 
 f Steele and PauIctt-;.--Thi3 fettlement h marked iu 
 tbc map of the feat of v.-ar. 
 
 to
 
 ( 295 ) 
 
 to bum all the back fettlements In that 
 part of the country, and drive all the people 
 that were there before them, that they 
 might get room ^o go to Hampftead to 
 kill their mafter, declaring that if they 
 once got him they would be done *. The 
 recolledlion, however, of the difaftrous and 
 perilous ftate of the ifland in 1795 and 
 1796 was too lively to admit of the 
 flighted degree of fupinenefs. The ap- 
 prehenfions of the mountain fettlers and 
 neighbouring planters were tranfmitted 
 v/ithout delay to the Governor, who or- 
 dered feveral parties Into the woods to 
 follow and reduce the rebels. A fucceflion 
 of letters, not only from private perfons, 
 but from the cuftos and magiftrates of 
 Trelawney, painting the terror infpired by 
 t-he banditti, and ftating the depredations 
 committed by them, induced Lord Bal- 
 carres to convoke the Aflembly at an un- 
 ufual time, and they met on the 12th of 
 June. His Lordfhip informed the Houfe, 
 
 Votes of AfTembly, 179S. 
 
 U 4 rhcit
 
 ( 296 ) 
 
 that he confidered the rebellion to be dan- 
 gerous in the extreme, unlefs the moft 
 vigorous meafures were, without a mo- 
 ment's delay, adopted to crufli it; that he 
 conceived the militia, however refpelable 
 in other points, not well calculated to fol- 
 low and reduce the runaway flaves, nor 
 the regular troops adequate to it ; and he 
 earneftly recommended the raifmg of three 
 companies of trufty negroes of the beft 
 defcription, under white officers, each com- 
 pany to confift of feventy privates, for the 
 purpofe of conftantly ranging the cock- 
 pits, and the woods adjoining. On the 
 fame principle he advifed the employment 
 of the Accompong Maroons ; " a body of 
 men," faid he, " who have ever remained 
 faithful to their king and country." Ads 
 were immediately pafled empowering the 
 Governor to raife three companies of 
 woodmen, to be compofed of Indians, 
 free perfons of colour, or trufty negroes ; 
 and to employ the Accompong Maroons ; 
 and the Aflembly, after a fliort feffions 
 of eleven days, was prorogued. Armed 
 
 with
 
 ( 297 ) 
 with the power beftowed by thefe ads, 
 Lord Balcarres foon fent againft the rebels 
 that kind of force which was calculated to 
 reduce them, and in a fhort time they 
 were difperfed and heard of no more, fo 
 that when his Lordfhip met the Aflembly 
 again in the month of 0<i^ober following, 
 he congratulated them on its being, in eafe 
 and quietnefs, freed from domeftic trouble 
 and alarms, and while the ifland enjoyed 
 a ftate of unexampled happlnefs and pro- 
 fperity. This tranquillity, however, did 
 not long remain undifturbed : at the very 
 time that the Governor was congratulating 
 the Aflembly, an event had taken place 
 which was preparing for Jamaica frefh 
 anxieties and alarms. A bloody, or rather 
 mortal and fuccefblefs, war had been car- 
 ried on for live years in St. Domingo, 
 which terminated in the neccfhty of eva- 
 cuating that ifland, and of leaving the 
 inhabitants of it to tlie horrors brought 
 upon them by the princi}')lcs of the French 
 revolution. It was finally abandoned :n 
 Odtobcr 1798, and the troops from the 
 
 ^ T 1 
 
 1 . i O I c
 
 ( 298 ) 
 
 Mole and the Grand Ance, amounting alto- 
 gether to a thoufand, embarked for Jamaica. 
 During the adminiftration of General Wil- 
 liamfon, the raifmg of regiments of black 
 troops had been fuggefted and highly 
 approved of by his Majefty's minifters at 
 home, who afterwards, when Lord Bal- 
 carres condudted the government, directed 
 him to recommend the adoption of the 
 plan to the Houfe of Aflembly. The 
 Houfe, however, feeing nothing but mif- 
 chief in fuch a plan, ftrenuoufly oppofed 
 it, declaring it to be of a mod dangerous 
 nature, being totally fubverfive of that 
 colonial fubordination, on which depends 
 the fafety of the lives and properties of 
 all his Majefty's fubjecfts fettled in the 
 Weil Indies ; and they entered into a re- 
 folutlon, that if ever the plan of embodying 
 negroes to be employed off the illand 
 were carried into execution by orders from 
 England, it would be neceflary for the 
 Houfe to adopt meafures for preventing 
 fuch negroes from ever returning to Ja- 
 maica. The miniftry, not equally fenfible 
 
 of
 
 ( 299 ) 
 
 of the apprehenfions entertained by the 
 members of the Hoiife of Aflembly, want- 
 ing troops for fervicc in the torrid zone, 
 and conceiving trufty negroes inured to 
 the climate beft calculated for that fervice, 
 perfifted in urging the fcheme as rational, 
 and unattended with danger. The colonial 
 legiflature could not vauquifli their fears, 
 and were tenacious of their opinions ; but, 
 to foften the pertinacity of their refufal, 
 and at the fame time to obviate the juft 
 objeftions againft the influence of the 
 climate on Europeans unaccuftomed to a 
 hot country, they propofcd, on condition 
 of the negro fcheme being abandoned, to 
 be at the expence of raifnig four battalions, 
 to confift of two thoufan^d men, to be 
 attached to the ifland for its defence, and 
 to be maintained and paid by the inha- 
 bitants : the men to be cnlifted under a 
 promife of being provided with fmall fet- 
 tlements in the interior parts of the coun- 
 try at the end of a certain number of years, 
 from five to nine ; and they intruded 
 their agent in London to arrange with his 
 
 Majcdy's
 
 ( 300 ) 
 
 Majefty's minifters the means beft adapted 
 for procuring perfons of the defcription 
 moft fuitable for the fervice intended, and 
 at the fame time to fend out the wives 
 and families of fuch non-commiffioned 
 officers and privates as were married. De- 
 firous of manifefting their efteem for the 
 Governor, they alfo paiTed a refolution 
 to inftru(9: their agent to exprefs to his 
 Majefty's minifters their wifti that hia 
 Majefty would beftow on the Earl of 
 Balcarres the command of thefe battalions : 
 an honour which his Lordfhip, though 
 fenfible of this teftimony of efteem, thought 
 proper to decline. On receiving the pro- 
 pofals for raifing two thoufand men, the 
 minifter offered in lieu of them the ift 
 and 4th battalions of the 60th regiment, 
 w^hich the Houfe of Aflembly accepted. 
 The off*er, however, was attended with a 
 condition of the battalions being changed 
 at the King's pleafure, which the legiflature 
 of Jamaica acquiefced in, expreffing, never- 
 thelefs, their reliance on his Majefty's foli- 
 citiKle for the welfare of the colony to 
 8 prevent
 
 ( 301 ) 
 
 prevent any fuch change taking place, un- 
 lefs on great and unforefeen emergencies, 
 in which the ifland fhould be diredtly 
 implicated; it being evident, they faid, 
 that the removal of the two battalions, 
 after they had been acuftomed to the cli- 
 mate and the nature of fervice beft calcu- 
 lated for the defence of the - ifland, and 
 after forming expedations of obtaining 
 fettlements in the Interior, to be replaced 
 by other troops, not inured to the climate, 
 and not fufEciently trained for the parti- 
 cular fervice, would entirely defeat one of 
 the great objects the Houfe had In con- 
 templation, that of adding to the popula- 
 tion and militia of the ifland. This being 
 fettled, the AflTembly refolved that barracks 
 (hould be built in the interior of the 
 country for the new force expetfled, and 
 voted fifty thoufand pounds to be at the 
 order of the Commander in Chief for their 
 pay and fubfift:ence, and for providing ac- 
 commodations for them. 
 
 While
 
 ( 302 ) 
 
 While the Houfe of Aflembly was thus 
 employed in meafures for preventing any 
 confiderable military force being formed 
 of negroes, they were fuddenly alarmed, 
 on the evacuation of St. Domingo, by in- 
 telligence that the troops employed there 
 were coming to Jamaica. Among thofe 
 troops were the negro regiments embodied 
 by General Williamfon, and a meflage was 
 immediately fent by the Houfe to the 
 Governor, defiring to know whether any 
 of the troops expeded confifled of negroes 
 or people of colour, and requefting that 
 he w^ould give orders for preventing all 
 perfons of that defcription from being 
 landed any where in the illand. Although 
 It does not appear that Lord Balcarres 
 coincided in the fentlments of the Aflem- 
 bly refpefting negro corps, his Lordfhip 
 felt it his duty to ad; conformably to them. 
 He not only affured the Houfe that he 
 had not been informed of any fuch corps 
 coming from St. Domingo, but he took 
 meafures to fend from the ifland all perfons 
 of that defcription dikipprovcd of by fliem. 
 
 The
 
 ( 3^3 ) 
 
 The negro corps embodied by General 
 Williamfon were difbanded in St. Domin- 
 go, where of courfe neceflity would drive 
 them to feek for engagements among the 
 contending inhabitants. Scarcely was the 
 country relieved of apprehenfions that had 
 arifcn from the impolicy of admitting 
 negro regiments in the Weft India colo- 
 nies, when the Houfe of Aflembly again 
 took the alarm at the new and extraor- 
 dinary influx of emigrants in confequence 
 of the evacuation of St. Domingo, fome of 
 whom brought with them a great number 
 of flaves. Near fix hundred of thefe negroes 
 were fent from the diftrid: of St. Jeremie 
 at the expence of government, and con- 
 fiderable numbers alfo from Mole St. Ni- 
 cholas. About the fame time too, the 
 Cuadaloupe Rangers, a regiment of people 
 of colour, fmding the polls at St. Domingo 
 evacuated, had been obliged to proceed to 
 Jamaica, where they landed on ihe ift of 
 December. I'he Lieutenant-Governor, in 
 giving official information of thefe events 
 fo the Aflembly, alRired the Houfc that 
 
 the
 
 { 304 ) 
 
 the Guadaloiipe Rangers fhould be re- 
 embarked as fpeedily as poflible: but, in 
 fpeaking of the emigrants, he recommended 
 to the confideration of the Aflembly their 
 fituation and that of their negroes, who 
 had preferred voluntary flavery under a 
 humane government to freedom under 
 the rulers of St. Domingo. Their matters 
 he defcribed as perfons of the moft meri- 
 torious charadter, the conftant and ftrenuous 
 defenders of the facred principles of religion 
 and good order, and as having a juft claim 
 by their conduct as Britifh fubjedts to the 
 protection of the Britifh crown, the bene- 
 volence of his Majefty, and the liberality, 
 hofpitality, and commiferation of the ifland 
 of Jamaica. The Aflembly, in reply, de- 
 clared that they fympathized with the 
 misfortunes of the French royalifts, but 
 that, after the moil ferious deliberation, 
 they were of opinion that the introdud:ion 
 of more of the French, particularly people 
 of colour, negroes, and flaves, from St. 
 Domingo, Vv'ould endanger the fecurity of 
 tli.^ ifland, aiul iifcreafc the alarm and 
 
 dlf-
 
 { SOS ) 
 
 dlflatlsfafliion already created. They fald 
 that had the evacuation of St. Domingo 
 been even forefeen, it would but have 
 required the greater precaution, and that 
 as the operations there, were not under- 
 taken to advance the particular interefl of 
 Jamaica, they could not concur in a mea- 
 lure which they apprehended would difturb 
 the tranquillity of the ifland, however libe- 
 ral or dignified, in theory, the fentiments 
 that pleaded for the continuance or admif- 
 fion of French flaves into the country. 
 The Governor continued the advocate of 
 the unfortunate emigrants; but in vain did 
 he endeavour to undeceive the Aflembly 
 in their opinion that the operations in St. 
 Domingo were not undertaken for the 
 intcrcR-S of Jamaica, afierting folcmnly, 
 and In the mofl unqualified manner, that 
 the pofcs in the former, from which the 
 unfortunate perfons in queftion had been 
 compelled to retreat, were confidered both 
 by the fpirit and letter of his Majefty's 
 commands, as out-pofts maintained folcly 
 fertile fc'curity of the latter; in vain did 
 Vol.. II. X he.
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 he urge his Majefty's intentions of granting 
 lots of land to thefe unhappy perfons in 
 fome part of the Weft Indies ; the Houfe 
 felt a temporary jealoufy in fuppofing that 
 they faw a degree of obfcurity caft over 
 the mind of the executive government, 
 refpeding the future welfare of Jamaica, 
 by the immediate fufferings of foreigners ; 
 and a fecret Committee of Safety reported 
 that French flaves had been introduced 
 into the ifland contrary to law, that the 
 exifting laws were fufficient to rid the 
 interior of the country of them, that the 
 Governor had not given any aflurance 
 that they were not to be continued in the 
 ifland, and that it appeared from evidence 
 taken before a committee of the Houfe, 
 that their introdudlion had been encouraged 
 by the Executive Government. Finding 
 that the apprehenfions of the Aflembly 
 were not to be allayed by argument or 
 humane recommendations, every ftep was 
 taken by the government to infure imme- 
 diate fafety, and almoft all the foreign 
 negroes were ultimately removed from 
 
 Jamaica,
 
 ( Z^7 ) 
 Jamaica ; fome to be landed in Martlnico, 
 and others to be fettled at Trinidad. 
 
 Another fource of alarm arofe from in- 
 telligence of an intended invafion of the 
 ifland, projected in St. Domingo. On fur- 
 render of the pofts there, by General 
 Maitland, Touflaint L'Ouverture, among 
 other ftipulations, had confented that a 
 Britifh commiffioner fhould be permitted 
 to refide in that colony, for the purpofe of 
 regulating and prote(5ting the trade which 
 it had been agreed by the treaty ihould 
 be kept open with Jamaica: the govern- 
 ment accordingly appointed to that office 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Grant, a gentleman who 
 had ferved during the whole war in St. 
 Domingo with great credit. In a very 
 fliort time fuch obftacles were oppofed to 
 this trade, that no great benefit Teemed 
 likely to accrue from it, and as Colonel 
 Grant was a military man, Touflaint 
 thought it common policy to objed: to 
 admitting him in the characler of the com- 
 mercial commiffioner. The hope of im- 
 X 2 proving
 
 ( 3o8 ) 
 
 proving the trade, however, was not 
 relinquifhed, and to fupply the place 
 of Colonel Grant, it was neceflary to 
 procure a perfon poflefled of talents, ad- 
 drefs, and a perfedt knowledge of the 
 French language. Thefe were found united 
 in a gentleman of the name of Douglas*, 
 who had been bred to the bar, but who 
 at that time held a lucrative poft in the 
 office of the agent for fupplying the troops. 
 A more fuitable choice could not have 
 been made: Mr. Douglas, inflamed with 
 a defire to ferve the illand, refigned the 
 poft he filled in Jamaica, accepted the 
 appointment of commercial commilTioner, 
 and embarked for St. Domingo, He foon 
 not only reconciled Touflaint to the ap- 
 pointment, but in no fmall degree ingra- 
 tiated himfelf with him. From a perfel; 
 familiarity with the language and manners 
 of the French, he eftablifhed an intimacy 
 with them which led him into a thorough 
 
 * Charles Douglas, Efq. one of the younger fons of 
 the gentleman mcationed io a former rote. 8ee Vol. I. 
 p. 131. 
 
 knov/-
 
 ( 309 ) 
 knowledge of the ftate of the country, and 
 of the various plans formed by the Direc-* 
 tory of France againft the fafety of the 
 Britifli colonies, particularly Jamaica. By 
 his addrefs and vigilance he difcovered the 
 objcd: of Citizen General Roome's million 
 to St. Domingo, which was to raife forces 
 and make a defcent with brigands on 
 Jamaica, for the purpofe of revolutionizing 
 the country, by caufuig an infurredtion 
 among the Haves. With this view a body 
 of brigands, called the Legion DiaboliquCy 
 and feveral other corps, were raifmg at 
 Cape Francois, while Touflaint was en- 
 gaged on the fide of Port-au-Prince in 
 hoftilities againft Rigaud, who was at the 
 head of an army cf mulattoes and negroes 
 in the country about Aux Cayes. Roome 
 applied to ToufHiint for aid, w^hich he 
 refufed, on pretence of having occafion 
 for all his troops ; and certainly he and 
 Rigaud were maintaining a moft bloody 
 conflict againft each other : but, whatever 
 were his motives, it is clear he wc'LiM 
 not give the afliftancc required of him 
 X 3 by
 
 ( 310 ) 
 
 by the French Diredory. Confidering 
 himfelf as the man who had obtained the 
 furrender of the colony from General 
 Maitland, and who had expelled the Bri- 
 tifh arms, he conceived that he was the 
 beft judge of the immediate purfuits rnoft 
 requifite for the French colonial interefts. 
 He had a dangerous foe to fubdue, and 
 a diftraded country to reduce to a ftate 
 of order. He affeded to treat the invafibn 
 of Jamaica as an enterprife to be con- 
 fidered at his convenience ; faying, that an 
 army was unneceflary to fubvert a govern- 
 ment which would quickly fall before a 
 few of his proclamations. He appears in 
 fad to have been averfe to any hoftile 
 attempt in Jamaica : not fo Citizen Roome, 
 who was moving all the powers of Ja- 
 cobinifm againft it. Informed of thefe 
 proceedings, Mr. Douglas became impa- 
 tient to dive into the arcana of the pro- 
 jeded plan, and determined to vifit the 
 Cape in perfon. At lirft Touflaint refufed 
 him a paffport, reprefenting to him the 
 dangers he had to encounter j but Douglas 
 
 per-
 
 ( 3" ) 
 
 perfevered and prevailed, he pafled hlmfelr 
 for a Frenchman, and under the protedtion 
 of ToufTaint's name, accomplifhed his en-" 
 terprife in fafety. While he was at the 
 Cape, he rendered the American States a 
 fignal fervice, by apprizing them in time 
 that the French intended to feize upon 
 their fhips to execute their project of in- 
 vading Jamaica ; and thus, in putting the 
 Americans on their guard, deprived Roome 
 of one of his revolutionary refources, and 
 eflentially impeded his manoeuvres in the 
 outfet. Continuing his vigilance unabated, 
 he completely made himfelf mafter of the 
 plan of invafion, and difcovered the names, 
 charatSlers, and routes, of two fpies who 
 had been fent to Jamaica to pave the 
 way for "the enterprife. He gave imme- 
 diate information of thefe circumftances to 
 the Lieutenant-Governor, fo accurately de- 
 fcribing the fpies and their veflel, then 
 lying in Kingfton harbour, that the fecret 
 drawer containing their projects, plans, 
 and other papers, was fecured before they 
 were aware of being fufpedted. One of 
 X4 the
 
 ( 32 ) 
 
 i 
 the fpies, named Dubolfon, faved his life 
 
 by making a full difcovery of the pro- 
 jed of his raiffion. The other, whofe 
 name was Safportas, was folemnly tried, 
 and executed with an awful parade that 
 had due cffe^ ; for Kingfton, at that time, 
 was full of French people, among whom 
 it was believed there were fomc accelTaries 
 to the plot. The plan for invafion was 
 a very impotent one, founded on corre- 
 fpondent attempts in Kingfton confined 
 to certain French brigands and prifoners. 
 Some ftands of arms were dug out of the 
 fand near the Polygon at Fort Charles, 
 and a box of national cockades was com- 
 mitted to the fea in the harbour to be 
 floated afliore, but was picked up by a 
 fiflierman between Fort Augufta and Port 
 Henderfon. Thefe fats gave alarm, but 
 they were not attended with any con- 
 comitant circumftances of danger to the 
 ifland. Safportas, who was an outrageous 
 Jacobin, feemcd actuated by a hope in the 
 mere poilibillty of fucceis from an attempt 
 in which he might eventually obtain fome 
 1 1 credit.
 
 ( j^3 ) 
 credit. Duboifon had been a captain in 
 DefTource's regiment in the Britifh pay in 
 St. Domingo, and declared that he had been 
 induced by poverty, on the evacuation of 
 that country, to offer his fervices to the 
 enemy. Before they were difcovercd, 
 Safportas ufed to undertake nocturnal ex- 
 peditions, under pretence of influencing 
 the Charles-Town Maroons, and other 
 negroes, in which he boafted to Duboi- 
 fon of great fuccefs. This, however, w^as 
 deception ; though he was undoubtedly 
 infpired with the warmeft fervour of Ja- 
 cobinifm, he did little but endeavour to 
 make himfelf important in the opinion of 
 Roome, whom he was felicitous to infpirit 
 with confidence of fucceeding in the at- 
 tempt. Mr. Douglas, after nearly a year's 
 refidence in St. Domingo, returned to Ja- 
 maica, whence he was fent with difpatches 
 to England, where he arrived after a fhort 
 detention at fome French port, into which 
 he had been carried a prifoner. Having at- 
 tended the minifter on the fubjecft of his dif- 
 patches, and remained in England fonic time 
 
 in
 
 ( 3H ) 
 
 In liope of his fituation and fervices being 
 confidered, he was referred for compenfa- 
 tion to the Houfe of Affembly of Jamaica, 
 who voted him the fum of five hundred 
 pounds fterling. Senfible, however, of his 
 merit, Mr.- Dundas procured him the 
 agency for the ifland of Curafgoa, an olEce 
 from the emoluments of which he might 
 have received a benefit, had not peace 
 fo foon fucceeded. In whatever point of 
 view Mr. Douglas's fervices might have 
 been confidered, it is certain that he was 
 far from being a gainer by them. He not 
 only gave up a lucrative appointment, but 
 fpent more than two years of his life 
 in tranfading the affairs of the country'-* 
 All were indeed unanimous in granting 
 him unbounded applaufe, but in refpedl to 
 compenfation, various were the opinions. 
 It is difficult to account for this back- 
 wardnefs of gratitude in an Aflembly, who 
 had been prompt enough in fome other 
 inftances to teftify the impreflion made on 
 their minds by fervices of various kinds, 
 which I fliall probably have to record 
 
 before
 
 { 35 ) 
 
 before I conclude my tafk ; ferVices of a 
 very eflential nature, but in which, com- 
 paring them with thofe of Mr. Douglas and 
 thofe of Colonel Quarrell, I find this dif- 
 ference, that the fervices of thefe gentlemen 
 referred to paft events and dangers removed 
 and over, w^hereas the fervices alluded to 
 had no reference to the paft, but combined 
 the actual and future interefts of the co- 
 lony. I know not whether this be a na- 
 tural difpofition in congregated bodies, but 
 it is not uncommon in individuals : he 
 whofe life has been faved by another, 
 is feldom fo grateful as he whofe interefts 
 in life are promoted, and in whofe welfare 
 the benefador continues concerned. 
 
 When France afliimed a foverelgnty 
 over Spain, and forced that abjed country 
 into an alliance againft Great Britain, its 
 ports in the Weft Indies poured forth a 
 fwarm of feluccas and fmall privateers, 
 which hovering round the ifland, did con- 
 fiderable damage to the trade, particularly 
 the coafting trade. From their conftrudtion 
 
 and
 
 { 5^6 ) 
 
 and llghtnefs they were enabled to elude 
 our cruifers, and derived great advantage 
 from the knowledge of our coafts, ob- 
 tained by the Spaniards in their trade 
 with the ifland, which, though contra- 
 band, was winked at by the Govern- 
 ment. Thefe, uniting with banditti of 
 Frenchmen, compofmg crews of mulattoes 
 and negroes, moftly flaves emancipated and 
 let loofe in St. Domingo by the frenzy of 
 Jacobinifm, committed great fpoliations, 
 and were feldom captured by our cruifers, 
 which were not fufficiently light or adapted 
 to the purfuit of fuch petty veflels, and 
 which were generally at ftations more 
 diftant, where it was likely they would 
 fall in with enemies of more weight. The 
 want of our manufactures, and of a market 
 which the Spaniards had ever depended upon 
 for the fale of their colonial produdlions, 
 induced adventurers to renew, in the midft 
 of hoftilities, the old traffick, under the fanc- 
 tion of BritiOi pafies, which were granted 
 on our fide, and the ufe of which was 
 perhaps not difcouraged by the Spanilh 
 
 gover-
 
 ( 31? ) 
 
 governors, for it was on either fide a 
 fource of emolument. In confequence, 
 a very hrifk trade with the town of King- 
 flon enfued, that occafioned a great influx 
 of fpecle, of which a confiderable part 
 found its way to St. Domingo, and was 
 fwallovved up in fupport of that melancholy 
 and deplorable warfare, which perhaps 
 averted the conteft from the fhores of 
 Jamaica, but in which Great Britain fe- 
 verely fufFered, not only by tae imavailing 
 expenditure of her treafure, but by the 
 lofs of an immenfe number of her inva- 
 luable troops. 
 
 During the agitated period of the war, 
 the colonial legiflature took into confidera- 
 ration the fituation of the clergy of Jamaica. 
 In the month of November 1797, the 
 clergy of the ifland prefented a petition to 
 the Houfe of Aflembly, ftating, that the 
 eftablifliment of many of the incumbents 
 was inadequate to their fupport, and that 
 the provifion for their maintenance had 
 been made in the year 1748, a time when 
 
 the
 
 ( 3i8 ) 
 
 the value of money was much greater 
 than at this period. The Aflembly, on 
 inquiry, found that by a ftatute of Charles 
 the Second, no ecclefiaftical law or jurif- 
 diction had any power, in any cafe what- 
 ever, to infli<St penal mulcts or punifh- 
 ments, and that one of George the Second, 
 without diredly repealing that ftatute, in- 
 vefted the Bifhop of London with the 
 exercife of ordinary jurifdidion in the 
 ifland, as it appertained to the regimen of 
 the clergy, but not with authority in re- 
 fpedl to the prefentation or indudion to 
 any of the churches or parifhes in the 
 ifland. It v/as at the fame time obferved, 
 that no ecclefiaftical jurifdidion had ever 
 been exercifed by any deputation or au- 
 thority from the Bifhop of London, and 
 it was fuggefted that in future the exercife 
 of ordinary jurlfdidion appertaining to the 
 ecclefiaftical regimen of the clergy fhould 
 be vefted in the Governor. It was alfo 
 noticed, that the incomes of the clergy- 
 men were very unequal, and that the 
 regulations refpeding the ftlpends, rendered 
 
 the
 
 ( 3^9 ) 
 
 the redors in fome meafure dependant on 
 the churchwardens for the payment of 
 them. The want of provifion for the 
 widows and orphans of the clergy, and 
 other defeds in the ftate of the* church, 
 were obvious : on which a law was pro-r 
 pofed and pafTed, for the better eftabllQi- 
 ment of the clergy, for building churches 
 and parfonage-houfes, and for eftabllfhing 
 a fund or provifion for the fupport and 
 maintenance of the widows and orphan 
 children of deceafed clergymen. By this 
 a6t, which was pafl'ed on the 23d of 
 December 1797, means are provided for 
 enforcing the eredting of churches, to be, 
 as well as thofe already erected, exclufively 
 confined to divine purpofes ; and for build- 
 ing parfonage-houfes : the redors of the 
 pariihcs are bound to appropriate a certain 
 portion of time in each Sunday, either 
 before or after the performance of divine 
 worfliip, for the inflruclion of every free 
 peribn of colour, and of every (lave, 
 willing to be baptilcd and inftrudcd in 
 the dolrines of the Chridian religion, and 
 8 for
 
 ( 320 ) 
 
 for the performance of this duty to attend 
 in church: the fllpends of all the relors 
 in the ifland are made equal, and directed 
 to be paid quarterly by the Receiver- 
 General, at the rate of four hundred and 
 twenty pounds a-year, exclufive of the 
 *feveral annual fums given by law as a 
 compenfation for burials in the church : 
 and a fund is eftablifhed for the fupport 
 of widows and orphans of deccsifcd reftors, 
 by a dedu<flion of ten per cent, from the 
 ftipends, to be vefted in the commiffioners 
 appointed by law for ftating and fettling 
 the public accounts, as a loan to the public, 
 bearing an interefl; of fix pC7' cent.^ which 
 intcreft is to be applied to the fupport and 
 maintenance of the widows and orphans. 
 At the time of pafTmg this a<S:, the Houfe 
 of Aflembly, in an audrefs to his Majefty, 
 prayed that a power might be vefted in 
 the governor of the ifland to cenfure, fuf- 
 pend, or remove, any clergyman who 
 might be complained of, in fuch manner, 
 and according to fuch regulations as the 
 legiflature of Jamaica fhould provide for, 
 
 with
 
 ( 321 ) 
 
 with a right of appeal, on removal, to any 
 court in Great Britain his Majefty fhould 
 approve. This wifh of the AfTcmbly was 
 fubmitted to the confideration of Sir Wil- 
 liam Scott, his Majefty*s Advocate-General, 
 who was of opinion that the propofed 
 delegation of the power of ecclefiaftical 
 regimen over the body of the clergy in 
 the ifland, in the hands of lay governors, 
 who are unacquainted with the nature and 
 exercife of the paftoral office, was liable 
 to objections of no inconfiderable weight. 
 This opinion is written with fuch elegance 
 as well as learning, that I fhould grieve 
 to abridge it ; the whole, which is addrefled 
 in a letter to his Grace the Duke of Port- 
 land, fhall therefore accompany this*, and 
 I {hall only here add, that in confequence 
 of his recommendation, his Majefty was 
 pleafed, in his character of Supreme Head 
 of the church, to decide upon nominating 
 three or more rcfped:able clergymen of the 
 ifland to be his commifTaries, for the pur- 
 
 * Sec Appendix, No. 5. 
 
 Vol. II. Y pofc
 
 ( 322 ) 
 
 pofe of exerclfing, jointly and fynodically, 
 ecclefiaftical difcipline over the clergy, 
 with powers, under certain reftrldlions, 
 of punifliing offenders. The Bifhop of 
 London being confuhed on the fubjedt, 
 exprefled his willingnefs for the ac- 
 complifhment of the meafure, and the 
 legiflature of Jamaica was informed that 
 as foon as they had repealed the a<St by 
 which this part of the royal fupremacy 
 had been transferred to the Blfhop, a proper 
 inflrument appointing commifTaries fhould 
 be prepared and tranfmitted. The a<ft was 
 immediately repealed, and on the nth of 
 December 1800, the inftrument, appointing 
 John Campbell, Redor of St. Andrews; 
 Thomas Rees, Re(flor of Kingfton; Thomas 
 Warren, Redor of St. Elizabeth ; Francis 
 Ricard, Redor of St. James's ; and R. S. 
 Woodham, Redor of St. Catherine's, his 
 Majefty's Ecclefiaftical Commiflaries, was 
 fent by the Governor to the Houfe of 
 Affembly, who voted falaries for a regifter 
 and an apparitor. 
 
 In
 
 i 3^3 ) 
 
 In the civil departments few alterations 
 have been made within the laft ten years. 
 A bill was brought into the Houfe of 
 Aflembly to enable the King to appoint 
 barrifters of a certain ftanding, judges of 
 the fupreme court of judicature and courts 
 of affize in the ifland, to hold their com- 
 miflions quamd'tu fe bene gejferint^ but it 
 never palTed into a law. The appoint- 
 ments ftill remain with the governor of 
 the ifland, who has fmce made a barrifter 
 chief juflice. It has been frequently a 
 queftion among the colonifts, whether 
 the planters, gentlemen of education, were 
 not fufficiently well informed for all the 
 purpofcs of adminiftering juftice between 
 man and man, and it has been generally 
 thought by them, that they were. It may 
 be obferved, that in fmall communities, 
 where the laws as well as the cafes arifmg 
 upon them arc few, a knowledge of buli- 
 nefs, with good fenfe and integrity, may 
 be all that is requifite , but when tlie laws 
 arc very numerous, and cafes are multi- 
 plied infmitcly, a nicety of jutlgment, 
 Y 2 which
 
 ( 3H ) 
 
 which can be gained only by ftudy and 
 habitual attention, will be required to folve 
 the intricacies naturally iffuing from the 
 great variety of fads, and from the ingenuity 
 of men in the mifapplication of principles. 
 But if this obfervation applies to courts 
 of law, it muft alfo apply to courts of 
 equity, where, particularly in Jamaica, 
 moft of the queftions relative to large 
 properties are decided, and accordingly the 
 propriety of the chancellor's office being 
 difcharged by military men, as it generally 
 is in Jamaica, has been frequently denied. 
 It is true that an appeal in all great cafes, 
 either of law or equity, lies to the King 
 in Council, but it muft be remembered 
 that the expence is enormous. 
 
 To this long letter I have only to add, 
 that the great increafe of the number of 
 the inhabitants of Kingfton, and the vari- 
 ety of alarms that had been given to the 
 country, rendering the ftridteft attention 
 to the police of the town neceifary, an a<Sl 
 was pafled in the year 1801, conftituting 
 
 a cor-
 
 { 3^5 ) 
 
 a corporation for the better ordering and 
 managing the police of the town and parifli 
 of Kingfton, with proper and adequate 
 powers. 
 
 With this you will receive numerical 
 ftatements relative to Jamaica from the 
 lateft accounts I have obtained, which will 
 enable you to form a tolerable accurate 
 judgment of the ftate of the ifland in thofe 
 refpedts. 
 
 Jn Account of the ^lant'ity of Tonnage 
 received Into the fever al Ports of Jamaica^ 
 from the \fl of January 1793, to the 
 2/^h of November I799 
 
 Ve.r 
 
 Britifli. 1 
 
 Foicign. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1793 
 
 109,551 
 
 2,232 
 
 111,783 
 
 1794 
 
 139.784 
 
 37^875 
 
 177,659 
 
 1795 
 
 I 10,856 
 
 55-^>95 
 
 166,551 
 
 1 796 
 
 88,088 
 
 74'774 
 
 162,862 
 
 1797 
 
 88,652 
 
 35'>2 3 
 
 i24'575 
 
 1798 
 
 121,085 
 
 4^.338 
 
 169,423 
 
 1 '799 
 
 109,319 
 
 68,886 
 
 178,205 
 
 Y3 
 
 An
 
 { z^e ) 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 *'J03 JO 'sqi 
 
 U04J03JO sSeg 
 
 I i-^ <-- M-i PJ Q ^ t--vO P 
 I u-^ u-iOO ^/^^0 "^ '^ "It '^ ^ 
 
 CO -- 00 CO - >^VC - "- 
 OOi--OcoCn'^-OVO 
 
 Cn c\ *^ N Cnoo r^ -> ~t '^ 
 
 *^ -^vo r- i- 
 
 0\ p ^ <*^ 
 O 00 r-~ C\ 
 covo r-~ On 
 
 >^ OS 
 00 O 
 
 r? d 
 
 CO 
 
 sSEg 
 
 S 
 
 loo c/^"- O ir-ii-i coON-t-eo 
 
 u-i i'^ M crivo r^ >-<~iCC On 
 
 1 'i 't'^ '^ *^ '^ *7r 9. 
 0\^ doNMOoec r< -t-t^ 
 
 N N N >- >-< 
 
 S>OB-> 
 
 O '^ t~-vO 00 VO O CO 
 
 M u^iocoMOCNO " -i-0\ 
 ^ vi^ On -" CO "H t^vo VO to 
 
 U) 
 
 O 
 
 sSea 
 
 S>f}B3 
 
 to lo loOO -^00 O Cn On 
 O O VO i^ On to tooo CO r^ 
 
 VO coos N O Tl- CO to N O 
 
 CO O "i- O O\00 C) CO fj 
 1-1 N N - - 
 
 N < \0 -J 0\ 0\ tTN CO 
 VONNONto-N'^-i-iN 
 
 ^ ^.'O N --' M -j- 
 
 I' OnO to-4-cOTj O -1-co 
 t-> r^ t^-vo VO cooc Lo i^ 
 00 toTj-oo-^r) OncoloO 
 "_'-' '->' N - -'_'-'_N 
 
 o CO "^ 6 -^ 'co'~'~> vo On N 
 to t1-0O -< f^l N VO I>- CO 
 
 t^oc vooo Oco O QCNC 
 
 4- C?> C) ^ O t^ t^OO t^ 
 COCQCOrj-cl "t-copOTJ-rt- 
 
 <!U03ipunj 
 
 s[3ijBa 
 
 PjTi-'J-oocOCO MC'- 
 Tt- M N to to^O f) CO On O 
 VO P) N 00 r^ CONO VO t)- 
 
 "-I ^ C N 
 
 esDJSTX 
 
 bCi 
 
 spi;9qjSoH 
 
 , NiCt^OCOtoCCN-^to 
 
 I (S tocoOVO c co-O O 
 
 |r^>-i tor-^CNt-^totor^-^ 
 vo--^OvO On^ c<-. coco to 
 
 to N "" C> coo r^ r^ i-H tJ- 
 t^COto-H i-,0\to-+to-^ 
 to toOO N COCO ^- CO N tTN 
 
 i^ Ovco Onco r-- " vc CO o^ 
 t^oo CO CO r^co O On M o 
 
 CO -J- toVO r-oo ov O d 
 JBS/;^ I ON On ON On ON C> OnJD O O 
 
 I ^ 
 
 t^ t^ l>- t-OD CO 
 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 P4 
 
 X 
 
 c: 
 
 Tl 
 
 o 
 
 
 "-A 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 \^ 
 
 c 
 
 
 <u 
 
 * 
 
 cu 
 
 
 Oi 
 
 
 <
 
 ( 327 ) 
 
 An Enumeratiofi of other Exports^ confnied 
 to the Tear 1799. 
 
 Logwood andfuftick, 139704 
 tons. 
 
 Logs and planks of Maho- 
 gany, 2,876. 
 
 Gum guiacum, 62 calks and 
 boxes. 
 
 Indian arrow root, 24 caflcs 
 and boxes.- 
 
 Cador oil, 236 cafks. 
 
 Turmerick, 397 bags. 
 
 LaticewooJ fpars, 2,230. 
 
 Ebony, 21 tons. 
 
 Hides, 38,379. 
 Supple-jacks, 822 bundles. 
 Oil nuts, 10 cafks. 
 Indigo, 19 caflcs. 
 Shrub, 23 cafks. 
 Cocoa, 468 cafl<s, 9055 bags. 
 Cow horns, 7130. 
 Lignumvitie, 67 tons. 
 Goat flcins, 46. 
 MelaCTes, 420 caflcs. 
 Planks of yellow fanders, 39. 
 Barrels of fruit, 910. 
 
 An Account of the Imports of Provisions 
 from Great Britain and Ireland^ from the 
 if of Septe?nher 1798, to the if of Sep- 
 tembcr 1799. 
 
 Flour, 826 puncheons, 3,336 
 barrels. 
 
 Ship Bread, 2,729 butts, 
 1,619 hogflieads, 2,300 
 barrels, 8430 bags. 
 
 Salt Beef, I>I99 tierces, 
 13,752 barrels, 3,298 half- 
 barrels. 
 
 Salt Pork, 712 tierces, 
 14,699 barrels, 3,41 1 half- 
 barrels. 
 
 Pcafe, 3,610 caflcs. 
 
 Hcrn'iigi;, 122.428 barrels. 
 
 Butter, 19,740 Hrkins. 
 
 Frnm the ai ov? ftatcmcnt may be fecn, in one point of view, the 
 immenf- advaiit3gcs drriveJ from the i.'ljnrt of Jamaica to the cornmcrce 
 and navi^'ti'^n oi' (Ircat Brit.'in, exdufive of thole arlfing to her commerce 
 and rr jr.!i'.i> jiPi (rom the imj'ortavijn of all th'^"thei articles required for 
 the ro:;loT.p i-n of the iflind, and fi>r carrying on i( ()I:(afa:i' ns ;ind oth-r 
 fer-.I-incn's, Srouht (iire(f\ly I'ro-n I rr.V. Ilriliin and IrfianI, iii Uriliih 
 and iiii'n iii'ipi't;, I'.e amount of which is ahn j.'l ir-^-alcjUtit. 
 
 Y 4 An
 
 ( 3^8 ) 
 
 An Account of the Importation^ Export attony 
 and average Prices of Slaves^ from No- 
 vember 1792, to November 26tb 1799. 
 
 Year.. 
 
 Slaves im- 
 ported. 
 
 Slaves ex- 
 ported. 
 
 Average 
 Price. 
 
 
 Kingf- 
 ton. 
 
 Monte- Kingf- 
 goBay. ton. 
 
 Monte- 
 go Bay. 
 
 Sterling. 
 
 1792 
 
 1793 
 1794 
 
 795 
 1796 
 
 1797 
 ,798 
 
 >799 
 
 2>I7I 
 
 20'355 
 3.257 
 i'>459 
 
 7.967 
 io>374 
 
 9>659 
 
 IO,2S6 
 
 i,'89 
 
 5,980 
 
 227 
 
 990 
 
 i>4'9 
 982 
 
 215 
 
 '.330 
 4>2i4 
 2,199 
 2,941 
 
 655 
 62 
 
 186 
 
 184 
 
 76 
 
 12 f 
 
 26 
 
 20 
 
 A5 16 10 
 46 9 9 
 
 42 17 II 
 5' 6 3 
 
 5' I 5 
 
 58 11 8 
 
 72 4 10 
 
 Account of Slaves^ Stock, Acres of Landy 
 Land and Foil-Tax, of iSo I, 
 
 Slaves, 
 Stock, 
 
 Acres of land, 
 Land-tax, 
 Poll tax, 
 
 307,094. 
 
 213,137. 
 
 2,203,64a. 
 
 SS,090 19 3?. 
 
 ^Qh799 19 lo- 
 
 EJllmale
 
 ( 329 ) ' 
 EJiimateoftbeWATs and Means for 1802. 
 
 Poll-tax, . . . 
 Ditto, arrears cf 1 80 1, 
 Deficiency, two quarters of 1802, 
 arrears of 1801, 
 
 Land-tax 
 
 Ditto, arrears of 1 80 1, 
 Negro duties, . . , 
 Rum duties, ... 
 Additional duties. 
 Arrears of former years taxes. 
 Surplus of Revenue, , 
 
 Stamp duties, .... 
 Debts, .... 
 Fees on private bills, 
 
 . 
 
 140,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 i8,oco 
 
 
 
 
 
 andl 
 
 25,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 42,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 1,500 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 50,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 8,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 7,500 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 20,0c 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 1 6,oco 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 38,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 1,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 200 
 
 
 
 
 
 Balance of calh, 
 
 ^6'], 200 
 
 202,005 
 
 o o 
 3 4 
 
 ^569,205 3 4. 
 
 Returns from the fever al Maroon Towns 
 for 180]. 
 
 
 Moore 
 Town. 
 
 Charles 
 Town. 
 
 Scotts ! Accompong 
 Hall 1 Town. 
 
 Men 
 
 Boys 
 Women 
 Girls 
 Children 
 
 53 
 
 20 
 
 ^3 
 
 12 
 
 no 
 
 65 
 Officers 7 
 
 30 
 81 
 24 
 
 54 
 Invalidi 2 
 
 i3 
 
 12 
 10 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 25 
 47 
 1 1 
 
 15 
 
 278 
 
 263 
 
 46 
 
 36 
 
 Grand total, 7:3. 
 
 An
 
 ( 3^0 ) 
 
 An AbJlraSi of the General Returns of the 
 Militia in the Tears 1796 and 1797. 
 
 1797- 
 . 1259 1210 
 
 Surry infantry, . 
 
 . 1864 
 
 774 
 
 Middlefex infantry, . 
 
 . 2557 
 
 2230 
 
 Cornwall infantry. 
 
 . 2116 
 
 2189 
 
 Total of infantry, 
 
 6537 
 
 6193 
 
 Total of militia, 
 
 . 7796 
 
 7403 
 
 fFe6livcs. 
 
 
 EiFedives. 
 
 Cavalry, , . 
 
 104 
 
 9^5 
 
 Infantry, . 
 
 . 5843 
 
 5323 
 
 6885 6288 
 
 The years 1796 and 1797 were thofe when the militia 
 were called moft into aftion. In 1792 the number was 
 greater, viz. the general return, 8172 ; efFeftive, 7315. Of 
 the infantry in 1797, there were 1331 people of colour, 
 and 469 blacks. 
 
 A De-
 
 ( 33^ ) 
 
 A Detail of the Barracks^ and the Numbers 
 each JJjould contain^ as propofed by General 
 Nugent^ the pr-efent Governor of Jamaica^ 
 dtf playing the regtdar Forces flationed in 
 the IJland, 
 
 Hsad-qoarters. 
 73 rUp-Park-Camp, - 
 
 A 
 
 N (_ Stoney-Hill, - 
 . f Charles-Town, - 
 
 w 
 
 ) 
 
 - L 
 
 Trelawney-Town, 
 
 c 
 c 
 
 ^ j 
 
 3f 
 
 Fort Aiigufta, 
 
 Detachments. 
 
 Kingfton, 
 Port Royal, 
 
 Burke's, between Port \ 
 Antonio and Bath, | 
 Near Marchioneal, - 
 Port Antonio, 
 Port Maria, 
 
 Quafhie River, in 7 
 Black Grounds, _} 
 Falmoutli, 
 Montego Bay, 
 Lucca, 
 
 FBrt Dundas, - 
 Savanna la-Mar, 
 
 Spanifli-Town, 
 Tuclve Apoltk'd 
 
 Ij-itter)', 
 Fort Clarence, 
 
 tRoyr.l(Rryan 
 .rtillcry , ( 
 
 PortRoyr.l(Rrval 
 
 At 
 
 No. 
 
 Tot. 
 
 1200 
 
 
 50 
 
 
 o 
 
 '330 
 
 500 
 
 500 
 
 3=0 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 200 
 
 
 ICO 
 
 
 50 
 
 750 
 
 300 
 
 
 2CO 
 
 
 3c 
 
 
 3- 
 
 
 50 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 90 
 
 730 
 
 500 
 
 
 ico' 
 
 60; 
 
 3o| r,9c 
 
 *- v^t. 
 
 7: 
 
 T,.f:tl
 
 ( 3S2 ) 
 
 LETTER XVIIL 
 
 Culture of new Canes. Soils. Remarks on Night' 
 Work during Crop. Improvement in Sugar-making 
 by Higgins. New Hints on the SubjeSf. NegleSi 
 of Gardening. The Botanic Garden. Clove Tree. 
 'The Bread Fruit. Propofed Improvement of the 
 Navigation of the Gulf of Mexico by ere^ng Light- 
 Houfes. 
 
 X HE ftatements accompanying my laft 
 packet will fhow you, at one view, the 
 increafe of fugar, cofFee, and all the other 
 articles produced in Jamaica, and the ex- 
 tenfion of its commerce. They likewife 
 lay before you the extent of the land in 
 cultivation, the augmented number of 
 flaves, the mode of raifing the revenue of 
 the ifland, the returns of the Maroons 
 remaining in the country, and a view of 
 the forces, regular and militia. You are 
 not now to expeO: from me a narrative 
 of fuccefTive events, but information and 
 obfervations on a variety of mifcellaneous , 
 4 topics
 
 ( 333 ) 
 
 topics refpe^ting the ftate of the ifland. 
 The firft naturally prefenting itfelf is that 
 of agriculture, and the improvement of 
 the chief ftaple. With the nature of the 
 cane in general, and of the manufacture of 
 fugar you are already acquainted, I fhall 
 only touch upon what is novel. In the 
 years 1794 and 1795, feveral vefTels ar- 
 rived from Antigua and St. Kitt's in dif- 
 ferent ports of the ifland, where they 
 landed for fale a great quantity of the 
 joints of a fpecies of cane of a larger 
 growth than that which had been hitherto 
 cultivated in the ifland, and which a few 
 years before was the only kind cultivated 
 throughout the Britifli, French, Spanifli, 
 Danifh, Dutch, and other fugar colonies. 
 The other had found its way into Antigua, 
 Guadeloupe, and Martinico, where it was 
 foon extenfively cultivated. It had been 
 imported with feveral other fpecies, larger 
 than the ordinary cane, from the iflands 
 of Bourbon and Mauritius in the Eafl 
 Indies, whether they were probably brought 
 ftill farther from tlie Eall, it is named 
 
 the
 
 ( 3.34 ) 
 the Bourbon, or Otaheite, cane. A fmall 
 quantity, hardly worth mentioning, had 
 been raifed in Jamaica. The tops now 
 imported were bought up with the greateil: 
 avidity, at the rate of twenty-five pounds 
 per hundred, each top containing from 
 four to fix eyes, and the heft being culled, 
 the remainder fold for five pounds per 
 hundred. They were cultivated for fale, 
 and foon extenfively fuperfeded the fmall 
 cane, which held its ground chiefly in 
 thofe parts w^here, from the nature of 
 the foil, a regular annual fucceflion of 
 growth, called ratoons, rendered a repeti- 
 tion of planting unnecefTary ; thefe ratoons 
 rifing from the firft planting, after the 
 clearing of the woods, on the fame ftock, 
 thirty, forty, fifty years, and fometimes 
 longer, as in the parifh of Trelawney 
 and a great part of St. James's. The 
 new cane, however, gained a confiderable 
 footing in thofe pariihes. The Bourbon 
 is particularly diflinguifhed from the com- 
 mon cane by its fize and height, it being 
 four times as large, and much higher. 
 
 The
 
 ( 335 ) 
 
 The canes rifing from the centre of the 
 flock, afe by their weight incUned from 
 a perpendicular in all directions around the 
 root: its top, however, is lighter in pro- 
 portion than that of the common cane. 
 It is attended with fome difadvantages. 
 When ground in the mill, it affords lefs 
 fuel, and the tops, in comparifon with the 
 ordinary cane, being infinitely fmaller, do 
 not yield an adequate proportion of fodder 
 for the flock : they are belides very coarfe, 
 and, according to the fize of the cane, pro- 
 duce fpicula of a harder and more inflexible 
 kind, confequently are not fo digeflible 
 or wholefome as the tops of the common 
 cane j whence a change of food or pafture, 
 as of guinea grafs or other graffes, is more 
 frequently neceffary than in the courfe of 
 a crop of the common cane, in order to 
 correvTt the effeds of the cane-tops. The 
 Bourbon is faid, upon an average, to yield 
 at leafl one third more fugar per acre than 
 the old cane, and this, although the fugar 
 produced by the former is known to be 
 fpccifically lighter by an eighth or tenth, 
 5 than
 
 ( ii^ ) 
 
 than that produced by the latter. Another 
 of its valuable properties is, that the juice 
 of it is eafier cleaned, and a quicker repa- 
 ration made of the dirt and mucilaginous 
 fcum by a due proportion of white lime; 
 nor is the fugar in point of grain or colour 
 at all inferior, but generally fuperior to the 
 other. 
 
 A variety of other canes has been intro- 
 duced into Jamaica of late years, fuch as the 
 ribbon, the green flriped, the violet, the 
 tranfparent, the Batavian or purple, all of 
 which have various advantages and difad- 
 vantages, but are none of them very great 
 rivals of the Bourbon. The ribbon cane 
 ftands next in eftimation. It is called by 
 the French rouge et d''or^ beiilg longitudi- 
 nally flriped yellow and deep red. It grows 
 as high as the Bourbon, but is flenderer, and 
 of courfe refifts wind lefs. The tops are 
 better for feeding ftock, and there are fome 
 who prefer the juice and the quality of its 
 fugar. The green flriped cane is a variety 
 of the ribbon, and differs only in the colour 
 
 of
 
 ( 337 ) 
 
 of one of the ftripes. The violet is not much 
 efteemed ; the canes being very apt to fplit 
 as they lie in the fields after being cut down. 
 The tranfparent is but little cultivated. The 
 Batavian, the body and leaves of which are 
 deep purple, has nothing to recommend it 
 to the planter. It is faid rats prefer it to 
 every other ; if fo, it would be well to plant 
 fome patches of it among the cane-pieces. 
 It is here and there raifed, but lefs for profit 
 than to fatisfy curiofity. 
 
 To this variety of canes, no doubt pecu- 
 liar foils and different climates are refpec- 
 tively adapted. By difference of climate, 
 is to be underftood the effedts experienced 
 in the elevated parts of the interior of the 
 ifland, and thofe of the low country ; a dif- 
 ference which only they can comprehend 
 who have experienced it, they who have 
 traverfed the wide and arid plains of Pedro, 
 and vifited the deluged parifh of St. 
 George's on the north-caft fide of the 
 ifland. The Bourbon cane thrives In moft 
 foils, but to yield well iu a foil naturally 
 
 Vol. II. Z i\:y.
 
 { 338 ) 
 
 dry, it. requires a good deal of rain ; other- 
 wife it becomes light and pithy, and the 
 rind turns hard. This happens in dry up- 
 land fituations, and fuch as are expofed to 
 the fea-breeze. It thrives beft in ftrong ftiff 
 foils, with a mixture of good mould. Land 
 compofed of coarfe grit and clay intermixed 
 with round flint ftones, is particularly fa- 
 vourable to this cane, and none is more 
 fufceptible of the advantages of manure 
 and culture. All foils that have a mixture 
 of loofe detached flint ftones are good, the 
 fubftratum is generally compofed of a mixt 
 grit and clay, its tenacity is fufEcient to 
 retain a due proportion of moifture, but 
 not too much to prevent the cane-roots 
 fpreading themfelves and penetrating for 
 fufEcient nutrition. The ftrong ftiff* lands 
 in the parifli of St. Mary's, are well fuited 
 to the Bourbon cane ; but the great increafe 
 of its produce there, is not a little owing 
 to the quantity of rain that falls. The 
 ribbon cane thrives wherever the Bourbon 
 does, and is faid to be better adapted to 
 loofe light lands. In the previous hiftory 
 
 of
 
 ( 339 ) 
 
 of Jamaica you have an account of the 
 ufual mode of the tillage of a plantation 
 and of the manufacture of fugar: I (hall 
 therefore only make fome obfervations on. 
 the working of the negroes, and fuggeft 
 an improvement in fugar-boiling, commu- 
 nicated to me by a fenfible and experienced 
 planter. 
 
 During crop, a great number of the plan- 
 tation negroes, by fpells, is kept at work 
 the whole night. There is not an abufe 
 more flagrant, but which avarice cannot 
 be tempted to forego. I have, however, 
 heard a benevolent planter declare it to be 
 his opinion, that the practice is rather 
 detrimental to the intereft of the proprietor. 
 The languor with which work is under- 
 taken after a fleeplefs night is evident to 
 the eye, and in its efFedls : the exertions 
 of the frefh fink to the level of thofe made 
 by the wearied and fleepy whom they join, 
 and whofe labours through a long, dark 
 night, give a dulnefs to thofe of the day. 
 The cattle too require their due portion 
 Z 2 of
 
 ( 540 ) 
 
 of reft; The mill lliould never -work after 
 ten o'clock at night, nor the boiling of 
 fugar continue longer than twelve : rather 
 let an hour or two be added to the labour of 
 the day in crop-time, and let the refrefhment 
 required by nature be deemed facred from 
 encroachment. They who have obferved the 
 tardy operations of the night, one part of 
 the procefs lagging for the other in alter- 
 nate delay, will feel the force of this. It 
 is not only the intereft of humanity, but 
 of the planter's purfe. The bufmefs of 
 the crop is feldom fufpended during heavy 
 rains, which it fhould be ; and were the 
 works of the plantation always kept in 
 order for making fugar, for which they 
 fhould be ready at all times, there are 
 often favourable periods for making fomc 
 out of tlie ufual crop-time, which alone 
 would compenfate for any lofs that might 
 be feared by giving up the practice of 
 employing night fpells : but at the end of 
 crop the works are uiually fuffered to go 
 out of order. 
 
 Great
 
 ( 341 ) 
 
 Great encouragements have always been 
 given by the inhabitants of Jamaica for 
 improving this their grand ftaple, and 
 many adventurers have at different tjmes 
 offered new fchemes. It is not my in- 
 tention to take a rctrofped: of thefe enter- 
 prifes, but I fhould be guilty of a great 
 omiflion, were I not to fpeak of a gentle- 
 man, whofe talents and fituation in life 
 place him beyond all fafpicion of being a 
 needy adventurer. In the year 1796, Dr. 
 Bryan Higgins, a phyfician of great repu- 
 tation on chemical fubjeds, was induced 
 to leave his family and a confiderable 
 eftablifhment in London for a time, and 
 to vifit Jamaica to employ his knowledge 
 in the fervicc of the ifland, by improving 
 the manufacture of the principal ftaples, 
 fugar and rum. In Dr. Higgin's memorial 
 to the Houfe of Affcmbly, he ftates that he 
 had difcovered certain proceffes by which 
 fugar might be made whiter, purer, and 
 intrinfically more valuable ; rum rendered 
 more grateful and falubrious, and valuable ; 
 Z 3 the
 
 ( 342 ) 
 
 the lofs by the drainage of melafles pre- 
 vented; and the fuel ufed more effedually, 
 and more economically managed. His 
 offers were accepted by the Afiembly, and 
 committees were appointed for each county^ 
 to attend in making his propofed improve- 
 ments. The Doctor remained feveral years 
 in the ifland, devoting his talents to the 
 fervice of it. His improvements confided 
 in the ftrudure of the coppers, which was 
 calculated to prevent any wafte of fuel, 
 and to accelerate the boiling of the fugar, 
 and was confidercd as being very favour- 
 able to the improvement of the quality. 
 The conftrudion of the trafli-houfe re- 
 commended by him was found to prepare 
 the trafh for ufe infinitely fooner than had 
 ever been known before. His procefs for 
 meliorating the quality and encreafing the 
 quantity of rum, gave the greateft fatlf- 
 fadion : it is eafy, fimple, and economical, 
 and it prevents the noxious quality and 
 olFenfive fmell of new rum. The diftiller, 
 by fetting his vats or ciflerns by the 
 
 hydro*
 
 ( 343 ) 
 
 hydrometer, and the fcale adapted to 
 it, ads with certainty and precifion, fo 
 that no fweets are wafted, and, on an 
 average, about a feventh or eighth of the 
 fweets are faved ; and by the ufe of the 
 ley of the ftoke-hole aflies, and other 
 means recommended, the fpirit is fo recti- 
 fied as to attain the defired perfedion. 
 Whatever tends to increafe the value of 
 fuch important means of wealth, cannot but 
 be liberally rewarded by thofe who are to 
 profit by them. On his firft landing, his 
 plans promifmg fairly, the Houfe of Af- 
 fembly voted him three hundred and fifty 
 pounds per quarter, . and afterwards one 
 thoufand four hundred pounds a-year, to 
 be paid quarterly; and in the year i8oi, 
 when his health obliged him to return 
 to Europe, they direded the Receiver- 
 General to remit to his order in England, 
 one thoufand pounds fterling, free of all 
 expences. After all, whatever may be 
 the caufe, I am told that his plans of im- 
 provement were adopted by few of the 
 Z 4 planters,
 
 ( 344 ) 
 planters, and continued by fewer ftill. This 
 may be owing to the power of habit, for 
 men muft be impelled as well as taught, 
 and it is difficult to account any other 
 way for a negledt of improvements fo de- 
 cidedly applauded and rewarded. 
 
 It is frequently afked why we have not 
 from Jamaica fome of the ftrong, fparkling 
 fugar, formerly imported from that ifland : 
 to which the beft anfwer is, that the 
 planters have improved themfelves out of 
 the pradice of making it. Large cock- 
 coppers fimmering over the fire, with a 
 cruft of dirt, mucilage, and other filth, 
 inftead of improving, have made the fugar 
 worfe. To remedy this, many in St. 
 Thomas's in the Eail have begun to Ikim 
 their cock-coppers, and have found fome 
 fmall benefit by it ; but the evil was only 
 half done away; they fimmered on. Some, 
 by llrid attention to a due maturity of the 
 cane and other circumflances, have im- 
 proved the look of their fugars, which 
 
 they
 
 ( 345 ) 
 they attribute to the cock-coppers, but 
 fugars that put on a fpecious appearance 
 in their curing-houfes, will not . always 
 carry the fame acrofs the feas into the 
 market. There is one criterion of fugar, 
 hardly known by any planter, which is 
 this : let feveral hogfheads, as they ftand 
 in the curing-houfe, after having been 
 made a month, be dug out, and it will be 
 found that the fugar fmells fpirituous, four, 
 and offenfive in a greater or lefs degree : 
 that which has the leaft of thefe unfavour- 
 able qualities will prove the beft after a 
 voyage. This fmell is to be amended, 
 confequently the fugar made better, and 
 lefs liable to wafte on the paffage to Europe. 
 It is not to be done, however, by large 
 wide cock-coppers, or the mifapplication 
 of the principles of evaporation in the ufe 
 of wide vefTels ; for fugar is not to be 
 obtained like fait ; but the way to cfTed: 
 it is as follows : the liquor In the carllcjl 
 ftage of the procefs pojjiblc^ is to be made 
 as tranfparcnt as pure Madeira wine, not 
 
 fuch
 
 ( 346 ) 
 
 fuch as in a glafs will look like new-made 
 imfettled beer. A certain degree of heat, 
 and the application of fome white lime, 
 will be necefTary, and likewife fkimming ; 
 then a perfed quiefcent ftate of the liquor 
 fhould fucceed ; for it would be ufelefs to 
 try the procefs in a previous ftate, or v/ith 
 the raw juice while the impurities are fo 
 diffufed throughout, and fo thoroughly 
 blended. A feparation muft firft take place 
 of the unduous and feculent parts from 
 the pure liquor, which cannot be without 
 the previous aid of fire : this muft be com- 
 pleted by the addition of a proper lixivium. 
 After this firft procefs of depuration, the 
 liquor, when taken up in a glafs tumbler, 
 and fufFered to remain quiet for a fhort 
 time, will appear tranfparent in parts, in- 
 terfperfed with unequal lines of cloudy 
 fubftances fufpended in various gatherings, 
 but tending to fubfide. This fhows that 
 the gum, mucilage, and other feculencies, 
 before blended with the liquor, are dif- 
 engaged. Coming in conta(St by the mu- 
 tual attradion of analogous fubftances, they 
 
 will
 
 ( 347 ) 
 
 will form a more compaft and Intimate 
 adhefion of parts with one another, and 
 the finer particles of dirt caught and fuf- 
 pended hy thefe infpiffated clouds, will 
 leave the remaining part of the liquor 
 perfedtly pellucid ; when, to complete the 
 depuration, the procefs of abdudion, or 
 removal of the pure liquor, takes place, 
 and the juice fo purified is carried rapidly 
 over an intenfe fire through the taitches, 
 and becomes a good, bright, and ftrong 
 fugar, fuperior to any yet produced. This 
 theorem does not arife from a ftudy of 
 the principles of chemiftry. Surprifing as 
 it may appear, it is a fat that no chemift 
 has ever yet fuggeftcd a ufeful hint in the 
 firft flages of the procefs of fugar-making. 
 In the above difcovery, incidental obferva- 
 vations led to experiments, and thefe to 
 incontrovertible proofs. An intelligent and 
 obfervant planter, who attends to his boil- 
 ing-houfe, is the moft likely perfon to 
 make ufchil dlfcoveries in the procefs of 
 this manufaOure ; his experimenis on a 
 narrow fcalc furnilliiiig hints that may be 
 
 improved
 
 ( 348 ) 
 
 improved on a large one. It is to be 
 obferved, however, that to attempt to 
 purify cane-juice to the clearnefs of cryftal, 
 or fpring water, would be to travel out 
 of the regions of nature and reafon. All 
 cane-juice contains faccharine falts for cryf- 
 talization, and a refiduum convertible into 
 melalTes by the fame procefs of evaporation. 
 The melafies will be paler or darker in 
 proportion to the quality of the cane-juice, 
 and perhaps may owe fomething more of 
 its dark colour to the neceflary operation 
 of fire ; the difcoloration of the grain of 
 the fugar w^ill be in proportion to that 
 of the melafles, which fimply affe6:s the 
 furface of the grain or cryftal, the latter 
 being pure white. 
 
 Little attention has been paid in Jamaica 
 to culture unconnected with that of the 
 great ftaples of the country. A tafte for 
 gardening is unknown, or perceived in fo- 
 litary inftanccs. Culinary vegetables and 
 native fruits are obtained with little trouble, 
 but the improvement of grounds for the 
 
 purpofe
 
 ( 349 ) 
 
 purpofe of delighting the eye, and expand- 
 ing the emotions of the mind in the enjoy- 
 ment of cultivated beauty, forms no part 
 of the relifh of the planter, who but 
 too generally looks to his country only 
 for the means of fecuring him delights in 
 other regions. A botanical garden, how- 
 ever, has been eftablifhed many years, 
 which is reckoned an honour to the ifland. 
 Dr. Broughton, a phyfician and botanift of 
 great reputation refiding in Jamaica, fpeak- 
 ing of this garden in the year 1796, fays: 
 ** When the country fir ft purchafed the 
 garden in Liguanea, it contained a great 
 number of ufeful trees and flirubs, col- 
 leded from all parts of the world, alfo a 
 great variety of ornamental plants, which 
 were fo blended, as not only to gratify 
 the botanift, but the lover of horticulture 
 in general. Since that pcniod, the garden 
 feems to have been coiilidered rather as 
 a nurfery of exotic trees and fhrubs ; and 
 in confequence of the introdudion of a 
 great variety of thefc from the South Seas 
 and other parts of the woild, ll:c time and 
 2 care
 
 ( 3SO ) 
 
 care of the fuperintendant has been em- 
 ployed for propagating them for public 
 diftribution, and the ornamental part of 
 the garden has not been particularly at- 
 tended to. Since the year 1794, fome 
 thoufands of plants have been diftributed 
 in different parts of the ifland ; fuch as 
 bread-fruits, jaacks, cinnamon, camphor, 
 faflafraz, fago, black pepper, long pepper, 
 Guinea pepper, mangoes, Otaheite apples, 
 gum arabic, mangofteens, olives, tea, &c., 
 befides a number of lefs ufeful plants." 
 In every point of view this garden muft 
 be confidered as an important eftablifh- 
 ment, but the greateft benefit it promifes, 
 is the cultivation of the valuable produc- 
 tions of the Eaft. The cinnamon, mango, 
 and fome other oriental trees, have long 
 Cnce been imported. In the courfe of the 
 laft ten years, the clove tree, by the atten- 
 tion and perfeverance of Mr. Buee *, has 
 been fuccefsfully introduced into the ifland 
 of Dominica. In the year 1795 he firft 
 
 * WilHam Urban Luce, Efq. of the Ifland of Dominica. 
 
 gathered
 
 ( 3JI ) 
 
 gathered the fruit. There were only two 
 trees that bore, which produced him four 
 pounds and a half of cured cloves, befides 
 two pounds, at leaft, left on the trees, to 
 obtain mother of cloves*, for the propa- 
 gation of the fpice. Half a pound was 
 gathered from the ground of what had 
 fallen before it was fully ripe, fo that the 
 two trees produced more than feven pounds 
 of cloves the firft year of their bearing. 
 According to the Abbe Raynal's account, 
 the annual produ(3:ion of a clove-tree In 
 the Molucca iflands is about three pounds. 
 There, however, they are topped at from 
 eight to nine feet for the conveniency of 
 gathering: in Cayenne, where they are 
 not topped, they grow larger than orange- 
 trees, and are faid to produce from forty 
 to fifty pounds each tree. Mr. Buce fent 
 famples of his cloves to Sir Jofeph Banks, 
 who applying for information on the fub- 
 jet to an eminent dealer in the article, 
 was anfwered that he thought him gricv- 
 
 * The bciilci of the clovc-trce ripo and fit for vct;cia- 
 tiyn. 
 
 JO oufJv
 
 oufly deceived, in fuppofing the cloves to 
 be the produce of the Weft Indies, he 
 being abfolutely certain that they came 
 from the Eaft. The famples w^ere after- 
 wards fubmitted to the examination of 
 fome of the principal dealers in fpicc, who 
 were all of opinion that they would anfwer 
 every culinary purpofe as well as thofe of 
 the Spice iflands in the Eaft Indies *. Laft 
 year the Committee of Correfpondence 
 were inftrudled to write to the agent of 
 the ifland, for the purpofe of obtaining 
 plants of the nutmeg, true cinnamon, clove, 
 and other valuable produdions of the Eaft. 
 All plants raifed in the botanic garden for 
 the general benefit of the ifland are dif- 
 trlbuted abundantly, and when any of the 
 planters defire to have any particular kind, 
 they have but to give a month's notice. 
 To cover all the expences of this eftablifti- 
 ment, a certain quantity of adjoining land 
 
 * Farllicr information on the fubjcifl of the clove-tree 
 h given in Mr. Buc;'s narrative of his fucciefsful manner cl 
 c ultivating it, which is infertcd in tlic. \'olc$ of the Houif 
 of Aflcmbly of Janwuct, 1797. r, 363. 
 
 has,
 
 ( :i53 ) 
 
 lias, by the direction of the Aflembly, 
 been converted into a coffee plantation, 
 the returns of which are adequate to that 
 purpofe. 
 
 I cannot quit the fubjet of culture 
 without replying to your inquiry con- 
 cerning the bread-fruit, with the nature 
 of which the public have been made 
 thoroughly acquainted by Captain Bligh*, 
 who in the year 1791 arrived at Jamaica 
 from the Pacific Ocean in his Majefty's 
 fhip the Providence, and with many other 
 plants, landed about (is. hundred of the 
 bread-fruit. The foil and climate proving 
 congenial, they could not fail to thrive. 
 A diftribution of them was made, and being 
 eagerly cultivated at firft, promifed to be 
 of general benefit to the ifiaiid. But ardour 
 fubfided as novelty wore ofF, and there is 
 hardly an indance where the propagation 
 of thcfe plants has been extended with 
 any provident view, 'Or future dependence 
 
 * Ste Bligli's Voyage to the South Sea. The AfTcm- 
 bly voted him a thoufand guineas. 
 
 Vol. II. A a upon
 
 { 354 ) 
 
 upon them, in unexpeded fcarcity. The 
 negroes preferring their old food, raoft of 
 the planters have been contented with a 
 few to fatisfy curiofity. There is, how- 
 ever, one gentleman *, v^ho has cultivated 
 them with care, and judicioufly diftributed 
 fome thoufands of the plants into groves 
 and plantations, from which, fhould a 
 general fcarcity of the ufual provifions take 
 place, he muft derive great advantage j for 
 want would foon reconcile the appetite to 
 a food which is nutritious and fufficiently 
 palatable : and Hiould fcarcity never return, 
 they cannot but be confidered as ornaments 
 to his ellate. This gentleman is alfo an 
 exception to the remark refpeding the 
 general indifference of the planters to the 
 beauty of grounds laid out with tafte. 
 Thofe around his elegant manfion he has 
 difpofed in beautiful lawns, groves, and 
 Ihrubberies, which give his refidence the 
 appearance of one of thofc charming feats 
 that beautify the country, and exalt the 
 taftc of England. 
 
 * Mr. Campbell of Saltf"j',;r.^, {a ll;c parifa of Ha.'iovcr. 
 
 The
 
 ( 355 ) 
 
 The ftatement of the tonnage employed 
 in the Jamaica trade, which accompanied my 
 laft, will {how the extent of its navigation, 
 but the fubjedl naturally brings to mind the 
 propofal that was made to the Government 
 of Jamaica in the year 1796, by the Confu- 
 lat at the Havanna, in a letter written by the 
 Marquis del Real Socorro to Mr. Quarrell, 
 for ereding light-houfes, in order to render 
 the navigation of the coafl: of Cuba and of the 
 Gulf of Mexico fafer*. The Spanifh Council 
 were engaged on the fubje<St of fixing one 
 at the Havanna, for the particular naviga- 
 tion of that port, but the expence of placing 
 others on the points of the gulf and various 
 channels about Cuba being beyond the 
 actual refources of the Council, and the 
 objeds propofed being no lefs important 
 to Jamaica than to Cuba, the Spanifii 
 Government declared their willingnefs to 
 contribute to accomplifh an undertaking 
 of fo much utility to both nations ; and 
 they e^zprelTcd a defire of knowing tlie 
 opinion of the moll experienced and m- 
 
 ricf p. '^G. oftli.'i Vuluirc, a;:d Aj);Kii(iix, No. 2. 
 
 A a 2 tclligent
 
 ( 3S6 ) 
 
 telligent Englifli mariners refpeding the 
 points where the Hght-houfes fhould be 
 ereded, the manner of conftrudting them, 
 and the expence. A report on the fubjet 
 was made to the Council of the Havanna 
 by Captain Farquhar, which was given by 
 Mr. Quarrell to the Lieutenant-Governor 
 of Jamaica, who laid it, together with the 
 letter containing the propofal, before the 
 Houfe of Afiembly. You will find it 
 annexed to the Marquis's letter*. The 
 fubje<f^ was referred to a committee, the 
 chairma:i of Vv^hich, Mr. Quarrell, reported ; 
 that they had taken the opinions of many 
 of the moO: refpedable mafters of veflels 
 belonging to the Jamaica trade, from which 
 it appeared that it would be of infinite 
 fervice to the trade and navigation of Great 
 Britain, if a light-houfe vv-ere erected on 
 the eaft end of the Grand Gamanas, where 
 his Majefty's frigate the Convert went on 
 fliore, with feven or eight valuable mer- 
 chantmen ; and that they liad no doubt 
 tliat the Spanifli Council of the Havanna 
 
 * Appcadix, Nu. 2. 
 
 W 
 
 ould
 
 ( 357 ) 
 
 would readily on their part, recommend 
 llght-houfes to be built on Cape Antonio 
 and Point Jacko : that the committee 
 thought that the mode of defraying the 
 xpences and the management of the light- 
 houfes could only be fettled in Europe, 
 and they recommended that the agent of 
 the ifland fhould be inftrufted to lay before 
 his Majefty's minifters the great importance 
 of three fuch light-houfes. The fubje(ft is 
 at prefent under their confideration, and 
 the utility of the objed is too obvious to 
 leave a doubt of mcafures being purfued 
 eftablifh it. 
 
 :\ a 3
 
 ( 358 ) 
 
 LETTER XIX. 
 
 An Account of fever al Modes of Agency. Danger of the 
 
 . middling and fmall Planters Motions in the Houfe of 
 
 AJfembly for taxing Attornies.<-^OhjeBions anfivered. 
 
 Anecdote illujirative of the Power of Receivers.- An 
 
 honejl Attorney. 
 
 1 HAVE now to enter upon a painful part 
 of my taflc, a part in which I am under the 
 neceflity of Hating fuch circumftances as 
 cannot but refled; difgrace on thofe who 
 give rife to them, and from which the 
 weaknefs, I will not ufe a harfher term, of 
 the Legillature, is but too apparent. Thefe 
 circumftances arife from the various modes 
 of agency, fuch as that of the attorney of 
 eftates, mortgagee in pofteflion, receiver in 
 chancery, &:c. The firft of thefe chara<Sters 
 requires a dcfmition. By the word attorney, 
 in this fenfe, is meant agent ; and the duties 
 annexed to his ofEcc are fo fimilar to thofe 
 of a fteward in England, that were it not 
 
 for
 
 ( 359 ) 
 
 for the dlflimilarlty of executing them, and 
 the dignity attendant upon the former, I 
 Ihould pronounce them one and the fame. 
 But as this colonial ftewardlhip is the fureft 
 road to imperial fortune, men of property 
 and diftinguifhed fituation pufh eagerly for 
 it. Attornies are of two forts ; fix per cent 
 attornies, and falaried attornies : the pro- 
 fits of the former arife from commiffions of 
 fix per cent, on all the produce of an eftate, 
 and various interior refources ; the latter 
 are paid a certain flipend by fome unin- 
 cumbered proprietors, who have lately dif- 
 cevered that a flcward in Jamaica may be 
 hired like a fteward in Hngland, by which 
 feveral thoufand pounds a year are faved, 
 and inftead of enriching their agents, are 
 poured into their own coffers. The ofTicc 
 of both is to attend to the ertates of their 
 employers, and to all their intercfts in the 
 ifland, deputed to them that the proprietors 
 thcmfclves may live at home, that is to fay, 
 in Europe. 
 
 A a 4 Of
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 Of all the evils in the ifland of Jamaica, 
 which call for a remedy, and by means of 
 which the moft unjuftifiable pradices are 
 continued, the firft and moft crying is that 
 of the bufinefs of a certain defcrlption of 
 attornies of orphans, mortgagees in pofTef- 
 fion, truftees, executors, guardians, and 
 receivers under the court of chancery ; and 
 thefe evils arife in a great meafure from the 
 unjuft and impolitic law which allows fix 
 per cent, commiffion on the grofs produce 
 of the eftates under their charge and direct 
 tion. The iniquitous practices, fkreenedi 
 if not authorifed, by that law, have long 
 been too glaring to be unnoticed ; and at- 
 tempts have been made to reduce the com- 
 miffion, and to fix it on fome more equita* 
 ble principle ; but unfortunately there have 
 always been in the Houfe of Aflembly, too, 
 many of its members interefted in the bene- 
 fits refulting from the prefent law to admit 
 the adoption of the meafure. That tlie 
 intereft of attornies is not always the in- 
 tercd of thofe whofe eftates they hold, is an 
 
 undeniable
 
 ( .36t ) 
 
 undeniable faft, of which I think you will 
 be convinced by the time you arrive at the 
 coTiclufion of this letter. In many inftances 
 too, this fuperior collateral intereft militates 
 againft the happinefs and amelioration of 
 the ftate and condition of the flaves, which 
 is now profeiTed by the "colonifts to be an 
 objel of their moft ferious attention ; and 
 it proves not unfrequently the total ruin of 
 the imfortunate planter, whofe involved 
 fituation compels him to fubmit to the 
 condition of configning his eflate to the 
 management of an attorney appointed by 
 his creditor, who is generally his merchant, 
 and who throws the full legal advantages of 
 his debtor's eftate into the hands of his own 
 agent in the iiland, to conipenfate for the 
 economical bargain he makes for the ma- 
 nagement of his own concerns ; a pradice 
 common alio to truflces, guardians, &:c. 
 The law allowing fuch enormous commlf- 
 fions for icrvices lo inadequate, is alfo very 
 dcfcdlive in an important point ; for it 
 cfiablifhcs no data for fixing the charge of 
 this CJUHnidion, which is never made ac- 
 cording
 
 ( 362 ) 
 
 cording to the fales of fugar, for that is not 
 foon, if ever k^own to the attorney. Hence, 
 in the different accounts, the charges are 
 eftimated on fugar at feveral prices, from 
 twenty fhillings per cwt. to forty-five, and 
 even fifty {hillings ; and in the fame books 
 of one and the fame attorney, thefe charges 
 are found to differ according to his con- 
 nexion with his employer, generally en- 
 creafing in proportion to the diftrefs of the 
 property and of the proprietor. To form 
 fome notion of the advantages attending 
 thefe appointments, and of their injurious 
 tendency to involved proprietors, and even 
 to their creditors, let us fee what a receiver 
 under the court of chancery can do. In 
 the firfl place, it has not always been the 
 pradice to feledl him from among the in- 
 habitants in the vicinity of the unfortunate 
 eftates, or from among the friends of the 
 proprietor ; he is frequently a refident in 
 one of the towns, with perhaps as little 
 knowledge of the management of an eftate, 
 as is poffcficd by the fweeper of the chancery 
 ofTicej and indeed it would not be inappli- 
 
 cabk"
 
 ( 363 ) 
 
 cable to diftinguifh fuch receivers by the 
 appellation of chancery fweepcrs. Thefe 
 gentlemen feld6m if ever fee the eftates 
 which they are to dire<ft,*and have no other 
 direftions to give, than in a lumping way, 
 to make as much fugar as poffible, and to 
 ihip it, moft likely to their own correfpon- 
 dents. Whatever the eftates clear is fo 
 much in their hands, and of courfe the 
 more money the better for them ; money 
 takes root in every foil, and propagates it* 
 felf a thoufand ways ; not a dollar of it 
 therefore finds its way into the chancery- 
 cheft, for the receiver having given fccurity, 
 the treafure is, by a common fidion in ufe, 
 held to be fully as fafe in his hands. While 
 the different creditors of the eftate are fight- 
 ing the battle of priority, the receiver con- 
 tinues to direct the management of it, to 
 fliip the crop, and to take care of the money. 
 At length a prior debt is eftablillicd, and 
 the creditor having gained the poiiu, re- 
 mains for a time fatisiied ; but finding, 
 thpugh his principal accumulates, that lie 
 receives nothing, he becomes clamorous for 
 
 a falc.
 
 ( 364 ) 
 
 a fate. This may take place in five or fix 
 years time, when all pretexts for delay are 
 worn out, and in the mean time the receiver 
 takes care to have money, adequate to the 
 fimple fums received, turned over by his 
 configneeor merchant to another hand, his 
 banker's, to be ready to anfwer bills to be 
 drawn on his own account^ for which he 
 muft have a premium of from twelve to 
 feventeen and a half per cent. The eftate 
 at laft is advertifed for fale by a mafter in 
 chancery, in confequence of an order from 
 the chancellor. The fale, however, is fpun 
 out a year or two longer, till the creditor or 
 his attorney begins to remonftrate with the 
 mafter : ftipulations for an amicable fettle- 
 ment enfue, that is, for an admiflion of the 
 receiver's accounts fuch as they may be, and 
 for time allowed him for payment of the 
 mefne profits or balance in his hands j which 
 agreed to, the fale is pofitively to take place 
 *when the next crop is over. The fale then 
 is actually concluded, the accumulation of 
 thefe annual funds go unperceived to the 
 farther propagation of wealth for the re- 
 ceiver ;
 
 ( i^S ) 
 
 ceiver ; and the purchafer, who is no othet 
 tlian the prior creditor, is put in poflefllon 
 of an eftate in ruin, with a gang of negroes 
 difpirited and miferable, who had been long 
 fenfible of their fituation, conceiving them- 
 felves belonging to nobody, and almofl: de- 
 fpairing of ever falling into the hands of a 
 kind mafter, interefted in their welfare and 
 happlnefs. Let us now turn to the attorney 
 of 11 mortgagee in polfeflion, and fee what 
 better he offers. The debt of the involved 
 cftate is due to a man of large property, or 
 to a merchant ; if to the former, he has a 
 merchant to whom the confignment is of 
 confiderable value. It is immaterial what 
 the debt is, an eftate in poffeffion of a mort- 
 gagee is generally made to pay full com- 
 miffions to the attorney employed for it. 
 Injufliceto all parties the mod Is to be 
 made of the property, and it is foon found 
 that the negroes upon it are not equal to 
 the returns it is capable of making, confe- 
 quently hired negroes are added to the 
 plantation-gangs, to plant, weed, and take 
 off the crop : the works arc extended, to 
 
 be
 
 ( 366 )- 
 
 be adequate to the propofed encreafe ; more 
 ftock, more carts are bought, more white 
 people employed. To keep pace with thefe 
 grand defigns, the poor plantation-negroes 
 are of courfe overworked. What is the 
 refult ? A great deal of fugar and rum is 
 made, to the credit as well as profit of the 
 attorney, and by which the merchant is 
 benefited, as the confignments are aug- 
 mented : but fix per cent, intereft on the 
 principal, fix per ceilt. on that intereft by 
 compound arithmetic become principal, fix 
 per cent. commifTions, with the contingent 
 charges for labour, improvements, ftores, 
 &c. abforb the whole produce, and the 
 planter daily finks under an accumulating 
 debt, till he is completely ruined. The 
 greater the diftrefs, the more the attorney 
 fattens: in a war, for inftance, a confider- 
 able additional benefit occurs; he becomes 
 lumber-merchant, and having the rum of 
 tlie eftatc at his command, and perhaps a 
 little fugar, though in the latter article he is 
 iifually reftriOed, as the difpofal of it In the 
 ifland would interfere Vvith the loading of 
 
 iliips
 
 ( 367 ) 
 
 fhips and confignments, he purchafes whole-* 
 fale cargoes, and retails them out to the 
 eftate at a large profit. Staves bought by 
 the attorney at eighteen pounds per thou- 
 fand, have been known to be fold to the 
 eftate for forty-live pounds per thoufaud; 
 and the cart belonging to the property has 
 carried the rum to pay for them. It is well 
 known that the rum made upon an eftate 
 will feldom pay its contingent expences, and 
 that frequently bills are drawn on Great Bri- 
 tain to the amount of one thoufand pounds, 
 and fometimes two thoufand pounds, for 
 the cxcefs of the contingencies over and 
 above the amount of the fale of the rum : 
 here the attorney finds another avenue of 
 amafting for himfelf. Settling the excels 
 from his own means, he appropriates the 
 bills which it enabled him to draw, to the 
 purchafe of the remulnder of a cargo of 
 negroes, after the bell have been culled at 
 the rate of from ninety to ninety-five 
 pounds per head : thcfe inlorior negroes he 
 difpofes of to his dependent overfjcrs, job- 
 bers, dcv^ors, tradenncn, d'fl'dlcri, and book- 
 2 kec-pers,
 
 ( 36S } 
 
 keepers, at forty or fifty pounds a-head 
 profit ; nor is it without example, that the 
 very eftates on the credit of which fome of 
 the bills are drawn, have been fupplied with 
 negroes in the fame -manner, and at the 
 fame rate. This manoeuvre indeed is ven^ 
 tured only on eftates of minors, whofe 
 truftees are merchants in Great Britain, 
 ignorant of fuch pradices ; or may bcj 
 when they have committed the eftates to 
 the attorney, liable to the full advantages to 
 be made of them, to compenfate for the 
 moderate allowance they give for the ma- 
 nagement of their ov;n concerns. An ifland- 
 merchant, or according to the Weft Indian 
 appellation, ftorekeeper, in great bufmefs, 
 told a friend of mine, that he had fold a 
 cargo of mules at eighteen pounds per head 
 to an attorney, which were difperfed in 
 feparate fpells of eight each to feveral eftates, 
 but that at the fpeclal inftance of the pur- 
 chafer, he had made out the bills of parcels 
 at thirty pounds per head. This does not 
 fpeak much in favour of the virtue of the 
 ftorekeeper, but it muft be obferved that he 
 3 would
 
 ( 369 ) 
 
 \srould have loft his cuftomer had he d6- 
 tourred) and would probably have been 
 confidered as righteous over-much. There 
 is a variety of fmaller advantages enjoyed 
 by the attorney, fiich as forming connexions 
 with butchers who may purchafe the fatted 
 cattle, with jobbers of negroes for the pur- 
 pofe of intermingling negroes at a propor- 
 tionable profit, fattening horfes, and a long 
 ct cetera. To the attorney the commanders 
 of the {hips in the trade look up with due 
 refped, and as they are proper perfons to 
 fpeak of him to the merchant, their good 
 will is not negleded. To the involved 
 planter their language often is, " Sir, I mud 
 have your fugars down at the wharf dh-el- 
 ly :" that is, your fugars are to make the 
 loweft tier, to ftand the chance of being 
 waflied out fliould the fhip leak or make 
 much water in a bad paiTagc. When they 
 addrefs an attorney, they do not afk for 
 fugars, but his favours, as to quantity and 
 time ; and his liogfheads form the upper 
 tier. The falaricd attorney alfo receives 
 great refpedt from the mafters of fhips, but 
 Vol. it. B b the
 
 ( 370 ) 
 
 the high airs and rapid flights to fortune of 
 the fix per centers are out of his walk. He is 
 often a plain plodding man, who having 
 ferved planters in the capacity of an over- 
 feer, is promoted with an increafe of falary 
 to the office of attorney, which he holds 
 very well and very properly with the other, 
 anfwering all the purpofes of a greater man. 
 He fhips good crops, and keeps contin- 
 gencies low, till praifed by the proprietor, 
 and recommended to his friends, he begins 
 to be vain and grows great. He then proves 
 fallible ; the concentrated induftry confined 
 with advantage to one eftate, is evaporated 
 by the glow of fuccefs and extenfion of 
 care ; he is difmifled by one, employed by 
 others, and at length either falls back to his 
 level, or goes ftark mad with pride. It has 
 been often faid in Jamaica, that the great 
 planters will fwallow up the fmall ones ; 
 and that middling planters will dwindle 
 and go In their turn. There is nothing 
 abfurd In the idea, which by the help of 
 great attornles may be realized, nor are the 
 opulent themfelvc:- iafe from the pervading 
 c influence
 
 ( 37' ) 
 influence of this incalculable evil. But 
 where is the remedy ? none ; but in an 
 alteration of the iaw^ a ftri(St eye kept by 
 proprietors (3Ver their attornieSj and a refo- 
 lution of the Britifh merchants to preferve 
 the fmall and middling planters, the reduc- 
 tion of whom diminiflies the fecurity of the 
 country. The alteration of the law fhould 
 take place in two points ; the commiffions 
 of attornies, &c. fhould be reduced, and 
 they (hould themfelves be dirtjuallfied from 
 being members of the Leglflature. If men, 
 whofe individual intcrefts not only often 
 militate againft thofe of the proprietor, 
 whom they fliould ferve and labour to 
 refcue from deilrudion, but lometiinesclafh 
 with the general interefts -of the ifland, 
 which are made fubordinate to them, poil'efs 
 a preponderance in the power of legiflation; 
 and if men who are the fmews of a country 
 are deprcfled and ruined, be the fplcndour 
 of that country what it may, its lituation 
 muft be deplorable. Thofe merchants of 
 Great Britain, vvlio fupport the prefent 
 fyftem of attorney flilp in tiie Well Indies, 
 B b 2 and
 
 { 37^ ) 
 and who are fond of aiding the enormous 
 and deftrudive fchemes of the overgrown 
 planter, in preference to eftablifhing the 
 independence of the middling' clafs, are 
 actuated by a fhort fightcd policy; their 
 chief objedt fhould be the general welfare 
 of the ifland, and they will ultimately find 
 that the aggrandizement of attornies, and 
 the confluence of immenfe properties, are 
 not the means which wifdom fuggefts for 
 its profperity or fecurity. 
 
 The general diftrefs of a large accumu- 
 lated debt, the confequence of the Maroon 
 \var, compelled the Houfe of AlTembly to 
 refort to every mode they could devife of 
 raifing money for liquidating it. It was pro- 
 pofed by fome very opulent man, a great at- 
 torney, to raife the whole amount of the debt 
 in one year; but the clrcumftances of others 
 could not poffibly admit of it: the taxes were 
 raifed as high as could be borne in general, 
 but as large compenfatlons were to be made 
 to individuals for their loiTes, money was 
 taken up on the fecurity of the ifland at an 
 
 intcrefl:
 
 ( 373 ) 
 
 mtereft of ten per cent. In the dlftrefs for 
 ways and means, the planters being bur- 
 dened with as great a weight as moft could 
 bear, it was obferved that attornies, mort- 
 gagees, and truftees in poflefTion, guardians, 
 receivers and fequeftrators, enjoyed large 
 incomes by coinmiflions, without contribu 
 ting to the public fund for cxpences; and 
 a motion was made, to the immortal 
 honour of the mover*, for the purpofe of 
 their being aflefled ten per cent, upon their 
 commiflions. The records of the country, 
 on examination, afcertained that thefe gen- 
 tlemen, one hundred and ninety-three in 
 number, held in charge fix hundred and fix 
 fugar works, which produced 76,843 hhds. 
 and 3987 tierces of fugar, and 35,891 pun- 
 cheons of rum. This produce, at the rate 
 of 40/. per hhd. and 25/. per puncheon, 
 the propofcd llandard for that period, with 
 the fale of ftock and other articles, yielded 
 4,022,460 /. on which there was chargeable 
 bylaw .1 coinmifnon of fix percent, giving 
 an in' orr.^ of 241,347/. 191. Gd. produc- 
 J ..!.n M' CI Mil 1:^1. 
 
 V> \) 1 tlve
 
 ( 374 ) 
 
 tive of a tax of 24i34^- iriaid of the public 
 exigencies. The motion for inftrudling- 
 the Committee to make the tax a part of 
 the money-bill was carried by the majo- 
 rity of a fmgle vote *, but when the 
 bill was reported to the houfe, and the 
 infertion of the propofed claufe moved, 
 it was oppofed, and the attornies, who 
 held a decided majority in the Aflem- 
 bly, having colle(fled their force, it was 
 rejected by feventeen votes againft thirteen. 
 As fome reafoning was thought neceflary 
 to palliate the rejedion of a meafure, the 
 juftice of which was obvious to the com- 
 mon fenfe of mankind, it was faid, i ft, that 
 the tax would be a partial one : 2dly, why 
 not at the fame lime tax merchants, tradef- 
 men, and others ? 3dly, the tax would 
 operate as a double one on eftates. Thefe 
 objections were eafily anfwered ; ift, the 
 partiality lay in the exemption of thefe 
 gentlemen, all others being taxed : for, 
 2dly, merchants, tradefmen and others were 
 taxed on their trade and by the poll-tax : 
 
 * Votes of the AfTenib])'.
 
 ( 375 ) 
 
 jdly, the charge could never operate as a 
 double tax where the fix per cent, law pre* 
 vailed ; and the rich independent men, who, 
 by employing falaried attornies, fnatch out 
 of the fire of that law large fiams, ought 
 chearfully to give the mite out of fuch 
 iavings required by the propofed tax : nay, 
 it w^as faid, in this cafe, to operate as a juft 
 mode of affefiing the wealthy abfentee, who 
 it was allowed ihould compenfate from his 
 purfe for the abfcnce of his perfon, fo far 
 as relates to the protedion of his property 
 by military fervice. Bcfides, let us fee how 
 an unincumbered man, who has it in his 
 power to nullify the fix per cent, law, (lands. 
 Take an eftate of five hundred hogOieads 
 of fugar, and tv/o hundred and fifty pun- 
 cheons of rum ; at a moderate computation 
 the commiiTions will amount to 1200/.; 
 the attorney compounding for 6:0/. will 
 have 60/. to pav, and tlic proprietor 60/. 
 out (A boc /. fived and add^d to an income 
 which rriay be faiily c(timatcd at Ircm 
 "cco /. to looc'c/. {Icriing. 
 
 ii b 4 l^cfcrc
 
 ( 37<5 ) 
 Before I conclude this letter, I will relate 
 an anecdote which will illuftrate the fubt 
 jedts of it, more than a volume of rc^ 
 flexions. A gentleman, who had long been 
 a merchant in Kingfton, and who was 
 afterwards a cuftos of one of the parifhes 
 of the county of Middlefex, had for many 
 years lived in the clofeft friendfhip and in- 
 timacy with another merchant of the fame 
 town, who traded to Liverpool, where he 
 afterwards eilablifhed an eminent commer- 
 cial houfe. The cuftos, fo let me call him, 
 though it was not till afterwards he rofe to 
 that dignity, originally kept a fmall ftore 
 or {hop, in Kingfton ; which enabling him 
 to provide a good table was the foundation 
 of the attachment of the Liverpool man, 
 who was alfo, at the commencement of 
 their friendfhip, a fniall ftore-keeper. Un- 
 luckily for that friend ihip they became 
 rivals ; botli loft their hearts to one lady, 
 who preferred and married the cuftos ; u 
 fucccis that never was to be forgiven by 
 the rejcded lover, who, however, preferved 
 
 the
 
 ( 377 ) 
 
 the femblance of attachment to his friend, 
 till a fatal opportunity occurred of ftriking 
 a deadly blow. In the courfe of bufinefs 
 the cuftos, as attorney, became pofTefled of 
 fome demands, in right of others, upon an 
 eftate which lay very remote from his refi- 
 dence, and againft which a bill was filed. 
 It was taken under the protedlon of the 
 court of chancery, and the cuftos, coming 
 forward as a confiderable creditor, was ap- 
 pointed receiver. In this fituation the 
 eftate remained about thirty years, during 
 which time, the receiver ma'naged to buy 
 up for himfelf moft of the other claims 
 upon it. He worked a gang of his own 
 negroes on it, and proceeded in the 
 routine ncceflary to fwallow it up ; but in 
 fpite of every thing, the perverfe and ob- 
 ftinate foil abfolutely cleared it of its in- 
 cumbrances. This, however, was known 
 only to the cuftos, tor the original pro- 
 prietor was dead, and the perfons to whom 
 the eftate lav/fully belonged, had long ceafed 
 to think of a property of which the only 
 thing tlicy Ir.id ever heard was, that it was 
 
 mined,
 
 ( 378 ) 
 
 ruined, and irrecoverably gone. The cufloa 
 at length unbofomed himfelf to his friend 
 the Liverpool man, whom he commiffioned 
 to find out the proprietors, and to purchafe 
 their title for him at the moft moderate 
 price. The eftate had been fettled on the 
 original proprietor's daughter and heirefs, 
 who had married a poor clergyman in 
 Chefhire or Lancafhire. The remote and 
 obfcure refidence of this couple was difco- 
 vered, but the reverfion of the eftate being 
 vefted in their fon, who w^anted two years 
 of being of age, a delay was made till the 
 bufmefs could be pufhed and concluded at 
 cnce, vi^ithout giving a notice, which in the 
 courfe of two years might have led to an 
 enquiry that muft have defeated the objedt. 
 The delay, however, proved no lefs de- 
 ftrudive to the cuflos's fcheme ; for the 
 Liverpool man, chewing the cud of difap- 
 pointed love, betrayed his friend, and made 
 his fccret the means of arranging fome 
 private plans, and of advancing his own 
 interefts. The lands in queftion lay be- 
 tween two very valuable eilates of a man 
 
 cf
 
 ( 379 ) 
 f mofl: opulent fortune, who was one of 
 the Liverpool man's correfpondents. Such 
 a range of rich foil was in itfelf a moll 
 defirable objed to the pofleflbr of a conti- 
 guous property, but it was befides rendered 
 of ineftimable value to him, from its con- 
 taining a part of the bed of the river, which 
 afterwards ran through his own eftate and 
 turned his mills. He had always caft his 
 eye upon ir, and was determined if poffi- 
 ble to obtain it at any price. The know- 
 ledge of this befet the imagination of the 
 Liverpool man, who having fome delicate 
 arrangements to make with the rich man, 
 in which his own intereft was concerned, 
 determined to make him, and not the cuftos, 
 the mafter of it, for little or nothing; by 
 which he fmoothed fome untoward occur- 
 rences, and fecurcd the confignment of a 
 thoufmd hogflieads of fugar, which he 
 had fome grounds for fLMiing would be 
 taken from liim. Having n"iiulc his condi- 
 tions, lie u;ir.LvcI]ed tlie })Iot, to tlic raptu- 
 rous aftoiiillmiciit of hi.s corrcfpondcnr, a 
 f^'.v months before il.c clergyman's ion 
 
 came
 
 ( 38o ) 
 
 came of age. Too impatient to wait, the 
 happy correfpondent flew immediately to 
 the poor dwelling of the unconfcious heir- 
 efs, and having properly introduced the 
 fubje(3: to the clergyman, offered two thou- 
 fand five hundred guineas for the title. 
 Little lefs enraptured than the gentleman 
 liimfelf, the clergyman declared that he 
 thought it a'very bold offer for an expedla- 
 tion which he had long confidered of no 
 value. The gentleman affured him, that 
 as he had the means of going to law, he 
 meant, if he became the purchafer, to run all 
 rifks, and to fpare no expence in recover- 
 ing the eftate. The overjoyed couple, who 
 could not fee through the mafs of two thou- 
 fand five hundred guineas any thing half 
 fo fubftantial in the clouded profpedt of a 
 Wefl Indian property, were eager to con- 
 clude the bargain, and by legal inftruments 
 of conveyance difpofed of their rights ; and 
 Ihortly after, their fon coming of age, the 
 full title in fee was made over to the pur- 
 chafer, who taking all his mcafures by the 
 Liverpool man's advice, loft no time in 
 1 2 eftabliiliinc:
 
 ( 38i ) 
 
 eftablifhing his acquired title. He haftened 
 to Jamaica, and at a confiderable expence 
 brought the receiver to an account. The 
 cuftos was all amazement, and not being 
 able to pay the amount of the balance in 
 his hands, not only gave up the eftate to 
 the purchafer, but alfo made over a large 
 trad of land belonging to himfelf in the 
 eaftern part of the country. The eftate has 
 been confolidated and improved, and is now- 
 one of the firft properties of its fize in the 
 ifland. 
 
 I muft not omit to ftate to you, that ads 
 have been pafTed, and amended, for obliging 
 u-ttornies and other agents to record ac* 
 counts of crops, to prevent frauds. Like 
 fome other laws of the colonies, however, 
 they catch the eye and found well, but pra^ 
 terea nihil; the obligation to record a crop is 
 no obligation to make a good one, nor does 
 it diminifli the facility of the ruinous fyftem 
 vou have been contemplating. 
 
 And
 
 ( 382 ) 
 
 And now let me warn you againft think- 
 ing, after the perufal of this letter, that there 
 is no fuch thing to be found in the Weft 
 Indies as an honeft attorney. My fole in- 
 tention was to expofe to you what certain 
 agents have it in their power to do, and 
 what is too often done by them , but while 
 I am writing I have in my recolledion a 
 worthy and honorable man, who was for a 
 feries of years engaged as an attorney to 
 abfentees, whofe properties were improved 
 by his honefty, affiduity, and good fenfe. 
 I would not Icruple to name him, but that 
 the diftindion might feem to be injuftice to 
 fome others, who, I believe, are equally en- 
 titled to a fimilar tribute of applaufe.
 
 { 3^3 ) 
 
 L E T T E R XX. 
 
 State of Opifiions refpeB'ing the Slave-Trade. Internal 
 Leg'ifliition ejlabt'i/l^ed in the Hands of the Colonijls by 
 Cujlom and Reafcn. Contrajled Statements. 5//^- 
 gejlion of a Jllode for obtaining Negroes in Africa. 
 Obfervations refpeiling the Population of Creole-Blacks^ 
 and the Attempt of cultivating Sugar- Plantations by 
 free Negroes. Prfent State of Slavery in Jamaica. 
 Defects of the Colonial Syflcm. Difficulty of re- 
 medying fome of them. Religion. 
 
 jiS o colonial fubjed: has more engaged 
 the attention of the public in the courfe 
 of the laft ten years, than the flavc-trade 
 and flavery. All the feelings of the heart, 
 and all the dedu^Stions of reafon, have been 
 called forth in fupport of the adverfe opi- 
 nions on thefe points. What on the one 
 fide has been dated as unjuft, inhuman, 
 and horrible, has on the other been argued 
 to be the refult of the prefcnt ftate of 
 nature, wifdom, and true philantln'opy. 
 With the pidure of tlic llruggles and 
 
 1 amenta-
 
 ( 384 ) 
 
 lamentations of human creatures torn frotli 
 their country, their homes, and deareft 
 ties, to be hurried to a land of flavery 
 and inhumanity, has been contrafted the 
 difplay of the advantages accruing to men 
 fnatched from the moft deplorable Hate 
 of barbarifm, often from a favage execu- 
 tionj to be reclaimed and employed in 
 peaceful induftry*. To enter into an 
 extenfive difcuflion of the difpute on thefe 
 topics is foreign to my defign, for I only 
 profefs to fhow you the prefent ftate of 
 things in the colony, and I fhall therefore 
 reftrain myfelf chiefly to what has lately 
 occurred, and to novel fuggeftions, adding 
 occafional remarks that appear to me con- 
 
 * The flave-trade, In fpite of the unpopular h'ght into 
 which it was thrown, had many able and worthy advocates, 
 among whom the Duke of Clarence was uncommonly 
 flrenuous. The AfTembly of Jamaica, to evince their gra- 
 titude, voted three thoufand guineas to purchafe a fervice 
 of plate to be prefented to his Royal Higlmefs. Nor did 
 they forget to acknowledge their obligation to their agent, 
 Mr. Scwell, who exerted himftlf on the fubjeft with dif- 
 tingiiifhed abilities: tliey voted a thoufand guineas (o pur- 
 chafe him a piece of plate, in tciliniony of the fenfe they 
 entertained of his Impoitant fcrvicc?. 
 
 ducive
 
 ( 385 ) 
 
 ducive to future utility. The perfeveraticfi 
 of the friends to an abolition of the flave- 
 trade to efFedt it has been unremitted, and 
 has from time to time excited great alarm 
 among the colonifts, who have not only- 
 laid before the public general arguments 
 derived from the ftate of nature and from 
 the gofpel*, but have roundly and boldly 
 infilled on the right of obtaining negroes 
 from Africa. To the King, in an addrefs 
 written in 1 797, they faid, " We can with 
 truth aflure your Majefty, that no op- 
 portunity, no circumftance, which may 
 enable the Aflembly of Jamaica to make 
 further provifions, to fecure to every per- 
 fon in the ifland, the certain, immediate, 
 and adive protedion of the law, In pro- 
 portion to their improvement in morality 
 and religion, fliall be neglected ; but we 
 muft at the fame time declare, that wc arc 
 a(ftuated by motives of humanity only, 
 and not Vvith any view to the termination 
 
 Sec a voiy ilron;^, ])crhaps uiiaiifwcrabl'-^ letter, aJ- 
 IrefTcd to the Ijilliop of Roclicflcr, and publiflicJ in the 
 Supplement of Cobhctl'b Annual Rcin'lUr, \'ul. I. of iSo2. 
 
 Vol. II. C c cf
 
 ( 386 ) 
 
 of "the flave-trad. The right of obtaining 
 labourers from Africa is fecured to your 
 Majefly's faithful fubjeds in the colony, 
 by feveral Britifh ads of parliament, and 
 by feveral proclamations of your M-ajefty's 
 royal anceftors ; they, or their predeceffors, 
 have emigrated and fettled in Jamaica, 
 under the moft folemn promifes of this 
 abfolutely necefTary affiftance ; and they 
 can never give up, or do any ad that may 
 render doubtful, this elTential right." The 
 colonifts, however, while they took every 
 occaiion to defend the principle of the 
 fiave-trade, and to maintain their right to 
 carry it on, were ready to condemn all 
 cruelty pradifed in the courfe of it, and 
 eager to remove every hard (hip to which 
 the negroes were liable in the paflage from 
 Africa. With a view of promoting the 
 humane and beneficent objeds of the 
 Britifh legiHature in that point, and of 
 obviating one of the caufcs that impeded 
 the natural increafe of the npgrocp, the 
 Affembly paded a law, granting, the King 
 a duty, fo heavy as to operate as a pro- 
 4 hibition,
 
 ( 387 ) 
 
 hibltion, on all imported negroes above 
 twenty-five years of age. Still the total 
 abolition of the trade w^as conftantly aimed 
 at, and when direct means were not 
 adopted, cOnfequential ones were thought 
 of. The colonifts faw, or thought they 
 (aw, grounds for apprehending that with 
 this view his Majefty*s minifters had in 
 contemplation, by an at of the Britifti 
 legillature, to refume all patents of land 
 granted and not fettled, which, by pre- 
 venting the extenfion of the cultivation 
 of the colony, would lead to the gradual 
 and complete abolition of the flave-trade, 
 as the further importation of Africans 
 would become lefs necefHiry ; upon which 
 they boldly declared, " that the meafure 
 would be a dired violation of thofe rights 
 they were entitled to as Britifli fubjcds, 
 and that it was incumbent on the people 
 of Jamaica to rclill: it by all poiiiblc lawful 
 means *'. They ailcited that they were 
 
 cna!)lcd 
 
 * 'i'liis rcfiflance could not mean ;i finr^;-]'- of p',;. lic.il 
 
 llrch^r'.li, I'.ut the uppofi'.i')!) of mo:;:!, and as cxprtl.Iy' 
 
 C <: 2 v,-(.iid(.d.
 
 ( 388 ) 
 
 enabled by their conftltutlon to legiflatc 
 
 for themfelves in all matters relating to 
 
 internal concerns, a right which they had 
 
 enjoyed for upwards of a century; and 
 
 that the principle, thougli not publicly 
 
 recognized by an adt of parliament, had 
 
 neverthelefs been deemed, by all wife and 
 
 juft characters in Great Britain, to exift 
 
 in full force, and that parliament had no 
 
 right to infringe or abridge it, by enadling 
 
 any law for their internal regulation. The 
 
 minifter having declared that the further 
 
 increafe of negro population in the colony 
 
 would prove highly dangerous to the 
 
 white inhabitants from the inequality of 
 
 the numbers, a committee of the Houfe 
 
 of Afiembly ftated it to be their opinion, 
 
 that the judgment he had formed was 
 
 uordcd, legal means ; not a lecourfe to arnis, but to petitioa 
 and remoniliance ; and, therefore, did not call for fo harfh 
 II comparifon as that made by an animated champion of 
 negro liberty, who faid, " The palficd bed-ridden patient 
 r.iight a* rationally threaten violence to his nurfe, for 
 putting fuilciiauce into his mouth." Though, to have 
 made the limile complete, he flionld rather have faid, for 
 uking his iulienaucc out cf his mouth." 
 
 erroneous
 
 ( 389 ) 
 
 erroneous in the extreme ; for that nothing 
 could fo greatly contribute to the increafe 
 of white population, and that too of the 
 defcription likely to be moft ufeful for 
 the fecurity of the country, as the encou- 
 ragement of fmall fettlers in the interior, 
 an obfervation which has been confirmed 
 by experience ; and that were the profpeds 
 of acquiring property in land, and negroes 
 taken away, no perfons in whom con- 
 fidence could be placed would adventure 
 to the country, confequently it would foon 
 become impoffible to carry on plantations 
 to any extent, and the moft ufeful white 
 population required for agricultural pur- 
 pofes would be reduced to a very alarming 
 degree, from which it was evident that the 
 internal fafety of the ifland, inftead of 
 being promoted by an abolition of the 
 trade, would be very higlily endangered. 
 
 The right of internal legiflation aflerted 
 
 by the committee, was examined with 
 
 fomc afperity, and in a language bordering 
 
 upon infult, by an ingenious writer, who 
 
 C c 3 has
 
 ( 390 ) 
 
 has caught that calenture of the heart, 
 which proceeds from a fermenting bene- 
 volence, and which raifes a fairy ground 
 about the State veflel, tempting the patients 
 to plunge from the deck into a fathomlefs 
 ocean. He has endeavoured to fhow that 
 the ftatutes of Great Britain on colonial 
 fubjedts are all hoftile to this claim, and 
 he aflerts it to be a monftrous pofition that 
 the mother country may not interpofe and 
 correct the evils that may arife from in- 
 ternal colonial regulations. To this the 
 Weft Indians have to anfwer, that they 
 did not build their claim on *the ftatute 
 law, but on rational ufage for more than 
 a century ; that the aCt of William the 
 Third, declaring laws made in the colonies 
 repugnant to Englifh ftatutes extending to 
 or naming them void, could only allude 
 to ftatutes generally, and could have no 
 reference to the conftitutional ufage of the 
 colony, in v^'hich it made no alteration ; 
 that the Declaratory law (the fixth of 
 George the Third) aflerting a parliamen- 
 tarv right to legiflate for the colonies in 
 
 all
 
 ( 391 ) 
 
 all cafes whatever, was counteratfted by 
 a fubfequent ad: (eighteenth of Georj^e the 
 Third) as to taxation, and had never been 
 a<^ed upon in cafes of interior government, 
 in which the colonial ufage conftantly pre- 
 vailed ; that this Declaratory at was par- 
 ticularly directed againft the turbulent fpirit 
 that manifefted itfelf in North America; 
 that the word leg'ijiate^ however ftrength- 
 ened by the addition of /// all cafes what- 
 ever^ could not be taken in a feiife replete 
 with abfurdity, namely, to legiflate without 
 a fufficient knowledge of the fubjedt on 
 which the parliament undertook to legi- 
 flate, which mud be the cafe in all local 
 laws ; and tliat admitting the power of 
 the mother-country to interfere in tlie 
 internal regulations of the colony, it was 
 but common juftice, when they did fo, to 
 appoint a commictec of the leginaturc to 
 go and refide a certain tiiiic on tl.c fpot, 
 to iuveiligate the nature of the buiincfs 
 propofed, and to decide fairly, from expe- 
 rience, quellions obicured, at t'hc dilfmce 
 of four thouiaud miles, by impervious 
 C; c 4 citnuls
 
 ( 392 ) 
 
 clouds of paffion and contradidory tefli- 
 mony. 
 
 I ftate to you the more freely and the 
 more ftrongly the reafoning in favour of 
 the colonifts, as I am fenfiblc of an ardent 
 tendency in my heart to difapprove the 
 flave-trade ; but while our feelings rife up 
 in arms againft the horrid tales that have 
 been laid before the public, let us not fliut 
 our ears to the reafoning of the planter, 
 becaufe he fpeaks from felf-intereft, and 
 becaufe felf-^intereft may create prejudices. 
 Self-intereft is no criminal motive, although 
 the means of promoting it may be vicious. 
 Let us fupport philanthropy on both fides. 
 Free men are kidnapped, and wars are ex- 
 cited to procure captives ; families are fe- 
 parated, and wretched victims are configned 
 to fuffocation in a loathfome tranfport, 
 forced acrofs the ocean, and fold for life 
 to mercilefs tyrants. If this be true, Oh ! 
 that the Omnipotence alcribed to the Bri- 
 tifh parliament may eradicate thefe evils, 
 and punifh the perpetrators of them! Amen, 
 
 fay
 
 ( 393 ) 
 
 fay the planters. la certain uncivilized 
 regions of the globe, there are immenfc 
 numbers of wretched black men exifting 
 flaves to barbarians of their own colour, 
 plunged in ignorance, and fubjedt to all the 
 wanton cruelties and miferies of favage 
 tyranny *. In vifiting thofe coafts to pro- 
 mote the interefts of European colonies, 
 and confequently of Europe, the colonifts 
 refcue thcfe unfortunate blacks from a ftate 
 of horrid and favage flavery, to place them 
 in a mild and civilized ftate of fervitude ; 
 they fnatch them from the mod degrading 
 idolatr}'-, and lead them to the benevolent 
 fyftem of the gofpel of Chrift. In doing 
 this, care is taken to part no happy families, 
 to break no kindred ties, to feize 
 
 No fportive negro, panting at the line. 
 Who boafts of goUlen f.iiuls and pahny winr. 
 Who liftlcfs baflfs, or flcms tlic tepid wavf, 
 And, born to freedom, fcorns to be a flavc. 
 
 If this be true, long may felf-Interefl: com- 
 bine with nobler motives to continue to 
 
 * Tyrant and flaveis tlic only government amonc; favag'">;. 
 
 8 improve
 
 ( 394 ) 
 improve the condition and the happinefs of 
 this race of men ! If this be true, fay amen, 
 ye who have in a great degree confirmed 
 the aflertion, by fubfcribing your names to 
 a report in which it appears that the feeble- 
 minded and debauched tyrants of Africa 
 fell their (laves * ; and in which it alfo 
 appears that free negroes are not to b^ 
 depended upon for cultivation f. Can- 
 
 trafted 
 
 * We are told in the report of May 1802, refpe6\ing 
 Sierra Leone, * that whoever can pofTefs himfelf of a few 
 flaves, may become the head of a town, that fuccefs in raif- 
 fng rice, and In trading, enables this head-man to cncteafe 
 the number of his flaves, and confequently his llrength and 
 influence ; that many freemen then fcek his protedlion, and 
 put themfelves under his government : that in this way feme 
 of themoftconfiderable towns in the neighbourhood of Sierra 
 Leone have arifen in the courfe of a fingle generation. *' A 
 feeble-minded or debauchtd fuccefTor," fay the reporters, 
 *' by felling, under a variety of pretexts, (moll of which the 
 fuperftition of his countiy fupply,) thofe whom in policy as 
 well as in jutlice he ought to protett, deftroys in a llill 
 fhorter period, the power which has been thus raifed." See 
 a report of a Cotnin'tllee of the Hnufe of Commons appoint ed la 
 examine the petition of the Directors of the Sierra Leone Com- 
 pany, May 25//', 18^2. 
 
 |- ' The Nova Scolians and Maroons arc not likely to 
 employ their own luts of lanes in the production of any ma- 
 
 iciial
 
 ( 395 ) 
 
 trafted ftatements like the above, confound 
 the underftanding, and fufpend the judg- 
 ment : but when we fee the experience of 
 the oppofite parties concurring in the two 
 following points, that the flavery of Africa 
 is worfe than that of the Wjeft Indies, and 
 that free negroes will not cultivate the earth 
 farther than to obtain a coarfe and fcanty 
 fupply for immediate neceflity, we may be 
 forgiven if the idea fliould come acrofs our 
 minds, that the flave-trade may be made a 
 blefling, if it be not already one. I advance 
 this, however, with fome awe, for I am 
 aware how unpopular the fide it feems to 
 take. And let me not be miftaken. God 
 forbid that I fhould fupport a pofition of 
 which the ohjed were to diminifli the hap- 
 plnefs of my fellow creatures ! If that be 
 really the effed: of the flave-trade, may the 
 
 tcrial qi:antlty of arlii.'!'.s of (.xportahic proilucc, fjr tliougli 
 t'.K-y have at dilTcreiit times cultivated ground to a cop.fidcr- 
 abic I'Xtci'it, no great 'icpciidcricc can be jjlacrd on ilicir 
 iUady puduil of any anicukural plans." Sic ihc n^'urt tj a 
 Lwm>:nitt.e oj the Houfc of Cotnmons of 2^th ALiy 1H02. 
 
 Umnil-cicnt
 
 ( 396 ) 
 
 Omnifcient and Omnipotent Being to 
 whom the truth is known, grant that a flop 
 may be immediately put to it ! But, left it 
 fhould be a bleffing in itfelf,. left the aboli- 
 tion of it fhould not only prove ruin to the 
 planter, butf-'a curfe to Africa, by arrefting 
 the improvement of the lot of many thou- 
 fands of its inhabitants, let not the omnipo- 
 tence of parliament, which never can be 
 accompanied by omnifcience, aggregate 
 bodies being doomed, like individuals, to 
 fee through a glafs darkly, proceed to ftop 
 a fource of cer;:ain good, before the greater 
 evil be afcertained beyond difpute. The 
 colonifts affirm that the flave trade, far from 
 being cruel and improper, " is confiftent 
 with charity and the beft feelings of huma- 
 nity* ;" and that free negroes will not 
 heartily engage in agriculture. Thefe pofi- 
 tions feem to derive confiderable fupport 
 
 See a difpaflionatc, fenfible Letter on the Slavi 
 Trade, acidrcfltd to Lord Peuryhn, cliairmaii of the meet- 
 ing of Weft-!ndia planters, held on the 3d of May 1800. 
 By a Well-India proprietor. Piibliflv.d by Cawthorn, 
 
 Stiap.d. 
 
 from
 
 ( .397 ) 
 
 from the incidental, unintentional confcf- 
 fions of theit antagonifts already cited. 
 However difgufting, therefore, the pictures 
 prefented to us of a traffic of human crea- 
 tures, It is incumbent upon us to fliut our 
 eyes to the magic of the pencil, to guard 
 our imagination againft the obeah of poetry, 
 and to appeal to homely fa(n: and unerring 
 experience for the ground of adlon. The 
 mild and humane Weft-Indian, whofe letter 
 I have juft quoted, after fliowing the mu- 
 tual benefit of the ilave-trade to Africa and 
 the colonies, recommends, in a genuine 
 fpirit of philanthropy, that commifTioners 
 fhould be fent from England to the princi- 
 pal ports in Africa, there to make regula- 
 tions for the treatment of the flaves when 
 received, and whilft on their paflage to the 
 Weft Iiidics. llie report of the Committee 
 of the lioufc of Commons of May 1802, 
 furnifhes grounds for improving upon this 
 idea. Let the lieadmcn of the towns there 
 mentioned, be Induced by advantages to 
 enter into a rational fpirit of the trade. Let 
 Iramanc regulations be prefented to tlicm 
 
 by
 
 ( 398 ) 
 
 by the propofed commiffioners for the ob- 
 taining of negroes; let the nature of colonial 
 agriculture in its improved ftate be fairly 
 explained, let the negroes to be imported 
 be informed of the tenure of their fervice, 
 and not fuffered, as is faid, to imagine that 
 they, are purchafed like cattle to be eaten. 
 It is perhaps not impoffible by proper means 
 to produce fuch an effe^l among the poor 
 Africans, as not only to make them fet out 
 on the voyage with cheerfulnefs, but con- 
 tend for the preference of removal. Men 
 convinced that the change is from a perpe- 
 tual abjed: life of favage flavery, to mild 
 fervitude and a comfortable and fecure ex- 
 iftence, would probably be as eager in 
 Africa for emigration as the poor and dlf- 
 treffed of any country. To perfect this 
 plan, might be a work of time, but not of 
 fuch length, by centuries, as the ijitcrnal 
 civilization of Africa, laudably originally, 
 but fondly, undertaken by the Sierra Leone 
 Company. It v/ould perhaps not be un- 
 worthy the confideration of that Company, 
 on finding that they had taken a wrong- 
 ground
 
 ( 399 ) 
 
 ground in their purfuits of humanity, to 
 change it for one lefs brilliant, but pro- 
 mifmg more fubftantial happlnefs to the 
 race of man; and (ince univerfal liberty 
 has been lately fo fully proved to be a 
 phantom, to join cordially with the com- 
 miffioners recommended, in eftablifliing 
 humane modes of obtaining negroes from 
 Africa, for the fhips that come for that 
 purpofe to the coaft; and to remove the 
 great objedion to the trade, which arifes 
 from the encouragement that it may give 
 to ads of violence, oppreflion, and fraud 
 among the natives towards each other. 
 Were they to do this, inftead of a co- 
 lony exifting in perpetual dread of being 
 flaughtered; inftead of wars with King 
 Jemmy and the TImmanles, and other fa- 
 vage tribes ; inftead of owing their exiftence, 
 as a company, clilefly to the dilFiculty the 
 government feels itfclf under, of linding a 
 proper place for the Maroons and Nova 
 Scotlajib *^ ihey would (iourilh, tliey would 
 
 Sec tlic cvidi'iice iiijijKji'.inj.'; the Rtpoit of the Com- 
 nuUi-'j of the IIo..f'. of L\)i:.:v.:j\.j uf May 25, I'rl 1. 
 
 liave
 
 ( 400 ) 
 
 liave It in their power to meliorate the lot 
 of their fellow creatures ; thoufands and 
 tens of thoufands of miferable men would 
 be at their eleftion to blefs in this life, and 
 iave eternally. If any one be inclined to 
 think that I mean to ridicule or infult the 
 Sierra Leone Company, he does me injuf- 
 tice : believing their motives to be pure, I 
 admire and refpet them ; my feelings, I 
 am fenfible, are in fome refped^ fimilar to 
 theirs ; but reafon is ftubborn, and fenti- 
 mentsthat flow from impulfes of the heart, 
 however amiable, muft be corredled by the 
 Jecifions of the underftanding. I ihould, 
 indeed, deem It a grofs and unpardonable 
 infult to the Sierra Leone Company, did I 
 in jeft advife them to become flave-mer- 
 chants, and undertake the very thing they 
 reprobate, to remove men from freedom and 
 happinefs to flavery and mifery. No : I 
 would have them what they willi to be, the 
 guardians of humanity, the promoters of 
 rational felicity : and certainly they would 
 not anfwer this defcription, were they to 
 make the change I have dared to fuggeft, 
 
 if
 
 ( 40I ) 
 
 if they were not completely feconded by 
 the colonifls, and by the internal colonial 
 arrangements which fliould prove, that a 
 *' mild fervitude, under humane regulations, 
 is the fyftem bed adapted to make the 
 people removed happy, in themfelves, and 
 ufeful inhabitants of the earth*.'* This 
 naturally leads us to take a view of the pre- 
 lent Hate of flavery in Jamaica, to which I 
 fiiall proceed after making a few obferva- 
 tions on two points, more immediately 
 conneded with the fubje^l of the flave- 
 trade ; the adequate encreafe of a Creole 
 population, and the pradicability of culti- 
 vating by free negroes. The caufes that 
 rcftrain the population of the negroes in the 
 Weft Indies, have been impartially ftated 
 by Mr. Edwards. The colon! fts in im- 
 proving the condition of their flaves, have 
 certainly taken the beft means to promote 
 the encreafe of Creole births, but till coha- 
 bitation fhall be better regulated, and poly- 
 gamy, or rather the appropriation offeveral 
 
 * Weft Ir;d!a Proprietor's letter to Lot J P.nrylin. 
 
 Vol. U. D d women
 
 ( 402 ) 
 
 women by head negroes abolifhed, which 
 can only be by the introdudion of chrif- 
 tianity, and the laws of marriage, there 
 can be no hope of any great alteration in 
 this particular ; though it is a known faft, 
 that on fome eftates the population does 
 increafe: but even were all impediments 
 removed, there could not be fo rapid 
 an encreafe of population as to afford a 
 profpe<l^ of fettling the country without a 
 fupply of Africans. With refpedl to culti- 
 vation by free negroes, how little acquaint- 
 ed mufl; they be with the negro character 
 who can be led to believe that free negroes 
 would, or could carry on the variety of 
 work neceiTary upon g. fugar eftate. In 
 Africa, the little cultivation undertaken 
 near the coafts for trade, is carried on 
 by Haves ; and we have (^en in a committee 
 of the Houfe of Commons, the chief fup- 
 porters of African liberty deipair of any 
 great attention to agriculture from two 
 confiderable bodies of free negroes, which 
 one would imagine decifive of tlie quefiion. 
 There never was an inflance of a free nc^j-'ro 
 
 o
 
 (403) 
 
 hiring himfelf to work as a plantation- 
 negro. In the inftances I have given of 
 the Maroons, in a former letter, their labour 
 was confined to the cutting down the 
 woods, and clearing and planting the land ; 
 which they undertook for a fpecific fum, and 
 performed at their leifure when they wilhed 
 to fupply fome immediate want ; but no 
 Maroon or free negro ever did engage him- 
 felf to cut canes, load carts, drive mules, carry 
 tra{h, or ftoke ; and of upwards of fix hun- 
 dred of the Trelawney Town Maroons, not 
 more than forty or fifty ever undertook any 
 work but for themfelves, and that with no- 
 thing of the regularity requifite on a fugar- 
 plantation. Of the ten thoufand free people 
 of colour and blacks in Jamaica, not tea 
 would be tempted even by a dollar a day, 
 to engage in the employments I have men- 
 tioned. Befides, cattle-keepers, watchmen, 
 and negroes of other occupations, mult 
 neceflarily be attached to the eilate. Add 
 to this, that there would be no rcdrcfs on 
 any lofs that might arife from nugllgciicc ; 
 D a 2 and
 
 ( 404 ) 
 
 and the free man might leave his matter's 
 fervice at a moment's warning *, 
 
 Let us now contemplate llavery as it 
 ftands under the confolidated law of Ja- 
 maica, and let us confider what yet remains 
 
 to be done, to accomplifh the relative hap- 
 pinefs of the body of black people in the 
 Weft Indies, In that ftate to which it has 
 pleafed God to call them. 
 
 What ! God call men to a ftate of flave- 
 ry ? Be not furprifed, my friend ; I have 
 not recanted my former opinions; I am ftill 
 an enemy to the very name of llavery. I 
 w^ould have all men free ; I would have all 
 men virtuous, religious, and happy. I would 
 
 Among the happy, fiee, and equal inhabitants of the 
 United States of America, they turn liberty in this refpeft 
 to an excellent account. Servants not only quit their maf- 
 ter's fervice without warning, but before they enter it de- 
 mand a reference for his charaftcr. I was at a gentleman's 
 houfe in one of the principal towns of ihf: Ignited States, 
 when a negro applying for his place, alT.cd vt whom he 
 fliould inquire the gciillcman'c chara(f'-"r, 
 
 banlfti
 
 ( 405 ) 
 
 banifli vice from the moral world, and evil 
 from the natural one. I would make earth 
 a paradife, and I would in fucceflion tranf- 
 late men to regions of greater blifs to all 
 eternity. What think you I is not this 
 better than the unintelligible mode chofen 
 by Providence, for the conduct of his 
 operations ? am I not intitled to the 
 gratitude of mankind for being fo much 
 more confident than the ruler of the uni- 
 verfe? But my reveries will alter none of 
 his mandates ; and that what he permits 
 will ultimately appear to fupport the fyftem 
 of infinite wifdom, I humbly acknow- 
 ledge. That he has permitted flavery can- 
 not be denied by thofe who allow his fuper- 
 intendence : he has permitted it, as he has 
 permitted other evils ; thefe it is the part 
 of man to counteracSt and alleviate. He is 
 not forbidden to do fo, and it Is a part of 
 his duty ; but he mufl do it wifely, to do it 
 well ; he muft do it wifely, or he will in- 
 creafe inflead of mitigating the evil. I 
 flioiild think it no inconfiftency in him who 
 advifes a general emancipation as the re- 
 P d 3 mcdy
 
 ( 4o6 ) 
 
 medy of this evil, to advife amputation for 
 the gout. I am the enemy of tyranny, and 
 the friend of happinefs ; an enemy to that 
 llavery, " which implies the degradation of 
 animated nature into a monftrous machin- 
 ery wound up and kept in motion by tor- 
 ture ;" and a friend to that happinefs which 
 refults from virtue, and which every man, 
 " whether he be bond or free," muft owe 
 to the all-wife difpoferof events. Let us 
 . not quarrel about words, nor excite the 
 enthufiafm of men to contend for fhadows. 
 Let us equally avoid inflaming the minds of 
 any clafs of people with pidures of unat- 
 tainable enjoyments, while we endeavour to 
 render the yoke eafy, and the burden light. 
 Liberty and independence are very vague 
 terms : there is no fuch thing as abfolute 
 independence ; and fociety is itfelf pecu- 
 liarly a ftate of various degrees of depen- 
 dencies, in which the lot of fome, confidered 
 in a temporal point of view, is apparently 
 a miferablc condition when compared to 
 the enjoyments allotted to others of the 
 human race. To attempt to equalize hap- 
 pinefs
 
 { 407 ) 
 
 pinefs by comparlfoii with more favoured 
 iituadons of life, is to deftroy the bafis of 
 it, content. Of the great mafs of mankind, 
 content and hope are the fourccs of felicity : 
 the diftin(flions bellowed by fortune are 
 comparatively in the hands of few, and if 
 none are to be happy while others are more 
 fortunate and happier, life would indeed be 
 but fcenes of confufion and mifery. But 
 even in a comparative view, the condition 
 of the flaves in Jamaica does not rank the 
 loweft or mod unfortunate. In the moft 
 enlightened quarter of the world, in Europe, 
 a great portion of mankind are in a ftate of 
 mifery far more deplorable than what is to 
 be found among the Well-Indian blacks ; 
 and perhaps in England itfelf, the compa- 
 rilon might in fome inftances turn out in 
 favour of the Weft Indies. The compari- 
 fons have been already made, nor is it my 
 intention to repeat them here at large ; I 
 only mean to attribute flavcry, like all other 
 conditions of life, to the operations of 
 Divine Providence, and to confuler the 
 negroes as in a Rate lo which it has pleafed 
 D d 4 Ccd
 
 ( 4o8 ) 
 
 God to call them. In that (late much has been 
 done, and much may yet be. done, to render 
 their exiftence comfortable, and in a con- 
 fidcrable degree happy ; but a fudden tran- 
 fition from that ftate to the degree of inde- 
 pendence enjoyed by their mafters, would 
 rather be to plunge them into mifery than 
 to extricate them from it. Again I beg you 
 to believe me a friend to real liberty ; but 
 happinefs is our fubjed, and if the queftion 
 be, whether there can be any without liberty, 
 thereby meaning the uncontrolled diredion 
 of time and employment,! have no fcruple in 
 affirming that in the prefent ftate of human 
 nature, and particularly among the blacks, 
 the want of liberty is not inconflftent with 
 a portion of happinefs fuperior to what is 
 enjoyed by many who are deemed free : 
 not the happinefs of educated minds, but 
 w^hat is generally termed happinefs in the 
 mafs of mankind, a certainty of being pro- 
 vided for through life, and agreeable feel- 
 ings in their intercourfe among themfelves. 
 Slavery, in the manner it has exifted, mufl 
 be an abomination to every man who has 
 
 anv
 
 ( 409 ) 
 
 any degree of feeling or underftanding, but 
 as it is capable of being modified, and as it 
 is modified by humane mailers, it prefents 
 not thofe horrors which foinc lively imagi- 
 nations and good hearts attach to it. That 
 the (late of it in the Weft Indies previous 
 to the time of our prefent inquiry, was in- 
 confiftent in many refpe<fls with the princi- 
 ples of humanity, there is ample teftimony. 
 In the confideration of avarice, the welfare 
 of the negro was too frequently forgotten ; 
 labour was puflied to an enormous excef^, 
 and the modes of coercion were difgraceful 
 and barbarous. But there was alfo a num- 
 ber of good mafters at all times, and thefe 
 generally were the Weft-Indians them- 
 felves ; for, ftrange as it is, the cruelties we 
 havt fo much reprobated, were chiefly to 
 be charged to Europeans, not indeed men 
 of refined education, but fuccefsful adven- 
 turers. It is not, however, my ta{k to 
 expofe a monfter no longer exifting, let us 
 therefore turn from the paft, and take a 
 view of the prefent condition of the negroes 
 in Jamaica. 
 
 The
 
 ( 4IO ) 
 
 The negroes are the labourers of the 
 country ; their working does not depend 
 upon their will, nor is it the refult of their 
 immediate corporeal neceflities, but, in 
 confequence of their relative fituation, they 
 are called upon to cultivate thf foil, and 
 perform every bufmefs enjoined them, as 
 a duty ; and this duty they are compelled 
 to perform. The mode of labouring is 
 adapted to the nature of the culture in 
 which they are engaged, and is much the 
 fame as defcribed in the fuccind: hiftory 
 of Jamaica. In the colonial laws relative 
 to them, we fee the following regulations 
 and ordinances : Mafters, who are pro- 
 prietors of lands, are obliged to allot and 
 appoint a fufficient quantity of land for 
 every flave he has, and allow him fufficierit 
 time for working it, and are moreover 
 bound to have other grounds, at leaft one 
 acre for every ten negroes, planted in 
 ground-provifions for the ufe of his flaves; 
 and every planter neglecting the care of 
 thefe grounds, forfeits fifty pounds. Mafters 
 who have no lands, are obliged to provide for 
 
 the
 
 ( 4M ) 
 
 the maintenance of their negroes by fome 
 other means. All owners are bound to 
 keep their fick, aged, or difabled negroes, 
 and to provide them with wholefome ne- 
 ceflaries of life ; to clothe them every year ; 
 and to inftrud: them in the Chriftian reli- 
 gion. Perfons mutilating negroes are to 
 be fined and imprifoned ; and in very 
 atrocious cafes, where the owners are con- 
 vided of the offence, the flaves fo abufed 
 are to be made free, and the fine of a 
 hundred pounds paid to the veftry of the 
 parifh, who in confideration thereof, is to 
 pay the enfranchiied negro ten pounds 
 a-year during his life ; and the juftices and 
 veftry are appointed a council of protedion 
 for fuch flaves. Whoever wantonly, wil- 
 lingly, or bloody-mindedly, kills, or caufcs 
 to be killed, any flave, is to fuffer death 
 without benefit of clergy. Whoever wan- 
 tonly or cruelly, whips, maltreats, beats, 
 bruifes, wounds, or confines, without fuf- 
 ficient fupport, any flave or flaves, Is liable 
 to fine and imprifonment. All arbitrary 
 punifliment is reflraincd fo far, that If the 
 
 crime
 
 ( 412 ) 
 
 crime committed is deemed to deferve more 
 than ten lafhes, it fhall not be inflicted on 
 any plantation or fettlement, but in the 
 prefence of the owner, attorney, guardian, 
 executor, or adrainiftrator, or overfeer of 
 the place, under whofe care the flave is ; 
 nor in any workhoufe or jail, but in the 
 prefence of the fupervifor or keeper, and 
 on no account fhall they punifh a flave 
 with more than thirty-nine lafhes ; or caufe 
 him to be whipped twice in one day, or 
 a fecond time before the delinquent is 
 recovered from the efFeds of any former 
 punifhment. Putting iron collars on flaves, 
 and loading them with heavy chains, are 
 prohibited under a fevere penalty. Sick, 
 old, or difablcd negroes, deferted by the 
 owners not to be found, are to be taken 
 care of by the parifh. The negroes are 
 allowed holidays at particular times in the 
 year under certain political reftridions ; 
 and one day in every fortnight to cultivate 
 their own grounds, befides Sundays. They 
 are not to be compelled to work upon the 
 plantation before live in the morning, or 
 
 after
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 after feven at night, except during crop ; 
 and in the day they are to be allowed half 
 an hour for breakfaft, and two hours for 
 dinner. Annual accounts of the births 
 and deaths of negroes are to be given in 
 to the veftries of the refpedive pariflies, 
 and the furgeons attending the negroes are 
 alfo required to make annual returns of 
 their deaths, under the penalty of one hun- 
 dred pounds for every neglect of return. 
 After balancing the ftatements of births 
 and deaths, if the population of any eftate 
 is found to be increafed, the overfeer is 
 entitled to a reward from the proprietor 
 of thre6 pounds for every one on the 
 encreafed lift, and the fum is repaid to the 
 proprietor by a deduction from his taxes. 
 Every female having fix children living 
 is exempted from hard labour ; and her 
 owner from every tax on her account, if 
 {he is provided with the means of an eafy 
 and comfortable maintenance. Slaves charg- 
 ed with offences for which they are liable 
 to be punifhed with death or tranfportation, 
 are to \)e tried by a jury confifting of nine 
 II jurors,
 
 ( 4H ) 
 
 jurors, fuch as are ufually warned and im- 
 pannelled to ferve on juries, at a flave-court 
 held for the purpofe before three juftices. 
 The execution of a flave fentenced to death 
 is to be performed in a public and folemn 
 manner, and by no other mode than that 
 of hanging ; and when feveral are capitally 
 convided for the fame offence, one only 
 is to fufFer death, except in cafes of murder 
 and rebellion. The proceedings on thefe 
 trials are to be recorded. Inferior crimes 
 and mifdemeanors are punilhable in a more 
 fummary manner, on a hearing before two 
 juftices of the peace, who are empowered 
 to infli<3: punifhments, not exceeding fifty 
 lafhes, or fix months confinement to hard 
 labour. 
 
 Such are the ordinances for the protec- 
 tion and comfort of the negroes, and 
 for the encouragement of population ; a 
 more humane or liberal code, confiftent 
 with the relation of maftcr and flave, it 
 is hardly poOible to invent or devife; and in 
 the prcient Rate of human nature it may not 
 
 i unrea-
 
 ( 415 ) 
 
 unreafonably be deemed by men of fenfe 
 and fenfibility, an adequate compenfation 
 for the various reftridiions neceflarily 
 impofed on that liberty, or freedom of 
 agency fo much talked of, and fo little 
 known. 
 
 No, fay fome philanthropifts, we cannot 
 let the planters off fo eafily : thefe ordi- 
 nances may be mighty fine in contempla- 
 tion, but are they efficient in pracftice ? 
 Is there any fuch thing as a council of 
 protedlion, who are adive in efpoufing 
 the interefls of the negroes, and to whom 
 they dare fly when injured ? How are we 
 to rid our imagination of the annoyance 
 created by the ideas we have received 
 of the fudden thunder of the cattle, or cart, 
 whip ? Do not we know that the poor 
 innocent creatures are feized by iiihunian 
 catchpolcs, torn from their houi"c3 and 
 friends, and fold as chattels for tlic pay- 
 ment of debts ? Is religion cultivated 
 among them ? Is not the Lord's J).iy 
 the one particularly devoted to working 
 
 the
 
 ( 4>(5 ) 
 
 the negro-grounds, and carrying provifions 
 to market ? 
 
 It cannot be denied that fome improve- 
 ments in practice yet remain to be made 
 in order to perfect the colonial fyftem, 
 and to render it fully efficient. " But,'* 
 fay the colonifts, " is nothing done till 
 nought remains to be done ? Will you 
 deftroy the building becaufe the architrave 
 of the portico is incomplete ? In what 
 country are the laws fully and univerfaily 
 efficient ? Is it in Britain ? No. We can 
 only, therefore, repeat the language we 
 have already addrefled to our fovereign,that 
 ** no opportunity, no circumftance which 
 may enable us to make further provifions, 
 to fecure every perfon in the ifland, the 
 certain, immediate, and adive protection 
 of the law^, {hall be neglcded.'* 
 
 Taking it for granted that this decla- 
 ration is fmccre, let us fee how far ihclr 
 opponents are iouudcd in the obfcrvation^ 
 and queftiOiMS above (latcd, and inquire 
 
 whai
 
 ( 41? ) 
 
 what is yet to be done to complete the 
 hope of rational humanity, and the triumph 
 of the colonifts. The Council of Pro- 
 tection, the idea of which is noble, is not 
 veiled in hands fufEciently active, and the 
 powers lodged in it ought to be placed 
 elfewhere. But where ? There is the 
 difficulty. If, however, the planters be 
 fmcere, it may be overcome. If oppreffion 
 be really deteftable in their eyes, the pro- 
 fecution of thofe guilty of it will be 
 accounted honourable. Let men of edu- 
 cation, unconneded with the diftridts in 
 which they are to a(lt, be appointed to 
 hold the Council of Protection as an office 
 for inquiry into abufes and infringements 
 of the law ; let them have fubordinate 
 officers ; and, inftead of annexing to them 
 the ideas raifed by inquilitors and informers, 
 let them be every where efleemed as the 
 guardians of humanity, valued for their 
 energy, and prized for enforcing laws, 
 which have only to be executed with 
 fpirit to rcfletSt all their glory on the 
 Vol. II. E e colony.
 
 ( 4>8 ) 
 
 colony, and filence its enemies*. Till 
 this, or fome (imilar plan, be adopted, till 
 a mode of obtaining pure evidence with 
 eafe be devifed, thefe noble ordinances muft 
 in fome parts flumber, and will be con- 
 fidered by the adverfaries of the colonial 
 fyftem as mere blinds. But let me not 
 be mifundcrftood ; for in venturing to 
 fuggeft the idea of an efficacious means, 
 I am far from intending to grant, that at 
 this day the generality of Weft India pro- 
 prietors ftand in need of any other obferver 
 than the demigod of the bofom, or that 
 inftances of oppreffion are now very com- 
 mon ; nor let it be forgotten, that fmce 
 the paffing of the confolidated law, feveral 
 perfons have fuffered death for wanton 
 injuries and feverity to their flaves from 
 which they died ; but it is too well 
 known, that on eftates out of the hands 
 of the proprietors, little attention is paid 
 
 * In the ifland of Grenada, the juftices are required to 
 nominate annually three freeholders to be Guardians of the 
 Slaves, who are to take an oath to fee the law duly exe- 
 cuted. 
 
 to
 
 ( 419 ) 
 
 to the welfare, to the fupport, and comfort 
 of the negroes. The Council of Protection 
 fhould keep a ftridl eye on all eftates in 
 the hands of fuch agents as were defcribed 
 in my laft letter ; and watch over every 
 claufe of the law in favour of the negroes 
 with a jealous vigilance. 
 
 The mode adopted to enforce obedience 
 on eftates, is pregnant with offence to the 
 advocates of freedom. I hate the cattle- 
 whip as much as any one can do, and 
 am of opinion that the entire abolition 
 of it would not be in the leaft injurious 
 to the interefts of the planter. Ancient 
 cuftom is no good plea in behalf of its 
 continuance. The head-man, or, as he is 
 unluckily called, the Driver, would per- 
 haps loofe fome little dignity in his own 
 conceit by being deprived of this badge 
 of authority, but as in fal his voice 
 anfwers all the purpofe of his whip, he 
 might be very eafily confoled by giving 
 him a laced hat, and a long ftaff with a 
 round knob like a drum-major's, for like 
 E e 2 that
 
 (420 ) 
 
 that it ha^ in the hands of the head-man 
 been long a mere enfign of office, and 
 we have but to turn to the confolidated 
 law, to fee what little ufe can be made of 
 it by him, and of courfe decide for our- 
 felves whether it can be made the cruel 
 inftrument of equalizing the exertions of 
 poor weakly negroes with thofe of the 
 ftrong and vigorous. This is one of the 
 worft charges brought againft the planter ; 
 this is, indeed, where pradifed, amaffing 
 wealth at the expence of the life of man. It 
 is not often pradifed in Jamaica, I truft it is 
 difcontinued in every other ifland where it 
 has been known. To fhut this mouth of 
 clamour, the planter would do well to 
 confider whether it would not be better 
 to fubftitute for daily labour a certain 
 ftated portion of work, when it can be 
 fet off. Such tafks are given and per- 
 formed with eafe in America, where the 
 proprietors are gainers by it, and it might 
 probably be attended with equal fuccefs 
 in the Weft Indies. Many planters, dlf- 
 liking the noife of the cattle-whip, have 
 
 abolifhed
 
 ( 421 ) 
 
 abollihed the ufe of it on their eflates ; 
 but what a bugbear it is to philanthropifts, 
 will be feen from the followmg anecdote. 
 For many years this obnoxious inftrument 
 was laid afide on the eftate of a gentleman, 
 who was not only difturbed with the noife 
 of it, but was convinced that it did little 
 good. There being, however, a variety of 
 offences which it was neceflary to check, 
 culprits were brought up to the overfeer, 
 and received from about fix to twelve 
 lafhes, laid on with a fmall kind of foldier's 
 cat-o-nine- tails ; nor in any inftance of 
 delinquency, however atrocious, did the 
 punlfliment exceed three dozen. In the 
 courfe of time, fome of the venerable old 
 negroes, who had long confidered, and 
 juftly too, that they had done work enough 
 in their day to entitle them to the enjoy- 
 ment of eafe for the reft of iheir lives, 
 and who in fad: were never called upon 
 to work, waited upon their mafter to preler 
 a ferious complaint againft the cat-o-nine- 
 tails. They alleged that it gave all the 
 negroes who were puniflied with it dil- 
 Kc 3 orders
 
 ( 422 ) 
 
 orders in the inteftines, and that it had 
 the efFet' of preventing their wives from 
 breeding, or they fhould certainly have 
 had more children. Each of thefe men 
 had a young wife, having plenty to main- 
 tain her with ; and the fecret fpring of 
 the complaint preferred proved to be, that 
 the gallants of the young wives incited 
 them to perfuade the old men to make 
 this reprefentation, and try to effect the 
 abolition of the cat, and the reftoration of 
 the whip. On the queftion being put to 
 the negroes in general, one and all declared 
 that things would go on much better for 
 the change, which their perfeverance ob- 
 tained to their great joy. 
 
 The next charge againft the colonifts is 
 of the moll ferious nature, and which, 
 however difficult to remedy, it is im- 
 poffible to defend. Aware that the con- 
 fideration of it has been propofed to them 
 by his Majefty's minifters, and confident 
 that they would gladly adopt any expe- 
 dient, not pregnant with commercial con- 
 
 fufion.
 
 { 423 ) 
 
 fufion, to remove this evil, I v^rill not 
 fuffer my pen to exprefs my fentiments 
 upon it. I will only obferve that the 
 effeds of the credit laws call loudly upon 
 the colonifts for amendment. The Britifli 
 ads of parliament that made negroes chat- 
 tels for the payment of debts have been 
 repealed, but no plan has yet been devifed 
 to tempt the colonial legiflature to venture 
 upon an alteration of the interior laws 
 in this refpet. But while this grievance 
 remains the greateft, if not the only, blot 
 on the colonial fyftem, that fyftem will 
 remain vulnerable ; and it is to be hoped 
 that the defire of perfeding their code 
 wiH lead the colonifts to the difcovery of 
 fome wife expedient, to prevent the cruelties 
 unavoidably arifing from the execution of 
 civil fuits. While cruelties charged to indi- 
 viduals are reprobated and fupprefled, thofe 
 fpringing from the laws muft not be fuf- 
 fered to remain a dlfgrace to the legiflature, 
 whom it behoves to recollect their own 
 language, when the fubje(ft was in unlfon 
 v;ith their interefts. Being called u])oa 
 E c 4 by
 
 ( 4H ) 
 
 by the government to raife among the 
 (laves a corps of pioneers, v^hat did the 
 Houfe of Aflembly fay? This: " In what- 
 ever manner the legiflature of this ifland 
 might affefs the inhabitants, to raife the 
 number required for the intended corps, 
 much diftrefs, and even cruelty, v^ould 
 refult, as the negroes would be torn from 
 their fettlements, their families, and from 
 every other tie and connexion dear to 
 them/' 
 
 We are now to confider the neglel of 
 religion, a fubjeft than which there cannot 
 be one more important to the mind, of 
 man. The world has long had in its 
 view the extraordinary fight of a Chriftian 
 community fupporting in the bofom of 
 their country a population of heathens, 
 nearly ten times more numerous than 
 themfelves, without any pains being taken 
 to lead them to a fenfe of the probationary 
 ftate of man, of his fall, and of his re- 
 demption. That fo many hundred thpu- 
 fands of men in the Weft Indies fhould 
 
 be
 
 ( 425 ) 
 
 be fufFered to remain in fuch ignorance 
 and irreligion, is a fcandal that could not 
 efcape the juft, though fevere, animad- 
 verfions of the advocates of Africa. The 
 juftnefs of the cenfure was felt, and we 
 find a claufe in the confolidated law enact- 
 ing, that all mafters and miftreffes, owners, 
 or, in their abfence, overfeers of flaves, 
 fhall, as much as in them lies, endeavour 
 to have their flaves inftruded in the prin- 
 ciples of the Chriftian religion, to fit them 
 for baptifm, and to caufe them to be 
 baptifed when made fenfible of a deity, 
 and the Chriftian faith. It has alfo been 
 made a part of the duty of the clergy, to 
 .ttend at their churches for the purpofe 
 of inftruding negroes who will come to 
 them. By thefe ordinances, be they ever 
 fo much neglected, the leglflature has done 
 its duty ; for what coercive meafure can 
 be adopted to enforce an injundlon, ihe 
 obfervancc of which, in the ftate of religion 
 in every part of the Britifh empire, is Icfi 
 to the confciences of men? Is tlicrc in 
 
 litis
 
 { 426 ) 
 
 this country any puniihment for thofe who 
 negledl the religious inftrudion of their 
 children or domeftics ? Would any mode 
 of coercion be tolerated ? All that has 
 been done, all that can be done, by legif- 
 lative means in England, has been done 
 in Jamaica *. Mafters are enjoined to 
 promote religion,- churches are opened for 
 the devout, and the clergy are bound tq 
 inftrud. The reft muft be the refult of 
 principles and manners. The truth, and 
 for fpeaking the truth I know I fhall be 
 forgiven by thofe who are not touched by 
 it, is, that religion is fhamefully neglected 
 by thofe who profefs themfelves Chriftians, 
 and if the laws on the fubjedl are abortive, 
 it is greatly owing to the abfence of all 
 
 * Laws for the obfervance of the Sabbatli-day arc 
 feldom known to produce much reform in irreh'gious 
 condul ; but notwithftanding what I have remarked re- 
 ipedling the law of Jamaica, there feems to be wanting 
 a claufe to prevent mafters, or others, working their 
 nesjroes on a Sunday. The heaviefl penakies H^ould be 
 laid on this mifdemeanor. Though far from being a 
 general practice, inftances of it occur, particularly in carr)'- 
 i-,ij car.cs to t!ie mill 
 
 devotlor^
 
 ( 427 ) 
 
 devotion among the white people on the 
 plantations. Religion is fcarcely known 
 to be attended to, except on fome pro- 
 perties belonging to Moravians in the 
 parifhes of St. Elizabeth and Weftmore- 
 land, and a few other diflenters. The 
 Moravians deferve great credit for their 
 perfeverance in maintaining religious prin- 
 ciples among their negroes, yet unfortu- 
 nately it happens that proprietors, living 
 in England, are led away by a certain 
 reputation for management obtained by 
 fome men whom they appoint their attor- 
 nies, men who differ in opinion with 
 them refpeding the utility of religious 
 eftablifhments. But why fhould Mora- 
 vians, why fhould Catholics, be more fuc- 
 cefsful in propagating the gofpel, than the 
 miniftcrs of the Church of England? A 
 learned, good, and venerable prelate twenty 
 years ago, afcribed their failure to obftacles 
 ariling from the abjetft condition of the 
 blacks, and the erroneous conceptions of 
 their mafters, that baptifm inferred eman- 
 cipation.
 
 ( 4^8 ) 
 
 cipation *. But this error, and the ob- 
 ftacles he enumerates, have been long 
 removed : it is now eleven years fince the 
 confolidated law of Jamaica was pafled, 
 yet religion in the hands of our clergy 
 makes little or no progrefs among the 
 negroes : all fuccefs ftill accompanies Dif- 
 fenters, as it did before the improve- 
 ment of the condition of the negroes. 
 *' If fuch be the effeds even of erro- 
 neous fyftems of faith, what might not 
 be expeifled from the docfirines of the 
 Church of England, inculcated with equal 
 zeal f ?" In this fentence is the fecret 
 of our failure difclofed. Zeal is the great 
 fpring of fuccefs in religious conver- 
 fions, and it is an undeniable truth that, 
 exaked as our clergy are by learning, 
 talents, piety, and virtue, in zeal they are 
 generally defedive. I write with reve- 
 rence, nor do I in this obfervation mean 
 
 * Sermon preached before the Incorporated Society for 
 the Projjagaiion of the Gofpel in foreign Parts, Feb. 23, 
 1783, by the Bifhop of Chefter, now Bifhop of London. 
 
 t Ibid, in a note. 
 
 to
 
 ( 429 ) 
 to cad the llighteft difrefped: on a body 
 whofe functions are in my mind mod 
 fubiime and holy, and among whom there 
 are fo many characflers equal to their 
 fundionsv What is neceffary in the cha- 
 racter of a miflionary is not fo in that 
 of a Proteftant clergyman fixed among 
 Chriftian parilliioners, and In whofe edu- 
 cation a variety of circumftances combine 
 to degrade enthufiafm, and to defpoll It 
 even of its real value. He reafons v/ith 
 his congregation, and perfuades them in 
 the gentle language of friendly and pa- 
 ternal admonition, but he is above enlilling 
 their pafTions and their fenfes. The habits 
 of polite life, to which ,as a gentleman 
 he is early introduced, alfo render him 
 unfit to be employed as a milFionary: he 
 does not mingle, he docs not alFocIate 
 with uninformed minds. If ever he is 
 feen in the cottages of the peafants, it is 
 beftowing alms, or adminiftering the facra- 
 ment to fome departing fpirit. He goes 
 not habitually to convcrfe on the burden 
 of lite and the joys of heaven, on the 
 
 fins
 
 ( 43'^ ) 
 fins of man and the grace of Chrift, on 
 repentance and remilTion. In ftiort his 
 example and hrs general admonitions edify 
 men ah-eady chriftians, who, born and bred 
 in the fame country, require no enthufiafm 
 to attach them to their early habits : but 
 how little adapted he is to the tafk of con- 
 verting heathens in foreign countries, may 
 be feen at home in the fuccefs obtained 
 over him by men, inferior to him in every 
 refpet, who invade his fold, and rob him 
 of his flock. It is a melancholy truth, that 
 the negroes in our colonies have been left 
 to a favage heathenifm, while thofe of the 
 catholic countries have been infl:ruted in 
 chriflianity. It ought to be known that 
 when the revolution of France drove the 
 priefts to perifh in exile, or exift on the 
 bounty of ftrangers, the black chriftians of 
 Martinique fent them occafional fuccours 
 to a confiderable amount. Having heard 
 this circumftance from the bifhop of Troyes 
 w^hile he was refiding in England, I wrote 
 to him after he became bifhop of Meaux for 
 fome information on the fubjed, and at the 
 
 fame
 
 ( 431 ) 
 
 fame time I requefted his opinion on the 
 caufes of the fuperior fuccefs of the catholic 
 miflionaries. In his anfwer he fays, " The 
 cfprit de corps that animated our miflion- 
 aries, efpecially the Jefuits, gave great 
 energy to their endeavours. Their cha- 
 raders and talents were ftudied by an able, 
 and fole fuperior, who fele(Sted thofe he 
 thought beft fitted for the mlirion. Chrif- 
 tian obedience, puilied to the highcft degree 
 of perfedion and myftic enthufiafm, was 
 the foul of thofe inftitutions. To this add 
 the advantage which celebacy gives to our 
 miflionaries, by keeping them free from 
 family cares, conjugal folicitude, and anx- 
 iety to provide for children, fo that the 
 mind is wholly devoted to its object. 1 
 think, too, that iliofc of our clergy who are 
 truly religious, are more zealous for the 
 fdlvation of fouls, than are thofe of your 
 church though equally religious. Nct- 
 withflanding what is faid of the fuperfiu- 
 ity of our ceremonies, I liave fomctlmcs 
 thought that your clergymen coniine thcin- 
 fdvcs more th.an ours lu the externals ax 
 6 tlio
 
 ( 432 ) 
 
 the church-fervice, and to eloquent fermons 
 on ftated days. We attend more to indivi- 
 duals, in ficknefs, and other cafes. Our 
 bifhops labour more to form men for the 
 priefthood, and, when ordained, more clofe* 
 ly examine anddired their condud:. Your 
 clergy, I fear, rather confider their bifhops 
 as inftitutors and collators to benefices, 
 than look up to them as fpiritual fathers, 
 beloved and revered. This was alfo the 
 cafe with ours, but lefs generally, if I may 
 depend upon my obfervations. I cannot 
 give you a circumftantial account relative 
 to the fuccours I received for my clergy by 
 means of the negroes of Martinique. The 
 letters, which were written at the beginning 
 of this pious work, are moft of them de- 
 ftroyed ; and indeed my worthy cure fel- 
 dom fent me more than general ftatements. 
 He thought tlie negroes really good, and 
 very grateful for the kindnefs bellowed 
 upon them. He loved them as his chil- 
 dren, took care of them, inftrufted their 
 little ones, went frequently to vifit the 
 fick, and made himfelf of ufc to them in all 
 5 their
 
 ( 433 ) 
 
 their little interefts and concerns. He died 
 in about three or four years, in confequence 
 of fatigue, exceflive perfpirations and exer- 
 tions, in the long and frequent journies he 
 took to fee and ferve them. While he was 
 alive, they were heard to fay, that he muft 
 certainly be Chrift himfelf come again on 
 earth to comfort them. What faith, fenfi- 
 bility, precious ignorance, and amiable 
 fimplicity, does this expreflion difplay! and 
 what a eulogy on him who was the inno- 
 cent occafion of it !'* 
 
 I cannot do juftice to the original letter, 
 and I have therefore enclofed it to you*. 
 
 You 
 
 * <* What can I fay to you, my dear friend ? When I re 
 cclvcd your melancholy news, fo terrible, fo unexpe6lcd, my 
 only wifh was to mingle my tears with yours, and to infpire 
 your poor heart with a fortitude which ftems above our 
 natural weaknefs. 
 
 *' J' ai beaucoup voyage dernierement pour finir un tra- 
 vail relatif a mon nouvcau Diocefe ; ct dcpuis que j'ai 
 appris cette fatale uouvelle, je porte partout avcc moi Ic 
 fouvenir de cettc cherc enfant, de vos doulcurs, dcs agonies 
 
 Vol. II. F f dc
 
 ( 434 ) 
 You may pafs over the firft page, unlefs 
 you choofe to read the efFufion of a noble 
 
 heart 
 
 de touB qui I'entourolt, et dont die faifoit le bonheur. Ce 
 n*eft pas elle que je pkins, car elle eft tombee en dc bonnes 
 mains, et tant de candeur, de piete, ct d'innocence ne peu- 
 vent pas mener au malhcur. Mais vous ! mais fa pauvre 
 mere, et fon almable et fenfible foeur: vous ^tes tous a 
 plaindrc, je le fens ; je fens encore que je n'ai rien a dire 
 pour vous confoler. J' attends votre guerifon du temps, du 
 trifte plaifir, que vous aurez pris a la pleurer, et^ par deflus 
 tout, de cette main bienfaifante qui frappe et qui gucrit, qui 
 afflige et qui confole* 
 
 " Ce que vous me demandez relativement a V etabliflement 
 dc la Religion Chrctienne dans nos Ifles d' Amerique, m' eft 
 abfolument inconnu, dumoins quant aux details, et je ne 
 crois pas que nous en ayons une hiftoire particullere. Cc 
 qui concerne St. Domingue eft ebauche dans le yeme 
 volume des lettres edlfiantes des millionaires Jefuites : vous 
 y troyverez cnti;' autres les plaidoyers contradiftoires, fait* 
 en prefence du Roi d' Efpagne, par I'Evcque de Dariea 
 contre les Indiens de St. Domingue, et par le vertucux Las- 
 Cafas Eveque de Chiappa en leur faveur. Mais les Capu- 
 cins et les Dominiquains qui ont ete enfuite charges dc ces 
 mifiions, n'ont pas, autant q-ue je le puis favoir, entretenu 
 avec Icurs Frercs d'Europe une correfpondcncc auffi exafte 
 que I'avoicnt fait les Jefuites : au moins le public n'en jouit 
 
 pas.
 
 ( 435 ) 
 
 heart to a wounded one: it refers to a 
 young friend of his, of whofe purity, piety^ 
 
 and 
 
 pas. Avec du temps et des rcchferches, je penfe qu'on cd 
 viendroit a bout, furtout quand tout notrc mondc, qui eft 
 encore un peu difperfe, fera mieux raflcmblc. Mais vous ete 
 prefle, et en confequence je renonce a m'en occupcr. Mes 
 propres reflexions fur le fucces de nos Mifllonaires et le 
 manque de fucces des votres, ne vont pas loin, fautc di 
 favoir bicn les circomftances refpefllves. L' cfprit de Corps 
 qui animoit les notres, furtout les Jcfuites, ajoutoic beau* 
 coup d'cnergie a leur aftion. Un Superieur unique ob- 
 fervoit les fujets, leurs difpofitions, leur capacitc, et envoyoit 
 ceux qu'il croyoit les plus propres a la befogne. L' obciflance 
 Chrdtienne, poufTee au plus haut dcgre de la perfedion 
 evangelique, faifoit 1' ame de ces inllitutious. Ajoutez 
 le celibat, qui rend nos Millionaires dcgages des foins d'une 
 famille, dii partage des afFeftions, et dc 1' inquietude fur le 
 fort des cnfans ; de forte que I'ame eft toutc cntiere a 1' objet 
 qui I'enflamme, et fans aucune diftradlion. 
 
 '* Je penfe encore que Ics fiijcts vraiment pieux de notre 
 clcrgc ont en general un zclc plus adlif pour Ic falut dct 
 ames, que ceuK de 1' Eglife Anglicanequi femblent avoir 
 autant de pictc. Q^uoiqu'on difc parmi vous dc la fuper- 
 fluite des ceremonies Romaines, j'ai era voir que vos Pretrca 
 fe bornoitnt plus que les notres a I'extcricur du fcrvicc 
 divin, et d'une predication oratoire a des jours marque*. 
 Nous prciions plus de luiii Acs niahidc*, ct dc 1' inflrudtion 
 F f 2 Chr^ticnr.c
 
 ( 436 ) 
 
 and innocence he had been a witnefj for 
 ibme years ; to a young friend of mine, 
 
 whofe 
 
 ^hretienn^ 4es enfans. Nos Evequcs s'occupent davantagc 
 a former les fujets pour le facerdoce, et les fuivent de plus 
 pre* dans l-examen et la direftlori de leur conduite quand 
 uae fois ils font prctres. Enfinje crains que vos Pretres 
 ne voicnt plup fouvent dans leur JLv^que un coUateur dc 
 J5enences qu'un Pere fplrituel cheri et refpecle. Ce defaut 
 ^'.olt lieu aufli parmi les notrcs, mals molns gcncralement| 
 ii toutefoiiS je dois m'cn rapporter a mes obfervations. 
 
 *' Je fuls tpaintenant hors d' etat de vous parler avec 
 qudque d'^tail des fccours que j'ai re9us pour les Pretres 
 du DIdcefe de Troyes et pour d'autres bonnes oeuvres, 
 pendant le cours de la revolution. Plus d' unc foia vou$ 
 m' avez entendu dire, avec un tranfport d' admiration et 
 d' attendriffement, que des fommes affez confidcrabks 
 pi' etoicnt envoyces paroles negres de la Martinique. C'eft 
 Jeur pieufe libcralite que jc faifois allufion, lorfqu'en ecri- 
 vant au mois d' Oci;obre 1801, une kttre, imprimee depuia 
 a Paiis, ct dont je vous ai remis un exemplaire, je difois a 
 mes Vicaires Gciicraux : " Au moment 6u j* etois pres dc 
 perdre toute cfperancc, des relTtiurces inattenducs m'arri 
 verent d' un autre l\eniifphere ; et les hommes lea plutf 
 denues, ce femblc, de toute la race humainc, vinrent au 
 fccours des pauvres Prctres dc mon Diocefe, O Provi- 
 dence ! je benis votrc bonte, et j'adore vos voics myfterieufe 
 Ccs fecours ont etc plus d' une fois reuouvelles, &c," 
 
 "J'ai
 
 { 437 ) 
 
 whofe friendfhip with me was of the rareft 
 kind, whofe prefence difFufed happinefs, 
 
 whofe 
 
 " J' ai malheureufement detruit la plupart des lettrcs qui 
 me furcnt ecrites de la Martinique par feu M. Wiel, cure 
 d' Eclance dans le Diocefe de Troyes, et tran{'plante dans 
 czlit ifle en 1 794, par une fuite de notre revolution. Charge 
 de la cure des noirs au Fort St. Pierre de la Martinique, cet 
 Ijomme admirable et que mou ccEur regret era toujours, fc 
 confacra au fervice des negrcs, obtint leur conliance par 
 fon zele et fa charite, et m' envoya de terns a autre le pro- 
 duit de leurs ofFrandes volontaires, pour le diftribuer princi- 
 palement a fes confreres difperfcs en Allemagnej en SuifTe, 
 en Pologne, et en Angleterre. II croyoit les negres fon- 
 cierement bons et trcs fenfibles a la bonto qu'on Icur tcmoio-n- 
 oit. II les aimoit comme fes enfans, prenoit foin d'eu ;, do 
 leurs petits intercts, inflruifoit leurs enfans, vifitoit afTiciiie- 
 ment et coiifoloit les malades. De longues et frt-qucntes 
 excurfions entrcprifes pour Ics voir ct les fervir, Tout con- 
 fumc en pen d' annees, par la fitigue, et Ic,-, fucurs cx- 
 ceP.ives. De fon vivant on les a cntcndus dire q'.i'il 
 ctoit furcmcut Jcfus Chrill, dcfcendu de nouvcau fur la 
 tcrrc pour venir a Icur fccourj. QjlIIc foi, quelle fciiil- 
 Laitc, quelle prcticufe ignorance, quelle aimahle fnnplicite, 
 nc trouvc t'on pas daur. ce feul niol ? ct quel clogc dc celui 
 q li en a etc I'occafion innoceutc. 
 
 " Son fucccffjur a contiiuie !c nu'-:iK !)ie:), :ii;,i: ;!-.e''i.!.j 
 fccourj auffi abundant puur nies pr^'axf, je u\u ^'.v^ ea nc 
 
 rfj lui
 
 { 438 ) 
 
 ^hofe death has caufed a lading abfence of 
 
 joy- 
 
 lui Ics memes epanchcmens du cceur, parceqiie je ne le coq- 
 noiffois pas perfonnelleraent, quoiqu'il fut frere de 11190 
 digne cure. Quant a celui-ci, j'ofe dire que fon cceur etoit 
 le chef d'oeuvre de la bonte humaine, relevee par un fen- 
 timent rcligieux auquel la fenfibillte donnpit une grande 
 encrgic. 
 
 ** Si vous citcz ces falts, parlez peu de moi, finon pour 
 dire que je fuls votre ami ; pas d'autre eloge ; celui-la me 
 fufBt. Adieu, my dear friend ; je courrai mpins cet hJver, 
 et pourrai vous ecrire plus exaftement. 
 
 ,** + EvEQUE PE MeAUX," 
 
 "Paris, 31, pa'*. 1802."
 
 ( 439 ) 
 
 LETTER XXL 
 
 7he SuhjeB of Religion continued. Plan for Mtjftonaries 
 propo/ed. Maroons. The Opinion of a Mijftonary 
 fetit to Jamaica in the Tear 1795. Obfervations on 
 the Danger apprehended from St. Domingo. Improbo" 
 bility,of a general InfurreHion in Jamaica. Plans for 
 the further Security of the Ifland. 
 
 JL/ET US purfue the theme which was 
 broken off by the conclufion of my laft 
 letter. The want of zeal, the want of 
 example, and the erroneous extreme into 
 which philanthropy runs, are the caufes 
 of the languid progrefs of religion among 
 the negroes. When the clergy, employed 
 to propagate the gofpel, fliall feel the 
 apoflolic glow for the falvation of fouls ; 
 when the white people in the colonies 
 fliall a6t conformably to their profedion 
 of faith ; and when philanthropifts, who 
 preach to the poor and wretched of Ku- 
 rope, that this is a world of mifery in 
 rf4 which
 
 ( 440 ) 
 
 which they muft have patience, looking ta 
 another for a better condition, fhall ceafe 
 to preach to the negroes that it is a world 
 of blifs from which they only are ex- 
 eluded 5 we may hope to fee realized the 
 picture that has been drawn of focieties 
 *' of truly Chriflian negroes, impreffed 
 with a juft fenfe, and living in the habitual 
 practice of the feveral duties they owe to 
 God, to their matters, to their fellow 
 labourers, and to themfelves." The dcr 
 pendenee on the remote blifs of a future 
 ftate inculcated by our Saviour, is fliaken 
 by that immediate promife of happinefs 
 in emancipation given by fome who yet 
 confider themfelves as his difciples. How- 
 ever affluence may veil the truth either in 
 Europe or the Weft Indies, humility and 
 fubmiflion are the corner ftones of the 
 Temple of Chrift. The facrifices of God 
 are a broken fpirit and a contrite heart, 
 and whether the refult of our own fins, 
 or the fins of the race of man, which 
 have involved us in the general ruin, there 
 is more comfort, not only fpiritual, but 
 
 temporal,
 
 ( 441 ) 
 
 temporal, to be expeded in temptrlag the 
 efforts of melioration with a Chriftlan fpirit 
 of refignation, than by vainly attempting 
 ^o raife fallen creatures to that proud fyftem 
 of general independence never meant for 
 man. Improve his condition, but improve 
 it gradually and cautiouily, remembering 
 with awe v/hat a monftcr improvement 
 has lately been manifefted ; the parent of 
 atheifm, of treafon, of murder, and of 
 flavery. But in preaching refignation, let 
 it be accompanied by Chriftian charity and 
 example : for negroes, like other men, 
 will judge of the fmccrity of faith by 
 anions more than by profeflions *. To 
 aid the propagation of the gofpel among 
 the negroes, the colonifts muft conform 
 
 * The negroes, having no reference to, the niarriage 
 ceremony, commonly call women who cohabit for a con- 
 ftancy with a man, his wives. The following dialogue 
 aclually palTed between a mailer and his flavc, wiiu had 
 taken a new wife. " Yoii nujil lake your own \vi t NLl'a 
 back again." '' Mc no forfake Melia, mafTa." " What! 
 have you not taken Sue, Jupiter's wife ?"" Jupiter da 
 part wi her, maffa, fo me t:ikc her." ** Wliut ! have two 
 wives! for iTiame!" " MafTa, wha make yon corDc uiion 
 poor negro bone fo ? you no hub two witc youfeU?" 
 
 to
 
 ( 442 ) 
 to the regulations of Chriftlanity, muft 
 prove themfelves Chriftians : and let them 
 be aflured, that the dodrines of humility 
 and relignation will never proceed effec- 
 tually from the mouths of thofe who ap- 
 pear to be independent of their God. 
 Hoping, then, that philanthropifts are be- 
 coming more guarded, and colonifts more 
 devout, let us enquire into the pradi- 
 cability of fome plan for producing thofe 
 benefits which might be expeded from a 
 zealous co-operation of the clergy. 
 
 I will venture to fay that little or no 
 fuccefs is to be hoped from the legiflative 
 injundion to mafters, or the obligation im- 
 pofed on redlors to wait at their churches. 
 Eftimating the number of the clergy in 
 Jamaica by the parifhes, there is not above 
 one to 1,500 white people, nor above one 
 to 15,000 of the general mafs of inhabit- 
 ants. Pariflies form large divifions of the 
 ifland, and might rather be called counties, 
 as may be judged by rccolIe6ling that 
 there are only twenty in the whole ifland, 
 
 a num-
 
 ( 443 ) 
 
 fli number which we find nearly equalled 
 in the limits of fome fmall country-towns 
 in England, for inftance Colchefter, where 
 I believe there are fifteen. The abfur- 
 dity of a clergyman waiting at his church 
 before or after fervice for the arrival of 
 10,000 catechumens, fome of whom, with 
 the utmoft expedition, could not perform 
 in three days the journey they would have 
 to take, is too glaring to need being pointed 
 out. Think of the ceremony of confirma- 
 tion occafionally performed by a Bifhop, 
 who, fome hundred youths of both fexes 
 being aflembled, has hardly time in the 
 forenoon to lay a hand on each head and 
 pronounce a blefling contained in thirty- 
 four words. To be ferlous in dilTeminating 
 Chriftian truths and comforts, the fowcr 
 fhould be at hand. Why fhould not our 
 colonifts take hints from thofe of other 
 nations? or wherever they can find them? 
 Among the Spaniards in South America, 
 *' every diftrl^l of Indians has a Protecfor; 
 clergymen, paid by government, arc ap- 
 pointed to inftrud them ; and the prin- 
 cipal
 
 ( 444 ) 
 
 cipal ecclefiaftlcs are empowered to inform 
 and admonifh the civil magiftrates, if any 
 Indians are deprived of their ju ft rights*". 
 The Indian Frote^or may have furnifhed 
 the idea of the Grenada Guardian, and 
 the Jamaica Council of ProtetStfon, excellent 
 eftablifhments were they efficient, and why 
 fhould not the example be foUowed in the 
 appointment of clergymen to ftated con- 
 venient diftrids? in the appointment of 
 miflionaries for the fpecial purpofe of in- 
 ftruding the blacks, unconneded with the 
 parifli duties, but amenable to the King's ec- 
 clefiaftical commiffaries ? The proprietors of 
 contiguous eftates might be bound jointly to 
 provide on the moft convenient fpot, be the 
 property whofe it will, a good houfe, and 
 fome acres of pafturage, for the miffionary's 
 ufe ; and an allowance adequate to a decent 
 maintenance fliould be made by them, or 
 by the government of the country. The 
 expence of thefe eftablifhments could not 
 be great, and fhould not be named when 
 
 * Robertfon's Aracn'ca. 
 
 the
 
 { 445 ) 
 
 the benefits to be cxpeded from them arc 
 confidered. The 4^ties of a miffionary 
 fo ftationed I will not prefume to ftate. 
 To require of him a perfe<ftion that fhould 
 lead to the comparifon obtained from the 
 negroes by the Bifhop of Meaux*s Cure, 
 would be perhaps expelling too much, 
 but certainly the nearer he approached the 
 character of his divine mafler, the more 
 hope would there be of . his fuccefs ; a 
 character, by the by, in which we find 
 with the energy of adion, and example 
 in promoting the objeds of his heavenly 
 mifTion, little or no enthufiafm of lan- 
 guage. The great zeal we require of the 
 miffionary, like that of the excellent Cure, 
 fliould confift chiefly in an unequivocal 
 manifeftation of benevolence towards the 
 nogroes, and of the finccrity of his own 
 faith. To overcome their ignorance, he muft 
 gain their hearts ; he muft talk with them, 
 and he muft engage thofc who undcrftand 
 him to talk with thofe who do not*. 
 
 Ills 
 
 * Tlie importation of youngiicgrocs, none above twciity- 
 fjvc years cKl, is very favourable to religious inllruttiua
 
 ( 446 ) 
 
 His being a married man, far from being 
 an objedion, would be a recommenda- 
 tion. Celibacy, clothed with that purity, 
 and grounded on thofe motives which 
 gave rife to it among fmcere Ghriflians, 
 is very fublime, too fublime to be other- 
 wife than rare among men. I am too 
 well acquainted with the Weft-Indies 
 to think that a batchelor would be a 
 better miffionary than a married man : 
 befides, an ej^ample of marriage is an 
 important obje<St. Placed with his wife 
 and family in the centre of a diftri^t to 
 which he could extend his care with eafe, 
 what effed: might not be hoped from a 
 good man, fmcere in his faith, and ftre- 
 nuGus in the difcharge of his duty ? Be- 
 fides difleminating the principles of our 
 blefled religion, he might be a check 
 on the condud: of thofe who difregard 
 the regulations in favour of the negroes : 
 
 Infteadof the new negroes infeding thofe previoufly fettled 
 or born in the ifland, it is probable they will bring with, 
 them a docility which Chriflian negroes would quickly 
 innprove into a fenfc of religion. 
 
 his
 
 ( 447 ) 
 
 his obfervatlon, his teftimony, would ope- 
 rate like a charm throughout his diftrid : 
 to him the Council of Protedtion might 
 look as a fpring of energy, and he might 
 enable them to give efficiency to the law. 
 The great, perhaps only, obftacle to this 
 plan, is the jealoufy which he might ex- 
 perience from the owners and managers 
 of the eftates of his diftriiSt. In moral 
 purfuits all obftacles arife from the paffions. 
 It fhould be well underllood in the outfet, 
 and confirmed by the conduct of the mif- 
 fionary, that no part of his duty will lead 
 him to any temporal interference in the 
 plantations, and that the very reverfe of 
 idlenefs and difcontent is to be the refult 
 of the duties of his miffion. By refped; 
 to the proprietors, and kindncfs to the 
 white perfons einployed on the various 
 eftates, a mild and fcnfible man would 
 overcome the jealoufy feared, and by 
 evincing that the flrI6t and unfailing dif- 
 chargc of his duty v/as the refult of con- 
 fcientious dictates, he would fecurc in 
 1 ic\ urn
 
 ( 448 ) 
 
 return refpcft and afFedion, and perhaps 
 reap a harveft which he was not called 
 to fow. But in order to prevent all 
 interference of a nature to be injurious 
 to the interefl of the planter, the mifli- 
 onary mud be made amenable to the 
 tribunal of the ecclefiaftical commifTaries, 
 on the information of the planter, or others 
 interefted in the property. To counter- 
 balance this, he fhould have a profpet of 
 being provided for, after a faithful dif- 
 charge of his miffion for a certain number 
 of years. After a fervice of ten years, 
 he (liould have it in his option to return 
 to England, and that option fhould be re- 
 newable every five }^ears after the firft ten* 
 A lift of the names of the miflionaries might 
 be kept in the office of his Grace the Arch- 
 bifhop of Canterbury ; and fome of the bene- 
 fices at the difpofal of the church might be 
 devoted to the ultimate provifion for them. 
 Such a profpefl too would be an incentive 
 to zeal, as the expedled prefentation might 
 be deferred, or accelerated, according to the 
 2 condud
 
 ( 449 ) 
 
 condu(3: of the mlffionary. Nor fhould 
 the knowledge of that conduct depend 
 folely on the character given by the ecclefi- 
 aftical commiiTaries : triennial, or feptennial, 
 vifitors from Europe might be fent to the 
 colonies to make a report to his Majefty, 
 as Head of the Church, of the ftate of 
 ecclefiaftical affairs in thofe parts of his 
 empire. 
 
 Doubt, expcnce, the diftafle for innova- 
 tion, and luke-warmnefs on facrcd fub- 
 jeds, not to fay irreligion, will caufe fuch 
 a fcheme to be long poftponcd, and per- 
 haps ultimately rcjeifled. Perfuaded of 
 this, I have thought that it would be a 
 good plan to attempt the eftablifhment of 
 Chridianlty iirlt among the Maroons now 
 living in Ja:r.alca. Thefe people, however 
 averle themfclvcs to anv alteration of their 
 cuiloms, have no objection to their ehil- 
 dren being brought up Chridians. Many 
 of the grown people arc baptized, but 
 when 1 ule the word Chriftlan, 1 in^.ply 
 not merely outward forms, but an inv/^ird 
 
 Vol. n. G t; knfe
 
 { 450 ) 
 fenfe of the truth and blefling of Re- 
 velation. This fenfe is evidently not 
 awakened in men who perfift in habits 
 inconfiftent with the precepts of Chriftian- 
 ity. Time, reafoning, example, might 
 have an influence over thofe habits, nor 
 ihould the hope 6y the labour be given 
 tip, but the plan that affords the beft 
 profpe6: of fuccefs, is the eftablifhment of 
 miflionaries in the Maroon towns, to In- 
 ftru6t the young, to catechize them, to 
 baptize infants on a folemn aflurance of 
 their parents that no impediments fhall 
 be given to their being brought up in the 
 faith of Chrifi, to baptize the growing 
 youth on their undertaking to conform 
 to the ordinances of the church, to pro- 
 mote marriages, to inculcate induftry and 
 content, to introduce handicraft trades, and 
 regular tillage. I cannot but think that 
 in a few years thefe towns fo guided, 
 vv'ould become Chriftian communities, and 
 that under able and benevolent fuperin- 
 tendants, they might be made of the utmoft 
 
 importance
 
 ( 151 ) 
 
 importance to the fecurity and happinefs 
 of the iiland in general. 
 
 Before I quit the fubjed of religion, 
 it will be proper to ftate that, in the year 
 1795, which was previous to the alteration 
 of the ecclefiaftical regimen in Jamaica, 
 a clergyman of the Church of England 
 was fent to the ifland as a miflionary, by 
 the Society for the Converfion, religious 
 Inftrudion, and Education, of the Negro 
 Slaves in the Britifh Weft-India iflands* 
 He carried with him a ftrong letter of 
 recommendation from the Bilhop of Lon- 
 don, prefident of the fociety, to the Go- 
 vernor of Jamaica. His name was Munn; 
 he was an amiable man, and a very 
 zealous divine. He told a friend of mine, 
 after making feveral cxcurfions in the 
 country, that he had not only received 
 every attention and civility on the eftates 
 he had vifited, but had been allowed 
 the frceft communication with the ne- 
 groes, whofe fituation he declared was far 
 more comfortable than he had expected 
 G g 2 to
 
 ( 452 ) 
 
 to find it. He acknowledged that he had 
 received in England unfavourable impref^ 
 fions refpeding their treatment, but that 
 from what he had himfelf witneffed, he 
 faw among them more of the comforts 
 of life, more apparent contentment, more 
 happinefs than he had ever feen among 
 the labouring order of people in any 
 country. He entertained great hopes of 
 fucceeding in makirlg many good Chrif- 
 tians, and faid that the obftacles he had 
 heard of, arifing from prejudices and for- 
 mer habits, were not fuch as to deter him, 
 or kflen his zeal. Should not fuch a 
 teftimony, and it cannot but be known, 
 relieve the Ghriftian and philanthropic 
 anxieties of Britifh bofoms, and at the 
 fame time induce the colonifts to embrace 
 the plan of diftrid: miffionaries ? For if a 
 fmgle clergyman had fuch a profped of 
 fuccefs, what might not be expeded, if 
 an adequate number of labourers were fent 
 forth into the harveft ? The time would 
 then foon come when we fhould hear 
 governors, in proroguing the AfTembly, re- 
 commend
 
 ( 453 ) 
 
 commend to tlie care of the members in 
 their refpedive parifhes, the morals and 
 religion of their negroes, as we have al- 
 ready had the pleafure of hearing one re- 
 commend their happhicfs : " I have nothing 
 particular to recommend to you at our 
 parting," fuid the Governor, at the con- 
 clufion of the feflion of 1797, " except 
 the purfuit of fuch humane and provident 
 meafiires, in your refpeCtive parifhes, 
 during the approaching holidays, as are 
 likely to fecure the tranquillity of the 
 ifland, and the happinefs of your flaves." 
 
 We are now drawing towards the con- 
 clufion of my tafk ; a few words refpeding 
 the future protection, i'ecurity, and proi- 
 perity of the ifianJ, remain to complete 
 it. The inhabitants of Jamaica cannot 
 contemplate the fl:ru;.^glc ia St. Domingo 
 but with anxiety : yet there is, perhaps, 
 little danger in reality to be ar-preliended 
 from the iirue of tlic conilicl, excc[)t tint 
 ariling from tiie j-roximlty ol the l'"i"cnch 
 vowcr. Tile nou-Mi of a tree, acTive, 
 ^' S > nijn'O
 
 . ( 454 ) 
 
 negro republic, does not feem to have 
 any realbnable foundation. Were the 
 country entirely in pofleffion of the blacks, 
 and any government attempted, it would 
 be that of tyrants and flaves, as in Africa. 
 A certain number would form armies for 
 chieftains, and compel the mafs to labour. 
 The military coercion necefTary to make 
 negroes cultivate fugar plantations, may -be 
 called by any other name than jflavery, 
 but notwithftanding what has been faid of 
 the former ftate of the Weft-India bondage, 
 a man muft be ignorant of the nature of 
 black mafters, who would not embrace the 
 prefent condition of the flaves in Jamaica, 
 in preference to fuch a government. The 
 Government of St. Domingo falling into 
 the hands of black chiefs, would moft 
 probably terminate in a much worfe ftate 
 of flavery than ever exifted before in the 
 Weft-Indies : nor would thofc chiefs, in 
 my opinion, attempt to difturb the colonial 
 ftate of things j on the contrary, they would 
 find it their intereft to fupport it, and fuch 
 I have reafcn to believe were actually the 
 
 prin-
 
 ( 455 ) 
 
 principles of Touflaint. Suppofe, on the 
 other hand, what however is much lefs 
 probable, that no government at all were 
 eftabliflied, and that the negroes lived 
 throughout the ifland in a wild, inde- 
 pendent ftate ; what is to be feared from 
 people who a(5t without direcSIon, without 
 union, without energy? and who, though 
 near, are feparated by the ocean ? Be 
 this as it may, the inhabitants of Jamaica 
 cannot be too much upon their guard, 
 and whatever tends to the protedion and 
 fecurity of the ifland, fliould be reforted 
 to with alacrity, and a liberal contempt 
 of expence. With refpedl: to internal 
 danger, it is not likely that a general infur- 
 redlion will ever happen. If fome of the 
 negroes are difcontented, fome are happy 
 and attached to their mafters, therefore una- 
 nimity in rebellion is not to be apprehended. 
 In thofe that have failed and thofe that have 
 taken place, difcoverles have always been 
 made, and faithful affi (lance given, by ne- 
 groes. Even in St. Domingo, in fpitc of 
 all temptations, what numbers remained 
 G g 4 true
 
 ( 456 ) 
 
 true to their m afters ! While the Jacobins 
 were murdering the king in France, their 
 incendiaries were ufing his name to compel 
 the negroes to embrace the revolution. 
 Hundreds followed the fates of their mat- 
 ters to Jamaica, where tlieir condudt was 
 teftified to be exemplary *. Others con- 
 cealed and fupported them till they found 
 an opportunity of fafely embarking them. 
 Thoufands looked on with inadive horror 
 and trepidation, till, abandoned by men 
 whom they loved, and who could no longer 
 protedl them, they were forced to fubmit 
 to emancipation. Confiderable bodies of 
 mulattoes and negroes inlifted under the 
 command of Montalambert, De Brughe, 
 DefTource, La Pointe a mulatto, and John 
 Kinna, a negro, to oppoi^ the torrent of 
 jacobin freedom. Befides this principle of 
 attachment, which is more general than the 
 adverfaries of the planters will allow, there 
 are other rcafons why infurredtions cannot 
 
 * See evidtnce before a fecrct committee. Vqtes of 
 Affemblyj December ] 798. 
 
 be
 
 ( 457 ) 
 
 be extenfive. The free people of colour, 
 and negroes, are ever ready to fupprefs 
 them. Arms are not to be obtained ; the 
 negroes are not ufed to them ; the gene- 
 rality of the flaves refide in the low- lands 
 and open paits of the country, and are little 
 acquainted with the interior. All internal 
 danger, therefore, arifes from gradual col- 
 lodions of fugitive?, their flying to the 
 rccedls of the woods, and becoming a ral- 
 lying point for the difcontented. .The 
 grand objedt, then, of the inhabitants of 
 Jamaica, fhould be the fettlement of white 
 people in the interior of tlie iiland. Of 
 this tlic Afl'cmbly feemcd to be fcnfible in 
 the reports inferted in their journals; and 
 on a propofal made to them by General 
 Nugent for an arrangement of military 
 quarters, interior pofls being recommended, 
 t!icy voted 2CjCod/. for that purpofe. 
 I'licre is great wlidom in thcic arrap.gc- 
 n';cnts, biit 11:11 tlicy are upon To fmall a 
 fc^'e, tl.at I'le troops JUiy in a manner '.)-2 
 laid to be ;.l.va)s upon the al._rr, a (laU i'.i 
 whic'i iivj ((.'..ktv can b'j coiilidcfcJ :\^ e::-
 
 ( 458 ) 
 
 joying that ftability and fecurlty which is 
 the refult of civilization. The interior 
 fettlements, alluded to by the Aflembly, 
 were propofed, like the other fettlements 
 of the ifland, to" originate gradually by the 
 gleanings of the induflrious white people, 
 * who laying by enough to purchafe a few 
 negroes, would begin and cultivate parcels 
 of land. This, though extending cultiva- 
 tion, makes no alteration in the proportion 
 of the white and black population, and is 
 not the kind of fettlement beft fuited to the 
 prote6:ion and fecurity of the ifland. In- 
 calculable advantages might be derived from 
 meafures which are fuggefted by a view of 
 the country in reference to the variety of 
 climates it affords. The low-lands are 
 fultry, the mountains cool and bracing. In 
 the former, white people fmd it impoflible 
 to labour in the field ; not fo in the latter, 
 where labour is not only pradlcable but eafy. 
 Let the emigration that takes place from 
 Europe be encouraged to Hiape its current 
 to Jamaica. Germans are good fettlers, 
 let a number of young healthy men and 
 
 women
 
 ( 459 ) 
 
 women be invited, and offered trals of the 
 interior on certain conditions ; let the fhoals 
 that emigrate from Great Britain to Ame- 
 rica be intercepted, and guided to the 
 healthy high'lands of Jamaica. Let them 
 depend upon their own labour, and let their 
 employment of negroes be very limited. 
 It is much on this plan that the foldiers of 
 the Weft-India regiments are to be provided 
 for, and the government fhould be very 
 jealous of admitting negro labourers in the 
 interior fituations. The great objedts of 
 the fcheme is, in the firft place, a large 
 white population in the interior trained to 
 arms ; and in the next, the opening of 
 roads. Let the Legiflature by a compul- 
 fory law, for patents and avarice are in the 
 way, purchafe in different parts of the in- 
 terior, moft convenient and I'uitcd to the 
 purpofe, thirty thoufand acres of unculti- 
 vated land, and dlilrlbutc them in fmall 
 portions to new fcttlers, efpccially married 
 men. In the fame manner, a little money, 
 clotliing, and provlfions for each to begin 
 with. It is probable, that were fucli a 
 
 fchchic
 
 ( 4^0 ) 
 
 fcheme made known, there would be no 
 want of new fettlers. Were half the pains 
 taken by the colonifts to paint the tempera- 
 ture of the mountain air of Jamaica, and the 
 advantages a poor man would gain by his 
 fettlement, that have been taken by the 
 Government of America, to extol the wilds 
 of Kentucky, the ifland would be foon 
 fettled. But in offering a plan, let us con- 
 fider the means of effeding it. 
 
 When roads are carrie-d through fettled 
 lands, a certain value fixed by a jury is paid 
 to the proprietor. The reverfe of this 
 ought to be the cafe on lands in the interior^ 
 their value being in general encreafed from 
 one to three pounds an acre by roads being 
 opened to them j the proprietors of thofe 
 lands, therefore, through which the new 
 roads pals, Ihould be made to pay largely 
 towards making them. The value of the 
 lands fliould be rated in the refpedive 
 pariflies ; for fuch lands, being exempt 
 from all other land-tax and quit-rent, tlie 
 proprietors iliould pay a lL\th part of 
 
 the
 
 ( 46' ) 
 
 the affixed value in three equal payments, 
 in three fucceeding years ; proprietors of 
 the lands adjoining thefc patents, one- 
 eighth of the value of their lands, in fiinilar 
 inllalnients ; and proprietors of all other 
 unfettlcd lands tliroughout tlie ifland 
 fixpcnce per acre towards the accoin- 
 plifhinent o^ the propofed p'an. On the 
 roads tlie fettlers fl^ould theinfelves be 
 bound to work in alternate weeks, after 
 they had prepared provifioa grounds, fe- 
 cured good houfes, and planted fonie coflec. 
 The roads (liould be well paved, and a 
 certain fum per chain paid to the people 
 for their labour. To this purpofc an ade- 
 quate pronorti(jn, or ratlu.r the whole of 
 the annual grants of the Legillature for in- 
 terior roads Ihould be ;'])n!ic\!. Thefc 
 anKjuiit to ij^oQo/. annually. Siy tlicn 
 the Xi\\ ol fix|>cncc per aero on the uncul- 
 tivated woodhinds (^r.oi: inchKhr.g niorafs or 
 ruinate favanas) produces on ei^'U hundred 
 thouiand acres 20. coo/., the impoll on the 
 lands thro'i'ai which the roads pafs, on a 
 rough gucfs, 30,000/. a year ior three 
 
 years ;
 
 ( 462 ) 
 
 years ; thefe added to the 15,000 /., give a 
 total of 65,000/. a-year for the firft three 
 years ; after which, the lands becoming 
 liable to the ufual tax, the fiim would be 
 reduced to 37,250 /. To commence the 
 work, however, of introducing fettlers into 
 the interior, clearing the country, and 
 making roads, there would be a fum of 
 5>o,ooo /. for the expences attending the ob- 
 taining of fit perfons, providing houfes, and 
 forming the eftablifhments ; 60,000/. for 
 fupplying provifion and clothing, and 
 45,000/. for road work; altogether 
 195,000/. payable in three years. That 
 the bufincrs of fettling the interior might 
 not be retarded, or negleded, the new 
 fettlers fhould be received only on condi- 
 tion of their confenting to be indented to 
 the illand for feven years, in which cafe there 
 fliould be allotted, out of the thirty thou- 
 fand acres, to each fettler twenty-five acres 
 for himfelf, ten for his wife, and five for 
 every child, to be conveyed to him in fee 
 at the end of his indenture. In the mean 
 time, certain laws and regulations refpedl- 
 
 infr
 
 ( A^i ) 
 
 ing the fettlers would be neceflary. They 
 fhould not be able to contrail valid debts 
 during the time of their indentures. They 
 fhould be occafionally trained to arms by 
 ferjeants from the regular Weft India regi- 
 ments, and made markfmen and rangers. 
 Among them fhould refide feme of the 
 clergy, able furgeons, a furveyor, and a 
 fuperintendant, who fliould have at his 
 command a guard of fix or eight men al- 
 ways ready, and ftationed near his houfe. 
 As fokliers, they would of courfe be under 
 tbe command of tbe governor, but they 
 fhould never be raifed above the rank of 
 warrant officers ; yet as fuch made to re- 
 fpet themfclves highly. In executing the 
 plan, other improvements and ordinances 
 would occur. It would be found at firft 
 anexpenfive one, perhaps, till theencreafcd 
 value of the lands compcnfated the ad- 
 vances : but what an infurancc would it be 
 of property ! what a pledge of permanent 
 trauquillity ! All apprchenfion of internal 
 commotion would be at an end, ajid fuch a 
 force in conjuncliuu v,ii!i Britifli aid to 
 
 oppofc
 
 ( 464 ) 
 
 oppofe to foreign enemies, would llkewlfe 
 render all external attempts abortive. 
 
 As the execution of the above project, 
 were it to be adopted, would require fome 
 time, it is worth confideration whether 
 meanwhile it would not be w^iie to eftablifli 
 in Jamaica a corps of police, fimilar to that 
 which exifted under the French monarchv, 
 called the Marcchauflc, whofe duty con- 
 fined chiefly in riding through the pro- 
 vince where thev were ftationed, to take 
 up fufpicious perfons, and keep order. 
 Being a duty that required not only judg- 
 ment, but a fuperiority of iituation in life, 
 tlie corps was almoft made up c;f oiFicers, 
 there being one to two or three privates at 
 mcA, the patrolling party always having 
 an oflicer, by Vv-hich means the privates 
 were all confidential men. In Jamaica, 
 the country regiments, or rangers raifed on 
 purpcfc and called the County Rangers, 
 might be employed as permanent patrols ot 
 the ifland. The expence of fuch a corps 
 \vould not be great, as the vvliolc might be 
 
 limited
 
 ( A&5 ) 
 
 limited to two hundred men, divided into 
 twenty companies often men each, a com- 
 pany for each paridi, confifting of two 
 officers and eight privates, who fhould be 
 fubdivided into two parties, of one officer 
 and four privates, to be mounted on creolc 
 horfes or mules, the parties taking alternate 
 monthly duty. A few trufty negroes or 
 Maroons might be added to the parties. 
 The country, thus perpetually traverfed by 
 active, vigilant, and prudent men, would 
 be ill little danger of fudden infurredion, 
 and fugitives would have no time to reft 
 in their haunts. If, in addition to the duty 
 of obfervation, the officer of the party were 
 enjoined to affift the functions of the coun- 
 cil of protection, it would render fecurity 
 complete, and give a pleafing and amiable 
 colour to an office only eftimable for the 
 order it guards. It is true, that in tliis 
 cafe bad men might confidcr the party as 
 fpies, but what plan is without an objec- 
 tion ? good men would think in a different 
 way, and even the bad be afhamcd to ma- 
 nifeil their opinions. 
 
 Vol, II. Hh The
 
 ( 466 ) 
 
 The fecurity of the country might be 
 further ftrengthened by ena(flrag fpme 
 regulations in favour of the free people of 
 colour, many of whom are well educated 
 and fenfible men ; but who, though free, 
 enjoy none of the qualifications of political 
 fociety. It is but within a very few years 
 that they were enabled, if afTaulted by a 
 white man, to give evidence on a trial of 
 the affault. This right was granted to 
 them by an at of the Aflembly in confe- 
 quence of their condudt in the Maroon war; 
 but it is reftrided entirely to the perfon 
 aflaulted, for in the cafe of any other they 
 cannot give evidence. This order of men, 
 and alfo the free blacks, are indubitably 
 friends and fupporters of the government ; 
 and it is to be wifhed, that according to 
 certain criterions of religion, marriage, edu- 
 cation, property, &c. the privileges of po- 
 litical fociety were more or lefs extended to 
 them, and that from fome every re(bi<5tion 
 were removed, 
 
 Jamaica
 
 ( 467 ) 
 
 Jamaica protected by Great Britain, and 
 fecured by religious and internal political 
 regulations, could not fail to prefent to the 
 world, fcenes of as much happinefs and 
 profperity as the ftate of human nature will 
 admit. May they be complete and per- 
 manent ! 
 
 II h
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 I^etter from Don Luir de las Cafas to the Earl (^ 
 Balcarres, 
 * My lord, 
 
 JjY the hand of Lieutenant-Colonel Quarrell, I 
 have received the letter with which your Excellency 
 is plcafcd to favor me, under date the yth of the laft 
 paft month; recommending that gentleman, by the 
 commifTion he brings, to buy dogs in this ifland, for 
 the purpofe of following the Maroons in the woods. 
 Agreeably to fuch your Excellency's weighty recom- 
 mendation, Mr. Quarrell was authorized to acquit 
 himfelf of his commiflion, and to-morrow he returns, 
 carrying with him the dogs wanted, as well as the 
 people of this country he required to look after them. 
 But while 1 enjoy the pleafure of complying with 
 your Excellency's dcfire, I ought to rcprcfent to your 
 confideration, that our laws for the Indies refift the 
 admilTion of Itrangers into the ports of our colonies \ 
 thofe only excepted in this ifland, who bring new 
 negroes for falc here, and fuch Americans as come to 
 VS with provifjons. Nor liath our govcnmient ever 
 H h 3 departed
 
 ( 470 ) 
 
 departed from this fyftem, even with the moft favouredi 
 nations, and in the ftrileft alliance with it. Where- 
 fore, I befeech your Excellency, weighing the dif- 
 agreeable fituation I am in, between duty and the 
 defire I have of obliging you, to relieve me from the 
 painful alternative; favouring me with opportunities 
 that, without a compromife of obligation, may afFord 
 me the fatisfadion of employing myfelf in your fer- 
 
 vice. 
 
 * God preferve your Excellency for many years. 
 * Your Excellency's, iSc. i^c. t^c. 
 (Signed) * Luis de las Casas. 
 
 * Havanna, ^oth November, 1 795. 
 * His Excellency Earl of Balcarres*
 
 ( 47r ) 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Letter from the Marquis del Real Socorro to W. D. 
 ^4arrelly Efj. 
 
 * Sir, 
 
 A HE Council of the Havanna, to which the King 
 of Spain has committed the charge of promoting 
 whatever tends to the improvement of agriculture, 
 commerce, and navigation, of the ifland of Cuba, are 
 of opinion, that the eftablifliing light-houfes, at certain 
 flations on its extenfive coafts, is an objetl worthy its 
 attention, upon which the fafety of navigators greatly 
 depends, and, through the want of fuch help, their 
 lives and properties are continually cxpofcd. 
 
 * As yet the Council are only engaged about fixiui^ 
 one at the Havanna, for the particular navigation of 
 that port. I'he locating ethers on tlie fcveral points 
 ncccfiary as well for the IMcxican gulf as the various 
 channels tiiat furroUiul tliis iil.uul, is a valt a:id ex- 
 penfive uiulfi-taking, beyond the adlua! rcfourccs of 
 the Council. But if it flioukl be found that innu- 
 mer.ible advantages would rcfiiit to the commerce of 
 famiica from fuch c(lablill;n:c!ili;, and this appears 
 iiiaulfell from the converfiitioni; you Iiave lieUl with us 
 upod the l)afincfs, and th.it fuiiicient meaiis fliduld 
 b'J pr-pof.'i to the Cini'iLil to carry tlie plai iiro 
 jl h 4. cxocutiun
 
 ( 472 ) 
 
 execution, with refources applicable thereto, the Coun- 
 cil will with plcafure attend to what is offered on the 
 part of the commerce of Jamaica, and, with its utmoft 
 ability, will contribute to accompliih an undertaking 
 of fo much utility to both nations. 
 
 It only remains for me to (late to you, Sir, that 
 the Council is defirous of knowing the opinion of 
 the moft experienced and moft intelligent Englifti 
 mariners, refpedling the points where light-houfes 
 fhould be erefted on this ifland, the manner of con- 
 ftru6ling them, and the expence attending ; with 
 fuch other particulars as may be neceflary for us to 
 have in view, fhould fuch eftablifhments go forward ; 
 and to requeft of you, Sir, as deputy of the legiflative 
 Aflembly of Jamaica, to be pleafed to communicate 
 thefe intentions of the Council, that it may obtain the 
 defired information, and learn what refolves may be 
 taken on the objet of this letter. 
 
 * God preferve, t^c. Ufc. i^c. 
 (Signed) * Cl. Marq^ del real Socorro. 
 * Hnvantia^ l^ih Novetnhery 1795. 
 
 * William Dawes ^/arrelly E/(juire.* 
 
 Captain Farquhars Report to the Council of the 
 Havanna, 
 
 * \Jl. It would feem necefTary, for the fafety of the 
 navigation under confideration, to eftabllfh three 
 light-houfes; viz. one on the Grand Caymanas, the 
 fecond on the Black Key, near the fouth-wcft point 
 of the Color.ade8, the third on Point Jacko. 
 
 10 2(11^. It
 
 ( 473 ) 
 
 idly. It may reafonably be fuppofed the Govern- 
 ment of Jamaica, ^hen applied to, will charge itfelf 
 with the eftablifliment of the firft. 
 
 * "^dly. It would appear that the other, on the Co- 
 lorades, might, by two reflectors placed thus a in a 
 lantern of a fexangular (hape and fufficient height,, 
 infure the fafety of vefTcls approaching that dangerous 
 reef. 
 
 * j^thly. One of the fame defcription on Point Jacko 
 would not only be of great fervice to the navigation of 
 the Old Streights, but fecure the paflage through the 
 Gulf, and, from the certainty of the departure and 
 (hort diftance, in a great meafurc do away the necelLty 
 of a light on the Martyrs. 
 
 To prevent as much as poITible, any dlfappolnt- 
 ment from the lights being out of order, it will be 
 bell to ufe the mod fimple ; and as thofe at Liverpool 
 have anfwcred every purpofe, being conftru^led from 
 the refult of numberlefs experiments, and of which 
 you have an account in Hutchinfon's Pradlical Sea- 
 manfhip, they may be recommended as the bed and 
 cheapelt. If, after all, a light might be thought 
 necelTary on the Martyrs, it is recommended to moor 
 a floating light within the fouth point of the Carysfort 
 Reef; as it is on that (ho-il that nineteen out of twenty 
 vefl'els that arc loft meet their fate'
 
 ( 474 ) 
 
 
 
 No. ill 
 
 lOEE Votes of the Houfe of Aflembly of Jamaica of 
 the 2d and 23d of March; the loth, 23d, 26th, 27th, 
 28th, and 2Qth, of April ; and the ift of May, 1796. 
 The reader is referred to thefe Journals, as they are 
 eafily obtained, being already printed in a fmall volu.me 
 publiflied by Mr. Bryan Edwards, and fold by Stock- 
 dale. They fhould otherwife have ben inferted here. 
 They contain a correfpondence between Lord Bal- 
 carres and General Walpole, with fome proceedings 
 of tlie Aflembly relative to the Maroons. The fol- 
 lowing letters and refolution referred to, are not pub- 
 lifhed in the pamphlet, but are on the Journals of 
 Olober 28th and November 3d, 1796. 
 
 *' 'To the Honour able the Speaker of the AJfejnhly, 
 
 " Mr. Speaker, April 29, 1796. 
 
 " I have tlie honour of your letter of the 22d of 
 April, iijclofing a refolution of the Houfe of AfTem- 
 bly, exprelTive of their thanks for the fignal fervices 
 performed by me, during the late rebellion of the 
 Maroons of Trelawney-Tovvn. 
 
 *< I never, Sir, could have expected, that any ex- 
 ertions of my VLvy humble talents could have drawn 
 fo difUnguiihed a mark uf coadtfcenrion from the 
 Q Houfe :
 
 ( 475 ) 
 
 houfe: but, Sir, not to take more merit to myfelf than 
 I ought, on this occafion, I muft confefs all my endea- 
 vours mud have failed, had it not been for the able 
 adidance which was afforded to me by Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Skinner, and the reft of the field officers 
 engaged upon this fervice ; and indeed, Sir, I believe, 
 that not any officer has ever been feconded with 
 greater cordiality, zeal, and gallantry, than I have 
 been, during this very toilfome and difficult fervice, 
 by every rank of his Majefty's forces. 
 
 *< You will do me the favour to prefent this letter, 
 with my mod liunible duty, to the houfe ; and to 
 accept my acknowledgments, for the very obliging 
 ternii in which you have conveyed the commands of 
 ^he houfe. 
 
 *' I have the honour to be, 
 
 " With the moll perfeiSl refpcl, 
 
 " Your very obedient and faithful fervant, 
 
 " G. Walpole." 
 
 ' Mr. Speaker, April 29, 1796. 
 
 *' I am honoured witli your letter of the 2 2d of 
 April, incloiing to mc a refolution of the Houfe of 
 AlTcmbiy, that tlie Receiver-General do rcmir, to 
 the agent of the ifland, the funi of five hundred 
 guineas, for tlie purpofe t)f purch.ifuig a fword to be 
 prefentL'd to me, as a teflimony which the Houfe 
 entertains (>f my important fLrvicLS niui diflinguinied 
 merit in t];j fa;:prui!;oi) of tlr. late rebellion of the 
 JMarjoiii :;f 'I'r ;l-iw:;ev-'ro-.\-i). 
 
 Per-
 
 ( 47<5 ) 
 
 * Perhaps, Sir, not any perfon has ever been 
 placed in a predicament more unpleafant than that 
 In which I am at this moment; but, as the Houfc 
 has thought fit not to accede to the agreement entered 
 into between me and the Trelawney Maroons, and 
 as their opinion of that treaty (lands on their minutes 
 very different to my conception of it, I am compelled 
 to decline the honour which they have intended for 
 me ; but I muft beg of you to affure the Houfe, that 
 not any perfon would receive their favours with more 
 gratitude than I ftiould, could I poflibly do it with 
 credit to myfelf 
 
 < I have the honour to be, 
 
 ** Your very obedient and faithful fervant, 
 
 " G. Walpolb, 
 ** ^he Honourable Speaker of the Ajjembly of Jamaica.*'^ 
 
 Refolved, That a letter, laid before the Houfe by 
 Mr. Speaksr on Friday laft, dated the 29th of April, 
 1796, from the Honourable Major-General Walpole, 
 in anfwer to the Speaker's letter to him, inclofing 
 the refolutlon of the late Houfe of Affembly, " direl- 
 ing the Receiver- General to remit to the agent of the 
 ifland the fum of five hundred guineas, to purchafe 
 a fword, to be prefented to him," contains a mifre- 
 prefentation of their proceedings, and is couched in 
 terms difrefpelful and derogatory to the honour and 
 dignity of the Houfe, an^ therefore that the faid 
 letter ought to be expunged from their minutes.
 
 ( 477 ) 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 ExiraSJs from ftich parts of " A Statement of FaBt 
 refpecJhig the fettling of the Maroons in Nova Scotia,** 
 {tranfmitted by Sir John Weni-worth, Lieutenant-Go- 
 vernor of that province^ to his honour the Lieutenant- 
 iiovernor of Jamaica, under date of the i "jth June 
 \']<)g) OS convey charges againfl the honourable JVilliam 
 Daues ^iarreily Efquire^ late Commiffary of Ma- 
 
 \fl. J. HAT Mr. Qu irrell, although he ftrenuoufly 
 oppofed, and with great freedom condemned, the 
 meafure of removing the Maroons from Jamaica, had 
 the addrefs to procure himfclf ro be appointed agent 
 for the ifland, for the declared purpofe of fecuring to 
 the injured Maroons, by his foperintendence and car.', 
 permanent comforts, adequate to tlie jullice, wliich he 
 continually proclaimed and infilled was due to them, 
 from Jamaica." 
 
 id. That Mr. Quarrell *' prefented hlmfclf to SIf 
 John Wcntworth, as the volunteer guardim of an in- 
 jured, opprefTcd, and fingularly unfortun^ite and dif- 
 treflVd people i fur whom an eftahHfhmi tit was to be 
 procured at the expencc of his employers; and wiu), 
 fmctj furrcndering tiieir arms, and a valuable dillrick of 
 ' country, where they (a terror lo the ifland) rcfulid in 
 
 comfort
 
 C 478 ) 
 
 comfort and perfefb independence, on the exprefs con- 
 Cderation of being provided with a fettlement equally 
 comfortable, had been expofed to, and fuffered, and 
 were then fuffering, extreme hardfhips-and mifery, in 
 his (Mr. Quarrell's) opinion, very undefervedly." 
 
 3fi?. That *' Mr. Quarrel], without any referve, re- 
 probated the idea of fending the Maroons to Sierra 
 Leone, as a reproach of infamy to the people of J.i- 
 maica ; and, with earneftnefs engaged, that the juftice 
 and liberality of the inhabitants and legiflature of the 
 ifland, however they might think their fafety required 
 the removal of the Maroons, would not fufFer them to 
 refl; fatisfied with any thing lefs than the fettlement he 
 folicited leave to eftablifli for thofe Marocns in Nova 
 Scotia. The chief, if not the only anxiety exprcflsd 
 by Mr. QuarrelJ, was an impatient defire to fee the 
 Maroons fo fixed in Nova Scotia, as to prevent a 
 removal to any other country, or being difperfed in 
 this." 
 
 /[ih. That " while Sir John Wentworth was exert- 
 ing his beft judgment, and utmoft endeavour with zeal 
 and integrity, to promote the objedi of Mr. Quarrell's 
 miffion, by every affidance in his power, and perfevered 
 through every difficulty and difcouragement in fup- 
 porting Mr. Quarrell, both publicly and privately, 
 without any the mod diilant thoughts of benefit of any 
 kind to ijimfelf ; c r at any time, or by any atl or en- 
 deavov.r what-ver, either direclly or indireclly, having 
 fought (as jM, Quarrell very unw irrantably has aflcrt- 
 ed he did) to have the Maroons tuken from the charge 
 
 of
 
 ( 479 ) 
 
 of the ifland's agents, and committed to his (Sir John 
 Wentworth's) excluGve direlion ; Mr. Quarrell, and 
 his affiftant, conceiving different felfifh views, fecretly 
 icounterafled each other's raeafures , and the fpeedy 
 relief of the ifland of Jamaica, by eflabliOiing the Ma- 
 roons in the means and praftice of providing for them- 
 selves, by their own labour and induftry, appeared to 
 be no longer the objel of their attention and united 
 wifiies." 
 
 ^th. That *f Mr. Quarrel paid looo/. to certain 
 perfons, named Cochran, by way of profit to them for 
 granting him aid, upon bills of exchange, which 
 had been drawn by him for fettling the Maroons, 
 being returned to Halifax diflionoured, for want of 
 means." 
 
 6th. That " he adduced contradi(lory and anony- 
 mous letters in his teftimony, and ufed all the wretched 
 expedient^ of contrivance, to cxcufe or veil mifconduft, 
 and t pi "Cure more money ; and deceiveil the Houfc 
 of AHcmbiy of Jamaica, into a determination to the 
 prejudice of Sir John Wentworth, by unfair prac- 
 tices." 
 
 ']tb. T\\.\t * Mr. Quarrell afrlc^is to lament, that 
 indead of (iirpeifing the M.irooiis throughout Nova 
 S''otia, in differ. 'lu v.icaiu birracks, he wns advifcd to 
 fctlU- thcin together -.it I'lcltoii, thou^ii I\lr. Toiij;* '^ 
 proj'.cl of rcii;iiiig tliofc IVIaroons to the vacant bai- 
 racks was nrvcr fiiictior.ed, much lefs approved of, by 
 Tylr. Qnurcli; who, 'ni tlic Hrll mention, perceived 
 riic foily or the nropofidon." 
 
 8'. 'ili.it
 
 ( 4^6 ) 
 
 8/.^. That " Mr. Tonge*s fecond propofal for fettliUg 
 ihc Maroons, was Communicated to Sir John Went- 
 nHrorth, not accompanied with the approbation of Mr. 
 Quarrell, but the reverfe, and has been brought for- 
 *rard by him (Mr. Quarrell) with defign and unfair- 
 ncfs/' 
 
 pik That Mr. Quarrell ** has miftated the meafure 
 refpe\ing the alleged promifes of Sir John Wentworth, 
 to recommend the removal of the Maroons i that the 
 paper was written, after beirtg eameftly and repeat- 
 edly urged by Mr. Quarrell, and contains no fuch 
 idea, nor was any intended : It was foiely to convey 
 the wiOies of the Maroons to Government, and by 
 that fairnefs to do away and counteract the miftrufts 
 Jnfidioufly implanted in their minds; it was done with 
 the particular advice of Mr. Quarrell, and in his pre- 
 fence; That he read the paper ; faid it was fair ; and 
 reproved fome of the Maroons for wanting any other 
 fatisfaClion or ftatement.'* 
 
 totL That " the loan of provifions for the Maroons, 
 made by His Royal Highnefs Prince Edward, is not 
 rightly ftated by Mr. Quarrel! : That Mr. Quarrell, 
 and his afliftant, were defired by the commiffary- 
 general to take their choice of flour, then lauding from 
 feveral vefiels." 
 
 litL That " the lofs in refpeCt to flour, may have 
 been further increafed by Mr. QuarrclPs purchafe at 
 Ndw-Yorkj as, excluOve of confiderable charge* 
 attending it, part of the purchafe was fo badly chofen, 
 
 that
 
 ( 48i ) 
 
 that It was rejeded by the Maroons, became four in 
 ftore ; and finally, turned to no account." 
 
 I2th. That " the communication between Colonel 
 Leonard and the Maroons, under the guidance of Mr. 
 Quarreli and his deputy, was a fecret tranfadion on 
 their part ; as were many more : and Samuels, the 
 Maroon, was clandeftinely embarked, to promote views 
 and purpofes that they feared could not bear the teft 
 of inquiry, or even infpelion.'* 
 
 \2,th. That " Samuels's expedition was unautho- 
 rifed by any confent of the Duke of Portland, and was 
 dire^lly contrary to Sir John Wentworth's opinion, 
 and tending to mifchlef only ; as Mr. Quarreli was 
 highly fenfible of, when he afterwards urged Mr. 
 Walpole, to procure fomething of confent from the 
 Duke of Portland, and fend to him (and alfo duplicate) 
 that might enable him to efcape the cenfure he ex- 
 prefled a jufi apprehenfion of, from a confcioufnefs of 
 having merited it." 
 
 ijs^th. That " Sir John Wentworth folicited, and 
 obtained, a valuable appolntmetit for Colonel Leonarti, 
 like many other things dated in the evidence olfcrcd 
 aguinll Sir John Wentwonh, is nut true." 
 
 i^th. That *< it ir.ufl appe.ir evivi -r-.t, that tlie idcj* 
 contained in the Iciitinifius of Mr. Quaircl', being for 
 a moment fuU'ercd, wouhl be ol tiic moil dan^trvou'^ 
 conr<(|UCiice: ihcv ure the intt c'.iou - ^^oiffjn truni which 
 
 Vol. II. i 1 the
 
 { 4^ ) 
 
 the French ufurpatioiis have fprcad the pi<ig*e oi 
 revolt." 
 
 l6tl}. That * Mr, Qu^arrell has inconfiderately ha- 
 zarded much improper remark upon the Maroon 
 accounts, for the period alluded to by him, as fuch 
 accounts (robe tranfmitted) will prove : and they will 
 (hew, that his prediciioiis are no more entitled to 
 credit, than his reprefentations are to belief." 
 
 i']tb. That ** the corr.miiTions dated to have been 
 given to Maroons, were given to them upon the 
 requeft of the agents, who gave in the names of thofe 
 for whofe fidelity they became- a pledge of refpon- 
 fibility, on the commillions being Hgned in their pre- 
 fence j and, when the mifcondul of the Maroons, and 
 of their principal inftigator, was apparent, thofe ap- 
 pointments were vacated." 
 
 i8/3. That " Mr. Quarrel! Tent 3000 dollars to Mr. 
 Moody, clerk to the Maroon concerns, with an invita- 
 tion from Iiimfelf 2nd ?Jr. Tharp, to go, on their 
 account, to Jamaica, vvheie tliey engage to provide for 
 him better than can br* done in Nova Scotia."
 
 < 4B3 ) 
 
 Mr. S^uarreWs Anfwer, 
 
 To THE Chairman of the Maroon Committee : 
 
 The Anfivers of the Honour able William Dawes ^lar* 
 
 rell, Efq. late CoyiuniJfaYy of MaroonSy to ExtraBs 
 
 fromfuch Paris of^^A Statement of FaBs refpeFl'ing 
 
 the fettling of Maroons in Nova Scotia^^ (tranfmitt^d 
 
 by the Lieutenant-Governor of that Province to his 
 
 Honour the Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica y under 
 
 date of the 2-jth June 1 799, and by the Chairman 
 
 of the Alaroon Committee traufmitted to the fa id 
 
 William Daives ^/arrellj as are flated to convey 
 
 Charges againjl the faid William Dawes ^iarrell. 
 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Having delivered up the charge of the Maroon 
 cftablifhment to the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova 
 iScotia, (Sir John Wentworth) fo long fince as the 
 22d of July 1797 ; and Sir John Wentworth having, 
 {during the time I was executing fuch charge, fre- 
 quently, and often afterwards), exprefled in the ftrongeft 
 terms, his unqualified approbation of my condul, 
 little did I expel, in the month of June 1 799, to have 
 charges of mifcondul and negligence, in the per- 
 formance of my duty, in this fervice, exhibited againft 
 me by Sir John Wentworth. Thefe charges. Sir, 
 have been advanced by him. Whether he has fuc- 
 ceefled iti proving them, or not, the committee will 
 determine. But, Sir, notwithftanding fucli mifcon- 
 ducl, notwithftanding fuch negligence in the per- 
 formance of my duty, as is now for the firil time 
 attributed to me, I am confident that I Hiull be enabled 
 fatisfalorily to prove to the committee, by Sir John 
 I i 2 Wotiu^rth^s
 
 ( 484 ) 
 
 WentworiFs own letters that he fully approved, of what 
 he now condemns, and applauded the very conduct 
 which is now the fubjel of thefe charges- 
 
 I (hall proceed, Sir, feverally, to anfwer the charges 
 advanced againft me, previoufly obferving to the com- 
 mittee, that my anfwers will be given into them upon 
 oath, whereas the charges exhibited againft me by 
 Sir John Wentworth, have not the fandlion of an 
 oath in their fupport. 
 
 Charge I. With refpefl to the JitJI charge, Sir, I moft 
 pofitively deny, at any time, oppofing or condemn- 
 ing the meafure of removing the Maroons from 
 Jamaica, nor could Sir John Wentworth have the 
 fmalleft foundation for that part of the firft charge, 
 unkfs he confidered as fuch, a vote given by me, 
 as a member of the Honourable Houfe of Aflembly 
 of this ifland, againft receiving the report of the 
 Secret Committee on Maroon affairs, early in the 
 feftion of the year 1796, which I am certain the 
 committee will be of opinion, is not a fufficient 
 foundation for fuch a charge ; and I fubmit to the 
 committee, that any vote which I gave as a mem- 
 ber of the Honourable Houfc: of Aflembly of this 
 ifland, ought not for any fuch purpofe to be brought 
 forward by Sir John Wentworth ; bur, Sir, that 
 the committee may be fully informed of my 
 fentiments upon this fubjcd, I fliill refer to my 
 letter to Mr. Sewell, tlie ?geiit for this ifland, then 
 and yet refident in England, dated the i6th of 
 December 1796, whereby it appears, that fo far 
 from oppofing or condemning the meafure of re- 
 4 moving
 
 ( 485 ) 
 
 moviig the Maroons from Jamaica, that I ftated to 
 Mr. Sevvell the neceflity of their removal, bccaufe 
 (amongft other reafons) They, though not many 
 in number, endangered the lives of thoufands of 
 Britifh fubjedls, and the fecurity of this valuable 
 ifland." As to the remaining part ot the firft 
 charge, Sir, I mull Hate to the commiitee, that I 
 adted with the concurrence, and by the defire of the 
 legiflature of this ifland, on this occafion; th;it upon 
 my arrival at Halifax in Nova Scotia, I reprefented 
 to that Government the peaceable and orderly be- 
 haviour of the Maroons during their paflligc, and 
 aflured the inhabitants of that province, that no 
 danger was to be appreliended from them, as ap- 
 pears by my report on the l\I,iroon eilablifliment dated 
 the 27th November 1 798 : [Inferted in the Votes of the 
 Honourable Hoiife of AJfcmhly^ A. D. 1798, />. 1 16.) 
 But that fo far from my having made the airertions 
 attributed to me by Sir Jolin Wentworth in the 
 htter part of the firft charge, I tranfmittetl to his 
 Royal flighnefs Prince Edward, then at Halifax, 
 a Ibtement (it is true) reprefenting tl;e orderly 
 conducl of the Maroons during their pall"-i;e ; but 
 wherein, I particularly enumerated, and txprefsly 
 dwelt upon, their aggrelfi;)us and criminal conducl 
 in this ifliiid. I have no copy of that It.Uemint 
 to proilucc to the con\niittte, the oiiginal was kit 
 at Halifjx, it paifed tlirough many hands there, 
 and I have no tloubt but that it ii ilill there extant, 
 ami might be produced if it could anfwcr the pur- 
 pol-: of fupporting tlitfc, or any one of tlicfe, 
 charges. '1 he proceedings of the Honourable Houlc 
 of Antmhly of this iiland, on the ful>jt.c\ ot the 
 I i j removal
 
 ( 486 ) 
 
 removal of the Maroons, was alfo fent with the 
 abovementioned ftatement, therefore I appeal to 
 the committee, whether there is the fmallefl: proba- 
 bility of my having aflerted what i am charged 
 with, when the abovementioned ftatement and 
 proceedings were dire6l contradidions to any fuch 
 aiTertions. 
 
 Charge IL The firft part of the fecond charge, Sir, 
 accufes me of prefenting myfelf to Sir John Went- 
 worth *' As the volunteer guardian of an injured 
 and fingularly unfortunate and diftreflcd people." 
 To that accufation I fhall only ftate, that when I 
 prefented myfelf to Sir John Wentworth, I deli- 
 vered to him a letter (amongft others) which I 
 received from the Lieutenant-Governor of this 
 ifland^ (Lord Balcarres,) which letter is inferted in 
 p. 324 of Sir John Wentworth's ftatement of fadls, 
 and which Sir John Wentworth, by his letter to 
 Lord Balcarres, dated Halifax, Nova Scotia, loth 
 Oclober 1796, (printed in Votes of the honourable 
 HoufeoJ JJfeinbly^ A. D. 1796,/). 37.) acknowledged 
 to have received from me ; and at the fame time 
 I produced my commifTion of commiftary-general 
 of Maroons to Sir John Wentworth, figned by 
 Lord Balcarres: [Vide Comtmjfion^ Votes of the Ho' 
 mitrahle Hoiife of JJlrnhly, A. D. 1796, p. 162.) 
 That the charadlcr and fituation I was placed in, 
 muft clearly appear by the abovementioned letter 
 and commifhon, and that I reprefented myfelf in 
 no other character than I was juftified in doing 
 by thofe documents. And upon the face of thofc 
 documents it appears that, inftead of the Maroons 
 
 being
 
 ( 487 ) 
 
 being confidered as " An injuretl and Hnguivly 
 unfortunate and diQrcflcd people," they are there 
 itated to have broken out into open rebellion againft 
 the laws and government of this illand, and that 
 their lives were only fpared, and mercy extended 
 to them, in confideration of their furreiidjring 
 themfclves within a given time. I admit, Sir, 
 that I might have aflcrttd, " That an eftabliOiment 
 was to be procured at the expence of the iOand of 
 Jamaica;" the beforementioned letter and con^mif- 
 fion jultified me in making that afl'crtion ; but that 
 I ever faid *' That the Maroons furrendercd their 
 arms, and a valuable diilridl of country> on the 
 cxjSrefs consideration of being provided with a ftt- 
 tlement equally comfortable," I pofitively deny. 
 The remaining part of this charge, as to my 
 opinion that the Maroons had futfercd and were 
 fufTc^ring extreme hardllups and miftry very 
 undtfcrvedly, I conceive, Sir, is fully anfwercd 
 in my anfwer to the firil charge, and by my anfvver 
 to the firft part of tliis cli.irge. 
 
 Charge HI. As to the tlird charge, Sir, I iilfo admit 
 that 1 was averfe to fciuiing the Maroons to Sierra 
 Ijeone. IMy averfion piiucipnlly arolc from tlic 
 reprcfentations of Jjiriircnint ^Viifu^ of tin IVr.er 
 tranfport,((nie of the thr.c triiif,) nrs v.luch cuiiv.ycd 
 the Maroons from tliib iil.wid to lii'iiix}, wh .Ir.ul 
 long been eni[)l()Vf(l in 'lie fc'ivic- ot t le coi;.p.,;iy 
 trading to Sierra ]Av>ne, -.tni wlio r;-p,;ic nt< ! \o 
 me, that thit f(.t;lcn)ciii was vinhcuJiy in tlu' ex- 
 treme, and thit it wvo a f-rtlenu-nt very i.. IikJv 
 to fuccerd i but tliat " 1 reprobated the iJt i if 
 I i ; lln.iiiv
 
 ( 488 ) 
 
 fending the Maroons to Sierra Leone, as a reproach 
 of infamy to the people of 'Jamaica," I abfolutely 
 atid unequivocally deny ; and to prove to the com- 
 mittee^ that I did think of fending a part of the 
 Maroons there, I (hall refer to an extraft of a 
 letter hereto annexed, written by mc to the late 
 James Wedderburn,Efquire, dated the 29thof 0to- 
 ber 1796, wherein I dated, *' That the increafing 
 cold of the weather had made the Maroons, par- 
 ticularly fome of the bad fubjecls, very peevifh and 
 difcontent, and that three or four families had peti- 
 tioned to be fent to a warmer climate. Thefe 
 happened to be the mofl turbulent and troublefome, 
 and as the Duke of Portland had faid that the 
 Sierra Leone company offered to take a few families, 
 I was defircus of getting rid of them j that the 
 others might be better accommodated, and more 
 readily colonize in this country." I therein ftated, 
 that *' A tranfport was offered by Prince Edward, 
 and that I very readily affented to their embarkation; 
 when fuddenly the Governor made them unexpedl- 
 cdly a vifit, and I found afterwards that they had 
 little defire to go, &c." For the purpofe of fatisfa^o- 
 rily proving to the committee, that the latter part 
 of this charge is totally void of foundation, in 
 which Sir John Wentwcrth dates, that I engaged 
 *' That the inhabitants and legiflature of this ifland 
 would not reft fatisfied with any thing lefs than the 
 fcttlemcnt of the Maroons in Nova Scotia, and that 
 I defircd to fee the Maroons fo fixed in Nova 
 Scotia, as to prevent a removal to any other coun- 
 try, or being difperfed in that i" I beg leave to 
 refer to an extract of a letter to Lord Balcarres, 
 
 dated
 
 ( 489 ) 
 
 dated Halifax, 14th Feb. 1797, fS<^e Votes of ilx 
 uijfetnbly^) wherein, after pointing out the difad- 
 vantHges of the lands near Halifax, and advantages 
 of thofe on the other fide of the peninfuL'. of Nova 
 Scotia, with the evils attendant on keeping the 
 Maroons in a colleled body, I itate " This among 
 many other circumftances points out the propriety 
 of feparating and difperfing them, which will greatly 
 facilitate our executing more fpeeHily the intentions 
 of the ifland of Jamaica." I rnuft, further refer to 
 my letter of the 15th January 17(^7, to Mr. Sewell, 
 [See Votes of the Houfe of JjJ'ttnblyy) wherein a repa- 
 ration of the Maroons and different dcftinations are 
 recommended -, the mod confiderable number is 
 that to Sierra Leone : and alfo to a letter from 
 Mr. Sewell to the Duke of Portland, dated Great 
 George Street, 27th March 1798, [See Votes of Af- 
 ftmbly^ A. D. 1798, p. 36.,) by which it will appear 
 that in feveral of my letters to Mr. Scwtll, I par- 
 ticularly recommended the fcttlement of the Ma- 
 roons in other parts of America, for Mr. Sewell 
 Hates in that letter as follows; " I trull it will 
 be in your Grace's recolletlion, that I did niyfclf 
 the honour of tranfmitting to your Grace on the 
 2 ill September, extracts of letters wliicli I had 
 received from Mr. Commiflary Qu^arrcll, recom- 
 mending another part of North Amiricci as being 
 in his judgment the moll fuitable lor their fcttle- 
 nient." 
 
 Tlic committee will alfo find, upon a reference to 
 tlie report on the Maroon edablilhmeut in Nova 
 Scotia, made by mc to Lord Balcarrcs on the 
 
 27 th
 
 ( 49 } 
 
 27th November 1798, {Fotes of tie Hmmurahle Heufe 
 of JJJewblyy A. D. 1798, />. 1 17.,) that I therein, 
 amongft other things, ftated " That I thought of 
 obtaining fome lands, and efcheating others, which 
 I had heard favourabiy fpoken of towards the eoafts 
 of the Bay af Fundyj. that I conceived that dif- 
 perfing the ISIaroons very extenfivsly, was the only 
 means of difpofing of them properly ; and that I 
 wifhed even to fpread and extend them in fmal) 
 fettlements as far as New Brimfwick." 
 
 H ntcefFary, I could fiiew, by many other papers 
 and documents, that the difperfion of the Maroons 
 was the plan I meant and wilhed to purfue, but 
 feel confidertt that what I have ftated is fufficient 
 to invalidate that part of the cb.arge brought againft 
 me by Sir John Wentworth. 1 further beg leave, 
 Sir, to (late to the committee, that when the in- 
 ftrucl'ons came from England to Sir John Weiit- 
 worth, authorizing him to fettle the Maroons in 
 Nova Scotia, and he had finally formed a plan 
 of fettlemeiit for them at Prellon, near Halifax, I 
 thought myfelf bound to comply with fuch plan, 
 and to give up my plan of fettlement to that of Sir 
 John Wentwonh. 
 
 Charge IF. As to the firft part of tha fourth charge, 
 I admit th.it I might have afTcrted, that Sir John 
 Wtntworth fought to have tl.-.; exclufive manage- 
 ment of the Maroons, cr made fome aflertion to that 
 ctr<:(fi: ; and I conctive 1 was fully juilified in fo 
 doing, by the letters of Sir John Wentworth to the 
 Duke of Portknd, throughout which letters I am 
 
 only
 
 ( 491 ) 
 
 only confidered as the commiiTary of this Idand, for 
 the mere purpofe of managing tiie pecuniary con- 
 cerns of the Maroons, it neceiTariiy following, that 
 all other management and dir* '1ion of them mud 
 be vefted in Sir John Wentworth. J\n extract from 
 one of thofe letters I will (late, iSir, to the com- 
 mittee ; in anfwer to this part of the charge, many 
 might be fcated were it requiute. This extract is 
 taken from a letter from Sir John Wentworth to 
 the Duke of Portland, dated Halifax, Nova Scotia, 
 20th September, 1796, in which he ftates, " That 
 the Government of Jamaica havin^j; granted a liberal 
 fum for commencing of the fcctlement of the Ma- 
 roons, and appointed Mr. Qij irrell commiflary, and ' 
 ^Ir. Ochterlony afnftant-commilTary, to fuperintend 
 thofe benevolent intentions, it appeared to him 
 expedient, that the expenditure fliould be tranfa<Sted 
 by tliem, and the monies requlfite alfo drawn for 
 by them on the agent of the iflmd whereto they 
 were authorized, and a proper credit, as he un- 
 derftood, lodged with Mtflrs. Milligan and Mitch 11 
 in London." And Sir John Wentworth (lues t!uit, 
 " tliat mode will be continued until his Grace 
 might be pleafed to direct hii/i otherwife." An.; to 
 prove, Sir, that I was not finguUr in my opini. r:, 
 I fliall refer to the anfwer given by Mr. Oilu <;,, ,y 
 to the firll queftion in his fuitl.er exami' .li"::, 
 {Fide Votes of the HonouraHe Ihufe of ^IJlmh!^, y!.l!. 
 I 798, p. 220.) wiiere he Aates, *' That a few v .k-, 
 after our arrival, 1 [d\v evidently Sir John \\\.: 
 worth's anxiety to get poiielliou cf the INI.uo 
 and to iiave the difpolal of the money of the .li ; 
 of Jamaica." As to tlic latter part of this chn. 
 
 wh.vi
 
 C 492 ) 
 
 wluch h an accufation againft my afliftant and 
 Biyfelf, for having felfifti views, for countera6ling 
 each other's meafures, and for being inattentive to 
 the rnterefts of the ifland of Jamaica, I cannot avoid 
 obferving, Sir, that this part of the fourth charge, 
 fo ftrangely contradiftory of CA'cry previous ftate- 
 merrt of my conduct, like many of the other 
 charges now exhibited againft me by Sir John 
 Went worth, is extremely vague, genera?, and un- 
 certain, not one definite fact being advanced in 
 fttpport of the affertions contained in ir. I can 
 only anfwer, Sir, this part of the fourth charge, 
 by ftating, that the intereft of the iftand of Jamaica, 
 <> throughout the whote of the bufinefs, and no private 
 vievFS of my own, was the conflant objet of my 
 attention. And that the committee, Sir, will be of 
 that opinion, I feel confident, when they fhall have 
 taken into confideration the whole tenor of my 
 condudl in the eftablifhment of the Maroons; by 
 which means only, I conceive, can the truth or 
 falfhood of this part of the fourth charge be properly 
 determined. 
 
 Charge V, In anfwer to the ffth charge, I muft ftatc 
 to the committee, Sir, that after delivering up the 
 charge of the Maroons to Sir John Wentworth, 
 according to my inflructions from the Honourable 
 Houfe of yXiVcmbly, I was compelled to remain in 
 Halifax by tlie holders of the bills, which I had drawn 
 on account of the Maroons, and which had been 
 protefted ; as will appear upon reference to a letter 
 of Sir John Went\*orth to the Duke of Portland, 
 dated Halifax 4th November 1 797, {hiferted in the 
 
 Vat-^s
 
 ( 493 ) 
 
 Vctesofthe HonourabU Houfe of AJfetnblj, A. D. 1 798 
 p. 32.) wherein he dates, * that it is much to be 
 regretted, that the ifland of Jamaica has not taken 
 cfFctual menfures for payment of the bills drawn by 
 Mr. Quarrel! for the fupport of the Maroons. The 
 bill-holders decline confenting to his return to Ja- 
 maica ; and the refufal of his drafts has fo efFedu- 
 ally fufpended his credit, that he could not obtain 
 any money or fupplies for them, neither would any 
 perfon take his bills on any terms." And Sir John 
 Wentworth in that letter further ftated : " That 
 Mr. Q_uarrell felt himfelf much injured by the dif- 
 honour of his bills, and dill more fo in the confe- 
 quent detention from his affairs in Jamaica." I 
 mud alfo beg leave to refer to the report of the 
 Maroon fub-committee, [Infertecl in the Votes of the 
 Honourable Houfe of AJfembl^^ A. D. 1 7<>8, page 222,) 
 where in it is dated, " That by reafon of Mr. Quar- 
 rell's bills being protedcd, he was detained in Nova 
 Scotia and other parts of America, fifteen months 
 after his milTion was confidcrrd at an end." And 
 1 (hculd have been detained there all the enfuing 
 winter, had it not been for tlie relief aflbnled 
 me by Meflrs. Cochran ; who n\ confideratlon of a 
 commilfion, (equal perhaps to whnr Sir John Went- 
 worth dates,) '.vliich I allowed thcin, :iiui which i'? 
 there a very ufual tranfaflicii, ruisf.ir^orily fettled 
 the bufmefs for mr, and thereby relealeil me from '. 
 dill further detention in Halifax, w Ivrc I h;ul aire id v 
 been detained fo long, to the m.inifed injury of niv 
 own private affairs 
 
 Li- 
 
 ire,
 
 C 494 ) 
 
 Charge VI. With refpeft to the ftxth charge, Sir, I 
 certainly have not adduced any anonymous letters; 
 probably, Sir John Wentvvorth means letters under 
 feigned names, If fo, I admit having adduced two fuch 
 letters, entered in the Votes of the Honourable 
 Houfs of Afilmbly, A..D. '-7y&j page 205, and 
 207, appendix B. No. 9, and 1 1, figned John Bun- 
 yan, which were written by a Mr. Chamberlain. In 
 fal: Mr. Chamberlain, in a certain circle, was as 
 frequently called by one name as the other, and as 
 often wrote letters under the former fignature as 
 the latter, (Vide a letter figned T. Chamberlain in 
 the Votes of the Honourable Houfe of Aflembly, 
 A. D. 1798, page 208, appendix B. No. 12.) and 
 his letters, under both thofe fignatures, if referred 
 to, will convince the committee, that the perfoa 
 writing under thofe fignatures, is one and the fame 
 perfon. I am not aware of having produced, on my 
 parf^ any contradictory letters. And in regard to 
 the latter part of this charge, which if founded in 
 fal, would be a very ferious one, " of my ufing 
 every expedient to veil mifcondu61:, and deceiving 
 the Houfe into a determination to the prejudice of 
 Sir John V/entworth by unfair means," 1 think it 
 was incumbent upon Sir John Wentworth, to have 
 ftated what tbr-fe unfair means were, and not to 
 make fo general a charge, and io heavy in its nature 
 without producing evidence, and that ftrong and 
 conclufivc in fupport of it ; but as I am confident of 
 not having made ui'c of any undue or unfair means 
 for any purpofe whatever in the courfe of this bufi- 
 nefs, and as Sir John Wentworth has not pointed 
 out even one foiitary inftancc of my having don^fo, 
 
 I tru.a
 
 ( 495 1 
 
 I truH Tn*t the committee will not for a moment 
 conceive, that there is any ground or foundation for 
 fuch a charge. 
 
 Chai-^a VIL & VUI. I conceive, Sir, that the firft 
 part of x\\<i fivettth charjje, with refpel to the dif- 
 perfion of the Maroons, is fufTiclently anfwered by 
 my anf'.ver to the third charge ; and with regaid tx> 
 the propofu of ^fr. Tonge, in the eighth charge, I 
 know but of one, which was made to me by letter 
 from Mr. Tonge, dated the loth of July 1797. 
 {Vidt h'iUrJJt Voles of the HoticiirabU Houfe of AJftm^ 
 bly^ A. D. 1798, p^ge 213. Appcrditc B, No. i<5.) 
 This propcfal of Mr. Tonge's, was made, as tlie 
 committee will perceive, only twelve days before I 
 furrendered up the charge of the Maroons to Sir 
 John Wentworth ; I therefore referred Mr. Tonge 
 to wSir John Wentworth, refpedling his propofal, 
 without giving him my fentiments upoti the fub- 
 
 C.'-.i}'Q_ JA'. In anUvcrto the ninth charge, it is ncccf- 
 fary that I fjiou'd ftatc to the committee, that there 
 was a verbal promife made by tSir Jolin Wentworth 
 to the Maroons, to the fame purport as the written 
 or", {Thi' httt-r :s irfrtid in the Fates of the Honour- 
 able Houfe of AJemhly 1798, Appendix B. No. 6.) 
 and upon fuch verbal promiff, 1 never was confut- 
 ed ; the verbal proniilV was macle m the winter, 
 and th.c 'vrittcn okc :iot dclivc-rtrd till the Miy fol- 
 lowing. I admit the rcadiriijof the written proniil^: 
 to t)ic JNIarcvjus, together \\\\]\ o\\\cr p.(ptrrs, by the 
 2 dtljic
 
 ( 49<J ) 
 
 dtfirc of Sir John Wentworth, obferying to them 
 at the fame time, that they had thereby received 
 more from Sir John Wentworth than they would 
 have done from mc. i was ever delicate in giving 
 my advice againfl; any meafures Sir Johh Went- 
 worth determined on ; and although I believed he 
 made ufe of the written promife, merely as an ex- 
 pedient to quiet their minds, yet I never could, or 
 did approve of any promife, which might furnifh 
 the Maroons with a plea for withholding the in- 
 terefts they (hould have taken in improving the 
 lands which were allotted to them ; and by my 
 anfwer to the thirteenth query of my examination 
 taken before a committee of the Honourable Houfe 
 of Aflembly, [Inferted in the Votes of that Honourable 
 Honfey A.D. i-jgSfpage 197.) it will appear, " that 
 I thought all promifes of removal to be made to the 
 Maroons, or any thing that tended to give them any 
 expel;ation of removal, were extremely prejudicial 
 and improper. 
 
 Charge X. With regard to the tenth charge, I muft 
 ftate to the committee. Sir, that I was fupplied with 
 fome provifions for the Maroons, from the public 
 magazines, by the order of His Royal Highnefs 
 Prince Edward, at the requeft of Sir John Went- 
 worth ; that fuch provifions confided of thirty-two 
 barrels of good beef and pork, and two hundred 
 tierces of very bad flour, as I have before ftated in 
 my anfwer to query fixth of my examination before 
 a committee of the Honourable Houfe of Aflembly, 
 {Vide Votes of that Hcnfcy A. D. I 798, page 196,) 
 
 and
 
 ( 497 ) 
 
 . and I pofitlveljr deny that I have made any miftatc- 
 mcnt on this fubjed -, for I and my afliftant had no 
 choice, the flour was agreed for, in confidence of it 
 being good ; it was infpe<Slcd immediately on its 
 being landed on the wharf, it could not be infpefted 
 before, and it then proved badi 
 
 Charge XI. In anfwer to the eleventh charge, it wiU 
 be necefiary for me to refer to my report to Lord 
 Balcarres on the Maroon eftablilhment, dated the 
 27th November 1788, [Vide Votes of the Honourabh 
 Hoiife of Jjpmblyy A. D. 1798, page 118,) by which 
 it will appear, that " our flores of potatoes having 
 been frozen and deilroyed in the cellars, commonly 
 efleemed froft-proof, a circumflance not ufual, but 
 at that time pretty general ; and the encreafcd price 
 of flour, indicating not only a fcarcity, but a pro- 
 bable famine, induced me to go to New Yovk, with 
 a view of making fome contracSl there, which raiglit 
 be a certain and more reafonable fupply than might 
 be expe6ied at Halifax," I did go to New York, 
 and did make a contracl for feme flour there, and 
 mod pofitiveiy aflcrt, in contradiclion to this charge, 
 that the flour 1 b.ad iVom New York was cheaper 
 than that 1 bought in Ihllifax, it was good and 
 found, and was all ufed except forty barrels of tlic 
 rye flour, which were fold by aucl;ion for more 
 money than th.ey uri^inaliv coll, and the fum they 
 fold for 15 credited by mo in my account;. 
 
 (.harg,^ XIl. Sir Joi.ii Weiitv.T-r'V. alleges, Sir, \:: 
 the 111-: fib ch:::^--', '^ th it tl.':rc w^j a fccict co:n- 
 VoL. li. K 'i inuiiv.atiorr
 
 ( 498 ) 
 
 tnunication between Colonel Leonard and the Ma- 
 roons, under the guidance of myfelf and deputy :" 
 in anfwer to which, I pofitively deny having any 
 knowledge of any fuch tranfaciion. Colonel Leo- 
 nard was a ftranger to me, nor (hould I have known 
 liirn, had he not been introduced to me by Sir John 
 Wentworth. Colonel Leonard refided at Sir John 
 Wentworth's houfe, in the character of his particu- 
 lar friend, whofe vifits to Maroon-hall during his 
 refidence in Halifax, (for fcveral weeks previous to 
 the failing of the packet in which he went to Eng- 
 land,) Sir John Wentworth was well acquainted 
 with ; that as I underftood the objel: of Colonel 
 Leonard's voyage, was to fee the Duke of Portland, 
 I did wliat I conceived Sir John Wentworth wifhed, 
 g^ve him ev>ery information in my power refpefling 
 the Maroon eftablifhment, in order that he might 
 be competent to give luch information to the Duke 
 of rortland on his arrival in Kn<;land. And in an- 
 fwer to the laft part of tlie twelfth charge, and to 
 the wlvjie of 
 
 Chargr XIU. I fliall in the firfl place refer to an ex- 
 tra6l of a letter from General Walpole to me, dated 
 tlie 2 2d of Septcniber 179'^, in whicl: he ftates as 
 f'jllo'.vs : " I have obtaiiici permilTiun from the 
 Luke of Pcrtlaiid to fend for any of the Maroons I 
 r>U:'.rc, this is tl.c c?,vS.c of my troubling you at this 
 rnoirienl. I agreed to tike a brrtiicr of Smith's, 
 Charles San.iuls, into my fcrvice, and I fhall thank 
 V( u, it l.e lI; jufcs to conii;'I:erc to me, to have him 
 taken c.rc of on b-avd Lmz mcrch^jit fliip coming 
 
 to
 
 ( 499 ) 
 
 to London, and draw on Meflrs. Walpolc and Co. 
 Lombard Street, London, for the expcnce, to be 
 charged to my account." I (hall alfo reftr to a 
 letter written by me to Mr. Sewell, dated Halifax 
 25th April 1797, {f^ide Fetes 0/ the IIon:ur,i!>!e 
 Houfe of Ajfeinblyf A. D. I 79S, /la^tf 2 14,) wherein, 
 among other things, I dated as follows : " I fuppofe 
 it is known to you that General Walpole has had 
 the Duke of Portland's permilTion to fend for two 
 Maroons i one goes home in the packet with Co- 
 lonel Leonard." Thefe extracts, Sir, I contend, 
 mud be amply fufTicIent to prove to the committee, 
 that this was not a fccrct or clamleftine tranfadlioii, 
 as it is alleged to be by Sir John Wentworth. And 
 further, to (hew that the fending of the Maroons to 
 Etigland, was not unauthorifed by the Duke of PorL- 
 land. I fliall refer to an extradl of a letter from the 
 Duke of Portland to General Walpole, on applica- 
 tion for a copy of his Grace's order to Sir John 
 Wentworth, which is in itfclf, I conceive, a iuiTi- 
 cient juftification for mc ; it is dated, Whitehaii 
 19th Oclobcr 1797, and is as follows: *' Sir, Tlic 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia will be in- 
 formed that the Maroons in queftion came here by 
 permifTion, which will be a full jufliHcation to Mr. 
 Ouarrell: at the fame time I n^.uil inforin you, tlut 
 it is not judged expedient to gl .e cupi<:s of any 
 orders or inftruclions from tliis oi'licc upon indi- 
 vidual application." Atul 1 think it iieceliary, 
 Sir, further to (late, that I nK-ntioncd to Sir jo!iri 
 "Wentworth, tint Samuels was to [;o to [..land 
 with Colonel Lcor.ard, many wccki before 1..^ Ui!ed i 
 K k 1 'li.'.i
 
 ( 500 ) 
 
 that Sir John Wentworth did not oppofe, but af- 
 fented to it, and that had he made the flightcil 
 objedlion, Samuels would not have been fent. 
 
 Charge XIV. With refpedi to iht fourteenth charge, I 
 admit that in my report to Lord Balcarres, of the 
 27th November 1798, {as by reference to the Votes of 
 the Honourable Hotife of AJfemhly of that year ^ page 1 19, 
 lotH appear y^ I ftated that ** Colonel Leonard vv^as 
 recommended by Sir John Wentworth to the Duke 
 of Portland for a lucrative employment, which he 
 obtained." 1 Hated it, becaufe I had been mofl 
 credibly informed that it was fo, at Halifax, and 
 from the information I received, mofl: undoubtedly 
 believed it to be true ; but I am ready alfo to ad- 
 mit, that on this fubjeiSl I may have been mifin- 
 formed. 
 
 Charge XV. The ffteenth charge, Sir, I feel myfclf 
 compelled to ftate, is fo abfurd, both as to the manner 
 in which it is framed, and as to the matter which I 
 fuppofc it is intended to convey, that I conceive it 
 neither defervlng or entitled to a moment's confi- 
 deration. I prefume, Sir John Wentworth means, 
 by that charge, to attack my political fcntiments ; 
 if fo, Sir. the Honourable Houfe of Aflcmbly, and 
 the whole Legiflature of this Illand, are certainly 
 better judges of my political fcntiments, than Sir 
 John Wciitworth ; and It is known to tliem, I am 
 well uruHed, that fo far from there being any foun- 
 dation for fuch an extraordinary charge, that my 
 puUtical fentiment-s and condul liave ever been, 
 I and
 
 ( SOI ) 
 
 and are, mod loyal and conftitutional, and diame- 
 trically the reverfc of thofc he would infinuate. 
 
 Charge ATI. With refpevSl to t\\c ftxteenth charge, Sir, 
 it is certainly at prefent unnccciTdry for me to 
 ftate more, in my anfwer to that charge, than, that 
 when the accounts fo long delayed, Ihall be laid 
 before the Houfe, Sir John Wentworth and I 
 fhall be at ifl'iie on this charge, and I pledge niy- 
 felf. Sir, when thofc accounts do lo appear, to prove 
 (if required,) that I have not hazarded one fin).'le 
 improper remark on the Maroon Accounts, for the 
 period alluded to *. 
 
 Charge XFIL With regard to the commifllons which 
 were given to the Maroons, mentioned in the yj-xr/;- 
 tcLnth charge, 1 beg leave to (late, Sir, that on the 
 ahrm occnfioned in Halifax by Richerry's fquadron, 
 Sir John Wentworth propofed to embody the Ma- 
 roons as a military corps, (Jlc tn) ari/'Toc/- to tie 
 tiventy-c'ighfh quer'{ of my examination bejore the Ai:i- 
 roon c'^>},iiiittee in the Votes of the HjHourahle Houfe cf 
 Jjfembly, A. D. 1798, p. 200,} th;it Sir Jolui Wcnt- 
 wortli applied to me to recommend fuch Maroons 
 as w'xc belt drferving of commiilioiis, tliit tlu: 
 i;r:int:ng of them mi(.fht be coiifuiereJ by ih^ Ma- 
 roons as a rew.ird of merit ; t!iat I accorilin^Iy g^ive 
 in {o\wt names to Sir John Wentwurth, and in com- 
 fe(]n',:nce thereof, commiilions were feiit to tlu- 
 Marooub, I had fu naineti, I'y Sir 'J ^hn W'tni-iv 1 :!} 
 
 Wli.n tlr' ;i 1 (,uiit:i (ii 1 . j'jJt.J, M; . 'iij.ii::).') i.'li.i.lt jjI'jv, It.) 
 . . lyvvcr '. ii. .S- > ixl..'.j.t<.l. 
 
 K k 3 L.inft J j
 
 ( 502 ) 
 
 himjelf'y but, Sir, fuch commlflions nuere not ftgned^ 
 in my prefence. 
 
 Charge XVIII. For an anfwer to the lajl charge, Sir, 
 I beg leave to refer the committee to an affidavit of 
 Mr. Moody, fworn here the 29th of December 
 1799, ^"^ * ^^ invoice thereto annexed, by which 
 documents, I conceive, it will plainly and evidently 
 appear to the committee, that the tr-mfaclion alluded 
 to in this charge, was a private mercantile tranfadlion 
 between Mr. Moody, Mr. Tharpe and myfelf, and 
 that it was totally feparate and diftinft from, and 
 had no conne6lion whatever with, the eftablifliment 
 of the Maroons. 
 
 Having anfwered. Sir, and I truft fatlsfadorily, the 
 feveral charges exhibited againft me by Sir John 
 Wentworth, I fhail conclude what I have to ftate 
 to the committee, by adverting to and taking 
 extracts from feveral letters of Sir John Went- 
 v/orth, written to different perfons, both during 
 the time that I had the charge of the Maroon 
 eRablilhment, and alfo after I had furrendered up 
 fuch charge to Sir John Wentworth ; w-hereby it 
 will clearly appear, that Sir John Wentworth did 
 not merely approve of my condudt, but thought it 
 (to ufe his own words), entitled *' to the fulled terms 
 of his rcfpccl and approbation." The firll letter 
 which 1 fliall refer to. Sir, for the above purpofe, is 
 a letter from Sir John Wentwortli to the Duke of 
 Portland, dated Nova Scotia 20th September 1796, 
 vvhcr, alluding to the government of Jamaica being 
 
 gene-
 
 ( 5^3 ) 
 
 genercufly difpofed to render the Maroons happy, he 
 ftatcs, tr.at '* among other renfons for this opinion 
 is the judicious clioice of Mr. QiiarrcU and Mr, Och- 
 terloii;'-, to accompany and fuperintend the intercfts 
 of thefe poor people. I cannot do adequate juftice 
 to the aficdiionate zeal, unwearied affiduity, great 
 judgment and perfe6l difintereftednefs which thefe 
 gentlemen invariably exert under my inimediate and 
 hourly obfervation to efFeft the excellent intentions 
 of their conftituents,'' &c. Sec. 
 
 In another letter alfo, Sir, of Sir John Wentworth's to 
 Lord Balcarres, dated Halif.ix, Nova Scotia loth 
 October l 796, {Vide Votes of the Honciirablc Houfe cf 
 AJJcmhly^ A.D. 1796, p. 37,) lifter {'arin^' that he 
 had recommended the bell meafures to cfTcdl the 
 falutary purpofe of providing for the comfort and 
 prcfcrvation of the Maroons, iSir John Y/entworth 
 further dates " whicli iNlr. Qu_.irrell and Mr. Och- 
 terlony purfue with unexampled zeal, patience, and 
 aff>;6lionate care." And in a letter alfo, Sir, of Sir 
 John Wentvvorth to myfelf, dated Government 
 Houfc, Halifax 17th June 1797, {Inferted in the 
 Votes of the Iknonrahle Houfc of Affanhly, A.D. 179S, 
 p. 214,) after mentioning that a perfon fliould be 
 ready to make bricks, and build and repair houfes 
 for the Miroons; he (litcs ' 1 fliall render every 
 afiTiflance in my power, a:id doubt not of your kind- 
 eft concurrence lor the bcni. fit of tli.fe poor deceived 
 people, who h;ive been 1") much indebtcil to your 
 bL'nf'V(jleiU attention, tliat you oii^ht n;:it iinally to 
 be fruilrated in their eR.ibiliir.i^ni, which you have 
 Kk .1 a'u- .
 
 ( SP4 ) 
 
 always had fo much at heart, and not a little inte-. 
 refted me in promoting." And farther. Sir, in a 
 letter from Sir John Wentworth to Lord Balcarres, 
 dated Halifax Nova Scotia 4th Auguft T797, which 
 the committee will obferve, is after I had furrendered 
 up the charge of the Maroon eftablifhment to. Sir 
 John Wentworth, [and which letter is iftferied in the 
 Votes of the Honourable Houfe of Ajfembly^ A. D. 1 798, 
 p. 31.) Sir John Wentworth dates at follows, " It 
 is alfo a duty of juftice to your Lordlhip and to the 
 ifland, that I fail not to reprefent Mr. Quar- 
 rell's conduct, in the fulleft terms of refpei 
 and approbation ; his unremitted humanity, care 
 and attention to do every thing that could be ufeful 
 to the Maroons, and fenfible zeal for ths honour and 
 intereftofhis employers, certainly entitle him to the 
 laRing afFetJlion of the Maroons, and the mofl dif- 
 tingui{hed and grateful confideration of the govern- 
 ment, and every individual of the ifland of Jamaica, 
 which I earneftly hope may add to the comfort of 
 his fafe arrival in his own country.'' After thtfe 
 extracts, which I trufl, Sir, the committee will be 
 of opinion are fully fufBcient to prove the decided 
 approbation of my conduct, by Sir John Wentworth 
 in the Maroon eftablifliment ; I fliall only advert 
 generally to one letter more from Sir John Went- 
 worth to Lord Balcarres, dated on the I3rh of June 
 I "jCf^^^afid i^iferted in the Votes of the Hciiourahle Houfecf 
 AJftmblyofthatyear^p. 38,) wherein, iimongft other 
 things, Sir John Wentworth Rates, " that tiie Ma- 
 roon eftabliflament ftill remains nearly the fame as I 
 committed it to him," which clearly proves, that at 
 
 that
 
 ( 505 ) 
 
 that time Sir John Wentworth had no reafon for, or 
 intention of accufing me of either negligence or 
 mifcondul in that fervice. After fuch fentiments, 
 Sir, and fuch opinions of my condul in theMarooa 
 eftablifhment, fo exprefled by Sir John Wentworth, 
 little reafon certainly had I to apprehend an accufa- 
 tion from him ; and how Sir John Wentworth can 
 account for fuch inconfiftcncy of conduft, I know 
 not, nor is it neceflary for me to enquire. The 
 decifion on the propriety of my condudl, Sir, 
 throughout the whole of this bufinefs, I moil wil- 
 lingly Irave to the Committee, fatisfied in my owa 
 mind, that by their report to the Honourable Houfe 
 of Affembly, tiiey will exculpate me from the feveral 
 charges adduced againft me by Sir John Wentworth; 
 and I hope and trull, will further be of the fame 
 opinion, Sir John Wentworth fome fhort time fincc 
 was, namely, that fo far from my having been guilty 
 of either negligence or mifconduit in my manage- 
 ment of the Maroons, that from my attention to 
 them, and zeal for the honour and intereft of this 
 ill and, I am entitled to the grateful confideration of 
 icS government. 
 
 W. D. QUARRELL,
 
 ( 506 ) 
 
 No. V. 
 
 Oplnien of Sir William Scott, his Majejly's Advocale- 
 Generaly on the EftabliJIjment of an Eccleftajlical Jur'if- 
 diBion over the Clergy of fawaica, in a Letter to his 
 
 Grace the Duke of Portland. 
 
 \ 
 
 ** My lord duke, 
 
 " T 
 
 * JL AM honoured with your Grace's letter, dated 
 the 1 6th May, tranfmitting to me an extra6\ from 
 an addrefs of the Aflembly of Jamaica to his Majefty, 
 praying that the ecclefiaftlcal jurlfdictlort, granted by 
 an al of the ifland to the Bifhop of London, may be 
 placed in the hands of the perfon exercifing his Ma- 
 jefty's government in Jamaica for the time being, 
 and defiling me to take the fame into my confidera- 
 tion, and report to your Grace, for his Majefty's 
 information, my opinion in regard to the mode of 
 delegating the authority given to the Bifhop by the 
 faid al, and in regard to the perfon or perfons to 
 whom the fame may, with moft propriety, be dele- 
 gated, with a view of its being executed on the fpot, 
 in a manner the moft beneficial to the Ifland ; In 
 obedience to your Grace's direlIons, I have taken the 
 fame into my confideratlon, and humbly report, that 
 the propofed delegation of the power of ecclefiaftlcal 
 regimen, over the body of the clergy in the ifland of 
 Jamaica, into the hands of the Governor, appears to 
 2 be
 
 ( 50? ) 
 
 be liable to obje^Ions of no inconfiderable weight ; 
 for, although it is certainly true, that many other 
 powers, which are in England affbciated with tue 
 epifcopal authority, fuch as the probate of wills, 
 and the grant of adminiftrations, and the like, are 
 in his Mnjefty's colonies exercifed by the refpclivc 
 governors, under the title of ordinaries^ yet it is to be 
 obferved, that thefe are powers in no degree eccle- 
 fiaftical in their own nature, but became accidentally 
 Cjunetled with the ecclefiaftical jurifdidlion in this, 
 and in other countries in Europe, in conf quence of 
 opinions and difpofitions prevailing in remote times, 
 and have only continued in that ftate of connedlion, 
 from a prudent regard to ancient inftitutlons, not 
 found to be inconfiftent, in their modern praclice, 
 with the jufl com/eniencc of tlie public: but tlie im- 
 mediate government of the clergy, in the modes of 
 ecclefiaftical difcipline, is a power purely ecclefiaftical, 
 and has in all ages, and in almoft all profefTions of 
 Chriftianity, been lodged in the cler^^y themfelves, 
 either exclufively, as in the epifcopal and many other 
 of the reformed churches, or in aflcciation with fome 
 of the laity, as in churches of a more democratic 
 conftitutlon j and to lodge fuch a power in the fiiiglc 
 perfon of a lay governor, would be a novelty in the 
 praclice of the Chriftian church, upon tiiis matter, 
 and, as I humbly fubmit, a novelty not likely to be 
 produclive of falutary eftecls, when it is confiJert.!, 
 that the perfon on wliom this authority Is pre iv fa 
 to bii conferred, will rar' ly be a perfon wl>>, w'l.it- 
 evcr other qualifications he may pcuefh, cui ^ fu - 
 ziifticd, from the ftudics and habit'- of his li*-, Aii 
 any intimate knowledge of the nature and e.xci .
 
 ( 5o8 ) 
 
 of the paftoral office. It is likewlfe to be remarlced, 
 that this power of adminiftering ecclefiaftical difcip- 
 line, is propofed to be governed, not by the ancient 
 ecclefiaftical law, that is, by the ancient canons 
 adopted by the Church of England, or by its own 
 modern canons, fanlicned by the royal authority, 
 but, ** by fuch regulations as ihall hereafter be pro- 
 vided by the legiflature of Jamaica ;" thereby expofing 
 the body of the clergy to the hazard of confiderable 
 alterations in the nature of their funclions, and fub- 
 jefling them to a pofltble fyftem of rules, unknown to 
 the general law by which their duties and rights are 
 afcertained in that parent church of which they are 
 minifters, wherever it is eftablifhed, in any part of 
 his Majefty's dominions, 
 
 " Under thefe confiderations, I would humbly 
 fubmit that, as the Biflbops of London have uni- 
 formly declined to exercife the jurifdiction which has 
 been offered to them by the al of the legiflature, 
 the mode of exercifmg it, moft analagous to the gencr 
 ral pra61:ice of the Churcii, and the leail expofed to 
 the perils attendant on innovation, would be, if his 
 Majefty would be gracioufly pleafed, in his charaler 
 of Supreme Head of the Church, to nominate three 
 or more refpe6lab]e clergymen of the iflrind to be his 
 commiffaries, for the purpofe of exercihng, jointly 
 and fynodically, difcipline over the clergy only- fuch 
 commifTaries to have the power of cenfuring, fuf- 
 pending, or removing, any offending clergyman ; but, 
 under the referve, that no feiitence of deprivation (by 
 which freehold rights would be aflecled) fliould be 
 carried into execution, without the confent of the 
 
 Governor J
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 Governor; faljcQ, neverthelefs, to an appeal, as in 
 other plantation cafes, to his Majcfly in Council, if 
 that confent (hould be deemed to be unduly rcfufed. 
 
 " If his Majefly fliould be pleafed to ele6t this 
 mode of anfwering the purpofes of the Aflembly, as 
 explained in their addrefs, it will be neceflary, I pre- 
 fume, for the legiflature of the ifland to repeal that 
 aft, by which they transferred this part of the royal 
 fupremacy to the Bifhops of London, and reveft it in 
 his Majtfly, and likevvife, to make fome further pro- 
 vifions for aiding the proccfs, and executing the feu- 
 tences, of his Majefty's commiflaries. 
 
 <' I have the honour to be, ^c. 
 
 " Wm. Scott. 
 
 January nih, I 798. 
 
 *' To his Grace the Dale of PortlanJ^
 
 ( Si ) 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 An exaEi Summary of the Returtis' of Imparts and Exports 
 prefented to the Honourable Houfe of AJJemhly of jfa- 
 maica, on the loth of November i8o2, by the Naval 
 Officer, 
 
 JL O Great Britain 58,i55hhds. 5,722 tierces, 726 
 barrels of fugar; 10,943 puncheons, 539 hhds. of 
 rum i 28 bags, 16 cafks of ginger; 2,221 bags, 426 
 cafks of pimento j 65,921 bags of coffee. 
 
 To Ireland 2,iS6hhds. 442 tierces, 952 barrels 
 of fugar ; 1,522 puncheons, 198 hhds. of rum ; 5 bags, 
 20 calks of pimento ; 65,921 bags of coffee. 
 
 To the Brltifli Plantations 1 12 hhds. 3 tierces, 
 273 barrels of fugar -, 1,511 puncheons, 158 hhds. of 
 rum; 1 1 cafks of pimento ; 41,381 bags of coffee. 
 
 To the United States 776 hhds. 105 tierces, 246 
 barrels of fugar ; 2,980 puncheons, 26 hhds. of rum ; 
 695 ba^^s, 6 caf^s of gluger; 185 bags, 17 calks of 
 pimentj j 1,083,82 1 bags of coffee. 
 
 To tlic Spanifli Main 5-^4 puncheons, 296 Ijhds- 
 /^73 harr.-l:, ar;d 20, l;eij;'", :>{ rurr>. 
 
 Total
 
 ( 5M ) 
 
 Total from this port 61,229 ^^^s* <^j272 tierces, 
 2,197 barrels of fugar; 17,520 puncheons, 1,217 
 hhds. 473 barrel?, 205 kegs of rum; 723 bags, 22 
 caflcs of ginger; 2,411 bags, 474 calks of pimento; 
 12,-99:505 lbs. of coflee. 
 
 From the Out-Ports. 
 
 To Great Britain 67,726 hhds. 8,893 tierces, *^*^ 
 
 barrels of fugar; 15,985 puncheons, 773 hhds. of 
 rum; 309 bags, 1 calk of ginger; 3,715 bags, 113 
 cr.fics cf pimento ; 5,103,119 lbs. of coffee. 
 
 To the Brltifli Plantations 130 hhds. 75 tierces, 
 12 barrels of fugar; 1,393 puncheons, 70 hhds. of 
 ru;ii 60 cailcs of melafles ; 1^,26 j^ lbs. of coffee. 
 
 To t'c United States 459 hhds. 165 tierces, 74 
 barrcli of fugar; 10, '30 puncheons, 13 hhds. of rum; 
 306 calks of melalTes ; 1,047 bags of ginger; 1,667 
 bags, 4 cafks of pimento ; 44,945 lbs. of coffee. 
 
 To the Spauifh Main 4 puncheons of rum. 
 
 Total from the Out-Ports 68,315 hhds. 9,133 
 t'ierc.;3, 2c6 barrels of fugar; 28,112 pucheona, 
 IJ55 hh.',-. of rum ; 366 caflcs of melafles ; 1,356 bag-i, 
 I c^.lk (if ginger ; 5,382 bags, 117 cafks of pimento; 
 5,1 ' 2,j28 ibs. of coffee. 
 
 Graru! total. 129,5.14 hhds. 15,405 tierces, 2,403 
 l>?.rrc!s of fu^jar ; 45,632 puncheons, 2,073 hhds. 473 
 b;>rrcw, 205 kcijs of rum; 366 cafks of melafles; 
 
 2,079
 
 ( 512 ) 
 
 2}079 bags, 23 caflcs of ginger ; 7,793 bags, 591 cafks 
 of pimento i 17,961,923 lbs. of coffee^ 
 
 The increafe, fince laft year, is about 4,000 hhds* 
 of fugarj 4,560,455 lbs. of coffee j 1,840 bags of 
 ginger. 
 
 The decreafe, about 3,000 puncheons of rum; 6,291 
 bags, 5 7 calks of pimento. 
 
 Accouht of HorfeSf Cattle, isfc. imported into this I/land 
 during the fame Period, viz. 
 
 To this port 1,207 horfes, 2,343 mules, 137 afles, 
 a, 1 88 horned cattle. 
 
 To the Out-Ports 1,163 borfes, 84 mules, 3 afles, 
 2,43 1 horned cattle. 
 
 Total Imported 2,370 horfes, 2,427 mules, 140 
 afles, 4,619 horned cattle. 
 
 The increafe, fince laft year, 139 horned cattle. 
 
 The decreafe, 76 horfes, 2,032 mules, 50 afles. 
 
 An Account of Proviftons^ Lumber, bfc. imported into 
 this I/land from the United States of America during 
 the fame Period. 
 
 In American bottomsf 87,635 barrels of flour; 
 17,083 bags, 9,818 barrels, 3,834 kegs of bread; 
 2,331 tierces, 403 half-tierces of rice; 1,104 calk'^, 
 10,95* barrels, 1,123 kegs, 1,165 boxes of fi(h; 2,025 
 
 barrels
 
 ( 5^3 ) 
 
 barrels of beef ; ^5931 barrels of pork; 2,214 firkins 
 of butter; 10,773,897 feet of lumber; 14,107,584 
 ftaves and heading; 8,837,300 (hingles ; 2,717 bar- 
 rels, 10,413 bulhels of peafe ; 174 cafks, 108,640 
 bufheis of corn. 
 
 Toial imported in Britijh Bottoms. 
 
 i6i']2-) barrels of flour; 1,712 bags, 878 barrels, 
 400 kegs, 15 quintals of bread; 1,089 tierces, 322 
 half-tierces of rice; 191 calks, 2,172 barrels, 329 
 kegs, 87 boxes of fiQi ; 377 barrels of beef; 1,873 
 barrels of pork; 178 firkins of butter ; 1,430,722 feet 
 of lumber; 1,566,241 (laves and heading; 627,050 
 Ihingles; 199 barrels, 298 bufticls of peafe; 63 cafks, 
 14,037 buOiels of corn. 
 
 Total imported from the United States. 
 
 IC'4,362 barrels of flour; 18,795 bags, 10,696 bar- 
 rels, 4,234 kegs, 15 quintals of fifli ; 3,420 tierces, 
 725 half-tierces of rice; 1,295 cafks, ^3>^24 barrels, 
 1,452 kegs, 1,452 boxes of fifh ; 2,402 barrels of 
 beef; 8,804 barrels of pork ; 2,392 firkins of butter ; 
 12,204,619 feet of lumber; 15,673,825, ftaves and 
 heading; 9,464,350 (hingles, 2,916 barrels, 19,714 
 bufliels of peafe ; 237 cafks, 122,647 buflicls of corn. 
 
 Produce exported to the United States cf yimei lea durinc 
 the fame Pi ricd. 
 
 American vefTels 12,328 punchcony, 25 lihds. of 
 rum ; 257 caC^s of melafles. 
 
 Vol. 11. l.l Tc/.d
 
 ( 5'4 ) 
 
 Total exported in Brlt'i/h Vejfels* 
 1,235 hhds. 270 tierces, 320 barrels of fugar; 
 1,382 puncheons, 14 hhds. of rum; 49 cafks of me- 
 laffes; 1,742 bags, 6 cafks of ginger; 1,852 bags, 
 21 calks of pimento ; 1,128,766 lbs. of coffee. 
 
 Total exported to the United States. 
 
 1,235 hhds. 270 tierces, 320 barrels of fugar; 
 13,710 puncheons, 39 hhds. of rum; 306 calks of 
 melafles ; 1,742 bags, 6 calks of ginger ; 1,852 bags, 
 21 calks of pimento; 1,1 28,766 lbs of coffee. 
 
 THE END.
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 ragt 
 xxviii 
 
 XXXIIl 
 
 1 
 
 llx ^ 
 ]zvi! 
 Ixlx 
 
 Ixxii 
 Izxiii 
 Ixxvi 
 
 zcvi 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Suca'rfi Ilijlory cfyama'tca. 
 Line 
 19 after alluded infert to 
 25 fur and it being read and being 
 a6 it excited r(-a<f excited 
 18 has reed have 
 
 9 afur June injcrt 169a 
 SO for on read cr 
 
 I Brae read Brae 
 
 6 ?co rM(/ Sooo 
 
 6 after confifted infert of 
 15 before with ;;j/irf but not 
 
 12 yir draught read drought 
 24 marble rwi/ mnrle 
 
 13 towards jJ from the 
 5 &x\ckinz t ead Ruk\ng 
 
 148 
 I8z 
 
 213 
 
 218 
 240 
 313 
 
 liijlory of the Marccr.i. 
 
 2 6 fir inportant read important 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 H 
 9 
 
 Green Vale rtad Spring Vale 
 
 and retired, next day, the 12th at noin, to the fcttiemenr 
 of Schaw Cuflle, rend burnt Schaw CalUc, and kn: 
 their women a-d children into their detile. 
 
 where r; . i whence 
 
 here read heccc 
 
 were read was 
 
 contained marks read contained in them markj 
 
 VOL. 11. 
 
 40 2 cf the rintc,y6rNo, 2. read No. x. 
 
 44 21 dele oi 
 
 53 lidelelhe 
 
 ^7 1 tnjrrt though hef'e he 
 
 60 S fc with read b'.tween 
 
 91 6 , on ilicoth-ir; read ; 01 the other, 
 
 183 II cf theno'f, rfflfi than a plai.tcr wouid 
 192 6 yir it rrac/ them 
 
 Iry3 19 tor read from 
 
 212 7 w as generally rfiif/ were gcneii 7 
 
 310 1 7 in uad '.11 
 
 356 l\ oy\n\jni read L^'.hiQii 
 
 '%% I 5 ,/a equally 
 
 3*^ 7 /> th..: Kate r,,;-.' the pi .lint f^i^f 
 
 426 \\ T,.uti.-<i f,-.;./ ufii.d:'i
 
 Lately Pubiijhed 
 
 BY 
 
 T. N. LONGMAN and O. REES. 
 
 PERCIVAL; or, NATURE VINDICATED. 
 By R. C. Dali AS, Efq. 4 large volumes. Price 16s, 
 fewed. Second edition. 
 
 *' If ever it be pardonable for the rigour of the critic to yield to 
 the feelings of the morahft, it muft bt in fuch a cafe as the prefcnt j 
 when his atttntion is called to a pub! cation, the tendency of vvhich 
 is to fu|)port tlie purert laws oi fociety, and to defend one of its mofl 
 valuaik- infi.itutions. Occafion.sl inaprnprieties of flyle, \ few devi- 
 ations from the ftrld rules of compofition, a cafual want of poetical 
 truth. 
 
 " In the corruption cf c!i.ira(51er, or a deficiency of art in the 
 management of the fable, appear !i^,ht faults when weighed againft the 
 importance of the end defigned Tiie inteii-ft; of the naiiative is 
 alfo fiifticient to hurry mofi renders part its faults unf^en, and to 
 carry thtni f;i;oothly over- its inequalities." 
 
 Monthly Review, Apnl liioa. 
 
 " We fhall enter into a more extenfive examination of the Novel 
 before us, than we are ordinal ily accuftoivitd to do in works of a 
 fimihr kind, and iox this very f,ood reafon, hecjufe we have fel.iom 
 met with one of fiaiilar merit. We fliall only make one rAort g'-nenjil 
 obfcrvaiion upon t!ie whole, before we precced ro a particular clif- 
 cufTion cf its parts. It prefents the reader tiirougliout with a very 
 beautiful pidure of virtue, in its molt cngagins; form, df-lineated in 
 the ckareR colouring of purity of ttyie and fimplicity of languige." 
 
 Aiiti- Jacobin Rc-v. Apiii l8o2. 
 
 " We m.urt: now take leave of tliis pleafmg, inftiuclive, and 
 well-wiitten performance, with a few remarks on its fiyle. We 
 can fay of tl.is Novel, wiiai; we have not always an opportunity to 
 fay of the produ'iHons in general which tome before us : it is 
 Englifn ; it is written in the pure lanjujee of our country ; on 
 that account, were its other merits not allowed to influence our 
 recoinniendation, we Oiould prefs it upon the attention of parents 
 who allow their daughters to read what are called (but are not 
 always lb dtferving as this of the title) good novels. Having faid 
 tlius n;uch of the work alicgetlier, wj have revifed our fcntimento, 
 and are happy to dcciaie, that we have not faid too much." 
 
 Anti-'JacobiK Ri'u, Mu; i8oa. 
 
 Piintcd hy A. Straha 
 i"! inters- btrcct.
 
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