TWO TREATISES, 
 
 CHRISTIAN PRIESTHOOD, 
 
 AND ON THE 
 
 DIGNITY OF THE EPISCOPAL ORDER: 
 
 A PREFATORY DISCOURSE 
 
 IN ANSWER TO 
 
 A BOOK ENTITLED, THE RIGHTS OF THE CHRISTIAN 
 CHURCH, &c., 
 
 AND AN APPENDIX. 
 
 BY GEORGE HICKES, D.D. 
 
 \\ 
 
 SOMETIME FELLOW OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, AND DEAN OF WORCESTER. 
 
 THE FOURTH EDITION. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 OXFORD : 
 JOHN HENRY PARKER. 
 
 MDCCCXLVII. 
 
OXFORD: 
 
 PRINTED BY I. SHRIMPTON. 
 
VOLUME I. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF ADDITIONS TO THE THIRD EDITION, 
 
 A LETTER TO THE AUTHOR OF THE RIGHTS OF THE 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH ASSERTED, 
 
 A PREFATORY DISCOURSE IN ANSWER TO THE RIGHTS. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THE first edition of this work was published in one volume 
 8vo. in 1707. The volume consisted of the Letter to the 
 Author of the Rights, the Prefatory Discourse, the Two Trea- 
 tises (on the Christian Priesthood, and on the Dignity of 
 the Episcopal Order), and an Appendix containing the first 
 three numbers of the present Appendix, (namely, the Com- 
 munion Service of King Edward VI.'s first Book, that of the 
 Scottish Prayer-Book of 1637, and the representation of a 
 medal of King Henry VIII.) The Two Treatises, which 
 were originally Letters, as they are often called by the 
 Author 8 , had been written in or soon after the year 1695. 
 The circumstances which led to their composition will be 
 found detailed at the opening of the Prefatory Discourse, 
 pp. 59 63 of this volume, and in the notes. They were at 
 first intended only for private perusal. The publication of 
 TindaFs work, The Bights of the Christian Church asserted, 
 in 1706, led Hickes to publish them, with the Discourse in 
 answer to that work prefixed ; see p. 67 of this volume. A 
 second edition, with some slight alterations, also in one 
 volume 8vo., came out in the same year, and was issued with 
 a new title-page in 1709. The second edition, whether of 
 1707 or 1709, is rarely met with. 
 
 A third edition was published in 1711, in which the work 
 was enlarged to two volumes, by considerable additions to 
 the first Discourse, on the subject of the Eucharistic Sacri- 
 fice ; additions throughout the second Discourse ; and nearly 
 the whole of the present Appendix, (namely, No. IV. to No. 
 
 [He also calls them Discourses, and that name is generally used by the 
 editor.] 
 
 HICKES. h 
 
VI ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 IX. inclusive) : ail Account of these Additions was prefixed, 
 which was designed as a reply to the Primary Charge of 
 Dr. Tritnnel, bishop of Norwich, published in 1709. 
 
 In 1715, the year in which Hickes died (Dec. 15), a Sup- 
 plement was sent out, containing the Letter to the Author of 
 the Rights, which had been omitted by mistake in the third 
 edition ; several passages to be inserted in different places of 
 the work ; another tract, (No. X. see p. 35 of this volume,) to 
 be added to the Appendix, and two letters on the subject of 
 the Christian Priesthood ; with a title-page to be prefixed as 
 a new title-page to the third edition, with which the Supple- 
 ment was bound up. Copies of this Supplement are very 
 rare. In the present edition these additions have been in- 
 serted in their proper places, enclosed within brackets, with 
 notices of their being derived from the Supplement of 1715. 
 
 This edition has also the advantage of a few still later 
 materials, prepared by Hickes with a view to a fourth edi- 
 tion. They are contained in his own copy of the third 
 edition, in which it seems to have been his practice to make 
 additions and corrections from "time to time. Most of these 
 he printed in the Supplement of 1715 ; which was afterwards 
 bound up with this copy, and the additions continued to be 
 made till the time of his death. The following account of 
 this copy, with transcripts of the MS. notes, has been re- 
 ceived through the kindness of George May Forbes, Esq., of 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 " This copy of Bishop Hickes' Christian Priesthood was 
 formerly in the possession of Bishop Walker, of Edinburgh, 
 by whom it was given to Bishop Jolly, in whose hand there 
 is on the title-page the following note : ( A copy of singular 
 value and high estimation, given by the Rev. Mr. Walker to 
 Alexander Jolly/ And on the previous page, 'This was 
 the author's own copy, and hath some corrections and addi- 
 tions in his own hand or that of his amanuensis, which he 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. Vll 
 
 designed to be observed in a fourth edition, as the title-page 
 shews. Most of these additions are in the printed Supple- 
 ment/ On the title-page ' the third edition' is altered into 
 'the fourth edition/ The corrections are all written in the 
 same hand, but at different times, as appears by the varied 
 colour of the ink. A copy of the Supplement has been bound 
 up with it, and some corrections are on it. The printed Sup- 
 plement sometimes varies from the MS. in being incorrectly 
 printed. E.g. Supp. No. 11, p. 10, 1. 16, b for Eel. ii. read 
 Eel. iii. ; 1. 20, facere vel idem ; acfrpaytcov, o-<j)a<yla)v. All the 
 corrections printed in the Supplement are marked on the 
 margin of this copy." 
 
 We are thus brought down to the latest alterations made 
 during the Author's lifetime. The additions derived from 
 this source have been inserted in the present edition, within 
 brackets, with notices of their being taken from the MS. 
 additions in Hickes' copy. 
 
 It only remains to state what has been done in the present 
 edition. 
 
 The text and notes of the third edition have been preserved 
 entire, except in the case of antiquated spelling, of references, 
 for which others to later editions have been substituted, or 
 of obvious errata ; and when the latter were at all important, 
 the corrections have been noticed. All additions, whether 
 derived from the Supplement and the Author's MS., or 
 made by the editor, have been enclosed within brackets. 
 
 The unsystematic character of the composition of the 
 Prefatory Discourse, (of which see pp. 48, 49, and 319,) in- 
 duced the editor to adopt a division into sections, for which 
 a provision had been made by the Author in the Table of 
 Contents; in which such a division was virtually made by 
 the different type in which the chief heads of the Discourse 
 were printed. The words of the Author have been, as far as 
 
 b [See vol. ii. p. 59. note b.] 
 
Till ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 possible, adhered to in the heading of the sections, as well as 
 his divisions, as will be seen from the Table of Contents; 
 and, as the sections are only noted in the margin, the text 
 has been preserved without alteration. 
 
 The Table of Contents prefixed to the Prefatory Discourse 
 has been retained as in the third edition; that of the Ac- 
 count of Additions, &c. has been added by the editor. 
 
 The editor is also responsible for the headings to the 
 pages, which he hopes will be found fairly to represent the 
 meaning of the Author, whose words he has endeavoured, as 
 far as possible, to retain. 
 
 Some apology may be requisite for the length of the 
 notes in the present volume; they seemed called for by 
 its controversial character, and by the circumstance that 
 it assumed the reader to be familiar with persons, events, 
 and books which are now almost forgotten. Besides this, 
 passages from works only referred to by the Author, and not 
 generally accessible, have been given in full or abridged, in 
 accordance with his own suggestion ; see p. 327. 
 
 The division into three volumes, adopted in the present 
 edition, was also suggested by the Author's observation, 
 (Letter to Author of Rights, p. 49,) that the Prefatory Dis- 
 course " should be considered rather as another book than a 
 preface," and that " if he could have foreseen it would have 
 been so long he would have made it a book by itself," Its 
 main subject too is distinct from those of the Two Dis- 
 courses. The Discourses themselves will most naturally 
 form a second volume; and the Appendix, which again is 
 distinct, a third. Thus the tracts of the first volume will 
 tend to remove the common objections against the doctrines 
 which are systematically treated and maintained in the 
 second, and the third will consist chiefly of writings of other 
 , authors expanding and supporting them. 
 
 It ought to be added that the editor in whose hands the 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 IX 
 
 work was originally placed, had proceeded as far as p. 141 of 
 this volume in verifying the references and transcribing the 
 originals of the quotations, when ill health obliged him to 
 relinquish the work. He had also prepared other materials 
 for the edition, which have been of great service in com- 
 pleting his undertaking. 
 
 I. B. 
 
 Quterfs College, June 4, 1847. 
 
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 except when otherwise specified : 
 
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 Alcuinus, B., Op., ed. Frobenius, fol. 
 
 Ratisbon. 1777. 
 Ambrosius, S., Op., ed. Ben. fol. Par. 
 
 1686-90. 
 Aquinas, S. Thorn., Suinma Theol. fol. 
 
 Duaci. 1614. 
 Aristoteles, Op., ed. Bekker. 4to. Be- 
 
 rol. 1831. 
 Assemani Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae 
 
 Universalis, 4to. Romae, 1749-67. 
 Augustinus, S., Op., ed. Ben. fol. Par. 
 
 1679-1700. 
 Balsamon, Comment, in Canones, ap. 
 
 Beveregii Pandect. 
 
 Barnabas, S., ap. Patres Apost, torn. i. 
 Baronius, Annales, fol. Lucae, 1738-59. 
 Basilius, S., Op., ed. Ben. fol. Par. 
 
 1721-30. 
 
 Beda, Op., fol. Col. Agrip. 1612. 
 Bernardus, S., Op., ed. Ben. fol. Par. 
 
 1719. 
 
 Bellarminus, Opera, fol. Venet 172 1-28. 
 Beveregii StiM&ut&y seu Pandectae Ca- 
 
 nonum, fol. Oxon. 1672. 
 Biblia Sacra, Castalionis Vers. Basil. 
 
 1573. 
 Pagnini et Montani. fol. 
 
 Antw. 1584. 
 Polyglotta. Walton, fol. 
 
 Lond. 1657. 
 Bibliotheca Patrum, Gallandii, fol. 
 
 Venet. 1765-81. 
 Biographia Britannica, fol. London, 
 
 1 74766. 
 Biographical Dictionary, 8vo. London, 
 
 176167. 
 Bona, Card, de Rebus Liturgicis, 
 
 2 torn. fol. Aug. Taur. 1747. 
 Brissonius, Barn, de Formulis, &c. 4to. 
 
 Francof. 1592. 
 
 Brissonius de significatione Verborum, 
 
 4to. Francof. 1683. 
 Budaeus,Commentaria Linguae Graecae, 
 
 fol. Paris. 1548. 
 
 Bull's Works, 8vo. Oxford, 1827. 
 Burnet's History of his Own Times, 
 
 fol. Lond. 1724-34. 
 Buxtorf, Lexicon Chald. Rabb. Tal- 
 
 mudicum. fol. Basil. 1639. 
 Canones Apostolici, ap. Concilia, 
 
 torn. i. 
 Chrysostomus, S., Op., ed. Ben. fol. 
 
 Paris. 1718-38. 
 Clemens Alexandrinus, S., Op., Potter, 
 
 fol. Oxon. 1715. 
 Clemens Romanus, S., ap. Patres 
 
 Apost, torn. i. 
 Conciliorum Collectio, Labbe et 
 
 Coissart, ed. Colet. fol. Venet. 
 
 1728. 
 
 Constantini Lexicon, Genev. 1592. 
 Constitutiones Apostolicae, ap. Con- 
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 Corpus Juris Canonici, ed. Gibert. fol. 
 
 Lugd. 1737. 
 Corpus Juris Civilis, ed. Gothofred. 
 
 fol. Amst. 1663. 
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 Cyprianus, S., Op., ed. Ben. fol. Paris, 
 
 1726. 
 Cyrillus Alexandr. S., Op., fol. Paris, 
 
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 Cyrillus Hierosolym. S., Op., fol. 
 
 Paris, 1720. 
 Damascenus, S. Joan., Op., Lequien, 
 
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 Dionysius Areopagita, S., (Pseudo) 
 
 Op., ed. Corderius, Venet. 1755. 
 Ecclesiast. Hist. Scriptores, ed. Read- 
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LIST OF EDITIONS REFERRED TO. 
 
 Ephrem Syrus, S., Op., fol. Romae, 
 
 1732. 
 Epiphanius, S., Op., ed. Petav. fol. 
 
 Colon. 1682. 
 
 Evagrius, ap. Eccles. Hist. Script 
 Eusebius C*sariensis (Pamphili) 
 
 Hist. Eccles. ap. Hist. Eccles. 
 
 Scriptores. 
 
 Demonstratio Evangelica, 
 
 fol. Paris, 1628. 
 
 Comment, in Psalmos, ap. 
 
 Montfaucon, Nov. Collect. Patrum, 
 torn. i. 
 
 Comment, in Esaiam, ibid., 
 
 torn. ii. 
 General Dictionary, fol. London, 1734- 
 
 41. 
 Goar, Euchologium Graecorum, fol. 
 
 Par. 1647. 
 Gregorius Magnus, S., Op., ed. Ben. 
 
 fol. Par. 1705. 
 GregomisNazianzenus,S.,Op.,ed.Ben. 
 
 fol. Par. torn. i. 1778. torn. ii. 1840. 
 Gregorius Nyssenus, S., Op., fol. Paris, 
 
 16J38. 
 Grotius, Op. Theol., fol. Lond. 1679, 
 
 et ap. Grit. Sacr. 
 Habertus, Liber Pontificalis Eccl. 
 
 Grfec. fol. Paris, 1643. 
 Hernias, S., ap. Patres Apostolicos. 
 Hesychii Lexicon, fol. Lugd. Bat. 1668. 
 Hieronymus, S., Op., ed. Vallarsius, 
 
 fol. Veron. 1734-42. 
 Ignatius, S., ap. Patres Apostolicos. 
 Innocentius III., Op., ed. Baluz. Par. 
 
 1682. fol. 
 Josephus, Qp., ed. Havercamp. fol. 
 
 Amst. 1726. 
 
 Irenaeus, S., Op., ed. Ben. Par. 1710. 
 Isidorus Hispalensis, S., Op., 4to. 
 
 Romae, 1797-1803. 
 Isidorus Pelusiota, S., Epist. fol. Par. 
 
 1638. 
 
 Julianas Imp., Op,, fol. Lips. 1696. 
 Justinus Martyr, S., Op., fol. Par. 1742. 
 Leo Magnus, S., Op., ed. Ballerin. fol. 
 
 Venet. 1753. 
 Leslie's Theological Works, fol. Lond. 
 
 1721. 
 Maimonides, de cultu divino, 4to. Paris. 
 
 1673. 
 Martene de Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus, 
 
 2 torn. fol. Antw. 1763. 
 Martinii Lexicon Latin. Philol. et 
 
 Etymol. fol. Franc. 1655. 
 Mede's Works, fol. London, 1664. 
 Montfaucon, Nova Collectio Patrum, 
 
 fol. Par. 1706. 
 
 OZcumenius, Op., fol. Par. 1630-1. 
 Optatus, S., de Schism. Donatist. ed. 
 
 Dupin.fol. Par. 1700. 
 Origenes, Op., ed. Ben. Par. 1733- 
 
 59. 
 Patres Apostolici, ed. Cotelerius, fol. 
 
 Amst. 1724. 
 Petrus de Marca, Dissertationes Post- 
 
 humae, ed. Baluz, 8vo. Par. 1669. 
 Phavorinus, Lexicon Graeeum. fol. 
 
 Rom. 1523. 
 Philo Juclaeus, Op., ed. Mangey, fol. 
 
 London, 1742. 
 Plutarchus, Op., ed. Reiske, 8vo. 
 
 Lips. 1776. 
 Pollux, Julius, Onomasticon, ed. Din- 
 
 dorf. Lips. 1824. 
 Polybius, Op., ed. Schweighaiiser, 8vo. 
 
 Lips. 1789. 
 Polycarpus, S., apud Patres Apost, 
 
 torn. ii. 
 Rabanus Maurus, Op., fol. Col. Agrip. 
 
 1626. 
 Renaudot, Liturgiarum Orientalium 
 
 Collectio. 4to. Par. 1716. 
 Ruffinus, Opuscula, fol. Par. 1580. 
 Socrates, apud Eccl. Hist. Scriptt , 
 
 torn. ii. 
 
 Sozomenus, ibid. 
 Stephanus, Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, 
 
 fol. Lond. 1818-26. 
 Stillingfleet's Works, fol. London, 
 
 1707. 
 Suicer, Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus, fol. 
 
 Amst. 1728. 
 Suidas, Lexicon, fol. ed. Gaisford, 
 
 Oxon. 1834. 
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 vius, fol. Par. 1631. 
 Tertullianus, Op., Priorii, fol. Par. 
 
 1675<-'. 
 
 Theodoretus, Op., Sirmondi, fol. Par. 
 1642. vol. v. Auctarium, 1684. 
 
 Hist. Eccles. ap. Hist. 
 
 Eccl. Script. 
 Theophylactus, Op., fol. Venet. 1754- 
 
 63. 
 
 Zonaras, Comment, in Canones, apud 
 Beveregii Pandectas. 
 
 [By mistake this edition has been several times referred to in the notes as a 
 Benedictine edition.] 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 [AN ACCOUNT OF ADDITIONS TO THE THIRD EDITION. 
 
 Page 
 
 THE additions made to the Christian Priesthood asserted - 1 
 
 State of the controversy arising from the publication of the work 2 
 
 Bishop Trimnel's general charge of strangeness in clergy of a reformed 
 
 Church advocating those doctrines, answered - - - - 3 
 
 And retorted, in the instance of resistance - - - - 4 
 
 The parallel of our episcopacy - - ib. 
 
 I. OF THE SACRIFICE IN THE HOLY EUCHARIST. 
 
 Dr. Hakewill's Dissertation in reply to Heylin considered - 7 
 
 Heylin's Testimonies from Irenaeus - - ib. 
 
 Hakewill's comments upon them - 8 
 
 Heylin's testimonies from Eusebius de Demonstratione Evangelica - 9 
 Discussion on the meaning of the words /iHftu?jj> avrl Ovfftas - -11 
 
 Objection from definitions of Jewish sacrifices - - 16 
 
 From the unity and value of the oblation - ib. 
 
 The Eucharist is a proper sacrifice, though representative - - ib. 
 That there is a material sacrifice in it proved from the Apostolical Con- 
 stitutions - - - - - - - -17 
 
 The words in the institution, ' hoc facite,' have a sacrificial signification - 18 
 
 Our Lord made an oblation of the bread and cup . . - ..., - 20 
 
 Other sacrificial terms in the account of the institution - 21 
 
 Testimonies of Peter Lombard and St. Thomas Aquinas considered - 22 
 
 Sense of the term ' proper' as applied to the sacrifice in the Eucharist - 23 
 
 Answer to Dr. Nicholls' objection of causing divisions - - - 24 
 
 And introducing the ' popish sacrifice of the mass' - ~ - 25 
 
 Thorndike, as quoted by Bp. Trimnel, explained - - 27 
 
 His direct testimonies to the Eucharistic sacrifice ... ib. 
 
 St. Chrysostom, as alleged by Bishop Trimnel, explained - - - 28 
 
 Parallel of typical sacrifices which were yet proper ones - - 29 
 
 St. Chrysostom's qualification added to exalt the commemorative 
 
 sacrifice - _ _ . 30 
 
 His positive testimony to the Eucharist being a proper sacrifice - 31 
 
 Hickes leaves the subject to younger men - - ib. 
 
 Additions to the Second Discourse - - - - - 32 
 
Xll CONTENTS. 
 
 II. OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE CHURCH ON THE STATE. 
 
 Page 
 
 It is not true that the chief promoters of this doctrine are nonjurors - 32 
 
 Additions to the Appendix on this subject - - 33 
 
 Casaubon de Libertate Ecclesiastica - - 34 
 
 Defence against the charge of magnifying the priestly office - 35 
 
 Additions to the Appendix on this subject - - ib, 
 
 III. ON THE SACERDOTAL POWER OF ABSOLUTION. 
 
 Bishop Trimnel misrepresents the views of those who maintain this doctrine 36 
 
 Repentance necessary to its efficacy - - ib. 
 
 The power ministerial only - - - 37 
 
 Thorndike's statements on the Divine institution of absolution - - 38 
 
 On the general necessity of it - 39 
 
 On private confession (quoting Origen) - 40 
 
 In what sense forgiveness is not from the Church - 41 
 
 Case of ' Clave errante' - - ib. 
 
 Testimony of St. Isidore Pelusiota in the case of Zosimus - - 42 
 
 Dodwell's statements on the absolute necessity of sacerdotal absolution, 
 
 maintained in substance - - 43 
 
 Hickes' apology - - 45 
 
 His motives for writing - ib. 
 
 His desire to increase the respect of the people for the bishops and 
 
 clergy of the Church - - - 46 
 
 LETTER TO THE AUTHOR OP THE RIGHTS OF THE 
 CHRISTIAN CHURCH ASSERTED. 
 
 Design of the Prefatory Discourse - - ib. 
 
 Author of the Rights called on to give his name - - 49 
 
 Hickes' principles unpopular - - - 54 
 
 He is not ashamed of names given in reproach - 56 
 
 Profession of the principles he holds - - 57] 
 
CONTENTS. Xlll 
 
 THE PEEFATOEY DISCOUESE IN ANSWEE 
 TO THE EIGHTS, &c. 
 
 [SECT. I. INTRODUCTION AND PROPOSITIONS.] 
 
 Page 
 
 An account of the author's conference with a lady who had been of the Church 
 of Rome, concerning the nature of the Christian Church - - 59 
 
 How the substance of the said conference was at her desire drawn up into 
 Propositions - -.____61 
 
 Two objections afterward started against these Propositions ; the one by a 
 
 lawyer, the other by a divine - - - - - -62 
 
 The occasion of the author's writing his discourse of the Dignity of the Epis- 
 copal Order - - ib. 
 
 The occasion of his writing that of the Christian Priesthood asserted - 63 
 
 THE PROPOSITIONS, WITH NOTES UPON THEM. 
 
 PROP. I. Of the Church as a society by Divine right - ib. 
 
 Whence called Christ's body - - note q, 64 
 
 II. Of the government and governors of this society - - ib. 
 Whence called God's household, &c. - note r, ib. 
 
 III. Of the episcopal dignity and jurisdiction - - 65 
 That the bishops are the Apostles' successors, by unexceptional wit- 
 nesses cleared _ note u, ib. 
 
 IV. Of the Christian priesthood and ministry - - - - 66 
 That Christian priests are Christ's representatives and vicars - note z, ib. 
 
 [SECT. II. REAL VIEWS OF THE AUTHOR OF THE RIGHTS 
 
 AND HIS PARTY.] 
 
 The occasion of publishing those Two Discourses which these Propositions 
 
 gave birth to - - 67 
 
 General reflections upon the method lately taken of attacking the true rights 
 
 of the Christian Church, as laid down in the Propositions - - ib. 
 
 Nothing so needful to the understanding of the controversy between us and 
 the Church of Rome, as a right and complete notion of the Church as a 
 spiritual society - - 60 
 
 The insolent manner of attacking the constitution of the Christian Church 
 and priesthood by the book falsely entitled, The Rights of the Christian 
 Church - - 67 
 
 HICKES. 
 
XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 A seasonable and necessary call to the clergy courageously to discharge 
 
 their duty in evil times - - - 125, 161. 
 
 [SECT. V.] THE TRUE CATHOLIC DOCTRINE OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 
 
 How it accidentally grew into disuse in this Church - - 126 
 The alterations made in the order of administering it from the first 
 
 liturgy of the Church of England .... ib. 
 
 The order observed herein by Bishop Overall - - 127 
 The reason of the restored rubric for reverently setting the bread and 
 
 wine upon the altar - - - - 128 
 The method of anciently placing the elements first upon the paratorium 
 
 or credence - - ib. 
 
 Some remarks hereupon - - 129 
 
 Three reasons given for these remarks - 131 
 
 A vindication of Archbishop Laud from Popish innovation - 132 
 
 The disingenuity of the author of the Rights in charging him with what 
 
 he had been fully cleared of - 135 
 
 Barely also upon the testimony of most malicious enemies - ib. 
 Several other false charges against him revived by that author, after they 
 
 were answered in the History of his Troubles - - 136 
 
 Calumny in perfection exemplified in two points - 137, 138 
 
 The method of wounding the Church through this archbishop's side - 138 
 
 [SECT. VI.] OF THE CHURCH AND CHURCH OFFICERS. 
 
 The various significations of the word Church considered and adjusted - 139 
 The opprobrious names by this author bestowed on the clergy animadverted 
 
 upon - 140 
 
 His reproachful insults upon the order of the Christian priesthood terminate 
 
 upon Christ Himself and His Apostles - - 121,140 
 
 The nobility of this priesthood further asserted and vindicated - - 141 
 
 Mean extraction, or even slavery itself, no dishonour to the order - ib. 
 
 Priests and bishops made of slaves were anciently not the less respected ib. 
 
 The calumniator is sent again to Julian to be better instructed - - ib. 
 
 The wise and just reflection of St. Chrysostom upon this matter - 142 
 
 The story of Alexander Carbonarius and Gregorius Thaumaturgus - ib. 
 
 [SECT. VII.] OF COUNCILS AND ECCLESIASTICAL SYNODS. 
 
 His invidious and unchristian charge against all councils in general con- 
 sidered - 143 
 His unfair application of a saying of Gregory Nazianzen - 144 
 Directly contrary to that father's intention, who was himself a known 
 
 creed-maker in the Council of Constantinople - ib. 
 
 His popular fallacy in arguing from the miscarriages of councils exploded 145 
 
CONTENTS. XV11 
 
 Page 
 
 His excellence in a satire upon the nature of man - - 146 
 
 What use a Mahometan would make of this false way of reasoning - ib. 
 
 What pretty use a Sadducee or theistical Jew might make of it - - ib. 
 
 How very contrary this to the conduct of Christ and of His Apostles - 147 
 
 His ridiculing of councils and synods shewn to be a libel against all senates, 
 
 states, diets, and parliaments - - ib. 
 
 Mr. Prynne's opinion of parliaments offered to his consideration - 148 
 
 Councils and parliaments both vindicated against him . .- - - ib. 
 
 Whether the canons of the one, or the statutes of the other, are to be 
 
 looked on as impositions - , " - - 149 
 
 The further prospect of this doughty author laid open - - ib. 
 
 That heretical councils may be diabolically inspired - 150 
 
 That wicked men may be acted hy wicked spirits, both separately and toge- 
 ther ; and that some writers are certainly so - - ib. 
 The first general council of Nice vindicated against Marvel, and this author 
 
 who cites him - - 151 
 
 The pagan Themistius an apologist for Christians and Christian coun- 
 cils, against this author and his club - - . - - 153 
 The anti-Nicene venom against priesthood and priests, and their synods, 
 
 incurable - - - _.';*:._ - - 154 
 
 The objections would not be a whit less though even angels them selves should 
 
 be made priests - V . - - - ib. 
 
 But rather greater ... ? -^ _". .*:i - ib. 
 
 And consequently no security from detraction or from sophistry - ib. 
 
 His ridiculous sophistry about sacrilege - - 155 
 
 The remaining revenues of the Church the main grievance to him and 
 
 men of his latitude - .: - ib. and 183 
 
 The false turns he has given to Church history censured - - - 156 
 
 His dishonest method in citations observed - ib. 
 
 Six sorts of these all justly excepted against - - ib. 
 
 A notable citation out of Le Clerc against councils and creeds reflected upon 157 
 
 The Nicene faith another intolerable grievance to them - ib. 
 
 This and non-resistance provoke them to write against the clergy with 
 
 such bitterness --__-- 158 
 
 [SECT. VIII.] OF CHURCH CENSURES. 
 
 The power of the keys no novel High Church doctrine, but the old doctrine 
 
 of the Church of England - -158 
 
 Nay as old as Christianity itself - - - 159 
 
 That this power is not only doctrinal, but authoritative and ministerial, as 
 
 asserted by the bishop of Sarum - - - - 158 
 
 And as is plain from the sense an(| practice of the primitive Christians 159 
 And by consequence, that the sentences of excommunication and absolu- 
 tion must be not only declarative but judicial - - - ib. 
 As founded upon Christ's words and authority - - - - ib. 
 Binding and loosing by the ministry of men the same as by that of angels ib. 
 The censure of St. Ambrose upon Theodosius the Great never yet condemned 
 
 by any Church, and expressly approved by our own - - 160 
 
XV111 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 The true grounds of the contempt of the clergy - - 161 
 
 The non-user and abuser of this sacred power hence animadverted on - ib. 
 
 What would be the consequence of the restoration of the ancient discipline 
 
 of the Church - - ib. 
 
 The sophistical way of arguing against ecclesiastical discipline from some 
 
 corruptions in the exercise of it - - - 162 
 
 How clergymen have been themselves, in all ages, the most severe in cen- 
 suring and lamenting these corruptions - - ib. 
 His argument from the mal-administration of Church censures unhinges 
 
 all manner of government - 163 
 
 And is big of absurdities - ib. 
 
 That from the execution of justice in capital cases by the civil magistrate 
 
 no less inconclusive - - - 1 64 
 
 His third and Harculean argument taken from the effect attributed to excom- 
 munication found weak and frivolous - 165 
 The avoiding the company of excommunicates not attended with such 
 
 consequences as he objects - - 166 
 
 Is most consonant to the express directions and command s of our Lord 
 
 and His Apostles - - - - ib. 
 
 Doth not discharge any one from the bonds of natural, domestic, or civil 
 
 relation - - 168 
 
 The case of a magistrate under excommunication stated - ib. 
 
 His fourth argument taken from the excommunicating persons for trifling 
 
 causes examined - - ib. 
 
 His fifth, that the magistrate will not then have all the power necessary for 
 
 the protection of his subjects, shewn fallacious - 169 
 
 His sixth, from the danger of imposition in things indifferent, and of a civil 
 
 nature - - 170 
 
 His ordinary fallacy of arguing against lawful power from the abuse of it ib. 
 That the Church hath power to appoint holydays, and even to give orders 
 
 concerning apparel - - - ib. 
 
 His pretended absurdity a most laudable apostolical institution - - ib. 
 
 An honourable conformity herewith in a queen of France - ib. 
 
 He begs the question - - - - 171 
 
 Which is a practice very familiar with him - - ib. 
 
 His seventh argument, that such a power gives the clergy cognizance of all 
 
 causes whatsoever, answered - - - 172 
 
 The Church disclaims all pretence to secular jurisdiction, as suggested - ib. 
 His eighth, that it subjects the same person to undergo two trials for the 
 
 same crime, enervated - - - 173 
 
 [SECT. IX.] OF THE POWER OF ORDINATION AND DEPRIVATION. 
 
 The fallacy of his argument for lay deprivation (and consequently lay ordi- 
 nation) detected . - -174 
 The consequence from putting to death to depriving never owned by the 
 
 ancient Christians - - 175 
 
 Another fallacy of his for the power of deprivation in the magistrate, which 
 
 begs the question. - - - - - -176,177 
 
CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 Page 
 
 A third fallacy as good as the former, in the case of imprisonment or banish- 
 ment - 177 
 His loose way of disputing against the power of ordination in the Church - ib. 
 The pretended inconsistency of it with the magistrate's power to protect the 
 
 commonwealth, precarious and absurd - 178 
 
 He wounds himself by it, and bewrays his own cause - ib. 
 Also the pretended incompossibility of such a power, with the magistrate's 
 
 obligation to protect the Church, disproved - - 179 
 
 Several fallacies and falsities more detected - ib. 
 
 How the tables may be easily turned upon him - - 180 
 
 The folly and blasphemy of his Horeb contract - - 181 
 
 The wild notion of his state of nature - - 182 
 
 His whole scheme overturned by the bishop of Sarum - - - 183 
 
 [SECT. X.] OF CHURCH REVENUES. 
 
 The revenues of the clergy a main eye-sore to him - - 183 
 
 His impeachment hence of the Divine wisdom for annexing such large 
 
 profits and privileges too on the Jewish priesthood - ib. 
 
 An observation out of Philo Judeus, whose tract concerning the rewards 
 
 and honours of the priesthood is recommended to this author - ib. 
 
 [SECT. XL] THE NEW SCHEME. 
 
 His new scheme of religion utterly destructive of Christianity - - 1 84 
 
 It is erected on many absurdities and false suppositions - - 185 
 
 He proves himself a creed-maker, and falls under his own condemnation - 186 
 His creed impartially considered, and his persecuting spirit set hereupon in 
 
 a due light - - - ib. 
 
 How easily a freer thinker than himself may retort back upon him all his 
 
 own reasons - ib. 
 
 He catches himself in a noose, and plainly shews himself an enemy to the 
 
 toleration - ... 187 
 
 And a betrayer of the subjects' liberty - - - - 188 
 
 [SECT. XII.] THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE EMPIRE AND 
 THE CHURCH STATED. 
 
 His method for preventing of priestcraft nothing else but mere threatening 
 
 the clergy - - ib. 
 
 His most formidable hereafter-book challenged - - - 1 89 
 
 This author's method for preventing of what he calls ecclesiastical tyranny 
 
 no more than a scarecrow - - ib. 
 
 The heroic answer of Catholic bishops to an Arian emperor, pursuing this 
 
 method - - ib. 
 
 His confounding of the priesthood and magistracy together strikes even at 
 
 Moses ------ . 190 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Yea at Christ Himself - - 19 
 
 The distinction of clergy and laity, how old - - ib. 
 The difference of the two powers certainly as old as the union of the Church 
 
 and empire - - ib. 
 
 Recognised by the greatest Christian emperors - - & 
 
 The declaration hereupon of the Emperor Basilius - - - ib. 
 
 [SECT. XIII.] THE INDEPENDENCY OF THESE TWO POWERS ON EACH 
 
 OTHER FARTHER PROVED. 
 
 1. By the difference of their originals 
 
 2. By their different extents - - 193 
 
 3. By the different ways by which men are admitted into them - ib. 
 
 4. By their different rights and privileges - - ib. 
 
 5. By the diversity of their ends and objects, &c. - - 194 
 A scurrilous and blasphemous comparison reflected upon 
 
 More sophistry exposed - ~ *b. 
 
 The rights of naturalization and baptism most different 
 
 The noble speech of Valentinian I. before and after the election of St Am- 
 brose to the bishopric of Milan - - 194 
 
 The respect anciently paid from emperors to bishops, and the case of the 
 
 tyrant Maximus being refused by St. Ambrose - 195 
 
 [SECT. XIV. INCONSISTENCIES IN TINDAL'S SCHEME.] 
 
 This author, in his rage against the Church, flatly contradicts his own prin- 
 ciples - 196 
 He argues down all government in the state that is not purely absolute 
 
 and despotical - - ib. 
 
 He puts weapons into the hands of the Church and court of Rome - - ib. 
 And of four new societies also near home - 197 
 
 While he pleads against one independency he sets up himself many inde- 
 pendencies - - ib. 
 His several independent powers in religion full as absurd and inconsistent 
 
 with the civil power as he even pretends the Church power to be - ib. 
 Nay more so, and are calculated for turning kingdoms into confusion and 
 
 blood - 198 
 
 By his principles any heretical sect whatsoever may and ought to rise 
 
 against the prince or state, in defence of their heresy - ib. 
 
 The case of the Docetes or other impure Gnostics, put - - ib. 
 
 The Church claims not by Divine right a greater independency on the state 
 than he by natural right allows every society but pretending to be a 
 Church - 199 
 
 This instanced in the power of 
 
 1. Legislation - - ib. 
 
 % Jurisdiction - - ib. 
 
 All religious fraternities censure their own disorderly members independently 
 
 on the magistrate - -- 200 
 
CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 Page 
 
 The fallacy of excluding the national Church alone from this common right 200 
 For the exercise but whereof our clergy are nicknamed Christian druids ib. 
 But the quakers, for exerting this independency in a far higher manner 
 
 than they, are helped out by his new scheme - - 201 
 
 This author gives them and all the sectaries another string to their bow - ib. 
 He betrays the royal supremacy, which he would seem to defend - - ib. 
 
 If the Church of England would but embrace his principle of natural right, 
 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19 would be no hindrance to her claiming the benefit 
 of this - ib. 
 
 What he pulls down with one hand he builds up with another > - 202 
 
 What the magistrate may expect to gain by the change of the old for the 
 
 new claim of ecclesiastical power - - - ib. 
 
 [SECT. XV.] OF THE ORIGINAL OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 His fraudulent way of arguing from the state of nature - - 203 
 
 1. Contrary to the history of the creation - - ib. 
 
 2. And to the common sense of mankind - - ib. 
 His scheme of government shewn to be wholly precarious and absurd - 204 
 
 Reflects upon God's wisdom - - 205 
 
 Is subversive of the very foundation of all governments - 206 
 
 God's institution of government vindicated from his calumnies - - ib. 
 
 His sovereign and subject fairly exposed in Trincalo and Stephano - ib. 
 
 How kings may in different respects be mutually subjects and sovereigns ib. 
 
 Several instances of persons in different capacities thus superior and infe- 
 rior to one another - 207 
 He insults the clergy with the power in the magistrate of depriving them - 208 
 His arguments for that power a flat contradiction to his own scheme - ib. 
 His great kindness for the Church revenues - - 209 
 The hypocritical mockery of Harry Martin - 210 
 
 THE CASE OF THE CHURCH AND CLERGY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 The Church of England would be very thankful to the state for the same 
 privileges which the Kirk of Scotland, so much applauded by this author, 
 enjoys by act of parliament - - 211 
 
 He licks up the spittle of a scandalous pamphlet, entitled, The Principles of 
 
 the Protestant Religion explained in a Letter of Resolution, &c. - 212 
 
 His fraudulent practice in using arguments after and out of other books 
 
 already confuted, without taking any notice of the answers - - ib. 
 
 His manifest sophistry in confounding what a man may naturally, with what 
 
 he can lawfully, do - - 213 
 
 His notorious falsity in maintaining the primitive Christians to have done 
 
 any social act by virtue of a natural right, laid open - - ib. 
 
 His hypothesis of an unalienable natural right, the most precarious whim that 
 
 can be - ib. 
 
 He has said nothing against convocations, but will serve equally against par- 
 liaments - - 214 
 
 Allowance to be made for human infirmities in all - 215 
 
 A debate between two gentlemen, the one an enemy, the other a friend to the 
 
 clergy - - ib. 
 
XX11 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 His most invidious and fallacious way of speaking of them, animadverted 
 
 upon - 215 
 
 He has no argument against the ecclesiastical, but will hold as well against 
 
 the regal power - - - - - - 21 6 
 
 [SECT. XVI.] OBJECTIONS AGAINST THE MISSION OF THE 
 CLERGY ANSWERED. 
 
 Why he ridicules the priests' claim of heing God's ambassadors to the people ib. 
 The first objection, from the want of miraculous credentials, considered - ib. 
 
 1 . Such credentials not likely to have been of any force with such as 
 
 him - - 217 
 
 2. They might be as well required for doctrines as for mission - 218 
 
 3. The Jewish prests under the second temple had them not - 219 
 
 4. They were given at first indifferently to all believers - - ib. 
 He and his club may demand them now of the laity, as well as of 
 
 the clergy - - 220 
 
 His second objection, from the want of a new Gospel to discover, frivolous - ib. 
 
 Bishop Stillingfleet's excellent answer hereupon - - note o, ib. 
 
 [SECT. XVII.] FRAUDULENT CITATIONS. 
 
 His citation out of Eutychius unanswerably refuted by Abraham Echellen- 
 
 sis, Morinus, Dr. Hammond, and Bishop Pearson - - 221 
 
 His most disingenuous way in citing a statute of Hen. VIII. detected - 223 
 Several artifices and falsities in his representation of the submission of the 
 
 clergy - - ib. 
 
 His plain misrepresentation of the recognition of the king's supremacy in 
 
 26 Hen. VIII. c. 1. - 226 
 
 Whereupon he is referred to the bishop of Sarum for an answer to that part 
 
 of his preface which relates to the law - 227 
 
 Particularly, 
 
 1. As to the submission of the clergy, and the extent of the royal 
 
 supremacy - - 228 
 
 2. As to the lay deprivations - - 232 
 His false citation of Tertullian flatly contradicting his sense - 233 
 His fraud in citing Bishop Bull - - ib. 
 
 His want of ingenuity in treating this champion of theNicene faith further 
 
 exposed - 236 
 
 His evil genius appears - 237 
 
 His unfair practice of quoting books and passages fully answered - - ib. 
 
 1. Against Archbishop Laud (135) 
 
 2. Against the Canon of Scripture - - 237 
 
 3. His story of the Culdees - 238 
 
 4. A passage of the Tertullian de Castitate - ib. 
 
 5. Bishop Stillingfleet's Irenicum censured by himself - 239 
 This bishop was his own best apologist, by other treatises written afterward 240 
 Four points wherein he is contrary to this author - ib. 
 
CONTENTS. XXlll 
 
 Page 
 [SECT. XVIII. THE POWERS OF THE CHURCH NOT 
 
 DERIVED FROM THE STATE.] 
 
 THAT THE CHURCH is NOT A PRIVATE VOLUNTARY, BUT A PUBLIC SOCIETY 
 
 OF CHRIST'S INSTITUTION. 
 His argument taken from the law for the Church's being only a private 
 
 society, an errant Fourberie - 242 
 
 Four arguments for his one - - ib. 
 
 The fallacy of his formidable if s - 243 
 
 And of his double entendre .'.-. _ 244 
 
 A plain case put which quite overturns his whole hypothesis - - 242 
 
 His wresting the laws of the land a miserable shift - - 244 
 
 That bishops in consecrating act not ministerially by virtue of the royal 
 
 authority - - ib. 
 
 The vanity of his argument against the original power of bishops to conse- 
 crate others - - 245 
 His saucy manner of treating the civil magistrate - - 246 
 His own argument retorted upon himself - - ib. 
 His sly pretence of defending the Church of England - 247 
 His most rare knack at wheedling the clergy - - ib. 
 Some notable instances more of his fallacious citing authors to serve his own 
 
 turn, viz., - I " - 248 
 
 1. My Lord Clarendon against Cressy - - ib. 
 
 2. Dr. Barrow of the pope's supremacy - - 249 
 3 Gomarus and Gualterus about the same - - 250 
 4. Dr. Scott's Christian Life - ib. 
 
 The true independent power of the Church vastly different from the false 
 
 independent power of the pope - - 249 
 
 The security of the prince and state how hereby best provided for - - 250 
 
 His dishonesty and malice in joining with papists, the greatest enemies to 
 
 popery - - 251 
 
 His method of writing admirably calculated for 
 
 1. A Treatise against Christianity, by a Veteran Atheist - - ib. 
 
 2. A Treatise against the Profession of the Law - - 252 
 
 3. Another against Monarchy, and the Civil Magistrate - - ib. 
 His inconsistency in stretching the prince's supremacy in spirituals, whom 
 
 he makes a servant to the people in temporals - ib. 
 
 His civil Demogorgon and Polyphemus reflected on - 253 
 
 The pernicious consequences of his subjecting the prince to the last resort of 
 
 the people - - - ib. 
 
 His dishonest way of quoting acts of parliament farther exemplified - ib. 
 
 That the clergy derive not their power of inflicting spiritual censures from 
 
 the state - - 254 
 
 How far the sentence of the spiritual judge ought to respect the secular 
 
 magistrate - - 256 
 
 [SECT. XIX. ON THE SACERDOTAL OFFICE AND ORDINATION.] 
 
 His mobbish arguments against the office and order of priesthood, confuted 
 
 by his own very concessions - - - - - ib. 
 
XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 He is more free in his allowance to the people, than to God Himself - 257 
 
 How a question of fact is to be determined - 258 
 
 The difference betwixt what any man can do, and what he can do in a sacer- 
 dotal ministerial manner, stated - ib. 
 His arguing against the Christian priesthood, the same with that of Corah - 259 
 And is of as much force against all orders of men in the state, as well as 
 
 in the Church - 260 
 
 A limitation of his, by which he confutes his own argument - - ib. 
 
 How good he is at contradicting himself - - ib. 
 
 His most profane applying of the term conjuration - ib. 
 
 His ridiculing of the consecration of bishops, and ordination of priests, vile 
 
 and blasphemous - - - 261 
 
 Baptism as well as ordination by his sarcasms, made to be a solemn 
 
 mockery - - ib. 
 
 His artifice to wound the Church of England through the sides of the 
 
 popish clergy - - 262 
 
 His ironical vindication of our clergy - - 263 
 
 No such office in the Church of England for the election of bishops, as 
 
 he mentions, ever before heard of - - - ib. 
 
 His scurrility and blasphemy animadverted upon - - ib. 
 
 His mocking at the clergy as if they made God their executioner, and put 
 
 themselves in His place - - - - -264 
 
 His heathenish liberty in speaking of the several persons of the blessed 
 
 Trinity - 265 
 
 A passage of his concerning heathenish inspiration applied home - - 266 
 
 [SECT. XX.] OF THE DIVINE INSTITUTION OF BISHOPS. 
 
 His first Herculean argument against it an old popular fallacy - - 268 
 
 His second, false in fact : and if true, proves so much as it plainly proves 
 
 nothing at all - 269 
 
 His third, most invidious and absurd, and impeaches the Divine goodness as 
 
 well as wisdom - - ib. 
 
 His fourth, no better than mere clamour, and that many times answered - ib. 
 That no strict doctrines are to be rejected for the severity of their conse- 
 quences - - 270 
 That this doctrine in particular, unchurches none ; but that they unchurch 
 
 themselves, who throw off a government of God's institution - - 271 
 
 Who they are that weaken most the Protestant cause, and widen the distance 
 
 among Protestants - - ib. 
 
 The plea of necessity considered - - ib. 
 
 A most serious and compassionate exhortation to the Protestant Churches 
 
 abroad, to perfect their reformation upon catholic principles - 272-277 
 A noble passage of St. Ignatius to the Christians of Smyrna - - 273 
 
 Principles may easily be broken, but cannot be bent - - 275 
 
 Tenderness for all the reformed Churches, and particularly for the French, 
 
 testified - - 277 
 
 An appeal to what the author has preached and printed for them - ib. 
 
CONTENTS. XXV 
 
 Page 
 The ill design herein of this writer upon them discovered ; and his main 
 
 objection answered - - 276 
 
 The principles upon which the Church of England reformed not to be 
 
 violated - - 277 
 
 Whether they that wilfully abdicate episcopacy, and plead it their duty so to 
 
 do, deserve the name of a Church - - 278 
 
 A prayer for those that are in such a state - ib. 
 
 That he may but load a Catholic principle with invectives, he even contra- 
 dicts the foundation of his whole work - 279 
 His charging this principle (1.) As destructive to the presbyterian Church 
 
 of Scotland, examined - - ib. 
 
 (2.) As not favourable to the revolution, considered - - 280 
 
 His own opinion full as destructive to the Scottish presbyterian Church 
 
 as this can be - - - 279 
 
 By his way of reasoning, the presbyterians, both English and Scotch, 
 
 must have no favourable opinion of the revolution - - 280 
 
 Some figures of his rhetoric reflected upon - ib. 
 
 [SECT. XXI.] OF AN UNINTERRUPTED SUCCESSION OF BISHOPS 
 IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 
 
 The Church of Rome, in what sense a true Church, and in what not - 281 
 
 The objection against our deriving succession from the said Church 
 
 answered - - 282 
 
 And this answer never yet replied to - - - ib. 
 
 The weak apology of the French ministers, when pressed by the Papists to 
 
 shew their mission - - 283 
 
 The reason why the Lord Chancellor Clarendon never would communicate 
 
 with the French Protestants - ib. 
 
 A citation out of that noble historian by this writer impertinent to his 
 
 purpose - - 284 
 
 For which he is referred to another that is more pertinent - ib. 
 
 How Bishop Morley and others refused communion with them on the 
 
 same account - - ib. 
 
 Three reasons for declining an answer to what he has transcribed out of the 
 
 Bishop of S arum's Exposition of the Twenty-third Article - - 285 
 
 Some queries humbly offered to his lordship's serious consideration on 
 
 that subject - - 287 291 
 
 His lordship's character of episcopacy recommended - - 291 
 
 [SECT. XXII.] OF THE UNITY AND ORIGINAL RIGHTS OF THE 
 CATHOLIC CHURCH. 
 
 The interests of popery how and by whom best served - - 293 
 
 His fallacy in confounding the notion of the unity of the Catholic Church, 
 by comparing national Churches with the government of independent 
 kingdoms - - ib. 
 
XXVI CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Why Christians all the world over make but one body politic in ecclesiastics 295 
 
 His first argument against this answered - 296 
 
 His second argument examined - - ib. 
 
 Comparisons to set forth the unity hereof according to the reasonings of the 
 
 New Testament - ib. 
 
 His mad attempt to have many independent Churches of natural right, in- 
 stead of one Holy Catholic Church of Divine right - - 298 
 
 The prejudices and objections against this principle of unity in the Church 
 
 of England considered - - ib. 
 
 His ridiculous essay to batter down Church unity and episcopal ordination 
 
 by act of parliament - ib. 
 
 His repeated attack against episcopal consecrations - ib. 
 
 He makes very strange work with pnemunire - - 299 
 
 Some other queries put hereupon to him to answer -... ib. 
 
 His crambe objection dismissed, with three notable interrogations for him 
 
 to chew upon - 300 
 
 His art of smuggling what makes against him - - 301 
 
 An assertion of his against reason and fact - - ib. 
 
 Authorities of lawyers and records to prove that our kings have sat and 
 
 administered justice in their courts of judicature - 302, sqq. 316 
 
 Another bundle of queries for him to answer, upon his scheme of consecra- 
 tion derived solely from the crown - - 305 
 
 His argument from penal restraints most trifling and false - - ib. 
 
 An answer to his objections from the act of submission, in the words of the 
 
 bishop of Lincoln and of Dr. Kennett - 306, 307 
 
 All his arguments against Church government sophistical, and plainly 
 
 against fact - 308 
 
 A judicious observation of Spalatensis - - note m, ib. 
 
 Some authors referred to for full satisfaction herein - - 309 
 
 His fanatical objection of a popedom being unavoidable from the episcopal 
 
 constitution of Church government exploded - ib. 
 
 His extravagant way of arguing, in contradiction to plain fact, and consen- 
 tient testimony of Churches - ib. 
 
 His calumny upon the English clergy for carrying the power of the Church 
 
 as high as the papists, reflected on - 310 
 
 His notorious misapplication of authors to serve a turn - - 311 
 
 How he perverts the words of Mr. Chillingworth - - ib. 
 
 Reflections upon a saying of King Charles II. cited by him, and upon 
 
 another of one whom he calls a reverend divine - 312 
 
 His challenge accepted - - ib. 
 
 His seeking protection from the laity reflected on - ib. 
 
 A strange paradox and riddle from him - - 314 
 
 Some of his contradictions taken notice of - ib. 
 
 His scurrilous language given the clergy - - 315 
 
 His fallacious representation of the spiritual power as the occasion of all 
 
 mischiefs to mankind - - ib. 
 
 Nothing so good but it may be the accidental cause of evil - ib. 
 
 His objection from the parliament's authorizing thirty-two persons to esta- 
 blish ecclesiastical laws, answered by Dr. Fuller and Dr. Atterbury - 317 
 
 His objection of a parliamentary religion whence borrowed - 318 
 
CONTENTS. XXVll 
 
 Page 
 
 His popish design detected - 310, 318 
 
 His pretty artifice in bringing the arguments of the Church of Rome against 
 
 the Church of England 293, 310, 318 
 
 His republican design manifested - - - - -318 
 
 His notion of natural freedom contrary to the law of nations which intro- 
 duced slavery, and to the Scriptures - ib. 
 
 [SECT. XXIII.] OBSERVATIONS AND REFLECTIONS UPON THE WHOLE. 
 
 General reflections upon the method, originals, and scope of this master- 
 piece of antichristian heresy - - - 319 
 The author's satisfaction and comfort in the many lies and libels upon him 
 
 by infidels - - 321 
 
 His apologetic for what he has written about the ancient order of the com- 
 munion office - - ib. 
 And for the observation of the. restored Rubric, and the use also of the 
 
 Paratorium - 322 
 
 A word in season to Dr. Hancock and to some besides 324 
 
 His humble and serious address to the clergy - - 325 
 
 His design of a paraenesis to the candidates of the priesthood - 326 
 
 A reflection made upon the author for crying out of the times, fairly con- 
 sidered - 327 
 An appeal to, and vindication of, the primitive fathers, with the holy pro- 
 phets also and Apostles, upon this charge - - 329 
 What it is that some think fit to call blackening the times - 330 
 The attempts of atheists and deists not altogether so despicable as pretended 331 
 Critical and miscellaneous remarks interspersed. 1. Terms of exception 
 not always taken in an exclusive, but sometimes in a comparative 
 sense, 91, note b. 2. The proper difference of hostia and victima; 
 and 3. The distinction of the Eucharistical oblation before and after 
 the consecration in St Cyprian, 96, note b. 4. The difference of ara 
 and altare, 96, note e, and 122, note a. 5. Of dvatcurr-fipiov and w/tb$, 
 122, note a. 6. Different senses of propitiation and propitiatory, 109, 
 note n. 7. And of sacraments, 110, note q. 8. irpdQfais, 129, note y. 
 9. Credenza, 129, 130, note b. 10. vpoff<popl for the holy communion, 
 327. 11. The lepci Sewa of the gods in Pollux, 118, note q. 12. 
 Excommunication errante clave, 181, note u. 13. Mysteries of Mithra, 
 119, note s. 14. Parliaments, 148, note z. 
 
 Occasional remarks upon the growth of deism, &c. The arguments of 
 Hobbes, Selden, Spinoza, and Marvel against the true rights of the 
 Church, where answered, 67, note a ; 69, notch. And by whom licked 
 up again, 67, 320. Some late books censured that strike at the very 
 root of Christianity, 79, note s. Where to find an antidote against 
 them, 320, 326. Mr. Le Clerc, 157, note j. Mr. Ob. Walker, 227. 
 Dr. Hancock, 322, note z. Bishop Trimnel, 327331. The Chris- 
 tian Priesthood constantly supposed by the book of Ordination, and by 
 the Liturgy and Rubrics of the Church of England, 106. That spiri- 
 tual governors must deliver their own souls, 329. The most proper 
 course in evil times, ib. 
 
XXV111 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Honourable mention made of Dr. Atterbury, 223, 224, 308, 317. Dr. Bar- 
 row, 249. Bishop Beveridge, 326. Bishop Bilson, 267. Bishop 
 Bull, 237, 326. Bishop Fox of Hereford, 162, note y. Dr. Grabe, 
 237, &c. Dr. Hammond, 326. Mr. Nelson, 314. Bishop Parker, 
 67, 326. Bishop Pearson, 250. Bishop Stillingfleet, 220, note o. 
 Bishop Wake, 306, note f. Sir George Wheeler, 129. A notable 
 passage of Livy upon the times, 330. 
 The author's conclusion and address to the bishops and clergy in the words 
 
 of Hugo Floriacensis - - - - - - 332 
 
AN ACCOUNT OF THIS THIRD EDITION OP THE FOLLOWING BOOK, AND THE 
 ADDITIONS THEREIN ; WHEREIN DR. HAKEWILL's DISSERTATION WITH 
 DR. HEYLIN TOUCHING THE PRETENDED SACRIFICE IN THE EUCHARIST, 
 IS ANSWERED J WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS AND STRICTURES UPON THE 
 CHARGE, WHICH THE BISHOP OF NORWICH DELIVERED TO THE CLERGY 
 OF THE DIOCESE, AT A VISITATION IN THE YEAR l709 a . 
 
 I THINK myself obliged to give some account of the addi- ACCOUNT 
 tions in every part of this book, by which in this edition it 
 is augmented into two volumes. I shall begin with the first 
 treatise of The Christian Priesthood, in which something 
 hath been added in almost every page of the former editions, 
 but more especially from the thirty-eighth to the sixty-fifth 
 page, where I treated uf the Christian sacrifice or oblation 
 in the holy Eucharist ; and what in them took up but four- 
 teen leaves, in this edition printed in the same types takes 
 up fifty-two, from page 42 to page 146 b . Where, as I pro- 
 mised elsewhere , and another d hath promised for me, I have 
 
 a [Dr. Charles Trimnel, bishop of 
 Norwich, delivered a charge at his 
 primary visitation in 1709, which was 
 published at the request of the clergy 
 in the following year. After reflecting 
 on the book called The Rights of the 
 Christian Church, &c., he considers 
 three "opinions that have been revived 
 of late with some zeal in behalf of the 
 clergy. . . . The independence of the 
 Church upon the State; the power of 
 offering sacrifices, properly so called; 
 and the power of forgiving sins ;" as 
 having been chiefly put forward "by 
 those of the late separation," pp. 5, 6. 
 He referred, p. 13, to Hakewill's work 
 against Heylin. See below, p. 6. He 
 became bishop of Winchester in 1721, 
 and died 1723. 
 
 Heylin had published in 1637, An- 
 tidotum Lincolniense, or an answer to 
 a book entitled, the Holy Table name 
 and thing, which book was a reply by 
 Williams, bishop of Lincoln, to Hey- 
 lin' s former work, A Coal from the 
 Altar : or an answer to the Bishop of 
 Lincoln's letter to the Vicar of Gran- 
 tham against placing the Communion- 
 table in the manner of an Altar, 1636. 
 In sect. ii. c. 5, 6 of the Antidotum 
 Lincolniense he treats of the Eucha- 
 
 ristic sacrifice. In 1641 Dr. George 
 Hakewill, rector of Exeter college, and 
 archdeacon of Surrey, published a re- 
 ply to it, of which there was a second 
 edition in 1645.] 
 
 b [That is, of the third edition, being 
 the sections 6 9 and part of sect. 10 
 of the second chapter of The Christian 
 Priesthood.] 
 
 c In the epistle to the reader, before 
 the Second Collection of Controversial 
 Letters, [relating to the Church of 
 England and to the Church of Rome, 
 by George Hickes, D.D., printed for 
 Richard Sare at Gray's Inn Gate in 
 Holborn, 1710. This Preface is wholly 
 in reply to Dr. Hancock's Answer ; (see 
 note g of the following page) : p. xv. 
 he says, " as I am preparing a third 
 edition of my two treatises ... so . 
 I shall (in it) without any other de- 
 fence obviate rather than answer his 
 chief objections."] 
 
 d [The Rev. Hilkiah Bedford, A.M., 
 in] A seasonable and modest apology 
 in behalf of Dr. George Hickes and 
 other Non- Jurors ; in a letter to Th. . 
 Wise, D.D. [on occasion of his late 
 Visitation Sermon, &c. The author 
 was engaged in translating Casau- 
 bon's treatise (Appendix, No. vi.) for 
 
EDITION. 
 
 2 Objections to the doctrine of the Eucharistic sacrifice. 
 
 ACCOUNT shewed from the unanimous and universal tradition of the 
 OF THIRD anc j ent Catholic Church, that the holy Eucharist like other 
 material oblations, was deemed a sacrifice, in which the bread 
 and wine was really and literally offered up to God the 
 Father; and that the ancient doctrine and belief of its be- 
 ing a proper sacrifice, is at least as plainly founded in the 
 Scriptures of the New Testament, as several other doctrines 
 which those, who are so unwilling to embrace this, believe 
 upon the consentient universal tradition of the same Catho- 
 lic Church. To pass over what Dr. Wise hath said in his 
 Visitation Sermon 6 , as not worthy of farther notice than 
 hath been already taken of it f ; two other persons of the 
 contrary opinion have written against it since the last edition 
 of my book, to wit, Dr. Hancock in two tracts mentioned 
 in the margin 8 , and Bishop Trimnel in his Charge de- 
 livered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Norwich. But they 
 have both received such a full and solid answer from an un- 
 known very judicious and learned hand, in a book entitled, 
 The propitiatory Oblation in the Holy Eucharist, &c. h that 
 
 Dr. Hickes : in it he says, " I hear 
 he has put his discourse of the Chris- 
 tian Priesthood, &c., a third time to 
 press. . . . This edition will I under- 
 stand be enlarged very much in behalf 
 of the Eucharistical oblation. ..." p. 4. 
 London, 1710. Dr. Wise replied in 
 a work called, The Christian Eucharist 
 rightly stated, and a rejoinder was 
 published, entitled, A Vindication of 
 the Rev. Dr. George Hickes, and the 
 author of the seasonable and modest 
 apology, from the undeserved reflec- 
 tions of the Rev. Dr. Thomas Wise 
 in his book entituled, &c. London, 
 Morphew, 1712, by a Presbyter of the 
 Church of England. Both the Apology 
 and Vindication are attributed to Hickes 
 himself in the note to the article on his 
 life in the General Dictionary.] 
 
 e [It was called, The faithful stewards, 
 or the pastoral duty, preached at Can- 
 terbury, June 1, 1710.] 
 
 f In a letter to the Doctor, entitled, 
 A seasonable and modest apology 
 in behalf of Dr. George Hickes, and 
 other Non-Jurors. London, printed 
 for Sam. Keble, 1710. 
 
 K An answer to some things con- 
 tained in Dr. Hickes' s Christian Priest- 
 hood [asserted, and in his preface, con- 
 cerning the Christian Sacrifice. By a 
 
 Presbyter of the Church of England. 
 London, 1709.] and Patres Vindicati 
 [designed as a supplement to a book 
 entitul'd, An answer to some things, 
 &c. By John Hancock, D.D., author 
 of the said book. London, 1709. The 
 first work was anonymous. Dr. Han- 
 cock was rector of St. Margaret's, 
 Lothbury, and was one of the four 
 London clergy (Hoadly being another) 
 who refused to join in the address of 
 the bishop and clergy to the queen in 
 1710. He had preached the Boyle Lec- 
 tures in 1706.] 
 
 h London, printed for John Morphew 
 near Stationers' Hall, 1 710. [The Propi- 
 tiatory Oblation in the Holy Eucharist 
 truly stated and defended from Scrip- 
 ture, antiquity, and the communion 
 service of the Church of England . . . 
 in which some notice is taken of Dr. 
 Hancock's answer to Dr. Hickes. This 
 pamphlet was written by John John- 
 son, author of the Unbloody Sacri- 
 fice, " anonymously to avoid offence." 
 After it was written, Bishop Trimnel' s 
 Charge was published ; and as he had 
 animadverted on some passages in the 
 Clergyman's Vade Mecum, (the notes 
 on the 2nd Apostolical Canon,) which 
 had also been published anonymously, 
 in 1705 and 1707, Johnson replied in 
 
Not strange that clergy should maintain it ; 3 
 
 I might have been excused, had I not added one word to ACCOUNT 
 what I had written upon that subject, in the former editions EDITION. 
 of The Christian Priesthood. However, I thought all learned 
 men, interested in this controversy, would expect something 
 more from me upon this subject; and I hope that I have 
 now said enough to make it appear, that all the ancient 
 Churches believed the bread and wine to be the proper 
 subject matter of the Christian oblation in the holy Eucha- 
 rist, or the sensible things which they really offered, and 
 believed ought to be really offered, to God in that holy ser- 
 vice, for the sacrificial feast ; and by consequence that they 
 thought it to be an outward sacrifice properly so called. 
 In these additions I have also tacitly answered the most 
 material objections of those two authors against the Chris- 
 tian sacrifice, as they themselves, or any other persons 
 versed in their writings, may perceive ; and I hope the lat- 
 ter, when he hath read them, will not think it so " new or 
 unaccountable, that the presbyters of a reformed Church 
 should lay claim to it l " as his lordship expresses himself. 
 Surely they have a right to claim that which the prelates of 
 the whole Catholic Church claimed, and to which bishops 
 themselves were expressly ordained, viz., to offer up the bread 
 and cup in that holy Sacrament, as I have shewed j from the 
 most ancient form of consecration ; and that they ought to 
 esteem that as an honour, which I have shewed was so often 
 singled out as the most honourable part of the priest's office, 
 even of the episcopal office itself. Wherefore the bishop ob- 
 jects to little purpose, that this doctrine of ' offering a proper 
 sacrifice in the Eucharist k ' "hath been revived of late for ad- 
 vancing the honour of the clergy :" but it is not any matter, 
 
 a long postscript. To this Trimnel sent honour of the clergy, with as little 
 
 out an answer in a second edition of foundation and as little probability of 
 
 his Charge in 1713, to which John- success as the former, (viz. that of the 
 
 son replied in the Prefatory Epistle independence of the Church upon the 
 
 addressed to the bishop of Norwich, State,) is that of their being appointed 
 
 prefixed to the Unbloody Sacrifice, in to offer a proper sacrifice in the Sacra- 
 
 1714, in which, p. 5, he acknowledges ment of the Eucharist. That the 
 
 himself the author of this pamphlet and priests of the Romish communion 
 
 the Vade Mecum.] should pretend to this power is no 
 
 1 Visitation Charge, p. 13. wonder at all, but it is pretty new 
 
 j Christian Priesthood, [ch. ii. sect. and somewhat unaccountable, that the 
 
 10. 6.] presbyters of a reformed Church should 
 
 k ["The second opinion, which has lay claim to it." Visitation Charge, p. 
 
 been revived of late, for advancing the 13.] 
 
4 or the independence of the Church ; 
 
 ACCOUNT how lately it hath been revived, or by whom, or for what 
 EDITION, end, so it be true and catholic, quod ab omnibus, quod ubique, 
 quod semper, as I hope I have proved it to be. His lordship 
 also tells his clergy, that " it is advanced with as little foun- 
 dation and as little probability of success as that of the inde- 
 pendence of the Church upon the State." To which I an- 
 swer first, that if it hath but as good a foundation as the in- 
 dependence of the Church upon the State, its foundation is 
 very sure in the Scriptures, fathers, and councils, as he may 
 see in Is. Casaubon's Tract De Liber tate Ecclesiastica, which 
 I have published in the Appendix 1 for my own justification, 
 and I hope for his lordship's satisfaction. As for the success 
 of either doctrine, that is in the hands of God ; but his lord- 
 ship must be little acquainted with the world, if he doth not 
 know there are considerable numbers amongst the most 
 learned who believe both, and particularly that of the Eucha- 
 ristical sacrifice, as he hath found by The Propitiatory Ob- 
 lation 111 , and the prooemial Dissertation of Mr. Hughes before 
 S. Chrysost. de Sacerdotio, translated into English in the Ap- 
 pendix" ; and may also find by the living testimonies of others 
 I have produced . And if his lordship will do me the honour 
 to believe me, I can assure him there are very many more of 
 the best authority and reputation, both among the clergy 
 and laity too, besides Mr. Nelson p , who believe this doc- 
 trine ; and I beseech his lordship to consider, if it is so new 
 or so unaccountable for the presbyters of a reformed Church 
 to assert it, as for bishops q and presbyters of the Church 
 
 1 [App 
 m Joh 
 
 endix, No. vi.] <i [In the previous year, 1710, at 
 
 [John Johnson was then rector of Dr. Sacheverell's trial, " Talbot, bishop 
 
 Cranbrook, and proctor for the diocese of Oxford, Wake, bishop of Lincoln, 
 
 of Canterbury. He is alluded to also Trimnel, bishop of Norwich, and my- 
 
 in the Vindication of Dr. Hickes and self, spoke on the other side. We 
 
 the author of the Seasonable and Mo- shewed the falsehood of an opinion too 
 
 dest Apology, " Is it not evidently the commonly received, that the Church of 
 
 doctrine of jurors too, and hath not one England has always condemned resist- 
 
 of them, a person of great worth and ance." Burnet's Own Times, ii. 544. 
 
 learning, lajely written a very judicious fol. 1734. Their chief argument, as 
 
 book in defence of it called the Pro- stated by Burnet, (ibid.,) was that the 
 
 pitiatory Oblation ?" pp. 30, 31. Lon- English government had, during seve- 
 
 don, 1712.] ral reigns, assisted the French Protes- 
 
 11 [Appendix, No. viii.] tants in their wars against their kings, 
 
 In the Preface and Appendix, and that convocation had voted sub- 
 
 [No. vii.] sidies for the purpose. 
 
 p [See The great duty of frequent- In a sermon preached before the 
 
 rng the Christian Sacrifice, by Robert house of lords, Feb. 17, 1708, p. 5. 
 
 Nelson, published in 1707.] Bp. Trimnel spoke of resistance to ar- 
 
not so strange as the doctrine of resistance ; 5 
 
 of England to assert the doctrine of resistance, which is as ACCOUNT 
 plainly condemned by her in all cases, or for any cause, as EDITION. 
 these, and many such like words and sentences, can express. 
 When my lord can bring me half as many, or half as plain 
 texts of Scripture against the Eucharistical oblation, as I 
 can bring against resistance; or prove it not to have been 
 the doctrine of the ancient Catholic Church, from half as 
 many, or half as plain testimonies of fathers and councils, as 
 I have proved it was; then I will believe with Mr. Hoadly r , 
 that resistance of sovereign powers is not only lawful, but 
 laudable; and that it is our duty to resist and depose them, 
 when they do not answer the ends of government, and a 
 damnable sin in that case not to resist. I think it very 
 strange for any bishop or presbyter of the Church of Eng- 
 land to oppose a doctrine which is so apparently founded in 
 Scripture, and supported by antiquity, universality, and con- 
 sent, and yet embrace another which is neither warranted by 
 Scripture or tradition, but expressly condemned by both, as 
 well as by that Church of which they are priests. And if it 
 be an argument against the oblation of the bread and wine 
 in the Eucharist, that Mr. Mede and Dr. Heylin were the 
 first writers of the reformed Churches that published this 
 doctrine, as the bishop 8 from Dr. Hakewill* observes; how 
 
 bitrary power as " a cause so laudable Def. of Serm. c. i. Hoadly's "Works, 
 
 in itself that they stand recorded with vol. ii. p. 37. London, 1773.] 
 the highest honour in the history of s ["Though I am not aware of any er- 
 
 all ages and nations, who have gone ror in Dr. Hakewill's affirming Dr. Hey- 
 
 farthest in maintaining the freedom of lin to have been the first among the re- 
 
 their country, &c." Jan. 30th, 1711-12, formed that published to the world the 
 
 he preached a sermon before the house doctrine of a proper sacrifice in the 
 
 of lords, which gave such offence that Eucharist ; yet it must be acknow- 
 
 the usual vote of thanks was not passed. ledged, that the learned Mr. Mede's 
 
 Itwas published with a defence in 1713.] Discourse upon that subject since pub- 
 
 * [In a Sermon preached before the lished was made about that time, if not 
 
 lord mayor on Michaelmas day, 1705, a little before it." Visitation Charge, 
 
 reprinted in the same year with a de- p. 15. Heylin's work was published 
 
 fence, entitled, Measures of submis- in 1637. His preface is dated May 10. 
 
 sion to the civil magistrate considered. Mede died in 1638. His treatise, On the 
 
 London, 1705. Christian Sacrifice, was first published 
 
 " Supposing it is true, that govern- in 1648, but a small tract, Of the name 
 ors act contrary to the end of their Altar or Ovffiacrr^piov, anciently given 
 institution ; invade the rights of their to the holy table, written as a chapel 
 subjects ; and attempt the ruin of that common-place in 1635, containing the 
 society over which they are placed; it same doctrine, was published in 1637. 
 is lawful, and glorious for these subjects Imprimatur 17 cal. Jul. 1637.] 
 to consult the happiness of the public, * ["He (Dr. Heylin) is the first of 
 and of their posterity after them, by op- the reformed Churches who ever pub- 
 posing and resisting such governors." lished this doctrine." Hakewill's Diss. 
 
6 if peculiar / so is our episcopacy. 
 
 ACCOUNT much a better argument is it against the doctrine of resist- 
 ance tnat those among us, whom I need not name, were the 
 first writers of the Church of England owning her communion, 
 that contrary to her doctrine, their own subscriptions to it, 
 the testimony of her martyrs, and the whole torrent of her 
 writers since the Reformation, published that doctrine, which 
 if it be false must needs be damnable ; whereas the doctrine 
 of the Eucharistical oblation, as taught by me after Mr. Mede 
 and others, if it be not true, is but a harmless error, for the 
 belief and practice of which no man shall endanger his soul ? 
 But indeed it is no argument at all against the Eucharistical 
 sacrifice, were it true, that Mede and Heylin were the first 
 publishers of it in our Church, unless my lord will acknow- 
 ledge it to be an argument against his own order, that of all 
 the reformed Churches, the Church of England was the first, 
 and almost the only one which hath retained episcopacy, and 
 taught that it was to be continued in the Church u . How 
 therefore, how can it be an argument against an old catho- 
 lic doctrine and practice, that it is at any time revived and 
 published where it happens to be forgot, neglected, or dis- 
 used ? Though I grant his lordship, it is a very strong argu- 
 ment against any doctrine and practice, and particularly that 
 of resistance of which catholic antiquity was not only en- 
 tirely silent, but full of testimonies to the contrary and the 
 difference of the two cases is so great, that I may presume to 
 tell his lordship, and I hope without offence, that the doc- 
 trine of the Christian sacrifice in the Eucharist needs fear 
 no censure ; but that of resistance, as it deserves censure, so 
 it hath just reason to fear it, and will, I trust, sooner or later 
 feel the censures of the Church x . 
 
 p. 3. Heylin, (Antidotum Lincolniense, as in the lower house of convocation, 
 
 sect. ii. c. v. p. 32,) referred to Bps. Some years previously Hoadly's ser- 
 
 Andrewes, Answer to Cardinal Perron, mon had been presented for censure by 
 
 c. 6, Morton, Of the Romish Sacri- the lower house of convocation 
 
 fice, b. vi. c. 5, and Montague, Appello " They do in the last place earnestly 
 
 Caesarem, p. 287.] desire your lordships that some synodi- 
 
 u Preface before the form and man- cal notice may be taken of the dishon- 
 
 ner of making, ordaining, and conse- our done to the Church by a sermon 
 
 crating bishops, priests, and deacons. preached by Mr. Benjamin Hoadly, at 
 
 * [This was written after Dr. Sach- St. Lawrence Jewry, Sept. 29, 1705, 
 
 everell's trial, in 1711, when there was containing positions contrary to the doc- 
 
 a strong popular feeling in favour of trine of the Church, expressed in the 
 
 the doctrine of non-resistance, and the first and second parts of the homily 
 
 "Church party" were predominant in against disobedience or wilful rebel- 
 
 the ministry and parliament, as well lion." A letter of the lower house 
 
OF THIRD 
 EDITION. 
 
 Testimonies passed over by Hakewill. 
 
 But his lordship saith that " Dr. Hakewill in his Disserta- ACCOUNT 
 tion hath shewn that neither the Scriptures, nor the autho- 
 rity of the fathers, do warrant any such notion v ." But I 
 appeal to any unprejudiced person, who will compare what I 
 have written upon this subject with what Dr. Hakewill hath 
 said against it, whether he hath shewn, or could shew, that 
 there is no notion of a visible, true, and proper sacrifice in 
 the Scriptures and fathers, as sacrifice signifies an oblation 
 of a sensible or visible gift to God. The Doctor only pre- 
 tends to prove that neither Irenaeus nor Eusebius, cited by 
 Heylin, are to be understood of a sacrifice properly so called. 
 But Dr. Heylin proves it also from other authorities, as 
 those of St. Ignatius 2 , Justin Martyr 8 , Tertullian b , Cyprian c , 
 of which Hakewill takes no notice. As to Irenseus, Dr. 
 Heylin cited only two passages out of him, which are in 
 Latin, in lib. iv. cap. 34, the first d of them is thus a little 
 abbreviated: Non genus oblationum reprobatum est ; obla- 
 tiones enim et illic, oblationes autem et hie: sacrificia in 
 populo, sacrificia et in Ecclesia : sed species immutata est 
 tantum, quippe cum jam non a servis sed a liberis offeratur*. 
 But this passage Dr. Hakewill passes over, I need not stick 
 to say because it was too hard for him, especially as attended 
 with other passages he could not solve ; as, Ecclesics oblatio t 
 quam Dominus docuit offerri in universo mundo, purum sacri- 
 ficium reputatum est apud Deum, et acceptum ei est : non quod 
 indigeat a nobis sacriftcium } sed quoniam is qui offert, glorifi- 
 catur ipse in eo quod offert, si acceptetur munus ejus. Per 
 munus enim erga regem, et honos, et affectio ostenditur : quod 
 in omni simplicitate et innocentia Dominus volens vos offerre f 
 prcedicavit dicens, ( cum igitur offers* munus tuum ad altar e,' 
 
 (of convocation) to the archbishop and pretantur B. Clemens Rom. lib. ii. 
 
 bishops about books and writings. Constit. Apost, cap. Iviii. (Ivii.) [Con- 
 
 (Feb. 19, 1705-6.) Wilkins' Concilia, cil., torn. i. pp. 289, 290, E.] Optatus 
 
 vol. iv. pp. 633, 634.] Milevitanus, lib. vi. contra Parmenia- 
 
 y Visitation Charge, p. 13. num, [Op. p. Ill,] Cyrillus Hieros. 5. 
 
 * [Antidotum Lincolniense, sect. 2. Catechesis mystagogica. [p. 326. B.]' 
 
 cap. v. pp. 9, 10.] Feuardentius. Dicti enim, ut et alii 
 
 a [Ibid., sect. 2. cap. v. p. 10.] auctores, memorant ritum Ecclesiae, quo 
 
 h [Ibid., sect. 2. cap. v. p. 12.] per diaconos hortabatur fideles ad S. 
 
 c [Ibid., sect. 2. cap. v. p. 14.] Eucharistiam accessuros, ne cum in- 
 
 d [Ibid., sect. 2. cap. v. p. 11.] imicitia vel discordia ad altare venirent, 
 
 e [Contra Haereses, lib. iv. cap. xvi'i. in hoc servatoris praecepto utique fun- 
 
 2. p. 250.] datum. Et sane cum hoc contineatur 
 
 1 " ' Hunc Evangelii locum de Eu- eximio isto sermone, quo novam Le- 
 
 charistiae oblatione cum Irenaeo inter- gem, aut veterem renovatam, fidelibus 
 
8 Heylin's testimonies from Ignatius, 
 
 ACCOUNT fyc. e There are many more such literal passages in that 
 EDITION, chapter, besides what that father had said in the chapter 
 preceding : as, Sed et suis discipulis dans consilium, primitias 
 Deo offerre ex suis creaturis non quasi indigently sed ut ipsi 
 nee infructuosi, nee ingrati sint, eum qui ex creatura est panis, 
 accepit, et gratias egit, dicens : Hoc, fyc. Et calicem similiter, 
 <?. Et novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem ; quam EC- 
 clesia ab Apostolis accipiens, in universo mundo offert Deo, 
 *c. h The other passage which Heyliri 1 uses is this : Offeri- 
 mus ei } non quasi indigenti, sed gratias agentes donationi k ejus, 
 et sanctificantes creaturam 1 . This passage the Doctor cited 
 to shew only what kind of sacrifice the Eucharistical was, 
 to wit, a sacrifice of gratitude and thanksgiving, whereof the 
 materials, viz., the bread and wine, were sanctified or conse- 
 crated by the priest. To this Dr. Hakewill saith nothing 
 what became him, but in a most futile manner replies, ' ' But 
 is any man so weak as from thence to infer a sacrifice properly 
 so called? The sanctifying [or blessing,] or consecrating 
 [of] the bread to holy uses, we all grant to be the proper 
 office of the priest or presbyter, and the giving of thanks 
 common to him and the people, but that either of these is a 
 sacrifice properly so called, that we deny and desire to see 
 proved" 1 ." But did not the Doctor know that the consecra- 
 tion of the bread, and giving of thanks, to which Heylin 
 observed offerimus relates, was of the bread as of an offering, 
 as a munus or gift to God, and an oblation of the New Tes- 
 tament? Besides the passages just now cited out of Irenseus, 
 these which follow in the same chapter prove it most ex- 
 pressly : Oportet enim nos oblationem Deo facer e .... hanc ob- 
 
 suis observandam promulgavit ; non riale panis et vini, quod verbo edendi 
 
 tarn Mosaicas oblationes cum altari et clare significat Apostolus." Grabe in 
 
 templo brevi abolendas, sed altare ac locum. [S. Iren. contra Haereses, lib. iv. 
 
 sacrificium Ecclesiae jamjam institu- cap.xxxiv.p.324.ed.Grabe. Oxon.1702.] 
 endum praecipue respexisse, ac tale if [Id. ibid., cap. xviii. 1. p. 250. ed. 
 
 supposuisse videtur, quale etiam in Bened.] 
 
 Christianorum ccetibus fuisse, non so- h [Id. ibid., cap. xxxii. p. 323. ed. 
 
 lum Irenaeus et antiquior Ignatius, sed Grabe cap. xvii. 5. p. 249. ed. Be- 
 
 et ipse Apostolus testatur Heb. xiii. 10. ned. . . . qui ex creatura panis est.] 
 scribens : Habemus altare, ex quo l [Heylin, Antid. Line., sect. ii. cap. 
 
 edendi non habent potestatem qui ta- v. p. 11.] 
 
 bernaculo deserviunt. [Extra Judae- * [" domination!." Grabe et ed. Be- 
 
 orum itaque templum in Ecclesia erat ned.] 
 
 [ 
 
 altare,] et per consequens ! [S. Iren., contra Haereses, cap. 
 etiam Owia sacrificium, non solum xviii. 6. p. 2ol. ed. Bened.] 
 rationale laudis etprecum, sed et mate- m [Hakewill's Diss., cap. iv. p. 23.] 
 
and from Eusebius de Dem. Evang. 9 
 
 lationem Ecclesia sola pur a* offert Fabricator^ offer ens ei cum ACCOUNT 
 
 _. OF THIRD 
 
 gratiarum actione ex creatura ejus. So Quemadmodum emm EDITION. 
 qui est a terra panis percipiens invocationem Dei, jam non com- 
 munis panis est, sed Eucharistia, ex duabus rebus constans, 
 terrena et ccelesti: sic fyc. p And what this invocation was 
 at the oblation of the creatures of bread and wine, and how 
 they were joined together in the holy action, though I have 
 shewed it abundantly in the additions to the Christian Priest- 
 hood, yet I shall by and by have occasion to mention it 
 again. 
 
 As to the other authority out of the tenth chapter of the 
 first book of Eusebius, de DemonstrationeEvangelica, Dr. Heylin 
 makes use of the five following passages q , whereof this is 
 the first 1 ". "When therefore, according to the testimonies 
 of the prophets, this great and precious price of redemption 
 was found both for Jews and Greeks, when this piacle for 
 the whole world, this dvrtyvxpv 9 for all men, this pure 
 sacrifice for all vice and sin was found, to wit, the Lamb of 
 God, that most holy Sheep acceptable to God, that Lamb 
 foretold by the prophets, by whose divine and mystical doc- 
 trine, all we of the Gentiles have found remission of our 
 former sins; and those of the Jews who trust in Him, are 
 freed from the curse of Moses' law ; daily celebrating, as they 
 ought, the memory of His body and blood, being counted 
 worthy of a more excellent sacrifice and ministry than any 
 in ancient times 4 ." The second passage is this : " Then he 
 
 n ["puram." ed. Bened.] * [Hickes gives the translation of 
 
 [S. Iren., ibid., cap. xviii. 4. p. the whole passage, Heylin abridges 
 251.] it.] 
 
 p [*Cls yap airb 7775 &pros Trpoo-\afj>.- * i. e. this sacrifice given for the 
 
 Pav6/j.ei'os r\]v eKKX-rjffiv (*iriK\T)<nv mal- souls of all men. 
 
 lem) rov eov } ovKeri Koivbs &PTOS earlv, * ["Ore roivvv nark, ras r<av irpotyyTcov 
 
 oAA' ev^apiffria, K Svo Trpayfj-drcav fjiaprvpias fiiprjrat rb p.4ya /col ri/j.iov 
 
 ffvveffri]Kvla, eiriyelov re /col ovpaviov Xvrpov 'lovSaioav 6/j.ov ical 'EAA^rwr, rb 
 
 ovrcas K. r. A. Id. ibid., 5. p. 251.] rov iravrbs K6<r/J.ov KaQdpcriov, irdvrwv 
 
 1 [Antid. Line., sect. ii. cap. y. p. 22 avdpdaircav avrtyvxov, rb Trda-rjs /cTjAlSos 
 24. Heylin (p, 22) cites one more /col apaprias KaOapbv Ifpriov, 6 a/j.vbs 
 passage from Eusebius : fv^ovras Se rov eov, rb 0eo<iAes /col aryvbv irpS&a- 
 (irav yevos r&v irplv tiSwKoXarptav av- rov, rb irpo$'i)rGv6p.fvov apviov, ov SioL 
 Opcairccv) ou/ceVt ir\eloffi Kvptois, fvl 5e TTJS tvBfov Kal ftvcrrucris 5i8curKa\ias 
 r<f fji6v<f Kvpiff) KOTO rb lepbv \6ywv, irdvres fjne'is ol e| 9vS>v r^v &(f)<nv 
 (Isa. xix. 19.) /col rovrcp dvffiaffr-fipiov rtav irporepow o.^o.or'rui.A.rwv evpd/jLeOa, 
 avai/jiow /col \oyiica>v Qv<na>v, Kara ra Sib /col 'louSo/cuj/ ol els avrbv i]\iriK6res 
 itaiva jULvarr^pia rrjs veas /col Kaivris e\ei)Qepoi rys Mcaffews a<pLvrai Kard- 
 SiaQ-f)Kr)s, Katf '6\v]S rys avOpdtnrow pas,'] eiK^rcas r^i/ rov o-u>/j.aros avrov 
 olKovfj-eviris aveyfiyeprai. De Dem. /col rov a e l/j.aros r}jv vir6p.Vfiffiv 6o"t)fj.epai 
 Evang., lib. i. cap. vi. p. 20, B, C.] irire\ovvres, /col r^s Kpeirrovos f) Kara 
 
10 Hey tin's testimonies from Eusebius 
 
 ACCOUNT adds," saith Heylin u , "that ' Christ our Saviour, offering 
 su ch a wonderful and excellent sacrifice to His heavenly 
 Father for the salvation of us all, He also appointed us to 
 offer daily /jLvrj/jirjv, the commemoration of the same to God, 
 ami TTJS dvcrias, for, and as, a sacrifice V And anon after 
 he adds, ( that whensoever we celebrate the memory of that 
 sacrifice on the table, partaking of the symbols y of His body 
 and blood z , &c., we should say with David, Thou preparest a 
 table for me in the presence of mine enemies ; Thou anoint- 
 est my head with oil, my cup runneth over. Wherein/ 
 saith he, f the prophet signifies the mystical unction, KOI TO, 
 (refjiva rfjs Xpicrrov TpaTre&s Ov/Aara, and the reverend sacri- 
 fices of Christ's table, where we are taught to offer unto the 
 Lord, by His own most eminent and glorious High-Priest a , the 
 unbloody, reasonable, and most acceptable sacrifice all our 
 life long V " This is the third passage which Dr. Heylin 
 produces, where I cannot but observe, that Eusebius, accord- 
 ing to the tradition of the other fathers, as I have shewn 
 from them, and from the most ancient form of consecration, 
 in the Christian Priesthood , asserts, that Christ appointed 
 the sacrifice of His own table, to wit, the symbols of bread 
 and wine, to be offered unto God. Then the Doctor proceeds 
 to the fourth passage in these words : " This he entitleth after- 
 wards ' the sacrifice of praise, the divine, reverend, and most 
 holy sacrifice, the pure sacrifice of the New Testament* 1 .'" Then 
 
 rovs ira\aiovs, Ov<rias re Kal tepovpyias Kaivys Sto^/cr/s Trapei\r](p6res > TCO.\IV 
 
 fyuanevot. [Euseb., ibid., cap. x. p. 37, fab rov irpo^rov AafilS Trai8ev6/jLf6a 
 
 A, B.] \eyeiv, 'Hroijmdffas evdairdv fjiov rpd- 
 
 u ["Hakewill," in the third edition; irefrv, e wavrias rG>v BXifMrrur jue. 
 
 by mistake ; Antid. Line., sect, ii. 3\iiravas tv eAcuy rty KeQaX'fii/ pou, 
 
 cap. v. p. 23.] Kal rb irorfyiov <rov neQvffKov /te &s 
 
 x [Merci Srj irdvra oi6v n 6avfjLd<riov Kpariffrov (Ps. xxiii.) Aiapp-f]Sr)v yovv 
 
 8vfj.a Kal ffcpdyiov e^atpcrov Ttf Harpl eV TOVTOIS Kal rb iivamicbv ffT)/u.ait>tTai 
 
 Ka\\ifpr)ffdfj.i'osvirfp Ti)s airdvTav fj/jiwv xP'"M a >j Ka ^ Ta f^M-va TTJS Xpiffrov 
 
 avfjVfyKe ffwriripias, nv4ip.i\v Kal T]/j.S>v Tpairefas 0u/xara, [8t* uv Ka\\tpovv- 
 
 irapaSous o.vrl Bvaias r< e$ Sir/i/e/cws res, ras dvoi/tovs Kal \oyiKas avrcp re 
 
 irpoffQepeiv. Euseb., ibid., p. 38, C.] trpoffyvfis 6v<rias Sia Travrbs fiiov TC? 4irl 
 
 y ["elements." Heylin.] iro.vT<av irpofffpfpew e<p Sia TOV irdi/ruv 
 
 * [Ratber " having received by tradi- O.VWTO.TOV 'Apx' e P /w J avrov Se5idy/J.e6a. 
 
 tion that we should celebrate the me- Euseb., ibid., p. 39, A, B.] 
 
 mory of that Sacrifice ... by means of c [ch. ii. sect 10. 6.] 
 
 the symbols of," &c.] d [uo/xez/ Srjra roiyapovv rep tirl irdv- 
 
 a [" and glorious Priest." Heylin.] TWV e^J] Qvffiav alvfffews' 9vo/j.v rb 
 
 b TOVTOV [5^ra] rov Qv^aros T^V tvQcov Kal trffjLvbv Kal Upoirpeires 6v/j.a' 
 
 }t.vi]\it\v e7ri rpair^r)s e/CTeA?j/ Sta avfj.- 6vo/J.ev Kaiv&s Kara rty Kaii/ty Siad-f]Kr)v 
 
 &6\<i>v TOV re ffd/jLaros avrov Kal rov r^v KaQapav Qwiav. [Euseb., ibid., p. 
 
 (rwrijpiov a'1/j.aros [Kara 0eo>ious rys 40, A.] 
 
to the doctrine of the Eucharistic sacrifice. 11 
 
 he proceeds to the last in these words : " Finally he joins both ACCOUNT 
 these together in the conclusion of the book, and therein doth EDITION. 
 [thus] at full describe the nature of this sacrifice : ' therefore 
 we sacrifice, and offer as it were with incense, the memory 
 of that great sacrifice, celebrating the same according to the 
 mysteries by Him given to us, and giving thanks to Him for 
 our salvation with godly hymns and prayers to the Lord God, 
 as also offering to Him our whole selves, both soul and body, 
 and to His High-Priest, which is the Word 6 / " Here I must 
 observe, that in this last passage ov/covv Kal Ovojuuev, KOI 6v- 
 fjuwfiev, Eusebius alludes to Malachi i. 11 : "My Name shall 
 be great among the Gentiles, and in every place incense shall 
 be offered unto My Name, and a pure offering." Which in 
 the second book f he applies as a prophetic prediction to the 
 spiritual sacrifice of the Eucharist, as in the Christian Priest- 
 hood g I have shewed the ancient fathers did, who always 
 understood by the Mincha purum, the pure offering, the 
 material unbloody oblation of bread and wine ; and by the 
 ' offering of incense/ the spiritual offering of thanksgiving, 
 prayers, and prayers [praises?] with chaste and unpolluted 
 bodies, and minds purged of malicious and all other evil 
 affections, which attended the oblation of the elements. "And 
 these," saith he, " we are taught to believe are more accept- 
 able to God, than a multitude of sacrifices offered with blood, 
 and smoke, and nidorV 
 
 Now let us see what Dr. Hakewill saith to all this. " Dr. 
 Heylin 1 /' saith he, "foreseeing that what he had alleged did 
 not reach home to his purpose, endeavours to make it up by 
 the addition of this last clause, as if Eusebius made the 
 memory or commemoration of the sacrifice of Christ to be 
 in and of itself a sacrifice j and this he would collect from 
 these words of his ami T% J Overlap, which he translates 'for/ 
 
 e \_QVKOVV Kal 6vofj.ev, Kal Ou/juu/jiev' 55, D. 56, A.] 
 
 _ 
 
 r6re fifv TV fiv^fji.^!/ rov peydhov 06- 8 [ch. ii. sect. 10. 4.] 
 
 fjiaros, Kara ra Trpbs avrov irapaSofleVra h [apeffTayap avry ravra flvat /ia\- 
 
 j.viTT'fipia ftriT\ovvTs, Kal T^\V u?rep \ov -ir) Qvai&v irXriQos, o'^uort Kal Kairvcp 
 
 wrripias r)fj.'j}V fvxapiffTiav Si 1 fvffeft&v Kal Kviffffais ^TrireKovmevoav, TreirotSeu- 
 
 re /cal v\(av rip ey irpocTKo- fjLcQa. Euseb., ibid., lib. i. cap. x. p. 
 
 re 5e (r<pas avrous o\y 40, C.] 
 
 avrw, Kal T< 76 'Apx te P 6 ^ [Diss., p. 25.] 
 
 OUTOU A.6y(f, avTy ffcafj-ari Kal i|/t/x?7 J [The article is not in the original ; 
 
 i. Id. ibid., p. 40, B, C.] Reynolds reads avrl Ovffias. Bilson 
 
 f [Id. ibid., lib. ii. cap. xxix. pp. does not quote the Greek words ; Hey- 
 
12 HakewilVs comment on ^V^TIV avrl Ova- i 'as, answered, 
 
 ACCOUNT and 'as' a sacrifice, whereas both Bishop Bilson k , and Dr. 
 Reynolds 1 , and others of our best learned divines, translate it 
 ' instead' of a sacrifice. Now that which is instead of a sacri- 
 fice, cannot be indeed, and of itself, properly so called. And 
 besides, how we should be said to offer up our commemora- 
 tion for a sacrifice, as the Doctor (Heylin) affirmeth, I can- 
 not understand, since commemoration is an action, and being 
 so, it cannot, [as I conceive,] in propriety of speech be the 
 thing sacrificed, which must of necessity be a substance as 
 it stands in opposition to accidents. So that if neither the 
 sanctification of the creature, nor the commemoration of the 
 sacrifice of Christ, nor the offering up of ourselves, or praise 
 and thanksgiving can amount to a sacrifice, properly so called, 
 surely the Doctor hath not yet found it in the fathers, but 
 will be forced to make a new search for the finding of it." 
 
 Thus Dr. Hakewill. In reply to which let us observe first, 
 that the Hebrew words -ot, |TOT, and the Chaldee K^irn, are 
 indifferently rendered in the Septuagint by pvrj/Ar}, and fjuvrj- 
 aocrvvov, (as also by dvduvrjaris,) memoria, and memoriale, 
 as it appears in Kircher's Concordance 01 , by many examples; 
 and therefore in some places of our Bible, where ' remem- 
 brance' is in the text, we have ' memorial' in the margin, as 
 Psalm xcvii. 12. Secondly, we must observe of the preposition 
 ami, that it signifies first pro, ' for,' as pro denotes loco, vice, 
 ( instead,' of which I need give no examples ; secondly it signi- 
 fies propter, and gratia, as gratia is used in the ablative case ; 
 of which, not to bring proofs out of lexicographers, we have 
 one in Heb. xii. 16, tX O? dvrl Ppooa-ecos /jLias ajreSoro, K. r.X. Qui 
 propter unam escam vendidit suum jus primogeniti, " who for 
 one morsel of meat sold his birth-right." So also it signifies 
 Matt. xx. 28, and Mark x. 45, avrl TrciXX&v, pro multis, 
 "the Son of Man came not to be ministered unto, but to 
 
 lin inserts it, and is followed by Hake- m [ Concord an tiae Vet. Test. Graecae 
 
 will, apparently without being aware of Ebrseis Vocibus respondentes, torn. i. 
 
 its having any force.] pp. 1307 1309. Francofurti. 1607. 
 
 k [In, The true difference between "Of is rendered by fj.viifj.-n an d /j.vnfj.6- 
 
 Christian subjection and unchristian awov frequently, but not by avd/jLurjcris : 
 
 rebellion. Part 4. p. 511. London, |1*)DT usually by /jLvr]/j.6(rvvov, but by 
 
 1586.] t*vf)M, Eccl. i. 11, ii. 11, and by av- 
 
 1 [In, The Conference between John dju.vr)<ris, Num. x. 10, (and in Symma- 
 
 Rainoldes and John Hart, touching the chus, Ps. vi.5.) tf'OIDT is rendered by 
 
 Head and the Faith of the Church, /nv^fioffwa, Ezra iv. 15.] 
 cap. viii. div. 4. p. 536. London, 1609.] 
 
OF THIRD 
 EDITION. 
 
 a memorial, as well as a commemoration. 13 
 
 minister, and to give His soul a ransom for many/' And ACCOUNT 
 thirdly, with little difference from this second signification, 
 it denotes the end, and signifies pro, ' for,' in that sense which 
 the Latins also express by ut t or eo ut, as in 1 Cor. xi. 15 ; 
 "Ori r) Kofjut] OLVT\ TrepiftoKaiov SiSorat, avrf) y quoniam capilli pro 
 velamine ei dati sunt, ' for her hair is given her for a covering/ 
 or veil. Thirdly, we must observe that T?}? Ovo-ias, in the 
 contested passage, /juvij/A'rjv tcai fjfuv Trapa&ovs dvrl Owias TO> 
 &<> SirjveKws irpocrtyepeiv, may be taken definitely, as it de- 
 notes ' the' sacrifice, or indefinitely, as it may signify f a' sacri- 
 fice, as appellatives even with definite articles often signify 
 in the Greek tongue. 
 
 These distinctions being premised, I assert first, that 
 fjivrffjUTj here signifies fjbvijfjuoavvov, ' a memorial/ viz. the bread 
 and wine, which was offered at the consecration in memory 
 of that Oavfjidcriov 6v/j,a, that ( wonderful sacrifice,' which Euse- 
 bius in the next preceding words saith Christ offered to His 
 Father for the salvation of mankind, having appointed us to 
 offer up the memorial of the same to God, dvrl T^S Ovcrias. 
 This quite enervates Dr. Hakewill's objection, who asked how 
 we could offer up a commemoration for a sacrifice, and de- 
 clared he could not understand how commemoration, being 
 an action, could be sacrificed, but the Bishop, who vouches the 
 Doctor, may understand how a memorial, which is a sub- 
 stance, or a thing by which a commemoration is made, may 
 be sacrificed ; and so much in answer to that formidable 
 objection. 
 
 Farther, this expression of Eusebius was apt and apposite 
 for a writer of the Greek Church, where in the form of con- 
 secration, after " this is My body/' &c. and "this is My blood," 
 &c. " do this in remembrance of Me," &c., it immediately fol- 
 lows, iJLejjuvq^evoi Tolvvv*, &c. "We therefore being mindful of 
 (or commemorating) His passion, and death, &c., do offer unto 
 Thee (our) King, and God, this bread, and this cup, accord- 
 ing to His institution, ev^apiarovvres crol, giving thanks unto 
 Thee through Him, for that Thou hast counted us worthy to 
 stand before Thee, and execute the priestly office, and we 
 beseech Thee, who needest not any thing, to look with com- 
 
 " Constit. Apost., lib. viii. cap. xii. the passage cited at length. ] Christian 
 [Concil., torn. i. p. 481, A, B, C. See Priesthood, ch ii. sect. 10. 6. 
 
14 Meaning of avrl Ovaias, and avrl T?)? 6vaia<f f 
 
 ACCOUNT placency upon those gifts now set before Thee." Here we see 
 the commemoration made of the sacrifice of our Lord, that 
 Qav^LCicnov dvpa, and vfyafyiQv ejfaiperov, by the bread and 
 wine, the symbols of His body and blood, at and in the obla- 
 tion of them to God the Father. They are the memorials, 
 monuments, and representatives of His dead body, and ef- 
 fused blood ; and as it is usual in authors to put one of two 
 concomitants for both, so admitting ^LV^^V to be taken for 
 the action of commemoration, yet it connoting the oblation 
 of the bread and wine in the holy Sacrament, by which the 
 commemoration was made, it was in effect to say, that Christ 
 appointed us daily to offer the irpoa^opav or oblation to God, 
 at, in, and by which the commemoration was made. By 
 pvrjp'n therefore Eusebius could not but mean the com- 
 memorative oblation, or sacrificial commemoration, made by 
 the bread and wine in the holy Eucharist ; for what he be- 
 lieved, with the Catholic Church, Christ had appointed and 
 joined together, he could not design to put asunder. These 
 two, like Castor and Pollux, always formerly appeared at the 
 Christian altars, and were no more to be separated in the 
 Eucharistical service, than in the passover of the Jews the 
 sacrifice of the paschal lamb was to be separated from the 
 solemn commemoration of their deliverance out of Egypt, 
 or that commemoration from the sacrifice of the paschal 
 lamb. 
 
 But to proceed : if T}S Ovarias in this passage is to be taken 
 indefinitely, then it must be rendered thus: "After all, Christ 
 offering up in due manner such a wonderful sacrifice and 
 super-excellent victim to His Father, for the salvation of us 
 all, He instituted the memorial [of it] that we should con- 
 tinually offer it to God for a sacrifice. " So in the Latin 
 version : Itaque post omnia, quasi mirabilem quondam victi* 
 mam, sacrificiumque eximium patri suo operatus, pro nostra 
 omnium salute obtulit, ejusque rei memoriam ut nos ipsi Deo 
 pro sacrificio offerremus, instituit. The justness of this trans- 
 lation will appear, if we may suppose that Eusebius, speaking 
 of the same sacrifice of Christ, had in like manner said, ou 
 
 MCTCI S)) irdvra ol6v ri Oav/Jidffiov y/j.wv avfivryKe fforrripias, i>.VT}ii.t\v Kal 
 Ovpa, Kal cr<pdyiov f^aiperov TCf Trarpl TJ/JUI^ Trapadovs avr\ dvffias r<$ 0e Si- 
 Ka\\iepr)ffdfj.evos ) \nrep rf/s wiravruv rjVfKws irpoatyepeiv. [See note x, p. 10.] 
 
parallel of sacrifices typical yet proper. 15 
 
 TVTTOV Kal 'lovSatois TrapaSovs Mcovo-rjs dvrl Overlap ro> @eee> ACCOUNT 
 viavo-ui<i Trpo<r<f>epew, " the type whereof Moses instituted 
 among the Jews, that they should offer it yearly to God for 
 a sacrifice." I desire the Bishop to compare these two ways 
 of speaking together, and then to tell me the difference be- 
 tween pvijfjLrjv and TVTTOV, or whether by the 'type' in the 
 supposed latter expression he would not understand the 
 typical lamb, or thing which was the type, and not take 
 type in the abstract for the figure or shadow, and thence 
 argue like Dr. Hakewill, that a figure or shadow could not 
 be sacrificed, or in propriety of speech be called a sacrifice. 
 
 But in case avrl signified nothing else in the Greek 
 tongue but f for/ as for' signifies ' instead/ yet taking -7-779 
 Ovvia? in this passage definitely and demonstratively, for 
 the wonderful sacrifice of Christ mentioned immediately 
 before iivrjprjv, Dr. Hakewill's objection, viz. "That what 
 is instead of a sacrifice cannot be indeed a sacrifice, or of 
 itself be properly so called/' I say, upon this supposition, 
 the Doctor's objection will fall to the ground, because the 
 place then may be rendered thus : "After all, Christ offering 
 up in due manner such a wonderful sacrifice and super- 
 excellent victim to His Father, for the salvation of us all, He 
 instituted the memorial [of it] that we should continually 
 offer it to God instead of the sacrifice," that is, instead of 
 the sacrifice of Christ, of which he spoke in the next pre- 
 ceding words. And that the bread and wine were sub- 
 stituted in place of the body and blood of Christ, and the 
 oblation of them appointed to commemorate, and represent 
 the oblation of Christ upon the cross, in this holy Sacra- 
 ment, I believe Dr. Hakewill, were he alive to reconsider 
 the subject, would not deny to have been the doctrine of the 
 ancient Catholic Church, nor perhaps will the Bishop deny it 
 now. Of these two senses, in which Eusebius's words may 
 be rendered, I will not determine which was his meaning, 
 or the more probable of the two. But either of them fully 
 answers the cavils of Dr. Hakewill against Heylin, and jus- 
 tifies the latter against him, whose objections and argu- 
 ments against the sacrifice in the holy Eucharist are all of 
 the same cavilling and trifling sort. Thus he argues against 
 it, because it doth not answer to the nature and definition 
 
16 The Eucharistic contrasted with Jewish sacrifices 
 
 ACCOUNT of a Jewish sacrifice 13 , in which "the sensible things sacri- 
 ficed," were "as to their substance destroyed, and con- 
 : sumed," " things having life being killed, and things with- 
 out life, if solid were burnt, if liquid poured forth and 
 spilt." Such arguments also are the two following against 
 "the bread and wine's being the subject matter of the Eu- 
 charistical sacrifice V because "it would [both] overthrow 
 the unity of the sacrifice, inasmuch as they are both often 
 renewed, and in itself be of less value and dignity than 
 many of the Jewish sacrifices." But what kind of argu- 
 ing is this ? For upon supposition that the bread and wine 
 are the matter of the Eucharistical sacrifice, as they are of 
 the Eucharistical Sacrament, doth not the renewing of them 
 in the ministration of the Eucharist destroy the unity of 
 the one as well as the other? or doth it destroy the unity 
 of the sacrificial or sacramental celebrity and ministration, 
 which, as in public Jewish and Gentile sacrifices, was ' one/ 
 though many sacrifices were offered, not only numerically but 
 specifically distinct ? Then as to the ' value' and ' dignity/ if 
 the Doctor means only the market-value and dignity of it, 
 as it is plain he doth, it is an objection not becoming a 
 divine, nor worthy of an answer; but if he means the repre- 
 sentative, which may be called the spiritual value, or sacra- 
 mental dignity of this oblation, I shall hereafter shew that it 
 is of more value and dignity than all the sacrifices of the 
 Jewish Church. 
 
 He saith, in "this proposition, the ' Eucharist is a represen- 
 tative sacrifice, properly so called/ that he will easily grant 
 it is properly representative, but improperly a sacrifice," " as 
 he who represents a king is commonly called a king, yet in 
 propriety of speech he cannot be so termed unless he be a 
 king in his own person r ." To which I must reply, that the 
 ancient Church every where literally and properly offered up 
 the bread and wine to God the Father in the holy Eucharist, 
 and taught that it was an oblation appointed by Christ to re- 
 present and commemorate the oblation, or sacrifice, of Him- 
 self upon the cross ; or that it was a sacrifice representative 
 of that all-atoning, or full, perfect, and sufficient sacrifice for 
 
 P [Dissertation with Heylin, pp. 5, 6.] 1 [Ibid., pp. 6, 7.] 
 
 ' [Ibid., pp. 8, 9.] 
 
 
a proper sacrifice , though representative; 
 
 17 
 
 the sins of the world. And as a king, though but a regulus ACCOUNT 
 
 . i i OF THIRD 
 
 or petty king, who represents an Augustus or other king, a EDITIO N. 
 thousand times greater than himself, is properly a king, as ~ 
 well as properly a representative ; so the Eucharistical sacri- 
 fice of bread and wine is properly a sacrifice, as well as 
 properly representative. Upon which account it is not only 
 the most worthy, valuable, and venerable, but the most tre- 
 mendous sacrifice that ever was offered by man to God. 
 This I have shewed at large in my Discourse of the Chris- 
 tian Priesthood, and Dr. Heylin had sufficiently shewed the 
 same in his Antidotum Lincolniense, which, as it appears 
 from his Appendix to his Examen Historicum 8 , Dr. Hakewill 
 may very well be thought to have opposed out of pique. 
 
 He saith*, he " never heard that the Eucharistical sacrifice 
 of Christians was other than spiritual;" but if he did not, 
 he might have heard from the ancient Church writers that 
 there was a material oblation of bread and wine, as well as 
 a spiritual sacrifice of concomitant praise and thanksgiving, 
 in the holy Eucharist, which made them speaking of it, use 
 such phrases as these, irpoa-^epofiev aoi, &c., "We offer up 
 unto Thee this bread and this cup," in the act of consecra- 
 tion. But not to transcribe from what I have already written 
 on this subject", let me add some new testimonies, as what 
 is written in Const. Apost., lib. ii. c. 25, where speaking of 
 bishops, he v saith x , "You are ministers in the holy Catholic 
 Church, who stand at the altar of the Lord our God, to 
 offer up unto Him reasonable and unbloody sacrifices, 
 through Jesus Christ the great High-Priest." And after- 
 wards in the same chapter y.* "What the victims were then, 
 
 [Heylin in his History of St. 
 George of Cappadocia, (part i. c. 3. 
 6. pp. 52, 53. London, 1631,) had 
 cited Hakewill as agreeing with Rey- 
 nolds, who maintained the identity of 
 St. George with George the Arian. 
 Hakewill wrote an angry confutation 
 of that book : the arguments of which 
 Heylin answered. Hence Hakewill's 
 animosity against Heylin. See the 
 Examen Historicum, part ii. Appen- 
 dix, pp. 16, 17. London, 1659.] 
 
 * [Diss. p. 39.] 
 
 u [Christian Priesthood, chap. ii. 
 sect 10; see 6. i.] 
 
 HICKES. 
 
 v [St. Clement of Rome, the sup- 
 posed writer of the Apostolical Consti- 
 tutions.] 
 
 x [u/iels ol'V a^fjiepov, & tiriffKoirol, 
 e<TTe T^J \ay vp.<av lepers, Aeurrat ol 
 \fiTovpyovt/TS rrj iepq (rKfjvfj rrj ayta 
 Ka6o\iKp KK\7)ffiq, Kal irapeffToarfs T<p 
 Qvffia'TTT]pl(f Kvpiov TOV 0eou f)/j.(av, KO! 
 irpoffdyovres avrcp ras \oyiKas Kal av- 
 at/j.a.Krovs duaias Sia 'Irjffov TOV /j.eyd- 
 Aou apxiepeus. Const. Apost, lib. ii. 
 c. 25. Concil., torn. i. p. 260, E.] 
 
 y [at r6re Ovffiai, vvv ixal, /cat Serj- 
 fffis, Kal ixapt<TTjar at rJre a7rapx a ' 
 Kal ScKarai, Kal a<paipffj.ara, Kal Supa, 
 
18 testimonies to a material oblation. 
 
 ACCOUNT prayers, and supplications, and giving of thanks are now; 
 
 EDITION, what first-fruits, and tithes, and separate portions 2 , and gifts 
 "were then, the oblations are now, which the holy bishops 
 offer unto the Lord God through Jesus Christ, who died for 
 them; for they are your high-priests, and the presbyters your 
 priests." So lib. viii. cap. 28 a : " The deacon doth not give 
 the blessing, nor baptize, nor offer, but when the bishop or 
 presbyter hath offered, he distributes to the people." So 
 lib. iii. cap. 10 b : "We do not permit laics any part of the 
 sacerdotal function, as to sacrifice," &c. Here is also that 
 phrase, ev^apiariav dvo2(rai c , " to offer the Eucharist," lib. ii. 
 cap. 58. And in lib. viii. cap. 46 : [Trjv et? rdsi] Qvcrlas, 
 KOI ev^apLaria^ d/jieXeiav' A . . . ovre yap SidKovw Trpo&cfrepew 
 Over lav QejJLiTov* . . . fjbera Be rrjv dvdXrjifnv avrov \_Xpt,cr- 
 rov\ fjfjLetf TTpoa-eveytcovres /card rrjv Sidrafyv avrov Ovaiav 
 rca&apdv teal dvafaaicrov, TTpoe^etpto-dfjieBa erridKOTrovs, /c.r.\. f 
 " The contempt of the sacrifice and giving of thanks. It is 
 not lawful for the deacon to offer sacrifice. We (the Apo- 
 stles) after His assumption, offering a pure and unbloody 
 sacrifice (or oblation)* according to His ordinance 11 , ordained 
 bishops," &c. 
 
 Dr. Hake will denies hoc facile in the institution to have a 
 sacrificial signification, or that facere or sacrificare there are 
 all one, because " the words of the institution are doubtless 
 directed to all the faithful by St. Paul in the Church of 
 Corinth, and in them to all Christians. So that," saith 
 he, " Dr. Heylin will be forced to prove his sacrificing from 
 eating and drinking, and withal to admit all Christians to 
 do sacrifice, against which he solemnly protests 1 ." But that 
 
 vvv irpoo~<f>opal i at Sia rS>v ocrtcav iri<ri(6- b [oure \OIKOIS firirpeTro/j.ev iroieiv n 
 
 vwv irpoo-(j)fp6iJ.evai, Kvpicp r$ (p Sta rS>v ifpariK&v epyw olov Qv<jia.v K.r-A. 
 
 'iTjcroO Xpicrrov rov virep avrcav OTTO- Ibid., lib. iii. c. 10. p. 317, C.] 
 
 Qa.v6vros' OVTOL yap elffiv vfj.G>v ol ap- c [Ibid., lib. ii. c. 58. p. 300, B.] 
 
 Xiepe?s, ol Se i'epe?s vfjL&v, ol Trpeffpure- d [Ibid., lib. viii. c. 46. p. 508, E.] 
 
 pot. Ibid., p. 261, E.] e [Ibid., p. 509, D.] 
 
 z dQaipe/JLaTa. l [Ibid., p. 512, A.] 
 
 8 [Sia/copos OVK v\oye7' ov SiSuffiv * Kara T^V Sidra^ avrov' in cap. 
 
 fvXoylaV Xap&avei 5e irapa firttTK^Trov xii. Kara Ti]t/ avrov Sidra^iv. [Ibid., 
 
 /ecu Trpecr/Surepoi;' ov ftairrifei' ov irpoff- p. 481.] 
 
 </>epet ' rov Se 67rto-/c^7row irpoa-eveyKSi/ros h dementis ad Cor. Epist. i. 
 
 ^ rov 7rpe<7j8vre0ou, avrbs firiolooxri rep xlii. [of airo(rr6\oi . . . Ka6io~racrai> ras 
 
 Aay, ovx &s Upcvs, a\\' us SIUKOVOV- airapxas avr&v . . els firi(n<6irovs. Patr. 
 
 fj.evos ifpevai. Ibid., lib. viii. c. 28. Apost., torn. i. p. 171.] 
 
 p. 493 
 
 ifpevai. ., . v. c. . post., orn. . p. . 
 
 , C.] ' [Hakewill, Diss., p. 17.] 
 
' Hoc facite' a sacrificial expression. 19 
 
 doing of sacrifice by the Christian people, against which he ACCOUNT 
 
 . , -i-l OF THIRD 
 
 saith the Doctor protests, is doing of it as priests do it, by EDITION. 
 undertaking the holy ministration thereof, against which the 
 primitive Christian writers remonstrate in great abundance, 
 as a piacular crime and the sin of Korah. But Dr. Heylin 
 could not be so absurd as not to know that the people, both 
 among Jews and Gentiles, joined in their public sacrifices 
 with their priests, by whose hands they offered them upon 
 the altars of their respective gods, and communicated with 
 them of their sacrifices in their sacrificial feasts. Facere 
 therefore in the words of the institution, may properly 
 signify to sacrifice in both senses, as the priests and people 
 are both said to sacrifice properly, when these offer by 
 their ministration any material oblation to any God. And 
 thus the Christian people were both concerned in the hoc 
 facite of the Eucharistical oblations of bread and wine, which 
 they brought to their liturgs or priests, who out of their 
 oblations took d^aipe^araj or holy portions, and, as I have 
 shewed in my preface to my second Collection of Controver- 
 sial Letters^ and in the Christian Priesthood k , solemnly offered 
 them to God the Father, through Jesus Christ, according 
 to His institution. And therefore, as Dr. Heylin asserts 1 , 
 f hoc facite 3 in the liturgical sense ' is solely and properly for 
 the priest who only hath power to consecrate/ And to shew 
 the vanity of this cavil against Dr. Heylin, let me observe, 
 that it destroys the power of consecrating, as well as offering, 
 the bread and wine in the Eucharist, because the words of the 
 institution are directed to all the faithful, in which it is not 
 only said " Do ye this/' but, " Do ye this in remembrance 
 of Me." " Which doing pertaineth not only to the Apostles" 
 (as he cites the words of Bishop Jewel against Harding" 1 ) 
 " but to the whole congregation of Corinth ;" which is very 
 
 j [pp. 37 48. Lond. 1710.] brance:' which doing pertaineth, not 
 k [chap. ii. sect. x. 4, 5, 6.] only unto the Apostles, and their suc- 
 1 ["There is an hoc facite belonging cessors, as M. Harding imagineth, but 
 to them, onely, as they are priests also to the whole people. And there- 
 under and of the gospell. Hoc facile fore St. Paul saith, not only to the 
 is for the priest, who hath power to ministers, but also to the whole con- 
 consecrate ; hoc edite is both for gregation of Corinth, ' as often, &c.'" 
 priests and people." Antidot. Line., Hakewill, Diss., p. 18. Jewell's Reply 
 sect. ii. c. 5. pp. 7, 8. London. 1637.] to Harding, Art. xvii. Dis. 4. p. 415. 
 
 m [" He saith not only, 'Do ye this,' London, 1609.] 
 but He addeth also, 'in My remem- 
 
 c 2 
 
20 Our Lord offered the Bread and Cup : 
 
 ACCOUNT true, but then it must be said, that as the congregation 
 EDITION, offered, so it consecrated and performed the whole Eucha- 
 ristical service, by the ministration of the priest, who there- 
 fore always administered in the plural number, and parti- 
 cularly in the consecration, when he said, Trpocr^kpo^ev 001, 
 " We offer unto thee our King and God, this bread and this 
 cup," &c. But then he saith again, " Should we grant that 
 hoc facile were to be referred only to the actions of Christ 
 Himself, and directed only to the Apostles and their suc- 
 cessors, yet it must first be proved that Christ Himself in 
 the institution of the Sacrament did offer a sacrifice properly 
 so called, which," saith he, " for any thing that appears in 
 the text, cannot be gathered from any speech which He then 
 uttered, or action which He did, or gesture which He used"." 
 To which I answer, first, that in my Discourse of the 
 Christian Priesthood I think I have fully proved, not only 
 from the consentient tradition of the Catholic Church both 
 in doctrine and practice, but from many texts of Scripture 
 as understood by the best Christian writers, that the Eucha- 
 rist is a proper sacrifice, and if that be as sufficiently proved 
 as many other Christian doctrines which have no other or 
 better proof, then it must follow that it was a proper sacri- 
 fice from the very institution, in which Christ offered up the 
 bread and cup to His Father in the consecration, as I have 
 shewed the ancient Church did. This is a demonstration a 
 posteriori, as the schools speak. But then in the second place, 
 I have in the same discourse shewed from the testimony of the 
 best Church writers, that our blessed Lord did offer up the 
 bread and cup at the institution of this holy Sacrament, as is 
 also taught in Const. Apost., lib. viii. cap. 46, in the following 
 words ; vrpwro? TOIVVV T$ </>u<ret ap^iepevs, K. T. X. "Where- 
 fore Christ the only begotten (Son,) who was the first High- 
 Priest by nature P, did not take this honour of the priest- 
 
 n [Hakewill, Diss., p. 20.] fveyttAvres Kara TT]V Sidra^iv avrov 6v- 
 
 \Trpcaros TOIVVV rrj <f>v(Tfi apxiepsvs (Tiav KaQap&v Kal avaifJ-aKrov, K. T. A. 
 
 6 /j.ovo'yei'Tis Xpurrbs ou% cavnjS TT]V n- pp. 509, E. 511, A.] 
 /*V apird<ras, a\\a irapa rov Trarpbs p See Cotelerius' note upon the 
 
 KaTcurraOeis- bs yfvo^vos avQpwiros Si' place. [" Homines gratia Dei et adop- 
 
 rnj.as, Kal T^V trvev^aTiK^v Qvaiav -rrpoff- done pontifices fiunt, Christus autem 
 
 tpepcav r$ e< avrov Kal irarpl irpb TOV vocari potest natura pontifex, hoc est, 
 
 TrdOovs, f)/juj> Sj6Ta|aro fj.6vois TOUTO Trot- proprietate ac auctoritate, juxta illud 
 
 fit/' ncra Se r^v a.va.\t]tyiv r)p.fis irpoff- Tertulliani iv. adversus Marcionem 35. 
 
OF THIRD 
 EDITION. 
 
 sacrificial terms in the account of the Institution. 21 
 
 hood to Himself, but was made a Priest by the Father, and ACCOUNT 
 being made man for us, and offering a spiritual sacrifice to 
 His God and Father, commanded us also [alone ?] to do (or 
 offer) the same ; and after His assumption, we offering a pure 
 and unbloody sacrifice, according to His command," &c., as in 
 this passage above cited q . And it is not to be imagined, that 
 in the consecration of the elements the Christian priests of 
 the ancient Church should tell God the Father, that they 
 offered them unto Him through Jesus Christ, according to 
 His ordinance, unless they believed that He offered them 
 Himself in the institution of this blessed Sacrament. But 
 thirdly, it is not true, that there is no speech or action in the 
 text of the institution, from whence it may be gathered that 
 He offered the bread and cup, and by consequence a sacri- 
 fice properly so called, unto His Father. For I have shewed 
 at large that rovro Trotetre, ' ' do this," is a sacrificial phrase ; 
 and so \a/3ov or \a/3e rbv aprov, " He took bread," is a sacri- 
 ficial speech and imports a sacrificial action, as in Gen. xxii. 
 13, it is said of Abraham, teal eXa/3e rov icpibv, "that he took 
 the ram, and offered him for a burnt-offering;" so Levit. iv. 
 30, /cal \ij-\frerai, 6 lepev? a?ro rov at//.aro9, " and the priest shall 
 take of the blood thereof with his finger, and put it upon the 
 horns of the altar " so ver. 34, teal \a/3a)v 6 lepevs diro TOV 
 (tiparos, " and the priest shall take of the blood of the sin- 
 offering with his finger, and put it upon the horns of the 
 
 'authenticuspontifexDeipatris.' [Opp. ' Tertullianus lib. iv. citati operis cap. 
 
 p. 451, D.] et lib. v. cap. 9. ' Christus ix. [p. 420, B.] Certe Cyrillus Hiero- 
 
 proprius et legitimus Dei Antistes.' [p. solymitanus in Catechesi 10. [ 14. p. 
 
 472, C.] Non quidem per divinitatem, 144, A.] Christi Sacerdotium vult esse 
 
 proprie loquendo : quod Arianice ab aeternum absque initio ac fine. [' De 
 
 Eusebio [Dem. Evang., lib. v. cap. iii. Sempiterno ejusdem (Christi) sacer- 
 
 p. 223.] post Origenem asseritur, Ca dotio fuit eadem veterum nonnullo- 
 
 tholice negatur ab auctore [iucerto rum opinio ; sub quarti seculi finem vel 
 
 quodam, post quintum saeculum. edd. quinti medium jam communi Theo- 
 
 Ben. p. 402.] Sermonis de uno legis- logorum consensu explosa.' not. edd. 
 
 latore, torn. vi. B. Chrysostomi : sed Ben. ibid., p. 143, E, F.] In Anas- 
 
 per camera, ut ait idem scriptor. [S. tasii Collectaneis, p. 123. [Bibl. Vet. 
 
 Chrys. opp., torn. vi. p. 412, A, B.] Patrum, torn. xiii. p. 53, D.] ' Unius 
 
 secutus S. Athanasium in majore Ora- natura regis cunctorum Dei, natura 
 
 tione de fide apud Theodoritum, Dia- etiam ob salutem nostram pontificis 
 
 logo 2. [op., torn. iv. p. 92.] Dixi pro- facti, unus erat typus Melchisedech.' 
 
 prie loquendo: quia latius acceptum [ei'bs rov ^ucret ftturiXews 0eou rwv 
 
 nomen pontificis, Verbo Dei non impie H\oov ysvontvov <j>v(Ti 5m TT\I> rj/jierepav 
 
 tribuetur, et Christo nondum incar- trwriipiav a.px if P*<* s e ^ s w^PX Tfaos o 
 
 nato, ut charismatum paternorum, do- Mf\xi<rf8fK.] Cotelerii annott. ad lo- 
 
 norum Dei universali distributori. Ca- cum. Patr. Apost., torn. i. p. 427.] 
 tholicum Patris Sacerdotem' appellat 1 [p. 18. f, lib. viii. c. 46. p. 512, A.] 
 
22 P. Lombard and Aquinas alleged by Hakewill; 
 ACCOUNT altar." And so our Saviour may be supposed to have taken 
 
 OF THIRD 
 
 EDITION, bread from, or of, or out of, the portion of bread upon the 
 table, to offer it unto His Father in blessing it or giving 
 thanks; and since the words will fairly bear this sacrificial 
 sense, and the ancient Church understood the text in the 
 same sense, that He took the bread and cup and offered 
 them up to His Father, it is a sufficient proof that He offered 
 a sacrifice properly so called, and that it was for want of 
 thorough conversation with the ancient fathers in their writ- 
 ings, or rather great pique and prejudice against Dr. Heylin, 
 that occasioned Dr. Hakewill to assert, that there was no 
 speech which our Saviour uttered, nor any action that He 
 did, from whence it might be gathered that He offered a 
 sacrifice in the holy Eucharist properly so called. 
 
 But he saith, that which confirms him in his opinion that 
 the Eucharist is not a proper sacrifice, is that both Lombard 1 ", 
 and Aquinas, who termed the Eucharist a commemorative, 
 yet held it to be an improper sacrifice 8 ; Lombard's sentences 
 I have not by me, and therefore shall only consider the 
 words he produces out of Aquinas 1 , which are these : Quce- 
 rituTy si quod gerit sacerdos proprie dicatur sacrificium, vel 
 immolatio, et si Christus quotidie immoletur, vel semel tantum 
 immolatus sit ? To which he answers, Illud, quod offertur et 
 consecratur a sacerdote vocari sacrificium et oblationem, quia 
 memoria est et repr assent atio veri sacrificii, et sanctce immola- 
 tionisfactce in ara crucis. Here the question Thomas pro- 
 poses is, whether the bread and wine, quod gerit sacerdos, or 
 
 r [His words are, " Ad hoc breviter detur esse idem quod sacrificium. Si- 
 
 dici potest, illud quod oflertur et con- cut ergo non proprie dicitur sacrifi- 
 
 secratur a sacerdote vocari sacrificium cium, ita nee proprie dicitur hostia.' 
 
 et oblationem : quia memoria est et Which though it be an objection, yet 
 
 repraesentatio veri sacrificii et sanctse he takes it as granted that it is ' sacri- 
 
 immolationis factae in ara crucis." P. ficiuin improprie dictum,' at leastwise 
 
 Lombardi Sentent., lib. iv. dist. 12. 7. as it is ' coinmemorativum ' or ' reprae- 
 
 p. 745. Moguntiae. 1632.] sentativum ;' and therefore to that ob- 
 
 s [Diss., p. 10.] jection doth he shape this answer, 'Ad 
 
 1 [" With Lombard doth Aquinas tertium dicendum, quod hoc Sacra - 
 
 herein likewise accord, Part iii. Quaest. mentum dicitur Sacrificium, in quan- 
 
 73. Art. 4. in conclusione. ' Eucha- turn repraesentat ipsam passionem 
 
 ristiae Sacramentum ut est dominicae Christi. Dicitur autem hostia, in quan- 
 
 passionis commemorativum, Sacrifi- turn continet ipsurn Christum, qui est 
 
 cium nominatur.' Where it is ob- hostia salutaris : (ut dicitur Ephes. v. 
 
 servable that he saith not ' sacrificium 2.)'" (S. Thorn. Summa Theologiae, 
 
 est,' but only 'nominatur,' and what his par. iii. quaest. 73. art. 4. p. 161. Duaci, 
 
 meaning therein was, appears of that 1614.) Diss. ibid.] 
 article [3.] which is this : ' Hostia vi- 
 
in what sense it is a 'proper' sacrifice. 23 
 
 illud quod offertur et consecratur, may be properly called a ACCOUNT 
 
 'CL ..... 7 .. f. ill j OF THIRD 
 
 sacrifice, as sacrifice signifies immolatio, a sacrifice by blood EDITION. 
 and slaughter, as that of Christ was upon the cross ; and by 
 consequence, whether Christ is daily thus sacrificed in the 
 Eucharist, or once only upon the cross? To which he an- 
 swers, illud quod offertur, et consecratur, the bread and wine, 
 which are offered and consecrated, are called a sacrifice, in 
 this sense of immolation, because they are the commemora- 
 tion and representation of the true sacrifice and holy immo- 
 lation of Christ made upon the altar of the cross. Here 
 therefore the question is not, whether there is a proper, ex- 
 ternal, material oblation of bread and wine in the Eucharist ; 
 for that Aquinas supposes by those words, istud quod gerit 
 sacerdos, and istud quod offertur et consecratur, but whether 
 that oblation be a sacrifice, as sacrifice signifies immolation, 
 and whether Christ is so sacrificed in the Eucharist as He 
 was upon the cross. But in this sense none of our writers 
 take it for a real, true, or proper, but only for a mystical and 
 spiritual sacrifice and immolation of Christ upon the cross, 
 as it is a solemn commemoration and representation thereof. 
 The word therefore ' proper/ in relation to the holy Sacra- 
 ment, hath two senses : one, as l proper 7 is opposed to meta- 
 phorical and allusive ; and the other, as it is opposed to the 
 immolation or bloody sacrifice of Christ upon the cross; 
 which two senses our adversaries always confound together. 
 When therefore we assert the Eucharist to be a 'proper' 
 sacrifice or oblation, we take the word purely in the first 
 sense, meaning no more thereby, than that the bread and 
 cup, like other material and external sacrifices, are really 
 offered unto God in the Eucharistical service, to be the sacra- 
 mental representation and commemoration of the sacrifice of 
 Christ upon the cross, or the mystical sacrifice of His body 
 and blood. These two different senses of the word ' proper' 
 are also more carefully to be observed, because many of our 
 writers, who believe the Eucharist to be a ' proper' oblation 
 in the first sense, yet often speak of it, without premising 
 any distinction, as an 'improper' sacrifice, only meaning 
 in the second, as Aquinas doth in the passage now ex- 
 amined. And to shew Dr. HakewnTs error more abundantly, 
 I will here demonstrate from other passages, in qusest. 83. 
 
24 The doctrines maintained not peculiar ; 
 
 ACCOUNT art. 4 u , that he believed the holy Sacrament to be a proper 
 EDITION, sacrifice in the first sense : Sic igitur populo prceparato et in- 
 structo, consequenter acceditur ad celebrationem mysterii, quod 
 quidem offertur ut sacrificium, et consecratur, et sumitur ut sa- 
 cramentum . . . Deinde sacerdos secreto commemorat primo qui- 
 dem pro quibus hoc sacrificium offertur, scilicet pro universali 
 
 Ecclesia Tertio, petitionem concludit cum dicit, ut 
 
 hcBC oblatio sit illis pro quibus offertur salutaris. Deinde ac- 
 cedit ad ipsam consecrationem in qua . . . quarto, petit hoc 
 sacrificium peractum, esse acceptum Deo. . . Quint o petit hujus 
 sacrificii et sacramenti effectum. 
 
 The reader may perceive from these observations I have 
 made, in answer to Dr. HakewilFs Dissertation, that Dr. 
 Heylin had reason to write of it, as in the margin v , and I 
 have been induced to examine it so particularly, not only for 
 the sake of the bishop of Norwich, but of some others, who, 
 as I am told, said they wondered I would write for the 
 Eucharistical sacrifice, if I had read that dissertation. I 
 must therefore add in behalf of myself, and all others of the 
 Church of England who have written to prove the Eucharist 
 to be a sacrifice, that we have written nothing in the main 
 of our own fancies, or from the particular notions of two or 
 three fathers; but from the general doctrine of them all, 
 and the practice of all the Christian world, in primitive as 
 well as later times, before the Reformation. " The opinions 
 and usages we maintain" are not "particular" but catholic 
 
 u [The subject of Quaest. Ixxxiii. colniense, &c., which he entitled by the 
 
 Art. 4, is "Utrum convenienter ordinen- name of 'A Dissertation with Dr. Heylin 
 
 tur ea quae circa hoc sacramentum di- whether the Eucharist be a sacrifice 
 
 cuntur." The passages in the text are properly so termed, &c.,' one of which 
 
 taken from a short account of what is books being brought to the respondent, 
 
 said and done in the Latin service, and as soon as it was come from the press, 
 
 the question determined affirmatively. he found it no such knotty piece, but 
 
 Ibid., p. 192. col. 2.] that it might have been easily cleft 
 
 v Appendix to the advertisements on asunder without wedge or beetle, and 
 
 Mr. Sanderson's History, at the end of had returned an answer to it, if some 
 
 Dr. Heylin's Examen Historicum, [in of Dr. Hakewill's friends, seeing how 
 
 answer to some passages in a scurrilous weakly it was penned, and how un- 
 
 pamphlet called A Post-haste Reply.] seasonably it was published, had not 
 
 "At such time as the respondent took order to suppress it; and they 
 
 [Heylin] was under the displeasure of suppressed it with such care and 
 
 the House of Commons, on the com- friendly diligence, that within three or 
 
 plaint of Mr. Prynne, [which was about four days after the first coming of it 
 
 the beginning of the late long Par- out, there was not a book of them to be 
 
 liament,] he published a discourse had for love or money." [Part ii. 
 
 against him in answer to some passages Appendix, p. 18. London, 1659.] 
 in the hook entitled Antidotum Lin- 
 
 
nor the real cause of divisions ; 25 
 
 and general ; neither have we " engaged ourselves to main- ACCOUNT 
 tain them" out of "party," but for the love of truth ; much EDITION. 
 less are they our " fancies," but real notions verified by doc- 
 trine and practice, which we have not "set up for Shib- 
 boleths to distinguish ourselves w ," but with the most noble 
 and charitable and rewardable design of restoring the holy 
 Sacrament to its complete and adequate notion and minis- 
 tration, as it was taught, and practised in the primitive 
 Church. Now as to the other reflections of this author, 
 upon this doctrine, and the maintainers of it, they are silly, 
 false, and spiteful ; first silly, in ascribing the divisions of the 
 Church to them, whereas if the doctrine of the Eucharistical 
 sacrifice be the truth, the primitive truth, then the divisions 
 of the Church are to be charged upon those who will not 
 embrace, but oppose this truth ; for truth can never be the 
 true, but only the accidental cause, or mere occasion of divi- 
 sions, for which they are answerable to God and man, that 
 oppose truth. Another may after the Doctor's example 
 ascribe the divisions of the Church to the maintaining of 
 episcopacy, which hath accidentally occasioned more and 
 more violent divisions, than the doctrine of the Eucharistical 
 sacrifice ; and therefore it was, in the second place, both false 
 and spiteful to ascribe " the miseries of the civil war" (which 
 he might have called a rebellion) " not to the separatists, and 
 sectaries, .... but to the quarrels and differences of the 
 Church of England men themselves ;" that is, as his meaning 
 must be interpreted, to that part of them, who wrote for the 
 Christian sacrifice, and it may be for other high doctrines, 
 as episcopacy, and non-resistance, which have also caused, 
 that is, accidentally caused, many divisions in the Church, 
 and the miseries consequent thereupon. But to confirm his 
 unjust reflections, he asserts, contrary to all history, that 
 "the separatists and sectaries were brooded after the civil 
 war in Cromwell's army." But were there no Brownists, no 
 
 w Dr. Nicholls' Preface to his [Com gaged themselves to maintain 
 
 ment on the] Common Prayer- Book. Party is a thing which is mighty full of 
 [The passage referred to above is this, fancy : and, since men have gotten into 
 " I know it has been the practice of their heads a notion of two Churches of 
 several persons, to extend some ex- England, they are setting up different 
 pressions of it (the Book of Common meanings of our Common Prayer Book, 
 Prayer) to an unusual meaning ; there- and different Shibboleths to distinguish 
 by to countenance some particular opi- themselves by in performing its ser- 
 mons and usages, which they have en- vice." p. 13. London, 1710.] 
 
26 nor designed to introduce popery. 
 
 ACCOUNT anabaptists, no puritan factions, no presbyterians before the 
 EDITION, civil war ? Nor did Junius Brutus, Martin Marprelate, and 
 innumerable other libels mentioned in historians, and cited 
 by Bishop Ban croft x and others, contribute nothing to the 
 kindling of it ? Nor were there then no false Churchmen, 
 who helped to begin it, and pull down the monarchy and 
 Church. Oh ! how do we want another Heylin to chastise 
 and expose the false historians and misrepresenters of the 
 former reigns ! But particularly, as to us who maintain, 
 that the Church always offered the creatures of bread and 
 wine in the holy Sacrament, Mr. Baxter, who began to read 
 the ancient fathers in his old age, as Cato learned Greek, 
 will teach the Doctor more candour, justice, and modera- 
 tion towards us ; and to him I refer him in the Appendix, 
 No. 7. and to his Christian Directory, p. 882 y. I am con- 
 fident, were he now alive 2 , he would not so severely and un- 
 justly censure us, as the Doctor doth; nor would suggest 
 as if we wrote with an evil intention to introduce the popish 
 sacrifice of the mass, as some others* lately have done, against 
 all reason and charity : first, because, as Dr. Hakewill b truly 
 observes, " the commemoration or representation of a thing 
 must be both in nature and propriety of speech distinct from 
 the thing it commemorates or represents;" and, secondly, 
 because most of the writers for the Eucharistical sacrifice 
 have also been most eminent writers against the Church of 
 Rome, in defence of the Church of England, from Bishop 
 
 x [In his " Dangerous positions and given advantage to the Papists to hring 
 
 proceedings, published and practised in an ill sense and doctrine ; so those 
 
 within this Island of Britain, under that now live in Churches and coun- 
 
 pretence of Reformation, and for the trys, where the public professed doc- 
 
 Presbyteriall Discipline." Book ii. trine doth free them from the suspicion 
 
 c. 4 13. London, 1593. Reprinted of a popish ill sense, should not be 
 
 1640. See also Strype's Whitgift, vol. judged nor quarrelled with for the 
 
 i. p. 549. Oxford, 1822.] terms: but all sober Christians should 
 
 y [" Quest. 122. May the name allow each other the liberty of such 
 
 priests, sacrifice, and altar be lawfully phrases, without censoriousness or 
 
 now used instead of Christ's minis- breach of charity or peace." Cases of 
 
 ters, worship, and the holy table ? Conscience about matters Ecclesiasti- 
 
 Ans. 7- In a word, as no Chris- cal. Part iii. London, 1637.] 
 tian must use these or any words, to z [He died on the 8th of December, 
 
 false ends or senses, or deceiving pur- 1691. Calamy's abridgement of Bax- 
 
 poses, nor yet to scandal; so out of ter's History of his Life and Times, 
 
 these cases, the words are lawful. And vol. i. chap. xv. p. 403. London, 1713.] 
 as the fathers are not to be any further a [Dr. Hancock in his Answer, &c. 
 
 condemned for using them, than as the see p. 2. note g.] 
 words (which they foresaw not) have b Dissertation, p. 9. 
 
Thorndike wrongly alleged by Bp. Trimnel. 27 
 
 Andrewes, Mr. Mede, Archbishop Laud, &c., to the writers ACCOUNT 
 of this present time. These scandalous reflections are much EDITION. 
 fitter for such a charge as that of the Scottish commissioners 
 against Archbishop Laud c ; and those who make them, write 
 so like them, that one might think they copied from their 
 original, though I verily believe not with the same design. 
 
 I am sorry I have another occasion given me by the bishop 
 of Norwich from concluding, by what he hath said of Mr. 
 Thorndike, than whom none hath written more elaborately 
 to prove, that the Eucharist is an external sacrifice of bread 
 and wine to God, in which the people communicated with 
 the priest, as in peace-offerings. But then for fear he should 
 be misunderstood, as if he thought it to be the real proper 
 propitiatory sacrifice of Christ, which as a Sacrament it only 
 represents, he declares d , that it is the sacrifice of Christ only 
 mystically, or sacramentally, as appears from his own words : 
 " Now that, in the sense of the Catholic Church, the Sacra- 
 ment of the Eucharist is a sacrifice propitiatory for the 
 Church, and impetratory of the necessities thereof, in regard 
 of those prayers wherewith it is offered and presented to 
 God, in virtue of the sacrifice of the cross, which it is mysti- 
 cally, (that is represent eth and commemorateth,) [a few 
 words will serve to persuade him that knows the practice 
 and custom of the Church in all ages."] So in p. 39 : 
 "Now this will first infer, that it is bread and wine which 
 our Lord feeds us with in the Eucharist ; and again, that it 
 hath the virtue of sustaining us, by being made the body 
 and blood of Christ, as in a Sacrament, by virtue of the con- 
 secration passed upon it; which is all that which I say to 
 a hair, that by being made a Sacrament, it becomes the 
 sacrifice of Christ upon the cross, to be feasted upon by 
 Christians/' So more plainly p. 40: "It is not [nor can be] 
 
 c ["The corporal presence of Christ's he may vouchsafe so to hless and 
 
 body in the Sacrament is also to be sanctify with His Word and Spirit, 
 
 found here, (the Book of Common these gifts of bread and wine, that they 
 
 Prayer for the use of the Church of may be unto us the body and blood 
 
 Scotland, 1637): for the words of the of Christ." The charge of the Scottish 
 
 Mass-book serving to this purpose, Commissioners against Canterbury and 
 
 which are sharply censured by Bucer the Lieutenant of Ireland, pp. 13, 14. 
 
 in King Edward's Liturgy, and are not London, 1641.] 
 
 to be found in the book of England, are d Epilogue [to the Tragedy of the 
 
 taken in here; Almighty God is in- Church of England, book iii. chap. 5.] 
 
 called, that of his Almighty goodness p. 50. [London, 1659.] 
 
28 ' Qualifying' expressions in Thorndike and St. Chrysostom; 
 
 ACCOUNT any disparagement to the sacrifice of [our Lord] Christ 
 
 EDITION, upon the cross, that the Eucharist should be counted 
 
 the sacrifice of Christ crucified, mystically, and, as in a 
 Sacrament, [represented to, and feasted upon by His peo- 
 ple."] It is in this sense only, that Mr. Thorndike, to 
 avoid the imputation of being for the popish sacrifice, asserts 
 the Eucharistical oblation not to be the real but mystical 
 sacrifice of Christ upon the cross, which it represents ; and 
 for this he observes, that when the fathers ' call the Eucharist 
 by the name of a sacrifice, and the celebration thereof the 
 death and passion of Christ/ their meaning is not literal, 
 or to be taken in ' property of the words/ but figuratively or 
 with ( abatement/ from the literal meaning of them, as, saith 
 he, is evident from the addition of other words, which they use, 
 as 'reasonable/ 'unbloody/ 'commemorative/ 'symbolical/ 
 'sign/ 'image 6 / Thus also, as the bishop of Norwich ob- 
 serves f , he applies the words of St. Chrysostom s out of his 
 seventeenth homily on the epistle to the Hebrews; where 
 after he had said h , "' He is our High-Priest who offered the 
 sacrifice that cleanseth us. The same we also offer, which 
 then was offered, that unconsumable sacrifice 1 . This is 
 done in remembrance of that which was then done; for 
 Do this, saith He, in remembrance of Me. We make not 
 another sacrifice as the high-priest then did, but we offer 
 always the same/" then he adds, '"or rather the remem- 
 brance of a sacrifice/" This indeed is 'an abatement/ to 
 shew that the Eucharist in the consecration was not pro- 
 perly speaking offered by the Church as the real, but only 
 as the symbolical, mystical, and sacramental sacrifice of 
 Christ upon the cross, which it did set forth and repre- 
 
 e ["And though the fathers divers rty Ovaiav r^v KaOaipovcrav f)/j.as irpoff- 
 
 times call the celebrating of the Eu- eveyKtav' eKeivqv Trpoa<pepo/j.ev Kal vvv, 
 
 charist the death and passion of our TT\V r6re re Tfpoaev^eicfo.v^ r^v Q.VOL- 
 
 Lord, which it commemorates, and the \tarov. TOVTO els avdfj.vrj(nv yiverai rov 
 
 sacrifice of His cross ; . . . . yet the ad- r6re yevo/j.evov. TOVTO yap iroie'iTe, (f>rj- 
 
 dition of words which they use, of ' rea- <riv, els T^V e^v avd/uLvya-iv OVK &\\tf)if 
 
 sonahle' and 'unbloody,' of ' comme- 6v<riav, Ka.6d.Trep 6 apx.i*pevs T^TC, a\\d 
 
 morative,' of 'symbolical,' of 'sign' T^V avT^v ael Troiov/uev /j.a\\ov Se av- 
 
 and 'image,' are necessary evidences &[*.vi)o~iv 4pya^6/j.e0a 0vo~ias. S. Chrys., 
 
 of an abatement on the property of in Epist ad Hebr., Horn. xvii. torn, 
 
 the words, according to their mean- xii. p. 169, A.] 
 
 ing." Ibid., p. 49.] ' [Thorndike's words are, " that was 
 
 1 [Visit. Charge, pp. 16, 17.] then offered, that is invincible;" and 
 
 f [Epilogue, book iii. c. 5. p. 50.] below, " we make no other sacrifices 
 
 h [6 apxiepevs yfjiwv tKewts evTiv b .... but the same always."] 
 
OF THIRD 
 KDIT1OX. 
 
 do not deny a proper oblation ; 29 
 
 sent. But then it doth not at all relate to the proper ex- ACCOUNT 
 ternal oblation of bread and wine, to be made by consecra- 
 tion the mystical body and blood of Christ, of which none of 
 the ancients is more full and express than St. Chrysostom, 
 as I have shewed in the Christian Priesthood, nor none of 
 the modern more clear for it than Mr. Thorndike, as I have 
 shewed in the Prefatory Answer to the Book of the Rights ; 
 and as his lordship may also see in his book of Religious 
 Assemblies k , though he hath been so unfortunate, as by mis- 
 take to represent both their meanings, and in his mistake 
 almost to triumph in the following words : " One such ex- 
 pression in any father," as this of St. Chrysostom, "where 
 he speaks accurately as correcting his own words, is more to 
 hinder the Eucharist from being a proper sacrifice, than a 
 thousand expressions unguarded and at large can be to make 
 it one 1 ." Indeed one such expression relating to the obla- 
 tion of the elements in the Eucharist, that oblation is figura- 
 tively called, and not as the sacrifice of Christ, might be an 
 argument to prove it not to be a proper sacrifice ; but in this 
 sense there are no such abating expressions from the sacrificial 
 notion of the Eucharistical oblation, in any of the fathers : but 
 as a king or a peer, who represents another king or peer, is 
 himself a proper king or peer, but improperly the king or peer 
 he represents ; so the oblation of the elements in the Eucha- 
 rist is a proper sacrifice, and properly so called, though it is 
 only the mystical, and by consequence the improper sacrifice 
 of that which it represents ; for, as Mr. Thorndike observes, 
 ' as the sacrifices of the old law were nevertheless sacrifices, 
 though they were figures and types of the one sacrifice of 
 the cross ; so is the sacrifice of the New Testament neverthe- 
 less a proper sacrifice of bread and wine, though it sets forth 
 and represents the same sacrifice, of which the legal sacrifices 
 were types m / Wherefore as to be a type did not destroy the 
 proper nature and notion of a legal sacrifice, so neither doth 
 
 k [Chap. x. pp. 353 370, and p. 379. and prophecies of that one sacrifice 
 Camb. 1642.] upon the cross, .... and why should 
 1 [Visit. Charge, p. 17.] the commemoration and representation 
 m Epilogue, book iii. cap. v. p. 40. ... of that one sacrifice of Christ 
 [Thorndike's words are, " The sacri- upon the cross ... be less properly a 
 fices of the old law ceased not to be sacrifice, in dependance upon and de- 
 sacrifices, because they were figures nomination from that one."] 
 
30 but added to exalt the commemorative sacrifice : 
 
 ACCOUNT it destroy the proper nature and notion of the evangelical to 
 EDITION. De a representation ; to typify and adumbrate was consistent 
 with the proper idea of the one, and so to represent and com- 
 memorate is consistent with the true and proper idea and 
 conception of the other, what a dust soever its adversaries 
 may raise to darken and obscure the ancient and easy notion 
 thereof. It hath the honour, above all the sacrifices that ever 
 were, to be the representative of the sacrifice of the cross ; 
 and the value and dignity of it, above all other sacrifices, con- 
 sists in being the representative of that propitiatory sacrifice 
 for the sins of the whole world. It was instituted by our 
 Lord for that noble and adorable purpose, and therefore, were 
 I to define the Eucharistical sacrifice, it should be in these 
 forms ; the Eucharistical sacrifice is an oblation of bread and 
 wine, instituted by Jesus Christ to represent and commemo- 
 rate His sacrifice upon the cross. Wherefore to represent 
 and commemorate the sacrifice of Christ upon the cross, being 
 the great end of its institution, and the special part of its de- 
 finition, by which it differs from, and is dignified above, all other 
 sacrifices ; it may be said of it in this respect, " We offer a 
 sacrifice, or rather the remembrance of a sacrifice " without 
 meaning that it is not a proper sacrifice, but only intending to 
 set forth its supereminent dignity above all other sacrifices, in 
 being instituted for a remembrance of the sacrifice of Christ. 
 So speaking of an anniversary festival instituted in remem- 
 brance of any great deliverance, we may say, without mean- 
 ing that it is not a proper festival, ( we keep a feast, or rather 
 the remembrance of such a deliverance/ Such like expres- 
 sions on such occasions, are not to be construed as spoken 
 f by way of correction' of what was said before, as his lord- 
 ship saith, but as spoken to express the great and noble ends 
 for which solemnities were instituted, and for which they are 
 observed, and by which they are distinguished from all other 
 solemnities of the same kind. They are exegetical expres- 
 sions, and of emphasis, not of correction ; and therefore, 
 wherever they are used, it must be considered in which of 
 the two senses the author uses them, and whether or no they 
 hinder the thing spoken of before to be properly what it is 
 called. 
 
 I could not pass over his lordship's argument against the 
 
Positive testimonies from St. Chrysostom. 31 
 
 Eucharistical sacrifice from these words of St. Chrysostom, ACCOUNT 
 
 IT f -r T i -i '.L! OF THIRD 
 
 without an answer ; and therefore I conclude it with saying, EDITION 
 that they are so far from hindering the Eucharist from being 
 a proper sacrifice, that they do not hinder the following pas- 
 sages of that father from proving it to be such : rj Trpoafopa 
 97 avrrj Icrri, K. r. X. n " The oblation is the same, whosoever 
 offers it: be it Paul, or be it Peter, it is the same which 
 Christ gave to His disciples, and which the priests now 
 offer (ical TJV vvv ol lepels TTOLOVG-LV) ; for this is not inferior to 
 that, because they are not men who consecrate this, but He," 
 that is Christ, " who consecrated that. For as the words 
 which Christ (6 eo?) spoke then are the very same which 
 the priest speaks now, so is the oblation the same." So 
 in his homily, De proditione Judce , " saith the priest, This 
 is My body ; which words change the gifts set before God. 
 (TO, TTpo/celfjieva.)" I humbly entreat his lordship to consider 
 that phrase in the first passage, " because they are not men 
 who consecrate this, but Christ who consecrated that," and 
 then to tell me, whether he used that expression as a correc- 
 tion of what he had said before, and so hinder our consecra- 
 tion from being a proper consecration ; or whether he spoke 
 only emphatically to instruct the people, that Christ was the 
 principal consecrator of the elements by our hands, and we 
 only the instrumental, subordinate, and ministerial consecra- 
 tors of them under Him, and by His authority ? 
 
 I have been necessitated to write all this upon mentioning 
 the additions which I have made in this edition of my book, 
 to what- 1 had said in the former of the Eucharistical sacrifice ; 
 but now I have done for ever with that subject, and with all 
 others that will require such labour and study, as through 
 age and infirmities I am no longer able to endure p . If it 
 
 n Horn. ii. in 2 Tim. cap. i. [ 4. [ouSe yap avQpcoiros IOTIV 6 irotuv 
 
 77 irpo<T<f>opd 77 OUTTJ 4(rn, Kav 6 TV- ra irpoK.siiJ.fva yeveffdai ffu/j.a Kal af/ua 
 
 X&v TrpoffeveyKy ' K&V llauAos, KOCI/ lie- Xpurrov' aAA.' avrbs 6 ffravpwOfls virfp 
 
 rpos, 77 OUTTJ tanv, V ^ Xpurrbs ro?s IHJ.&V Xpurrds' <TX^MO TrXypSiv fffryitev & 
 
 /iaflrjTCus eSaj/ce, Kal $)j> vvv ol tepels lepeiis, ra p-fj/mara <()6fyy6/j.vos ttceTva' 
 
 iroiovaw ouStj/ awrrj eXarruv e/ceij/Tjs, 77 Se Swapis, Kal i] X^P 15 rov *ov tffn' 
 
 $TI Kal TavrTjv OVK avdpooiroi ayidfyv- Tovr6 p.ov effri rb ffcafj.d, <p"n<n, (sc. 6 
 
 ffiv, a\\' avrbs 6 Kal e/ceii/T?!/ ayidaas' lepevs) TOVTO rb prtpa fjLTa^pv6iJ.i^i roL 
 
 &(rirep yap TO, p7]fj.aTa, airep 6 0eb? e<(>- TrpoKeifjieva. Horn. i. 6. torn. ii. p. 
 
 07|aTo, TO aura eVrjj/ airep 6 iepevs 384, B. and Horn. ii. 6. p. 394, B.] 
 
 KOI vvv Ae'ye*, ovru Kal 77 irpocr<popd f) P [Hickes was now nearly 70 years 
 
 ouTTj eVir Kal rb fiaTTTHTfjia faep eSw- old: he was born in 1642. For some 
 
 Kfv. torn. xi. p. 671, E.j years before his death in 1715, he was 
 
32 Additions to the second discourse. 
 
 ACCOUNT meets with any more opposition, I leave the farther defence 
 
 OF THIRD 
 EDITION. 
 
 of it to those learned younger divines, or students of divinity, 
 
 who are conversant in the ancient writers of the Church. 
 God of His mercy to it" increase the number of them, and 
 thereby supply the great loss of the late Mr. John Hughes, 
 fellow of Jesus college in Cambridge, whose untimely death 
 (if any thing may be so called which God appoints) I can 
 never mention without grief, and scarce with dry eyes q . 
 
 As for the additions I have made in my discourse of the 
 Dignity of the Episcopal office, I need not tell what, and 
 where they are. They are intermixed with the rest ; and I 
 have nothing more to say of them, but to desire the learned 
 reader to observe how many testimonies there are in it for 
 the Eucharistical sacrifice, and the sacerdotal power of for- 
 giving sins, as well as for the distinction of the Church from 
 the State, and the independence of that upon this ; of which 
 the bishop saith, " all of them, I am persuaded, erroneous 
 in the manner they have been urged, and no way agreeable 
 to the doctrine of the Church of England 1 "." He also insinu- 
 ates that " the chief promoters of these opinions" are " of the 
 late separation 8 ," which is his lordship's mistake, as he may 
 see in the Prefatory Discourse, and in the Appendix, No. 7, 
 and therefore it was not with too much candour or justice 
 that he was pleased to say, "he hoped they should not easily 
 
 exceedingly afflicted by the stone, was buried in Deptford church, where 
 
 under which his naturally strong con- there is a long inscription to his 
 
 stitution was now sinking. He had memory. See Lysons' Environs of 
 
 been obliged to employ friends in London, vol. iv. p. 367.] 
 
 writing on subjects, the materials for * [Visit. Charge, p. 5. " alt which, I 
 
 which he had himself prepared. Gen. am persuaded, are," &c.] 
 
 Diet.] s [Ibid. The latter subject had been 
 
 q [John Hughes was born 1682 ; he specially treated of by Leslie in The 
 
 was in holy orders, and is said to have case of the Regale and Pontificate 
 
 combined a primitive severity with stated, in a discourse concerning the 
 
 great suavity and gentleness of dis- independency of the Church upon any 
 
 position ; he was on terms of intimate power on ea'rth, in the exercise of her 
 
 friendship with Ambrose Bonwicke the purely spiritual power and authority, 
 
 elder. He was called by Bishop Atter- London, 1702. Theological Works, 
 
 bury " a learned hand." Two interest- vol. i. p. 582. 1721; by Collier, in A 
 
 ing letters of his to Mr. Bonwicke, are brief essay concerning the indepen- 
 
 printed in the Gentleman's Magazine, dency of Church power, 4to. 1692, 
 
 vol. 48. pp. 583, 622, one detailing a without name of author or place of 
 
 very remarkable narrative of an appa- publication ; by Dodwell, in The 
 
 rition ; the other, dated Aug. 14, 1707, doctrine of the Church of England 
 
 speaking of the edition of S. Chrys. de concerning the independency of the 
 
 Sacerdotio, which he was then under- clergy on the lay power, as to those 
 
 taking. The edition came out in 1710. rights of theirs which are purely spiri- 
 
 He died Nov. 18. of that year, and tual. 4to. London. 1697.] 
 
and to the Appendix. 33 
 
 let us make more divisions among them, nor be forward to ACCOUNT 
 entertain what we urge/' (as his phrase is,) " purely because EDITION. 
 it seems to magnify our office*." 
 
 I think myself to have a particular share in the honour of 
 this reflection, for which I have given no just cause. And 
 therefore to shew his lordship that what he hath said of two 
 of those three doctrines, and the honour and dignity of the 
 sacerdotal office, which he thinks I magnify too much, is not 
 right and just, I have added several tracts to the Appendix, 
 which will justify me against his lordship's reflections, by 
 shewing that I have spoken soberly, and not above measure, 
 of the Church's independency of the State, and the dignity 
 of the priesthood, and that I have not delivered any other 
 doctrines on that subject than learned men before me have 
 done, in as high if not in higher terms. Two of these tracts 
 are of the Church's independency, whereof one is a preface 
 of Du Pin u before a dissertation, in which he shews that the 
 Church hath no authority, direct or indirect, to depose kings, 
 or discharge their subjects from their allegiance. The other 
 is a tract of Isaac Casaubon, De Libertate Ecdesiastica, 
 translated by the same learned hand into English, which 
 translated the answer to M. de Fontenelle's History of 
 Oracles, and the continuation of it in answer to Le Clerc x , 
 [viz. the Rev. Mr. Hilkiah Bedford, A.M. y] 
 
 * [" I hope we shall not easily let fute these two positions. Le Clerc 
 
 them make divisions amongst us, nor having inserted a review of this work 
 
 be forward to entertain what they urge, in his Bibliotheque Choisee, Baltus 
 
 purely because it seems to magnify our wrote his "Continuation" in answer 
 
 office, before we have thoroughly con- to it, in 1708.] 
 sidered it." Ibid., pp. 5, 6.] * [The words in brackets are from 
 
 u [Praeloquium before the 7th Dis- the MS. additions in Dr. Hickes' 
 
 sertation of his work " De Antiqua copy. Hilkiah Bedford, formerly a 
 
 Ecclesiae Disciplina." Paris. 1686,] fellow of St. John's college, Cambridge, 
 
 Appendix, No. 5. had been deprived of the preferment he 
 
 x [An Answer to M. de Fontenelle's held in the Church of England at the 
 History of Oracles, translated from the Revolution. He now lived in West- 
 French by a priest of the Church of minster and kept a boarding-house for 
 England. London, 1709. A Con- the scholars. He was intimately con- 
 tinuation of the Answer to the His- nected with Hickes, who left all his 
 tory of Oracles, translated from the papers and publications to his care, 
 French. London, 1710. Fontenelle, in a codicil to his will, dated July, 1715. 
 following Van Dale, attempted to shew, "I give all my manuscripts, letters, 
 1. that oracles were not delivered by and written papers, relating to any 
 devils ; 2. that they did not cease at controversies I have been engaged in, 
 the birth of Christ. About twenty unto Mr. Hilkiah Bedford, with liberty 
 years after, (in 1707,) Baltus, the to him to publish in part, or in whole, 
 Jesuit, wrote his " Answer" to con- such of them as he shall think fit." 
 
 HICKES. D 
 
34? Casaubon ' De Libertate Ecclesiastica ;' 
 
 ACCOUNT This treatise never came to my knowledge till it was lately 
 KDITION. published with the author's epistles in Holland 2 . And both 
 in this and the other treatise, the bishop will find some high 
 things on the argument, which I declined to say lest I 
 should give offence. In particular it must be observed of 
 Isaac Casaubon, that he could not have any temptation to 
 write on purpose " purely to magnify the priestly office," or 
 transgress the "proper bounds" of his subject, or say any 
 thing upon it, that should "give the State any just appre- 
 hensions of the Church and clergy a ," as his lordship suggests 
 we have done ; for as he was one of the greatest men that 
 ever lived, so he was bred if not born in Geneva, lived and 
 died a layman, and wrote this treatise of the true estate of 
 the Church against the papal supremacy and usurpations of 
 the Church, as perverted by the court of Rome. Nothing 
 but the pure evidence of truth, as he found it in the ancient 
 Church writers, could have made him write so impartially of 
 the true and false, or real and pretended, liberty of the 
 Church, as he hath done in the treatise ; and as his lordship 
 may rectify his own wrong notions by his right ones, and 
 particularly see to how little purpose in his Appendix he hath 
 brought so many examples from Christian emperors employ- 
 ing their imperial power for the good and service of the 
 Church b , to prove that it is not independent of the State. In 
 short, I think his lordship may find a satisfactory answer to 
 all that he hath written, both in his Charge and in his Ap- 
 pendix, against the independency of the Church, if he will 
 read it without prejudice, and not doubting but he will con- 
 In 1714, Bedford was fined a thousand conversion of Cor.stantine, several 
 marks and imprisoned for three years, things of great importance in religion 
 for writing, printing, and publishing were done purely by the imperial au- 
 The hereditary Right of the Crown thority ; I shall for the better clearing 
 of England asserted, fol. 1713. He this matter, give such a further ac- 
 bore the punishment to screen the real count of it here, as may if possible 
 author, the Rev. George Harbin, a remove the chief objections that are 
 nonjuring clergyman. He was con- brought from antiquity against this 
 secrated a bishop by the nonjuring assertion." The Appendix consists of 
 succession, Jan. 25, 1720, and died such instances of the exercise of im- 
 Nov. 25, 1724.] perial authority, and answers to the 
 
 z [Is. Casauboni Epistolae, 2 torn, arguments derived from the letter of 
 fol. Roterod., 1709.] Hosius to Constantine in the treatise 
 
 B Charge, p. 13. of St. Athanasius Ad Monachos, 34, 
 
 b [Appendix to Visitation Charge, (Op., torn. i. p. 370, F. 371, B,) and 
 p. 29. Trimnel says, " Having said in that of St. Ambrose to Valentinian, 
 the foregoing discourse that after the (Ep. xxi. Op., torn. ii. p. 861, A.)] 
 
Other additions ; of magnifying the sacerdotal office ; 35 
 sider it well. I must refer him to it for his conviction and ACCOUNT 
 
 OF TIIIKD 
 
 satisfaction, and hope it will convince him, that wherein I EDITION. 
 am so unhappy as to have him differ from me, he is in the 
 wrong, and that I am in the right. 
 
 And then because he is pleased to write as if I had magni- 
 fied the priestly office too much, I have added what two great 
 men, Dr. George Downame c afterwards bishop of London- 
 derry and Dr. Jackson d have said on that subject, [and I 
 think it very proper and pertinent to add the tract of St. 
 Ephrairn Syrus de Sacerdotio, as I find it in the Latin trans- 
 lation of his works by Gerardus Vossius Tungrensis, whick 
 I had not met with before. St. Ephraim, as he was a most 
 holy, so he was a most learned man, and the wonder not 
 only of St. Basil the Great, but of the Greek and Syrian 
 Churches in the fourth century 6 ,] and to those additions 
 I also humbly refer his lordship for second thoughts, and 
 my own justification, and I hope when he reads them he 
 will be more candid towards me, unless he can also think 
 that what they have written on that subject, they "urge 
 purely because it magnifies the priestly office." But what 
 I have said on the independent power, the right to offer 
 sacrifice, and the commission to forgive sins, I have urged, 
 as he speaks, to magnify the sacerdotal office: have I not 
 abundantly shewed that the most holy fathers have done 
 the same ? Did not St. Paul magnify the apostolic office [2 Cor. 5. 
 from the Apostles being Christ's ambassadors and stewards ^ ' Cor< ^ 
 of the mysteries of God, and challenge the esteem and obe- *] 
 dience of the people upon that account ? And would it not 
 look more like the speech of a deist, than of a true and 
 faithful Christian, to say, "that we should not be forward 
 to entertain, what he urged purely to magnify our office, 
 
 c Appendix, No. 4. [An extract from lation of Ger. Vossius was published at 
 
 a sermon upon 1 Tim. iii. 1, 2. Of the Rome in three volumes, respectively 
 
 dignity and duty of the ministry, sent out in 1589, 1593, 1598, and at 
 
 preached by George Downame, D.D., Cologne in 1603 and 1616. The testi- 
 
 and published at London, 1608.] mony of St. Basil is in his Hexaem., 
 
 ^ d Appendix, No. 9. [An extract from Horn. ii. 6. (Op., torn. i. p. 185. 
 
 his second book of Comments upon the Paris. 1721.) "S,vpov avSpbs ao<j>ias KO<T~ 
 
 Apostles' Creed, n. 5. c. 4.] /ut/ojs TOVOVTOV a<f>ffTr)i<6TOS, ocrov e'y- 
 
 [Added from Supplement, 1715, No. ybs 3\v rrjs riav a.\t}QivS>v ^Tno-T^irjs, 
 
 2. p. 7. This tract is contained in the which, with many others, will be found 
 
 works of St. Ephraem. (Gr. et Lat.) prefixed to the works of St. Ephraem, 
 
 torn. iii. p. 1. Rome, 1732. The trans- torn. i. pp. xxxiii li.] 
 
36 The power of absolution misrepresented by Bp. Trimnel. 
 
 Before we nave thoroughly considered it." As to the power 
 EDITION, of offering sacrifice, and the commission of forgiving sins, 
 the one as well as the other is to be found in the primitive 
 form of consecrating a bishop, which I have cited, and 
 translated in the Christian Priesthood f . And then parti- 
 cularly as for the power, I mean the ministerial power of 
 sacrificing, his lordship may find that urged to magnify the 
 priesthood, in St. Clement's 1 Epist. ad Cor. cap. xliv., and by 
 St. Cyprian, Epist. v. and Ixvii. [Ixviii.], which with others I 
 do not cite at large here, because they are so cited in my 
 book. But if we must be censured, and censured by bishops, 
 for magnifying the priest's office from these powers, then I 
 can only say with St. Clement, in the place just now cited : 
 Ma/cdpioi ol TrpooSoiTropijaavTes Trpea^vrepoi, olrwe? ey/capTrov 
 kal re\eiav eaypv rrjv dvd\vcriv, ov yap ev\a(3ovvTai fiij TIS 
 ai/rot"? fjL6Tao-Trj(rr) aTro rov ISpv/jievov avrols TOTTOV. 
 
 But then, as none of those three doctrines, which his lord- 
 ship charges us "to have stretched for the honour of the 
 clergy," are more liable to vulgar misconstruction, or apter 
 to create in the people an ill opinion of it, than that of the 
 power of forgiving sins, I must intreat his lordship to ex- 
 plain what he means in saying we " have advanced the power 
 of sacerdotal absolution in such a manner, as if there was a 
 power of forgiving sins, properly speaking, lodged in the 
 Church, or the priests and ministers of it g " for first, if by 
 " the power of forgiving sins, properly speaking," he means 
 an absolute arbitrary power of forgiving without the condi- 
 tion of repentance, as well as with it, I must beg leave to 
 say, that I think it is not in the power of God Himself to 
 forgive sins without repentance, there being a necessary and 
 eternal congruity between pardon and penitence. So that 
 repentance is not a positive, but a natural condition to 
 qualify the sinner even for God's pardon ; and I never heard 
 of any man who was so mad as to assert, that it was in the 
 power of the Church, or her priests, to forgive sins in this 
 
 - f [Ch. ii. sect. 10. 6. In the third pleased to take notice." In the cor- 
 
 edition there follows "where I must rected copy "dele" is written in the 
 
 observe that in the Greek, between the margin against these words. The 
 
 words y lf]ffov Xpiffrov and St' ov ffoi, are words have been inserted in their 
 
 left out by chance rov 0eov Kal SWTTJ- proper places.] 
 pos rifj.G)v, of which the reader may be K Charge, p. 19. 
 
None hold it to be other than conditional and ministerial. 37 
 
 sense. But secondly, if by the power of forgiving sins, pro- 
 perly speaking, he means an original, immediate, principal, EDITION. 
 or architectonical power, which in temporal pardons belongs 
 to kings, and in spiritual pardons only, and properly speak- 
 ing, to God, (in which sense it is said, " who can forgive sins [Mark 2. 7.] 
 but God alone ?") then I must say again, I never knew any 
 man so abandoned to truth and good sense, as to assert, that 
 the Church or her ministers had power to forgive sins in this 
 sense, as in temporal cases it belongs to the sovereign power, 
 and in spiritual to God alone. But then if by the power of 
 forgiving sins, properly speaking, he means as he ought to 
 mean, that conditional, ministerial, derivative power of forgiv- 
 ing sins, which God in a proper sense, or properly speaking, 
 hath committed to His Church and her priests, then I ac- 
 knowledge, that not only we upon whom his lordship would 
 be understood to reflect, but all the ancient and sober modern 
 writers upon the power of absolution, have asserted such a 
 power of forgiving sins to be lodged in the Church, and the 
 priests of it, by derivation and commission from God, as it is 
 written "whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto [John 20. 
 them." In this sense of remitting sins, those very writers 
 which he cites do assert the power of forgiving sins, properly 
 speaking, to be lodged in the Church, and her priests. Mr. 
 Thorndike asserts it in the passages which his lordship cites % 
 
 b [" Mr. Thorndike, a known friend then he adds a little after, [p. 94,] that 
 
 to all the just authority of the Church, * there is no tradition to evidence, that 
 
 refers his readers to him, [Archbishop no sin after baptism can obtain remis- 
 
 Ussher] when he has delivered his own sion but by the Church,' and he thinks 
 
 opinion more than once, in or near it may without it. He says indeed, and 
 
 these words. ' The Church hath re- very truly, that ' he who refuses the 
 
 ceived of God no power to forgive sins ministry of the Church (tendering him 
 
 immediately ; as if it were in the Church a reasonable presumption of attaining 
 
 to pardon sin, without that disposition reconcilement with God by the means of 
 
 which, by the gospel, qualifieth a man it, according to the just laws of Christi- 
 
 for it; or as if the act of the Church anity ) can have no cause to promise him- 
 
 pardoning did produce it. But inas- self pardon without it.' p. 94. But out of 
 
 much as the knowledge thereof di- this case he supposes he has proved that 
 
 recteth, and the authority thereof con- 'a man's own Christianity may supply 
 
 straineth to use the means which the that means of forgiveness which the 
 
 gospel prescribeth, insomuch is the keys of the Church fail of procuring ;' 
 
 remission of sins thereby obtained, for that ' in the case of clave errante, it 
 
 truly ascribed to the Church.' Epilogue, is manifest there is no remission by 
 
 [book Hi. c. 9.] p 81 ; and he quotes the keys, and yet remission is to be 
 
 a passage out of the epistle of Firmili- had, by the gospel, antecedent to the 
 
 anus to St. Cyprian, [Ep. Ixxv. pp. Church.' p. 97." Visit. Charge, pp. 
 
 143, 144. ed. Ben.] exactly agreeable 19, 20.] 
 to his own sense, [c. 10,] p. 91. But 
 
38 Thorndike's statements on ' the power of the keys,' 
 
 ACCOUNT an d he will pardon me if I say, I thiuk to no purpose ; but 
 EDITION, more expressly in the passages, to which I here refer him, 
 as well as the reader, for the justification of those upon whom 
 he reflects. " The power of the keys is the foundation of the 
 Church," and " is seen [much] more towards them that are 
 already of the Church, than them" (the Catechumens) "that 
 
 are not of it." " Therefore, though the power of the keys is 
 
 seen in free admitting to the communion of the Church ; yet 
 is it more visible in excluding from the same, as well as in 
 readmitting to it 1 ." " Inward repentance .... is a disposition 
 qualifying a man for (the) pardon of sin, by virtue of the cove- 
 nant of grace, without any act of the Church passing upon it. 
 But God hath charged His Church, . . . and therefore given 
 it power and right, to call all those that notoriously trans- 
 gress that Christianity which once they have professed, to 
 those demonstrations of inward repentance and amendment 
 of mind, by visible actions, that may satisfy the Church, that 
 God's wrath in regard of that sin is appeased through Christ, 
 and upon these demonstrations, to readmit them to commu- 
 nion with the Church. And further, God, having provided 
 this means of procuring and assuring the pardon of sin by the 
 Church, hath also obliged all Christians to make use of the 
 same, by bringing their secret sins to the knowledge of the 
 Church, so far, and in as much as they ought to stand convict, 
 that the ministry of the Church is requisite to procure in them 
 that disposition, which, by the gospel, entitles them to forgive- 
 ness 11 ." The Scripture doth " evidence, that God hath insti- 
 tuted and appointed the ministry of His Church for the recon- 
 ciling of those sins, which must or which may come to the know- 
 Matt. 16.19. ledge of His Church. For when God giveth first to St. Peter the 
 [Matt. is. k e y s o f jjj s Church, and afterwards, to all His disciples the 
 
 John 20. 19, power of binding and loosing sins, &c." "But he that think- 
 
 eth, that, within the Church, the power of the keys goes no 
 
 further than preaching, &C. 1 " "And if our Lord, by infer- 
 
 [Matt. 18. ring immediately a general promise of hearing the prayers of 
 
 * Epilogue. Of the Laws of the why those that are converted to believe 
 
 Church, book iii. ch. 9. p. 73. Christianity by preaching the gospel, 
 
 k Ibid., p. 74. should be bound by their own profes- 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 77. [The passage con- sion to oblige themselves to it, and by 
 
 tinues, " and clearing the scandal of that means to enter the society of the 
 
 notorious offences, can give no reason, Church."] 
 
and the necessity and efficacy of it ; 39 
 
 Christians, intend to intimate, that He would accept of the ACCOUNT 
 prayers of the Church, for the reconciling of those whose sins EDITION. 
 were bound, as I observed afore ; then of necessity something 
 more than shewing the guilt of sin by preaching, is referred 
 to the Church, in procuring the loosing of him that is bound, 
 from the debt of sin, not from the scandal of it m ." To the 
 same purpose he speaks at large in p. 79. " But he who is 
 thus recovered to life by the ministry of the Church, is not 
 yet loosed by the bands of his sin, till he be loosed by the 
 Church, because he was first bound by it; as our Lord, 
 having raised Lazarus to life, commands him to be loosed by 
 His Apostles. For if he who accepteth of the gospel and the 
 terms of it, remain bound to be baptized by the Church for 
 the remission of his sin; is it strange that he, who hath 
 forfeited his pardon obtained by the Church, even in the judg- 
 ment and knowledge of the Church, should not obtain the 
 restoring of it but by the act of the Church? And there- 
 fore the Church remitteth sin after baptism, not only as a 
 physician, prescribing the cure, but as a judge, admitting it 
 to be effected. And the satisfaction of the Church presup- 
 poseth that God is satisfied, that is to say, His wrath appeased, 
 and His favour regained, by the means which the Church 
 prescribeth ; but requireth also that he submit, not only to 
 use the cure which the Church prescribeth, but to the judg- 
 ment thereof in admitting the effect of it n ." There are many 
 more strong and plain expressions in this author for the 
 power of the keys, and the exercise of them, too long to be 
 transcribed, particularly in pp. 84, 85, 91, 97, 105 . Some of 
 which are more especially to be observed, as where he asserts 
 that " the greatest part of Christians are bound in conscience 
 to have recourse to the power of the Church, and the keys 
 thereof, for the cure of those sins which are not of them- 
 selves notorious P." And therefore he is for the confession of 
 secret sins, for which he vouches the authority of Origen q ; 
 
 n> Ibid., p. 78. you for a skilful physician, to whom 
 
 n Ibid., p. 82. you may open the disease of your 
 
 Ibid., chapters ix, x, xi. soul : good reason . . . but when he 
 
 P [Ibid., p. 85. Thorndike's words adviseth further, that if he think the 
 
 are "that the most part . . . are, for sin fit to be declared to the assembly 
 
 the most part, bound," &c.] of the Church, as where it is to be 
 
 > [pp. 93, 94. " Origen in Psal. cured, doth he not require necessary 
 
 xxxvii. Horn. ii. advises to look about penance, upon voluntary confessions ?" 
 
40 
 
 Thorndike (and Origen) on private confession. 
 
 and farther saith, that he " must freely glorify God, by freely 
 professing that no Christian kingdom or state can maintain 
 itself to be that which it pretendeth more effectually, than 
 by giving force and effect to the law of private confession 
 once a year r ." And what is also to be observed by his lord- 
 ship is, that one reason he gives why the godly discipline of 
 putting notorious sinners to penance at the beginning of 
 Lent could not take place at the Reformation, was, that 
 " the tares of puritanism were sowed together with the grain 
 
 and p. 97, " I have given you the testi- 
 mony of Origen directing to make 
 choice of some of the presbyters of the 
 Church, to make acquainted with se- 
 cret sin, &c."] Horn. ii. in Ps. xxxvii. 
 [ 6. Op., torn. ii. p. 688. col. i. F.] 
 " Vide ergo quid edocet nos scriptura 
 divina, quia oportet peccatum non ce- 
 lare intrinsecus. Fortassis enim sicut 
 ii qui habent intus inclusarn escam in- 
 digestam, aut humoris vel phlegmatis 
 stomacho graviter et moleste immi- 
 nentis abundantiam, si vomuerint re- 
 levantur : ita etiam hi qui peccaverunt, 
 si quidem occultant, et retinent intra se 
 peccatum, intrinsecus urgentur, et pro- 
 pemodum suffocantur a phlegmate vel 
 humore peccati. Si autem [peccator] 
 ipse sui accusatur fiat, dum accusat 
 semetipsum, et confitetur, simul evo- 
 mit et delictum, atque omnem morbi 
 digerit causam. Tantummodo cir- 
 cumspice diligentius, cui debeas con- 
 fiteri peccatum tuum. Proba prius 
 medicum, cui debeas causam languo- 
 ris exponere, qui sciat infirmari cum 
 infirmante, flere cum flente, qui condo- 
 lendi et compatiendi noverit discipli- 
 nam : ut ita demum si quid ille dixe- 
 rit, qui se prius et eruditum medicum 
 ostenderit et misericordem, si quid con- 
 silii dederit, facias et sequaris, si in- 
 tellexerit et praeviderit talem esse lan- 
 guorum tuum qui in conventu totius 
 ecclesiae exponi debeat, et curari, ex 
 quo fortassis et caeteri aedificari pote- 
 runt, et tu ipse facile sanari ; multa hoc 
 deliberatione, et satis perito medici il- 
 lius consilio procurandum est. ' Quo- 
 niam iniquitatem meam ego pronun- 
 ciabo, et cogitabo pro peccato meo.' 
 Quicumque vestrum conscius sibi est 
 in aliquo peccato, et ita securus est 
 quasi nihil mali fecerit, commoveatur 
 ex hoc sermone qui dicit : cogitabo pro 
 peccato meo." And who is meant by 
 the physician, to whom Origen would 
 
 have the sinner confess, is plain from 
 the beginning of his first Homily on 
 this Psalm. [ibid., p. 680. col. i. C. 
 " Et sicut (Deus) corpori medica- 
 menta praeparavit .... ita etiam ani- 
 mae medicamenta praeparavit . . . ut 
 hi qui aliqua aegritudine fuerint op- 
 pressi, statim ut vim morbi sense- 
 rint . . .] requirant aptum et con- 
 venientem sibi rationabilem discipli- 
 nam, quae eis ex pneceptis Dei possit 
 mederi : nam tradidit et medicinae artis 
 industriam, cujus archiatros est Salva- 
 tor dicens de se, quia ' non opus habent 
 qui sani sunt medico, sed qui male ha- 
 bent.' Et ille quidem erat archiatros 
 qui posset curare omnem languorem et 
 omnem infirmitatem : discipuli vero 
 ejus Petrus vel Paulus, sed et Pro- 
 phetae medici sunt, et hi omnes qui 
 post Apostolos in Ecclesia positi sunt, 
 quibusque curandorum vulnerum dis- 
 ciplina commissa est, quos voluit Deus 
 in Ecclesia sua esse medicos anima- 
 rum." Both these homilies are wor- 
 thy to be read by all clergymen. 
 
 In the MS. notes there is added, 
 "For ' Ps. xxxii.' " (as it was incorrectly 
 printed in the third edition,) "read 
 'xxxvii.' and add, k vid. Horn. ii. super 
 Levit.'" The passage referred to is in 
 4. Op., torn. ii. p. 191. col. i. B, C. " Est 
 adhuc et septima, licet dura et laboriosa, 
 per prenitentiam remissio peccatorum, 
 cum lavat peccator in lacrymis stra- 
 tum suum, et fiunt ei lacryma? suas 
 panes die ac nocte, et cum non eru- 
 bescit sacerdoti Domini indicare pec- 
 catum suum, et quaerere medicinam, 
 secundum eum qui ait : ' Dixi pronun- 
 tiabo adversum me injustitiam meam 
 Domino, et tu remisisti impietatem 
 cordis mei.' In quo impletur et illud, 
 quod Jacobus Apostolus dicit: 'si quis 
 autem infirmatur, vocet presbyteros 
 Ecclesiae, etimponant eimanus, &c.'"] 
 
 r [Thorndike, ibid.,] p. 101. 
 
In what sense remission 'not from/ or 'without, the Church.' 41 
 
 of reformation in the Church of England 8 ." It is very true ACCOUNT 
 what he asserts, ' that the Church hath no power to forgive EDITION. 
 sins immediately, nor to pardon any person's sin without that 
 disposition of true repentance which qualifieth a man for it V 
 without which the act of the Church in loosing sinners is 
 ineffectual ; in which sense the saying of Firmilian cited by 
 our author out of Cyprian is true, that penitents ( do not ob- 
 tain remission of sins from, or by the act of the Church/ but 
 by their own repentance" ; but then he asserts on the other 
 hand, ' that God hath appointed the ministry of the Church 
 for the reconcilement of those sins, which come to the know- 
 ledge of the Church ;' and that the act of the Church is as 
 necessary to readmit public penitents, as at first to admit 
 catechumens, when qualified, to become the disciples of 
 Christ x . He also asserts, as the bishop observes, that ' a man's 
 own Christianity may supply the means of forgiveness, where 
 there is no remission by the keys of the Church, as in the 
 case of clave errante?,' where the bishop by prejudice or too 
 much severity keeps bound those whom he ought to loose ; 
 of which there is a terrible censure, Const. Apost., lib. ii. 
 cap. 21 z . And here in answer to the bishop I must profess, 
 that I know none of the Church of England who have 
 written of the power of the keys or sacerdotal absolution, 
 without these exceptions, restrictions, and abatements. As 
 for my own justification I must inform his lordship I did it 
 in my Prefatory Answer to the Book of the Rights, as he may 
 find it, [sect, ix.] There he may find from St. Cyprian a , that 
 sacerdotal absolution hath no effect, where the penitent de- 
 ceives the Church and her ministers appointed to loose sinners; 
 and there are several cases more too long to be considered 
 here, as when a priest for filthy lucre- absolves a sinner, 
 
 * [Ibid.,] p. 105. sequantur, sed ut per nos ad intelli- 
 
 1 [Ibid., p. 81. in substance.} gentiam delictorum suorum conver- 
 
 u [Ibid., p. 91. The passage is from tantur, et Domino plenius satisfacere 
 
 Ep. Ixxv. FirmilianiEpiscopiCaesareae cogantur.' " S. Cypr. Op., p. 144.] 
 
 Cappadociae ad Cyprianum contra * [Ibid., p. 77. in substance. ] 
 
 Epistolam Stephani. " He saith that y [Ibid., p. 97, "which the keys of 
 
 they used in their parts to hold synods the Church fail of procuring." Thorn- 
 
 every year, 'ut si qua graviora sunt, dike.] 
 
 communi consilio dirigantur ; lapsis * [Concil., torn. i. pp. 249 252.] 
 
 quoque fratribus, et post lavacrum * FEpist. lix. ad Antonianum. S. 
 
 salutare a diabolo vulneratis, per poe- Cypr. Opera, p. 71, and Epist. liv. ad 
 
 nitentiam medela quaeratur; non quasi Cornelium, ibid., p. 78.] 
 a nobis remissionem peccatorum con- 
 
OF THIRD 
 EDITION. 
 
 42 Repentance necessary : case of Zosimus ; 
 
 ACCOUNT whom he ought to keep bound. This as odious a case and 
 as scandalous as it is, was the case of Zosimus the presbyter ; 
 who as it appears from above thirty epistles of Isidorus Pelu- 
 siota to him, was one of the vilest and most scandalous for 
 several vices, but particularly for avarice and luxury, that 
 ever was in the Church of God. This fellow abusing his 
 priestly character and profession, for "filthy lucre's sake b ," 
 absolved a perjured person for a dish of fish, without oblig- 
 ing him to make restitution to the innocent person injured by 
 his perjury ; for which wickedness Isidore tells him of one 
 who said he was worthy to be put to death ; and then telling 
 him how he had perverted and depraved the gospel, he saith 
 that the power of loosing is to be understood of those who are 
 penitent; that he is not loosed who sweetens c the priest by 
 gifts, but he who satisfies the injured person to whom he did 
 wrong. And then most excellently setting forth his great 
 abuse of the priestly power, and the place of the gospel 
 upon which it is grounded, in expressions too long to be 
 transcribed, he tells him, that priests were \eiTovp<yol, od 
 Kowcovol, only "ministers, not consorts," or parcenors d (with 
 the Holy Ghost e ) of the power of absolution; TT peer pet,?, ov 
 KpiTal, "legates," or deputies, who ought to act within the 
 limits of their commission, and " not (civil) judges," whose 
 mistaken or unjust judgments acquit criminals; yitecrmw, ov 
 /8a<riXet9, "mediators" who absolve penitents by their prayers, 
 and intercessions for them, and " not kings/' who can pardon 
 or not pardon, as they please ; " for they, as the Apostle 
 speaks, who offer sacrifices for their own sins cannot as by 
 their own arbitrary power forgive sins to impenitents, though 
 they are never so rich f ," &c. 
 
 I believe there is not one of those upon whom his lordship 
 
 b Lib. iii. Epist. 260. /cepSous cVe/cev mentaries, book ii. chap. 12.] 
 [S. Isidori Pelusiotas Epist., e Et TO'IVVV Sia rb Bslov 
 
 , E. 363, 
 
 pp. 361, E. 363, C. All the refer- Tavr-nv clx-fifacri rfr Qovviav. [p. 363, 
 
 ences are to one Epistle.] B.J 
 
 c [T& eav Auo-r/re irepl yvcafft/j.axovv- l [\eirovpyoi yap zlviv ov itoivuvol' 
 
 TCDV airoAuerot Se TOV eyK\"f]/j.aros oi>x. 7rpeV$ets, ou Kpiral' /neairai ov fia<ri- 
 
 6 rbv If pea e/c/uetAiovro'jUej'os, aAA 1 6 rbv Ae?s'] ol yap Kal irepl otKeicav afj.aprr}- 
 
 atiiK-rjdfi'ra eev/j.evi6fj.evos.^Ibid., p. paTtav, [ws e^Tj 6 'ATrdVroAos, dvaias 
 
 362, B.] irpoo~(p(povT6s, OVK &j/ Srjirov e| avdfv- 
 
 d [Coheirs, who altogether make but rias TO?S a(j.tTavo-f)Tois, el KOI TrXovaiot 
 
 one heir, and have but one estate elev, ^vvaivr aQflvai a/j.apTias, pp. 362, 
 
 among them. See Blackstone's Com- E. 363, A.] 
 
Dodwell' s statements on the necessity of sacerdotal absolution; 43 
 
 reflects for advancing the power of sacerdotal absolution, but ACCOUNT 
 who will give their assent to every word of Isidore's letter to EDITION. 
 that wicked Zosimus, and would write such another to any 
 priest now upon the same occasion. Nay I dare say that 
 "learned and pious" laic, whom he singles out in his reflec- 
 tions &, will approve the whole of this epistle to that wicked 
 priest ; and therefore I hope his lordship will pardon me for 
 saying, that he hath cited it to no purpose against him. 
 
 I confess the expressions he cites out of him seem a little 
 unguarded, but the substance of what he writes is true, and 
 may be admitted with a very little candid allowance and 
 abatement from the strict manner in which he expresses his 
 meaning; for the bishop will not, I believe, deny that 
 "sacerdotal absolution is" (ordinarily) "necessary for the 
 remission of sins, even of those who are truly penitent 11 ;" nor 
 that " God hath obliged Himself to ratify the absolution of 
 the Church 1 " for the remission of sins to those who are quali- 
 fied for it by repentance. Neither I suppose will he deny, 
 that "the administration of the holy Eucharist is the ordinary 
 means of conveying the sacerdotal absolution of sins after 
 baptism," as baptism is the ordinary means of conveying the 
 sacerdotal absolution of sins to the baptized, which they com- 
 mitted before baptism k . Nor will he deny, I take it for 
 granted, that "the priest is the judge competent 1 ," to whom 
 the Sacraments shall be administered, and to whom not ; whe- 
 ther the penitent sinner after baptism shall be loosed by giving 
 him the Sacrament of the holy Eucharist for the remission of 
 his sins, or by a verbal absolution. Neither can his lordship, 
 I think, deny that ' as priests were made, or instituted for the 
 administration of the Sacraments ; so the Sacraments were in- 
 stituted to be administered by the priests, and that to admi- 
 
 g [Visitation Charge, p. 20, 21. "A proving that the soul is naturally mor- 
 
 late pious and learned writer, who may tal, but immortalized actually," p. 62. 
 
 be thought of the greater authority in London 1706.] 
 
 this matter, for not being in orders h [Dodwell, Praemon., p. 62.] 
 
 himself." The person referred to is J [("Priests) alone can oblige God 
 
 Henry Dodwell, late Camden Pro- to ratify in heaven what is transacted 
 
 fessor of History. See " A Praemoni- by them in earth, by the authority they 
 
 tion, that sacerdotal absolution is have received from God Himself." 
 
 necessary for the remission of sins, Praemon., p. 66.] 
 
 even of those who are truly penitent," k [Praemon., p, 63, 64.] 
 
 prefixed to his "Epistolary Discourse, ' [Praemon., p. 67.] 
 
44 primarily designed for the benefit of the people. 
 
 ACCOUNT nister them is their proper right/ Nor will he, I presume, make 
 'EDITION? anv difficulty to grant, that ' as God hath given the power of 
 the temporal sword to princes, for the preservation of their au- 
 thority as well as for the benefit of their people, so He hath 
 given the power of the keys and of administering of the Sacra- 
 ments to His priests for the preservation and maintenance of 
 their authority, as well as for the benefit of the people 11 / These 
 certainly are co-ordinate ends of the sacerdotal power; but 
 which of the two was the principal or primary in God's inten- 
 tion may perhaps admit of some dispute, especially if it be 
 considered, that God could have given remission of sins to 
 true believers before baptism, and true penitents after it, 
 without obliging them to depend upon the sacramental or 
 verbal absolution of His priests, for the remission of their 
 sins, as the ordinary condition or means by which it was to 
 be obtained. For this reason, I say, it may admit of some 
 little dispute, which of these two co-ordinate ends is the 
 chief; though I am of the bishop's opinion , that the sacer- 
 dotal power and " Sacraments, were primarily designed" by 
 God "for the benefit of the people," especially if his lord- 
 ship will admit, that 'the securing of their obedience' to 
 their priests by their dependence upon them is, as certainly 
 it is, much for their benefit?. And if he will grant this, as 
 one would think he should, then I think there will be very 
 little, if any, difference betwixt his lordship, and that learned 
 writer of the laity, whom he hath taken so much pains to 
 confute and expose q . 
 
 m [Praemon., pp. 64, 65.] made for the Sacraments, and not the 
 
 n [Praemon., p. 66.] Sacraments for the priests: whereas 
 
 [Charge, p. 21.] this author advances the contrary, and 
 P ["The design of all this seems to be even after he has made receiving the 
 
 to oblige all laics to a voluntary obedi- Sacraments the ordinary means of 
 ence to their clergy (even in times of receiving remission of sins, and sup- 
 persecution, when no other means can posed the priests obliged by Christ 
 be used) by a sense of their own great- Himself to signify their consent and 
 est interest, which is so highly con- approbation of persons by giving the 
 cerned in paying that obedience." external symbols, he calls them arbi- 
 Praem., p. 66.] trary means, of which the priest is the 
 
 1 [" (His words) seem to me pretty competent judge, whether we shall use 
 extraordinary. I confess I always them or a verbal absolution ; THE 
 thought that the Sacraments were PRIEST'S RIGHT AND NOT THE COM- 
 primarily designed for the benefit of MUNICANT'S BEING HERE PRINCI- 
 believers, as a means of conveying PALLY CONCERNED." Visit. Charge, 
 pledges assuring them of the grace of p. 21.] 
 
 the gospel ; and that priests were 
 
The spiritual dignity of the priesthood sunk in the secular. 45 
 
 Thus much I thought fit to say by way of animadversion ACCOUNT 
 upon what his lordship has written 1 " upon 'the three prin- ED moN. 
 cipal opinions, and the zealous promoters of them in be- 
 half of the clergy, to advance their honour and dignity/ 
 And here I leave him to consider of all that I have written 
 for his sake, as well as my own, who am one of those more 
 especially pointed at in his charge. Only I beg the liberty 
 of his lordship, at parting, to beseech him to consider, that if 
 we in a just zeal for the priesthood, had carried those three 
 points a little too high, as for my own part I am satisfied I 
 have not, whether it became a bishop to make a whole charge 
 against us, to expose us for so venial a transgression, with- 
 out any regard to the time when, and the place where we 
 wrote, or the just provocations which moved us to write. 
 I think had his lordship considered these things, an apology 
 for us would have better become him, than a criminal charge 
 to the clergy against us. 
 
 But besides all these considerations, there is one more par- 
 ticular which induced me to write as I have done, for the 
 honour and dignity of the priesthood of both orders, and that 
 is the Gothic constitution, wherein the secular honours of 
 the clergy have occasioned not only the people, but priests 
 themselves, in a great measure to forget their spiritual dig- 
 nity, as priests. In the empire it is observable, that the 
 dignified clergy are not only more valued, but also generally 
 value themselves more as princes, palatines, and lords, than 
 as bishops and priests ; and in other kingdoms of the Gothic 
 constitution, it may now and then be seen, that as Paulus 
 Samosatenus affected the seculartitle of ducenarius 3 before that 
 of bishop, so some prelates are so dazzled with the splendour of 
 their titles, as nobles of the realm, it may be peers ; or as in 
 some kingdoms, as dukes and peers, that they think their 
 dignity greater as lords and judges of parliament, and value 
 themselves more as such, than as they are Christ's vicegerents 
 and bishops, and senators of the Church. In kingdoms of 
 such a tempting constitution, especially in kingdoms which 
 are sunk into the dregs thereof, and where priests as priests 
 
 r Charge, p. 5. mine accipiebant a principe. Vales. 
 
 R [Sic dicebantur Procurators qui not. ad locum. Eusebius, H. E. lib. vii. 
 ducenta sestertia annui salarii no- c. 30. p. 361.] 
 
46 The author's desire, to increase the reverence of the people 
 
 ACCOUNT are growing into contempt, it can never be unseasonable to 
 magnify the priesthood, and put both laity and clergy in 
 mind of the sacerdotal dignity, especially from such monu- 
 ments of the ancient Church, as shew both what the laity, 
 emperors and kings not excepted, thought of priests in the 
 purest times, and what priests who were saints and martyrs, 
 or otherwise eminent for the love of souls and the contempt 
 of the world, thought and wrote of themselves, and of their 
 spiritual authority as priests. His lordship might have also 
 considered, that we, whom he is pleased to mark out and 
 distinguish from other writers by a particular characteristic % 
 as promoters of the ' three opinions ' which, he saith, ' have 
 lately been revived,' have not been revived by us for any 
 worldly end or interest, but purely for the love of truth, and 
 to promote both the temporal and eternal happiness of the 
 people, as well as the honour of the priests. We are not in 
 the interests of the world, which hath deprived us ; but, aa 
 the generality of the world in this iron- age hath been for 
 many years, it had been much more for our worldly ease 
 and interest to have lowered the priesthood in our writings, 
 to have nailed the ears of the Church in them to the door- 
 posts of the State, to have nattered the empire into an abso- 
 lute spiritual supremacy over the Church ; to have opposed 
 the proper priesthood of the clergy, to have writ them down 
 into a stipendiary ministry, or to have published books of 
 sceptical subjects, which gratify the animal life, and are 
 highly grateful to flesh and blood. Had we written as the 
 men oi latitude do, and employed our pens as free thinkers, 
 to rescue the enslaved world from the craft and tyranny of 
 her priests, we had been the favourites of all the enemies of 
 the Church and her clergy ; but without any worldly view, 
 or design to please men, we have written for truth, for sober, 
 primitive, catholic truths in behalf of both; for truths, of 
 which even the' bishop, and those of his clergy who desired 
 him to print his charge against us, we hope may by God's 
 blessing upon our books, find the benefit, though we can reap 
 no other benefit by them, than to have the satisfaction of 
 seeing the doctrines his lordship saith we have revived, re- 
 
 1 [As " those of the late separation."] Charge, p. 5, 6. 
 
for the Bishops and Clergy of the Church. 47 
 
 vive the veneration which the people ought to have for their ACCOUNT 
 priests, and the value and reverence which their priests EDITION. 
 ought to have for themselves, as the ministers of God u . 
 
 u The Ordering of Priests. " You a dignity, and to how weighty an office 
 
 have heard, brethren, of what dignity, and charge you are called. . . . Foras- 
 
 and of how great importance this much then as your office is of so great 
 
 office is, whereunto you are called, and excellency, and of so great difficulty 
 
 now again we exhort you in the name . . . that you may shew yourselves duti- 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you ful and thankful unto that Lord, who 
 
 have in remembrance into how high hath placed you in so high a dignity." 
 
TO THE 
 
 AUTHOR OF A BOOK 
 
 FALSELY KNTITULED 
 
 THE RIGHTS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH ASSERTED". 
 
 SIR, 
 
 LETTER WHEN I began the following preface, I did not intend to 
 OF RIGHTS, make it so long, as at first only designing to make a few re- 
 
 [This letter was not in the third 
 edition : it was printed in the Supple- 
 ment of 1715, No. I. p. 1, with this 
 title, " The Letter to the Author of the 
 Rights, prefixed to the two former 
 editions of this book, but casually 
 omitted by mistake in the third edi- 
 tion." 
 
 The full title of this once cele- 
 brated work was " The Rights of the 
 Christian Church asserted, against the 
 Romish and all other Priests who 
 claim an independent authority over 
 it ; with a preface concerning the 
 government of the Church of England 
 as by law established. London, 1706." 
 
 Matthew Tindal, D.C.L., appears 
 now to have been generally recognised 
 as the author. There are frequent 
 allusions to him in this work, as " the 
 reputed author" of the Rights, &c. He 
 was the son of a clergyman, " the son 
 of a priest," at Beerferris in Devon- 
 shire, and born about the year 1657. 
 In 1672 he entered the University as a 
 Commoner of Lincoln college, where 
 he was Hickes's pupil : he thence re- 
 moved, about the time Hickes left the 
 University, to Exeter college, and 
 after taking the degree of B. A. in 1676, 
 was elected a Fellow of All Souls', 
 (Wood's Athenae,vol. ii. p. 1011. fol.,) 
 and continued so, " eating founder's 
 bread," till his death. During his 
 residence in Oxford he took up the 
 received principles of Church autho- 
 rity, till associating with persons of 
 Roman Catholic opinions, (the Master 
 of University college, Obadiah Walker, 
 
 being alluded to by Hickes as one,) 
 and being led to think, that, on the 
 principles he held, the cau e of the 
 Church of England was argumenta- 
 tively weak, he joined the Roman 
 communion in the early part of the 
 year 1686, and went to Mass; but it 
 would seem from the doubtful way in 
 which Hickes speaks of it, (" who 
 went over, or was going over,") that 
 he did so without openly declaring 
 himself. At this time he was ad- 
 mitted an advocate at Doctors' Com- 
 mons. On going into the world, and 
 mixing with men of different opinions, 
 he heard his principles ridiculed ; and 
 finding the doctrine of the Roman 
 Church other than he expected, was led, 
 he says, (see Second Defence of Rights, 
 pp. 172, 173,) to re-examine the sub- 
 ject, and concluded by entirely reject- 
 ing the doctrine of Church authority ; 
 and on the view that the English 
 Church does not claim such authority, 
 he returned to our communion at 
 Easter, 1688. After this his life was 
 chiefly spent in London, in the society 
 of men of loose opinions, and in very 
 dissolute practices. In 1694, when 
 discussions about a comprehension, and 
 alterations of the Liturgy, were on foot, 
 particularly with regard to the doctrine 
 of the Trinity and the Creed of St. Atha- 
 nasius, Tindal " following the humour 
 of the times," published " A Letter to 
 the Clergy of both Universities," con- 
 cerning these two articles, and the 
 following year a defence of it. A few 
 years after he openly expressed in con- 
 
Detiy* oftke Pr^mltary Ducome. 49 
 
 marks upon your book, to give the reader some specimens of LETTKK 
 your arrogant and sophistical way of reasoning, in some in- OF BIGHTS. 
 stances, and then leave him to judge of the rest. But when 
 I came to consider one thing, that led me on to another, 
 which I still thought required an answer ; and so step after 
 step I was obliged to traverse your whole book. I must 
 therefore desire you, and my readers, of whom I am sure 
 you wiU be one, to consider my preface rather as another 
 book than a preface and to that end I have set the contents 
 of it before it*, as writers commonly do before their books. 
 Could I have foreseen it would have been so long, I would 
 have made it a book by itself; but however I think it is all 
 one to the reader, and the interest of truth, whether he 
 hath an answer to your book in a joint, or a separate treatise; 
 awl those who think it not worth the while to read such an 
 answer under the title of a preface, would, I believe, have as 
 little mind to read it, if it were published singly in a dis- 
 tinct look. 
 
 When you please, Sir, to make a reply, I hope you will 
 put your name to it, as I have put mine to this book, and 
 thereby shew the world, that you are neither ashamed or 
 afraid to own what you have written in your book Of the 
 
 versatinn the sentiments * that there published in 1706. A third and fourth 
 
 DOT can be any revealed re- in 1707. In the latter year he pub- 
 
 f "that reason is sufficient for Hshed two defences of has work, 1. A 
 
 direction, without revelation ;" Defence of the Rights, &c., against a 
 
 : : -; - Archdeacon Proast, ".<.:-: Visitation Sermon, entitled ::t 
 
 is present, (see his letter to Dr. Rights of the Clergy in the Christian 
 
 i die Preliminary Discourse Church asserted, by W. Wotton, B.D. 
 
 : >} ;:-. :-; ; :: I was th* less Lond 1707 2, A Second Defence ::" 
 
 riecanse I knew at that time the Rights, &c. occasioned by two late 
 
 v~n inclination, and what sort indictments against a bookseller and 
 
 f CHHpBDy he frequented when at his servant, for selling one of the said 
 
 1:.- : - : :: wai usually i. greal books, &c, Lond. 1707. Of these he 
 
 part f the year."" His works after- published a second edition in 1709, 
 
 ii ''- '.'- eih Erected against th< as DOM weak, .;. tw< parts, with the 
 
 clergy, and what he called priestcraft, title, ** A Defence of the Rights, &c. in 
 
 vtoDe fee still professed himself a Chris- two parts." 1 709- 
 
 tiaiL His eii>cal opinions were at The grand jury of Middlesex, Dec, 
 
 last faHy set forth in his notorious 13, 1706, made a presentment against 
 
 Mat. called "Christianity as old as Mr, Richard Sare and his journeyman, 
 
 tbe Creation/" which was published in Mr. Williamson, for selling the work. 
 
 1798L, wien he was seventy-three years (Second Defence, p. 91, 1709. ) And on 
 
 of J^e. He had written a second part March 25, 1710, it was ordered by the 
 
 of this work, and partiy printed it at House of Commons to be burnt.] 
 
 the time f IBS death, which took place * [The Table of contents, which in 
 
 Augwt 1&, 1733. He was, at his * the earlier editions was placed imme- 
 
 reqaert. * i L i at Clerkenwell church, diately before the Prefatory Discourse, 
 
 sar Bishop Burnet. will be found at tbe beginning of this 
 
 Two editions of the Rights were vohme.] 
 
50 Author called on to own his work, 
 
 Rights, or the Preface to it c , or to appear in the defence of 
 OF RIGHTS. them d . Ashamed you ought not to be for discovering a craft, 
 I mean the craft of priests, who, if you write truth, have 
 bubbled and cheated the world at least ever since the priestly 
 office was divided from the regal ; nor ought you to be afraid 
 of publishing wholesome and seasonable doctrines, to deliver 
 mankind from the slavery of an usurped power, under which, 
 if men will believe you, it hath been so long in Egyptian 
 bondage. But if the world should be so blind and ungrate- 
 ful, as to persecute their deliverer, would not your sufferings 
 carry a reward of great glory with them ? And would it not 
 be for your everlasting honour to be a confessor for detecting 
 such errors as you pretend to refute ? Pray, Sir, remember 
 that Socrates, who died for one great truth, hath not only 
 had statues erected, but medals struck for the honour of 
 his memory, and by his sufferings hath left such a glorious 
 idea of himself in the minds of men, that his name hath been 
 transmitted to posterity, like the pictures of saints, with a 
 glory about it, and to this day is not mentioned, but with 
 such honour as is usually paid to the memories of such 
 excellent men, as were or endeavoured to be reformers of 
 their country, and benefactors to mankind. Sir, remember 
 his great example, and fear not at a venture to publish your 
 name, that it may live for ever, and be alway venerable with 
 his, who attempted to deliver his country, truly priest-ridden, 
 from the religious slavery and impositions of crafty priests. 
 Take courage then, Sir, and let the world know your worthy 
 
 [It was supposed, Walpole says, speaking of the book of the Rights, 
 
 but on what foundation he does not " of which I can now certainly say that 
 
 know, that the preface to the Rights Dr. Tindal, for his immortal honour, 
 
 was written by Lord Somers. Biogr. was the compiler: for I have seen a 
 
 Brit., article Somers.] letter of his in his own writing, wherein 
 
 d [The author of the Rights was not he owns himself to be the author of it, 
 
 certainly known in 1706. Dr. Tindal which as I have also heard, hath been 
 
 was the reputed author, or " compiler," attested by one or more of those whom 
 
 for it was supposed to be a joint work he employed, as copyists or amanuenses 
 
 of "the party;" thus Hickes calls him to transcribe the work; that incompa- 
 
 " the penman of the club," and says, rable work of which he was so fond 
 
 " it passed through as many of their that he told a gentleman who found 
 
 hands to patch it up as neatly as they him at it with pen in hand, 'that he 
 
 could." See also Leslie's Vindication, was writing a book which would make 
 
 Theological Works, vol. i. pp. 124, 127. the clergy mad.'" And in the Rehear- 
 
 fol. 1721. sal it is said, " I hear he does not deny 
 
 In 1709, in the Preliminary Discourse it."] 
 to ' Spinoza revived,' Hickes says, 
 
to be celebrated with others of his party, 
 
 51 
 
 name, that it may be immortalized with that of Mr.Bl[ount]'s e , 
 and T[oland]V, and As [gill] V, and St[ephens]'s h , and such 
 
 LETTER 
 TO AUTHOR 
 OF RIGHTS. 
 
 c [The names of Blount and Asgill 
 are filled up in the MS. additions. 
 The same names are found associated 
 by other contemporary writers. For 
 instance, by Swift, " Who would ever 
 have suspected Asgill for a wit, or 
 Toland for a philosopher." (1708.) 
 Works, vol. ii. p. 474. "Tindal, To- 
 land, Coward, Collins, Clendon, and all 
 the tribe of free-thinkers." (1711.) ib. 
 vol. iii. p. 85. " Toland, Asgill, Mon- 
 mouth, Collins, Tindal, and others of 
 the fraternity." (1713.) ib., vol. iv. p. 
 415. 
 
 Charles Blount, "who set himself 
 at the head of the deists, and after 
 whom they now copy," (Leslie, Short 
 and Easy Method, Pref. &c. ; Theol. 
 Works, p. 7, and note to p. 24, 1721,) 
 was born in 1654. His most notorious 
 work was " The Life of Apollonius 
 Tyaneus, 1680," which was soon after 
 suppressed, because of its blasphemous 
 character. He committed suicide in 
 1693. After his death C. Gildon pub- 
 lished his remains under the name of 
 " The Oracles of Reason," with a pre- 
 face defending suicide. The " Oracles 
 of Reason, or Miscellaneous Works of 
 Charles Blount, Esq.," is the first work 
 noticed in" The Axe laid to the Root of 
 Christianity." After giving extracts 
 from the work, and from Gildon's pre- 
 face, it proceeds, (p. 2,) "The writer 
 of these words hath since publicly 
 begged God's and all good men's par- 
 don for them," (Gildon was converted 
 by reading Leslie's Plain and Easy 
 Method, and published "The Deist's 
 Manual," in answer to the errors he 
 had before held); "and therefore I 
 mention them, not with a design of re- 
 proaching him, but the age only in 
 which he was allowed and encouraged 
 thus to write." Blount is again men- 
 tioned by Hickes in the Prefatory Dis- 
 course, p. 250. " Thus if they were 
 alive might Hobbes and Blount and 
 many other sons of Belial brag."] 
 
 * [In the MS. notes this is filled up 
 T[indal], which seems to be an error, 
 as Tindal is evidently pointed at 
 throughout the letter as the author of 
 the Rights. Toland was a notorious 
 infidel writer. He is mentioned with 
 Blount and Socinus by Johnson, Pref. 
 Epist. to the Unbloody Sacrifice, p. 26, 
 1714, and as Tindal's friend and helper 
 by Leslie, Vindication, Works, vol. i. p. 
 
 124, 1721. He was "a man of most 
 uncommon abilities, and perhaps the 
 most learned of all the infidel writers." 
 He was born in Ireland, in 1670, and 
 was "bred in the Roman Catholic 
 faith ; . . . but as he was a boy of for- 
 ward parts, he early shook oft the super- 
 stition of his ancestors, and even before 
 he was sixteen years of age had grown 
 into a warm zeal against popery," and 
 joined the dissenters. In 1696 he pub- 
 lished a work entitled " Christianity 
 notMysterious," which excited general 
 indignation. On this he was offended 
 at the dissenters, and declared himself 
 a Latitudinarian. In 1699 he pub- 
 lished his Amyntor, a covert attack 
 on the Canon of Scripture, and other 
 deistical books and pamphlets. And 
 in 1717 one called " Pantheisticon sive 
 formula celebrandae sodalitatis Socra- 
 ticse," an atheistical parody on a Li- 
 turgy. He died in 1722. He was an 
 intimate friend of Tindal's. See " The 
 Axe laid to the Root of Christianity," 
 p. 3.] 
 
 [John Asgill, a lawyer of some 
 eminence. Thus noticed in "The Axe 
 laid to the Root of Christianity," p. 3 : 
 " Mr. Asgill in the year 1700 printed 
 a book and put his name to it, with a 
 plain design of ridiculing all revealed 
 religion, and the belief of a future state : 
 as may appear from the title, which is, 
 'An Argument proving that according 
 to the Covenant of Eternal Life, re- 
 vealed in Scripture, man maybe trans- 
 lated from hence into that eternal life 
 without passing through death, &c.' 
 Some blasphemous extracts follow; 
 then, "the key of his whole book is p. 
 95, where he plainly and briefly thus 
 declares his faith, ' If I die like other 
 men, I declare myself to die of no 
 religion.' " 
 
 Rehearsal, No. 203, April 26, 1707: 
 
 " Countryman. I am quite at a loss. 
 I must have some of your help now, 
 master, to let me see into the bottom 
 of his design. 
 
 " Rehearsal. It was this, countryman. 
 That if he could bring as seemingly 
 clear and evident Scriptures for this 
 hypothesis of his as there are for the 
 articles of our creed, and then every 
 body finding that they die notwith- 
 standing, it would soon follow that 
 men would disbelieve every word of 
 the Scriptures, and reckon them all a 
 
52 
 
 their principles exposed in the Rehearsal) 
 
 LETTER other heroes, whose principles are laid bare in the Rehearsal 1 , 
 
 TO AUTHOR 
 
 cheat." See also No. 204, 216, 217, 
 
 219, 220. 
 
 Being afterwards elected a member 
 of the Irish House of Commons, he 
 was immediately expelled and the hook 
 ordered to he burnt. After having sat 
 in the English House as member for 
 Bramber from 1705 to 1707, he was 
 in the latter year expelled the House for 
 maintaining the doctrines of that book, 
 which was voted a blasphemous libel. 
 His pecuniary difficulties led to his 
 being committed to the Fleet. After 
 his expulsion from the House " he 
 retired first to the Mint, and then be- 
 came a prisoner in the King's Bench, 
 thence he removed to the Fleet, and 
 continued in the rules of one or other 
 of these prisons thirty years." He 
 died in 1738, aged upwards of 80. 
 Biogr. Diet] 
 
 h [The Rev. William Stephens, rec- 
 tor of Sutton in Surrey, is repeatedly 
 noticed in the Rehearsal. Thus (No. 
 94, April 10, 1706.) " He was noted 
 as the furiosest of the party. He jus- 
 tified the murder of K. Charles the 
 First, in a sermon before the House 
 of Commons, and printed it without 
 the desire or leave of the House." 
 Jan. 30, 1693-4, he had preached and 
 afterwards published a sermon before 
 the Lord Mayor, &c. in which he said, 
 pp. 3,4," The loss of a good king gives 
 just cause of lamentation. . . . But had 
 they lived under a king, who by an open 
 example and encouragement of de- 
 bauchery, should have drawn the people 
 from their covenant with the Lord, &c. 
 ... it would be hard to persuade men 
 to call such a king the breath of their 
 nostrils." Jan. 30, 1699-700, he 
 preached before the House of Com- 
 mons the sermon alluded to above. 
 On this there came out " Reflexions 
 upon Mr. Stephens' Sermon preached 
 before the House of Commons Jan. 30, 
 1699-700, by a Gentleman who took 
 the said sermon in short hand. Lon- 
 don, printed for the use of the Calves' 
 Head Club, in order to their con- 
 version," no date. (The Calves' Head 
 Club was a name commonly given to 
 this party. See the Rehearsal, No. 5, 
 Sept. 2, 1704. For an account of this 
 club, supposed to meet every 30th of 
 Jan., see Life of Defoe, vol. ii. pp. 108 
 117. London, 1830.) P. 3. "Of all 
 men living Mr. Stephens, considering his 
 own circumstances, had the greatest rea- 
 son in the world to have worn out his 
 
 days in the greatest obscurity ; and it 
 not only accuses his own discretion, 
 but the common prudence of all his 
 advisers, to revive the memory of his 
 former (and almost buried) crimes," 
 &c. The sermon was soon printed, and 
 reprinted with the Growth of Deism, 
 and other infidel tracts, London, 1709. 
 After this his party seems to have 
 been ashamed of him. So the Re- 
 hearsal, No. 94, 1706. See also Nos. 
 98 and 99. On his publishing an 
 anonymous letter reflecting on Harley 
 and the duke of Marlborough, en- 
 titled " a Letter to the Author of the 
 Memorial of the Church of England," 
 (said to have been written by another 
 person,) in 1706, he was convicted, 
 fined 100 marks, and sentenced to stand 
 twice in the pillory : the last was re- 
 mitted, but not till he had seen it pre- 
 pared for him. Boyer's Queen Anne, 
 p. 386.] 
 
 1 [The Rehearsal, so frequently re- 
 ferred to by Hickes, was a paper " in 
 dialogue on the affairs of the times," 
 published at first weekly, and after- 
 wards twice a week, by Mr. Leslie. 
 It was printed on a folio half sheet and 
 sold for a penny. Its design will be 
 best understood by his own account of it 
 in the Preface to the first volume. (The 
 Observator and Review were weekly 
 penny papers: they were written re- 
 spectively by John Tutchin, and the 
 well known Daniel Defoe.) 
 
 " Whoever has perused the following 
 papers, will by this time be satisfied, 
 that the author undertook not this task 
 to make diversion for the town, nor 
 would let himself down to kick and 
 cuff with Tutchin, Defoe, and the rest 
 of the scandalous club (as they were 
 not ashamed to call themselves,) &c. 
 
 The case was this. He 
 
 saw great pains taken to poison the 
 people of this nation with most per- 
 nicious principles, both as to Church 
 and State, and even religion itself, not 
 only as reformed among us with re- 
 spect to popery, but as to all religion 
 in general, and all revelation of God 
 to man, that is, the Holy Scriptures, 
 and all built upon them. The axe was 
 laid to the root of Christianity; and 
 deism (which they call natural reli- 
 gion) set up in its place. And how 
 monstrously this has prevailed amongst 
 us of late years 1 am sorry I need not 
 inform the reader, for it has not been 
 made a secret, nor can escape the oh- 
 
and the Axe laid to the Root of Christianity. 53 
 
 and in The Axe laid to the Root of Christianity 11 , that you may LETTER 
 
 r i T /, 11 c TO AUTHOR 
 
 be as glorious in your ashes after you are dead, as one of O F RIGHTS. 
 
 servation of any who read our pam- 
 phlets and papers, or indeed who keeps 
 any conversation. Their books and 
 pamphlets have been solidly and seri- 
 ously answered. But their papers have 
 been neglected, that is, their weekly 
 penny papers, which go through the 
 nation like newspapers, and have 
 done much more mischief than the 
 others. For the greatest part of the 
 people do not read books. Most of 
 them cannot read at all. But they 
 will gather together about one that can 
 read, and listen to an Observator or 
 Review (as I have seen them in the 
 streets), where all the principles of 
 rebellion are instilled into them, and 
 they are taught the doctrine of priest- 
 craft, to banter religion and the Holy 
 Scriptures ; and are told most villain- 
 ous lies and stories of the clergy, which 
 they suck in greedily and are preju- 
 diced beyond expression 
 
 The remedy for this was but one of 
 two, either to put a stop to these per- 
 nicious papers, or to answer them. The 
 first was not in my power, and the 
 second was very disagreeable to me, 
 because the answer must be in the 
 same method as these papers, to come 
 out weekly, and to be read by the peo- 
 ple And to procure them to 
 
 listen to such an antidote, the design 
 must not appear at first, for people so 
 prejudiced would not bear it. There- 
 fore it was necessary, that at first 
 setting out, those papers should bear 
 an humorous title, and begin with that 
 pleasantry and fooling with which they 
 were so much taken in the other 
 papers 
 
 For this reason I borrowed the title 
 of that most humorous and ingenious 
 of our plays, called the Rehearsal. . . . 
 
 I think myself abundantly rewarded 
 for the pains I have taken by the suc- 
 cess (far more than I expected) which 
 they have had in recovering not a few 
 from those errors into which they have 
 been led." 
 
 And in the Postscript to the first 
 volume, "And I began it with that 
 diffidence, and so unwillingly, that 
 I thought not to continue it, only 
 would try my hand a little; I could 
 not forbear to throw one bucket into 
 the fire which I saw devouring Church 
 and State 
 
 And when I several times grew 
 
 weary and would have rested myself, 
 those of better judgment, and who I 
 knew wished well to religion, the 
 Churoh, and the nation, would allow 
 me no respite, and said I could not 
 serve these better." 
 
 The first paper entitled " The OBSER- 
 VATOR on the libel called Cassandra, 
 from Wednesday, August the 2nd, to 
 Saturday, August the 5th, 1704," 
 was without any name of its own, but 
 appearing from the large letters in 
 which the word Observator is printed 
 to be a number of that paper. It was 
 continued every Saturday, as The Re- 
 hearsal, till April 10, 1706, when it was 
 sent out each Wednesday and Satur- 
 day, till March 26, 1709, when the 
 work was suppressed by the govern- 
 ment ; Burnet calls them " seditious 
 libels, and wonders the government 
 connived at them." Own Times, vol. 
 ii. p. 538. fol. 
 
 The Nos. up to No. 250, Wednesday, 
 Oct. 8, 1707, were collected in one vol. 
 and published with a Preface, Index, 
 and Postscript added, and this title, 
 "A View of the Times, their principles 
 and practices, in the first volume of the 
 Rehearsal, by Philalethes. London, 
 1708." Three half-yearly volumes fol- 
 lowed, each with a Preface and Index. 
 The whole were reprinted with " Cas- 
 sandra," in 6 vols. 12mo. in 1750, 
 under the same title.] 
 
 k "The Axe laid to the Root of Chris- 
 tianity, or a specimen of the profane- 
 ness and blasphemy that abounds in 
 some late writings," so often referred to 
 by Hickes, is a tract of eight pages 
 small quarto. Printed for John Mor- 
 phew in 1706, and sold for twopence. 
 It is in the form of a letter dated Nov. 
 21, 1706, and consists of passages ex- 
 tracted from recently published works, 
 and was sent out in that cheap form to 
 awaken public attention to the blas- 
 phemy which was in circulation ; the au- 
 thorship of it is attributed to Atterbury. 
 " Infidelity used heretofore to skulk and 
 hide its head ... it now walks open and 
 barefaced . . . We owe the rise of this 
 infection to the times of the Great 
 Rebellion, when the hypocritical and 
 false pretences of many men to reli- 
 gion drove many others into a contrary 
 extreme. That storm blew over, and 
 a long calm succeeded: the ease and 
 luxury of which time carried us yet 
 
54 Hickes' principles unpopular. 
 
 LETTER them 1 already is, and the rest, Mr. Assrill not excepted, will 
 
 TO AUTHOR . J ' 
 
 OF RIGHTS, in a little time be. 
 
 But, Sir, you have other reasons, and more convincing, 
 why you need not much fear to own what you write by name, 
 as I have done here. But shame and fear set apart, gene- 
 rosity and the laws of combat seem also to require you to 
 put your name to what you write. For otherwise I, and 
 your other antagonists must engage against you with disad- 
 vantage, and combat you, as some are said to have fought 
 with ghosts, seeing only your weapon, and the glitterings of 
 it, but not the hand that wields it ; which is thought so un- 
 equal and unfair, that very able and skilful writers of con- 
 troversy have told their adversaries in their answers, that if 
 they replied they would take their replies for nothing, unless 
 they published them with their names. 
 
 I am sure I have more reason to be afraid of owning what 
 I have written, than you ; for if those who have a larger 
 sphere of conversation than I, tell me truth, there are now 
 too great numbers of almost all ranks and conditions, who 
 will revile me, and persecute me, and say all manner of evil, 
 and with all bitterness against me, for the sake of those old, 
 I had almost said antiquated, principles, which I have endea- 
 voured to defend against you, and to do me all the mischief 
 they can. But none of these things move me ; for I put my 
 trust in God, whose institutions and truths, I think, they are 
 which I endeavour to maintain against you, and all others 
 who give themselves the character of men of " large thoughts," 
 and value themselves as " free thinkers " and who delight to 
 misrepresent all principles, which are uneasy to flesh and 
 blood, and contrary to worldly interests, as unnatural ; and 
 make such a clatter and din among us with the natural 
 rights and liberties of mankind. I am almost old enough to 
 
 further from the old English prin- Rights of the Christian Church; and the 
 
 ciples of virtue and religion. From writings of Edmund Hickeringill, rec- 
 
 that day to this we have waxed still tor of All Saints', Colchester, who had 
 
 worse and worse, &c.," p. 8. Besides been presented by the lower house of 
 
 the works noticed already, and other convocation in their letter concerning 
 
 anonymous ones, which will be referred books and writings in 1705, and of 
 
 to afterwards, it contains extracts from a whom the supposition of his friends 
 
 pamphlet " On the unreasonableness of was most charitable "who pleaded 
 
 making and imposing Creeds," pub- madness in his behalf."] 
 lished 1706, which speaks of the Apo- 1 [Blount, who had committed sui- 
 
 stles' Creed as doubtful; from the cidein!693; see note e.] 
 
Progress and issue of Latitudmarianism, 
 
 55 
 
 write an history of the rise and progress of latitude, were it LETTER 
 
 , ., .. i T i v j TO AUTHOR 
 
 worth the while, in my own time m ; and 1 have now lived so O F RIGHTS. 
 
 ra [Hickes was born in 1642. The 
 school of Latitudinarian divines soon 
 after arose at Cambridge. The ori- 
 ginators of it were Whichcote, Cud- 
 worth, Wilkins, and More. Of these 
 "Whichcote seems to have been most 
 influential; he was fellow of King's 
 college and an esteemed tutor, many of 
 his pupils, as Wallis, John Smith, 
 Worthington, and Cradock, becoming 
 distinguished men. On being ordained 
 by Williams, bishop of Lincoln, in 
 1636, he began an afternoon lecture at 
 Trinity church. In 1643 he went to 
 a living and married, but soon after 
 accepted the provostship of King's 
 from the parliament, and resumed 
 his afternoon lecture, with the view of 
 preserving and propagating "a spirit 
 of sober piety and rational religion" 
 in the University ; the effect of his 
 preaching appeared among the divines 
 who rose after the Restoration, of whom 
 most of those who had been educated 
 at Cambridge, among them Tillotson, 
 were formed at least, if not actually 
 brought up by him. To quote Bishop 
 Burnet's words, " He was much for 
 liberty of conscience, and being dis- 
 gusted with the dry systematical way 
 of those times, he studied to raise 
 those who conversed with him to a 
 nobler set of thoughts. In order to 
 this he set young students much 
 on reading the ancient philosophers, 
 chiefly Plato, Tully, and Plotinus ; and 
 on considering the Christian religion 
 as a doctrine sent from God both to 
 
 elevate and sweeten human nature 
 
 Cudworth carried this out with a great 
 strength of genius and a vast compass 
 
 of learning Wilkins was of 
 
 Oxford, but removed to Cambridge . . 
 where . . he joined with those who 
 studied to propagate better thoughts, 
 to take men off from being in parties, 
 or from narrow notions, from super- 
 stitious conceits, and a fierceness about 
 opinions." 
 
 ' ' This set of men studied to assert and 
 examine the principles of religion and 
 morality on clear grounds, and in a 
 philosophical method. In this More, 
 who was an open-hearted and sincere 
 Christian philosopher, led the way. 
 Worthington was a man of eminent 
 piety and great humility, and practised 
 a most sublime way of self-denial and 
 devotion. All these, and those who 
 
 were formed under them, studied to 
 examine farther into the nature of 
 things than had been done formerly. 
 They declared against superstition on 
 the one hand, and enthusiasm on the 
 
 other They continued to keep up 
 
 a good correspondence with those who 
 differed from them in opinion, and 
 allowed a great freedom both in phi- 
 losophy and in divinity, from whence 
 they were called men of latitude, or 
 ' Latitudinarians.' They read Episco- 
 pius much." [See Bull's Judicium 
 EccL Cath., Works, vol. vi.] "And 
 the making out the reasons of things 
 being a main part of their studies, 
 their enemies called them Socinians. 
 They were all very zealous against 
 popery, and so, they becoming soon 
 very considerable, the papists set them- 
 selves to decry them as atheists, deists, 
 or at best Socinians." Burnet's Own 
 Times, vol. i. pp. 186, seqq. 
 
 Bp. Burnet, as is well known, took 
 a very favourable view of this school of 
 divines. On the other hand, Hickes 
 and his friends uniformly maintained, 
 that the heretical and sceptical spirit 
 which was now prevailing, was the 
 legitimate and necessary issue of the 
 latitude of opinion allowed by them; 
 and that it had been evidenced to be so 
 in the known unsound views of some 
 of its leading teachers on most im- 
 portant doctrines. And it must be 
 added, that the deists themselves pro- 
 fessed only to carry out the principles of 
 the Platonizing divines. For instance, 
 a Selection of Whichcote' s Sermons was 
 published with a preface, by Lord 
 Shaftesbury in 1698. Tindal, Toland, 
 and Collins, speak in the most fa- 
 vourable terms of the clergy of this 
 school, and profess to maintain, in 
 common with them, an opposition to 
 all human authority in matters of faith. 
 Tillotson's Sermons are commended 
 by Sir Robert Howard, in the preface 
 to the "History of Religion," because 
 of the (alleged) absence of doctrine; 
 and Collins, in his Discourse of Free- 
 thinking, (1713,) p. 135, speaks of that 
 archbishop as the person " whom all 
 English free-thinkers acknowledge as 
 their head." For further evidence that 
 the deists at this time sheltered them- 
 selves under the profession of Lati- 
 tudinarianism, see note p, p. 72.] 
 
TO AUTHOR 
 OF RIGHTS. 
 
 56 Hickes not ashamed of names given in reproach, 
 
 LETTER long, as to see the comble of it in almost an utter waste of 
 all principles; latitude, the source of all mischief, having 
 " scarce left any one principle, but this, that there is no prin- 
 ciple, nor any creed, but that one article creed, which I have 
 been told, one libertine said was the creed of your club, viz. 
 " I believe all that I can." 
 
 These, Sir, as we find from your book, are the men who 
 hate the clergy above all mortals, and therefore love to dress 
 them up in the bearskins of terrible and odious names, to 
 make them frightful and hateful to the people. These are 
 the men whose oracle you are, and whose party-language you 
 speak, calling us, as you think very finely, High Church, high- 
 flyers 11 , and enslavers of mankind. Bat Sir, to let you and 
 your party see how little I am concerned at those names, let 
 me tell you that I glory in them, and here make no difficulty 
 to profess to be all that they truly import. I am for the 
 height, as well as the breadth, and length, and depth of the 
 Church, that is built upon the foundation of the Apostles and 
 Prophets, Jesus Christ Himself being the chief corner stone. 
 I am as much for the highest pinnacle of it as any other part, 
 though it may be you would throw me down headlong from 
 it if you could, as the Jews did St. James from the battle- 
 ments of their temple. I also profess to be a high-flyer, 
 whose endeavour is to fly upon the wings of the old princi- 
 ples, which you ridicule, as upon the wings of angels, to my 
 Saviour, to the general assembly, to the Church (the High 
 Church) of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven, and to 
 the spirits of just men made perfect. And as to the last and 
 most hateful name, you will find by my answer, I am, as I 
 long have been, one of those whom you miscall enslavers of 
 mankind, by those strict, holy and primitive doctrines, with 
 which He that made us hath been pleased to limit the passions 
 and actions of men, and to restrain the lusts and liberties of 
 flesh and blood. 
 
 You see, Sir, I have made a frank confession to you, and 
 therefore you ought not to reproach me or be angry with me 
 for my error, if it be my unhappy error. First, because I 
 confess it ; and secondly, because I have enslaved myself by 
 the narrow rigid doctrines of it, as much as I have en- 
 
 n [The cant name for the High Church party.] 
 
his earlier views less strict. 57 
 
 deavoured to enslave all other men. Sir, I farther protest LETTER 
 to you, that as ray flesh and blood is of the same nature with 
 yours, so I have had, and still have, as natural desires to be 
 as much at liberty from the severe and sturdy old principles 
 as you. Nay I will farther confess to you and all the world, 
 that my first notions, for want of knowing better, had too 
 much of latitude in them ; and that since I espoused the 
 principles I now defend, " the law in my members," as 
 the Apostle calls the inclinations of flesh and blood, would 
 have me throw them off, as so many manacles and fetters ; 
 but "the law of my mind," which I take to be superior, will 
 not let me do it, but commands me to go through the strait 
 gate, and walk in the narrow way to heaven. This, Sir, is 
 my unfeigned endeavour, upon conviction which I cannot 
 overcome; this is my profession, which I must still own, 
 and, if you will have it so, my craft, my very priestcraft, by 
 which I am not yet ashamed to declare, I have, as much as I 
 was able, endeavoured in your sense to enslave mankind and 
 deceive the people; but which in my own judgment is to set 
 men free from sin, which heathen as well as Christian writers 
 have always declared to be the greatest slavery of mankind. 
 Pity me therefore, Sir, and all high-flyers as a sort of poor 
 hide-bound? mortals, that perhaps (by complexion, or educa- 
 tion, or I know not what other evil fate) are made for slavery, 
 rather than abuse us. Methinks men of your large souls should 
 have more humanity, more compassion for us wretched narrow- 
 souled men, than to expose us, as you have done throughout 
 your book, to be baited by the people, who, if they could 
 
 [In a letter to Dr. Turner, pre- into France, having not read so much 
 
 sident of Corpus Christi college, May as St. Ignatius' Epistles, or any other 
 
 13, 1707, given in the note to Hickes' father."] 
 
 Life in the General Dictionary, he [This expression occurs in "A 
 
 says, " I freely own that when I was Brief Account of the new Sect of Lati- 
 
 in France thirty-four years ago I went tude men : together with some reflec- 
 
 to Charenton, and once there received tions upon the new Philosophy, by S. P. 
 
 the Sacrament, and afterwards at Blois ; of Cambridge to his friend G. B. at Ox- 
 
 but when I came to Montpelier I de- ford, 1662;" he says, " in opposition to 
 
 clined the Sacrament, having, by read- that hide-bound, strait-laced spirit that 
 
 ing and conferring about the mission of did then prevail, they were called Lati- 
 
 the French Protestant ministers, altered tude men," p. 501, as reprinted in the 
 
 my opinion, I should have said my Phoenix, vol. ii. London, 1708. The 
 
 Irenicum opinion," (that is Latitudi- account is very favourable to the Lati- 
 
 narian, the name being derived from tudinarians, the writer supposing them 
 
 Stillingneet's work,) "for I had no other at that time to be essentially orthodox.] 
 than Irenicum principles when I went 
 
58 Concluding words to Tindal. 
 
 e high Church clergy to be such as you have repre- 
 OF RIGHTS, sented them to be, must needs say of them, as the Jews said 
 of St. Paul, " away with these fellows from the earth, for it 
 is not fit that they should live." Sir, I now take leave of 
 you, not only with as much respect as the Church of England 
 can, but any other Church since the Apostles' time, had you 
 written your book in it, possibly could have had for you; 
 with as much respect as your father q , were he living, could 
 have for you ; with as much respect as the most famous Uni- 
 versity where you were bred, and the flourishing college in 
 which you have eat so much founder's bread, can have for 
 you : in short, Sir, I take leave of you with as much respect 
 as my high Church principles will suffer me to give you, and 
 with all that respect subscribe myself, 
 
 your most faithful friend and servant, 
 
 GEORGE HICKES. 
 
 i [See note, p. 48.] 
 
PREFATORY DISCOURSE 
 
 IN 
 
 ANSWER TO THE RIGHTS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 SECT. i. 
 
 SOME years since I happened to be in the country, where 
 a worthy lady a did me the honour to invite me to her house, 
 and to make some stay there b . I had been little more than FROPOS - 
 a day with her, when I perceived what a venerable prelate 
 had told me of her some years before, that she was a person 
 of great memory, clear understanding, penetrating judg- 
 ment, and much reading; and that particularly she was 
 perfect mistress of the controversy between the Church of 
 England and the Church of Rome, having thoroughly ex- 
 
 a Of whom see an account in p. viii. 
 of my Preface to the second Collection 
 of Controversial Letters relating to the 
 Church of England, and the Church of 
 Rome ; printed for Richard Sare at 
 Gray's Inn Gate inHolborn, 1710. [It 
 is there said that this lady was "Mrs. 
 Susanna Hopton, relict of Richard 
 Hopton of Kington in Herefordshire, 
 Esq., one of the Welsh judges in the 
 reigns of King Charles II., and King 
 James II. ... She fell sick of a very 
 sharp fever at the latter end of June 
 last (1708), which she bore with un- 
 common courage, patience, and re- 
 signation, and died of it in the faith 
 and communion of the Church of Eng- 
 land, and constant to her principles, at 
 Hereford, in the eighty- second year of 
 her age, on the 12th day of July fol- 
 lowing. . . . That excellent book of 
 devotions without her name, entitled 
 * Daily Devotions, consisting of Thanks- 
 givings, (confessions, and Prayers,) by 
 an (humble) Penitent,' (12mo. 1673,) 
 was her collection and composition." 
 Ibid., p. x. She also ' reformed ' some 
 
 Roman Catholic works of devotion, to 
 which Dr. Hickes added a few prayers, 
 and published it with the title, " Devo- 
 tions in the Ancient way of offices, &c., 
 for every day of the week and every 
 holiday in the year, to which are added, 
 occasional offices, and other devotions 
 in the same ancient way. Reformed 
 by a person of quality, and published 
 by George Hickes, D.D." In the pre- 
 face to the editions sent out after her 
 death he mentions her as the ' reformer,' 
 being up to that time ' obliged to si- 
 lence.' It is the book commonly known 
 as Hickes' Devotions. Preface to 4th 
 edit. 1712. 
 
 "Mrs. Hopton" is added as a MS. 
 note in the margin of Hickes' copy of 
 this work.] 
 
 b [The date of this visit was about 
 1695, as appears from the Preface, &c., 
 referred to in the last note ; where he 
 says, " she let me copy her letter (see 
 note d) fourteen years ago, at her own 
 house." The preface was written early 
 in 1709.] 
 
DISCOURSE. 
 SECT. I. 
 
 60 Importance of a right notion of the Church. 
 
 PREFAT. amined it in almost all the books that had been written on 
 both sides in her mother tongue. In her younger years, 
 living among Roman Catholics, she was perverted by them 
 about the time of the king's martyrdom, and continued 
 some years in their communion, but not without doubts and 
 dissatisfactions, which daily increasing both in number and 
 degree, she confessed them to the priests, particularly to the 
 famous father Turbeville c ; from whom not receiving satis- 
 faction, she returned to her mother, the Church of England, 
 and like Mr. Chillingworth, was still the more able to defend 
 herself against them, for having been one of them. She 
 wrote her reasons for which she left their communion, in a 
 very civil letter to the father above mentioned; but he never 
 returned any answer to it ; the force of it was too great for a 
 reply to such a judgment and understanding as hers, who had 
 a clear view of the controversy ; and as she did me the honour 
 to impart a copy of that letter d to me in her own writing, 
 so at my request she let me transcribe it, which I did with 
 much satisfaction and delight. 
 
 As we talked of things relating to this controversy, she 
 told me she thought nothing was so needful to the under- 
 standing of it, or any other controversies which the Church of 
 England had with any of her adversaries, as to have a right 
 and complete notion of the Church ; all disputes about reli- 
 gion, as she observed, being about the doctrine, or govern- 
 ment, or worship of the Church. And though I hope, said 
 she, the notions I have of it are true, yet I doubt whether I 
 
 c [The person alluded to is Henry tically explained by way of question and 
 
 Turbeville, a Jesuit priest educated at answer, 1676." (See Dodd's Church 
 
 Douay, where he was afterwards pro- History, vol. iii. p. 302. 1742.) 
 fessor, and an eminent controversialist. In the first edition the words were 
 
 " He was a person in his time of great " Father Hudleston." He was " the 
 
 note and authority among those of his priest that had a great hand in saving 
 
 communion in England." During the king (Charles II. )'s life at Worces- 
 
 the civil wars he was chaplain to ter fight," who was afterwards chaplain 
 
 the marquis of Worcester and to Sir to Queen Catherine, and sent for to 
 
 George Blount. He wrote a work administer the last Sacraments of the 
 
 called "A manual of controversies, Roman Church to the king. (Dodd's 
 
 clearly demonstrating the truth of Ca- Church History, ibid., p. 490. Bur- 
 
 tholic Religion," Douay, 1654, which net's Own Times, vol. i. p. 607. fol.) 
 
 was replied to by Hammond, Tombes Mrs. Hopton knew father Hudleston 
 
 the Baptist, and Dr. William Thomas, very well, and they had spoken of him 
 
 bishop of Worcester; and was the au- on this occasion. Preface, &c., p. xii.] 
 thor of the Douay Catechism, a work d That letter is printed in the Col- 
 
 of considerable repute among Roman lection of Controversial Letters above 
 
 Catholics; the title being "An abridge- cited in the margin, [pp. 118 152.] 
 ment of Christian Doctrine, Catechis- 
 
History of the composition of the Two Discourses ; 61 
 
 have all the notions that belong to it. For when I exercise INTRO- 
 my thoughts about it, methinks I find something defective in 
 my conceptions of it, though I cannot tell what it is. 
 
 I perceived by a little more discourse with her, that by the 
 notion of a Church, she meant the notion of it as a society, 
 and that it would be useful and grateful to her to help her to 
 range the conceptions she had of it as such ; for I suspected 
 that though they were all true, yet they might be imperfect, 
 and perhaps a little confused. I therefore took the liberty to 
 ask her some questions relating to that subject in a mathe- 
 matical sort of method, in which every following question was 
 always a consequent of that which was asked before. She 
 presently perceived my design, and was much pleased with 
 the order in which I propounded my questions ; and I found 
 by her answers to them, that she wanted nothing requisite 
 to a complete idea of the Church, as a spiritual society, but a 
 more clear understanding of the collegiate government of it 
 by bishops, and that Christ had committed the charge and 
 care of it in whole as well as in part, jointly as well as sepa- 
 rately, to all the bishops as His vice-gerents ; and that by 
 consequence not only the bishops of every province, but of 
 the whole Catholic Church, were fellows and colleagues. She 
 discovered much satisfaction in being made mistress of this 
 notion, which, she said, increased her admiration of the wis- 
 dom of God in the constitution of His Church, and in se- 
 curing the Christian priesthood by such a constitution ; and 
 helped her to apprehend some things better than she did 
 before, as how much this co-ordinate union of it depended 
 on the unity of the episcopal college ; that its union with the 
 state in all countries was only social and federal, and not an 
 incorporating union ; and also that the pope's supremacy 
 was a most groundless pretension, and a monstrous and in- 
 tolerable usurpation over the Catholic Church. 
 
 Our conference being ended, she desired me to turn my 
 questions and the discourses incident to them into proposi- 
 tions ; which I did after some time, and waited upon her 
 with them. It happened that I found a very pious and 
 worthy gentleman, a serjeant-at-law e , at her house, to whose 
 
 e [The serjeant-at-law was Mr. T. Geers, brother to Mrs. Hopton. See Gen. 
 Diet., note to article on Hickes.] 
 
6-2 of that ' On the Dignity of the Episcopal Order? 
 
 PKEFAT. 
 
 care and protection her husband had left her upon his death- 
 bed, as to a most honest gentleman, skilful lawyer, and faith- 
 ful friend. She desired me to let her shew him my proposi- 
 tions, to which I readily consented ; and he, after he had 
 read them, with great civility natural to him, desired the 
 freedom to object against them ; but I told him I would first 
 send him, in a letter, a more complete copy of them to read 
 again, with notes, and then upon second thoughts, he might 
 return them to me with his objections in writing; which he 
 shortly after did in a letter, to which the second letter f in the 
 following book was my answer. But to my great grief, and 
 the grief of all who knew the very worthy man, he died before 
 I could get it transcribed*. 
 
 f [This is the Second Discourse, 
 " On the Dignity of the Episcopal 
 Order." The objections as there stated 
 were, 1. (chap. i. 1,) to the "speak- 
 ing of bishops as ' spiritual princes,' 
 and their dioceses as ' spiritual princi- 
 palities.' " 2. (chap. ii. 1.) " That the 
 doctrine contained in the propositions 
 was like that of the presbyterians con- 
 cerning Church power and independ- 
 ency, by which they had endeavoured 
 to enslave the State to the Church."] 
 
 g [A more full account of this cor- 
 respondence, and the letters which 
 passed, together with some others, ap- 
 peared after Dr. Hickes' death, under 
 the title " The Constitution of the Ca- 
 tholic Church and the nature and con- 
 sequences of Schism, set forth in a col- 
 lection of papers written by the late 
 right reverend George Hickes, D.D. 
 He being dead yet speaketh, (Heb. xi. 
 4;) of whom the world was not wor- 
 thy, (ver. 38.)" 1716. 
 
 Their conference at Mrs. Hopton's 
 house "occasioned the serjeant to 
 send him a query (p. 1.) concerning 
 communicating with a Church which 
 prays for an usurper; this query he 
 answered" (pp. 2 14 ;) apparently this 
 query and answer were sent through 
 Mrs. Hopton ; " the serjeant replied 
 in a letter" to Hickes, (pp. 1521.) 
 " and our author sent a rejoinder," (pp. 
 21 60.) " In this rejoinder the reader 
 will find a few (twenty-three) proposi- 
 tions relating to the Church as a 
 society ; which when the author had 
 read over again, and had with delibera- 
 tion reflected upon them, he thought 
 with himself that he could improve the 
 
 scheme which he had there laid down : 
 accordingly he enlarged the substance 
 of every proposition, and augmented 
 the number to forty. These proposi- 
 tions thus enlarged he sent to his 
 correspondent . . . with a letter." . . The 
 Publisher to the Reader, pp. iv, v. 
 
 The four propositions, which alone 
 are mentioned here, are the first four 
 of the forty, the rest belong to the ques- 
 tions of particular Churches, of schism, 
 and of the relation of the Church to the 
 civil powers. 
 
 The serjeant "returned them with 
 some objections; in answer to which 
 objections the author of the proposi- 
 tions wrote a vindication of them, and 
 divided it into four parts, the two first 
 of which were printed under the title of 
 ' A Discourse concerning the dignity of 
 the Episcopal order ;' and the two last 
 are as follow," &c. (Ibid., p. 130.) 
 
 The other objections of the serjeant, 
 besides those given in note f, were to 
 the later propositions. First, "that 
 they are very severe, as involving the 
 whole nation, except, a very small 
 number of the clergy and laity, in a 
 dreadful schism." (Ibid., p. 131.) Se- 
 condly, " The small number of the de- 
 prived bishops whose places are filled 
 with others that profess the same faith." 
 (Ibid., p. 142.) And lastly, "that 
 the propositions are dangerous, as being 
 against law, and the legislative power 
 as practised in this kingdom." 
 
 " The propositions were printed at 
 the end of a book entitled 'The cha- 
 racter of a primitive bishop,' but that 
 copy was imperfect and \mfinished." 
 Ibid., p. vii. The General Dictionary, 
 
and of The Christian Priesthood asserted. 1 63 
 
 After I had got a fair copy, I gave a learned divine an ac- TNTRO- 
 count of it, who thereupon was desirous to read it and the 
 propositions I sent him with it h . I told him I would consent 
 to his desire, if he would promise to read them as an adver- 
 sary, because he could not otherwise read them as a friend ; 
 and when he had read them, he sent them to me with an 
 objection, which he said would be made against my fourth 
 proposition ; an objection indeed somewhat surprising, which 
 in the beginning of my first letter 1 , that is my answer to it, 
 I have recited in his own words. 
 
 I am sensible I ought to beg the reader's pardon, for so 
 long an account of the occasions of writing those two letters, 
 and I hope to obtain it, because I could not well give a 
 shorter account, with due respect to my friends, if I gave 
 any at all. 
 
 I must farther acquaint the reader, that as the objection 
 mentioned in the beginning of the first letter was made 
 against my fourth proposition, so the objection mentioned 
 in the beginning of the second letter, was made against the 
 third. 
 
 This, I think, obliges me to present them here to public 
 view, with the first and second propositions, without the 
 attendance of which I think they would neither be so or- 
 derly nor so decently introduced, nor perhaps be so satis- 
 factory to the reader. 
 
 THE PROPOSITIONS. 
 
 I. To understand the constitution of the Catholic Church PROPOSI- 
 as a society, it will be requisite to observe by what names it 
 
 as quoted above, adds, "Two years be- Priesthood, chap. i. sect. 1.] 
 
 fore he died, or thereabouts, the Dean i [In "The Constitution, &c.," quoted 
 
 (Hickes) reviewed these letters, and in the last note, it is said that the 
 
 made several alterations in them . . . propositions were shewn to this learned 
 
 which is the reason of the difference divine, before they were sent to the ser- 
 
 between them, as here printed, and the jeant] 
 
 copy of them, which Dr. Nathaniel l [i. e. The first Discourse, " The 
 
 Marshall, who endeavoured to answer Christian Priesthood asserted." The 
 
 them, had the use of." objection which it was said would be 
 
 It will be observed that Hickes sup- brought, (see that Discourse, chap. i. 
 
 presses all reference to those parts of the sect. 1,) was, "that he had not proved 
 
 propositions which belonged to the non- from Scripture that the ministers of the 
 
 juring question, nor does he allude here Church were Priests; and that in the 
 
 to the existence of any other than the whole New Testament they are not 
 
 first four ; though he does incidentally once called Priests, nor their ministry 
 
 imply it elsewhere, as in the Christian Priesthood."] 
 
64 Propositions respecting the Church as a Society, 
 
 DISCOURSE. 
 SECT. 
 
 PREFAT. is set forth in the Scriptures, where it is called ' the kingdom 
 ~ of God k / and ' dominion of Christ 1 / ' the city of God 1 "/ 'the 
 house and household of God n / and because this house of 
 God is an holy house, in which He is especially present, it is 
 therefore compared to a ' temple / wherein He is worshipped 
 by priests and people. It is also called ' the polity p / which 
 we translate f the commonwealth of Israel/ and ' the body of 
 Christ V to signify that it is a spiritual society or incorpora- 
 tion, of which Christ is the head, and all particular Churches 
 are members. 
 
 II. It is to be considered, that this kingdom, dominion, 
 city, spiritual house 1 ", body, and polity of Christ, had a being 
 in the world under its own magistrates 8 and rulers, inde- 
 pendent on the secular powers three hundred years together, 
 before the empire became Christian; and after that in the 
 reigns of apostate and heretical emperors who persecuted the 
 Church. 
 
 III. Christ the archetypal, eternal Melchisedec, is the King 
 
 k Matt. iv. 23 ; x. 7 ; xvi. 28 ; xxi. 
 43; Mark i. 14; Luke i. 32, 33; viii. 
 1; xxi. 31 ; Acts i. 3; viii. 12; xx. 
 25; xxviii. 31 ; 1 Cor. xv. 24; Col. i. 
 13. 
 
 1 Dan. ii. 44 ; vii. 14, 27 ; Heb. i. 
 8; ii. 8; 1 Tim. vi. 15; Rev. xvii. 14; 
 xix. 16 ; Acts ii. 34, 36 ; Rom. xiv. 9; 
 Phil. ii. 911. 
 
 Heb. xii. 22 ; [Rev.] iii. 12 ; Gal. 
 iv. 25,26; Ephes. ii. 19. 
 
 n Heb. iii. 16; Ephes. ii. 19; 
 1 Tim. iii. 15 ; 1 Pet. ii. 5 ; iv. 17. 
 
 1 Cor. iii. 16; vi. 19; 2 Cor. vi. 
 16 ; Eph. ii. 21, 22. 
 
 P Eph. ii. 12. 
 
 q Eph. i. 22,23; iv. 12, 15; v. 23, 
 30; Rom. xii. 5 ; 1 Cor. xii. 27; Col. 
 i. 18, 24. 'Corpus sumus de conscien- 
 tia religionis et discipline unitate [et 
 spei foedere.'] Tertull. Apol. c. 39. [p. 
 31, A.] ' Semel dixerim, una Ecclesia 
 sumus. Ita nostrum est, quodcunque 
 nostrorum est, ceterum dividis corpus.' 
 Id., de Virgin. Veland. c. 2. [p. 173, 
 D.] ' Sed nee Ecclesiam defendere 
 [possunt] qui quando, et quibus in- 
 cunabulis institutum est hoc corpus, 
 probare non habent.' Id., de Prae- 
 script. c. 22. [p. 209, D.] 
 
 * 1 Pet. ii. 5. "Ye also, as lively 
 stones, are built up a spiritual house." 
 
 ' Eos esse Ecclesiam qui in domo De 
 permanent. ' S. Cypr. ed. Oxon. Epist. 
 lix. [Ep. Iv. ad Cornelium, p. 83. ed. 
 Ben.] ' Quo sacramento [i. e. Raab, quae 
 typum ecclesiae gerebat,] declaratur 
 in unam domum solam, id est, in Ec- 
 clesiam, victuros et ab interitu mundi 
 evasuros, colligi oportere. ... Non habi- 
 tans in domo Dei, id est, in Ecclesia 
 Dei.' Id. Epist. Ixix. [Ep. Ixxvi. ad 
 Magnum, p. 153.] Hence our Church 
 in her Liturgy (fifth Sunday after 
 Epiph.) " O Lord, we beseech Thee to 
 keep Thy Church and household con- 
 tinually in Thy true religion." And 
 (twenty-second Sunday after Trin.) 
 " Lord, we beseech Thee to keep Thy 
 household the Church in continual god- 
 liness." 
 
 8 Matt. xvi. 19 ; xviii. 18 ; John xx. 
 23 ; 1 Cor. v. 4, 5 ; Mark xvi. 15, 20 ; 
 Matt, xxviii. 18 20; Luke xxiv. 49; 
 Matt. x. 16; 1 Cor. i. 1 ; Rom. i. 1 ; 
 2 Cor. i. 1; Gal. i. 1, 11, 12; Acts 
 xx. 28 ; Heb. v. 4, 5 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 
 18; Matt.x.40; Luke x. 16; John xiii. 
 20; Heb. xiii. 7, 17; 1 Cor. v. 12; 
 1 Thess. v. 12; Acts iv. 19; v. 29; 
 xvii. 7 ; Luke xxiii. 2; 1 Cor. iv. 21 ; 
 [2 Cor.] x. 2; xiii. 10; 1 Tim. v. 1, 
 20; 2 Tim. iv. 2; Tit. i. 13; ii. 15; 
 Rev. ii. 14, 20. 
 
respecting the Spiritual Rulers of the Church, 65 
 
 of this spiritual kingdom*, Lord of this spiritual dominion, 
 and supreme Head of this spiritual corporation, and the 
 bishops u , as successors to the Apostles u , are under Him, by 
 commission derived from Him, spiritual lords 11 , chiefs, and 
 
 tradiderunt, ut cum iPi mortui essent, 
 alii viri probati ministerium eorum 
 acciperent. [ibid.] c. xliv. [KOI ot e 
 a.Tr6aro\oi -fjfjLcav eyvwcrav Sia rov Kvplov 
 f]fj.(av 'Irjffov Xpivrov, ori fpis fo~rai eirl 
 rov 6v6/j.aros rrjs eTrto-KOTr^y 5ia rav~ 
 ri}v ovv r$)v alriav irpoyvcacriv el\if{(p6- 
 res r\fiav, KarffrT]0~av rovs irpoeipr)- 
 fjifvovs, Kal fj.rav eirivo/jifyv Se8caKa(riv 
 oir<as eav fcoifJ.i^Buio'iv 8ta5e|wvTOi ere- 
 poi 5e8oKL/j.ao~fj.VOi avtipts r^v \eirovp- 
 ytav avrwv. Ibid. p. 173.] This 
 testimony of St. Clement, a fellow- 
 labourer with the Apostles, agrees ex- 
 actly with the Scriptures, Acts vi. 6. 
 " Whom they set before the Apostles : 
 and when they had prayed they laid 
 their hands on them." xiv. 23. " And 
 whcm they had ordained them elders in 
 every Church." Tit. i. 5. "For this 
 cause left I thee in Crete, that thpu 
 shouldest set things in order, and or- 
 dain elders in every city, as I had 
 appointed thee." 1 Tim, iv. 14. "Neg- 
 lect not the gift that is in thee, which 
 was given thee by prophecy, with the 
 laying on of the hands of the presby- 
 tery." v. 22. " Lay hands suddenly 
 on no man." 2 Tim. i. 6. " I put thee 
 in remembrance thou stir up the gift of 
 God, which is in thee by the impo- 
 sition of my hands." [Habemus an- 
 numerare eos qui] ab Apostolis insti- 
 tuti sunt episcopi [in ecclesiis], et 
 successors eorum usque ad nos. S. 
 Iren. contra Haereses, lib. iii. c. 3. [ 1. 
 p. 175.] Edant [ergo] origines Ec- 
 clesiarum suarum: evolvant ordinem 
 episcoporum suorum, ita per succes- 
 siones ab initio decurrentem,ut primus 
 ille episcopus aliquem ex Apostolis, vel 
 Apostolicis viris, qui tamen cum Apo- 
 stolis perseveraverit, habuerit auctorem 
 et antecessorem. Tertull. De Praesc. 
 Haeret., c. xxxii. [Op., p. 213, B.] 
 Meminisse autem diaconi debent, quo- 
 niam Apostolos, id est, episcopos et prae- 
 positos Dominus elegit : diaconos autem 
 post ascensum Domini in ccelos Apo- 
 stoli sibi constituerunt episcopatus sui 
 et Ecclesiae ministros. S. Cypr. Epist. 
 iii. [ad Rogatianum, Epist. Ixv. Op., p. 
 113. ed. Ben.] [Hoc vel maxime 
 frater et laboramus et laborare de- 
 bemus] ut unitatem a Domino, et per 
 Apostolos nobis successoribus tradi- 
 
 PROPO- 
 SITIONS. 
 
 * OVTOS [<i yvwffriKbs] &pa ovrcos 6 
 (3ao-t\iKbs &v0puiros- OVTOS lepevs offtos 
 rov 0eoG- oirfp fri Kal vvv irapa rots 
 \oytcardrois rcav fiapfidpuv o-wferat, rb 
 ifpariKbv ytvos ety &a(ri\eiav irpoaa- 
 yovrwv. S. Clem. Alex. Strom., lib. 
 vii. p. 720. [Paris. 1629. lib. vii. c. 
 7. Op., torn. ii. p. 852. Oxon. 1715.] 
 " Therefore this man who is truly king, 
 he is the holy priest of God; in like 
 manner as even now among the most 
 polished of the barbarous nations, 
 who take their kings from among 
 their priests." 
 
 Ot e 'ATrdVroAot K. r. A, Apostoli no- 
 bis a Christo evangetizaverunt, Jesus 
 Christus a Deo. Missus enim est 
 Christus a Deo, et Apostoli a Christo, 
 et factum est utrumque ordinate ex 
 voluntate ejus. Mandatum quippe 
 accipientes, et per resurrectionem Do- 
 mini nostri Jesu Christi plena certitu- 
 dine imbuti, Deique verbo confirmati 
 cum Spiritus Sancti fiducia egressi 
 sunt, evangelizantes regni Dei adven- 
 tum. Per regiones et urbes, regnum 
 Dei praedicantes, primitias (suae praedi- 
 cationis ad fidem conversas) spiritu suo 
 probantes, Episcopos, et Ministros eo- 
 rum qui credituri erant, constituerunt. 
 S. Clem. Rom.Epist. ad Cor i. [cap.] 
 xlii. [of OTrdWoAot ri/juv fvayye\io-Q-ri- 
 o~av airb rov Kvplov 'Irjffov Xpio~rov, 
 'Irjtrovs 6 Xpio~rbs airb rov ov. 'Ee- 
 ire/j.<pOii 6 Xptffrbs ovv airb rov 0eoC, 
 Kal ol dTroVroAoi a-rrb rov Xpi<rrov' 
 tyevovro ovv a/j.<p6repa evraKrus e/c 
 0eA7j/uaTOs 0eoO. Tlapayye\ias ovv Aa- 
 &6vres, Kal ir\-r)po(popri6(VTs Sia rrjs 
 avao~rdo~f(i)s rov Kvpiov r)fj.S>v 'Irjffov 
 Xptffrov, Kal Triffrwdfvrfs r$ \6ytp rov 
 0eoC /XCTO irXripofyopias irvev/JLaros ayiov, 
 ftfiXOov fvayyf\i^6fji.evoi rty fiaaiXsiav 
 rov 0eoD /ueAAetv ep^etr^at. Kara 
 X_capas ovv Kal Tr6\is Kijpvo'o'ovres, Ka- 
 6io~rao~av ras a.irap\as avr&v, SoKifjid- 
 aavrfs r<f irvfv/j.aTi, els tTTiffKoirovs Kal 
 
 SiaK6vOVS rS)V fJL\\6vTd}V TTlO~rVlV. 
 
 Patr. Ap.,tom. i.p. 171.] Apostoli nostri 
 per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum 
 cognoscentes contentionem de nomine 
 Episcopatus oborituram, earn ob causam 
 perfecta scientia praediti, praedictos (i.e. 
 primitias suae praedicationis, seii pri- 
 mogenitos in Christo) constituerunt, et 
 deinceps futurae successionis regulam 
 
 HICKES. 
 
66 
 
 respecting the Priesthood of the Church. 
 
 PREFAT. princes, as well as priests in His spiritual kingdom ; to whom, 
 
 SECT. ii. in their respective spiritual dominions and jurisdictions, He 
 
 requires obedience of all His subjects, of what temporal rank 
 
 or condition soever, as to His stewards, vicegerents, or chief 
 
 ministers over His Church. 
 
 IV. That the Church, or incorporate body of Christians, is 
 by its constitution a holy x , royal, or regal priesthood y , as it 
 is called in the Scriptures. First, because Christ the head 
 of it, is the antitype of Melchisedec, and as such, a sacerdotal 
 sovereign, or regal priest. And secondly, because this sacer- 
 dotal Sovereign has committed the government and adminis- 
 tration of His kingdom to ministerial priests, who, as I must 
 often put you in mind, are the vicars 2 , substitutes, legates, 
 representatives, or vicegerents of their royal, sacerdotal, Lord 
 and Master, in His kingly, as well as His priestly office, 
 throughout all the districts and dominions of His spiritual 
 kingdom upon earth. 
 
 tarn, quantum possumus, obtinere cu- 
 remus. Id. Epist. xlv. [ad Corne- 
 lium. Epist. xlii. Op., p. 57. ed. Ben.] 
 Potestas ergo peccatorum remit- 
 tendorum Apostolis data est, et Ec- 
 clesiis quas illi a Christo missi consti- 
 tuerunt, et episcopis qui eis ordinatione 
 vicaria successerunt. Ibid. Epist. Ixxv. 
 Firmiliani Cypriano. [Op., p. 148. ed. 
 Ben.] Inde per temporura et suc- 
 cessionura vices, Episcoporum ordina- 
 tio, et Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ec- 
 clesia super Episcopos constituatur : et 
 omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem prae- 
 positos gubernetur. Cum hoc itaque 
 divina lege fundatum sit, &c. S. Cypr. 
 Epist. xxxiii. [ad Lapses. Epist. xxvii. 
 Op., pp. 37. 38. ed. Ben.] Quamobrem 
 frater, si>,majestatem Dei, qui sacer- 
 dotes ordinal, cogitaveris : [si Chris- 
 tum,] qui arbitrio, et nutu, ac prae- 
 sentia sua et praepositos ipsos, et Ec- 
 clesiam cum praepositis gubernat, [ali- 
 quando respexeris;] &c. Id. Epist. 
 Ixvi. [ad Floientium. Epist. Ixix. Op., 
 p. 124. ed. Ben.] Nee haec jacto, sed 
 dolens profero, cum te judicem Dei 
 constituas et Christi, qui dicit ad Apo- 
 stolos, ac per hoc ad omnes praepositos, 
 qui Apostolis vicaria ordinatione suc- 
 cedunt : Qui audit vos me audit . . . ecce 
 jam sex annis nee fraternitas habuerit 
 Episcopum, nee plebs praepositum, 
 [nee grex pastorem,] nee Ecclesia gu- 
 bernatorem, nee Christus antistitem, 
 
 nee Deus sacerdotem. Id. Epist. Ixvi. 
 [Epist. Ixix. Op., p. 122. ed. Ben.] 
 
 * 1 Pet. ii. 5, 9. "Ye ... are built 
 up a spiritual house, an holy priest- 
 hood. . . . But ye are a chosen gene- 
 ration, a royal priesthood," or, ' king- 
 dom of priests.' Exod. xix. 6. 
 
 y S. Greg. Naz., Orat xxx. in 
 consecratione Eulalii Doarensium 
 Episcopi. " But thou shalt receive a 
 more perfect armour from greater ge- 
 nerals, by which thou mayest be able 
 to quench the fiery darts of the devil, 
 and present unto the Lord a peculiar 
 people, a holy nation, a regal priest- 
 hood in Christ Jesus the Lord, to 
 whom be glory for ever. Amen." 
 [rty jwej/ o?>v TeXecarepav ftirXunv 8e- 
 XOio trapa TWV (JLCL^OVUV (TT partly G)v, 8t* 
 
 "?IS 8WTJ(T7? TO $e'X77 TO? TTOVtlpOV TO. 7T- 
 
 Kvpiy \abv Trepioixriov, tdvos ayiov, )8a- 
 <ri\iov lepaTeufji.a, ev Xpiffry 'Iriffov ry 
 Kvpicj} fi/Atay, (f T] So"!** ets TOVS atwvas. 
 a/jL-fjv. S. Greg. Nazian. Oratio xiii. 
 torn. i. p. 255, B.] 
 
 * Neque enim aliunde haereses obor- 
 tae sunt, aut nata [sunt] schismata, 
 quam inde quod sacerdoti Dei non 
 obtemperatur, nee unus in Ecclesia ad 
 tempus sacerdos, et [ad tempus] judex 
 vice Christi cogitatur. S. Cypr. Epist. 
 lix. [ad Cornelium. Epist. Iv. Op., p. 
 82. ed. Ben.] 
 
The questions raised defend on Fact and Testimony. 67 
 
 After telling the occasion of writing these two letters, it REAL 
 will be expected I should give an account of the publishing ^uraoi^ 
 of them, to which I was provoked by a late book falsely __ &c * _ 
 entitled, "The Rights of the Christian Church :" in which the 
 
 author, with all the art he was master of, and with more 4 ut i? r f 
 
 the Rights, 
 
 spite and insolence than Julian or any other apostate did, n d his 
 hath written without any true force of argument, or making par y ' 
 any distinction of priests, against the whole Christian priest- 
 hood, and against the Christian Church and its true consti- 
 tution and rights. Whether the Christian Church is one 
 body, or several independent bodies throughout the whole 
 world ; and if one body, whether it is, or is not, distinct from 
 the State, and independent of it in all places ; and whether 
 the administration of it was not by Divine appointment com- 
 mitted to bishops, as successors of the Apostles, who are to 
 govern it by continued succession from one to another ; and 
 whether they, as supreme governors of it, have not authority 
 to admit into and exclude people of all ranks out of it, are 
 all questions of fact, which are to be determined by the 
 Scriptures, and the consentient doctrine and practice of 
 the Catholic Church, consisting both of priests and people ; 
 of which, I hope, I have given a plain and sufficient ac- 
 count, especially in the second letter. And the reader is 
 to be judge, whether the reasonings of this author (who 
 hath licked up the venom of Hobbes, Selden a , Spinoza, and 
 Marvel, and disgorged it upon the Church) can be of any 
 force against the testimony of such a cloud of witnesses, 
 against the joint authority of so many holy saints and 
 martyrs, even of all Christianity from the time of the 
 Apostles; and whether it was not most absurd in him to 
 argue against facts so proved, and a constitution so uni- 
 versally admitted, and received for Divine in all places, as 
 if all Christians hitherto had been deluded, or as if there 
 neither were, nor could be any such constitution, which in 
 
 Both which are thoroughly con- tianity, by Divine Right.] And in 
 
 futed in 116 small octavo pages of the those few pages the reader will find 
 
 first part of a book entituled "The Case a full answer to the "Rights of the 
 
 of the Church of England, [briefly and Christian Church." [The author of 
 
 truly stated, in the three first and this work was Dr. Samuel Parker, 
 
 fundamental principles of a Christian who became bishop of Oxford under 
 
 Church,] by S. P. London 1681." James II., 1686, and by royal man- 
 
 [Part I. The Obligation of Chris- date president of Magdalene college.] 
 
68 TindaVs objections, against the wisdom and goodness of God. 
 
 reason ^ n S h e misrepresents, as "absurd," "un- 
 SECT. ii. * charitable b ," "inconsistent with reason and the ends of eccle- 
 siastical discipline ," "an obstacle to the spreading of the 
 gospel d ," " destructive of itself and the interests of the Chris- 
 tian religion 6 ," and "of infinite mischief to the Christian 
 world, and human societies f ." 
 
 These are charges which were never laid upon the consti- 
 tution of the Church in the first and earliest ages of Christi- 
 anity, which had the best means of understanding the con- 
 stitution of it, as living nearest the times of its original. The 
 Christians of those ages, to which I confine my enquiry in 
 the second letter, had as great men among them as ever 
 lived since, and much greater and more celebrated civilians 8 
 than the reputed author of the Rights ; and yet they were 
 so blind as not to see the monstrous faults and defects in the 
 building and economy of Christ's house, and the polity of 
 His kingdom, which this man hath spied in it ; or if they 
 did, they were such ill-natured Timons of human kind as not 
 to discover them betimes, to undeceive the deluded world, for 
 the interests of the Christian religion and the good of man- 
 kind. This discovery, it seems, was reserved for this blessed 
 age, and for this incomparable book. In which, supposing 
 the constitution of the Church to be such in fact as ancient 
 Christianity in all places believed and took it to be, then 
 the author hath charged God, the founder and architect of 
 it, with all the faults and flaws he pretends to find in its 
 fabric and constitution, highly blaspheming His infinite 
 wisdom and goodness, in foolishly forming a polity and 
 government, so ' absurd in its nature, so destructive to itself, 
 and so inconsistent with the great ends for which it was 
 framed, the propagation of Christianity, and the good of the 
 world/ At this bold and most impious way of writing, he 
 may make another such golden book, if he pleases, against 
 the Jewish Church and priesthood, of which I do not doubt 
 but he hath the same worthy thoughts, with his master 
 
 h [Rights, &c. chap. iii. p. 88.] * Such as Tribonianus, Theophilus, 
 
 c [Ibid., chap. iv. p. 122.] Dorotheas, &c. [These were the writers 
 
 d [Ibid., -chap. v. p. 180.] of the Institutes, (Just. Inst. Proem., 
 
 e [Ibid., chap. vi. p. 190.] 93,) and compilers of the Digest and 
 f [Ibid., chap. viii. p. 244. See the Justinian Code, A.D. 527, sqq. 
 
 table of contents and headings of See Gibbon's Decline and Fall, c.xliv.] 
 
 chapters.] 
 
They lie equally against the constitution of man. 69 
 
 Spinoza 11 , as he hath of the Christian, viz., that, like the REA L 
 superstitious institutions of Numa, they were both but pre- VIEWS OF 
 
 A UTHORj 
 
 tended revelations, and in reality the inventions of crafty &c - 
 and designing men. Nay at this rate he may write a serious 
 satire against the natural constitution of man, and blasphem- 
 ously charge his Creator with want of wisdom and goodness, 
 in making a creature subject to two such different and jarring 
 principles and powers, as flesh and spirit, sense and reason, 
 whereof "the one is contrary to the other 1 /' and whereby 
 the unhappy creature is " at the same time k ," as he speaks, 
 " under different obligations," as when one commandeth him 
 to go to church, and the other to lie in bed at home ; or the 
 one bids him keep a day holy, and the other bids him work, 
 or the one would have him feast and indulge his genius, but 
 the other would have him fast. 
 
 But not to insist longer on the impiety and blasphemy of 
 his undertaking, would you not think a man mad, that 
 would write a book in good earnest, to prove that there 
 cannot be two such contrary principles and contending 
 powers in one and the same creature ? That the doctrine of 
 the TO rjye/jiovucbv, is an absurd, uncharitable doctrine, which 
 restrains men from the pleasures for which they were born ; 
 that it hath caused infinite vexation and mischief to man- 
 
 h See a book entituled, " Spinoza by others it bas been assigned to his 
 
 Revived, [or, a Treatise, proving the disciple Meyer, (Spinozae Op., Praef. 
 
 Book, entitled, The Rights of the p. xii. Jenae, 1802,) but in the Biogra- 
 
 Christian Church, &c. (in the most phie Universelle (article Spinoza, p. 
 
 notorious parts of it) to be the same 327), it is said to be the work of 
 
 with Spinoza's Rights of the Chris- Dominic de la Cour, or Vanden Hoof: 
 
 tian Clergy, &c. and that both of them where also the work, Spinoza Revived, 
 
 are grounded upon downright Atheism. is attributed to Carroll ; see his answer 
 
 To which is added, A Preliminary to Locke, pp. 276 280. London, 1706. 
 
 Discourse relating to the said books, The same sentiments however are con- 
 
 by the Reverend Dr. George Hicks. lained in the Tractatus Theolog. Polit. 
 
 London,] Printed and to be sold by of Spinoza, cap. xix., of which the title 
 
 Jo. Morphew. 1709." is " Ostenditur jus circa sacra penes 
 
 [The work referred to is entitled summas potestates omnino esse, et 
 
 " Lucii Antistii Constantis de Jure EC- Religionis cultum externum Reipub- 
 
 clesiasticorum liber singularis, quo do- licae paci accommodari debere, si recte 
 
 cetur, quodcunque divini humanique Deo obtemperare velimus." ] 
 juris Ecclesiasticis tribuitur, vel ipsi ' rb au^a ; . . . a\Xa rb Tn/eC/xa ; . . . 
 
 sibi tribuunt, hoc aut falso impieque <tAe? yap &s T&, iro\\k avTnro\e/j.e'iv 
 
 ipsis tribui aut non aliuude quam a ravra a.\\-f]\ois Kal bvTiKaGffrf&dai. 
 
 suis, hoc est, ejus reipublicae sive civi- S. Greg. Nazian. Orat. viii. [Orat. xii. 
 
 tatis prodiis, in qua sunt constituti, Op., torn. i. p. 249, A, B. ed. Ben.] 
 accepisse, Alethopoli, (Amsterdam,) k The Rights, [ch. i.] pp. 33 35, 
 
 1665." It was reported to be Spinoza's, edit. 3. 
 and so was attributed to him by Bayle ; 
 
70 The Church Polity a Divine Institution. 
 
 PREFAT. kind, and that it, and the doctrines of mortification, self- 
 
 DISCOURSE, , 
 
 SECT, ii. denial, and resignation to the will of any god, are of pagan 
 original, borrowed from heathen priests and philosophers, 
 from the druids in the west, or the brahmins and faquirs in 
 the east, and that it sets the wretched creature at strife with 
 himself, an-1, by its unnatural severities, is utterly incon- 
 sistent with the wisdom and goodness of God, and the true 
 happiness of man ? 
 
 Would you not, I say, think a man far gone in frenzy, 
 that should set himself to write such a book ? And yet our 
 author is that man, as King David was the rich man in 
 Nathan's parable. For he hath written a book against the 
 frame and constitution of the Church in all the parts of it, 
 though it is as certain that God was the maker and con- 
 triver of it, if the general voice and testimony of ancient 
 Christianity is to be believed, as that He was the creator of 
 man. I say, the general voice of ancient Christianity ; be- 
 cause heretics and schismatics, as well as catholics, bore 
 witness to that very 'constitution of the Church against which 
 lie writes. When they disputed matters of doctrine, they 
 never quarrelled about the episcopal frame of Church govern- 
 ment and discipline; and though they were often divided 
 into different parties and communions, yet they were all re- 
 ligious observers of the same Church polity (except Aerius 
 and his few followers) which he attempts to subvert, be- 
 cause they all alike believed it to have been instituted by 
 Christ. 
 
 But what need have I to appeal to the testimony of Chris- 
 tianity? What need I produce antiquity, universality, and 
 consent, against an upstart, bold writer, supported by no 
 such authority ? The testimonies of the early and learned 
 saints and martyrs, which I have cited above in the margins 
 of the sixth, seventh, and eighth pages 1 , for the constitution, 
 rights, and powers of the Church, are abundantly sufficient 
 without any other, to weigh down a thousand such books as 
 this wretched man, or club of men m , hath written f in this 
 
 1 [Of the third edition, pp. 61 66 from the deists as a body, and says, "it 
 
 of the present one.] may well be reckoned among the op- 
 
 m [See note d, p. 50. Leslie (Vin- posers of the Short and Easy Method, 
 
 dication, 1710, Works, vol. i. pp. 126, though it proceeds not by way of direct 
 
 127.) speaks of the Rights as coming answer to it." See below, note p, p. 72.] 
 
Christianity is attacked through the Priesthood. 71 
 
 day of trouble, rebuke, and blasphemy, to reproach God/ REAL 
 God, whom he hath charged with folly, in framing a Church AUTHOR, 
 polity for Christians, 'most absurd and inconsistent with - 
 itself, and the very ends for which it was formed/ Ten thou- 
 sand such tekels of modern books, if weighed in the ba- 
 lance against Scripture and primitive antiquity, will be 
 found defective and wanting, but as a drop of a bucket, or as 
 a little dust, plainly as nothing in the judgment of serious 
 men who will impartially compare them together. 
 
 The deists and atheists of late, by this and other such 
 writers, have ' exalted their voices against the Lord/ and 
 His Church ; but, I hope, ( He hath heard their words, and 
 will reprove them, and' in His appointed time 'make the 
 Virgin, the daughter of Zion, whom they despise and laugh 
 to scorn, despise and shake her head at them/ It concerns 
 all good Christians to distinguish themselves from them, and 
 to resist them, as they would the devil, stedfastly in the 
 Christian faith, which it is their design to destroy, if they 
 could, in writing against the priesthood and the Church. 
 For if they can once persuade men, that Church government 
 and discipline is nothing but the invention and craft of 
 priests, they will soon persuade them that the Christian 
 doctrines are so too. And hence it is, that we have so many 
 of their invective pamphlets against making of creeds, and 
 creed-makers, who impose upon men articles of faith". These 
 men of ' large minds ' and f free thoughts,' will not have them 
 confined, and tied up to forms and summaries of belief, but 
 on they will go in the broad way of thinking, as well as 
 living, out-doing the devils in latitude ; the devils, who as the 
 Scripture tells us, are such narrow-souled spirits, as to believe 
 and tremble. If they durst, they would write as publicly 
 against Scripture-making, as you may perceive by the table- 
 talk which the reputed author of the Eights, and some other 
 Grecians had of them, at a dinner the 29th of November 
 last . There their tongues were their own, and without any 
 restraint to the e liberties of mankind/ and the ' freedoms 
 of human nature/ they plentifully vented their blasphemies 
 upon the holy writings, which nothing but the good inten- 
 
 n [See note k, p. 54.] fore the first edition of this book, 
 
 That is, the 29th of November be- [Nov. 29, 1706.] 
 
72 Blasphemous conversation of Tindal and his associates ; 
 
 PREFAT. tion of creating an abhorrence of such monsters of unbelief 
 
 SECT, ii. * and blasphemy, can justify the recital of P. They began with 
 
 Balaam and his ass, and with scorn and scurrility enough, 
 
 asserted the ass to be the fittest of the two ' to see an angel, 
 
 P [The reason for Hickes' going into 
 the details which follow is to be found 
 in the character of the attacks which 
 were made hy the deists of his time on 
 Christianity. The passage quoted (note 
 p. 80) from Lord Shaftesbury's Sensus 
 Communis is a key to the course they 
 adopted. They spoke of themselves as 
 sincere Christians, and conformed to 
 the established religion. " These here- 
 tics are suffered to continue in the 
 Church without discrimination . . . nay 
 they are allowed to come, when their 
 interest brings them thither, to the 
 holy altar." (Preliminary Discourse 
 to Spinoza Revived.) They wished 
 to be identified with the schools of 
 Locke and Tillotson. Thus they pro- 
 fessed to receive the general facts of 
 Christianity, and the Scriptures as a 
 whole, only objecting to particular por- 
 tions. They rejected all Church au- 
 thority, and the imposition of creeds, 
 as interfering with the liberty of pri- 
 vate judgment : they denied all myste- 
 rious doctrines, or at all events the im- 
 portance of believing them. They pro- 
 fessed a great respect for the Latitu- 
 dinarian clergy, and that they only 
 objected to the extreme views of the 
 High Church party. They ridiculed 
 the doctrines of the Sacraments and 
 the priesthood, and at the same time 
 by sneers and inuendoes attacked all 
 the doctrines of the gospel, and many 
 of the truths of natural religion. 
 Thus Tindal in the second Defence of 
 the Rights, p. 176, referring to the 
 charge of his "having been a papist," 
 says, "I believe the author of the 
 Rights keeping so exactly to the prin- 
 ciples of the Protestant religion, and 
 of the Church of England, in oppo- 
 sition to High Church notions, is the 
 best reason they have for supposing 
 him once a papist; knowing that a 
 shipwrecked person will be careful to 
 avoid the rock on which he formerly 
 split. A man of the most ordinary 
 understanding is in no danger of fall- 
 ing into popery, if he is not debauched 
 in his early education with High 
 Church notions, and University prin- 
 ciples, and then a Chillingworth's parts 
 cannot secure him." And in Holland, 
 Le Clerc, speaking of the Rights, &c. 
 
 says, "We hear that this book has 
 made a great noise in England. ... I 
 am persuaded that the wise and mode- 
 rate members of [that] Church can 
 never be alarmed at such a book as 
 this. ... I believe the author, as him- 
 self says, had no design upon the pre- 
 sent establishment, but only against 
 some excessive pretensions, which are 
 even contrary to the laws of the land, 
 and to the authority of the king and 
 parliament. . . . They who understand 
 English will do well to read the origi- 
 nal; they have never read a book so 
 strong and so supported, in favour of 
 the principles which Protestants on 
 this side the water hold in common." 
 Bibliotheque Choisee, torn. x. p. 
 305. 1706. And in the Rehearsal, 
 No. 175, Jan. 18, 1706, we read : 
 " Countryman. There is one thing 
 amazes me strangely ; that the dis- 
 senters generally cry up this book 
 of the Rights. . . . Rehearsal. They 
 think this book may be of service 
 against the Church of England." It 
 was also said to have been approved by 
 Mr. Locke. It became necessary to 
 shew the real opinions of the school to 
 which the author belonged ; which is 
 done by Dr. Hickes here, and in the 
 Preface to the second edition of the 
 " Apologetical Vindication of the Church 
 of England;" and as respects Tindal 
 himself in the Preliminary Discourse 
 to " Spinoza Revived," in which after 
 printing Archdeacon Proast's letter, 
 (see p. 49. note a,) as to Tindal's pro- 
 fessing deistical views, he says, " From 
 this letter it appears what the writer of 
 the Rights and that gang have in petto, 
 and that they are utter unbelievers of 
 all revealed religion, and those among 
 whom they dare use their liberty of 
 speech, know that their conversation is 
 agreeable to this declaration of Dr. 
 Tindal, and answerable to the character 
 I have here and elsewhere given of 
 them : and if ever they see a proper 
 time for it, I doubt not, but they will 
 print their blasphemies, as plainly and 
 as freely as they speak them. Witness 
 some of their late pieces in which they 
 speak out." These anticipations were, 
 as is well known, soon realized. See 
 the notes in the following pages.] 
 
attacking the Canon of Scripture ; 
 
 73 
 
 and to have Divine inspirations and revelations/ They said REA-L 
 'the books of the New Testament were a long while kept \UTHOR, 
 private, till the council of Laodicea q fell to telling of noses r ;' 
 in which their malice exceeded that of Julian, who never 
 questioned the canon of the holy Scriptures. ' Hennas' 
 Pastor they despised, as the most silly book that ever was 
 cited for Scripture by the ancients, with others of the same 
 stamp/ But these scorners might have spoken with more 
 respect of an holy author, whom God employed in so many 
 messages to His Church, and to whom He vouchsafed so 
 many revelations, and for whom so many of the ancients, as 
 Clemens Alexandrinus 8 , Origen*, Irenaeus u , had a great re- 
 verence, even for the simplicity of his writings, though 
 they were mistaken in the authority of them; I need not 
 mention St. Athanasius x , nor the learned men of this age, 
 as Cotelerius y and Dr. Bernard 2 , who have adorned this book 
 with their notes ; nor Du Pin a , nor Tillemont b ; nor Dr. Wake, 
 
 ' [In Phrygia Pacatiana, circ. A.D. 
 364. Canon Ix. Sara Set &i0\ia avayivw- 
 <TK(r6ai K. T. \. Concil., torn. i. p. 1540, 
 E. 1541, A, B.] 
 
 r [See Hobbes' Leviathan, part iii. 
 chap. 33. pp. 203, 204. 1651, and 
 Leland's Deist. Writers, vol. i. p. 58. 
 London, 1754. " He (Hobbes) in- 
 sinuates that the copies of the Scrip- 
 tures were but few, and only in the 
 hands of ecclesiastics. . . . That 
 they were not received as of Divine 
 authority in the Christian Church till 
 they were declared to be so in the 
 council of Laodicea, A.D. 365 ;" and 
 speaking of Toland's Amyntor, pub- 
 lished 1698, Leland says, (ibid., p. 81,) 
 " He hath there raked together whatever 
 he could find relating to the spurious 
 gospels, and pretended sacred books 
 which appeared in the early ages of the 
 Christian . . . his design in all this 
 manifestly is to shew that the gospels 
 and other sacred writings now acknow- 
 ledged as canonical, really deserve no 
 greater credit than those works, &c."] 
 
 * [e. g. dfius Toivvv f) 8vva/j.is f) ry 
 'Epua Kara aiTOKaXvfyiv \a\ovffa, K. r. A. 
 Clem. Alex. Strom., lib. i. c. 29. Op., 
 p. 426.] 
 
 * [e. g. Puto tamen quod Her- 
 mas iste sit scriptor libelli illius qui 
 Pastor appellatur, quae Scriptura valde 
 mihi utilis videtur, et ut puto divini- 
 tus inspirata. Origen. Comment, in 
 Epist. ad Horn , lib. x. c. 31. Op., torn. 
 
 iv. p. 683, A. col. 2.] 
 
 " [e. g. Bene ergo pronuntiavit 
 Scriptura, quae dicit : ( S. Hermae 
 Pastor., lib. ii. Mand. 1. Patr. Ap., torn. 
 i. p. 85.) 'Primo omnium crede quo- 
 niam umis est Deus, qui omnia con- 
 stituit, et consummavit ; et fecit ex eo 
 quod non erat, ut essent omnia: om- 
 nium capax, et qui a nemine capi- 
 atur.' S. Irenaeus contra Haereses, lib. 
 iv. c. 20. (al. c. 37.) Op., p. 253. col. 
 1. See 'Veterum Testimonia de S. 
 Hermae Pastore' (CoteleriiPatr. Apost., 
 torn. i. p. 70.) where many other pas- 
 sages are quoted. See also Bull's Def. 
 F. N. sect. i. cap. ii. 3.] 
 
 x [. . . cVrl Kal erepa Pi&\ta rovruv 
 v' ov KavovityfJLtva /*</, rervirca- 
 5e irapa. T>V 
 rois &prt 
 
 \6yov' ffo<pia SoAo/uwvTOS, Kal 
 <TO<pla ~2.ipa.Xt Kal 'Ecr0fy>, Kal 'lovSlQ, Kal 
 Tobias, Kal StSaxh KaAot^ucVrj TWV airo- 
 <TTo\(av Kal 6 iroifM^v. S. Athanas. 
 Epist. Festalis. Op., torn. i. par. 2. p. 
 963, A.] 
 
 y [SS. Patrum Apostolicorum Opera. 
 Paris. 1672.] 
 
 z [Edw. Bernard, Savilian Professor 
 1673. Annotationes in S. Barnabas 
 Epistolam et S. Hermae Pastorem, in 
 Fell's edition. Oxon. 1685. 8vo.] 
 
 a [L. E. Du Pin. Nouvelle Bibli- 
 otheque des Auteurs Ecclesiastiques, 
 torn. i. p. 83. 1688. Paris.] 
 
?4 ridiculing the book of Revelations, and the Prophecies ; 
 PREFAT. bishop of Lincoln 6 , who hath made the apostolic author speak 
 
 DISCOURSE, . _, _ . 
 
 SECT. n. pure and proper English in a renerable apostolic style. But 
 these are a sort of human race who neither fear God nor 
 reverence men, especially priests, whose office they hate, and 
 their persons for the sake of their office. By ' other books 
 of the same stamp/ they particularly meant the book of the 
 Revelations, of which they said, ' it had been well if it had 
 been still kept private, for there had not been so many mad- 
 men / and then cited a sentence of a learned divine against 
 the enthusiasts who had abused it, as if he had said the same 
 thing. Then they said, that 'none of the prophecies could 
 be understood, for multitude of interpretations, that if they 
 were already fulfilled, we were no farther concerned with 
 them, but if not, the Holy Ghost Himself had need interpret 
 them/ Then as for the prophets, they did God and them 
 the honour to compare them to the Camisars d ; and prophecy 
 to delirium in fevers ; and told a story of a physician, who 
 cured a patient of his prophetical deliriums, and was refused 
 his reward. They also said, ' it was a disease proper it may 
 be to certain places and constitutions, as agues/ and took 
 occasion, from a passage in a learned author 6 , to assert that 
 ' wine was useful to prepare for the illapses of the prophetical 
 spirit/ and thence observed, 'that drunkenness and pro- 
 
 b [Tillemont. Memoires, notes sur Brief Vindication of the Ancient Pro- 
 Saint Hernias, torn. ii. p. 519. 170]. phets from the imputations and mis- 
 Paris.] representations of such as adhere to our 
 
 e [The Genuine Epistles of the present pretenders to inspiration, in a 
 
 Apostolical Fathers translated. By Letter to Sir Richard Bulkeley, Bart." 
 
 W. Wake, D.D. London, 1693. 8vo.] (one of their chief supporters) in which 
 
 d [More commonly known as the he says, (near the end of the preface,) 
 French prophets. The name Garni- " They had a tendency to weaken the 
 sards was given the insurgent pea- credit of revealed religion amongst 
 santry of the Cevennes at the latter men of unstable principles : hy whom 
 end of the seventeenth and beginning they were embraced, and found, and 
 of the eighteenth century ; probably used for that very purpose." They 
 derived from the camise which they formed a sect which continued to exist 
 wore over their clothes. They were for some years, and exercised an in- 
 excited by fanatics, who pretended to fluence on the early followers of Wes- 
 prophetical gifts, (see Bibliotheque ley. See Southey's Life of Wesley, 
 Sacree, Paris. 1822, art. Camisards,) at the year 1739.] 
 some of whom came over to England e [Dodwell, de Jure Laicorum, &c. 
 in 1706. They created great excite- p. 359. 1685. ' Et vero corporeis id 
 ment by their wild gestures and voci- genus auxiliis Judaeos usos esse con- 
 feration. They gained many converts stat ad concipiendum spiritum pro- 
 to the reality of their pretensions, who pheticum. Sic musicam adhibuit Eli- 
 endeavoured to justify their agitations saus, cibum filii Esavi et vinum senior 
 by parallels from the Prophets. Hoadly Isaacus.'] 
 wrote a work against them, entitled "A 
 
and Miracles ; as did another party. 75 
 
 phecy was the same thing V Behold here Moses and the REAL 
 prophets, whose Divine authority our blessed Lord owned, AOTHO , 
 
 and Himself with them, blasphemed into drunkards, mad- . &c - 
 
 men, or at best into enthusiasts. Behold the Old Testa- 
 ment with the New, which is founded upon it, and bears 
 witness to the truth of it, made no better than the Alcoran, 
 or Notre-Dame's g predictions, and by consequence the Jewish 
 and Christian worthies, who believed those two sacred codes 
 to be the oracles of God, and of Divine inspiration, represented 
 to be men as credulous, and as much deluded, as the history 
 of any religion can shew. And then as for the miracles men- 
 tioned in the Scriptures, they made many reflections upon 
 them, which another company of such men at a public house 
 not far from Somerset-House, treated with the same reve- 
 rence, as these did the Scriptures. They exhausted Spinoza 
 the apostate Jew's book, des Ceremonies Superstitieuses des 
 Juifs^. 'The passing over the Bed sea/ they said, 'was 
 not miraculous but natural 1 / By which they gave the lie 
 first to Moses, who tells us ' that it was the blast of the [Exod. 15. 
 breath of God's nostrils that gathered together the waters 
 of the Red sea, and made them stand upright as an heap :' 
 secondly, to the Psalmist, who saith, ( it was God that divided [Ps. 88. 13.] 
 it, and made Israel to pass through the midst of it; that He [Ps. 96. 9.] 
 rebuked and dried it up, and made the people pass through 
 the depth thereof as through a wilderness/ and lastly, to 
 the Apostle, who tells us, that "by faith they passed through [Heb. 11. 
 the Bed sea as by dry land, which the Egyptians attempt- 
 
 f [Collins repeated this statement London, 1672.] 
 
 in his " Discourse of Freethinking, oc- h [The work referred to is the Trac- 
 
 casioned hy the Rise and Growth of a tatus Theologico-politicus of Spinoza, 
 
 Sect called Freethinkers," 1713. p. 121. (Op., tom.i. p. 141. Jena?. 1802,) which 
 
 " to obtain the prophetic spirit they was published at Hamburg in 1670. 
 
 played upon music and drank wine."] It was translated into French, and pub- 
 
 8 [Michael Nostradamus, (or De lished in 12mo. in 1678, with three 
 
 Nostre Dame,) a celebrated astrologer, different title-pages : 1. La Clef du 
 
 was born in SL Remy, a town of Pro- Sanctuaire, &c. Leyden. 2. Traite des 
 
 vence, Dec. 14, 1503; died July 2, Ceremonies Superstitieuses des Juifs, 
 
 1566. He published Seven Centuries Amsterdam. 3. Reflexions curieuses 
 
 of Predictions in 1555, to which he in d'un esprit desinteresse sur les matieres 
 
 1558 added three centuries. He won les plus importantes au salut, Cologne, 
 
 the favour of Catherine of Medicis. See preface to the above-mentioned 
 
 Charles IX. appointed him his phy- edition, pp. xiv xvL] 
 
 sician in ordinary. See the "True Pro- * [See Spinoza's work just men- 
 
 pheciesof Michael Nostradamus, trans- tioned, cap. vi. De Miraculis, Op., torn, 
 
 lated by Theophilus de Garencieres." i. p. 244.] 
 
76 Conversation of TindaVs party resumed. 
 
 ing to do were all drowned therein. " ' The pillar of fire V 
 they said, 'was some sort of artificial preparation in the 
 Deut. i. 33. nature of a phosphorus/ though it is reckoned by Moses, 
 [Ps. 78. 12, and in the Psalms, among ' the wonders which God did in 
 the sight of their fathers, when in the day-time He led them 
 with a cloud, and ail the night with a light of fire/ ' Elijah's 
 sacrifice/ they said, was by t artificial fire/ and one of them 
 who was a priest, and undoubtedly a priest after their own 
 heart, 'said he could do the same/ They reflected upon 
 the miracles, which our Saviour did more privately, as when 
 [Marks. He put all the people out of the ruler of the synagogue's 
 house, and raised his dead daughter only before her father 
 and mother and a few of His disciples. But to return from 
 these to the gentlemen at dinner, and their reflections on 
 the Scriptures; they said, 'there were many contradictions 
 in them, that the Holy Ghost could speak His own mind 
 plainly if He pleased, and therefore that it is the highest 
 blasphemy, and worthy of death, for any to pretend, by 
 their explications of the text, to speak plainer than He, and 
 to interpret the mind of God, as if He were not able to tell 
 His own meaning, and that all priests were monstrously 
 guilty of it, and that the author of the Eights doth the very 
 same thing as Christ and His Apostles did, in speaking against 
 priests/ Lastly, ' that multitudes of religions were as much 
 for God's honour as variety of faces, and that God must have 
 a mind to be so worshipped/ 
 
 O blessed table, which was sanctified with such talk as 
 this ! Where they also said, that 'the marriage in Cana was 
 a merry meeting/ and that ' He/ meaning our Lord, ' made 
 the water wine with spirit of wine/ And that ' the one 
 thing needful/ of which He spake to Martha, ' was a good 
 dish of meat !' O blessed family, which must hear such 
 table-talk, as blasphemed the Scriptures into contradictions, 
 and reproached the Holy Spirit with not speaking plainly, 
 because in some places He was pleased to wrap up His 
 meaning in figures, and similitudes, and parables, as in the 
 
 k [This was maintained by Toland of ("loud and Fire that guided the 
 
 in his Tetradidymus (four treatises:) Israelites in the wilderness, not mira- 
 
 published in 1720, of which the first culous."] 
 was entitle:! " Hodegus, or the Pillar 
 
Objecting to the difficulties of Scripture. 77 
 
 prophetical books and other passages of Scripture ; and be- 
 cause His plain meaning in other places accidentally became 
 obscure, like the meaning of old human authors, for want of &c - 
 knowing the ancient histories, customs, proverbs, and idioms 
 of speech, which are requisite to make them be understood. 
 How few among us understand the books that were written 
 by our ancestors but two or three hundred years ago ? which, 
 however, are plain to those who understand the ancient 
 Saxon and Norman-Saxon tongue. How many dark arid 
 difficult places of Scripture have of late been made plain to 
 demonstration by Nic. Fuller, Mede, Lightfoot, and Pococke, 
 and other learned men? But these bravos, because they 
 hate the Scriptures, and because priests for the most part 
 are, and have been expositors of them, damn all expositions, 
 and sentence the expounders, and by consequence all the 
 translators and paraphrasts of them, to death. A modest and 
 merciful sentence ! In which is involved the seventy-two 
 interpreters of the Old Testament into Greek, the Chaldee 
 paraphrasts, and, not to mention our blessed Lord, who is 
 not excepted from it, the Apostles, " whose understandings Luke 24. 45. 
 He opened, that they should understand the Scriptures," 
 and with them again the apostolic writers, who expounded 
 and applied several passages of the Old Testament to Christ 
 and His Church under the New ; as St. Clement 1 , St. Bar- 
 nabas 01 , and the bishops who expounded the prophecies to 
 Constantine n , and St. Hermas, whom they despise and hate, 
 because he speaks so much and so plainly against sensuality 
 and voluptuousness , and in preference of one of the two 
 opposite principles and desires in man to the other, which 
 they love much better, and like the dunghill-cock in the 
 fable, which preferred the corn of barley before the pearl, 
 they value much more. And then, as for the New Testa- 
 
 1 [e. g. Epist. ad Cor. i. c. xii. the Church.] 
 
 scarlet thread of Rahab is interpreted n [Sozom. Eccl. Hist., lib. i. c. 3. 
 
 of the blood of Christ ; c. xvi. the fifty- p. 12.] 
 
 third of Isaiah of our Lord's humilia- [Pastor., lib. ii. Mand. iv. Patr. 
 
 tion ; c. xxii. our Lord is understood Apost., torn. i. p. 87, Mand. v. pp. 93, 
 
 to be speaking in Ps. xxxiv. 12. Patr. 94, Mand. vi. p. 95. There is not any 
 
 Apost., torn. i. pp. 155, 156, 161.] express notice of the fulfilment or in- 
 
 m [See S.Barnab. Epist. ibid., p. 13, terpretation of prophecy in his Writ- 
 file. ; throughout the epistle the pro- ings. Hickes may have referred to his 
 phecies and types of the Old Testa- carrying out the typical language > ' 
 ment are explained of Christ and His the Old Testament in the similitudes.] 
 
78 Their hatred of those who make the Scripture understood. 
 
 PREFAT. ment, this meek sentence also hangs up all the ancient 
 fathers without mercy, who have rescued the sense of holy 
 writ, even of the Old as well as New Testament, from the 
 perverse interpretations of Jews and heretics, and likewise 
 all the translators of the latter, both ancient and modern, 
 into the eastern or western languages of the Christian world, 
 with all the commentators and critics : nay, their dear 
 fathers, Hobbes, Selden, and Spinoza, and the author of the 
 Rights himself are included in their general doom, with all 
 the Unitarians P, who have given the world new explications 
 of Scripture in opposition to the old Nicene creed-makers, 
 though I suppose they did not mean those. This censure 
 also highly reflects upon our Lord, who bid the Jews search 
 the Scriptures, who appealed to Moses and the prophets, and 
 bid them observe and do whatsoever the expositors of their 
 law, who sat in Moses's chair, bid them observe. It con- 
 demns the Berseans for searching the Scriptures, and Timo- 
 thy for reading of them from a child, by which he became a 
 Christian ; and plainly shews how much these deists and 
 atheists are grieved that the Scriptures are translated and 
 expounded, to maintain revealed religion against them, and 
 that there is yet an order of men, a pestilent order of priests, 
 to read and expound the Scriptures to the people, for which 
 they deserve to be put to death. 
 
 These are the men, the worthy men, who hate priests and 
 priesthood ; and for my own part, I think it a great honour 
 that our order and persons, for the sake of our order, have 
 them, and the devil, who walks about roaring in them 
 
 * [The Unitarians were then a re- Presbyterians for their Socinianism." 
 cent and an active sect. See Leslie's See also " A Letter of the Lower House 
 treatise "TheSocinian Controversy dis- of Convocation to the Archbishop and 
 cussed, in Six Dialogues, &c." pub- Bishops about books and writings, Feb. 
 lished in 1708. In the preface he says, 19, 1 705 : ... As likewise to inform your 
 (Theological Works, vol. i. p. 195, &c.,) lordships of the scandal given to all 
 ' Of late years these Socinians, under good Christians by an assembly of see- 
 the name of Unitarians, have appeared tarians under the name of Unitarians, 
 with great boldness, and have not only publicly held in the city of London, 
 filled the nation with their numerous the teacher whereof is notoriously 
 pamphlets, printed upon a public stock, known to have been convicted of deny- 
 and given away gratis to the people, ing the divinity of our blessed Saviour." 
 whereby many have been deluded, but Wilkins' Concilia, vol. iv. p. 634. 
 they have arrived to that pitch of as- Their expositions of texts are given 
 sunmce, as to set up public meetings and examined in Leslie's second and 
 in our halls in London, (at Salter's third Dialogues, Theol. Works, ibid., 
 Hall,) where some preach to them who p. 248, &c.] 
 have been spewed out even by the 
 
Causes of their dislike to the Clergy. 79 
 
 against the priesthood, for our utter enemies. They are as 
 mad against us, as King Philip of Macedon^ was against the 
 orators of Athens, because they defended the people ; they 
 rail against the shepherds, because they would devour the 
 flock, and because the revenues upon which the clergy live 
 would be very convenient for them ; they therefore also re- 
 present priesthood as priestcraft to the people, and all Chris- 
 tian priests from the beginning, without any exception, as 
 cheats and knaves; cheats, who at first made the Scrip- 
 tures, and have ever since expounded them : cheats and 
 usurpers, who have assumed to themselves an authority over 
 the people in the name of God and Christ, whom these dare 
 blaspheme as much in private as they reproach His ministers 
 in public; witness the beginning of His miracles in Cana, 
 which, though the Evangelist saith He did " to manifest [ Job. 2.1 1/| 
 forth His glory;" yet, according to their blasphemous talk, 
 it was no miracle, but an artful trick to deceive the people ; 
 and if it were so indeed, then all His other miracles, from 
 this sham-beginning to the end, must have been such; so 
 alike are the malice and blasphemies by Beelzebub and by 
 spirit of wine. 
 
 The liberty these men have already taken is astonishing 1 ", 
 and would not be suffered in any other Christian country, 
 and a little more forbearance and impunity will make them 
 presume more 8 , and sport themselves in boldness and blas- 
 
 i [Plutarch. Vit Demosth. c. 23. pp. a book entituled, A Plain and Easy 
 
 730, 731. Op., Reisk. 1776. It was Ale- Method with the Deists, 
 xander, not Philip, who required the [This note was added in the third 
 
 Athenians to give up their orators, on edition. The works enumerated had 
 
 which Demosthenes told the story of been very recently published. The 
 
 the sheep giving up their dogs to the first three, viz., A Letter concerning 
 
 wolf. Hickes alludes to the same anec- Enthusiasm, to my Lord . 
 
 dote more fully, but with the same (Somers, ed. 1711.) London, 1708; 
 
 mistake in the Preface to the Apolo- Sensus Communis, an Essay on the 
 
 getical Vindication.] freedom of Wit and Humour, 1709; 
 
 'See the Axe laid to the Root of Soliloquy: or Advice to an Author, 
 
 Christianity, [vid. note k, p. 53.] with 1710, were written by Lord Shaftes- 
 
 the Preface" to the Apologetical Vindi- bury, and were afterwards collected by 
 
 cation of the Church of England, [By him and fonned the first volume of his 
 
 G. Hickes, D.D. Second edit London, "Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opi- 
 
 1706.] and the excellent weekly paper nions, Times," published in 1711. The 
 
 called the Rehearsal, [vid. note i, p. following extracts are from the Letter 
 
 32.] concerning Enthusiasm: "We shall 
 
 Witness the Letter of Enthusiasm then be able to see best whether those 
 
 to a Lord. Sensus Communis. Soli- forms of justice, those degrees of pu- 
 
 loquy, or Advice to an Author. Priest- nishment, that temper of resentment, 
 
 craft in Perfection, and a Detection of and those measures of offence and in- 
 
 the true meaning and wicked design of dignation, which we vulgarly suppose 
 
80 
 
 They tvill proceed to attack Christianity openly. 
 
 PREFAT. 
 
 DISCOURSE, 
 
 SECT. H, 
 
 phemy still more, and at length crucify their Redeemer, as 
 often, and as impudently in public, as they do with Jewish 
 malice in private. As they have treated Him in His priests, 
 so, if let alone, they will in a little time treat Him in His 
 offices and person, and put Him to open shame in the same 
 names. If in the first part of the Rights they have so 
 abused those of His household, may we not expect in the 
 second that they will abuse the Master of the house ? One 
 
 in God, are suitable to those original 
 ideas of goodness which the same Di- 
 vine Being, or nature under Him, has 
 implanted in us, and which we must 
 necessarily presuppose, in order to give 
 Him praise or honour in any kind." 
 p. 51. " Nobody trembles to think that 
 there should be no God ; but that there 
 should be one. But this would be 
 otherwise, if Deity were thought as 
 kindly of as humanity." p. 63. 
 
 The following extract from Sensus 
 Communis illustrates the course taken 
 by the deists at this time : " If men 
 are forbid to speak their minds seri- 
 ously on certain subjects, they will do 
 it ironically. If they are forbid to 
 speak at all on such subjects, or if 
 they find it really dangerous to do so, 
 they will then redouble their disguise, 
 involve themselves in mysteriousness, 
 and talk so as hardly to be understood, 
 or at least not plainly interpreted, by 
 those who are disposed to do them a 
 mischief. . . . 'Tis the persecuting spirit 
 that has raised the bantering one." 
 Parti, sect. 4. pp. 71, 72. 
 
 It is difficult to give an idea of these 
 works by short extracts, but the follow- 
 ing from the Soliloquy may shew its 
 character : " It becomes not those who 
 are uninspired from heaven, and un- 
 commissioned from earth, to search 
 with curiosity into the original of 
 those holy rites and records, by law 
 established. Should we make such an 
 attempt, we should in probability find 
 the less satisfaction, the further we 
 presumed to carry our speculations," 
 &c. Soliloquy, part iii. sect. 3. p. 
 360. 
 
 The full title of the next work is, 
 "Priestcraft in Perfection; or, a de- 
 tection of the fraud of inserting and 
 continuing that clause, 'the Church 
 hath power to decree rites and cere- 
 monies, and authority in controversies 
 of faith,' in the twentieth article of 
 
 the Articles of the Church of Eng- 
 land ;" which is called " one of the 
 most bold, virulent, and malicious 
 pieces against the Church of England 
 and her clergy that even this licen- 
 tious age of printing has produced." 
 (Seasonable and Modest Apology, p. 
 13.) It was published anonymously 
 Dec. 1709. In Chalmers' Biog. Diet, 
 (art. Collins) and in the notes to 
 Somers' Tracts, (vol. xii. p. 159, se- 
 cond edit.,) where it is reprinted, it is 
 attributed to Collins. In Watt's Bib- 
 liotheca it is attributed to Tindal. 
 Collins continued the controversy. 
 
 "A Detection of the true meaning 
 and wicked design of a book entitled 
 A Plain and Easy Method with the 
 Deists, wherein it is proved that the 
 author's (Leslie's) four marks are the 
 marks of the Beast, and are calculated 
 only for the cause and service of Po- 
 pery, in a Letter to a Friend. London, 
 1710." The object of the writer is to 
 shew that Leslie's four marks do in- 
 deed attach to the chief Scripture mi- 
 racles, but are found as well in the 
 case of others wrought in support of 
 " heathen and popish" religions which 
 are "universally allowed to be the im- 
 postures." p. 47. It was answered by 
 Leslie (in 1710) in his Vindication of 
 the Short and Easy Method, &c. 
 (Theol. Works, vol. i. p. 115,) and at- 
 tributed by him to the same author as 
 Priestcraft in Perfection, and the Rights. 
 He says, " His last instance is p. 43, 
 which leads us to the author of the 
 Detection. It is a noble performance 
 of his own which he quotes, intituled 
 
 Priestcraft in Perfection, &c 
 
 This is the work he has been lately 
 about in Holland with his friend To- 
 land . . . and other freethinkers. . . . 
 When his Opus Palm are comes out, 
 (which he has concerted with Toland, 
 Le Clerc, &c.) in aid of the Book of 
 the Rights. . . ." (Ibid., pp. 123, 124.)] 
 
Further instances of blasphemy. 81 
 
 of them not long ago told a worthy gentleman, who, npon 
 Christian principles, hath a reverence for the clergy, he 
 would shew him what priests and priesthood were, and then &c - 
 turning to 'Sabini' in Festus Pompeius*, shewed him these 
 words, Sabini a cultura deorum dicti, airo rov aefteaOat,. Sa- 
 bini quod volunt somniant t vetus proverbium esse, et inde ma- 
 nasse ait Sinnius Capito, quod quotiescunque sacrificium propter 
 mam fieret, hominem Sabinum ad illud adhibere solebant : nam 
 his promittebat se pro eis somniaturum, idemque postquam evi- 
 gilasset sacra facientibus narrabat omne quidquid in quiete 
 vidisset, quod quidem esset ex sacrificii religione. Unde ve- 
 nisse videtur in proverbium, Sabinos solitos quod vellent som- 
 niare / sed quia propter aviditatem bibendi quadam anus mu- 
 lieres id somnium captabant, vulgatum est illud quoque } anus 
 quod volt somniat ; fere enim quod vigilantes animo volvi- 
 mus, id dormientibus patere solet. In English this means 
 no more nor less than their common blasphemy, " that 
 all religions and priests of all religions are the same/' 
 And two of them, whom I could name, after much blas- 
 phemous discourse in a lady's house, left a paper of rea- 
 sons with her, to persuade her ladyship why she should not 
 believe in Christ, calling God the Son by such a name of 
 contempt as I abhor to mention, much exceeding the malice 
 of Julian, who after his apostacy never called Him by any 
 name more opprobrious than the Galilean; and the Gali- 
 lean, I hope, in His appointed time, will make them, to their 
 own confusion and His honour, say, e< vicisti Galilcse"" Thus 
 these giants make war with heaven, and as they endeavour 
 with the power of hell to pull the priesthood from the Church, 
 so, Lucifer-like, if they could, they would pull the Church 
 from Christ, Christ from the right-hand of God, and God 
 out of His throne. Indeed Julian, if compared with these 
 men, was a person of moderation, principles, and piety; for 
 he was " serious in the religion of their ancestors/' as he told 
 the heathens v , " and in the worship of the gods " and though 
 
 1 [Sex. Fompeii Festi et Mar. Verii ravri) T-fjv re viitriv (SyuoAo-yf/o-cu, ital 
 
 Flacci de Verborum Significatione, lib. /BAao-^/ufai/ToA^fyo-af OVTWS 
 
 xx. pp. 466, 7. Amstelodami, 1699.] ros 3\v. Theodoret. Hist. Eccl., lib. iii. 
 
 u [tKfivov 8e 76 (pourl 8e|a/ivo' T^V c. 25. p. 143.] 
 
 eudvs Tr\ri<rai rfy x 'P a T v v [See Orat. vii. Juliani Opera, p. 
 
 iaros, Kal TOVTO frtyai eis rbv aepa, 212, B. Misopogon, p. 337, sqq. Fragm. 
 
 l Qavai, veviKyKas ra\i\aic, /cot Kara Epist. p. 290, B.] 
 HICKRS. n 
 
82 Julian did not bring such charges against the Christians. 
 
 PREFAT. he was by temper a satirist, and had more wit and human 
 learning than Gebal and Ammon and Amalek ; than A [s- 
 gill] x , and C[ollins]y, and Stephens] z , and Tpndal], T[o- 
 land] a , T [utchin] b , and all the execrable clubs of atheists 
 and deists in the town, yet he never reviled the Christian 
 Church, and priesthood, as these new apostates do. He 
 never questioned the authority of the Scriptures, of which 
 he had been reader, nor charged the Christians with " keep- 
 ing them private, till the council of Laodicea fell a telling 
 noses;" he knew the doctrines of the Christian sect, and 
 their confessions of faith, but he never charged the Chris- 
 tians with inventing their creeds, or imposing articles of faith 
 upon the people, because he knew the Nicene fathers, as 
 witnesses only of the Christian faith, gave in their evidences 
 upon diligent and impartial search of what they found to be 
 the doctrine of the Church, in the writings of their predeces- 
 sors, from the time of the Apostles to their own time. Of all 
 the Christians, or Christian .priests and bishops, Julian ex- 
 
 * [See note g, p. 51. The blanks 
 have been filled up with the most 
 notorious of the party Dr. Tindal was 
 associated with. To the authorities 
 quoted in the notes to the letter to the 
 author of the Rights, p. 51, may be 
 added the following, as regards Collins 
 in particular, from the Rehearsal, No. 
 178, Jan. 29, 1706: "and everybody 
 being the people, everybody, a Tutchin, 
 a Tin 11, or a Coll ns, may make 
 himself a king or a priest." The Dun- 
 ciad, book ii. 399. 
 
 " Toland and Tindal, prompt at priests 
 
 to sneer." 
 
 Which in the first edition was " Collins 
 and Tindal."] 
 
 y [Antony Collins, one of the most 
 distinguished of the deistical writers, 
 had in 1700 published a tract entitled 
 " Several of the London Cases con- 
 sidered." He was the author of the 
 Letters to Dodwell and Clarke, con- 
 cerning the immateriality and im- 
 mortality of the soul, London, 1707, 
 1708. See Butler's Analogy, Diss. i. 
 In 1707 he published "an Essay con- 
 cerning the use of reason in propo- 
 sitions, the evidence whereof depends 
 upon human testimony ;" which was 
 directed against the doctrine of the 
 Holy Trinity. In 1 713, the Discourse 
 on Freethinking, see note f, p. 75 ; and 
 in 1724, a " Discourse of the Grounds 
 
 and Reasons of the Christian Reli- 
 gion." It may be observed that he 
 was, early in life, a most intimate friend 
 of Locke, who in a letter dated Oct. 
 29, 1703, says, "If I were now set- 
 ting out in the world I should think 
 it a great happiness to have such a 
 companion as you, who had a true re- 
 lish for truth, and from whom I might 
 receive it undisguised, and to whom I 
 might communicate what I thought 
 true freely." And Sept. 11, 1704, 
 within two months of his death, "What 
 a treasure have I found in such a 
 friend, with whom I can converse and 
 be enlightened about the highest spe- 
 culations."] 
 
 [See note h, p. 52.] 
 
 [See note f, p. 51.] 
 
 b [John Tutchin, the editor of the 
 Observator. See note i, p. 52. In 
 the reign of James II., being found 
 guilty of a libellous publication, he 
 had been sentenced by Jeflferies, to be 
 whipped through the towns of the west 
 of England, and petitioned the king 
 that the sentence might be commuted 
 to that of death : hence Pope, 
 "Earless on high stood unabashed 
 De Foe, 
 
 And Tutchin flagrant from the 
 scourge below." 
 
 Dunciad, vol. ii. p. 147.] 
 
He spoke of the Priesthood with reverence. 83 
 
 pressed most hatred against St. Athanasius. He called him REAL 
 " contemptible fellow," " abominable," " enemy of the gods/' Yurao 
 
 "wicked man," "crafty fellow," "impudent ," and such like &c> 
 
 names, but he never called him " Sathanasius," or " creed- 
 making rascal," as our Philistines do, who are sworn together 
 against the priesthood of Christ and His ministers, and fight, 
 I trust in vain, against Him and the Christian faith. But 
 more particularly as to the common office of a priest in all 
 religions, and the common notion of priesthood among all 
 mankind, he was so far from calling or thinking it priest- 
 craft, that he spoke of it and of priests with the greatest 
 honour and veneration, as the ministers of the gods, and me- 
 diators and intercessors with them for men. And therefore 
 ' he magnified his office* as chief pontiff, and seems to value 
 himself as much upon the account of it as of the imperial 
 crown. "In relation to the gods d ," saith he, "I am sove- 
 reign pontiff, though not at all worthy of that great honour. 
 But I endeavour to make myself worthy of it by daily pray- 
 ers unto the gods." "And it is agreeable 6 to reason," saith 
 he, " to honour priests as the liturgs and servants of gods, 
 who minister to us in things pertaining to the gods, (Sia- 
 Kovovvras rjfjiLv TO, 7rpo9 TOU9 601/9,) and have great power in 
 bringing down their blessings upon us. For they sacrifice 
 and pray for all, and therefore it is right to give as much, 
 or rather more honour to them, than the civil magistrates, 
 (77 ro?9 7roXm/eot9 ap^ova^.} But if any one think that 
 
 c [6 fo?y ex^phs ' A6avdo~ios. Epist. els \eirovpyovs OeSjv, Kal inrijperas, Kal 
 
 vi. Juliani Opera, p. 376, A. rbv p.iap6v. SiaKovovvras fi/riv rd irpbs rovs Oeovs, 
 
 Ibid., C.iravovpyov. Epist li. p. 435, o~vveino~xvoi'ras rrj e~K Oetav els rj/j-as 
 
 B. ifo\vTrpdyfJi(av a.vf]p. Ibid., C. dv- ruv dyaQfav S6o~er irpoQvovffi yap irdv- 
 
 6p<0irio~KOS evre\^s. Ibid. &fye\t yap reav Kal virepevxovrai' SiKatov ovv diro- 
 
 'AOavaffic*) ^6v(f f} rov Svffffefiovs avrov SiSdvat Tracriv avrots OVK e\aTrov, fl Kal 
 
 5i8ct(r/caAetoi> /coTOKe/cAe?<r0ai yaox^pta. f-fy TrAeov, ?) rots iroXiTiKoils apxovffi, 
 
 Ibid., A.] ras risks' el Se TIS oterai TOVTO ^iriarjs 
 
 d Fragment. Orat. p. 546. [(Paris, xprivai vf^eiv avrois, Kal ro7s TTO\ITIKO?S 
 
 1630.) SOKOVVTO. re tlvai Sid rovs Oeovs apxovcri, eirel KaKfivoi rp6irov riva rots 
 
 apxiepto- fMeyiffrov, a^iov juei/ ovSa/j-us BeoTs leparevovffi, <pv\aKes ovres rtav 
 
 irpdy/j.aros roaovrov, fiov\6/J.evov Se v6/j.(av' d\\a rd ye rf/s evvoias irapa 
 
 flvai, Kal TTpoo~ev)(6iJLevov del roT? deoTs iro\v -^.p}] vefj.eiv rovrois' ol /j.ev ydp 
 
 Id., Fragm. Epist, p. 298, C. ed. 'Axaiol Kalirep iroXefjuov 6vra rbv lepea 
 
 Lips. 1696. E-;t epistolee pars quam irpoo-erarrov alSe'iadai rip ^ao~i\e'i' f)fif?s 
 
 ad Pontificem aliquem scripsit, ut in Se ovSe rovs <pt\ovs alSov/ji.e6a rovs 
 
 ea, qualem se domi forisque praestare eiixopevovs vTrep ypui/ KOI Ovovras. 
 
 ejus ordinis homines deberent exem- Ibid., p. 296, B.] 
 plum statueret. Dion. Petav. Annott. f See the Second Letter. [On the 
 
 ad loc.] dignity of the Episcopal order, chap. i. 
 
 e [6^X070*' Se Kal robs lepeas ri/J-ai/, 1.] 
 
84 Julian distinguished between the sacerdotal and civil puiuers; 
 
 PREFAT. both are to be equally honoured, because the civil magis- 
 SECT. ii. ' trates, as guardians of the laws, are in some sort priests, yet 
 we ought to shew greater respect to those, after the example 
 of the Grecians 8 , who persuaded their angry king to reve- 
 rence a priest as such, though he was their enemy ; and 
 therefore shall we not honour priests who are our friends, 
 and pray and sacrifice for us ?" " For as long as any man is 
 a priest, he is to be honoured and venerated ; but if he is 
 wicked, he is to be deprived of the priesthood, and rejected 
 as unworthy ; but as long as he is employed in divine offices 
 and ministry to the gods, he is to be regarded with venera- 
 tion and religious honour, as the most excellent thing that 
 belongs to the godsV "Therefore as the magistrate, so is 
 the priest honourable, according to the Didymasan oracle of 
 Jove, which threatens destruction to all wicked men, who 
 affront the gods in dishonouring their priests 1 ." 
 
 In these places and others, where he compares the priest 
 with the civil magistrate, he plainly speaks of the sacerdotal, 
 as distinct from, and independent of, the secular power; and 
 therefore, as chief pontiff, he wrote a letter to Arsacius k , the 
 chief priest of Galatia, to direct him how he should behave 
 himself suitably to his character, particularly in admonishing 
 and reproving the inferior priests, who neglected their duty or 
 transgressed it, as by going to theatres or taverns, &c., and to 
 
 f See [chap.ii. sect.] xi. of the First T flv Kfivoi QeoveirTov e\ov OepairylSa 
 
 Letter. [The Christian Priesthood As- n/j.-f)v. 
 
 serted.] Kal ird\iv ev &\\ois 6 6e6s (pT)(rt, 
 
 h [oAAo ews &J/ tepevs TIS ovo/j.d^rjTai, lidvras /uei/ Oepdirovras epovs oAofjs 
 
 Tt/j,av avrbv XP$]> Ka ^ 9*f*f*4w fl 8e /COK^TTJTOS. 
 
 fir\ irovrjpbs, atyaipeOevTa rfyv tepcaffvvr)]/, Kal </>7j(rij> virep TOVTOOV S'LKIJV finQ-^ffeiv 
 
 &s avdiov airofyavevTa, irepiopav' e<as avTots. Ibid., p. 297, C. 
 
 Se irpoOvei, KOI Karapx^rai, Kal iraplffra- k 'A.pffaKiy'Apxifpe'i [Epist. xlix. TOVS 
 
 rat TO?S OeoTs, us rb ri/jLidaraTov rcav fiye/novas o\iyditis eVt TT)S oiKias opa' TO 
 
 6fuv KTTj/io, Trpos/B\e7TTOS e<n\v rj/juv TrAeTtrTO 5e avro'is 4Tri<rT\\' flffiovffi 
 
 /iero aiSovs, Kal euAojSetas. Ibid., D.] Se els r^v ir6\iv vTravrdro) wSfls aurois 
 
 1 [ecrrw roivvv &cnrfp &px(n>v, OVTU> Se Ifpewv oAA* firav els TO. If pa tyoirtaai T<OV 
 
 Kal icpevs iras ot'SeVi/tos" evretS^ Kal air6~ dewf, eftrw rSiv Trpodupdov' rjyeiffOca Se^nj- 
 
 <pa<ris iaTi Oeov rov Ai5vfj.aiov TOIOUTTJ. Sels avr&v f'icrca (TrpaTiitmjs' e7reV0a> Se 6 
 
 "Offaoi es aprjrripas, araffQaXiriffi v6- fiov\6/j.evos' a^ia yap els rbv ovtibv ^\6e 
 
 oio, TOW repevovs, Kal yeyovev ISiwrrjs' ap- 
 
 'A6avdr(u peov<r' a7ro0c>Ata, Kal ye- X ts J-P o-vrbs, &s olcrQa, -rwv evSoi/' 
 
 paecrffiv eirel /cat 6 Betas ravra awairel Qeo"/j.bs' 
 
 'Avria frovXevovaiv a5ei<ri6eoi(rL Ao- Kal ol fj.(v irei66/jLei/oi Kara a\i]Qeiav elcrl 
 
 yiff/j.o7s, Beocre^e'is' ot Se avre^/Jievoi rov rv<f>ov, 
 
 Ou/ce'0' 6'Arji/ fti6roio SieKTrepduffiv a- SooK6iroi elffl Kal Kevo5ooi. p. 431, 
 
 TapirdV C. See also Sozom., Hist. Eccl., lib. 
 
 "Ocrcroi irep paKdpecrffiv eA<w)3rj(ra>/TO v. cap. 16. p. 203.] 
 
directions and reproofs given by him to Priests. 85 
 
 deprive them when they were incorrigible. He warned them 
 [him ?] " to invite the great secular officers and magistrates 
 seldom to his house, but to write often to them ; and when _ 
 any of them made their entrance into the city, to let no priest 
 meet them at the gate, but when they came to the temples 
 to meet them at the porch, and to let 110 officers go in before 
 them, because they came to the temple as other people (cb? 
 ISuarrfs,) to worship in their private capacity, and because the 
 priest was superior in the temple to all that came, according 
 to the law of the gods ; to which whosoever are obedient are 
 truly religious, but those who are disobedient through arro- 
 gance are proud and vain-glorious persons." As chief pontiff 
 also he suspended a priest for beating another priest. "Where- 
 fore 1 ," saith he, "seeing I am, according to the rites of the 
 religion of our fathers, sovereign pontiff and chief priest of 
 Apollo Didymseus, I forbid you for three whole months not 
 to do any thing that belongs to the office of a priest. But if 
 in the meantime you behave yourself well, and seem worthy, 
 and the chief priests of the city shall write to me to certify 
 me thereof, I shall then consult the gods whether I shall re- 
 store you. This punishment I inflict upon you for your folly 
 
 and presumption But I will beg of the gods that upon 
 
 your prayers to them you may obtain pardon for your fault." 
 Julian was a serious pagan in his religion, and led a philo- 
 sophical, austere life, in temperance, continence, and self- 
 denial, and I have cited these things out of his works con- 
 cerning the common notion of priests and priesthood, to 
 confirm what I have written of them in the first letter, and 
 for a testimony against our utter despisers and shameless 
 revilers of them, especially in the Rights of the Christian 
 Church. But Julian shall rise up in judgment against them, 
 and it shall be more tolerable for him, in the day of judgment, 
 than for them, who crucify Christ afresh in the Christian 
 priesthood, and put Him to open shame, in calling it priest- 
 
 Toivvv fn-etS^jTrep ei/j.i KOT xicpe'ws, irapaSfKrbs cfrjs fjfjuv, <rav- 
 
 fj.ev TO irdrpia fie'yos apxiepfvs' f\ax ot/ # ts M 6T fc r &v Q f & v |8ouAev<ro/iai ' 
 
 8e vvv teal rov AtSv/jLaiov irpocprjTfVfiu, eyd) crot, rrjs irpOTrereias ^Triri6if]/j.i 
 
 airayoptvca aoi rpels Trepi6Sovs <reA^i/7js . . . Kal trui/euxo/uai ffoi iroAAa 
 
 /j."f)Toi ra>u els t'epe'a /UTjSei/ ei/oxAe?!/' t p^ffavrt rovs Qeovs afieias rv^fiv &v 
 
 8e eV Tovrcp TU XP^"V Qavei-ns &ios, 7rA7j/x/iA7jcras. Ibid., p. 451, B, D.] 
 ewi<rTei'Aai/Tos /tot TOV rrjs *6\d>s ap- 
 
86 A distinct order of Priests a part of Natural Religion ; 
 
 craft. For the same reasons have I taken notice of the dis- 
 tinction he made between the sacerdotal and civil power, 
 and of his own different capacities, as an emperor and a 
 priest. Indeed both powers were united in him, but then 
 his exercising sacerdotal power and jurisdiction as chief 
 priest, when he did not act as emperor, shews that the 
 sacerdotal is different from the imperial power, and that they 
 may be in different subjects as well as in one. This testi- 
 mony of Julian about the dignity of the sacerdotal office, and 
 of its being of a distinct nature from the imperial, agrees with 
 rny second letter, which shews, that they were actually sepa- 
 rated from one another, and actually belonged to different 
 persons of different characters and commissions, in the Chris- 
 tian Roman empire. For as all mankind, of what nation or 
 religion soever, by the light of common reason, agreed in the 
 notions of a deity, of divine worship, of temples, and altars ; 
 so by the same common light of reason, they all agreed in 
 the notion of the priesthood, and of the difference between 
 the sacred and civil power; and this argument, from the 
 common notion and consent of mankind, is of such force, 
 that these sons of Belial and blasphemy have no way to avoid 
 it but by saying, that priests of all nations and religions are 
 and have been alike, all cheats and knaVes, all deceivers of 
 the people ; and that priesthood, and all the pretended powers 
 of it, is nothing but priestcraft ; and by consequence so must 
 the common notion of a God, of Divine worship, and of tem- 
 ples, and altars be. But why do I say by consequence, when 
 they boldly assert it ? And though the author of The Rights 
 dares not yet speak so plain of the common notion of a God, 
 and of Divine worship, yet he saith it in consequence, by call- 
 ing priesthood in common priestcraft, and asserting 10 , that 
 the Christian priests borrowed the custom of excluding men 
 from the Holy Communion, and of excommunication, from 
 the heathen priests, particularly from the Druids, " who by 
 excluding from sacrifices whom they pleased, got all power 
 into their hands n ." He might as well, had he pleased, have 
 asserted, that they borrowed the notion of a God, and the 
 custom of Divine worship, and the institution of priesthood 
 
 m chap. iii. [p. 88.] the passage from Caesar de Bell. Gall., 
 
 u [Rights, p. 98, where Tindal quotes lib. v. c. 13. j 
 
not borrowed from the heathen ; Patriarchal Priesthood. 87 
 
 itself, and the doctrine of Christ's mediation, and of the other REAL 
 world, from them, as the History of Religion most bias- AUTHOR, 
 phemously in too plain intimations affirms. Nay, had he - 
 pleased, he might have said, they borrowed it from the 
 Mexican or other American priests, before the Spaniards 
 conquered the West Indies ; or have asserted with his usual 
 assurance that Moses borrowed the invention of the ark of 
 the covenant from them ; for we are assured by those who 
 have written accounts of those barbarous people, that the 
 devil, the ape of the great God, led them about with an ark. 
 I have said thus much about this synagogue of libertines, 
 the true synagogue of Satan among us, to shew those who 
 are not yet acquainted with their doctrine and manners, what 
 kind of men they are who have this infernal spite at priest- 
 hood, which derives itself from God, and at the dignity, dis- 
 cipline, and authority of the sacerdotal order, which they are 
 permitted to tell the world in broad English is nothing but 
 usurpation, and by consequence, that not only the Christian 
 and Jewish, but the patriarchal priesthood, hath been all 
 along pure cheat, and that Melchisedec himself, whom the 
 Scripture calls " priest of the most high God/' Melchisedec, [Gen. 14. 
 the type of our Saviour, in His sacerdotal and regal office, 
 Melchisedec, to whom the father of the faithful paid tithes, * 7 - 
 and from whom he received his sacerdotal blessing, as the 
 less from the greater, that this great high-priest was no better 
 than the rest, a mere priestcraft villain and knave. I would 
 to God our temporal governors, to whose consciences I now 
 speak, would appoint a committee to examine their works, 
 particularly The Rights of the Christian Church, and if they 
 find they write truth and reason, then to depose the whole 
 
 [This work was published anony- 310,) and says, "In very deed, creeds 
 mously in 1694, by Sir Robert How- were the spiritual revenges of dis- 
 ard. It professed to be an account of senting parties upon one another." 
 the corruptions of religion by pagan (p. 312.) The author had suffered for 
 and popish priests. It was said he had Charles I., held office under Charles 
 thought of adding " as it hath been II., " was a strong advocate for the 
 abused by priestcraft," to the title. Revolution, and became so passionate 
 He covertly included in these corrup- an abhorrer of the nonjurors, that he 
 tions doctrines and institutions of Di- disclaimed all manner of conversation 
 vine appointment. For example, he and intercourse with them. He died 
 speaks of "strange and puzzling me- in 1698." Chalmers' Biogr. Diet. The 
 thods of religious ceremonies andmys- work was reprinted in 1709, with other 
 teries, and of various rites of sacrific- deistical tracts, appended to the Ac- 
 ing, good for nothing but to confound count of the Growth of Deism.] 
 and distract the minds of men," (p. 
 
88 Prejudices against the doctrines of the Two Discourses ; 
 
 PREFAT. 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 ^ order of priesthood, as Tiberius did that of the Druids among 
 SECT, ii. * the Celts P: for if it be but priestcraft, it is intolerable in 
 human societies ; or let them slay us, if they please, as Jehu 
 did the priests of Baal, or set the people, whom we have 
 deluded to such a degree, in one general massacre upon us. 
 For if we continue the same usurped spiritual authority over 
 them, by the same knavish craft whereby, these men say, it 
 was at first obtained, we deserve no better usage from their 
 hands; but if quite otherwise they find their books, parti- 
 cularly this of The Eights, to be full of falsehood, impudence, 
 and blasphemy, then let them animadvert upon them, and 
 their authors, be it in the gentlest manner they think they 
 would be treated in any other Christian nation of the world 1. 
 SECT. in. I am not insensible, what I have written in the following 
 
 Additional 
 
 testimonies letters about the Christian priesthood and its sacrifice, and 
 trinesof" f the powerful intercession of priests with God, especially 
 discourses * n ^ ne h o ty Eucharist, may at first sight amuse and startle, 
 not only many of the laity who have not been conversant in 
 these theories, but even some of the clergy, of whom I may 
 say, I hope without offence, as Ger. Vossius r did of Keeker- 
 man, that they are Viri cceteroquin eruditi, sed novellorum 
 
 P [Pliny, speaking of the practice of on the state of religion, in 1710. The 
 
 human sacrifices, says, " Gallias uti- view taken by others is expressed by 
 
 que possedit, et quidem ad nostram Burnet, in speaking of Dr. Sacheverel's 
 
 memoriam. Namque Tiberii Caesaris trial; at which passages from most of 
 
 principatus sustulit Druidas eorum, the infidel books noticed by Hickes had 
 
 et hoc genus vatum medicorum- been brought forward. He says, " As 
 
 que." Hist. Nat., lib. xxx. c. 1. for his invective against the dissenters 
 
 4. Suetonius however says that it and the toleration, they laboured to 
 
 was Claudius who entirely abolished turn that off, by saying he did not re- 
 
 this superstition in Gaul. Vita Clau- fleet on what was allowed by law, but 
 
 dii, c. xxiv., " Druidarum religionem on the permission of, or the not punish- 
 
 apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, et tan- ing many, who published impious and 
 
 turn civibus sub Augusto interdictam, blasphemous books : and a collection 
 
 penitus abolevit." Tiberius may have was made of passages in books, full of 
 
 attempted it only, or, as Ernest (an- crude impiety, and of bold opinions, 
 
 not. in Suet, ad locum) supposes, the This gave great offence to many, who 
 
 name of the emperor in Pliny may be thought that this was a solemn pub- 
 
 an error.] lishing of so much impiety to the na- 
 
 q [At this time the Church party, tion, by which more mischief would be 
 
 as they were called, were continually done than by the books themselves ; 
 
 urging the government to take some for most of them had been neglected, 
 
 means to suppress or prevent the irre- and known only to a small number of 
 
 ligious publications which were coming those who encouraged them; and the 
 
 out. See the books referred to in the authors of many of these books had 
 
 notes to pp. 51 53. See also the letter been prosecuted and punished for 
 
 of the lower house of convocation about them." Own Times, vol. ii. p. 541.] 
 books and writings, 1705, referred to r De Hist. Graec., lib. ii. cap. 13. 
 
 note k, p. 54, (Wilkins.vol. iv. p. 634,) [Op., torn. iv. p. 125. col. 2. Amstel- 
 
 and the representation of the lower house odami. 1695 1701.] 
 
ancient and modern authorities in support of them. 89 
 
 scriptorum, quam antiquitatis studiosiores. And therefore ADDIT. 
 though I think I have said nothing on these subjects but MONIES. 
 what I have proved by the concurrent testimonies of the 
 best ancient Christian writers, yet the better to prepare such 
 readers for my book, I beg leave to add some more both 
 ancient and modern authorities, which in a crowd of thoughts 
 escaped my notice, and which will farther shew that I have 
 advanced nothing but what is catholic doctrine, being far 
 from affectation of singularities or novelties, which are 
 dangerous in divinity, and generally serve to no end, be 
 the authors of them never so learned, but to gratify the 
 common enemies of revealed religion, who are apt to make 
 very ill use and advantage of them. 
 
 I begin with Gregory Nazianzen, who in his thirtieth 
 oration speaks of Moses as a priest, thus 8 , "He, by the secret 
 and mystical figure in which he put his hands, turned the 
 Amalekites to flight ; for the hands of a priest held up on 
 the mountain, [and formed to a mystical figure] in prayer, did 
 what many thousands of men could not do." And then, turn- 
 ing his oration to Anthimus Tyanensis, or some other factious 
 intruding bishop 1 , who made use of military force, saith he u , 
 "What canst thou say, O son of Dathan and Abiram, and 
 maddest of captains, who durst rise up against Moses, who 
 hast lift up thy hands against us, as they did [their tongues] 
 against that great servant of God ? How, wast thou not 
 afraid ? wast thou not ashamed to do so ? and didst thou not 
 sink into the ground ? How couldest thou, after this, lift up 
 those hands to God, and offer with them to Him, and inter- 
 cede for the people ?" And in his seventeenth oration speak- 
 
 [OVTOS (sc. 6 0ebs) Ka.TfiroXe/j.'rifff Tyanensem, qui contra Basilium pug- 
 
 'Apa\))K, xeip>i> airo^rff) Kal fj.v- naverat, et in ipsum etiam Gregorium 
 
 (TX^/J-O-TI' TOUTO yap 1ff'xy ffav injecerat manus, ut ab Anthimo gra- 
 
 x*?P fs tvl T v opovs alp6fj.vcu t tiam iniret." Ed. Ben. annott. ad 
 
 Kal fls fvx^v rvTrov/j.vai, & iroAAal p.v- locum.] 
 
 pidSes OVK iffxvrrav. S.Greg. Nazianz., u [Tt <f>^s, 2) irai Aa6av Kal 'Afeiphv, 
 
 Orat. xiii. (al. xxx.) Op., torn. i. p. Kal ffrparrj-yt a.(T(a^)p&vi(rrf, 6 Kara Mcav- 
 
 253, C, D.] trews roXpfaas, Kal x*?P** breupfls rifuv, 
 
 1 ["Quern hie designet Gregorius am- &(rirfp IKSLVOI ras y \iixrcras T$ /jieyd\<p 
 
 biguum. Elias Anthymum esse putat ; Ofpdirovri ; OVK e</)pt|as ; OVK 
 
 immerito quidem, ut in Mon. n. 2. de- OVK Hfipevo'dj' <roi TOVTO 
 
 claratur. Billius, quendam Episcopum KOTO yrjs al adpKes ; eJro Toy 
 
 Anthimo sc. addictum. Novus operum ravras avaretvets ry e<p ; elra Swpa 
 
 S. Basilii Editor, (Bened.) in ejus vita irpo(rdfis; eiro inrepevty \aov-, Ibid., 
 
 torn. iii. c. xxiv. n. 3. p. cxvi. proba- 3. p. 254, C.] 
 bilius certe, Presbyterum quemdam 
 
90 St. Gregory Nazianzen on the Priesthood; 
 
 PREFAT. ing to the angry governor of Nazianzum, who was offended 
 SECT. m. 'at the people, saith he x , " What, Sir, would you have my 
 ~~ father offer his hoary hairs, and his great number of years, 
 and his long unblemished priesthood to you, to appease you ; 
 his unblemished priesthood, which perhaps the holy angels, 
 the servants of the most holy God, reverence as much as 
 their own ministry. Have I now said enough to soften you ? 
 or shall I say something more boldly ? For grief makes me 
 very bold. I now then offer you Christ, Christ who was 
 humbled for us; the passion, and cross of Christ, who yet 
 was impassible, the nails by which I am absolved from sin, 
 His blood, His burial, His resurrection and ascension, and 
 this table, of which we now communicate, and the symbols 
 of my salvation, which I consecrate with the same mouth 
 with which I now make intercession to thee; I say, I now 
 present unto thee this most holy mystery which exalts us 
 unto heaven." And in his third oration, which is against 
 Julian, with whom he had studied at Athens, saith he of 
 himy, " He defiled his baptism with the impure and abomi- 
 nable blood of initiatory sacrifices, returning, as it is in the 
 proverb, like a sow to the wallowing in the mire ; and pol- 
 luted his hands, in cleansing and purging of them of the 
 unbloody sacrifices, by which we communicate with Christ, 
 and His sufferings, and His Godhead." And in his first 
 oration, giving a reason of his unwillingness to be made a 
 bishop 2 before he had prepared himself, saith he, " Knowing 
 
 * [^ 8e?, Kal r\\v iroXiav ffoi ravrijv known, most probably he was not the 
 
 avd' iKerijpias irpoaayayelv, Kal rbi/ ra>f governor, and the circumstances of the 
 
 erSjv apid/j.bv, Kal r^v paKpav Ifpuavvyv occasion are only matter of conjecture. 
 
 Kal acrtriXov ravryv, fyv alSovvrai rv^bv Monitum, ibid., p. 316.] 
 Kal &yye\oi, KaQap&s r<j> KaOapurdrci) * [a'l/j.an/ji.ei' ovxdfficprb XovrpbyaTrop"- 
 
 Xarpfvovres, us rijs eavTOJV XttTpeias pvirrerai, rfj KaO' r)/j.a5 reXeioafffi rty 
 
 aidv ireidei ravra; fy rl roXfj.'fja'ca rt&cdwiV rov (JLIHTOVS avririOfls, vs 4v 
 
 fif^ov; ro\/j.r)pbv Se jtte irote? rb a\ye7i/. f}opfi6pt{) Kv\iff6fls, Kara TV irapot^iaV 
 
 XpHrrbv irpocrdyd) ffoi, Kal T^V Xpiffrov Kal rds x ?P as o-fpOLyvi^erai TTJS avai- 
 
 Ktvwaiv TT]v inrtp T](j.S)V , Kal TO. Tov OTTO- /uciKTou dvffias airoKaOaipwv, Si fis fi/Acts 
 
 6ovs iraOn], Kal Tbv (navpbv, Kal TOVS XpiffTqi Koivcwovfiev, Kal Ttav Tradirj/jLdTwv 
 
 ?l\ovs, ols e\vOr)V eyfo T^S a/jLaprias, Kal Kal rrjs 6e6Trjros. Orat. iv. (al. iii.) 
 
 rb aT/j.a, Kal TTJJ/ ra<p^v t Kal rfyv avd- torn. i. p. 101, A, B.] 
 crraffiv, Kal r^v avoSov, i) Kal r^v rpd- z [Rather "a priest." The title of 
 
 TTf^av Tainyv, y Koivrj irp6ffip.ev, Kal this oration in the older editions con- 
 
 rovs TVTTOVS TTjs ffj-TJ^ (rurr)pias, ot>s airb tained the words Kal biroiov elvai Sdrbv 
 
 TOV avrov re\u> (TT^OTOS, a<j> ov ravra e-jriffKoirov, which are omitted by the 
 
 irp6s crt TTpeo-fievw, r^v lepdv Kal &v<a Benedictine editors ; Gregory had been 
 
 (pepovcrav 7]f*as pvarayuyiav. Orat. ordained priest en Christmas Day, A.D. 
 
 xvii. 12. Op., torn. i. p. 325, A, B. 361, had fled into Pontus, and returned 
 
 The name of the magistrate is not at Easter, A.D. 362, when, after a short 
 
and 071 the Christian Sacrifice. 
 
 91 
 
 these things 8 , and that no man is worthy of the great God, 
 sacrifice, and High-Priest, who hath not first presented him- 
 self a living and holy sacrifice to God, or not testified his 
 reasonable well-pleasing service, or not sacrificed to God the 
 sacrifice of praise and a contrite heart, (which is the 5 only 
 sacrifice the Giver of all things requires of us,) how durst I 
 presume to offer up unto Him that external figure of the 
 great mysteries" (of the body and blood of Christ ,) "or how 
 could I take upon me the name and habit of a bishop, before 
 I had purified my hands with holy works ?" In this passage 
 it is observable how the holy father distinguishes the private, 
 or personal sacrifice, by which a Christian man prepares him- 
 self for the priestly office, and the public sacrifice which he 
 
 ADDIT. 
 TESTI- 
 MONIES. 
 
 oration on the festival, he delivered 
 this, in which he gives the reasons 
 of what he had done : see Monit. in 
 Orat. ii. p. 10, and Vita S. Greg. 
 Ixxi. p. xciv. torn. i. of the Bene- 
 dictine edition.] 
 
 a [ToCro ovv eiSoos y<i>, Kal ori JUTJ- 
 Seis &ios rov /j.eyd\ov Kal 0eoG, Kal 
 Ovparos, Kal apxiepfws, oo~ns n^ irp6r- 
 pov eavrbv irapeffrrjo'e ry e Qvffiav 
 faffav, ayiav, ^urjSe rfy \oyiK$)v \arpei- 
 
 Qvaiav oti/ecrews KO.I irv*vp.a 
 p6vov & iravra Sobs 
 dvo~iav, irtas e)ueAAoj' 
 
 Trap 
 
 r)jv r<av /j.yd\(0v fj.vo~ri)pi(v avrirvirov' 
 $1 TTWS lepfcas (T^Tj/xa Kal 6vo/j.a viro- 
 Sveadai, irplv dariois Hpyois TeAetcotrat 
 ras ;*e?paj; Id., Orat. ii. (al. i.) 95. 
 Op., torn. i. p. 56, D, E.] 
 
 b Here it is to he observed, that 
 terms of exception, in all languages, are 
 not always to be taken in an exclusive, 
 but sometimes in a comparative sense, 
 as only denoting the things signified 
 by the nouns to which they are joined, 
 to be the chief, or most eminent and 
 excellent, of their kind. So when the 
 father here saith, " that the sacrifice of 
 a contrite heart is the only sacrifice 
 God requires," he means the chief and 
 most excellent sacrifice, without which 
 no other sacrifice is acceptable to Him. 
 So if a man should say, " God only is 
 good," or, in our Saviour's phrase, 
 " None is good but one, that is God," 
 [Matt. xix. 17.] he must be understood 
 in the comparative sense, viz., that in 
 comparison to God none is good, be- 
 cause He is supereminently, infinitely, 
 
 and essentially good. Such is that in the 
 Greek prayers, [Missa S.Joan. Chryst. 
 Goar. Euchologium, p. 74.] Kvpte 6 
 ebs, 6 }j.6vos ayios, " O Lord God, 
 who only art holy." The like is to be 
 observed of phrases, as well as terms, 
 of exception : as where St. Paul said, 
 " I determined not to know any thing 
 among you, save Jesus Christ, and 
 Him crucified," [1 Cor. ii. 2.] he 
 meant not to exclude Christ's resurrec- 
 tion and ascension, &c. as the father 
 here, in saying, that the " internal sa- 
 crifice of a contrite heart was the only 
 sacrifice" which God requires, meant 
 not to exclude the external oblation, or 
 sacrifice, of bread and wine in the Eu- 
 charist, as appears from the passage 
 itself, and from another to the same 
 purpose, Orat. xxix. de [dogmate et] 
 Constitution Episcoporum : TOUTO 
 oS eiS&s ty&, Kal on [^ojSels &ios TOV 
 fj.tyd.Xov fcoD, Kal OV/AUTOS, Kal apx^~ 
 pews, fas ft)] irpArspov cavrbv Trapfffrtjcre 
 T(f 0ecf? Qvffiav %>ffav, /j.a\\ov Se, vabs 
 ay 105 fyeWro 0fou $G>vros Kal $a>v 
 K. T. A. Id., Orat. xx. (al. xxix.) 
 4. Op., torn. i. p. 377, D. ed. Ben.] 
 I therefore knowing these things, and 
 that no man is worthy of God, and the 
 sacrifice, and to be a chief priest (i. e. 
 a bishop), who hath not first presented 
 himself a living sacrifice to God, or 
 rather is not first become the [living] 
 temple of the living God. 
 
 c See Orat. xi. p. 187. [Kal e3T iroii 
 ri T&V avrirviruv rov rift'iov ado/^aros % 
 rov a'lfiaros TJ x e 'P fdijo-avpiffe^. Id., 
 Orat. viii. (al. xi.) 18. Op., torn. i. 
 p. 229, D.] 
 
92 St. Gregory Nazianzen ; 
 
 PREFAT. is to offer when he is made a priest. The former he meta- 
 SECT. in. * phorically calls a living, holy, and acceptable, and his reason- 
 Rom. 12. i. able service, in allusion to the Apostle, " I beseech you, 
 brethren, that ye present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, 
 acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service." But 
 then the other " public sacrifice," which a priest so prepared is 
 only worthy to offer, is rrjv ea)0ev, rrjv rwv fjieydXcov fJLva-TrjpLcov 
 avTiTVTrov, "that external sacrifice," or oblation, "which is 
 the figure/' or representation, " of the great mysteries," i. e. 
 of the mysteries of the body of Christ which was crucified, 
 and of His blood which was shed for the redemption of the 
 world. This figure, or representation, of the dead body and 
 effused blood of Christ, he else where d calls, in the style of the 
 Church, " the unbloody sacrifice, by which we communicate, 
 or have communion, with Christ." These latter words he 
 said, after he shewed how unreasonable it was for any man to 
 ascend to the episcopate in haste 6 , "Who would," saith he f , 
 " make a defender of the gospel, that is to stand before God 
 with angels, and glorify Him with archangels, and whose 
 office it is to transmit sacrifices upward to the altar above, 
 and execute the priest's office with Christ g , who would make 
 such an one, as they form a statue of clay, in a day." And 
 in the beginning of his letter to Simplicia, he applies this 
 part of the character of a bishop, of being priests with Christ, 
 to Basil the great bishop of Csesarea in Cappadocia ; saith he h , 
 "In this you do well, that you have commended that our 
 holy and common father, that pillar of the faith, that rule 
 of truth, and that hoary pattern of a Church full of wisdom 1 , 
 who surpassed the common measure of human life, and virtue, 
 
 d Orat. iii. adversus Julian, p. 70. fffj.ev arvvcpyol, 1 Cor. iii. 9. 
 
 TT)S avaifj.dKrov Ovffias, Si ?is ri/J.f'is ti ['Eiraii'f'is Tor ayiov Kal Koivbv T]{JLU>V 
 
 XpiffTcj) KOivwvovntv. [Orat. iv. 52. irarfpa, rb TTJS iriarews fpeHT/j.a, rbv TTJS 
 
 Op , torn, i. p. 101, B. ed. Ben. See ctA,Tj0etas Kav6va, KOI xapa/crTjpa TTJS eu- 
 
 note y, p. 90.] (rj8eias,[T7js'E/cKA.77<rias,ed.Paris.l630.] 
 
 e [See note z, p. 90.] rfy TTA^TJ (f>povfi<r<as iroXiav, rbv fa>7js 
 
 f [TIS 6 Tr\drT(i}V KaOdirep avd^/JLe- at>6p<i)Trivr)s Kal dperfjs fj-erpa viK-fjcravra, 
 
 pov rovs 7rrjA.il/ous, r^v TTJS aAr/flems fbv irurrbv Bepdirovra, Kal fj.eyav apxi*- 
 
 TrpoffTdTijv, TOJ/ fifTa ayye\(ai> arf\- p4a, rbv eov Kal at/Opcinrcav [avBpwrrov, 
 
 a6p.vov, Kal )UTa apxayyf\(av 8o|o- ed. 1 630. ] /jLeffirrjv, rb rov Tri/Vfj.aTos 
 
 (Tovra, Kal etrl rb &v(a QvffiacTTtipiov KarayiayioV TOVTO ^fv opOws TTOIZ'IS. 
 
 ras 6v<rtas, Kal Xpurrq) S. Greg. Naz. Epist. Ixxix. ad Sim- 
 
 K. r. A.. ; Id., Or. ii. pliciam, (al. xxxviii.) Op., torn. ii. p. 
 
 (al. i.) 73. Op., torn. i. p. 48, C.] 70, A.] 
 
 ]Ratner, "tnat pattern ot pi 
 epyovvres, 2 Cor. vi. 1. So &tov yap that hoary head full of wisdom."] 
 
 Kal XpiffT$ (rvvtfpevaofra. So <rvv- i [Rather, "that pattern of piety, 
 
St. Gregory Nyssen ; 93 
 
 that great high-priest and mediator between God and man, 
 who was the mansion of the Holy Spirit." So in his fifteenth 
 Iambic k , 
 
 'lepaxrvvr) Se dyvKr/Jibs (frpevcov, 
 
 06ft) (j)6pCi)V dvflpCOTTOV, dvBpCDTTO) OV. 
 
 Mentes sacerdos 1 pur gat y et sanctas facit, 
 Hominem Deoque copulans, homini et Deum. 
 
 so the Latin; "the priesthood 1 purifies the minds of men, 
 bringing together man to God, and God to man." To 
 which I may add two of his verses in his eleventh^ poem to 
 the bishops" 1 : 
 
 */2 Ovcrias irejjLTrovTes dvcu/jid/CTovs, iepije?' 
 [*/2 ^ITU^COV rap/Leu fjueya/cuSees' T /2 /jt,eyd\oio 
 7T\dcrjjLa Seov ^eipeo-dLV ev vfjiereprfffi <f>epovres'~\ 
 T /2 Seov dv0pa)7roi(7i, jmey' e^o^ov els ev dyovres. 
 
 O you priests, who offer up unbloody sacrifices ! 
 and, 
 
 O your great dignity 11 ! who reconcile men to God. 
 
 So his father Greg. Nyssen . Nam si is, qui ad expian- 
 dutn populum delectus est, indiget ipse expiatione, quid fiet illi 
 qui ejusmodi munus non sustinet . ? " for if he who is chosen to 
 make atonement for the people, needs atonement himself, 
 what can become of such an one who doth not sustain his 
 function ?" 
 
 In these citations we have the priests, the unbloody sacri- 
 fice, the atonement and expiation they make by it, in virtue 
 of the bloody propitiatory sacrifice which is commemorated 
 and represented by it, and the great dignity and excellency 
 of the sacerdotal office, which by presenting this sacrifice to 
 
 k Tom. ii. p. 201. [S. Greg. Naz. ' Munus omnium longe praestantis- 
 
 Poemata, lib. i. sect ii. Carm. 34. (al. simum.' 
 
 15.) line 227, 228. Op., torn. ii. p. 622. That of 1840 gives, 
 
 Paris. 1840.] 'O qui hominibus summam Dei 
 
 1 [Hickes quotes the Latin of the majestatem conciliatis.' ] 
 
 edition of 1630, that of 1840 is " sacer- > [ s - Greg. Nyss. Orat. Ad eos qui 
 
 dotium."] durius et acerbius alios judicant. Op., 
 
 [Ibid., lib. ii. sect. i. Carm. 13. J, - P- 135 - coL ! > B - Paris - 16 38. 
 
 (al. 11.) lines 14 p. 824 "> St Gre g r y Nazianzen's father was not 
 
 follows the Latin of the 
 
 edition of 1630, which was pointed ac- gory ^ ys ^ wag brother of gt 
 gly ' St Gregory Nazianzen's friend.] 
 
94 St. Cyprian, on the oblation in the Eucharist ; 
 
 PREFAT. God upon earth, in union with the other that Christ presents 
 unto Him in heaven, reconciles God to men. This was the 
 ancient Christian divinity, and it is the summary and design 
 of my first letter, and the clergy will never have the just reve- 
 rence they ought to have for their own character, nor the 
 people that respect they should have for their persons, till 
 these truths are openly professed in the Church. " Jesus 
 Christ/* saith St. Cyprian p , " was the author and institutor of 
 this sacrifice/' And "our Lord after supper q offered up the 
 cup of wine mixed with water ;" and, " if we are the priests r of 
 God and Christ, I cannot tell whom we should rather follow 
 than God and Christ." And 8 "who was more the priest of 
 the most high God than our Lord Jesus Christ, who offered 
 sacrifice to the Father, and offered the very same sacrifice 
 that Melchisedec offered, that is bread and wine, to wit, His 
 body and blood?" So*, "in which part we find the cup to 
 have been mixed which the Lord offered, and that to have 
 been the wine which He called His blood u . 
 
 And x , "if Jesus Christ, our Lord and God, is the High-Priest 
 of God the Father, and first offered Himself to the Father, 
 and commanded this to be done in commemoration of Him- 
 self, then that priest is truly His vicegerent, who imitates 
 what Christ did." To these let me add the other authorities 
 of this father, as those in his first Epistle, where he declares, 
 " that they who were honoured with the priesthood," which 
 then was esteemed a great honour, " and ordained to the 
 clerical office and ministry, ought not to serve but at the 
 
 P Jesus Christus Dominus et Deus et vinum fuisse quod sanguinem suum 
 
 noster, sacrificii hujus auctor et doctor. dixit. [Ibid., pp. 106, 107.] 
 
 [S7 Cyprian., Epist. Ixiii. ad Cse- u [Rather, " and that that was wine 
 
 cilium. Op., p. 104, ed. Ben.] which," &c. Oxf. Transl., 1843. p. 186. 
 
 1 [Post ccenam, mixtum calicem St. Cyprian is arguing against those 
 
 obtulit Dominus. Ibid., p. 109.] who offered water only.] 
 
 r [Nam si sacerdotes Dei et Christi x Si Jesus Christus, Dominus et 
 
 sumus, non invenio quern magis sequi Deus noster, ipse est summus sacer- 
 
 quam Deum et Christum debeamus. dos Dei patris, et sacrificium patri se 
 
 Ibid., p. 110.] ipsum primus obtulit, et hoc fieri in 
 
 8 Nam quis magis sacerdos Dei sui commemorationempraecepit,utique 
 
 summi quam Dominus noster Jesus ille sacerdos vice Christi vere fungitur 
 
 Christus, qui sacrificium Deo patri ob- qui id quod Christus fecit imitatur, et 
 
 tulit, et obtulit hoc idem quod Melchi- sacrificium verum et plenum tune 
 
 sedech obtulerat, id est, panem et vi- offert in ecclesia Deo patri, si sic in- 
 
 num, suum scilicet corpus et sangui- cipiat offerre secundum quod ipsum 
 
 ne m. [Ibid., p. 105.] Cbristum videat obtulisse. [Ibid., p. 
 
 t Qua in parte invenimus calicem 109. cd. Ben.] 
 mixtum fuisse quern Dominus obtulit, 
 
and the Christian Priesthood. 95 
 
 altar and sacrifices, and give themselves to supplication and ADDIT. 
 prayers .... as God appointed the Levites to do, who were MONIES, 
 never to be called off from their ministry, nor to recede from 
 the altar and sacrifices, but night and day to attend in their 
 spiritual employment. Which," saith he, "our pious ancestors 
 considering, judged that none of the dying brethren should 
 appoint a clergyman curator of his will, and that if any did 
 so, no oblation should be made for him, nor sacrifice solem- 
 nized for his repose. For he doth not deserve to be named at 
 the altar in the prayers of the priests, who would call off the 
 priests from the altar." So in his fifth Epistle, when he 
 cautions that they should not visit the martyrs and confessors 
 in too great numbers, saith hey, "consider and take care 
 how this may be done more discreetly and safely : I advise 
 that the presbyters, who offer," that is, administer the Eu- 
 charist, " where the confessors are imprisoned, go thither 
 severally with their several deacons, and that by turns, be- 
 cause change of persons is of great use to prevent the invidi- 
 ous observation of those who meet together." So in his seven- 
 teenth Epistle 2 ; "Notwithstanding I hear that some of the 
 presbyters .... have already begun to communicate with 
 lapsers, and offer" at the altar " for them, and give them the 
 Eucharist," &c. So in Epistle lvii. a , " on the contrary it is our 
 great glory to have given the peace to the martyrs, as priests 
 who daily celebrate sacrifices to God, and prepare a host for 
 those who are to conflict with the enemy, and victims for them 
 
 y [. . . quando singuli divino sacer- eo, nee sacrificium pro dorjmtuuie-efwr 
 
 dotio honorati et in clerico ministerio celebraretur. Neque enim apud altare 
 
 constituti non nisi altari et sacrifices Dei meretur nominari in sacerdotum 
 
 deservire et precibus atque orationibus prece qui ab altari sacerdotes et iriim- 
 
 vacare debeant. . . Cujus ordinationis et stros voluit avocare. [Epist. IxvL (L 
 
 religionis formam levitae prius in lege ed. Oxon.) Op., p. 114. ed. Ben.] 
 
 tenuerunt, . . . ut qui divinis ministeriis z [Consulite ergo et providete ut 
 
 insistebant, in nulla re avocarentur, nee cum temperamento hoc agi tutius pos- 
 
 cogitare aut agere . . . saecularia coge- sit, ita ut presbyteri quoque xjtii TTTic 
 
 rentur. Quse nunc ratio et forma in clero apud confessores offerunt, singuli cum 
 
 tenetur, ut qui in ecclesia Domini or- singulis diaconis per vices alternent, 
 
 dinatione clerica promoventur, in nullo quia et mutatis personarum et vicis- 
 
 ab administratione divina avocentur, situdo convenientium minuit invidiam. 
 
 . . . ab altari et sacrificiis non recedant, Epist. iv. (v. ed. Oxon.) Op., p. 9. 
 
 sed die ac nocte caelestibus rebus et ed. Ben.] 
 
 spiritalibus serviant. Quod episcopi B [Audio tamen quosdam de presby- 
 
 antecessores nostri religiose consider- teris] . . . jam cum lapsis communicare 
 
 antes et salubriter providentes censue- coepisse et offerre pro illis et eucharis- 
 
 runt ne quis frater excedens ad tute- tiam dare. [Epist. xi. (xvii. ed. Oxon.) 
 
 lam vel curam clericum nominaret, ac Op., p. 21. ed. Ben.] 
 si quis boc fecisset,] non oflferretur pro 
 
96 
 
 St. Cyprian. 
 
 PREFAT. who overcome him b ." So in Epistle lxiii. c Si vinum tantum guis 
 SECT, in. ' offer at, "if any offer wine only," &c. So in Epistle lxv. d , quando 
 nee oblatio sanctificari illicpossit, ubi Spiritus Sanctus non sit, 
 ''seeing the oblation cannot be sanctified there where the 
 Holy Spirit is not." This was said against Fortunatianus, 
 who, after he had sacrificed to idols, would nevertheless act as 
 a bishop, as if he had never lapsed, which gave occasion to 
 express himself against him in the following manner 6 : " I 
 was grieved that he should pretend to act as a priest, who 
 had betrayed the priesthood, as if it were lawful for a priest 
 to come to God's altar, who had offered at the altar of the 
 devil." So f , "how can he think he can officiate as a priest 
 of God who obeyed the priests of the devil, or how can he be 
 worthy to offer the sacrifice of God and our Lord's prayer, 
 with a sacrilegious and criminal hand, seeing God in the 
 
 b Episcopatus nostri honor grandis 
 et gloria est, pacem dedisse martyribus, 
 ut sacerdotes qui sacrificia Dei quoti- 
 die celebramus, hostias Deo et victhnas 
 praeparemus. [Id. Epist. liv. (Ivii. ed. 
 Oxon.) Op., p. 78. ed. Ben.] Why I 
 have paraphrased hosts and victims 
 as I have done, may be seen from 
 Isidore, lib. xvi. cap. 19. Hostiae apud 
 veteres dicebantur sacrificia, quae fie- 
 bant antequam ad hostem pergerent. 
 Victitnae vero sacrificia, quae post vic- 
 toriam devictis hostibus immolabantur. 
 [S. Isidori Hispalensis Origines, lib. 
 vi. c. 1 9. 33, 34. Op., torn. iii. p. 294. 
 Romas, 1797.] And so Servius in lib. i. 
 JEn. 334, 
 
 [Multa tibi ante aras nostra cadet 
 hostia dextra. 
 
 Hostiae dicuntur sacrificia, quae ab 
 his fiunt, qui in hostem pergunt. Vic- 
 timae vero, sacrificia quae post victo- 
 riam fiunt. Sed haec licenter confundit 
 authoritas. P. Virgilii Maronis Bu- 
 colica, &c. cum Mauri Servii Honorati 
 Comment. p. 193, E. Paris. 1600.] 
 
 This distinction of the Eucharistical 
 oblation, before and after the conflict, by 
 hostia and victima, is evident from this 
 Epistle ; At vero nunc non infirmis, sed 
 foi-tibus, pax necessaria est, nee morien- 
 tibus, sed viventibus, communicatio a 
 nobis danda est ; ut quos excitamus et 
 hortamur ad praelium non inermes et 
 nudos relinquamus, sed protectione 
 sanguinis et Corporis Christi muni- 
 amus ; et cum ad hoc fiat eucharistia, 
 ut possit accipientibus esse tutela, [quos 
 tutos esse contra adversarium volu- 
 
 mus, munimento dominicae saturitatis 
 armemus.] Nam quomodo docemus 
 aut provocamus eos in confessione no- 
 minis sanguinem suum fundere, si eis 
 militaturis Christi sanguinem denega- 
 mus ? [ibid., pp. 77, 78. ed. Ben. The 
 passage is more correctly translated, 
 " that we who, as priests, daily celebrate 
 the sacrifices of God, should prepare 
 oblations and victims for Him." Oxf. 
 Transl. p. 139. See Ep. Ixxvii. p. 159. 
 quoted p. 98.] 
 
 c [Si vinum tantum quis offerat, san- 
 guis Christi incipit esse sine nobis. 
 St. Cyprian had said just before that 
 the people of Christ are represented by 
 the water mixed with the wine, aquas 
 populos significare, &c. Id. Ep. Ixiii. 
 ad Caecilium, Op., p. 108. ed. Ben.] 
 
 d [Id. Epist. Ixiv. (Ixv. ed. Oxon.) 
 ad Epictetum. Op., p. 112. ed. Ben.] 
 
 e [Quae res contristavit me, primo 
 propter ipsius, qui . . . audet sibi ad- 
 huc sacerdotium quod prodidit vindi- 
 care, quasi post aras diaboli accedere 
 ad altare Dei fas sit. Ibid., pp. 110, 
 111. ed. Ben.] 
 
 f [Quomodo se putat posse agere 
 pro Dei sacerdote, qui obtemperavit et 
 servivit diaboli sacerdotibus, aut quo- 
 modo putat manum suam transferri 
 posse ad Dei sacrificium et precem 
 Domini, quae captiva fuerit sacrilegio 
 et crimini, quando in Scripturis divinis 
 Deus ad sacrificium prohibeat accedere 
 sacerdotes etiavn in leviori ci'imine con- 
 stitutes. (Lev. xxi. 17 ; Exod. xix. 22; 
 xxviii. 43.) Ibid., p. 111. ed. Ben.] 
 
St. Cyprian. 97 
 
 Scriptures hath forbidden priests to sacrifice for lesser ADDIT. 
 crimes ?" So in Epistle Ixvii., which is a synodical determina- MONIES. 
 tion of the African bishops in the case of Basilides and 
 Martialis, two Spanish bishops who were LibellaticsS, the 
 fathers speak as followeth h ; "When we met together we read 
 your letters ... in which you signified to us that your bishops, 
 Basilides and Martialis, had defiled themselves with taking 
 out certificates that they sacrificed to idols, and you desired 
 our opinion in the case;... but it is not so much from our de- 
 termination, as from the Divine commandments, that we send 
 an answer, for it hath long since been declared by a voice 
 from heaven, and determined by the law of God, who and 
 what kind of men ought to serve at the altar, and offer sacri- 
 fice to God, for in Exodus, &c. . . . We ought therefore to set 
 these things before our eyes, and seriously and religiously to 
 consider them, that we may choose and ordain none for 
 bishops, but men of unblemished conversations, qui sancte, 
 et digne sacrificia Deo offerentes, who holily and worthily 
 offering the sacrifices to God, may be heard in the prayers 
 which they make for the people." I cannot but take notice 
 here how exactly this father's phrase, ' sancte et digne sacri- 
 ficia Deo offerentes' answers to that of St. Clement 1 , TOW 
 a//,e//,7TTa)9, /cat ocr/co? Trpocreveyfcovras ra Swpa, in the Latin 
 version of Junius k , qui sancte et sine reprehensione offerunt mu- 
 
 [Libellatici, the name given to sacrificia Deo offerentes, audiri in pre- 
 
 those who, in the times of persecution, cibus possint quas faciunt pro plebis 
 
 had obtained certificates that they had dominicae incolumitate. Epist. Ixviii. 
 
 sacrificed to idols. See Bingham, book (Ixvii. ed. Oxon.) Ad clerum et ple- 
 
 xvi. c. 4. 6.] bem in Hispania consistentes de Ba- 
 
 h [Cum in unum convenissemus, silide et Martiale. Op., pp. 117, 118. 
 
 legimus litteras vestras, . . . significantes ed. Ben.] 
 
 Basilidem et Martialem libellis idolo- ' [o/xoprta 70^ ov nucpa r^uv HffTcu, 
 
 latriae commaculatos, et nefandorum 4av rovs cijue'/u,TrTa>s ical daicas irpoffe- 
 
 facinorum conscientia vinctos, episco- veyKovras TO. 8<apa rrjs eVioTcoTryjs OTTO- 
 
 patum gerere et sacerdotium Dei ad- jSaAovxei/. Ep. i. ad Cor. xliv. Patr. 
 
 ministrare non oportere ; etdesiderastis, Apost, torn. i. p. 173.] 
 rescribi ad haec vobis . . . Sed enim k Non enim leviter peccabimus, si eos 
 
 desiderio huic vestro, non tarn nostra repudiaverimus, qui sancte et sine re- 
 
 consilia, quam divina praecepta respon- prehensione episcopatus munera offe- 
 
 dent, quibus jampridem mandaturvoce runt. pp. 57, 58. dementis ad Cor. 
 
 ccelesti, et Dei lege praescribitur, quos Epist. Prior, edidit Patricius Junius 
 
 et quales oporteat deservire altari et (Patrick Young.) Oxon., 1633. 4to. 
 
 sacrificia divina celebrare. In Exodo Corrected thus by the Oxford editor of 
 
 namque, (Exod. xix. 22; xxviii. 43; Junius' edition: "Non enim leviter 
 
 Lev. xxi.!7.)...Quaeanteoculos haben- peccabimus, si eos, qui sancte et sine 
 
 tes, et solliciteacreligioseconsiderantes, reprehensione offerunt munera, episco- 
 
 in ordinationibus sacerdotum non nisi patu ejicimus." p. 101. 12mo. Oxon., 
 
 immaculatos et integros antistites eli- 1669.] 
 gere debemus, qui sancte et digne 
 
 HICKF.S. H 
 
98 St. Cyprian. 
 
 nera ; nor can I imagine for what reason the right reverend 
 Dr. Wake, bishop of Lincoln, should translate them otherwise 
 in the following period 1 ; " for it would be no small sin in us, 
 should we cast off those from their ministry, who holily and 
 without blame fulfil the duties of it." I confess he puts 
 " offer the gifts" in the margin ; but why his lordship put 
 the true and common version in the margin, and one so 
 different from it in the text, he can best tell. But to return 
 to the synodical Epistle of the African bishops ; they after- 
 wards speak thus m , "and seeing there are many other grievous 
 crimes of which Basilides and Martialis are guilty, in vain do 
 they pretend to re-enter upon their episcopal office, seeing it 
 is evident that such men cannot preside over the Church of 
 Christ, nor ought to offer sacrifices to God." So in his seventy- 
 fifth Epistle, Firmilian, speaking of the woman possessed by 
 the devil who administered the holy Eucharist, " she pre- 
 sumed," saith he n , " to consecrate the bread, and minister the 
 Eucharist by the usual invocation, and offer sacrifice to the 
 Lord in the accustomed solemn form." So in Epistle Ixxvi. 
 "But in this distress," saith the father , "there is no great 
 danger like to come to our religion, because the priests of 
 God cannot offer, and celebrate the Divine sacrifices ;" which 
 in the next words he distinguishes from the metaphorical 
 sacrifice of an humble and contrite heart : Sacrificium Deo 
 spiritus contribulatus, cor contritum et humiliatum \Deus non 
 despicit.~] . . . Hoc sacrificium sine intermissione die ac node 
 celebratis, hostice facti Deo, et vosmetipsos sanctas atque imma- 
 
 I [The Genuine Epistles of the Apo- 146.) following the MSS., omits the 
 stolical Fathers translated, p. 35. ed. 2. 'non' before 'sine.' Fell inserted it 
 Lond. 1710.] as required hy the context; see his 
 
 m [Cumque alia multa sint et gravia note on the place.] 
 
 delicta, quibus Basilides et Martialis [Sednecin illo, fratres dilectissimi, 
 
 implicati tenentur, frustra tales episco- aliqua potest aut religionis aut fidei 
 
 patum sibi usurpare conantur, cum jactura sentiri, quod illic nunc sacer- 
 
 manifestum sit ejusmodi homines nee dotibus Dei facultas non datur offerendi 
 
 eeclesiae Christi posse praeesse, nee Deo et celebrandi sacrificia divina . . . ' Sa- 
 
 sacrificia ofFerre debere. S. Cyprian. crificium Deo spiritus contribulatus, 
 
 Epist. Ixviii. (Ixvii. ed. Oxon.) Op., cor contritum et humiliatum Deus non 
 
 p. 119. ed. Ben.] despicit.' Hoc vos sacrificium Deo 
 
 II [Etiam hoc frequenter ausa est, offertis, hoc sacrificium sine inter- 
 ut et invocatione non contemtibili sane- missione die ac nocte celebratis, hostiae 
 tificare se panem, et eucharistiam facere facti Deo, et vosmetipsos sanctas atque 
 simularet, et sacrificium Domino non immaculatas victimas exhibentes, &c. 
 sine sacramento solitse praedicationis Epist. Ixxvii. (Ixxvi. ed. Oxon.) Ad 
 offerret. Epist. Ixxv. Firmiliani, p. Nemesianum et caeteros martyras in 
 223. S. Cyprian. Ep. ed. Fell, Oxon. metallis constitutes. p. 159. ed. Ben.] 
 1682.] The Benedictine edition (p. 
 
Testimonies of recent Divines ; Dean Brevint ; 99 
 
 culatas victimas exhibentes, fyc, I have observed before p how ADDIT. 
 Gregory Nazianzen made the same distinction, between the MONIES. 
 proper material external sacrifice in the holy Eucharist, by 
 bread and wine, and the metaphorical sacrifice of a contrite 
 heart, and as I have faithfully rendered these passages out of 
 St. Cyprian, so I desire the impartial reader to revise them, 
 and to consider if they are to be understood in a metapho- 
 rical sense. Was the cup, which, he saith, our Lord offered 
 up after supper, a metaphorical oblation ? Were the oblations 
 of bread and wine, which rich and poor offered, metaphorical 
 oblations q ? Was the very same sacrifice of bread and wine in 
 the holy Eucharist which Melchisedec offered, a metaphorical 
 sacrifice ? And when he speaks ofpresbyteri qui offerunt, and 
 of such quos oporteat deservire altari, did he not believe 
 Christian presbyters to be offering, sacrificing, and altar- 
 priests ? 
 
 To the modern testimonies I have cited for this doctrine 
 in my first letter, I beg leave to add two or three more out of 
 the writings of our learned divines, who have wrote of the 
 holy sacrament of the Lord's Supper, as of a sacrifice, alto- 
 gether as plainly as I have done. Dr. Dan. Brevint, late 
 dean of Lincoln r , in his excellent little book entituled " The 
 Christian Sacrament and Sacrifice 8 /' to use his own words*, 
 hath endeavoured, as he speaks, " to set this holy Sacrament 
 at liberty/' without regard to " papists or protestants," " and 
 rescue it out of the hands of such," as have not treated rightly 
 of it, " and to restore it to the full meaning and institution 
 of Christ." He observes" that ' as the primitive heretics 
 whom the spirit of Antichrist set up, .... endeavoured to 
 destroy the natural body, which is the human nature of 
 Christ; so His sacramental body hath not received much 
 better entertainment from two contrary parties, who make it 
 
 [pp. 
 
 [Th 
 
 . 91, 92.] xv. chap. ii. 1.] 
 
 e passage alluded to seems to r [He became dean of Lincoln the 
 
 be, Locuples et dives es, et dominicum 3rd of January, 1681, and died May 5, 
 
 celebrare te putes, quae corban omnino 1695.] 
 
 non respicis, quae in dominicum sine Printed in 12mo. at the Theatre in 
 
 sacrificio venis, quae partem de sacri- Oxford, 1673. 
 
 ficio quod pauper obtulit, sumis. S. * Epistle Dedicatory. [This and the 
 
 Cypr., Lib. de Opere et Eleem. Op., p. following passage are loosely quoted 
 
 242. All offered, a portion was taken and partly paraphrased.] 
 
 for the Eucharist, the rest given to the u Ibid., p. 3. 
 clergy and poor. See Bingham, book 
 
 H2 
 
100 Bp. Taylor ; that the Eucharist is a Sacrifice ; 
 PREFAT. either a false god or an empty ceremony/ I forbear to tran- 
 
 DISCOURSE, \ J y 
 
 SECT. in. scribe any more, referring the reader to the discourse itself, 
 which I wish were reprinted, for the honour of God and the 
 benefit of the Church. 
 
 Dr. Taylor plainly asserts this holy Sacrament to be a 
 sacrifice, in chap. x. sect. 4, of his Rule of Holy Living 3 *, 
 where he saith, that " the celebration of the holy Sacrament 
 succeeds to the most solemn rite of natural and Judaical reli- 
 gion y , the law of sacrificing." And that " as Christ represents 
 to His Father the great effective sacrifice which He offered on 
 the cross, as a means of atonement and expiation for all 
 mankind ; .... so He hath appointed that the same ministry 
 shall be done upon earth too, in our manner and according 
 to our proportion ; and therefore hath instituted and sepa- 
 rated an order of men [who] by sacramental representation 
 [may] pray unto God after the same manner, that our Lord 
 and High-Priest doth, that is to offer to God, and represent 
 in this solemn prayer and sacrament, Christ as already offered, 
 .... whereby our prayers may for His sake and in the same 
 manner of intercession, be offered up to God [in our behalf, 
 and for all those for whom we pray, and to all those purposes 
 for which Christ died."] 
 
 And so in the Office for the Holy Communion in his Col- 
 lection of Offices 2 : "Be Thou well pleased, O Lord, with this 
 our service and duty, and grant that with a holy fear and pure 
 conscience we may finish this service, presenting a holy sa- 
 crifice holily unto Thee, that Thou mayest receive it in heaven, 
 and smell a sweet odour in the union of the eternal sacrifice, 
 which our blessed Lord perpetually offers, and accept us a gra- 
 ciously, as Thou didst entertain the gifts of Abel, the sacrifice 
 of Noah, the services of Moses and Aaron, the peace-offering 
 of Samuel/' &c. So in the Prayer of Consecration b : " Have 
 mercy upon us, O heavenly Father, according to Thy glorious 
 
 x [ 1. Bp. Taylor's collected Works, Office was forbidden.) 1651. Works, 
 
 vol. iv. p. 265. Lond. 1839.] vol. xv. pp. 292, 293.] 
 
 y [ 4. ibid., p. 266.] [The previous editions of Hickes 
 
 z [A Collection of Offices or Forms had "it." The first, and other editions 
 
 of Prayer in cases ordinary and extra- of Taylor "us." There are no other 
 
 ordinary, taken out of the Scriptures, material variations in these quota- 
 
 and the ancient Liturgies of several tions.] 
 
 Churches, especially the Greek, (in- b [Works, ibid., pp. 299, 300.] 
 tended to be used whilst the English 
 
Bp. Burnet admits that it may be so called. 101 
 
 mercies and promises ; send Thy Holy Ghost upon our hearts, ADDIT. 
 and let Him also descend upon these gifts," and "[that He MONIES. 
 may] bless, and sanctify these gifts." So in the Prayer of Ob- 
 lation 6 ; "We humbly present to Thee, O Lord, this present 
 
 sacrifice of remembrance and thanksgiving," &c. So also in 
 the Prayer for the Catholic Church, all after the ancient 
 practice; "Receive, O eternal God d , this sacrifice, for and in 
 behalf of all Christian people," &c. 
 
 The bishop of Sarum, on Article xxxi., writes of the holy 
 Eucharist in these words 6 : " In two other respects it may be 
 also more strictly called a sacrifice. One is, because there is 
 an oblation of bread and wine made in it, which being sancti- 
 fied f , are consumed in an act of religion. To this many pas- 
 sages in the writings of the fathers do relate. This was the 
 oblation (which was) made at the altar by the people : and 
 though at first the Christians were reproached, as having a 
 strange sort of religion, in which they had neither temples, 
 altars, nor sacrifices, because they had not those things in 
 so gross a manner as the heathens had; yet both Clemens 
 Romanus, Ignatius, and all the succeeding writers of the 
 Church, do frequently mention the oblations that they 
 made; and in the ancient liturgies they did with particular 
 prayers offer the bread and wine to God, as the [great] 
 Creator of all things; those were called the gifts or offer- 
 ings, which were offered to God in imitation of Abel, who 
 offered the fruits of the earth in a sacrifice to God. Both 
 Justin Martyr, Irenseus, the Constitutions, and all the an- 
 cient liturgies, have very express words relating to this. 
 Another respect, in which the Eucharist is called a sacri- 
 fice, is, because it is a commemoration and a representation 
 to God of the sacrifice that Christ offered for us on the 
 
 cross Upon these accounts we do not deny but that 
 
 the Eucharist may be well called a sacrifice : but still it is 
 a commemorative sacrifice, and not propitiatory g . " And 
 afterwards 11 : "All that (the first ages) may say in homilies, 
 
 c [Ibid., p. 301.] important variations which have been 
 
 d [Ibid., p. 303.] corrected by brackets.] 
 
 e [Exposition of the XXXIX Ar- s The bishop means not propitiatory 
 
 tides, pp. 477,478. Oxford, 1819.] in itself, or by its own virtue, as the 
 
 f [For "sanctified," the word used papists assert their sacrifice of the mass 
 
 by Burnet, the earlier editions of Hickes to be. 
 
 had "sacrificed;" there were other un- h [Burnet, ibid., p. 481.] 
 
102 Bp. Burnet ; the ancient doctrine ; 
 
 PREFAT. or treatises of piety, concerning the ' pure offering ' that, 
 D sECT. U m. E ' according to Malachi, all Christians offered to God in the 
 ~~ Sacrament, [concerning] the ' sacrifice/ and ' the unbloody 
 sacrifice ' of Christians, must be understood to relate to the 
 prayers and thanksgivings that accompanied it, to the com- 
 memoration that was made in it of the sacrifice offered once 
 upon the cross, and finally, to the oblation of the bread and 
 wine, which they so often compare both to Abel's sacrifice, 
 and to Melchisedec's offering bread and wine." And I wish 
 his lordship had been pleased to add expressly, what is im- 
 plied, that the Eucharist was also called a sacrifice by the 
 ancients, because the oblation of bread and wine, which they 
 compared to other external sacrifices, was always brought to 
 the priest to be presented by him, as sacrificial gifts to God 
 upon the holy table, or altar, and after the prayer of thanks- 
 giving to be consecrated by him in a second solemn oblation 1 , 
 in which he said, not only " we offer unto Thee these gifts," 
 but " these gifts, which are set before Thee ; those gifts, of 
 which Thou hast no need, and we beseech Thee to send down 
 Thy Holy Spirit upon them, to sanctify them, and make them 
 unto us the (mystical) body and blood of Christ." This in 
 substance is the form of consecration in all the ancient Greek 
 offices, as I have shewed in my first letter k , and was restored 
 by the compilers of the Scottish liturgy l to the prayer of con- 
 secration. 
 
 It is plain that Bishop Andrewes thought the holy Eucha- 
 rist to be the Christian sacrifice, by this prayer in his Greek 
 and Latin devotions. 
 
 'O ava> TO) Tlarpl 
 
 teal &$ rjjjZv aopdrcos 
 
 i [See Christian Priesthood, chap. ii. k [Ibid., 6.] 
 
 sect. x. 5. irpoo-(pepofjLfv trot ... rbv l [" Hear us, O merciful Father, we 
 
 &prov TOVTOV Kal T~b iroT-fipiov TOVTO . . . most humbly beseech Thee, and of Thy 
 
 Kal a^iovfj.ev ae STTCOS eu/xecws iri/3\e\fys Almighty goodness, vouchsafe so to 
 
 eirl TO. TTpoKei/j.ei'a 5wpa ravra ei/caTri6i/ bless and sanctify, with Thy Word and 
 
 orov, o~v 6 apei/Se^s &ebs, Kal fvSoK'fjarjs Holy Spirit, these Thy gifts and crea- 
 
 eV avTots fls TL^rjv TOV Xpurrov crov, tures of bread and wine, that they may 
 
 Kal Karairefj.^/ris rb aydv crov Tn/eGyua be unto us the Body and Blood of Thy 
 
 firl rr)V Qvcriav Tavrrjv, rov /Aaprvpa rcav most dearly beloved Son." The order 
 
 jraQr}fj.dru>v TOV Kvpiov 'Irj<rou, otrcas airo- of administration of the Lord's Supper, 
 
 Qyvy T^V aprov TOVTOV o~(ap.a TOV Xpia"- in the Book of Common Prayer, printed 
 
 TOV (rov, Kal Tb irorhpiov TOVTO o~u>jua for the use of the Church of Scotland, 
 
 TOV Xpia-Tov ffov. Const. Apost, lib. viii. 1637. See Appendix, No. 2.] 
 
 c. 12. p. 481, A.] m pp. 214, 215. [Oxon. 1675.] 
 
Bp.Andrewes; Dr. Heylin, quoting Eusebius ; 103 
 
 e\0e els TO dyidtrat, ra irpOKeL^eva Soopa", ADDIT. 
 
 \f\ f \C^T \ > i * ? TKSTI 
 
 Kai VTrep CDV, Kai 06 cov, Kai e<p> 019 MONIES. 
 
 Qui sursum cum Patre sedes, 
 
 et invisibilis hie praesens nobiscum es, 
 Veni ut sanctifices dona proposita, 
 
 [et] pro quibus, et a quibus, et quibus de causis 
 offeruntur. 
 
 Thou, Lord, who with the Father sitt'st on high, 
 
 Present to us below invisibly : 
 
 Come, sanctify the gifts before Thee laid, 
 
 By, or for whomsoever the offering's made ; 
 
 Or for whatever cause the poor acknowledgment is paid. 
 
 Dr. Heylin in hisAntidotumLincolniense , (London, printed 
 1637.) chap. 5. cites a noble testimony out of Eusebius, De 
 Demonstrations Evangelica, about the priesthood, altar, and 
 sacrifice of the Christians, with which I will here present the 
 reader in his own version : " (Eusebius) brings in this predic- 
 tion p from the prophet Esay, that ' in that day there shall be isa. 19.19. 
 an altar to the Lord, in the midst of the land of Egypt/ Then 
 addsi, ' that if they had an altar, and that they were to sacri- 
 fice to Almighty God, Train-cos TTOV teal lepacrvvrjs dgicoOijo-ovrai,, 
 they must be thought worthy of a priesthood also. But the 
 Levitical priesthood could not be of any use unto them/ and 
 therefore they must have another. 'Nor was this spoke/ saith 
 he r , f of the Egyptians only, but of all other nations, and 
 
 n Const. Apost., lib. viii. cap. 12. To TOV, K. r. \. Euseb., De Demonstra- 
 
 7rpoKei/j.fva ?<pa ravra tv<i)in6v <rov ; tione Evang., lib. i. c. 6. p. 19, C. 
 
 [Concilia, torn. i. p. 481, A.] cap. 13. Antidotum Lincolniense, by P. Hey- 
 
 vvfp TOV Swpov TOV irpoa-KofjLLaQevTos lin, sect. ii. c. 5. pp. 22 24. Lon- 
 
 Kvpiff T(f 0e. [p. 484, B.] See the don, 1637.] 
 
 whole Prayer in the Liturgy of St. John q [e?ra 5e OVOVTCS Alyvimoi r<p irl 
 
 Chrysost. in Gear's Euchologium. ir&vruv 0e, TT&VTWS irov Kai lepcaffvvrjs 
 
 ["Evxo\6yiov : sive Rituale Graecorum. a^iu6-f](TOVTai'lfpufji.fV6i}vSriraAlyvTrTi(av 
 
 Opera F. Jacobi Goar. Paris. 1647. TO. Trepl Afvircav Kai TUV K SmSo^Tjs 
 
 The Offertorium Majus begins (p. 74) 'Aap&v Mwo-e? 5iaTfTayp.eva, OVK^T &/ 
 
 with the prayer, Eu%^ irporrKO/jLiSfis yevoiro TO?S Alyifirriois xp^] ffl P- a " Eu- 
 
 fj-fra Tr\v fv rrj ayia rpair^r) T>V Qeicw seb., ibid., p. 20, A.] 
 
 Swpow aTr6Qe(riv, fyv \eyei 6 lepevs /J.v- r [(r/ce^at S' ofiv el fj.^} (r^wepov, Xeyot 
 
 CTTIKUS. See the Christian Priesthood, 8$) KaQ' yfAas avrovs, b<$>Qa\[Jiois dpuvrai 
 
 chap. ii. sect. x. 6. iii] ov p.6vov Alyvirrioi, a\\a Kai irav ytvos 
 
 [See note a, p. 1.] TWJ/ irplv ei'ScoAoA.arpwj' avOpw-rruv ..... 
 
 p [/3o^ Se Siapp-fiS-riv, Kai KfKpayev 6 T^V Tcav irpo^rSiv ebv avaKa\ovp.fVoV 
 
 'Htrams, 6e<nrifai/ a/ua Kai \fycav, evrai Kai e&xovrai Se OVKCTI ir\eioffi Kvpiois, 
 
 Kvpiy eV X^'P? Aiyvir- tvl 8 T$ (Ji6vtp Kvpicp Kara rb iepov \6~ 
 
104 Heylin, quoting Eusebius on the Priesthood, 
 
 PREFAT. idolatrous people ; who now pour forth [their] prayers, not 
 SECT, m. ' unto many gods, but to the one and only Lord : and unto 
 Him erect an altar for reasonable and unbloody sacrifices, 
 (/cal TOVTW dv<n,a<TTr)piov dvaifjiwv /ecu \oyucwv OVGIWV . . . dve- 
 yrjyepTcu) in every place of the whole habitable world, accord- 
 ing to the mysteries of the New Testament/ Now what 
 those mysteries were, he declares more fully in the tenth 
 chapter of the said first book. ' Christ/ saith he 8 , ' is the pro- 
 pitiatory sacrifice for all our sins, since when even those 
 amongst the Jews are freed from the curse of Moses' law, 
 el/corcos rr^v TOV crcojuaros avTov /cal TOV cufjuaro? rrjv VTro/Avr)- 
 criv oaij/jiepat eiriTeXovvTes, celebrating daily (as they ought) 
 the commemoration of His body and blood, which is a far 
 more excellent sacrifice and ministry, than any in the former 
 times/ Then adds, that Christ our Saviour*, ' offering such a 
 wonderful and excellent sacrifice to His heavenly Father for 
 the salvation of us all, appointed us to offer daily unto God 
 the commemoration of the same, avrl rf)$ u 6v<rias, for and as 
 a sacrifice/ And anon after, that x 'whensoever we do cele- 
 brate TOVTOV TOV 0v/jLaro9 rrjv JJLVIJ/ATJV, the memory of that 
 sacrifice on the table, participating of the elements y of His 
 body and blood, we should say with David, Thou preparest a 
 table for me in the presence of mine enemies, Thou anointest 
 my head with oil, my cup runneth over. Wherein/ saith he, 
 'he signifieth most manifestly the mystical unction, KOI TO, 
 
 yiov, Kal TOVTCf) Qvffiaffrhpiov avatfj-wv VCKWS irpoo-<pfpeiv. Ibid., p. 38, C.] 
 
 Kal \oyiKcov dvo-iuv, Kara TO. Kaiva fjLvff- u [See note j, p. 11.] 
 
 T"fipia TT)S vtas Kal Kawr\s Siad-fjKrjs, x [TOUTOV Srjra TOV 6v/j.aTos rty u.vi\- 
 
 i. Ibid., p. 20, B, C.] \&>v TOV re ffcbfjiaTos avTov, Kal TOV o~(a- 
 
 i o XpiffT^s rb TOU irai/rbs Trjpiov a'1/j.aTos, Kara Oeff/J.ovs TTJS Kaivrjs 
 
 5ib Kal 'louSafcwi/ 8to07j/crjs TrapetATj^^res, ira\iv virb TOV 
 
 e\fi>6fpoi TTJS Ma>- irpo^TOv AajSlS 
 
 IKOTWS T^V TOV riToipao~as fv<airiv /J.QV 
 
 <r(t>/j.aTos avTov Kal TOV a e l/j.aTO$ TT\V v- evavTias TU>V 6\i$6vTwv fie' Ixiiravas ej/ 
 
 ir6fji.vr)<nj/ 6<rri/j.pai TriT\ovvTes, Kal Trjs 4"\aicf> T 
 
 KpeiTTovos ^ KaTa TOVS ira\aiovs, Qvffias ffov u.eQvffKov /J.e 
 
 TC Kal lepovpyias 7}|jw/xeVot. Ibid., c. x. Sr)u yovv tv TOVTOIS Kal rb u.v(TTiKbv 
 
 p. 37, A, B. " wherefore even those ai\u.a!\.vTai ^ptcryuo, /cat TO rre^va TTJS 
 
 araongst the Jews who have believed on Xpio~Tov Tpa-jrefrs 6v/j.aTa, 81' uv Ka\- 
 
 Him are freed from the curse of Moses' \iepovvTes Tas avai/j.ovs Kal \oyiKas 
 
 law," &c.] avT(f T irpoo~T]V(is Ovo~ias 5ia iravTbs 
 
 1 [yiieTa S^ iravTa ol6v TI Qavu.a.&iov fiiov T 67rl ira.vT(av irpofftyfpew $, 8ia 
 
 6v/j.a, Kal o-Qayiov QaipeTOV T$ -rraTpl TOV iravTuv avuTaTov 'Apxtepeus avrov 
 
 Ka\\iepr]0'dfjt.vos, virep T&V airdvTwv 8edi8dy/j.0a. Ibid., p. 39, A, B.] 
 
 ffcaTTjpias, p.vT)u.-r)v Kal f [See note z, p. 10.] 
 irapaSovs, WTl Ovffias T$ @e<p Sir;- 
 
Altar, and Sacrifice of the Christians ; 105 
 
 rf)s Xpicrrov rparreZfls 0vjj,ara 9 and the reverend sacri- 
 fices of Christ's table, where we are taught to offer up unto 
 the Lord, by His own most eminent and glorious Priest, the 
 unbloody, reasonable, and most acceptable sacrifice, all our 
 life long/ This he entitles afterwards 2 , ' the sacrifice of praise,' 
 ' the divine, reverend, and most holy sacrifice/ ' the pure sa- 
 crifice of the New Testament.* So that we see, that in this 
 sacrifice prescribed the Christian Church by our Lord and 
 Saviour, there were two proper and distinct actions ; the first, 
 to celebrate the memorial of our Saviour's sacrifice, which he 
 entitles, rrjv rov o-wjuaros avrov vTro/jLvrjaw, the commemora- 
 tion of His body and blood once offered, rov Ovparos rrjv 
 fjLvrjjjL'rjv, the memory of that His sacrifice; that is, as he 
 doth clearly expound himself, that we should offer fjivrj^v 
 avrl rrfs Ovcrias, this our commemoration for a sacrifice; the 
 second, that withal we should offer to Him the sacrifice of 
 praise and thanksgiving, which is the reasonable sacrifice of 
 a Christian man, and to Him most acceptable. Finally, he 
 joins both these together in the conclusion of that book, and 
 therein doth at full describe the nature of this sacrifice; which 
 is thus as folio weth a , OVKOVV KOI 0vo/j,6v /cal QV^IW^LGV rore 
 JAW rrjv /jbvijp'rjv rov /j,yd\ov 0vjj,aro<?, /c.r.\. ' therefore/ saith 
 he, ' we sacrifice, and offer as it were with incense, the memory 
 of that great sacrifice, celebrating the same according to the 
 mysteries by Him given unto us, and giving thanks to Him 
 for our salvation, with godly hymns and prayers to the Lord 
 our God ; as also offering to Him our whole selves, both soul 
 and body, and to His High-Priest, which is the Word/ See 
 here, Eusebius does not call it only the memory, or comme- 
 moration, of Christ's sacrifice, but makes the very memory 
 or commemoration, in and of itself, to be a sacrifice, which 
 instar omnium, for, and in the place of, all other sacrifices, we 
 are to offer to our God, and offer it with a 0iyuo>//,ez>, the 
 incense of our prayers and praises." To this passage let me 
 
 
 [Qvffiav alffffcus . . . rb fvOeov, Kal pvffr-hpia 4irir*\ovvrcs, Kal r^v vircp 
 
 , Kal lepoirpeires QV/J.O, . . . Kara rty ffwrrjpias r)/j.wv fvxaptcrriav Si' evac/Suv 
 
 Siad"f}Kr}v T}\V Kadapav Qvaiav. ^IJLVWV Tf Kal evx&v r$ 0e< TrpoarKOfj.1- 
 
 Ibid., p. 40, A.] fovres* r6re 5e o-03s avrovs '6\q> Ka6ie- 
 
 a [ou/coDi/ Kal 6vo/j.v, Kal dv[J.i(iofJ.V' povvres ai>T(p, Kal T(p 76 'Ap^tfpe? avrov 
 
 r6re /xei/ r^v /ui/Tj/irji/ rov fj.eyd\ov Qvp.a- A<fy<u, avr<$ (re^ucm Kal tyvx 
 
 ros, Kara ra irpbs avrov irapaooQfvra /J.GVOI. Ibid., p. 40, B, C.] 
 
106 Heylin; Bp. Stillingfleet; St. Jerome. 
 
 PBEFAT. add another for the sake of those presbyters, who doubt 
 SECT, m. ' whether they are proper priests, out of the same chapter. 
 
 "And first b beginning with the priesthood, in case you 
 are not grown ashamed of that holy calling, you may re- 
 member that you were admitted into holy orders by no other 
 name ; being presented to the bishop at your ordination, you 
 did require to be admitted to the order of priesthood , and 
 being demanded by the bishop, 'if you did think in your 
 heart that you were truly called according to the will of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ, and the order of this Church of England, 
 unto the ministry of the priesthood/ you answered positively, 
 that { you did/ If you thought otherwise than you said, as 
 Acts 5. 4. you do sometimes, you ' lied not unto men, but unto God/ 
 Look in the Book of Ordination, and you shall find it oftener 
 than once or twice, entitled the office of priesthood, and the 
 holy office of priesthood; the parties thereunto admitted, 
 called by no other name than that of priests ; or if you think 
 the Book of Ordination is no good authority, (to which you 
 have subscribed however in your subscription to the articles ;) 
 look then upon the Liturgy, and the rubrics of it, by which 
 you would persuade the world that you are very much directed 
 in all this business ; find you not there the name of priest, 
 exceeding frequent, especially in that part thereof which con- 
 cerns the Sacrament ? ( The priest standing at the north side 
 of the table' . . . ' then shall the priest rehearse distinctly all 
 the ten commandments ' . . / then shall the priest say to them 
 that come to receive the holy communion' . . . ' then shall the 
 priest turning himself to the people, give the absolution' d . . . 
 'then shall the priest kneeling down at God's board,' 6 " &c. 
 
 Bishop Stillingfleet saith f , " It is the peculiar honour of the 
 Christian religion, to have an order of men set apart, not 
 merely as priests to offer sacrifices, (for that all religions have 
 had,) but as preachers of righteousness, to set good and evil 
 before the people committed to their charge." This is exactly 
 agreeable to that of St. Hierom, in his Epistle to Evagrius g , 
 
 b [Antid. Line., sect. ii. c. 5. pp. 27, &c. London, 1607.] 
 
 28.] e [Ibid.] 
 
 c Book of Ordination. f [Visitation Charge, Sept. 11, 1690. 
 
 d ["Then shall the priest or the In his Collected Works, vol. iii. p. 621. 
 
 bishop (being present) stand up, and London, 1710.] 
 
 turning himself to the people, say [Ad Evangelum, "Veteres edi- 
 
 thus." The Booke of Common Prayer, tiones falso hanc Epistolam inscribunt 
 
Interleaved Prayer-Book at Durham. 
 
 107 
 
 De gradibus presbyteri et diaconi. Ut sciamus traditiones 
 apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento, quod Aaron et filii 
 ejus atque Levitce in templo fuerunt, hoc sibi episcopi et pres- 
 byteri et diaconi vendicent in Ecclesia. So in his Epistle Ad 
 
 Nepotianum*', Esto subjectus pontifici tuo Quod Aaron 
 
 et filios ejuSy hoc esse episcopum et presbyteros noverimus. 
 Those who desire more authorities may consult the Ap- 
 pendix 1 , to which I refer the reader. 
 
 And to these authorities of learned men in print, I shall 
 add others of no less moment out of an interleaved Book of 
 Common Prayer k , with notes, which I happened to meet with, 
 and value very much. In the Prayer of Consecration on 
 these words, " sufficient sacrifice," et paulo post, " that His 
 precious death 1 ." " That. This word refers to the sacrifice 
 mentioned in lin. 8, for we still continue and remember [com- 
 memorate, MS.] that sacrifice which Christ once made upon 
 
 ADDIT. 
 TESTI- 
 MONIES. 
 
 ad Evagriutn; quum MSS. Codices, 
 quoscumque vidi, retineant Evangelum 
 vel Evangelium." Not. edd. Ben. ad 
 locum, torn. ii. p. 1166. Epist. cxlvi. 
 torn. i. p. 1077, col. i. D, E. S. Hie- 
 ronymi Op., Vallarsii. Veronae, 1734.] 
 k [Epist. lii., ibid., p. 260. col. 2, 
 B, D.j 
 
 1 [Appendix, Nos. vii., viii., ix.] 
 k This book was imprinted in folio 
 at London by Robert Barker, printer 
 to the king's most excellent majesty, 
 Anno Dom. 1617. I cannot tell who 
 was the author or collector of the notes, 
 but perhaps some other person may by 
 these following observations: At the 
 third exhortation to the Communion, 
 he refers to his sermon on the Pharisee 
 and Publican, Luke xviii. 13, part 2. 
 At the prayer before consecration, " vid. 
 Cone, nostram, in 1 Cor. xi. [27.] 
 'Whosoever shall eat,' " &c. He speaks 
 of Bishop Overall, as then bishop of 
 Norwich. At baptism. "VideConci- 
 onem meam ad John iii. [5.] 'Except 
 ye be born of water,' " &c. " Liber Con- 
 stit. Ecclesiae Anglicanae, qui compo- 
 situs est ab illo qui iroXXwv OLVTOL^IOS 
 &\\wv, J. O." He often calls him my 
 Lord Overall in his notes. In the 
 Catechism at these words, " Secondly, 
 in God the Son, who hath redeemed 
 me," &c. " Vide Concionem meam in 
 hunc locum tempore pomeridiano." At 
 the office of burial, "Vide Concionem 
 nostram ad Ps. xcvi. [9.] ' O worship 
 
 the Lord in the beauty of holiness.' " 
 
 [The whole of the notes in this Prayer 
 Book are printed in the additional 
 notes appended to Nichols' Comment 
 on the Common Prayer, 1710, who 
 gives this account of them. "MSS. 
 notes written in an interleaved Com- 
 mon Prayer- Book, in the bishop of 
 Durham's library, printed in the year 
 1619, supposed to be made from the 
 collections of Bishop Overall, by a 
 friend or chaplain of his : a copy of 
 which MS. is in the hands of the 
 reverend Dr. Hickes, some part thereof 
 being printed by him, in his preface to 
 the Christian Priesthood." (Add. Notes, 
 p. ii.) 
 
 The portion quoted by Hickes has 
 been collated with the MS. at Dur- 
 ham, and the variations (which were 
 unimportant) corrected by it, through 
 the kindness of the editor of Bp. Cosin's 
 Works, Angl. Cath. Library, 1843; 
 who has also identified these notes as 
 Bp. Cosin's, by his marked and beauti- 
 ful hand-writing. Cosin was librarian 
 to Bp. Overal. There is another in- 
 terleaved Prayer Book, the notes of 
 which have always been known as 
 Cosin's. (See Nichols, ibid.) The 
 large portions which are translated 
 from Maldonatus de Sacramentis have 
 been marked with single inverted com- 
 mas.] 
 
 i [Nichols, ibid., p. 46. col. 1.] 
 
108 
 
 [Bp. Conn] f from Maldonatus, in 
 
 PREFAT. the cross. And this sacrifice which the Church makes (as 
 a sacrifice is taken l pro mactatione et occisione victima') f is 
 only commemorative and sacramental" 1 ;' for in that sense 
 Christ only offered it really upon the cross by His own 
 death. And so likewise as it is taken for 'a visible sacri- 
 fice/ Christ only offered it; for 'here it is invisible/ But 
 as it is taken for ( a sufficient sacrifice' to take away the sins 
 of the world, so indeed it was offered upon the cross, ' as 
 having power in itself to abolish all sin whatsoever ; but it 
 doth not abolish any man's sin for all that, unless it be 
 applied. And the ways to apply it are divers ; by faith, by 
 good works, by the unbloody offering up of the same sacri- 
 fice, by the receiving of His most precious body and blood. 
 So if we compare the Eucharist with the sacrifice once made 
 upon the cross, with reference to the killing and destroying 
 of the sacrifice, or with reference to the visibility of it, in 
 that sense we call it only a commemorative sacrifice, as the 
 fathers do. But if we compare the Eucharist with Christ's 
 sacrifice made once upon the cross, as concerning the effect 
 
 m [Nos igitur cum comparamus 
 Eucharistiam cum sacrificio corporis 
 Christi, quod in cruce oblatum est, non 
 negamus degenerate aliquo modo ab 
 illo verissimo sacrificio, si spectentur 
 omnia, quae in sacrificio esse solent. 
 
 Primum enim in sacrificio solehat 
 esse mactatio et occisio victimae, quae 
 in cruce reipsa facta est : in Eucha- 
 ristia non fit, nisi commemoratione et 
 sacramento. 
 
 Secundo, in cruce corpus Christi 
 forma visibili oblatum est, in Eucha- 
 ristia, invisibili. 
 
 Tertio, in cruce corpus Christi ob- 
 latum est ad sufficientiam, ut dicunt 
 Theologi, id est, tanquam sacrificium 
 habens in se ipso vim abolendi peccata 
 omnium hominum, quamvis non con- 
 tinua abolerentur, nisi sacrificium illud 
 singulis hominibus applicaretur. Quod 
 variis fit rnodis : per fidem, per chari- 
 tatem, per bona opera, et per obla- 
 tionem incruentam ejusdem corporis, 
 item per sumptionem illius. Qua- 
 propter cum comparamus Eucharis- 
 tiam cum sacrificio facto in cruce, ha- 
 bita ratione mactationis et visibilis 
 formae, vocamus illam sacrificium com- 
 memorativum. Et quia fuerunt non- 
 nulli authores, qui existimarunt, ver- 
 bum sacrificandi concludere in se occi- 
 
 sionem (ut revera accidit Graecis,apud 
 quos Qveiv utrumque significat, et sacri- 
 ficare et occidere) dixerunt Eucharis- 
 tiam tantum esse sacrificium comme- 
 morativum. Ut D. Chrysost. in Homil. 
 contra Judaeos parte 2. [trvyKpivontvti 
 irpbs eKeiyrji/ ai/rrj r] dvffia, Kvp'uas &// 
 Ae%06t77 /j.6vri Kadapd' ov yap Sia KO.TTVOV 
 Kal Kviafftis, ovSe Si' alfj-drrcav KOL\ \vrpcw, 
 a\\a Sia, TTJS TOV Trj/eu/xaros TrpotrayeTai 
 X&PITOS. Adversus Judaeos, Orat.v. (ii. 
 ed. Lat.1546.) torn. i. p.648,C.ed. Ben.] 
 Et Magister Sentent, 1. 4. dist. 12. 
 ['Ad hoc breviter dici potest, illud quod 
 offertur et consecratur a sacerdote vo- 
 cari sacrificium et oblationem ; quia 
 memoriaest et repraesentatio veri sacri- 
 ficii, et sanctae immol.ationis factae in 
 ara crucis.'] Sed cum hoc dicunt, non 
 negant esse verum sacrificium, sed tan- 
 tum esse commemorativum, si spectes 
 vim verbi quatenus significat occidere 
 et mactare. Cum autem conferimus 
 Eucharistiam cum illo sacrificio cor- 
 poris Christi, quod in cruce peractum 
 est, quantum ad efiectum, dicimus illud 
 fuisse sacrificium sufficiens, hoc effi- 
 ciens et applicatorium, utrumque ta- 
 men propitiatorium. Maldonati Disp. 
 circa vii. Sacramenta, torn. i. pp. 322, 
 323. Lugduni. 1614.] 
 
 
interleaved Prayer-Book at Durham. 
 
 109 
 
 of it, we say, that that was a sufficient sacrifice ; but withal, 
 that it [this?] is a true, real, and efficient sacrifice, and both 
 of them propitiatory" for the sins of the whole world.' And 
 therefore in the oblation following we pray, that it may pre- 
 vail so with God, that we, and all the whole Church of Christ 
 (which consists of more than those that are upon the earth ) 
 may receive the benefit of it." 
 
 ADDIT. 
 TKSTI-M 
 MONIES. 
 
 " That is, in different senses : the 
 one propitiates as -having power, force, 
 and virtue in itself to make propitia- 
 tion, and the other propitiates, not by 
 any virtue it hath in itself to make pro- 
 pitiation, but in virtue of the sacrifice 
 of Christ. And to this purpose he 
 speaks in his notes on the prayer, after 
 the Communion, ' ' O Lord, and heavenly 
 Father." It may be called a propitia- 
 tory sacrifice, not that it makes any 
 propitiation, as that of the cross did, 
 but that it obtains and brings into act 
 that propitiation which was once made 
 by Christ; and so we may speak of 
 prayer, for that is propitiatory too. 
 [The passage in the notes referred to 
 is, " And in this sense it is not only 
 an Eucharistical but a propitiatory 
 sacrifice ; and to prove it a sacrifice 
 propitiatory, always so acknowledged 
 by the ancient Church, there can be no 
 better argument, than that it was offered 
 up, not only for the living but for the 
 dead, and for those that were absent, 
 for them that travelled, for Jews, for 
 heretics, &c., who could have no other 
 benefit of it, but as it was a propitiatory 
 sacrifice. And that they did thus offer 
 it see a whole army of fathers apud 
 Maid, de Sacr. p. 342. Nos autem ita 
 comparati sumus, ut cum tarn multis 
 et magnis authoribus errare malimus, 
 quam cum Puritanis verum dicere. 
 Not that it makes any propitiation as 
 that of the cross did, but only that it 
 obtains, and brings into act that pro- 
 pitiation which was once made by 
 Christ, and so we may speak of prayer, 
 for that is propitiatory too. "Why 
 should we then make any contro- 
 versy about this ? They love not the 
 truth of Christ, nor the peace of the 
 Church, that make these disputes be- 
 tween the Church of Rome and us, 
 when we agree, as Christian Churches 
 should, in our Liturgies. What private 
 men's conceits are, what is that to 
 the public approved religion of either 
 Church, which is to be seen in their 
 Liturgies best of all." (Nichols' Add. 
 
 Notes, p. 50. col. 2.) See also the notes 
 on this place previously known as Bp. 
 Cosin's, ibid., p. 51. col. 1.] 
 
 This author, as also appears from the 
 notes upon the prayer after the Commu- 
 nion, (see Nichols, ibid.,) did believe the 
 Eucharist to be " a representative sacri- 
 fice" of Christ's death upon the cross 
 " for the sins and for the benefit of the 
 whole world, of the whole Church ; that 
 both those which are here on earth, and 
 those that rest in the sleep of peace, 
 being departed in the faith of Christ, 
 may find the effect and virtue of it," 
 for this he appeals to the authority of 
 the ancient Church, [" and if the autho- 
 rity of the ancient Church may prevail 
 with us, as it ought to do, there is 
 nothing more manifest than that it 
 always taught as much,"] and in par- 
 ticular cites the words of St. Chrysost. 
 in Matt. viii. " Idcirco altari assistens 
 sacerdos pro his qui ante nos fuerunt, 
 pro universo orbe terrarum, pro absen- 
 tibus, atque praesentibus, pro his qui 
 postea futuri sunt, sacrificio illo pro- 
 posito, Deo nos gratias jubet offerre." 
 [8ii> 8)j Kal 6 iepevs virep rrjs OIKOU- 
 fifi'rjs, virep ruv irpoTepooit, virep roav vvv, 
 inrep TWV yevvii04isT(t)V TCOI/ 
 VTTp T<av fjifrd ravra ao/u.ev 
 vx.a-piO"re?i/ /ceAevet, TTJS Ovffias 
 fj.evr)s e/ceu/rjs. In Matt. Horn. xxv. al. 
 xxvi. Op., torn. vii. p. 311, A, B. ed. 
 Ben.] Horn. 77. in Johan. " Ideo in 
 mysteriis invicem salutamus, ut multi 
 unum efficiamur et communes pro ess- 
 tens [pro non initiatis] preces effun- 
 dimus, et pro infirmis, et terrae, et 
 maris, et universi orbis finibus [fruc- 
 tibus] sacrificamus." [Hom.lxxviii. al. 
 Ixxvii. Sid TOVTO Kal fv rots fj.v<TTr}piois 
 aa"ira6/j.0a a\\"f)\ovs, tva ol ir6\\oi 
 yev(t>/j.fOa '4v KOI eirl TUV a/j.v^T(av Koivas 
 iroiov/j.f6a ras evx&s, AtTcweiWres inrep 
 voaovvrw, KO.\ rcav Kap-nuv rrjs OIKOV- 
 /ueVyjs Kal 7775 Kal Qa\aTTr}s. In Joan., 
 torn. viii. p. 464, D. ed. Ben. The Latin 
 is from Erasmus' edition, torn. ii. fol. 
 56, F; torn, iii, fol. 78, L. Paris. 
 1546.] 
 
110 
 
 [Bp. Cosin\,from Maldonatus, in 
 
 PREFAT. 
 DISCOURSE, 
 
 " 'Neither do we call? this sacrifice of the Eucharist an effi- 
 SECT. m. cient sacrifice, as if that upon the cross wanted efficacy; 
 but because the force and virtue of that sacrifice would not 
 be profitable unto us, unless it were applied and. brought 
 into effect by this Eucharistical sacrifice, and other the holy 
 Sacraments 3, and means appointed by God for that end. 
 But we call it propitiatory, both this and that, because both 
 of them have force and virtue in them to appease God's 
 wrath [against this sinful world, MS.]/ Read Maldonat., 
 de Sacrament., p. 323. Therefore this is no new sacrifice, 
 but the same which was once offered, and which is every 
 day offered to God by Christ in heaven, and continued here 
 still on earth by a mystical representation of it in the Eu- 
 charist. And the Church intends not to have any new 
 propitiation, or new remission of sins obtained, but to make 
 that effectual, and in act applied to us, which was once ob- 
 tained by the sacrifice of Christ upon the cross. 
 
 P [Et non vocamus Eucharistiam 
 sacrificium quantum ad efficientiam, 
 propterea quod sacrificium crucis non 
 fuerit etiam efficax ; sed quia vis illius 
 sacrificii non poterat prodesse, et ad 
 efficientiam effectumque redigi, nisi 
 tuna per hoc sacrificium, turn per alia 
 sacramenta, turn aliis modis. 
 
 Propitiatorium autem ideo dicimus 
 esse utrumque, quia propitiatorium 
 sacrificium esse non est aliud, quam 
 habere vim placandi Deum. Maldona- 
 tus, ibid., p. 323.] 
 
 * Here he takes Sacraments in the 
 general improper sense of the word, as 
 Calvin, (Instit. Christ Rel., lib. iv. 
 c. 14. 20.) " Impositionem manuum, 
 qua Ecclesiae ministri in suum munus 
 initiantur, ut non invitus patior vocari 
 Sacramentum, ita inter ordinaria Sa- 
 cramenta non numero." And in the 
 notes on the answer to the question in 
 the Church Catechism, " How many 
 Sacraments hath Christ ordained in His 
 Church ?" he asserts there are but two 
 Sacraments, in the first and proper ac- 
 ceptation of the word, viz. Baptism and 
 the Lord's Supper. [See Nichols, Add. 
 Notes, p. 59, col. 2. Hickes evidently 
 supposed, as others have done, that 
 the passage he is quoting was origi- 
 nally written by Bp. Overal's chap- 
 lain ; whereas it now appears to be a 
 translation from Maldonatus ; Cosin's 
 object in inserting it, will be seen in 
 
 the latter part of the extract in brackets 
 in note n, p. 109. The note referred to, 
 after quoting St. Augustine, Ep. 118, 
 says, " Where though St. Augustine may 
 seem to allow more Sacraments than 
 two, . . yet in this sense which our 
 Church propounds (as generally neces- 
 sary to salvation), Maldonate himself 
 confesseth, that he acknowledgeth no 
 more, (de Sacram., p. 111.) Divus Au- 
 gustinus (inquit) non de omnibus Sa- 
 cramentis novis agit illo loco ; sed de 
 illis quae omnibus hominibus commu- 
 nia esse debent ad salutem, &c. That 
 to me it seems strange, there should 
 any controversy be made between our 
 Church and the Church of Rome for 
 the number of the Sacraments ; whenas 
 in this sense they acknowledge no more 
 but two, and in a larger sense we ac- 
 knowledge many more, and more emi- 
 nently the other five; which though 
 we call not Sacraments ordinarily, and 
 though that general name be gone, yet 
 for the things themselves, their proper 
 names, their true natures, those we pre- 
 serve inviolable." In Bp. Cosin's other 
 interleaved book (Nichols, ibid., col. 1.) 
 the words occur, "Quanquam enim in- 
 terdum nomen hoc Sacramenti latius, ut 
 solet et nostris etiam Scriptoribus Re- 
 formatis, adhibetur, quando tarn en ap- 
 posite et proprie loquuntur, non nisi 
 duo numerant."] 
 
interleaved Prayer-Book at Durham. Ill 
 
 " Neither is the sacrifice of the cross, as it was once offered 
 up there modo cruento, so much remembered in the Eucharist, 
 though it be commemorated, as regard is had to the perpe- 
 tual and daily offering [of] it by Christ now in heaven, in His 
 everlasting priesthood; and thereupon was, and should be 
 still the juge sacrificium observed here on earth, as it is in 
 heaven, the reason which the ancient fathers had for their 
 daily sacrifice. St. Chrysost., in x. ad Hebr. In Christo semel 
 oblata est hostia ad salutem potens. Quid ergo nos ? [Nonne~\ 
 per singulos dies offerimus ? et si quotidie offerimus, ad recor- 
 dationem ejus oblationis fit*. St. August., de Civ. D. lib. x. 
 Tpse sacerdos, et ipsa oblatio, cujus rei sacramentum quotidi- 
 anum esse voluit ecclesice sacrificium 8 ." So in the thanksgiving 
 after the Lord's Prayer upon these words, "To accept this 
 our sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving*." 
 
 "So the ancient fathers were wont to call this sacrifice, 
 sacrificium laudis et gratiarum actionis ; not exclusively, as if 
 it were no other sacrifice but that ; for they call it also sacri- 
 ficium commemorationis, and sacrificium spiritus, and sacrificium 
 obsequii, &c. ; and which is more, sacrificium verum et propi- 
 tiatorium. All other ways but this, the Eucharist, or any 
 other sacrifice we make, are improperly, et secundum quam- 
 dam similitudinem, called sacrifices. "The true and proper 
 nature of a sacrifice is u , to be an oblation 1 of some real and 
 sensible thing 2 , made only to God 3 , for the acknowledging 
 of man's subjection to God 4 , and of His supreme dominion 
 over man, made by a lawful ministry 5 , and performed by 
 certain mysterious rites and ceremonies 6 , which Christ and 
 His Church have ordained. 
 
 " ' ! When we say it is ' an oblation' we say two things ; 1st, 
 that the true nature and essence of a sacrifice consists only, 
 
 * [T& fjifv olv irpoo-Qepeireai, f\eyx os clesiae sacrificium, quae cum ipsius 
 
 a^apTTj/iOTcoj/' Tb 8e aei, e\eyx os *<rQe- capitis corpus sit, se ipsam per ipsum 
 
 velas. iirl 5e roG Xpicrrov, Tovvavriov' discit offerre. S. August. l)e Civ. Dei, 
 
 STTO! irpotT-ni'fxO-n, Kal els rb ael tfpttecre. lib. x. c. 20. Op., torn. vii. p. 256, B. 
 
 . . . . TI o$v ; y/j.f'is Kaff e/cooTTj*' -))fj.epav ed. Ben.] 
 ov irpoa-(t)fpofj.ev; irpoa-^fpofJLev fjikv, ciAA' * [Nichols, p. 49. col. 2.] 
 
 avdiJ.vr}(TiviroioviJLfvoi rov Oavdrov avrov. u [Sacrificium est oblatio sensibilis 
 
 S. Chrysost. In Epist. ad Hebraeos, rei sensibilis facta soli Deo, ad agnitio- 
 
 cap. x. hoin. 17. Op., torn. xii. p. 168, nem humanae infirmitatis et naturae, 
 
 A, D.] et ad professionem divinae majestatis a 
 
 8 [Per hoc et sacerdos est, ipse offe- . legitimo ministro, ritu aliquo mystico. 
 
 rens, ipse et oblatio. Cujus rei Sacra- Cum oblationem vocamus, duo signi- 
 
 mentum quotidianum esse voluit EC- fit-are volumus. Primum,nonin alia re 
 

 112 [JB/>. Cosin\,from Maldonatus, in 
 
 PREFAT. tanquam in genere, in the offering of it ; and therefore we do 
 not Sa 7 that the killing of the thing to be sacrificed, or any 
 other ceremony to be used about it, is a sacrifice ; for that 
 is, and ever was called the sacrifice which belonged to the 
 priest's office alone ; now the Levites might kill the sacrifice, 
 but none could offer it except the priest : oblatio ergo est 
 genus sacrificii. 
 
 "'2ndly, that every offering is not called a sacrifice, but 
 every sacrifice is an offering; for there were many things 
 which private men came to offer, as first-fruits, &c., which 
 were not called sacrifices. 
 
 " f2 When we say it is an oblation 'of some sensible thing/ 
 it is to shew that every act of our religion, whereby we pro- 
 fess our subjection unto God, is not properly called a sacri- 
 fice in Scripture ; for we profess that, by confessing of our 
 sins, by prayer, by praise, &c., which are no proper sacri- 
 fices. 
 
 " f3 As a part of that worship which is 'only due to God/ 
 &c. Exod. xxii. [20] there is a command, that no sacrifice 
 be made but only to God alone / and it is so His due, that 
 without it we hardly acknowledge Him to be our God. And 
 for that reason we profess it here in this offertory" (or Eu- 
 charistical passage), "that it is our bounden duty and service 
 so to do. ' Therefore as there never was, nor could be any 
 religion without a God, so there never was, nor can be any 
 without sacrifice, being one of the chiefest acts whereby we 
 profess our religion to Him that we serve. 
 
 naturam et essentiam sacrificii consis- volumus indicare non ornnem actum 
 
 tere, tanquam in genere, nisi in obla- religionis, quo profitemur nostram sub- 
 
 tione. Quare nee mactationem victimae, jectionem, et agnoscimus Numen, vo- 
 
 neque ullam aliam ceremoniam, sacri- cari sacrificium proprie in Scriptura. 
 
 ficium vocamus : quia Scriptura obla- Nam id facimus etiam per confessio- 
 
 tionem appellat sacrificium, non mac- nem, per Psalmodiam, per orationem, 
 
 tationem. Nam id nominal sacri- sed haec in Scriptura non dicuntur pro- 
 
 ficium, quod solus faciebat sacerdos ; prie sacrificia. Cum addimus, facta 
 
 solus sacerdos oflferebat victimam, mi- soli Deo, volumus docere sacrificium 
 
 nistri mactabant Sola ergo oblatio in esse unum actum externum ex illis, 
 
 Scripturis significatur esse proprium quos habet ilia species religionis, quae 
 
 genus sacrificii. Alterum est, non debetur soli Deo, quoque proprio no- 
 
 omnem oblationem sacrificium vocari ; mine vocatur Latria firit pro- 
 
 tamen omne sacrificium dici oblatio- hibitum Exod. 22. ne qtiis sacrificaret 
 
 nem in Scriptura. Offerebant enim alii, quam soli Domino. Quamobrem 
 
 multa etiam homines privati, ut ele- sicut religio nulla fuit unquam, neque 
 
 mosynas, primitias; sed non vocaban- esse potuit sine Deo: ita esse non 
 
 tur sacrificia. potuit sine sacrificio : quia unus actus 
 
 .... Cum dicimus, esse rei sensibilis, est, quo maxime religionem profitemur. 
 
interleaved Prayer -Book at Durham. 
 
 113 
 
 ADDIT. 
 
 TESTI" 
 
 "< 4 The end of all sacrifices; for though every sacrifice 
 had some especial end whereunto it was made, yet there was MONIES. 
 none of them all that had not this for their general aim and 
 scope. 
 
 "' 6 To exclude many private offerings, which in Scripture 
 are called sacrifices, but not properly. 
 
 (t (6 rpk e general form of a sacrifice, which consisted always 
 in some ceremonious offering of it, the better to express the 
 mystery contained in it, and therefore tenths and first-fruits, 
 though they were offered unto God, yet because they were 
 not offered ritu mystico, they were no proper sacrifices. 
 
 "'But those which were properly called sacrifices were 
 three ways distinguished: (1.) in matter. (2.) in form. And 
 (3.) in the end. 
 
 " ' (1.) In matter, either when the thing to be offered was 
 alive, and then it was called victima, or res solida, but not 
 viva ; and it was called immolatio, (as the heathens 1 were ' [Third 
 
 edition, 
 
 wont to call their sacrifices immolationes, a mola, or a mo- "Fathers."] 
 lendo,} or res liquida, and it was called libamentum. 
 
 " f And besides these, we find in Scripture seven appella- 
 tions of a sacrifice by way of analogy only, but not truly and 
 properly. 
 
 " ' (2.) In form, either when all the sacrifice was consumed 
 by fire, and it was called holocaustum ; or part of it by fire' ' 
 (and part by the priest) " ' and it was called hostia pacifica. 
 
 Cum dicimus fieri in agnitionem hu- 
 manae subjectionis, et professionem di- 
 vinae majestatis, declaramus finem om- 
 nium sacrificiorum. Nam etsi erant 
 alii fines speciales singulorum sacri- 
 ficiorum ; tamen sacrificium nullum 
 erat, quod non hoc generaliter spec- 
 taret. Cum dicimus, esse oblationem 
 factam a legitimo ministro, excludimus 
 multas oblationes privatas, quae vocan- 
 tur in Scriptura sacrificia, ut elemo- 
 synae et primitiae. Cum dicimus fieri 
 debere ritu mystico, declaramus gene- 
 ralem formam sacrificii, quae semper 
 consistit in aliqua ceremonia habente 
 aliquid mysterii, sicut erat ilia in sacri- 
 ficio pro peccato, ut sacerdos imponeret 
 manus super caput victimae ..... Qua- 
 propter hac etiam de causa decimae et 
 primitiae, etiam si Deo ofFerebantur, 
 quia tamen non ofFerebantur Deo ope- 
 ratione mystica, non erant proprie 
 sacrificia. Ea autem quae proprie 
 
 HICKES. 
 
 dicebantur sacrificia, tribus modis dis- 
 tinguebantur, materia, forma, et fine. 
 Materia, aut quia id quod conferebatur, 
 erat res viva, et vocabatur victima; 
 aut res solida, sed non viva, ut cum 
 ofFerebatur simila, sal, et alia hujus- 
 modi, quae proprie dicebantur immola- 
 tiones : sicuti etiam apud prophanos 
 authores hujusmodi sacrificia a mola 
 vel a molendo immolationes appella- 
 bantur. Aut quod ofFerebatur, erat res 
 liquida, ut vinum, et caetera, et haec 
 proprie dicebantur libamenta. Praeter 
 haec reperimus in sacris literis, septem 
 modis dici sacrificium improprie, et per 
 analogiam proprii ac veri sacrificii. 
 Forma autem distinguebantur sacri- 
 ficia : quia aliquando tola res, quae 
 ofFerebatur, consumebatur igni, et vo- 
 cabatur holocaustum ; aliquando pars 
 una igne absumebatur, par altera ede- 
 batur a sacerdotibus, quod fiebat in 
 sacrificio pro peccato; aliquando una 
 
114 \_Bp. Cosin\,from Maldonatus, in interleaved 
 
 PREFAT. < (3.) i n the end, either when it was offered in recog- 
 
 DISCOURSE, v ' 
 
 SECT, m. nition [for the profession, MS.] of God's supreme dominion; 
 and then it was called holocaustum, which was all burned, 
 to signify that it was all and wholly from God, whatsoever 
 man enjoyed ; or for the obtaining of the remission of sins, 
 and it was called the sin-offering ; or for thanksgiving after 
 victory, &c., and it was called hostia pacifica. Therefore 
 because the chief and general end of every sacrifice was, to 
 acknowledge God's majesty and dominion over the world, 
 hence it is that every act almost which did but shew so 
 much as that, was called in Scripture a sacrifice, in analogy 
 to the other. As, 1. when men submit themselves to God 
 in their souls; so Psalm li. [17], a broken spirit is a sacri- 
 fice to God. 2. When men offered up their bodies as lively 
 sacrifices, Rom. xii. 1, by keeping them pure, and clean 
 from sin. 3. By taming and afflicting the body, Heb. xi. 
 [Ps. 50. [Wisd. iii. 6.] tanquam holocausti hostiam accepit eos. 4. By 
 rn'osea 14 words, immola Deo sacrificium laudis, vitulos labiorum. 5. By 
 3 -] works of mercy, Heb. xiii. [16], for with these [for all which, 
 
 MS.] sacrifices God is well pleased. 6. The whole giving 
 of a man's self up to God, Rom. xv. [16], Phil. ii. [17.] 
 7. The profession of all ministerial functions in divine things, 
 
 pars incendebatur, altera edebatur a latus' vocatur sacrificium. Secundo fit 
 
 sacerdotibus, tertia ab iis, qui hostiam eorpore, quando continetur ne labatur 
 
 obtulerant, ut in sacrificio quod voca- in ea vitia, ad quae quis proclivis est. 
 
 batur hostia pacifica. Fine autem dif- Quapropter aliquando sacrificium voca- 
 
 ferebant sacrificia etiam tribus modis : tur continentia corporis, ut ad Roman, 
 
 quia aliquando non in aliam finem 12. ' Obsecro vos, ut exhibeatis corpora 
 
 offerebantur, quam in agnitionem di- vestra hostiam viventem.' Tertio fit 
 
 vinae majestatis, ut Holocaustum, quod eorpore domando et affligendo, prop- 
 
 propterea totum comburebatur, ut sig- tereaomnemartyrium etomnis corporis 
 
 nificaretur, totum esse Dei quicquid castigatio dicitur sacrificium ad Hebr. 
 
 boni habent homines: aliquando ad 11. [Sap. iii. 6.] ' Tanquam holocausti 
 
 obtinendam remissionem peccatorum, hostiam accepit eos.' Quarto, id ipsum 
 
 quod aliquando vocabatur Peccatum, fit verbis, sicuti cum profitemur Deum 
 
 absolute, aliquando sacrificium pro pec- esse omnium rerum bonai um largito- 
 
 cato : aliquando etiam offerebatur sacri- rem. Quare oratio vocalis, hymni, et 
 
 ficium in gratiarum actionem, post laudes vocantur sacrificium, juxta il- 
 
 adeptam victoriam, vel aliam rem pros- lud : ' Immola Deo sacrificium laudis.' 
 
 pere gestam, atque haec vocabatur hos- Et: 'hostiam vociferationisreddam tibi.' 
 
 tia pacifica Et: 'reddemus vitulos labiorum nostro- 
 
 Ergo, quia quod praecipue eificie- rum,' inquit Oseas. Quinto, hoc profite- 
 batur in omni proprio sacrificio, id erat, mur operibus pertinentibus ad corpus, 
 ut homines agnoscerent suam infirmi- sicuti eleemosynis,ideo eleemosynasvo- 
 tatem et divinam potentiam ; factum cat hostias D. Paulusad Hebr. 13. 'His 
 est, ut id omne, quo illud idem quoquo enim hostiis promeretur Deus.' Sexto, 
 modo efficiebatur, sacrificium vocare- integra declaratio hominis Deo facto et 
 tur in Scriptura. Fit autem hoc pri- eorpore et animo dicitur sacrificium, si- 
 mum, cum animo homines sese sub- cut conversio gentium apud D. Paulmn 
 mittunt Deo, ideo ' Spiritus contribu- ad Rom. 15. et ad Philippens. 2. Sep- 
 
Prayer-Book. Definitions of Sacrifice. 115 
 
 because by that service men profess themselves to be sub- 
 jects and servants unto God, Rom. xv. [31], obsequii mei 
 oblationem. 
 
 " ' Now the Eucharist, though by way of analogy it [may] 
 be called a sacrifice, many of these ways, yet the true and 
 real nature of it in the offertory, is to acknowledge God's 
 majesty and our misery*, and to appease His wrath towards 
 us, to get blessings from Him, to make Christ's bloody sacri- 
 fice effectual unto us.' See the notes upon this word in the 
 form of consecration before." 
 
 " Soy that though it may [analogically] be called a sacri- 
 fice most of the seven ways, yet formally and truly it may be 
 called a sacrifice also, in the very natural signification of a 
 sacrifice, for ought I know any harm should come on't z ; 
 yet not in the strictness and rigour of speech; for so was 
 there never any sacrifice, nor ever shall be any but Christ's 
 alone. See the exposition of the place in Malachi, apud 
 Maldon. de Euch* p. 326, and of Ps. cx. b Tu es Sacerdos, &c. 
 both which the ancient fathers, with one consent, under- 
 stood of the sacrifice of the Eucharist, and the priests of the 
 gospel." 
 
 The definition of a sacrifice which is here given, is not, as 
 mine is c , a definition of sacrifice in the most general sense, 
 as it is common to all sorts of sacrifices, of any religion, true 
 or false, by what rites, in what manner soever offered, but a 
 particular definition of an oblation, made only to the true 
 God, by the hands of a lawful minister, whether it were, or 
 were not, "consumed in whole, or in part, upon the altar d " 
 by fire, effusion, or sprinkling, which were but the rites 
 
 timo, omnis professio et functio divini altered to " for ought I know of any 
 
 muneris ita appellatur : quia ea etiam may come thereby." The passage has 
 
 ratione homines profitentur, se esse been corrected from the MS.] 
 
 ministros et servos Dei. Quocirca u [Maldonatus, ibid., p. 326.] 
 
 Paulus ad Rom. 15. vocavit 'obsequii b [Id. ibid., pp. 198, 328.] 
 
 sui oblationem.' Maldonatus, ibid., pp. c ["A sacrifice" (i.e. the res oblata) 
 
 319 322.] "is a gift brought, and solemnly offered 
 
 x [Third edition, "one mystery."] by a priest, ordinary or extraordinary, 
 
 y These words are in the margin of according to the rites and observances 
 
 the original, ' The people may offer it of any religion, in, before, at, or upon 
 
 up all the improper ways; none but any place, unto any god, to honour 
 
 the priest can offer it, as it is a proper and worship him and thereby to ac- 
 
 sacrifice.' knowledge him to be God and Lord." 
 
 z [The clauses "yet not, &c." and Christian Priesthood, c. ii. sect. 10.] 
 
 " yet formally, &c." are transposed in d See Christian Priesthood, ibid, 
 the third edition, and the last words 
 
 i 2 
 
1 16 Charge of Priestcraft respecting the Lord's Supper ; 
 
 PREFAT. attending some sort of sacrifices among the Jews, but not 
 SECT. IIL ' all. And as according to this definition, the author of it 
 hath proved the Eucharist to be a real sacrifice, so the 
 ministers of it must be real priests. It is also to be observed, 
 that his distinction between an oblation and a sacrifice is 
 in effect the same with theirs 6 , who, according to the Hebrew 
 word Corban, making sacrifice and oblation equivalent terms, 
 then divide sacrifice, as a genus, into its species, of which a 
 sacrifice offered by a priest to God upon a table or altar, with 
 certain rites and ceremonies, is one, and one of the most 
 solemn sort. 
 
 SECT, iv. And now I hope, by these additional authorities, and those 
 ofp P riest- 0n cited in my book, and in the Appendix to it, I shall convince 
 craft an- the late writer f I have spoken of in the beginning of my first 
 letter, that the Eucharist is a proper sacrifice, and that we 
 who offer it are proper priests, and that there can be no 
 danger in this doctrine, which was taught and practised by 
 all the ancient Catholic Church. I hope also what I have 
 said here, and in that letter, will sufficiently refute and ex- 
 pose the incomparable presumption of the author of the 
 Rights, whos represents the whole notion of the Lord's 
 Supper, as I have shewed it was taught in the primitive 
 times, for priestcraft, saying, that "they [the clergy] made 
 it a mystery in the heathenish sense of that word, and for 
 heathenish reasons, that they might have the same power as 
 the priests of idols had, to exclude whom they were pleased 
 to term unworthy." He ridicules the notion of consecration 11 , 
 as invented by the fathers, to ' produce the real presence, 
 and make the Eucharist a real sacrifice, and the ministers 
 real priests, and the communion table an altar:' and saith 1 , 
 that " among Christians, one no more than another, can be 
 reckoned a priest from Scripture," and that "there is no 
 more reason to affirm, that the minister offers up the people's 
 prayers, than they his ; except it can be supposed that God 
 hears him only, who talks the loudest, in that he is the 
 
 e [Outram de Sacrificiis, lib. i. cap. * [Rights, chap, iii.] pp. 101, 102, 
 
 viii. 1,2. p. 82.] &c. 
 
 f [The author of A Second Defence h [Rights, chap, iii.] p. .102. [Hickes 
 
 of the Church of England from the substitutes "the Eucharist" for "the 
 
 charge of Schism and Heresy. Lon- Lord's Supper," which Tindal had 
 
 don, 1698. See Christian Priesthood, used.] 
 
 chap. i. sect. 1.] ' [ Rights, chap. iii. p. 108.] 
 
' The Lord's Table' and ' Supper' sacrificial terms. 117 
 servant of the congregation." And, " the clerk has as good CHARGE 
 
 ..,, ,, ,, , . . OFPRIKST- 
 
 a title to the priesthood as the parson ; since the people join CRAFT. 
 with him in offering up their sacrifices of spiritual songs, 
 hymns, and thanksgivings." 
 
 This is a heavy charge of heathenish knavery and priest- 
 craft upon all the ancient fathers, as well those who lived 
 with the Apostles, as those who lived not long after them, 
 who, as it were, with one voice taught the holy Eucharist to 
 be a sacrifice, as I have shewed in the first letter. They are 
 all included in this impudent charge of ' heathenish priest- 
 craft/ and perhaps, if he durst, he would have laid it upon 
 the Apostle, as well as by consequence upon his fellow 
 labourer St. Clement; for he spoke of the holy Eucharist 
 after the same ' heathenish manner' as he will have it, in 
 sacrificial terms ; for such are not only ' altar k / both in [Heb. 13. 
 the literal and figurative sense for an ' altar-offering/ but 10 '-' 
 the ' Lord's table/ and the 'Lord's Supper/ for antiquaries [1 Cor. 10. 
 know, that it was the custom among the Greeks after sacri- 
 fice was ended, to make a feast, and that for that purpose 
 there were tables set up in the temples. Hence " the words 1 , 
 [Epulari, comedere, and the like,] which express ' eating/ and 
 ' drinking/ and ' feasting/ are often used [sometimes put] 
 for sacrificing, as in Virgil's ^Eneid, lib. iv. [206.] 
 
 Jupiter omnipotens, cui nunc Maurusia pictis 
 Gens epulata toris, lenaum libat honor em m . 
 
 Hence the gods are said to feast with men, Odyss. rj. u and 
 Jupiter, and the rest of the gods are said to go to feast in 
 Ethiopia ." And in the Old Testament, these heathenish 
 sacrificial words and phrases, are often used by the holy 
 penmen, as in the prophet Ezekiel, where the just man is ch. 18. 6. 
 said to be one " who had not eaten upon the mountains, nor 
 lift up his eyes to the idols." And in Exodus, "to go into the ch. 3. 18; 
 
 5. 1. 
 
 k See [ch. ii. sect. 6, 7, of] the first 
 
 Letter. Aaivwrai re irdp &fj.fju KaQi\p.fvoi 
 
 1 Dr. Potter's Archaeologia Graeca, fvQmrep -fi/j-fTs. 
 
 vol. i. book ii. chap. 4. Odyss. vii. 202 204.] 
 
 m [chap, fi.] ix. of the Christian [Zeus "yap eir' 'flicfavov JUCT' ap.v- 
 
 Priesthood asserted. novas AlBtoirrjas 
 
 n [Atei yap Kal irdpos 76 Oeol <f>alvov- XOi^bs j8?j /ira Sarra' eoi 8' 
 
 rai fvapjf?s apa iravrts firovro. 
 
 <5&' ep8w/j.ei> ayaKteirds Iliad i. 423, 424.] 
 
118 Connexion of a Feast with a Sacrifice. 
 
 PREFAT. wilderness to sacrifice to the Lord," and " to hold a feast to 
 SECT, iv.' Him there/' signify the same thing. And the sacrifice to the 
 
 Exod. 32. golden calf is described after this manner : " When Aaron 
 saw it, he built an altar before it, and made proclamation, 
 saying, to-morrow is a feast to the Lord. And they rose tip 
 early on the morrow, and offered burnt-offerings, and brought 
 peace-offerings, and the people sat down to eat and to drink, 
 (upon the peace-offerings) and rose up to play." Eating of 
 the sacrifices, or sacrificial entertainments, were common to 
 all religions, Patriarchal, Jewish, and Gentile; and there- 
 fore, when God commanded the Israelites to destroy the 
 
 Exod. 34. altars of the inhabitants of the land, He said, " Thou shalt 
 
 14 ' 15 ' worship no other god, for the Lord, whose name is Jealous, 
 is a jealous God, lest thou make a covenant with the inha- 
 bitants of the land, and [they] go a whoring after their gods, 
 and do sacrifice to them, and one call thee, and thou eat of 
 their sacrifice." I have shewed, that it was in a parallel 
 between the sacrificial eating of pagans in the temples of 
 their gods, and that of the Christians in their churches, 
 
 [iCor. 10. that the Apostle said P, "Ye cannot drink of the cup of the 
 Lord, and the cup of devils, ye cannot be partakers of the 
 Lord's table, and the table of devils." Here the holy Apostle 
 is involved in his indictment of ' priestcraft/ and making the 
 Eucharist a mystery in the heathenish sense of the word, as 
 well as in calling it the ' Lord's Supper / for the word supper, 
 or feast, or any other word for eating and drinking that re- 
 lates to any god, or temple, is a sacrificial term. So in Julius 
 Pollux q , the heathenish banquets, in honour of their gods, 
 are called lepa SelTrva, "holy suppers," and the sacrificial 
 feasts, in honour of Hecate, are called her SopTroi, or suppers. 
 And in sober truth, were every thing to be branded for 
 heathenish, that was common to the religions of the Heathens, 
 Jews, and Christians ; not only the names of ' mystery/ ' sa- 
 crifice/ ' priest/ and ' altar/ which these monsters of Chris- 
 tians represent to the world, as all borrowed from heathenism 
 
 P See sect. ix. of the first Letter. Ova-'iav (pepoixrrjs, us rrapa 
 
 [Christian Priesthood, chap. ii. sect. ix. etpjTcu, 'E/carcuas pa-yiMs Sopircav. 
 
 ].] Julii Pollucis Onomasticon, lib. x. 
 
 1 [Sorts xpyvQ 011 &OV\OITO r$ bv6- 81. vol. ii. pp. 228, 229. ed. G. Dindorf. 
 
 /tort Kvpicas pijOfVTi firl rys /JLaKTpas, Lips. 1821.] 
 2) eirl rrjs TO lepa Setnva, f) TO. irpbs 
 
Things common to Heathens not therefore heathenish. 119 
 by crafty Christian priests; but the names of 'God/ and CHARGE 
 
 OF 1 PRTFST" 
 
 'heaven/ and 'religion/ and 'worship/ and 'temple/ must 
 be reproached for heathenish too. , Nay, the notion of future 
 rewards and punishments, and of the immortality of the soul, 
 and whatsoever else the Christian apologists r observe, to have 
 been, in any kind or degree, common to the Greeks and 
 Christians, must be blemished, as heathenish inventions of 
 Christian priests ; as baptism for the mystical washing away 
 of sin; the mediatory office of our blessed Lord, and the 
 eternal generation of the Xoyos-, must also be branded for a 
 Christian travesty of the fable of Pallas, the heathen goddess 
 of wisdom, who was said to be begotten, and conceived in, 
 and born of, Jupiter's brain. The Lord's Supper of the bread 
 and the cup, may, at this impudent and blaspheming way of 
 reasoning, be ridiculed as an heathenish invention, borrowed 
 from the priests of Mithra 8 ; and so, according to these blas- 
 phemers, our blessed Lord and Redeemer, "the Catholic 
 Priest of the Father*, through whom we offer up our Eucha- 
 ristical sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving," must also come 
 in, with all His ministerial priests, from the Apostles to our 
 times, for His share of ' priestcraft/ 
 
 I cannot but observe how the Eights, in the place before 
 cited, calls the Eucharist ' the Lord's Supper/ and not ' the 
 Sacrament/ or ' Sacrament of the Lord's Supper/ because, as 
 I suppose, he knew that Sacrament, which was the term of 
 the Latin Church for it, signifies mystery, and answers to the 
 Greek word fjbv<rrr)piov, and that, as the Greek Church always 
 called it the Holy Mystery, so the Latins called it the Holy 
 Sacrament, of the body and blood of Christ. And as a reli- 
 gious mystery is so called, in a sense common to heathens 
 
 r [See notes, p. 123.] * [Offerre debere munus Deo apud 
 
 See Justin Martyr's first Apology, templum, orationem scilicet etactionem 
 
 published by Dr. Grabe at Oxford, in gratiarum apud ecclesiam, per Christum 
 
 8vo. Ixxxvi. p. 130, with his notes on Jesum catholicum Patris sacerdotem. 
 
 4v rols rov MiBpa nvarrypiois. [See his Tert. Adv. Marcion., lib. iv. c. 9. 
 
 Spicilegium SS. Patrum, &c., torn. i. Op., p. 420, A.] 
 
 sect, ll.notaepp.239, sqq. The passage [Agere autem Deo gratias, hoc 
 
 in S. Justin M. is, Zircp Ka\ eV rots rov est sacrificium laudis offerre : et ideo 
 
 MiOpa fjivvr-ripiois irapeSuKav ylvea-eat addit, Per Jesum Christum velut per 
 
 fj.i/j.T](rdfj.voi ol irovripol Safyioj/es* tin Pontificem magnum. Oportet enim 
 
 yap &pros Kal -jroriipiov v5aros rWcrai scire eum qui vult offerre sacrificium 
 
 fv rais rov pvoufjifi/ov reAeraTs per Deo, quod per manus pontificis debet 
 
 tTri\6y<av nviav, $ ^TnVracrfle, % /xa0e?/ offerre. Origen in Ep. ad Rom., lib. i. 
 
 5jWo-0e. c. 66. p. 83, C. Op., ed. 9. Op., torn. iv. p. 468, C.] 
 Ben. 1742.] 
 
120 The Sacraments mysteries ; TindaVs argument may 
 
 and Christians, because it exhibits one thing to the outward 
 senses and another to the understanding ; so, in most emi- 
 ~nent manner, the Church always called Baptism, and the 
 Lord's Supper, mysteries, because they were outward, visible, 
 holy signs of a secret religious signification, which none but 
 Christians, or Christian catechumens, understood, and there- 
 fore, if one of these mysteries is a creature of priestcraft, " in 
 a heathenish sense, and for heathenish reasons," the other is 
 so too. 
 
 I cannot but observe how craftily this accuser of the clergy, 
 without any distinction of times or persons, lays the charge 
 of priestcraft equally on all Christian priests of all ages, as if 
 there were no difference between the more primitive and 
 pure, and the latter and corrupt, ages of the Church, or be- 
 tween reformed Churches, and those which remain unre- 
 formed. " Nothing," saith he u , " would expose priestcraft 
 more, than an historical account how, and upon what motives, 
 the clergy varied in their notions and practices concerning 
 the Lord's Supper. As first, how they made it a mystery, in 
 the heathenish sense of that word, and for heathenish rea- 
 sons." Here is no difference made between the Apostles, and 
 the apostolical Churches and clergy, and those which varied 
 from the apostolical doctrines and practice; no distinction 
 of heretical or schismatical churches and clergy, from the 
 truly catholic, or of the ages of pure light and truth, from 
 those of darkness, error, and ignorance ; but, for once to use 
 a vulgar proverb, he shakes the clergy of all centuries in a 
 bag together, and that priest which is first taken out, though 
 he were an Apostle, or apostolic priest, though he were never 
 so holy a martyr, or confessor, be he who he will, or of what 
 Church or age soever, he must be no better than an idol- 
 priest, a mere priestcraft villain and knave, who of making 
 the Eucharist a mystery and sacrifice, and himself a sacrificer, 
 afterwards presumed to make it a God x . This is a fallacy 
 runs almost through the whole book of the Rights, and, at 
 this impudent way of arguing, he may turn all the doctrines 
 of Christianity into priestcraft. " Nothing," may a man say, 
 
 u [Rights of the Christian Church, satisfy them than making the great 
 chap. iii. p. 101.] God, who made all things." Ibid., 
 
 x [" And then nothing less would chap. iii. p. 103.] 
 
be extended to all the Christian doctrines. 121 
 
 "would expose priestcraft more than an historical account, CHARGE 
 how, and for what motives, the clergy varied in their notions CRAFT. 
 and practices concerning" Church government. "As first, 
 how they set up men called apostles, and then bishops, and 
 priests, and deacons, in the heathenish sense of the words, 
 and for heathenish reasons, who had arch-priests, priests, and 
 inferior ministers, who usurped power over the people, and 
 excluded whom they would, as unworthy; and, as the heathens 
 had one sovereign pontiff over all their arch-priests, and 
 priests, so the clergy, to magnify their power, were never 
 quiet, till the more effectually to enslave the people, in a most 
 heathenish manner, and for heathenish reasons, they set up 
 another Pontifex Maximus at Rome." So it may be said in 
 this blasphemous way, "Nothing would expose priestcraft 
 more than an historical account, how, and for what motives, 
 the clergy varied in their notions concerning Jesus of Naza- 
 reth, as first, how they made Him a prophet, then a king, and 
 at last, in a heathenish manner, and for heathenish reasons, 
 a sovereign pontiff, and demon-like mediatory betwixt God 
 and man, that in His name they may get the same power over 
 the people, as the idol-priests had, and exclude whom they 
 would, as unworthy." Nay, might he not falsely say, they 
 were never quiet, till of an inferior ministerial sort of God, 
 under the one supreme God, as they first taught Him to be, 
 they met together, and made and determined Him to be an 
 essential God, very God of very God, of one substance with 
 the Almighty Father, equal to the supreme God, to exalt 
 their power, by a pretended spiritual authority under Him, in 
 a ' heathenish manner/ not only over the people, but over 
 senates and kings. 
 
 I must also observe, with what assurance this doughty 
 champion, and penman of the club, derives the Christian 
 notion of sacrifice, priest, and altar, by priestcraft from the 
 
 y See the History of Religion, [pp. in the theology of the Gentiles, were 
 287 298, of the reprint appended to the reckoned of as an inferior sort of divine 
 reprint of the Growth of Deism, 1709. powers . . . and it was held, that these 
 " It may now be proper to shew the were constituted between the superior 
 several distinctions of Gods, and Di- Gods and men, to mediate and to re- 
 vine powers, and the uses of them : concile them, the superior celestial 
 whereby it will further appear, how the Gods being supposed so august and 
 priestcraft contrived notions and opi- pure, as not to be profaned or ap- 
 nions, to engage people to submit im- proached with the immediate care of 
 plicitly to their directions. . . . Demons, earthly things."] 
 
122 Sacrificial terms in the New Test, derived from the Old. 
 
 PRKFAT. heathens, contrary to the known original, and first propaga- 
 D SECT! I IV?' ti n f tlie Christian religion from the Jewish Church, and 
 among the Jews. Did he not know that the blessed Founder 
 of it was a Jew, and all His Apostles Jews, who were versed 
 in the Scriptures, and religious rites and customs of the Jews ? 
 Did he not know that Christianity is nothing but mystical, 
 or reformed, Judaism, and that our Lord Himself used the 
 [Matt. 5. words 'altar/ 'gift/ or sacrifice, and offering, in a precept to 
 23, 24.] jjj s di sc iples z ? and did He borrow them from the heathens, or 
 from the Jewish Church? Did St. Paul, who was an Hebrew 
 of the Hebrews, as touching the law a Pharisee, and conver- 
 sant in Moses and the prophets, and in their temple worship ; 
 did he, I say, who was versed in the Greek, as well as the 
 [Heb. 13. Hebrew Testament, borrow the word Ovo-iao-rrjpiov, 'altar,' from 
 the heathen, or from the Hellenistical writers 8 , who so care- 
 fully used this word both in their versions of the Old Testa- 
 ment, and their other writings, in distinction from y&w^o?, 
 which the heathens used for the altars of their gods. But 
 because 'heathen' and 'heathenish' will make a terrible sound 
 in the ears of some readers, and raise odious ideas, with fears 
 
 1 [See The Christian Priesthood, Latin vulgar Bible, and all the Latin 
 
 chap. ii. sect, vi.] fathers, except Tertullian. [SeeChris- 
 
 a As in Numb, xxiii. 1. [Pca/j-ovs, tian Priesthood, chap. ii. sect. 6. 3. 
 LXX, aras, Vulg." So] ver. 14, 29, The one passage, 1 Kings xviii. 
 
 30. Amos vii. 9. [o>/xoi, excelsa,] 26, is far from being the only in- 
 
 1 Mace. i. 47. [/Joyous, Vulg. v. 50. stance in which dvcnatrr^piov is used 
 
 aras,] ver. 54. [eiri T& Bvaiaffr-fipiov ... by the LXX for the altar of an idol. 
 
 PW/JLOVS. Vulg. v. 57. Super altare Dei It is so used Jud. ii. 2, and vi. 25 32, 
 
 . . . aras.] ver. 59. [BvffidfrovTes eirl where it occurs five times. (Vulg. ara, 
 
 rbv fiw/jibv, bs -f\v tirl rov QvffiaarrTjpiov. in all). 3 Reg. xvi. 32, (Vulg. ara,) 
 
 Vulg. v. 62. sacrificabant super aram 4 Reg. xi. 19, (Vulg. ara,) xvi. 10, 
 
 quae erat contra altare]. ibid., c. ii. 23. (Vulg. altare,) xxi. 3, 4, (aras,) 5, (al- 
 
 [/3w/*oi;s, aras. So] ver. 25, 45. cap. v. taria,) xxiii. 12, (altaria, twice,) 2 Par. 
 
 68. 2 Mace. x. 2, 3. [0y<rta<rHjpioi/, xiv. 3, (altaria, as also) xxiii. 17, xxviii. 
 
 altare.] And this distinction was so 24, xxx. 14, xxxiii. 4, (aras, as also) 5, 
 
 generally observed betwixt Qvaiaari]- 15,xxxiv. 4,5, (altaria,) Ezek. vi. 4 13, 
 
 piov and fia^s, that the former is but (aras, as also) Hos.viii.ll,x.l 8,xii.ll, 
 
 once used for the altar of an idol in (altaria). In 3 Reg. xiii., 4 Reg. xxiii., 
 
 the LXXII. 1 Kings (Ba<n\ T) xviii. Amos iii. 14, Qwiavr-hpiov is used of 
 
 26. [Sterpex " ^ T Ovffiacrrrjpiov, the altar at Bethel. On the other hand, 
 
 transiliebantque altare], and the latter in Josh, xxiii. 10, sqq. (except ver. 28,) 
 
 by no Hellenistical writer for the altar 0ca(j.bs (but Vulg. altare,) is used of the 
 
 of God, but the author of the second altar erected by the Transjordanic 
 
 book of Maccabees, who gentilizes in tribes, which is contrasted (ver. 19) 
 
 his style, ch. i. 19. [AajSovres atrb rov with Ovffiacrr'fipiov, the altar in the 
 
 irvpbs rov 6vffia.<rrt)piov, acceptum ig- tabernacle. Beside the passages noted 
 
 nem de altari, (this is said of the by Hickes, ara is used for the altar of 
 
 altar of God,)] xiii. 8. [tfayibi/, aram the true God, Ecclus. 1. 13, 15, (LXX, 
 
 Dei.] The same distinction is observed fica/jibs,) Baruch i. 10, (LXX, 
 
 between altare and ara throughout the piov.)~\ 
 
OF PRIKST 
 CRAFT. 
 
 Heathenism is true religion corrupted. 123 
 
 and jealousies in their minds, therefore whatever Christianity CHARGE 
 hath in common with the religions of the Jews and heathens, 
 it must be all ' heathenish/ and for ' heathenish reasons ; ' its 
 'priests,' and ' sacrifice/ and 'altars/ its 'excommunications/ 
 the mediation, and high-priesthood of its Redeemer, must be 
 represented as heathenish, and, if he durst, he might have 
 represented every thing in the Jewish religion as heathenish 
 too. But that was too bold a stroke at first, but hereafter 
 perhaps they may arrive at that confidence, unless Josephus 
 against Apion b , and the Christian apologists , and Cyril d of 
 Alexandria's answer to Julian the apostate, should stand in 
 their way, who have shewed that the Greeks were but boys 
 and children to the Hebrews, and that, like plagiaries, they 
 borrowed all their learning, sacred and profane, relating to 
 law or religion, from them. Indeed paganism, as learned 
 men have often shewed 6 , is but Judaism, corrupted from the 
 service of one true God to the worship of devils ; and, as I 
 must observe again, if every thing in the Christian religion, 
 whereof there is the like among pagans, must pass for 
 heathenish priestcraft, there will be but very little left, which 
 must not pass for such too. Wherefore when these blas- 
 phemers say, that such or such a notion or practice in the 
 Christian religion was introduced by priestcraft from the 
 heathens, it should be considered, whether the heathens did 
 
 b [TIvday6pas rolvvv 6 ~S,dfj.ios apx " 05 adav^affrov Ppa/BevT^v, rovs Se Trap' av- 
 
 &>v, <ro(piat>e Kal rrj irepl rb Qeiov etxre- rots [sc. w EAAT7<rt] wPO/xaoyteVous (ro<f>ovs, 
 
 jSefa, iravrwv vireiXrip.u.evos SieveyKelv yeyovdras [iff ixTTarovs Kal vecardrovs, 
 
 ruv fylXoaofy-riadvTwv, ov U.OVQV eyvta- KeK\o(p6ras 5e ra eKeivov, Kal rots iSiois 
 
 K(I)S ra Trap' ?;/?{/ Sij\6s effrtv, a\\a Kal \6yois eyKaraK\(ao~avras, el Kal /*)] els 
 
 frXcorrjS avrGii/ K irXeicrrov yeyemj/jie- airav vyiws lo~xvffai re iJ.6\is Kal 86av 
 
 vos. Flav. Josephi, contra Apionem, apiraffai ffe/j-vonpeirri, Kai TI rS>v a\f]du>v 
 
 lib. i. c. 22. Op., torn. ii. p. 1345, 11. eoiKcvai \eyeiv. S. Cyrilli, Op., torn. 
 
 1 923.] vi. Contra Julianum, lib. i. p. 7, D, E. 
 
 c [Traj/TO 8<ra irepl adavacrias 4 /u X^ y Ka ^ l^ v Ka ^ W ^ T ^ )S ^ 'Apiffruvos IlAa- 
 
 t) Tinwpiiav TU>V fifra Qdvarov, ^ Qtoopias T<av eV T$ Tt/iaty </>7?<ri, ^,6\cava rbis 
 
 ovpavicav, t) riav 6p.oi(av Soy/mdrcav, Kal 'A.O'fjvria'U' atyiKccrOai /j-ev els rfyv Aiyinr- 
 
 <f>i\6<ro<t>oi Kal TrotrjTol etyaffav, irapa ridv irvOeadai Se TIVOS T&V avr66i 
 
 rwv Trpo(pr]TMV TO? a<f)op/j.as \a$6vres, ^evSoTrpotp^Toaf, tfyovv lepeuv, Xeyovros' 
 
 Kal voTJcrai SeSvvriVTai, Kal e^y^ffavTO. & ~S,6\(i)v, ^,6\(af,"E\\'f}j/es ftne TratSes 
 
 S. Justini Martyris, Apologia i. c. ael" yepuv Se "E\\r)v OVK e<m, veoi re 
 
 44. Op., p. 70, A.] ras tyvxas airavres, ov^e^iav ydp ev 
 
 d [elra irpbs rovrcf KaTaSeiKvvw/j-ev eavro?s e^ere TraA.aiaj' 8<J|a</. Id. ibid., 
 
 Meaffea /j.ev ev xpdvcp ra irpeafitia \a- p. 15, B, C.] 
 
 X<Wa, Kal 86av opd^v Kal a.ir\ave<nd- e [e. g. Theophilus Gale in his Court 
 
 TT\V Trepl TTJS ap^TjTou Kal avwTaTca TTO- of the Gentiles, 4to. 1672 78, and 
 
 (Tuv ovarias elcrKeKoiJLLK6ra, Kal /cooyto- Huetius in his Demonstratio Evan- 
 
 irottas apicrra /j.vr}/j.ovei>(ravTa Kal v6^.<av gelica, fol. 1 679, and, with a preface de- 
 
 TUV tls evaefieiav Kal $iKaio<jvvi}i> ov fending it, 1690.] 
 
124 Adoption of what is good from heathens. 
 
 PREFAT. not derive it from the Jews, or whether it is not a thing 
 SKCT. iv. ' common to all religions, and good in itself, though more or 
 less perverted and abused by the heathens ; nay, I will add 
 one thing more, it ought to be considered, whether it is un- 
 lawful for Christians, or Christian priests, to borrow a proper 
 term or good custom from paganism, or to reform and turn 
 that to the honour and service of the true God, which they 
 abused in the worship of the false gods. Brissonius f , in his 
 Formulae, hath shewed that the ancient and common phrase 
 in the Christian worship, Kvpie eXe^croz/, ' Lord have mercy 
 upon us/ was one of the formulae of invocation in the solemn 
 worship at heathen sacrifices; and I would ask this man, 
 supposing that Christian priests anciently borrowed it from 
 the heathens, whether it was a sin or shame in them, or a 
 disgrace to Christianity, to transfer it from the idol worship 
 of pagans, and consecrate it, as they did their idol temples g , 
 to the service of the true God. I say, supposing, but not 
 granting, because the phrase is in several places of the 
 gospel, and was, without doubt, taken by the Church from 
 thence. I also beg leave to tell him of a laudable religious 
 rite among the heathens, who accounted the table, at which 
 they entertained their friends, fepov xprj/j,a h , "a very sacred 
 thing," and as a sort of "altar for the gods of friendship and 
 hospitality;" and for this reason f it was counted a great 
 crime among them to dishonour them, and the entertain- 
 ments at them, by any dishonest or indecent behaviour 1 , ac- 
 cording to that of Juvenal ; 
 
 Hie verbis nullus pudor, aut reverentia mensce*.' 
 
 They were also wont to offer 'libations* upon them in gra- 
 titude to their gods, and, as we may be sure, never blas- 
 phemed them, or ridiculed their oracles, or their lying signs 
 and wonders, or spoke against their priests as knaves, and 
 priesthood as priestcraft, while they feasted at them ; or 
 entertained one another, and the whole company, with such 
 
 f [Barnabae Brissonii de Forrnulis 6 ebs rifj.arai <f)i\t6s re nal j-evtos, Sy- 
 
 et sollemnibus Pop. Rom. verbis, lib. nesius, Ep. Ivii., and " Cleodemus in 
 
 i. p. 79. Francofurti. 1592.] Plutarcb calls it, QiXiwv Oecav 
 
 [See Bingbam, Antiquities of the ical lewW."] 
 Christian Church, book viii. ch. 2. 4.] l Ibid. 
 
 h Dr. Potter's Archseol. Graec., vol. u [D. J. Juvenal. Sat. ii. 110.] 
 ii. book iv. ch. xx. [lepbv xpr}/i, Si' fa 
 
Call for ecclesiastical censures on the Deists. 125 
 profane discourse, as the author of the Rights and his com- CHARGE 
 
 ,., , . /. i i -r i OF PRIEST 
 
 panions did, at the entertainment of which I have given some CRAFT. 
 account above, and as one of that sort of men more lately did 
 at another table, where, though no priest, he presumed to say, 
 that preaching, praying, and Sacraments were all ' stuff/ I 
 wish all the priestcraft I am master of were sufficient to per- 
 suade the atheists and deists among us, so far to return to 
 Christianity, as to imitate the heathens in this religious 
 custom, when they sit down to table at their entertainments, 
 in paying as much honour to the true God, as they did to 
 the false ; and to be afraid, as they were, to profane their 
 tables with irreligious communication, especially with dis- 
 courses of such a direful, and piacular nature, as, if the ' Gal- 
 lionism' of these times suffers them to speak and write on 
 with impunity, will be avenged by God on the community 
 in heavy judgments, which any serious person may better 
 imagine than I can describe. At least, let the ecclesiastical 
 authority make enquiry after them, and when they have 
 found them, censure them, and burn their books ; for they 
 are /Se/rfyXot, aviepo^ acre/Set?, avocrioi, evayels, egdyicrTOi, 
 ' profane, unholy, impious, ungodly, polluted, execrable' men, 
 in the heathenish sense of the words, and therefore, for 
 heathenish reasons, common with heathens to Jews and 
 Christians, let them be excluded from Christian communion, 
 and not suffered to come into our Churches and to our 
 altars, or into our pulpits to profane them 1 . Let them be 
 corrected at least with the apostolic^rod, lest those in whose 
 hands it is put, by longer forbearance, provoke our Lord, 
 whose vicegerents they are in His kingdom, to require the 
 neglect of their duty at their hands, and tempt the people in 
 good earnest to think, as these His enemies would have all the 
 world believe, that their pretended priestly power is indeed 
 nothing but real priestcraft. 
 
 Let them consider that all the satanical insults of these 
 blasphemers, and all the affronts and reproaches they throw 
 upon their order, terminate in Him who is the High-Priest 
 of their profession ; but He is also the Lion of the tribe of 
 Judah, and if He is once roused, if once He is angry at them 
 for their too long forbearance, then blessed are all they who 
 
 1 [See notes, k, p. 54, p, p. 72.] 
 
1 26 Changes in the English Liturgy ; 
 
 PRKFAT. do their duty, and put their trust in Him. If once His pa- 
 tience is provoked by them, He will cast the seven stars out 
 of His right hand, and remove the candlesticks out of their 
 places, for the nonuser of their power, and still suffering 
 these men to seduce His servants, and instruct them in the 
 depths of Satan ; and as He can come as a thief, so none 
 knows how quickly He may come, to visit them for this great 
 sin of lukewarmness, and letting His sceptre of authority, and 
 the sword and axe of spiritual punishment, rust in their 
 hands. Nay let me say, that, if such men should finally 
 escape their animadversion, it will be more tolerable for the 
 heathen priests, even for the Druids themselves, in the 
 day of judgment, (to whom the Rights doth liken them for 
 priestcraft,) than for them ; and [they will ?] condemn them 
 for having less courage, and zeal for the honour of the true 
 God, and His religion, than they had for their idol gods. 
 
 I have said all this in answer to the foul imputation of 
 priestcraft, which our author hath laid upon the clergy of all 
 ages, for ' making/ as he terms it, the Lord's Supper ' a mys- 
 tery, and a sacrifice, in the heathenish sense of the words / 
 and if this be heathenish priestcraft, I confess I am most 
 guilty of it in the following letters, and deserve severe punish- 
 ment both from God and men. All serious Christians among 
 us believe it to be a mystery, though not to be a sacrifice, a 
 sacrificial mystery, as the passover, to which it answers, and 
 in whose place it did succeed by our Saviour's institution, 
 was. 
 
 SECT. v. It hath been my endeavour, especially in the first of the 
 
 Causes of following letters, to revive this ancient true catholic doctrine, 
 
 ting the which hath accidentally grown into disuse and almost utter 
 
 trine of fiie oblivion in this Church, by the alterations that were made in 
 
 Lord's Sup- tte office, or Order of administering the Lord's Supper in 
 
 the first Liturgy of the Church of England, which in the 
 
 Appendix" 1 I have presented to the view of the world. 
 
 In the changes made in that office, the word ' altar/ which 
 had been used in all ages of the Church before 11 , even in the 
 purest as well as the most corrupt, was left out of the 
 rubrics. And the prayer of oblation, which had been ever 
 
 m Appendix, No. 1. 
 
 " [See Christian Priesthood, ch. ii. sect. 8.] 
 
t Altar ;' position of the Prayer of Oblation. 127 
 
 used before the delivering of the Sacrament, in which we THE LORD'S 
 pray God " mercifully to accept this our sacrifice of praise - 
 and thanksgiving," was put in the post-communion after the 
 Lord's prayer, of which I read thus in my interleaved Com- 
 mon Prayer-book : " In King Edward's first service-book, 
 this prayer was set before the delivery of the Sacrament to 
 the people, and followed immediately after the consecration ; 
 and certainly it was the better and more natural order of the 
 two ; neither do I know whether it were the printer's negli- 
 gence, or no, thus to displace it. For the consecration of the 
 Sacrament being ever the first, it was always the use in all 
 liturgies, to have the oblation follow, (which is this,) and then 
 the participation, which goes before, and after all the thanks- 
 giving, which is here set next before the gloria in excelsis. 
 In regard whereof I have always observed my Lord [and 
 master p Dr.] Overall," (the reverend bishop of Norwich,) " to 
 use this oblation in its right place, when he had consecrated 
 the Sacrament, to make an offering of it (as being the true 
 public sacrifice of the Church) unto God; that ' by the merits 
 of Christ's death/ which was now commemorated, 'all the 
 Church' of God might receive mercy, &c., as in this prayer; 
 and when that was done, he did communicate the people, and 
 so end with the thanksgiving following hereafter. If men 
 would consider the nature of this Sacrament, how it is the 
 Christian's sacrifice also, they could not choose but use it so 
 too. For as it stands here it is out of its place." 
 
 In the alterations made in the office for administering the 
 Lord's Supper in King Edward the Sixth's service-book, that 
 rubric was also left out, which commanded the minister to 'set 
 the bread and wine upon the altar q ,' as an offering. But this 
 rubric was restored in the office for the Church of Scotland 1 ", 
 
 [See p. 107, and note k. Nichols' for the persons appointed to receive 
 
 Add. Notes, p. 50. col. ii.] the holy communion, laying the bread 
 
 p [The words "my lord and master" upon the corporas, or else in the paten, 
 
 are added above the line in Bishop or in some other comely thing pre- 
 
 Cosin's hand, but in a different ink, pared for that purpose: and putting 
 
 and written at a different time. Cosin, the wine into the chalice, or else in 
 
 as has been said, had been Overal's some fair or convenient cup prepared 
 
 chaplain and librarian.] for that use, (if the chalice will not 
 
 <i [Rubric after the sentences to be serve,) putting thereto a little pure and 
 
 read at the offertory, (Book of Com- clean water, and setting both the bread 
 
 mon Prayer, 1549,) omitted in 1552. and the wine upon the altar."] 
 
 "Then shall the minister take so r ["And the presbyter shall then 
 
 much bread and wine as shall suffice offer up, and place the bread and wine 
 
DISCOURSE, 
 SECT. V. 
 
 128 Placing the elements, as an offering, on the Lord's Table. 
 
 PREFAT. and likewise in the office of the holy communion of our 
 present liturgy, established by the act of uniformity after the 
 Restoration 8 , with an intention undoubtedly to oblige the priest 
 to place the elements, as an offering, with reverence, upon the 
 Lord's table. But as the disuse of this practice had taken 
 deep root, from the fifth year of King Edward VI., when the 
 first service-book was altered, to that time, and helped to 
 obliterate the notion of the Christian sacrifice in the minds 
 both of priests and people ; so this restored rubric, to the 
 great reproach of the clergy, was almost never since observed 
 in cathedral or parochial Churches. I say almost never, be- 
 cause I never knew, or heard, but of two or three persons, 
 which is a very small number, who observed it ; but the 
 bread and wine was still placed upon the table before the 
 office of the communion began, without any solemnity, it 
 may be by the clerk, or sexton, or any other, perhaps un- 
 fitter person, to the great derogation of the reverence due to 
 the holy mystery ; and I hope, for the sake of my good in- 
 tentions, no worthy clergyman will be displeased at me for 
 taking notice thereof. 
 
 This practice of the officiating priests setting the bread 
 and wine, in the sight of the people, with reverence, upon 
 the holy table, was so inviolably observed in ancient times, 
 that they had in their churches a buffet* or side-table, on the 
 right or left hand of the altar, upon which a priest or deacon 
 set the bread and wine, from whence they were carried by 
 the deacon, or other priest, when there were two, to the offici- 
 ating priest, who reverently placed them as an offering on 
 the Lord's table. This side-table for the elements and holy 
 
 prepared for the Sacrament upon the que concha, quae ad sacram Liturgiam 
 
 Lord's table, that it may be ready for peragendam necessaria sunt, atque adeo 
 
 service." Prayer- Book for the Church in Prothesi hostia et vinum, in Diaco- 
 
 of Scotland, 1637.] nico vestes et libri et vasa ac ministeria 
 
 8 [" The priest shall then place upon Ecclesiastica, parentur, inde binae istae 
 
 the table so much bread and wine as conch ae'paratoria nuncupantur in Or- 
 
 he shall think sufficient." Book of dine Romano, ibid. col. ii. A.] 
 
 Common Prayer, 16*62.] See Bufet in my Gram. Franc., p. 
 
 * Ducange's Constantinopolis Chris- 93. [Bufet, Gall, abacus in quo pocula 
 
 tiana, lib. iii. p. 59. [ Utramque con- et alia ad mensam reponuntur. Com- 
 
 cham secretarium vocatPaulinus,prio- positum est ex Francicis, vel Sax. 
 
 risque, seu Prothesis, usum sic descri- beob, mensa; et fat, vel vat, Sax. 
 
 bit: Hie locus est veneranda penus, qua pet fat, vas. p. 93. Linguaruni 
 
 conditur, et qua Promitur alma sacri Vett. Septentrionalium Thesauri Pars 
 
 pompa ministerii. Ducange, lib. iii. Secunda : seu Institutiones Gramm. 
 
 c. 67. p. 39, col. i. D,E. Et, cum in utra- Franco- Theotiscae. Oxoniae, 1703.] 
 
The Prothesis, Paratorium, or Credence. 
 
 129 
 
 vessels, was called in the Greek Church" 7rpo6ecri$ x , because THE LORD'S 
 they were first set in public view upon it, and in the Latin 
 Church paratoriumv, because they were prepared and made 
 ready upon it, for the holy communion ; and in Italy it is 
 called ' credenza/ in France ' credence/ for the same reason, 
 from the ancient Gothic, or Teutonic verb ' garedan/ or ' ge- 
 redan \* in Saxon 'gejiedan/ in Kilian, ' ghe-reeden/ parare, 
 
 u Chrys. Op., torn. iv. pp. 524, 535. 
 [ed. Morel. Tom. xii. p. 780, A. p. 
 788, B. ed. Ben. The words are quoted 
 in the next note.] 
 
 x TIp6Qfffis, saith Hervetus, propo- 
 sitio, ideo fortasse, quod panis, qui est 
 a sacerdote consecrandus, in eo primo 
 ponitur. In eo autem sacerdos, quae 
 sunt ad sacrificandum necessaria prae- 
 parat. Liturg. S. Chrysost. Op., torn, 
 iv. p. 524. Eux^? s TV irpodeo-iv, 
 oirov riQevrai TO lepa irpb rov KO/jt-iaOiji/ai 
 els r6 j8f}/ia, foris rdiros fffriv ev rr} 
 apicrrepq rov fi-f)/j.aros. See also the 
 Reverend Sir George Wheeler's inge- 
 nious and accurate description of the 
 churches of the primitive Christians 
 described by Eusebius, &c. p. 99. [An 
 account of the Churches or places of 
 Assembly of the Primitive Christians, 
 as described by Eusebius. Lond. 1689.] 
 See the word in Suicer's Thesaurus, 
 and Habertus's Pontificale, p. 2. 
 
 [The passage quoted from St. Chry- 
 sostom is found in his Liturgy, as 
 printed in Morell's edition of his 
 works. In the older copies of it (see 
 Gear's Euchologium, pp. 63, 96; and 
 Monitum, ed. Ben., torn. xii. p. 775), 
 the corresponding passage is, 6 Sm/cot/os 
 lirl rfi irpoBeffei ru>v rin'itav S&ptav' rov 
 Kupiov Sei]6<afj.f, 6 lepevs rV e^xV T ^s 
 irpoOea-fcas. Op., torn. xii. pp. 779, E. 
 780, A. ed. Ben. However, afterwards 
 there occurs, /cal irpoo~Kvvovvrss Tpls, 
 airfpxovrai eV rfj TrpofleVet, trpoiroptvo- 
 fj.fi'ov rov 8ta/c(fj>ov pera Qvp.i6.p.aros. 
 Ibid., p. 788, B. 
 
 The passages referred to in Suicer 
 and Habertus are 
 
 TIp6deo~is. In bemate, de quo in voce 
 duo erant altaria, quandoque 
 etiam tria. Ubi duo, alterum in medio, 
 et majus, et 07/0 rpdirefa: alterum 
 minus, et ad sinistram ejus, et irpoOecris 
 dicitur, id est, propositio, ideo fortasse, 
 inquit Hervetus, quod panis qui est a 
 sacerdote consecrandus, in eo primo 
 ponitur. In eo autem sacerdos, quae 
 sunt ad sacrificandum necessaria prae- 
 parat. Suiceri Thesaurus Ecclesiasti- 
 HICKES. 
 
 cus, torn. ii. p. 842. Amstelodami, 
 1728. 
 
 Tlp66fffis altare minus ad laevam ma- 
 joris, ad quod primum afferuntur mu- 
 nere praeparanda, panis et vinum. 
 Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Graecae, 
 labore Isaaci Haberti, p. 2, note. Pa- 
 risiis, 1643. 
 
 The following extract is the descrip- 
 tion by Sir G. Wheeler 
 
 " On each side of this /3r),ua (or 
 chancel) or tribunal, viz., to the north 
 and south, are two other small apart- 
 ments, about half the bigness of the 
 ^rjfjia, covered usually at the top with a 
 small cupola, as there is in like manner 
 over the four corners of the temple; 
 which make the whole symmetry of 
 the roof of it most beautiful and 
 uniform. Each of these have two 
 doors, one to enter in. from the aisles, 
 and another into the $7j/ua. That to- 
 wards the north was called SiaKoviKov, 
 as the reverend Dr. Beveridge shews 
 at large ; but it is now called Trp66effis 
 by the present Greeks and in the pre- 
 sent rubrics both of St. Chrysostom 
 and St. Basil's Liturgies. There is 
 usually a little table in it, and a niche 
 in the wall, where they lay up the 
 bread that is offered by the people, or 
 brought in for the Sacrament. There 
 also they prepare the Sacrament with 
 some ceremonies before they carry it 
 solemnly in to the altar, and thither 
 they carry it again, to eat and drink up 
 what remains, when the Liturgy is 
 finished. Which table they call rpd- 
 ire^o rrjs TrpoQeo'fws, as well as the 
 bread &pros TT/S TrpofleVews ; and thence 
 it is that they carry it solemnly into 
 the jSfjyuo coming first out by the door 
 towards the aisle, and thence enter in 
 by the great door in the middle."] 
 
 y [This word is explained by Du- 
 cange, as, Secretarium Ecclesiae, seu lo- 
 cus ubi pontifex et qui sacra facturi sunt, 
 sese parant, id est adornant, et vestes 
 ecclesiasticas induunt. Glossariurn ad 
 Scriptores Mediae et Infiinae Latinitatis, 
 torn. v. col. 170. ed. Ben. Paris. 1733.] 
 
130 Credence ; similar tables in the Jewish Temple. 
 
 PREFAT. apparare, ordinare, ' to make ready, to prepare/ Hence the 
 noun 'garedeins/ or 'geredeins 2 / 'garedens/ or 'geredens/ 
 by contraction 'gredence a / paratorium, from whence 'cre- 
 denza/ and 'credence b / in barbarous Latin credentia, by 
 changing g into c, which is usual, as in the old English word 
 'click/ from the Saxon 'gelecan/ apprehendere, rapere, 'to 
 take/ or 'snatch;' the French word 'crier/ in English 'cry/ 
 from the old Teutonic, ' greidan/ Ital. ' gridare/ Hisp. ' gri- 
 dar/ 'gritar/ clamare ; and the English, 'coxcomb/ from the 
 Saxon ' geoc-gum/ compounded of ' gee/ or ' geoc/ in Kilian 
 ' gheok/ pr&ceps, temerarius, stultus, fatuus, vecors, delirius, 
 and 'gum/ homo. 
 
 As more preparation was required in offering the bloody 
 sacrifices of the Jews, so had they many more credences, or 
 tables of preparation, for them, than are needful in Christian 
 temples, for the one unbloody Eucharistical oblation, consist- 
 ing, as Irenseus observes , only of the creatures of bread and 
 wine. There were eight cubits between the north wall of the 
 court of the temple, and the laniena or place of slaughter, 
 which was twelve cubits and a half broad, on the side of 
 which were hung up the skins of the victims. Next to it 
 was a place of eight cubits for eight marble tables d , upon 
 
 7 So in the ancient German or Go- getur. Super eaponentur duo candelabra 
 
 thic tongue, ' goleins,' salutatio, is from cum cereis . . . calix cum patena, et 
 
 ' golian,' salutare, and ' galaubeins,' fi- palla, purificatorio, et bursa corporalia 
 
 des, from ' galaubian,' credere. continente, . . . hostiaria cum hostiis, 
 
 a So the old Saxon and German et pelvicula cum ampullis vini et aquae ; 
 
 noun, ' gerefa,' comes, is contracted in eaque onmia cooperientur velo pulchro. 
 
 old English into 'greve,' in the bar- The mitres, staff, and vessels for wash - 
 
 barous Latin into ' grafio,' and in the ing the hands, incense, books, &c., were 
 
 German, ' grave.' So from the Angl. also to be placed on it. Ceremoniale 
 
 Sax. gepuh, austerus, ' gruff.' Episcoporum, pp. 72, 73. Antwerp, 
 
 b Ducange's Glossar., "Credentia, 1713. Ducange, torn. ii. col. 1147.] 
 [Italis, credenza, credentiaria, Gallis, c [S. Iren. Cont. User., lib. 4. c. xviii. 
 
 credence,] abacus, [tabula seu] mensa, 4. p. 251. See account of third 
 
 in qua vasa ad convivia reponuntur, vel edition, pp. 8, 9.] 
 
 etiam mensula, quaevasaaltariscontinet d R. M. Maimonides de [cultu di- 
 
 ... Ceremoniale Romanum, lib.i. sect. 3. vino ex] secunda lege, seu manu forti, 
 
 Describitur plnribus in Ceremoniali Paris. 1678. p. 23. [Ab pariete aquilo- 
 
 Episcoporum, lib. i. cap. 12. [The fol- nari ad lanienam intercedebant octo 
 
 lowing is part of the description. Restat, cubiti. Jam laniena ipsa patebat cu- 
 
 utde mensa, seuabaco, quamcredentiam bitos duodecirn et semissem, cujus e 
 
 vocant, pauca subjiciaimis. Ea vero in latere suspensis victhnis pelles detra- 
 
 missis tantum solennioribus praeparari hebantur. Turn octo cubitos patebat 
 
 solet, a latere Epistolag, in piano Pres- spatium mensarum: in eo mensae erant 
 
 byterii, . . . atque a pariete parumper marmorese, in quibus disponebantur 
 
 disjuncta . . . Ejus mensura regulariter victimarum artus, et lavabatur caro 
 
 erit palmorum octo in longitudine, in jamjam coquenda: mensse vero om- 
 
 latitudine quatuor, vel circa, in altitu- nino fuerunt octo. Tractatus primus, 
 
 dine quinque vel modicum ultra ; lineo- de jiEdificio Templi, cap. v. xiii. xiv.J 
 que mantili mundo superstrato conte- 
 
Reasons for speaking on this subject. 131 
 
 which were disposed the joints, or parts of the washed bodies THE LORD'S 
 of these victims. Besides these again were two tables 6 , on - 
 the west side of the ascent unto the great altar, one of which 
 was for the utensils necessary for the sacrifice, and the other 
 for the reception of the pieces of the victims to be laid or 
 thrown upon the altar. 
 
 I have made these remarks for three reasons ; first, to move 
 the clergy of cathedral and parochial churches, to put the 
 aforesaid rubric in practice, which in the Communion enjoins 
 the priest to place the bread and wine upon the Lord's 
 table. 
 
 Secondly, to persuade them to restore the ancient use of 
 the paratorium, or table of preparation, which that rubric 
 plainly implies ; for the priest is supposed either to fetch 
 them from some place, or else to have them brought from 
 some place to him, that he may set them on the altar ; and 
 I cannot tell why that should not be another table, in some 
 part of the church or chancel, to set the bread and wine and 
 holy vessels upon, especially where there is no sacristy or 
 vestry, where they may be conveniently set till they are 
 brought unto the priest. 
 
 In cathedrals, it seems to be most proper for the deacon or 
 another priest, as the sacrist commonly is, to bring the ele- 
 ments to the bishop or officiating priest; but in parish 
 churches, where there is neither deacon nor second priest, 
 the churchwarden, or other fit person, might reverently bring 
 them from the credence, wheresoever placed, to the rail, 
 where the minister might receive them of him to place them 
 upon the altar. This practice would conciliate a greater 
 measure of reverence than is often seen, to the holy Sacra- 
 ment, and help the people to conceive how the bread and 
 wine is their oblation, and how it is made a sacrifice by the 
 ministry of the priest. 
 
 Thirdly, I have also mentioned the ancient custom, and 
 true meaning of the 'credence/ to justify the memory 
 of our English Cyprian, Archbishop Laud, against the false, 
 shall I say, or ridiculous charge, which was brought against 
 
 e Ibid., p. 10. [Erant etiam ad oc- marum ordinabantur membra: in hac 
 cidentem collis mensae duae, una e mar- apta rei divinae vasa erant disposita, 
 more, et ex argento altera. In ilia victi- Ibid., cap. ii. xv.] 
 
 K2 
 
132 Charges against Archbishop Laud; 
 
 PREFAT. him for 'traitorously endeavouring to alter and subvert God's 
 true religion, by law established in this realm, and instead 
 thereof to set up popish superstition and idolatry V 
 
 One main evidence to prove this charge, may be seen in 
 these words g : Fourthly, "As this archbishop introduced an 
 altar, so likewise a ' creclentia/ or side^table, into his chapel, 
 covered with a large towel or linen cloth, never seen nor 
 heard of there before his time, whereon the bread and wine 
 intended to be consecrated at the Sacrament, were first 
 placed with a great deal of solemnity, before they were 
 brought up to the altar ; after which the archbishop's chap- 
 lains, being about to consecrate the elements, usually repaired 
 to this ' credentia/ and taking them from thence into their 
 hands, made three low bowings or genuflections to the altar h , 
 and coming up unto it, offered up the bread and wine 
 thereat upon their knees, and then laid them on the altar ; 
 which ceremonies were there used in the archbishop's pre- 
 sence sundry times, when the Sacrament was administered, if 
 not by his special direction, yet certainly with his approba- 
 tion/' The other evidences were taken from pictures 1 in the 
 windows of Lambeth chapel k , as that of Christ on the cross ; 
 His rising from the dead ; His ascension ; that of the Holy 
 Ghost in the form of a dove descending upon the apostles ; 
 the pictures of Christ raising up Lazarus, and administering 
 His last supper to His disciples; placing the communion- 
 table altar-wise, and making a rail about it ; setting silver 
 candlesticks with tapers, and a silver bason, and a costly 
 Common Prayer Book on the altar; bowings to the altar; 
 copes ; standing up at ' Glory be to the Father ; ' organs ; an 
 English Bible 1 with a rich embroidered crucifix on the cover; 
 popish books, as Missals, Pontificals, and Hours ; a book of his 
 own private prayers and devotions, extracted out of popish 
 offices ; the pictures of St. Ambrose, Chrysostom, Augustin, 
 and Hierom in his gallery; his inserting divers prayers into 
 
 f Prynne's Canterbury's Doom, pp. culars, ch. xxxii. xxxiii. pp. 310 324. 
 
 57, 58. London, 1646. History of the Troubles and Tryal of 
 
 K Ibid., p. 63. Archbishop Laud, written by himself. 
 
 h So he maliciously expresses the London, 1695. 
 
 adorations made to God before His k [Prynne, ibid., pp. 59 65.] 
 
 altar. 1 [Ibid., pp. 66, 67.] 
 
 * See his answer to all these parti- m [Ibid., p. 70.] 
 
respecting the Credence, and Prayer of Oblation; 133 
 
 the form of the king's coronation" [taken] verbatim out of THE LORD'S 
 the Roman Pontifical ; but above all the " credentia," for - 
 "who," saith he?, "but a professed papist in heart and affec- 
 tion, durst ever introduce such a gross popish innovation into 
 his [own] chapel, [not used in any other place but it,] ex- 
 cept in popish churches in foreign parts, or the queen's 
 [own] chapel here, and that by direction of the Roman 
 Ceremonial, Pontifical, Missal?" 
 
 And in the charge that the Scottish commissioners were 
 allowed to bring against him, to prove him guilty of popish 
 innovations in religion, this was one q ; that [in the Scottish 
 Prayer Book] he " inverted the order of the Communion in 
 the book of England ..... in joining the spiritual praise 
 and thanksgiving, which is in the book of England perti- 
 nently after the communion, with the prayer of consecration 
 before the communion, and that under the name of 'me- 
 morial' or ' oblation Y for no other end but that the me- 
 morial, or sacrifice of praise, mentioned in it, may be under- 
 stood according to the popish meaning, (Bellarm. de Missa, 
 lib. ii. cap. 21 s ,) not of the spiritual sacrifice, but of the ob- 
 lation of the body of the Lord. . . . The corporal presence 
 of Christ's body in the Sacrament is also to be found here ; 
 for the words of the Mass Book serving to this purpose, 
 which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's 
 Liturgy 1 , and are not to be found in the book of England, 
 
 n [In the third edition the words were, 1641. pp. 11 13; and in Canterbury's 
 
 "into the form of the king's coronation Doom,pp. 34, 35. See the Archbishop's 
 
 oath verbatim, &c." The passage has vindication, in the History of his Trou- 
 
 been corrected from Prynne.] bles and Trial, pp. 115, 121. 
 
 This charge was utterly false. r [" Immediately after (the Prayer of 
 [Feb. 2, 1625-6, Die Jovis et Purifi- Consecration) shall be said this memo- 
 cationis B. V. Marias, coronatus est rial or Prayer of Oblation as followeth." 
 Rex Serenissimus Carolus : ego func- Book of Common Prayer for the use of 
 tus sum vice Decani Westmon. Diary the Church of Scotland, 1637.] 
 prefixed to History, &c. p. 28. " They s [Significatur enim ea voce sacri- 
 say one of the prayers was taken ficium veri corporis Domini, quod sa- 
 out of the Pontifical. And I say, crificium laudis dicitur, quia per illud 
 if it were, it was not taken thence by Deus magnopere laudatur, et gratiae 
 me. And the prayers are the same illi aguntur, pro summis ejus in nos 
 that were used at King James's coro- beneficiis. Bellarmini Disputationes, 
 nation." History, &c. p. 318.] tom.iii. p. 1133, C. Ingoldstadii.1601.] 
 
 p [Prynne, ibid., p. 65.] See the l [The words in King Edward's first 
 
 Archbishop's answer to this charge in book were, "Hear us, O merciful Father, 
 
 the History of his Troubles and Trial, we beseech Thee ; and with Thy Holy 
 
 p. 318. Spirit and Word vouchsafe to bless and 
 
 1 The Charge of the Scottish Com- sanctify these Thy gifts and creatures 
 missioners, printed at London, in 4to. of bread and wine, that they may be 
 
134 Clarendon of Laud's opposition to Popery. 
 
 are taken in here ; Almighty God is incalled, that ' of His 
 almighty goodness He may vouchsafe [so] to bless and sanc- 
 tify, by His Word and Spirit, these gifts of bread and wine, 
 that they may be nnto us the Body and Blood of Christ/ " 
 
 Thus was this great and most worthy prelate, who de- 
 fended himself with equal courage and reason, not only most 
 falsely, but in a most ridiculous manner, charged with en- 
 deavouring to subvert our religion, and instead thereof to set 
 up popery in the realm, by his enemies of both kingdoms, at 
 the bar of both houses, of which the great and noble histo- 
 rian writes thus u ; "they charged him with several articles 
 of high treason, which, if all that was alleged against him 
 had been true, could not have made him guilty of treason. 
 They accused him of a design to bring in popery, and of 
 having correspondence with the pope, and such like particu- 
 lars as the consciences of his greatest enemies absolved him 
 from. No man was a greater, or abler enemy to popery; no 
 man a more resolute and devout son of the Church of Eng- 
 land. He was prosecuted by lawyers x assigned to that pur- 
 pose, out of those, who from their own antipathy to the 
 Church and bishops, or from some disobligations received 
 from him, were sure to bring passion, animosity, and malice 
 enough of their own ; what evidence soever they had from 
 others. And they treated him with all the rudeness, re- 
 proach, and barbarity imaginable; with which his judges 
 were not displeased." 
 
 One would think, after such an account of his trial, from 
 so great an historian, who did not conceal his human frail- 
 ties, none should have the confidence to impeach him over 
 
 unto us the body and blood of Thy nobis Domini sit etsanguis,nonest man- 
 most dearly beloved Son, Jesus Christ, data a Domino ; et ad confirmandas reti- 
 Who," &c. On which Bucer remarked, nendasque horrendas impietates detor- 
 Optarim verba ilia his mutari verbis quentur. And on these reasons he en- 
 aut similibus, ' Audi nos, o misericors larges. See Censura in Ordinationibus 
 Deus Pater, atque benedic nobis, et Ecclesiasticis in Anglia, Martini Bu- 
 sanctifica nos verbo ac Spiritu Sancto ceri Scripta Anglicana, p. 468. Basil, 
 tuo, ut corpus et sanguinem filii tui 1577.] 
 
 ex ipsius manu his mysteriis vera u History of the Rebellion, vol. ii. 
 
 fide percipianms in cibum potumque book viii. p. 440. [fol. 1703. vol. v. pp. 
 
 vitae aeternfe.' Quae me eo adducunt, 31, 32. 8vo. 1826.] 
 
 ut talem loci hujus optem fieri muta- x Their names may be seen in 
 
 tionem, haec sunt. Precatio ista pro tali Prynne's Canterbury's Doom, [p. 24. 
 
 panis et vini benedictione in mensa Pym, Hampden, and Maynard.] 
 Domini, atque sanctificatione, ut corpus 
 
TindaVs charges had been answered by Laud. 135 
 
 again, and murder his good name and memory as barba- THE LORD'S 
 rously, as his unrighteous accusers and judges did his person. -^ 
 But the author of the Rights, abandoned to truth and 
 modesty, lays many of the same false charges upon him 
 again y , for which he cites his most malicious enemies, 
 Prynne, Whitlock, and Rushworth, though his innocence 
 had been long clearly vindicated before men and angels, 
 beyond all contradiction, to the dishonour of his old, and the 
 confusion of his new enemies, and particularly to the ever- 
 lasting shame of the Rights, in a book which the author 
 could not be ignorant of, viz., The History of the Arch- 
 bishop's Troubles, and Trial, published by Mr. Wharton at 
 London, 1695. 
 
 First, he charges him out of Whitlock's Memoirs, for 
 patronizing Chowney's book 2 , which " averred the Church 
 of Rome to be a true Church," and him, and "all other 
 bishops, who were present at the censure of Bastwick in 
 the Star-Chamber for denying openly that they had their 
 jurisdiction, as bishops, from the king," which they asserted 
 " they had from God alone ;" and this he interprets as their 
 " denial of the supremacy of the king under God." The 
 first of these two charges is answered most fully by the 
 archbishop in the History of his Troubles a . And how ma- 
 licious, and full of wilful misconstruction the second is, is 
 manifest from these words, which the archbishop spoke in 
 the Star-Chamber : saith he b , "Our being bishops jure divino, 
 
 y Rights, Preface, pp. xlvii liii. only a term of reproach.] 
 
 * [Whitlock's Memorials of the Eng- a chap. x":i. pp. 391, 392. 
 
 lish Affairs during the reign of King b The Second Volume of the Remains 
 
 Charles the First, p. 22. fol. 1732. The of [the most reverend Father in God 
 
 title of the book referred to, is, Collec- and blessed martyr] William Laud, 
 
 tiones Theologicae e diversis auctorum Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, [writ- 
 
 sententiis, opere,et industria Thomas ten by himself. Collected by the late 
 
 Chouneide Alfiistonioin comitatu Sus- learned Mr. Henry Wharton, and] 
 
 sexiae Annigeri, 24mo. 1635. The 'ap- printed at London, 1700, p. 68. [The 
 
 probatio' is dated August! 26, 1634, archbishop's words are, "The fourth 
 
 and signed Gulielmus Haywood. The charge is out. of Chowneus' book, pp. 
 
 passage referred to is in Coll. xvi. 45 and 46, licensed by my chaplain 
 
 Quaenam sit Romana Ecclesia? Nee Dr. Braye (see note z), where (they 
 
 in pessimis usque eo degenerasse cen- say) it is said, that Rome is a true 
 
 semus ut in primariis et fundamentali- Church, and differs not in fundamen- 
 
 bus religionis capitibus aberasse videa- tals; and that at the high commission, 
 
 tur ; quidni, quamvis in cae;eris forsan when this book was questioned by some, 
 
 vitiatam et temeratam, ecclesiae tamen I did say that the Church of Rome 
 
 nomine honestandam censenms, pp. 45, and the Protestants did not diffei in 
 
 46. It need scarcely be said that ' pa- fundamentals, but in circumstances. . . 
 
 pist,' as Whitlock calls Chowney, is First suppose this be false, and that 
 
136 Charges against Laud respecting the Church of Rome 
 
 by divine right, takes nothing from the king's right or power 
 over us. For though our office be from God and Christ im- 
 mediately, yet may we not exercise that power, either of 
 order or jurisdiction, but as God hath appointed us ; that is, 
 not in his majesty's, or any Christian king's, kingdoms, but 
 by and under the power of the king given us so to do." 
 
 Then he revives the false charge of his holding that the 
 pope was not antichrist, and of expunging d that title given to 
 him out of printed books, which the archbishop answered in 
 the nineteenth day of his trial, in chap. xli. p. 390. Then 
 he charges him with affecting to be called ' his Holiness/ and 
 'holy Father/ because the University of Oxford styled him 
 so in many of their letters ; to which there is a full answer 
 in the History of his Troubles, p. 284 and p. 325, where, 
 because the author of the Rights is a civilian, I shall tran- 
 scribe the holy father's words ; " That in the civil law it is 
 frequent to be seen, that not bishops only one to another, 
 but the great emperors of the world, have commonly given 
 that title of Sanctitas vestra, to bishops of meaner place than 
 myself." These things he maliciously produces against him, 
 to shew that his design was to set up an ' independent power 
 
 they do differ in fundamentals ; yet this Wilkins' Cone., vol. iv. p. 447. See 
 is bait my error in divinity, no practice notes to Bramhall's works, vol. v. pp. 
 to overthrow religion. Secondly, I 80,sqq. 1845.) But the articles of Ire- 
 suppose if I did say so, I did not err, land bind neither this Church nor me. 
 for the foundations of Christian religion And some learned Protestants do not 
 are the articles of the creed, and the understand that noted place of the 
 Church of Rome denies no one of them. Apostle, 2 Thess. ii., as meant of anti- 
 Therefore there is no difference in fun- christ or the pope." History of Trou- 
 damentals."] bles, p. 390. Or, as Prynne reports 
 c [The archbishop does not deny his answer, " I answer that no man 
 either of these allegations, (of which can charge me that I hold the pope 
 the second only is explicitly men- not to be antichrist : it is a great 
 tioned by Tindal.) His defence was, question, even among learned Protes- 
 " There is nothing against me, till tants, whether he be so or not. The 
 it be proved (which is not yet done,) Church of England hath not positively 
 that I have positively denied the resolved him to be so: the homilies 
 pope to be antichrist. And, secondly, define him not to be antichrist, and 
 I do not conceive that the article of the articles of Ireland bind not us 
 the Church of England, which con- here." Canterbury's Doom, p. 551. 
 firms the homilies, doth also confirm Of the second part of the charge, which 
 every phrase that is in them. Nor was unquestionably true, Laud takes 
 thirdly, do I conceive that the homilies no notice in the History of his Trou- 
 in those places which are cited, do bles. Prynne represents him to have 
 make the pope the great antichrist." said, "My expunging of this title and 
 .. ."The sixth particular was the arti- others of that nature was upon other 
 cles of Ireland, which call the pope the grounds." Ibid., p. 552; which Tin- 
 man of sin. (Art. Ixxx. of the 104 dal calls a "Jesuitical" answer.] 
 articles framed by Usher, and passed d [See instances in Prynne's Can- 
 in a convocation at Dublin, 1615. terbury's Doom, pp. 261, 262.] 
 
contrary to known evidence. 137 
 
 in defiance of the oath of supremacy/ and that for that reason THE LORD'S 
 
 * i ill i SUPPBR. 
 
 he was against the pope s supremacy, because he had a mind 
 to set up an English supremacy. 
 
 Lastly, he falsely charges him with causing the picture of 
 the Trinity, where God the Father was drawn like a little 
 old man, to be painted afresh in his chapel at Lambeth, with 
 other pictures to advance priestcraft. For this he cites his 
 great enemy Prynne in his Canterbury's Doom, p. 463. But 
 the charge was false, as, if he did not know it before, he may 
 see in the History of his Troubles, chap, xxxiii. p. 317, where 
 he will find it proved, that there was no picture of God the 
 Father in the chapel at Lambeth. He furthermore saith, he 
 was " the darling of the papists e , excepting in the point of 
 that independent power he set up for himself;" and what 
 will not a man say, that can say this without blushing; 
 contrary to the history of the times, the blessed martyr's 
 immortal works, his last speech f , and last will and testament g , 
 and the testimonies of Mr. Whiston h and Mr. Evelyn 1 in the 
 History of his Troubles, p. 616? But of all the reproach he 
 hath had the impudence to blacken his memory with, none 
 
 e [Rights, Preface, p. li.] Rome, and well acquainted with a cer- 
 
 1 [" I was born and baptized in the tain abbot, which abbot asked him 
 
 bosom of the Church of England esta- whether he had heard any news from 
 
 blished by law; in that profession I England? He answerd 'no.' The ab- 
 
 have ever since lived, and in that I hot replied, ' I will tell you then some ; 
 
 come to die. This is no time to dis- Archbishop Laud is beheaded.' Sir 
 
 semble with God, least of all in matters Lionel answered, 'You are sorry for 
 
 of religion ; and therefore I desire it that, I presume.' The abbot replied 
 
 may be remembered, I have always again, ' That they had more cause to 
 
 lived in the Protestant religion esta- rejoice, that the greatest enemy of the 
 
 blished in England, and in that I come Church of Rome in England was cut 
 
 now to die." Hist, of Troubles, p. 449.] off, and the greatest champion of the 
 
 g [" For my faith, I die as I have Church of England silenced.' Or in 
 
 lived, in the true orthodox profession words to that purpose. In witness 
 
 of the Catholic faith of Christ, fore- whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, 
 
 shewed by the prophets, and preached this 28th day of September, 1694. 
 
 to the world by Christ Himself, His "JoNA. WHISTON, 
 
 blessed apostles, and their successors ; " Vicar of Bethersdeti in Kent."] 
 
 and a true member of His Catholic * [" I was at Rome in the company 
 
 Church, within the communion of a of divers of the English fathers, when 
 
 living part thereof, the present Church the news of the archbishop's suffering, 
 
 of England as it stands established by and a copy of his sermon made upon 
 
 law." Extract from Will. Ibid., p. the scaffold, came thither. They read 
 
 454.] the sermon, and commented upon it 
 
 h [Rev. Jonathan Whiston, vicar of with no small satisfaction and con- 
 
 Bethersden, in Kent. His words are, tempt; and looked upon him as one 
 
 " I do remember, that being chaplain that was a great enemy to them, and 
 
 to the honourable Sir Lionel Tolmach, stood in their way ; whilst one of the 
 
 baronet, about the year 1666', I heard blackest crimes imputed to him was 
 
 him relate to some peison of quality, his being popishly affected, 
 
 how that in his younger days he was at " JOHN EVELYN."] 
 
138 Clarendon's character of Laud, ' The Church / used for 
 
 is more false and malicious, than that which he couches in 
 these words J : " Not that he was, to do him justice, for ad- 
 ~ vancing the power of the pope, or cared for the Romish reli- 
 gion more than for any other." The name of the devil sig- 
 nifies calumniator, and the Scriptures call him the father of 
 lies, and the accuser of the brethren, and I leave it to the 
 conscience of this calumniator, if he have any left, to con- 
 sider, whether this slandering reflection, and the many other 
 lies and false accusations he hath recited, of this great man 
 and most excellent prelate, can proceed from any thing but 
 diabolical inspiration, or, which is not much better, a devilish 
 spirit of calumny, which informs and poisons his wicked 
 mind. If any man think this chastisement of him too severe, 
 let him consider what censure he deserves, who could bring 
 himself to revive so many calumnies upon the memory of 
 that just man, after the true history of his trial was pub- 
 lished, which he left behind for his vindication to the whole 
 Christian world, against all the enemies the devil had raised 
 up against him. The noble historian, who, as I must observe 
 again, was not sparing or partial in noting his infirmities, 
 tells us k , that ' his memory deserves a particular celebration/ 
 that ' his learning, piety, and virtue have been attained by 
 very few/ and that 'the greatest of his infirmities are 
 common to all, even to the best of men/ But it is through 
 his sides that the writer of the Rights wounds all whom he 
 calls 'high Church/ he blackens his memory to reproach 
 them, whom he treats in derision, and calls by names of the 
 utmost scandal and contempt. He loads them with many 
 invidious, false charges, particularly 1 in labouring to have 
 the word Church signify the clergy only, in exclusion of the 
 people, as they do in popish countries. 
 
 SECT, vi. Whereas the Church being a society, the name of it is 
 Of the variously used, as in other societies, sometimes in the most 
 
 Church as J 
 
 a society, proper sense for the clergy and people, as in that of St. Cy- 
 
 officers. Ur prian m , "a Church is the people united to their bishop, and 
 
 the flock adhering to their pastor." But then again, by a 
 
 * [Rights, Preface, pp. xlviii, xlix.] Ixxxviii. 
 
 k History of the Rebellion, [vol. ii.] m Illi sunt Ecclesia plebs sacerdoti 
 
 book viii. p. 442. [1703. Vol. v. p. 35. adunata, et pastori suo Grex adhaerens. 
 
 1826.] [Ep. Ixix. (Ixvi. ed. Oxon.) p. 123. 
 
 1 Rights, Preface, pp. Ixxxvii. ed. Ben.}, 
 
the Clergy and People ; or the People, or Clergy, only ; 139 
 
 metonymy common to the names of other societies, it is CHURCH 
 used sometimes less properly, first for the people only, or the CLERGY. 
 flock without the clergy, as in Acts xx. 28 : " Take heed 
 unto yourselves, and unto all the flock, whereof the Holy 
 Ghost hath made you bishops ' to feed the Church of God. 
 
 And secondly, for the governors of the Church, as in a coun- 
 cil or consistory, as in Matt, xviii. 17 : " Tell it unto the 
 Church, but if he neglect to hear the Church ;" and in this 
 sense hath it been used in all ages of Christianity, long before 
 popery was in the world, to signify the clergy, or ruling part 
 of the Church. Thus, I conceive, it is more especially to 
 be understood in St. John's salutation, "unto the seven [Rev. J. 4; 
 Churches which are in Asia," that is, to the angels of the s, &c.] 
 seven Churches in Asia. So it is used in the sixth canon of 
 the first general council n : " Let the ancient customs be ob- 
 served, that the bishop of Alexandria have the authority of 
 all those that are in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, because 
 the same usage is observed by the bishop of Rome. In like 
 manner are the privileges preserved to the Churches (that is, 
 to the bishops of the Churches) of Antioch, and other pro- 
 vinces." The word is so used in the twentieth of the XXXIX 
 Articles, first in the title, Of the Authority of the Church ; 
 and then in the article itself, "the Church hath power to 
 decree rights and ceremonies, and yet it is not lawful for the 
 Church to ordain," &c. So Article XXXIV. : "Every par- 
 ticular, or national Church, hath authority to ordain, change, 
 and abolish ceremonies," &c. In this sense we also say the 
 articles, canons, and homilies of the Church of England, that 
 is, the articles, canons, &c. made by the clergy of the Church. 
 In this sense also it is often used in our laws, as in the first 
 article of Magna Charta, where the king grants "for himself, 
 and his heirs for ever/' " that the Church of England shall 
 be free, and have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable." 
 
 [ret apxaia %Q-t) Kparfirw, ra iv [Sciatis nos . . . imprimis con- 
 
 irTcp Kal Aiftuy Kal nevrairStei, cessisse Deo et hac praesenti carta 
 
 rbv 'AA.eai/8peias STT'KTKOTTOV irdv- confirmasse, pro nobis et haeredibus 
 
 r<av TOVTCDV e\fiv rty Qowriuv. tirfiS)) nostris in perpetuum, quod Anglicana 
 
 Kal T(f fv rfj 'Pd!>/j.r) eiricrK6ir<p TOVTO ecclesia libera sit, et habeat jura sua 
 
 arvvriOes eVrti/' 6/j.oi(0s Se KOI Kara r^v integra, et libertates suas illaesas. 
 
 'A.vri6xfiav, Kal iv rats &\\ais eirap- Statutes of the Realm, vol. i. p. 9. 
 
 X"s> TO. irpeorjSeia ffu^evQai rats KK\T)- 1810.] 
 artais. Concilia, torn. ii. p. 36, C, D.] 
 
140 Tindal's abuse of the Clergy ; their humble station 
 
 PREFAT. By the same usual figure of speech, house or family signi- 
 I. 'fies the master and father of the family; city, the mayor 
 *" and aldermen of the city ; college, the master of the college ; 
 and under the name of army, we often mean only the gene- 
 ral, or general and commanders, as when we speak of the 
 orders of the army ; and therefore there is no more popery 
 or priestcraft in the clergy, when they speak of themselves 
 under the name of the Church, than mastercraft in the father 
 of a family, when he speaks of himself under the name of the 
 family; or kingcraft in a king, when he speaks of himself 
 under the name of the kingdom ; or generalcraft, when the 
 general speaks of himself under the name of the army ; but 
 when clergymen do so, he spitefully, as well as scurrilously, 
 saithP it is not only "errant priestcraft," but "as ridiculous 
 as if the drummers and trumpeters should call themselves 
 the army, exclusively of all others, and by means of that, 
 endeavour to get the whole power [of it] into their hands, 
 and represent every one as an enemy to the army who will 
 not come into the cheat." 
 
 His spite to the clergy makes him plentiful in opprobrious 
 names. In another place he compares them to " trap- 
 setters q ;" in another he saith r , "it is their interest to have 
 religion corrupted;" and somewhere he saith 8 , that "the Chris- 
 tian, which is the best religion, hath the worst priests." And 
 because the Church, according to the wisdom and practice 
 of other societies, hath been always wont, without respect to 
 families or persons, to take fit men, though of lower ex- 
 traction and fortunes, into her service, he therefore reproaches 
 the whole body of the clergy, for the sake of those among 
 them who are of meaner families, in such a manner as equally 
 reflects upon all sorts of societies and orders of men, at 
 court, in the city, the camp, the senate, at the bar, and on 
 the bench. [This reflection touches the honour of Almighty 
 God, who chose Saul for king out of the smallest of the tribes 
 of Israel, and out of the least of all the families of that tribe, 
 1 Sam. ix. 21. He also made David, his successor, a king, of 
 a shepherd; and I do not doubt but the author of the 
 Rights thinks a king a more honourable person than a 
 
 P Rights, Preface, p. Ixxxviii. r Ibid, p. 190. 
 
 i Ibid., Introduction, p. 24. [Ibid., p. 118.] 
 
no reproach; Slaves might be ordained; 141 
 
 priest. It] 1 also casts pharisaical contempt upon Christ CHURCH 
 and his Apostles; and, were not his hatred to the clergy CLERGY. 
 above his reason, he could not act so contrary to his cha- 
 racter as a Christian, a son of a priest u , and a civilian, who 
 should know, it was provided by the laws of the empire, that 
 if a slave were made a bishop or priest, he should be ipso 
 facto free v . Had we slavery or villenage in use among us, 
 I presume it would be no dishonour to the Church, or her 
 hierarchy, if a Zamolxis w , a Tiro, a Terence, an Epictetus, or 
 an JEsop, were for their excellent gifts taken into the num- 
 ber of the clergy, and," of the servants of men, made, or if he 
 will give me leave so to speak, consecrated into ministers of 
 God. Priests made of slaves in ancient times were thought 
 no dishonour to the priesthood, as is plain from the eighty- 
 second of the Apostolic Canons x , which tells us that a slave 
 was not to be made a clergyman without the consent of his 
 lord. Such were Epaphras, or Epaphroditus, St. Paul's fellow- Phil. 2. 25. 
 labourer, and felJow-soldier, and Onesimusy his son, his Col. 4. 9; 
 brother, and his bowels. He cannot take it amiss if I send lo. 1 e 
 him once more to a sovereign pontiff, as well as a sovereign 
 prince, I mean to Julian, to be better instructed. For he, 
 though as much concerned for the honour of the priesthood 
 as any man ever was, writes at another rate in the fragment 
 of one of his epistles z : "I will/' saith he, "that in all cities 
 
 1 [This passage is inserted from the Can. Apost. ['Ovfia-i/j.ov SovXov ovra *t- 
 
 Supplement of 1715, No. 3. p. 7.] X^ovos, 6 fj.eyas Uav\os avreo-rpetye 
 
 u [See note a, p. 48.] irpbs rov ^iX^ova, Kav XPWA^TOTOS 
 
 v [Justin. Codex, lib. i. tit. iii. 37. trpbs SiaKoviav eSo^ev auT<, etVebi/ fj^ 
 
 Si servus sciente domino et non eon- SLKUIOV elvai avev yv(t>fir]s rov ^iX^/novos 
 
 tradicente, in clericum ordinatus fuerit rovrov 5m/eoi/e/ tv ry rrjs iria-recas KTJ- 
 
 ab episcopo : ex hoc ipso, quod consti- pvy/j.ari __ Balsamon. in loc., Beveregii 
 
 tutus est, liber etingenuus erit. Corp. 2w68iKov, torn. i. p. 54, B. 
 
 Jur. Civ., p. 16. Amst. 1663.] 6 peyas yap IlaDAos Oirfiffifjiov 8ou- 
 
 w Cyril's answer to Julian, lib. vi. Xov ovra <fri\-f)/u.ovos, KOI evxpi)o~rov O-VT<P 
 
 [ KO.ITOI Z.d/j.o\is 6 pa, HvOaydpov /J.ev Kpidevra els SiaKoviav, avev yvdafJLifjs TOV 
 
 fy ot/ceTTjs. S. Cyril. Alex., Op., torn. Sea"ir6rov Kar4x lv ^ K fxpu/ev, etAA' 
 
 vii. p. 208, E.] Mwffffpaf avrbv irpbs *tA^/xoi/a. Zo- 
 
 x [(^XP^) oiKeTa? els K\r}pov irpox*t- naras, ibid., D.] 
 
 &i/v rf)s T>V Sfo-iroTuv yvv- * [<iyw 077/u rovs tv rats ir6\fcri /SeA.- 
 
 S, avarpoir^v rb TOIOVTO Karepyd^fTat' ricrrovs, /col /j.d\iffra /lev rovs <pi\o- 
 
 i Se 7TOT6 Kal &ios Qavei-ri 6 oiKertis dftardrovs, eireira QiXavOpfairordrovs, 
 
 IT fibs x* L P OTOV ' iav fia9/j.ov, olos Kal 6 f)/J.e- edv re TreVrjres fcaiv, idis re ir\o6(ftoi' 
 
 repos 'O^trt/tos e(pdvrj, Kal (rvyxwp'fl- SiaKpuris earci) Trpbs rovro /iTjSe ns ovv 
 
 (rovffiv ol Sea"ir6raL Kal eXevQepuxrovai, cupavovs Kal eirifyavovs' 6 yap Sta irpa6- 
 
 Kal rov otKov eavruv e'airo(rre\ov(ri, ryra \e\T]Q(as ov Sia rfyv rov a^Ka/j-aros 
 
 yiveo-Qa). Canon. Apost. Ixxxi (al. cupdveiav 8iKai6s ecrn KuXvearQai- KO.V 
 
 Ixxii.) Cone., torn. i. p. 42, D.] irevr]s ovv jj ris, kav STj/i^rrys, syjav ev 
 
 f Balsam, and Zonar. on LXXXII. eavrf Svb ravra, r6 re $i\6deov, Kal 
 
142 Low extraction not an impediment to ordination ; 
 PREFAT. the best men be chosen priests, especially those who are 
 
 DISCOURSE, . . . . . 
 
 SECT vi. most eminent for their piety to the gods, and their charity 
 towards men, be they poor, or be they rich ; for there ought 
 to be no difference in this affair between those of noble, and 
 those of obscure originals, nor ought any humble man to be 
 rejected for his obscurity. Wherefore let any man be chosen 
 a priest who is qualified with these two fundamental virtues, 
 the love of the gods and the love of men." 
 
 One reason which St. Chrysostom a gives for declining the 
 episcopal order was this : " Lest he being of a rich and 
 splendid family, the people should suspect the bishops or- 
 dained him upon that account. Whereas/' saith he, " Christ 
 called fishers, and tent-makers, and publicans eVt ravrrjv rrjv 
 apx^v, to this principality." So in the tract de Ccena Do- 
 mini^ : Sic tu y Domine, armentarios statim fads prophetas, &c. 
 " So Thou, O Lord, in a moment makest herdsmen prophets, 
 shepherds kings, publicans Apostles, and fishermen doctors 
 of Thy Church." And any one, who is pleased to read how 
 Gregorius Thaumaturgus c behaved himself in the choice of a 
 bishop of Comana, will find how little he regarded extraction, 
 though he was himself noble. For after long enquiry for 
 one that was most worthy, he chose one Alexander, for his 
 great virtues, who in appearance was but a collier, though 
 upon farther examination of him, after he had preferred him 
 to all others, he found he was a man of a good family, who 
 disguised himself, and his most beautiful form, under that 
 sordid and smutty occupation, that he might with more con- 
 venience devote himself to Christian philosophy, and avoid 
 the dangerous temptations to which his form and stature 
 
 , iepevs a.iro$fiKi>v<rQ<a. tores. De ccena Domini, inter tracta- 
 
 Fragm. Epist. Juliani, Op., pp. 304, E. tus de cardinalibus Christi operibus ; 
 
 305, A.] Arnoldi Carnotensis Opera, p. 43, ad 
 
 a [olov '6rt irpbs irXovrov fiXe-nov- calcem S. Cypriani Op., Oxon. 1682. 
 
 <TJJ/, '6n XafjLirp6Tr)Ta yevovs Qav^a^ovcnv These tracts went under the name of 
 
 '6ri KoXaKcvOevTes v<j> -f]fj.uv els TOVTO S. Cyprian, and are found in the 
 
 IHJ.O.S irapyyayov' et 8e Kal ori xp-f][j,ao~i earlier editions of his Works. Fell 
 
 7ret<r0eVre.v, OVK Hxca Xeyeiv e? ris Kal appended them to his edition ; they are 
 
 TOVTO vTTOTrretW ^\v o /j.fv yap Xpta-Tbs not contained in that of the Benedic- 
 
 a.Xif'is Kal o-K-qvoiroiovs Kal TeXcavas eVl tines. Arnold was a cotemporary and 
 
 Ta.\nt]v e/caA.e<re rV pxV S. Chry- friend of St. Bernard, cl. A.D. 1162. 
 
 sost. de Sac., lib. ii. 8. torn. i. p. 379, See Cave, Hist. Lit, torn. ii. p. 236.] 
 C.] e Vita Greg. Thaumaturgi per Greg. 
 
 b [Sic tu, Domine, armentarios sta- Nyssen. Op., torn. ii. pp. 993, 994, &c. 
 
 tim facis prophetas, opiliones reges, [Op., torn. iii. pp. 563 565. Paris. 
 
 teloniarios apostolos, piscatores doc- 1638.] 
 
Tindal's abuse of Ecclesiastical Synods. 143 
 
 would otherwise have exposed himself and others. [I sup- 
 pose that had the great Socrates been a Christian, and lived 
 in the time of this Gregory, who was of noble extraction, he 
 would not have rejected him from the priesthood, because he 
 was no better than a stone-cutter or statuary's son d .] 
 
 As for synods, or councils, he saith e , " There never was SECT. vn. 
 one since the times of the apostolic purity, that hath not Of s y nods 
 
 . - r * J and coun- 
 
 determined something or other in prejudice of the true re- cils. 
 ligion ;" by which undoubtedly he means his own. He con- 
 demns them for a reason, for which all senates, and assem- 
 blies of men must likewise be condemned, viz., because f "the 
 greatest part of mankind are apt to prefer their private 
 interest before any motive whatsoever, especially when they 
 act in bodies : for then reputation and honour, shame and 
 disgrace, which frequently influence single persons, quite 
 lose their force." He saithe, "they have, generally speaking, 
 been composed of the most ambitious, crafty, and designing 
 men, better versed in the arts of fawning, and flattering, 
 than in the knowledge of religion." What an English synod 
 saith h of general councils made up of uncharitable, ambitious, 
 and malicious men (alluding to some such particular unhappy 
 
 d [This passage is inserted from the conform and agreeable, as well con- 
 Supplement of 1715, No. 4. p. 8. In cerning the surety and indifferency of 
 the MS. additions in Hickes' copy it the places, as all other points requisite 
 continues, "Or the great orator De- and necessary for the same, unto that 
 mosthenes, because he was but a cut- wholesome and godly institution, and 
 ler's son ; or Euripides the poet, be- usage, for the which they were at first 
 cause his mother sold herbs in the devised and used in the primitive 
 streets of Athens, which Valerius Church. Even so on the other side, 
 Maximus observing, (lib. iii. c. 4.) taught by like experience, we esteem, 
 saith, Sed quid aut illius tragica, aut repute, and judge that there is, ne can 
 hujus oratoria vi clarius."] be anything in the world more pestilent 
 e Rights, pp. 191, 192. and pernicious to the commonweal of 
 f Ibid., pp. 193, 194. Christendom, or whereby the truth of 
 * Ibid. God's word hath in times past or here- 
 h [The convocation of 1536. "As after may be, sooner defaced and sub- 
 concerning general synods, like as we verted, or whereof hath or may ensue 
 (taught by long experience) do per- more contention, more discords, and 
 fectly know that there never was, ne is, other devilish effects, than when such 
 anything devised, invented, or insti- general councils have or shall be as- 
 tuted by our forefathers, more expedient sembled, nor christianly nor charitably, 
 or more necessary for the establishment but for private malice and ambition, or 
 of our faith, for the extirpation of here- other worldly and carnal respects and 
 sies, and the abolishing of sects and considerations, according to the saying 
 schisms, and finally for the reducing of Gregorius Nazianzenus," &c. Her- 
 of Christ's people unto one perfect bert's Hist. Hen. V1IL, p. 470. Given 
 unity and concord in His religion, than also in Collier's Ch. History, vol. ii. 
 by the having of general councils, so fol. p. 128. (p. ii. book ii.) ; and 
 that the same be lawfully had and con- Wilkins' Concilia, vol. iii. p. 808. Tin- 
 gregated in Spirilu Sancto, and be also dal quotes only the latter part] 
 
144 St. Gregory Nazianzen unfairly alleged. 
 
 synods), he makes the character of all, and falsely saith it was 
 the opinion of Gregory Nazianzen 1 ; whereas what that holy 
 father wrote was only written of the council of Constan- 
 tinople, in sickness, chagrin j , and discontent, where he had 
 not been well treated, and never was designed by him for a 
 general character or rule. He saith k , that " he was at 
 several councils, particularly that he was at that general and 
 creed- making one of Constantinople." Where the reader 
 may observe where his core at councils lies ; it was a creed- 
 making council ; it made that creed which is in the ancient 
 liturgies, and which our ancestors used a thousand years 
 ago, and we still use in the communion service, and Gregory 
 was one of the chief creed-makers in it 1 ; and if his testi- 
 mony is good against the heats and passionate debates which 
 happened in the council about himself, it is as good for the 
 creed. Nay, if he is a testable person, his testimony must 
 be taken in behalf of the first general council of Nice ; for he 
 was a great impugner of the Arians m , of whom our author 
 and the theistical club are great admirers, and a zealous de- 
 fender of the Nicene faith. He professes so much in his 
 forty-ninth oration, translated by Ruffinus 11 , but more espe- 
 ciallyinhis twenty-first oration , in praise of that creed-making 
 
 1 Rights, p. 195. St. Meletius of Antioch. Theodoret. 
 
 [The Convocation and the Rights refer Hist. Eccl., lib. v. cap. 8. torn. iii. p. 
 
 to the passage in S. Greg. Naz. Epist. 201.] 
 . (al.lv 
 
 cxxx. (al.lv ) ad Procopium; exw^ej/oS- m ["Orat. xxv. ad Arianos," (Orat. 
 
 Tws, et Se? raXrjdfs ypaKpeiv, tiere iravra xxxiii. pp. 603, sqq. ed. Ben.) Ad- 
 
 avXXoyov <f>evyeit/ 4iri(TK6iT(av, '6n /xrjSe- ditional note in Supplement, 1715, 
 
 fj-ias <rw6Sov T\OS elSov xprjCTT&i/, fj.-f)8e No. 5. p. 8.] 
 
 \vffiv KO.K&V (jia\Xov fffxilKuiav t) irpo<r- n Op., vol. i. p. 727. [Paris. 1630. 
 
 6-hKr)V ael yap QiXovfiKiai Ka\ QiXapx'iai Quod docendum et quod credendum 
 
 . . . Kal \6yov Kpe'iTTOi/fs. Opera, torn. cunctis Ecclesiis fuerat traditum, quod- 
 
 ii. p. 110, C.] que patres nostri, apostolici viri, contra 
 
 J La 55. Dans laquelle il declare, universas haereses et maxime Arianam, 
 
 qu'il craint toutes les assemblees eccle- quasi quendam obicem veritatis . . . 
 
 siastiques, parceque il n'a jamais vu, SanctoSpiritumundaticatholicaratione 
 
 dit il, la fin d'aucun concile, qui ait ete posuerunt. De Fide Orthodoxa contra 
 
 heureuse, et agreable, et qui n'ait aug- Arianos, 4. S. Greg. Naz. Op., torn. 
 
 mente le mal, plutot que le deminuer, i. App., p. 890. ed. Ben. This oration, 
 
 Mais cette maxime qu'il a ecrite etant which is headed, Ruffino Presbytero in- 
 
 chagrin contre le Concile de Constan- terprete, in the edition of 1630, was not 
 
 tinople, qui ne 1'avoit traite assez written by St. Gregory, nor is it found 
 
 favorablement, ne doit passer pour une among those translated by Ruffinus. It 
 
 regie, mais seulement pour un espece is generally agreed that it was originally 
 
 de ressentiment, qui est echape a Saint written in Latin, and the Benedictine 
 
 Gregoire. Dupin. Nouvelle Biblioth., editors, after Tillemont, assign it to 
 
 torn. ii. 4to. pp. 652, 653. 1687. Phcebadius bishop of Aginna, A.D. 
 
 k [Rights, ibid.] 359.] 
 
 1 [St. Gregory presided in the coun- o [ v ay la ravr-p ffvv6^(f, Kal T$ ruv 
 
 cil of Constantinople after the death of rptaKaaiwv IKT& Kal SeVca apid/j.f avSpuv 
 
Faults incident to the Clergy, as men. 145 
 
 rascal Athanasius; where he calls the synod " the holy synod," 
 and the fathers " the holy fathers ;" and therefore if he is a 
 good witness, there was one synod at least, and that a general 
 one, which determined nothing in prejudice of the true religion. 
 Nay, if his testimony is to be taken, the sacerdotal and regal 
 power are distinct from, and independent of one another, as 
 he may see in the second tome, Of the Dignity of the Episcopal 
 Order and Office, in a letter to a serjeant-at-law P. 
 
 In the rest of the chapters he hath raked together out of 
 several writers a very invidious account of the ill conduct of 
 councils, and of the divisions and quarrels of bishops in them, 
 with his own reflections and applications ; which will signify' 
 nothing to wise and serious men, who in this case can con- 
 sider the difference between the men and the priests ; as in 
 others of the like nature between the men and the senators, 
 or between the man and the king. All he hath maliciously 
 scraped and patched together on this melancholy subject, 
 amounts to no more than this, that priests and bishops are 
 men, and not angels, men of like passions and infirmities 
 with others, and that every one of them may say, as Siracides 
 makes Solomon speak of himself 1 " : "I myself also am a mortal 
 man, like to all, and the offspring of him, that was first made 
 of earth." Priests therefore, like kings, and princes, and sena- 
 tors, and judges, are at best but frail men ; and our author's 
 way of arguing against them in their single, or synodical 
 capacity, from their miscarriages, is in effect to impeach the 
 wisdom of God in making mortal men priests, and to argue 
 not Christianity, not the Church enly, but civil government 
 and rulers, out of the world. Julian the apostate, who knew 
 the divisions, and parties, and quarrels that were and had 
 been, among Christian priests, both in and out of synods, better 
 than our author, was a better reasoner than to make use of 
 this argument against them. He knew very well, that this 
 way of representing any sort, or rank, or order of mortals, had 
 no sense, though much of popular fallacy in it, and in reality 
 
 \oyd8oov, ovs rb Flt/ct^a rb ayiov is 1 [Rights, chap, vi.] 
 fv ftyayev. Orat. xxi. 14. torn. i. p. r [Wisdom vii. 1. The words are 
 394, A. The last clause is not found not in Ecclesiasticus, as the mention 
 in the Greek of the editions before the of Siracides, which seems to be a mis- 
 Benedictine.] take of memory, would imply.] 
 P [Second Discourse, chap. i. sect. 3.] 
 HICKES. 
 
146 Imperfections do not destroy their authority ; 
 
 PREFAT. was nothing but a satire on the nature of man ; and the dif- 
 ferences among the clergy in or out of councils, never had that 
 effect upon the Christians of ancient times, as to make them 
 despise their order, or disobey their authority, much less to 
 suspect that Christian priesthood was but priestcraft. There 
 were then no such monsters among Christians, no such in- 
 fernal enemies to priesthood, as our author and his gang. 
 For they did not only consider, that priests were men subject 
 to divers temptations, and capable, like other Christians, of 
 committing sins of all sorts, but believed also, that as the 
 devils, those enemies of Christ, were more diligent to tempt 
 Christians than other men ; so they were busier with priests 
 than other Christians ; but never thought the priesthood, or 
 the authority belonging to it, ought to be affected with the 
 miscarriages, or fall of their priests. At his way of speaking, 
 what a fine harangue might a learned Jew or Mahometan 
 make against Christianity, from the former and later divisions 
 of Christians, out of Christian writers, with particular reflec- 
 tions upon these times, in which, to the great dishonour of 
 the Christian religion, but without being a real argument 
 against the truth of it, Christian nations and kingdoms have 
 for twenty years been sheathing their swords in one another's 
 bowels, to say no worse, in most unchristian wars, without a 
 sword being drawn in any part of the unbelieving world. 
 
 His words also in the mouth, or from the pen, of a 
 Sadducee, or of a theistical Jew, if there had been any such, 
 would have made a fine flourish of no force against the Jewish 
 clergy, to persuade his readers, if he could, that the Mosaic 
 priesthood and institutions were all priestcraft ; and that 
 Moses (as a theist lately said) was a cunning fellow, who 
 made himself a king, and his brother a priest. The golden 
 calf; the sons of Eli, those sons of Belial, who made them- 
 selves so vile ; the priests taking strange wives in their cap- 
 tivity ; their polluting the table of the Lord after it ; all the 
 complaints in the prophets against them, particularly in their 
 synodical capacity, as members of the Sanhedrim, would 
 have been matter of a much more plausible harangue against 
 the priesthood then, than all our author hath collected now ; 
 yet for all this, and much more, that might be added, the 
 Jewish princes, and people, still venerated their priests for 
 
any more than that of temporal councils. 147 
 
 the sake of their office, and that for the sake of its Divine 
 institution ; and had any of them been so wicked as this - 
 author, to write after his reproachful manner against the 
 priests, the whole congregation would have stoned him to 
 death. 
 
 Our Lord, who knew the wickedness of the priests, and 
 that He should be crucified by them, never spoke against 
 them as priests, but was subject to them, and bid those He 
 cured go and shew themselves to them, and offer their gifts 
 according to the law of Moses. Whatever He, or His 
 Apostles, said of them as sinners, they never spoke against 
 the priesthood, or against them as priests ; and therefore it 
 was blaspheming of Him, and slandering of them, in their 
 table talk, to say, that the author of the Eights, in speaking 
 against priests, did 110 more than Christ and His apostles 
 did. 
 
 But to proceed ; his way of exposing and deriding eccle- 
 siastical synods, is in effect libelling all temporal senates, 
 states, diets, and parliaments, and arguing against these, as 
 well as them. He cannot but know that the senate of Rome, 
 when a commonwealth, was so corrupt that they would have 
 sold the city and citizens, if they could have found any to 
 buy them, and that Tiberius the emperor, when he went out 
 of the senate house, used to say aloud in Greek, O homines 
 ad servitutem paratos* ! And Petronius, in his verses of the 
 civil wars, wrote thus of senate and people, 
 
 emptique Quirites 
 
 Ad pradam, strepitumque lucri suffragia vertunt ; 
 Venalis populus, venalis curia patrum *. 
 
 He knows how the Jewish Sanhedrim, which was their senate, 
 killed the prophets, and crucified their Saviour, and murdered 
 His disciples. But there is no need of having recourse to 
 Jewish and heathenish assemblies of men upon this unhappy 
 subject, Christian histories being full of examples of such 
 meetings, wherein ambitious and designing men, and men of 
 the worst principles and morals, have made most fierce and 
 furious contentions, formed bloody parties, turned all civil 
 
 [Tacit. Anna!., lib. iii. c. 65.] 
 
 1 [Tit. Petronii de Bello Civili, 1. 39. Satyricon, c. 119.] 
 
 L2 
 
148 TindaVs argument retorted on lay assemblies ; 
 
 order into confusion, and involved their countries in broils, 
 wars, and desolation ; " Reputation, and honour, shame, and 
 disgrace, which," as our author speaks", "frequently influence 
 single persons, having quite lost their force in such bodies" 
 of men. I need not go abroad for instances, the direful 
 history of the parliament, that begun in 1641, is a proof, a 
 deplorable domestic proof, of what I say against him for 
 asserting x , that " the laity can have no motive, no temptation 
 to abuse or corrupt religion to advance their temporal inter- 
 est," and it will be a testimony against him in all ages to 
 come. And an enemy of parliaments, after his ill logic, and 
 worse example, may say in his words y ; ' The conduct of par- 
 liaments is a sufficient demonstration against all their pre- 
 tences of doing justice, since that cardinal and benign virtue 
 is likelier to be found any where than in such assemblies ; 
 and it would be strange if right should be found to dwell 
 where justice and humanity are seldom to be found.' Nay, 
 if our author desires more examples, let him consult Prynne, 
 his dear oracle Prynne, in his preface to the Abridgement 
 of the Records z , and in his Seasonable, &c. Vindication of the 
 Liberties of English Freemen 3 , and there he will find great 
 plenty. 
 
 Nevertheless, though parliaments have sometimes been so 
 factious in themselves, so unjust to private persons, and so 
 mischievous to the kingdom, as he represents, yet all true 
 Englishmen love the national constitution of parliaments, 
 
 n [Rights, p. 194.] under a pretence of public reformation, 
 
 * [Ibid., p. 190.] [liberty], the people's ease, welfare 
 
 y [See Rights, p. 205.] &c. 
 
 z [An exact abridgment of the re- We may discern that as parliaments 
 cords in the tower of London, as col- are the best of all crurts [or] councils, 
 lected by Sir RobertCotton, revised, &c. when duly summoned, convened, con- 
 by William Prynne, Esq., 165 7, Preface, stituted, ordered, and kept within their 
 12. It is observable that our] par- legal bounds, so they become the great- 
 Haments now and then, either out of est mischiefs (and) grievances to the 
 hatred, envy, passion, or compliance kingdom, when, like the ocean, they 
 with some potent, ambitious, popular overflow their banks, or degenerate, 
 swaying lords, and grandees, have most and become through sedition, malice, 
 unjustly, illegally, condemned, exe- faction, fear, or infatuation by Divine 
 cuted, banished, fined, sentenced, op- justice, promoters of corrupt sinister 
 pressed sundry innocent, and some ends, or accomplishers of, &c. 
 well-deserved persons, without just [Seasonable, legal, and Historical 
 cause, trial, or due conviction of any Vindication and Chronological collec- 
 real crimes. tion of the good old fundamental liber- 
 
 13. That all such parliaments and ties, rights, franchises, laws of all Eng- 
 
 ambitious self-seekers in them, who lish Freemen, &c. 1654.] 
 
would extend to the authority of the Apostles. 149 
 
 and honour them, and submit to their laws, and other deter- OF coux- 
 minations which they make, though after much heat, and - 
 mighty discord and contention among themselves. 
 
 In like manner the ancient Christian clergy and laity 
 submitted to the laws and determinations of true and lawful 
 councils and synods, which they made sometimes after long 
 and great debates and contentions ; because they knew that 
 the care of the Church was committed, in whole as well as in 
 part, jointly as well as severally, to the bishops, as governors 
 of it under Christ, an that it belongs to them to make 
 canons for the good government of the Church, and deter- 
 mine all disputes and differences arising therein. But our 
 author, with his usual modesty, calls canons and determina- 
 tions "impositions upon the people 5 ;" and so, if he pleases, 
 he may say that the apostles and elders, who met in council 
 at Jerusalem, and the Holy Ghost, who was present with Acts 15. 
 them, 'imposed' upon the Gentiles abstinence from meats 
 offered to idols, from blood, and from things strangled, and 
 from fornication. Nay, if it will do him any good, I can 
 prove it for him from the original word eWr/0ecr0at. " It Acts 15. 28. 
 seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us to ' impose upon' 
 you no greater burden than these necessary things." In- 
 deed all orders, commands, and decrees of lawful superiors, 
 are 'impositions,' and the canons and injunctions of the 
 Church are in no other sense such, than all the acts, and 
 edicts, and definitive sentences of kings or senates, or courts 
 of last appeal in all the nations of the earth. This new way 
 of arguing against ecclesiastical synods and councils , from 
 the contentions which happen in them, hath a farther pros- 
 pect than most readers will at first discern. For as the men 
 who make a flourish with it are enemies of the clergy, and as 
 their speaker, our author plainly tells us, would have the 
 whole affair of religion managed by lay hands : so when they 
 find their opportunity, they will turn it upon the first minis- 
 ters of the Gospel, the Apostles, who they will have the im- 
 pudence to say, first "pretended to the Spirit to sanctify 
 what they did d ," and to give colour to what they say. They 
 will ask e , "how the Spirit could be with men" who had such 
 
 b [Rights, p. 191.] d [Ibid., p. 193.] 
 
 c [Ibid., c. vi. p. 194.] e [See Rights, pp. 205207.] 
 
150 Charges of the Orthodox against the Arians, justified. 
 
 PREFAT. shameful divisions among themselves ; sometimes for superi- 
 
 SECT. vn.' ority, "who should be the greatest;" sometimes for trifles, as 
 
 Luke 22.24. Paul with Barnabas ; and sometimes about matters of reli- 
 
 Acts 15. 39. gion, as Paul with Peter, whom he withstood to his face ? 
 
 Nay, to discredit Christianity as much as they can, they will 
 
 declaim with all their wit and malice upon the divisions, fac- 
 
 [i Cor. 1. tions, and contentions in the Church of Corinth, planted by 
 
 the Apostle himself. These scorners, when it will serve their 
 
 turn, will make them, as well as the quarrels and contentions 
 
 in councils, a common place for their scurrility; and, "I am of 
 
 Paul, I of Apollos, I of Cephas, and I of Christ," shall be an 
 
 Herculean argument with them, that laymen would make 
 
 much better Church governors than priests. 
 
 He saith f , that "by the account which the orthodox give of 
 the many Arian councils, one would think they were speak- 
 ing of devils, and not of men." And let any man read the 
 ecclesiastical historians, particularly but three short chapters 
 in the first book of the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates g , 
 and the sixteenth chapter of the fourth, which he artfully 
 conceals, and then let him judge, if, for their cruelty and 
 lying, they deserved not to be so spoken of. [Gregory Nazi- 
 anzen's twenty-fifth oration 11 , and 1 ] Arsenius's hand [are] 
 enough to justify the most severe speeches of them, without 
 [reciting] their barbarous persecutions and cruelties in the 
 Arian reigns. Besides, the faithful always believed that here- 
 tics were acted and inspired by the devils ; and so, according 
 to the Jewish and Christian doctrine relating to the power 
 those wicked spirits have over wicked men, I make no diffi- 
 culty to speak of the author of the Eights, and such writers, 
 
 f Ibid., p. 194. of the Arian emperor Valens, who 
 
 * [Socratis, Hist. Eccl., lib. i. c. caused eighty of the orthodox clergy 
 
 xxvii xxix. torn. ii. pp. 62 66. The to be put on board a vessel, which was 
 
 first three chapters detail the calum- afterwards, when at sea, set on fire, and 
 
 nies of the Arian bishops, of the Eu- they burnt alive.] 
 
 sebian party, against St. Athanasius, h [S. Greg.* Naz., Orat. xxxiii. (al. 
 
 first before Constantine, and then in xxv.) Adversus Arianos, Op., torn. i. 
 
 the council of Tyre, A.D. 355. They pp. 603, sqq. This oration contains a 
 
 produced here a hand, which they detailed history of the cruelties of the 
 
 affirmed was that of Arsenius, a Mele- Arians.] 
 
 tian bishop, who had, as they alleged, i [These words are inserted from the 
 
 been killed by Athanasius. The ap- Supplement, 1715, No. 5. p. 8, as are 
 
 pearance of Arsenius himself refuted the words "are" and "reciting" in 
 
 the charge. The last chapter referred brackets instead of "is" and "men- 
 
 to, contains an instance of the cruelty tioning" of the third edition.] 
 
Marvel's character of the Council of Nice. 151 
 
 as of men who are acted by the devils : for should Satan him- OF COUN - 
 
 * OILS. 
 
 self write books by the hands of men, he could not write with ~ 
 more spite and venom than they have done against the priest- 
 hood and the Church. 
 
 He cites a most false and malicious character of the 
 first general council of Nice, out of Marvel's Historical 
 Essay of Councils*; who was, as the reader may perceive by 
 the citation itself, an utter enemy to the Nicene faith. 
 Such also, or almost such, are many of the. other writers 
 which he cites in that chapter 1 ; either utter enemies, or not 
 true friends to the consubstantial doctrine ; and how much 
 Marvel hath misrepresented that council, may be seen in the 
 account which Eusebius hath given of it in a few short chap- 
 ters m (or that which Socrates hath given of it out of Euse- 
 bius 11 ) in the Life of Constantine; as also out of Sozomen . 
 Those who do not understand the originals may see in the 
 English translation of the ecclesiastical historians p how Eu- 
 sebius calls the meeting of the council " the work of God q ," 
 and compares the bishops of which it consisted, to ' ' a gar- 
 land made of the finest flowers from all parts/' and bound 
 
 k [Rights, p. 196. Where Tindal, in anonymously by Dr. Herbert Croft, 
 
 speaking of the council of Nice, says, bishop of Hereford.] 
 
 " which yet, as Mr. Marvel justly ob- 1 [The authors cited in that chapter 
 
 serves, was a pitiful human business, (chap, vi.) are Le Clerc, Tillotson, 
 
 attended with all the ill circumstances Wake, Burnet, Chillingworth, and 
 
 of other worldly affairs, conducted by a several anonymous writers.] 
 
 spirit of ambition and contention ; the m De vita Constant., lib. iii. cap. iv. 
 
 first, and so the greatest, oecumenical xiii. [ap. Hist. Eccl., Reading, torn. i. 
 
 blow that by Christians was given to pp. 578 584.] 
 
 Christians. It was," says he, " their n Socratis, Hist. Eccl., lib. i. cap. vii. 
 imposition of a new article or creed viii. [ibid., torn. ii. pp. 15 26.] 
 upon the Christian world, not being Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., lib. i. cap. 
 contained in express words of Scripture xvii. xviii. sqq. [to the end of the book, 
 .... In digging thus for a new deduc- ibid., torn. ii. pp. 35 43.] 
 tion they undermined the fabric of P [The History of the Church, trans- 
 Christianity," &c. The extract is lated from the Greek of Eusebius, 
 from "An Historical Essay concern- Socrates, and Evagrius, with a transla- 
 ing General Councils, Creeds, and Im- tion of Valesius' Annotations on those 
 positions in matters of Religion;" (Mar- authors, fol. Camb. 1683.] Reprinted 
 vel's Works, vol. ii. pp. 142, 143. 4to. at London, 1709. 
 
 Lond. 1776,) which was appended to ^ [e7rt8$7 ovv (rvvri\Qov olird.vTts, fpyov 
 
 a work, written by Marvel against Dr. ij$r] &eov rb irparrofjievov ^6eupe?TO' ol 
 
 Francis Turner, afterwards bishop of yap ^ p.6vov tyv\ais a\\a ical ff(a/j.affi 
 
 Ely, and one of the seven bishops, en- Kal x^P ls K0 ^ T^OIS Kal eQvcvi irop- 
 
 titled, "Mr. Smirke, or the Divine in pcordrco Sifcrrures a\\-f)\cov, 6/j.ov ffv~ 
 
 mode," published in 1676, under the vnyovro, Kal /j.ia TOVS Trdvras inreSexfro 
 
 assumed name of Andreas Rivetus, an ir6\is, olov riva neyurrov tepeW oW- 
 
 anagram of Res nuda Veritas. Turner fyavov e| wpaitav av64<av KaTairiroiKt\- 
 
 had sent out " Animadversions on ' the ptvov. Euseb. Vita Const., cap. vi. 
 
 Naked Truth,' " a pamphlet published ibid., p. 579.] 
 
152 True character of the Nicene Fathers. 
 
 together with the bond of peace. " Some of them," he $aith r , 
 " were adorned with the word of wisdom ; others were vener- 
 able for the gravity of their lives, and their very great suf- 
 ferings ; and others for their modesty and moderation " and 
 of the three hundred and eighteen fathers who were assem- 
 bled in that council, all but five agreed in that Nicene con- 
 fession of faith 8 . There they will find what respect and 
 deference the emperor paid to them, as to his spiritual 
 fathers and superiors, and that the great animosities and 
 contentions he found at first among them did not lessen his 
 veneration for them*; for he was thoroughly instructed in 
 the Christian religion", and did not only consider that Chris- 
 tians, and Christian priests, were men of passions, and sub- 
 ject to be tempted to strife by the devils ; but also " looked 
 upon sects/' and parties, "and schisms" among themselves, 
 "as arguments for the truth of Christianity, because they 
 were foretold v ." Indeed their divisions was neither matter of 
 wonder or scandal to the wise among the Greeks, who knew 
 that there were numerous divisions among the philosophers, 
 and all other professors of arts and sciences, and therefore 
 
 r [r<av 8e TOU eou \eirovpyuv ol and Schisms. Printed for Walter Ket- 
 
 /iej/ Sifirpeirov ffotpias \6y<f ol Se 0iov tilby, in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1706. 
 
 ffTfpp6rf]ri Kal Kaprepias viro/j-ovfj' ol [and the Apol. Vindication itself, p. 
 
 Se T /xeo-p rp6-Trcp KareKOfT/jiowro. 21, &c. This work was originally a 
 
 ibid., c. ix. p. 581. p.4aos rpdVos sumi sermon preached by Hickes, on two 
 
 potest pro modestia et comitate morum, successive Sundays, in London, on the 
 
 ut pecry positum sit pro /ierpiy. Va- publication of the " papers found in the 
 
 les. annot. in loc.] late king's strong box," by King James 
 
 1 [TCIUTTJJ/ rV vlffriv Tpm/coVioi ^uej/ II., in which our divisions were alleged 
 
 irpbs TO?S Se/cao'/cTw eyvtoffdv re Kal as an argument against the English 
 
 eo-Tepcw Kal us ^alv d EucrejSios, 0>o- Church. His preaching this sermon 
 
 <p(ai>Tl<rai>Tfs Kal d^oSo^ffavres typafyov' led the king to shew Hickes the ori- 
 
 TreWe 5e fj.6^oi ou -n-poffeSQavTo. So- ginal MS. of the papers in Charles 
 
 crat. Hist. Eccl., lib. i. c. viii. p. 22.] II.'s own hand. The sermon was 
 
 * Euseb. de vita Const., lib. iii. cap. afterwards enlarged, and published in 
 
 xxiii. [fj.6vois Alyvirriois &P.IKTOS ?>v ^ 1686. In 1706 Hickes sent out this 
 
 irpbs ctAA.4jA.ous <pi\oveiKia. f &s Kal alQis second edition, with many additions, 
 
 /oxA.iV ftaffiXea' ou p^v Kal irpbs bpyfy an Appendix of papers relating to the 
 
 fyeipfiv, ola yovv irartpas, tj Kal /j.a\\ov schisms of the Church of Rome, and 
 
 irpo(p-f)Tas eou, irdffr) Trepieiroov Ti/j.fj, the Preface here referred to ; the de- 
 
 K . T> x. ibid., p. 59l'.] sign of which is to expose the deistical 
 
 " Sozom. Eccles. Hist, lib. i. cap. principles which were then being put 
 
 iii. [ibid., torn. ii. pp. 12, 13. The chap- forth ; particularly in two works, from 
 
 ter contains the account of Constan- which he gives extracts, An Account 
 
 tine's conversion, and the instruction of the Growth of Deism, and The 
 
 then given him.] Principles of the Protestant religion 
 
 v See the preface to the Apologetical in respect to Church communion ; both 
 
 Vindication of the Church of England, of which are mentioned in the later 
 
 in Answer to her Adversaries, who re- part of this Discourse.] 
 proach her with the English Heresies 
 
Divisions no argument against Councils. 
 
 153 
 
 the divisions among the bishops in the council of Nice was OF COUN- 
 no bar to the conversion of two philosophers, who came with CILS ' 
 as much prejudice as curiosity to hear their debates x ; and if 
 our author's spite to priesthood would have let him, he might 
 have learned more manners, if not more religion, than to 
 treat Christian synods as he hath done, from a wise and in- 
 genuous pagan, the philosopher Themistius, who, address- 
 ing himself to the Arian emperor Valens, to persuade him to 
 moderate his cruel persecution of the faithful, told himy, " He 
 ought not to admire at the disagreement of opinions among 
 Christians, which was but small, if compared with the multi- 
 tude and confusion of opinion amongst the Greeks, among 
 whom there were above three hundred sects." Nay, he 
 prayed him to consider, that " the most excellent and useful 
 arts had never arrived to such perfection, but by difference 
 of judgment, and strife among the artists themselves ; nay, 
 that philosophy, the mother of all good arts, had risen from 
 small beginnings to such a height of perfection, by differences 
 and contentions among learned men." 
 
 x [See Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., lib. i. 
 c. xviii. torn. ii. p. 36. Hickes has 
 been misled by the heading of the 
 chapter, which is, ' De duohus philoso- 
 phis ad fidem conversis,' &c. One of 
 these only was converted at the coun- 
 cil ; by an able and simple-minded 
 confessor, who enunciated the Chris- 
 tian doctrines, and added, ravra ovrus 
 L^J roivvv 
 
 , Kal rpdirov $ yeve- 
 ffOai ravra $) /*^ y4i><rQai eVeSe'xero' a\\' 
 et TTHTTCvfis epo/jifvcp /j,oi airoKpivov' irpbs 
 ravra KaraTr\ayfis 6 <pt\6tro(f>os, iri- 
 <TTfvu, <pf](ri. The same narrative is 
 given, with some other circumstances, 
 in Ruffinus, Hist. Eccl., lib. i. c. 3. 
 Opuscula, pp. 196, 197. Paris. 1680. 
 The other conversion is mentioned by 
 Sozomen as a parallel instance ; it 
 took place at Constantinople on a 
 different occasion. Socrates, Hist. 
 Eccl., lib. i. c. viii. p. 20, speaks 
 of the dialecticians generally being 
 silenced by the simple lay confessor, 
 who said, 6 Xpiarbs Kal ol air6(TTo\oi, 
 ov SidA.eKTt/c'Jji/ THJUV irapfSocrav rex v "n v > 
 ot5e Kf})i/ airdrriv, a\\a yv/JLvrji' yv(t>fj.T)v, 
 irltTTfi Kal Ka\6is epyois <pv\arr6fj.fvr}v.^ 
 y [avrov 
 
 yrjriKy \6ytp (oratione quae irpo(T(pwrrri- 
 Kbs in scribitur) eV w p.)] 8eTv evie<rdai 
 7ri rrj SiaQcovia rcav XptcTTiaviKwv Soy/m- 
 T(av irapaivelry $a<n\ti. (JLiKpav yap ftvai 
 T^]V avriov Sia<p<avlav, us irpbs rb IT\TJ~ 
 Bos Kal rrjv ffvyxyffiv T&V Trap' "E\\ri(Ti 
 Soy/j-drw elvai yap inrkp rpiaK6ffia 86y- 
 /tora.] Socrat., H. E., lih.iv. [cap. xxxii. 
 ibid., p. 255. Haec oratio Themistii ad 
 Valentem, hodie extat Latine edita a 
 Duditio. Nam quod Socrates ait The- 
 mistium in ea oratione locutum esse 
 de discrepantia dogmatum Philosophi- 
 corum, habetur in Versione Duditii 
 p. 507. (Oral. xii. Themistii Orationes 
 ed. Petav. et Hardouin, p. 158. Paris. 
 1 684-.) " Artes quidem quarum magnus 
 in vita usus et delectatio est, nunquam 
 ad tantam sublimitatem et elegantiam 
 pervenissent, nisi artificum inter ipsos 
 discrepantia judiciorum et certamen 
 quoddam extitisset. Quippe ipsa Phi- 
 losophia, mater omnium laudandarum 
 artium, ab exiguis orta principiis, nonne 
 doctissimorum hominum dissensione 
 ita crevit, ut ad ejus absolutionem 
 nihil desiderari videatur?" Valesii an- 
 nott. ad loc. This same passage is 
 quoted in the Apologetical Vindication, 
 p. 36.] 
 
154 Objections, had Angels been made our Priests. 
 
 But nothing will satisfy these men, whose reasons are 
 perverted, and whose souls are poisoned to such a degree, 
 with the anti-Nicene venom against priesthood and priests. 
 If God had thought fit instead of men to make angels priests, 
 that would not have pleased them. Then they would have 
 arraigned His wisdom at the bar of their reason, for making 
 Spirits priests, who had none of our passions, and by con- 
 sequence could have no compassion for our infirmities. If 
 they had preached and prayed among them as we do, and 
 administered the same Sacraments, and come to visit them 
 in their houses, familiarity would have bred the same con- 
 tempt. When they preached up repentance, mortification, 
 and self-denial, they would have cavilled, and said they 
 preached what they did not understand ; that they knew not 
 our animal frame and carnal constitution ; and that it was 
 unreasonable to hear such doctrines from those who did not 
 understand flesh and blood. Had they preached up non- 
 resistance, they would have said they were devils, who out of 
 spite to men, the noblest part of God's creation, had a mind 
 to make all mankind slaves. Had they sometimes eat and 
 drank with them, as the angels did with Abraham and Lot, 
 they would have said they were gluttonous and wine-bibbers ; 
 but had they conversed with them, neither eating bread nor 
 drinking wine, they would have said they were austere 
 devils. Had they made canons, especially penitential canons, 
 for the government of the Church, and put them in execution 
 upon stubborn and contumacious sinners, they would have 
 said they were Abaddons ; that ' their pretended power clashed 
 with the civil magistrates' power ; ' that it ' took from them 
 the power of protecting their subjects;' that they ' took the 
 practice of it from the heathen priests;' that it 'set up impe- 
 rium in imperio,' and ( was sufficient to enslave all mankind 2 / 
 Had they pretended to bind and loose sinners, then they 
 would have said they could not be good but evil spirits, " who 
 usurped the prerogative, and invaded the incommunicable 
 rights of God ;" assuming a power to themselves of " damning 
 and saving, and making God no more than their executioner 3 ." 
 If they had met together and framed any confession of faith, 
 especially in the words of that of the Nicene council, though 
 
 z [See Rights, pp. 29, 41, 43, 44.] [Ibid., pp. 66, 68.] 
 
Fallacy on the right of the laity to Church property . 155 
 
 they had framed it with the same harmony and agreement OF COUN- 
 in which the good angels live in heaven, they would have 
 said, that "it was an imposition on the Christian world, not 
 being contained in express words of Scripture ; . . . that they 
 undermined the fabric of Christianity by it; that they de- 
 parted from the general rules of their religion in imposing 
 of it, and violated our Saviour's institution of a Church, not 
 subject to any additions in matters of faith b ;" and that as 
 they had no idea of that doctrine, so it was nothing to them, 
 " who are to judge for themselves, and act according to their 
 judgment":" and had they enjoined any rites or ceremonies, 
 they would have said " they were for shows, and laid stress 
 upon impertinencies which no ways influenced a good life d ." 
 He censures the clergy for condemning King Henry VIII., 
 for alienating the Church lands, and "those who possess 
 them as guilty of sacrilege, for withholding them from the 
 Church*;" and so he might have censured many learned lay- 
 men too. And the reason he gives for censuring or rather 
 ridiculing of them is this ; that " they are now in the hands 
 of the Church, and have been ever since the people were pos- 
 sessed of them," because the people in the Scriptures are 
 called the Church. So the people of the city are called ' the 
 city/ and if any of them should possess themselves of the 
 city lands, they would be in the city still. So when an in- 
 truding president and fellows of Magdalene college in Ox- 
 ford, sacrilegiously shared the founder's gold among them, 
 the gold was in the college still. But if for Church lands, 
 we put priests' lands, or bishops' lands, his sophism will 
 appear to a child, though he hopes to deceive men with it ; 
 and as long as our bishops and priests enjoy the remainder 
 of the Church lands, these men, if permitted, will be always 
 thus writing against them. A stipendiary ministry, subject 
 to a "staff and a pair of shoes f ," is what they design to 
 bring about by all their invectives against the clergy : and 
 as they malign the Church for her lands, so they hate her 
 
 b Ibid., p. 196. [This is the con- e Rights, p. 215. 
 
 elusion of the quotation from Mar- f [" nothing being found more effec- 
 
 vel's Hist. Essay of Councils. See note tual to keep a pragmatical priest within 
 
 k, p. 151.] bounds, than the fear of having a staff 
 
 c Ibid., Pref., p. Ixxxv. and a pair of shoes laid at his door."] 
 
 d Ibid., p. 212. Rights, p. 214. 
 
156 Character of the authorities alleged by Tindal. 
 PREFAT. synods for the sake of her doctrine, and are always for the 
 
 DISCOURSE, * 11. . 
 
 SECT, vii. same cause barking at the Universities*, because they also 
 have lands and are seminaries of the Church. 
 
 The narrow bounds of a preface will not give me leave to 
 shew the many false turns he hath given to Church history 
 in this chapter, and make the reflections which the authors 
 he hath cited against ecclesiastical synods, as well as what 
 he cites, deserve. I will only say I am sorry, and am ashamed 
 to find that any divines of the Church of England should 
 write in such manner as to deserve praises from him h ; and I 
 hope it will be matter of humiliation and repentance to them, 
 when they find themselves adorned for writing such things 
 by such men, whose commendations are flatteries, whose 
 praises are dishonour, and whose characters, the more favour- 
 able they are, are the greater scandal and disgrace. Indeed 
 it would be worth the while for some that have time, to make 
 remarks on all the citations of his book. Some he would 
 find cited out of authors who were known enemies to revealed 
 religion; others which have been answered, without taking 
 notice of the answers. Others he would find to be the 
 errors of mistaken and well-meaning men; and others of 
 clergymen, who to serve a design, have written things incon- 
 sistent with their characters and profession, as priests. Others 
 again would appear to be but rash and passionate discharges 
 of men who wrote in haste and heat ; and others, which he 
 triumphs in citing, would be found to be but singularities of 
 a few opining writers, who are as much in love with their 
 own dear notions, as Narcissus was with his own form. In 
 the last place, others will be found to be nothing but the 
 effusions of bile and venom against the fathers of the Greek 
 and Latin Church upon the account of the Nicene or Con- 
 stantinopolitan confession, of which I will give one example. 
 "Mr. Le Clerc," saith he 1 , "than whom there never was a 
 
 B [See Rights, pp. 221, sqq.J Wake is particularly alluded to by 
 
 h [Tindal speaks of " that great re- Hickes, whom Tindal calls " the judi- 
 
 former and glorious martyr, Archbishop cious Dr. Wake," p. 200 ; " who, by his 
 
 Cranmer," Rights, p. 178 ; " the late exemplary life, shews his zeal for reli- 
 
 excellent Archbishop," (Tillotson.) p. gion; and for the Church, by his excel- 
 
 202. He repeatedly quotes Bishop lent defence of it against popery in the 
 
 Burnet with approbation, and says of most dangerous times," pp. 203, 204. 
 
 the low Church clergy generally, See also Preface to Rights, p. Ixxxvi.] 
 
 "none can have a juster esteem for i Rights, p. 169. 
 them than he," p. 303 ; but probably 
 
Le Clerc and Episcopius against the Councils. 157 
 
 more impartial or abler judge, gives us a short yet lively OFCOUN- 
 picture of these times j : ' Weak princes, as far from being 
 good as wise, assembled a pack of paltry Greeks, who had 
 spent their lives in the art of cavilling about words without 
 the least knowledge in things; so very fond of wrangling, 
 that they were eternally in feuds among themselves. To 
 these were added some few from the west, more stupid and 
 ignorant indeed, but not a whit more honest; who after 
 much scandalous quarrelling, did at last, by their own autho- 
 rity, establish certain unintelligible propositions, in such 
 terms as were for the most part very improper, which the 
 vulgar implicitly reverenced as most heavenly truths/ This, as 
 severe as it seems, is softer than what the great Episcopius says 
 of the councils, that they were 'led on by fury, faction, and 
 madnessV" I need make no reflections on these modest 
 characters of the emperors, and the Greek and Latin fathers, 
 of the fourth and fifth century. Not to mention Theodosius 
 Junior, andMarcian; Constantinethe Great, and Theodosius the 
 Great, are here set forth as great fools and very wicked princes ; 
 and the fathers of the two first general councils, not to men- 
 tion any of their great names, were a pack of paltry, cavilling, 
 stupid fellows, boobies, and knaves, that knew nothing but 
 how to quarrel and brawl. Good God ! that the Christian 
 world should be misled for so many ages by such worthless, 
 ignorant sort of men; that our reformers, and all our learned 
 divines since the Reformation, should retain such veneration 
 for them, and not only declare that their confession of faith, 
 with "the Apostles' creed, and the creed commonly called 
 the creed of St. Athanasius ought to be received and believed, 
 because they may be proved by holy Scripture 1 ;" but also 
 
 J Ars Critica. [pars 2. sect. ii. Critica. Amst. 1700. Cave in the same 
 
 c. 5. 18. ed. 2. Amst. 1700.] year sent out an Epistola Apologetica, 
 
 See more to the same purpose by the &c. in qua argumenta ejus pro Eusebii 
 
 same author, cited by the learned Dr. Arianismo ad examen revocantur, &c. 
 
 Cave in his Vindication of Eusebius Lond. 1700. This was reprinted at the 
 
 from Arianism against Le Clerc, p. 1. end of the second volume of the His- 
 [Cave published a dissertation De Eu- . toria Literaria, in the edition published 
 
 sebii Caesariensis Arianismo adversus at Oxford in 1743. The dissertation 
 
 Johannem Clericum ; as the last of first mentioned is the work to which 
 
 three dissertations appended to the Hickes refers ; p. 1 of that dissertation 
 
 second part of his Historia Literaria. is p. 42 of the three dissertations in the 
 
 Lond. 1698. Le Clerc replied in a work edition of 1743.] 
 
 entitled " Epistolae Criticae et Ecclesi- k [This subject is referred to in the 
 
 asticae," &c. which formed the third later part of this Discourse.] 
 
 volume of the second edition of his Ars l Art. viii. 
 
158 Church of England asserts the Power of the Keys. 
 
 PREFAT. make them a part of our religious worship. This is their 
 
 ?&cx. U vii E ' secret intolerable grievance; this, and absolute non-resist- 
 
 ~~ ance, is that which provokes them to write with so much 
 
 scorn and bitterness against the clergy. Would the English 
 
 convocation but damn the creeds, which assert the Holy 
 
 Trinity, and the non-resisting doctrine, then these men 
 
 would invert their style, and write of our order as most 
 
 Divine, and say as glorious things of us all, as for their own 
 
 purpose they say of some. 
 
 SECT, vm. It would require a great deal of time and paper, to shew 
 censures^ our au thor's fallacies and contradictions ; and how, under the 
 name of ' high Church/ he hath written from one end of his 
 book to the other against the Church of England ; contrary 
 to her doctrine and discipline, in her articles, canons and 
 homilies, in which she asserts the power of the keys, and the 
 clergy to have that power ; as the bishop of Sarum writes in 
 the preface to his Vindication of the Ordinations of the 
 Church of England : "But our Church still owns the power 
 of the keys p , which is not only doctrinal, when the mercies 
 of God are declared, or His judgments denounced; but it is 
 also authoritative and ministerial, by which all Christians are 
 either admitted to, or rejected from the privileges of Church 
 communion, and their sins are bound or loosed. With this 
 we assert the pastors of the Church are vested." That the 
 
 m [See notes h, p. 156, andm, p. 55.] 
 n [Tindal professed only to oppose 
 the high Church views, (see note p, 
 p. 72.) " It was to defend the Church 
 of England against the papists, Jaco- 
 bites, and other highfliers, that caused 
 me to engage in this controversy." 
 Rights, p. 303. "Nothing is more dis- 
 puted at present, than who is the best 
 Churchman, both high and low Church 
 laying claim to it; and therefore it 
 cannot be doubted but both will ap- 
 prove my design in setting this dispute 
 in a fair light, and shewing what is 
 meant by the Church of England as 
 by law established: wherein I shall 
 make it appear, that they who raise 
 the greatest noise about the danger of 
 the Church are the greatest enemies to 
 it," &c. Preface to Rights, 1. p. i. 
 " And now I have nothing further to 
 add than to desire the reader to take 
 notice, that though in the following dis- 
 
 course I use the word clergy in general, 
 I would not be understood to mean 
 those who maintain the principles of 
 our established Church ; but the popish, 
 eastern, presbyterian, and Jacobite 
 clergy, (who are infinitely the ma- 
 jority,) as well as too many who pre- 
 tend to be of the Church of England, 
 falling into notions inconsistent with 
 our legal establishment." Ibid., p. 
 Ixxxiv.J 
 
 [A Vindication of the Ordinations 
 of the Church of England, in which it 
 is demonstrated that all the essentials 
 of ordination, according to the practice 
 of the primitive and Greek Churches, 
 are still retained in our Church. In 
 answer to a paper written by one of the 
 Church of Rome to prove the nullity 
 of our orders and given to a person of 
 quality ; by Gilbert Burnet. Preface, 
 London, 1677.] 
 
 P Art. xxxiii. 
 
Tertullian on the Primitive Doctrine. 159 
 
 pastors of the Church are vested by God with such a power ON CHURCH 
 
 . _ ~, . . CENSURES. 
 
 is plain from the sense and practice of the Christians, as ex- 
 pressed by Tertullian in these words * : "We Christians are 
 a corporation or society of men, most strictly united by the 
 same religion, by the same rites of worship, and animated by 
 one and the same hope. When we come to the public service 
 of God, we come like an army, as if we were to storm heaven 
 by the force of our prayers ; and this force is grateful violence 
 to God. . . . We meet together likewise for reading the holy 
 Scriptures. ... In these assemblies also we exhort, reprove, and 
 pass the Divine censure (of excommunication). For the judg- 
 ments in this place are delivered with all gravity and solem- 
 nity, as among men who are sure they stand in the presence 
 of God. And the judgment here pronounced against delin- 
 quents (summum futuri judicii prajudicium est) is the last 
 previous sentence of the judgment to come against him, who 
 hath sinned to such a degree, as to be excluded from our 
 assemblies, and from the communion of prayers and other 
 religious commerce. The presbyters, who preside in these 
 assemblies, are raised to this dignity, not by money, but the 
 testimony of their lives/' &c. 
 
 Here it is plain, that the Christians of the second century 
 looked upon the censured sinner as precondemned by God ; 
 and that the sentence of excommunication, and by conse- 
 quence of absolution, was not only declarative, but judicial ; 
 not that they "assumed the power of damning and saving 1 "," 
 as he speaks with a face of brass, or "invaded the incom- 
 municable attributes of God 8 " but that God was pleased, as 
 under the law, so under the gospel, to bind or loose sinners 
 by the ministry of men ; and had He done it by the ministry 
 of angels, as I observed before, had He said to those blessed 
 spirits, or any appointed number of them, " Whosesoever [John 20. 
 
 i Apol., c. 39. [Corpus sumus de con- est, si quis ita deliquerit, ut a coinmu- 
 
 scientia religionis, et discipline imitate, nicatione orationis, et conventus, et 
 
 et spei fcedere. Coimus ad Deum, quasi omnis sancti commercii relegetur. 
 
 marm facta precationibus ambiamus. Praesident probati quoque seniores, 
 
 Haec vis Deo grata est ... Coimus honorem istum non pretio, sed testi- 
 
 ad literarum divinarum commemora- monio adepti; neque eriim pretio ulla 
 
 tionem. . . . Ibidem etiam exhorta- res Dei constat. Tertull., Apol. c. 28. 
 
 tiones, castigationes, et censura divina. (al. 39.) Op., p. 31, A, ed. Ben.] 
 
 Nam et judicatur magno cum pondere, r [Rights, p. 68.] 
 
 ut apud certos de Dei conspectu, sum- * [Ibid., p. 69.] 
 nmmque futuri judicii praejudiciutn 
 
160 The Homilies on St. Ambrose and Theodosius. 
 PREFAT. sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them : and whosesoever 
 
 DISCOURSE, . . . 
 
 SECT. vm. sins ye retain, they are retained ; and " whatsoever ye shall 
 [Matt. is. bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever ye 
 shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven :" I say, had 
 He been pleased to give this power of the keys to any order 
 or number of the holy angels, these enemies of priestly power 
 might have said the same thing. I hope in my second letter 
 I have proved this doctrine, relating to the power of the 
 keys, by sufficient authorities*, particularly by the censure of 
 St. Ambrose upon Theodosius the_ Great ; which as it was 
 submitted to by the emperor upon Christian principles, and 
 never condemned by any Church, of that, or after ages : so is 
 it highly approved by ours, in the second part of the Homily 
 of the Eight Use of the Church, where are these words u ; 
 "And, according to this example of our Saviour Christ, in 
 the primitive Church which was most holy and godly, and in 
 the which due discipline with severity was used against the 
 wicked, open offenders were not suffered once to enter into 
 the house of the Lord, nor admitted to common prayer, and 
 the use of the holy Sacraments, with other true Christians, 
 until they had done open penance [before] the whole Church. 
 And this was practised not only upon mean persons, but also 
 upon [the] rich, noble, and mighty persons ; yea upon Theo- 
 dosius, that puissant and mighty emperor, whom, for com- 
 mitting a grievous and wilful murder, St. Ambrose, bishop of 
 Milan, reproved sharply, and did also excommunicate the said 
 emperor, and brought him to open penance. And they that 
 were so justly exempted, and banished as it were from the 
 house of the Lord, were taken, as they be indeed, for men 
 divided and separated from Christ's Church, and in most dan- 
 1 Cor. 5. 5. gerous estate, yea, as St. Paul saith, f even given unto Satan' 
 the devil, for a time; and their company was shunned and 
 avoided of all godly men and women, until such time as they 
 by repentance and public penance were reconciled." I have 
 set forth this proceeding of St. Ambrose against the emperor 
 Theodosius at large x , and of his humble behaviour during all 
 
 t [Second Discourse, on the Dignity i. part 2, p. 162. Oxford, 1832.] 
 of the Episcopal Order, chap. i. sect. x In the Second Letter. [On the 
 
 iii. iv.] Dignity of the Episcopal Order, chap. i. 
 
 u [Second Book of Homilies, Horn. sect. iv. 4.J 
 
Duty of exercising the Power of the Keys. 161 
 
 the time he was debarred from entering into the Church, ON CHURCH 
 which was a lesser sort, or lower degree, of excommunication. 
 The religious emperor, as well as the holy father, knew that 
 the power of the keys was committed to a particular order 
 of men for maintaining and upholding the kingdom of God in 
 the kingdoms of the world, and for preserving the authority 
 of His ministers therein, and that priests and people, stand- 
 ing in awe of that spiritual power, might be afraid to do any 
 thing that would dishonour their spiritual society and pro- 
 fession, or give offence to the Jews, or to the Gentiles, or to 
 the Church of God. The clergy of all Churches ought to 
 take care to preserve this power in purity and force, and not 
 to let it fall into decay, or desuetude, or suffer by irregular 
 administration, lest God should not only call them to an ac- 
 c ount for their stewardship in this world, and in judgment take 
 it from them, but condemn them in the next, as mal- adminis- 
 trators of His kingdom upon earth, and traditors of the trust 
 He hath committed to them. I fear the nonuser and abuser 
 of this sacred power in the Church of England, hath been a 
 great ingredient in the judgments that formerly, and of late, 
 have fallen upon it, and particularly of the progressive con- 
 tempt of her clergy, and growing number of her enemies. 
 For the neglect of using this power, to the great and holy 
 end for which God hath appointed it, and using of it, when 
 it is administered, in such manner as is not agreeable to the 
 hojy nature and solemnity of such a Divine institution, I may 
 justly say, are the 'high-places' that yet 'remain' in the 
 Church of England, which ought always and by all means, in 
 season and out of season, to endeavour the restoration of the 
 ancient godly discipline in its purity, in conjunction with her 
 Apostolical government, and purity of doctrine and worship : 
 and would the governors of the Church, in sincerity and the 
 sense of their duty, go about this good work, which is want- 
 ing to complete our reformation, God, I trust, would give 
 success to their faithful endeavours ; and when it was done, 
 He would with the pure, strict, ancient discipline, restore the 
 Church and her clergy to their ancient veneration ; He would 
 then multiply the number of her friends, as fast as He hath 
 suffered her enemies to increase ; nay, then He would make 
 her enemies, her worst enemies, even such as is the author of 
 
162 Abuses in the exercise of this power admitted. 
 
 PREFAT. the Eights, and his accomplices, the disciples of Spinoza, to 
 
 DISCOURSE, 
 
 SECT, vni. be at peace with her, and become her good friends. 
 
 Every one who reads his book must needs observe how 
 he sets himself with all the sophistry he hath, to argue against 
 the ecclesiastical discipline, and, in such a manner as be- 
 cometh himself, against the power of excommunication, 
 from some corruptions in the exercise and execution of it, 
 which the clergy bewail as much as he ridicules, and which 
 by consequence have been, and still are, much more the mis- 
 fortune, than the fault of the Church. It was bewailed by 
 Edward Fox y , bishop of Hereford, before the Reformation, in 
 a treatise concerning the division between the spirituality 
 and temporalty 2 , of which I have seen an English translation 
 by Henry Stafford, son of Edward duke of Buckingham, 
 printed by Robert Redman at London a . In this treatise the 
 bishop sets forth with great faithfulness and grief the corrup- 
 tions both of the regulars and seculars ; which I observe for 
 the honour of the clergy, who never palliated or concealed the 
 
 r Edw. Foxus [natione Anglus, Can- 
 tabrigiae regalis Collegii socius, et in 
 eadem Academia Sacrse Theologiae Doc- 
 tor : denique successu temporis] Epi- 
 scopus Herefordensis, vir eloquentiae 
 laude praestans, prudentissimus etiam 
 et gravis, [in dirigendis et expediendis 
 arduis negotiis cum judicio promptus 
 et dexter. Unde Rex Angliae Hen- 
 ricus octavus hujus viri opera, in variis 
 legationibus in Italiam et in Germa- 
 niam usus est, et quidem satis com- 
 mode. Item] nobilissimus Heros Hen- 
 ricus Dominus de Staffordio virum 
 hunc mire coluit, et in gratiam auctoris 
 aliqua ejus opera ex Latino in Angli- 
 cum vertit sermonem. Ex iis quae 
 scripsit haec pauca saltern invenio, 
 Differentiam utriusque status et pote- 
 statis [librum unum.] Quern in An- 
 glicum vertit ipse Staffordius. Pitsius 
 [de Illustribus Angliae Scriptoribus] ad 
 An. 1530. n. 930. 
 
 Henricus Staffordius, Edwardi illus- 
 trissimi Ducis Buckinghamise filius, vir 
 felicis ingenii, et in melioribus quibus- 
 que disciplinis insigniter eruditus, &c. 
 Illud unum mihi constat eum e Latino 
 in Anglicum sermonem eleganter ver- 
 tisse Edwardi Foxi Praesulis Hereford- 
 ensis opus de Differentia Potestatis Ec- 
 clesiasticae et Secularis. [obiit anno 
 post nativitatem Christi 1558.] Id., ad 
 aim. 1558. [n. 1008.] 
 
 1 [The title of the' book is Opus 
 Eximium de vera differentia regiae po- 
 testatis et ecclesiasticae, ac quae sit ipsa 
 veritas de virtute utriusque. Londini ; 
 in aedibus Tho. Bartholeti. 1533. It is 
 directed against the authority of the 
 pope, and to maintain that of the king, 
 in spirituals.] 
 
 a [There was also an edition of this 
 translation printed by William Cope- 
 land in 1548. Fox was a statesman, 
 introduced by Wolsey, and himself! in- 
 troducing Cranmer to the court. " He 
 was almoner to the king, and reputed, 
 Burnet says, ' one of the best divines 
 in England.' He was the principal 
 pillar of the Reformation, as to the 
 politic and prudential part of it ; being 
 of more activity and no less ability 
 than Cranmer himself; but he acted 
 more secretly than Cranmer, and there- 
 fore did not bring himself into danger 
 of suffering on that account. He was 
 Henry's ambassador to the Protestant 
 princes at Smalcalde, sent to urge 
 them to an union with England against 
 Rome. Lloyd (State Worthies) re- 
 presents him as a fine preacher, but 
 adds, that his inclination to politics 
 brake through all the ignoble restraints 
 of pedantic studies, to an eminency that 
 made him the wonder of the university, 
 and the darling of the court." Chal- 
 mers' Biogr. Diet.] 
 
A restraint on the Civil Power ; parallel instances ; 163 
 
 faults of their own order, in former or later ages, as may be ON CHURCH 
 seen in the works of Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Hierom, Am- 
 brose, &c., not to mention the councils, to which our author 
 hath an implacable enmity, and many writers even of the latter 
 and most corrupt ages of the Church. It is out of the writings 
 of clergymen, that he hath picked up his discoveries of the 
 corruption of the clergy, which I observe again in bar and 
 abatement to his accusations, which he brings against the 
 whole order, without distinction of good from bad. 
 
 Wherefore his malicious reflections upon the reformable 
 mal-administration of Church censures are no argument 
 against them, unless it be good logic to argue against the, 
 goodness of a thing, from the abuse of it, which may be re- 
 formed. The foundation of his argument against them is 
 purely verbal and precarious, in such suppositions and ex- 
 pressions as this; "their pretending to a judicial power ;" 
 " their assuming to themselves a jurisdiction in contradistinc- 
 tion to the magistrate's b :" so, if he pleases, he may say their 
 " assuming to themselves a power" of making a man a mem- 
 ber of Christ, a child of God, and an heir of the kingdom of 
 heaven. But in this way of speaking of the sacerdotal power 
 he begs the question, which, as I observed before, is a ques- 
 tion of fact, whether God hath not given His ministers such 
 a power and jurisdiction ? and if He have, then all his argu- 
 ments ab incommodo upon the civil power, were they true, 
 would fall to the ground. The king or queen is the 
 supreme magistrate in this kingdom, and in his way of 
 arguing he may write another book against some parts of 
 our constitution, and the rights, and grants, and privileges 
 of societies, as well as single persons ; because in many cases 
 they so limit and restrain the royal power, and, as he phrases 
 it, " take from the sovereign the power of protecting his sub- 
 jects " as for example, if the college, of which he is a mem- 
 ber, will expel him c , neither the supreme magistrate, nor all 
 the magistrates in the kingdom, can hinder them, or protect 
 him from expulsion. If the lower house of parliament will 
 send one of their members to the tower, or impeach a peer, 
 
 b [Rights, p. 65.] his college for gross incontinency. 
 
 c [vid. note a, p. 48. Tindal was on Biogr. Brit, art. Tindal.] 
 one occasion formally reprimanded by 
 
 M2 
 
164 Independent Jurisdictions. Magistrate precluding from 
 
 PREFAT. though never so great a favourite of the sovereign, neither 
 SECT?VII?' he, nor all the magistrates of the kingdom can hinder it, or 
 protect them ; and if human constitutions can so restrain, 
 and tie up the hands of the regal power, may not God by 
 His divine constitutions do the same? Is it such a strange 
 thing that the Church should have the power, which every 
 society, every college, every company, every university hath 
 to turn out their incorrigible, and contumacious members, or 
 members who commit such crimes for which by the charter 
 or statutes they ought to be expelled ? Every father of a 
 family hath power, or, as he is pleased to express it, "assumes 
 a power to himself/' of turning a disobedient son or servant, 
 independently of the magistrate, out of his house ; and may 
 not the fathers of the Church exercise the same power, which 
 God hath given them, and expects they should exercise, upon 
 open, scandalous, or obstinate sinners, as they will be answer- 
 able therefore to Him at the day of judgment ? The question 
 therefore is, whether or no God hath vested them with this 
 power, or whether they have "assumed it to themselves ?" 
 And the reader is left to judge, whether he will believe an- 
 tiquity, universality, and consent, the ancient, universal, and 
 unanimous testimony of the Catholic Church, or this upstart 
 number of novelists, who are enemies to the Christian faith 
 and religion, as well as the priesthood, because priests are 
 ordained for the defence thereof. 
 
 But he saith d , "if the power of excommunication belongs 
 independently to the clergy, then the magistrate could neither 
 banish, imprison, or put a man to death, because it would 
 deprive him of the communion of the Church." By com- 
 munion, he means actual communion, or " communicating," 
 as he otherwise expresses himself, and then here is a dainty 
 argument indeed, which proves abundantly too much, and 
 by consequence nothing at all. For if this be a true argu- 
 ment against the sacerdotal power of excommunication, then 
 a Christian must not live and trade in a country, where there 
 are no Christian meetings for worship, or such Christian 
 meetings with which he cannot join; because, as he speaks, 
 " it would hinder him not only from communicating with his 
 own Church, but with all the Churches in the world 6 ." For 
 
 c [See note c, preceding page.] d Rights, p. 38. [b. i. 9.] * [Ibid.] 
 
actual communion. Avoiding excommunicates ; Exceptions, 165 
 
 the same reason a faithful Christian must not go a long ON CHURCH 
 voyage in a Turkish or Indian ship, or a vessel only manned 
 with quakers; or in a journey, rest on the Lord's day where 
 there is no Church. In these cases, as in close imprisonment, 
 or banishment to desert islands, the prisoners and exiled 
 persons want indeed the benefit of actual communion, but 
 they have the comfort of being in a state of communion with 
 all the Churches in the world. And as for the want of actual 
 communion, if their close confinement or banishment is just, 
 they are justly deprived of it, as any other criminal in close 
 imprisonment is of the enjoyment of his family ; but if they 
 be unjust, then the Church, which protects no man from the 
 power of the magistrate, teaches submission and passive 
 obedience, and leaves the unrighteous magistrate (who is 
 here supposed to be supreme) to answer for his unrighteous- 
 ness to God. 
 
 His next Herculean argument against the sacerdotal power 
 of excommunication is taken from the effect of it, because 
 excommunicate persons are to be avoided until they return 
 to the Church f . This he sets forth in most tragical manner s, 
 without saying that it extends not to near relations, as hus- 
 bands, wives, children, servants, or subjects, nor to cases of 
 Eecessity, or cases of conversing with excommunicates for 
 their admonition, instruction, and edification 11 . However, this 
 
 f [Article XXXIII. Of excommuni- spirituals tarn excommunicati, quam 
 
 cate persons, how they are to be avoided, communicantis. Sic enim propter utili- 
 
 That person which by open denuncia- tatem spiritualem excommunicati licet 
 
 tion of the Church is rightly cut off eum verbis et facto exhortari ad ejus 
 
 from the unity of the Church, and ex- conversionem et resipiscentiam. 
 
 communicated, ought to be taken of 2. ... per ly lex indicata est ma- 
 
 the whole multitude of the faithful, as trimonium. . . . 
 
 an heathen and publican, until he be 3. Tertia causa, per ly humile inti- 
 
 openly reconciled by penance, and re- mata est subjectio, ratione cujus liberi 
 
 ceived into the Church by a judge that cum parentibns excommunicatis, servi 
 
 hath authority thereunto.] et subditi cum dominis, vel superior! - 
 
 8 Rights, pp. 39 41. bus suis, milites cum ducibus belli 
 
 h [Decret., Pars 2. caus. xi. qu. 3. communicare non prohibentur, et sicut 
 
 103. Quoniam multos. (a decree of ex contra. . . . 
 
 Gregory VII.) Ab anathematis vin- 4. Quarta causa, per ly res ignorata, 
 
 culo eos subtrahimus, videlicet uxores, indigitata est ignorantia tarn juris quam 
 
 liberos, servos, ancillas, seu mancipia, facti. . . . 
 
 necnon rusticos servientes, et omnes 5. Quinta causa, per ly necesse in- 
 
 alios qui non adeo curiales sunt, ut dicata est necessitas quaecunque nota- 
 
 eorum consilio scelera perpetrentur. bilis sive se teneat ex parte communi- 
 
 The canonists express the exceptions cantis,vel alterius. Vid. Reiffenstuel's 
 
 derived from this decree, in the line, Jus Canonicum, and the canonists re- 
 
 Utile, lejc, humile, res ignorata, necesse. ferred to by him, torn. iv. p. 404. 
 
 1. ... Utilitas, turn temporalis turn Antw. 1755.] 
 
166 Cases parallel to that of avoiding excommunicates. 
 
 PREFAT. avoiding of excommunicates, he saith 1 , "doth not only deprive 
 them of their employments and professions, but if strictly 
 put in execution, would cause them to lead lives more to be 
 dreaded than death itself, and at last to perish most mise- 
 rably." How false this is, appears from the exceptions just 
 now mentioned, in which conversation and commerce with 
 excommunicates is not forbidden. But admitting all he saith 
 were strictly true, I must tell him, that all this misery would 
 be the effect of the excommunicate's contumacy and stub- 
 bornness, and not of the excommunication; because the 
 Church is always ready to receive him upon repentance ; this 
 power of her priests being not for destruction, but emenda- 
 tion and edification, as we shall hereafter see. He cannot 
 but know, that other civil societies, particularly the universi- 
 ties, have a power like this, which they exercise in excom- 
 muning the citizens and magistrates of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge, when their rights, privileges, and immunities are in- 
 vaded by them; but they do not this with an intention to 
 hurt them or their families, but to reduce them to reason, 
 being always ready to take off their prohibition of the scho- 
 lars to trade with them, as soon as they remove the cause ; 
 and what any of them suffers in the mean time by being ex- 
 communed, his sufferings are properly from himself. I need 
 not make any application of this power to that of the Church, 
 only I would ask our author, first, whether it is a " power of 
 life and death," (as the other, he saith k , is, in the clergy ;) 
 because perhaps a stubborn townsman may bring himself to 
 poverty for want of trade, by his own stubbornness ? And, 
 secondly, whether God may not give the like power to His 
 ministers of commanding the people, for the benefit and 
 honour of His Church, in all places to avoid the conversation 
 of excommunicates till they are reconciled? Let us see 
 what we can find to this purpose in the Scriptures ; I say in 
 the Scriptures, which he very seldom cites in his book. In 
 Matt, xviii. 15 18, our Lord gives a rule to His disciples 
 of proceeding with an injurious brother. First He directs 
 to tell him of his fault privately, then to admonish him be- 
 fore one, or two, or more ; and if he could not be brought to 
 reason by neither of those ways, then to tell it to the Church ; 
 
 5 [Rights, p. 39.] k Ibid. 
 
Similar instances in the New Testament. 167 
 
 but if he neglected to hear the Church, then they were to ON CHURCH 
 
 . CENSURES. 
 
 look upon him as a heathen and publican, that is, as one ~ 
 no longer fit to be conversed with. Now, supposing this 
 were only a permission, and not a strict command, yet what 
 our Lord permitted, the governors of the Church have power 
 to enjoin ; and the author of the Rights may in his way of 
 arguing against shunning excommunicates, say the same 
 thing against our Lord's directions here, that it " deprives 
 men of their professions and other men's assistance, and if 
 strictly put in execution, would make them lead lives more 
 to be dreaded than death, and at last perish most miserably." 
 The same he may say of the Apostle's command to the Ro- 
 mans (chap. xvi. 17), of "marking them who cause divisions 
 and offences, and to avoid them;" and of his injunction 
 to the Corinthians (1 Cor. v. 9, 11) "not to keep company 
 with open fornicators, idolaters, drunkards, railers, and ex- 
 tortioners, with such no not to eat." So in 2 Thess. iii. 14, 
 it was his command, that " if any obeyed not his word in 
 that epistle, they should note that man, and have no com- 
 pany with him, that he might be ashamed." So St. John, in [2 John 
 his second Epistle, commanded the Christians to whom he V 
 wrote it, that if any came among them under the name of 
 Christians, and did not confess that Christ was come in the 
 flesh, that they should not " receive them into their houses, 
 nor so much as salute them." If they had power to prohibit 
 Christians to keep company with such open scandalous sin- 
 ners that they might be ashamed, then I hope they had 
 power for the same good end to command them to avoid ex- 
 communicates, and that this power is still in their successors, 
 to whom the power of the keys belongs. I presume it is 
 reasonable to think, that the Corinthians, who were to shun 
 the incestuous person before excommunication, did avoid him 
 afterwards, what inconvenience soever he suffered by it, 
 while he was refractory and stood out. Every one who 
 knows the discipline of the primitive times, must know how 
 strictly these directions and commands of our Lord and His 
 Apostles were observed ; and, for my own part, I think them 
 so binding upon my conscience, that I should think myself 
 obliged to have no commerce or conversation with the author 
 of the Rights, and some other writers as bad as he, men- 
 
168 Excommunicate Magistrates. Causes of excommunication. 
 
 PREFAT. tioned in " The Axe laid to the Root of Christianity 1 /' ex- 
 SECT. vm.' cepting in the cases above mentioned, and to shun them in 
 all places ; and wherever I by chance met them, not to " bid 
 [Jude ver. them God speed," or to sit down at a table to a " feast" where 
 there were such " spots." But to expose and exaggerate with 
 all his power the severity of this godly discipline, and make 
 it as odious as he can, he saith m , "The magistrate is not ex- 
 empt from it, since he is an ecclesiastical subject, but may 
 be reduced to this miserable condition of being avoided and 
 shunned by his soldiers and others, on pain of being deli- 
 vered to Satan." How false this is, appears from the excep- 
 tions before mentioned 11 ; the duty of shunning excommuni- 
 cates not extending to natural, domestic, or civil relations, 
 or to discharge any child, or servant, or subject, or soldier 
 from his duty to his domestic, civil, or military superior, 
 though he were not only an excommunicate, but an apos- 
 tate ; and therefore as this discipline doth not affect a magis- 
 trate of any sort in his domestic, so neither in his civil or 
 military capacity ; but as all his children must obey, and all 
 his servants attend him within doors, so must all his subjects 
 obey him, all his officers attend him, and all his soldiers 
 march and fight in obedience to his orders without. He 
 must still have his lictors, and still ride in his curule chair ; 
 and to be short, he is the same magistrate after, as he was 
 before, excommunication, and must have the same duty paid 
 him by his inferiors in their several relations and posts. In 
 a word, his full charge against this discipline is false, for f it 
 deprives' no man f of all converse/ as he saith , nor is any 
 man " left by it alone and solitary in the midst of mankind." 
 Then he goes onP to reflect on the censures of the Church 
 for "trifling causes, for which the penalty of excommunica- 
 tion is commonly inflicted." Here again is his mobbish falla- 
 ^ious way of arguing against the use of power from the abuse 
 of it, which, if it were true, would argue down all domestic, 
 civil, and military power in the world. But, I must tell him, 
 if those he calls trifling causes were examined, they would 
 be found to be the weighty causes of contempt and contu- 
 
 1 [See note k, p. 53.] Ibid., p. 41. [ 1 1.] 
 
 Rights, p. 39. [chap. i. 9.] P Ibid., p. 44. [ 17.] 
 
 n [See p. 165. and note h.] 
 
Objection of driving subjects from their country ; 169 
 
 macy, when refractory persons will not own the judgment ON CHURCH 
 and authority of the ecclesiastical courts, or submit to them, - 
 though but in so small a matter as "a groat, or a shilling q ." 
 In the next place, he saith r , that " if excommunication be- 
 longs by Divine right to the clergy, then the magistrate hath 
 not all power necessary for the protection of his subjects, 
 because, by the terror of this dreadful punishment, they drive 
 the most useful citizens and their trades into foreign parts, 
 to the ruin of the commonwealth/ 3 To which I answer, as 
 formerly, whether it belongs to them, or no, is a question of 
 fact ; and if it doth, as indeed it doth belong to them, then 
 the terror of the punishment is no argument against it. For 
 all punishments of all sorts are more or less terrible, an d the 
 argument is as good against the civil as the ecclesiastical 
 power. What a powerful declaration could he make against 
 aqua, et igni inter dicer e* ? and how finely could he harangue 
 it against the dreadful power of making acts of attainder, or 
 against the powers that kings and sovereign estates have of 
 forbidding their subjects, under the pain of death, to harbour 
 or receive traitors and rebels, by which, he may say, they 
 drive the noble peers, the worthiest gentlemen, the best 
 patriots, and the most useful citizens, and their trades, into 
 foreign parts, to the ruin of the commonwealth? But 
 secondly, if by the terror of excommunication he means the 
 terror of it as a pure spiritual punishment, that can drive 
 none into foreign parts, because an excommunicate at home 
 is as much an excommunicate abroad, all the Christian world 
 over, being bound by the sentence wherever he goes ; though 
 he should " take the wings of the morning, and fly into the 
 uttermost parts of the sea," even there his excommunication 
 will hold him, as well as in his own country, and he shall be 
 bound both in heaven and earth. But if by the terrible 
 nature of it he means, as I suppose he doth, the civil punish- 
 ments that attend it by the laws of Christian countries, then 
 it is not the clergy, but the magistrates themselves, who are 
 judges of the public good, that drive out the most useful 
 
 i Preface to Rights, p. xlv. by which a person was forbidden the 
 
 r Rights, p. 44. [chap. i. 18.] use of fire and water, and so exiled from 
 
 ['Aquae et igni interdictio,' the an- within certain limits, but might go to 
 
 cient Roman formula for banishment, any other place.] 
 
170 Objection from possible abuse of Power. The question 
 
 PREFAT. citizens and their trades into foreign parts, to the ruin of the 
 ^' commonwealth. 
 
 Then he saith*, " If the clergy met in council may deter- 
 mine for the Christian world, when they shall eat, and when 
 not ;" that is, appoint times of fasting and abstinence, " and 
 can forbid the use of flesh, and excommunicate all who dis- 
 obey them, why may they not assume the same power about 
 drinks, and clothes, of rising, or going to bed, or working, or 
 not working, which is included in appointing holy days." 
 Here is still the same fallacy again of arguing against lawful 
 power from the abuse of it in those that have it; and his 
 argument is as good in the same instances against the tem- 
 poral as the spiritual power. Thus the dissenters argue 
 against the power of the Church in imposing ceremonies, 
 because if the Church have power of imposing, as they 
 call enjoining, ceremonies, it may as well impose ten thou- 
 sand, as one or two ; but power is always lodged somewhere, 
 and if those in whom it is vested will abuse it, by grievous 
 and insolent impositions, they must be answerable for it to 
 their superiors on earth ; or, if they be supreme, to the great 
 God in heaven. Nay, this way of arguing will divest a father 
 of a family of all his authority, who may make himself very 
 uneasy to his domestics, by tyrannical impositions in the 
 same instances. 
 
 But the question, as I must still observe, is a question of 
 fact, whether the governors of the Church have a power to 
 appoint times of abstinence and fasting, and of appointing 
 holy days, and in some cases of giving orders about clothes, 
 or not. And when our author will desire me, I think I shall 
 be able to prove that she hath such power, particularly as to 
 clothes, which our author thinks the greatest of absurdities : 
 
 iCor. 11.15. the Apostle commanded the Corinthian women to be veiled, 
 or covered in Divine service; the Church in the best and 
 purest ages commanded the same u ; and if for the same reason 
 the convocation should ordain it now, after his and their 
 examples, and according to their excellent discipline, I think 
 they would do what would be for their honour, and the good 
 of souls. I once saw the greatest queen of Europe quit all 
 
 t Rights, p. 47. [ 22.] sect. 9, and Tertullian, de Virginibus 
 
 u [See Bingham, book xiii. chap. viii. Velandis, Op., p. 1 72.] 
 
one of fact. Authority of the Church in minute points. 171 
 
 the state in which she came to church, at the church door, ON CHURCH 
 and there pull her hoods over her face, which she put up c 
 again when she came out ; and if our clergy in convocation 
 should forbid men and women to go to church, as they scan- 
 dalously do, in the same habits and dresses as they go to 
 balls and plays, all serious Christians, I believe, would obey 
 their orders with joy; and our churches would then look 
 more like the houses, and our Divine service more like the 
 worship of God, and our congregations would then appear 
 so venerable in the eyes of our adversaries, that they, instead 
 of reproaching them with too much cause, would be forced to 
 report that ' God was in them and among them of a truth/ 
 If the lord chamberlain of the court hath power to com- 
 mand all the king or queen's household, or those who attend 
 there, to wear nothing but mourning apparel upon mournful 
 occasions, [and even to cover their coaches and chairs, so 
 that not a brass nail shall appear ; and if the lord marshal 
 hath power to order the same for all peers, as we see it often 
 done, shall it be such an intolerable imposition in our 
 spiritual governors to command the people, who ought to 
 be obedient to them, to clothe themselves in a manner suit- 
 able to v ] times of penitence and humiliation, when it would 
 be very incongruous for Christians to appear at the public 
 assemblies in rich and splendid apparel, and give themselves 
 contrary airs to penitential sorrow, I mean the airs of splen- 
 dour, festivity, and joy. [Such commands of our spiritual 
 governors are so far from being tyrannical impositions, that 
 their authority would bear them out, if they should upon 
 such occasions command the people to clothe themselves with 
 sackcloth, to testify their humiliation, vileness, sorrow, and 
 abhorrence of their sins*.] But without any proof he still 
 begs the question about the power of the clergy, saying of it 
 in these as well as other instances, that they " assume " it. 
 " They," saith he, " who can assume such a power to them- 
 selves, what will they not, unless sufficiently curbed, pretend 
 toy?" And 'he,' may a mutinous son of a family say in like 
 manner to his father, ' who can assume such a power to him- 
 
 r [Supp., 1715, No. 7. p. 9. In the do the same in times," &c.] 
 
 third edition, after "mournful occa- * [Supp., 1715, No. 8. p. 9.] 
 
 sions," "shall it he such an intolerable J [Rights, p. 47. 22.] 
 grievance in our spiritual governors to 
 
172 The Church renounces cognizance of civil causes. 
 PREFAT. self, what will he not do, unless he is curbed ? If I should 
 
 DISCOURSE, , , . , . , . ... , - 
 
 SECT. mi. take up one pin when he bids me, he may bid me take up 
 ~ pins all the day long. If he forbids us the use of flesh one 
 day, he may forbid it all the year, and turn us out of doors 
 for disobeying him, and then why may he not assume the 
 same power about drink and clothes ? These are intolerable 
 " impositions on the liberties of mankind 2 / " 
 
 In another place he saith a , that " The arguments which the 
 clergy use for their spiritual jurisdiction will give them the 
 cognizance of all causes, and a right to excommunicate for 
 one sin as well as another, and consequently of invading of 
 property . . . and rebellion ; which would make them judges to 
 whom right and allegiance belonged, and subject all public 
 and private causes to their determination." To which I 
 answer, This is as false as it is invidious ; for the Church 
 hath always disclaimed and renounced all right to hear, or 
 try causes of civil cognizance and property, between subjects 
 or rival princes, as not belonging to her tribunals and autho- 
 rity, after the example of her Lord and Saviour, who, when 
 
 [Luke 12. one of His disciples said unto Him, " Master, speak to my 
 
 13,14.] brother, that he may divide the inheritance with me;" 
 answered, " Who made Me a judge or divider over you?" The 
 Church, our Saviour's kingdom, though it is in the world, 
 
 [John is. yet " is not of the world," and her governors, as such, have 
 nothing to do with worldly suits and trials ; nor, as such, can 
 they judge of right or wrong in public or private capacities, 
 except in cases of notoriety of fact, which need neither trial, 
 witnesses, or proof, and of which every man is judge as well 
 as they. In these cases they may exercise their jurisdiction, 
 and excommunicate open rebels and raptors, for their sins, 
 till the one lay down their arms, and the other make restitu- 
 tion. And if a bishop should so censure a man, who at noon- 
 day, in the sight of a thousand people, should do to this man, 
 as the Sabeans and Chaldeans did to Job, or it may be 
 worse, plunder his house, and carry his wife and children (if 
 he have any) away captive, I believe he would think that 
 bishop did not only what he had power, but what he ought 
 to do, and would think himself obliged to give him thanks. 
 The Church hath power to do the same after the criminal's 
 
 Rights, p. 47. 22. Ibid., pp. 45, 46. 19. 
 
Of two punishments for the same offence. 1 73 
 
 trial, where the proof was certain and undoubted, to bring ON CHURCH 
 
 him by the terror of her censures to repentance ; but if de- - 
 spising them, he will live and die obstinate and impenitent, 
 he will go bound to God's tribunal, which is the last resort 
 from the censures of the Church. 
 
 He also thinks b he argues finely against the jurisdiction 
 and censures of the clergy, as "manifestly unjust, because 
 they subject the same person to undergo two trials, and to be 
 punished twice for the same crime." To which I answer, 
 That it is not absolutely and manifestly unjust for a man 
 to be subject, under the same power and in the same society, 
 to have two trials, or to be twice punished for the same crime, 
 much less under different powers. For first, it is neither 
 against the laws of nature or the fundamental rules of policy, 
 that in some cases a man may be subject to two criminal, as 
 well as to two civil trials, if the wisdom of legislators think 
 fit. Why should it be so absurd in policy for me, who may 
 have the advantage of a second or a third trial for my estate, 
 in some cases not to have two for my life, which is dearer to 
 me than my estate ? Or why is it more absurd in itself, that 
 I should, after condemnation, have a second trial for my life 
 (if it were part of our constitution) than the benefit of the 
 royal pardon, when the sovereign is convinced that I am 
 found guilty and condemned by a partial jury, or false wit- 
 nesses, or a corrupt judge ? And if it is not absurd to have 
 two criminal trials in some cases in the same society, as 
 among us for murder, at the king or queen's suit, and upon 
 appeal c , it cannot be absurd to be tried and punished twice 
 in different societies, especially so different as the Church 
 and State and their punishments are, and have been taken 
 to be. A man may be disinherited by the father for the 
 same crime, for which the magistrate will also punish him 
 
 b Ibid., p. 46. [ 21.] cuted at the suit of the party. And so 
 e ["An appeal, in the sense wherein with us, if a man be acquitted on an in- 
 it is here used, (of a criminal prosecu- dictment of murder, or found guilty, 
 tion,) means an original suit at the and pardoned by the king, still he 
 time of its first commencement, by one ought not in strictness to go at large, 
 private subject against another, ... it but be imprisoned or let to bail till the 
 is still in force, but very little in use. year and day be past, by virtue of the 
 In the old Gothic constitution ... if a statute 3 Hen. VII. c. 1. in order to be 
 man made his peace with the king, forthcoming to answer any appeal for 
 (was pardoned or acquitted at the the same felony." Blackstone's Corn- 
 king's suit,) still he might be prose- mentaries, book iv. c. 23. 3.] 
 
174 Tindal's argument that death includes deprivation. 
 
 PREFAT. according to law ; and the university upon notoriety of fact, 
 SS ^? or otherwise upon proof, may expel a member, or any number 
 ~~ of members, for the same crimes, for which afterwards they 
 may be fined, imprisoned, pilloried, or put to death. I hope 
 therefore what a father of a family hath power to do without 
 absurdity, will not be an absurd power in the father of the 
 Church ; or that there is any more injustice in the highest 
 censure of the university, than in that of the Church, which 
 in this case so much resemble one another. And then, as 
 for being punished twice for the same crime, there is neither 
 absurdity nor injustice in that ; for a man may be condemned 
 to stand in the pillory, and whipped, at London and at York ; 
 and as to the criminal, I desire to know, what is the difference 
 betwixt being punished twice by virtue of one, or two trials ; 
 I believe our author, were it his own case, would not think 
 it much. 
 
 SECT. DC He reasons as much after his own manner in arguing d , that 
 On the f if a magistrate may put a bishop to death, he may deprive 
 ordination him, because that includes this.' If this be true, then he 
 vation. Pn ~ may deprive a father of his fatherhood, and dissolve his jura 
 sanguinis, and absolutely and for ever discharge his children 
 from their natural duty of obedience, because he can put 
 him to death; or, without excepting the case of adultery, 
 absolutely discharge a husband of his relation to his wife, 
 founded by Divine institution, and give her in marriage to 
 another man. Nay, if this fallacious and improper way of 
 arguing and speaking were to be admitted, then a pagan 
 magistrate, a Nero, Decius, or Dioclesian, may deprive a 
 bishop, because he may put him to death. Nay, after this 
 manner of arguing, when a highwayman kills a bishop, he 
 deprives him; and then Dr. Sharp and Cardinal Beaton, 
 archbishops of St. Andrews, properly speaking were deprived 
 by their murderers, because, according to our author's way 
 of speaking, 'putting to death includes deprivation/ Thus 
 iron is included in the making of a sword, but did ever any 
 say that because a cutler could make a sword, he could 
 therefore make iron ? So loss of memory or sight is included 
 in death, but did ever any say, when he spake properly, 
 that he who killed a man deprived him of his sight and 
 
 d p. 54- [ 33.] 
 
In what cases { quod potest majus potest minus.' 175 
 
 memory ? For privation or deprivation suppose the existence DEPRIVA- 
 of the subject, which is said to be deprived, and not the de- 
 struction of it, and therefore our author spoke as little logic 
 as law, when he said, ' that the death of a bishop included 
 his deprivation, and that the magistrate might deprive him, 
 because he could put him to death/ Stahlius in his fourth 
 maxim 6 , Quod potest majus, potest etiam minus, would have 
 taught him better logic ; and Bronchorstius on the Rules 
 of Law, better law f ; for when his way of arguing from the 
 greater included in the less is good in law, it supposes first, 
 with respect to the power judicial, that they should both be 
 of the same cognizance, and belong to the same tribunal; 
 and as to the legislative, it supposes that the less as well as 
 the greater, which in his way of speaking includes it, should 
 be within the sphere of their legislation, and not exempted 
 from it by the laws of nature, or the positive laws of God. 
 For the legislation of the magistrate is limited by the laws 
 of God, and the primary laws of nature in the soul of man, 
 and when his laws and institutions are contrary to them, 
 they are void from the beginning; and therefore if the 
 magistrate have not power to deprive bishops, as many 
 learned men think, and as the ancient Christians believed, 
 upon that supposition it will not follow, that though the 
 magistrate may put a bishop to death, that therefore he can 
 deprive him. 
 
 The ancient Christians, though they believed the magis- 
 trate could put their bishops to natural or civil death, yet 
 they did not believe they had power to deprive them, and 
 therefore when their bishops were damned to the quarries, 
 and were thereby made servi pcen&s, very slaves to punish- 
 ment, they still adhered to them h , though they were the worst 
 
 e [It is the fifth maxim. Tit. ii. De open addicuntur, vel qua alia poena 
 
 regulis actus et potentiae. Regula V. of damnantur, quae ministerium corporis- 
 
 the work called Axiomata Philosophica que laborem et servitutem irrogat, ve- 
 
 sub titulis xxii. comprehensa ; a M. luti qui in metallicorum ministerium, 
 
 Daniele Stahlio, p. 40. Lond. 1658.] ad ludum, ad bestias, in opus publicum 
 
 f [Everardi Bronchorstii I. C. in damnantur. (See Inst, lib. i. tit. 12. 
 
 titulum digestorum de diversis regulis 3.) Brissonius de verborum quae 
 
 juris antiqui enarrationes] ad L. xxi. ad jus pertinent significatione, fol. 594. 
 
 [Ulpian., lib. 27. ad Sabinum] Non de- Paris. 1596.] 
 
 bet, cui plus licet, quod minus est, non h [See S. Cyprian, Ep. Ixxvii. 
 
 licere. [p. 50. Lugd. Bat. 1674.] (Ixxvi. ed. Oxon.) ad Nemesianum, et 
 
 * [This is a term of the Roman caeteros rnartyras in metallis constitu- 
 
 law. Servi pcenae fiunt qui metallo vel tos, Op., p. 159.] 
 
1 76 St. Chrysostom. Of lay -deprivation. Du Pin's testimony 
 
 PREFAT. of slaves, and had no head in law 1 : and when St. Chrysostom 
 SECT, ix. * was deprived k and banished by the emperor, not only a great 
 part of his own flock, though great sufferers for so doing, but 
 far the greatest part of Christendom adhered to him, as if he 
 had never been deprived. They saw not the consequence 
 from putting to death to deprivation, because they believed 
 that this belonged as much by God's appointment to the 
 spiritual or ecclesiastical, as the other did to the temporal 
 power, and that as bishops were taken into the sacerdotal 
 college, and made fellows of it by bishops, so none but their 
 colleagues, who took them in, could lawfully turn them out. 
 As for learned men who are as much for the magistrate's 
 power, and upon much better principles, than our author, 
 many such have been and are of opinion, that deprivation of 
 bishops doth not belong to the civil power. I shall name 
 but one, viz., Dr. Du Pin, in his Pr&loquium to his seventh 
 dissertation, De Antigua Ecclesia disciplina, which I have put 
 in the Appendix 1 , because it was written against the papal 
 usurpations over princes, and in behalf of the State against 
 the claims and practices of his own Church. There, after a 
 short but clear discourse of the difference between the eccle- 
 siastical and civil power, he concludes, 'that neither kings 
 nor emperors can make or depose bishops, nor bishops make 
 or depose them/ I have said all this only to shew the in- 
 consequence of our author's argument for deprivation of 
 bishops, in asserting that the magistrate may deprive them, 
 because he can put them to death. What I have said also 
 sheweth his other fallacies in the pursuit of this argument, 
 as where he saith m , that "to affirm, as non-jurors do, that the 
 magistrate cannot deprive a bishop, but by taking away his 
 life, is to say he cannot remove some part of the punishment 
 which he might justly inflict, without remitting the whole." 
 It is certain, death puts an end to the relation betwixt the 
 bishop and his flock, because it destroys him who is the cor- 
 relate to them ; but it doth not follow from thence, that the 
 
 1 [Servus nullum caput habet, ut prived by bishops, acting under the 
 
 ait Justinianus (Inst., lib. i. tit. xvi. influence of the emperor, but their 
 
 4.) id est, nullum jus, statumque. sentence was not allowed by the 
 
 Brissonius ibid., in verbum 'caput.' Church.] 
 
 fol. 65.] * Appendix, No. 5. 
 
 * [See Sozom.,Eccl. Hist., lib. viii. Rights, p. 54. [ 34.] 
 c. 20 26. St. Chrysostom was de- 
 
Captivity or banishment does not deprive. 177 
 
 magistrate hath any authority to deprive him, any more than DEPRIVA- 
 to excommunicate him, or turn him out of the Church, into * 
 which he can take nobody in. This supposes that depriva- 
 tion of bishops is a punishment belonging to the civil magis- 
 trate, which is the question; and he argues as if a Roman 
 of old had said, to affirm that a president of a province can- 
 not banish a man, but by banishing him out of life, is to say 
 he cannot exact part of the punishment without remitting 
 the whole ; for a president of a province, though he had a 
 power of life and death, he had no power of deportation by 
 the Roman constitution" ; and as the subordinate magistrate 
 is to the supreme, so the supreme is to God ; he can inflict no 
 punishments but such as God hath given him power to inflict. 
 He saith farther , that "it is not by death only that the magis- 
 trate can deprive a bishop, but by perpetual imprisonment 
 or banishment, with a prohibition to his subjects of corre- 
 sponding with him : " to which I say again, this is still sup- 
 posing what he ought to prove, that perpetual banishment or 
 imprisonment with such a prohibition, doth dissolve the rela- 
 tion between the bishop and his flock. It would not dissolve 
 the relation between a father and his children, or between a 
 husband and his wife ; and he knows that those of the other 
 opinion think the same of the relation of the bishop to his 
 flock. They are of opinion, whether right or wrong I shall 
 not here determine, that perpetual banishment or imprison- 
 ment can no more deprive a bishop, than perpetual captivity ; 
 but that as long as he lives undeprived by the spiritual 
 power, his relation will continue to his flock. 
 
 And in the same loose manner that he argues against 
 the power of excommunication, he also disputes p against the 
 power of ordination, as f inconsistent with the magistrate's 
 right to protect the commonwealth/ And why forsooth? 
 " because then the bishops may put not only men of the best 
 abilities to serve the commonwealth, but such great numbers 
 
 n [Deportatio was the form of sulam jus praesidibus provinciae non 
 
 banishment introduced by Augustus est datum. Ibid., tit. xxii. sect. 5. 
 
 in place of the aquae et ignis inter- 7. of their power of life and death, 
 
 dictio. The power of inflicting it was Ibid., tit. xix. sect. 8. 1. See Bron- 
 
 in the emperor, by whom it wzs con- chorst, (ubi supr. note f. p. 175.) Prae- 
 
 ceded only to the Praefectus Urbis. ses provincife, quijus habet. .gladii,de- 
 
 Praesidem deportare non posse, nulla portare in insulam tamen non potest] 
 dubitatio est. Ulpian, Dig., lib. xlviii. Rights, p. 55. [ 34.] 
 tit. xix. sect 2. 1. deportandi in m- P Ibid., p. 47. [ 23.] 
 HICKES. v 
 
178 All power liable to abuse. 
 
 PREFAT. into orders, the better to carry on their common interest, 
 
 DISCOURSE, , T . , 11 j ' ^ . \ 1 
 
 SECT, ix. (which we see actually done in popish countries,) as may tend 
 to the infinite prejudice of the state." Here is the same 
 fallacy again of arguing against just power from the supposed 
 abuse of it ; and were there any sense in it, it would be good 
 against all power, but that of God and good angels, which 
 cannot be perverted or abused. At this absurd rate may 
 men argue against the legislative or supreme executive power 
 in all countries, and particularly in our own. The indepen- 
 dent power of our parliaments, may a man say, to give away 
 our money, is inconsistent with the rights of the people, 
 because then they may give away all we have, and make us 
 as poor, and slaves as much as in other countries. The inde- 
 pendent power of our kings and queens, may another say, to 
 make war, is inconsistent with the happiness of the kingdom, 
 because they may make war a hundred years together, and 
 thereby utterly waste both the treasure and people of the 
 land. The independent power of our kings and queens to 
 make peers, only whom, and when they please, another may 
 say, is inconsistent with our constitution, because by refusing 
 to make peers for two or three long reigns together, they 
 may extinguish the peerage, as in Denmark q , and with it one 
 of the three estates; or reduce the peers to such a small 
 number, as will not make a house. Nay this formidable way 
 of disputing against the power of the clergy in behalf of the 
 magistrate, had it any force in it, would be as valid for the 
 clergy against the independent power of the magistrate, as it 
 is for the magistrate against that of the clergy. The inde- 
 pendent power of our kings and queens, may an English- 
 man say, to nominate and choose bishops, is inconsistent not 
 only with the well-being, but the being, of the Church, be- 
 cause they may nominate not only the most illiterate and 
 immoral men for bishops, but choose whether they will nomi- 
 nate any at all, and so in twenty or thirty years destroy not 
 only one of the three estates, but the true Church of God 
 among us. Nay, at this idle rate of arguing, especially in 
 
 q [In 1660, by a movement of the her and position. See Lord Moles- 
 unprivileged classes, the king was worth's account of Denmark, pub- 
 made absolute, and the privileges of lished in 1694, c. vii. and the Uni- 
 the nobles taken away. They lost all versal History, vol. xxviii. pp. 359, 
 influence and rapidly declined in num- 360. 1782.] 
 
Magistrate enforcing the sentence of the Clergy. 179 
 
 his beloved way of speaking, a man may say, the power 
 which the parliament assumes to itself of depriving bishops - 
 and priests, is against the fundamental rights and liberties 
 of the Church, because then they may deprive not only men 
 of the best abilities to serve her, but such great numbers, as 
 may tend to her infinite prejudice ; and how can we be 
 certain they may not deprive all. 
 
 Such is our author's way of writing in quirks and sophisms 
 through his whole book, as I could make it appear, had I 
 room and time to go through it all. In this manner he 
 argues in several places, as invidiously as he can, against ' the 
 obligation, the clergy say the magistrate hath, to protect the 
 Church, and assist them in doing their duty, and putting 
 their decrees in execution/ This he saith r , makes the magis- 
 trate " their deputy, or rather their executioner ;" and that 
 ' this obligation of executing their decrees supposes they have 
 a right to command it, and that the magistrate, as well as 
 the laity, is only their executioner, being obliged, right or 
 wrong, to enforce their commands/ To which I answer, here 
 is a slander, and more than one fallacy. First, here is 
 couched a foul slander upon the clergy, as if they asserted, 
 that the magistrate was bound to protect them in evil, as 
 much as in well-doing, and to assist them with the secular 
 arm in wrong, as well as right, and in executing unrighteous, 
 as well as righteous decrees. Secondly, here are several fal- 
 lacies ; as first, in saying this obligation of the magistrate to 
 help and assist the governors of the Church to execute their 
 decrees and censures, gives them a power to command it, 
 because they have a right to ask it, and to ask it when it is 
 necessary with prayers and tears, and to ask it in God's 
 name and for His sake ; as one part of a family may humbly 
 and earnestly ask the protection and assistance of the father 
 and master, against the insolence and injuries of the other, 
 and to protect them in doing their duty ; and when this hap- 
 pened, would it not be a fine speech in the delinquents to 
 say to him, ' Sir, these insolent fellows only complain to you, 
 to shew the power they think they have to command you, 
 and to make you their servant and executioner/ Or to bring 
 the comparison a little nearer to the case of two independent 
 
 ' Rights, pp. 56, 57. [ 36, 37.] 
 N 2 
 
] 80 Instances of independent powers co-operating. 
 
 PREFAT. societies in one place, as of the universities and cities of 
 SECT, ix. * Oxford and Cambridge ; let us suppose, that a certain number 
 of scholars outraged by townsmen, should complain of them 
 in either place to the mayor, or a certain number of towns- 
 men outraged by scholars, should prefer their complaints to 
 the vice-chancellor, would it be a good and reasonable answer 
 in either of those magistrates to say, 'get ye gone you insolent 
 fellows, do you think you have a right to command me, and 
 that I will be your executioner ?' To conclude, this way of 
 false reasoning, were it true, would make the clergy as much 
 the magistrate's deputy and executioner, as the magistrate 
 the clergy's. As for example, if in a notorious flagrant sedi- 
 tion or rebellion, the magistrate (for I still use his own term) 
 should convene the clergy in convocation, and desire or re- 
 quire the aid of their censures against the Corahs and 
 Dathans of such a sedition or rebellion, they might by his 
 logic, instead of assisting the magistrate according to their 
 duty, return him this answer, f what, doth he suppose he hath a 
 right to command us ? we will be none of his deputies or execu- 
 tioners/ The vanity of this argument might also be shewn 
 by application of it to two independent kingdoms or states, 
 the sovereigns of which are bound by the laws of nations, 
 upon notification, not to protect or assist one another's 
 rebels, but to drive them out of their dominions, or deliver 
 them up, that is, in his scurrilous expression, 'to be one 
 another's executioners ;' but I hope I have said enough to 
 detect the folly and malice of this way of reasoning, in which 
 our author delights so much. For he uses 8 the same argu- 
 ment against the clergy, to prove that " if their power were 
 judicial, they might save, or damn, as they think fit, and that 
 God is bound to execute their sentences, though they con- 
 demn a good, and absolve an ill man ; because a sentence 
 pronounced by a competent authority is valid, though it is 
 not right ; and consequently on this supposition men ought 
 to pay Divine worship to these judges, rather than to God 
 Himself, since the power of saving and damning is in them, 
 and God Himself is no more than their executioner." 
 
 According to this silly way of reasoning he may say, first, 
 that all criminal judges may save, or damn, as they think fit, 
 
 1 p. 68. [chap. ii. 5.] 
 
Case of error in exercising judicial power. 181 
 
 though in all countries they are sworn to the best of their DEPHIVA- 
 understandings to administer true judgment. Secondly, 
 that though they condemn an innocent, and acquit a guilty 
 man, be it by pure error or corruption, the sovereign is bound 
 to execute their sentences, that is, to let them be executed, 
 be they right, or wrong. Thirdly, that it is no matter how 
 the people live, could they be acquitted by these judges, ' to 
 whom men ought to pay more honour, than to the sovereign 
 himself, since the power of condemning and saving is in 
 them, and the sovereign is no more than their executioner/ 
 As many falsities, and fallacies, as there are in this case, so 
 many there are in what he hath said against the judicial 
 power of Church governors, who judge for, and under God 
 in spirituals, as the twelve judges of this kingdom judge in 
 temporals for, and under our kings and queens, who are 
 bound in conscience, and I think by oath 4 , to shew mercy, in 
 the cases of corrupt verdicts and erroneous judgments ; and 
 so, when the same case happens in ecclesiastical censures, the 
 great and righteous Judge will of His infinite mercy do ; as 
 the Catholic Church hath always taught". 
 
 The folly and blasphemy of his Horeb contract x hath been 
 
 * [Hickes seems to allude to the tris,aliquislapsorumfefellerit,utpacem 
 
 second article of the coronation oath. subdole petat, seipsum fallit et 
 
 " Will you to your power cause law decipit ; qui aliud corde occultat, et 
 and justice, in mercy, to be executed aliud voce pronunciat. Nos, in quan- 
 in your dominions? I will."] turn nobis et videre et judicare con- 
 Cyprian, in Epist. ad Antonia- ceditur, faciem singulorum videmus : 
 num. [Ep. lii.J Neque enim praeju- cor scrutari, et mentem perspicere non 
 dicamus Domino judicature, quo minus possumus. De his judicat occultorum 
 si poenitentiam plenam et justam pec- scrutator, et cognitor cito venturus, et 
 catoris invenerit, tune ratum facial de arcanis cordis, atque abditis judi- 
 quod a nobis fuerit hie statutum. Si caturus. [S. Cypr., Op., Ep. liv. p. 78. 
 vero nos aliquis pcenitentiae simula- ed. Ben. " See also Cypr. de lapsis, 
 tione deluserit, Deus qui non deri- edit. Oxon. pp. 128, 129." (p. 186. ed. 
 detur, et qui cor hominis intuetur, de Ben.) Supp. 1715. No. 9. p. 9.] 
 his quae nos minus perspeximus judi- * [See Rights, Introduction, p. 9. 
 cet, et servorum suorum sententiam and also, "the Jews, when they came out 
 Dominus emendet. [p. 71. ed. Ben.] of the land of bondage, were under no 
 Et quia [apud inferos confessio non settled government till God was pleased 
 est,] nee exomologesis illic fieri po- to offer Himself to be their king, to 
 test ; qui ex toto corde pcenituerint, which all the people expressly con- 
 et rogaverint, in Ecclesiam debent in- sented (Exod. xix.) ; and upon the 
 terius suscipi, et in ipsa Domino reser- covenant's being ratified after the most 
 vari, qui ad Ecclesiam suam venturus solemn manner which could be, (Deut. 
 de illis utique quos in ea intus in- v.) God gave them those laws which 
 venerit, judicabit. [Ibid., p. 75.] So in bound no nation except those that 
 the Epistle of the African bishops to had agreed to the Horeb contract." 
 Cornelius, p. 118. [ed. Oxon.] Si autem, Ibid., c. iv. p. 151.] 
 quod Dominus avertat a fratribus nos- 
 
182 ' Horeb contract,' and ' State of nature,' refuted. 
 
 PREFAT. clearly and convincingly set forth in the Rehearsal ?, and that 
 SECT, ix. being one of the pillars of his work, the superstructure of 
 his book is utterly ruined with it, and therefore I shall take 
 no farther notice of it. In his introduction 2 , which is as it 
 were the ground-work of the whole book, he supposes there 
 was an antecedent " state of nature" in which men lived 
 before political government was erected, though this wild 
 notion hath been so many times unanswerably confuted by 
 the writers against Hobbes, and of late by the Rehearsal 
 against Mr. Locke a . There also he hath confounded the laws 
 and rights of nature, miscalling the latter by the name of 
 the former, though this sophism, which affects the whole 
 
 r [The following are extracts from the 
 Rehearsal. No. 172, Jan. 8, 1706. "This 
 book of the Rights places the authority 
 and right of dominion which God had 
 over the Jews, in the original right they 
 had to choose a king for themselves, 
 whom they pleased, or to have had 
 none, as they pleased. 'Tis true he 
 makes God offer Himself to them as a 
 candidate in the election for the crown, 
 and that the choice of the people fell 
 upon Him, which made Him their 
 king. ... He says it [the election] 
 was made at Horeb when the law was 
 given, which therefore he calls the 
 Horeb contract." 
 
 But in answer Leslie argues, " If it 
 was their authority which made Him 
 their king, then they had authority to 
 call Him to an account, and to depose 
 Him." 
 
 Again, " It seems God took upon 
 Him to be their king, and gave them 
 laws, (the circumcision, the passover, 
 &c.) without staying for the grace of 
 their election." 
 
 Again, No. 173, Jan. 11, 1706. 
 " He was their king before, and the 
 people did own Him as such always, 
 and He gave them laws and punished 
 them for the breach of them, before 
 He appeared to them at Horeb, so that 
 could not be the original contract." 
 
 And No. 174, Jan. 15. "This fancied 
 Horeb contract made no alteration at 
 all in their government. It remained 
 just as it was before, and the end of 
 that glorious and terrible appearance 
 at Horeb was ... to confirm that 
 government which God had already 
 placed them under, that they might 
 the more fear God and His servant 
 Moses. 
 
 " There were many miraculous in- 
 
 terpositions before that time, not only 
 of wonders wrought, but as to the set- 
 tlement of the government both in 
 Church and State. The supreme civil 
 government having been given to 
 Moses, by the special command of God, 
 not through any intervention or so much 
 as recommendation of the people." 
 
 No. 175, Jan. 18, 1706. "As to 
 the people they are obliged to consent 
 to whatever God commands them. If 
 they will not consent they are rebels, 
 and under His displeasure."] 
 
 z [Rights, Introduction, 4, sqq. 
 pp. 3, Sec.] 
 
 a [See the Rehearsal, No. 55. Aug. 
 11, to Aug. 18, 1705. "Government 
 is dependency, when one depends upon 
 another. It is superiority, when one is 
 superior and another inferior. Therefore 
 they who would have the original of 
 governments in the people are obliged 
 to suppose a state of independency 
 among all mankind, when no man in 
 the world had any dependence on any 
 other man, and when no man was 
 superior to another. This they call 
 the state of nature. And if such a 
 state cannot be shewed their whole 
 scheme falls to the ground. But they 
 happened ill to call this the state of 
 nature, among a race of mankind who 
 came into the world by generation. . . . 
 Therefore this supposed independent 
 state of mankind must be looked for 
 among the Praeadamites. Or we must 
 suppose a shower of men dropping 
 out of the clouds, without fathers or 
 mothers, all upon the level. Or, that 
 men were created in multitudes like 
 the beasts, birds, fish, and fowl." The 
 argument is continued in the following 
 Nos. See note p, p. 203, and note r, 
 p. 204. 
 
Revenues given to Priests by the Divine Law. 183 
 
 discourse, hath been long since excellently solved by the 
 bishop of Sarum, in his Vindication of the Authority, Con- - 
 stitution, and Laws of the Church and State of Scotland 1 *, 
 where his lordship distinguishes, like a learned casuist and 
 civilian, between them ; and there in a few pages, cited in 
 the margin, our author may see his whole scheme, and all he 
 hath erected upon it, overturned. 
 
 What he hath said against annexing preferments to reli- SECT, x. 
 gion, or settling revenues upon the clergy, or, as he hath a 
 talent for invidious expressions, " of tacking the priests' pre- 
 ferments to such opinions /' is a downright impeachment of 
 the Divine wisdom, who annexed such large profits, and re- 
 venues in cities, lands, tithes, offerings, and other privileges 
 upon the Jewish priesthood; of which Philo d the Jew makes 
 this observation : " That as to revenues, the law made the 
 priests equal in honour and veneration to kings, which com- 
 manded the people to bring their tributes to them from all 
 quarters, but in a different manner/' saith he, " from that in 
 which people pay tribute to kings, which they pay with com- 
 pulsion and complaints, hating the gatherers of their taxes as 
 public pests, and finding pretences not to pay them at the 
 appointed times. But they never failed to pay the priests' 
 dues, with such willingness and joy, without being asked, as if 
 they rather were the receivers than givers ; men and women 
 
 b pp.7 12. [The full title of this work d [ e > % v a-rrdvTwv ^rl 8fj\ov, 6rl 
 
 is "a Vindication of the Authority, Con- ftaariKeoav ffe/j-v^T^ra Kal n^v irepidTr- 
 
 stitution, and Laws of the Church and ret TOIS iepevcriv 6 v6/j.os' &s yovv rjye- 
 
 State of Scotland, in four conferences, fiocrt <p6povs airb iravrbs pepovs KT^a-fcas 
 
 by Gilbert Burnet, Professor of The- 8180060.1 /ceAeuef Kal 8i8ovrai T^V eVdV- 
 
 ology in Glasgow." Glasgow, 1673. nov Tp6irov r) bv al ir6\*is TO?S Svvdcr- 
 
 The passage referred to is, " To ex- rats ei(r<pepov(riv al /j.ev yap e avdjKrjs 
 
 amine what you have said you must Kal fj.6\is, firKnevovtrai, rovs K\oye?s 
 
 distinguish well betwixt the laws of ruv xPW ar(av & s KOIVOVS \v/j.f>vas viro- 
 
 nature and the rights or permissions of /JAeTrdftei/at, Kal Trpotydffeis &\AOT a\- 
 
 nature : the first are unalterable obli- \oias <rKt]Tn6^vai, Kal roav TrpoOe<rfj.i>v 
 
 gations, by which all men are bound, aXoyovaai, TO. 6piffQ4vra reArj Kal 8a<r- 
 
 which can be reversed by no positive povs KaraTiQeaaiv ol 5' airb rov eOvovs 
 
 law, and transgressed by no person ra lepariKa yeyi}Q6r^s, ^aipovres, rovs 
 
 upon no occasion. . . . Now self- alrovvras (pBdvovres, TO.S TrpoBetTiatas 
 
 defence cannot be a law of nature, cViTeVovres, Xa^fiaveiv a\\' ov 8i86vai 
 
 otherwise it could never be dispensed vofj-ifrvres, ^er' CI'^TJ/XJOS Kal evxapur- 
 
 with without a sin; nay were a man rias KaO' /ca<rT7ji/ T&V cr^fficav &p(v 
 
 never so criminal. Forcible self-defence iroiovvres ras e'urtyopas, av8pes dftov Kal 
 
 cannot be a law of nature, but only a ywcu/ces, avroKf^etxTTCf) irpoQvp.ia, Kal 
 
 right; otherwise we could not thus dis- Irot/iJTTjTt /col (nrovSrj travrbs \6you 
 
 pense with it." p. 8.] Kpeirrovi. Philo Jud'. de Praemiis Sa- 
 
 c Rights, Introduction, pp. 17, 22, cerdotum, Op., torn. ii. p. 234.] 
 28, 25. 
 
184 Contrast of old and new schemes of religion. 
 PREFAT. at the set anniversary times bringing their tithes and offer- 
 
 DISCOURSE, . * 
 
 SECT, x. mgs with such good presages, gratulations, and alacrity, as 
 cannot be expressed." 
 
 I wish he were as fit and worthy to read this tract, as it is 
 worthy to be read by him and others ; but no reading, no 
 authority will make impressions upon men who envy priests 
 their revenues, and write against them because they would 
 share in the sacrilegious spoil of them, and who have the 
 spite of infernal spirits against the Christian priesthood and 
 Church. He saith 6 , "hereafter" he will " fully prove," that in 
 the first ages " they subsisted by the alms of the people, and 
 were in all other matters wholly dependent on them in their 
 choice, as well as their alms." This and many other things 
 we are to expect against the clergy from this formidable 
 hereafter-book f . Well, che venga, let it come; I hope the 
 clergy are prepared for it ; it will be morientis bestiae ultimus 
 morsus, the last hiss, I trust, of the old serpent, and then he 
 will have done his worst. The Christians of old were but 
 one society, one sect, which had one Faith, one Baptism for 
 the remission of sins; one Lord Jesus, through whom they 
 worshipped the one God; one visible head, or principle of 
 unity in every Church, under the invisible Bishop of their 
 souls, and High-Priest of their profession, the same Lord 
 Jesus ; one Catholic Communion in all places of the earth ; 
 one Priesthood, and one representative Sacrifice of memorial, 
 
 SECT. XL the bond of unity and peace in that one Communion. This, 
 scheme W ^ n P e > ^ nave shewed in the following letters; but these 
 men's new scheme of religions, if we may believe their speaker 
 in his book of the Rights, is destructive of Christianity, as 
 one society and one sect : for all the principles of religion 
 that they are pleased to own is only the "being of a God h 
 and His providence," which he saith whosoever denies, " may 
 not only be justly punished by the magistrate, but also by 
 every one in the state of nature," upon supposition of which 
 imaginary state nothing can be more absurd. But then as 
 to the worship of God he saith 1 , " All men are free to wor- 
 
 * Rights, c. vi. 37. p. 219. consists of defences of the first.] 
 
 f [This second part, frequently pro- g Rights, Introduction, 16 20. 
 
 mised in the Rights, (see above, end of pp. 11 15. 
 
 note, p. 80,) was never published. The h Ibid., p. 12. 
 
 second volume of the edition of 1709 ' Ibid., pp. 14, 15. 
 
Tindal makes the magistrate unconcerned in religion. 185 
 
 ship Him according to their consciences, and after the man- THE NEW 
 ner they think most agreeable to His will, and to profess - 
 such speculative matters as they think true, that do another 
 
 man no injury; because in these matters men are 
 
 still in a state of nature, subject to God and their own con- 
 sciences, without any sovereign to determine what they shall 
 believe or profess," and " that the magistrate is bound to pro- 
 tect men in the way they choose of worshipping God, as in 
 other indifferent matters j ." So that men, but why do I 
 say men ? for Christians, if they like it, are now free to wor- 
 ship God after the patriarchal, Jewish, or Mahometan man- 
 ner, or any other way which may be devised of worshipping 
 of Him, without Christ as well as with Him, altogether as 
 well in a synagogue, or mosque, as in a Christian church; 
 nay, they may if they please, worship God and particularly 
 administer the Eucharist, after the impure Gnostical manner, 
 (which I am ashamed to mention,) according to his wild 
 scheme, which is erected on many absurdities and presump- 
 tions, as that " the magistrate k hath no power about indiffer- 
 ent things; that men may form themselves into what com- 
 panies, clubs, and meetings they please, which the magis- 
 trate" (he means the supreme magistrate), "as long as the 
 public sustains no damage, cannot hinder without manifest 
 injustice, and acting contrary to the end for which he is 
 entrusted." Where he supposes what he should prove, that 
 the people, and not the magistrate, is judge of public good 
 and hurt, and that he is their trustee. It also involves a 
 manifest contradiction; because if men, as to speculative 
 matters of belief, are still in a state of natural freedom to 
 believe and follow the dictates of their own consciences, then 
 the atheist, who cannot believe the being and providence of 
 God, ought to be free as to his conscience : for whether there 
 is a God, and whether or no He minds human affairs, is a 
 " speculative 1 " point, and by consequence, he that after "im- 
 partial examination 1 "" cannot believe there is a God and pro- 
 vidence, but thinks that belief false and superstitious, and 
 that it is hurtful to mankind to possess them with such slavish 
 fears, ought to have his natural freedom, and not to be 
 
 J [Rights, p. 16.] i Ibid., p. 8. 
 
 " Ibid., p. 15. Ibid., p. 16. 
 
186 TindaVs inconsistency in excepting Atheists. 
 
 PREFAT. punished and persecuted for his belief. For were Epicurus, 
 Democritus, Diagoras, Protagoras, Lucretius, Lucian or Va- 
 ninus alive, they would retort upon our author, and tell him 
 he was a creed-maker, and that it was precarious to say, that 
 not believing an ' invisible power, and His concerning Him- 
 self with human affairs, was injurious to human society 11 ;' 
 that on the contrary, it was injurious to men to have the 
 belief of such a superstitious opinion imposed upon them, 
 because it made them their own slaves, and tormented their 
 minds day and night with needless terrors ; and that whom 
 the rods, and axes, and jails, and deportation, and servi- 
 tude, would not terrify from violating their duties to the 
 public, neither, as experience shewed, would the fear of an 
 invisible power restrain. They would tell him in his own 
 language , 'that the magistrate's power could not reach their 
 consciences, nor could they invest him with such a power 
 against the dictates of their own understandings, which they 
 had a natural right to follow/ and that he who would teach 
 men such slavish doctrines, much more he that would impose 
 the belief of them upon them, was as great " an enemy to the 
 whole race of mankind p ," as he that sent them to the galleys, 
 because the slavery of the mind was much greater, and more 
 ignoble, and unworthy the nature of man, who is a free 
 thinker, than that of the body, and that 'they could not 
 authorize the sovereign to extend his power so far<i/ 
 
 He cannot but know that there are great numbers of un- 
 believers among us, who can argue in this manner against 
 him, better than I can for them, and who will tell him the 
 creed he would impose on them and all mankind is larger 
 than he represents it to be; for he that truly believes the 
 being of a God, must believe that He is absolute in perfec- 
 tion, and the first cause of all other beings ; and he who be- 
 lieves that " God concerns Himself in the affairs of mankind 1 "," 
 must also believe that He is to be worshipped, and that He 
 will judge all men after death, because Fie lets wicked men 
 oppress and prosper, and good men be oppressed and per- 
 secuted in this life, and then impartially reward and punish 
 
 n [Rights, p. 13.] not endeavour to extend their power 
 
 Ibid., p. 23. [ 28.] further than their people could au- 
 P Ibid., p. 12. thorize them."] 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 27. ["If sovereigns did r [Ibid., p. 12.] 
 
His arguments retorted by them. 187 
 
 them according to their works. Here then follows the creed, THE NEW 
 which he would have all men own, or be punished by every 
 man, in a state of nature, and by the magistrate, in every 
 government, as an enemy to the whole race of mankind : " I 
 believe in one God, the first cause of all things, who is infi- 
 nite in power, wisdom, goodness, and presence ; who is to be 
 worshipped by men, whose providential care extends itself to 
 all mankind; and I believe that there is another life after 
 this, in which He will bring all men to judgment, and without 
 respect of persons, reward the good, and punish the wicked 
 according to their works/' He would impose this creed 
 upon men of as bright understandings, and of as 'free and 
 large thoughts' as himself, under most severe penalties, and, 
 in his own language, make not only the magistrate, but the 
 people of every government, " to be his deputies and execu- 
 tioners :" and the reasons which he gives (let me use his own 
 words) for persecuting unbelievers, are such as they will tell 
 him are precarious, and need proof, and such as may be re- 
 torted upon himself. First they will tell him it is precarious 
 to say, that " denying the being of a God, or His providence, 
 is an injury to civil societies/' because believers of both do as 
 much mischief to human societies as those who believe nei- 
 ther ; and that Tyburn for instance, as one of them has ob- 
 served, keeps the world among us in better order than the 
 fear of an invisible power, by which priests of all religions 
 have alike enslaved mankind. They will ask him a thousand 
 cramp questions, to refute this pretended reason ; as for 
 example, they will ask him if there is one atheist among a 
 thousand, or ten thousand drunkards, or swearers, or forni- 
 cators, or thieves, or murderers ? They will ask him whether 
 at public executions criminals do not always profess or shew 
 some religion ? and whether in all rebellions the rebels do 
 not pretend most to religion of all other men ? and whether 
 reformation of religion, or the preservation of it, hath not a 
 thousand times been the pretence of taking up arms, and of 
 murdering and deposing princes ? and whether there are not 
 as many robberies, and rapes, and treasons, and murders, 
 and cheats, even in Christian countries, who pretend most to 
 religion, as in the most ignorant and barbarous, who have 
 least. They would ask him, if Epicurus did not live as well 
 
188 On his principles Atheism should be tolerated. 
 
 PREFAT. as Socrates ? and if they did not live full as well as himself, 
 SECT. xi. ' who presumed to make a creed for them? and withal would 
 tell him, that if they could see with his eyes, arid understand 
 with his understanding, and believe as he pretends to believe, 
 " the being of a God and providence," they would live up to 
 the height of those principles, in much better lives than 
 they see him, or most pretended believers do. They would 
 also tell him, that no man is or can be "under an indispensa- 
 ble obligation to worship God," but he that believes there is 
 one; and that they, no more than other men, "can make 
 over their right of judging for themselves 9 ," or ought to have 
 their understandings " at another man's disposal ;" and that 
 there is no more reason to persecute them for not being 
 deists, than deists for not being Christians, or Christians of 
 one Church or communion for not being of another. If men's 
 understandings (would they tell him) ought to be free in one 
 sect, they ought to be free in all. If others must follow their 
 own dictates, why not we ? If he who believes the being of 
 a God, and His providence, must have liberty to worship 
 Him after the manner he thinks most agreeable to Him, 
 why must not we, who cannot believe one or both those arti- 
 cles, have the liberty not to worship at all ? Why must we, 
 of all men, be made hypocrites ? Indulgence is indulgence 
 (will they say), and toleration is toleration, and liberty is 
 liberty, and creeds are creeds, and persecution is persecution 
 alike among all sorts and sects of men; and therefore, ac- 
 cording to the proverb, let the magistrate, who should be 
 impartial, 'save all or hang all/ loose all or bind all. We 
 desire the common freedom of judging for ourselves ; and 
 we do not find, but that we have as good understandings, 
 and can reason as well as other men ; we are as good physi- 
 cians, as good lawyers, as good politicians, as good naturalists 
 and mathematicians as others, be they deists, Jews, or Chris- 
 tians; and why we should not be as good philosophers, 
 and as good judges in the dispute about religion, whether 
 there ought to be any or none, we declare we cannot 
 understand. 
 
 SECT. xn. He hath promised the world, and thereby threatened the 
 The dis- clergy, to "treat* of the method the first Christian emperors 
 
 ti notion of 
 
 Rights, p. 14. ' Ibid., p. 27. 
 
Church and Empire distinct ; Constantius. 189 
 
 should have taken to prevent ecclesiastical tyranny and CHURCH 
 priestcraft ;" of which I say again, die venga, let it come. I ^ e '~ 
 suppose the Arian emperor Constantius, son of Constantine and the 
 the Great, will be set forth by him as a great example how stated. 
 his father should have treated the clergy to prevent priest- 
 craft. For he, like a wise prince, sent 11 out summons to the 
 Catholic bishops of the empire to appear at his palace before 
 him, and when they came, he commanded them to subscribe 
 to his banishment of Athanasius, and to communicate with 
 the Arians v . But the western bishops, "wondering at his 
 enterprise x , as a new thing, told him that was not a proceed- 
 ing according to ecclesiastical canons. To which he presently 
 replied, aXV ojrep eya) /3ouXo//,a t, but what I command, that 
 shall be a canon, and do you obey me, as the pretended 
 bishops of Syria have done, or I will send you into banish- 
 ment. At which the bishops still wondering more, and lift- 
 ing up their hands to heaven, spoke with great boldness unto 
 him, telling him, that the empire he had got was not from 
 himself, but from God who gave it to him, and that it was to 
 be feared He would suddenly take it away from him ; and 
 threatened him with the day of judgment, persuading him, 
 that he should not destroy the way of proceeding in eccle- 
 siastical matters, neither confound the jurisdiction of the 
 Roman empire with the authority of the Church. But he 
 would not hear them, or suffer them to speak any more ; but 
 threatening them, he drew his sword at them, and com- 
 manded some of them to be carried into banishment, though 
 
 u Athanas. in Epist. ad solitariam avaretvavrfs irpbs rbv ebv, TroAAj? rrj 
 
 vitam agentes. Edit. Paris. 1627. pp. /car' avrov Trapprfcrla /tero \6yuv ^X.P^I~ 
 
 829 831. [Historia Arianorum ad <ravTo, SiSdo-KovTes ^ efrat T^V &a<ri- 
 
 Monachos, 32. Op., torn. i. p. 362, C.] \elav avrov, a\\a rov SeSeo/c^roy eov, 
 
 T Paulinus of Treves, Lucifer of t>v Kal (pofieta-Qat avrbv rj^tovu fj.^ e"aty>- 
 
 Caralis, Eusebius of Vercelli, Diony- vys avrfyv a^cATjraf i)irei\ovv re T^V 
 
 sius of Milan. [Ibid., 33. p. 363, D.] i)/j.pav rrjs Kplvfws, Kal <rvve0ov\evov 
 
 1 [TOUTOUS yap f3a<ri\evs Ka\o~as e/ce- avr<f /j.$i Sia^Beipeiv ra KK\T)<riaa'TiKa 
 
 Aeutre Kara 'AOavaaiov jj-lv viroypd<f>eiv, /iTjSe ^yKara/j.iffyeiv ri]v PcafjiaiK^v ap- 
 
 To?y Se aiptTiKois Koivweiv' eTro ^Kfivcav x^ v r f> T ^ s ^/f/cArjcr/as 8(0x0777, /xTjSe 
 
 6avfj.a6vT(i>v rb Kaivbv e'TTir'fjSev/j.a TOVTO, r^v 'A.peiav))v aiptaiv flffdyfiv eis rfyv 
 
 Kal Xty6vT<av, /*}] flvai TOVTOV ^KK\^<TI~ 4KKXt}(riav TOV eov' a\\' oijre jJKovev 
 
 da-riKov Kai>6va, evOus e'/cctj/os, aAA' '6irep iKetvos, otfre TI ir\fov avrots \eyeiv 
 
 ty<>} f3ov\o!u.ai TOVTO Kav&v, tXeye, VO/J.L- tirtTpsirtv, oAAa Kal /j.a\\ov ^7T/Aei, 
 
 frecrOoa' OVTCO ydp fj-ov \eyovTOS ai/fx ovrai Ka ^ ' L< Ps eyvfAVOv /car' avT<av, Kal aird- 
 
 ot TTJS 2,vpias \ey6p.fvoi tirio-Koirof ^ ye<rdai Se Tivas e| avT&v eWAfuffe, Kal 
 
 roivvv Treio-QrjTe, f) Kal v/j.e'is virfpoptoi trd\iv, ODS 6 4>apaa>, 
 
 yevflffeo-Qe. Tavra a.Koixra.vTts of tiriaKo- Ibid., 34. p. 364.] 
 rroi f iravvye davp-daavTes Kal 
 
190 The Church's distinct power allowed by the Emperors. 
 
 PREFAT. afterwards, like Pharaoh, he revoked his sentence." I hope 
 ne w iH a l so tell us what Moses should have done to prevent 
 ecclesiastical tyranny and priestcraft among the Jews, and 
 what method Christ and His Apostles should at first have 
 taken to prevent it among Christians ; and it will be temper 
 and moderation in him, if he do not reproach them all for 
 dividing the priesthood from the magistracy, and tearing the 
 ecclesiastical from the civil power, which at first were united 
 in the patriarchal Churches, for many ages before and after 
 the flood. 
 
 This distinction between the empire and the Church, and 
 betwixt the imperial and ecclesiastical authority, which the 
 bishops, as confessors, asserted to the threatening emperor's 
 face, was owned by his father Constantine the Great, and 
 after him by Theodosius the Great, Valentinian, Marcian, 
 and Justinian the Great, as I have shewed in the second 
 letterY; and as the distinction of clergy and laity is as old as 
 the time of the Apostles, so this between the two powers is 
 as old as the union of the Church and empire, and was ever 
 admitted and received over all Christendom (even by Henry 
 VIII. himself 2 ) for more than fifteen hundred years. What 
 was the sense Basilius the emperor had of these two authori- 
 ties, to the latter end of the ninth century, may be seen from 
 these words 8 : " It in no wise belongs to a layman to meddle 
 with ecclesiastical causes, nor to resist the whole Church, 
 and an oecumenical council; for the cognizance and discus- 
 sion of such matters belongs to patriarchs, bishops, and 
 priests, to whom God hath given the power of loosing and 
 binding. For a layman, though never so venerable and wise, 
 is but a layman, a sheep, and not the shepherd ; and a bishop, 
 though never so unworthy of reverence, is still the shepherd, 
 
 y [The Dignity of the Episcopal 3) oiKovfj-eviKfj crvvfocp' ravra yap art- 
 
 Order, chap. i. sect. 3 5.] x v * vfiv T Ka ^ far civ irarpiapx^f fpjov 
 
 z [Ibid., sect. 6.] effrl, Kal ifpewv, Kal SfScwr/caAcoi/, ols rb 
 
 * Beveregii 2iW8t/coz/, torn. ii. [an- Xveiv re Kal 8f(r/j.e'iv SeSorot e/c eou* 
 
 notationes] pp. 109, 110. [in Can. iii. 6 yap Aai/cbs, /c&i/ iraV^s earlv euAajSeias 
 
 Cone. Chalced. p. 109, of the conduct Kal crotytas juco-rbs, a\\a \aivbs, Kal 
 
 of Marcian; p. 110, of Basilius, " qui 7rp6fiaTov, ov Troip.^}v' 6 8e apxiepevs KUV 
 
 coram octava gerierali synodo Constan- iraaav eViSefoi/urat avevXafifiav, a\\a 
 
 tinopoli hahita, (A.D. 869,870.) haec TTOI^V ftrri, eW &j> eV upxiep ev<ri re\r}' 
 
 diserte dixit. . . . Aot/c<j5 Se olc^S-fjiroTf Kal ov xpb Kar^aviaraaQai ru>v irot/xe- 
 
 KOT' o&Seva rp6irov e'e/cu \4-yta Trepl va>v ra irpofiaTa. et apud Concil., torn. 
 
 4KK\r)<naffTiK(av vTroQfffewv \6yov avaKi- x. p. 881, E.] 
 
The Church distinct from the State, in its origin; 191 
 
 and retains the authority of a bishop, and the sheep ought CHURCH 
 not to rise against the shepherd." 
 
 This distinction of the ecclesiastical and imperial authority, SECT, xm. 
 and of the societies to which they belonged, and the inde- jj^ency'of 
 pendency of one upon the other was plain to all Christians the Church 
 in former ages, and may be so still to any that will without pire. 
 prejudice and partiality consider a few things. As first, the 
 difference of their originals ; the ecclesiastical authority having 
 been given by God to Christ, and by Christ immediately to 
 His Apostles, as is evident from Matt, xxviii. 18 20, and 
 from the history of the Acts of the Apostles, who by virtue [Acts 5. 
 of their commission, did all things contrary not only to the 
 commands of their own magistrates in Jerusalem, but to [ib. 17. 7.] 
 the "decrees of Caesar" all over the empire; for which they 
 were called " pestilent fellows, and movers of sedition ;" and [tt>. 24 - 5 -l 
 without a Divine commission to act as they did, they had 
 been indeed the most pestilent and seditious fellows that 
 ever were in the world. " Go ye therefore (said our Lord) [Matt. 28. 
 and teach all nations," and " take heed to yourselves (saith [Acts 20. 
 St. Paul to the elders assembled at Miletus) and to all the ^ 
 flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops, to 
 feed the Church of God which He hath purchased with His 
 blood." Here is a spiritual power set up in the Apostles 
 against the civil powers of the Jewish and Gentile world; 
 a power in the name of King Jesus, to preach down the 
 Jewish and Gentile religions, to form their proselytes into 
 churches, to make laws for the regulation and preservation 
 of them, and to turn the world upside down. "Two b " such 
 "independent supreme powers" there were then in the world , 
 "clashing" and "interfering" with one another, by the fault 
 of the secular power, for three hundred years together, even 
 after the credentials of miracles ceased, one commanding to 
 preach up Jesus, another commanding not to preach about 
 Him ; and though " God is the God of order and not of con- [i Cor. 14. 
 fusion," He made the Christians "subject to these two 
 clashing powers, who commanded them not only different, 
 but contrary things at the same time d ." 
 
 b Rights, chap. i. p. 33. [" That Hickes here meets by shewing that the 
 
 there cannot be two independent powers Church and State are not the same 
 
 in the same society," is the subject of society.] 
 
 the first chapter of the Rights ; which c Ibid., p. 35. d Ibid. 
 
192 Two independent societies and powers at first ; 
 
 The same persons, as for instance, the many thousands 
 tnat made up the Church in Jerusalem, had two such heads, 
 ~~ the one spiritual, and the other temporal ; and if these 
 " two heads make a monster e /' as he blasphemously speaks, 
 it was a monster of God's making, for the power which He 
 gave to Christ, Christ gave to the Apostles, and they also 
 gave to others, to proselyte the subjects of all civil sovereigns, 
 and form them into societies, whether they would or no. It 
 was then they kept a weekly holy-day f , I mean the first day 
 of the week, when they were forbidden by the magistrate. 
 It was then they " exercised their spiritual functions in this 
 and that place," when "the civil power commanded them from 
 thence ;" it was then " the clergy e put men in such posts in 
 the Church, as made it necessary for their spiritual subjects 
 to converse with them," though " the magistrate forbad them 
 to have correspondence with such persons." The same was 
 afterwards done in the reigns of apostate and heretical em- 
 perors, and the wisest heads among the Christians then never 
 complained, that these two independent powers were " mon- 
 strous" or "absurd," as he asserts again and again, to the great 
 dishonour of God. This pretended absurdity he endeavours 
 to make out by mere fallacies, to deceive unwary readers, 
 as where he says, that the " same man can no more be under 
 different obligations, than at different places h ," which is true ; 
 but then those who are subject to two independent powers, 
 commanding contrary things, can be but under one obliga- 
 tion, as the Apostles said unto their own magistrates at Jeru- 
 [Acts 5. 29 ; salem, " We ought to obey God rather than men, and whe- 
 ther it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you, 
 more than unto Him, judge ye." Such another fallacious 
 way of speaking is that, where he saith, that "there cannot 
 be two independent powers in the same society 1 ;" this is his 
 beloved phrase, which signifies nothing; for it begs the 
 question by supposing the Church and empire to be one 
 and the same society, which were always held to be different, 
 
 ' Rights, p. 35. place ; the civil power (for reasons re- 
 
 f Ibid., [ 2.] pp. 33, 34. ["One lating to the state) may command him 
 
 power may command him to keep holy- from thence."] 
 
 day upon an ecclesiastical, the other to g Ibid., p. 34. 
 
 work upon a civil account: the eccle- h Ibid., chap. i. 1. p. 33. 
 
 siastical power may oblige a person to i Ibid., p. 20, 28, 29, 33, 35, 36, &c. 
 
 exercise his function, in this or that 
 
The same persons may be subjects of distinct societies. 193 
 
 and independent one of another ; and therefore though there CHURCH 
 cannot be two independent powers in the same society, yet 
 in two such different societies there may be two independent 
 powers, and the same persons may be subjects to both. So 
 the same number of men may be freemen of the cities of 
 London and York, and these two cities may sometimes clash 
 and interfere with one another ; but when that happens, they 
 can be but under one obligation, and that is to side with the 
 city they know or believe is in the right. But though the 
 same men may put themselves under two independent powers, 
 yet, by his way of reasoning, it is absurd to say that God 
 can make them so subject. He hath the confidence to say k , 
 it is a doctrine ' as absurd and impossible on earth, as multi- 
 plicity of Gods is in heaven;' and that it is a notion which, 
 " instead of being founded in Christianity, savours most 
 grossly of heathenish divinity." O tempora ! O mores ! 
 
 But secondly, this ancient distinction of the ecclesiastical 
 and imperial power, or of the Church from the empire, is 
 evident not only from the difference of their several origi- 
 nals, but from their different extents, the different ways by 
 which men are admitted into them, and their different rights 
 and privileges, which for brevity's sake I shall consider alto- 
 gether. For the Church is one society, one body all the world 
 over, under one Priesthood, and one Head, Jesus Christ ; from 
 whence it comes to pass, that he who is rightly admitted 
 into any one Church, is admitted into all; and he who is 
 rightly turned out of one Church, is turned out of all; and 
 he that hath a right to communion in one Church, hath a 
 right of communion in all. Which is not so in empires, 
 kingdoms, or sovereign states, which make not one, but many 
 different and independent societies, among which, whosoever 
 becomes a subject of one, doth not thereby become a subject 
 of the others ; nor can he, who can challenge the freedom 
 and liberties of one of them, thereby challenge the freedom 
 and liberties of all the rest. Natural birth, or civitatis donatio, 
 which we call naturalization, makes a member and subject 
 of the one ; but spiritual birth or baptism, makes a member 
 and subject of the other; and as baptizing a foreigner in. 
 the Church of England doth not make him a citizen of the 
 
 k Rights, chap. i. 5. p. 36. 
 
194 Other distinctions between Church and State. 
 
 PREFAT. English nation, so neither doth his naturalization, as such, 
 SECT, xiii.' make him a member of the Church of England ; because he 
 may be an infidel, heretic, or excommunicate person, or a 
 schismatic from the Catholic Church. These few suggestions 
 shew that the Church and state are different societies, and 
 independent of one another, and subsist by different powers, 
 as they always do in ruptures of one from the other, however 
 they happen ; as when the Church abusing her power, and 
 going beyond the limits of it, forces the state to defend itself 
 against her by force ; or on the other hand, when the state 
 at any time happens to persecute the Church. I might also 
 shew the difference between these two powers and societies, 
 and the independency of one of them upon the other, from 
 the diversity of their ends and objects ; and the differing 
 means, by which they obtain those different ends. But for 
 that I refer my reader to the forecited procemium of Du Pin 1 ; 
 and when he hath read it he will not wonder that all anti- 
 quity formerly admitted this distinction, as a principle fun- 
 damental to the Church ; and that the emperor Valentinian L, 
 upon the vacancy of the see of Milan, sending for the bishops 
 of the province, spoke thus to them 11 , " You know very well 
 from the Scriptures what kind of man he ought to be, who 
 is worthy of the high priesthood ; that he should be a person 
 who ought to instruct his subjects not only by his words, 
 but by his works, setting forth himself as a pattern of all 
 virtue, and his conversation as a testimony and proof of his 
 doctrine. Wherefore now do you place such an one in the 
 bishop's chair, that we who administer the empire, may with 
 all sincerity bow down our heads to him, and receive his 
 reprehensions as spiritual medicines ; for we being but men, 
 must of necessity sometimes do amiss/' This he said upon 
 principle before the election, in which St. Ambrose the 
 governor of the place was chosen ; and when he was conse- 
 
 1 [Appendix, No. v.j rvpa fX lJ/ r ^ s 8i8acr/faA.tas T}\V iro\i- 
 
 m [A.D. 374, on the death of Auxen- rsiav' TOIOVTOV 77 ofiv ital vvv ro'is ap- 
 
 tius.] x.ispariKo'is tyKadiSpv<TaT Otvxois, OTTCOS 
 n Theod 
 
 . 
 
 heodoret., Eccl. Hist., lih. iv. cap. Kal yfji.e'is ot rty fraariXeiav 
 
 vi. [urre (racpoos, are ST; TO?S Beiois \6- fl\iKpiva)s avry ras ^uerepas inroK\i- 
 
 yois evredpa/Jifjifvoi, dirolov eli/cu irpo<r^]- vcafj-tv KetyaXas, nal rovs Trap" e/cetVoi 
 
 Kfi TTJS apxifptoxrvvris $$utyt^rof xal &s yevo/j-evovs \eyxovs (avdpcoirovs y&p 
 
 ov xpy \6yy /j.6vci}, a\\a Kal fiiy TOVS ovras Ka,l irpoairTaitiv avdyicri) oas la~ 
 
 v, Kal 7ra<rrjs aperris rpiK-f)v aaira(r(afj.fda Qepaireiav. Apud 
 
 rporiOevai, Kal /j.dp- Eccl. Hist., torn. iii. p. 153.] 
 
INDE- 
 PENDENT. 
 
 Their distinctness held by antiquity, and universally. 195 
 
 crated, "the most excellent emperor ," as the historian calls CHURCH 
 him, being present at the consecration, praised our Lord and 
 Saviour in these words ; "Thanks be given to Thee our Al- 
 mighty Lord and Saviour, who hath committed the govern- 
 ment of souls to him, to whom I had committed the govern- 
 ment of bodies, by which Thou hast declared that my opinion 
 of him was just." This was that St. Ambrose, who in his 
 tract of the Dignity of the Priesthood P, shews the practice of 
 Christian princes in these words : "Thou mayest see the necks 
 of kings and princes bowed down to the knees of bishops, and 
 kissing their right hands, as thinking themselves guarded with 
 their prayers." It was then upon principle so much the prac- 
 tice of emperors to kiss the hands of bishops, that the tyrant 
 Maximus, who set up for the empire, rose up in the council- 
 chamber at Triers to kiss the hand of the same St. Ambrose % 
 bishop of Milan, in his second ambassage to him from the 
 young emperor Valentinian II., but Ambrose refused him 
 that respect. Princes then thought themselves, like other 
 men, subject to the sacerdotal power, of which they had the 
 same notion after the union of the Church with the empire, 
 as those Christians had who lived before it ; and I doubt not 
 but Tertullian's rule is good in defence of it and the Church 
 against our author, Quod apud multos unum invenitur, non 
 est erratum, sed traditum* ; as likewise that of Vincentius 
 Lirinensis, Quod ab omnibus creditum, hoc vere Catholicum s . 
 
 Rights, chap. vii. [6 iravra. &PKTTOS Monitum, p. 358.] 
 
 Pa<n\fvs .... X^P 15 " ot SeVvroTa itav- ' Amb>'os. Epist. Ivi. ad Valent. Imp. 
 
 r6Kparop Kal ffwrtp ^ueVepe, on T(8e [Ubi sedit in consistorio ingressus 
 
 Tcj5 avSpl eyct) /j.tv e^exeiprjcra (rco/tara, sum, adsurrexit ut osculum daret. Ego 
 
 av 8e tyvxds' KOI rks e'/icis ^/-f]<f)ovs 8iKa,ias inter consistorianos steti. Hortari cae- 
 
 aireQrii'as. Ibid., p. 154.] permit alii ut ascenderein : vocare ille. 
 
 P cap. ii. [quippe cum videas regum Respondi ego : quid oscularis eum 
 
 colla et principum submitti genibus quern non agnoveris. S. Ambr., Epist. 
 
 sacerdotum, et, exosculata eorum dex- xxiv. Op., torn. ii. p. 888, E. ed. Ben. 
 
 tra, .orationibus eorum credant se com- There is no reason to think it was the 
 
 muniri. Pseudo- Ambrose de Digni- hand of St. Ambrose that he would 
 
 tate Sacerdotali, S. Ambr. Op., torn. ii. have kissed. Of the tract de Dignitate 
 
 A pp. p. 359, B. This tract is certainly Sacerdotali the Bened. editors remark, 
 
 not St. Ambrose's, though in the MS S., 'quod nihil contineat ab Ambrosii et 
 
 which are very numerous, it is with one ingenio et sseculo non alienum,' p. 
 
 exception attributed to him ; in this one 357. For instances of the practice 
 
 it is entitled ' SermoGilberti Philosophi, in the case of private Christians, see 
 
 Papae urbis Romae, qui cognomiriatus Bingham, Antiq., book ii. chap. ix. 
 
 est Silvester, de Informatione Episco- sect. 2.] 
 
 porum,' that is, Sylvester II. Pope r De Praescriptione Haereticorum 
 
 from A.D. 999 to 1003. On this the c. 21. [c. 28. p. 212, A. ed. Ben.] 
 Benedictine editors remark, ' Omnia et * [Quod ab omnibus creditum est, 
 
 personae et tempori satis congruunt.' hoc ... est vere proprieque Catholi- 
 
 o2 
 
196 His scheme implies one absolute sovereign. 
 
 PREFAT. That must be truly Catholic, which all Christians believed to 
 
 DISCOURSE, , 
 
 SECT. xiv. be true. 
 
 His rage against the Church hath transported him so far, 
 in Tindai's that in contradiction to his own principles, he hath argued 
 scheme. (j own Q\\ c { v il governments, but such where there is but one, 
 independent, supreme, despotic head or power. " If," saith 
 he*, " you allow more than one power in every society, there's 
 no reason to stop at two." And*, "if it be contrary to the na- 
 ture of things that there should be more than one power in 
 a family, every one sees, that the same invincible reason for- 
 bids more than one in a society made up of several families." 
 . . . . " What hath been said proves that all supreme, or in- 
 dependent power must be indivisible 1 ." This considered with 
 the purpose for which he said it, to shew the inconsistency of 
 two clashing powers, will make it necessary to have but one 
 absolute master in a college, without a meeting of fellows to 
 clash with him ; one absolute mayor in a city, without a court 
 of aldermen or common council to clash with him, and one 
 despotic absolute king in every kingdom, without any parlia- 
 ment or parliamentary power to clash and interfere with him, 
 and his one, independent, and indivisible power. Thus to 
 prevent the absurdity of clashing and interfering powers, we 
 must not only abolish the ecclesiastical power, but reform 
 most of the civil constitutions of the world ; and particularly 
 we of this nation, ought to have no parliaments, or no kings, 
 because they clash so often together, nor two independent 
 houses of parliament, because they frequently quarrel and 
 clash together, and sometimes encroach upon one another's 
 rights. To be short, his argument taken from the clashing 
 of powers, as an argument, is of as much force for the Church 
 against the state, as for the state against the Church : for if 
 the ecclesiastical power must be abolished, because it is inde- 
 pendent on the civil, and when it is abused, interferes with it; 
 for the same reason may a courtier of Rome, a Bellarmine, 
 or Baronius say, the civil power must be taken away, because 
 it is independent on the ecclesiastical, and when abused 
 clashes and interferes with it, though it is of immediate 
 Divine institution, and originally founded in the person and 
 
 cum. Vincentii Liriuensis Commoni- x. p. 103, C.] 
 
 torium, ii. Bibl. Vett. Patrum, torn. * [Right , pp. 36, 37.] 
 
// really creates innumerable independent powers. 197 
 
 office of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. By this way of TINDAL'S 
 arguing, as I hinted before, man, whom God, though the God 
 of order, hath made subject to two internal clashing powers, 
 must entirely give up himself to one of the two, and when it 
 comes to that, I do not doubt much to which of the two our 
 author will surrender himself. The four new societies formed 
 of late in a neighbouring nation, when it comes to the choice 
 of which of the two clashing principles shall have the sole, 
 supreme government of man, shew which shall have the most 
 votes among some sorts of men. 
 
 I must also observe, that by the very scheme he hath made 
 to argue against the independency of the ecclesiastical power, 
 he hath set up many independent, unaccountable powers in 
 religion, r as absurd and inconsistent with the power of the 
 magistrate, as he pretends the power of the Church to be. For 
 his own scheme excludes the magistrate from all power in 
 religion, and religious matters; men having a natural right 
 to 'believe 11 , and profess such speculative matters which they 
 think true, and to worship God after the manner they think 
 most agreeable to His will; and that in all matters of religion, 
 with respect to which they are always in a state of nature, 
 they must determine for themselves, and follow the dictates 
 of their own consciences, and also have a natural right to 
 form themselves into companies, meetings, and churches for 
 religious worship after their own way ; and x to agree on 
 some places, and on the persons to officiate, and to judge of 
 the forms and modes of worship, and of the rites and cere- 
 monies they will observe; in doing of all which the magis- 
 trate, who as to these things y hath no more power over 
 the peasant, than he hath over him, is bound 2 to protect 
 them; or if he do not, it a will force them to defend those 
 natural rights by arms, of which no human power can de- 
 prive them/ 
 
 Here he doth not only give to all religious societies the 
 same independent power which the Church claims to itself; 
 but in such a manner, in which all true Churches have always 
 abhorred to claim it, viz., that if the magistrate will not pro- 
 
 See ibid., Introduction, pp. 14, 15, >' Ibid. p. 24. 
 23. '- Ibid., pp. 16, 24, 25. 
 
 1 Ibid., pp. 24, 25. Ibid., pp. 17, 29. 
 
198 Applied to the toleration of immoral societies. 
 
 PREFAT. tect them in the choice and profession of their religion, they 
 ma y> an d, I think he means, ought to defend it by force of 
 arms. Here is resistance added to the independent power of 
 I know not how many pretended Churches, which the Church 
 he writes against, and all true Churches ever disclaimed. The 
 magistrate hath no power to persecute them ; but if he ac- 
 cording to his bounden duty will not protect them, they may 
 against their natural, and sworn allegiance, persecute him by 
 taking up arms against him, and in defence of their belief, 
 and way of worship, turn the nation into a theatre of con- 
 fusion, and a field of blood. 
 
 Let us suppose then, that there were the same heretical 
 sect of Docetes among us, that was among the primitive 
 Christians in the time of the Apostles b , who denied the 
 humanity of Christ, believing and professing that He had 
 not a real body, but only in appearance, nor was really born, 
 nor really crucified, nor really rose from the dead, but only 
 in appearance ; and as they were Gnostics, so also chose that 
 impure manner of Eucharistical worship, which I intimated 
 before, as most agreeable, in their corrupt sentiments, to the 
 will of God : let us, I say, suppose this sect grown to great 
 numbers and strength among us, as it might be double or 
 treble to that of any other sect, and that her Majesty had 
 declared she could not in conscience see her people any 
 longer perverted by such an impure sect, and so destructive 
 of the Christian faith, and thereupon had passed an act of 
 parliament against all farther toleration of them ; upon such 
 a supposition our author by his principles, if he were one of 
 them, must like the man of Belial, Sheba the son of Bichri, 
 presently blow the trumpet, and cry out, ' To your tents, to 
 your natural rights, O Israel ; as to the choice and profession 
 of our religion, we are still in a state of nature, the magis- 
 trates as to that, have no more power over us than we have 
 over them; we never gave, or could give them a power to 
 deprive us of this natural liberty; they cannot hinder us 
 from meeting without manifest injustice ; and therefore since 
 
 b I John i. 1 3; iv. 3. Igr.at. \4yovffiv, rb SoKeiV avr'bv irenovQtva., 
 
 Epist. ad Smyrn. [ ii. ravra yap aurol rb 5o6?i/ oi/res' Kal KaOus fypovov- 
 
 jrdvTa siradzv 81 'f)/JLas, 'iva. ff(aQS}^v' Kal aw, Kal (rv/Afl-fiffeTai avrots, outfit d<ro>- 
 
 a\r)9us tiraQtv, ws Kal oArj^ws ai/fcrri)- parois Kal Sai/j.oviKo'is. Patres A post., 
 
 crei/ eavr6i>' ovx tixrirtp atriffToi rti/es torn. ii. p. 34.] 
 
Powers denied to the Church given to every sect. 199 
 they act contrary to the main end, for which we intrusted 
 
 i l 1 1- 1 1~ " J 
 
 them with power, and have exceeded their bounds in abridg- 
 ing our liberty in which they should protect us, the laws of 
 nature not only permit, but oblige us to have recourse to 
 arms ; you see how we are persecuted contrary to those laws, 
 and to the honour of God, and the good of mankind : to your 
 tents therefore with all speed to defend your natural freedom ; 
 only be strong, and of a good courage; we will do unto 
 them as unto Sisera and Jabin, and make them like Zeba 
 and Salmanna.' 
 
 It will be hard for him to name any one right, liberty, or 
 privilege, which the Church, or, if he pleases, High Church, 
 claims, independently on the magistrate, by Divine right, 
 which he doth not demand in a manner, as independent of 
 him, by natural right, for every society that pretends to be 
 a Church. Is it the liberty of professing what they think is 
 the true faith ? So doth he for every sect. Is it the liberty 
 to worship God in the manner they think most fit ? So doth 
 he for every sect. Is it the liberty to gather, and form 
 Churches in all places for worship ? So doth he for all men 
 of the same faith, true or false, which he calls ' belief in 
 speculative matters/ Is it the power of legislation, for which 
 he is so incensed against the Church, for presuming to make 
 canons or laws for the government, regulation, and well-being 
 of her own body ? This he also challenges for every other pre- 
 tended Church. For if men have a natural right to form 
 themselves into societies for profession of belief and Divine 
 worship, they must also have a right to make laws and orders 
 for the government and preservation of those societies, with- 
 out which they can neither be formed, or subsist. Is it the 
 power of jurisdiction, for which he hath written such bitter 
 invectives against the Church, for presuming to censure her 
 disorderly members, and in particular for assuming a power 
 to herself of turning the contumacious and incorrigible out 
 of her communion, and obliging those who are in it to shun 
 them, and avoid all conversation with them? Even this 
 power also he gives to every sect over its own members. For 
 if men have a natural right to form societies, and make laws 
 for the government and well-being of them, they must also 
 
 c Rights, p. 1(>. [See Introduction, 19, 20. pp. 
 
 INCONS1S- 
 
200 The Church being coextensive with the nation accidental. 
 PREFAT. have a right to punish ; because the power of making laws 
 
 DISCOURSE, n - ' .'.'-. 
 
 SECT, xiv. and orders, signifies nothing without a power to punish the 
 transgressors of them ; and therefore we find, that all religious 
 fraternities among us take upon them, in a way of proceed- 
 ing independent on the magistrate, to censure their own dis- 
 orderly members, and not only to turn them out of their 
 communion, when they are incorrigible, but to oblige d " every 
 one of their society to be the executioners of their sentence, 
 by enjoining them to shun and avoid them," whatsoever 
 they suffer by it; though, according to his way of reason- 
 ing 6 , it ' takes from the magistrate the right of depriving 
 men of their trades and professions/ and ' causes the excom- 
 municate person to lead a life more to be dreaded than 
 death/ nay though 'the magistrate/ supposing he were of 
 their communion, 'is not exempt from this punishment f , 
 since as a member of their society, he is but in a natural 
 state/ and as subject to it as any peasant, over whom, in a 
 society for the worship of God, " he hath no more power than 
 the peasant hath over hims." 
 
 If he should say, that no religious society can oblige any 
 but their own members to shun their excommunicates, and 
 avoid all commerce and converse with him, I say the same 
 of the Church ; and here therefore must put him in mind of 
 his artful way, to call it no worse, of expressing himself, where 
 he declaims upon this subject in such manner, as if the clergy, 
 ' those Christian Druids h / as he with great respect calls them, 
 pretended to oblige 1 'every one, and all people, to shun their 
 excommunicates/ and 'become the executioners of their 
 sentence/ whereas they can command none to do it, but 
 the members of their own Church. If he saith, that the 
 people of the Church of England are the great body of the 
 nation, I must tell him that that is only accidental, and that 
 it is his endeavour, and of many hundreds more, to make her 
 the least of the tribes that pretend to religion among us ; and 
 that some of them, who are very numerous, expect their turn 
 once more for a national Church. If he should say, that my 
 reasoning against him from his own scheme is not just, 
 
 d Rights, p. 63. K Ibid.,)). 24. 
 
 Ibid., pp. 38, 39. " [Ibid., p. 43.] 
 
 1 Ibid., p. 39. j Ibid., pp. 39, 63. 
 
His scheme overthrows the Royal Supremacy. 201 
 
 because the government of Churches, which he erects upon 
 it, must be in the whole body, and not in any one order of 
 men, but that the government of the Church of England is 
 in a particular order of men, who call themselves the clergy ; 
 I answer, that as to the independency of the governing power 
 upon the magistrate, it is all one, whether it be in a parti- 
 cular order, or in the whole body, in the priests, or in the 
 people, because in which of the two soever it is seated, it is 
 an independent power. Thus the Quakers, for instance, meet 
 in vast numbers among us, not only for religious worship, but 
 for government and discipline, for legislation and jurisdiction 
 independently on the magistrate, and with a witness ' shun 
 their excommunicates/ or those who seeing their error leave 
 their communion, and oblige Friends all the world over 'to 
 be the executioners of their sentence ' but I think they have 
 not hitherto done it upon his scheme of a natural, but the 
 pretence of a Divine right. But our author hath given them, 
 and all religious societies pretending to an independent Divine 
 right, another string to their bow ; and I hope, as he cannot 
 by his own principles, so he will not deny the body of the 
 Church the benefit of it ; and then as a body she is as exempt 
 and independent on the magistrate, as even High Church, 
 that " spiritual Babylon k /' can wish. 
 
 The royal supremacy must fall down before his natural 
 right, as Dagon did before the ark, because in matters of 
 religion, and the administration of it, the magistrate "hath 
 no more power over the meanest peasant, than the meanest 
 peasant hath over him." The 25th Henry VIII. c. 19. can 
 be no bar to this natural right of the whole body, though he 
 cites it 1 " as a bar to the Divine right," which the clergy claim. 
 The whole body will have a power of ecclesiastical legisla- 
 ture, be they few, or be they many, be they the national, or 
 be they not the national Church, independent on our kings 
 and queens, in or out of parliament ; and they must be pro- 
 tected in their faith, their worship, their articles, their rites, 
 and ceremonies ; or else their natural right would authorize 
 
 k Rights, p. 33. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19. is a bar to any 
 
 1 Ibid. Pref., p. vii. [" If a legisla- such Divine right, because that act 
 
 tive power belongs to the clergy by makes it no less than a praemunire for 
 
 Divine right, it must be when they them so much as to meet without the 
 
 are assembled in convocation ; but the king's writ," &c.] 
 
202 Contrast of Church power under the two systems. 
 
 PREFAT. them, could they believe it, to call the magistrate to account 
 SECT, xiv.' for breach of trust, which they reposed in him. When I 
 speak of the body of the Church of England, I speak strictly 
 of that body made up of the laity and clergy, which would 
 at all times of trial and distinction adhere to the doctrine, 
 worship, government, and discipline of their Church, accord- 
 ing to which the people believe the clergy to be by Divine 
 institution the governors of the Church, who have the power 
 of spiritual legislation and jurisdiction, as well as of ordina- 
 tion. Such a ' Babylonish' Church of England as this in any 
 condition, or any place of the world, or consisting of what 
 numbers soever, by his scheme must have the common 
 benefit of natural right, as well as other pretended Churches, 
 and by consequence at home, or abroad, ought to be as per- 
 fectly independent of the magistrate, as they are, and accord- 
 ing to his principle, ought to be. High Church itself may 
 challenge all her independent powers by this right ; and all 
 the acts of parliament which he cites with so much pomp of 
 vanity, and scorn, but to no purpose, against her, must give 
 place to it. Thus what he thinks he hath pulled down with 
 one hand, he hath built up with the other ; and now let the 
 magistrate consider what he hath got by the change of the 
 divine for the natural, of the old for the new claim of eccle- 
 siastical power. Let him consider which of the independent 
 powers, which of the Babylons he will choose, that built 
 upon natural, or that upon Divine right ; and in particular, 
 whether he will have the Church of England challenge her 
 independent powers in virtue of this, like an humble matron 
 with prayers and tears, or in virtue of that, like Bellona 
 with her casque on her head, and her sword in her hand. 
 He saith m , that " they who pretend to set up two independent 
 powers do in effect confound both." What hath he then 
 done, who instead of one independent power of the magis- 
 trate hath set up an hundred as independent of him ; who 
 instead of one " Babylon," as he calls the hierarchy of the 
 Church, hath set up an hundred Babels of confusion, an 
 hundred 'independent ruling powers in the same society/ 
 an hundred ' souls in the same body politic 11 ?' These are his 
 
 m Rights, p. 35. chap. i. 3. powers ruling the body politic, is as 
 
 n [Ibid., 4. " To imagine two such absurd as to suppose two souls in- 
 
Tindal of the origin of Government. 203 
 
 own ways of arguing, and by the laws of controversy I must TTNDAL'S 
 demand the benefit of them against himself. 
 
 I have already given the reader specimens enough of the 
 fraudulent and contradictory ways of reasoning which this 
 author useth, and might give many more, were it necessary 
 for me to go through his book. 
 
 Sometimes he argues for the bare possibility of a thing SECT. xv. 
 which in fact never was ; as of people's going out by consent Of the Ori- 
 
 ' J ginal of Go- 
 
 Once upon a time, he knows not when, out of a state of vernment. 
 
 nature into a state of government, contrary to the history of 
 the creation, which as soon as the Greeks came to the know- 
 ledge of, they turned from that pagan account of government 
 to the Christian, which taught how government had its ori- 
 ginal from God, in one man and one woman the first parents 
 of mankind. There never was any absurd opinion more effec- 
 tually baffled and exposed than this of his, in the Rehearsal 
 in answer to Mr. Locke p , but he, as if it were an uncontested 
 principle, hath built his book upon it, and the foundation 
 being false, the superstructure he hath erected upon it falls 
 to the ground. He tacitly confesses, that government could 
 not have been so set up by a great number in a state of 
 nature. Saith he, "if a few at first agreed on a common 
 empire, it was sufficient if others, by their actions, acknow- 
 ledged an authority so advantageous to them." Here his 
 meaning is somewhat uncertain ; for if by few he means a 
 
 dependent of one another to govern the The first cannot be shewed from any 
 
 body natural."] history or account of things since the 
 
 Rights, p. 8. [See pp. 3, sqq.] beginning of the world. They have 
 
 P [ Reheaisal, No. 24, Jan. 13, 1704-5. often been pressed to shew it, but they 
 
 " The body of the people cannot so cannot. 
 
 much as choose representatives for " Nay T have shewed it to be impos- 
 
 themselves," &c. sible, because there is no way possible 
 
 No. 38, April 12, 1705. to collect the votes of every individual, 
 
 "Thou hast hewed him down by which Mr. Lock makes necessary to it. 
 
 asserting that the consent of every in- "And as for the second, Mr. Lock 
 
 dividual was necessary to the erection says that men cannot give an absolute 
 
 of government, and he is as sen- power over their own lives, liberties, 
 
 sible as thou art that this is impos- and properties to any government 
 
 sible. . . . Yet he makes the consent of whatsoever. . . . Because no man hath 
 
 every individual to be necessary, and power of his own life, and therefore 
 
 the only foundation of all political cannot give that power to another. . . . 
 
 societies. Mr. Lock's two treatises of "To this I answered that all govern- 
 
 Government, book ii. chap. 8." ments whatsoever . . . were absolute 
 
 No. 176. Jan. 22, 1705-6. and arbitrary, and that it was impos- 
 
 " There are two difficulties as to sible it should be otherwise. For that 
 
 people giving up their own rights. 1st. there must be a dernier resort some- 
 
 Whether they ever did do it. 2ndly. where, or else there could be no govern- 
 
 Whether they had any right to do it. ment."] 
 
204 Government could not originate from consent. 
 
 PKEFAT. few of many actually in being at the same time, then he must 
 SECT, xv.' tell us how a multitude of men co-existing in a state of 
 nature, came to give a few their several authorities to consent- 
 for them to go out of the state of nature into a state of 
 government. But if by a few he means two or three men 
 and women at the first, and no more, and by others those 
 who descended from them, then it supposes this grand absur- 
 dity, that men and women born in a state of government, 
 are born in a state of nature too, and remain in it till by 
 their actions at least they shall give their consent to the 
 government in which they are born. This I think is his 
 meaning. For, saith he, " why people should not take this 
 way to come out of the state of nature at first, as they have 
 done ever since, there can be no manner of reason q ." This is 
 one of the confident ways of speaking usual with him, against 
 many reasons to the contrary given in the Rehearsal 1 ", to which 
 I refer him and the reader. " And they," saith he, " who 
 make this objection, (that government could not come at 
 first from consent, because it cannot be presumed that all 
 parties met together to give an express consent,) may as 
 well argue that no language could be of human institution ; 
 because words not signifying any thing naturally, we cannot 
 imagine that all should meet together to agree that such 
 sounds shall have such ideas annexed to them. And yet this 
 depends not only on the agreement of those who spoke any 
 language at first, but of those who have done it since 8 ." 
 
 This very comparison shews the precarious and absurd 
 nature of the original of government, according to his 
 scheme. First, it is as precarious to suppose that a few 
 men came together to form the first government, as that 
 
 > [Rights, Introd., 10. p. 8.] into the hands of their governors to 
 
 r [Rehearsal, No. 156, Nov. 13,1706. prevent all these evils. 
 
 "(He) has stumbled, instead of it, "Rehearsal. Can a man divest him- 
 
 ( Locke's View,) upon a ten times more self of his natural powers? Can he 
 
 foolish and less tenable notion ; which divest himself of the power to defend 
 
 is, that men have not power over their himself? Even against his governors 
 
 own lives (Introd., p. 10, 14.) or if he thinks they do him injustice? 
 
 liberties, but that every man has power And every man is judge of that for 
 
 over another man's life, &c., and that himself. . . . Besides,' the old contra - 
 
 government was founded upon this diction remains . . . How mankind 
 
 foot. . . . could do it, when they could not all 
 
 "Countryman. Therefore men agreed meet personally. . . ." See also Nos. 
 
 upon government to divest themselves 165, &c.] 
 
 of these natural powers, and put them * Rights, Introd., 10. p. 8. 
 
GOVERN- 
 MENT. 
 
 Absurdities implied in TindaVs vieiv. 205 
 
 any number of men ever came together to form the first ORIGIN OF 
 language ; and both suppositions are equally contrary to the 
 most philosophical, most rational, Scripture account both of 
 the original of government and languages, before and after 
 the flood. Secondly, it is absurd, because as the agreement 
 of a small number of men together, that such sounds should 
 have such ideas annexed to them, supposeth they must have 
 had some common speech in which they understood one 
 another, and came to such an agreement ; so the meeting of 
 a small number of men and women together to form govern- 
 ment, and to agree on a common umpire, supposes an ante- 
 cedent consent and agreement to meet and debate, and 
 choose that umpire, and form government ; and that ante- 
 cedent consent and agreement, which could not be without 
 government, must have been before the government, which 
 he supposeth to be first. And to carry on his comparison in 
 his own words*, as ' making additions or alterations in any 
 language by the express or tacit consent of those who use 
 it/ supposes they first had that common language ; so the 
 consent of a few men met together to agree upon govern- 
 ment, supposes some antecedent order, and government, and 
 consent, to meet and agree together in passing from the 
 state of nature to a state of government, which implies a 
 contradiction. But admit his worthy suppositions were not 
 attended with this absurdity, I am sure it is attended with 
 another, which highly reflects on the wisdom of God, to put 
 men into a state of nature, and leave them, like savages, to 
 wander up and down in it, without any common language, 
 and to meet together, one knows not how nor when, to hem 
 and haw out their consent for this or that form of govern- 
 ment, and agree upon an umpire, or trustee, with conditions 
 that he should be accountable for his ministry to them; 
 which, to use his own words, "is to banter the magistrate 
 with the same conditions that Trincalo allowed to his rival 
 Stephano, when he told him, ' thou shalt indeed be viceroy 
 over me, provided I be viceroy over thee V " I am sure, let 
 
 t Rights, Introd., 10. p. 8. (see Preface,) Act ii. Scene i. p. 16, 
 
 u [Ibid., p. 60. The words quoted London, 1674. The parties are not 
 
 do not occur in the Tempest, but in Stephano and Trinculo, but Mustacho, 
 
 the Enchanted Island, Shakespear's Stephano's mate, and Ventoso a mari- 
 
 play altered by Davenant and Dryden, ner. Stephano claims to be duke, and 
 
206 Two Supreme Powers may be mutually subordinate. 
 
 PREFAT. him say of atheists what he will, a Christian must be little 
 better, that will set up such a scheme, and ought to be 
 ' reckoned x ' not only as ' an enemy' to Christianity, but to 
 all government, ' as subverting the foundations' of both ; 
 and y by his own way of reasoning not only ' the magistrate/ 
 but every man 'hath a right to punish' such a writer, as 
 much as ' the deniers of a Divine being/ since these are 
 but very little, if at all, more injurious to Christianity and 
 government, than he. 
 
 And as he argues for the possibility of this most absurd 
 original of government, against another way or matter of fact, 
 by which it came into the world; so elsewhere 2 he reasons 
 against another matter of fact, of which God was the author, 
 as ridiculous, impossible, and absurd. This matter of fact is 
 God's institution and erection of a visible spiritual kingdom, 
 in the kingdoms of this world, under the government of 
 powers distinct from, and independent on, the powers of the 
 world, by which they who are vested with those powers are 
 made mutually subject to one another. This he positively 
 charges with absurdity; " Then/' saith he a , "as to governors 
 themselves, what can be more absurd, that one can be sub- 
 ject to, and sovereign of the same person ?" And in another 
 place b he compares this independency of the two powers, and 
 their mutual subjection to each other, to the banter of Trin- 
 calo in the play, who allowed his competitor Stephano to be 
 ' his viceroy, so he might be viceroy over him.' It is most cer- 
 tain, that, if such an institution be absurd, God cannot be the 
 author of it ; and therefore let us enquire, whether indeed it 
 implies absurdity, or contradiction, for two different poten- 
 tates invested with different powers, to be subjects and supe- 
 riors to each other ; for if it is not absurd or impossible with 
 men, we may be sure it is practical and possible with God. 
 The question then is, whether two superiors, or two sove- 
 reigns, may not be subject to one another in different re- 
 appoints Mustache as his viceroy; but shall be viceroy, upon condition I may 
 Ventoso objects; on which Mustacho be viceroy over him."] 
 says, " Stephano hear me. I will speak * Rights, p. 12. [See above, p. 184.] 
 
 for the people, because there are few, y Ibid. 
 
 or rather none in the isle to speak z Ibid., p. 50 [chap. i. 29.] 
 for themselves. Know then that to a Ibid, 
 prevent the farther shedding of Chris- h Ibid., p. 60. 
 
 tian blood, we are all content Ventoso 
 
Various instances of if. 207 
 
 spects : for it is most certain, that in the same respect, one ORIGIN OF 
 
 , , i GOVERN- 
 
 cannot be subject and sovereign to the same person, though MENT< 
 in different respects he may. So, according to his own 
 scheme of government, the people appoint the magistrate to 
 be sovereign over them with the same condition that Trincalo 
 allowed Stephano to be viceroy, provided that they, when 
 they think fit, may be sovereign over him. Here is the ma- 
 gistrate, without any absurdity, as he must acknowledge, in 
 different respects sovereign of, and subject to, his people ; 
 sovereign, upon condition he rules well, and subject, when he 
 doth not. Upon the former condition they are accountable 
 to him, but upon the latter he is accountable to them ; in one 
 respect he hangs them, and in the other respect they depose 
 or behead him. This is no absurdity with our author, and 
 yet it must be absurd, though by God's appointment, for the 
 king to be subject to the priest in one respect, as the priest 
 is subject to him in another. But to take no advantage 
 against him from his own scheme, this great pretended ab- 
 surdity hath been, and is daily practised among men. Kings 
 in different respects have been, and may be mutually subjects 
 and sovereigns, as in virtue of their feudal lands and domi- 
 nions, which they hold of one another. Nay they may be so 
 subject and supreme to each other, by having free or allodial 
 lands and lordships in one another's dominions, and among 
 subjects and superiors of other societies nothing is more 
 common. My lord mayor of London, as member of any of 
 the twelve companies, is subject to the master of it, and the 
 master of it as a member of the city is subject to him, as lord 
 mayor. [Surely the civilian knew that c ] among the Romans d 
 the sons of families were capable of the great magistracies, 
 while they were under the power of their fathers, and mem- 
 bers of their families ; in which case, when it happened, the 
 father was subject to the son in his civil, and the son to the 
 father in his domestic capacity, without any absurdity in 
 government. So if the queen is pleased to confer the honour 
 of knighthood, or any greater dignity, on a minor of a family, 
 
 c [Supp., 1715, No. 10, p. 9. See vel si senator vel consul factus fuerit 
 
 note a. p. 48.] reman et in potestate patris. Militia 
 
 d [Instit.,lib i. tit. 12. sect. 4. de Dig- enim vel consularis dignitas de patris 
 
 nitate. Filius familias si militaverit, potestate filium nou liberal.] 
 
DISCOURSE, 
 SECT. XV 
 
 208 'Depriving acts' inconsistent with his ( natural rights' 
 
 PREPAT. whose father is but a gentleman, he must have precedence of 
 f* his father abroad, and his father must take place of him at 
 home. And at court the same great officers are subject to 
 those above stairs, who are subject to them below. And I 
 need not spend time in shewing how kings by different grants 
 or commissions, can make the same persons in different 
 respects superior and inferior to one another, and the same 
 body of men in different relations subject to two independent 
 powers and jurisdictions. I imagine our author himself will 
 not deny but that the magistrate, for example a king or 
 queen of the Church of England, may make themselves sub- 
 ject to the clergy in what we call spirituals, as they are 
 subject to them in temporals ; and if it is possible for the 
 magistrate himself to do it, I hope it is no absurdity or im- 
 possibility for God to oblige the magistrate to that, to which 
 he can oblige himself. If kings, who are earthly sovereigns, 
 can subject the same society, or same number of men in dif- 
 ferent respects and capacities, to two inferior independent 
 powers; surely God, who is Lord paramount, and supreme 
 above all kings, may do the same; and whether He hath 
 done it, or no, is, as I must observe again, a question about 
 matter of fact, which I hope is proved in the following letters, 
 especially in the second, by the authority of such judges 6 as 
 he confesses taught that doctrine, and the testimony and evi- 
 dence of such witnesses, as our author, and his club, and all 
 their allies among atheists, theists, and Unitarians of all sorts, 
 here, or elsewhere, in this age of latitude and innovation, will 
 never be able to counterpoise. 
 
 He is very frank in allowing the magistrate a power to de- 
 prive the clergy, and with great pleasure insults them again 
 and again with the depriving acts since the reign of Henry 
 VIII., though the power of depriving, with which he vests the 
 magistrate against them, be a flat contradiction to his own 
 scheme of government, in which he divests him of it, and to 
 his notion of deprivation, which, he saith f , is but ' an agree- 
 ment in any Church or congregation, to hear their minister 
 no longer, or to own him any more for their minister/ or, as 
 
 e [" Notions, which were by degrees, in favour of an independent power."] 
 under the shelter of the authority of Rights, p. 218. 
 fathers and councils, introduced again f Rights, chap. ii. 16, p. 80. 
 
Tithes sanctioned by Scripture and the Church. 209 
 
 he speaks somewhere else, to let him know 'they have no ORIGIN OF 
 farther occasion for his service/ To which I answer ad MENT . 
 hominem, first, that, according to his positions, our kings or 
 queens can have no hand in depriving ministers, but those of 
 the Churches to which they belong; because a member of one 
 Church cannot vote to deprive the minister of another. And 
 secondly, that they have no more power in depriving of their 
 ministers, than any other fellow member hath ; the ecclesi- 
 astical power in all the instances of it being, as he affirms, by 
 natural right, in the whole body g , in which, as I have shewed 
 above, " the prince hath no more power over the peasant, than 
 the peasant hath over him V In like manner neither will his 
 scheme allow the members of parliament any power to de- 
 prive or depose ministers, but those of their own Churches, 
 in which the people without doors, though the members of 
 both houses were all of one Church, imagine of the Church of 
 England, would have as much power as they. 
 
 I have observed above, that what he hath said against the 
 revenues of the Church, reflects upon the wisdom of God, who 
 made such plentiful provision for the Jewish clergy, even, as 
 learned men have computed, to a fifth part of the valuation 
 of the whole land. And I must here observe, that it is ex- 
 pressly contrary to the Scriptures, as any man may see in 
 
 1 Cor. ix. [1 14] and the other texts cited in the margin 1 , as 
 also to theconstant practice of the ancient Church, as Sempil k , 
 Nettles 1 , Tillesly m , and Montague n have proved against Mr. 
 Selden, whose spiteful spirit to the clergy is descended in a 
 double portion on this writer, who will neither allow God 
 
 B See Rights, pp. 84, 80, 57. l [Stephen Nettles, B.D., in an 
 
 h [Ihid., p. 24.] Answer to the Jewish part of Mr. Sel- 
 
 1 Thess. ii. 6 ; 2 Thess. iii. 9 ; den's History of Tithes. Oxford, 
 
 2 Cor. xi. 912 ; Gal. vi. 6. 1625.] 
 
 ["The tacking the priests' prefer- m [Richard Tillesly, D.D., arch- 
 
 ments to such opinions not only makes deacon of Rochester, in Animadver- 
 
 them in most nations, right or wrong, sions upon Mr. Selden' s History of 
 
 to espouse them, and to invent a thou- Tithes, and his review thereof. Lon- 
 
 sand sophistical and knavish methods of don, 1619. Second edition, corrected 
 
 defending them, &c." Rights, p. 23.] and much enlarged, 1621.] 
 
 k [Sir James Sempil, a Scottish n [Richard Montague, afterwards 
 knight, in a work of which the title is, bishop of Chichester and of Norwich. 
 Sacrilege sacredly handled. London, " Diatribe upon the first part of the 
 1619. An appendix also added answer- late History of Tithes," &c. 1621. 
 ing some observations moved, namely Tillesly enters fully into the practice 
 against this treatise and some others, I of the ancient Church ; the others con- 
 find in Jos. Scaliger's Diatribe, and Joh. fine themselves almost entirely to the 
 Selden's History of Tithes.] questions about the Jewish tithes.] 
 
 HICKES. P 
 
210 His objections to the Revenues of the Clergy. 
 PREFAT. nor the king a power to settle revenues upon the priesthood . 
 
 DISCOURSE, T 11 -i t i i 
 
 SECT. xv. * must also observe now he slanders the clergy in saymgP, 
 " that they claim a right to the tenth part of men's lands, un- 
 less he'll say by 'lands' he meant the fruits and product of the 
 lands, and to them indeed they may claim a right from God, 
 who hath, as he thinks he wittily speaks, 'tacked them**' to the 
 priesthood, as the authors above mentioned, and many other 
 learned men, have proved. Somewhere he speaks of them, 
 as of a " robbing of the people," and when time shall serve, he 
 can treat the lands and revenues of the crown in the same 
 manner, and then will make no difficulty to say, that the 
 people could never authorize the magistrate to receive, or 
 their representatives to give, such and such burdensome, 
 enormous, and ruinous taxes, and rob them against their na- 
 tural rights, from which they have no power to recede. His 
 repeated arguments against the revenues of the Church, put 
 me in mind of a story I have heard of the famous Harry 
 Martin 1 , who meeting with a worthy divine of his acquaintance, 
 that was turned out of his benefice in those times, embraced 
 and kissed him, saying in banter and mockery, 'My dear 
 doctor, how do'st do ? I'faith I am glad to see thee ; for no- 
 body loves a POOR clergyman better than I do/ This kind of 
 love our author and his gang have in great store for the 
 
 a Rights, pp. 17, 22, 23, 25. [Selden mous and bloody part of them, and all 
 
 only denied the right of the Christian with such a merry and careless air, as 
 
 clergy to tithes, jure divino. Tindal is scarce to be credited upon such a 
 
 maintained that the magistrate ought melancholy occasion. His natural parts, 
 
 not to allow them. P. 17, " men will be his sharp repartees, and his exceeding 
 
 discouraged from impartially examining apt instances, made him not only the 
 
 those opinions to which preferments sport and diversion, but very often the 
 
 are attached . . . and therefore all awes manager and director of the Long Par- 
 
 and bribes are religiously to be avoided." liament. Having spent a noble pater- 
 
 pp. 22, 23, "if it be the highest injustice nal estate, and vast sums gained by 
 
 to force men to profess such specula- plunder, or given by parliament, upon 
 
 tive opinions as they do not believe, it his debaucheries, he was upon the Re- 
 
 cannot savour much of justice to make storation condemned to die; but in 
 
 them contribute to the support of them, conclusion confined to Chepstow castle 
 
 &c." See also p. 25.] in Monmouthshire, where he continued 
 
 p Ibid., p. 183, ["one particular of prisoner for twenty years, in a poor 
 
 their claims... viz., their having a right wretched condition, being glad to re- 
 
 to the tenth part not only of men's ceive a pot of ale from any that would 
 
 lands, but what far exceeds it, of the give it him ; and thus low in spirits, 
 
 product of their labour and industry."] and his wit exhausted, he died sud- 
 
 i Ibid., p. 23. denly with meat in his mouth in the 
 
 r [The person referred to is Harry 78th year of his age, in 1680." 
 
 Martin, the regicide, " a person most Echard's History of England, vol. ii. 
 
 deeply engaged in all the late miseries p. 1002.] 
 in the kingdom, and in the most infa- 
 
Legal position of the Kirk in Scotland. 211 
 
 clergy. Could they starve the men, they think they could omomoF 
 soon starve the order, and quickly get rid of priests, ' a sort M ENT. 
 of fellows/ as one is reported to have said particularly of 
 bishops, ' that have troubled the world ever since the time of 
 the Apostles/ and, maugre the malice of these men, and the 
 devil's, I trust will still trouble it unto the end of the world. 
 He inveighs in many places against those of the clergy, 
 who, believing the Church to be a society distinct from the 
 state, and independent of it, think that the magistrate hath 
 not power of depriving s , though he himself hath taken this 
 power from him, and makes no difficulty to deny him the 
 "right to issue out writs de excommunicato capiendo" and by 
 consequence, of a power to make laws for such writs. And 
 he commends the clergy, as he is pleased to miscall the pres- 
 byterian ministry of Scotland, for " not suffering the magis- 
 trate to back their excommunication with temporal force *." 
 To which I will take upon me to reply, that the magistrate 
 in Scotland hath highly compensated the Kirk for the want 
 of that assistance, by an act for taking away patronage", by 
 another against toleration, and by another of additional secu- 
 rities for the Kirk, by which if a man should write in Scot- 
 land against the Kirk, and its power, and ministry, as he 
 hath done against the Church in England, he would be soon 
 put in a condition of never writing or speaking more. I be- 
 lieve, if the clergy of the Church of England should upon 
 such terms desire the magistrate no longer to 'back their 
 excommunications/ he, if asked, would tell him, that they 
 were ' most unreasonable, inconsistent with the natural rights 
 of the people, that they tended to slavery; and that when 
 men came out of a state of nature into a state of govern- 
 ment, they never gave, nor could give the magistrate such 
 exorbitant and destructive power/ 
 
 [Rights, pp. 37, 54, 55.] 1690, June 7. Act ratifying the con- 
 
 1 [Ibid., chap. i. 37, p. 57. fession of faith, and settling Presby- 
 
 1690, July 19. An act rescinding terial government. Ibid., p. 138. 
 
 several acts of parliament as useless or On the 1st of June, 1704, an act for 
 
 hurtful; annuls "all acts enjoining civil a toleration of all Protestants in the 
 
 pains upon sentences of excommunica- exercise of religious worship, being 
 
 tion." The acts of the parliament of read, a representation against it was 
 
 Scotland, vol. ix. p. 198. ed. 1810. offered in the name of the late general 
 
 u 1690, July 19. Act concerning assembly, and it was"dropped. Boyer's 
 
 patronages Ibid., p. 196. Reign of Queen Anne, p. 65. 1722.] 
 
212 His arguments against a distinct order of Priests. 
 PKEFAT. He endeavours to prove, in several places of his book* 
 
 DISCO URSE 
 
 SECT. xv. ' that tf no one more than another," women not excepted, 
 
 (C 
 
 can be reckoned a priest from Scripture." This is a great 
 part of a book published four or five years since with this 
 title : " The Principles of the Protestant Religion explained, 
 in a Letter of Resolution to a Ladyy;" and, as hath been 
 observed 2 , was fully refuted in an answer, entitled, " The Ne- 
 cessity of Church Communion, printed by A. and J. Churchill, 
 1705," and thither I refer the reader; only I cannot but 
 observe, for the honour of this worthy author, that it is 
 one of his fraudulent practices to write after, and out of 
 other books that have been already confuted, without taking 
 notice of the answers to them, as I shall hereafter shew. 
 The reasons he gives are these : first, " because the only 
 sacrifices of our religion are prayers, praises, and thanksgiv- 
 ings, which every one of the congregation offers up for him- 
 self a ;" which is a reason levelled against all priesthood, the 
 Jewish as well as the Christian, and the priesthood of our 
 Lord and Saviour Jesus; to which, as I have observed be- 
 fore, these men are as much enemies as to the priesthood of 
 His ministers, through which it is their design to wound 
 that. By this way of reasoning there can be no such office 
 as a master of requests to any earthly sovereign, because men 
 
 x Rights, chap. iii. 26 ; iv. 1 5, are treated in a sneering tone. The 
 
 pp. 108, 130. reasons given are, first, because it is 
 
 y [This tract was published in 1704. established; secondly, because Church 
 It was written by the author of the people are more agreeable, and their 
 Account of the Growth of Deism, and preachers better educated than dissen- 
 is the seventh of his tracts which were ters ; third, because it is the strong- 
 reprinted in one volume in 1709, to est. The part referred to in the text 
 which edition the references below are is p. 192. " That Christian commu- 
 made. The author is alluded to by nion which you read of as practised 
 Hickes, both in this work and in the in the Apostles' days was nothing 
 preface to the Apologetical Vindication, else but a religious conversation of 
 as being a clergyman. Christians with one another. 'Twas 
 
 The question discussed in the tract for society's sake that they went from 
 
 is, " Whether it is necessary for a house to house, that they ate and 
 
 Christian man to join himself publicly drank together frequently, &c. Now 
 
 to some (one or other) Church commu- 'tis plain that this may be kept up 
 
 nion of Christians?" p. 182. It is without either priest or altar. ..." 
 
 decided (p. 196) not to be " necessary p. 193. " Had any of these women 
 
 to make a man a good Christian," but named a blessing upon that bread, we 
 
 highly conducive to an easy and quiet have no reason to doubt that God 
 
 life : and the communion of the Church would have heard her prayer." 
 is recommended, even though one z Preface to the Apologetical Vindi- 
 
 does not believe its most essential cation of the Church of England, [where 
 
 doctrines, as original sin, the holy extracts from the book are given.] 
 Trinity, the incarnation, (p. 206,) which [Rights, p. 108.] 
 
Authority necessary to sacerdotal acts. 213 
 
 who present their petitions by his hands also offer them to ORIGIN OF 
 the king themselves ; and when the priests of the Jews MENT. 
 offered up sacrifices for the whole congregation, or for single 
 persons, the offerers also offered them up for themselves, and 
 at the same time our Sovereign High-Priest in heaven inter- 
 cedes for us when we pray, and makes our prayers acceptable 
 to God, we also 'offer up our prayers for ourselves/ He far- 
 ther saith, that "every one, as well as the minister/' may 
 "apply the bread and wine to the same holy and spiritual 
 use;" so every man may set or apply the king's broad or 
 privy seal ; but is every man commissioned to do it, or can 
 every man do it with effect, or without treason ? It is not 
 what every man may or can naturally do, but what he is 
 lawfully empowered to do, in ecclesiastical as well as civil 
 societies. But power of ministering in churches of his erec- 
 tion is entirely founded on the natural right, which every 
 congregation hath to choose its own ministers, men or 
 women, it matters not ; and this natural right, he saith, the 
 primitive Christians made use of in forming of churches, 
 though, as I have shewed above, they never mentioned this 
 natural right when they were questioned for what they did ; 
 but of the power, and right, and authority that they received 
 from God, as St. Paul did in the salutations of all his Epis- 
 tles, in his apologies from the heavenly vision, and Peter and Acts 22. 3 
 John, when they said unto the magistrates, " We ought to Ac ' ts 19 '. 
 obey God rather than men." The Apostles never styled 5 - 21 - 
 themselves the servants and ministers of the people, in our 
 author's sense, but of God, and Jesus Christ, who was sent 
 from God, and the people's " servants for Jesus' sake." 2 Cor. 4. 5. 
 
 But against this Divine right and commission he hath set 
 up the unalienable natural right b , which he supposes men 
 brought with them, from his precarious and absurd state of 
 nature, into a civil state of government ; and his whole book, 
 which he hath founded on this scheme, must sink with it, 
 till he can defend it against what I have said above, and 
 against the Rehearsal, who to this present moment hath 
 again and again challenged him to defend himself. 
 
 He hath the modesty , as he thinks very wittily, to liken 
 a convocation to "my Lord Tumond's cocks, who, though at 
 
 b [See Rights, pp. 28, 29.] c Ibid., chap. vi. 18, p. 204. 
 
214 Contentions in civil as well as ecclesiastical assemblies. 
 
 PREFAT. first sight they seem all of a side, yet are no sooner put to- 
 SECT. U XV?' gether than they will spur at one another ;" and that " if a 
 ~~ prince had a mind to ruin a Church unperceived, he need 
 only allow a convocation liberty to sit as long as they 
 pleased." To what I have said above in answer to this 
 spiteful reflection upon the differences of the clergy in sy- 
 nods and councils, I will only put him in mind, that Legion d , 
 when they please, can say the same thing of parliaments, or 
 any other meeting of Christians, which they did not like, 
 and that there was one, and but one parliament, whom the 
 prince allowed to sit as long as they pleased, who ruined 
 both King, Church, and Kingdom, and by their quarrels and 
 contentions within doors, brought themselves from two 
 honourable houses, with the king, according to law, at the 
 head of them, to a most vile and contemptible rump in one 
 tyrannical house, cursed by God, and hated by men. I have 
 heard of a young lady, who by reading romances became a 
 she Timon, because after long observation she could not find 
 one such hero among men, as she found in those fictitious 
 histories; and I think our Timon of priests and priesthood 
 altogether as mad, though not so innocent as she. For all 
 his invectives against the clergy for their faults, and particu- 
 larly for their dissensions in synods, amounts to no more 
 than that they are men, and like other men and Christians, 
 when they meet together. But if God would please these 
 malicious and other peevish malevolents of the clergy, he 
 must give them priests without human infirmities ; if I may 
 say it, romantic priests, priests who have no less than the 
 ideal perfection both of men and Christians, or else he must 
 overrule the freedom of their wills, and make them impec- 
 
 d [This name was first adopted in them who have both a right to require 
 an address to the House of Commons, and power to compel, the people of 
 sent on occasion of the imprisonment England," and was signed " our name 
 of six gentlemen of Kent, by order of is Legion, and we are many." The 
 the House of Commons, for presenting same signature was adopted in other 
 a petition from the grand jury and free- similar papers in the years 1702 and 
 holders of their county, which the house 1703 ; which contain very violent Ian- 
 voted " scandalous, insolent, and sedi- guage against parliaments. They are 
 tious," in 1701. A packet was put into printed in Somers' collection of Tracts, 
 the hands of the speaker (it was said) vol. xi. pp. 255 273, second edition, 
 by the reputed writer, Defoe, in the dis- The last was signed " Our name is 
 guise of a woman, which contained a million, and we are more." See Ralph's 
 letter to the speaker and a memorial to Hist, of England, vol. ii. pp. 946 
 the house. It purposed to come " from 953.] 
 
The clergy have the faults and infirmities of men. 215 
 
 cable and heroically good by irresistible grace. But why do ORIGIN OF 
 I say, if God would please them ? For I have shewed above 6 , 
 if He should make angelical men, or angels, priests, He could 
 not please them, especially if they pretended to make creeds, 
 or to be sent by God, and to be His ministers, and not the 
 servants of the people, or to be their servants only for Jesus' 
 sake, and by authority derived from Him. I once heard a 
 debate between two gentlemen, whereof one was a great 
 enemy and the other a friend to the clergy. The former 
 inveighed bitterly against them upon the account of their 
 pride, covetousness, and other vices, which our author is 
 most liberal in charging of them with. After which the 
 latter having said many other things in their defence, prayed 
 him to tell what kind of men he would have priests to be. 
 In answer to this, he made a description of men in such per- 
 fection of moral and Christian virtues as are not commonly 
 to be found, though sought for with the cynic's lantern. Sir, 
 replied the other, I wish to God that not only all priests, but 
 all Christians were such men : but pray, Sir, do you know 
 the number of clergymen we have in the nation ? No, Sir, 
 said he ; but why do you ask that question ? To inform you, 
 replied the friend of the clergy, there are about twelve thou- 
 sand clergymen in this nation ; and I pray you to consider, 
 if there are twelve thousand such men, or half that number 
 in our whole country, as you would have priests to be. In 
 truth, replied the other most ingenuously, after some pause, I 
 think there are not ; but I never considered this before, and 
 hereafter I assure you, Sir, I will never speak against our 
 clergy as I have been wont to do. 
 
 I leave the application of this story to our author, and his 
 club, who have exaggerated all the faults and failings of the 
 clergy in their single, and in their synodical capacities, with- 
 out truth, without mercy, and without making allowances 
 for them as men. Amongst the rest, he hath one most 
 invidious, as well as false way of speaking of them through 
 his whole book, after this manner f , their " assuming to them- 
 selves the power, &c.,"and g their "putting themselves in the 
 place of God." And if he pleases he may say the same of 
 
 e p. 15 K ' Rights, pp. 84, 85. * Ibid., p. 95. 
 
216 His arguments will be turned against the civil authority. 
 PREFAT. mv lord mayor, or any other subordinate magistrate, that 
 
 DISCOURSE, ' J J . 
 
 SECT, xv. they assume to themselves such and such power, and put 
 themselves in place of the king. Nay, he may say the same 
 of our kings and queens, whom the laws acknowledge to be 
 supreme next under God, that they assume to themselves 
 the sovereign power over the people, and put themselves in 
 the place of God, whose ministers they pretend to be. In 
 truth, there is nothing that he hath said against the eccle- 
 siastical, but what he and his party may, and if ever they see 
 a proper time for it, will say against the regal power ; and 
 the very same artillery by which they have attempted to 
 batter down the mitre, they will, if ever they see a season 
 for it, turn upon the crown. The same way of reasoning will 
 serve them as well against kingcraft and kings, as priestcraft 
 and priests ; and then what kings and emperors have done 
 amiss from Nimrod to this day, without any distinction of 
 reigns or persons, shall all be laid to the charge of kingship 
 and kings. The power of our kings and queens, which our 
 laws and lawyers declare to be independent, they hate as 
 much, and for the same reason, as the independent power 
 of the Church, and will say of that, as in allusion to another 
 . f author, he saith of this h , that it is a millstone which the 
 clergy "hang about the neck of the Church, and by the 
 monstrous weight of it do as much as in them lies to 
 sink it." 
 
 SBCT.XV^ He ridicules priests, for "saying they are God's ambas- 
 The mis- sadors to the people," because they cannot work miracles to 
 
 sion of the f * x * 
 
 clergy, and prove their mission, " it being the prerogative of God alone to 
 dentiais. choose His own ambassadors." " Christ and His Apostles," 
 saith he, "as they were commissioned by God, so they 
 brought their credentials with them visible to mankind, viz., 
 the power of working miracles ; but what credential, or what 
 mission can these gentlemen pretend to? or what gospel 
 never [before] known to the world are they to discover ! ?" 
 Is not this pleasant to hear an infidel, who laughs at miracles 
 at one time, arguing from them at another ? But this he 
 doth in spite to the clergy, because, according to his scheme, 
 
 h Rights, p. 185. ["What Archbishop neck of popery, which will sink it at 
 Tillotson says of transubstantiation, last."] 
 that it is a millstone hung about the ' Ibid., chap. ii. 14, p. 78. 
 
Miraculous credentials would not convince the objectors. 217 
 
 they do not take their mission from the people, and own CREDEN- 
 themselves to be the servants of the flocks over whom they CLERG Y. 
 are bishops and priests. In answer to which, I think I may 
 justly say of this band of men, in the head of which our 
 author hath put himself against the clergy, that " an evil Matt.12.39. 
 and adulterous generation seeketh after signs and wonders/' John 4 48> 
 which if they saw they would not believe. Instead of be- 
 lieving, I have reason to think from what they have pub- 
 lished, and from what I hear now and then of their private 
 conversations, that if our Lord and His Apostles were to 
 teach the same things, and work the same miracles among us, 
 which they did among the Jews, that they would crucify 
 Him, and put them to death. They would tell Him, as the 
 Jews did, that He was a blasphemer, that He made Himself 
 equal with God, and " assumed His prerogative in forgiving 
 of sins," that He set up Himself, and His "independent 
 power" against Caesar: and of them they would say, that 
 " they put themselves in God's place," set up another king, 
 one Jesus, in whose name they did all things contrary to the 
 decrees of Caesar, and " by a pretended independent power 
 derived from Him, set up one power and authority within 
 another in all places," to " clash, and interfere with" the 
 empire, and imperial laws. Have I not reason to think so of 
 these men, from what is collected out of their writings in the 
 Axe laid to the Root of Christianity 11 ; and in particular from 
 what is there cited out of a book in great esteem among 
 them, An Account of the Growth of Deism 1 ? wherein the 
 
 k [See note k, p. 53.] of the religion of the Church, putting 
 1 [The title of this work is, An Account forward the objections of the deists, 
 of the Growth of Deism in England. which lie against Christianity itself, 
 It was first published in 1696, and was as made by them to himself; of these 
 reprinted "with other tracts of the the passage in the text is one. The 
 same author," 8vo. London, 1709, the character of the book may be fairly 
 seventh of which was the Letter of judged of by extracts from a pamphlet, 
 Resolution, &c. (see p. 212.) To which called, Reflexions upon a Pamphlet en- 
 are added, Sir Robert Howard's His- titled an Account, &c. London, 1696. 
 tory of Religion, (see note, p. 121.) p. 5, " That is indeed the title of it, but 
 Mr. Marvel's History of Councils, (see I believe not the author's design. . . . 
 note, p. 151.) And Mr. Stephens' Whether the author be a Christian 
 Sermon before the House of Com- or no, I shall not pretend to determine; 
 mons, Jan. 30, 1699, (see note h, p. 52.) I would willingly suppose he is, since 
 The author professes to be a sincere he seems to say so, but it looks as if he 
 Christian, and that his design in writing were uneasy that such good arguments 
 is, to point out the causes of unbelief; against Christianity should lie hid only 
 this he attributes to the dogmatical, amongst his clubs of atheists and 
 mysterious, and sacerdotal character deists ; and that he was willing to try 
 
218 Doctrines and Mission now credible without Miracles. 
 
 PREFAT. author saith m , " If those writings which (the clergy) call [holy] 
 Scriptures, are of their side, ... I make no doubt but they 
 were of their own inventing, and if Jesus Christ their patron 
 laid the foundation of those powers, which both Popish and 
 Protestant clergy claim to themselves [from] under Him, I 
 think the old Romans did Him right in punishing Him with 
 the death of a slave." These are the powers, the independent 
 powers, which our author calls " the spiritual Babylon," and 
 I believe every man, who reads his book with observation, 
 cannot but confess, that it is written against those spiritual 
 powers, which Christ, and His Apostles, and those whom the 
 Apostles sent, exercised in a manner independent on the 
 empire, with as much couched blasphemy and malice, as the 
 Growth of Deism, or any other of their books more plainly 
 express. 
 
 In the second place, I must be so free as to tell these 
 gentlemen, that they may as well require the credentials of 
 miracles from us for our doctrines, as well as for our mission, 
 and equally reject both, because God doth not now bear us 
 witness, as He did to our Lord, and His Apostles, " with 
 signs and wonders, and divers miracles, and gifts of the Holy 
 Ghost." Our want of miraculous credentials equally affects 
 both, and I doubt not but it was our author's intention that 
 it should ; but as he must give me leave to tell him that our 
 mission is the same that it was in the beginning of the third 
 century , when miracles were ceasing ; so it is the same ever 
 since they quite ceased ; and I must also remind him, that 
 the more ancient Christians of the following ages, and we 
 after their example, think not our mission or our doctrines 
 the less credible for want of miracles ; first, because we are 
 as certain, as we can be of any matter of fact, which we do 
 
 how many proselytes they were like to Tuesday, Dec. 24, 1706, connected 
 gain by being exposed to public view." with the Rights, " This has been grow- 
 There are several blasphemous ex- ing up of late years, and now is sum- 
 tracts from this work in the Axe, &c. med up and completed in this cele- 
 It was (erroneously) attributed to Sir brated book of the Rights."] 
 R. Howard in the Rehearsal, No. 137, m [Rights, p. 185, Tindal speaks of 
 Sept. 7, 1706. " This book was said " the ingenious author of the Growth 
 to be written by a man of note, who of Deism."] 
 
 wrote plays and the History of Reli- n Origenes contra Celsum, lib. ii. p. 
 
 gion;" it is also noticed as a sign of 62. repdcrria a>v K&vtxvn *Vi iroo-bvirapb. 
 
 the growth of deistical opinions. " This XpiffTLavo'is efynV/ceTai, [:al rivdye fj.ei- 
 
 bitter root has of late years spread 6va- KOI el iriffroi e<rp.fv \ejovres ecapd- 
 
 strangely among us," and No. 168, Kapev /cal^/ueTs. Op., torn. i. p. 392, B.] 
 
Credentials given once for all : parallel cases. 219 
 
 not see, that the truth of both was sealed by many miracles 
 for succeeding ages ; secondly, because our Lord foretold us, CLERGY. 
 that we were to believe upon the testimony of miracles not 
 seen, when He said to Thomas, who doubted of His resurrec- 
 tion, " Thomas, because thou hast seen Me, thou hast be- [John 20. 
 lieved : blessed are they that have not seen, and yet have 
 believed." 
 
 In the third place, I desire to know of our author what 
 miraculous credentials the Jewish priests had under the 
 second temple, or the Scribes and Pharisees, who sate in 
 Moses' chair in our Saviour's time? Both these orders of 
 men were as destitute of miracles, and as wicked too, as any 
 Christian priests our author can delight to shew; and yet 
 after so many ages and vicissitudes, our Lord sent the people [Matt. 8. 
 with their offerings to the former, and bid them observe what ' 
 the latter bid them do, though they taught the old law, the 
 law of Moses, without miracles to vouch their authorities, as 
 we now teach the law of Christ. Wherefore, as the magis- 
 trates of any town corporate, made a corporation five or six 
 hundred years ago, pretend to act by the same commission, 
 which their first predecessors received from the crown, though 
 it may be they have not all their credentials to shew, as the 
 first ensigns of honour and power, and are destitute of many 
 other solemnities, by which the authority of the first magis- 
 trates was publicly notified to the people ; so we now pretend 
 to the same mission and commission that Christ gave the 
 Apostles, and the Apostles gave to their next successors, and 
 they to theirs, though we have not the same credentials of 
 miracles, which, not for ever, but only for some time, were 
 necessary to notify and prove the mission and doctrines of 
 the Apostles, and of those they ordained, and their power and 
 authority, not only to gather, constitute, and govern Churches, 
 but, as Christians everywhere believed, by successive ordina- 
 tions to leave the same power to others, to govern the Church 
 of God in all places unto the end of the world. 
 
 Also in those early times of the Church, while Christianity 
 was in its infant state, God gave the credentials of miracles 
 to all believers of both sexes, to convince unbelievers of the 
 truth of the Christian religion ; and therefore by requiring 
 miracles of the clergy now for a proof of their mission this 
 
220 Clergy always needed, to teach the truth. 
 
 PREFAT. man hath taught atheists, theists, and sceptics of all sorts to 
 I BCT. U XVI! demand of Christians in general the same proof of their reli- 
 gion ; and I cannot bnt think from the nature of his objection 
 against our mission, which he makes openly, that he makes 
 the same in his heart against the religion which we teach. 
 After objecting the want of miracles to justify our commission, 
 he asks, "What gospel never [before] known to the world 
 we are to discover ?" This is a question as full of folly as 
 malice, and in truth not worthy of an answer ; and I should 
 scarce have taken notice of it, but that it hath been asked by 
 some, since he published his book, who hate the clergy as 
 much as himself, and I shall give the same answer to it; 
 That as long as there are new generations of men succeeding 
 one another, so long it will be needful to have the same order 
 of men, who taught the gospel from the beginning, to keep 
 up and continue the knowledge of it in all countries where it 
 is known, and to discover it to countries where it was never 
 known, that all the kingdoms of the earth may become the 
 kingdoms of our Lord, and of His Christ. 
 
 SECT. XVIL i have now said much more in answer to the Eights of 
 tons 1 *" the Christian Church, than at first I intended. But before I 
 take leave of this Yatinius of priests and priesthood, I think 
 myself obliged by some examples to detect his false and 
 fraudulent citations, that the world may farther see, what 
 kind of men they are, who thus set up themselves against 
 the ecclesiastical orders, and the spiritual power of the 
 Church. 
 
 In p. 338, he cites Eutychius, whose authority Mr. Selden 
 made use of before him p , to prove that the Alexandrian Church 
 
 Bishop Stillingfleet, in his excel- such a work to he now unnecessary, as 
 
 lent ' Sermon preached at a puhlic long as men have consciences to be 
 
 Ordination,' [held hy the hishop of awakened, errors to be confuted, vict's 
 
 London at St. Peter's, Cornhill, March to be reformed, &c. . . While the souls 
 
 15, 1684-5,] in answer to this ohjec- of those under our care are in such 
 
 tion writes thus, " If Christ appointed perpetual danger, &c. When should 
 
 preachers only for the conversion of pilots, &c. Is it time then to say there 
 
 infidels, this argument would have is no need of pilots now, . . for the ship 
 
 great force ; but the Apostle tells us will steer itself well enough, and the 
 
 that Christ hath appointed in His mariners cannot fail of their duty, as 
 
 Church, not only Apostles and Evange- long as the coasts are known, and the 
 
 lists, but 'pastors and teachers, for the rocks have bTen discovered to them." 
 
 perfecting,' &c. . . Therefore as long as [Works, vol. i. pp. 366, 367.] 
 
 the Church is in its imperfect state, as P [Eutychius Batricides, Patriarch 
 
 long as it may want unity, or know- of Alexandria, A.D. 933 950. He 
 
 ledge, or improvement, this office of wrote a Collection of Annals, from the 
 
 teachers is to continue. .. Can any think creation to the year 940, in Arabic. 
 
Quotation from Eutychius, misunderstood by Selden. 221 
 
 for the first two hundred and thirty- five years had no bishops, 
 but such as were ordained by imposition of the hands of the 
 presbyters only. There never was a falsity more effectually, 
 or more often refuted, at home or abroad, than this. As first 
 by Abr. Ecchellensis at Rome 9, in his learned work cited in 
 the margin. Secondly, by Morinus in the seventh chapter 
 of the third part of his learned book 1 " De sacris Ecclesice ordi- 
 nationibus. I have cited Ecchellensis before Morinus, because 
 he wrote to him to know his opinion of Selden's Origines 
 Ecclesics Alexandrine ; in answer to which letter 8 , as after- 
 wards in his book, he shewed how falsely and fallaciously 
 Selden had translated Eutychius by, in provinciis Egypti, 
 for, in provlncia Egypti, and by, et primus f nit hie patriarcha 
 Alexandrinus, qui episcopos fecit , instead of 4 , et est primus 
 
 CITATIONS. 
 
 A few pages of this work, relating to 
 the Church of Alexandria, were pub- 
 lished by Selden, with a Latin trans- 
 lation and notes, in 164-2. The title 
 was, Eutychii jEgyptii Patriarchae Or- 
 thodoxorum Alexandrini Ecclesise suae 
 Origines, ex ejusdem Arabico, nunc pri- 
 mura typis edidit ac versione et com- 
 mentario auxit Joannes Seldenus. 4to. 
 It will be found in his works, fol. 1726, 
 torn. ii. pars i. p. 410. At Sel den's 
 request and at his cost, Pocock under- 
 took to translate and publish the whole 
 work, which came out at Oxford after 
 Selden's death, in 4to. 1656, with the 
 title, " Contextio Gemmarum, (which 
 was the name Eutychius had given 
 it,) sive Eutychii Patriarchae Alexan- 
 drini Anuales." To this edition, p. 328, 
 Tindal refers. The passage alleged by 
 him and by Selden, against the power 
 of ordination being confined to bishops, 
 is, " Constituit autem evangelista Mar- 
 cus, una cum Hanania patriarcha, duo- 
 decim presbyteros, qui nempe cum 
 patriarcha manerent, adeo ut cum va- 
 caret patriarchatus, unum e duodecim 
 presbyteris eligerent, cujus capiti reli- 
 qui undecim manus imponentes ipsi 
 benedicerent et patriarcham crearent 
 . . . neque desiit Alexandriae institutum 
 hoc de presbyteris, ut scilicet patriar- 
 chas crearent ex presbyteris duodecim, 
 usque ad tempora Alexandri patriar- 
 chae Alexandrini, qui fuit ex illo nu- 
 mero trecentorum et octodecim (scil. 
 in Concil. Nicten.) Is autem vetuit ne 
 deinceps patriarcham presbyteri crea- 
 rent. Et decrevit ut mortuo patriar- 
 cha convenirent episcopi qui patriar- 
 
 cham ordinarent." 
 
 Tindal also referred to a passage in 
 St. Jerome, (ad Evangelum, Ep. Ixxxv. 
 Op., torn. i. p. 1076, B.) which is in- 
 volved in this discussion. " Nam et 
 Alexandrise a Marco Evangelista, us- 
 que ad Heradam et Dionysium Episco- 
 pos, presbyteri semper unum ex se elec- 
 tum in excelsiori gradu collocatum 
 episcopum nominabant : quomodo si 
 exercitus imperatorem faciat," &c.] 
 
 < Eutychius vindicatus, sive respon- 
 sio ad Johannis Seldeni Origines Ale- 
 xandrinas. Authore Abrahamo Ec- 
 chellensi, Maronita e Libano, Romae 
 typis S. Congr. de Prop. Fide. 1661. 
 [Ecchellensis shews that Selden had 
 mistranslated Eutychius, and proves 
 very fully that the statements he makes 
 must be supposed to refer to the election, 
 not the consecration, of the patriarch : 
 and that Eutychius himself contra- 
 dicts Selden's inferences. The other 
 writers referred to below shew the in- 
 consistency of Eutychius' statement 
 with other history, and treat his work 
 as of little authority. See to the same 
 effect Cave, Hist. Lit, torn. ii. p. 931.] 
 
 r [Commentarius de Sacris Ecclesiae 
 ordinationibus . . . auctore Joanne 
 Morino. Pars iii. Exercitatio vii. de 
 Presbyteris, cap. vii. p. 121. Antw. 
 1695.] 
 
 8 [See Morinus, ibid., xiii. p. 123, 
 and Antiquitates Ecclesiae Orientalis, 
 Barberini et aliorum dissertationibus 
 epistolicis enucleatae, p. 463. London, 
 1682 ; where the letter is given in full, 
 Epist. Ixxxv. p. 449.] 
 
 1 " i. e. Demetrius est primus pa- 
 
222 Many well-known answers to Selden on Eutychius. 
 
 PREFAT. patriarcha, qui in Alexandria fecit episcopos. And there are 
 SECT, xvii.' more such instances of Mr. Selden' s ingenuity in Ecchel- 
 lensis' answer to his book. Thirdly, this falsity hath been 
 convicted by two learned men of our country, Dr. Hammond, 
 and Bishop Pearson. By the former in the tenth chapter of 
 his third dissertation against Blondel u , to which Daille never 
 made any reply ; and by the latter in the tenth and eleventh 
 chapters of the former part of his Vindicise Epist. S. Ignatii, 
 first printed at Cambridge 1672, and since by Le Clerc, at 
 Antwerp, 1700 X . [See also what is written by Eusebius Re- 
 naudotius in his late work intitled " Historia Patriarcharum 
 Alexandrinorum," &c., lately printed at Paris, 1713 ; wherein, 
 p. 7, 8, 11, 19, 54, Selden is justly and severely chastised for 
 what he wrote upon a fragment out of Eutychius, and also 
 clearly refuted y .] I mention all these answers to Selden's 
 Eutychius, and the several editions of Bishop Pearson's 
 Vindicise, to shew that our author could not be ignorant of 
 some of them; and if he were not, what hath he to answer 
 to God, and honest men, for citing a book so miserably 
 baffled, especially by Bishop Pearson, whose vindication of 
 Ignatius' s epistles is, and ever will be a defence of the Church 
 against all such books, which he, and his accomplices can 
 write. 
 
 In p. xxxvii. of his Preface, to prove that the bishops of the 
 Reformation disowned all independent power 2 , he cites the 
 
 triarcha, qui in JEgypto proprie dicta, 345. The passage in Eutychius was 
 sibi immediate subjecta, Episcopos crea- alleged as an argument against the 
 vit." [The passage in Selden's Latin genuineness of St. Ignatius's epistles ; 
 translation, p. 422, is as follows, " Sed as though the principle of 'doing nothing 
 vero ah Hanania, quern constituit Mar- without the bishop ' was unknown in 
 cus evangelista patriarcham Alexan- the primitive Church of Alexandria.] 
 driae, usque in tempora Demetrii pa- ? [MS. addition in Hickes' copy.] 
 triarchae ihidem (is patriarcha fuit * [The words of the act are, "Where 
 Alexan drinus undecimus) nullus erat the king's humhle and obedient sub- 
 in provinciis .<Egypti episcopusi nee jects the clergy of this realm of Eng- 
 patriarcha? ante eum crearunt episco- land, have not only knowledged ac- 
 pos. Ille autem factus patriarcha tres cording to the truth, that the convo- 
 constituit episcopos. Et primus fuit cation of the same clergy are, always 
 hie patriarcha Alexandrinus, qui epis- have been, and ought to be assembled 
 copos fecit."] by the king's writ, but also submitting 
 
 [Dissertationes quatuor, quibus themselves to the king's majesty, have 
 
 episcopatus jura ex S. Scripturis et promised in verbo sacerdotii, that they 
 
 primaeva antiquitate astruuntur contra will never from henceforth presume to 
 
 sententiam D. Blondelli et aliorum. attempt, allege, claim, or put in ure ; 
 
 1651, It is contained in Hammond's or enact, promulge, or execute any 
 
 collected works, vol. iv. p. 792.] new canons, constitutions, ordinances 
 
 x [Et ad calcem Patr. Apost. edit. provincial, or other, or by whatsoever 
 
 2. Amst 1724. torn. ii. pp. 334, 338 other name they shall be called, in the 
 
Submission of the clergy was before the Reformation : 223 
 
 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19, and saith, that it was "enacted at UNFAIR 
 the request of the clergy, and penned in the very words of CITATIONS - 
 their petition;" and " there can be no greater argument 
 (saith he) of their disowning all independent power." Here 
 are several artifices in this citation ; as first to cite, as popish 
 writers are wont to do, the bishops who made their submission 
 to Henry VIII. as bishops of the Reformation, though in 
 their grant to the king of 100,000 for the release of the 
 pra3munire a , they complimented his majesty greatly for writ- 
 ing against the enemies of the papal Church, particularly 
 against Luther b . Secondly, in saying it was enacted at 
 
 convocation, unless the king's majesty 
 do give his most royal assent and au- 
 thority in that behalf; and where divers 
 constitutions, &c., which heretofore 
 have been enacted be thought, &c. . . . 
 The said clergy hath most humbly be- 
 sought the king's highness that the 
 said constitutions and canons may be 
 committed to the examination and 
 judgment of his highness, and of two 
 and thirty persons of the king's subjects; 
 whereof sixteen to be of the upper and 
 nether house of the parliament, and 
 other sixteen to be of the clergy of this 
 realm ; and all the said two and thirty 
 persons to be chosen and appointed by 
 the king's majesty: and that such of 
 the said constitutions and canons as 
 should be thought and determined by 
 the said two and thirty persons, or the 
 more part of them, worthy to be abro- 
 gated and annulled, shall be abolite 
 and made of no value accordingly, &c. 
 Be it now therefore enacted, by the 
 authority of this present parliament, 
 according to the said submission and 
 petition of the said clergy, that they 
 ne any of them from henceforth shall 
 presume," &c. as above, " upon pain of 
 every one of the said clergy doing con- 
 trary to this act, and being thereof con- 
 vict, to suffer imprisonment, and make 
 fine at the king's will. 
 
 " And forasmuch as such canons, 
 &c., as have heretofore been made . . . 
 cannot now (at the session of this pre- 
 sent parliament, by reason of shortness 
 of time) be viewed, examined, &c. . . . 
 according to the petition of the said 
 clergy, in form before rehearsed. Be 
 it therefore enacted, by authority afore- 
 said, that the king's highness shall 
 have power and authority to nominate 
 and assign at his pleasure the said two 
 and thirty persons," &c. 
 
 It will be observed that the word "pe- 
 tition" refers only to the appointment 
 of a commission to revise the canons ; 
 the other is distinguished from it as 
 being a submission.] 
 
 [It is with this circumstance that 
 Atterbury begins his history of the 
 submission of the clergy (p. 80.) 
 " Henry VIII. for the better accom- 
 plishing his design of lessening the 
 papal authority, which could not well 
 be accomplished without striking a 
 terror into the clergy, involved them 
 all in a praemunire," (rendering them 
 liable to forfeiture of goods and im- 
 prisonment,) " for submitting to Wol- 
 sey's legatine character, unauthorized 
 by the crown" (though they were in 
 ignorance of that fact.) . . . " Thus, (p. 
 81.) all the clergy and a good part of 
 the laity were unu wares at the king's 
 mercy, and the clergy not admitted to 
 pardon gratis (as the laity afterwards 
 were) ; but forced to ransom them- 
 selves by a good round sum for those 
 times, (100,000 for the province of 
 Canterbury, and 18,840. Os. lOd. for 
 that of York,) and by solemn recogni- 
 tion of the king's supreme headship, in 
 the preamble of the instrument by 
 which the grant was made."] See " The 
 Rights, Powers, and Privileges of an 
 English convocation," by Dr. Atter- 
 bury, second edition, 1701 ; [and the 
 document in his Appendix,] p. 514. 
 
 b [The submission was made May 
 16, 1532. The grant of 100,000, in 
 which the king's supremacy was most 
 unwillingly and with qualification ac- 
 knowledged, had been made Jan. 24, 
 1 530, Abp. Warham being still desig- 
 nated " Apostolicae sedis legatus." The 
 words of "compliment" and recognition 
 of the supremacy are, speaking of the 
 king, " Sic impraesens hostes, maxima 
 
224 not now binding as an act of the Church. 
 
 PREFAT. their request; for it was not enacted "till near two years 
 after they made their submission . Till that time/' saith 
 my author, " it bound them, as their own act and promise 
 only ; without any penalty annexed to the breach of it ; and 
 it might have been questioned, whether this promise was not 
 personal, and did not die with the makers of it. But in 
 March 1533, a statute passed which perpetuated the sub- 
 mission, and obliged all their successors under pain of pra3- 
 munire [to stand to the terms of it]." To this I must 
 add what the same author (who hath given an accurate 
 account of the clergy's submission, and of the first step 
 to it in their recognition of the king's supremacy) saith 
 in another place d : "In no submission of theirs are there 
 any words, which expressly and in terms, bind the future 
 clergy; and, had this act of theirs extended to their suc- 
 cessors, yet all they did in Henry the Eighth's reign, was 
 undone again by them in the reign of Queen Mary; when 
 the clergy [assembled] in convocation [complained] of the 
 statute of submission, petitioned for a repeal of it e , and ob- 
 tained it f . And though it was revived afterwards, 1 Eliz. 
 [cap. 1.] yet was not that revival at the instance, or with the 
 express consent of the clergy ; and they stand bound, there- 
 fore, at present, by no act of their own, but by the temporal 
 law only." This shews that that act was neither at first 
 made, nor afterwards revived at the request of the clergy; 
 and then it can be no " argument of their disowning an in- 
 dependent power;" but only of their choosing all along to 
 
 Lutheranos in perniciem ecclesiae et lower house of convocation to the 
 
 cleri Anglicani (cujus singularem pro- bishops. 
 
 tectorem unicum et supremum domi- " 7. That the ancient liberty, autho- 
 
 num, et quantum per Christi legem rity, and jurisdiction be restored to the 
 
 licet, etiam supremum caput ipsius Church of England according to the 
 
 majestatem recognoscimus) conspi- article of the great charter called Magna 
 
 rantes .... sapientissima ejus majes- Charta, at the least wise in such sort 
 
 tas, ut decebat pium fidei et ecclesiae as it was in the first year of Henry 
 
 defensorem, suis laboribus, studio, ra- VI II. . . 10. That the statute of the sub- 
 
 tionibus et consilio, contudit et re- mission of the clergy made anno 25. 
 
 pressit." Ibid., Appendix, p. 514, and Hen. VIIL, and all other statutes 
 
 Wilkins' Concilia, torn. iii. p. 742.] made during the time of the late schism, 
 
 c Atterbury, ibid., p. 95. [The sub- in derogation of the liberties and juris- 
 
 mission was made as p. 1 ove, May 16, diction of the Church, from the first 
 
 1532, the statute enacted March, 1533- year of King Henry VIIL, may be 
 
 4. ^ For the error of Tindal as to its repealed, and the Church restored in 
 
 being at the request of the clergy, see integrum." Wilkins' Concilia, torn, 
 
 end of note z, in the last page.] iv. p. 95, and Burnet's Reformation; 
 
 d Atterbury, ibid., p. 98. Records, vol. ii. p. 266. fol.] 
 
 e [Dec. 7, 1554, Petition of the [By the act 1 Mar. c. 1.] 
 
Submitted to for peace ; had been extorted by Hen. VIII. 225 
 
 submit to the act, rather than to " throw themselves into a UNFAIR 
 persecution." Furthermore, the aforesaid act of 25 Hen. OITATIONS - 
 VIII. c. 19, was so far from being made at their request, 
 that their act of submission, whose words it recites, was ob- 
 tained, or rather extorted, with great difficulty from them, 
 as appears by the regular and exact account of it in the said 
 book g , more especially from their several replies to the " sup- 
 
 * Atterbury, ibid., pp. 8699. [p. 
 86. "Two things stood in the way 
 of the king's designs, the old papal 
 constitutions and the clergy's power 
 of making new ones. To remove these 
 the commons were made use of, who 
 in the latter end of the year 1531 put 
 up a long supplication to the king 
 against the ordinaries ; and therein 
 complained, first, of the body of eccle- 
 siastical laws then in force, . . . and 
 next, of the privilege which the clergy 
 claimed, of enacting canons by their 
 own sole authority, without consent of 
 the crown ; a privilege beyond what the 
 parliament itself ever pretended to. ... 
 So much of it as relates to our present 
 subject is almost in terms recited in 
 the reply which the clergy gave to it 
 when the convocation met, after a short 
 recess, on April 12, 1532, which reply 
 I shall give the reader at length." 
 (In his Appendix, No. VI. pp. 521, sqq. 
 It is given in Wilkins, torn. iii. p. 750.) 
 " In it they professed a readiness to 
 comply with any reasonable offer that 
 should be made for reforming the ec- 
 clesiastical laws, but however asserted 
 the validity of the old canons, and their 
 own power to make new ones inde- 
 pendently of the civil authority. . . . 
 The king was displeased both with this 
 answer and the drawer of it, (Bishop 
 Gardiner,) and he remitted it therefore 
 back again to the convocation to be 
 better considered of by them." A 
 second answer was drawn up by a com- 
 mittee of the lower house and agreed 
 to by the upper, (Wednesday, May 8,) 
 ... in it they promise " for the new, 
 which they should hereafter make, to 
 suspend them when made, from time 
 to time, till the king should give his 
 consent and authority to them ; for the 
 old, ... if any of them should be found 
 to be of such dangerous import as was 
 pretended, they engage to revoke and 
 annul them." Appendix, p. 530, and 
 Wilkins, torn. iii. p. 753. This was 
 laid before the king ; and on the follow- 
 ing Friday, May 10, they were in- 
 
 formed by Edward Fox, the king's almo- 
 ner, afterwards bishop of Hereford, (see 
 above p. 162,) how little satisfaction their 
 answer had given, and a form was pro- 
 duced " which the king required them 
 peremptorily to sign, and without which 
 he would not be contented." (p. 89.) 
 The articles follow, (see Wilkins, torn, 
 iii. p. 749.) " Upon receiving this paper 
 the clergy adjourned first to St. Cathe- 
 rine's, and then to St.Dunstan's chapel 
 in the monastery," and sent a depu- 
 tation of the two houses to Fisher, bi- 
 shop of Rochester, for his advice, and 
 adjourned till Monday. The king 
 meanwhile sent for the speaker of the 
 House of Commons, and " by him in- 
 formed the house of the oath which the 
 bishops and abbots took to the pope ; 
 by which it appeared that they were 
 but half subjects to himself; and leav- 
 ing it to them to improve this intima- 
 tion in what way they thought fitting, 
 and to reduce the clergy to as entire an 
 obedience to the crown of England as 
 the laity paid." p. 91. 
 
 " This wrought so effectually, that 
 when the clergy met again on Monday, 
 the bishops' house came quite up to 
 the king's terms, upon the first article, 
 . . . which the lower house assented to, 
 on condition that the promise might 
 take place for the king's life only. But 
 upon the second article, neither of them 
 could be brought any farther than to 
 refer all the old canons to the king's 
 examination and authority alone, and 
 to promise, by their own authority, to 
 moderate or annul what he should dis- 
 approve ; but with such a general 
 saving in the close of this promise as 
 left it still in their power which of them 
 they would keep, and which they would 
 part with." p. 91. 
 
 This is the particular passage referred 
 to by Hickes. The document is given 
 in Atterbury's Appendix, p. 534, with 
 the variations of three copies, and one of 
 them is in Wilkins, torn. iii. p. 752. 
 It maybe noticed that these papers are 
 not arranged by Wilkins in the order of 
 
226 The Clergy did not disown their independent power. 
 
 PREFAT. plication of the Commons " and that they never intended to 
 sEcrxvi? disown their independent power, which before they had exer- 
 ~ cised, is plain from their last form of sub mission h , in which 
 they made their promises in trust and confidence to the king : 
 " we your majesty's humble subjects, [daily orators and beads- 
 men of your clergy of England,] having our trust and confi- 
 dence in your excellent wisdom, your princely goodness, and 
 fervent zeal, [to the promotion of God's honour and Christian 
 religion,] and also in your learning far exceeding [in our 
 judgment the learning of all other kings and princes that we 
 have read of,] and doubting nothing, but that the same shall 
 still continue, and daily increase in your majesty; first do 
 offer and promise," &c. 
 
 So also their recognition of the king's supremacy was not 
 absolute, as the statute 26 Hen. VIII. c. 1. represents it to 
 be 1 , but conditional, with this limitation 11 ; Cujus 1 singularem 
 protectorem, unicum et supremum dominum, et quantum per 
 Christi legem licet, etiam supremum caput, ipsius Majestatem 
 recognoscimus. With this clause of restriction the learned 
 Dr. Fisher m , bishop of Rochester, signed it, who afterwards, 
 
 this history. The king was indignant by the great men of the law, or by some 
 
 at the opposition of the clergy, and of his privy councillors and nobles, 
 
 next demanded that they should not " At first, his new title was proposed 
 
 "presume to allege, claim, or put in to them" (from the king, as a necessary 
 
 ure" any canons, &c., omitting the condition of their grant for the release 
 
 word new, thereby taking away the of the praemunire, seenotea, p. 223) "in 
 
 jurisdiction as well as legislative power these terms, 'Ecclesise et cleri Angli- 
 
 of the Church. This " they absolutely cani, cujus protector, et supremum ca- 
 
 refused to submit to," and ultimately put is solus est.' But this would by no 
 
 that point was withdrawn, and they means be admitted. ... After three days, 
 
 submitted in the terms recited in the the king finding them obstinate, was 
 
 preamble and the act 25 Hen. c. 19. prevailed with to soften these harsh 
 
 See above, note z, pp. 222, 223.] terms with the addition of ' post Deum,' 
 
 h Atterbury, ibid., Appendix, p. 537. after the word 'caput;' but neither would 
 
 [Wilkins' Concilia, torn. iii. p. 754.] this form pass, the clergy being deter- 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 514. mined to hazard all rather than comply 
 
 k [The words of the act are, " Albeit with it. So, on February 1 1, the arch- 
 
 the king's majesty justly and rightfully bishop brought in a further qualification 
 
 is and ought to be the supreme head of of it, letting them know the king was 
 
 the Church of England, and so is re- contented it should run, ' Ecclesiag et 
 
 cognized by the clergy of this realm in cleri Anglican!, cujus singularem pro- 
 
 their convocation, yet nevertheless," tectorem, unicum et supremum [domi- 
 
 &c. 26 Hen. VIII. c. 1. (1534.)] num, et quantum per Christi legem 
 
 1 [This " was not without great diffi- licet, etiam supremum] caput, ipsius 
 
 culty extorted from them ; the debates majestatem recognoscimus ;' and with 
 
 of convocation being wholly taken up this salvo it was reluctantly passed." 
 
 with it, for five days together : in most Atterbury, ibid., pp. 8284.] 
 
 of which the two houses sat from morn- m Ibid., p. 84. marg. [The nine bi- 
 
 ing till evening. And during this time shops who were then present in the 
 
 at least seven or ei 
 sages were sent 
 
 r eight menacing mes- upper house, and subscribed, were, 
 to them from the king Warham of Canterbury, Stokesly of 
 
CITATIONS. 
 
 Their recognition of the King's Supremacy qualified. 227 
 
 when he saw in what a boasting and boundless manner the UNFAIR 
 king exercised his new supremacy, denied it, for which with 
 great cheerfulness and satisfaction, as Sir Thomas More after- 
 wards did, he suffered death 11 . 
 
 The bishop of Sarum, in his History of the Reformation , 
 observes that the ' supremacy was not a point of state, but a 
 matter of conscience/ And in his Reflections on the Rela- 
 tion of the English Reformation? [lately printed at Oxford,] 
 printed [at Amsterdam] 1688, he hath said many things 
 of it, and the submission of the clergy, to which I refer our 
 author for an answer to his preface, in which, if a man 
 may judge by his way of writing, he surely thinks he hath 
 confounded the legislation and jurisdiction of the Church of 
 England, as a spiritual society, with the statutes relating to 
 those two points. The bishop is a writer of great authority 
 with him ; he cites and adorns him very often, and there- 
 fore I hope he will take great notice of what I am going to 
 present him out of his Reflections q , as well as because they 
 were written against a clandestine papist, O. W. 1 , with whom 
 
 London, Geof. Ely the of Lichfield and 
 Coventry, Fisher of Rochester, Nic. 
 West of Ely, John Voysey of Exeter, 
 Longland of Lincoln, Hen. Standish 
 of St. Asaph, and John Clerk of Bath 
 and Wells.] 
 
 n [Fisher was beheaded as guilty of 
 high treason, in denying the king to be 
 supreme head of the Church, June 22, 
 1535, and Sir Thomas More July 6th 
 of the same year.] 
 
 Vol. i. book iii. p. 354. [Burnet's 
 words are, speaking of Fisher, " Many 
 thought the king ought to have pro- 
 ceeded against him rather upon that, 
 (the business of the maid of Kent,) 
 which was a point of state, than upon 
 the supremacy, which was matter of 
 conscience."] 
 
 P [The title of this work is, "Church 
 Government, part v. A Relation of the 
 English Reformation, and the lawful- 
 ness thereof, examined by the theses 
 delivered in the four former parts." It 
 was written, not, as Hickes seems to 
 imply, by Obadiah Walker, but by 
 Abraham Woodhead, his former tutor 
 and intimate friend. Woodhead was 
 living in seclusion, and his works were 
 printed by Walker, and several of them 
 in consequence were attributed to him. 
 Indeed Burnet, who was then in Hol- 
 
 land, as chaplain to the princess of 
 Orange, supposed the same, for his Re- 
 flections begin, (p. 1,) "We have been 
 long in expectation of some extraor- 
 dinary production of the eminent con- 
 vert of Oxford. His age, his learning, 
 and the present conjuncture, hath raised 
 this expectation very high." This was 
 the first book printed at University 
 college, at the private press which 
 Walker established in his lodgings, on 
 discovering that the sheets of the 
 works, which he printed at the Theatre, 
 under a licence from James II., dated 
 May, 1686, (for which see Gutch's 
 Collectanea, vol. i. p. 288,) were shewn 
 to his opponents. It bears the head 
 of King Alfred on the title-page, as do 
 others printed at the same press.] 
 4 [Reflections, &c., p. 12.] 
 ' Mr. Obadiah Walker. [Master of 
 University college; with whom it is 
 probable that Tindal's history is inti- 
 mately connected. Hickes was not in 
 Oxford at the period now referred to : 
 he had heard of Tindal's " conversing" 
 with Walker ; and this intercourse 
 agrees with Tindal's own account, that 
 he had been influenced by the ' Roman 
 emissaries who were then busy in the 
 University.' See Second Defence of 
 Rights, p. 172, and note a, p. 48. There 
 
228 Burnet on the Supremacy ; limitations understood ; 
 
 PREFAT. the author of the Rights is said to have conversed much, and 
 
 SECT, xvii.' it may be sucked the venom from him, which he hath been 
 
 spitting upon the Church of England from that time to this*. 
 
 I begin with the third chapter, which hath this title : 
 " Some general considerations on the regal supremacy, that 
 was raised so high at the Reformation." 
 
 " Our author hath brought together many acts of parlia- 
 ment with their pompous preambles, that seem to carry the 
 king's power in ecclesiastical matters to a very indefinite 
 degree, and upon all this he triumphs often, as if this was 
 so improper, that it alone is enough to blast the whole 
 Reformation. 
 
 " Our author is much more concerned to justify all papal 
 bulls, than we can be to justify all the words of our laws; 
 especially the rhetoric that is in their preambles. If he 
 believes the pope infallible, the general parts of bulls that set 
 forth the doctrine of the Church, are such solemn declara- 
 tions, that he must be determined by them. But at lowest 
 he believes the popes to be the centres of the catholic unity, 
 and all bishops are bound by oath to obey all their decrees 
 and ordinances. Now when our author will undertake to 
 justify all the preambles of bulls that are in the Bullarium, 
 then we may undertake to justify all the nourishes that may 
 be in any act of parliament. 
 
 " When any authority is asserted in general and indefinite 
 terms, these are always to be understood with those restric- 
 tions and limitations that the nature of things require to be 
 supposed, even when they are not expressed. St. Paul ex- 
 presses the obedience of wives to their husbands in terms so 
 Eph. 5. 24. extremely extended, that as 'the Church is subject unto 
 Christ, so ought the wives be to their own husbands in every 
 thing/ He expresses also the duty of children in as com- 
 Col. 3. 20. prehensive terms. ' Children obey your parents in all things/ 
 Now if one would draw inferences from the extent of these 
 words, he might, taking the liberty that our author takes 
 upon some of the expressions that are in our acts of parlia- 
 
 seems noground to suppose that Walker 1685-6. After that time he had a chapel 
 
 was, strictly speaking, a " clandestine and mass said in part of his college, 
 
 Papist," that is, that he was actually in which was attended by some scholars, 
 
 communion with the Church of Rome, Tindal went over in Jan. 1686-7.] 
 
 before he openly joined it in January s [See note a, p. 48.] 
 
authoritatively defined in Henry VIII.'s time. 229 
 
 ment, represent the authority that St. Paul vests both in UNFAIR 
 husbands and parents, as a very boundless and a very extrava- 
 gant thing. This is enough to shew that in all those large 
 phrases of obedience, there are some necessary reserves and 
 exceptions to be understood; and if this qualification is 
 necessary, even in writings that were inspired, it is no 
 wonder if some of the rhetoric of our acts of parliament 
 wants a little of this correction. 
 
 " It is a very unreasonable thing to urge some general ex- 
 pressions, or some stretches of the royal supremacy, and not 
 to consider that more strict explanation that was made of it, 
 both in King Henry the Eighth's time, and under Queen 
 Elizabeth ; that were so clear, that if we had to do with men 
 that had not resolved beforehand not to be satisfied, one 
 would think there could be no room for any farther cavilling. 
 In King Henry's time the extent of the king's supremacy 
 was defined in The Necessary Erudition of a Christian man*, 
 that was set forth as the standard of the doctrine of that 
 time ; and it was upon this that all people were obliged to 
 take their measures, and not upon some expressions either 
 in acts of parliament, or acts of the convocation, nor upon 
 some stretches of the king's jurisdiction. In this then it is 
 plainly said, that with relation to the clergy the king is to 
 ' oversee them, and to cause that they execute their pastoral 
 office truly and faithfully, and especially in those points 
 which by Christ and His Apostles was committed to them.' 
 And to this it is added, ' that bishops and priests are bound 
 to obey all the king's laws, not being contrary to the laws of 
 God.' So that here is expressed that necessary reserve upon 
 their obedience ; it being provided, that they were only bound 
 to obey when the laws were not contrary to the laws of God. 
 The other reserve is also made of all that authority which 
 was committed by Christ and His Apostles to the bishops 
 and priests ; and we are not ashamed to own it freely, that 
 we see no other reserves upon our obedience to the king 
 besides these ; so that these being here specified, there was 
 an unexceptionable declaration made of the extent of the 
 king's supremacy ; yet because the term, Head of the Church, 
 
 4 [A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man, &c. 1543. 
 p. 287, Oxford, 1825.J 
 
230 Authoritative definition of Supremacy under Elizabeth ; 
 
 PBEFAT. had something in it that seemed harsh, there was yet a 
 SECT, xvii.' more express declaration made of this matter, under Queen 
 ~~ Elizabeth, of which indeed our author hath taken notice ; 
 though I do not find he takes notice of the former, which he 
 ought to have done, if he had intended to have represented 
 this matter sincerely to the world (which I confess seems not 
 to have troubled him much.) The explanation made by 
 Queen Elizabeth is so express that even our author cannot 
 find any advantage against the words themselves, but ac- 
 knowledges that they are such general terms that the article 
 itself may be subscribed by all sides". Since then the de- 
 clared sense of those general and extended expressions that 
 are in some acts of parliament, is such, that there lies no 
 just exception against it ; and since this sense was not only 
 given by Queen Elizabeth, who allowed such as took the 
 oath to declare that they took it in that sense ; but it was 
 afterwards enacted both in convocation, and in parliament x , 
 and put into the body of our confession of faith; this ex- 
 planation must be considered as the true measure of the 
 king's supremacy; and the wide expressions in the former 
 laws must be understood to be restrained by this, since 
 posterior laws derogate from those that were at first made. 
 So that according to all this, the king's supremacy doth not 
 'give to our princes the ministering either of God's word 
 or of the Sacraments .... But that only prerogative, which 
 we see to have been given always to all godly princes in holy 
 Scriptures by God Himself; that is, that they should rule 
 all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, 
 whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with 
 the civil sword the stubborn and the evil-doers/ This is all 
 that supremacy which we are bound in conscience to own ; 
 and if the letter of the law, or the stretches of that in the 
 
 u [Relation of the English Refor- by "the explanation made by Queen 
 
 mation,] pp. 87, 88. ["This part of Elizabeth," mentioned in the text; 
 
 the article (art. 37.) is couched in such " Her majesty doth not challenge any 
 
 general terms, as that it will be sub- other authority, than, under God, to 
 
 scribed to by all sides : Fr. a S. Clara, have that that was challenged, &c., that 
 
 (Expos, of the 39 Articles) alloweth it: is, under God to have the sovereignty 
 
 and saith also, ' Hie articulus a Gallis and rule over all mannerofpersonswith- 
 
 et parliametito Parisiensi, salva com- in these realms, whether ecclesiastical 
 
 munione Ecclesiae, usurpatur.'" The or temporal, so as no other sovereign 
 
 following words, referred to in the ar- power shall or ought to have dominion 
 
 ticle as "the Injunctions lately set forth over them." Quoted ibid., p. 85.] 
 by Elizabeth our queen," are intended * [Act of 1 Eliz. c. 1.] 
 
admissible by all; individual opinions not binding. 231 
 
 administration of it, have carried this farther, we are not at UNFAIR 
 all concerned in it ; but in case any such thing were made CITATION8 ' 
 out, it could amount to no more than this, that the civil 
 power had made some encroachments on ecclesiastical au- 
 thority ; but the submitting to an oppression, and the bearing 
 it till some better times may deliver us from it, is no argu- 
 ment against our Church; on the contrary, it is a proof of 
 our temper and patience, and of that respect we pay to that 
 civil authority which God hath set over us, even when we 
 think that it passeth its bounds. But all that we are bound 
 to acknowledge in the king's supremacy, is so well limited, 
 that our author hath nothing to object to it." 
 
 " So thaty upon the whole matter, if the great and unmea- 
 sured extent of the papal authority made our princes judge 
 it necessary to secure themselves from those invasions, by 
 stretching their jurisdiction a little too much ; on the other 
 hand, those who have submitted so tamely to the one, have no 
 reason to reproach us for bearing the other, servitude, even 
 supposing that we granted that to be the case. And if in 
 the time of our Reformation, some of our bishops or other 
 writers have carried the royal supremacy too far, either in 
 acts of convocation or in their writings, as those things are 
 personal matters, in which we are not at all concerned, who 
 do not pretend to assert an infallibility in our Church; so 
 their excess in this was a thing so natural, that we have all 
 possible reason to excuse it, or at least to censure it very 
 gently. For as all parties and persons are carried by a bias 
 very common to mankind, to magnify that authority which 
 favours and supports them; so the extremes of the papal 
 tyranny, and the ecclesiastical power that had formerly pre- 
 vailed, might have carried them a little too far into the op- 
 posite extreme, of raising the civil power too high." 
 
 " Upon which 2 he[Woodhead] argues [arraigns] two things, 
 
 y Burnet, Reflections, &c. p. 16. this truth, and to execute Church cen- 
 z [That is, the first two theses laid sures on those who receive it not. The 
 down in the Relation, (as abridged by second is, That the clergy cannot make 
 Burnet, p. 18.) The " first is, The two over this authority to the secular go- 
 principal offices which the clergy have vernor, being charged by Christ to 
 received from Christ are, (1.) to deter- execute it to the end of the world." 
 mine controversies in pure matters of See Relation, pp. 2, 11. The passage 
 religion, and to judge what is truth in the text follows in Burnet ; the words 
 and what are errors in faith and wor- in the Relation are, " From which it 
 ship. (2.) To teach and promulgate follows that the clergy's doing either 
 
DISCOURSE, 
 SECT. XVII. 
 
 232 Clergy's giving up powers, unlawful and void. Burnet, 
 
 PREFAT. ' (1.) The clergy's binding themselves never to make any de- 
 cisions in matters of faith or worship, till they had first ob- 
 tained the consent of the secular governor. (2.) The clergy's 
 authorizing the secular governor, or those whom he should 
 nominate, to determine those matters in their stead V 
 
 " It is certain, no clergy in the world can make any such 
 deputation ; and if any have done it, it was a personal act of 
 theirs, which was null of itself, and did not indeed bind 
 those who made it, it being of its own nature unlawful, but 
 much less can it bind their successors." 
 
 To these passages I think fit to add what his lordship hath 
 said of the prince's power to depose the clergy, because the 
 Eights b hath as it were marshalled up the depriving acts in 
 battle-array against them, and frequently reproached them 
 with suspension, deprivation, and incapacity by and from 
 the civil power. 
 
 " The third thesis is c , ' that the prince cannot depose any of 
 his clergy, without the consent of the major part of the clergy, 
 or their ecclesiastical superiors, and in particular of the pa- 
 triarch/ 
 
 "In this the matter must still be reduced to the former 
 point ; either the grounds of such a deposition are in them- 
 selves just, or not ; if they are just, the prince may as law- 
 fully hinder any church-man from corrupting his subjects, 
 while he is supported by a public authority or a settled re- 
 venue, as he may hinder a man that hath the plague on him 
 from going about to infect his people ; for his deposing such 
 a one is only the taking the civil encouragement from him ; 
 but when this is done unjustly, it is without doubt an act of 
 high oppression in the prince ; and as for the person deposed, 
 and those over whom he was set, they are to consider accord- 
 ing to the rules of prudence, whether the present case is of 
 such importance, that it will balance the inconveniences of 
 their throwing themselves into a state of persecution ; for it 
 is to be confessed that church-men have by their office an 
 indefinite authority of feeding the flock, which cannot be 
 dissolved by any act of the prince's ; but the appropriating 
 
 of these things," binding themselves, p. 11.] 
 &c. ..." I say these two things are b Pref., pp. xxx, xxxi. 
 unlawful." Ibid., pp. 11, 12.] c [Burnet, Reflections, p. 20. The 
 
 a [The passage is from the Relation, thesis occurs at p. 12. of the Relation.] 
 
on deposition. Tertullian on the Eucharist; misapplied. 233 
 this to such a precinct, and the supporting it by civil en- UNFAIR 
 
 r- -. i ,1 i ,1 * i . , CITATIONS. 
 
 couragements, [it] is a human thing, and is therefore subject - 
 to the sovereign power." But of what he said in the last 
 four lines I shall say no more here, than that I think they 
 seem to call for his lordship's second thoughts and farther 
 explication. 
 
 In p. 107 he most impudently, as well as falsely, cites Ter- 
 tullian De Corona Militis d , to prove that receiving the Eucha- 
 rist from the hand of the bishop was ' an innovation/ whereas 
 the contrary is most evident from the father's words, which 
 are these : Eucharistice Sacramentum, et in tempore victus, et 
 omnibus mandatum a Domino, etiam antelucanis ccelibus, nee 
 de aliorum maniL quam prasidentium sumimus. " We receive 
 the Sacrament of the Eucharist commanded by the Lord to 
 be received at the time of (our love feast) meals (in the 
 evening) and at all times 6 , in our (morning) assemblies be- 
 fore day, but we receive it from the hands of none but of 
 the bishops." 
 
 The next citation in which I tax him of want of ingenuity, 
 and fraud, is that in which he puts Bishop Bull with Peta- 
 vius, Curcellseus, Cudworth, and Le Clerc, to prove that the 
 doctrine of the Nicene ''fathers was not that there is only one 
 Divine essence in number, but in kind f ." He might with as 
 much modesty, truth, and ingenuity, have named this great 
 defender of the Nicene faith and fathers with Socinus, Epi- 
 
 d cap. Hi. [Tert. Op., p. 102, A.] doctrine of those fathers was not, that 
 e [Tindal (Rights, p. 107.) trans- there is only one Divine essence in 
 lated the words ' omnibus mandatum,' number, but only in kind ; as is more 
 "committed to all." The passage evident from Petavius,Curcellaeus, Cud- 
 stems to mean, " the Sacrament of worth, Le Clerc, Dr. Bull, and several 
 the Eucharist, which was enjoined by others." Rights, pp. 196, 197. For 
 the Lord, both at the time of a meal the opinions of the first three of these 
 and to all, we receive in meetings be- persons see Nelson's Life of Bull, pp. 
 fore dawn," and of course fasting, ('ante 243 250, and 289, sqq. Oxford, 1827. 
 omnem cibum,'ashe says, AdUxorem, What he says of Petavius is, that he 
 lib. ii. c. 5. Op., p. 169, A.) " and only "had been at prodigious pains in col- 
 at the hands of those who preside." lecting all that the Christian writers 
 Tertullian is arguing that traditionary have said both before and after that 
 practices are to be observed, though (the Nicene) council upon this subject: 
 not contained in Scripture, nay even but after all ... some even suspected 
 when they seem, as in this instance, to the author to be himself all the while 
 oppose it; not meaning that the Church no better than a covert Arian, and to 
 practice was "an innovation," as Tin- have written, even on purpose, to be- 
 dal says, but that the practice of His tray the cause for which he appeared ; 
 Church from the first evidenced the than which nothing can be more false ; 
 intention of our Lord, and determined as any one may soon convince himself 
 the sense of Scripture.] who will be but at the pains to examine 
 1 ["To which maybe added that the what he hath written."] 
 
234 Bp. Bull classed with those whom he opposed ; 
 
 PREFAT. scopius, and Sandius, against whom he hath written, as well 
 as against Petavius, by name, as may be seen in the Proos- 
 mium of his Defensio fidei Nicenaz, as well as in his Judicium 
 Ecclesiae Catholicce^, which he wrote on purpose against Epi- 
 scopius, of whom he gives this character in the Procemium to 
 his Defensio 1 , &c. Simon Episcopius theologus ccetera doctis* 
 simus, sed in antiquitate ecclesiastica plane hospes. To which 
 I must add what he saith of Episcopius' censure of the 
 council of Nice, and the other councils which maintained 
 the Nicene confession, " that they were led on by fury, fac- 
 tion, and madness :" Quis vero, inquam ego*, &c. " But who, 
 say I, doth not perceive that these things must proceed 
 from a mind which is not so sound or so composed as it 
 ought to be? For how could it become a sober and a 
 modest man thus to tear and rend with slanders the vener- 
 able prelates of the most august synod? But now to the 
 matter. He is not ashamed to say, that the Nicene creed 
 was made in a heat, by the fury and the factiousness of a 
 party, without sense or any consideration. But the emperor 
 Constantine, who presided in the said synod of Nice, ex- 
 pressly testifieth, in an epistle to the Churches concerning 
 the same council, that he being himself present in it, all 
 matters were therein discussed with all due examination. 
 The same emperor, in an epistle to the Church of Alexan- 
 dria in particular, which is found in the Ecclesiastical His- 
 
 x [See of Socinus, Def. Fid. Nic. disceptationes, quam praefracta jurgia 
 
 Procem. 4. p. 5 ; Episcopius, 5. inter episcopos excitata fuerint ? ' Quis 
 
 pp. 6 9 ; Sandius, 6'. p. 9 ; Peta- vero, inquam ego, non sentiat, haec ab 
 
 vius, 7. sqq. pp. 9 13; Bull's Works, animo baud satis sano aut composite 
 
 vol. v. Oxford, 1827.] profecta esse ? adeone decuit virum 
 
 h [See the Judicium Ecclesiae Ca- sobrium ac modestum venerandos au- 
 
 tholicae ; Praemon. ad Lectorem, and gustissimae synodi antistites convitiis 
 
 Introduction, ibid., vol. vi. pp. 5 13.] lacerare et proscindere? Sed ad rem. 
 
 1 [Def. Fid. Nic. Prooem., 5. ibid., Symbolum Nicaenum ab episcopis, ex 
 
 vol. v. p. 6.] . furore partiumque studio insano ac 
 
 k Ib. [The whole passage beginning maleferiato, praecipitatum fuisse' non 
 
 with a quotation from Episcopius (In- veretur dicere. At Constantinus im- 
 
 stit. Theol. iv. 34. sect. 2.) is, "' Et si perator, qui synodo Nicaenae moderator 
 
 quod res est, dicendum est, ea ab epi- ipse praefuit, in Epistola ad ecclesias 
 
 scopis inter se magna cum aemulatione de eadem synodo diserte testatur (apud 
 
 jurgantibus et contendentibus, ex fer- Euseb. de Vita Constant, lib. iii. cap. 
 
 vore, si non furore, partiumque studio 17. p. 586), quod se praesente in ea 
 
 insano ac maleferiato, prascipitata po- avavra TTJS irpo<rf]Kov<n}s re-rux*?**" 
 
 tius videri debent, quam a compositis e|eTc<rea>s, ' cuncta competent! examine 
 
 animis profecta.' Atque ut intelligas, discussa fuerint.' Idem in Epistola ad 
 
 Nicaenum praecipue symbolum ab ipso Alexandrinam ecclesiam proprie scripta 
 
 hie perstringi, mox subdit, ' Quis enim ait (apud Socratem Hist. Eccles., lib. i. 
 
 nescit quam acres in synodo Nicaena cap. 9. p. 30. ed. Vales.), se inter Ni- 
 
Bp. Bull against Episcopius, on the Council of Nice. 235 
 
 tory of Socrates, says, that he himself, among the Nicene UNFAIR 
 bishops, and as it were one of their number, and their fel- CITATI 
 low-servant, did, being present, so undertake the examina- 
 tion of the truth, as that all things which might bear a show 
 of, or administer occasion for a doubtful or ambiguous sense, 
 or difference of sentiments, might be accurately discussed. 
 To which epistle of Constantine Socrates adds this remark ; 
 'O (Jbev Be /3aai,\ev9, &c. ' Now the emperor wrote after this 
 manner to the people of Alexandria, hereby teaching them that 
 the council's definition concerning the faith was not slightly 
 and rashly, but maturely and deliberately, after a diligent 
 enquiry and full examination, determined; and that there 
 was not notice taken of some arguments, and others passed 
 by or silently suppressed, but that all whatever could be 
 brought for the proof or disproof of the doctrine to be esta- 
 blished, was fairly produced and canvassed openly. Neither 
 was any thing by them simply or inconsiderately defined; 
 but all was in the first place accurately sifted and examined 
 into/ Nay even Eusebius himself, who seems to have had 
 the next place in the Nicene assembly to the emperor (a 
 writer of very great integrity, of a temperate and moderate 
 genius, and no wise partial against the Arians), expressly 
 relates how that all the bishops did subscribe to the faith 
 agreed on in that council, ov/c ave^erda-rws^ not rashly and 
 without consideration, but after an accurate, deliberate, and 
 
 caenos episcopos, velut ex eorum nu- etAA f o/cpt/3cDs ^Tfjrdffd-rj irpArfpov' i. e. 
 mero unum, et conservum ipsorum, ' Et imperator quidem haec scripsit ad 
 praesentem veritatis examen ita susce- populum Alexandrinum, docens de- 
 
 fini 
 
 pisse, ut ^\7x^ oTTttj/To, Kal aKpificas finitionem fidei non leviter ac temere, 
 
 ^JTCHTTCU, 8(ro if) a/j.<pifio\las (sic enim sed cum multa inquisitione ac diligent! 
 
 legendum esse, ex eadem clausula mox examine dictatam fuisse : nee quaedam 
 
 a, Socrate repetita, satis liquet) ^ Si- in eo concilio dicta, quaedam silentio 
 
 Xovoias irp6tyaffiv e'SJ/cet ytwyv, i. e. tradita, sed quaecunque ad confirma- 
 
 'Cuncta, qua? controversiae aut dissen tionem dogmatis dici poterant, cuncta 
 
 sionis materiam excitare videbantur, in medium fuisse prolata ; nee causam 
 
 accurate discussaatque examinata fue- temere definitam, sed prius accurate 
 
 rint.' Ad quam Constantini Epistolam discussam fuisse.' Imo ipse Eusebius, 
 
 haec annotat Socrates (p. 31) : 'O fjikv qui in Nicaeno consessu primum locum 
 
 5r) &affi\evs roiavra eypcupf T$ 'AAe- post imperatorem tenuisse videtur (vid. 
 
 av8p(av Sirj/uqp, ii.T]vvu>v on ovx' cbrAws, not. Vales, ad Euseb., lib. iii. de vita 
 
 ou5e us eTu%e yeyovev & tipos TTJS irl- Const, cap. 11.) (scriptor integerrimus, 
 
 (Trews' a\\' '6n pera iroAATys (tufjjT^- et temperati ingenii,neque Arianispar- 
 
 Kal SoKifj-affias ainhv inr^y6peu(rav' tibus iniquus,) expresse refert, fidei in 
 
 oi>x 3re TWO. fji.lv ^Ae'x^rj, nva Se eo concilio conscriptae episcopos omnes 
 
 j, oAA' #re 3(ro irpbs avvraaiv OVK ave^erdo'Tcas, non temere et incon- 
 
 TOU S6y/j.aros Kf)(jdrivai ^p/xofe, iravra. sulto, sed post accuratum, deliberatum 
 
 Kal OTI o\>x air\vs wpiaOij, et diligens singularum sententiarum 
 
236 J3p. Bull's abhorrence of the errors charged on him. 
 PREFAT. diligent examination of all the several sentiments made in 
 
 DISCOURSE, . 
 
 SECT, xvii. the presence of the emperor : and particularly to the very 
 clause itself of the cousubstantiality, or the O/JLOOVO-LOS, with 
 their unanimous consent. See the epistle of Eusebius to 
 those of his diocese extant in the first book of the Ecclesias- 
 tical History of Socrates, chap. viii. At the beginning in- 
 deed of the council, there were some no small strivings 
 among certain of the bishops ; but which were soon pacified 
 and laid to sleep by means of the emperor's most pious and 
 obliging speech ; as the same Eusebius doth also witness." 
 
 I have transcribed this passage in answer to that of Epi- 
 scopius, because he hath cited it after another such of Le 
 Clerc's, P- 199 1 , and because it confirms what I have said 
 before from ecclesiastical history, in answer to these slander- 
 ous citations out of these and other such writers, who will 
 ever have an ill-will against the Nicene fathers, and all that 
 adhere to their exposition of the Christian faith. But though 
 this learned bishop hath been the champion of that council 
 and its confession against all the Arian, Popish 1 ", or Protest- 
 ant, or Socinian writers of this age, to the time of writing 
 his books, for which he received the thanks of the assembly 
 of the clergy of the Gallican Church ; yet our author hath 
 reckoned him among those of whom he saith, "as often as I 
 consider this, I cannot, without indignation and horror, re- 
 flect upon their stupendous ignorance, or rather madness, 
 who have made no difficulty to misrepresent the Nicene 
 fathers as malicious or ignorant depravers of the Catholic 
 doctrine concerning Jesus Christ, which was delivered by the 
 Apostles, and obtruders of a new faith upon the Christian 
 
 (acnominatimclausulae deryfytoouo-^) n [A.D. 1694. See Nelson's Life, 
 
 examen coram imperatore adhibitum, Ixviii. pp. 327 330.] 
 
 unanimi consensu subscripsisse. Vide [Haec quoties mecum perpendo, 
 
 epistolam Eusebii ad homines suae pa- toties fere non sine indignatione, ad- 
 
 rceciae apud Socratem Hist. Eccles., eoque horrore quodam, una recolo stu- 
 
 lib. i. cap. 8. pp. 22, 23. Initio qui- pendam eorum inscitiam, seu potius 
 
 dem concilii non leves inter episcopos impiam vesaniam, qui in venerandos 
 
 quosdam concertationes fuere ; sed eae Patres non veriti sunt palain debac- 
 
 mox pia et placidaimperatoris oratione chari, tanquam qui Catholicam de per- 
 
 facile sedatae et consopitae, ut idem sona Jesu Christi doctrinain, ab Apo- 
 
 testatur Eusebius." JBull, ibid., pp. stolis traditam, ac per tria prima secula 
 
 7 9.] in Ecclesia conservatam, vel malitiose, 
 
 1 Quoted above, p. 157. vel certe per imperitiam ac temere 
 
 m As Petavius. See the Procemium depravaverint, novainque fidem orbi 
 
 to the Bishop's Defensio, [ 7, 8. pp. Christiano obtruserint. Ibid., 3. 
 
 9, sqq.J p. 3.J 
 
Dodwell quoted, from Toland ; had been explained. 237 
 
 world." Nay, this our author hath done against his declara- UNFAIR 
 tion of his intention in writing that noble defence; "This? ^^ 
 is the scope and design of my undertaking in this work, to 
 shew clearly that all the approved fathers and doctors of the 
 Church, who lived from the time of the Apostles to the coun- 
 cil of Nice, taught the very same doctrine, though sometimes 
 in different words, and different ways of speaking, that the 
 Nicene fathers did of the Godhead of the Son against Arius 
 and other heretics." 
 
 This shews the genius, I should have said the evil genius 
 of these men, who can thus abuse a living author q , whose 
 works have been lately reprinted r with as much, if not with 
 more notoriety, than any book of the same time. 
 
 To these I might add his other fraudulent citations out of 
 authors which have been effectually answered, without tak- 
 ing notice of the answers, of which, to his dishonour, I gave 
 a remarkable instance in his quotations to blacken Arch- 
 bishop Laud. So he quotes 8 a passage out of Amyntor, 
 which Mr. Toland cited with an evil intention out of a very 
 learned author, to discredit the authority of the Scripture 
 canon, though there was never a better answer written, than 
 it received in two impressions of a book entitled, The Canon 
 of the Scripture vindicated, in answer to the objections of 
 J[ohn] T[oland] in his Amyntor, by John Richardson [B.D.] 
 London, 1701*. 
 
 P [Scilicet hie operis et incoepti world with an admirable preface, which 
 
 nostri scopus, hoc institutum est, ut did great justice to our excellent au- 
 
 clare ostendamus, quod de Filii di- thor as well as to his learned and ju- 
 
 vinitate contra Arium aliosque haere- dicious writing." Ibid., p. 343.] 
 ticos statuerunt Patres Nicaeni, idem * [Rights, Preface, pp. Ixxi. Ixxii.] 
 reipsa (quanquam aliis fortasse non- l [pp. 83 105. The passage in 
 
 nunquam verbis, alioque loquendi mo- question is a long extract from Dod- 
 
 do) docuisse Patres ac doctores Eccle- well's Dissertationes in Irenaeum, Diss. 
 
 sige probatos ad unum omnes qui ante I. 38, 39. pp. 65 69. Oxon. 1689, 
 
 tempora synodi Nicaenae ab ipsa usque quoted and translated by Toland, 
 
 Apostolorum aetate floruerunt. Ibid., Amyntor, pp. 69, sqq. ; on which 
 
 9. pp. 13, 14.] Tindal's observation (Rights, Pref. 
 
 i [Bishop Bull was living at the Ixxi.) is, " instead of shewing we have 
 
 publication of the first edition of this as good a proof for the Divine autho- 
 
 work, as bishop of St. David's, to which rity of bishops, as we have for that of 
 
 he was elected in 1705. He died Feb. Scripture, he endeavours to prove we 
 
 17, 1710. Nelson's Life, p. 404.] have no better for the Scripture than 
 
 r [" In the year 1703 Dr. Bull's Latin for bishops." 
 
 works were collected together into one Dodwell's " principal intention" (to 
 
 volume in folio, by Dr. John Ernest quote Mr. Richardson) " was, to shew 
 
 Grabe, who adorned and perfected this that we have as good evidence, that the 
 
 new edition with his own many learned practical traditions (as for instance, 
 
 annotations, and introduced it into the episcopal government) which obtained 
 
238 Bede and the Culdees : Tertullian on the sacerdotal 
 
 PREFAT. 
 
 So u he hath trumped up anew the ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
 tion of the abbot of Hye, to whom, though but a presbyter, 
 he saith, the Scottish bishops were subject, and cites Bede x 
 in the margin for his authority; though this monkish dream 
 of an ancient Church government in Scotland by presbyters, 
 and the whole story of the Culdees, had been twenty years 
 before most clearly and learnedly confuted by Dr. William 
 Lloyd, then bishop of St. Asaph, in his book entitled, " An 
 Historical Account of Church government, as it was in 
 Great Britain and Ireland when they first received the 
 Christian religion 1." With like impudence to destroy the 
 distinction betwixt the laity and clergy, and to prove that 
 laymen might exercise the priestly office, he cites 2 that fa- 
 mous passage out of Tertullian de Castitate*, though the 
 argument taken from that passage for the priesthood of the 
 laity, and the administration of the Sacraments by laymen, 
 had been fully and irrefragably answered many years before 
 
 in the time of Irenaeus, and were de- 
 livered as such, were really apostolical 
 institutions, as there is for the canon 
 of the New Testament; because the 
 books we now receive for canonical, or 
 our rule of faith, were not so fixed and 
 determined, till the beginning of the 
 second century, as to be appealed to 
 by the Christian Church under that 
 notion. And they were then settled 
 upon the testimony of the same per- 
 sons (and sent abroad into all places 
 in the year 107, see his Addenda to 
 p. 73, and his Chronology), who con- 
 veyed these traditions, and who, having 
 been conversant with and instructed 
 by the Apostles, were without doubt 
 sufficiently qualified to give in evidence 
 concerning their writings, and to dis- 
 tinguish them from all others, which 
 might go abroad falsely under their 
 names." The Canon, &c., considered, 
 pp. 84, 85.] 
 
 u Rights, p. 339. 
 
 [Bede, Eccl. Hist, lib. ili. c.4. The 
 passage is as follows ; speaking of the 
 monasteries founded by St. Columba- 
 nus, " in quibus omnibus idem monas- 
 terium insulanum (Hy, or lona), in 
 quo ipse requiescit corpore, principa- 
 tum tenet. Habere autem solet ipsa 
 insula rectorem semper abbatem pres- 
 byterum, cujus juri et omnis provincia, 
 et ipsi etiam Episcopi ordine inusitato 
 debeant esse subjecti, juxta exemplum 
 
 primi doctoris illius (S. Columbani) 
 qui non episcopus sed presbyter extitit 
 et monachus."] 
 
 y [The passage from Bede is trans- 
 lated and discussed, chap. vii. 10, sqq. 
 p. 165. in the edition of Bishop Lloyd's 
 work appended to the 2nd vol. of Stil- 
 lingfleet's Origines Britannicae. Ox- 
 ford, 1842.] 
 
 1 Rights, pp. 168, 169. 
 
 * [The passage is this, " DifFeren- 
 tiam inter ordinem etplebem constituit 
 Ecclesiae auctoritas, et honor per ordi- 
 nis consessum sanctificatus ; adeo ubi 
 Ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus, 
 et offers et tinguis et sacerdos es tibi 
 solus. Sed ubi tres, Ecclesia est, licet 
 laici." To which Tindal unfairly adds 
 a clause which occurs some lines after, 
 "omnes nos Deus ita vult dispositos 
 esse, lit ubique sacramentis ejus ob- 
 eundis apti simus." Tert. De Ex- 
 hortatione Castitatis, c. 7. Op., p. 522, 
 A. Of this work the Bened. Editors 
 say (Vita Tertull. A.D. 213), "Librum 
 . . de Exhort. Cast. Nicephorus, (lib. iv. 
 cap. 54,) inter eos recenset, qui contra 
 Ecclesiam Catholicam conscripti sunt, 
 et in quo eo dementiae videtur venisse 
 ut apud tres etiam laicos, utpote Mon- 
 tanum et insanas ejus Prophetidas 
 Priscam et Maximillam, esse Ecclesiam 
 existimet." They place the statement 
 among the heretical paradoxes of Ter- 
 tullian, No. 17.] 
 
powers of the Laity. Stillingfleet' s Irenicum. 239 
 
 by Mr. H. Dodwell, in his book entitled, De jure Laicorum 
 Sacerdotali ex Sententia Tertulliani [aliorumque veterum] Dis- 
 sert atio [adversus anonymum* Dissertatorem " de Ccence Admi- 
 nistratione, ubi Pastor es non sunt."~\ Londini, 1685. 
 
 So hath he very frequently cited Bishop Stillingfleet's Ire- 
 nicum, though he is forced to confess that the " Appendix to 
 the second edition runs counter to it c ," he means his " Dis- 
 course concerning the Power of Excommunication," of which 
 he saith, " the whole design of it is to maintain that doctrine 
 of two independent powers, which he had so much exploded 
 in his book." To what purpose then did he cite the Ireni- 
 cum, not only in this place of his preface referred to in the 
 margin, but so often after in his book, against the Church, if, 
 as he is forced to confess, the author hath since told us, 
 " that he knows no incongruity in admitting an imperium in 
 
 UNFAIR 
 CITATIONS. 
 
 b [The anonymous writer was Gro- 
 tius ; his work was repuhlished at 
 the beginning of Dodwell's reply : it is 
 contained also in his Opera Theologica, 
 London, 1679, torn. iv. p. 505: a 
 translation of it was sent out hy Tindal, 
 appended to his Second Defence of the 
 Rights, p. 179. Dodwell argues (cap. 
 ii. pp. 46 164.) that Tertullian does 
 not assert as a fact, that the Church of 
 his time held this view, hut on the con- 
 trary implies (what he shews to be the 
 case) that it did not. He then considers 
 the value of Tertullian's individual 
 opinion and arguments, and particu- 
 larly ( 23 25) considers the words 
 here referred to, ' ubi tres sunt, ibi ec- 
 clesia,' which, the presence of clergy 
 being implied, was a received maxim, 
 'licet laici' Tertullian's own addition.] 
 
 c [Stillingfleet, in 1659, at the age of 
 four and twenty, published the work en- 
 titled " Irenicum ; a weapon salve for the 
 Church's wounds : or the Divine right 
 of particular forms of Church govern- 
 ment discussed and examined accord- 
 ing to the principles of the law of 
 nature, the positive laws of God, the 
 practice of the Apostles and the primi- 
 tive Church, and the judgment of 
 reformed divines. Wherein a foun- 
 dation is laid for the Churches peace 
 and the accommodation of our present 
 differences." Works, vol. ii. p. 147. 
 The object of this treatise was to main- 
 tain the negative of the question, 
 " Whether any one individual form of 
 Church government be founded so upon 
 Divine right, that all ages and Churches 
 
 are bound unalterably to observe it." 
 Preface to the Reader, ibid., p. 153. 
 The sentiments contained in it are 
 highly approved by Tindal. He gives 
 (Pref. p. liv.) the substance of what 
 Stillingfleet affirmed, (book i. chap. ii. 
 pp. 45 48, Works, vol. ii. pp. 182 
 184,) in these words, "That the clergy 
 have no legislative power, and that 
 there is no law of God which lodges a 
 power in the officers of the Church to 
 bind men's consciences to their deter- 
 mination. And if the magistrate has 
 not the sole power to oblige, we must 
 inevitably run into these absurdities ; 
 first, that there are two supreme pow- 
 ers in a nation at the same time : 
 secondly, that a man may lie under 
 two different obligations as to the same 
 thing." In 1662 however he published 
 a second edition, " with an appendix 
 concerning the power of excommuni- 
 cation in a Christian Church." 
 Works, vol. ii. p. 419, of which Tindal 
 speaks in the passage quoted by Hickes. 
 It is headed " A Discourse concerning 
 Excommunication," &c., and its object 
 is to make good the principle, " That 
 the power of inflicting censure upon 
 offenders in a Christian Church, is a 
 fundamental right, resulting from the 
 constitution of the Church, as a 
 society, by Jesus Christ ; and that the 
 seat of this power is in those officers 
 of the Church, who have derived their 
 power originally from the Founder of 
 this society, and act by virtue of the 
 laws of it." Works, vol. ii. p. 420. 
 Discourse, Sec. 3. p. 416.] 
 
DISCOURSE, 
 SECT. XVII 
 
 240 Stillingfleet ; the Church a distinct society. 
 
 PREFAT. imperio," and that "the magistrate's power is cumulative 
 '' not privative d ?" I can scarce forbear to cite the whole pas- 
 sages, which he hath curtailed, because they run as counter 
 to the Rights as he saith they do to the Irenicum ; and let 
 him write never so often, and never so much, that Discourse 
 of Excommunication, wherein the Church is proved to be a 
 society of a quite different original from the commonwealth, 
 and distinct from it, will be a confutation of what he writes. 
 But besides his Discourse of Excommunication, that great 
 man afterwards published several pieces as counter to his 
 Irenicum as that of Excommunication, viz., The Unreason- 
 ableness of Separation, &c. at London, 1681 e . The Charge f to 
 the Clergy of his Diocese at his Primary Visitation [in 1690]. 
 His Sermon preached at a Public Ordination, March 5, 1684- 
 5 g , out of which I will present him this passage : " For the 
 Church is a society in its nature, design, duties, offices, cen- 
 sures, really distinct from any [mere] human institution. And 
 no Christian who believes that the kingdom of the Messias 
 was to be an external, visible kingdom, can be of another 
 opinion. And although Christ be the King of kings, and 
 Lord of lords, and therefore, as kings, they are subject to 
 Him; yet that authority which Christian kings do exercise 
 over their subjects, doth not overthrow the rules and orders 
 which Himself hath established in His Church ; for no power 
 derived from Him can void or destroy His own laws and 
 institutions. Since then the Church doth subsist by virtue 
 of Christ's own appointment, arid that Church is to have 
 peculiar officers to instruct and govern it, it must follow that 
 even in a Christian kingdom the Church is a society distinct 
 from the commonwealth 11 /' This is as counter to his Ireni- 
 cum as any thing in his Discourse of Excommunication, in 
 which he hath proved 1 , " first, that the Church is a peculiar 
 society, in its own nature distinct from the commonwealth k . 
 Secondly, that its power over its members doth not arise 
 
 d [Rights, Preface, p. Iv. Stilling- [1698. Works, vol. iii. p. 613.] 
 fleet's Discourse, at the end. Works, [Works, vol. i. p. 355.] 
 vol. ii. p. 438.] h [Ibid., p. 366.] 
 
 e [Stillingfleet's Works, vol. ii. p. i [See Discourse, 10. (Irenicum, 
 
 439.] ed. 2. 1662.) p. 423. Works, vol. ii. 
 
 f In his Ecclesiastical Cases, [re- p. 422.] 
 
 lating to the rights and duties of the k [Ibid., 11. Works, ibid.] 
 parochial clergy,] vol. i. pp. 5 12. 
 
Stillingfleet had virtually retracted the Irenicum. 241 
 
 from mere confederation or consent of parties 1 . Thirdly, 
 that this power of the Church extends to the exclusion of 
 offenders from the privileges of it m . And, fourthly, that the 
 fundamental rights of the Church do not escheat to the 
 commonwealth upon their being united into a Christian 
 state"." But to return from this digression to that excellent 
 sermon ; the author of it, whose Irenicum he hath so often 
 cited, made an apology for his writing of it in the epistle 
 dedicatory to the bishop of London . He there pleads his 
 younger years in which he wrote it, and the time when it 
 was written, before the Church was re-established, the de- 
 sign with which he wrote it, to gain upon dissenters by over- 
 throwing the jus divinum of presbytery, and shewing them 
 that prelacy, which they detested as unlawful, was a lawful 
 government ; upon which account, he tells us, his superiors 
 made him allowances, for the " scepticalness and injudicious- 
 ness of his youth, and prejudices of his education?." But if 
 he had formally retracted it, it had been all one to a man 
 whose hatred to the Church and ecclesiastical power makes 
 him cite any thing from any author, though upon second 
 thoughts, and farther reading and consideration, he after- 
 wards refutes or retracts it, so it sounds well against the 
 clergy and the Church. Surely our author could not be 
 ignorant of all these pieces, in which that very famous and 
 learned man hath, like an highflyer, written so many things 
 contrary to the principles of his Irenicum; but if he had 
 
 1 [Ibid., 17. p. 431. Works, ibid., fordshire, when he published the Ire- 
 
 p. 428.] nicutn, as has been said, at the age of 
 
 m [Ibid., 21. p. 438. Works, ibid., four- and- twenty. Besides the Epistle 
 
 p. 433.] Dedicatory quoted by Hickes, he 
 
 [Ibid., ult. p. 446. Works, ibid., speaks more freely of this work in 
 
 p. 437.] "Several Conferences between a popish 
 
 [Works, vol. i. p. 357.] priest, a fanatic chaplain," &c., pub- 
 
 P [Stillingfleet was born April 17, lished in 1679, where he says, p. 148, in 
 1659. He entered at St. John's Col- the person of P. D. "I believe there 
 lege, Cambridge, in 1648, where he are many things in it which, if Dr. 
 afterwards became fellow ; John Smith Stillingfleet were to write now he would 
 being a member of the same College. not have said : for there are some 
 Latitudinarian views were then preva- which shew his youth and want of due 
 lent in Cambridge, (see note m, p. 55.) consideration ; others which he yielded 
 Stillingfleet imbibed them and was too far, in hopes of gaining the dis- 
 considered to belong to that school. senting parties to the Church of Eng- 
 See Burnet, Own Times, vol. i. p. 189. land, but upon the whole matter I am 
 He received holy orders from Ralph fully satisfied the work was written 
 Brownrigg, the ejected bishop of Exeter, with a design to serve the Church of 
 and l;ad the living of Sutton, in Bed- England."] 
 
 CITATIONS. 
 
 HICKES. 
 
242 The Jurisdiction of the Church antecedent to 
 
 PREFAT. read but one of them, in which so much is written for High 
 SECTXVI? Church, he cannot be excused from fourberie, for so often 
 ~~ citing the book of his younger age, after the publishing of 
 which, when he had better considered the constitution of the 
 Church in his riper years, he wrote to prove her to be a dis- 
 tinct society of Christ's foundation, and to vindicate her 
 power as such. So false is also what our author also saithq, 
 that "there is no way to evade" his arguments taken from 
 the laws, to prove that the "power and jurisdiction of our 
 bishops is derived mediately from the parliament, and imme- 
 diately from the king 1 " ;" but " by making the Church a pri- 
 vate society, and allowing no more power to belong to it than 
 to other private companies and clubs ; and consequently, that 
 all the right any one hath to be an ecclesiastical officer, and 
 the power he is entrusted with, depends on the consent of 
 the parties concerned, and is no greater than they can 
 bestow." 
 
 SECT. xvm. To which I answer, first, that the Church is not a ' private 
 The Powers voluntary society/ as he dreams, but, as I hope I have shewn 
 Church not it to be, a public society of Christ's institution for the whole 
 from the world, and under officers and governors of His own appoint- 
 state. ment, of which universal society all men, to whom the gospel 
 is revealed, are bound to become members, under pain of 
 eternal damnation. Secondly, that those officers and gover- 
 nors derive their power and jurisdiction from Christ, and 
 that in our Church they exercised it about a thousand years 
 before the late laws, from which he takes his arguments, 
 were made or perhaps so much as thought of by former 
 Christian states. Thirdly, that the same officers and gover- 
 nors, in other countries, do now by authority derived from 
 Christ, exercise their powers of legislation and jurisdiction; 
 and have formerly exercised them in making canons, censur- 
 ing unruly members, constituting and ordaining bishops, 
 priests, and deacons, without such restraining laws. Fourthly, 
 that those restraining laws do no more prove the ecclesias- 
 tical power to be derived from the civil, than, if the like laws 
 were made to restrain the exercise of the paternal power, it 
 would prove that fathers had not their power and authority 
 from God. The state or commonwealth, if it pleases, may 
 
 f i Rights, Pref., p. xxx r [Ibid., p. xxix.] 
 
laws regulating it. Parallel of domestic authority. 243 
 
 declare that fathers and husbands, ' have no manner of do- POWERS 
 mestic jurisdiction, but by and under the king's majesty, as CHURCH. 
 the only supreme head of all families, to whom by holy 
 Scripture power and authority is given to hear and determine 
 all manner of domestic causes; and that all authority of 
 paternal and conjugal jurisdiction is drawn and deducted 
 from the king/ and if they please, they may also forbid 
 fathers and husbands to exercise all or any part of their 
 paternal or conjugal authority, without a licence from the 
 king. And upon supposition of such laws, I would fain 
 know of our author, whether in his own way of arguing it 
 would follow, that parents had no antecedent Divine authority 
 over their children, nor husbands any antecedent authority 
 over their wives, nor either of them any power from God of 
 legislation or jurisdiction in their families, prior to these 
 laws. 
 
 Upon supposition of such new laws let me farther observe, 
 that our author might come upon all families with his for- 
 midable ' ifV,' and say, 'if the parliament invested the king,' 
 &c., ' if fathers and husbands have no domestic jurisdiction 
 independent of the king/ &c., ' if after what hath been said, 
 parents and husbands have an independent power/ &c. 
 And yet, supposing such laws, with such preambles, and also 
 penned with such a style, both parents and husbands would 
 nevertheless still have their several powers from God. The 
 parliament, when it pleases, may make penal laws to forbid 
 fathers, not to mention other things, to read the Scriptures, 
 or pray in their families, or catechise their children ; and the 
 clergy not to pray, or preach, or catechise, or baptize, or 
 administer the holy Eucharist publicly, without the king's 
 express commission under the broad seal ; but would it follow 
 from thence, that the paternal or sacerdotal power or duty, 
 to do those things, commenced with those laws, or that they 
 had no antecedent authority from God to do them before 
 those penal laws were made ? Those restraining laws there- 
 fore, which our author hath so pompously cited to prove 1 
 that ' bishops have no power of legislation or jurisdiction, but 
 mediately from the parliament, and immediately from the 
 king,' only prove that, under pain of such and such severe 
 
 s [Ibid., pp. xxvi. xxviii xxx.] l [Ibid.] 
 
 R2 
 
244 Our Laws regulate the exercise of spiritual Power. 
 PREFAT. an( l terrible penalties, they cannot without the king's leave 
 
 DISCOURSE, * 
 
 SECT, xvni. and licence first obtained,, exercise the power and authority 
 they have originally from God, or exert it in other manner, 
 or upon other persons, than the laws have appointed : and 
 the Church's obedience and submission to such laws (I do 
 not say with my author above cited, " till some better times 
 deliver us from them u ") is no argument against the Divine 
 original of her power, which she derived from the Apostles, 
 the Apostles from Christ, and Christ from God. This shews 
 the fallacy of one of his killing f ifV in his preface x , which is 
 this ; " If those bishops (saith he) who happen to be au- 
 thorized by the king to consecrate any other bishops." 
 Where authorizing hath a double entendre; for it may 
 signify either giving the original power of consecration to 
 those bishops, or the power to exercise that original power of 
 consecrating, which they had from God before, and which 
 their predecessors exercised freely from the time of the Apo- 
 stles, till the times those laws were made, without such re- 
 straints. In the former sense, by which he designed to 
 deceive his reader, his 'if or hypothetical antecedent is 
 false, and so then must his consequent be. For our bishops, 
 as all other bishops who live now or formerly lived where 
 there are no such civil laws, derive their power of consecra- 
 ting from God, though in our nation they happen to be so 
 restrained and limited in the exercise of it; and to prove 
 this I need say no more than that if it were otherwise, as 
 our author vainly endeavours to prove, the king might then 
 indeed authorize any layman or civil magistrate to conse- 
 crate bishops, which is not only false, but impious for any 
 Christian to assert. The world (praised be God) is not yet 
 arrived to his degree of impudence and profaueness, as to 
 believe or assert that the king by his commission may make 
 bishops, as hey doth "judges or other civil officers," and I 
 doubt not but her majesty, and all her judges both of the 
 common and civil law, will detest this impious notion when 
 they hear of it, and think his perverting and wresting the 
 laws of the land to such an evil design and purpose, to be a 
 crime of a civil nature, as well as a sin against God. He 
 
 u [Bunfet's Reflections, &c., quoted x Rights, Preface, p. xxix. 
 above, p. 2.31.] > Ibid. 
 
The Bishop's authority from God: not from the Magistrate. 245 
 
 was sensible the Scriptures were not reconcileable to his POWERS 
 deduction of the bishop's authority and jurisdiction from CHURCH. 
 the magistrate, and therefore saith 55 , "nor can this be evaded 
 by saying the Scripture requires obedience to bishops, for so 
 it doth to judges and other civil officers ; and yet none can 
 have right to make them, except he who is a legislator him- 
 self, or acts by his authority/' But the Scripture requires 
 obedience to bishops, as to ' God's ministers' and magistrates, 
 as to those ' who watch for our souls/ the souls of kings as 
 well as other men, for which they must ' give an account to 
 God / as to the ' ministers of Christ/ and ' stewards of His 
 house/ which is the Church, to whose spiritual authority 
 kings and senators, when they become members of it, are to 
 submit as well as other men. I have given him examples of 
 many godly and great princes, who upon principle so sub- 
 mitted to them, as their spiritual superiors, and who were 
 men of sound understandings a , and as free from superstition 
 and bigotry as from profaneness, and who had too great 
 souls to submit to any power, but what they believed was set 
 over them by God. 
 
 What I have here said shews the vanity of his argument 13 , 
 by which he would prove that the bishops in consecrating 
 other bishops " act ministerially by virtue of the royal au- 
 thority /' for they act as their predecessors did in all Chris- 
 tian countries before such laws were made, as God's mi- 
 nisters, who have power from Him to consecrate other 
 bishops; which power as to circumstantials, and particularly 
 as to persons, they exercise and bring into act as the magis- 
 trate by law appoints ; but if the magistrate either refuses to 
 have any more bishops consecrated, or will have them con- 
 secrate none but unqualified or unworthy persons, in such 
 sad cases they owe no obedience to him, or other submission 
 to his laws than with exemplary patience and meekness to 
 undergo the penalties; and in such ruptures and persecu- 
 tions, it is their duty to exercise that original power they 
 derived from God prior to all human laws, and, trusting in 
 Him, to provide as well as they can for the being and preser- 
 vation of the Church. Against this original power of bishops 
 
 1 Ibid. Discourse, chap. ii. sect, v.] 
 
 "[See above, p. 190, and Second b Rights, Preface, p. xxxiv. 
 
246 TindaVs principles anti-monarchical. 
 
 PREFAT. to make bishops he saith c : "but if the bishops had power 
 SECT, xvm! from God to make bishops, nothing could be more sacrile- 
 gious than for a prince to command his ecclesiastical sove- 
 reigns, on the greatest penalty except death, in a matter on 
 which the whole government of the Church depends." The 
 antecedent of this argument, that bishops have such a power 
 from God, is certainly true, and so owned to be by our laws, 
 which confirm the form and manner of ordaining and con- 
 secrating d , &c. But the consequent, which reflects on our 
 princes and their restraining penal laws as sacrilegious, is his 
 own inference, and he must look to that. For he takes the 
 liberty in his book, to treat the magistrate in a very rude 
 and saucy manner, telling him, that he receives his power 
 and authority in trust from the people, and that he is their 
 servant and minister, and accountable to them ; contrary, I 
 am sure, to the style and intendment of our laws ; and I 
 cannot guess at his meaning in it, which cannot be good, 
 unless it be to stir up our sovereign lord the people to levy 
 a standing army, that is, to keep themselves always ready 
 armed to defend themselves and their natural rights against 
 their ministers, or to provoke their ministers keep up 
 standing armies to restrain and overawe them. This they 
 must do, if they permit their people to be corrupted with 
 this rebellious doctrine, which makes them hold their crowns, 
 and their lives too, by the basest and most precarious of 
 tenures, the pleasure of the people. But to return to his 
 argument, I will retort it in form upon himself, and in his 
 own words : ( if the bishops have power from God to make 
 bishops, nothing can be more sacrilegious and offensive to 
 God, than to write a book, as he hath done, with the malice 
 and calumny of a devil, against that power, and against the 
 
 c Rights, Preface, p. xxxiv. of bishops, priests, and deacons." 
 d [13 and 14 Car. II. c. 4. s. 2. "It is s. 30,31. "And all subscriptions to 
 
 enacted that all ministers in every be made to the 39 Articles shall be 
 
 place of public worship shall be bound construed to extend (touching the said 
 
 to use the morning and evening prayer, 36th Article above recited) to the book 
 
 administration of the Sacraments, and containing the forms and manner of 
 
 all other the public and common making, ordaining, and consecrating 
 
 prayer, in such order and form as is of bishops, priests, and deacons in 
 
 mentioned in the book annexed to this this act mentioned, as the same did 
 
 present act, and entitled, The Book, heretofore extend to the book set forth 
 
 &c., and the form and manner of in the time of King Edward VI."] 
 making, ordaining, and consecrating 
 
His professions of respect for Clergymen. 247 
 
 bishops, as if they had assumed it to themselves/ Either POWERS 
 all the bishops since the time of the Apostles have been CHURCH. 
 guilty of sacrilege, or this impeacher of them and their sacred 
 power is highly guilty of it ; and let God and men judge, 
 which of the two it is. 
 
 After writing against the clergy and their spiritual inde- 
 pendent power, with all the contempt and malice that man 
 could write ; after endeavouring to prove by many sophisms 
 that they are no better than the people's servants, whom they 
 may dismiss at pleasure, and that the "clergy have not so 
 much power as every petty corporation, who can make bye- 
 laws for themselves without the consent of our kings e ;" in a 
 word, after misrepresenting them without distinction as en- 
 slavers of mankind, and the vilest of men, he demurely wipes 
 his foul mouth at last, and saith f , good man, " he did all this 
 to defend the Church of England against papists, Jacobites, 
 and other highflyers, who caused him to engage in this con- 
 troversy," and professeth that " none can have a juster esteem 
 for all her clergy, who according to the doctrine of the best 
 constituted Church, disown all independency ;" by which, ac- 
 cording to the principles of his book, he must mean disown- 
 ing all independency upon the people, as well as the prince ; 
 and I am at a loss to know where the Church disowns all 
 independency on the one or the other; I know no such 
 declaration she hath made. And then as for those who do 
 not disown all independency, after all his ridiculous out- 
 rageous abuses of them and their truly Christian principles, 
 which oblige them to think the Church to be a society dif- 
 ferent from the state, and independent of it, he is all of a 
 sudden full of kindness to them: "as for them," saith he g , 
 "who do not" disown all independency, "I cannot do them 
 a greater kindness, than to shew them the pernicious conse- 
 quences of their error, and how it necessarily makes all, who 
 are governed by it, guilty of the most villainous practices." 
 Vain man ! who thinks to wheedle us after so much rude- 
 ness, and inhuman and unchristian usage; who hath charged 
 us with an error, which with all his subtleties he cannot prove . 
 to be such, with a pretended error, which is a Christian truth, 
 
 e Pref.,p. xii. f Rights, p. 303. g Ibid. 
 
248 Tindal quotes Clarendon and Barrow, 
 
 PREFAT. and must shew itself to be such in all times of violent perse- 
 sECT.xvin. cution, and which he not only precariously, but falsely and im- 
 pudently saith, " makes all those who believe it guilty of most 
 villainous practices;" he means, as it appears by his absurd 11 
 and impertinent citations, against the civil power. The first 
 of them is taken out of my Lord Chancellor Clarendon's 
 Animadversions on Cressy's Fanaticism 1 , in defence of Dr. 
 Stillingfleet ; and it is not against the spiritual power of the 
 Church, as a society distinct from the state, but against the 
 unreasonable and mischievous abuse of it in the Church of 
 Rome, which " exempts the things and persons" of clergy- 
 men " from the civil justice" of the kingdom, and the cogni- 
 zance of the civil tribunals ; even, as he observes, in cases of 
 treason, "setting up another sovereign power," "another 
 tribunal and jurisdiction," to which criminal clergymen may 
 appeal from the civil power and tribunals; a doctrine not 
 practised or thought of among the Christians of the pure 
 ancient Churches, who yet believed the Church to be a 
 society of Christ's erection, distinct from the empire and 
 independent of it ; and which the Church of England ex- 
 pressly disowns, and her clergy ever since the Reformation 
 have strenuously impugned in their writings, nay, which 
 
 h Rights, pp. 304 308. plation, 2 vols. 8vo. Douay, 1657," and 
 
 1 [The full title is, " Fanaticism other works. Cressy replied in a work 
 
 fanatically imputed to the Catholic entitled, " Fanaticism fanatically im- 
 
 Church." pitted to the Roman Catholic Church, 
 
 Hugh Cressy was a fellow of and the imputation refuted and re- 
 
 Merton College, elected in 1627; in torted, by S. C. 1672." To this Lord 
 
 1612 he was appointed canon of Wind- Clarendon, who was then in exile, pub- 
 
 sor and dean of Leighlin, but never lished a reply entitled,' 'Animadversions 
 
 received any profit from either of them. on Fanaticism, &c., by a person of 
 
 In 1644 he went abroad with a pupil, honour, London, 1673," with a letter 
 
 and in 1646 made a public recantation to Stillingfleet prefixed. (Imprimatur 
 
 of the reformed religion at Rome. He Nov. 29, 1673.) On this Creasy wrote 
 
 entered the Benedictine order at Douay, " An Epistle Apologetical to a person 
 
 and afterwards became chaplain to of honour, 1674," and Stillingfleet re- 
 
 the Queen of Charles II., and resided plied in "An Answer to an Epistle, 
 
 for the most part in Somerset House. &c., 1675." 
 
 Stillingfleet in 16 72 published "A Dis- The passage quoted by Tindal, 
 
 course concerning the Idolatry prac- (Rights, pp. 304, 305,) is pp. 130 
 
 tised in the Church of Rome, and the 132 of Clarendon's work ; it speaks of 
 
 hazard of salvation in the communion " that unreasonable, inconvenient, and 
 
 of it, in answer to some papers of a mischievous distinction of ecclesiastical 
 
 revolted Protestant, wherein a particu- and temporal, as it exempts things and 
 
 lar account is given of the fanaticis ns persons from the civil justice and the 
 
 and divisions of that Church." (Works, sovereign authority, and as it erects 
 
 vol. v.p. 1.) In the fourth chapter, " Of another tribunal, and sets up another 
 
 the Fanaticism of the Roman Church," distinct sovereign jurisdiction superior 
 
 he reflected on Cressy's "Sancta Sophia, and independent on the other," &c. ] 
 or directions for the prayer of contem- 
 
on the evils of two co-ordinate independent Powers. 249 
 
 many divines of the Church of Rome itself have written POWERS 
 against, in defence of the civil power. The next long tran- _cuuca^ 
 script out of Dr. Barrow, Of the Pope's Supremacy 11 , is entirely 
 against the pope's supremacy and immense power, who, as 
 the Doctor observes, " allows men to tell him to his face, that 
 all power in heaven and earth is given unto him 1 ." Such 
 a power it is against which he writes, as the popes usurp 
 over the Church as well as the state, a boundless and truly 
 tyrannical power, which cannot but "interfere" and " clash" 
 with the peace of the one as well as the other, and is equally 
 destructive to the rights of both. An uncontrollable power, 
 as Christ's pretended only vicar, which would bring all 
 Churches and their bishops, as well as all kingdoms and 
 their kings, under one head. A monstrous power, under 
 which Churches as well as kingdoms groan, which swallows 
 and devours the spiritual, as well as the temporal power, "ex- 
 empting great numbers of persons from subjection" to both, 
 and " withdrawing causes " from both jurisdictions. It is 
 against this power equally destructive to both, that the Doctor 
 wrote ; a power, as he also observes, that " exempts subjects 
 from the authority and jurisdiction of their kings," and makes 
 kings the pope's "lieutenants, vassals, and feudatories m ," and 
 also utterly destroys the ancient aristocratical and collegiate 
 government of the Catholic Church. But though there is 
 so vast a difference between the true independent power of 
 the Church, and the false independent power of the pope; 
 yet to deceive unwary, and gratify willing readers, the Doctor, 
 who wrote against the pope's supremacy, must be knavishly 
 cited by him for the sake of independent power. But he 
 knows very well the different sense of " independent," with 
 respect to these two powers. For when we speak of the inde- 
 pendent power of the Church, we only mean that it hath a 
 power and policy of its own, different from that of the empire, 
 upon which it must subsist in all countries, be it united with 
 or disunited from the commonwealth, be it in a state of peace 
 and union, or of persecution and rupture, from the civil 
 
 k [Rights, pp. 305 308. The pas- poral) co-ordinate and independent of 
 
 sage is in vol. vii. of Barrow's collected each other."] 
 
 Works, pp. 30* 308. Oxford, 1830. [Barrow, ibid., p. 290.] 
 
 It is a statement of the evils resulting m [Ibid., pp. 308312.] 
 from " two powers (spiritual and tern- 
 
250 Gualterus, Gomarus, and Dr. J. Scott, 
 
 PREFAT. government : and that this independent power of the Church 
 
 DISCOURSE, . 
 
 SECT, xvni. is not a co-ordinate power, and repugnant to the empire, but 
 subordinate to it, the Church being a society which gives to 
 Csesar all the things that are Caesar's, which subjects her 
 people and priests to his authority, be he believer or un- 
 believer, friend or foe, protector or persecutor; and which 
 exempts none of her society from his obedience or tribunals, 
 or pretends to depose him, or dispose of his dominions, though 
 he turn apostate, heretic, or tyrant ; or to lift up any hand 
 against him, except in prayer to heaven ; but on the contrary 
 she teaches her people to suffer evil from him patiently ; and 
 let me tell him, that this pure", holy, and peaceable doctrine 
 of not resisting the magistrate, is that which keeps the Church 
 from thwarting the state, or clashing with it, even when it 
 clashes with the Church, much more from putting it into 
 that condition of distraction and confusion, as Dr. Barrow 
 shews from history, as well as reason, .the papal power 
 doth . 
 
 To as little purpose he cites Gualterus and Gomarus about 
 the papal supremacy 13 , and Dr. Scott q for saying, "that before 
 the coming of Christ, the authority of princes was bounded 
 by no law but that of nature, and that the Christian religion 
 is so far from retrenching their power, that it abundantly 
 ratifies and confirms it." Whereas the Doctor speaks of the 
 
 n See Dr. Parker's excellent book Francis Gomar was professor of di- 
 
 of Religion and Loyalty, part i. 5. vinity at Leyden in 1603, together 
 
 [Religion and Loyalty, or a demon- with Arminius, and one of his earliest 
 
 stration of the power of the Christian and chief opponents ; so that from him 
 
 Church within itself. 8vo. London, the Calvinists were called Gomarists. 
 
 1684. part ii. 1685. The author was He was afterwards professor in several 
 
 Dr. Samuel Parker, afterwards bishop other universities, and died in 1641. 
 
 of Oxford. See note a, p. 67.] His collected works were published in 
 
 [Barrow, ibid., pp. 309, 310.] folio at Amsterdam in 1644. Rodolph 
 
 p ["Foreign divines have not scru- Gualter was one of the early Swiss 
 
 pled to own that this doctrine of two Reformers, and .succeeded Bullinger 
 
 independent powers is antichristian and as chief pastor at Zurich. He was a 
 
 the spawn of popery ; the judicious Go- correspondent of our divines, and dedi- 
 
 marus for instance saith, (In Commo- cated to Archbishop Grindal and other 
 
 nit., p. 16,) ' That the papists acknow- English bishops the work to which 
 
 ledge two supreme powers, one not Tindal refers. He died in 1586. "See 
 
 subject to the other; but the true the Zurich Letters, Cambridge, 1845.] 
 preachers of the Divine word account 1 [Rights, p. 309, quoting " The 
 
 it as a mark of antichrist, who exalts Christian Life, by John Scott, D.D.," 
 
 himself above all that is called God.' part ii. chap. vii. sect. x. " Concerning 
 
 And the famous Gualterus (Horn. 24. the ministers of the kingdom of Christ," 
 
 in 1 Cor. v.) makes the asserting two (in substance,) vol. iii. pp. 48 50, of 
 
 such powers to flow from popery." Scott's collected Works. Oxford, 1826.] 
 Rights, pp. 308, 309.] 
 
misrepresented and misapplied by Tindal. 251 
 
 authority of princes only as to civil matters 1 ', in which POWERS 
 princes exercise their authority, and in which religion doth CHURCH. 
 not retrench, but ratifies and confirms their power in such 
 a manner as is inconsistent with this writer's ridiculous 
 origin of civil government, and his whole scheme erected 
 thereupon. 
 
 From hence it is evident how knavish, as well as impertinent 
 and malicious, our author is in joining " papists" with " Jaco- 
 bites and other high-flyers/' as he calls all true Churchmen, 
 whose principles he knows are as contrary to popery and the 
 papal power, as good is to evil, or light to darkness. Thus a 
 sly veteran atheist or theist, when he hath written against 
 Christianity and Christians, with all the art and spite he can, 
 may after all the harm and dishonour he hath done religion, 
 ridiculously pretend, that he "engaged in the controversy 
 only to defend it against" fanatics, enthusiasts, bigots, and 
 other superstitious high-flyers 8 ; but that "none can have a 
 juster esteem" for all professors of Christianity, who disown 
 enthusiasm, bigotry, and superstition, and are not of that 
 strait-laced, narrow sort, who confine the Church to their 
 own pale and party ; and as for them, who are not such, ' ' he 
 cannot do them a greater kindness, than to shew them the 
 consequences of the others' error 4 ;" and then pick passages 
 out of any author who hath written against enthusiasm, 
 bigotry, and superstition, and shewed the evil practices of 
 those who are guilty of them, as if they were the conse- 
 quences of true, pure, and primitive Christianity; and that 
 all Christians who were not Latitudinarians, i. e. all true 
 and strict Christians, who defend the ancient faith, rights, 
 
 r [The words given by Hickes are law of nature did then limit their 
 
 Tindal's abridgment of Dr. Scott's authority only to civil causes, (which I 
 
 words. Hickes appears rot to have am sure is impossible,) or it will neces- 
 
 consulted the original; the passage is sarily follow that it extended also to 
 
 this ; that (with the single exception spiritual and ecclesiastical ; and if it 
 
 of cases where " man's command and did so then it must do so still, unless 
 
 God's do apparently clash and interfere it be made appear that Christianity 
 
 with each other,") "in all cases what- has retrenched and lessened it." And 
 
 soever, whether temporal or spiritual, he proceeds to argue against the possi- 
 
 civil or ecclesiastical, sovereign powers bility of two independent powers, and 
 
 have an unalienable right to be obeyed." for the absolute subordination of the 
 
 And " since before their subjection to Church to the civil power. Scott's 
 
 Christ God had bounded their autho- Works, ibid., pp. 50, sqq.] 
 
 rity by no other law but that of nature, * [Rights, p. 303.] 
 
 it must either be made appear that the * [See Rights, pp. 303, 301.] 
 
252 His inconsistency in making magistrates servants 
 PREFAT. and polity of the Church against all innovations, were by 
 
 DISCOURSE, . , . . . , . -, , 
 
 SECT, xviii. their principles in danger to be such. 
 
 So he may write another book with like artifice and 
 malice against the honourable and most useful profession of 
 the law, and without distinction represent lawyers as he hath 
 done the clergy, as the vilest of men, and then think to come 
 off with saying he wrote only against Chicane and Chicaneurs. 
 Or he might, if he would, write in the same manner against 
 government, particularly against monarchy, which he doth 
 not love, and without distinction represent all monarchs in 
 common as tyrants, pests, and grievances of mankind, and 
 then demurely pretend that he only wrote against such 
 high-flying monarchs, or other pretended supreme gover- 
 nors, who say they are the ministers of God, and not of 
 the people, "to shew them the pernicious consequences of 
 their error;" but as for those who disown that principle, and, 
 according to the doctrine of his book, own themselves to be 
 the ministers, servants, and trustees of the people, to whom 
 they are accountable, that " none can have a juster esteem 
 for them than he." 
 
 But though in his book he hath made kings no better 
 than the servants of the people, yet inconsistently with him- 
 self and his noble scheme of government, he magnifies their 
 supremacy in spirituals, and would make them civil popes to 
 the Church, who have power to exempt her subjects from 
 their spiritual obedience and subjection to her, to inflict all 
 her spiritual censures, and execute all her spiritual offices, 
 and in short, to be the reverse of the pope to the clergy, and 
 plainly to be the hierarchs of the Church, as the pope pre- 
 tends to be to them. This papal-like power to devour and 
 swallow up the power of the Church, and destroy her juris- 
 diction and tribunals, he gives to our monarchs over the 
 Church of England, especially in parliament, which he will 
 not allow them over any other Church or religious society 
 of his own making, in which ' ' the peasant is equal in autho- 
 rity to the prince." But he is free and prodigal in giving our 
 princes as great power, and as destructive over the national 
 Church and her clergy, as the popes claim over them ; and 
 the true reason why he is so free to give what no human 
 power on earth can give them, is, that when this civil Demo- 
 
of the people, and yet absolute over the Church. 253 
 
 gorgon, as he would make the magistrate, had devoured the POWERS 
 Church; his Polyphemus of the people, in virtue of their 
 natural rights, might swallow up the magistrate ; and then 
 OUT princes and priests would soon know by what tenure 
 they hold their crowns and mitres, and the masters whom 
 they had the happiness and honour to serve. But to return 
 him the civility and kindness he professeth for the clergy ; 
 after all his barbarous usage of us, we have great reason not 
 only to shew him, but to shew the government, the per- 
 nicious consequences of his error, in making our kings and 
 queens, contrary to our laws, the servants and trustees of the 
 people ; an error fruitful of all mischief, and fatal to king- 
 doms and commonwealths, that hath made more civil wars, 
 and shed a thousand times more blood, than all the tyrants 
 in the records of history ; an error from which the Greeks 
 and Romans turned with detestation, as fast as they became 
 Christians ; an error contrary to the Scripture history of the 
 original of mankind ; a foolish and absurd, as well as a pre- 
 carious error, founded in nothing but an imaginary state of 
 nature, which never was, and never could be ; in a word, an 
 error which gives infinite pretence to ambitious and crafty 
 demagogues in all countries, to lead the people at all times 
 into rebellions, to their own destruction, and to become 
 slaves to their pretended deliverers, whose little fingers are 
 commonly heavier than their lawful governor's loins. 
 
 He hath not omitted one statute in his Preface, from which 
 he could take any the least argument, to prove that the 
 clergy derive their power of inflicting spiritual censures from 
 the laws of the land. He goes about to prove it from the 
 causes of wills and marriages u ; but doth it follow, because 
 they derive the cognizance of those civil causes from the 
 temporal power, that therefore they derive their power of in- 
 flicting spiritual censures from it, which they had and exer- 
 cised before the Church had any temporal privileges granted 
 to it, and would retain, though they were all taken away ? 
 To as little purpose he goes about to prove it from 2 and 3 
 of Edw. VI. [c. 13,] v which declares it " lawful for every judge 
 
 u Rights, Preface, p. xxvi. ["If land, must they not from the same 
 
 in the causes of wills, marriages, and derive their power to inflict spiritual 
 
 such like, the clergy judged by an censures in these causes?"] 
 
 authority derived from the laws of the v [Ibid.] 
 
254 Acts of Parliament enjuin spiritual penalties, 
 PREFAT. ecclesiastical, to excommunicate" any person that would not 
 
 DISCOURSP 
 
 SECT, xviii.' obey his sentence given in causes of tithes. But that is no 
 more than to make it lawful for the ecclesiastical judge, by 
 the temporal law, to execute the power of excommunica- 
 tion, which belonged to him before. He also proves it to as 
 little purpose from 5 and 6 Edward VI. c. 4 X , which enacts, 
 "that if any person shall by words only quarrel, chide, or 
 brawl in any church, or church-yard ; it shall be lawful for 
 [unto] the ordinary ..." to suspend a layman so offending 
 ab ingressu ecclesiae, and a clergyman from the ministration 
 of his office, as long as he shall think meet. To which I 
 answer, with submission to better judgments, that these are 
 spiritual censures which the ordinary had a right to inflict 
 for the same crime before this act was made. As for suspen- 
 sion of a clergyman from the ministration of his office, every 
 one knows it is a spiritual and canonical censure ; and as for 
 suspension of a layman from entering into the church, it 
 was a spiritual punishment, which St. Ambrose inflicted on 
 Theodosius the Great and he submitted to; and this act 
 therefore did not then first make it lawful for the ordinary 
 to inflict these censures for that crime, but oblige him to do 
 it, which without the law perhaps he might not have done. 
 This law therefore doth not suppose, as he suggests, that it 
 was not lawful for the ordinary to inflict these censures for 
 the same crime before; but its intention was to bind him 
 to inflict them, and to encourage and assist him in so 
 doing. 
 
 He also proves the power of the magistrate to inflict spiritual 
 censures, from 3 Jac. I. c. 5y, which enacts, " that every con- 
 vict popish recusant shall stand, and be reputed and disabled 
 as a person lawfully and duly excommunicated, and as if he 
 or she had been so denounced and excommunicated :" where 
 it is plain the intendment of this act is only to put convict 
 recusants in the condition of excommunicates, as to civil 
 penalties, incapacities, and disabilities. And this he seems 
 to grant by saying, "if this is not a full proof 2 ;" but though 
 he thought it not a full, or I believe a good proof, yet he 
 would make use of it, because it might take with undiscern- 
 
 x Rights, Preface, p. xxvi. ' [Ibid.] z Ibid., p. xxvii. 
 
yet the sentence of the ecclesiastical judge is necessary. 255 
 
 ing readers, especially with such as are no friends to the POWERS 
 spiritual authority of the Church. CHUKCH. 
 
 From this he proceeds a to a certain proof from paragraph 
 xi of 5 and 6 Edw. VI. c. 4. which enacts, "that if any 
 person shall smite or lay violent hands upon any other in 
 church or church -yard, then ipso facto he shall be deemed 
 excommunicate, and be excluded from the fellowship of 
 Christ's congregation, and that every person who maliciously 
 strikes any person with any weapon in church or church-yard, 
 or shall draw any weapon in church or church-yard, with an 
 intent to strike another, shall be, and stand, ipso facto, 
 excommunicated. " To which, under correction of the 
 learned in the civil and canon laws, I answer, that this act 
 is no certain proof, or strictly speaking any proof at all, of 
 the magistrate's power to inflict spiritual censures, because 
 the sentence of the ecclesiastical judge is necessary before 
 this excommunication by the law can have any spiritual 
 effect upon the criminal, though the crime or fact, properly 
 speaking, were notorious, or such as needed no proof. This 
 I say in reply to our author, who affirms, that the sentence 
 of the judge ecclesiastical is only thought necessary, " that 
 the offender might judicially appear to have been guilty of 
 the fact V but I humbly conceive it must also be necessary 
 to exclude the offender from the " fellowship and company 
 of Christ's Church," which no temporal power without the 
 spiritual can do. For if the temporal power of itself could 
 validly, and with spiritual effect, exclude from the fellowship 
 and communion of Christ's Church, then its excommunications 
 would have the same effect in all other Churches, as well as 
 in those of its own dominions, and its excommunicates would 
 be excommunicates all the Christian world over, and so a man 
 standing excommunicated in England merely by lay power, 
 would have no right to communicate in any other part of the 
 Catholic Church. But this I presume none but our author, 
 or such as he, will be so hardy as to affirm ; and therefore, 
 till I am better informed, I will make no difficulty to say, that 
 when the law doth annex the penalty of excommunication to 
 a crime or fact, the sentence of the spiritual judge is neces- 
 sary, not only to make the truth thereof appear (for that any 
 
 a Rights, Preface, p. xxvii. b [Ibid.] 
 
256 In what cases the spiritual judge ought not to obey. 
 
 PREFAT. temporal judge might do) but to the excommunication itself, 
 SECT, xvm.' to bring the act to its actual and last effect, or what perhaps 
 will please our author better, to the very execution of the 
 act : for as high-church and high-flyer as he may call me, or 
 think me to be, I think, in such cases as this before us, 
 where the magistrate enacts that a man guilty of a crime 
 that deserves excommunication shall be " excluded from the 
 fellowship of Christ's Church," that the spiritual ought to be 
 "the executioner" of the temporal power, and to be aiding 
 and assisting thereunto. I say, "in all such cases, where the 
 magistrate enacts that any person guilty of a crime which 
 deserves excommunication," because if excommunication 
 were enacted as a punishment for smaller crimes, which in 
 no wise deserved it, there the spiritual power is not to obey 
 the magistrate. As for example, if an act of parliament 
 were made to excommunicate any person who happened to 
 fall asleep in the church, the spiritual judges ought rather 
 to suffer any penalty, than to pronounce the sentence of ex- 
 communication for such an offence, that was no more than a 
 common human infirmity, for which the offender could not 
 deserve to be excluded from the communion of saints, from 
 the fellowship of the Catholic Church. Such a solemn abuse 
 and profanation of the power of the keys would itself deserve 
 excommunication; and therefore the spiritual magistrate, 
 whose duty I own it to be obedient to the temporal in all 
 lawful things, ought rather, with Christian patience and sub- 
 mission, to undergo any punishment, than to do so wicked 
 and unlawful a thing. 
 
 SECT. XES. He argues against the sacerdotal office and order, as he 
 On the thinks, in a very popular, I am sure in a very mobbish manner, 
 Office and as if it had nothing peculiar and proper to it, which is un- 
 Ordination. lawful for otliers to ^o. " If the office of a clergyman," saith 
 he c , " was so appropriated, that it was unlawful for others to 
 meddle with it, they ought not to visit the sick, . reconcile 
 differences, or instruct one another in those duties they owe 
 to God and each other. . . . Every Christian is obliged to re- 
 prove, rebuke, admonish, exhort, and warn one another; . . . 
 and that some have more convenience for doing this than 
 others, depends upon the people's allowing them a sufficient 
 
 " Rights, pp. 130, 131. 
 
His admission respecting separate and paid teachers. 257 
 
 maintenance wholly to attend that end." Very right, Sir ; OF HOLY 
 for, as it is commonly said, it is likewise very true, that ' what - 
 is every body's is no body's work/ and therefore in his 
 scheme of a Church two things, it seems, are convenient, and 
 fit to be done ; first, that some men should be appointed on 
 purpose wholly to attend on these holy offices ; and secondly, 
 that they should have a sufficient maintenance allowed them 
 upon that account. Here then it is lawful for the people, 
 though not for God, nor the prince, to annex profits, and 
 tack revenues and preferments to the ministers or officers of 
 holy things. But this in other places was to ' discourage 
 impartial examination/ to ' make men hypocrites/ and ' dis- 
 semblers with God d / to 'give the magistrate a power over 
 men's properties/ to 'encourage men to profess such spe- 
 culative opinions as they do not believe 6 / 'and invent a 
 thousand sophistical and knavish methods' (which none un- 
 derstands better than himself), 'to defend them, to the in- 
 finite prejudice of truth/ ' It is the occasion of extinguish- 
 ing humanity among Christians, of dividing them into several 
 sects f / and 'makes the clergy in all countries the magis- 
 trate's deputies, and generally speaking, of the religion to 
 which they find preferments annexed 8 .' These are the evil 
 influences and effects of maintenance and revenues, to sup- 
 port the ministers of Christ ; but contributions and salaries, 
 though never so great, with houses never so good, would 
 have no such effects on the ministers of the people in any 
 church of their erection. If a congregation consisting of a 
 thousand rich Arians, Socinians, or other Unitarians, should 
 according to his scheme choose our author for their minister, 
 then, good man, nothing would be too much or too great 
 for him. Four or five hundred per annum would not ( dis- 
 courage him from impartial examination;' nay were the 
 whole nation Arians, and the people had as many ministers 
 of their own making and choice, as the Church hath canonical 
 ministers now, their maintenance and revenues, which gene- 
 rally speaking would be much better than that of the clergy, 
 would in no degree influence their pure minds, or incline 
 them to be of that religion, which in all its congregations 
 
 d Rights, p. 17. f Ibid., p. 23. 
 
 e Ibid., p. 22. g Ibid., p. 25. 
 
 HICKES. e 
 
258 The Divine institution of the priesthood ; a question of fact; 
 
 PREPAT. had such comfortable maintenance for its ministers of the 
 SECT. xix. ' people's choice. But to let this pass, is it necessary for the 
 people, in his notion of Churches, to appoint some to minister 
 in holy things ; and may not God appoint an order of men 
 for the same purpose in the Holy Catholic Church? Are 
 there some holy things, some religious duties, as he is 
 forced to acknowledge 11 , that "cannot conveniently be left in 
 common, but for order sake" must be committed to the care 
 of some particular persons, who are wholly to attend them ; 
 and may not God set apart a perpetual order and succession 
 of public officers and ministers in His Church, for ever to 
 attend those things ; with peculiar power and authority under 
 Christ to teach them, as doctors or preachers; to govern 
 them as rulers ; and to bless them as priests ? Whether He 
 hath done so or no, is, as I must still observe, a question of 
 fact, which must be determined by the practice of the Apo- 
 stles, and the universal practice of the Church in all places 
 since the time of the Apostles, which is the best commentary 
 upon their practice ; and I will yet presume, that the ancient 
 histories of the Church and writings of the eldest fathers, 
 many of which I have produced in the following letters, as 
 evidence for the Divine institution of the Christian priest- 
 hood, are much better testimonies for it, than all that our 
 author hath said, or by the help of all the deistical or atheistical 
 clubs in the town can say against it. Well, but " every man 
 can do what a clergyman doth ;" but can he do it with sacer- 
 dotal authority ? Can he do it as a liturg, as a public officer 
 and minister of Jesus Christ ? And " it is every man's duty 
 to do what he can to save another's soul 1 ;" but can he do it 
 in a sacerdotal ministerial manner, as an officer to whom 
 God hath committed the charge of souls, as a shepherd of 
 the flock over which Christ hath made him an overseer, as a 
 watchman for souls, as a minister of the New Testament, and 
 as an ambassador from God to men? So he saith, "It is 
 every Christian man's duty to reprove, rebuke, admonish, 
 exhort V but how? to rebuke sharply with all authority, to 
 reprove and rebuke as a superior, to admonish as one that 
 hath the rule over others in the Lord, and after due admo- 
 
 h Rights, p. -131. [Ibid.] k [Ibid.] 
 
necessary to the Priests' acting with authority. 259 
 
 nition to censure; to give things in charge, as a governor; OF HOLY 
 to receive accusations before witnesses, as one who was to be 
 answerable to Him ' in the midst of the golden candlesticks/ [Rev. ch. 2, 
 who hath ' the sharp sword with two edges/ for mal-admi- at 
 nistration; as ' an angel of a Cnurch/ as his servant and 
 trustee, for f suffering the woman Jezebel/ and ' tolerating 
 the doctrines of Balaam and the Nicolaitans/ and not turn- 
 ing the teachers of them out of the Church. But still " every 
 man can do what a clergyman doth, and it is every man's 
 duty to do what he can to save another's soul ;" and may not 
 every woman do what a clergyman doth? And do not the 
 texts he cites 1 to no purpose against the sacerdotal orders, 
 relate to women as well as to men, to the sisters as well as 
 the brethren of the Church. This he cannot but acknow- 
 ledge, unless he will contradict his Ulpian, upon whose 
 authority the civil law saith, verbum hoc 'siquis' tarn masculos 
 quamfaminas complectitur m . I would also fain know of our 
 author what things a Jewish priest was to do, which every 
 man or woman could not do as well as he ? and if it was not 
 every Jew's duty, man or woman, to save another Jew's 
 soul? And I pray my reader to consider, if this way of 
 arguing against the clergy is not the very same, or very like 
 to that of Corah and Dathan n against Moses and Aaron, to 
 whom they said, " Ye take too much upon you, seeing all [Numb. 16. 
 the congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord 
 is among them ; wherefore then lift you up yourselves above 
 the congregation of the Lord?" 'You lift up yourselves/ 
 said they, ( above the people of the Lord/ and so saith our 
 author of the clergy, that 'they assume to themselves a 
 power, an arbitrary power over the people/ and ' put them- 
 selves in God's place;' just indeed as Moses and Aaron did, 
 who did not put themselves in God's place, because God put 
 
 1 Ibid, pp. 132, 133. [The texts ed. 5. 1651, Article iv. ["Concern- 
 cited are, Heb. x. 24, 25; iii. 13; ing the calling of pastors. Anabap- 
 Col. iii. 16 ; 1 Thess. v. 1 1 ; 1 Cor. tist. That there ought to be no dis- 
 xiv. ; Acts viii. 4.] tinction by the word of God between 
 
 m [Digest., lib. i. tit. 1 6. de verborum the clergy and the laity; but that all 
 
 significatione, sect. i. referring to Ul- who are gifted may preach the word, 
 
 pian, lib. i. ad edictum.] and administer the Sacraments;" which 
 
 n See Dr. Featly's " Dippers Dipt, Featly proceeds to refute. Argument 
 
 [or the Anabaptists ducked and plunged ii. is that God inflicted most severe 
 
 over head and ears, at a disputation in punishments upon Corah, Dathan, and 
 
 Southwark," by Daniel Featly, D.D.] Abiram, &c.] 
 
 s2 
 
260 Their authority distinguishes magisterial from private acts. 
 BREFAT. them in His. Indeed this anabaptistical and quaker-way of 
 
 DISCOURSE, .""'."- , ^ -n/r 
 
 SECT. xix. arguing is of as much force against Moses as against Aaron, 
 against all orders of men in the state as well as in the 
 Church, that is, it is of no force at all. For what cannot 
 other men do as well as the king, or his judges, or justices 
 of peace ? But can they do it legally, can they do it validly, 
 or cum juris effectu, with effect in law ? What cannot other 
 citizens do, as well as my lord mayor? But can they do it 
 with the same authority ? And is it not every man and 
 woman's duty to keep the peace of the kingdom, and of the 
 city where he dwells ? But is it their duty to keep it as 
 public officers and legal guardians of the peace ? Thus men 
 of our author's implacable hatred to priesthood matter not 
 how they argue, or what they say, so it be against the order, 
 or succession, or revenues of the clergy, or what confusion 
 they bring upon the world, if they can but confound priests. 
 The doctrine of the Church being a society of God's insti- 
 tution, or the external visible kingdom of Christ upon earth, 
 being, for want of due instruction, not so well understood by 
 all Christians in these as in ancient times, gives her enemies 
 great advantages of deceiving the people by such like false 
 reasonings as these, which in former ages would have made 
 no impression upon Christian people ; and whether the 
 Church is not such a society, which hath its public officers 
 and ministers appropriated to teach and govern their flocks, 
 and who have power from God to censure and turn out, is, 
 as I have had occasion to say often, a question of fact, of 
 which I hope I have given sufficient evidence in the follow- 
 ing books. But before I finish my answer to this argument, 
 I cannot but observe, that in one place he limits his general 
 expressions, saying , that "most things which the clergy are 
 obliged to perform are every man's duty." If every man, 
 therefore, can do but most things the clergy can do, then 
 there are some things so appropriated to their office that 
 other men may not do ; and I would fain know of him what 
 they are ; for in other places he excepts none, no not admi- 
 nistering the holy Eucharist, as in p. 104 and 108, where, 
 without any reverence for God or the practice of the Church, 
 he calls the consecration of the elements " conjuration," 
 
 Rights, p. 181, 
 
The gifts of the Holy Spirit given by imposition of hands. 261 
 
 which is a derogation and depraving of the holy office in the OF HOLY 
 most profane manner, and in the highest degree. But bold 
 and blasphemous speeches of this nature are very common 
 with him ; they are the ornaments, as well as the arguments 
 of his book. 
 
 As for the consecration of bishops and ordination of 
 priests, for want of arguments he ridicules and blasphemes 
 them with all his mightP. " I would fain [gladly] know of 
 these gentlemen," saith he, " what they mean by giving the 
 Holy Ghost ; His person, I presume, they will not pretend to 
 dispose of." This is a lewd sarcasm, and a most profane and 
 insolent mocking of the bishops and their holy order, and 
 needs no other observation. "And then," saith he, "they 
 can only mean His gifts." Most certainly the gifts ; which 
 by a metonymy in Scripture are often called the Spirit, and 
 which in consecration and ordination they give to the per- 
 sons consecrated and ordained. But how ? not in their own 
 name, but as Peter gave soundness to the lame man, when 
 he said, "Silver and gold have I none, but such as I have [Acts 3. 6.] 
 give I thee ; in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, rise up 
 and walk." They give them by solemn prayer and imposi- Acts 6. 6 ; 
 tion of hands, in His name, as the Apostles did, particularly 13. 2 | 3 ; 'i 
 St. Paul to Timothy, to whom he said, "Neglect not the gift f%% 
 that is in thee, which was given thee by prophecy, with the 14. 
 laying on of the hands of the presbytery ;" and " I put thee 2 Tim. i. 6. 
 in remembrance, that thou stir up the gift of God, which is 
 in thee by the putting on of my hands." This ceremony of 
 laying hands upon persons, to confer power upon them as 
 successors or assistants, was continued from the literal to 
 the mystical Judaism, which is the universal Church of God. 
 There are many instances of it joined with solemn prayer, in 
 the texts cited in the margin ; and as then in baptism, God, 
 together with the ordinary, gave very often the extraordinary 
 and miraculous gifts of the Spirit, but, after miracles ceased, 
 only the ordinary gifts ; so in the ordination of persons unto 
 ecclesiastical offices, He commonly gave them both gifts, while 
 He continued miracles in the Church ; but afterwards only 
 the ordinary gifts, particularly those which were requisite for 
 their order, with sanctity of life and gravity of conversation, 
 
 P Rights, pp. 7-t 77. 
 
262 Graces once imparted, may be lost. Misrepresentations 
 PREFAT. according to the prayers of the congregation : and if at any 
 
 DISCOURSE. . ^ 
 
 SECT, xix. time the person consecrated or ordained received not those 
 gifts, or after he received them lost them, it was, as in bap- 
 tism, through some hinderance or default in himself, which 
 " quenched the Spirit ;" and therefore it was a trifling argu- 
 ment against conferring the gifts of the Holy Spirit to sayS 
 " If the bishops can bestow the ordinary gifts, as meekness, 
 patience, &c., no clergyman could be without them." This 
 way of arguing makes baptism a solemn mockery, as he saith 
 ordination is ; destroys all baptismal grace and gifts, as well 
 as those of ordination, and utterly evacuates all the promises 
 of Divine grace, and assistances of the Divine Spirit; and 
 putting baptism instead of ordination, I desire any sober 
 reader to tell me if the following passage 1 ", of the same tenor 
 with the precedent, is not a profanation of the one as well as 
 the other ; " What share soever the clergy might have of the 
 Holy Spirit before ordination, they then are possessed of no 
 other spirit than that of pride, ambition, covetousness, un- 
 charitableness, imposition, malice, revenge, persecution," &c. 
 Indeed he here names the popish clergy ; but any man may see 
 he means the clergy in general, and particularly those of the 
 Church of England, of whom he spake in the former passage, 
 and whom in another place 8 he accuses, without distinction, 
 of " pride and haughtiness ;" and now might not a Jew say 
 after his example, ' what share soever the Christians have of 
 the Holy Spirit before baptism, they then are possessed of no 
 other spirit than that of pride/ &c.; and would it beany 
 excuse for his malice to say ' popish Christians/ to wound all 
 Christians through the popish Christian's sides. It is also 
 plain he means all ordainers and ordained in the following 
 words*: "This is no wonder, when in so serious a concern 
 as making of bishops and priests, both the ordained and or- 
 dainers in that Church act with a solemn mockery, one in 
 pretending a call from, and the other in giving the Holy 
 Ghost." But why in " that Church ?" Are not the ordained 
 and ordainers guilty of the same solemn mockery in the 
 Church of England, as her ordinals shew u , and he knew very 
 
 q Rights, p. 74. u " Do you think in your heart you be 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 77. truly called, [according to the will of 
 
 8 Ibid., p. 131. our Lord Jesus Christ, &c., to the order 
 
 1 [Ibid., p. 77.] and ministry of priesthood?" " I think 
 
respecting ordination and the election of Bishops. 263 
 
 well? Nevertheless he hath confidence to add, he thinks OF HOLY 
 with great art, this irony : "As this by no means ought to - 
 be objected to the clergy of the Church of England." But 
 then nature overcomes art in the next words : " So here that 
 which some of them act at the election of a bishop, is no 
 manner of kin to this holy farce of the papists, in imploring 
 the direction of the Holy Ghost to choose a fit person, though 
 they are resolved beforehand to proceed according to the 
 direction of the conge d'elire (he means the letter monitory x ) 
 and name only him whom they are bound to take by that 
 writ." I know not whom this can concern but deans and 
 chapters, to whom the conge d'elire with the letter monitory 
 is directed ; but I never heard that before or at the election 
 they meet together to implore the direction of the Holy 
 Ghost to choose a fit person y. I never heard of any such 
 oifice in the Church of England for the election of bishops : 
 but, however, many of his readers will believe it, and that is 
 as much for his purpose as if it were true. He hath other 
 spiteful oblique reflections on the clergy in general, couched 
 under the phrase of popish clergy, as where he saith 2 , "I 
 cannot but observe, that the popish clergy make very bold 
 with the three Persons of the Holy Trinity. The First they 
 employ as their executioner, to put their judicial sentences 
 in force." I have already made some observations on this 
 malicious and sophistical turn of speech upon the clergy, 
 which reflects on the Apostles, and all their successors to 
 this day, as well as on the popish clergy, who, as in many 
 
 it" The Form and Manner of Order- shop," (which licence is called congd 
 
 ing of Priests.] "And are you persuaded d'elire,) "and with the licence a letter 
 
 that you be truly called to this minis- missive, containing the name of the 
 
 tration, [according to the will of our person which they shall elect and 
 
 Lord Jesus Christ, and the order of choose."] 
 
 this realm?" "I am so persuaded." y [It is however the case that the 
 
 The Form of Ordaining or Consecrat- elections are held after prayers. The 
 
 ing of an Archbishop or Bishop.] form of recording the election runs thus, 
 
 * [Two documents are sent ; the " at which day . . . immediately after 
 
 conge d'elire or licence to elect, and morning prayers," &c. ; and the address 
 
 the letter missive with the name of the to the bishop elect; "which said day 
 
 person recommended: the latter Hickes being come, and prayers to Almighty 
 
 calls the letter monitory. 25 Hen. God before all things being humbly 
 
 VIII. c. 20. "At every avoidance of offered up, we . . . did canonically pro- 
 
 an archbishopric or bishopric, the king ceed to the election aforesaid." See 
 
 may grant to the dean and chapter a the usual forms printed in the British 
 
 licence under the great seal, as of old Magazine for September, 1833, vol. iv. 
 
 time hath been accustomed, to proceed pp. 298, 299.] 
 
 to election of an archbishop or bi- z Rights, p. 76. 
 
264 Of God's ratifying the acts of His ministers. 
 PREFAT. other instances they teach the true ancient doctrines of 
 
 DISCOURSE, x-,1 ,- ., , ~ , . 
 
 SECT, xix. Christianity, so as to censures they maintain, that God is 
 pleased to bind in heaven whom His servants, by His own 
 authority, bind on earth ; and in this ratification of the sen- 
 tence of excommunication by God, according to His own 
 ordinance, he scurrilously saith the clergy " employ Him as 
 their executioner." Had this man lived in the days of Moses, 
 would he not have said, that he employed God as his execu- 
 
 [Numb. 16.] tioner to destroy the Egyptians and the company of Corah ? 
 And may he not as well say, that Azariah the priest made 
 
 [2 Chroih God his executioner to smite king Uzziah with the leprosy, 
 for attempting to burn incense unto the Lord ? Why doth 
 
 [Actsch.5.] he not say, that St. Peter employed God as his executioner 
 on Ananias and Sapphira ? Or that St. Paul employed 
 
 [1 Cor. 5. 5.] Satan as his executioner upon the incestuous Corinthian? for 
 he is capable of saying any thing who hath the assurance to 
 say, that ' ' the clergy make God their executioner," that they 
 " put themselves in His place," and " assume a Divine power 
 to themselves." Why doth he not say in the same atheist- 
 ical way of speaking, that they assume to themselves a power 
 to punish men eternally, that they make Him their execu- 
 tioner of everlasting damnation, and to this end have ap- 
 pointed Him a day in which He must judge the world for 
 them ? and when He hath done that for them, then they will 
 employ Him and His angels as the executioners of that ever- 
 lasting punishment, which they take upon them in His name 
 to denounce against sinners. At this profane way of talking 
 he may tax the Christians of pride and presumption, as Caeci- 
 lius doth Minutius Felix 8 , for making God the destroyer of 
 the machine of the world, and their executioner of the last 
 conflagration, "in which the sun and stars," saith he, "as they 
 
 [Caecilius is a heath en objector, who ciis suis invicem credunt: putes eos 
 
 say s of the Christians; Quid? quod toto jam revixisse. Anceps malura, et 
 
 orbi, et ipsi mundo cum sideribus suis gemina dementia ? coelo et astris, quas 
 
 minantur incendium, ruinam moliun- sic relinquimus, ut invenimus, interi- 
 
 tur ? quasi aut naturae divinis legibus turn denuntiare : sibi mortuis, extinctis, 
 
 constilutus aeternus ordo turbetur, aut qui sicut nascimur, et interimus aeter- 
 
 rupto elementorum omnium fcedere, et nitatem repromittere. . . . Hoc errore 
 
 coelesti compage divisa, moles ista, qua decepti beatam sibi, ut bonis, et perpe- 
 
 continetur et cingitur, subruatur. Nee tern vitam mortuis pollicentur ; caeteris, 
 
 hac furiosa opinione contend aniles ut injustis, poenam sempiternam. M. 
 
 fabulas adstruunt et annectunt ; renasci Minucii Fel. Octavius, cap. xi. Biblioth. 
 
 se ferunt post mortem et cineres et Patruin, torn. ii. pp. 386, C. 387, A.] 
 favillas ; et nescio qua fiducia menda- 
 
To what extent TindaVs objections would go. 265 
 
 arrogantly talk, must be consumed, and yet they themselves, OF HOLY 
 forsooth, must be immortal, and live in everlasting joy." Nay, ORDERS. 
 in this blasphemous figure of speech, of which I now take 
 leave, he may mock on, and say, that Christians confine 
 God's presence to their assemblies, and immure Him up in a 
 heathenish manner in their temples, where they tie His ears 
 to their prayers, and command Him, by the mouths of His 
 priests, to grant whatsoever they ask, to execute whatsoever 
 they desire, especially if they desire it in a certain Name. It 
 is the devil that inspires him with rhetorical figures of this 
 sort; and I doubt not but we shall find stores of them in his 
 second part b , in which he will bless the world with a farther 
 discovery of priestcraft, unless these remarks happen to make 
 him more sparing and cautious, and then that book will want 
 a great part of the logic as well as rhetoric that this book 
 hath, and by consequence be more flat and dull. 
 
 From the First he goes on to the Second Person of the 
 Holy Trinity, which without justness of speech, or justice to 
 their most absurd doctrine, he saith the popish priests "make 
 out of a bit of bread ;" but that, God be praised, concerns not 
 our priests, whom I have reason to think he hates more than 
 those of the Roman Church d . Then as to the Third Person, 
 saith he, "they freely dispose of Him, at least of His gifts, 
 to all they lay hands on e ," meaning in ordination. But may 
 he not, as I have observed before, speak in the same manner 
 of baptism, and with the same impudence lampoon this, as 
 he has done that. But then, saith he f , "there are some 
 who say, that if the popish priests have any spirit bestowed 
 upon them at their going into orders, it is that of the priest 
 of Apollo, when full of the god he cried, 
 
 Jam furor humanum nostro de pectore sensum 
 Expulit, et totum spirant prcecordia PhcebumS." 
 
 The 'some' he really means are such as himself and his 
 
 b ["Since this discourse grows too p. 413. This volume never appeared, 
 
 bulky for one volume, I shall finish the See note f, p. 184.] 
 
 rest in the next; where, if the author c [Rights, p. 76.] 
 
 may be allowed to be a competent d [See above, note a, p. 48.] 
 judge, the reader will find a full answer . e [Rights, p. 76.] 
 
 to all the arguments drawn from Scrip- f [Ibid., pp. 76, 77.] 
 
 ture as well as reason for the hide- g [Claudian. de Rapt. Proserp., i. 
 
 pendent power of the clergy." Rights, 5, 6.] 
 
266 Profane language of Tindal and his party. 
 
 PREFAT. club, one of whom said h , " He would as soon send for his 
 I HBCT. U XIX' coachman to adminster the Sacrament to him, as an arch- 
 bishop. " And by popish priests I must say again, he means 
 all Christian priests ; and had he not himself been full of 
 Apollo, or some other demon, who formerly deceived the 
 world, he could not have uttered such things as he hath 
 written against Christian priests. The Pythoness in the 
 [Acts 16. Acts treated St. Paul and Silas in another manner ; for the 
 16 ' 17t ^ believing and trembling spirit in her forced her to confess 
 that they were the servants of the most high God ; but the 
 spirit of unbelief, which possesses him, makes him deny that 
 their successors are His servants, or the ministers of Christ, 
 but on the contrary it inspires them with boldness to say, 
 that their ordination is ' a solemn mockery/ ' a holy farce/ 
 in which ( they receive no other spirit but the evil spirit of 
 pride/ &c., and that 'their pretension to priesthood is 
 nothing but priestcraft/ 
 
 I pass over many other things, as where, after Mr. Hobbes, 
 he calls them "a set of men 1 , posted so in every parish, that 
 they can harangue the people in public twice a-week j " that 
 their doctrine of an independent power (though not his) 
 "ought to be suppressed k ;" that " the belief of it is the folly 
 and bigotry of priest-ridden" (and perhaps in time he will say 
 of Christ-ridden, or Apostle-ridden) men k . And then he doth 
 them the honour to cite an heathen author against them, as 
 a sort of flatterers, " who do not worship God, but the im- 
 perial purple 1 ;" and whoever is a Christian of that anti-chris- 
 tian sort, which delights in seeing Christian priests, and their 
 power and order, thus slandered and profaned, he may in his 
 
 h Preface to the Apologetical Vindi- worship God, but the imperial purple.' " 
 
 cation of the Church of England, &c. Rights, p. 260. Themistius is prais- 
 
 [where the words given are, "When ing Jovian for a toleration, on the ground 
 
 we hear a layman in contempt of the that religion is beyond the emperor's 
 
 priesthood declare in the presence of concern, and that the continual change 
 
 God before a great company in words of enforced religions had made, not the 
 
 to this effect, that when he came to bishops, but the Roman people, accused 
 
 die, he would as soon," &c.] of worshipping not God but the purple. 
 
 1 Rights, p. 244. eZra e'Aeyx^A 1 ^" "K&M yeXoicas, a\ovp- 
 
 l Ibid., p. 247. yiSas ov 6fbv Qepairevovrfs, Kal paov 
 
 k Ibid , p. 257. Evp'urov /ieraySaAAffyxej/oi TO.S ayiffrctas' 
 
 1 [" Themistius, in his consular Kal TrctAcu /j.ev efs r)pa/j.evf)s, vvv Se 
 
 oration, celebrates Jovian for giving a airavres KtiQopvoi. There is no mention 
 
 toleration in the Christian religion, of "flattering bishops." Themistii, 
 
 thereby defeating the flattering bishops; Orat. v. Consularis ad Jovianum Imp., 
 
 a sort of men, adds he, 'who do not p. 67, D. Paris. 1684.] 
 
Divine institution and succession of Bishops. 267 
 
 eighth chapter 111 regale his atheist-ridden, or theist-ridden, or OF HOLY 
 sceptic-ridden may I not justly say, or devil-ridden mind. 
 
 His ninth chapter is controversial upon two points, which SECT, xx. 
 do not directly concern the independency of the Church. ^^ in . 
 The first concerns the Divine institution of bishops, and the stitution of 
 second the uninterrupted succession 11 , both which, he saith, 
 are attended with " numerous absurdities." " It is the pre- 
 vailing opinion," saith he , " that the bishops are by Divine 
 appointment governors of the Christian Church, and that 
 no one is capable of being of that number, who derives not 
 his right by an uninterrupted succession of bishops in the 
 Catholic Church. I will now shew some of the numerous 
 absurdities of this hypothesis." 
 
 But that bishops are by Divine appointment, and derive 
 their right by uninterrupted succession, is no hypothesis, as 
 he miscals it, but matter of fact, believed and practised for 
 fifteen hundred years in the Christian Church. For the 
 proof of this I might send him to many learned writers P ; but, 
 I hope, I have said what is sufficient to prove it in the follow- 
 ing letters, and in the beginning of this Preface* 1 . But let us 
 see the absurdities which, he saith, attend these plain prac- 
 tices, which are not mere hypotheses, as he would insinuate, 
 but will appear to any man, who reads the ancients, to be 
 positive doctrines, most evident and constant matters of fact. 
 
 Well ! let us see these grand absurdities ; and first of all 
 those which, he saith, attend the government of the Church 
 by bishops ; " First," saith he, " if making of laws and exe- 
 
 m [The subject of the eighth chapter Marco Antonio de Dominis, Archiepi- 
 is, "That the clergy's pretending to an scopo Spalatensi. London, 1617.] And 
 independent power hath been the occa- Bishop Bilson's Perpetual Government 
 sion of infinite mischief to the Christian of the Church. [" The Perpetual Go- 
 world, and is utterly inconsistent with vernment of Christ's Church, wherein 
 the happiness of human societies." are handled the fatherly superiority 
 Rights, pp. 244311.] which God first established in the pa- 
 
 n [Chapter ix. "That this hypo- triarchs for the guiding of His Church, 
 thesis of none being capable of govern- and after continued in the tribe of 
 ing the Church except bishops, and Levi and the prophets, and lastly con- 
 that none can be bishops except those firmed in the New Testament to the 
 who derive their power by a continued Apostles and their successors ; by Tho. 
 and uninterrupted succession in the Bilson, Warden of Winchester College," 
 Catholic Church from the Apostles, published in 1593. He became bishop 
 destroys the very being of the Church." of Worcester in 1596, and of Win- 
 Ibid., pp. 312377.] Chester in 1597.] 
 
 Ibid., p. 313. i [See Third Proposition and notes 
 
 P Such as Spalatensis, [De Repub- above, pp. 65, 66.] 
 lica Ecclesiastica, libri x. Auctore 
 
268 His objections to Episcopacy ; as liable to abuse, 
 
 PREFAT. cuting of them (without both which there can be no govern- 
 SECT. xx. ment) be in the same persons the bishops, they will lie under 
 a temptation to make such as more regard their own separate 
 interest than the good of the Church 1 "." Is not this a doughty 
 argument against the legislative and executive power of 
 bishops, which militates against all power, even against the 
 legislative and executive, where they are separate, as well as 
 where they are united, because they may tempt those who 
 are vested with them to abuse them, and are in fact very 
 often abused? This is his old popular fallacy 8 in arguing 
 against power from the abuse of it ; and I will make no diffi- 
 culty to say, that it is of as much force against all natural 
 and civil, as ecclesiastical power, nay even against all the 
 powers and faculties of body and soul, that God hath given to 
 man. Nay, it confounds the very power which he gives to 
 the people, among whom the major part must determine as 
 they think fit ; they must have both the making and executing 
 of laws, and by his consequence will lie under a temptation to 
 make such, as regard the interest of their own party ; for in 
 all democracies the greater number is but a party, a prevail- 
 ing party against the less. Nay, if this reasoning of his were 
 true, the ancient patriarchal form of government was absurd, 
 because the legislative and executive power was in the heads 
 of tribes. Nay, it utterly overthrows the paternal and con- 
 jugal government and mastership in families, where the same 
 man having the legislative and executive domestic power, as 
 father, husband, and master, not only may, but, as daily ex- 
 perience shews, too often doth abuse it in a most barbarous, 
 not only unchristian, but inhuman manner. In the last 
 place, this Herculean argument knocks down, as it were with 
 a club, all civil governments where the legislative and exe- 
 cutive is in one single person, or in one single aristocratical 
 senate, which have the making and executing of their own 
 laws; and if our author would go to Venice, and use this 
 argument against that government, I believe he would soon 
 have such an answer from the Council of Ten, as his tender 
 constitution would not like. 
 
 But he goes on, " and having the executive power, they 
 may abuse it without the least control, there being no ap- 
 
 1 [Rights, p. 313.] * [See above, pp. 146, 178.] 
 
and tyrannical ; impeachments of the Divine Goodness. 269 
 
 peal from them; nor can the people (which cannot hap- 
 pen in a government founded by them) have any right to re- 
 dress themselves *." I have already considered his argument 
 against the bishops' executive power from this inference, that 
 they may through human frailty abuse it u , and shewed, that it 
 proves so much that it loses all its force against them, and 
 plainly proves nothing at all. But in saying the people have 
 no appeal from them, he speaks, whether knowingly or no 
 I will not determine, very falsely against fact. For there 
 neither is, nor ever was any civil government, which allows 
 its people more or larger appeals than the ecclesiastical doth 
 from the sentences and tribunals of their bishops ; but sup- 
 pose it did not, is the episcopal power therefore " unlawful," 
 " absurd/' " intolerable," because there lies no appeal from 
 it ? If so, then all last resorts and appeals must be so too, 
 even that which he pretends he would have the last appeal 
 to, the tribunal of the people, which, let them write what they 
 will, I dare say he and his partisans, who coax the populace 
 so much, despise and ridicule in their hearts. 
 
 Then he proceeds ; " This being a government so tyranni- 
 cal in its frame and constitution, can we suppose the Divine 
 goodness would miraculously interfere to impose it on the 
 Church for ever v ?" Here, first, he uses the invidious word 
 f impose' for what God appointed and ordained : secondly, he 
 seems to suppose that God imposed or appointed it for some 
 time, though he cannot imagine He would impose it for ever; 
 and I would fain know to what period or number of years 
 he thinks the Divine imposition of episcopal government was 
 to last, or when it was to become indifferent, or to expire. 
 Thirdly, he supposes the Divine goodness did not, or could not 
 appoint a government of that frame and constitution for ever, 
 though the Church always believed it and received it as a 
 standing perpetual polity or constitution; and to call this 
 Divine frame of government absurd and tyrannical, is itself 
 most absurd, and, as I have already observed, an impeach- 
 ment not only of the goodness, but wisdom of God. 
 
 The next argument he brings against this episcopal form 
 of government hath been brought and answered many times ; 
 
 * [Rights, p. 313] v [Rights, p. 313.] 
 
 " [See above, pp. 178, 181.] 
 
270 Of ' unchurching' other Protestants; the fault lies 
 
 PREFAT. it consists in nothing but spiteful and invidious clamour 
 SECT, xx/ against the Divine right of episcopacy, for "weakening the 
 Protestant cause," " for unchurching the reformed Churches 
 in other countries, particularly that in Scotland." To which 
 I answer, first, that no strict doctrines are to be rejected for 
 the severity of their consequences upon men who will not 
 believe them, or if they believe them will not practise them, 
 and who perhaps, because they are contrary to their lusts, or 
 their worldly interests and designs, are as contrary to them ; 
 and it may be hate them, and call them ( damning,' 'destroy- 
 ing/ and ' unnatural' doctrines; but whatever hard or ugly 
 names our men of large souls may give strict doctrines 
 and principles, they are nevertheless true. By such names 
 libertines may and do call the strict Christian doctrines of 
 sobriety, temperance, chastity, truth, probity, fidelity, pa- 
 tience, especially that doctrine of the cross, passive obedi- 
 ence ; and take upon them to make as it were new gospels 
 and allowances for themselves, which Christ never made, 
 saying, like our author, ' can we suppose,' ' can we believe/ 
 that the goodness of God would give us such passions, and 
 so strictly tie us up from the gratification of them ? Can we 
 believe that infinite wisdom and infinite goodness would 
 make us of such a frame, and damn us for doing so and so 
 in such and such circumstances ? Can we believe that God 
 expects the same chastity from a young man as from an 
 old? the same strictness of life from a soldier as from a 
 divine ? or that princes must live like private men ? or that 
 men and their families must be ruined, rather than break 
 their words or oaths ? ' Away ! away ! these hypotheses are 
 inconsistent with the freedoms of human nature ; we cannot 
 suppose that infinite goodness would bind us, in all times, 
 and all places, to such strict unalterable duties, as unman us 
 in this world, or else damn us in the next/ 
 
 Our author's way of arguing against the Divine right of 
 episcopal government is altogether such as this ; and there- 
 fore in the second place, as none of those moral doctrines, or 
 those who preach them, can be said to damn the trans- 
 gressors, but the transgressors, properly speaking, damn 
 themselves ; so it is not the doctrine of the Divine right of 
 episcopal polity and government, or those who preach it and 
 
with those who causelessly reject a Divine institution. 271 
 
 adhere to it, as necessary by Divine institution, that 'weakens 
 the Protestant cause/ or as others love to speak, ' widens the BISHOPS. 
 distance among Protestants/ and ' unchurches the presbyte- 
 rian/ and other Churches that are not so much as presby- 
 terian ; but as our author truly speaks w , it is they themselves 
 who "unchurch themselves," as a society, "by throwing off 
 a government;" and let me add, by wilfully throwing off a 
 government, which was instituted by God for the perpetual 
 unalterable polity of the Church. They are the men who 
 truly weaken the Protestant cause in continuing a Church 
 polity contrary to that which Christ and the Apostles erected 
 for the Church in all places and ages ; who take upon them 
 the priesthood by a new uncatholic mission of their own 
 creating; and they truly and properly 'widen the distance' 
 among Protestants who reject the ancient apostolical mis- 
 sion, as needless or unlawful, and perhaps besides a few 
 compliments x which some of them have lately made to epis- 
 copacy, and the episcopal mission, will not move one step 
 towards us, but expect that we should go to them and quit 
 the ground upon which we so safely stand. I speak this 
 with reluctance, though with freedom and plainness, I call 
 God to witness, not to reproach the Protestants of other 
 Churches who have abdicated episcopacy, but in great 
 charity and pity to them; beseeching them to consider if 
 indeed they can justify themselves to Christ, and the Chris- 
 tian world, for abdicating of it, and departing from the con- 
 stitution and mission of the Catholic Church. They all, 
 except in one place 7 , plead necessity for departing from it, 
 and I would to God their plea were good. But the neces- 
 sities they plead are necessities of their own making and 
 continuing ; chosen and wilful necessities ; and, I am forced 
 to say, by consequence, unjustifiable necessities ; necessities 
 out of which they may, and I think therefore ought to, ex- 
 tricate and deliver themselves as soon as they can; in a 
 
 w [Rights, p. 314.] that it is the most conformable in 
 
 x [As Ostervald, who about the year all respects to the ancient primitive 
 
 1704, introduced a set form of prayer Church; his example was also fol- 
 
 into the Churches of the principality of lowed by some ministers at Geneva. 
 
 Neufchatel, in imitation of the English See No. IV. of the Appendix to Les- 
 
 Liturgy ; and tried all he could to lie's Cassandra, part ii. 1704.] 
 bring them to a near conformity with * [Scotland is alluded to, see below, 
 
 the English Church, being convinced p. 278.] 
 
272 Necessity might as fairly be pleaded for rejecting any 
 
 - - - _ 
 
 DBTOURSE wor( ^ necessities which in my opinion would as well justify 
 SECT, xx. * the abdication of the presbyterian government, ministry, and 
 mission, as the episcopal; not only the mission and ministry 
 which the ministers of some presbyterian Churches perhaps 
 only derive from non-presbyters z or mere lay- men, but also 
 that which the ministers of others of them derive from pres- 
 byters episcopally ordained. I beseech them both, for Christ 
 Jesus' sake, the great Apostle and High-Priest of our pro- 
 fession, and Bishop of our souls, who established His king- 
 dom upon earth in the episcopal government and mission, 
 to consider what they have done in erecting up, and con- 
 tinuing another government, another mission, and another 
 ministry of their own devising, against the government and 
 ministry set up by Divine authority for the Catholic Church, 
 and to plead a pretended necessity for so doing ; a necessity 
 which I think would as well justify the abdication of the 
 Lord's day, or the use of the two Sacraments, and which our 
 neighbours might as well plead, not only for the abdication 
 of episcopacy, but of all public forms of prayer, and adminis- 
 tration of the Sacraments, the reading of the word of God, 
 and confession of the Christian faith, and the Lord's prayer 
 in Divine worship. Let it no longer be said of them that, as 
 they would not have bishops when they might, so now they 
 will not have them when they may. Let them, not any 
 longer give the common adversary so great an advantage 
 against the Protestant cause, by still asking them as for- 
 merly at the conferences of Poissy and Fountainbleau a , and 
 more lately by the bishop of Meaux b , Where is your mission? 
 
 * As Calvin and Beza. [Calvin conference of Fountainbleau was held 
 
 had been admitted to the tonsure and May 4, 1600, before Henry IV. and 
 
 minor orders only ; Beza to none at ten assessors, between Du Plessis and 
 
 all.] Cardinal Perron ; it was broken off' by 
 
 [These were the first and last of the illness of Du Plessis, and the Catho- 
 the conferences between the reformed lies claimed the victory. Thuanus, 
 and the Catholics of France. That of lib. cxxiii. 13. torn. v. p. 843. Du 
 Poissy was held A. D. 1561, before Perron published an account of it under 
 the king, the queen mother, Henry the title " Actes de la conference tenue 
 then king of Navarre, his queen, and entre le Sieur Evesque d'Evreux, et 
 an assemblage of the nobles of the le Sieur Du Plessis. Evreux 1601." 
 kingdom. See Thuanus, Hist., lib. The subject was the doctrine of the 
 xxviii. 7. sqq. tom.ii, p. 117. London, Sacrament, and the question of mis- 
 1733. Espencaeus and Sanctius pressed sion does not appear to have arisen.] 
 the question of mission on the reformed. b [Hickes refers to a celebrated con- 
 Ibid., 12. p. 123. Beza had been sent ference between Bossuet and Claude, 
 especially to defend that cause ; his re- then pastor of the congregation at 
 ply is quoted below, note t, p. 283. The Charenton, and the leader of the re- 
 
ordinances. Appeal to Protestants who reject Episcopacy. 273 
 
 Let them not longer continue to give so just an offence to INSTITU- 
 those who, upon Catholic principles and practice, strictly BISHOPS. 
 adhere to the episcopal communion ; let them not put a 
 longer stop to the Reformation by refusing to embrace the 
 Divine ordinance ; let them not longer hinder the progress of 
 it, or provoke God in judgment to cast it out of countries 
 where it is, because after so long forbearance they still delay 
 to embrace that form of government, that ministry, that 
 mission, and that one priesthood, which He appointed for His 
 Church. I speak this to all the Protestant Churches, con- 
 cerned, as Christian societies, to hear and consider what I 
 say ; and I speak it, according as my adversary would direct 
 me to speak, to the whole Church in every place, to the 
 people as well as the ministers, more especially to the magis- 
 trates as the chiefs of the people ; I speak it from my own 
 conscience to theirs, and I call God again to witness that I 
 speak it to them in the greatest charity and compassion, 
 heartily bemoaning their condition, and as heartily wishing 
 I had not so just occasion given me to speak it ; I speak it 
 also with zeal for their perfecting their reformations, and I 
 hope with as true a Christian zeal as St. Ignatius wrote unto 
 the Christians of Smyrna, to whom he said, " Hearken unto 
 the bishops, that God may hearken unto you. My soul shall 
 be security for theirs, who are subject to the bishop with the 
 presbyters and deacons, and may my portion be with theirs 
 in God." With the same assurance and affection let me pre- 
 sume to speak to the reformed Churches abroad ; ' Hearken 
 unto episcopacy, that God, who founded it in the person 
 and office of His Son, and appointed it for the government 
 of His kingdom, may hearken unto you; avrtywxpv <ya>' 
 v/j,v TO TTvevfjid JJLOV, my soul shall answer for 
 
 formed. The conference was begun de Bossuet, torn, xxiii. p. 409. 8vo. Ver- 
 
 March 1, 1678. The accounts of it sailles, 1816. For Claude's view, which 
 
 were first handed about in MS., but was the same as Calvin's, (note d, p. 
 
 afterwards printed. Bossuet's words 274,) see note p. 283.] 
 
 are, " Mais leurs pasteurs d'6u sont-ils c S. Ignat. Epist. ad Polycarp. [ 
 
 venus ? Se sont-ils aussi detaches, 6. T< 4iriaKfar<f irpoaexeTt, Iva Kal 6 
 
 avec ces pretendus fideles, du corps de 0e2>s iifjuv' avri^vxov ty 
 
 PEglise Romaine, pour perpetuer dans aofjLfvwv rf jrto7c<J'7ry, 
 
 1'Eglise ainsi reformee le ministere Sia^vois' KO.\ /ACT' avrwv /JLOI rb 
 
 Ecclesiastique? Nullement; ce n'est yevoiro ax^ v ^v <. Patr. Apost., 
 
 pas ainsi que M. Claude 1'entend. torn. ii. p. 41. The words are ad- 
 
 Bossuet, Reflexions sur un ecrit de dressed to the Christians of Smyrna, 
 
 M. Claude, 1682. (Euvres completes through St. Polycarp their bishop.] 
 
 HICKES. rp 
 
274 Divine institutions obligatory, as well as doctrines. 
 PREFAT. yours, I will be your security to God for submitting to epis- 
 
 DISCOURSE, * .,, . . , . J TT- * 
 
 SECT. xx. copacy ; if you sm in so doing, let my soul answer to Him for 
 it; and when you return to it, then let my soul be with yours, 
 then let my lot and portion be together with yours in God/ I 
 say 'when you return to it;' for your Churches, which you have 
 happily reformed in doctrines, as all other Churches through- 
 out the Christian world, when first planted, were founded 
 and formed in, and with it ; it was the government of them 
 from the beginning, and great would be the joy in heaven 
 and earth would you return to it again. Tell me, I beseech 
 you, why should you not be perfectly reformed ? why should 
 you not reform yourselves in both points, in the primitive 
 form of government, as a Christian society, as well as in the 
 primitive faith, as a Christian sect? You have great and 
 laudable zeal for all the positive doctrines of Divine revela- 
 tion, and why not for the positive ordinances of Divine insti- 
 tution ? Nay, how comes it to pass that you who retain all 
 other things of Divine institution, as baptism, the Lord's day, 
 the holy Eucharist, and ordination, should reject this ? What 
 hath episcopacy done to be thus cast off, and to deserve 
 abdication? Hath it been so profaned, so abused, and so 
 polluted in the papal Church, as Calvin d tragically complains ; 
 and hath not almost every thing in the Christian religion 
 been so too ? Restore it then in its ancient purity, with the 
 Christian doctrines, to your Churches, or, as I should rather 
 say, restore your Churches to it, that you may thereby, with 
 the ancient apostolical faith of Divine revelation, have the 
 ancient apostolical government and priesthood of Divine in- 
 stitution, and thereby of a certainty recover the mission, and 
 become united to the body of the Holy Catholic Church. 
 Pardon my Christian freedom, I beseech you; for I argue 
 
 d Epist.adSereniss.RegemPoloniae. cerit, Christi servus esse nequeat . . . 
 
 Genevse, Nonis Dec. M D LIV. [Ac Hie, fateor, optandum esset, ut valeret 
 
 primum horribiles tenebras, quae pas- continua successio, ut functio ipsa 
 
 sim grassantur ; errorum colluviem, quasi per manus traderetur .... Quia 
 
 qua obruitur totus fere mundus : abu- autem Papae tyrannide abrupta fuit 
 
 sus et corruptelas, quibus faedata est re- vera ordinationi's series, novo subsidio 
 
 ligio,nonattingam .... Superest nunc nunc opus est ad Ecclesiae instaura- 
 
 altera quaestio : ut legitima sit sue- tionem . . . Omnino extraordinarium 
 
 cessio, et a quibus ordinandi sunt pas- fuit hoc munus quod Dominus nobis 
 
 tores . . . Totum sacerdotium Papisti- injunxit, dum opera nostra ad colli- 
 
 cum non solum impia est veri minis- gendas Ecclesias usus est. Joannis 
 
 terii profanatio, sed execrabilis in Chris- Calvini Epistolae et Responsa, Opera, 
 
 turn contumelia : ut quisquis est sacer- torn. vi. par. ii. col. 187 192. Ge- 
 
 dos papalis, donee titulura ilium abje- nevae, 1617.] 
 
Necessity cannot be pleaded for rejecting Episcopacy. 275 
 
 with you, and urge you upon a received principle, quod INSTITU- 
 omnibus, quod ubique, quod semper* ; upon a principle that is BISHOP! 
 
 attested by the same witnesses that attest the number of the 
 books and the Divine authority of the Scriptures ; and there- 
 fore a principle, which in arguing with you will admit of no 
 flattery, nor the least degree or semblance of flattery, com- 
 pliment, or complaisance. For principles, believe me, Sirs, 
 are principles; they may easily be broken, but cannot be 
 bent; principles, especially Christian principles, require free 
 and plain dealing; especially among Christians, who ought 
 neither to write or speak such things, or in such manner, 
 when Divine doctrines or ordinances are in the case, as to 
 please men, but to please God. I say with the Apostle, "to iThess.2.4. 
 please God," who expects great regard from His people as 
 well to His positive laws, which He commands us to obey, 
 as to His positive doctrines, which He commands us to be- 
 lieve ; to His revealed political, as well as to any other of His 
 revealed doctrines ; to the doctrines which the Church is con- 
 cerned to practise, as a society, as well as to those which she 
 is concerned to profess, as a sect. I would have addressed 
 myself to you with more latitude and compliance, could I 
 have done it with a good conscience. I might indeed have 
 told you that " the succession of the ministry is of less con- 
 sideration than the succession of the faith, and subordinate 
 to it, as the means to the end f ." But if this may serve as 
 some plea for those who really using all endeavours, yet 
 could not have episcopal mission and priesthood, yet it could 
 serve them no longer than they were in that supposed state 
 of unavoidable and insuperable necessity, which never was 
 nor now is your case. I might also have told you, " it was 
 reasonable to presume that God of His infinite goodness may 
 supply the want of His own ordinance among you." But 
 this I could not do for some reasons ; first, because the cases 
 wherein men presume, or rather hope, that God of His infi- 
 nite mercy and goodness will make such supplies and allow- 
 ances, are cases of invincible ignorance, or invincible necessity, 
 not to be avoided by any pains or endeavours, neither of 
 which, I am called to say it again, either is, or ever was your 
 
 e [Vincent. Lirin. Commonit. i. c. 2. tations ; but the Editor does not know 
 Bibl. Patr., torn. x. p. 103, C.] from what work they are taken.] 
 
 f [These passages appear to be quo- 
 
 T2 
 
276 No security except in conforming to Divine appointments. 
 
 case. Secondly, because the goodness of God, if He pleases, 
 may in such cases supply all defects in Churches, as well as 
 one ; even the want of all ministry, as well as the want of that 
 ministry which we think you ought to have; nay even the 
 want of Sacraments in those religious societies which reject 
 them : and therefore, in the third place, those extraordinary 
 mercies, being secrets which belong to God Himself, ought 
 to be no encouragement to us to cast off His institutions, or 
 to continue in the want of them, when we may have them. 
 It is not therefore reasonable, as I conceive, to presume that 
 God, though infinitely merciful and good, will supply unto 
 us the want of such things, which we may supply ourselves 
 with, but will not. I had much rather therefore desire you 
 not to trust to those extraordinary supplies, which when 
 God grants, we cannot tell whether He grants or no. His 
 known, ordinary, covenanted mercies are the greatest and 
 most comfortable security for all Churches, as well as for all 
 particular Christians ; and therefore your truest security will 
 be to reform your Churches into the first Divine government, 
 ministry, and priesthood, in which for certain they were first 
 formed. Nay, rather than seem to flatter you with the hopes 
 of God's supplying the want of those things by His extraor- 
 dinary mercy, I would for God's sake beseech you to consider 
 how far the present constitution of your Churches agrees, or 
 disagrees, with your, and our belief of the Holy Catholic Church, 
 or the One Catholic and Apostolic Church, which is the cor- 
 poration of all true Christians, and of all true Churches, 
 founded into one communion by one priesthood, as well as 
 upon one confession of faith; and I leave it to yourselves, 
 after serious consideration, to determine whether your want 
 of that ministry, in which the whole Catholic Church and all 
 the members of it were founded, as in an unchangeable Divine 
 institution, doth not press you with great difficulties, which 
 relate to that new frame and constitution of a Church which 
 you have devised for yourselves, so different from the primi- 
 tive form. 
 
 All this I have said to you in answer to my adversary's 
 objection ; but why do I say my adversary ? for you will find 
 he is as much an adversary to your Churches and ministry 
 as ours. He makes 8 this objection of "your unchurching 
 
 K Rights, p. 314. 
 
Hickes' regard for the foreign Protestants, 277 
 
 yourselves by throwing off the episcopal government/' with 
 an ill design upon you, as well as upon us. He would render BISHOPS 
 us odious unto you for maintaining the principle upon which 
 we have reformed, and which I think it is not in the power 
 of man to change. But if you will not come up to that prin- 
 ciple and practice, we hope you will still not only bear with 
 us, but still approve what we have done in reforming our- 
 selves. But as strict and inviolable a principle as I take it 
 to be, yet, I protest in the presence of God, so far am I from 
 having any ill will to you, who I think live in the violation of 
 it, that as the Apostle of his great affection for his brethren 
 saith, he could wish that he were accursed for them from 
 Christ; so my love is so passionate for you all, and my 
 good will so great, that I could wish for your sakes it were 
 not a principle ; but what God hath made so for all times 
 and places, cannot be unmade ; what He hath so joined with 
 His Church, no man ought to put asunder from it, nor lay 
 other foundation for that holy building than He hath laid, 
 who is the Founder as well as the chief corner-stone of it, 
 and purchased it with His most precious blood. I appeal to 
 what in great kindness and pity I formerly preached 11 and 
 published in behalf of some of you, for the sincerity of this 
 declaration ; nor do I repent in the least of the good character 
 I have given of them, though Monsieur Baudan's sermon*, 
 
 h In a sermon entitled "The True part of which was quoted note o, p. 57. 
 
 Notion of Persecution stated [in a "The great compassion I had for the 
 
 sermon on 2 Cor. iv. 9, preached at French Protestants made me preach 
 
 the time of the late contribution for the and publish my Sermon of Persecution 
 
 French Protestants. Published at the twenty- five years since; in which I said 
 
 earnest request of many who heard it. all I couldforthem to remove a common 
 
 1681." In this sermon Hickes dis- objection against them, that they were 
 
 tinguished between the English laws of the same principles with our pres- 
 
 against non- conformists and Roman byterians, and as much enemies to the 
 
 Catholics, and those of the French Church of England. In that sermon 
 
 against the Huguenots, and endea- I think I have said nothing contrary 
 
 voured to remove the prejudices en- to my principle, or if any kind expres- 
 
 tertained against the refugees. At that sion leans, or seems to lean, towards 
 
 time, shortly before the revocation of favouring or approving their church 
 
 the edict of Nantes, the Huguenots and ministry, though I think there is 
 
 emigrated in great numbers, and were none such, it must in equity pass for 
 
 encouraged to settle in England. an unguarded expression, which slipped 
 
 Charles II., July 28, 1681, granted from me while my eye was wholly 
 
 them letters of denization, relieved directed to the design I had to do them 
 
 them from various payments, and en- good." Quoted in Gen. Diet., note to 
 
 couraged voluntary contributions for art. Hickes.] 
 
 their support. * [This sermon the Editor has not 
 
 Hickes refers to this sermon in the seen.] 
 Letter to Dr. Turner of May 5, 1707 ; 
 
278 Rejection of Bishops by the Scottish people wilful. 
 PREFAT. no t l on g a g preached and printed at Delf, in which the 
 
 D I SCO URSE j 
 
 SECT, xx. Church of England is so deeply concerned, perhaps would 
 make some other men repent. 
 
 Thus much I have said in answer to my adversary ; with 
 all the tenderness for the Protestant Churches who plead 
 necessity for their not having the episcopal government and 
 ministry, for which many of their pastors have expressed 
 great respect. But there is another Protestant Church 
 which pleads not necessity to excuse their abdication of 
 episcopacy, but declares it was their duty to cast it off, as 
 an unlawful antichristian constitution, contrary to the word of 
 God ; and pursuant thereunto have more than once deposed 
 their own bishops, forced some of them by persecution to 
 renounce their episcopal function, and entered into a solemn 
 league and covenant, which they still think obliging, to 
 endeavour the destruction of it. If the ancient fathers who 
 were saints and martyrs, were now living to see such a 
 strange Church, how astonished would they stand at the 
 sight of it, and with what holy indignation would they 
 thunder against the iniquity of it, and charge the people to 
 separate themselves from the ministry of it, as from Corah 
 and his company, lest they perished with them in their sin. 
 They would think such a pretended Church no better than 
 a band of rebels against the Catholic Apostolic Church, and 
 altogether unworthy of the name of a Church, as being not 
 only an absolute variation from the Church of Christ as to 
 its polity and mission, but a sworn confederacy against them, 
 even "the abomination of desolation" in the house or king- 
 dom of God ; of which they would think their pastors not 
 ministers, but by their old principles most malicious enemies; 
 not pastors of the flock, but wolves ; to many of both which, 
 notwithstanding, I trust that God, who can make dispensa- 
 tions and allowances for the greatest ignorances, mistakes, 
 and prejudices of His frail creatures, which men cannot make, 
 will shew mercy in the great day, according to the prayer of 
 our Lord upon the cross, " Father, forgive them ; they know 
 not what they do." 
 
 I have now answered the invidious objection of our worthy 
 author against the necessity of the episcopal government, and 
 now cannot but desire my readers to reflect a little with me 
 
Tindal excludes Churchmen from his 'natural rights.' 279 
 
 on his great disingenuity, who loads us of this opinion with 
 bitter invectives and opprobrious names, although he hath 
 laid it down as the foundation of his whole work j , " that all 
 men, except atheists, have not only a natural freedom, but a 
 strict natural right to believe and profess such speculative 
 points as they think true, and to follow the dictates of their 
 own understandings in all religious matters, to which/' he 
 saith, "the magistrate's power doth not extend." Yet without 
 any consideration of us, or the antiquity and universality of 
 our principles among Christians, and contrary to his own 
 doctrine of natural right, he upbraids and ridicules us for it, 
 though he knows we follow the dictates of our own con- 
 sciences in believing and professing of it, and as much as in 
 him lies, he endeavours to expose and theatrize us and our 
 opinion, as it were to put us in the pillory with it written on 
 our breasts, that that may be flouted, and we pelted for it 
 by the mob. His disingenuity is no less observable in charg- 
 ing our principle with great seeming concern, as destructive 
 to the presbyterian Church of Scotland; "those," saith he k , 
 " who are for episcopacy, jure divino, if they act and speak 
 consistently with their opinion, can have no favourable 
 opinion of the Revolution, whereby in Scotland the true 
 Church, by the abolition of episcopacy, hath been de- 
 stroyed." Good God ! what stuff is this for a man to vent, 
 who would be thought some great one among the writers 
 against the Church ; for first, why should not they who 
 believe the Divine right of episcopacy, act, and speak, and 
 write too, consistently with their opinion, which they have a 
 natural right to believe and profess ? Secondly, how can they 
 help the consequences of their opinion, more than other men 
 can help the consequences of theirs, " who," he saith, " must 
 judge for themselves in matters of religion ?" or more than he 
 himself can help the consequences of his, whose opinion of 
 Churches, and of the absurdities of the independent power, 
 destroys the Scottish presbyterian Church, as effectually as 
 the episcopal Church of England ? I say the presbyterian 
 Church of Scotland, which carries the independent power 
 and all the absurdities he charges upon it, much higher than 
 the highest flyers of the Church of England ever did, or now 
 
 J [Rights, pp. 14, 15.] k Ibid., p. 315. 
 
 TION OF 
 BISHOPS. 
 
280 His malice against the Church and Clergy. 
 
 do ? Lastly, what hath this opinion to do with the Revolu- 
 ' tion, more than that of the " high Scotized flyers" (pardon 
 me for using one of his scurrilous names) among the presby- 
 terians, who in both nations, by his way of reasoning, must 
 have no favourable opinion of the Revolution, which hath 
 continued the antichristian, unlawful episcopal form of go- 
 vernment in the Church of England and Ireland, though 
 never so contrary to the word of God? Doth he not know 
 that men may like a government, and yet have no favourable 
 opinion of some proceedings in it ? Or hath he forgot what 
 he saith 1 , that in a society, and by consequence in all govern- 
 ments, men " must be determined, even in things they do not 
 like, by the greater number, as having the greater force." 
 But any turn of speech or fallacy will serve as an argument 
 against the Church of England and her clergy, if it will 
 expose them. He represents her hierarchy as the " spiritual 
 Babylon," whose fall will be great ; and notwithstanding all 
 his declamations against persecution, he persecutes her and 
 her loving and dutiful sons, through his whole book, even as 
 [Ps. 137. 7.] the children of Edom did Jerusalem, when they said, " down 
 with it, down with it, even to the ground." He will not 
 allow her to maintain herself and her assemblies, neither by 
 his natural, nor her own Divine right. In short, all her sons 
 who derive not her power from the people, but God ; all that 
 are not, as he himself is, sons of Belial, or latitude, or dis- 
 guise, he would, if he could, if he durst, take them ; or make 
 the people take them, as children of Babylon, and " dash 
 them in pieces against the stones." I appeal to the strain 
 of his whole book for the truth, at least for the probability 
 of what I say ; and indeed if they are such as he with all his 
 art and malice represents them to be, they deserve but little 
 better usage ; if by principle they indeed are enslavers of 
 mankind, and as certain of their poets said of us, with a 
 love and respect like that of his, 
 
 Surcingle knaves, 
 
 Whose lives make atheists, and their doctrine slaves." 
 SECT, xxi. His next objection is against " the bishops deriving their 
 interriTted r ^ n * by an uninterrupted succession of bishops in the 
 
 1 Rights, p. 6. 
 
 m [The Editor has not been able to find from what work this quotation is made.] 
 
On deriving our succession from the Church of Rome. 281 
 
 Catholic Church." In answer to which I must observe, SUCCES- 
 that, as he hath urged all the statutes of the realm against BISHOPS. 
 
 the Church of England, just as the popish writers have done, 
 so like them also, and I have reason to believe with the same in the 
 design, he hath drawn arguments against the succession of church? 
 her bishops, who derive their succession from the Church 
 of Rome, because we charge her with many grievous cor- 
 ruptions, and notwithstanding acknowledge her to be a true 
 Church ; which he pretends to prove is absurd for us to do, if 
 she hath so many and such great faults as we accuse her of. 
 
 He is not wanting in his usual rhetoric to expose us upon 
 that account. "They have/' saith he n , "more favourable 
 thoughts of the papists, whom they reverence as a true 
 Church, than of the Protestant dissenters, whom they reckon 
 no other than (the vilest thing in their eyes) a mere lay 
 mob." This is one of the many kind strokes of his pen to 
 halloo the mob upon us ; and needs no other reflection. For 
 every wise man knows, that though we own the Church of 
 Rome for a true Church, it is purely in the metaphysical 
 sense of the word, as true signifies real, and not in the moral 
 sense. So the devil is a true angel or spirit, as true sig- 
 nifies verity of essence, though he is a lying spirit and the 
 father of lies. So, in verity of essence, Judas was a true or 
 real man, though he was a traitor an<J betrayed his Lord. 
 He wants not learning to know this difference between true 
 in a metaphysical, and true in a moral sense ; and also 
 knows very well that, although we own the Church of Rome 
 for a true, that is, for a real Church, yet we have no rever- 
 ence or veneration for her, as a corrupt degenerate Church ; 
 that very charge which he cannot but confess we lay upon 
 her, and for which perhaps he is secretly angry at us, is a 
 sufficient vindication of us from the odious imputation of 
 our reverencing the Church of Rome. Should a man charge 
 him with many and grievous corruptions in manners , and 
 yet own him for a true, that is, a real Christian ; I believe he 
 would not thank him, or think himself much obliged to 
 him, though he should profess to him and all the world at 
 the same time, that notwithstanding the heavy charge he 
 had brought and proved against him, he had a respect for 
 
 n Rights, p. 315. See note c, p. 163. 
 
282 The Roman a true Church, though corrupt. 
 
 PREFAT. him, as a Christian man ; and would it not be great injustice 
 
 DISCOURSE, . r 
 
 SECT, xxi. in others to treat that man as one that had a reverence for 
 sinners, because he owned him for a Christian notwithstand- 
 ing all the immoralities which he laid to his charge. He 
 saith p , f that we allow the Church of Rome to be a true Church 
 for no other reason than because, by our hypothesis of eccle- 
 siastical government, we find it necessary for the support of 
 our own/ But it is very well known, that we do not only 
 allow her, and assert her to be so, but have proved it by such 
 arguments as he cannot answer, notwithstanding the schism, 
 and idolatry, and tyranny, and other corruptions which we 
 lay to her charge. All his arguments upon this head, 
 against us and the Church of England, were long since 
 fully answered by Archbishop Laud, in his Conference with 
 Fisher the Jesuit q ; and lately by myself in the book cited 
 in the margin 1 ", p. 79, and from^p. 139 to p. 150. My ad- 
 versary 8 had as subtle and sophistical a brain as Fisher, and 
 as he dressed up Fisher in new clothes, so the author of the 
 Rights hath dressed up him ; and I refer the reader to my 
 answer, to which my adversary hath never yet replied, and 
 I challenge this Goliath, who defies and insults the clergy 
 from the beginning of his preface to the end of his book, to 
 make a reply to it if he can. 
 
 P Rights, p. 322. 20. 1, 2. pp. 104, 105. Oxford, 1839.] 
 <1 ["There is some (difference) he- r Several Letters, which passed be- 
 
 tween a true Church and a right ween Dr. George Hickes, and a Popish 
 
 Church, which is the word you use, Priest. London, printed for Richard 
 
 .... that it is a true Church I granted, Sare, 1705. [The first passage referred 
 
 but not a right (one) .... for every to, p. 79, almost repeats Laud's words, 
 
 thing that hath a being is truly that The second, pp. 139 150, pursues the 
 
 being which it is in truth of substance. same argument, instancing the Jewish 
 
 .... A man that is most dishonest and Church, " which lost not its being as a 
 
 unworthy the name, a very thief (if you Church notwithstanding its sins," the 
 
 will) is a true man in the verity of his particular Churches mentioned in the 
 
 essence, as he is a creature endued with 2nd and 3rd chapters of the Revela- 
 
 reason ; for this none can steal from tions, and the analogy of priests and 
 
 him, nor he from himself, but death; baptized Christians, " who lose not their 
 
 but is not therefore a right, or an up- orders or their being as Christians by 
 
 right man. And a Church that is ex- sin."] 
 
 ceeding corrupt, both in manners and s [His adversary was an unknown 
 doctrine, and so is a dishonour to the Romish priest, with whom he engaged 
 name, is yet a true Church in the in a conference for the purpose of con- 
 verity of essence, as a Church is a com- vincing a lady who had gone over to 
 pany of men which profess the faith of the Roman Catholic communion. The 
 Christ and are baptized into His name, subject was the infallibility, or rather, 
 yet is it not therefore a right Church as Hickes says, " the indefectibility" of 
 either in doctrines or manners." - the Church.] 
 Laud's Conference with Fisher, sect. 
 
Beza and Claude on the mission of the French ministers. 283 
 
 As to the answer which Beza* made at the conference of SUCCKS- 
 Poissy to the objection which was brought against himself, 
 and the Protestant ministers, for want of a mission, it is the 
 same in substance with that which quakers, and anabaptists, 
 and some other sectaries make to the same objection. And 
 it is deplorable to consider that, from Beza to Mr. Claude", 
 the French ministers would suffer themselves to be pressed 
 with an objection, to which they could make no other answer 
 but that ' gifts/ and ' a good life/ and ' sound doctrine/ and 
 the ' election of the people/ was sufficient to a lawful and 
 valid call to the ministry. I can assure our author that my 
 Lord Chancellor Clarendon, whom he thinks he wittily calls 
 the "favourite author of high Church v ," did not think such 
 a call with presbyterian ordination lawful, and for that 
 reason never would communicate with the French Protes- 
 tants, neither in his first or second being in France x . For 
 which reason the famous Mr. Claude, the chief minister of 
 CharentonY, inveighed bitterly against him, and Dr. Morley, 
 
 * ["At the famous conference at 
 Poissy, between the papists and protes- 
 tants (Thuan. Hist., toni. ii. lib. 28. p. 
 45. ) when the want of a call and au- 
 thority was objected to the reformed 
 ministers, Beza declared, that ' to a 
 legitimate call, imposition of hands 
 was not necessary ; but that the chief 
 and substantial tokens thereof were a 
 good life, sound doctrine, and election 
 (meaning of the people) ; nor was it to 
 be wondered at, if they had not received 
 imposition of hands from them whose 
 corrupt life, superstition, and false doc- 
 trine they were to reprove. Or how 
 could it be expected they should ever 
 be allowed of by them who were ene- 
 mies to the truth they defended ? ' After 
 the same manner does the excellent 
 Monsieur Claude and other Huguenot 
 divines write." Rights, p. 335. For 
 the conference of Poissy, see note a, 
 p. 272.] 
 
 [As was said in the note last re- 
 ferred to, Beza, the successor of Cal- 
 vin, was specially sent from Geneva 
 to be present at Poissy. Claude had 
 been pastor at Charenton, and the 
 leading divine among the reformed 
 from 1666, till the revocation of the 
 edict of Nantes in 1685. The mention 
 of Claude refers to the conference he 
 had with Bossuet in 1678, (see note b, 
 p. 272,) to whom his answer was, " II a 
 
 fallu quelquefois, et notamment de nos 
 jours, ou 1'etat de 1'Eglise etoit inter- 
 rompu, que Dieu suscitat gens d'une 
 facon extraordinaire pour dresser de 
 nouveau 1'Eglise ;" on Art. xxxi., De 
 1'elat interrompu de 1'Eglise. See 
 Bossuet's Reflections, &c. CEuvres 
 completes, torn, xxiii. p. 416. See also 
 the translation of Claude's work, en- 
 titled, ' ' M.Claude's answer to Monsieur 
 de Meaux's work, en titled a Conference 
 with M. Claude," &c. London, 1687, pp. 
 55, 56. " It signifies nothing to allege, 
 that they were possessed of the ministry 
 by an external and ordinary succes- 
 sion . . . They enjoyed it by an ex- 
 ternal succession, it is confessed ; but 
 this succession, with respect to men's 
 persons, continued no longer than we 
 can say, the faithful are under their 
 ministry. When we cannot be sure of 
 that any more, from thenceforth the 
 prelates have lost their right, and such 
 a succession afterwards would be but 
 as the succession of death to a disease, 
 or of night to twilight."] 
 
 * Rights, p. 342. 
 
 * [Clarendon's first residence in 
 France was from 1648 till the Re- 
 storation; the second, from his re- 
 tirement and exile in December, 1667, 
 till his death, Dec. 9, 1674.] 
 
 * [See note b, p. 272. Charen- 
 ton was the place of worship for the 
 
284 Clarendon's views respecting the French Protestants. 
 
 PREFAT. and others, for refusing communion with them, in a dis- 
 SECT. XXL' course I had with him thirty-six years ago at his own house 
 about their mission, too long to be recited here 2 . What he 
 cites out of vol. ii. pp. 73 75, of that noble historian, is not 
 at all for his purpose a . It neither proves the Church of 
 Rome not to be a true Church, or the mission of the French 
 ministers to be a valid mission, nor is it for the honour of the 
 French Protestants, as any man may see, that will read the 
 whole passage; but let his intention or malice be what it 
 will in citing of it, he must permit me to refer him to another 
 passage in that prince of historians, vol. iii. book xiii. pp. 345, 
 346 b . I had rather for the sake of the French Protestants, 
 
 reformed of Paris. The edict of Nantes 
 did not allow any of the Huguenot con- 
 gregations within five leagues of the 
 capital ; Henry IV. relaxed the rule in 
 this instance. Charenton is two leagues 
 from Paris.] 
 
 1 [Hickes had a similar conversation 
 with Diodati at Geneva. See the let- 
 ter to Dr. Turner, quoted note o, p. 57. 
 " At Geneva I was invited to the 
 Sacrament by M. Diodati, but not 
 going, he told me he believed I ab- 
 sented as many English did who ques- 
 tioned their mission, and after that he 
 grew cold and dry in his conversation 
 with me. I believe by the English he 
 meant my Lord Chancellor Clarendon 
 and the English that were with him." 
 Morley was one of these, being chap- 
 lain in Lord Clarendon's family during 
 his first residence abroad at the time 
 of the Rebellion.] 
 
 a [The passage referred to contains a 
 review of the change in the conduct of 
 the English Church and government to- 
 wards the foreign Protestants : detailing 
 the encouragements given them to settle 
 in England, in the reigns of Edward VI. 
 and Elizabeth, with a freedom to use 
 their own forms of worship ; and on the 
 other hand the attempts on the part of 
 the bishops in the reign of Charles I. 
 to put them under some restraint: and 
 again, the circumstance that the Eng- 
 lish ambassadors in France had been 
 used to attend the worship of the re- 
 formed at Charenton, but afterwards de- 
 clined doing so ; and instead,had a chapel 
 of their own, and the service of the Eng- 
 lish Church, with ornaments which were 
 offensive to the foreign Protestants. 
 
 The passage to their disadvantage 
 probably is, "The ambassador lieger 
 at Paris had held a fair intercourse 
 
 with those of that religion throughout 
 the kingdom, by which they (the Eng- 
 lish) had still received advantage, that 
 people being industrious and active to 
 get into the secrets of the state, and so 
 deriving all necessary intelligence to 
 those whom they desired to gratify." 
 Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, 
 vol. iii. book vi. p. 363, sqq. Oxford, 
 1826. This is not quoted by Tindal.] 
 b [The passage is to this effect. 
 When Charles II. was at Paris in 1652, 
 the Protestant ministers pressed him 
 much to attend their service at Cha- 
 renton, which the queen his mother 
 encouraged, " as the best expedient 
 which might incline him, by degrees, 
 to prefer the religion of the Church of 
 Rome." Lord Jermyn urged it with 
 the view of keeping up an interest with 
 the presbyterians, and gaining the 
 foreign Protestants ; and there was the 
 more hope of prevailing, in consequence 
 of the recent death of Dr. Steward, who 
 had had great influence over the king. 
 The chancellor of the exchequer, how- 
 ever (Clarendon), strongly dissuaded 
 him from it, urging that whatever pro- 
 fessions the Huguenots might have 
 made previously, " they had generally, 
 as soon as the troubles begun, expressed 
 great malice to the late king, and very 
 many of their preachers and ministers 
 had publicly and industriously justified 
 the Rebellion, and prayed for the good 
 success of it ; and their synod itself had 
 inveighed in such a manner against the 
 Church of England . . . and against 
 episcopacy, as if it were inconsistent 
 with the Protestant religion . . . that 
 his going there would not be without 
 this effect, that it would be concluded 
 everywhere, that his majesty thought 
 the one or the other profession to be 
 
Bishop Burnet on the twenty-third Article. 285 
 
 any body should have the mortification of transcribing it SUCCES- 
 than myself. But if he pleases to consult it, there he will BISHOPS. 
 find that his lordship was "an high-flyer of the Laudean 
 faction," as he terms it, who thought , that "there could 
 not be a more deadly wound to the Church of England, 
 than to have it thought indifferent whether one were of 
 the presbyterian, or of her communion." 
 
 I do not think myself obliged to answer what he hath 
 transcribed out of the bishop of Sarum's Exposition upon 
 the twenty- third Article d , for some reasons. First, because 
 I think what I have already written in my two letters, and 
 in this preface, may pass for an answer to it. And secondly, 
 because his lordship's exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles 
 hath received 6 some censure already in the lower house of 
 
 indifferent; and that there could not be 
 a more deadly wound," &c., as in the 
 text. vol. vi. p. 575. Oxford, 1826.] 
 
 c [See last note.] 
 
 The twenty-third article is so 
 far from confining the power of making 
 ministers to bishops, that it only in 
 general terms declares 'ministers are 
 to be sent by those who have public 
 authority,' without determining who 
 they are ; because the Church, as the 
 bishop of Sarum observes, ' supposes 
 they might be different in different 
 places,' and therefore allowed all Pro- 
 testants who separated from Rome, 
 though ever so widely differing in their 
 notions of Church government and 
 the power of ordination, to be true 
 Churches." Rights, p. 339. This is 
 but the substance of Bishop Burnet's 
 statements. See Exposition of the xxxix 
 Articles, pp. 345, &c. Oxford, 1819.] 
 
 * In the humble representation of 
 the lower house, May 30, 1701. After 
 which the house drew up a paper of 
 specialities, which was not received by 
 the upper house. 
 
 [May 30, 1701. The lower house of 
 convocation presented to the bishops 
 the following representation respecting 
 the bishop of Sarum's Exposition of 
 the xxxix Articles. 
 
 " To the most reverend father in God 
 Thomas lord archbishop of Canterbury, 
 and to the right reverend the bishops 
 his suffragans. The humble represen- 
 tation of the lower house of convoca- 
 tion. 
 
 Whereas a book hath been lately 
 published entituled, an Exposition of 
 
 the XXXIX Articles of the Church of 
 England, by Gilbert lord bishop of 
 Sarum, which the author declares to 
 have passed the perusal of both the 
 archbishops, and several bishops and 
 learned divines, and suggests their ap- 
 probation of it : and whereas we think 
 it our duty, as much as in us lies, 
 to secure the doctrine contained in 
 those articles from any attempts that 
 may be made against them : we most 
 humbly offer to your grace and your 
 lordships, the sense of this house ; which 
 is as follows ; 
 
 1. That the said book tends to intro- 
 duce such a latitude and diversity of 
 opinions, as the articles were framed to 
 avoid. 
 
 2. That there are many passages in 
 the exposition of several articles, which 
 appear to us to be contrary to the true 
 meaning of them, and to other received 
 doctrines of our Church. 
 
 3. That there are some things in the 
 said book which seem to us to be of 
 dangerous consequence to the Church 
 of England as by law established, and 
 to derogate from the honour of its 
 Reformation. 
 
 All which particulars we humbly 
 lay before your lordships, praying your 
 opinion herein." 
 
 At first this paper could not be 
 received, owing to a resolution of the 
 upper house not to receive any thing 
 from the lower till an alleged irregu- 
 larity were set right 
 
 In the next session however, June 
 6, at the earnest request of the bishop 
 himself, the paper was brought up, and 
 
286 
 
 Bishop Burners view of a l lawful calling' 
 
 convocation, from men whom I look upon as not inferior to 
 hi 8 lordship in the study of true divinity. And thirdly, be- 
 cause his exposition on the twenty-third article, which my 
 adversary cites, hath received at least one solid answer f , to 
 which, with submission to his lordship, and with all respect 
 to him, I think he stands still indebted for a just and full 
 reply. But though I decline making an answer to what is 
 cited by the author of the Rights out of that exposition, yet 
 with all humility I beg leave, for my better information and 
 
 after being read over and considered 
 by the archbishop and bishops, the 
 archbishop said, " Your paper of com- 
 plaint against my lord of Sarum's book 
 does contain only generals ; and there- 
 fore we must require you to bring up 
 the specialties or particulars of your 
 charge against that book." Whilst 
 this was preparing by the lower house, 
 a committee of bishops had come to 
 the following resolutions. 
 
 " In relation to the complaint and 
 censure of the bishop of Sarum's Expo- 
 sition of the XXXIX Articles, made 
 by the lower house and presented to 
 the archbishop and bishops on May 
 30th, 1701 ; 
 
 I. It is our opinion, that the lower 
 house of convocation has no manner of 
 power judicially to censure any book. 
 
 II. That the lower house of convo- 
 cation ought not to have entered upon 
 the examination of a book of any bi- 
 shop of this Church without first ac- 
 quainting the president and bishops 
 with it. 
 
 III. That the lower house of convo- 
 cation's censuring the book of the 
 bishop of Sarum in general terms, 
 without mentioning the particular pas- 
 sages on which the censure is grounded, 
 is defamatory and scandalous. 
 
 IV. That the bishop of Sarum by 
 his excellent History of the Reforma- 
 tion, approved by both houses of par- 
 liament, and other writings, hath done 
 great service to the Church of England, 
 and justly deserves the thanks of this 
 house. 
 
 V. That though private persons may 
 expound the articles of the Church, 
 yet it cannot be proper for the convo- 
 cation at this time to approve, much 
 less to condemn, such private expo- 
 sitions." 
 
 At the next session, June 20, the 
 prolocutor of the lower house appeared 
 holding in his hands two several papers, 
 
 and offering to deliver both of them ; 
 to which the president replied that he 
 could receive no paper from him but 
 that containing the particularities of 
 the general charge against the bishop 
 of Sarum's Exposition of the XXXIX 
 Articles, which at the request of the 
 said bishop he was now ready to re- 
 ceive. The prolocutor however said 
 he was not authorized to present one 
 paper without the other: nor was any 
 further step taken when the convoca- 
 tion, after successive prorogations, was 
 dissolved. See Kennett's History of 
 England, vol. iii. pp. 846850; and 
 also, " A narrative of the proceedings of 
 the lower house of convocation, &c., 
 drawn up by order of the house," Lon- 
 don, 4to. 1 701 : and, " The history of the 
 convocation, &c., faithfully drawn from 
 the journal of the upper, and from the 
 narrative and minutes of the lower 
 house," London, 1701. 
 
 Burnet, after giving the heads of the 
 representation, adds, " What the par- 
 ticulars to which these general heads 
 referred, were, could never be learned ; 
 this was a secret lodged in confiding 
 hands : I begged that the archbishop 
 would dispense with the order made 
 against further communications with 
 the lower house, as to this matter ; but 
 they would enter into no particulars, 
 unless they might at the same time offer 
 some other matters, which the bishops 
 would not admit of." Own Times, 
 vol. ii. p. 285. fol.] 
 
 f [The works which Hickes refers to 
 are, " A Vindication of the 23rd Article 
 from a late exposition ascribed to my 
 Lord Bishop of Sarum." London, 1702. 
 (The work is attributed to Mr. William 
 Thornton, principal of Hart Hall.) And 
 " The Reasonableness of a Toleration 
 of those of the Episcopal Persuasion 
 enquired into, purely on Church prin- 
 ciples," by Bp. Sage ; Edinburgh, 1705. 
 See p. 319, and note o, p. 290.] 
 
contrary to the more exact expressions of the Church. 287 
 
 satisfaction, to ask his lordship a few questions. First, whether SUCCES- 
 his lordship's latitude-exposition of the twenty-third article, BISHOPS. 
 concerning the lawful calling and mission of ministers, be 
 agreeable to the stricter expressions of the Church in other 
 places; as particularly in her Form and Manner of making, 
 ordaining, and consecrating of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, 
 and the Preface thereunto. In the former it is the bishop 
 only that gives authority to the deacon, and commits the 
 sacerdotal power to the priest by the imposition of his, with 
 the presbyters', hands, giving him authority to preach, and 
 administer the Sacraments, and loose sinners in the name of 
 the Father, &c. So in the consecration of a bishop, the person 
 consecrated to the episcopal order and office hath all the 
 power of it committed unto him by the imposition of the 
 hands of the consecrating bishops : and in the preface the 
 Church declares, first, that f these three offices have been in 
 the Church of Christ from the time of the Apostles f and 
 secondly, "that they were evermore had in such reverend 
 estimation, that no man might presume to execute any of 
 them, except he were first called, &c., and also, by public 
 prayer with imposition of hands, were approved and admitted 
 thereunto by lawful authority." And thirdly, " that no man 
 shall be accounted, or taken to be a lawful bishop, priest, or 
 deacon in the Church of England, or suffered to execute any 
 of the said functions, except he be called, &c., and admitted 
 thereunto according to the form hereafter following, or hath 
 had formerly episcopal consecration or ordination." So in 
 the Act for Uniformity, 14 Carol. II., which seconds and 
 confirms the order of the Church, it is enacted, "that no 
 person whatsoever shall be capable to be admitted to any 
 parsonage, &c., or any ecclesiastical promotion or dignity, 
 nor shall presume to administer the holy Sacrament of the 
 Lord's Supper, before such time as he shall be ordained 
 priest according to the form and manner in and by the said 
 book prescribed, unless he have formerly been made priest 
 by episcopal ordination." So in the Canons g , whenever there 
 is mention of ordination, there is also mention of bishops, as 
 in Canons 31, 32, 33, 34. So in the Articles for the Clergy 
 
 g [A.D. 1604.] 
 
288 Episcopal Ordination alone recognised in our Church ; 
 
 PUEFAT. made by the province of Canterbury, 1584 h , the first article, 
 SECT. xxi. which provides that none but fit persons shall be admitted 
 to holy orders, supposes that none but bishops could ordain, 
 as in those expressions, Quod si vero aliquis episcopus aliquem 
 ad sacros ordines admiserit ; Ne quis episcopus aliquem in 
 beneficium instituat, &c. 
 
 These observations being premised, I desire to ask his lord- 
 ship in the second place, whether these things ought not to 
 have been his lordship's rule in his exposition of the " lawful 
 authority" mentioned in the twenty-third article, which in 
 the Preface to the Form and Manner of making, ordaining, 
 and consecrating, &c., can signify nothing but the episcopal 
 authority, to which it is there restrained. Thirdly, I desire 
 to know, that if our Church owns such ordinations and mis- 
 sions as his lordship mentions in his exposition, as lawful 
 and valid ; with what consistency to herself, or to that cor- 
 respondence, fellowship, and communion which ought to be 
 among Christian Churches, she can so positively refuse to let 
 the ministers of other Protestant Churches execute their 
 ministerial office, or have any ministerial charge within her 
 pale, before they are episcopally ordained ? Fourthly, I de- 
 sire to know whether our reformers, and their successors not 
 (expressly) " questioning," condemning, or annulling the or- 
 dinations and missions of the ministers of the other Pro- 
 testant Churches "for eighty years," as his lordship saith 1 , 
 amounts to an argument that they owned and approved 
 them ? If so, then I would ask, whether the non-concurrence 
 of the upper house of convocation with the lower to censure 
 his lordship's Exposition be an approving of the same j ? 
 Fifthly, I desire to know if the authority of the clergy, who 
 have questioned the lawfulness of their ordinations and mis- 
 sions, and utterly excluded them from ministering in our 
 Church, since the term of those eighty years mentioned by 
 his lordship, be not as good an argument against their min- 
 istry, as the not questioning of it before that time was for 
 
 h [Articuli per archiepiscopum epi- successors for near eighty years after 
 
 scopes et reliquum clerum Cantuarensis those articles were published, did 
 
 provinciae in synodo inchoatae Londini, ever quesion the constitution of such 
 
 Nov. 24, 1584 stabiliti, &c. Wil- Churches." Burnet, Exposition ; Art. 
 
 kins' Concilia, vol. iv. p. 315.] xxiii. p. 349.] 
 
 > [" Neither our reformers, nor their J [See note d, p. 285, 286.] 
 
analogy of the Jews ; example of the Bohemians. 289 
 
 it. Sixthly, I desire to know if God hath not appointed one SUCCES- 
 priesthood for the one universal Church of Christians dis- BISHOPS. 
 persed through the whole world, as He did for the one par- 
 ticular Church of the Jews ; and if He did, whether another 
 priesthood of a private man's setting up in a family, as that 
 of Micah was, or another public priesthood, as that of Jero- 
 boam's setting up in a kingdom for "politic reasons" of [Judges 17. 
 state, are more justifiable in the Christian than in the Jewish ^ Kings 
 Church ? I ask this question, because I cannot yet think, 12> 27 *^ 
 as his lordship doth, that we are "at liberty, as to our 
 thoughts, concerning the subject of that lawful authority 15 " 
 which is to call, send, and ordain men to the ministry in the 
 Christian Church. 
 
 I might ask many more questions ; as whether, if one 
 Micah cannot make a lawful priest, an hundred or thou- 
 sand Micahs together can make one 1 ? and whether the men 
 who let themselves be made priests by Micah and King 
 Jeroboam, did not commit as great a sin as they who made 
 them priests? I might also ask if one place, country, or 
 kingdom, which wants a lawful priesthood, (I mean, priests 
 ordained by the authority of God's appointing,) ought not, 
 after the example of the Bohemians 111 , to send all over the 
 world, and fetch priests of such a priesthood, like the most 
 precious merchandise, from the remotest countries ? and if 
 they ought, whether there ever n was or can be such a neces- 
 
 k ["That no man enter upon any a regular succession of ministers. They 
 
 part of the holy ministry ' without he be resolved to use every possible means to 
 
 chosen, and called by such as have an obtain episcopal consecration, and sent 
 
 authority so to do,' that, I say, is fixed three priests to the only Christians, so far 
 
 by this article ; but men are left more as they knew, from whom they could re- 
 
 at liberty as to their thoughts concern - ceive it; these were the Waldenses, who 
 
 ing the subject of this lawful authority." professed to have the episcopal succes- 
 
 Ibid., p. 345.] sion, and had now some congregations 
 
 1 [Burnet's words are, "If a com- and a bishop, called Stephen, in Austria, 
 
 pany of Christians" (under circum- lie, assisted by another bishop, conse- 
 
 stances of supposed necessity, see note crated them. See Holmes' History of 
 
 p, in the next page,) "should by a the Moravians, vol. i. pp. 50 54.] 
 common consent desire some of their n Rich. Montacutii Episcopi Nor- 
 
 own number to minister to them in wicensis Originum Ecclesiasticarum 
 
 holy things .... if this necessity is Tomi prioris pars posterior, p. 463, 
 
 real and not feigned, this is not con- 464. [London, 1640. Credimus, ac- 
 
 dernned or annulled by this Article." curate tuemur et defendimus ... Sa- 
 
 Ibid., p. 347.] cerdotium rite delegatum, esse, fuisse, 
 
 m [The Unitas Fratrum of the Bohe- futurum esse, ordinem ilium in ecclesia 
 
 mians and Moravians, after they had saccrdotalem in ecclesia visibili con- 
 
 separated from the communion of the stitutum, agnitum, agnoscendumve ; 
 
 Church, convened a synod in 1467, to ... Hoc ipsu::i omVium et munus in 
 
 deliberate on the means of maintaining Ecclesia, sive Apostolkum sive sacer- 
 
 HICKES. 
 
PREFAT. 
 DISCOURSE, 
 SECT. XXI. 
 
 290 An irregular ministry would cease ivith the necessity ; 
 
 sity for kings or people to make ministers, as his lordship 
 supposethP? or allowing that there was such a necessity, 
 whether, the necessity ceasing, those ministers made in that 
 necessity, and their ministry, did not cease with it ? because 
 the law of necessity, from which his lordship argues, can last 
 no longer than the necessity itself q . I also beg leave to ask 
 his lordship, whether that case happening in any Christian 
 country, where ' kings or states are jealous of their subjects 
 
 already hinted, a necessity wilfully and 
 undutifully made by one's-self can 
 never be honestly pleaded to be a just 
 necessity. . . . You have undutifully 
 kicked out of doors those who had 
 the power of ordination : and then you 
 plead necessity, and that you must 
 ordain without them." p. 219. 
 
 See also pp. 204, 205. " (4.) I cannot 
 see how that which is quite out of all 
 rule, till it be rectified, can ever grow 
 up to a duly regulated constitution. I 
 think the common axiom, ' Non firmatur 
 tempore quod ab initio non subsistit,' 
 is founded on eternal and unalterable 
 reason. Neither (5.) am I persuaded 
 that there ever was such a necessity as 
 might justify such a presumption. . . . 
 When priests duly ordained are want- 
 ing, I think the common doctrine of 
 Protestants about the ' no absolute ne- 
 cessity of Sacraments' should be re- 
 membered, and laics ought to worship 
 together, and edify one another the 
 best way they can, but always keeping 
 within their own sphere, and humbly 
 waiting till God shall provide them 
 persons duly consecrated. . . . And even 
 making the hard supposition that in 
 such matters necessity can justify ex- 
 traordinary and irregular steps, yet this 
 must be allowed, that cases of necessity 
 can hold no longer than the necessity 
 continues. And this too, that necessity 
 can never excuse those who inex- 
 cusably make it."] 
 
 p [" If a company of Christians find 
 the public worship where they live to 
 be so defiled, that they cannot with a 
 good conscience join in it, and if they 
 do not know of any place to which 
 they can conveniently go, where they 
 may worship God purely and in a 
 regular way." Burnet, Exposition, 
 ibid. This was the necessity referred 
 to in the extract in note 1, p. 289.] 
 
 <J [Burnet had said "when this (ir- 
 regular beginning) grows to a consti- 
 tution, it was acknowledged," &c. 
 Exposition, ibid.] 
 
 dotale, adeo esse de necessitate salutis 
 ordinaria, ut sine altero alterum esse 
 nequeat. Non est sacerdotium nisi in 
 Ecclesia ; non est Ecclesia sine sacer- 
 dotio. Illud autem intelligo, per x- 
 poOeoriav episcopalem ordinariam. Ne- 
 que enim admittendam censemus extra- 
 ordinariam aliquam seu vocationem, seu 
 \ftrovpylav, nisi miraculosam. Opor- 
 tet omnino miraculis agant, et suam 
 confirment functionem signo aliquo, 
 qui non ab episcopis, derivata ab Apo- 
 stolis per successionem institutione, in 
 Ecclesiam inducuntur. . . Nam quod 
 praetendunt, ordinariam vocationem 
 retinendam, adhibendam, eique adhae- 
 rescendum, nisi in casu necessitatis, 
 absurdum est, et supposition! nititur 
 impossibilitatis. Neque enim talis 
 casus, aut extitit aliquando, aut con- 
 tingere potest : nisi fallat nos Dominus, 
 qui promisit, ' Portae inferorum non 
 praevalebunt, Ecce sum vobiscum ad 
 consummationem mundi.'] 
 
 The Reasonableness of Toleration, 
 &c. Letter v. p. 208. [The title of 
 this book was, The Reasonableness of 
 a Toleration of those of the Episcopal 
 Persuasion inquired into purely on 
 Church Principles. With a brief Ex- 
 amination of some things in Mr. Mel- 
 drum's Sermon preached on the 6th of 
 May, 1703, against a toleration to those 
 of the Episcopal persuasion, A. D. 
 1704. It was written by Bp. Sage. 
 See Memoir of the life and times of the 
 Right Rev. John Sage, prefixed to his 
 Works, vol. i. p. Iv. Edinburgh, printed 
 for the Spottiswoode Society, 1844. 
 Bishop Sage was pleading for the tole- 
 ration of episcopacy in Scotland, which 
 was not legally tolerated till 1712. See 
 note h, p. 299. 
 
 Bp. Sage says, " IX. Episcopacy, 
 though even of Divine institution, is 
 not always absolutely necessary. To be 
 absolutely necessary for salvation is one 
 thing ; and to be absolutely necessary 
 for the due constitution of an organized 
 visible Church is another. . . . As I have 
 
other objections to Burnet's view. 291 
 
 going elsewhere for regular ordinations 1 "/ I say, I desire to SUCCES- 
 SION OF 
 
 BISHOPS. 
 
 know whether that case happening in any part of Christen- 
 
 dom just as his lordship describes it r , be not the same with 
 the case of Jeroboam and his priests, or very like it? I 
 desire also to be informed by his lordship, whether that or 
 any other case of necessity, when it authorizes a company of 
 Christian people, or the supreme magistrate over them, (let 
 their ' whole body and wills be never so much comprehended 
 and concluded in him 3 /) to constitute ministers, it also autho- 
 rizes them to sink or suppress any order of the ministry, 
 especially the supreme order of bishops ? Methinks it must be 
 a strange necessity that authorizes men to set up a ministry 
 in part, and not in whole ; to supply the want of the ordinary 
 mission, and not to supply it in perfection : Jeroboam, who 
 for the same "political reasons" which his lordship allows*, 
 set up priests of his own creation, made high-priests as well 
 as priests. I might ask his lordship more questions, but I 
 will conclude, most humbly beseeching him to consider, whe- 
 ther instead of writing up the other Protestant Churches to 
 the Church of England, as one would think a bishop should 
 do, he hath not written her down to them in his Exposition 
 of the twenty-third Article, and upon supposition (for things 
 may be supposed that never will be) that episcopacy should 
 be abdicated for politic reasons here as in other countries, 
 what his lordship could say, after such large concessions, in 
 defence of his own most sacred apostolic order, why it should 
 not be deposed. He hath observed of it u , that 'the world 
 received the Christian religion with [under] it, that all the 
 corners of the Christian Church,' and ' all the parts of it, the 
 sound as well as the unsound, that is, the orthodox as well 
 as the heretics and schismatics, agreed in it/ His lord- 
 
 r [" If it should happen that princes tion the constitution of such Churches." 
 
 or states should take up such a jealousy Ibid., p. 349.] 
 
 of their own authority, and should 8 ["The prince or supreme power 
 
 apprehend that the suffering their sub- comprehends virtually the whole body 
 
 jects to go elsewhere for regular ordi- of the people in him: since according 
 
 nations, might bring them under some to the constitution of the civil govern- 
 
 dependence on those that had ordained ment, the wills of the people are 
 
 them ; and if upon other political understood to be concluded by the 
 
 reasons they had just cause of being supreme." Burnet, ibid., p. 346.] 
 
 jealous of that, and should thereupon * Exposition, p. 349. fSee above, 
 
 hinder any such thing in that case, note r.] 
 
 neither our Reformers nor their sue- Pref. to the Life of Will. Beddel, 
 
 cessors for near eighty years after those bishop of Kilmore. [London, 1685. 
 
 articles were published did ever ques- The work was writtenbyBishop Burnet."] 
 
 u 2 
 
292 Burners earlier statements on Episcopacy. 
 
 PREFAT. ship also observes, that it was the government of the Church, 
 when ' the fury of persecution, which always was the bishop's 
 portion, made it no desirable thing to be a bishop ; and in a 
 course of many centuries, when nothing but poverty and 
 labour was got by the employment/ and when "there were 
 no princes to set it on as an engine of government, and no 
 synods of clergymen gathered to assume that authority to 
 themselves, by joint designs and endeavours." " And can it 
 be imagined," saith he, " that in all that glorious cloud of 
 witnesses to the truth of the Christian religion, who as they 
 planted it with their labours, so watered it with their blood, 
 there should not be [so much as] one single person found on 
 whom either a love to truth, or envy at the advancement of 
 others prevailed so far, as to declare against such an early 
 and universal corruption (if it is to be esteemed one). When 
 all this is complicated together, it is really of so great autho- 
 rity, that I love not to give the proper name to that temper 
 that can withstand so plain a demonstration." This is his 
 lordship's character of episcopacy, and I cannot but think, 
 that a government so set up, and so universally received by all 
 Christians, and in all Churches, deserves to be thought not only 
 not criminal, but necessary, as a Divine institution not alter- 
 able by the will of men; and that it ought not to be given 
 up to men of that temper his lordship then had in his eye, or 
 to be sacrificed to "politic reasons," or the interest and ambi- 
 tion of any mortal, or the humour of an ignorant, deceived, 
 or otherwise stubborn and obstinate people. I think we 
 ought rather to bear our testimony for it unto blood x . 
 
 But to go on, our author, in his last chapter y , hath rather 
 
 * [Hickes doubtless had in view the declaring in a body with so much zeal 
 giving up episcopacy in Scotland by in opposition to the new settlement, it 
 William III., for politic reasons, his was not possible for the king to pre- 
 own interest, and the humour of the serve that government there ; all those 
 people. According to Burnet, William who expressed their zeal for him, being 
 answered an application from the equally zealous against that order." 
 Church, "that he would do all he Own Times, vol. ii. p. 23. fol.] 
 could to preserve them, granting a full ? [Rights, chap. x. of which the sub- 
 toleration to the presbyterians ; but this ject is " that the Catholic Church con- 
 was, in case they concurred in the new sists of several bodies independent on 
 settlement of the kingdom. If they each other: and that none of these have 
 opposed that, and if, by a great ma- power to make clergy except for them- 
 jority in parliament, resolutions should selves; and that the contrary necessarily 
 he taken against them, the king could supposes a universal bishop or pope."] 
 not make a war for them ;" but " thcv 
 
Tindal denies that all Churches make one society. 293 
 
 outdone than fallen short of himself in bold assertions, and UNITY OF 
 in spiteful and scurrilous expressions and reflections upon the CHUKCH. 
 clergy ; and though others think he hath written it, as the SECT, xxn. 
 rest of his book, with a design to confound all revealed reli- 
 gion as much he can, except what the Unitarians own ; yet 
 
 considering who the author is, I am of opinion it is written tholic 
 rather with a design to destroy the Church of England, and 
 serve the interests of the Church of Rome, to which he 
 either went over, or was going over in the reign of the late 
 King James. And I think it is impossible for a serious man 
 to read it, without suspecting that he is either a theist or a 
 papist in his heart. That which he undertakes to prove in 
 it is, "that the Catholic Church consists of several bodies, as 
 independent on each other as so many several states or king- 
 doms, and that none of them hath power to make clergymen 
 but for themselves." His first argument is a simile 2 : "If 
 they," saith he, " who have the supreme temporal power in 
 one country cannot give one a right to exercise any civil 
 jurisdiction, or even any ministerial office in another not 
 subject to them, the reason is equally concluding as to eccle- 
 siasticals. And by the same reason, he who is excommuni- 
 cated in one national Church is no more so in any other than 
 one who is outlawed in one country is so in others." If he 
 had pleased, he might with as much boldness, and as little 
 truth or proof, have asserted, that as he who is born in one 
 country hath no right by virtue of his birth to the particular 
 privileges of another, so a man baptized in one Christian 
 national Church hath no right to communion in another ; or 
 that he who is made a member of the Church in one nation 
 is not thereby made a member of the Church in another, 
 much less of all the national Churches in the world. But 
 this he thought was too plain, to deny Christians of one 
 country the rights of their baptism in another ; Christians of 
 all national Churches still believing and professing, as Chris- 
 tians have believed from the beginning, that the several 
 Churches all the world over make up but one Catholic 
 Church, of which Christ alone is the head. He saw plainly 
 that his new assertion was directly contrary to the constant 
 notion that all Christians, in all ages and places, ever had of 
 
 1 Rights, p. 378, [in substance.] 
 
294 Churches complete in themselves, homogeneous, 
 
 PREFAT. the nature of the universal Church, as of one body made up 
 SECT, xxii.' of several members ; and therefore, saith he a , " to avoid these 
 consequences it is said, that every nation is not a complete 
 body politic within itself as to ecclesiasticals, but the whole 
 Church, say they, composes such a body, and Christ is the 
 head of it." Here, as is usual with him, he couches several 
 equivocal expressions and fallacies together ; for if by f every 
 nation' he means every national Church, who is it that saith 
 every national Church, or a Church when it is national, is 
 not a complete body politic within itself? or who will not 
 allow every Church, whether national or not national, to be 
 as complete a body within itself as every college in Oxford is, 
 though but a part of that greater society and more noble 
 body the university, of which the chancellor is the head? 
 Those who assert that all the national Churches in the world 
 make up one universal Church, not only own them, but 
 every diocesan Church in them to be complete bodies under 
 their several bishops, though neither they, nor the national 
 Church consisting of them, when there are more Churches, 
 is the whole Catholic Church, of which Christ alone is the 
 head; indeed, no more than all the companies or sodalities 
 of London, each of which is a complete society in itself, is 
 the whole body of the city, of which my lord mayor is head. 
 Here I cannot but note his expression, "say they;" the "whole 
 Church, say they, composes such a body ;" and who are they 
 that say so ? Even the whole Church that composes such a 
 body hath ever said it, whatever he saith to the contrary 
 now. But still he will go on b ; " Christ's headship/' saith 
 he, " makes Christians no more one body politic with respect 
 to ecclesiasticals than to civils. His precepts equally extend 
 to both, and the whole earth is God's and Christ's kingdom ; 
 and yet the kingdoms of the earth are distinct and inde- 
 pendent of one another, and so are all national Churches." 
 Here is still the same assertion again in other words, with 
 some show of proof, viz., that national Churches are as dis- 
 tinct and independent of one another as so many several 
 worldly kingdoms and commonwealths. In answer to which 
 I must observe, first, that as to the notion of the Catholic 
 Church, and Christ's headship over it, it is purely accidental, 
 
 a Rights, p. 380. b [ibid.] 
 
together make one Church ; not so nations. 295 
 
 whether the particular Churches which are members of it be UNITY OF 
 national or not national, or whether any one of them be in 
 one and the same nation or dominion or in several : for as 
 the parochial churches often happen to be in two civil juris- 
 dictions, as in London and Westminster, and dioceses in two 
 or three different counties, so the same provincial, nay, dio- 
 cesan Churches, may be in different nations, and the parti- 
 cular Churches, which make up the whole Catholic Church, 
 be they national or not national, in one or several countries 
 or kingdoms, they are all parts of the same body of which 
 Christ is the head. Secondly, I must observe that all the 
 parts of the whole Catholic Church, of which it is made one 
 body, are parts of the same name and nature with one an- 
 other and with the whole ; or that the Catholic Church is one 
 homogeneous body, consisting of parts of the same name and 
 nature with one another and with the whole ; in which re- 
 spect it differs vastly from the kingdoms, states, and repub- 
 lics of the earth, which have different names, and differ- 
 ent civil natures, and constitutions perfectly independent of 
 each other, and which for that reason are not incorporate or 
 united into one body, as particular Churches national or not 
 national are, as having the same priesthood, the same funda- 
 mental laws, the same discipline, the same privileges and 
 rights, and the same rewards and punishments one as the 
 other; which the several kingdoms, states, and republics of 
 the world have not ; and therefore though they all have God, 
 God I say, for their sovereign Lord and Head in heaven, as 
 several independent kingdoms and other dominions have the 
 kings of Spain for their earthly sovereign, yet as he speaks, 
 they are not thereby united with respect to civils, but not- 
 withstanding the supreme dominion and headship of God 
 over them, they all still remain distinct and independent 
 sovereignties vastly different from each other in their re- 
 spective constitutions and rights. But it is not so in the 
 Churches that are in the world, which being only lesser 
 societies or parts of the same nature and constitution, are 
 perfectly united and incorporated together into the one 
 whole great body politic of the Catholic Church, under their 
 one common Lord and Head, Christ. 
 
 Having given the reason, from the sameness of nature in 
 
296 Christ's sovereignty over the Church and the world; distinct. 
 
 PREFAT. all the parts of the Catholic Church as in the whole, why 
 ! Christians all the world over make one body politic in eccle- 
 siasticals, though not in civils ; I proceed to examine the two 
 arguments he brings to prove the contrary. First, he saith, 
 " Christ's precepts equally extend to both ;" which is so far 
 from being true that it is notoriously false. For Christ, as 
 Head of the Church, hath given it many peculiar ecclesiastical 
 precepts and commands, as God gave to the Jewish Church, 
 which He hath not given to the empires, kingdoms, and 
 states of the world; and obliged it as a spiritual society to 
 many peculiar duties and offices in all places, to which He 
 hath not obliged them, otherwise than as Christian ; but not 
 as civil societies, not as empires, kingdoms, and states. 
 Secondly, he saith, " the whole earth is God's and Christ's 
 kingdom." To which I answer, that the whole earth, and 
 all the kingdoms and other civil dominions of it, are God's 
 and Christ's kingdom, as God, but not as Messias or Christ. 
 For, as Christ, He is head of no kingdoms, but as they are 
 His Churches, as it is written, " He is the head of the body 
 the Church, and God hath given Him to be head over all 
 things to the Church, from whom the whole body (even all its 
 members) fitly framed together, and compacted by that which 
 every member supplieth, maketh increase of the body, or 
 maketh the body grow and increase, unto the edification of 
 itself in love." I desire our author now to consider, if the 
 temporal sovereignties of the world be thus compacted and 
 joined together to Christ, or even to God, as their politic 
 head, and whether Christians and Christian Churches in all 
 the world, called here the joints or members of the body 
 of Christ, are no more one body politic in ecclesiasticals, 
 under the headship of Christ, than they are in civils. I would 
 also pray him to consider some other places, as where Christ 
 is described as the spouse and husband of the whole Church ; 
 but is He the spouse of any one kingdom, as it is a kingdom, 
 or civil society? Or do all the kingdoms, as the Churches of 
 the earth, make up one kingdom, or one body politic with 
 Him, of which He is the head, as the husband is of his wife. 
 Farthermore is He the founder and head of empires, states, 
 and kingdoms, and other temporal principalities, as the Scrip- 
 ture saith He is of the Church, or in the same capacity and 
 
Distinctions of nations and of Churches contrasted. 297 
 
 respect ? Are they described in Scripture as members of His UNITY OF 
 body, or are they collectively said to be His body, as the CHURCH 
 whole Church is, or members of it, as particular Churches are 
 also said to be ? Lastly, can it be said of them, or any of 
 them, that as temporal societies they are "the house and 
 household of God, the city of God," or "the kingdom of God," 
 or that they " are built upon the foundation of the Apostles 
 and prophets, Jesus Christ Himself being the chief corner- 
 stone, in whom the whole building fitly framed together 
 maketh an holy temple unto the Lord?" If as temporal 
 societies they are His house, then unbelieving empires and 
 kingdoms are His houses too, and as such are built upon the 
 foundation of the Apostles, of which He is the corner-stone. 
 More particularly, I would beseech our author to consider, 
 whether the character and description of Christ's one king- 
 dom in the Gospel can belong to the independent kingdoms 
 of the world collectively considered, or to any one of them, 
 though never so great ? Or whether the subjects of His 
 kingdom, and provinces, or other districts of it, in which they 
 are scattered over the whole earth, in far distant, differently 
 constituted, and independent temporal sovereignties, are no 
 more united under Him in ecclesiasticals than in civils ? If 
 they are no more united in those than in these, they have no 
 politic union at all, they are not parts joined and compacted 
 together into one body, they are not edified as living stones 
 into one building, nor have any relation to one another as 
 members of the same body, or parts of the same whole. On 
 the contrary, Christians every where are brethren of the same 
 Family, members of the same Corporation, citizens of the same 
 City, subjects of the same Kingdom, and the several Churches 
 in which they communicate, though antipodes to one another, 
 though in countries of never so different polities, customs, 
 languages, and government, are but as apartments of the 
 same house, as wards of the same city, as towns, hundreds, 
 shires, provinces of the same spiritual kingdom under one 
 ecclesiastical economy and administration, whereof Christ is 
 the author as well as sovereign Lord and Head. The wit of 
 man cannot devise apter similitudes or comparisons to set 
 forth the unity of any society, than those I have cited out of 
 the New Testament, to prove the union of all the Churches 
 
298 Tindal ; that Bishops derive their power from the crown. 
 
 PREFAT. in the world into one Catholic Church. And as the Church is 
 SECT? xxii! one > so ^ hath one priesthood, one faith, one baptism, and in 
 ~ this one universal Church it is that all faithful Christians are of 
 one Communion, according to that article in the Creed, I be- 
 lieve [in] the Holy Catholic Church, the Communion of Saints. 
 But this man, without any regard to Scripture, Creeds, or the 
 voice of Christianity itself, being resolved to have many inde- 
 pendent churches in the world of natural right, instead of one 
 Holy Catholic Apostolic Church of Divine right, he ridiculously 
 attempts to batter down her ecclesiastical unity with some of 
 the same artillery that he planted before against the power and 
 priesthood of the clergy, viz., with the statute 25 Hen. VIII d ., 
 which he discharges again against the necessity of episcopal 
 ordination, in behalf of the people's natural right to make 
 their own Church governors, and unmake them at their plea- 
 sure. Saith he e , " It is notorious that with us (and so it was 
 every where formerly, as I shall prove hereafter) the bishops 
 act ministerially, being under no less penalty than a prsemu- 
 nire obliged to confirm and consecrate the person named in 
 the conge d'elire." Again, speaking of the power of ordina- 
 tion, as inherent in the bishops, he objects f once more against 
 it, "as inconsistent with the magistrate's authorizing any two, 
 or three bishops, or even any single bishop to lay hands upon 
 him, and by consequence the power is derived from the ma- 
 gistrate, . . . and it is he who empowers them," &c. Again, 
 " with us," saith hes, "(and it is the same in other Protestant 
 countries which have bishops,) nothing can be plainer, than 
 that the bishops act ministerially, and by virtue of the regal 
 commission, by which the prince firmly ( enjoins and com- 
 mands them, on the fidelity by which they are bound to him, 
 to proceed according to the form of the statutes in choosing, 
 confirming, and consecrating/ Strange words," saith he, 
 " for one who is supposed to be a subject to them, but more 
 strange, that the disobeying him is under no less penalty 
 
 d [ 7. " If any archbishop or bishop, into their hands ; or if any of them, or 
 
 after such election, nomination, or pre- any other person or persons, admit or 
 
 sentation shall be signified unto them do any other thing contrary to the 
 
 by the king's letters patents, shall re- statute, in such case every person so 
 
 fuse and do not confirm, invest, and offending, their aiders, counsellors and 
 
 consecrate with all due circumstance a*ettors, shall incur a praemunire."] 
 as aforesaid, within twenty days next e Rights, c. x. 10. pp. 387, 388. 
 after the king's letters patents of such f Ibid., 13. p. 389. 
 signification or presentation shall come s Ibid., 14. p. 390. 
 
Original and inherent powers of Bishops. 299 
 
 than a preemunire h , a greater punishment than the civil min- BIGHTS OF 
 isters suffer for not obeying the royal mandate." The words CHURCH. 
 and the punishment shall be as strange as he pleases, and 
 truly I once heard as eminent a lawyer as any of his time, 
 speak of them as very strange, but with a much better in- 
 tention than he. Indeed I think every serious Christian, 
 who reflects, not only upon the doctrine and practice of the 
 purest ages of Christianity as to the episcopal power, parti- 
 cularly in ordination, but upon the first article in the charter 1 
 of Hen. I., and the first article of the Great Charter-*, must 
 think both very strange as well as other things which law- 
 givers of all countries sometimes enact. And I cannot but 
 ask our author, who derives the ecclesiastical power of the 
 magistrate from the people, whether before the empire turned 
 Christian, the people authorized bishops to consecrate and 
 ordain? and whether in ordaining, they then acted ministe- 
 rially under them, or by virtue of any commission from them ? 
 and whether they were indispensably bound to consecrate or 
 ordain the person they chose ? and whether if they did not, 
 the people, nay the people and presbyters together, could 
 command them on their fidelity or duty to them, or in any 
 other form of authority, to proceed according to their elec- 
 tion to consecrate or ordain? or if they disobeyed, to sus- 
 pend, or deprive them, which then would have been punish- 
 ments much stranger than the praemunire now is? Thus much 
 
 h See Greenshield's Petition. [The printed in a pamphlet intitled, " A True 
 
 Rev. James Greenshields was a clergy- State of the Case of Mr. Greenshields," 
 
 man who had received his orders from &c., with copies of several original 
 
 the ejected bishop of Ross, and offici- papers, &c., London, 1710. Theargu- 
 
 ated in Ireland. He came to Edin- ment is throughout to the same effect 
 
 burgh in the year 1709, and performed as Hickes', but probably the passage 
 
 Divine service there, using the English referred to is p. 26, where he says " im- 
 
 (in contradistinction to the Scottish) prisonment, being the restraint of na- 
 
 liturgy, and praying for the queen and tural liberty, is amongst the severest 
 
 the princess Sophia. On this he was of arbitrary punishments and no ways 
 
 summoned by the presbytery of Edin- founded in law ; but to imprison and to 
 
 burgh, and forbidden to officiate; and incarcerate a person sine die (an exact 
 
 continuing to do so, was committed to description of praemunire) is contrary 
 
 the Tolbooth by the magistrates, " till to law, and is one of the grievances 
 
 he should find surety to desist from the complained of in the claim of Rights." 
 
 exercise of his ministry." On this he (See also Case of Mr. Greenshields, 
 
 appealed to the Lords of Council and pp. 7, 8. 1710.) Greenshields after- 
 
 Session ; but the application was re- wards applied to the House of Lords, 
 
 jected on the ground that he " was not a and after many delays was ordered to 
 
 minister, having been ordained by an be released, March 1710-11.] 
 
 exauctorate bishop." On this he pre- l Matth. Paris, Sanctam Dei Eccle- 
 
 sented a petition to them arguing this siam liberam facio. [Matt Paris His- 
 
 point; 'that deprivation by the civil toria, A.D. 1100, p. 46. London, 1684.] 
 
 power does not take away the spiritual j [See note o, p. 139.] 
 powers of a bishop.' The petition was 
 
300 Our Kings could not perform spiritual functions in per son t 
 
 upon this occasion I thought fit to propose to our author, 
 SECT. XXH. upon his scheme of forming independent Churches over the 
 whole world, " no more united in ecclesiasticals than in civils." 
 But to proceed, though I think I have sufficiently answered 
 this crambe objection already, I think fit to say something 
 more to it by way of question to our author. As first, whe- 
 ther our bishops, for instance, derive their sacerdotal power 
 of consecration from our kings and queens in the same man- 
 ner and meaning as other civil and military officers do, solely 
 by virtue of the royal commission, and act ministerially under 
 them and by their authority, just as these also do, purely as 
 ministers of the crown, and not as ministers authorized and 
 appointed by God? Though he must answer in the affir- 
 mative, according to his own scheme of Church government, 
 and hath expressly said it in his Preface, p. xlix k , yet for me- 
 thod's sake I am forced to ask this, in order to the next 
 question, whether our kings and queens, as other supreme 
 magistrates, (who, he saith, derive all their power from the 
 people 1 ,) could, if they were not otherwise limited by statute- 
 law, commission and authorize two or three of the laity, ima- 
 gine his worthy self, and Mr. T[oland] and A[sgill] m , to 
 consecrate a bishop ? The reason I ask this is obvious. For 
 if all ecclesiastical authority, and particularly this of conse- 
 crating bishops, is, like all other civil power, vested by the 
 people in the crown, and from thence again derived; the 
 queen, if not otherwise limited, might indifferently authorize 
 any men to do that office, as well as bishops, which I pre- 
 sume none but such a profligate as himself will affirm. In 
 the third place, I desire to know of him, whether the supreme 
 magistrate, particularly a king or queen of England in per- 
 son, may consecrate bishops, or ordain priests, or exercise 
 other sacerdotal functions ? The reason of this question is 
 also plain. For if, as he asserts", all ecclesiastical power, 
 and particularly this of consecration, be derived from the 
 supreme magistrate, or, as we commonly say, from the 
 crown, as all civil and military power certainly is ; and if the 
 bishops appointed and authorized by the royal commission to 
 
 k ["Though our princes can no more from them." Rights, Pref., p. xliv.] 
 judge in person, than exercise the J [Ibid., Introduction, p. 2, &c.] 
 ecclesiastical function, yet that does m [See notes f, g, p. 51.] 
 not hinder but all the judges, eccle- n Rights, Preface, p. xliv. 
 
 siastical and civil, derive their power 
 
as they could temporal ones, which they depute to others. 301 
 
 consecrate, act 'ministerially/ in the same sense of the word RIGHTS OP 
 that other civil and military officers do, then, not only our 
 kings, but our queens, as pontifices maximi , may themselves 
 consecrate in person, because what they can authorize or 
 commissionate others to do they may do themselves, as 
 manage their own revenues, fight their own battles, and ad- 
 minister justice in their own courts. But this is such a 
 sacrilegious assertion, as I am confident none but himself, 
 and such as, like himself, are abandoned to all modesty as 
 well as principles, will or dare assert. He was aware of this 
 consequence in his Preface 15 , as an objection, and therefore 
 he slily endeavours to smuggle it, by insinuating that it is 
 only for the same reason our princes cannot exercise the 
 ecclesiastical function for which they cannot judge in person. 
 " Our princes," saith he, "can no more judge in person, than 
 exercise the ecclesiastical function." But this assertion is 
 both against reason and fact ; against reason, as he may 
 learn from his master, Hobbes q ; and against fact, as he may 
 see in Mr. Selden's notes upon these words, Proprio ore nul- 
 lus regum Anglice, in the eighth chapter of Sir John Fortes- 
 cue's book, De Laudibus Legum Anglic^. The former shews 
 
 ["Since they (our princes) are to " Phil. I cannot believe that Sir 
 see that all ecclesiastics in their several Edward Coke, how much soever he 
 stations do their duty, they may he desired to advance the authority of 
 termed, as they have been of old by himself and other justices of the com- 
 the clergy themselves, Pastores Pas- mon law, could mean that the king in 
 torum, Episcopi Episcoporum, Ponti- the king's bench sat as a spectator 
 fices Maximi," &c. Ibid.] only, and might not have answered all 
 
 P Ibid. motions, which his judges answered, if 
 
 1 Dialogue between a Philosopher he had seen cause for it. For he knew 
 and a Student of the Common Laws of that the king was supreme judge there 
 England, pp. 65, 66; [A posthumous in all causes temporal, and is now in 
 work, appended to Hobbes' Rhetoric and all causes both temporal and ecclesias- 
 first published in 8 vo. 1681. "Lawyer. tical, and that there is an exceeding 
 Seeing the king (as Sir Edward Coke great penalty ordained by the laws for 
 affirms, 4 Inst., p. 71,) haih committed them that shall deny it But Sir Ed- 
 all his power judicial, some to one court, ward, as he had (you see) in many 
 and some to another, so as if any man places before, hath put a fallacy upon 
 would render himself to the judgment himself by not distinguishing between 
 of the king, in such case where the committing and transferring. He that 
 king hath committed all his power transferreth his power hath deprived 
 judicial to others, such a render should himself of it: but he that committeth 
 be to no effect. And (p. 73) he saith it to another to be exercised in his 
 farther : that in this court, the kings of name and under him, is still in the pos- 
 this realm have sitten on the high session of the same power." Hobbes' 
 bench, and the judges of that court on Works, vol. vi. pp. 51,52.London, 1840.] 
 the lower bench, at his feet; but judi- r [De Laudibus Legum Anglise, 
 cature belongeth only to the judges of written by Sir John Fortescue, lord 
 that court, and in his presence they chief justice, and afterwards lord chan- 
 answer all motions. cellor to King Henry VJ.; hereto are 
 
302 
 
 Proofs that our Kings sat in court, 
 
 PREFAT. how Sir Edward Coke " put a fallacy upon himself, by not 
 SECT, xxii.' distinguishing between committing and transferring power." 
 And the latter proves, from rolls and charters, that our kings 
 sat in court in the king's bench. He may find many such 
 proofs elsewhere, as in Hist. Croyland. continual. 5 , p. 458. 
 And in old charters nothing is more common than grants in 
 such terms as these: Cor am nobis, vel capitali justitiario nos- 
 tro, aut per prceceptum nostrum ; nisi in prcesentia mea ; nisi 
 coram me, vel ubi nominatim pr&cepero ; non in placitum in- 
 trent, nisi in praesentia nostra, vel hceredum nostrorum ; coram 
 nobismet ipsis, vel capitali justitia nostra. He will find the 
 same was customary in Normandy, if he pleases to consult 
 Neustria Pia, pp. 253, 855*, &c., and Preuves de V Histoire d y 
 Harcourt, p. 1281 u . Also in Scotland, as in King Malcome's 
 charter to Coldingham, Nisi in presentia mea, vel in prasentia 
 supreme justitics ; Dalrymple's Collections, p. 401 V . So in 
 Spelman's Glossary, in the word Bancus w , In eo pr aside bat olim 
 capitalis Angli&justitiarius, et inter dum ipse rex. Hodie vero 
 capitalis, quern vacant, justitiarius, tribus, vel guatuor assesso- 
 
 joined the two summes of Sir Ralph 
 de Hengham, and notes both on For- 
 tescue and Hengham are added, (by 
 Selden, as appears from his quoting 
 his Titles of Honour as his own, notes 
 on cap. xvii. n. 7. p. 21.) London, 1616. 
 Fortescue said, cap. viii. p. 24, "pro- 
 prio ore, nullus regum Angliae judicium 
 proferre usus est." Selden, in the 
 notes on this, p. 4, says, " Yes, cer- 
 tainly, the kings themselves often sate 
 in court, (in the king's bench,) and in 
 the rolls of charters under King John 
 and the time near him, often occur 
 grants that such and such English 
 should not be impleaded or put to 
 answer 'nisi coram nobis vel capitali 
 justitia nostra,' and to Normans, ' nisi 
 coram nobis vel capitali senescallo nos- 
 tro.' " He then gives instances.] 
 
 r [Historia Croylandiensis continu- 
 ata, apud Rerum Anglicarum Script. 
 Vett, torn. i. p. 458. Oxon. 1684. 
 The abbot of Croyland, A.D. 1191, 
 being oppressed' by John during the 
 jfljBtiiLt of his . brother, produced in 
 the exchequer a charter of the king 
 " in qua prohibet rex ne abbas de Croy- 
 land pouatur in placitum nisi coram 
 seipso."] 
 
 1 [Neustria Pia, seu de omnibus et 
 singulis abbatiis et prioratibus totius 
 
 Normaniae, quibus extruendis, fun- 
 dandis, dotandisque pietas Neustriaca 
 magnificentissime eluxit et commen- 
 datur, deque sanctarum illarum domo- 
 rum rectoribus, privilegiis, et aliis ad 
 ipsas quoquomodo spectantibus, auc- 
 tore R. Patre Artun du Monstrier 
 Rothomagensi, ordinis Fratrum Mino- 
 rum Recollectorum Presbytero. Rotho- 
 magi, 1663. p. 252, nisi coram me, 
 vel coram mea capitali justitia ; 
 Charter of Henry III, to the abbey 
 of Fecamp, p. 855, nisi coram nobis, 
 vel coram capitali justitia nostra. 
 Charter of Rich. I. to the abbey of 
 Valassy (Valacia, or de voto.)] 
 
 u [" Et prohibemus ne ponantur in 
 publicum de aliquo tenementorum 
 suorum, nisi coram nobis vel coram 
 capitali justitia nostra." In a grant of 
 Richard I. to the abbey of St. Mary de 
 voto (Valassy.) Preuves de 1' Histoire 
 genealogique de la Maison de Harcourt, 
 torn. iv. Paris. 1662.] 
 
 T [Collections concerning the Scot- 
 tish History preceding the death of 
 King David the First in the year 1153, 
 by Sir James Dalrymple, Bart. Edin- 
 burgh, 1705.] 
 
 * [Glossarium Archaiologicum, au- 
 thore Henrico Spehnano, p. 59. col. 1. 
 London, 1664.] 
 
and judged in person. 303 
 
 ribus. So in the word Justitia, p. 331, col. i. Proceres, et RIGHTS or 
 barones regni, e jure dignitatis , alii plurimi e tenure ratione , CHURCH. 
 complurimi etiam e regum privilegio, ut copiose indicant diplo- 
 mata, in placitum non vocarentur de tenementis suis, [sicut nee 
 barones aliis utique de causis^\ nisi coram rege, vel capitali 
 ejus justiciario. Placita autem civilia, vulgariter dicta com- 
 munia, sub illis seculis una agebantur in palatio regis coram 
 ipso rege, sen capitali ejus justitiario. So in Matt. Paris de 
 vitis xxiii. Abbat. S. Albani, p. 143 x . Unde mota ante regem 
 querela, tandem sententiante ipso rege, &c. So Abbas de Fur no 
 dedit 200 marcas, ut sit quietus de 500 marcis, unde amerci- 
 atus fuit per os regis, 7 Johannis, m. i. y In the proceedings 
 against Thomas a Becket, Rege cum principibus (pontificibus 
 substractis) sedente pro tribunali, out of Quadrilogus [c. 38.] 
 by Dr. Brady, in his Complete History of England, p. 392 z . 
 So in Mr. Madox's Formulare Angl. Form. 659 a . Facta fuit 
 hcec conventio in pr&sentia et curia domini Henrici regis (se- 
 cundi). So in a grant of Hen. II., pleaded in Michaelis, 8vo. 
 Johannis, Rot. 10. dor so, Berk shire b : Henricus rex, &c. Scia- 
 tis me dedisse, et charta mea confirmasse Hugoni de Mara, pro 
 homagio suo, et servitio in feodo et hcereditate, Dudecotam, cum 
 omnibus pertinentiis, quam Robertus de Aubenio mihi clamavit, 
 de se, et hceredibus' suis in curia mea apud Westmonast. coram 
 me, et coram baronibus, et justitiariis meis, tune ibidem prce~ 
 sentibus, pro concordia magni forisfacti sui, &c. 
 
 So Mich, et Hil. 13 Johan. Rot. 7 . Eborum c . Sciant prce- 
 sentes et futuri, quod hac concordia facta in curia domini regis 
 
 x [p. 1072 of the edition published logus.] 
 
 at London, 1683; appended to the * [Formulare Anglicanum, or a Col- 
 
 Historia Major, ed. Wats. London, lection of Ancient Charters and For- 
 
 1684. The king was Henry III.] mularies. London, 1702. Formulare 
 
 J [This is the eighteenth abbot of 659, p. 368, here referred to, is a re- 
 
 Furness, Robert Denton. The words lease from the house of Bradley to the 
 
 are, " Abbas de Furneis dat ducentas canons of Brumore of the church of 
 
 marcas et ii palefridos, ut quietus sit Rokeburne.] 
 
 de misericordia quingentarum marca- b [Placitorum Abbreviatio, p. 54, b. 
 
 rum, unde amerciatus fuit per os Regis Published by the Record Commis- 
 
 pro Foresta," &c. Rot. de Finibus, sioners, 1811. Robertus de Aubeni 
 
 7 Joh. membr. 1. See the amercia- petit versus Gaufridum de la Mare vil- 
 
 ment in Madox, Hist, of the Exche- lam de Dudecot sicut ju*sairnref~.cum 
 
 quer, vol. ii. p. 528. 1769.] placitum esset inter eos, Gaufridustulit 
 
 * [A complete History of England, cartam Regis Henrici patris in hac for- 
 by Robert Brady, M. D. London, fol. ma, Henricus Rex, &c.] 
 London, 1685; the work quoted is the e [This and the two following re- 
 Vita S. Thorn. Cant. &c., commonly cords the Editor has not been able to 
 called, from the four writers, Quadri- collate.] 
 
304 Further proofs that our Kings judged in person. 
 
 PREFAT. apud turrim London, a die S. Michaelis in xv. dies, anno regni 
 SECT. XXIL Johannis 3. cor am ipso domino rege, Simone de Pateshul, Ja- 
 cobo de Poterna, Henrico de Potandener, Rogero Huscarl, et 
 aliis fidelibus domini regis tune ibidem praesentibus, inter Gil- 
 bertum filium Rogeri, et Helewig uxorem suam, petentes, et 
 Robertum Bainard tenentem, fyc., et sciendum quod dom. rex 
 Johannes, fyc. I refer our author to MerculPs Formulae So- 
 lennes, lib. i. c. 25, and Bignonius' notes thereupon, p. 287 d . 
 And thence let him return home to these two domestic 
 records. 
 
 Placita coram domino rege apud Warewyck in Octavis S. 
 Michaelis, anno regni Henrici filii regis Johannis 50. inci- 
 piente 51. Rot. 13. 
 
 Gilbertus de Clare Com. Gloc. et Hertf. implacitavit Matil- 
 dam, quce fuit uxor Richardi de Clare, comitis Glocestr. et 
 Hertf. quod plus habuit dotis in terra sua, quam, habere deberet, 
 quia habuit castrum de Husk, et alias terras Wallenses guerri- 
 nas, cum non debeat habere eas neque castrum, fyc. Poslea 
 recitatafuit loquela ista coram domino rege et consilio suo, ipso 
 domino rege sedente pro tribunali apud Westm. 
 
 Communia de Termino Sancti Hilar. 39 Hen. III. penes 
 Remem. Regis. 
 
 Sedente domino rege in scaccario venit Willielmus de Pake- 
 ham, senescallus episcopi Norwic. et petiit quendam magnum 
 piscem monstruosum, captum in terra cujusdam pueri, qui est 
 in custodia ipsius episcopi, cujus antecessores semper consueve- 
 runt habere Wrekum, ut dicebat, sicut liquet, per inquisitionem 
 quam dominus rex inde fieri fecit ; et responsum fuit ei per do- 
 minum regem, quod ostenderet chartas, si quas haberet, per 
 quas clamaret talem libertatem, alioquin per inquisitionem prce- 
 dictam, in quam rex se non posuit, nil caperet, maxime cum 
 nullus habeat Wrekum, nisi per dominum regem in terra sua : 
 et tune qucKsitum fuit a pr&dicto Willielmo, utrum prcedictus 
 piscis captus fuit super terram vel in mari ? Respondit quod 
 in mari non longe a terra, et quod captus fuit vivus ; ita quod 
 
 d [The work alluded to is, "Marculfi and Bignonius' note begins, 'Reges 
 
 monachi aliorumque auctorum For- nostros olim proprio ore jus dixisse 
 
 mulae Solennes, notis Bignonii illus- noturn est, episcopis et proceribus 
 
 trat." Paris. 1666. The title of lib. i. c. assiclentibus, praesertim de majoribus 
 
 25, is, ' Prologus de Regis judicio cum de causis,' &c. ; he then gives evidence and 
 
 inagna re duo causantur simul.' The for- instances of it.] 
 mula runs of the king hearing the cause ; 
 
Bishops do not " act ministerially" as judges do, 305 
 circiter sex batelli submersi fuerunt, anteguam posset capi. Et RIGHTS 
 
 ,.,.,. , , . . . j OF THE 
 
 tune respondit ei dominus, quod de sicut ipse cognovit, quod CHURCH. 
 piscis captus fait in mari et vivus, non potuit esse Wrekum, 
 voluit alias super habere consider ationem. Et datus est ei 
 dies, fyc. 
 
 After these examples of kings sitting and administering 
 justice in their courts of judicature, I must ask him again, 
 and all his readers deceived by him, if the king empowers 
 the bishops to consecrate bishops, just as he empowers hi8 
 judges to sit in his courts and administer justice? Have 
 they no more power to consecrate, before he sends them the 
 mandate for consecration, than the judges have to sit in his 
 courts and administer justice, before their commission? Or 
 doth their power to consecrate commence with the royal 
 mandate, as that of the judges doth with their patents ? Do 
 they " act ministerially " under him, when they consecrate, in 
 the same sense as the judges do, when they administer jus- 
 tice ; that is, do they consecrate bishops in the king or 
 queen's name and stead, and as the king or queen's repre- 
 sentatives, as judges administer justice 6 ? or may the king or 
 queen preside over the bishops in consecration, whom he 
 commands to consecrate, or act with them in the holy admi- 
 nistration, as they formerly used to preside in their courts, 
 and administer justice with their judges, nay, pronounce 
 sentence with their own mouths? These questions plainly 
 shew, that the acts of parliament with which he assaults the 
 ecclesiastical power are only penal restraining acts, by which 
 the bishops are required, under the pains of prremunire, to 
 consecrate the person nominated and presented by the king 
 or queen, and no other. The very words of the statute 25 
 Hen. VIII., c. 20, supposeth the bishops to have the same 
 sacerdotal power to consecrate bishops as to ordain priests ; 
 and if an act were now made to lay the same, or other penal 
 restraints upon them, as to ordination of priests, would it 
 follow from thence, that in ordaining priests they acted 
 
 e Cujus personam in judicio, et judi- ad regem, consequents dicendum est de 
 cando, representant. Hen. Bracton, jurisdictionedelegata, ubi quisexseipso 
 lib. iii. c. 10. f. 108. [Henrici de nullam habet auctoritatem, sed ab alio 
 Bracton de legibus et consuetudinibus sibi commissam, cumque ipso qui dele- 
 Anglic libri v. London, 1569. The gat non sufficiat per se omnes causaa 
 chapter begins, Dictum est in proximo sive jurisdictiones terminare.] 
 de ordinaria jurisdictione quae pertinet 
 
 HICKES. X 
 
306 Wake and Kennett on the inherent right of 
 
 PREFAT. ministerially under the queen and in her stead, and derived 
 
 SECT? xxn! their power of ordination, as other civil or military officers 
 
 derive theirs, from her majesty's signet or broad seal? 
 
 After writing all this to set the question of the bishops' 
 power to consecrate bishops in a true light, I need make no 
 difficulty to say the same of it, and every other part of their 
 sacerdotal power, what two very learned men, the bishop of 
 Lincoln, and Dr. Kennett dean of Peterborough, say of their 
 power to summon and hold convocations. 
 
 "The statute f of the 25 of Hen. VIII. had not any other 
 influence on the state of these assemblies (the convocation) 
 [as to this matter] than only this ; that whereas before the 
 archbishop might, whenever he pleased, without any other 
 direction, by his own proper motion have summoned his 
 clergy to his synod; now he may do it but by the king's 
 writ to warrant him therein ; but as for the power of calling 
 them, that is still left to him, as [it was] before ; his man- 
 dates run in the same form, and by his summons it is, and 
 by no other, that our convocations do assemble at this day." 
 
 " Should we ever be so unhappy under a Christian magis- 
 trates, as to be denied all liberty of these assemblies, though 
 the governors and fathers of the Church should with all their 
 care and interest endeavour to obtain it; should he so far 
 abuse his prerogative, as to turn it not only to the detriment, 
 but to the ruin of all true religion and morality among us, 
 and thereby make it absolutely necessary for something ex- 
 traordinary to be done to preserve both : in such a case of ex- 
 tremity, I have before said, and I still adhere to it, [that] the 
 bishops and pastors of the Church must resolve to hazard all 
 in the discharge of their duty ; they must meet, consult, and 
 resolve upon such measure, as, by God's assistance, they shall 
 think their unhappy circumstances to require, and be content 
 to suffer any loss, and to run any danger for so doing." 
 
 f [The passage continues; "For Clergy of England, [in their councils, 
 
 then the prince would only have the synods, convocations, conventions, and 
 
 name of a Christian, but would act other public assemblies,] by William 
 
 like an infidel ; and so having thrown Wake, D.D., dean of Exeter, [bishop 
 
 off the care and protection of the of Lincoln, in 1705.] London, 1703, 
 
 Church, it would naturally return to ch. i. sect. 20. p. 11. [This work was 
 
 the bishops and pastors to whom a reply to Atterbury's Rights, &c., 
 
 Christ committed it, to take upon quoted pp. 223, sqq.] 
 
 themselves the care and protection of S Ibid., ch. iii. 12. p. 86, 
 it."] The State of the Church and 
 
the Church to hold si/nodical assemblies. 307 
 
 To this purpose Mr. Dean Kennett, in the Preface to his RIGHTS 
 Ecclesiastical Synods h , declares, that one motive of writing it CHURCH. 
 was this 1 : "To assert the nature of the Christian Church, as 
 a society endowed with fundamental rights to preserve its 
 own being; and among these a right for the governors to 
 assemble and agree upon the common measures of faith and 
 unity, as at first independent on the heathen, so even now on 
 the Christian magistrate, when the necessities of desertion and 
 persecution so require." 
 
 So in p. 98 of the book : " Indeed if an English synod 
 find it necessary to support religion by some new constitu- 
 tions, and upon the prospect of such necessity desire the 
 prince's leave to provide for it ; and the prince long and often 
 denies that leave, with design of letting the Church, being 
 incapable to consult her own preservation : in such a case 
 (which is not ours) let the Church be true to Christ, and to 
 the powers she received from Him. This is the original right 
 which we assert." So in p. 82, saith he, " Therefore for all 
 this act of submission, (Dr. Wake) would not have our princes 
 think, that the convocations of the clergy should depend on 
 their mere arbitrary will, but on the benefit of the Church, 
 and the great occasion of religion. For he says, p. 145 j , 
 'Notwithstanding any thing that has hitherto been said, I 
 shall not doubt to affirm, that whenever the king is in his 
 own conscience convinced, that for the convocation to sit and 
 act [would] be for the glory of God, the benefit of the Church, 
 or otherwise for the public good and welfare of his realm ; he 
 is obliged both by the law of reason as a man, by his duty to 
 God as a Christian, and by his duty to his people, as a ruler 
 set over them for their good, to permit, or rather to command 
 his clergy to meet in convocation, and transact what is fit, 
 for any or all these ends, to be done by them.' " So in p. 83 
 he cites the bishop for saying, when the king doth abuse his 
 trust k , ' "When the exigences of the Church call for a convo- 
 cation .... I confess the Church has a right to its sitting \ 
 
 fc [Ecclesiastical Synods and Par- ' Preface, p. ix. 
 
 liamentary Convocations in the Church J [The authority of Christian Princes 
 
 of England, historically stated and over their Ecclesiastical Synods as- 
 
 justly vindicated from the misrepre- serted, by William Wake, D.D. Lon- 
 
 sentations of Mr. Atterbury, by White don, 1697.] 
 
 Kennett, D.D. 1701. He became * [Wake, ibid., pp. 267, 268, quoted 
 
 dean of Peterborough in 1707.] by Kennett, p. 83. ] 
 
 x2 
 
308 T.'s objections obviated by having just notions of the Church; 
 
 DKSCOURS* anc ^ ^ circumstances be such as to require their frequent 
 SECT, xxn. sitting, during those circumstances it has a right to their 
 frequent meeting and sitting; and if the prince be sensible 
 of this, and yet will not suffer the clergy to come together ; 
 in that case I do acknowledge, that he would abuse the trust 
 that is lodged in him, and deny the Church a benefit which 
 of right it ought to enjoy.' " So in p. 84 he cites him for 
 saying 1 , that "'whenever the civil magistrate shall so far 
 abuse his authority, as to render it necessary for the clergy, 
 by some extraordinary methods, to provide for the Church's 
 welfare, that necessity will warrant their taking of them/ " 
 So in p. 85 he recites from Dr. Atterbury this passage out of 
 the bishop of Sarum's History of the Reformation 1 ", " ' That 
 the extreme of raising the ecclesiastical power too high in 
 the times of popery, had now produced another of depressing 
 it too much ; so seldom is the counterpoise so justly balanced, 
 that extremes are reduced to a well-tempered mediocrity/" 
 
 Our author hath other trifling sophistical arguments against 
 Church governments being placed by God in the Apostles 
 and their successors, which, as the archbishop of Spalato 
 observes , are all arguments against fact; and any man will 
 easily discern the weak and fallacious nature of them, who 
 understands the true nature of Church government, or the 
 
 1 [Wake, ibid., p. 43, quoted by utilissimus]. Is tamen (modus regi- 
 
 Kennett, p. 84.] minis) sitne monarchicus, an aristo- 
 
 m [Burnet's History of the Reforma- craticus, an democratic us, an ex his 
 tion, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50. fol. 1681, mistus, non tarn ex nostra speculatione, 
 quoted by Atterbury in his Rights, et dialecticis humanae sapientiae ratio- 
 Powers, &c. of an English Convoca- nibus pendet, quam ex ipso facto 
 tion, p. 112, ed. 1. p. 142, ed. 2, and Christi. . . . Optime sane moriuit Onu- 
 by Kennett, p. 85.] phrius Panvinius [in libro de Comitiis 
 
 n Sed post Christi ascensum in coe- Imperatoriis, et cum eo Bellarminus] ; 
 
 lum, quod genus regiminis per homi- non esse fidelis historic! rem describere, 
 
 nes mortales exercendi idem Christus ut fieri debuisset ; sed ut facta est. 
 
 in Ecclesia reliquerit et instituerit, erit Alioqui enim, inquit, non res gestse 
 
 nobis in hoc primo libro inquirendum. scribuntur, sed mendacia obtruduntur. 
 
 Quaesitum proculdubio facti duntaxat Quod autem factum sit, non ex philo- 
 
 est, ut loquuntur jurisperiti : [nam po- sophiae promptuariis hauriendum est, 
 
 tuit Rex Christus, non destructo suo sed eorum narratione ac fide [qui inter- 
 
 regnomonarchico,earnformamregimi- fuerunt, vel qui ab iis qui interfuerunt 
 
 nis spiritualis instituere, quse ipsi magis acceperunt ; aut certe qui aliorum tes - 
 
 placuerit :] qusenam vero forma regi- timonio sibi commendata literis et me- 
 
 minis ei magis placuerit, hariolandum morise tradiderunt]. Ita nos ex Evan- 
 
 non est, sed ex ipso facto inquirendum ; gelistis, et Apostolis, ac sanctis patri- 
 
 [et quamvis nemini dubium sit, neque bus quaesiti nostri solutionem, non ex 
 
 esse possit, quin et potuerit et voluerit nostro ingenio [vanaque probabilium 
 
 salvator noster Jesus Christus, Eccle- dialectica] petere debemus. De Re- 
 
 siam suam (ut ponit illustrissimus publica Ecclesiastica Prorem., lib. i. 
 
 Bellarmimis) ea ratione et modo gu- 3, 4. p. 34. London, 1617. 
 bernare, quae sit omnium optimus et 
 
that Episcopacy implies one visible head ; answered. 309 
 
 true constitution of the Catholic Church, which was com- RIGHTS 
 mitted in part, and in whole, severally and jointly, to the CHURCH. 
 Apostles and their successors, as I have partly shewed in the 
 following letters ; and the true idea of it may be learned by 
 those who are not yet masters of it, from Spalatensis' book 
 cited in the margin, or from the works of St. Cyprian, which 
 those who understand not Latin may read in the French 
 translation , or from an excellent little book, entitled, The 
 Principles of the Cyprianic Age, printed for Walter Kettilby 
 in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1695, and in the Vindication of it, 
 and of the Episcopal Power and Jurisdiction, printed for 
 Kobert Clavel and George Strahan, 1701, to which I refer 
 the reader?. 
 
 As for his objection of a popedom being unavoidable from 
 the episcopal constitution of Church government, and the 
 necessity of having an external head and principle of union 
 and communion in every Church q , it needs no answer, the 
 argument being contrary to the aristocratical constitution of 
 the Catholic Church, as well as to matter of fact, and stands 
 confuted by the consentient testimony and practice, not only 
 of the Churches of Great Britain, but of the Greek and 
 Oriental Churches, and all the members of them, as any 
 man may soon see, who will read Nilus Thessalonicensis r , 
 Barlaam the Greek monk 8 , and Nectarius patriarch of 
 
 [The work referred to is, Les a head could any differences hetween 
 
 CEuvres de S. Cyprien, en Franpais, Churches independent of each other be 
 
 avec des notes, par M. Lombert. 4to. composed." Rights, c. x. 29. pp. 
 
 1672. The notes are considered valu- 404, 405.] 
 
 able. The first English translation of r [Nilus Cabasilas, archbishop of 
 
 St. Cyprian's entire Works was made Thessalonica, Latinorum hostis infen- 
 
 by Dr. Nathanael Marshall, and pub- sissimus, (see R. G. apud Cave, Hist, 
 
 lished in 1717.] Lit, tom.ii. App.,p. 39,) cl. A.D. 1340. 
 
 p [The two last-named works, the His principal works are, one, DeProces- 
 
 second being entitled the Vindication sione Spiritus Sancti ; and that here 
 
 of the Cyprianic Age, &c., were written referred to, De Primatu Papae ; printed 
 
 by Bishop John Sage, the author of in Greek at London, without year or 
 
 the Reasonableness of a Toleration, &c. printer's name ; in Greek and Latin, 
 
 See note o, p. 290, and the life there besides other places, at Hanover, with 
 
 referred to, p. Ivii. note 1. The former notes, by Salmasius, 1608.] 
 is among the publications of the Spot- [Barlaam the monk was cotempo- 
 
 tiswoode Society for 1846.] rary with Nilus Cabasilas; he was bom 
 
 > ["Without some visible head or in Calabria, and brought up in the Latin 
 
 universal bishop the Church could Church. He afterwards went over to 
 
 never be so united in itself; . , . without the Greeks, and wrote against the La- 
 
 a common head ... it is impossible tins, and became abbot of St. Saviour's 
 
 there should be a succession of hi- at Constantinople. He took an active 
 
 shops ; . . . without such a head no acts part in the disputes between the 
 
 of a bishop could be valid further than Churches; but matters not taking the 
 
 his own district ; . . . nor without such course he wished, he withdrew from 
 
310 Testimonies of the Greeks against the Papal Supremacy. 
 
 PREFAT._ Jerusalem*, and many others, against the papal supre- 
 macy 11 , and the several accounts, particularly that excellent 
 one which Dr. Tho. Smith wrote, of the state of the Greek 
 Church v . 
 
 To mention his calumny upon the English clergy for 
 "carrying the power of the Church as high as the papists 
 themselves," and assuming a power to judge for the people x , 
 
 Constantinople, was condemned and 
 excommunicated. On this he rejoined 
 the Latin Church, and was made bishop 
 of Hieracum, a small island near Sar- 
 dinia. The work referred to is, Liber 
 contra Primatum Papae ; it was first 
 published at Oxford in 1595; and 
 afterwards with Nilus' work by Sal- 
 masius in 1608 ; and with that also 
 appended to his treatise de Primatu 
 Papae. Lugd. Bat. 1645. (Cave, Hist. 
 Lit., torn. ii. App., pp. 36, 37.)] 
 
 * [Nectarius was Patriarch of Jeru- 
 salem from 1662 to 1671. See an in- 
 teresting history of his life in Renau- 
 dot's edition of Gennadius' Homiliae 
 de Sacramento Eucharistiae ; Paris, 
 1709. His work is frequently referred 
 to in Hickes' Letters, &c., mentioned in 
 the next note. It is called, Confutatio 
 Imperii Papae in Ecclesiam, and was 
 written (see Hickes' Letters, p. 88.) 
 " in answer to Dom. Petre." A Latin 
 translation was published by Dr. Allin 
 in 1702.] 
 
 u See ths Reverend Mr. Chishul's 
 Letter at the end of the preface to a 
 book entituled, Several Letters between 
 Dr. Hickes and a Popish Priest, 1705. 
 [The letter is one of a few lines only, ad- 
 dressed to Hickes by the Rev. Edmund 
 Chishull,then Fellow of C.C.C., Oxford, 
 who appears to have had a collection of 
 tracts wrtten by members of the Greek 
 Church. He had been chaplain at 
 Smyrna ; and was distinguished for his 
 antiquarian knowledge and works. His 
 " Travels in Turkey and back to Eng- 
 land" were published, after his death, 
 by Dr. Mead in 1747. See Chalmers' 
 Biog. Brit. His letter enclosed a paper 
 of testimonies of the Greeks against 
 the Latins, which occupies one page. 
 They are ; 1. An extract from the 
 confession of the faith of the Greek 
 Church, compiled by a synod at Jass 
 in Moldavia, and confirmed by another 
 at Constantinople in the presence of 
 the four patriarchs, A.D. 1643; which 
 enumerates the Roman among particu- 
 lar and local Churches, Siarl al roiriKal 
 flvai /j.epiKai' olov i) "I 
 
 77 / 
 
 ' Pi.vrio-x.fia, ^ *v 'lpo<ro\v/j.ois, rj tv 
 'PutfMTi, f) fv 'AAe|cu/8pe/<f, Kal al \oiirai. 
 The confession, called " Orthodoxa Con- 
 fessio Catholicae atque Apostolicae Ec- 
 clesiae Orientalis," is printed in Kim- 
 mel's Libri Symbolic! Ecclesiae Orien- 
 talis, Jenae. 1843. The passage quoted is 
 Pars i. Quaest. 84. p. 1 54. An epistle by 
 Nectarius is prefixed, p. 45. See the 
 Prolegomena, pp. liv. sqq. 2. The 
 testimony of the then patriarch of Jeru- 
 salem in the preface to his edition of 
 the ro/j.05 aydirris : where he says, that 
 if the Latins would admit that the 
 bishop of Rome is chief and head in 
 the Church only in the same sense in 
 which the orientals maintain the patri- 
 arch of Constantinople to be so, the 
 Greeks would admit the same : but as 
 the Latins would not concede this, 
 it concludes, &pa Kal ^icels ov irapa- 
 rbv 'Pc^Tjs ovre irpurov, 
 a\fyv, oirre /j.ev StoAou firl- 
 ry e/e/cATjerict. 3. Another 
 volume, by the same patriarch, under 
 the title of rS/j-os KaraAAcryT/s, of which 
 the following are summaries of particu- 
 lar chapters ; OTI ov pAvov 6 TTJS irpe<r- 
 Qvrepas 'PdafJ.T]S 0p6vos airoaroXiKOS Ka- 
 \eirai, oAAa Kal eKaaros TU>V a\\cav 
 And, 8ri p.ia 
 
 i) rrjs Trpefffivrepas 'TPda/jLTjs \fyerai, aAA* 
 f} TTJS oiKovfjifVTfjs Traffics ruv 6p6o86l;<i)v. ] 
 
 v [An Account of the Greek Church, 
 as to its Doctrine and Rites of Wor- 
 ship, &c., by Thomas Smith, D.D., and 
 Fellow of St. Mary Magdalen College, 
 Oxon. London, 1680. See pp. 2 7, 
 71, sqq. Smith had resided some time 
 at Constantinople. His work was first 
 published in Latin by Bishop Fell, at 
 the Theatre, Oxford, in 1676, under the 
 title, De Graecae Ecclesiae hodierno 
 Statu Epistola; and afterwards, with 
 large additions, in English, in 1680.] 
 
 * [" That which gave the papists so 
 great advantage, was clergymen's talk- 
 ing . . so very inconsistent with them- 
 selves . . . when they disputed with 
 papists and dissenters. . . "When they 
 
Chillingworth against Church authority; unfairly alleged. 311 
 
 is sufficient for its confutation. And as he misapplied some RIGHTS 
 passages before out of my Lord Clarendon's Answer to Cressy y , CHURCH. 
 and Dr. Barrow's book Against the Pope's Supremacy, to the 
 independency of the Church, as a society, upon the state ; so 
 with equal malice and assurance he perverts the words of 
 Mr. Chillingworth against the infallibility and tyranny of 
 the pope, by misapplication to the Church of England 2 , 
 though he esteems that great man's authority in behalf of 
 the Church of England and her episcopal government 8 no 
 more than straw, or rotten wood. He cites King Charles II. 
 for saying in a comparison of the Church of England and 
 the Church of Rome, "that one seemed to be in earnest, 
 and the other in jestV I have recited this saying of that 
 
 had to do with papists . . they affirmed 
 that no man was obliged to submit to 
 the doctrine or discipline of any or all 
 the Churches in the world, if he judged 
 it not agreeable to the word of God. 
 But when they argued with the dis- 
 senters and at all other times, they 
 talked diametrically opposite to this, 
 and carried the power and authority of 
 the Church as high as the papists 
 themselves . . . They were for forcing 
 men by ecclesiastical and civil penal- 
 ties to comply, though ever so much 
 against their consciences. And what 
 did the papists, or what can they do 
 more for the sake of a blind obedience 
 and an implicit belief." Rights, ibid., 
 30. p. 406.] 
 
 y [See above, p. 248.] 
 
 * ["The difference between Mr. Chil- 
 lingworth and those who writ some- 
 times before him, is that they had 
 carried their notion of Church autho- 
 rity so high as to make the separation 
 from Rome unjustifiable ; but though 
 he effectually justifies it, yet it is by de- 
 stroying all Church authority. What 
 can be more opposite to it than his 
 saying, (Part i. chap. 4. n. 16,) that 
 1 this presumptuous imposing of the 
 senses of men upon the words of God, 
 the special senses of men upon the 
 general words of God, and laying them 
 upon men's consciences together under 
 equal pain of death and damnation &c. 
 Take away this persecuting, burning, 
 cursing, damning of men for not sub- 
 scribing to the words of men as the 
 words of God; require of Christians 
 only to believe Christ, and to call no 
 man master but Him only; let those 
 leave claiming infallibility who have 
 
 no title to it; and let them that in 
 their words disclaim it, disclaim it 
 likewise in their actions ; in a word 
 take away tyranny,'" &c. Rights, chap. 
 x. 32. pp. 407, 408. Chillingworth's 
 words obviously are intended to refer 
 to the Church of England, or its clergy, 
 considered as exercising authority in 
 matters of faith, without claiming in- 
 fallibility. The words of Chilling- 
 worth immediately introducing the 
 quotation being, "You are offended 
 with him (Dr. Potter) for not usurping 
 the authority which he hath hot ; in a 
 word for not playing the pope. Cer- 
 tainly, if Protestants be faulty in this 
 matter, it is for doing it too much, and 
 not too little. This presumptuous im- 
 posing," &C.J 
 
 a [See his tract entitled, The Apo- 
 stolical Institution of Episcopacy Vin- 
 dicated ; of which the last words are, 
 " Episcopal government is acknow- 
 ledged to have been universally re- 
 ceived in the Church presently after 
 the Apostles' times. Between the Apo- 
 stles' times and this presently after, 
 there was not time enough for, nor 
 possibility of, so great an alteration. 
 And therefore there was no such alter- 
 ation as is pretended. And therefore 
 episcopacy, being confessed to be so 
 ancient and catholic, must be granted 
 also to be apostolic : quod erat demon- 
 strandum." Chillingworth's Works, 
 vol. ii. pp. 485491. Oxford, 1838.] 
 
 b [" This conduct of theirs... their ex- 
 claiming against the Church of Rome 
 for doing (though consistent with her 
 own principles) the very same things 
 they practised themselves, in exer- 
 cising authority in matters of faith, 
 
312 Reproaches against the Church of England. 
 
 PREFAT. prince, who saw abroad the strictness of Church discipline, 
 SECT, xxii.' to give the friends of our Church occasion to consider how 
 much she is reproached for want of discipline, and put those 
 in remembrance of their duty, who are concerned to restore 
 the primitive godly discipline, to the primitive doctrine 
 and government, of the Church. After the saying of King 
 Charles II. he cites a saying of one he calls a reverend 
 divine, which I think fit to recite, to let the world see that 
 the Church of England, like her Saviour, hath Judas' s among 
 her priests, wolves in sheep's clothing, Arians, Socinians, and 
 other sorts of large souls among her clergy, who are not 
 only free thinkers, but free speakers, as the following words. 
 shew c : " The English priestcraft," said that reverend divine, 
 "is the coarsest that I ever saw: the Romish is fine, and 
 hath made a delicate book of Father Paul's Trent History ; 
 theirs is the depths of Satan, and ours is his shallows." 
 This reverend divine, I doubt not, but was such a one as 
 the author of the Principles of the Protestant Religion ex- 
 plained, in a Letter to a Lady d ; a divine utterly unworthy 
 of that name, and to minister in holy places and things, but 
 altogether worthy of our author's acquaintance, and to be 
 adorned by him, for both write the same blasphemies, and 
 both alike endeavour the destruction of the Christian priest- 
 hood and Church. In the conclusion of his book he pro- 
 mises the world another 6 , in which he saith, "if he may be 
 allowed to be a competent judge, the reader will find a full 
 answer to all the arguments drawn from Scriptures, as well 
 as reason, for the independent power of the clergy." Here 
 he hangs out his flag of defiance to the clergy, and let them 
 look to themselves. He is, in his own opinion, and I suppose 
 that of his club, their invincible champion against priest- 
 hood. However, let me say again of this unanswerable 'full 
 answer/ che venga } let it come, and fear it not ; for as God 
 hath hitherto raised up Davids from among His despised 
 servants of the clergy, to encounter and conquer these ' men 
 of Gath;' so I hope a spirit of fortitude will still come from 
 
 gave occasion to that saying of their e [" Since this discourse grows too 
 
 heloved King Charles II.," &c. bulky for one volume, I shall finish the 
 
 Rights, chap. x. 36. p. 411.] rest in the next, where," &c. Rights, 
 
 [Rights, ibid.] chap. x. 38. p. 413. See above, note f, 
 
 d [See above, p. 212.] p. 184.] 
 
Tindal's boasting and appeal to the laity. 313 
 
 Him upon others of them, to go out and fight with them, RIGHTS 
 though they defy us, and as it were threaten "to give our CHURCH. 
 flesh unto the fowls of the air, and to the beasts of the field." 
 Will you hear the words of their challenge from him ? " Nor f 
 can those/' saith he, speaking of himself, " who differ from 
 him, have any just reason to be dissatisfied for his giving 
 them an opportunity to expose and baffle all the contrary 
 arguments, since if they have truth on their side, nothing 
 can do their cause a greater kindness, than mustering up 
 those reasons which oppose it." Is not this bravado of our 
 author something like that of the Philistine, who cried out 
 unto the armies of Israel, and said, " choose you a man for 
 you, and let him come and fight with me ; I defy the armies 
 of Israel, give me a man that we may fight together ?" He 
 boasts e what obligations the world hath to him " for defend- 
 ing the natural rights of mankind" (which we shall see how 
 he will maintain against the Rehearsal) " as a man, and as a 
 Christian, for striking at the root of antichristian priestcraft." 
 
 Thus, if they were alive, might Hobbes, and Blunt, and 
 many other sons of Belial brag ; and thus may all the authors 
 cited in the Axe laid to the root of Christianity, boast of their 
 merits for freeing men and Christians from the yoke. He 
 saith h , "he hopes the laity will take him into their protec- 
 tion, for his love to truth, and zeal for the Church by law 
 established :" yes, for the love and zeal he hath shewed to 
 truth and her, in writing against her episcopal government, 
 in depraving and profaning her holy offices, in exposing her 
 priests, and abusing the Christian priesthood, and deriving 
 all her spiritual or ecclesiastical power from the magistrate, 
 and in asserting her to tyrannize over the consciences of men 
 as much, though not with so good a grace, as the Church of 
 Borne. 
 
 If this be love for truth, and zeal, and merit for the Church 
 of England, indeed he deserves not only protection from the 
 laity, but praise and honour from the clergy, even as much 
 praise and honour as another gentleman of the laity truly 
 deserves from them, who is the reverse to him in his writings 
 
 f Ibid., p. 414. blame him for defending the natural 
 
 * Ibid. [" The author hopes that no rights of mankind," &c.] 
 person, considered either as a man, can & Ibid., p. 415. 
 
314 TindaVs contradictory statements. 
 
 PRKPAT. about the Church and priesthood 1 , even as much reverse to 
 
 DISCOURSK, _*, .- . . 
 
 SECT. XXIL him and his writings, I had almost said, as good itseli is to 
 evil, or a good to an evil angel. But then it follows k , if I 
 " be so unhappy as to fall under the displeasure of some eccle- 
 siastics, even of the national Church, for striking at their great 
 Diana," meaning the distinction of the Church from the state. 
 What fall under the displeasure of the "national Church" for 
 his zeal for the " Church established by law ?" Are these two 
 different Churches ? Can he deserve well of the one, and fall 
 under the displeasure of the other? This is paradox and riddle, 
 which I leave him to explain, and to tell me which clergy it 
 is, the clergy of the " national Church," or of ' ' the Church 
 established by law/' which in the next words he tells the laity 
 are " their mortal enemies, who claim an absolute uncontrol- 
 able power over their minds, and by consequence over their 
 persons and estates 1 ." 
 
 I have now done with the Rights, and the author of it, but 
 must tell my reader, that I have not said all that I might 
 upon his book. For I might have noted more of his contra- 
 dictions, of which take an example or two; p. 5 he saith, "if 
 the father by the law of nature had absolute power over the 
 son, he could not be deprived of it m ," and yet p. 10 he saith, 
 " that the power which every man hath by the law of nature 
 may be transferred by him to the magistrate." In pp. 14, 15, 
 " all men in judging for themselves in religious matters, and 
 all religious assemblies, even clubs and meetings for pleasure, 
 must be independent of the magistrate," but the independ- 
 ency of the priesthood through his whole book is an intolerable 
 grievance. In some places he writes as if persecution were 
 wholly owing to the claim of an independent power, and yet 
 he asserts that the Apostles and first bishops (who were most 
 persecuted) claimed no such power ; p. 190 he saith, " the 
 laity can have no motive or temptation to abuse and corrupt 
 religion," and yet the reader will find he impeaches the 
 clergy for servilely complying with princes, who have for their 
 
 1 A Companion for the Festivals quoted from the Rights.] 
 and Fasts of the Church of England, ' [Rights, ibid.] 
 with Collects and Prayers for each m ["And consequently," the passage 
 Solemnity. 4th edit. By Robert continues, "all government but the pa- 
 Nelson, ternal would be unlawful."] 
 
 k [This clause precedes the one last 
 
Church Power only the accidental cause of evils. 315 
 
 interest " corrupted religion ;" p. 263 he saith, " no heathens RIGHTS 
 were ever so stupid as to entertain such a monstrous con- CHURCH. 
 
 tradiction as independent powers/' and yet, p. 43, 98, "ex- 
 communication among Christians, the chief branch of the 
 independent power, was derived from heathens, who governed 
 all things by virtue of it, and kings were only their ministers 
 to execute their sentences ;" p. 265, " Constantino was entirely 
 governed by the bishops," but p. 197, 201, " he governs and 
 manages them." Also p. 118 he saith, "there were no feuds 
 and animosities among the heathens upon the account of re- 
 ligion ;" and p. 260, that " the heathens never persecuted one 
 another upon that account," both which assertions are noto- 
 riously false, as can be made appear from the Greek and 
 Latin historians. I have but noted few of the most odious 
 names and characters he hath given the clergy, because 
 it was tedious to collect them: as n "spiritual makebates, 
 bareters, boutefeus, and incendiaries, who make churches 
 serve to worse purposes than bear-gardens." I have passed 
 over all his tragical and fallacious representations of the in- 
 dependent power, as the occasion of all mischiefs to human 
 societies, as of " wars, massacres, murders, persecutions " &c., 
 in which way of arguing he may impeach not only the Scrip- 
 tures and the whole Christian religion, as well as that part 
 of it, but our Lord Himself; who foreseeing what divisions 
 His doctrine would occasion in the world through the un- 
 belief and wickedness of men, said, "Think not that I am Matt.io.34. 
 come to send peace on earth, I came not to send peace but a 
 sword, to set a man at variance against his father, and the 
 daughter against her mother;" and so, had His infinite wisdom 
 thought fit, He might have added, ' the wife against her hus- 
 band, the servant against his master, and the subject against 
 his prince/ Nay, in this way of arguing he might arraign 
 the wisdom and goodness of God, for not making man in- 
 fallible, impeccable, and immutably good, which really is the 
 occasion of all the mischiefs to human societies, and the 
 misery of mankind. There is nothing so good, but through 
 the corruption and abuse of men, may be the occasion or 
 accidental cause of evil. No one doctrine, I believe, in the 
 
 n Rights, p. 118. o [Ibid., chap. viii. 25. p. 261.] 
 
316 Further evidence of Kings 9 judging in person. 
 
 PREFAT. whole system of Christianity, which hath not occasioned 
 feuds and differences in the world from the same accidental 
 cause, as well as that of the independent power, and more 
 particularly, not only from the unbelief of pagan, but from 
 the ambition and mere worldly politics of sovereign Chris- 
 tian princes and states, or their being misled into heresies 
 or schisms, which I could shew by numerous instances against 
 our author from the histories of the Church. 
 
 I might also have shewed him the falseness of his asser- 
 tion, that our princes can no more judge in person, than 
 exercise the ecclesiastical function, from Bracton, lib. ii. cap. 
 ix. x. fol. 107, 108P, which I desire him, as well as the reader, 
 to consult. I have shewed in my Dissertation of the use of 
 the ancient Septentrional Literature <i, that our Saxon kings 
 have judged in person, and he may find a placitum in the 
 time of the Conqueror Willielmo Rege tenente curiam, in cart. 
 Antiq. E. B. in the Tower, n. 1. In the Cotton Library, 
 Julius D. 6, he may find another mentioned in the time of 
 Edward the Confessor. Sedente eo pro tribunali Die Festo in 
 Aula Regia. Thus the king upon appeals made into chancery 
 from the court military often recites, that because he could 
 not be personally present, he therefore constitutes delegates, 
 Pat. 51 Edw. III. m. 17 dors/ and 36 dors. 8 There are also 
 instances of the king's determining causes in person, as Pat. 
 13 Bic. II. m. 8. in the case of Scroop and Grosvenor, 
 printed by Prynne on the fourth Institutes 4 , p. 62. As also in 
 that of Grey and Hastings 11 , Pat. 1 Hen. V. pi. 1. m. 30. 
 
 P [c. ix. Cum autem de regimine Roberto Knott. Ibid.] 
 sacerdotii nibil pertineat ad tractatiim * [Brief Animadversions on, Amend- 
 
 istum, ideo videndum erit de iis quae ments explanatory of, additional Re- 
 
 pertineant ad regnum, quis primo et cords to the fourth part of the Insti- 
 
 principaliter possit et debeat judicare. tutes,&c. (Coke's), by William Prynne, 
 
 Et sciendum est quod ipse rex et non Esq., keeper of his majesty's records 
 
 alius, si solus ad hoc sufficere possit, in the Tower of London, 1(569. At p. 62, 
 
 cum ad hoc per virtutem sacramenti on p. 125, 1. 43, he says "It is to be ob- 
 
 teneatur astrictus, &c., and c. x. as served that after sentence pronounced 
 
 quoted note e, p. 305.] in the court of chivalry in case of arms, 
 
 i [Dissertatio Epistolaris de Anti- the party grieved may appeal to the king, 
 
 quse Literaturse Septentrionalis Utili- who by himself or his commissioners 
 
 tate, ix. p. 40. Oxon. 1703, in the may give final judgment therein; 
 
 first volume of the Thesaurus Ling. whereof you may find a notable case 
 
 Septent. Oxon. 1705.] Rot. Pat. 13 R.2. I shall present the 
 
 r [De appellatione determinanda. readers with the transcript of the record, 
 
 Calendarium Rotulorum Patentium. to gratify heralds and those who de- 
 
 p. 195.] light in heraldry."] 
 
 [Commissio de appellatione pro " [Calend. Rot. Pat., p. 260.] 
 
Parliament enacted what Convocation had allowed. 317 
 
 And I perceive by the specimen of Mr. Madoxe's History 
 and Antiquities of the Exchequer*, there will be many more 
 instances of our kings administering justice in person to 
 their subjects. In answer to his question, Preface, p. xi., 
 " how could the parliament, if the convocation had a Divine 
 right to make ecclesiastical laws, enable both Henry VIII. 
 and Edward VI. to authorize thirty-two persons, half of them 
 laymen, to establish all such ecclesiastical laws, as should be 
 thought by the king and them convenient?," &c.? In answer, 
 I say, to this question, and all he saith upon it, I thought to 
 have shewed out of Dr. Atterbury's second edition of the 
 Rights and Powers of an English Convocation 2 , that from 
 
 RIGHTS 
 OF THE 
 CHURCH. 
 
 x [The work itself was published by 
 subscription by Thomas Madoxe, Esq., 
 London, 1711. See chap. i. 3. vol. i. 
 pp. 6, 7; chap. iv. 8. ibid. p. 191 ; 
 and chap. xx. 6. vol. ii. p. 10. In 
 each of the last two passages, speaking 
 respectively of the periods prior to the 
 reigns of Henry III. and Edward III., 
 he says, " The king if he pleased sat 
 and acted in his exchequer." The re- 
 ferences are to the second edition, of 
 1769.] 
 
 y [See note z, pp. 222, 223.] 
 z [As respects this particular act 
 of parliament, Atterbury's answer is 
 direct and conclusive; "the petition of 
 the clergy in convocation, wherein this 
 review of the canons is by them desired, 
 preceded this act. What was done in 
 this matter was done at their instance, 
 and therefore had their authority." 
 Rights, Powers, &c., p. 188. (See 
 above, p. 223, note a.) The portion 
 of his work referred to by Hickes, 
 is that in which he examines indivi- 
 dually the instances alleged by Wake, 
 " of several things relating to the 
 Church, which have been done since 
 the 25 Hen. VIII. by private com- 
 missions, or otherwise, out of con- 
 vocation," in order to " shew upon 
 each of them how far the ecclesiastical 
 power concurred, and led the way to 
 it ;" and to vindicate the Reformation, 
 "the process of which," he says, " I am 
 satisfied was very regular, and cano- 
 nical in most cases ; though in some, 
 by reason of the loss of records it can- 
 not easily be proved so. Of this we 
 are in general assured by such as lived 
 at the time when those records were in 
 being, particularly by Sir Robert Cot- 
 ton and Mi. Fuller. The first in his 
 
 Posthuma, (p. 215J has these words, 
 ' If any shall object, that many laws, 
 in Henry the Eighth's time, had first 
 the ground in parliament, it is mani- 
 fested by the dates of their acts in con- 
 vocation, that they all had in that place 
 their first original.' The latter speaks 
 as follows, (Church Hist., xvi. cent, 
 p. (188.) 1655.) ' Upon serious exami- 
 nation it will appear, that there was 
 nothing done in the reformation of reli- 
 gion, save what was acted by the clergy 
 in their convocations, or grounded on 
 some act of theirs precedent to it, with 
 the advice, counsel, and consent of the 
 bishops and most eminent churchmen ; 
 confirmed upon the post fact, and not 
 otherwise, by the civil sanction ; ac- 
 cording to the usage of the best and 
 purest times of Christianity.' " (Rights, 
 Powers, &c., pp. 179, 180.) Fuller is 
 answering the objection quoted below 
 about "a parliament religion," &c., and, 
 after the passage extracted by Atter- 
 bury, goes on to say, " By the same pro- 
 portion in the days of Queen Mary 
 the popish religion might have been 
 styled a parliament religion, because 
 after the same had been debated on, 
 and concluded of in the convocation, 
 it was confirmed by the queen, lords 
 and commons, by the act of parlia- 
 ment." Atterbury proceeds to quote 
 Bishop Burnet for the same view, " I 
 shall add the testimony of one who 
 must be allowed a good witness in this 
 case, my lord of Sarum. He assures 
 the bishop of Meaux, in the answer he 
 made to his 'Variations,' (p. 35,) 'that 
 our parliaments and princes have not 
 meddled in matters of religion any 
 other way, but that they have given the 
 civil sanction to the propositions made 
 
318 His objections derived from Roman Catholics. 
 
 PREFAT. many other instances of the like nature it is highly probable, 
 SECT, xxii.' that those acts had their first rise and original in the convo- 
 cation. I cannot transcribe those excellent remarks, of which 
 I believe the author of the Rights is not ignorant, but am 
 forced to refer the reader to the book itself, from p. 179 to 
 p. 206, being cut short very much against my will. In par- 
 ticular I desire my reader to consult the whole passage in 
 Dr. Fuller's Church History*, whereof the Doctor cites part, 
 p. 180, and then he may guess why the author of the Rights, 
 who is now known b , would take no notice of that book, which 
 would have led his reader to so good an answer not only to 
 himself, but the most malicious objection of the papists 
 against the Church of England, which he has made so much 
 use of in other terms, viz., 'that we have a parliament reli- 
 gion, a parliament faith, a parliament gospel, parliament 
 bishops, and a parliament Church c / It was good policy in 
 a man, who turned, or was turning papist in the last of those 
 two d , which he now calls the persecuting reigns, to conceal 
 from whom he borrowed that way of arguing from acts of 
 parliament against the Church of England, and the inde- 
 pendent power to which she hath an indefeasible title and 
 right, as a member of the Catholic Church. I also thought 
 to have shewed how 6 his notion of natural freedom, and 
 founding all government in consent of parties, contrary to the 
 laws and practice of all nations, the laws of the theocracy 
 itself not excepted f , and the Scriptures of the New Testa- 
 ment g , makes slavery, villanage, and all purely despotical 
 
 by the Church : and this is what Chris- the papists, which being so causeless, 
 tian princes do in all places.'" In should be so clamorous, accusing us to 
 proceeding to examine the particular have ' a parliament religion, a parlia- 
 instances, he observes of the bishop's ment faith, a parliament gospel,' (Hard- 
 History of the Reformation, that it was ing's Confutation of Jewel's Apology, 
 defective, partly from the want of re- part 6, c. 2, p. 278. Antw. 1565) ; 
 cords, partly from Burnet's not having and another (Schultingius, Hierarchica 
 noticed all that did exist ; " so that it Anacrisis, contra politiam Calvinia- 
 is no proof that nothing was done by nam, lib. vii. p. 85. Col. Agrip., 1604) 
 the clergy because his lordship says addeth, parliament bishops and a par- 
 nothing of it." Rights, Powers, &c., liament clergy.'"] 
 p. 181.] d [See note a, p. 48, and note r, p. 
 
 Book v. cent. xvi. p. (188.) 227.] 
 
 b [In the first and second editions e Rights, Introduction, [ 3, sqq. 
 
 the words were, "the supposed author See above, pp. 182, 203, sqq.] 
 of the Rights, who is generally believed f Exod. xxi. 57 ; Levit. xxv. 44 
 
 to be the true author." See note d, p. 46. 
 50.] K 1 Tim. vi. 1 ; 1 Pet. ii. 1821; 
 
 * c [See Fuller as above quoted, p. Eph. vi. 5 ; Col. iii. 21 ; Tit. ii. 9 ; 1 
 
 (188.) " Here I wonder at the cavil of Cor. vii. 21 ; Phil. xv. 16. - 
 
Answers to Bp. Burners Exposition. Conclusion. 319 
 
 governments, where the people are the prince's property, in- 
 human, unnatural, and unlawful; but I am confined, and 
 must not transgress my bounds. 
 
 I must also tell my reader, that variety of matter, and 
 pursuit of thoughts, have made me forget some things. I 
 forgot to name the answers written to the bishop of Sarum's 
 Exposition on the twenty-third Article, to which I presumed 
 to say, " I thought his lordship indebted for a just and full 
 reply h ;" the first is intituled, "A Vindication of the twenty- 
 third Article of the Church from a late Exposition 1 /' &c. The 
 other is in p. 202 of a book intituled, " The Reasonableness of 
 a Toleration [of those of the episcopal persuasion] enquired 
 into k [purely upon Church principles] ." And I am glad of this 
 opportunity to recommend so excellent a book unto the world. 
 
 Thus much I thought myself obliged to write in answer to SECT, xxm. 
 the book of the Rights 1 ; without premising a confutation of Concluding 
 which, the two following dissertations, which were in the 
 press when that book was first published" 1 , could not, I 
 thought, with any good grace or assurance, make their 
 entrance into the world. I am satisfied there is nothing in 
 that book of any seeming force, or contrary to the doctrines 
 I have delivered in them, but what I have fairly and fully 
 answered, without fallacies and sophisms, with which that 
 book almost in every page abounds. But I have manifestly 
 solved them all, at least the chiefest of them, and also 
 shewed that the whole of it is nothing but bis cocta cram be, 
 or a mere rhapsody of cavils and calumnies, picked and col- 
 lected out of the vilest writers, not only against the Church 
 of England, but against the Catholic Church, at which this 
 enemy of Christianity, and of the Christian priesthood, strikes 
 through her sides, I say against the Church of England, 
 whose very misfortunes, which she could not prevent, this 
 
 h [See above, p. 286.] Laud, p. 321 ; the address to the clergy, 
 
 1 London, printed for Thomas Ben- pp. 325, 326 ; and the last paragraph) 
 
 net at the Half Moon in St. Paul's was added in the third edition.] 
 
 Church-yard, 1702. [See above, note m [This statement seems to contra- 
 
 f, p. 286.] diet what is said above, p. 67, that he 
 
 London, printed in the year 1705. was " provoked to publish" the two Dis- 
 
 pp. 202 208. [ It was written by Bp. courses by "a late book entitled the 
 
 Sage. See a part of the argument, Rights," &c. The earlier statement, 
 
 note o, p. 290.] as made at the time, is more likely to 
 
 1 [The whole of the remaining part be correct; four years had elapsed be- 
 
 of this Discourse (except the answer of fore these additions were written.] 
 
320 ' The Rights' the joint work of an Anti- Christian party. 
 
 PREFAT. penman of the deists imputes to her as crimes ; against the 
 SECT.XXIU! Church of England, whose ruin this Satanical sect of men 
 ~seek above all other Churches, because she is so like the 
 primitive Church; and therefore in this miscellaneous book 
 of the Rights, they have drawn up in battle-array against 
 her, not only the arguments of popish writers", but of the 
 Epicureans out of Spinoza the apostate Jew's works , to 
 disaffect men against all priests and all revealed religion ; 
 against the Old as well as the New Testament, and bring 
 them to an utter contempt and disbelief of Moses and Jesus 
 Christ. There is nothing relating to the Church and her 
 constitution which their malice hath left unattacked : her 
 truly Catholic doctrine ; her Divine authority ; her aposto- 
 lical mission ; her spiritual discipline, or power of censures j 
 her priesthood ; her holy Sacraments ; her revenues, or 
 rather the poor remainder of them ; her primitive polity, 
 and government by bishops j her independency on the 
 powers of the world, or whatsoever else belongs to her as a 
 society or a sect. All this have they done in this one 
 masterpiece of their anti-christian heresy, which, before it 
 was put to the press, passed through many of their hands 
 to patch it up as neatly as they could together, and give it 
 all the advantages that wit and malice could give it, to make 
 it acceptable to a wicked world. In particular, it was 
 perused by Mr. Locke before he died, as the great disperser 
 and preconizer of it at home and abroad confessed to one 
 of my friends P. But, God be thanked, the antidotes have 
 prevailed against the poison of it among all who have had 
 the ingenuity impartially to read the answers to it : and as 
 
 [See above, pp. 223, 228.] speaks of " those books and letters, for 
 [See note b, p. 69.] which, to his everlasting dishonour, the 
 p [For the alleged connection of the deists as it were canonize his memory," 
 Rights with Locke, see, A Disserta- and says, '' one of the deists or atheists 
 tion upon the tenth chapter of the fifth told one of my friends that it was some 
 book of Mr. Locke's Essay, &c., by time in Mr. Locke's hands before he 
 William Carroll, 1706. " I have been died." This is not unlikely if we con- 
 told that the said ' Rights of the Chris- sider Collins' intimacy with Locke, 
 tian Church' has been writ by a gentle- see note y, p. 82, and Locke's letters 
 man, or a set of gentlemen, misled by to Collins ; published in " a collection 
 the principles established in the Essay of several pieces of Mr. Locke," by Des 
 of Human Understanding. I took a Maiseaux, 1736. Locke died Oct. 28, 
 cursory view of the Rights and found 1704. The letters are contained in the 
 it to be another offspring of the said last volume of the 8vo. editions of his 
 Essay." p. 277. In the Preliminary collected works.] 
 Discourse to Spinoza revived, Hickes 
 
Hickes' view of the Communion Service the same as Laud's. 321 
 
 for those who will not read them at all, or, as they should, CONCLU- 
 with patience and impartiality, I may say, in allusion to the REMARKS. 
 Apostle, if our Church, and its Gospel, and evangelical 
 constitution, and priesthood are hid, they are only " hid to 2 Cor. 4. 
 those who are lost;" to those who have ears, and will not 
 hear, eyes and will not see, and whose hearts are hardened 
 in scepticism or perfect unbelief. 
 
 It hath been a great satisfaction and comfort to me, and 
 so will be in my last moments, that these unbelievers have 
 so persecuted me /in particular among other more worthy 
 clergymen since the first edition of this work 9. I look upon 
 all their lies and libels upon me as so many marks of 
 honour, and I hope I may presume to say, without arro- 
 gance or vanity, that their malice against me in their pam- 
 phlets proceeds from the sense they have of the harm I have 
 done them in this prefatory answer, and other discourses 
 lately published against them 1 "; and I praise Almighty God, 
 who hath counted me worthy to be hated by them, and those 
 wicked spirits whose instruments they are, and by whom, 
 upon Christian principles, I doubt not but they are inspired. 
 
 In what I have written of the communion office, I have 
 spoken in behalf of the ancient order of using the prayer of 
 oblation in or immediately upon the prayer of consecration 8 , 
 and to prevent any mistakes, or any just objection, which 
 may be made against me upon that account, I beg leave to 
 present the reader with the words of one of the greatest 
 divines and prelates that this Church, or perhaps any other, 
 ever had ; who, in spite of calumny, will always be glorious 
 in his martyrdom and memory ; I mean Archbishop Laud, 
 in his reply to the charge of the Scottish commissioners*: 
 " To invert the order of some prayers in the communion, or 
 any other part of the service, doth neither pervert the 
 
 prayers, nor corrupt the worship of God And though I 
 
 shall not find fault with the order of the prayers, as they 
 
 i [e. g. "A new Catechism with of Archbishop Laud, p. 115. [The 
 Dr. Hickes' Thirty-nine Articles," a charge was the transposing the prayers 
 pamphlet which went through at least in the communion service of the Scot- 
 three editions in 1710. It is printed tish Prayer Book of 1637, by putting 
 in Somers' Collection of Tracts ; vol. the first prayer in the post commu- 
 xii. p. 176. ed. 2. 1814.] nion of the English book immediately 
 r [See above, note p, p. 72.] after the consecration and before the 
 8 [See above, p. 127.] communion; see the words of the charge, 
 * History of the Troubles and Trial p. 133, and the notes, p. 127.] 
 
 HICKES. Y 
 
322 Suggestions on a substitute for the Prothesis. 
 
 stand in the communion-book of England, (for, God be 
 SECTXXIII'. thanked, it is well,) yet if a comparison must be made, I do 
 think the order of the prayers, as they now stand in the 
 Scottish liturgy, to be the better and more agreeable to the 
 use in the primitive Church ; and I believe they who are 
 learned will acknowledge it." And whenever the liturgy 
 comes to be revised in convocation, I cannot but also wish 
 that the prayer of oblation may be restored to its ancient 
 place, as in the offices in the appendix". And since I have 
 taken some pains in the following Letters to shew that 
 Christian presbyters are proper priests appointed by God to 
 bless the people, I cannot also forbear wishing, not only that 
 the apostolical benediction at the end of the morning and 
 j"2 Cor. 13. evening services were put in the apostolic form, to be pro- 
 nounced standing by the priest, but also that some other 
 prayers might, by addition or alteration, be appointed, which 
 the priest alone should put up for the people, as in the 
 ancient liturgies of the Church. 
 
 And whereas I have written for the strict observation of 
 the restored rubric x , which enjoins the priest to place the 
 bread and wine upon the holy table immediately after the 
 alms of the people are humbly presented and set upon it, 
 and for the more convenient practice of that rubric have after 
 the ancient manner recommended the use of a Prothesis y, or 
 another table from whence he may fetch them, or they may 
 be brought to him : I desire a liberty here to observe, that in 
 churches where there are vestries, the tables therein are very 
 proper for that purpose, and that in churches where there are 
 none, such tables may be set up in any side aisle on either 
 side of the chancel ; and where there are no such side aisles, 
 there cannot want other convenient places, wherein to set 
 such necessary boards ; necessary, I say, for the observation 
 of that rubric, the general neglect whereof I cannot but 
 bemoan ; nor can I imagine with what conscience those of 
 the clergy who know it can neglect it more than any other 
 rubric, or how any of them can ridicule the observation of it, 
 as I am assured one dignified priest did ; or presume, as an- 
 
 u [The communion office in the first No. ii.] 
 
 book of Edward VI., Appendix No. i., * [See above, pp. 127, 128.] 
 and the Scottish Prayer Book, ibid., - v [See note x, p. 129.] 
 
Obligation on Clergymen to observe the Rubrics. 323 
 
 other 2 with uncommon latitude hath had the confidence to do CONCLU- 
 DING 
 
 REMARKS. 
 
 since the last edition of this book, not only to excuse the neg- 
 
 lect of it as a ' punctilio/ but to assert that as such it is 
 " vacated by the universal practice of the Church, even of the 
 bishops themselves." It was high time for Mr. Sharp 8 to tax 
 the irregularities of such libertines among the clergy, who 
 think themselves free to practise or not practise the orders 
 of the Church by halves, or by wholes, as they please. But 
 at this rate a Church of such priests, or where there is a ma- 
 jority of such priests as the doctor, and that bishop who su- 
 pervised his book, may by their evil practice "vacate" not 
 only what rubrics, but what canons they please, the thirty- 
 sixth 1 * not excepted, by subscription to which all clergymen 
 admitted to cures oblige themselves to observe that form in 
 ministering prayers and Sacraments which the liturgy pre- 
 scribes ; and if any of them who have so subscribed, and 
 presume to prevaricate after subscription in omitting to ob- 
 serve the form, rites, and ceremonies enjoined to be observed 
 in the Book of Common Prayer, he is first to be suspended 
 by the thirty-eighth canon c ; and if he doth not mend his 
 practice within a month after, he is to be deprived. But 
 seeing these loose and treacherous sort of priests, who have 
 caused so much mischief to the Church, notwithstanding the 
 
 1 Dr. Hancock in his Answer to any ecclesiastical living, nor suffered 
 some things contained in Dr. Hickes's to preach, to catechise, &c., except he 
 Christian Priesthood, pp. 139, 140. shall first subscribe to these three arti- 
 [Sea above, p. 2, note g. " These gen- cles following ... II. That the Book 
 tlemen can find fault with our deviating of Common Prayer, and of ordering of 
 from a punctilio in the rubric, though bishops, priests, and deacons, contain- 
 in effect vacated by the universal prac- eth in it nothing contrary to the word 
 tice of the Church, and even of the of God, and that it may lawfully so be 
 bishops themselves," Sic.] used; and that he himself will use the 
 
 * [The Rev. J. Sharp, curate of form in the said book prescribed, in 
 Stepney, in "An Appeal of the Clergy public prayer, and administration of 
 of the Church of England to my lords the Sacraments, and none other."] 
 the Bishops, humbly beseeching them c [Canon xxxviii. " Revolters after 
 to move her most Sacred Majesty to subscription censured. If any minis- 
 redress their grievances." Part ii. Lon- ter, after he hath once subscribed to the 
 don, 1705. p. 5, he says, " I am con- said three articles, shall omit to use the 
 vinced that if the canons of the Church form of prayer, or any of the orders or 
 were all and every one of them put in ceremonies prescribed in the commu- 
 due execution we should have another nion book, let him be suspended; and 
 scene of affairs ;" and p. 7, he appeals if after a month he do not reform and 
 to the rubrics.] submit himself, let him be excom- 
 
 b [Canon xxxvi. " Subscription re- municated, and then if he shall not 
 
 quired of such as are to be made min- submit himself within the space of 
 
 isters. No person shall hereafter be another month, let him be deposed 
 
 received into the ministry, nor either from the ministry."] 
 by institution or collation admitted to 
 
324 Clergy may be compelled by law to observe the Rubrics a 
 
 PREFAT. authority and obligation of her canons to the contrary, assume 
 SECT.XXIII'. to themselves a liberty of dispensing with, and making her 
 ~~ injunctions void ; I must put them in remembrance, how- 
 ever they are dignified or distinguished, of the Act of Uni- 
 formity of Public Prayer, and Administration of the Sacra- 
 ments' 1 &c., that if they do not think themselves obliged for 
 conscience sake strictly to obey the Church in observing her 
 orders, they may know they are bound to do it for wrath by 
 the said act. And to convince Dr. Hancock, and such priests 
 as he, be they of the higher or lower order, that it is not in 
 their power to " vacate" the rubrics of the Church, or vary 
 from the order, manner, or form in which she hath appointed 
 the Sacraments to be administered, I must ask his leave to 
 tell him a short but true story for his edification. Such an- 
 other parish priest as he, in ministering the holy communion, 
 had for several years neglected to observe the rubric for the 
 offertory, and receiving the alms of the people, as that rubric 
 appoints, to the just offence of some of his flock; one of 
 which, a worthy person, and a man of note in his parish, first 
 desired, and then privately admonished him, to observe that 
 rubric ; but he persisting in the irregular neglect thereof, the 
 good man went where there was authority ecclesiastical to 
 complain of him; but there (0 temporal) he was told to the 
 same purpose as the Doctor writes, that it was a thing of little 
 moment, for which he gave himself so much trouble, a "punc- 
 tilio" of a rubric, and that they would not have him make 
 himself uneasy for such small matters, it being of no great 
 importance whether the people gave their alms before or after 
 the Sacrament was administered. But he, as a truly affec- 
 tionate son of the Church, being as sensible of his own, as of 
 his minister's duty, and not finding redress where it was to 
 be expected, bethought himself of the Act of Uniformity, and 
 thereupon went to his minister, and shewed him the act, and 
 told him plainly if he once more omitted the offertory, he 
 would bring an information against him upon that act in the 
 crown office. After this kind and seasonable warning, the 
 priest thought it convenient to observe the long-neglected 
 rubric, and continued to observe it ever since without de- 
 viation; and if any of Dr. Hancock's churchwardens or 
 
 11 xiv. Caroli II. 
 
Exhortation to the Clergy respecting their office. 325 
 
 parishioners would please to proceed in like prudent and CONCLU- 
 charitable manner with him for omitting the next rubric, 
 which enjoins him after the offertory to set the bread and 
 wine upon the Lord's table, he would then begin to think it 
 was more than a "punctilio," and not in his power, and the 
 power of the irregular clergy, though never so many or great, 
 to "vacate" the observation of it by their sinful and scan- 
 dalous neglect, as he with a peculiar confidence, and sort of 
 casuistry not common among his brethren, presumes, upon 
 what principle I know not, to affirm. 
 
 I designed also, in pursuance and consequence of what I 
 have written about the Christian priesthood, to address my- 
 self in most humble manner to the clergy, to put them in re- 
 membrance of their office, as priests, and to study to adorn 
 it, as much at least as they generally do their office, as 
 preachers ; and to that end, among other theories belonging 
 to our profession, to study rightly to understand the powers 
 and privileges of the priesthood, and what they are to prac- 
 tise as such, and not to neglect their sacerdotal talents, or lay 
 them up, as it were, in a napkin, and suffer them to go farther 
 into desuetude, to the dishonour of their Lord and Master, 
 the great prejudice of the priestly part of their ministry, and 
 the farther decay of that reverence which the ancient Chris- 
 tians shewed to their ministers as priests. We should study 
 to be skilful confessaries and physicians of souls, as well as 
 good preachers, to know when and how to use the power of 
 remitting and retaining sins, of blessing the people, and of 
 administering the Christian Sacrifice aright. These things 
 God expects indispensably from us, as well as preaching; 
 and of which let me say to those who, as it were, devote them- 
 selves to the one and neglect the other, " these things ought 
 ye to have done, and not to leave the other undone." That, 
 of the two, requires our care at least as much as this, though 
 it is now so much disused, chiefly I fear by the want of peni- 
 tential canons, which every bishop of any country may supply 
 in his own diocese, until the whole college can make peniten- 
 tial canons for the dioceses of the national Church. I also 
 thought to have made a parsenesis to the candidates of the 
 priesthood, and the younger clergy, not to begin their studies 
 in divinity at the wrong end, especially with Dutch systems, 
 
DISCOURSE, 
 SECT, 
 
 326 Course of theological study recommended. 
 
 PREFAT. such as Episcopius, Limborch e , or any of our transcribers from 
 xxin' them, but to study the apostolical learning in a diligent pe- 
 rusal of the Greek Testament, which ought to be carefully 
 read two or three times over, and then to proceed to the dili- 
 gent reading of the apostolic fathers, and after reading them 
 to read all the fathers and provincial councils to the first 
 general council of Nice, and] the ecclesiastical histories of 
 Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen. Did students of divinity 
 take this method in their studies, the Church would not suffer 
 by so many latitudinarians among her divines, nor should we 
 have so many strange and dangerous assertions preached and 
 printed, as, were it not to reflect, I could shew in great plenty 
 have been published by divines of great parts, and otherwise 
 learned, I mean in learning external to their profession, but 
 not in the ancient ecclesiastical learning, which should be 
 first studied by all clergymen, that being well versed in their 
 own originals, they may not take such liberties of thinking 
 and writing, or become such indifferents as some are, and run 
 into many mistakes. But then if fatal want of books in the 
 learned languages, or any other hard circumstances, will not 
 allow students in divinity to peruse those early and ancient 
 originals, then the next best thing they can do will be to read 
 such orthodox divines of our own Church as fetched their 
 divinity from those fountains : I mean such as Jewell, Poinet, 
 Mede, Downam,Laud, Montague, Hammond, Pearson, Thorn- 
 dike, Bull, Beveridge f , &c., whose writings will instruct and 
 fix them in true principles, and preserve them from that lati- 
 tude, otherwise called largeness of mind, which hath corrupted 
 divinity to such a deplorable degree, and set men free from 
 
 [Bishop Burnet iu his Pastoral sterdam. His " Institutiones Theolo- 
 Care had recommended Limborch; his gicae, in quatuor libros distinctae," was 
 words are, '* a system of divinity must much read by the early latitudinarians. 
 be read with exactness : they are See note in, p. 65, and p. 234. Philip 
 almost all alike." After mentioning Limborch was minister, and in 1668 
 some shorter ones, he proceeds, " but professor of divinity, at Amsterdam, 
 to lead a man further I would advise The work referred to is his " Theologia 
 him that studies divinity to read two Christiana ad praxim pietatis ac pro- 
 larger bodies, writ by some eminent motionem Christianas unice directa." 
 men of both sides, and because the Amsterdam, 1686.] 
 latest are commonly the best, Turretin *' [In the first edition the names given 
 for the whole Calvinist hypothesis, and were " Hammond, Pearson, andSamler- 
 Limborch for the Afminian, will make son ;" in the second, " Laud, Montague, 
 a man fully the master of all the Hammond, Pearson, Sanderson, Thorn- 
 notions of both sides." Simon Episco- dike."] 
 pius was professor at Leyden and Am- 
 
Of the testimonies alleged in the Two Discourses. 327 
 
 the chief doctrines and principles of Christianity, which relate CONCLU- 
 to the Church, as a society or as a sect. REMARKS. 
 
 Before I conclude, to acquit myself from the seeming im- " 
 putation of tautology in my Discourse of the Christian Priest- 
 hood, I must advertise my reader that I have been forced to 
 produce some testimonies and authorities out of the fathers 
 several times, just as the same witnesses are usually examined 
 again and again in judicial trials, not to the same, but several 
 different points. Thus he will find the same testimony cited 
 in one place barely to prove the Christian sacrifice, and, it may 
 be, in another to shew that the oblation of the elements was 
 such a special part of the Eucharistical worship ; that7rp6<7<o/>a 
 and oblatio were singly used to signify the holy communion, 
 and TTpocrtyepeiv and offerre to celebrate the same ; and per- 
 haps in a third to shew in what sense the fathers understood 
 such or such a text. So he may find the same authorities 
 produced in one place to prove the oblation of the sacra- 
 mental bread and cup to God the Father, and in another to 
 prove the eTrlicKtja-iv, or prayer unto Him to send down His 
 Holy Spirit upon the oblations, and perhaps in a third to shew 
 that tradition of the ancients, who taught that Christ Him- 
 self, in the institution of that holy Sacrament, offered the 
 bread and wine to His Father, and thereby taught His dis- 
 ciples to do the same. I must also intreat the learned reader 
 not to omit the testimonies I have in this answer to the 
 Bights, or in the following Discourses, cited in the margin, 
 which generally are as considerable as any in the text, and 
 had been put there, could it have been conveniently done 
 without wearying the greater part of readers, and clogging it 
 too much. 
 
 I must also ask my readers' leave to take notice of a reflec- 
 tion, in which I have reason to think I am particularly pointed 
 at for my way of writing this answer to the Rights. The 
 words of the reflection are these which follow, divided into 
 several paragraphs with as many replies. "I do not make 
 it my business to cry out of the times 8 ." Nor have I made 
 it mine in this answer or elsewhere : to note the crying sins 
 of the times is not to cry out of them, especially to note them 
 
 Bishop Trimnell's Address to his them at the Visitation of his Diocese 
 Clergy before his Charge delivered to in the year 1709, p. 4. 
 
328 Charge of crying out against the times ansivered. 
 
 with all the seriousness that becomes a Christian, and sober- 
 ness and gravity that becomes a Christian priest. What 
 [i Tim. 5. the Apostle saith of men is justly applicable to times. The 
 sins of some times are so open as well as great, and so no- 
 torious and glaring, as well as grievous, as precedently to 
 any proof to bring them under the just censure and ani- 
 madversion of every good Christian; and to every good 
 Christian and Christian priest, even to as many of his own 
 clergy as desired his lordship to print his charge, I dare ap- 
 peal against him, whether in this answer to the Rights I have 
 taken notice of these licentious times in any other manner 
 than they deserve, or what becomes my character as a priest, 
 or what deserves the name of exclamation in the sense his 
 lordship means by crying out. " His lordship confesses 11 , that 
 the design of the writer of the Rights was apparently wicked, 
 levelled against all the Christian religion, and not at all 
 framed to promote any thing that was honest and good." 
 In another place 1 , "that his book destroys even the name 
 and notion of the Church, and deserves to be mentioned with 
 the utmost abhorrence, and that this age hath produced 
 several such ;" and could it then deserve censure to tax li- 
 berties allowed in such an age to print such books, which 
 no other Christian nation, reformed or unreformed, would 
 allow ? " Which (times) will sooner mend by a quiet doing 
 our duty, than by inveighing against them k ." Here the 
 phrase is only varied, "inveighing" instead of " crying out; 3 ' 
 and I would pray his lordship to consider, if St. Ignatius, Cy- 
 prian, Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Ambrose, or to name but one 
 presbyter, Tertullian, were now living among us, whether 
 their zeal for Christ and His Church, and to preserve their 
 flocks from the wolves, would not have obliged them to cry 
 out O tempora ! and even inveigh against the Gallionism of 
 the age : nay in all humility I pray his lordship seriously to 
 consider, whether the Apostles, had any of them lived in our 
 nation and times, would not have cried out against the spiri- 
 tual governors in particular, and in a very severe manner, 
 for not censuring these devoted enemies of Christ and His 
 Church ; or which is next to nothing, for censuring of them 
 only as Eli did his sons, those sons of Belial, which though 
 
 h Charge, p. 4. ' Ibid., p. 3. k [Ibid., p. 4.] 
 
Necessity for active opposition to evil. 329 
 
 he might call it a quiet doing of his duty, yet God accounted CONCLU- 
 it no better than not doing it at all. And I would also REMARKS. 
 beseech his lordship to consider what the Spirit said unto [Rev. 2. 12, 
 the Churches of Pergamus and Thyatira, and by them to the 18 ' "W 
 Church of England, for suffering antichristian men who fill 
 the world with worse doctrines than those of Balaam or the 
 Nicolaitans, and to seduce her sons and daughters from 
 believing any revealed religion to scepticism or utter un- 
 belief. " When men are so affected at the iniquities they 
 at any time see, as to take the most proper course to have 
 them removed, they give proof of their being religious and 
 wise, and can hardly fail of curing some at least of the 
 evils they find 1 ." Here I agree with his lordship. But then 
 I must say, to take no course at all, or to take one that 
 is no better than none, to remove any evils, is not to 
 take the most proper course, nor of giving proofs of being 
 religious or wise. And as to the evils his lordship means, 
 I dare be bold to say, had Grindal, or Whitgift, or 
 Bancroft, or Laud been now living, they would not have 
 taken the course which I suppose his lordship thinks 
 most proper, but some other to silence those enemies of 
 all revealed religion : they would have exercised their own 
 spiritual authority against them, by the highest censures in 
 and out of convocation; and with prayers, and had it been 
 needful, with tears also, supplicated the secular powers for 
 God's and His Christ's sake, and every thing that was sa- 
 cred in the Christian religion, to curb their insolence, and 
 put some stop to their blasphemies, by doing of which, with 
 or without success, they had, I conceive, taken the most 
 proper course, at least to deliver their own souls. "But 
 when such things, which are more or less the infelicity of all 
 times, are aggravated to blacken the present, and when that 
 is done, to reproach those who govern no better, there is as 
 little justice as there is piety or wisdom in such kind of com- 
 plaints, and they are not like to mend the condition of 
 things" 1 ." This way of apology will serve to excuse any man, 
 as well as any times : but when such things (may the worst 
 of men say) which more or less are the infirmities of all men, 
 are aggravated to blacken us, and when that is done to re- 
 
 1 [Charge, p. 4.] m [Ibid.] 
 
 HICKES. 7 
 
330 Hickes has not misrepresented the evils of his times. 
 
 PUEFAT. proach us for living no better, there is as little justice as 
 xm. there is piety or wisdom in such kind of complaints, and 
 : ; they are not like to mend us. Thus hath his lordship made 
 an apology for the worst of men or people, as well as for the 
 worst of times, which can be supposed to happen; and ac- 
 cording to this way of apologizing for times, there can be 
 none so bad wherein the ministers of Christ, those watchmen 
 of Israel, ought to lift up their voices like trumpets, or com- 
 plain and cry out against the sins of any times, be they 
 never so great. This apology would have served for the 
 times of the Great Rebellion, and even to have extenuated 
 the iniquities of those times of which both a Prophet and an 
 [Ps. 11 1, Apostle said, " there is none righteous, no not one. There is 
 
 snd "i * 
 
 [Rom. 3. 10, none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. 
 
 sqq-J They are all gone out of the way, they are together become 
 unprofitable, there is none that doeth good, no not one." I 
 might challenge his lordship to shew, that in my complaints 
 of the times I have used any such hyperboles, or other figures 
 of aggravation; though if I had, I could justify myself by 
 authorities both human and Divine. Might it justly be said 
 of Livy, for his complaint in the margin", that he blackened 
 the times in which he lived, and reproached those who 
 governed no better? Or will his lordship say, that Sal- 
 vian blackened the times he lived in, when he described 
 the grievous sins of them, one of which was not to punish, 
 but tolerate piacular crimes ? To blacken, by a metaphor in 
 our language, signifies to defame men or times unjustly, 
 
 n Labente deinde paulatim disci- in which, after dwelling on the crimes 
 
 plina, velut desidentes primo mores committed by Christians, Salvian says : 
 
 sequatur animo ; deinde ut magis ma- Quis vexatis aut laborantibus opem 
 
 gisque lapsi sunt, turn ire cceperint tribuat, cum improborum hominum 
 
 prsecipites, donee adhaec tempora, qui- violentise etiam sacerdotes Domini non 
 
 bus nee vitia nostra, nee remedia pati resistant? Nam aut tacent plurimi 
 
 possumus, perventum est. [Tit. Livii eorum ; aut similes sunt tacentibus, 
 
 Hist., lib. i. praefat] etiamsi loquantur; et hoc multi non 
 
 [Salvian was a priest of the Church inconstantia, sed consilio, ut putant, 
 
 of Marseilles. He wrote about the atque ratione ; exertam enim veritatem 
 
 middle of the fifth century. The work proferre nolunt, quia earn aures homi- 
 
 referred to is his treatise, " De Guber- num improborum sustinere non pos- 
 
 natione Dei, et de justp Dei praesenti- sunt; et ideo tacent etiam qui 
 
 quejudicio;" composed when the Goths loqui possunt, dum ipsis interdum ma- 
 were invading the west ; and shewing lis parcunt. Salviani Massiliensis, de 
 that the sins of Christians were the Gubernatione Dei, lib. v. cap. v. p. 104. 
 cause of the judgments which fell on Baluz. Paris. 1684. and Biblioth. Pair., 
 them. The following probably is the torn. x. p. 29, C, D, sqq.] 
 passage which Hickes had in his mind ; 
 
The attempts of the Deists not to be despised. 331 
 
 without cause, or spitefully to aggravate common failings or CONCLU- 
 faults of a lower degree into great sins. This his lordship REMARKS. 
 suggests as if I had done it, though in effect I have said no 
 more of the times than his lordship hath done in his charge, 
 where he acknowledges 1 * " the liberty with which too many 
 treat the Christian religion in way of contempt, would in- 
 cline one to believe there was less of the sense of it upon 
 men's minds than hath formerly been." Here his lordship 
 complains of the liberty which too many take ; and I only 
 bewailed the liberty which those too many are allowed to 
 take, and, as I thought my Christian and priestly duty 
 obliged me, set it forth upon Scripture principles, as a cry- 
 ing sin. But then his lordship, to qualify what he had said 
 of the times, immediately subjoins, that "if we consider the 
 many present works of piety, particularly those for the edu- 
 cation of children, we cannot but hope that there is a spirit 
 of true Christianity moving among us, and such an one as 
 will be too strong for all the despicable attempts of profane 
 and atheistical men 9." His lordship must give me leave to 
 observe, that excepting some very few times and places, such 
 as the old world and Sodom, there were scarce any so wicked, 
 in which a true spirit of religion did not move among a con- 
 siderable number of good men. Several thousands such [i Kings 1 9, 
 there were in the little kingdom of Israel in the time of 
 Ahab, and even when they were carried into captivity ; but 
 neither their prayers nor their tears could prevail with God 
 not to judge the nation for the provoking sins of it. And 
 his lordship knows who said, and of what times he said it, 
 that " except the Lord of Hosts had left unto us a small [Isa. i. 9.] 
 remnant, we should have been as Sodom, and like unto 
 Gomorrah." I mightily differ from his lordship in thinking 
 the attempts of atheists and deists despicable, for I think I 
 could shew that they are not to be despised. They are con- 
 federate at home, and have allies abroad. " They have slain 
 their thousands and ten thousands;" but I must not insist 
 upon this unhappy and nice subject, lest I should seem to 
 " blacken the times, and reproach those who govern no bet- 
 ter," and be told for so doing that I was " neither religious 
 nor wise, nor like to mend the condition of things." I was 
 
 P Charge, p. 2. [See note a, p. 1.] * [Ibid.] 
 
332 Concluding address. 
 
 going to put his lordship in remembrance of Priestcraft 
 in Perfection 1 ", to which I heard he had some thoughts of 
 making an answer, and to ask him, if upon reading of it he 
 did not cry out, temporal But I must remember how 
 I am confined, and therefore conclude with the words of 
 Hugo Floriacensis s , in the prologue to his book of the Sacer- 
 dotal Dignity : Veruntamen precor eos per eorum magnificen- 
 tiam, ne eis sordescat meum rusticum eloquium, sed malint 
 veros, quam dis'ertos audire sermones ; cceterum scio quia tutius 
 veritas auditur, quam prcedicatur. Unde nunc deprecor omnes 
 venerabiles prasules, et reliquos sanctae ecclesice prcelatos et cle- 
 ricos simul sensatos, qui hcec lecturi sunt, ne me prcesumptorem 
 judicent aut temerarium, quasi ego eos in cathedris sedentes et 
 divines philosophies arcana scientes superbe coner instruere. Non 
 quaso ita existiment, sed hcec pie et cequanimiter legant atque 
 suscipiant. Opto enim et ut ipsi omnes venerabiles patres et 
 domini mei cotidie proficiant in Christo Jesu Domino nostro, 
 et ut ecclesice sanctce corpus eorum temporibus ordine congruo 
 corroboretur, et firmo pads fosdere jugiter perfruatur. Amen. 
 
 ' [See note x, pp. 79, 80.] Floriac. de Regia potestate et Sacer- 
 
 * Baluzii Miscellan., lib. iv. p. 11. dotali clignitate ; it was dedicated to 
 
 [Paris, 1678, sqq. torn. ii. p. 184. Hen. I. of England. The writer's 
 
 Mansi, Lucca, 1761. The title is, Hugo monastery was at Fleury, or S. Benoit 
 
 de Sancta Maria, monachus S. Bened. sur Loire.] 
 
 SOLI DEO GLORIA. 
 
 OXFORD : 
 PRINTED BY J. SHRIMPTON. 
 
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 
 
 P. 8, marginal heading ; for Ignatius read Irenaus. 
 
 P. 107, note k; add, The date of the interleaved Prayer- Book is 1619, not 1617. 
 This and the other of 1638, marked as Cosin's by Nicholls, are thus entered 
 in the catalogue of Bishop Cosin's library, drawn up by his secretary, under 
 his own eye : " The Common Prayer-Book, in large paper, set forth A 
 1638, with the book of consecration and ordination, wherein be inserted 
 leaves of white paper through the whole book for my owne notes and obser- 
 vations upon it, both doctrinal and historical. Lond. 1638. 
 
 The same book again, with paper and notes so inserted, set forth A 1619." 
 
 P. 142, note b ; for 43, read cxviii., and omit Oxon . . . Benedictines. 
 
 P. 238, note a; omit of this . . . say; put (vita Tertull. A.D. 213.) after existi- 
 met ; and for They place this statement, read This statement is placed. 
 
 - 
 
PKEFAT. 
 DISCOURSE 
 SECT. XXIII 
 
Renewed 
 
 on 
 
 or 
 
 LD 2lA-60m-2 'fi 
 (H241 S 1 )476B