RUSSELL 
 
 Corrected Report of the Speech of Lord 
 John Russell, in the House of Commons, 
 on Tuesday, the 1st of March, 1831. 
 
 JN 
 215 
 1831 
 R8
 
 CORRECTED REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 On TUESDAY, the 1st of MARCH, 1831, 
 
 ON INTRODUCING A 
 
 BILL FOR A REFORM 
 
 COMMONS HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY RIDGWAYS, PICCADILLY. 
 
 SOLD ALSO AT THE WORLD OFFICE, 2, BRIDGE STREET, BLACKFRIARS 
 AND BY ALL BOOKSELLERS.
 
 LON DON : 
 
 SAMUEL BAGSTEH, JUN. PRINTF.P, 
 14, Bartholomew Close.
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN] 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 THE SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 
 
 ON 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 
 
 I RISE, Sir, with feelings of deep anxiety, to bring forward a question, which, 
 if it be unparalleled in importance, is likewise unparalleled in difficulty. Nor 
 is that anxiety in the least degree diminished by the reflection, that I have on for- 
 mer occasions brought forward motions of a similar nature ; for if on other occa- 
 sions I have invited the attention of the House of Commons to this subject, it has 
 been upon my own responsibility, unaided by any one, involving no one in the 
 consequences of failure, and I have often felt sufficiently gratified with a partial 
 and incomplete success. But the measure which I am now about to propose is 
 not mine, but that of the Government, in whose name I appear this day. It is 
 the deliberate measure of the whole Cabinet, unanimous upon this subject, and 
 it has only been reserved to [me to place before the House this measure, in re- 
 demption of the solemn pledge which they have given to their Sovereign, to Par- 
 liament, and to the Country. It is therefore, I repeat, with the deepest anxiety 
 that I venture to undertake an explanation of their intentions upon a subject, the 
 interest of which is shewn by the crowded audience who are now assembled 
 around me;- but still more by the attention which we know will be paid to this 
 day's proceedings by millions out of this house, who are awaiting this event as 
 their chief and final hope. I am sure I need not say more to dispel the notion 
 which an Honourable and Learned Member opposite has endeavoured to instil, 
 that this question, not being brought forward by a member of the Cabinet, is not 
 the measure of the King's ministers. But it is necessary to say, not to satisfy 
 any personal feeling of my own, but for the advantage of the measure itself, that 
 although it comes from the whole Government, I have not been at any time 
 in ignorance of its nature. The measure itself, after the Noble Lord who is at 
 the head of the Government had formed its outlines, was explained to me, and E 
 have been ever since consulting with the members of the Cabinet individually or 
 collectively upon the subject. I only wish that the Noble Lord to whom I have al- 
 luded could have been enabled, by the laws or usages of Parliament, to have 
 explained his intentions in his own clear and eloquent language. But as that is 
 impossible, I trust the House will favour me with its indulgence, while I perform 
 the task of laying before them the details of the measure, inadequately, I fear, 
 but with a keen and earnest desire to promote its ultimate success. 
 
 Much cavil has been taised upon an expression used by the Noble' Lord at the
 
 head of the Government, that he would endeavour to frame such a measure 'as 
 would satisfy the public mind, without endangering the settled institutions of the 
 country. On the one side it has been said, Do you mean by settled institutions 
 the close and rotten boroughs ? I think, before I have done, I shall satisfy 
 those persons that close and rotten boroughs were not intended by the phrase, 
 settled institutions of the country. But, say another party, it is impossible to 
 satisfy the public mind without shaking the settled institutions of the country. 
 We are of an opinion directly the reverse. We think we may satisfy the public 
 mind without endangering the settled institutions : but that the refusal to satisfy 
 it would actually endanger the settled institutions of the country. We are of 
 opinion that these institutions, resting, as they have hitherto done, upon the con- 
 fidence and the love of Englishmen, must continue to rest on the same founda- 
 tions : and while we decline to comply with extravagant demands, we are anxious 
 to satisfy reasonable expectations. Agreeing neither with those bigoted adhe- 
 rents of ancient usage who assert that no reform is necessary, nor with those 
 warm enthusiasts who declare that some particular kind of reform will alone be 
 satisfactory or wholesome, we place ourselves on a ground which we hope to find 
 firm and stedfast, between the abuses we wish to destroy and the convulsion we 
 mean to avert. 
 
 It will not be necessary, on this occasion, that I should go over the arguments 
 which have been so often urged in favour of Parliamentary Reform : but it is due 
 to the question that I should state shortly the chief points of the general argu- 
 ment in favour of reform. Looking at the question then as a question of right, 
 the ancient statutes of Edward I. contain the germ and vital principle of our 
 political constitution. The 25th of Edw. I. ch. 6, declares, in the name of the 
 King, that " for no business from henceforth we should take such manner of 
 aids, tasks, nor prizes, but by the common assent of the realm, and for the com- 
 mon profit thereof, saving the ancient aids and prizes due and accustomed." The 
 34th Edw. I. commonly called the Statute de Tallagio Concedendo, provides 
 " that no tallage or aid shall be taken or levied, by us or our heirs, in our realm, 
 without the good will and assent of archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, knights, 
 burgesses, and other freemen of the land." Although some historical doubts 
 have been thrown upon the authenticity of this statute, its validity in point of law 
 is asserted in the Petition of Rights, was allowed by the judges in the case of 
 Hampden, and is in fact the foundation of the constitution, as it has existed since 
 the days of the Stuarts. To revert again for a moment to more ancient times, 
 the consent of the commonalty of the land, thus declared necessary for the grant 
 of any aid or tax, was collected from the express voice of two knights from each 
 county, from each city two citizens, and from every borough two burgesses. For 
 two hundred and fifty years, the constant number of boroughs so sending their 
 representatives is about one hundred and twenty. Some thirty or forty others oc- 
 casionally exercised or discontinued that practice or privilege, as they rose or fell 
 in wealth and importance. How this construction of the House of Commons 
 underwent various changes, till the principle on which it was founded was lost 
 sight of, I will not now detain the House by explaining. Suffice it to say, that 
 no man of common sense now pretends that this assembly actually represents the 
 commonalty or people of England. If it be a question of right therefore, right is 
 in favour of reform.
 
 Let us now look at the question as one of reason. Allow me to imagine, for 
 a moment, a stranger from some distant country, who should arrive iu England 
 to examine our institutions. All the information he had collected would have 
 told him that this country was singular for the degree which it had attained in 
 wealth, in science, and in civilization. He would have learned, that in no 
 country have the arts of life been carried further, no where the inventions of 
 mechanical skill been rendered more conducive to the comfort and prosperity of 
 mankind. He would have made himself acquainted with its fame in history, 
 and above all, he would have been told that the proudest boast of this celebrated 
 country was its political freedom. If, in addition to this, he had heard that 
 once in six years this country so wise, so renowned, so free, chose its representa- 
 tives to sit in the great Council, where all the ministerial affairs were discussed 
 and determined; he would not be a little curious to see the process by which 
 so important and solemn an operation was effected. What then would be his 
 surprise, if he were taken by his guide, whom he had asked to conduct him to 
 one of the places of election, to be taken to a green mound and told that this 
 green mound sent two Members to Parliament or, to be taken to a stone wall 
 with three niches in it, and told that these three niches sent two Members to 
 Parliament or, if he were shown a green park, with many signs of flourishing 
 vegetable life, but none of human habitation, and told that this green park sent 
 two Members to Parliament ? But his astonishment would increase and not 
 diminish if he were carried into the North of England, where he would see 
 large flourishing towns, full of trade and activity, containing vast magazines of 
 wealth and manufactures, and were told that these places had no representa- 
 tives in the Assembly, which represented the people. Suppose him after all, 
 for I will not disguise any part of the case, suppose him to ask for a specimen 
 of popular election, and to be carried, for that purpose, to Liverpool, his sur- 
 prise would be turned into disgust at the gross venality and corruption, which 
 he would find to pervade the electors. After seeing all this would he not 
 wonder that a nation, which had made such progress in every kind of know- 
 ledge, and which valued itself for its freedom, should permit so absurd and 
 defective a system of representation any longer to prevail ? 
 
 But whenever arguments of this kind have been urged, it has been said, and 
 Mr. Canning placed his opposition to reform on this ground, " We agree that 
 the House of Commons is not, in fact, sent here by the people we agree that 
 in point of reason, the system by which it is sent is full of anomaly and absur- 
 dity but Government is a matter of experience, and so long as the people 
 are satisfied with the actual working of the House of Commons it would be 
 unwise to embark in theoretical change." Of this argument, I confess, I always 
 felt the weight, and so long as the people did not answer the appeals of the 
 friends of Reform, it was indeed an argument not to be resisted. But what is 
 the case at this moment ? The whole people call loudly for Reform, That 
 confidence, whatever it was, which formerly existed in the constitution of this 
 House, exists no longer it is completely at an end. Whatever may be thought 
 of the particular acts of the House of Commons, I repeat that the confidence of 
 the country in the construction and constitution of the House of Commons is 
 gone, and gone for ever. I would say more I affirm that it would be easier 
 to transfer the flourishing manufactories of Leeds and Manchester to Gatton and
 
 6 
 
 Old Sarum, than to re-establish the confidence and. sympathy between this 
 House and those whom it calls its constituents. I end this argument, there- 
 fore, by saying, that if the question be one of right, right is in favour of Reform 
 if it be a question of reason, reason is in favour of Reform if it be a question 
 of policy and expediency, policy and expediency speak loudly for Reform. 
 
 I come now to the most difficult part of this subject the explanation of the 
 measure, which, representing the King's Ministers, I am about to propose to the 
 House. Those Ministers have thought, and, in my opinion, justly, that it would 
 not be sufficient to bring forward a measure which should merely lop off some 
 disgusting excrescences, or cure some notorious defects ; but would still leave the 
 battle to be fought again with renewed and strengthened discontent. They have 
 thought that no half measures would be sufficient that no trifling, no paltering 
 with so great a question could give stability to the Throne strength to the 
 Parliament or satisfaction to the Country 
 
 Let us look, then, at what have been the chief grievances in the representation, 
 of which the people have complained. And here let me observe, that there is a 
 great difference between the complaint of a grievance, and the suggestion of 
 a remedy. On matter of grievance we ought to regard with deference the 
 expressed opinions of the people; but in suggesting remedies, those who are 
 called to the business of legislation should follow the deliberate result of their 
 own judgment. But not to digress any further. The chief grievances of which 
 the people complain are these : First, the Nomination of Members by indivi- 
 duals ; second, the Elections by close Corporations; third, the Expence of 
 Elections. With regard to the first the nomination by individuals it may be 
 exercised in one or two ways ; either over a place containing scarcely any in- 
 habitants, and with a very extensive right of election, or over a place of wide 
 extent and numerous, population, but where the franchise is confined to very few 
 residents. Gatton is an example of the first, and Bath of the second. At 
 Gatton the .right is popular, but there is nobody to exercise it : at Bath the 
 inhabitants are numerous, but very few of them have any concern in the 
 result of an election. We have addressed ourselves to both these evils, because 
 we have thought it essential to apply a remedy to both; but they must, of 
 course, be dealt with in different ways. With regard to Boroughs, where there 
 are scarcely any inhabitants, and where the elective franchise is such as to 
 enable many individuals to give their voices in the choice of Members for 
 this House, it would be evidently a mere farce to take away the right from 
 the person exercising it, and to give it to the Borough; and the only 
 reform that can be justly recommended is to deprive the Borough of its franchise 
 altogether, (hear, hear !) I, am perfectly aware, that in making this propo- 
 sition we are proposing a bold and decisive measure, (loud cheers) I am 
 perfectly aware, and I should myself vote upon that persuasion, that on all 
 ordinary occasions rights of this kind ought to be respected, (hear, heart) 
 and it would be no small consideration which would justify the invasion of 
 them. (" Hear, hear," from the opposition benches.) We all recollect, how- 
 ever, the language which a right hon. gentleman opposite (Sir R. Peel) held on 
 the occasion of his proposing a great change with regard to the elective franchise 
 in another part of the empire language which, in my humble opinion, well ex- 
 pressed the nature of the right in question, and the character of the circumstances
 
 "which would justify the legislature in touching that right. It was only two years 
 ago that the right hon. gentleman proposed to the house, for their adoption, the 
 measure which was commonly known by the title of the Catholic relief bill ; but 
 that bill was accompanied by another measure a measure which disfranchised 
 200,000 unoffending men. I well remember the right hon. gentleman (the 
 first minister of the crown in that house), to have said, that on extraordinary oc- 
 casions, the house was bound to depart from ordinary rules, and from the prin- 
 ciples which guided them in ordinary cases that such had been the conduct of 
 the house on the occasion of the Union with Ireland, on the occasion of the 
 septennial act, and that such must continue to be their conduct on all extraor- 
 dinary occasions ; that the legislature was bound to meet a great danger and a 
 great occasion with an extraordinary remedy, and that circumstances might call 
 alike for a departure from ordinary rules, and for interference with rights which, 
 in common cases, ought to be held sacred. The right hon. gentleman proposed 
 his measure and met the objection to it in the following words, to jwhich I 
 entreat the attention of honourable members, and particularly of the gentlemen 
 opposite : " I admit at once the full force of the objection, which will be 
 urged against that part of the measure I propose, by which the existing right 
 of voting, is taken away from the freeholder. No doubt it is a vested right, but 
 it is a right that differs in its character from the rights of property, and other 
 strictly private rights. It is a public trust given for public purposes, to be touch- 
 ed, no doubt, with great caution and reluctance ; but still which we are compe- 
 tent to touch, if the public interest manifestly demands the sacrifice." Such were 
 the words of the right hon. gentleman, on the occasion to which I have alluded ; 
 and can they, let me ask, say that the principle of not touching such rights 
 might bend in the case of the Irish peasantry, but that, when they come to deal 
 with the rich and the noble, they are to consider the same rights as sacred, and 
 as rights which they are not competent to touch, although the public interest 
 demands that they should be touched. (Cheers.) Can they say that, not- 
 withstanding the demands of public interest, notwithstanding the loud expression 
 of public opinion, they will make a distinction between the rich man and the 
 poor man, between the noble and the peasant, and that they will disfranchise 
 the one of a legal and constitutional right, while they allow the other to remain 
 in the undisturbed possession of an illegal and unconstitutional privilege? (Cheers.) 
 The plan we propose is, therefore, meeting the difficulty in front as the Duke 
 of Wellington and his colleagues met it in the year 1829; and our measure will 
 have the effect of disfranchising a number of Boroughs. It would be a task of 
 extreme difficulty to ascertain the exact proportion of the wealth, trade, extent, 
 and population of a given number of places, and we have, therefore, been go- 
 verned, by what is manifestly a public record I mean the population returns of 
 1821, and we propose that every Borough which in that year had less than 2000 
 inhabitants, shall altogether lose the right of sending Members to Parliament. 
 (Continued cheers, with much confusion.) The effect will be "utterly to disfran- 
 chise sixty Boroughs. (Much cheering from all sides.) But we do not stop here 
 (cheers, and some laughter). As the hon. Member for Boroughbridge (Sir C. 
 Wetherell) would say, we go plus ultra. We find that there are forty-seven 
 Boroughs, of only 4000 inhabitants, and these we shall deprive of the right of 
 sending more than one member to Parliament. (Vehement cheers.) We likewise
 
 8 
 
 intend that Weymouth, which at present sends four Members, shall, in future, 
 only elect two. The abolition of sixty Boroughs will occasion 119 vacancies, to 
 which are to be added forty-seven for the Boroughs allowed to send only one 
 Member, and two of which Weymouth will be deprived, making in the whole 
 168 vacancies. Such is the extent to which Ministers propose to go in the way 
 of disfranchisement. (Cheers, and some laughter.) But, as I have already said, we 
 do not mean to allow that the remaining Boroughs should be in the hands of 
 select Corporations or indeed at all in the possession of a small number of 
 persons to the exclusion of the great body of the inhabitants, who have property 
 and interest in the place. It was a point of great difficulty to decide to whom 
 the franchise should be extended. Although it is a much disputed question, yet 
 I believe it will be found, that in ancient times every freeman, being an inhabi- 
 tant householder resident in a Borough was competent to vote for Members of 
 Parliament. As, however, this arrangement excluded villains and strangers, the 
 franchise always belonged to a particular body in every town a body undoubt- 
 edly possessed of property, for they bore the charges of their members, and on 
 them were assessed the subsidies and taxes voted by parliament. But when 
 villanage ceased, various and opposite courses seem to have been pursued in dif- 
 ferent boroughs. In some, extending the liberal principle that all freemen were 
 to be admitted, householders of all kinds, down to the lowest degree, and even 
 sometimes beyond, were admitted. In others, adopting the exclusive principle 
 that strangers and villains were no part of the burgesses, no new corporations 
 were erected, and the elective franchise was more or less confined to a select 
 body. These differences, the House will be aware, have led to those complica- 
 ted questions of right which we are every week called upon to decide. I think no 
 one will deny that our Election Committees often have before them the most 
 vexatious, the most difficult, and at the same time, the most useless questions that 
 men can be called upon to decide. Originally these points were decided in this 
 House by the prevalence of one party or of another : they are now determined 
 more fairly, but still the determinations are all founded upon the original ini- 
 quity of some party conflict, (hear, hear !) I contend that it is important to get rid 
 of these complicated rights of these vexatious questions, and to give to the real 
 property and to the real respectability of the different cities and towns the right of 
 voting for Members of Parliament. The first distinction that naturally occurred 
 as forming a proper class of voters was that pointed out by the Bill of the Right 
 Honourable Baronet opposite (Sir R. Peel), of persons qualified to serve on 
 Juries. But, upon looking into this qualification, we found that in Edinburgh, 
 Liverpool, Manchester, and other important places, although it certainly would 
 give an extended constituency, it would still be too limited for the number of the 
 inhabitants. On the other hand, in small boroughs, it would have the evil 
 of confining the elective franchise to a very few persons indeed. Accord- 
 ing to the Returns from the Tax Office, which I admit, are not entirely to be 
 depended upon, 10, 7, 3, and even 1, would be the number of persons 
 in some towns rated for a house of 20Z. a year. Therefore we saw, if we took 
 this qualification, we should be creating new close Boroughs, and confining the 
 elective franchise, instead of enlarging it ; we therefore propose that the right 
 of voting shall be given to householders paying rates or occupying a house of 
 the yearly value of 10/. and upwards. Whether he be the proprietor, or whe-
 
 ther he only rent the house, the person rated will have the franchise upon certain 
 conditions hereafter to be named. At the same time it is not intended to deprive 
 the present electors of their privilege to vote, provided they be resident, [hear, 
 hear, hear !] With regard to non-residence, we are of opinion that it produces 
 much expence, that it is the cause of a great deal of bribery, and that it occasions 
 such manifold and manifest evils, that electors who do not live in a place ought 
 not to be permitted to retain their votes, [hear, hear !] At the same time, I do 
 not believe that we are inflicting even upon this class any injury, for nearly all, 
 either in one place or in another, will possess a franchise in the great mass of 
 householders, [hear !] With regard to resident voters, we propose that they 
 shall retain their right during life, but that no vote shall be allowed hereafter, 
 excepting on the condition I have before stated, that the person claiming the 
 right must occupy a house of the value of \ Ol. a year. I shall now proceed to 
 the manner in which we propose to extend the franchise in Counties. The Bill 
 I wish to introduce will give all copyholders to the value of Wl. a year, qualified 
 under the Right Honourable Gentleman's Bill to serve on Juries, and all 
 leaseholders for not less than twenty-one years, whose leases have not been 
 renewed within two years, a right to vote for the return of Knights of the Shire, 
 [hear, hear !] [Sir R. Peel asked, across the Table, the amount of rent which 
 was necessary ?] The right will depend upon a lease for twenty-one years, where 
 the annual rent is fifty pounds, [hear !] It will be recollected that, when 
 speaking of the numbers disfranchised, I said that 168 vacancies would be 
 created. We are of opinion that it would not be wise or expedient to fill up the 
 whole number of those vacancies. After mature deliberation we have arrived 
 at the conclusion that the number of Members at present in the House is incon- 
 veniently large, [cheers and laughter] I believe there is no Honourable Gentle- 
 man who was a Member of the House before the Union with Ireland, who will 
 not agree that the facility of getting through business has since been greatly dimi- 
 nished. Besides, it is to be considered that when this Parliament is reformed, as 
 I trust it will before long [hear, hear!], there will not be such a number of Mem- 
 bers, who enter Parliament merely for the sake of the name, and as a matter of 
 style and fashion, [hear ! and murmurs] It is not to be disputed that some 
 Members spend their money in foreign countries, and never attend this House at 
 all, to a certain degree, to the inconvenience of those who do attend to their 
 public duties. Several, for two or three years together, have never attended in 
 their places ; and, at the end of a Parliament, I believe there is generally found 
 an instance or two of individuals, who, having been elected, have never appeared 
 at the Table, even to take the oaths. But, it is obvious, that whenever a Mem- 
 ber has a certain number of constituents watching his actions, and looking to his 
 votes, in order that the people's money be not given for purposes inconsistent 
 with the people's interests, his attendance will be much more regular, (hear, hear !) 
 Therefore, when we are proposing a great change, by cutting off a number of 
 Members, the effect will be to facilitate public business, to the manifest advan- 
 tage of the country. We propose to fill up a certain number of the vacancies, 
 but not the whole of them. We intend that seven large towns shall send two 
 Members each, and that twenty other towns shall send one Member each. 
 The seven towns which are to send two Members each, are the following :
 
 10 
 
 Manchester and Salford 
 
 Birmingham and Aston 
 
 Leeds 
 
 Greenwich, Deptford, & Woolwich 
 
 Wolverhampton, Bilston, and Sedge- 
 ley 
 
 Sheffield 
 Sunderland and the Wearmouths. 
 
 The following are the names of the towns, each of which, it is proposed, 
 shall send one Member to Parliament : 
 
 Brighton 
 Blaekburne 
 Macclesfield 
 
 South Shields and Westoe 
 Warrington 
 Huddersfield 
 Halifax 
 Gateshead 
 
 Whitehaven, Workington, Harring- 
 ton 
 Kendal 
 
 Bolton 
 
 Stockport 
 
 Dudley 
 
 Tynemouth and North Shields 
 
 Cheltenham 
 
 Bradford 
 
 Frome 
 
 Wakefield 
 
 Kidderminster 
 
 Walsall 
 
 It is well known that a great portion of the Metropolis and its neighbourhood, 
 amounting in population to 800,000 or 900,000, is scarcely at all represented, 
 and we propose to give eight Members to those who are thus unrepresented, by 
 dividing them into the following districts : 
 
 Tower Hamlets, Holborn, Finsbury, Lambeth. 
 
 The large, populous parish of Marylebone, which, no doubt, is entitled to be 
 represented, at least as much entitled to it as Boroughbridge (hear ! and 
 laughter), is included in one of the districts I have named. Next we propose 
 an addition to the Members for the larger counties a species of Reform always 
 recommended, and which, I believe, Lord Chatham was almost the first to advo- 
 cate. Those counties contain a variety of interests, and form an admirable con- 
 stituency ; in some, as in Staffordshire, there is a large manufacturing population 
 better represented in this way than perhaps in any other ; and as County Mem- 
 bers have unquestionably the most excellent class of constituents, they form of 
 themselves a most valuable class of Representatives. The Bill I shall beg leave 
 to introduce will give two additional Members to each of twenty-seven counties, 
 where the inhabitants exceed 150,000. Everybody will expect that Yorkshire, 
 divided into three Ridings the East, West, and North should have two Mem- 
 bers for each Riding ; and the other counties to which this additional privilege 
 will be given are the following : 
 
 Chester 
 
 Derby 
 
 Durham 
 
 Gloucester 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 Norfolk 
 
 Somerset 
 
 Suffolk 
 
 Wilts 
 
 Warwick 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Northampton 
 
 Cornwall 
 
 Devon 
 
 Essex 
 
 Kent 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Salop 
 
 Stafford 
 
 Sussex 
 
 Nottingham 
 
 Surrey 
 
 Northumberland 
 
 Leicester 
 
 Southampton 
 
 Worcester. 
 
 I will now proceed to another part of the subject. I spoke at first of the evils 
 connected in the minds of the people with the power of nomination by indi- 
 viduals, and with the power of election by a few persons in very small and
 
 11 
 
 close Corporations. The remedies I have detailed are pointed against these de- 
 fects. I now beg leave to direct the attention of the House to that part of the 
 plan which relates to the expence of long protracted polls, and which, while it 
 removes that evil, also greatly facilitates the collection of the sense of the elec- 
 tive body. The names of electors are to be enrolled, and the disputes regarding 
 qualification in a great measure avoided ; we propose that all electors in coun- 
 ties, cities, towns, or boroughs, shall be registered, and for this purpose, machinery 
 will be put in motion very similar to that in the Jury Act : that is to say, at a 
 certain period of the year (I now speak of boroughs), the parish officers and 
 Churchwardens are to make a list of the persons who occupy houses of the 
 yearly value of 101. This list of names will be placed on the church doors, 
 we will suppose in September, and in the following month, October, the Return- 
 ing Officer will hold a sort of trial of votes, where claims made, and objections 
 stated, will be considered and decided. When this process has been gone 
 through, the Returning Officer will declare the list complete, and on the 1st of 
 December in every year, the list will be published, every person who chooses, 
 may obtain a copy of it, and it will be the rule to govern electors and elections 
 for the ensuing year. We intend, that during that ensuing year, every person 
 shall be entitled to vote whose name is in the list, and that no question shall be 
 asked, but as to his identity, and whether he has polled before at the same elec- 
 tion. These regulations are extremely simple, and will prevent all those vexatious 
 and noisy scenes now so often witnessed, regarding disputed votes. The means 
 of ascertaining who are the electors being thus easy, there is no reason why the 
 poll should be kept open for eight days, or for a longer period ; and it is pro- 
 posed that, nearly according to the present law, booths shall be erected for the 
 voters of the different parishes, so that the whole poll may be taken in two days. 
 For my own part, I hope that the time may come when the machinery will 
 be found so simple that every vote may be given in a single day; but 
 in introducing a new measure it is necessary to allow for possible defects 
 in the working of the machinery ; attempts may be made to obstruct the 
 polling, and we therefore recommend two days, in order that no voter may 
 be deprived of the opportunity of offering his suffrage. As to counties, the mat- 
 ter may be somewhat more difficult : we propose in the same manner that the 
 Churchwardens should make out a list of all persons claiming the right to vote 
 in the several parishes, and that these lists shall be affixed to the church doors : 
 a person to be appointed (say a Barrister of a certain standing) by the Judge of 
 Assize, shall go an annual circuit within a certain time after the lists have been 
 published, and he will hear all claims to vote, and objections to voters. Having 
 decided who are entitled to exercise the privilege, he will sign his name at the 
 bottom of the list, and will transmit it to the Clerk of the Peace. The list will 
 then be enrolled as the names of the freeholders of the county for the ensuing 
 year. With respect to the manner of proceeding at Elections, we have it in view 
 to introduce> measure which can hardly fail to be an improvement of the pre- 
 sent system.' Every body knows, and must have lamented the enormous expense 
 to which candidates are put in bringing voters to the poll. An election in York- 
 shire, without a contest, has been known to cost nearly 1 50,000 J. ; and in Devon- 
 shire the electors are obliged to travel 40 miles over hard cross-roads, which 
 occupies one day ; the next is consumed in polling, and the third in returning
 
 12 
 
 home ; the whole a manifest source of vastexpence, and most inconvenient delay. 
 We propose, therefore, that the poll shall be taken in separate districts, those 
 districts to be arranged according to circumstances by the Magistrates at Quarter 
 Sessions. The counties will be divided into districts, which shall not be changed 
 for two years. The formation of those districts will give an opportunity of more 
 readily taking the votes when an election occurs. The Sheriffs shall hold the 
 election on a certain day, and if it should happen that a poll be demanded, they 
 shall adjourn the election to the day next but one. The poll shall then be kept 
 open for two days, so as to enable all the persons qualified under the several 
 Acts of Parliament to give their votes. On the third day the poll shall be closed, 
 and on the sixth day an account shall be published of the number of votes. It 
 will be so arranged, that no voter shall have to travel more than fifteen miles to 
 give his vote. (Hear, hear !) At the same time it is not proposed that the 
 number of polling places in one county shall exceed fifteen, as the multiplication 
 of places for receiving the votes would give rise to great inconvenience, and leave 
 an opening for new expences. (Hear, hear !) We propose that each county 
 shall be divided into two districts, returning each two Members to Parliament. 
 In adjusting that division of the counties, there will, I have no doubt, be some 
 difficulty. But I propose that his Majesty shall nominate a Committee of the 
 Privy Council, to determine the direction and extent of the districts into which 
 each county shall be divided. (Hear, hear !.) Those Privy Councillors (hear, 
 hear !) those Privy Councillors, I say, shall be persons known to the House 
 and to the country. (Hear, hear ! and laughter.) They will be persons of known 
 responsibility in the discharge of that duty. (Hear ! and laughter) In some of 
 the Boroughs, to which the right of representation will be continued, the number 
 of electors is exceedingly small. We shall, therefore, insert in the Bill, which 
 we propose to submit to Parliament, a clause, giving power to the Commis- 
 sioners, nominated under that Bill, authority to enable the inhabitants of the ad- 
 joining parishes, and chapelries, to take part in the elections, when the number 
 of electors in such Borough shall be below 300. (Hear, hear, hear ! and great 
 laughter.) That these are extensive powers I shall not attempt to deny ; but, 
 as the difficulty exists, it is our duty to consider how it may be overcome. How 
 it is to be met, his Majesty's Ministers do not know, otherwise than by commit- 
 ting the power to persons known and responsible to Parliament, and to the nation, 
 and appointed by the Royal Proclamation. If any honourable gentleman stand 
 up in his place, and say that the powers which we propose to give to the Com- 
 mittee of the Privy Council are too great, I will only ask him, if it be granted 
 that the business is to be done, that the objects for which we propose the Com- 
 mittee are proper and useful, can he suggest any better and more effectual mode 
 of doing it? (Hear, hear !) If any gentleman in the House will suggest a mode 
 more safe, more constitutional, his Majesty's Ministers will have no difficulty in 
 adopting that mode and waiving their own, (hear, hear!) their only object being 
 to advance the interest of the people, to which every other consideration ought 
 to yield. (Hear, hear !.) I have now only one thing more to say with regard to 
 the Representation of England. In all those new towns to which we propose to 
 give the right of sending Members to Parliament, all persons who are in them 
 entitled by their property to vote, shall be excluded from the right to vote for the 
 Representatives of the county, by virtue of the same property. At the same time
 
 13 
 
 that the towns shall have themselves a proper share in the Representation, we do 
 not intend that they shall interfere with the Representation of the counties. (Hear.) 
 It is not intended to interfere with the franchise of those freeholders who are at 
 present entitled to vote. (Cries of hear, hear, hear ! and order.) I believe I 
 have now concluded the statement of all the alterations which are intended to be 
 made in the Representation of England. With respect to the right of the forty- 
 shillings freeholders in the counties, I do not think that there should be any altera- 
 tion (hear) ; for I consider that they are a class of persons eminently qualified to 
 have the trust of electors committed to them. By the smallness of the property 
 which constitutes their qualification, they are especially calculated to give the re- 
 presentation that extended basis which it is most desirable that it should have. 
 [A Member, whose name we do not know, here called on Lord John Russell to 
 name the disfranchised Boroughs ; repeated cries of " order, order !") It is 
 proposed to take away the right of electing Members to serve in Parliament from 
 all towns which do not contain two thousand inhabitants. With respect to some 
 of these, it was at first a question whether we should not still allow them to send 
 each one Member ; but, on consideration, we thought it better to avoid all chance 
 of an imputation of partiality. We, therefore, determined to fix upon the num- 
 ber of two thousand inhabitants, and thereby leave no doubt that in their dis- 
 franchisement we were not influenced by partiality, by prejudice, or by a wish to 
 favour some. (Hear, hear ! Order, order !) The Noble Lord then read the fol- 
 lowing list, in the course of which he was frequently interrupted by shouts of 
 laughter, cries of " Hear, hear !" from present Members for the Boroughs dis- 
 franchised, and various interlocutions across the Table. The "hear" of the 
 honourable Member for Boroughbridge especially, was followed by tremendous 
 cheering and laughter. 
 
 Aldborough, York 
 
 Haslemere 
 
 Plympton 
 
 Aldborough, Suffolk 
 
 Heyden 
 
 Queenborough 
 
 Appleby 
 
 Heytesbury 
 
 Reigate 
 
 Bedwin 
 
 Higham Ferrers 
 
 Romney 
 
 Beeralston 
 
 Hindon 
 
 St. Mawe's 
 
 Bishop's Castle 
 
 Ilchester 
 
 St. Michael's, Cornwall 
 
 Bletchingley 
 
 East Looe 
 
 Saltash 
 
 Boroughbridge 
 
 West Looe 
 
 Old Sarum 
 
 [laughter] 
 
 Lostwithiel 
 
 Seaford 
 
 Bossiney 
 
 Ludgershall 
 
 Steyning 
 
 Brackley 
 
 Malmesbury 
 
 Stockbridge 
 
 Bramber 
 
 Midhurst 
 
 Tregony 
 
 Buckingham 
 
 Milborne Port 
 
 Wareham 
 
 Callington 
 
 Minehead 
 
 Wend over 
 
 Camelford 
 
 Newport, Cornwall 
 
 Weobly 
 
 Castle Rising 
 
 Newton, Lancashire 
 
 Whitchurch 
 
 Corfe Castle 
 
 Newton, Isle of Wight 
 
 Winchelsea 
 
 Dunwich 
 
 Okehampton 
 
 Woodstock 
 
 Eye 
 
 Orford 
 
 Wootton Basset 
 
 Fowey 
 
 Petersfield 
 
 Yarmouth, Isle of Wight 
 
 Gatton 
 
 
 
 The following was the List of the Boroughs which would be allowed to return 
 one Member of Parliament each :
 
 14 
 
 Amersham Helston Rye 
 
 Arundel Honiton St. Germans 
 
 Ashburlon Huntingdon St. Ives 
 
 Bewdley Hythe Sandwich 
 
 Bodmin Launceston Sudbury 
 
 Bridport Leominster Shaftesbury 
 
 Chippenham Liskeard Tamworth 
 
 Clitheroe Lyme Regis Thetford 
 
 Cockermouth Lymington Thirsk 
 
 Dorchester Maldon Totness 
 
 Downton Maryborough Truro 
 
 Droitwich Marlow Wallingford 
 
 Evesham Morpeth Westbury 
 
 Grimsby Northallerton Wilton 
 
 East Grinstead Penryn Wycombe. ' 
 
 Guilford Richmond 
 
 [The Noble Lord proceeded]. I now come to the Representation of Scotland, 
 and, certainly, if England wants Reform, Scotland needs it still more. If we have 
 here Members of Parliament representing but a small portion of the people, we 
 still have some degree of popular representation. But, in Scotland, no such 
 thing as popular representation is known. (Hear, hear !) A nation possessing 
 the wealth, the industry, and intelligence for which Scotland is distinguished, has 
 its whole representation vested in less than three thousand persons. In the coun- 
 ties, the number of persons who vote in the election of Members to serve in Par- 
 liament are only 2,324. I shall not enter into a detail of the manner in which 
 the Scotch votes are obtained. It is sufficient to observe, that although what is 
 called the superiority could not originally arise otherwise than from the posses- 
 sion of land, yet many possessors of land contrived, in selling that property, to 
 retain the superiority, which gives at present the right of representation. In that 
 way it has become a custom to reserve the superiority when the land is sold. Lat- 
 terly the voters at elections for the Scotch Counties have been, for the most part, 
 persons having no connection whatever with the county, otherwise than by the 
 purchase of the superiority separately from the land. I have now in my hand a 
 list, showing that of the three hundred and fifty persons to whom the representa- 
 tion of the County of Ayr is confined, only one hundred and fifty have any pro- 
 perty in that county. In Bute, out of seventeen electors, only two are landed 
 proprietors in the Island. In Kinross, of twenty-seven voters, eighteen only are 
 possessors ; and in Lanark, out of only two hundred and fifteen. 
 
 (Hear, hear !) I do not think that it is too much to say, that this is not a fair 
 representation of the landed property in Scotland. If any Gentleman will tell 
 me, that by the arrangements which I propose the landowners of Scotland are 
 deprived of their rights, I can refer him to this list, from which he will perceive, 
 that the landowners of Scotland have really at present no such influence, as is 
 supposed. We intend to give the suffrage to every copyholder whose possession 
 is of the annual value of ten pounds (hear !), placing that class on the same foot- 
 ing on which they are to be placed in England ; and also to the holders of leases 
 for nineteen years, not renewed within two years previous to the election at which 
 they vote, and paying 50/. a year rent ; for it is the custom in Scotland to give 
 leases for nineteen years more generally than for twenty-one, as in England. We 
 propose to make a new arrangement of the representation of the whole country ; 
 giving to Edinburgh two Members ; to Glasgow, two ; to Greenock, Dundee,
 
 15 
 
 Leith, Aberdeen, and Paisley, only one each. The Fife district of Boroughs is to 
 be disfranchised, and, as we propose in England, the towns to which the right is 
 extended shall be taken out of the representation of the counties. The electors 
 in those towns will consist of all persons possessing property, or occupying houses 
 of the value of ten pounds a year. Scotland possesses some advantages in respect 
 to registration. With those alterations, therefore, Scotland will be represented in 
 this House by fifty Members, instead of the present forty-five. (Hear, hear, hear.) 
 In those districts the votes at elections shall no longer be taken as at present. The 
 election will no longer be made by the delegates of particular incorporations (hear 
 hear) ; but the votes of all the qualified electors will be taken personally, and the 
 election be decided by the sum of those votes. The Noble Lord then read a 
 statement, of which the substance is subjoined. 
 
 The Counties to be settled as follows : Peebles and Selkirk to be joined, 
 and to elect one member together ; Dumbarton and Bute, Elgin and Nairne, 
 Ross and Cromarty, Orkney and Shetland, and Clack nannan and Kinross, with 
 certain additions, to do the same. The remaining twenty-two counties each 
 singly to return one member. 
 
 Burghs to be as follows : Edinburgh to have two members ; Glasgow to have 
 two ; and Aberdeen, Paisley, Dundee, Greenock, and Leith (with the addition of 
 Portebello, Musselburgh, and Fisherrow,) each singly to return one member. 
 
 The east Fife district of Burghs no longer to return, but to be thrown into the 
 county. 
 
 The remaining thirteen districts of Burghs, each to return one member with 
 these variations that Kilmarnock shall take the place of Glasgow in the district 
 of Burghs to which Glasgow formerly belonged : that Peterhead shall take the 
 place of Aberdeen ; and that Falkirk shall be added to the districts of Lanark, 
 Linlithgow, Selkirk and Peeble. 
 
 As to qualification of Voters. Burgh members no longer to be elected by 
 Town Councils or Delegates ; nor county members by persons holding superio- 
 rities of certain value. The qualification for counties being ownership of land 
 or houses, worth 10/. a year, with residence ; or holding as tenant, in actual 
 possession, on written lease for 19 years or upwards, to the value of 50/. 
 
 For Burghs the occupancy of a dwelling-house, rented or rated to taxes, at 
 not less than Wl. a-year. 
 
 All voters to be registered by Sheriffs. 
 
 Poll to be taken by Sheriffs or substitutes, at one or more places, not to be 
 open for more than two days. 
 
 Reports from several polling places to be made to principal Sheriff, by whom 
 the return is to be always made, for Burgh as well as for county members. 
 
 The noble Lord then continued : I shall now proceed to Ireland, in which 
 country although reform is necessary, it may still be much more simple than it 
 can be in England or in Scotland, as the representation of the counties and 
 boroughs having been settled at the time of the union, there are none of those 
 very small boroughs which we find in England. But in some of those boroughs 
 the number of persons qualified to vote is exceedingly small. I propose, there- 
 fore, to give the right of voting to all holders of houses or land to the value of 
 10/. a year. I am convinced that this will be found a measure of great benefit 
 to Ireland. In many of those Irish boroughs great injury has been suffered in
 
 16 
 
 consequence of the manner in which the franchise is regulated. I need only 
 mention one instance that of the borough of Wexford, in which many merchants 
 of property and respectability are subjected, by being excluded from the right of 
 voting, to heavy dues amounting to 2,000/. a year, from which those possessing 
 that right are exempted. I am convinced that the enlargement of the franchise 
 will enable the people of Ireland to make considerable advances in industry and 
 trade; and I have great hopes that we shall have immediate proofs of its in- 
 creasing commerce. There are many places of great commercial importance 
 which have not at present their due share in the representation. Of these the 
 principal are Belfast, Limerick, and Waterford, to which I propose to give 
 representatives, so as to add three to the whole number of members for Ireland. 
 (Great noise.) In the arrangements which we propose, Ireland and Scotland 
 will derive likewise considerable advantages, from the cutting off of some mem- 
 bers from the English representation. I think it will be considered an important 
 advantage in the sister countries, that the numbers in this House shall be better 
 balanced. I am convinced that this measure ought, at least, to give satisfaction 
 in Ireland, and I trust in a few years we shall hear of no other agitation, but that 
 which is caused by the bustle of commerce, and the progress of prosperity. It is 
 not intended to make any other alteration in the right of voting for the Irish 
 counties, except that beneficed clergymen are in future to be registered as 50/. 
 freeholders. At elections the votes are to be taken in two days in the same 
 manner as in England, (much noise, hear, hear ! and order.) The result of all 
 the measures comprehended in this Bill, as affecting the number of members in 
 this House, will be that of the present number of 658 168 being taken off by 
 the disfranchisement of the boroughs 490 will remain. To that number fire 
 being added as the increase of members for Scotland, three for Ireland, eight 
 for London, and 142 for the rest of England and Wales, making the future num- 
 ber of members for the united parliament 596, (hear, hear ! and great noise !) 
 The decrease of the present number will accordingly be sixty-two. I will now 
 state the number of persons who will be entitled to the suffrage under this Bill, 
 not previously possessing that right, in the different boroughs and towns, in Lon- 
 don, and in the counties. I suppose that in the existing cities and boroughs the 
 franchise will be extended to 110,000 persons; in the new boroughs to 50,000 ; 
 in London to 95,000 ; in Scotland to 50,000 ; and in Ireland to about 40,000 
 persons, (hear, hear!) In the counties at least 110,000 will be entitled to vote 
 whenever before possessed the franchise (hear, hear!); and it is my opinion, that 
 the whole measure will add to the constituency of the Commons House of Par- 
 liament, about half a million of persons, and these all connected with the pro- 
 perty of the country, having a valuable stake amongst us, and deeply interested 
 in our institutions. They are the persons on whom we can depend in any future 
 struggle in which this nation may be engaged, and who will maintain and support 
 parliament and the throne in carrying that struggle to a successful termination . 
 I think that those measures will produce a farther benefit to the people by the 
 great incitement which it will occasion to industry and good conduct. For when 
 a man finds, that by industrious exertion and by punctuality he will entitle him- 
 self to a place in the list of voters, he will have an additional motive to improve 
 his circumstances, and to preserve his character amongst his neighbours. I 
 think, therefore, that in adding to the constituency, we are providing for the
 
 17 
 
 moral as well as for the political improvement of the country. Having now, 
 Sir, gone through the principal provisions of the Bill which I propose to introduce, 
 I cannot but take notice of some particulars in which, perhaps, this measure 
 will be considered by many to be defective. In the first place, there is no pro- 
 vision for the shorter duration of parliaments, (hear !) That subject has been 
 considered by his Majesty's ministers ; but upon the whole, we thought that it 
 would be better to leave it to be brought before the House by any member who 
 may choose to take it up, than to bring it in at the end of a Bill regulating matters 
 totally distinct, (hear, hear!) Without saying, therefore, what is the opinion of 
 his Majesty's ministers respecting that question, which I myself think to be one 
 of the utmost importance, and to deserve the utmost care in its decision, we 
 shall keep the large measure of Reform, which this Bill comprehends, separate 
 from every other question, and leave the subject of the duration of parliaments 
 to be brought before the House by some other member at a future time, (hear !) 
 For my own part, I will only say, that whilst I think it desirable that the con- 
 stituency should have a proper control over their representatives, it is, at the 
 same time, most inexpedient to make the duration of parliament so short, that 
 the members of this House should be kept in a perpetual canvass, and not be 
 able deliberately to consider and to decide with freedom any great question, 
 (hear, hear !) Sir, I do not think it behoves the people of a great empire to 
 place their representatives in such dependence, (hear !) What the point then 
 is, at which we may fix the proper control of the constituency, I do not think 
 it necessary to discuss at present. When die question comes under the consider- 
 ation of this House, I shall be ready to deliver my opinion. I have now only to 
 state that the King's Government are satisfied that, in providing a popularly 
 elected representation, they ought to abstain from embarrassing that question 
 with any other, which is encumbered with its own doubts, difficulties, and 
 obstacles. (Hear!) There is another question, Sir, of which no mention is 
 made in this Bill, although it at present occupies very much the attention of the 
 country I mean the question of vote by ballot. Sir, there can be no doubt that 
 that mode of election has much to recommend it. (Cries of no, no, no ! hear, 
 hear!) The arguments which I have heard advanced in its favour are as inge- 
 nious as any that I ever heard on any subject. But at the same time I am bound 
 to say, that this House ought to pause before it gives its sanction to that measure. 
 The Honourable Member for Bridport says, that secrecy affords the only means 
 by which the elector can be secured in the independence of his vote. But, Sir, 
 I must say, that while on one side it favours the conscientious voter in the 
 exercise of his franchise, it, at the same time, affords a cover to much fraud, 
 (hear, hear!) to much deceit, private hatred, treachery, and falsehood. If 
 it would prevent a bad influence over the good, it would also prevent a 
 good influence over the bad. I doubt, likewise, whether, in a country like this, 
 accustomed to vote openly, electors would ever avail themselves of the secrecy 
 of the ballot. I am bound to say, moreover, that above all things, it appears 
 very doubtful that it would be at all advisable to have any class of persons 
 wholly irresponsible in the discharge of a great public duty, (hear, hear !) For, 
 if we can suppose ballot to be completely successful in concealing the voter, he 
 is, and must be, irresponsible in the exercise of a vast power. I am not one of 
 those who wish to see such power placed in any hands. Men who follow courts
 
 18 
 
 advise an arbitrary king ; persons enamoured of the distinctions of rank are 
 willing slaves to an arbitrary aristocracy ; men of a more generous and enthusi- 
 astic nature exalt an arbitrary multitude ; but those who weigh things soberly 
 and calmly see, in all these shapes, a fallible being, whose mind may be clouded 
 by every variety of error, and whose will may be misdirected by every storm of 
 passion. In our country, at least, it is in the influence of one part of the 
 Government over another, of the Crown over the Lords, of the Commons over 
 the Crown, of public opinion over all, that we are accustomed to seek for a 
 security against the encroachments of tyranny of every description. 
 
 I arrive at last to the objections which may be made to the plan we propose. 
 I shall be told, in the first place, that we overturn the institutions of our ances- 
 tors. I maintain, that in departing from the letter, we preserve the ^spirit of 
 those institutions. Our opponents say, our ancestors gave Old Sarum represen- 
 tatives, therefore we should give Old Sarum representatives. We say, our ances- 
 tors gave Old Sarum representatives, which was a large town, therefore we give 
 representatives to Manchester, which is a large town. 
 
 It has been asserted, if a reform were to be effected, that many men of great 
 talents, who now get into that house for close boroughs, would not be able to 
 procure seats. I have never entertained any apprehensions of the sort, for I 
 believe that no reform that can be introduced can have the effect of preventing 
 wealth, probity, learning, and wit, having their proper influence upon elections. 
 My learned and hon. friend near me, his Majesty's Attorney General, was an 
 illustrious instance that, in large and populous boroughs, lawyers of eminence, 
 and gentlemen of great talents and public spirit, would be spontaneously chosen. 
 I have been told that one great and injurious effect of the measures I pro- 
 pose will be, to destroy the power and privileges of the aristocracy. This I 
 deny. I utterly deny that this plan can have any such effect. Wherever 
 the aristocracy reside, receiving large incomes, performing important duties, re- 
 lieving the poor by charity, and evincing private worth and "public virtue, it is 
 not in human nature that they should not possess a great influence upon public 
 opinion, and have an equal weight in electing persons to serve their country in 
 parliament. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 But if by aristocracy those persons are meant who do not live among the 
 people, who know nothing of the people, and who care nothing for them who 
 seek honours without merit, places without duty, and pensions without service 
 for such an aristocracy I have no sympathy [great cheering] ; and I think the 
 sooner its influence is carried away with the corruption in which it has thriven, 
 the better for the country, in which it has repressed so long every wholesome and 
 invigorating influence [hear, hear, hear !]. Language has been held on this 
 subject, which I hope will not be heard in future. A call has been made upon 
 the aristocracy all who are connected with it have been summoned to make a 
 stand against the people. Some persons have even ventured to say, that they, 
 by their numerical strength, could put down what they call sedition, [hear, hear, 
 hear !] But the question at issue does not respect the putting down of sedition. 
 The real question is, whether, without some large measure of reform, the busi- 
 ness of the country can be carried on with the confidence and the support of the 
 people ? I shall not ask whether you can resist reform, but I say, that it has 
 become a question whether or not the constitution would now perish if reform be
 
 19 
 
 deferred ? [loud cheering and cries of hear !] This House in its unreformed state 
 has nothing to look to but the sympathy, confidence, and support of the nation. 
 If it now refuses reform, that sympathy will be withheld that support will be 
 denied. I ask you, then, whether when his Majesty's ministers are convinced 
 that reform is necessary, and when they have the approbation of the Sovereign 
 for bringing a proposition before the House, in bringing forward which they de- 
 clare that reform is indispensable [hear !] when multitudes of petitions pour 
 upon your table, and myriads of voices out of doors call for reform will this 
 House say that we are the judges of our own honesty, that we despise the advice 
 of the Crown, and disregard at once the warning of ministers, and the demands 
 of the people, whom we profess to represent? Will this House say, we shall 
 keep our power, keep it how we may ; we regard not the petitions, and we will 
 take the consequences of that disregard, [hear, hear, hear! and "No, no"] 
 The aristocracy of England have never been found wanting in any great 
 crisis, they have not been found wanting when the country has been en_ 
 gaged in war with a national enemy. They have been at all times foremost, 
 when there were burthens to be supported. I am sure, Sir, that they are 
 now as ready as any other subjects to give their country 'that support. I now 
 ask them, Sir, will they refuse to identify themselves with the people when sacri- 
 fices are to be made ? I ask them whether they will not come forward to sup- 
 port the security of the Throne, the stability of our institutions, the strength of 
 Parliament, and the peace of the country, [hear, hear !] Whatever may be the 
 result of this proposition, the King's ministers feel that they have done their 
 duty. They have hitherto proceeded in the line of duty, in a straight forward 
 course, neither seeking the support of a particular class, nor courting the appro- 
 bation of the multitude. When duty led them to oppose popular clamours, they 
 did not hesitate. By the rigorous enforcement of the laws, the disturbances 
 which prevailed in some districts in England, have been put down. By the ri- 
 gorous enforcement of laws which existed when we came into office, they 
 have, I hope, checked the disturbances with which the sister kingdom was 
 threatened: In neither instance can we be accused of yielding to popular out- 
 cry, or of entrenching ourselves in popular favour. The King's ministers have, I 
 think, a right to be believed, when they state, that it is not from any contempti- 
 ble motive of transient popularity that they have brought forward this measure, 
 but because they are deeply interested in the happiness and in the freedom of 
 the country. I think that this is the only way calculated to secure permanency 
 to that institution, which has so long been the admiration of foreign nations 
 [cheers] on account of its public spirit [cheers] ; but which cannot exist much 
 longer [murmurs of discontent], but by means of an infusion of a new popular 
 spirit. To do this, you must show that you are determined not to be the repre- 
 sentatives of a small class, or of a particular interest ; but to form a body, who, 
 representing the people, springing from the people, and sympathising with the 
 people, can fairly call on the people to support the future burthens of the coun- 
 try, and to struggle with the future difficulties which it may have to encounter ; 
 confident that those who call upon them are ready to join them heart and 
 hand : and are only looking, like themselves, to the glory and welfare of 
 England, [loud cheering] 
 
 S. Bagster, Jun. Printer, 14, Bartholomew Close, London.
 
 JN 
 
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