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 THE BAYARD OF INDIA
 
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 The Bayard of India 
 
 A LIFE OF 
 
 GENERAL 
 
 SIE JAMES OUTKAM, Bart 
 
 G.C.B., ETC. 
 
 BY 
 
 CAPTAIN LIONEL J. TROTTER 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 
 ' A LEADER OF LIGHT HORSE,' ' LIFE OF JOHN NICHOLSON, 
 
 SOLDIER AND ADMINISTRATOR,' ETC. 
 
 WITH PORTRAITS 
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS 
 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
 
 MCMIII 
 
 All Rights reset-ved
 
 THE BAYAED OF INDIA. 
 
 Ye who have joyed to read, in Spenser's lay, 
 How, in old time, a champion pure did ride, 
 Through twilight wood, at " heavenly Una's " side. 
 
 Guarding the meek one on her dangerous way ; 
 
 Ye who lament o'er past romance to-day, 
 Here see portrayed a " knight of holiness," 
 Prompt to redeem the helpless in distress, 
 
 And for the weak his lance in rest to lay. 
 
 Bayard of India ! no reproach or fear 
 
 Stained thy bright scutcheon. Nor alone in fight 
 
 Pre-eminent wert thou, but couldst forbear 
 Valour's high guerdon, quit thy lawful right. 
 
 And bid a comrade's brow thy laurels wear ; 
 Thus manifest in all " a perfect Knight." 
 
 Pt. F. J.
 
 TO THE "DOWAGER LADY OUTRAM, AND 
 
 HER SON, SIR FRANCIS OUTRAN, BART. 
 
 THIS VOLUME 
 
 IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED 
 
 BY THE AUTHOR.
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 In all those qualities which mark the born leader 
 of men, James Outram had very few rivals among 
 the best and greatest of the soldier statesmen who 
 rose to fame in the service of the old East India 
 Company. From the day when " the little general " 
 speared his first boar in the jungles of Western 
 India, to the last hours of hard office work as a 
 leading member of the Calcutta Council, our Indian 
 Bayard won alike the confidence and the love of 
 all who served with or under him, by sheer force 
 of that personal magnetism which springs from 
 lofty impulses guided and sustained by a generous 
 disregard of self. His piety was deep, if unob- 
 trusive ; and a heart more steadily loyal, in every 
 sense of the word, — loyal to his country, his official 
 chiefs, his family, friends and comrades of every 
 degree, and not least of all to his own manly upright 
 self, — never beat, I think, in human breast. 
 
 In the following pages I have tried to set forth
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 within a moderate compass the story of a life so 
 memorable, so strenuous for all noble ends, so rich 
 in brave deeds and stirring adventures, that it 
 furnished one able Ijiographer witli matter enough 
 to fill two bulky volumes. The present memoir, 
 however, claims to be something more than a mere 
 abrido-mcnt of Sir Frederick Goldsmid's valuable 
 work. Throuo;h the unfailino- kindness of Sir 
 Francis Outram I have been enabled to extract 
 some interesting details from the mass of docu- 
 ments which passed through Sir Frederick's hands. 
 Some further information has been derived from 
 sources which will be found duly acknowledged in 
 the footnotes or the text of the present volume. 
 
 L. J. T. 
 
 ExMOUTH, September 1903.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 
 I. BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND SCHOOL-DAYS ... 1 
 
 II. SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA . . 10 
 
 in. AMONGST THE BHILS OF KHANDESH ... 20 
 
 IV. FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA ... 36 
 
 V, PROM GUZERAT TO SIND . . . . .51 
 
 VI. WITH THE ARMY OF THE INDUS .... 62 
 
 VII. MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILUCHIS . . 73 
 
 VIII. SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN .... 86 
 
 IX. WITH NAPIER IN SIND ...... 105 
 
 X. ON FURLOUGH AND AFTER ..... 123 
 
 XI. FROM SATARA TO BARODA ..... 133 
 
 XIL FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN . . 147 
 
 XIIL ON THE PLOWING TIDE . . . . .161 
 
 XIV. NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS . . .171 
 
 XV. THE PERSIAN WAR . . . . . .186 
 
 XVI. ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW ..... 199 
 
 XVIL WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY .... 213 
 
 XVIIL ON GUARD IN THE ALAMbAgH .... 233 
 
 XIX. WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH ..... 249 
 
 XX. THE MILITARY MEMBER OP THE VICEROY's COUNCIL . 267 
 XXI. PROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY . . 284 
 
 APPENDIX 
 INDEX 
 
 300 
 313
 
 THE BAYAED OF INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND SCHOOL-DAYS. 1803-1819. 
 
 The family of which James Outram was to be so 
 illustrious a member can be traced back as far as 
 the fifteenth century, when Thomas Outram was 
 Eector of Durton, near Gainsborough, about 1435. 
 In the Poets' Corner of Westminster Abbey is a 
 monument to William Outram, D.D., Archdeacon 
 of Leicester, Prebendary of Westminster, and Court 
 Chaplain to Charles II. He appears to have been, 
 in the words of Samuel Pepys, " one of the ablest 
 and best of the Nonconformists, eminent for his 
 piety and charity, and an excellent preacher." 
 Early in the eighteenth century we come upon 
 James's grandfather, Joseph Outram, of Alfreton 
 in Derbyshire, " a well-to-do surveyor and manager 
 of estates, and himself possessor of some property 
 in land and collieries, in whose marked vigour of 
 character, shrewd sense, and kind heart, we begin 
 to discern qualities which his sons and grandsons 
 were destined to develop in a wider sphere."^ 
 
 ^ James Outram : a Biography. By Major-General Sir F. J. Gold- 
 smid, C.B., K.C.S.I. Smith, Elder, & Co., 1880. 
 
 A
 
 2 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Among Joseph's intimate friends was the cele- 
 brated Benjamin Franklin, who in 1764 stood god- 
 father to Joseph's eldest son, Benjamin. As a 
 civil engineer Benjamin Outram played his part 
 in the construction of canals and tramways, and 
 crowned a successful career by founding the Butter- 
 ley Ironworks in his own county. In this under- 
 taking he had sunk the greater part of his capital 
 when his untimely death in May 1805 involved 
 his young widow and five small children in a 
 tangled coil of unforeseen disaster. 
 
 But Mrs Outram faced her broken fortunes with 
 amazing courage, clear aims, and proud strength of 
 will. Married at the age of twenty, Margaret 
 Anderson had lost her husband after only five 
 years of wedded happiness. Her father, James 
 Anderson, LL.D., who died three years later, was 
 a man of rare ability in many branches of agri- 
 cultural science. At an early age he appears to 
 have invented a small two -horse plough without 
 wheels, commonly called the Scotch plough. For 
 many years he rented a farm of 1300 acres in 
 Aberdeenshire, and spent much of his leisure time 
 in writing essays upon planting and other agri- 
 cultural topics. In 1780 he obtained the degree of 
 LL.D. in Aberdeen University. Four years later 
 the Government engaged him to make a survey 
 of the western coast of Scotland, for the purpose 
 of developing the national fisheries, to which one 
 of his pamphlets had drawn their attention. In 
 1797 Dr Anderson went up to London, where he 
 pursued his literary labours with a zeal so un- 
 tiring that his health gradually gave way.^ 
 
 ^ Chambers's Encyclopaedia, " Dr Andei^son."
 
 BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND SCHOOL-DAYS. 3 
 
 From such a father Mrs Outram must have in- 
 herited some of those qualities which afterwards 
 reappeared in both her sons. When she was barely 
 seven years old she had lost her mother, a grand- 
 daughter of Sir Alexander Seton, Lord Pitmedden, 
 a Scottish judge, whose great-grandson, Colonel 
 Alexander Seton, commanded the wino- of the 78th 
 Highlanders which met death so heroically in 1852 
 on board the sinking Birkenhead} Owing to her 
 father's absorption in his own pursuits, the edu- 
 cation of his little maid was left, on the whole, 
 to look after itself. But Margaret Anderson showed 
 no lack of brains, energy, or common-sense ; and 
 these, combined with her strong motherly instincts, 
 helped the widow of Benjamin Outram to guide 
 her fatherless children over the rough places in 
 their altered lot. 
 
 Her husband had died so suddenly that his affairs 
 remained in irretrievable disorder. Assets and lia- 
 bilities were mixed up in such hopeless confusion 
 that the estate was finally thrown into Chancery, 
 " to await," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " a tardy and 
 unprofitable compromise." With the aid of £200 
 a-year granted by her relatives, and the little she 
 could realise from the wreck of her husband's per- 
 sonal property, Mrs Outram contrived to support 
 her growing family for several years. After five 
 years of wandering from one place to another, she 
 settled down in Aberdeen, where schooling was 
 good and cheap. 
 
 By this time her slender means were increased 
 by a small annuity, which the Government after 
 much pressing had bestowed upon her in acknow- 
 
 1 Dictionary of National Biography. Goldsmid.
 
 4 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 ledgment of her father's public services. In order 
 to obtain this pension the brave lady went up to 
 London, where she pleaded her cause in a private 
 interview with Pitt's old friend and colleague, Lord 
 Melville. 
 
 Bending before the rush of her wrathful eloquence 
 — "To you, my lord," she said, "I look for the 
 payment of my father's just claims. If you are an 
 honest or honourable man, you will see that they 
 are liquidated ; you were the means of their being 
 incurred, and you ought to be answerable for them " ^ 
 — Lord Melville used his influence with the Govern- 
 ment of that day to obtain for Mrs Outram the 
 needful pension. As he afterwards told her, he 
 "never was so taken by surprise, or got such a 
 lecture in his life." 
 
 For some years Mrs Outram lived in a small 
 cottage on the outskirts of Aberdeen. Thence in 
 due time she migrated to an upper flat in Castle 
 Street, with a view to provide her daughters with 
 the best tuition which she could aff"ord. Many off"ers 
 of assistance were made to her by her more intimate 
 friends, ofl"ers which she persistently declined, for 
 her proud spirit could brook no dependence on the 
 charity of others. 
 
 Francis Outram, the elder of her two sons, was 
 sent at an early age to Christ's Hospital, whence 
 after seven years he was transferred to Marischal 
 College, Aberdeen. The ofl'er of an Indian cadet- 
 ship brought his stay there to a speedy close. 
 Three terms in the East India Company's College 
 at Addiscombe suflB.ced to win for him the rank 
 of an oflicer of Engineers, and to send him on to 
 
 1 Goldsmid.
 
 BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND SCHOOL-DAYS. 5 
 
 Chatham to complete his training for the Com- 
 pany's service. 
 
 James Outram, the second son, was born at 
 Butterley Hall, Derbyshire, on January 29, 1803. 
 In his twelfth year his mother placed him at Udny 
 school, near Aberdeen, under the care of Dr Bisset. 
 He is described by that gentleman as somewhat 
 pale, but quite healthy, and of prepossessing coun- 
 tenance. He had his mother's black glossy hair. 
 " His dark hazel eye kept time, as it were, with 
 whatever was going on, and marked his quick appre- 
 hension of, and sympathy with, every scintillation 
 of wit, drollery, or humour." At the same time 
 " his usual manner was quiet and sedate." ^ The 
 boy appears, from the same informant, to have made 
 fair progress in classical and other studies, but 
 devoted himself with a special zeal to mathematics 
 and the exact sciences. 
 
 One of his favourite indoor amusements was the 
 carving of figures with a penknife out of any 
 materials that might come to hand. For many 
 years the figure of an elephant carved by young 
 James adorned the mantelpiece of the Udny drawing- 
 room, and drew forth the admiring comments of all 
 who could appreciate skilful and artistic work. In 
 quest of suitable subjects for his purpose he would 
 visit the menageries which came to Aberdeen, and 
 carve faithful likenesses of the animals that took 
 his fancy. The monkeys seem to have been his 
 favourite study, and his success in mimicking their 
 various attitudes surprised all beholders. His 
 mother sometimes thought of him as a possible 
 sculptor, " but having no friends in that line," says 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 6 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 one of her daughters, "she did not make any 
 endeavour to follow up this view." 
 
 But it was in all kinds of outdoor pastimes that 
 James Outram especially excelled. Even in his 
 fourteenth year, according to Dr Bisset, he had 
 become a recognised leader of the school in cricket, 
 football, shinty, and bowls. An expert swimmer 
 and diver, he would bring home pebbles and other 
 trophies from the bottom of a deep pond in the 
 school grounds. His feats in wrestling and climbing 
 trees are also recorded by his master. " He was 
 always kind to me," says a younger schoolfellow, 
 " protecting me from the bullying of older boys ; 
 and I believe he was equally generous and just to 
 the others. ... In every adventure of daring he 
 was the leader, and frequently he exposed himself to 
 great danger." ^ 
 
 His sister, Mrs Sligo, tells us how his playtime 
 at home was spent in active exercise, gardening, 
 mechanics, and every athletic sport. "He had the 
 courage and fortitude of a giant, with the body of a 
 pigmy (being ver}^ small for his age). I never 
 remember his evincing the slightest sign of bodily 
 pain." On one occasion when he and his sisters 
 were scrambling among the rocks by the river Dee, 
 a crab caught hold of James's forefinger. The blood 
 streamed from his finger as he calmly held it up 
 without moving a muscle, until the creature let go 
 its hold. " I thought he'd get tired at last," was 
 his cool remark as he wrapped his handkerchief 
 round the wound. 
 
 Nothing, however, pleased him better than going 
 among the soldiers in the barracks, or the sailors at 
 
 * Goldsmid.
 
 BIKTH, PARENTAGE, AND SCHOOL-DAYS. 7 
 
 the docks. " I recollect," adds Mrs Sligo, " our 
 surprise one evening when, on returning from our 
 walk and glancing at the soldiers going through 
 their exercises, we saw our own little Jemmy at 
 their head, as perfect in all the manoeuvres as any 
 among them. He was the delight of the regiment, 
 but even still more, if possible, the sailors' pet. 
 There was a mutiny among the latter — I can't 
 remember the date, but I think he must then have 
 been about twelve or thirteen years of age. All 
 Aberdeen was uneasy ; my brother, of course, not at 
 home. The sailors were drawn up in a dense body 
 on the pier. The magistrates went down to them, 
 backed by the soldiers, whose muskets were loaded ; 
 and they were held in readiness to fire on the 
 mutineers, if necessary. Between the latter and 
 their opponents Jemmy Outram was to be seen, with 
 his hands in his trouser- pockets, stumping about 
 from one side to the other, like a tiger in his den, 
 protecting his sailor friends from the threatening 
 muskets ; resolved to receive the fire first, if firing 
 was to be. 
 
 "All ended peacefully, however, much to the 
 general satisfaction, and to our particular thankful- 
 ness, when we were told how our brother had 
 exposed himself."^ 
 
 One day James Outram, then a boy of thirteen, 
 was walking with a schoolfellow beyond Aberdeen 
 when a large mastifi" attacked them both. In a 
 moment James ran at the furious brute, and beat 
 him ofi" with a shower of well-planted blows from 
 his fists and feet. About two years later young 
 Outram, who had meanwhile been transferred to a 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 8 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 another and higher school, appeared one day at 
 home with a face so disfigured that his sisters at 
 first could hardly recognise him. In reply to their 
 anxious questioning, he merely said, " Never mind, 
 Anna ; I've licked the biggest boy in the school in 
 such a manner that he'll not ill-treat any of the 
 little boys again, I'll be bound." ^ 
 
 In 1818-19 we find him studying mathematics 
 and attending lectures on natural and experimental 
 philosophy at Marischal College, where his brother 
 Frank had been studying before him. The officials 
 reported him as "An attentive and well-behaved 
 student, evincing good abilities and an amiable dis- 
 position."^ It was not long, however, before these 
 studies gave place to preparations for his future 
 career. On hearing that his mother wanted him 
 to enter the service of the Church, he exclaimed 
 to his sister, " You see that window ; rather than 
 be a parson, I'm out of it ; and I'll 'list for a common 
 soldier ! " From one of her friends Mrs Outram 
 received the offer of a direct cadetship in the Indian 
 army, while another proposed to send her son out 
 to India by way of that same Addiscombe through 
 which his brother had already passed. 
 
 Between these alternatives James himself at once 
 selected the former. "My brother Frank," he re- 
 marked, " when only half the allotted time at 
 Addiscombe, gained all the highest prizes there, 
 and got into the Engineers. If I remain the whole 
 three years, I shall at the best come out only as 
 cadet for the infantry. It's much better, therefore, 
 that I should go out as a cadet ; I choose Captain 
 Gordon's appointment." He had already learned to 
 ' Goldsmid. 2 Ibid.
 
 BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND SCHOOL-DAYS. 9 
 
 know something of himself and his own limitations. 
 His mother also felt that he had done wisely in pre- 
 ferring the direct cadetship to a course of prelim- 
 inary training, which in his case would almost 
 certainly have led to no adequate results. On May 
 2, 1819, James Outram, then little more than six- 
 teen years old, embarked on board the good ship 
 York as a qualified cadet of infantry on the Bombay 
 establishment.
 
 10 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA. 
 
 1819-1824. 
 
 After an uneventful voyage of nearly three months 
 and a half, Ensign Outram landed at Bombay on 
 August 15, 1819. Among his shipmates was a cadet 
 named Stalker, who was destined many years later 
 to serve as Outram's second in command throuahout 
 the Persian war of 1856-57. Shortly after his land- 
 ing Ensign Outram found himself posted to do duty 
 wath the 1st Battalion of the 4th Native Infantry, 
 then stationed at Poona. From that place he marched 
 with his regiment a few days later to the hill fort of 
 Savaudrug in the Bangalore district. On December 
 2 he proceeded to join the 2nd Battalion of the 1st 
 Grenadier Native Infantry at Sirur in the Poona 
 district, which had lately passed for ever under 
 British rule. 
 
 With the close of the year 1819 had begun a new 
 era of peace, order, and prosperity for nearly the 
 whole of India, under the strong and beneficent rule 
 of the Marquis of Hastings. In the course of seven 
 years that Governor-General had done great things 
 in that vast peninsula, which for more than a hun- 
 dred years had been given over to every form of
 
 SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA. 11 
 
 anarchy, pillage, and armed strife. After teaching 
 the Nepalese a long -needed lesson of respect for 
 their British neighbours, Lord Hastings had made 
 up his mind to crush out once for all the growing 
 power of the Pindari freebooters, and to baffle the 
 intrigues of those Maratha princes who still dreamed 
 of reducing all India under their sway. In one 
 bold and decisive campaign the great Maratha power, 
 which had survived the slaughter of Panipat and 
 the blows dealt against it b}^ the Marquis Wellesley, 
 fell shattered to pieces by the same hand which 
 crushed the Pindaris and raised an English mer- 
 chant company to the paramount lordship of all 
 India, from the Satlaj and the Himalayas to Cape 
 Comorin. 
 
 In 1 819 the last of the Maratha Pdshwas had ceased 
 to reign at Poona ; the Eajah of Berar was a dis- 
 crowned fugitive, the Rajah of Satara a king only in 
 name, while Sindhia, Holkar, and the Nizam of 
 Haidarabad thenceforth reigned only by sufferance 
 of an English Governor-General at Calcutta. The 
 old Mughal Empire lingered only in the palace of 
 Delhi ; and the proudest princes of Rajputana cheer- 
 fully bowed their necks to the yoke of masters 
 merciful as Akbar and mightier than Aurangzib. 
 With the capture of Asirgarh in April 1819, the 
 fighting in Southern India had come to an end. 
 The large tract of country conquered from the last 
 of the Peshwas had been placed under the fostering 
 care of Mountstuart Elphinstone, who presently, as 
 Governor of Bombay, completed the healing work 
 which he and his Me subalterns had begun from 
 Poona. 
 
 Early in 1820 James Outram was transferred to
 
 12 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 the 1st Battalion of the 12th Native Infantry, 
 which had just been embodied at Poona. Only six 
 months later he was appointed to act as adjutant of 
 the same regiment. " I have now acted," he writes 
 to his mother in October, *' upwards of three months, 
 and expect to act one month longer, as I believe the 
 adjutant will not join till that time. It is of no 
 immediate advantage to me, otherwise than that 
 it teaches me my duty ; but my having acted as 
 adjutant four months will give me strong claims 
 for that appointment when it becomes vacant. . . . 
 Should a vacancy happen to-morrow, I would not 
 hesitate a moment about applying for the situation, 
 as I would feel confident (without flattery to myself) 
 that I would be equal to the task, with a little 
 application and trouble on my part." 
 
 He was still acting as adjutant when, in February 
 1821, the regiment began its march to Baroda. By 
 this time he had begun to discover that the duties 
 of his office were not quite so light or easy as he 
 had imagined. Writing to his mother in April 
 from Baroda, he thus excuses himself for his long 
 silence : " Many difficulties were thrown in my way 
 which I had not foreseen. Several officers who 
 were removed from the corps had charge of a com- 
 pany each, all of which were thrown upon my hands, 
 and I had to make out the papers of almost all the 
 companies, besides all the battalion ones. Almost 
 all adjutants have two writers, one which Govern- 
 ment allows — a sergeant — and one which he keeps 
 at his own expense. Now I have been altogether, 
 I daresay, five months without one at all, and have 
 never had more than one at any time. At first a 
 sergeant was not procured (as it is a new corps)
 
 SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA. 13 
 
 till about seven montlis after I had begun to act. 
 I had now and then a writer for a few days, but 
 I daresay I was five months without one altogether ; 
 and when I got the sergeant I found him more a 
 burden than a help to me, as he had everything 
 to learn. ... I have also been latterly acting 
 quartermaster. I am to be relieved by the regular 
 adjutant, I suppose, on the 1st of next month, as 
 he has been relieved from the corps which he ha& 
 been obliged to remain with till this time. I shall 
 then have done the duties of adjutant exactly ten 
 months." 
 
 During the monsoon rains of that year, a serious 
 attack of fever drove Outram on sick-leave to Bom- 
 bay. The doctors were of opinion that he should 
 return to England to recruit his health, but Outram 
 was eager only to rejoin his regiment, which had 
 been ordered on active service in Kathiawar. In 
 February 1822 he embarked from Bombay in a 
 native boat, which had not gone far when an un- 
 foreseen disaster compelled his immediate return. 
 Besides his necessary baggage, he had laid in a 
 stock of fireworks in honour of some festival to 
 be kept that evening at Bombay. By some mis- 
 chance the fireworks exploded, and the vessel was 
 blown to pieces. Outram's horses were either killed 
 or drowned, and the whole of his kit was irre- 
 trievably lost ; but he himself was picked up float- 
 ing, half-dead, and so disfigured that no one at 
 the moment could have recognised him as a white 
 man. A charitable Parsi found him lying helpless 
 on the shore, and conveyed him in a palanquin to 
 his own house, whence the wounded officer was 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 14 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 finally transferred to that of Mr Willougliby, a 
 civil servant in Bombay. 
 
 The explosion appears to have spoiled his beauty, 
 while it served to do away with all traces of the 
 jungle fever. Writing to his mother two months 
 later, Francis Outram, then a lieutenant in the 
 Bombay Engineers, declared that the results of the 
 accident might have been much worse. " James, 
 however, has luckily escaped with a good scorching, 
 and will be more careful with gunpowder for the 
 future." ^ 
 
 His letters to his mother during this year attest 
 not only the depth of his filial love, but also a full 
 and abiding sense of all that Mrs Outram had done 
 and endured for her children in the past. 
 
 " You used to say you were badly off"," he wTote 
 in July ; " but as I had been used to poor Udny, 
 I thought we were very comfortable at our humble 
 home. Now, when I see how many privations you 
 had to put up with, I think you made wonderful 
 sacrifices for your children, whose duty it is to 
 make you as comfortable as they possibly can. 
 I, for one, am certainly sorry that I have not been 
 more prudent, for I certainly ought by this time 
 to have been able to send you, at least, something ; 
 for I got the allowances of the acting adjutancy 
 for eight months out of the ten in which I acted, 
 after a reference to Government. . . . When I re- 
 join my corps I shall be in the receipt of 600 Rs. 
 per mensem, as the corps is at present in the field, 
 out of which I shall at least be able to save 300 Rs. 
 a-month, which is about £350 a-year. I am obliged 
 to keep an additional horse and oftice establishment 
 
 * Goldsmid,
 
 SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA. 15 
 
 and field-carriage, but 300 Rs. a-month will cer- 
 tainly cover all expenses in the field, and 250 in 
 garrison. The above 600 Rs. per mensem is the 
 field-pay and allowances — the garrison is about 
 400 Rs. per month ; so that in the field I shall 
 save about 350" Rs. and in garrison about 150 Rs. 
 a-month, which makes about £180 a-j^ear, — all of 
 which is, of course, dedicated to you ; and much 
 greater pleasure will spending it in this manner 
 afi'ord me than if I was amassing riches upon riches 
 on my own account." ^ His brother Frank was not 
 backward in adding his own contribution to the 
 maternal store.- 
 
 By the time that James Outram rejoined his 
 regiment in the Ahmadabad district, the little war 
 in the corner of Western India was nearly at an 
 end. He had not long resumed the duties of an 
 adjutant when the regiment began its hot-weather 
 march from Morasa to Rajkot, the capital of a 
 small native state in Kathiawar. It was during this 
 march that Outram and his friend Lieutenant Ord 
 were riding in rear of the column, when they set 
 off" in hot chase of a fine large hog. After a sharp 
 burst of about a mile, the hog, says Ord, " took 
 refuge in a large patch of cactus -bushes, out of 
 which we found it impossible to dislodge him, 
 thouo;h Outram in his ea2;erness dismounted, and 
 did his best to make him bolt. From what I after- 
 wards saw of hog-hunting I think it was as well 
 . . . that he did not succeed,"^ seeing that the 
 hunters were armed only with swords. 
 
 At Rajkot hog-hunting, or "pig-sticking" as it 
 
 ^ Goldsmid. '^ Dictionary of National Biography. 
 
 2 Goldsmid.
 
 16 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 was popularly called, became a weekly pastime with 
 Outram and his brother officers. On such occasions 
 Outran! was pretty sure to be among the foremost 
 in the chase and at the death. His small, spare 
 figure — he was hardly yet five feet seven — gave 
 him an advantage which his keen love of sport and 
 his perfect fearlessness turned to the best account. 
 Between 1822 and 1824 he appears from his own 
 note-book to have won seventy -four first spears 
 out of a total of 123 gained by a party of twelve. 
 During the same period he killed four nilgai, two 
 hyenas, one cheeta (leopard), and two wolves. 
 
 Many years afterwards. Colonel Ord gave a 
 spirited account of an adventure in which he, Out- 
 ram, and Liddle had been concerned : " We started 
 a sounder, Outram looking after one hog, and 
 Liddle and myself after another. Outram soon lost 
 sight of his in the thick jungle, but Liddle and I 
 pursued our course. Soon we heard Outram gallop- 
 ing up behind us ; we pushed on, hoping to get 
 the spear before he came up. Most unfortunately 
 there was a deep jungly ravine before us ; into that 
 the hog dashed, and while we stopped on the brink, 
 Outram rushed by us, and after floundering and 
 rolling over several times, reached the bottom — a 
 dry nullah. We thought that he must have been 
 severely hurt, but not a bit : soon he was on his 
 horse's back again, and after a long run he killed the 
 boar, although he had only half a spear, the shaft 
 having been broken in his descent down the ravine." 
 
 Ord and Liddle then rode on into the jungle in 
 quest of another boar. Seeing the grass moving 
 in front of them, they at once set off in chase. 
 Instead of a hog, they presently came upon two
 
 SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA. 17 
 
 lions, who stopped for a moment to look at their 
 pursuers, and then quietly walked away. " We 
 followed their example," says Colonel Ord. " On 
 rejoining Outram, and telling him what we had 
 seen, he was anxious that we should again go in 
 pursuit, but we resolutely declined." ^ 
 
 If Waterloo was won, according to the Iron 
 Duke, in the playing-fields of Eton, it may with 
 equal truth be affirmed that Nimrods of young 
 Outram's stamp are likely to make the most efii- 
 cient soldiers. Even at this stage of his career, 
 our sport-loving adjutant was winning high praise 
 from his military chiefs for the smart appearance, 
 perfect discipline, and skilful handling of a sepoy 
 regiment on parade.^ 
 
 In this connection I may quote some passages 
 from a private letter written by Dr Henry Johnston, 
 the surgeon in charge of a wing of Outram's regiment 
 during the march from Kathiawar to Malegaon in 
 1824. "He" (Outram) "was at that time adjutant 
 of the regiment, and it will show the confidence 
 that was thus early reposed in him that he should 
 have been intrusted with such a command when 
 he was only twenty-one years of age. The march 
 was one of about 250 miles, through a fine country 
 not wanting in game. The strict discipline main- 
 tained by the young commanding ofiicer did not 
 allow of our interfering with it on the line of march. 
 But after reaching our ground, encamping the men, 
 
 ^ Goldsmid. 
 
 2 "In January 1824 he commanded the 1st Battalion of the 12th 
 N. I. on its annual review, and was highly complimented by Colonel 
 Turner, the reviewing officer, in Station Orders of the day." — Gold- 
 smid. 
 
 B
 
 18 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 and discussing a good breakfast in the mess-tent, 
 we generally sallied out in quest of game, and 
 many a wild boar bit the dust on these occasions. 
 Outram was always ready to join those under his 
 command in the field-sports, of which indeed he 
 was the great promoter, and in which he took more 
 first spears than any other man. But this, so far 
 from leadine^ them to be lax in their duties, made 
 every man try to do his best. Duty was always 
 a labour of love with those under him, for he in- 
 spired all who were capable of any elevation of 
 feeling with some portion of his own ardour, and 
 made all such willing assistants rather than mere 
 perfunctory subordinates. Thus early did he show 
 that wonderful tact of commanding, which few have 
 possessed in such a high degree." ^ 
 
 In the spring of 1824 Outram's regiment found 
 itself officially renumbered as the 23rd Native 
 Infantry ; and he himself was presently transferred 
 as adjutant to the 24th Native Infantry. The 
 transfer, however, did not please him, and in Sep- 
 tember he returned as adjutant to his old friends 
 of the 23rd. Towards the close of 1824 Outram's 
 craving for new adventures led him to volunteer 
 for active service with the field-force then marching 
 under Colonel Deacon against Kitttir, the chief 
 town of a small native state, which had lapsed to 
 the paramount power on the death of its heirless 
 lord. A body of insurgents within the town had 
 refused to open its gates to St John Thackeray, 
 the chief revenue officer of that district. Thackeray 
 himself was shot down under a flag of truce on 
 
 1 Papers supplied by Sir Francis Outram, Bart.
 
 SOLDIERING AND SPORT IN WESTERN INDIA. 19 
 
 October 23, and the Bombay Government at once 
 prepared to crush the incipient revolt.^ 
 
 In the first days of December 1824 Deacon's 
 column entered on the siege of Kittur, whose 
 garrison surrendered on the 5th. Outram returned 
 to Bombay with his brother Francis, who had served 
 with credit as an Engineer officer during the siege. 
 In the following February James Outram rejoined 
 his regiment at Malegaon. 
 
 ^ The Thackerays in India. Sii* W. Hunter.
 
 20 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 AMONGST THE BhIlS OF KHANDESH. 1825-1829. 
 
 Hardly had Outram returned to Malegaon when a 
 new insurrection broke out in the western districts 
 of Khandesh. In the course of March 1825 the 
 insurgent leader and his 800 men had seized the 
 hill-fortress of Malair, between Surat and Malegaon. 
 From its battlements the flag of the discrowned 
 Maratha Peshwa waved defiance to the Government 
 of Bombay, On the morning of April 5 Outram 
 received the order to march a small force of sepoys 
 towards Malair. By sundown of that evening some 
 200 sepoys of the 11th and 23rd Native Infantry 
 set out from Malegaon on their long night-march 
 towards the rebel stronghold. Their commander, 
 Lieutenant Outram, accompanied by Mr Graham, 
 the assistant -collector, followed a few hours later 
 on an elephant. 
 
 After covering thirty - seven miles in thirteen 
 hours, the little force halted for rest and food at 
 sunrise of the next morning, while Outram carefully 
 reconnoitred the country round Malair. His plan 
 of action was soon formed. Without waiting for the 
 expected reinforcements, he resolved, with Graham's 
 willing consent, to attack the fortress in front and
 
 AMONGST THE BHIlS OF KHANDESH. 21 
 
 rear before the enemy were aware of his intentions. 
 At nightfall the sepoys began their forward march. 
 As they neared the hill on which Malair was situ- 
 ated, he directed Ensigns Whitmore and Paul to 
 begin a false attack in front with 150 men, while he 
 himself led the remainder of his sepoys round to the 
 rear. While the rebels were engaged in meeting 
 the front attack of a foe whose real strength they 
 had no means of knowing, Outram dashed in upon 
 them from behind. " The panic-stricken garrison," 
 says a well-informed writer, " fled with scarcely an 
 attempt at resistance. And at the head of his 
 reunited detachment, and some horsemen whom Mr 
 Graham had in the meantime collected, Outram 
 followed them up so closely that they could neither 
 rally nor discover the weakness of their assailants. 
 Their leader was cut down ; many of his adherents 
 shared his fate ; and the rest made for the neigh- 
 bouring hills, in a state of complete disorganisa- 
 tion. 
 
 " As the infantry had now marched upwards of 
 fifty miles in little more than thirty - six hours, 
 Outram found it necessary to halt them soon after 
 dawn. But the horsemen continued the pursuit so 
 far as the nature of the ground permitted ; scouts 
 were despatched to ascertain the point of rendez- 
 vous selected by the scattered foe, and at night 
 the chase was resumed. The insurgents were a 
 second time surprised ; many were slain ; numbers 
 were taken prisoners ; and the rest, throwing down 
 their arms, fled to their respective villages. A 
 rebellion which had caused much anxiety to the 
 authorities was thus promptly crushed ere the troops 
 intended for its suppression had been put in motion.
 
 22 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 And the plunder of Antapor was restored to its 
 lawful owners."^ 
 
 For this bold exploit Outram and his Ijrave 
 companions received hearty thanks both from the 
 Government and the Commander-in-Chief. Seldom 
 has praise so unqualified been bestowed upon so 
 young a soldier. From this time forth the young 
 adjutant of sepoys ceased to serve as a regimental 
 officer. 
 
 Mountstuart Elphinstone, the humane and able 
 Governor of Bombay, had resolved to enter upon 
 the difficult task of reclaiming the Bhil marauders 
 of Khandesh from their old lawless habits and 
 traditions to peaceful acquiescence in the rule of 
 their new masters. In James Outram he had 
 already discerned an agent specially qualified to 
 carry out his views. On the 22nd April 1825 
 Outram found himself placed at the disposal of the 
 collector and political agent in Khandesh for the 
 purpose of commanding a Bhil corps to be raised 
 for police duties within that province. On resign- 
 ing his adjutancy Lieutenant Outram received from 
 his commanding officer, Colonel Deschamps, a public 
 testimony, couched in glowing language, to the 
 
 1 Services of Lieut. -Colonel Outram. Smith, Elder, & Co., 1853. 
 In Outram's report to Captain Newton, Brigade-Major of Malegaon, 
 he writes : " I have no copy of my instructions : they merely re- 
 quired me to protect the town of Malair (situated two miles from 
 the hill-fort) until the assembly of a force which was ordered to be 
 in readiness to suppress the rebellion, consisting of a brigade of 
 infantry from Surat (distance 120 miles), a battering - train, and 
 infantry escort from Jaulnah (180 miles), and all the disposable 
 troops under Major Rigby from Kokurmunda (50 miles), which 
 latter did not arrive till three days afterwards, and the former, in 
 consequence of my successful measures, were countermanded." — 
 Outram Letters.
 
 AMONGST THE BhIlS OF KHANDESH. 23 
 
 share which he had borne in raising the reputation 
 of the 23rd Native Infantry at army headquarters. 
 
 Before entering on his new duties James Outram 
 was detained at Malegaon by another of those 
 severe attacks of fever which few men of less iron 
 strength of purpose would probably have struggled 
 through. " We learn," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " that 
 even in his early days he formed the resolution to 
 fight it out with the climate or die : to acclimatise 
 himself by surmounting all the illnesses of Anglo- 
 Indian existence, or succumb to one of them alto- 
 gether. . . . He did fight it out, and, strange to 
 say, illness after illness left him none the worse 
 permanently; while the result of an unusually 
 varied series of approaches to death's door was the 
 establishment of a constitution of iron, proof against 
 all influences, and proverbial in its marvellous 
 capacity for endurance of deadly trials." 
 
 The Bhils, among whom Outram was now to 
 pursue his beneficent labours, were an old non- 
 Aryan race who had roamed for centuries among 
 the hills and jungles of Northern and Western 
 Khandesh, living by the chase and by frequent 
 raids upon peaceful villages in the plains. For 
 long years of Mughal and Maratha rule their hands 
 had been against every man, while every man's 
 hand had been against them. For some years after 
 the annexation of Khandesh our own functionaries 
 had treated these wild people almost as ruthlessly 
 as the Peshwa's officers had been wont to do. 
 But Elphinstone was bent on trying the kindlier 
 methods which Cleveland, half a centurj^- earlier, 
 had applied so successfully to the Santhal savages 
 of Lower Bengal. In furtherance of his far-seeing
 
 24 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 purpose he devised two schemes — one for establish- 
 ing agricultural colonies of Bhils ; the other for 
 organising a battalion of Bhil soldiers, to be armed 
 and disciplined like regiments of the line, and 
 commanded by a British officer.^ For the carrying 
 out of this twofold experiment no fitter instruments 
 could have been selected than Captain Ovans and 
 Lieutenant Outram. 
 
 Despite the warnings and remonstrances of well- 
 meaning friends, Outram eagerly accepted Elphin- 
 stone's offer, and before the middle of May threw 
 himself with his wonted ardour into the hazardous 
 duties of his new career. Failing in his first 
 attempts to negotiate with the robber tribes, 
 Outram resolved to strike a wholesome terror 
 among them by a sudden invasion of their moun- 
 tain haunts. A native officer of his old regiment 
 had been posted with thirty men at Jatigaon, on 
 the Western Ghats, some thirty miles from Male- 
 gaon. "The native othcer," to use Outram's own 
 w^ords, " ignorant that, being now on staff employ, 
 I no longer had any authority in the regiment, at 
 once obeyed my orders to have all his disposable 
 men in readiness for a march after nightfall. When 
 I marched, in the guidance of a spy I had taken up 
 with me, on the strong position in the heart of the 
 mountains, which, I had been informed, was then 
 occupied by the united tribes, who had just as- 
 sembled in great numbers for the purpose of under- 
 taking some enterprise. My detachment consisted 
 of only thirty bayonets, but I calculated on effect- 
 ually surprising the rebels from so unexpected a 
 quarter and on coming upon them before daybreak, 
 
 ' Servicea of Lieut.-Colonel Outram.
 
 AMONGST THE BhIlS OF KHANDESH. 25 
 
 when, unable to observe the weakness of their 
 assailants, I had little doubt they would disperse in 
 confusion." 
 
 The result fulfilled his most sanguine expecta- 
 tions. " On the first alarm that the red-coats were 
 upon them, which was given by the scouts, while 
 we were yet too far ofi" to attack efi'ectually, the 
 whole body fled panic - struck, scattering in every 
 direction, and leaving their women, children, and 
 wretched property at our mercy. I then separated 
 my small party into threes and fours, with orders to 
 pursue while any Bhils were to be seen, and then to 
 rendezvous at the Bhil Hatti (encampment), search- 
 ing the ravines on their return. Seeing the red- 
 coats in so many diff'erent quarters, the efi"ect of 
 which was increased by hearing their musketry in 
 such opposite directions, confirmed the idea of the 
 enemy that the whole British force was upon them, 
 and prevented any attempt to rally — and their dis- 
 persion was complete. Two of the Bhils were killed 
 in the pursuit, many others supposed to be wounded, 
 and almost all their families remained in my power. 
 Having, the evening before, sent information to 
 Major Deschamps of my intended attempt, he was 
 induced to co-operate, and the troops from below 
 soon afterwards joined me. 
 
 " The Bhils were so hotly pursued for some days 
 that they could not reassemble, and their haunts 
 being then occupied by our troops, their power was 
 so completely broken that I was then enabled to 
 commence operations, and laid the foundation of the 
 corps through the medium of my captives, some of 
 whom were released to bring in the relatives of the 
 rest, on the pledge that then all should be set at
 
 26 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 liberty. I thus effected an intercourse with some of 
 the leading Naiks ; went alone with them into their 
 jungles ; gained their confidence by living unguarded 
 among them, and hunting with them, until at last I 
 persuaded five of the most adventurous to risk their 
 fortunes with me, which small beginning I con- 
 sidered ensured ultimate success."^ 
 
 Outram's power of becoming all things to all men 
 was steadily winning these reckless caterans into the 
 path of cheerful submission to the demands of civil- 
 ised rule. The utter fearlessness with which he 
 threw himself, unarmed and unattended, amongst 
 his recent foes, listening to their talk, sharing in 
 all their sports and pastimes, accepting and return- 
 ing their rude hospitalities, and proving his prowess 
 in hunting tigers and other large game, gradually 
 disarmed them of all their old suspicions, and led 
 them at last to join heartily in the civilising work 
 which their new masters were bent on carrying 
 out.^ 
 
 Within two months after his daring night-march 
 Outram had secured twenty - five recruits for his 
 future battalion. By the beginning of September 
 their number had increased to ninety-two. In spite 
 of passing checks and misunderstandings, the new 
 levies amounted to 134 on the 1st January 1826. 
 By that time the Bhil corps was encamped a few 
 miles from Malegaon, whence Outram was awaiting 
 the arrival of their arms. The new recruits had 
 taken kindly to their drill some months before, 
 submitting to it, writes Outram to his new chief, 
 Colonel Robertson the Collector, " with as much 
 
 ' Uutram Letters. 
 
 ' Services of Lieut.-Colonel Outram. Outram Letters.
 
 AMONGST THE BHIlS OF KHANDESH. 27 
 
 readiness, and paying as much attention, as recruits 
 of the line." 
 
 A few weeks earlier, Outram's ready tact and fore- 
 sight had carried his new levies safely among the 
 pitfalls which beset their progress along ways un- 
 trodden hitherto by a Bhil foot. One day in Nov- 
 ember a detachment of regular sepoys had reached 
 Outram's headquarters at Dharangaon. "Notwith- 
 standing the pains I had taken," he writes to Colonel 
 Eobertson, " to prepare the Bhils to receive them 
 without distrust, I had not succeeded so completely 
 as I wished. I, however, affected that end by send- 
 ing away all the arms of the detachment, and giving 
 the Bhils to understand that they and the regulars 
 should be armed at the same time. In the course 
 of a very few days, what I had expected from my 
 knowledge of the character and respectability of the 
 men I had selected from the line, was fully effected ; 
 the regulars obtained the entire confidence of the 
 Bhils by their conciliatory conduct towards them ; 
 and these high-caste men associating without scruple 
 with the Bhils has the happiest effect ; they begin 
 to rise in self-esteem, and feel proud of the service 
 which places them on an equality with the highest 
 classes." 
 
 The reception of these new-comers in the follow- 
 ing month by the men of Outram's old regiment 
 at Malegaon justified their leader's fondest wishes. 
 " Not only," he adds, " were the Bhils received by 
 the men of that regiment without insulting scoffs, 
 but they were even received as friends, and with 
 the greatest kindness invited to sit down among 
 them, fed by them, and talked to by high and low, 
 as on an equality from being brother soldiers. . . .
 
 28 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 The Bhils returned quite delighted and flattered by 
 their reception, and entreated me to allow them no 
 rest from drill until they became equal to their 
 brother soldiers." 
 
 To this happy state of things his old comrade, 
 Captain Douglas Graham, bears pointed testimony : 
 "Men of the higrhest caste behaved in a manner 
 most flattering to the feelings of the mountaineers, 
 visiting and presenting them with betel-nut, to the 
 no small amazement of the guests, and to the 
 gratification of Government, who complimented the 
 resjiment on their conduct." 
 
 By the end of June 1826 the new barracks, built 
 by Outram's orders with the aid of his own men, 
 contained 308 Bhil recruits, eager not only to learn 
 their drill but to discharge the duties of an armed 
 police, even against offenders of their own tribe. 
 During the past two months not a single complaint 
 had been brought against them by the neighbouring 
 villagers. " Their abstinence from spirituous liquors, 
 which they are not allowed to touch except on par- 
 ticular holidays," writes Outram in July, " is the 
 greatest proof of the success with which my 
 endeavours to improve them have been attended, 
 and the very quiet and orderly conduct of such a 
 large assembly of Bhils at so early a stage of the 
 measure is surprising." 
 
 They had already begun to feel themselves at 
 home in their new surroundings. " All who can 
 afford it have purchased grinding-stones, and other 
 domestic utensils ; they have assembled their women 
 and children, and are exceedingly comfortable in 
 every respect, fully sensible of the advantages of
 
 AMONGST THE BHIlS OF KHANDESH, 29 
 
 their present situation, and convinced of our sincerity 
 in promoting their permanent welfare." ^ 
 
 So marked was the progress made by the new 
 corps in all soldierly requirements that Outram, at 
 the special request of Mr J. Bax, Robertson's 
 successor in the civil charge of the province, gladly 
 supplied him in December of that year with a party 
 of his Bhils for escort duty during his cold-weather 
 tour. " I am also indebted," he adds in the same 
 letter, " to Captain Ovans, who has offered to 
 employ a guard of Bhils as his personal escort 
 instead of regulars. I am most happy to supply it ; 
 nothing can be more beneficial to the corps than 
 these instances of our confidence in it." He also 
 assures Mr Bax that " the corps is ready to act in a 
 body or in detachments against any assembly of out- 
 laws or rebels, and, I will answer for it, is quite 
 sufiicient in itself for the suppression of any 
 assembly of Bhils, however strong, that can come 
 together within the limits of this province. 
 
 "The Bhil corps, I trust, would also prove of 
 great assistance to the line, in operations against a 
 more formidable enemy, should opportunity offer in 
 the neighbourhood of this province." 
 
 Thus, within twenty months from the date of his 
 opening move against the Bhtls, had James Outram 
 wrought something like a miracle of moral and social 
 regeneration among the long-outlawed highlanders 
 of the Khandesh border. 
 
 A few months later, in April 1827, "the first 
 opportunity," says Mr Bax, "was offered to these 
 reformed Bhils of shedding their blood for their new 
 
 ^ Outram Letters.
 
 30 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 masters ; and they freely risked it, and fought boldly, 
 though opposed to their own caste, and probably 
 relations." For his success in routing a large body 
 of insurgent Bhils by a small detachment of his 
 own men, Outram and his little band received 
 the heartiest thanks and praises of the Bombay 
 Government. 
 
 In the following September the new corps, then 
 mustering 600 strong, was reviewed by Brigadier 
 Campbell, who reported to his Commander-in-Chief 
 that their performances would " claim a favourable 
 comparison with many of the best native regiments 
 of the line." As a reward for their high efficiency 
 they were now intrusted with a large share in the 
 duties hitherto reserved for regular troops. " In 
 the course of two years," wrote Captain Outram in 
 1833, "the corps was completely organised, and so 
 far exceeded our hopes in good conduct and dis- 
 cipline that it was placed in important trusts 
 throughout the province, relieving outposts of the 
 regulars, protecting treasure, guarding prisoners, 
 attacking insurgents, &c., &c., which it has per- 
 formed to the present day without a single instance 
 of infidelity or relaxed vigilance, though greatly 
 harassed by hard duty; three -fourths being con- 
 stantly detached, while the remainder are required 
 to act on every emergency of disturbance or insurrec- 
 tion in the wild countries beyond our borders." 
 
 All this, as Outram went on to show, had been 
 accomplished with a very large saving of expense to 
 the Government. " Beyond this," he added, " the 
 Bhil corps is also the chief police of the district, — its 
 influence and power over every clan of Khandesh 
 Bhils, every family of which has a relation or con-
 
 AMONGST THE BHILS OF KHANDESH. 31 
 
 nection in the corps, effectually controls the whole — 
 hitherto untamable class. They can no longer as 
 formerly unite in insurrection, and when individuals 
 offend against our laws they can never elude their 
 comrades in our service : the village Bhils are now 
 compelled to do their duty as watchmen, &c., and 
 the whole body throughout the province is, in fact, 
 united to Government through the link of the corps, 
 and they who were formerly its scourge are now its 
 protectors. At the same time a large body of Bhils 
 have, through the exertions of the southern Bhil 
 agent, been established in colonies and turned to 
 good husbandmen. . . . The tranquillity of an 
 immense province is secured, which hitherto no 
 military force or expenditure of money could main- 
 tain ; and an efficient body of troops and admirable 
 police is gained." 
 
 As early, indeed, as 1828, the fourth year of 
 Outram's mission, Mr Giberne, the new Collector of 
 Khandesh, was able to report that for the first time 
 in twenty years the province had enjoyed six months 
 of uninterrupted repose. Meanwhile the new 
 Governor of Bombay, Sir John Malcolm, had issued 
 a general order congratulating Outram on his 
 achievement of a task " which could only have 
 been brought to its present successful result by a 
 peculiar combination of firmness and kindness of 
 temper, and perseverance on the part of the officer 
 to whom so important and delicate a charge was 
 assigned." 
 
 More than once in the course of that year, 1828, 
 Mrs Outram had written to her son inquiring 
 anxiously about his health, and entreating him to 
 avoid unnecessary risks from tigers and other wild
 
 32 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 beasts of prey. Writing in September, Outram 
 assures his mother that there is no danger in hunt- 
 ing tigers from the top of an elephant. "It is as 
 safe as firing at the monsters from the top of a 
 tower. If I may have been carried away by en- 
 thusiasm occasionally to expose myself unneces- 
 sarily, believe me I shall bear your advice and ad- 
 monitions in mind, and abstain for the future : in 
 my situation a little daring was necessary to obtain 
 the requisite influence over the minds of the raw 
 irregular people I command ; and if ever you hear 
 of any act of temerity I may have hitherto been 
 guilt)^ of, do not condemn me as unmindful of what 
 I owe to you and our family, but attribute it to 
 having been a part of my peculiar duty, and the 
 necessity for a recurrence of such duties as now at 
 an end." 
 
 As for l)oar-hunting, he had not chased such an 
 animal for three years, " there being none — at least 
 to be got at — in Khandesh." His rides are now 
 along good roads, and the opportunities for tiger- 
 hunting are daily decreasing with a rapid dimin- 
 ution in the number of those beasts. " Again, you 
 ought," he adds, "to be very easy on the score of 
 my health. I am now so inured to the climate that 
 it has become natural to me, and I have no doubt 
 my life is as good in this country as it would be 
 in India. ... I never in my life felt better or 
 stronger in constitution than I do now. Such 
 being the case, I trust you will no longer conjure 
 up dangers which can only exist in your imagin- 
 ation." 
 
 In the same letter he tries to allay his mother's 
 anxiety on the question of his coming home. His
 
 AMONGST THE BHIlS OF KHANDESH. 33 
 
 brother Frank, who is quite recovered from his ill- 
 ness, will be the first to go home on leave. "Now, 
 I think as Frank is going home now, it would be 
 better, even were my interests not likely to be in- 
 jured by return, for your sake that I should wait 
 till his return, in order that you may always have 
 to look forward to seeina; one or other of us at short 
 intervals — whereas were we both to return together 
 you could not see either again for ten or twelve 
 years ; now, if I return to England a year after 
 Frank comes back, I would stay with you three 
 years, and in three or four years afterwards Frank 
 would be with you again. Do not think me selfish 
 in not stretching a point to please you." ^ 
 
 Poor Frank's dream of a speedy reunion with the 
 dear ones at home was cut short by his untimely 
 death during the delirium of fever in September 
 1829. His sister Margaret was even then on her 
 way out to India as the destined wife of Colonel 
 Farquharson, a distinguished officer in the Bombay 
 army. Hardly had James Outram congratulated 
 Farquharson upon his approaching marriage, when 
 he had to write again on October 2 about " the 
 dreadful tidings " which had reached him the day 
 before at Dharangaon. " Do not be alarmed on my 
 account. I have been too long accustomed to see 
 my dearest friends suddenly snatched away to allow 
 myself to be overcome by unmanly weakness. A 
 man with friends in India ought always to be pre- 
 pared for such dreadful shocks, and ought always 
 to consider that it may too soon be his own fate. 
 Poor Frank was the most generous, noble-minded 
 man I ever knew — he never did an unjust or a mean 
 
 ^ Outram Letters. 
 C
 
 34 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 thing, — surely God Almighty in His great mercy 
 will forgive his failings, and poor Frank, I trust, is 
 now happy : the confidence that he must be so is a 
 great consolation to me. 
 
 " Poor fellow ! I had a letter from him a few days 
 before he died, in which he said he had been unwell, 
 but was then better ; that he intended being in 
 Bombay next month, and after seeing Margaret 
 happily settled, to go home with Burrows over- 
 land." 
 
 James Outram's grief on this occasion was inten- 
 sified by much anxiety upon his mother's account. 
 How was the sad news to be broken to her, and in 
 what spirit would she bear so cruel a loss ? It was 
 not until December of that year that he could bring 
 himself to write directly to her on a topic nearest 
 the hearts of both. " You have, I trust, ere now, 
 my dear mother, become resigned to the will of 
 Heaven, which has deprived you of a beloved son ; 
 if you can bring yourself, as you ought to do, to 
 throw off all selfish feelings, you would the rather 
 rejoice that poor Frank has been removed from a 
 world in which he never could have met with en- 
 joyment. Frank is now happy, and rejoices at the 
 change : we ought to thank God that he is so. 
 
 " The poor fellow had long been very ill, which 
 he concealed from me ; but I was prepared to ex- 
 pect the melancholy event from a knowledge of his 
 weakly constitution, which had been dreadfully 
 impaired by an attack of cholera two years ago, 
 and which I well knew could not withstand a fever. 
 
 " Turn your thoughts from such melancholy sub- 
 jects and look forward cheerfully to the future. 
 Why should we indulge ambitious projects or selfish
 
 AMONGST THE BHIlS OF KHANDESH. 35 
 
 considerations, when we are so likely to be so soon 
 removed from this paltry earth ? " 
 
 Writing again on Christmas Day, he tells his 
 mother that "Margaret was yesterday married to 
 a man who is esteemed by all who know him, and 
 I am sure that they will be most happy in each 
 other. They will stay about three years in India, 
 and then return to Europe, to pass the remainder 
 of their lives in easy circumstances." 
 
 By James Outram's expressed desire, the whole 
 of his brother's property was made over to his 
 mother. Frank's grave at Baroda was presently 
 marked by a stone, upon which his brother, heartily 
 detesting the fulsome epitaphs too often written 
 " by those who despised the person when living," 
 proposed to inscribe these simple words : — 
 
 THE REMAINS OP 
 
 LIEUTENANT FRANCIS OUTRAM, 
 
 BOMBAY ENGINEERS. 
 
 A MOST TALENTED AND HONOURABLE MAN. 
 
 DIED IN THE TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF HIS AGB.^ 
 
 ^ Oiitram Papers. In point of fact, Francis Outram must have 
 been nearly twenty-eight at the time of his death.
 
 36 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 
 1830-1836. 
 
 In the spring of 1830 the Bhil corps had an oppor- 
 tunity of proving its soldiership in the field ; and 
 it did so in a manner which surpassed the expecta- 
 tions even of its warmest friends. Dano; was the 
 name given to a strong mountainous and jungly- 
 region which lies between Khandesh and the Surat 
 districts, and was then peopled by a wild, and 
 hitherto unsubdued race of Bhils, who frequently 
 raided into British ground. Fully aware of the 
 risks involved in any attempt to invade this wild 
 unknown country, Lieutenant Outram obtained per- 
 mission to lead a force into the Dang. On April 4 
 Outram began his march at the head of his own 
 Bhils, two companies of regular sepoys, a squadron 
 of Poona Horse, and a body of Bhil auxiliaries. 
 From the Surat side a few detachments of native 
 infantry moved forward on the same day to act in 
 concert with the main body. 
 
 "The Dang," writes Mr Giberne, "was a country 
 altogether unknown. You could look down wpoii it 
 from the western hills of Khandesh ; and of all 
 places I ever beheld, it appeared the most unin-
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 37 
 
 viting — generally, it was covered with jungle ; its 
 atmosphere was malaria ; and the worst of fevers 
 attacked all intruders. The natives, police and 
 others, were always afraid of going near it, and 
 they fancied, I believe, it was inhabited by demons. 
 I remember, on looking down upon it from a lofty 
 hill, it appeared to me as the unexplored portions 
 of the world must have presented themselves to the 
 early navigators." Outram, however, was equal to 
 the occasion. He had once told Giberne " that in 
 riding along by himself he always took note of the 
 country around, and worked out in his own mind its 
 capabilities, advantages, and disadvantages for at- 
 tacking an enemy or defending it against one." He 
 was, in fact, a born scout, under whose leadership 
 no enterprise, however difficult, could altogether 
 miscarry. 
 
 In less than a month all the rajahs of the Dang 
 were either captured or hemmed in beyond hope of 
 resistance, their followers subdued, and their whole 
 country explored. " You will be happy to learn," 
 writes Outram to Farquharson on May 5, " that we 
 more than exceeded the most sanguine hopes of 
 Government by our complete success, though we 
 ourselves were miserably disappointed by such an 
 inglorious expedition : the Government is better 
 pleased that the matter has been settled without 
 blows." 
 
 If the matter was settled without bloodshed, it 
 was not to be settled without heavy costs in bodily 
 suffering. The climate, in fact, claimed many more 
 victims than the spears and arrows of the frightened 
 foe. At one time or another almost every man in 
 Outram's force was stricken with jungle fever, ex-
 
 38 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 cept their leader himself, who made a point of 
 wrapping his head and face with fine gauze when- 
 ever he lay down to sleep. Of the thirteen officers 
 under his command not one escaped the fever ; 
 three or four dying, while the rest had to take sick- 
 leave to Europe, the Cape, or the nearest hill- 
 stations in Southern India. ^ By the last week of 
 May the field -force was broken up, and Outram 
 marched back with his Bhils to their cantonments 
 in Khandesh. It goes without saying that he re- 
 ceived the heartiest thanks and praises from Mal- 
 colm's Government for the thoroughness with which 
 he had accomplished the task of no common diffi- 
 culty and danger. 
 
 In January 1831 Outram writes to his mother: 
 " I have l)een very unfortunate in my promotion — 
 most of my contemporaries have been promoted 
 three or four years — upwards of fifty have super- 
 seded me. I am, of course, as usual in rude health, 
 and successful in what I undertake — no opportunity 
 of anything new in the latter way lately." 
 
 The next opportunity came in the hot weather of 
 that year, when he was directed to inquire into 
 certain gang robberies, and other outrages lately 
 committed in the north-eastern districts of Khan- 
 desh, and to seize as many as possible of the 
 ofi'enders. In the course of a month, with the aid 
 of less than 50 Bhils and native horse, he carried 
 off 469 suspected persons, of whom 158 were com- 
 mitted for trial. Of these latter all but eight were 
 convicted and punished — so clear was the evidence 
 of their guilt. 
 
 A few months earlier, in March 1831, another 
 
 ' Services, &c.
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 39 
 
 shadow had been cast upon Outram's life by the 
 death of his sister, Margaret Farquharson, a little 
 more than two years after her marriage. She had 
 been, as he wrote to her sorrowing husband, " the 
 warmest and most excellent friend " he possessed on 
 earth, and the most affectionate of sisters.^ A little 
 later in the same year he had learned from Glasgow 
 the death of his uncle, Joseph Outram. "All, all 
 are failing," he writes to Farquharson ; " I shall 
 have no relations left to welcome me home, if I 
 ever can return." 
 
 By this time James Outram had begun to find a 
 new vent for his abounding energies, and perhaps a 
 timely solace for private cares, in the shape of 
 letters to the newspapers, and lengthier essays in 
 local magazines. One of the topics on which he 
 wrote most feelingly was the proper treatment of 
 the sepoy, whose white officers were prone to regard 
 him merely as so much clay in the hands of that 
 masterful potter the drill-sergeant. On behalf of 
 the "obedient, warm-hearted, and brave sepoy" he 
 pleaded for a system of kindly treatment, tempered 
 by all needful strictness, in preference to one of 
 " constant worry, dress, and drill, which, I think, 
 pretty generally prevails at present." 
 
 He asserts from his own experience that "instead 
 of drilling twice a-day under a strict disciplinarian 
 who attends to little else, an equal proficiency will 
 be observed in those corps where officers and men 
 are united by regard, though paraded only three 
 times a-week ; for in the latter case the men exert 
 themselves, in the former they are but heartlessly 
 obedient." 
 
 1 Goldsmid.
 
 40 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 He holds that an adjutant should not be allowed to 
 meddle with the internal management of any com- 
 pany which he does not himself command. And he 
 proceeds to ask " whether it is necessary or wise to 
 persevere in the flogging system, — whether it would 
 not be more politic to permit sepo3''s to leave the 
 service when they solicit discharge on reasonable 
 grounds, than retain against their will men thus 
 rendered discontented, when there are now such 
 numerous candidates for vacancies, this also causing 
 a considerable saving to Government in the way of 
 pensions. Whether by thus rendering the service 
 more popular, and available to persons of family and 
 character, who are now deterred from enlisting by 
 the fear of degradation and difficulty of obtaining 
 discharge, this sole support of our power would not 
 be rendered more attached and secure." 
 
 On the love of sport as the best of all training 
 for a true soldier he dilated wdth honest enthusiasm 
 in another letter bearing the signature of " Rough 
 and Read)^" " I have been taught from bo3^hood 
 the love of sport, and since I came into the military 
 services of India I have had the good fortune to 
 be commanded by officers who considered that the 
 pursuit of sport off duty by no means incapacitated 
 for duty. ... At first I suffered much from the 
 climate, but by a steady perseverance in exposure 
 to the sun, rain, and every vicissitude of climate, 
 I am now able to stand anything and everything 
 in the shape of fatigue or exposure. . . . When I 
 first entered the service, a few hours' march in 
 the morning totally unfitted me for every exertion 
 mentally or bodily for the rest of the day. I am 
 now as ready for any duty or pleasure after grilling
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 41 
 
 all day in the sun as I formerly was when I rose 
 from my bed ; whereas I find my contemporaries, 
 who have passed a sedentary or what is called a 
 prudent life, gradually decreasing in energy, and 
 fast approaching a premature old age. Sport — sj^ort 
 — is the burden of my song. You cannot, Mr 
 Editor, inculcate too zealously the advantages of 
 the pursuit of sporting to a young soldier. Love 
 of sport makes the man, and love of sport never 
 fails to make the soldier. 
 
 "I am surprised that the qualifications of a sports- 
 man are not insisted on to perfect an ofiicer, and 
 that the superiority of such a man as a soldier to 
 one who is no sportsman, a mollycoddle, is not 
 more frequently advanced, and emulation for sport 
 more encouraged by those who have the welfare 
 of young ofiicers, and the good of the army at 
 heart." ' 
 
 In April 1832 Outram had begun to feel a natural 
 craving for fresh achievements in a wider field. 
 " It is now high time," he writes to his mother, 
 " that I should have further scope for exertion, my 
 duties in Khandesh having been entirely executed, 
 and nothino- further remainino; for me to do. This 
 most unruly of all our provinces is now enjoying 
 the most profound peace, which can never again 
 be disturbed by the wild Bhil clans — all of which 
 are now the most peaceable of our subjects, whose 
 reform cannot retrograde, in consequence of the 
 sure hold we have obtained over them through the 
 attachment of their comrades now enrolled in our 
 service ; whilst all the wild clans of the fastnesses 
 beyond our frontier have been subdued by me, and 
 
 1 Outram Papers.
 
 42 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 never will dare again to resist their brethren, who 
 are orsjanised in my corps. There is nothing 
 further left for me to do, and no higher can I rise 
 in my present line except in the slow progress of 
 promotion in the army. I am therefore anxious 
 to have an opportunity of acting in a more extended 
 sphere, and in the only line in the Indian services 
 which allows a military officer to display his talents 
 both civil and military. I mean the political!' 
 
 There was need, however, for his further presence 
 in Khandesh. In ]\Iay of the following year 
 Captain Outram — he had gained his promotion in 
 the previous October — was called upon to quell a 
 dangerous rising among the Bhils in the mountains 
 that enclose the Narbada valley. At the head of a 
 force composed of his own Bhils, a few companies 
 of Bengal sepoys from Mhow, and of Bombay 
 sepoys from Malegaon, he drove the enemy from 
 their mountain fastnesses, chased them across the 
 Narbada, compelled their speedy submission, and 
 captured their chief. So prompt had been his move- 
 ments, that before the end of June the Bombay 
 Government proclaimed their high sense of " his 
 ability and judgment in concerting — and of his 
 zeal and activity in executing — those measures by 
 which the insurrection has been suppressed, and the 
 neighbouring parts of the province of Khandesh 
 preserved from plunder," ^ 
 
 In November of that year, 1833, Outram writes 
 again to his mother, begging her to enlist the sup- 
 port of friends at home in his schemes for obtaining 
 political employment in the North-West Provinces, 
 which were about to be placed under the able ruler- 
 
 ^ Services, &c.
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 43 
 
 ship of Sir Charles Metcalfe. " There is no further 
 honour and advancement to be obtained for me 
 here in this confined sphere. . . . There is no open- 
 ing whatever in this presidency. In the new one, 
 surrounded by independent states, glory and honour 
 alone can be obtained : a man once placed there is 
 sure to rise if he deserves to do so, and could / 
 be so placed I think I would not disappoint your 
 wishes." In India he felt that he could ensure 
 success, " having gained some little distinction and 
 many friends in power — therefore get me home 
 patronage, and I will do the rest." 
 
 Mrs Outram did her best in furtherance of her 
 son's appeal. But for all his avowed admiration of 
 Outram's work among the Bhils, Mountstuart Elphin- 
 stone felt himself debarred for various reasons from 
 complying with Mrs Outram's request. " I make 
 no doubt," he writes, "that Sir Charles Metcalfe 
 is already well acquainted with Mr Outram's merits, 
 and he is a great deal more likely to employ him 
 from his own impression of his fitness than in 
 consequence of any recommendation that could be 
 sent from Endancl." 
 
 o 
 
 Outram therefore was fain for some time longer 
 to discharge the ordinary duties of a post that 
 still called for much continuous work. These 
 duties, indeed, were neither few nor trivial. Be- 
 sides the task of maintaining a strong and efficient 
 Bhil corps, he was intrusted with the command 
 of a body of Poona Horse, then stationed in Khan- 
 desh. His magisterial duties took up no little of 
 his time ; to his Bhil agency had been added the 
 duties of an agent for the suppression of Thuggi ; 
 while his presence was required and his influence
 
 44 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 exerted not only witliin the province, but often 
 far beyond its limits.^ 
 
 Meanwhile he found leisure to inveigh through 
 the local newspapers against some crying defects 
 and abuses in the administration of Bombay. He 
 deplored, for instance, the frequent shifting of civil 
 officers in Khandesh. " Since we took possession of 
 Khandesh in 1819," he writes in 1834, "we have 
 had five different Collectors, besides interregnums of 
 Acting Collectors, giving an average of three years 
 each, w^hich is barely sufficient time to bring them 
 fully acquainted with the nature and resources of 
 the province ; and no sooner do their measures for 
 the improvement of the country begin to take effect, 
 and the natives to look up to their Collector with 
 confidence and love, than he is removed to a higher 
 coUectorate, and the last-made Collector is sent to 
 practise new theories which may have been formed 
 from experience in Guzerat and quite inapplicable 
 here, or perhaps to commence his revenue education, 
 having hitherto served solely in the judicial or any 
 other line." 
 
 He was also justly indignant at the hardships 
 endured by hundreds of native witnesses summoned 
 from time to time before the Sadr, or principal 
 judge of Khandesh. On one particular occasion 220 
 native peasants assembled at Dulia in July 1834. 
 The judge's personal convenience required an ad- 
 journment sine die, and the poor men were ordered 
 to reappear by the 20th of August. Many of them 
 were thus compelled to "travel upwards of 300 
 miles without compensation, and all to leave their 
 
 ^ Services, &c.
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 45 
 
 homes and their farms at a season when their 
 presence was most required. 
 
 " At Dulia they still remain [September 13] await- 
 ing the convenience of the judge, ivlio has not yet 
 made his appearance, and after whose arrival most 
 will be condemned to at least a month's further 
 banishment from their families, thus losing the 
 whole season for sowing their crops and providing 
 maintenance for the ensuing year." ^ 
 
 Outram's yearning for new fields of active enter- 
 prise was at last to be gratified in the following 
 year. Writing from Mandlesar, on the right bank 
 of the Narbada, in March 1835, he tells his mother 
 that he has been travelling for the last six weeks 
 in Malwa and Nimar with his kind friend Mr Bax, 
 the Resident of Indore. " I wish," he adds, " I 
 had the talent of description to make you acquainted 
 with all I have seen of native courts, and admired 
 of Indian scenery during my tour, which has been 
 a remarkably pleasant one." 
 
 A few weeks after his return to Khandesh the 
 Government consulted him on the aftairs of the 
 neighbouring province of Guzerat, with special 
 reference to the troubles that seemed impending 
 among the small native chiefships of the Mahi 
 Kanta. After due inquiry and much pondering, 
 Captain Outram drew up a full and weighty report, 
 in which he avowed his firm conviction that peace 
 and order could not be established in the Mahi 
 Kanta until the unruly clans in that region were 
 thoroughly subdued, and their chiefs duly punished 
 for their resistance to British arms. 
 
 1 Outram Papers.
 
 46 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 The Bombay Government lost no time in acting 
 upon the advice thus given by an officer of Outram's 
 acknowledged worth. His official report had been 
 forwarded from Baroda on November 14. A few 
 days later, Sir John Keanc, the Commander-in-Chief 
 at Bombay, offered him the command of the troops 
 then about to assemble for a campaign in the Mahi 
 Kanta. With the same generosity which was to 
 mark his conduct at a more conspicuous stage of his 
 career, he declined an offer which involved a seem- 
 ing injustice to the claims of Captain Forbes, an 
 officer of much higher standing in the army, who 
 had lonq; been intrusted with the defence of the 
 Mahi Kanta frontier. At the same time, he would 
 gladly render all possible assistance in the task 
 which his senior officer would be the better quali- 
 fied to carry through. "His be the honour of 
 success," he wrote ; " mine be the blame of defeat 
 to measures of which I am the proposer." 
 
 The authorities, however, declined to take James 
 Outram at his own valuing. Sir John Keane 
 warmly complimented him on his readiness to serve 
 under another, but went on to assure him that 
 no question of seniority would be involved in the 
 service for which he was now designed. " His 
 Excellency highly approves of what he understands 
 to be the intention of Government — namely, to 
 invest you with civil and political powers, which 
 will render you independent of the authority of 
 senior officers ; and the military, of whatever rank, 
 must take their directions generally from you. 
 This is according to precedent and Indian usage." ^ 
 
 Before the close of September 1835 Outram had 
 
 ^ Outram Letters.
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 47 
 
 held his last parade of the Bhil corps, then muster- 
 ing 900 strong. The command of the regiment, 
 which he had raised in ten years to the highest 
 level of discipline, was handed over to his old friend 
 Captain Douglas Graham, under whom it continued 
 to maintain its former reputation, and became the 
 model on which many other corps have since been 
 organised in India/ 
 
 To this day Outram's memory is still revered by 
 the children of the men who under his guidance 
 learned to exchange their old lawless freedom for 
 the blessings of peace and order under a civilised 
 rule.^ 
 
 In the last week of November Outram^ arrived in 
 Bombay after a long and arduous tour of inquiry 
 throughout Guzerat. He had come thither for the 
 twofold purpose of conferring with the Governor, 
 Sir Robert Grant, on the policy to be pursued in 
 the Mahi Kanta, and of meeting the lady who was 
 about to become his wife. For some time past he 
 had been engaged to his cousin, Margaret Anderson, 
 daughter of James Anderson, of Bridgend, Brechin, 
 Forfarshire, and the ship that bore her was now 
 daily expected in Bombay. The first meeting with 
 his betrothed took place before the middle of De- 
 cember, and on the 18th the two became man and 
 wife. 
 
 After a fortnight of wedded happiness came the 
 longer separation demanded by the call of urgent 
 
 ^ Services of Lieut.-Colonel Outram. 
 
 ^ " Not many years ago some of his old sepoys happened to light 
 upon an ugly little image. Tracing in it a fancied resemblance to 
 their old commandant, they forthwith set it up and worshipped it as 
 ' Outram Sahib.' "— Goldsmid.
 
 48 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 public duty. Leaving his wife to the care of trusty 
 friends in Bombay, Outram hastened in January 
 183G to Ahmadabad, where the Assistant Commis- 
 sioner, Arthur Malet, acquainted him with the final 
 orders received from Bombay touching the best 
 mode of dealing with the troubles in Mahi Kanta. 
 The tenor of these orders was not exactly to Out- 
 ram's taste. Sir Robert Grant was a peace-loving 
 doctrinaire, who held that the lenient policy which 
 had answered so well in Kathiawar could be applied 
 with equal success to a tract of country peopled by 
 insurgents of a very different type. Outram, on 
 the other hand, could see the difference between 
 the two cases. He, too, was all in favour of con- 
 ciliation and redress of grievances at the proper 
 moment ; but that moment, he rightly argued, had 
 not yet come. He believed, wrote Sir John Kaye, 
 " that men are never in a better mood to listen to 
 your reason, and to appreciate your kindness, than 
 after you have well beaten them. Demonstrate 
 your power over them, and they will respect your 
 moderation, and appreciate your clemency." ^ 
 
 Outram protested against the folly of weakening 
 our garrisons along a disturbed frontier at the very 
 moment when more trooj^s might be needed for its 
 pacification. True to the old Virgilian precept, 
 " Parcere subjectis et debellare supcrbos," he would 
 begin by subduing the proud before proceeding to 
 spare the humbled. After a vain attempt to bring 
 one of the insurgent leaders to reason by means of 
 repeated warnings, he proclaimed Suraj Mall an 
 outlaw, and called upon Captain Forbes to aid him 
 in coercing that contumacious chief. They hunted 
 
 ^ Cornhill Magazine, January 1861.
 
 FROM KHANDESH TO THE MAHI KANTA. 49 
 
 their enemy from point to point, invaded the moun- 
 tain fastnesses of his friends, and, in Kaye's words, 
 " made the British bayonets glitter in recesses 
 which were held to be impenetrable by our arms." 
 
 While Grant was shaking his head over his 
 agent's high-handed doings, the vanquished rebel 
 was suing for the mercy which his conqueror could 
 now afford to show. The offers and promises which 
 Suraj Mall had once scorned as a sign of weak- 
 ness, he now gratefully accepted as proofs of the 
 victor's generosity. His brother chiefs were not 
 slow to profit by the experience of their humbled 
 ally.^ 
 
 Conscious of well deserving, Outram winced under 
 the qualified praise at first accorded him by a Gov- 
 ernment which seemed to value the letter more than 
 the spirit of their injunctions. The agent of their 
 choosing had done all that became a man ; but why 
 had he ventured of his own authority to make an 
 outlaw of a refractory chief ? His manly appeal to 
 Bombay for fairer treatment was seconded by his 
 friend the Commissioner of Guzerat with arguments 
 so convincing that the Governor felt constrained to 
 issue an amended despatch, in which Captain Out- 
 ram received full credit for acting up to the spirit 
 of his instructions. The Government begged to 
 assure Captain Outram that further information 
 induced them to qualify materially their previous 
 opinions regarding the outlawry of Suraj Mall, and 
 they acknowledged the "remarkable" success with 
 which he had won the confidence of his defeated 
 foe. " Still more remarkable," they added, was 
 the impression which his combination of bold and 
 
 1 Services, &c. 
 D
 
 50 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 pacific measures had " produced on the minds of 
 the people in general." ^ 
 
 Til us within four months from his return to 
 Ahmadabad Outram's mingled tact and energy had 
 wellnigh stamped out the smouldering mischief 
 which Sir R. Grant's rose-water policy would only 
 have worse inflamed. 
 
 ' Services, &c.
 
 51 
 
 CHAPTER y. 
 
 FROM GUZERAT TO SIND. 1836-1839. 
 
 It was not until May 26, 1836, that Oiitram found 
 leisure for writing to his mother about the events 
 of the past five months. *' Margaret has, doubtless, 
 kept you informed of how I have been employed on 
 very harassing and unpleasant duties in a new 
 quarter — viz., the north-western corner of Guzerat. 
 I am gradually and slowly succeeding in pacifying 
 the country, but I fear tranquillity never will be 
 permanently secured until an example has been 
 made of one or two of the turbulent leaders." Al- 
 though he felt highly flattered by his selection for 
 the post he now held, he was not exultant over 
 " the change from an agreeable duty to a very 
 arduous and unpleasant one — from a climate and 
 country to which I am accustomed, to Guzerat, 
 which I never liked — and from old friends and the 
 Bhils, to whom I had become sincerely attached, 
 to new faces and turbulent and unruly tribes whom 
 it will take much time and trouble to bring into 
 the orderly state of those I have left — if ever it 
 can be efi'ected. What reconciles me to the change, 
 however, and inspires me with spirit to persevere,
 
 52 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 is the hope of being able to effect what hitherto has 
 never been effected — the pacification of this inter- 
 esting country, and attaching and benefiting the 
 Rajput Bhil and Koli tribes of these hills." 
 
 His headquarters were now at Edar, the capital 
 of a Rajput state in the Mahi Kanta, which paid a 
 yearly tribute to the Gaikwar of Baroda. Here, 
 in the company of his wife, Outram found some 
 passing relaxation from the duties which often 
 carried him further south. His agency included 
 " innumerable petty chiefs, who, being independent 
 of each other, and of almost any control whatsoever, 
 are of course constantly quarrelling with each 
 other — and my duty is chiefiy to mediate between 
 the parties and collect the tribute, which they pay 
 through us to the Gaikwar (Prince of Guzerat)." ^ 
 
 " I am occupied in my office," he writes again in 
 October, " every day between seven and eight 
 hours, and have little leisure during the rest of the 
 day," In the same letter, written from Harsol, he 
 reports the birth of a son — now Sir Francis Outram, 
 Bart. — on September 23, followed by the dangerous 
 illness of his wife. " She has, however, been grad- 
 ually recovering, and is to-day [October 2] pro- 
 nounced out of danger. As soon as she is perfectly 
 strong we shall move to our residence at Sadra 
 (24 miles from hence), which is much healthier and 
 more commodious." 
 
 They passed the cold season of 1836-37 at the 
 Sadra Residence, where Outram was " obliged to 
 slave every day till dusk, not excepting Sundays 
 even. I am succeeding in my task, however, and 
 gaining honour and inward satisfaction, which is 
 
 ^ Outram Letters.
 
 FROM GUZERAT TO SIND. 53 
 
 better." ^ Mrs Outram regained strength so slowly 
 that the doctors ordered her to spend the hot season 
 in the hills. 
 
 After many weeks spent in official tours, or in 
 aiding our ally the Gaikwar to chastise a rebellious 
 vassal, Outram rejoined his ailing wife at Poona 
 during the monsoon rains of 1837. But his hopes 
 of carrying her back with him ere long to Sadra 
 were dashed by inexorable fate, which, in the guise 
 of a strong medical certificate, decreed her immedi- 
 ate return to Europe, in search of the health denied 
 her by the relaxing climate of Western India. At 
 Bombay he parted from his wife and child on board 
 the ship which was to bear them out of the noble 
 harbour towards the home he had longed so often 
 of late to revisit. 
 
 His success in dealina; with the rebellious vassal 
 aforesaid had once more brought Captain Outram 
 into collision with the Government of Bombay. In 
 March 1837 Partab Singh, the turbulent Kajah of 
 Agiur, was in open revolt against his liege lord the 
 Gaikwar of Baroda ; the Gaik war's general had 
 applied to the Political Agent for the loan of British 
 troops to aid him in subduing so powerful a foe. 
 Outram was willing to lend the troops, but declined 
 to place them under the orders of a native com- 
 mandant. Armed with the implicit sanction of 
 Mr Williams, the Political Commissioner, Outram 
 arranged with the head of the Gaikwar's army to 
 make a combined attack on the rebel stronghold of 
 Eansipur on the Sabarmati river. After a stout 
 resistance the place was carried by assault ; many 
 of its defenders were slain, their leaders captured, 
 
 ^ Letter of January 1, 1837, to his mother.
 
 54 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 and the Malii Kautca was saved betimes from the 
 danger wliich had seemed to threaten it.^ 
 
 Outram's services on this occasion evoked from 
 tlie Bombay Government some words of praise for 
 his great miUtary talents, coupled with many sen- 
 tences strongly condemning the policy which had 
 led to their display. It was very wrong of him, 
 they declared, to aid our ally in coercing his sub- 
 jects before obtaining some guarantee that their 
 grievances would be investigated or redressed. In 
 his zeal for peace at any price Sir Robert Grant 
 made small allowance for the difficulties which 
 beset an officer intrusted with the task of main- 
 taining the peace of " an imperfectly tranquillised 
 and highly inflammable country " ; a peace, more- 
 over, wliich had just been seriously endangered by 
 the arts of insurgent emissaries Ijent on gathering 
 recruits to their cause from among their fellow- 
 tribesmen across the border. 
 
 So strongly, indeed, had the Governor written to 
 the Court of Directors against his agent's violent 
 and warlike tendencies, that the Court were at first 
 impelled to prohibit the further employment of 
 Captain Outram in the Mahi Kanta, " under the 
 belief that his longer presence w^ould keep alive 
 feelings of mutual distrust and animosit)^ amongst 
 the parties concerned in these unfortunate trans- 
 actions." 
 
 On receipt, however, of ampler information from 
 India, the Directors not only withdrew their pro- 
 hibition, but acknowledojed that no fcelino^s of 
 mutual distrust and animosity had been aroused 
 "even while the transactions were recent"; and 
 
 ^ Services, &c.
 
 FROM GUZERAT TO SIND. 55 
 
 that the reports of the Government contained sat- 
 isfactory evidence " of the great confidence reposed 
 in Captain Outram by all classes in the Mahi Kanta, 
 and of the general feeling of respect which, through 
 his exertions, is now entertained in that country 
 for the British Government." They went on to 
 declare in effect that Sir Kobert Grant's excessive 
 leniency had at first created a false impression, the 
 speedy removal of which was "honourable in the 
 highest degree to Captain Outram's talents and 
 energy ; nor do we doubt that it could only have 
 been efi"ected (as he states) by most arduous per- 
 sonal exertions on his own part, and on that of his 
 able assistant. Lieutenant Wallace." ^ 
 
 How thoroughly Outram had succeeded in accom- 
 plishing a task of rare difiiculty was proved by the 
 fact that in June 1838 he found himself able to 
 dispense with the services of the troops employed 
 in pacifying the Mahi Kanta. A change so mar- 
 vellous in the character and habits of a whole 
 province had been brought about, as the Court of 
 Directors subsequently declared, "without taking a 
 single life — except in the field — or depriving a 
 single person of his estate." 
 
 Nor were the healing efi'ects of Outram's firm 
 yet lenient policy confined to the province of which 
 he had special charge. In March 1839 Mr Giberne, 
 as Acting Judicial Commissioner for Guzerat, re- 
 ported to his Government "the highty satisfactory 
 and surprisingly tranquil" state of affairs in the 
 Ahmadabad districts during the past year. This 
 happy result he ascribed not to any improvement 
 in the local police, but " to the excellent arrange- 
 
 ^ Services, &c.
 
 56 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 ments and judicious proceedings of Captain Outram, 
 Political Ao-ent in the Main Kanta." ^ 
 
 After parting from his wife and child in the 
 manner alread}^ shown, Outram had returned to his 
 daily grind at Sadra, where he employed his leisure 
 moments in the business of repairing the damage 
 wrought upon his bungalow by the recent rains. 
 By this time, the close of 1837, his stated devotion 
 alike to official and domestic duties had effected a 
 curious transformation in his habits and appearance. 
 " Physical exertion," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " was in 
 a great measure abandoned. He detested ' con- 
 stitutionals ' in any shape, and soon fell into the 
 mistake of avoiding exercise if he could possibly 
 manage it. The early morning, like every period 
 of the day, was devoted to desk-work. At Harsol 
 he would walk beside his wife's tonjon in the even- 
 ing ; but at Sadra he often passed the walking 
 hour in inspecting the workmen carrying out pro- 
 jDosed improvements in the house, an expensive 
 amusement to which he was everywhere prone. He 
 had begun to grow quite stout before leaving the 
 Mahi Kanta." At Harsol he had sometimes gone 
 after hog ; but at Sadra there seems to have been 
 no sport to tempt him. Small game he had always 
 held in such contempt that he had long since 
 made a vow, which he faithfully kept, never to fire 
 anything but ball. During the summer of 1837 
 he is said to have slain his last tiger, a man-eater, 
 in the Kaira jungles, where such game was still 
 to be found." 
 
 Writing to his mother in June 1838, Outram 
 tells her that his anxiety on her account has de- 
 
 ^ Outram Testimonials. ^ Goldsmid.
 
 FROM GUZEKAT TO SIND. 57 
 
 cided him to go home on furlough in 1840; "by 
 which time I shall have completed my labours here 
 in such a manner as to ensure being- reinstated in 
 the political line when I return to India." But 
 events were happening in India and Afghanistan 
 which delayed for some years the fulfilment of his 
 long-cherished hopes, and called for his services on 
 another and more exciting scene. Lord Auckland, 
 the new Governor-General, was drifting, for high 
 political reasons, into an unprovoked war with Dost 
 Muhammad, the able ruler of Afghanistan. Espous- 
 ing the cause of Dost Muhammad's supplanted rival. 
 Shah Shuja, the exiled pensioner of Ludiana, he 
 issued orders on October 1, 1838, for assembling 
 British troops at Bombay and Ferozepore for a 
 march across the Indus upon Kandahar and Kabul. 
 As a matter of course, Outram volunteered to rejoin 
 his regiment, which had been ordered on active 
 service. 
 
 The offer was accepted so far as concerned his 
 employment in the field. But neither Lord Auck- 
 land nor the Governor of Bombay would hear of 
 remitting an oflicer of Outram's merits to the 
 routine of regimental duty. He himself w^ould 
 have been delighted, as he tells the Governor's 
 private secretary, "to be attached to the Cavalry 
 Brigade simply as a volunteer, or in any capacity." ^ 
 Better things, however, were reserved for an officer 
 whose deserts had won him many friends in high 
 places. On November 21 Outram sends his mother 
 a " very hasty line just to tell you that I sail to-day 
 with Sir John Keane, on his personal staff, with the 
 Bombay army, destined for Sind. . . . Sir John 
 
 1 Letter of October 14, 1838, to Major Felix.
 
 58 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 kindly relieved me from regimental duty by con- 
 stituting me an extra A.D.C. I still, however, 
 retain my appointment of Political Agent, which 
 gives me half my civil allowances." The campaign, 
 he fondly imagined, would be over in six months, 
 and then he would certainly prepare to return 
 home. 
 
 The great fleet of transports, guarded by the 
 warships of the old Indian navy, carried Sir John 
 Keane and the Bombay column of the Army of the 
 Indus to the shores of Sind, where the British 
 agent. Colonel (afterwards Sir) Henry Pottinger, 
 was still bargaining with the Amirs, or rulers of 
 the country, for the free passage of our troops 
 across their land toward the mountain-passes lead- 
 ing into Southern Afghanistan. On landing near 
 Vikkar, the troops found nothing ready for supply- 
 ing even their immediate needs. It appeared to 
 Keane as if he had landed in an enemy's country. 
 The boatmen and camel-owners near the coast would 
 have no dealings with him, while the Amirs and 
 their Biluclii soldiery were gathering for the defence 
 of Haidarabad, the southern capital of Sind. Out- 
 ram at once set off" in a schooner to Mandavi in 
 quest of aid from the friendly Rao of Cutch. A 
 few days spent in travelling to and fro and inter- 
 viewing all kinds of people enabled him to procure 
 a large supply of boats, forage, cattle, sheep, and 
 baggage-animals for the army encamped at Vikkar.^ 
 
 On December 7 Outram landed at Karachi, about 
 a hundred miles westward of the British camp. " I 
 went on shore," he says, "in a native boat, without 
 
 ' Ou tram's Rough Notes of the Campaign, 1838-.39. Richardson. 
 London.
 
 FROM GUZERAT TO SIND. 59 
 
 servants or baggage of any kind, having sent back 
 the Constance to the Hujamri, determining myself 
 to go overland to camp, and hoping to excite con- 
 fidence by displaying it in thus going totally un- 
 attended, — my object being ostensibly merely to 
 look after camels, but in reality also to feel the 
 temper of the natives, and to endeavour to ascertain 
 the actual intentions of their rulers." ^ Three days 
 of rapid travelling across a country dotted with 
 ruined cities and tamarisk -jungles brought him 
 back to Vikkar, whither several hundred camels 
 were soon to follow him from Karachi and Ghari 
 K6t. 
 
 Thanks mainly to Captain Outram's resourceful 
 energy,^ Keane began his forward march up the 
 left bank of the Indus on December 24, 1838. 
 On the 28th his camp was pitched beside the once 
 populous town of Thatta, whose trade had been 
 nearly ruined by the misgovernment of the Amirs. 
 A long halt at this place, pending the progress of 
 events elsewhere, was followed on January 23, 
 1839, by Keane's advance towards Haidarabad. 
 Two more marches brought him to Jerak, about 
 twenty miles from the capital of Lower Sind.^ 
 
 1 Outram's Rough Notes. 
 
 2 " To him chiefly, if not entirely, was it to be attributed that on 
 the 22nd (December) it was reported that a sufficient number of camels 
 had been collected ; and orders were given for the army to advance, 
 in two divisions." — Narrative of the Campaign of the Army of the 
 Indus in Sind and Kabul in 1838. By Richard Hartley Kennedy, 
 M.D. Bentley, 1840. " Keane made liis way up the Indus valley, 
 the transport service and the supply of a sufficiency of camels present- 
 ing almost insuperable difficulties, surmounted chiefly by the energy 
 of Outram." — The Life of General John Jacob. By A. I. Shand. 
 Seeley & Co. London, 1900. 
 
 3 The First Afghan War. By Major-General Durand.
 
 60 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Meanwhile British diplomacy, backed by an im- 
 posing array of guns and bayonets, was hourly 
 tightening its coils around the writhing Laocoons 
 of Sind. About the middle of January Captain 
 Outran! and Lieutenant Eastwick were steaming 
 up the Indus to Haidarabad, charged with orders 
 from Pottinger and Keane to o])tain a final answer 
 from the Amirs to Lord Auckland's imperious de- 
 mands. On the 20t]i our tw^o envoys and their 
 escort of sixty men encamped within three miles 
 of the capital. At 4 p.m. of the 22nd Outram 
 and Eastwick were admitted to an audience with 
 the leading Amirs, who after a brief discussion of 
 the obnoxious treaty dismissed the envoys, in Out- 
 ram's own words, " with every assurance that ' the 
 will of the British Government was law to that of 
 Sind,' but that a definite answer could not be given 
 until next day." ^ 
 
 On the morning of the 24th the envoys received 
 through their native agent an answer so ambiguous 
 that, in view of the hostile attitude of the Amirs' 
 soldiery, they broke up their little camp and re- 
 turned down the Lidus to Jerak. Their time, how- 
 ever, had not been altogether wasted, for Outram 
 had made a careful survey, not only of the town 
 and fort of Haidarabad, but of the hilly ranges 
 lying to the westward. 
 
 On February 3 Keane marched eleven miles 
 nearer Haidarabad, encamping on the ground wdiich 
 Outram had reconnoitred a week before. By that 
 time the Amirs, thoroughly frightened and despair- 
 ing of help from without, had agreed to accept the 
 treaty as it stood, lest a worse thing should befall 
 
 1 Outram'a Rough Notes.
 
 FEOM GUZERAT TO SIND. 61 
 
 them. When Keane's army on February 4 halted 
 at Kotri, on the right bank of the Indus opposite 
 Haidarabad, it was known in camp that the treaty 
 had actually been signed, and orders issued for the 
 dispersion of the Sindian army. Two days later 
 Outran! accompanied the chief engineer and several 
 other scientific ofiicers for the purpose of inspecting 
 the city, fort, and environs of Haidarabad. It is 
 worth noting that the results of their visit entirely 
 confirmed the accuracy of the plans sketched by 
 Outran! during his previous mission to the Amirs. ^ 
 
 ^ Outram's Eough Notes. Goldsmid.
 
 62 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF THE INDUS. FEBRUARY- 
 AUGUST 1839. 
 
 On February 10 Sir John Keane resumed his march 
 northwards upon Shikarpur, about twenty miles 
 north-westward of Sakhar. A few days later the 
 Bengal column of the Army of the Indus, com- 
 manded by Sir Willoughby Cotton, was making its 
 way from Rohri, by a bridge of boats which our 
 enorineers had thrown across the swift-flowing Indus, 
 to Sakhar on the opposite bank. By February 20 
 the whole of Cotton's army was encamped at Shik- 
 arpur, awaiting further orders from Sir John Keane, 
 and fresh supplies of food and camels, before plung- 
 ing into the arid wastes that stretched away west- 
 ward to the foot of the bare Biluchi Hills. 
 
 On the last day of February the Bombay column 
 came to a halt about thirty miles to the south of 
 Larkhana. So many camels had perished on the 
 way up from Kotri that fresh supplies were im- 
 peratively needed for the final advance across the 
 Sind desert. At that time our Afghan puppet, 
 Shah Shuja, was still encamped among his own 
 levies at Shikarpur, in company with the British 
 envoys Macnaghten and Burnes. It was Keane's
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF THE INDUS. 63 
 
 earnest desire to secure for his own use a large 
 number of the camels attached to the Shah's con- 
 tingent. In order to effect his purpose he looked 
 about for some officer on whose zeal, tact, and 
 suasive influence he could thoroughly depend ; and 
 the choice fell upon Captain Outram. 
 
 By the evening of March 1 Outram had traversed 
 on camel-back the ninety miles that lay between 
 Sir John Keane's camp and Shikarpur. On the 
 same evening he "found Mr Macnaghten at table 
 with his assistants, Major Todd and Captain 
 M'Gregor, and was received with much cordiality 
 by the envoy, to whom I communicated the object 
 of my journey." ^ On the evening of the 2nd he 
 was riding in company with Macnaghten and Major 
 Todd beside the Shah's litter. His majesty, an 
 elderly person of mild manners, was known to be 
 a great stickler for etiquette, and all the British 
 officers had to approach and leave him with the 
 utmost ceremony. Outram, however, found him 
 " very affable " during the few minutes that they 
 conversed together, and he was able to assure his 
 chief that Macnaghten would furnish him with 
 twice as many camels as those which Keane had 
 offered for the Shah's own use. 
 
 On the following day Outram learns that Sir 
 Willoughby Cotton, who had led a portion of his 
 troops a week earlier from Shikarpur towards the 
 Bolan Pass, "gives a most deplorable account of 
 the scarcity of water and forage on this route, 
 which is so great that only one squadron of cavalry, 
 or one wing of infantry, can advance at a time : 
 many days will consequently be occupied in the 
 
 ^ Rough Notes.
 
 64 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 passage of his troops. His artillery park and the 
 2nd infantry brigade had not yet left Shikarpur, 
 nor were they likely to do so in less than a 
 week." Before noon of March 4 Outram rejoined 
 his chief at Larkhana, whence he wrote to Mac- 
 naghten " thanking him for an offer, conveyed 
 throngh Sir John Keane, which had passed me on 
 the road, to attach me to his mission, but respect- 
 fully declining the favour, as I am unwilling to 
 leave the army whilst a jDrospect of service 
 remains." ^ 
 
 Hardly had one of the lions in Keane's path 
 been happily disposed of when another rose up 
 from between his very feet. The Cutch camel- 
 drivers refused to advance a step farther, and 
 Outram was deputed to quell the mutiny. When 
 all other means of bringing them to reason had been 
 tried in vain, " I was under the necessity," he 
 writes, " of tying up one and giving him two 
 dozen lashes : a second succeeded, and a third, 
 w^ho got four dozen, he having been observed check- 
 ing the rest when they began to show symptoms 
 of giving in." This, he adds, " had the desired 
 effect ; they promised obedience in future, and took 
 out the camels to graze." When some of their 
 jemadars had given the requisite pledges for their 
 future good behaviour, the mutineers, who numbered 
 more than 2000, were allowed to return to their 
 duty. 
 
 Durins: Keane's advance westward across Sind 
 Outram was continually engaged in carrying mes- 
 safifes between Macnaohten and Sir John Keane. 
 On the mornino; of March 21 he was ridincj out 
 
 1 Rough Notes.
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF THE INDUS. 65 
 
 to meet his chief when his horse, in making a 
 sudden turn, " fell flat on his side, with me below 
 him, the result being that the bone of the pelvis, 
 above the hip-joint, was fractured, in consequence 
 of coming into violent contact with the hilt of 
 my sword." Borne along each day in his dhooly, 
 he accompanied the column thenceforth commanded 
 by General Willshire, while Keane himself was 
 pushing on ahead with a few troops to overtake 
 the Bengal force somewhere beyond the steep 
 stony windings of the Bolan Pass. 
 
 It was more than a month after his mishap before 
 Outram was well enough to mount a horse again. 
 He himself tells how on the morning of April 25 
 he rode, for the first time, three miles to the mouth 
 of the Khojak Pass. On the same evening he rode 
 on again with Major Todd the greater part of the 
 twenty-four miles which led from the northern end 
 of the pass to the fort of FatuUa, where he left 
 his dhooly altogether.^ 
 
 Still riding on ahead of the column, Outram on 
 the 29th rejoined Sir John Keane at breakfast, " in 
 a delightful garden, a few hundred yards from the 
 walls of Kandahar, with the difi'erent camps scat- 
 tered around in various directions." On May 4 
 Willshire's column marched into camp outside the 
 city, which Shah Shuja had entered peaceably a 
 few days before. Four days later a grand review 
 of the whole army was held outside the city, in 
 honour of the royal exile whom British bayonets 
 had brought back in triumph to his western capital. 
 As the Shah mounted the raised platform whence 
 he and his retainers were to witness the review, 
 
 ^ Rough Notes. 
 E
 
 66 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 the long line of troops presented arms, and the 
 batteries thundered a salute of a hundrcd-and-one 
 guns. 
 
 One thing only was wanting to the full success 
 of that morning's pageant. The expected crowd of 
 loyal citizens numbered barely fourscore, nor did 
 a single Afghan of any mark come out from the 
 city to aid in acclaiming the rightful heir to the 
 throne of his famous forefather, Ahmad Shah. 
 
 By this time both divisions of Keane's army were 
 in sore need of rest after the hardships, toils, losses, 
 and low rations of the past month. Not until June 
 27, 1839, while Ranjit Singh lay dying at Lahore, 
 did Keane begin his march of 230 miles from 
 Kandahar to Ghazni, leaving behind him a sufficient 
 garrison, and the heavy guns which he had brought 
 on with so much difficulty through the Bolan and 
 Khojak passes. The whole force was still on reduced 
 rations for want of carriage ; and bodies of Ghilzai 
 horsemen hovered about their flanks, ready for 
 plunder, but seldom venturing to attack. 
 
 The line of march lay through open country 
 rising gradually towards Khelat - i - Ghilzai, and 
 higher still in the neighbourhood of Ghazni. On 
 July 21 the whole army, including the Shah's con- 
 tingent, halted within sight of the famous strong- 
 hold, whence the terrible Malimud had sallied forth 
 eight centuries earlier, to harry the people and 
 subdue the princes of Northern India. The place 
 was then garrisoned by a few thousand Afghans 
 under the command of Prince Haidar, a son of 
 Dost Muhammad. For want of the siege - guns 
 Keane had left at Kandahar, he resolved to carry 
 Ghazni by storm as soon as his engineers had
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF THE INDUS. 67 
 
 blown in the Kabul gate. Meanwhile, about noon 
 of the 22nd, the hills to the southward of his 
 camp were crowned by masses of horse and foot, 
 who seemed preparing to swoop down upon the 
 Shah's camp, which lay just below them. As the 
 enemy moved downwards they were promptly met 
 and driven backwards by the Shah's horse under 
 Captain Peter Nicholson, leaving a few dead and 
 one of their standards on the field. 
 
 Just before this repulse Outram had galloped out 
 to see what was going on. Finding no European 
 officer on the spot, " I prevailed," he says, " on 
 a body of the Shah's horse to follow me round 
 the hills in the enemy's rear, where I stationed 
 them so as to cut off their retreat." On his way 
 back to the front Outram came upon a body of 
 the Shah's infantry and matchlock - men under a 
 European officer. "I suggested to him," he says, 
 "the propriety of an immediate attempt to force 
 the enemy from the heights, in the direction where 
 I had just stationed the cavalry. He expressed his 
 readiness to act under my orders ; and, relinquish- 
 ing to me the charge of his detachment, which was 
 composed of pickets from different corps hastily 
 assembled, we ascended the hill together. The 
 matchlock-men behaved with great gallantry, ad- 
 vancing steadily under a galling fire, and availing 
 themselves of every rock and stone as fast as the 
 enemy were dislodged. They were followed by the 
 Sepoys in close order, who occupied every favour- 
 able undulation of ground, and were thus prepared 
 to meet any sudden rush that might be made on 
 the part of the enemy." 
 
 On the loftiest peak floated the sacred banner
 
 68 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 of green and white, which summoned Musalman 
 zealots to a jihad, or holy war, against the infidel. 
 " Towards this object," says Outram, " we made 
 our way, ascending a very precipitous acclivity 
 under a smart fire, from which we were sheltered 
 by the rocks, until, on our arriving within fifty 
 paces of the enemy, a fortunate shot brought down 
 the standard-bearer. The whole of our party then 
 rushing up with a general cheer, the banner was 
 seized, whilst the enemy, panic - stricken at this 
 proof of the fallacy of their belief, fled with pre- 
 cipitation to a second hill, whither I deemed it 
 useless to follow them, both because our men were 
 already much exhausted from thirst and fatigue, 
 and because the range, instead of terminating, as 
 I had conjectured, at this point, in which case the 
 fugitives might easily have been driven into the 
 plain, proved to be a succession of steep hills, 
 among which it was not practicable for cavalry 
 to act."^ 
 
 In this brilliant affair the enemy lost between 
 thirty and forty killed or wounded, besides fifty 
 prisoners taken by the Shah's cavalry. The total 
 loss on our side did not exceed twenty. 
 
 Before dawn of the 23rd the powder-bags had 
 been duly laid at the foot of the Kabul gate. In 
 another moment came the explosion, which burst 
 the gate open. The storming columns did their 
 duty, and in less than an hour the fight was 
 over and the whole fortress had fallen into our 
 hands. The loss of the victors had been, in Out- 
 ram's words, " surprisingly small," considering the 
 stand made by the enemy in various quarters — a 
 
 ' Eough Notes.
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF THE INDUS. 69 
 
 stand which cost them more than 600 in slain 
 alone. Sixteen hundred prisoners, including the 
 Governor, Haidar Khan himself, fell into our 
 hands. 
 
 It remains only to say that Captain Outram's 
 services on that eventful morning were such as 
 became the smartest and most active officer on 
 Keane's personal staff. He was the first to ac- 
 quaint his chief with the successful storming of 
 the Kabul gate. A little later his timely appear- 
 ance outside the eastern wall of Ghazni thwarted 
 the enemy's attempts to break away in that 
 direction.! 
 
 With the fall of Ghazni fell Dost Muhammad's 
 last hopes of saving his northern capital. Before 
 Keane, on July 30, began his final march of ninety 
 miles towards Kabul, the disheartened Amir, with 
 his son Akbar and a small band of faithful fol- 
 lowers, was making his way towards the wilds of 
 the Hindu Kush. Four days later the news of 
 his flight had reached the British camp. It seemed 
 to Macnaghten and Shah Shuja that there could be 
 no peace in Afghanistan so long as the foe they 
 most dreaded remained at large. The flying Amir 
 must be hunted down promptly at whatever cost. 
 Two hundred and twenty-five picked horsemen, led 
 by the dashing James Outram, with the aid of ten 
 other British officers, were sent off" at once in hot 
 chase of their noble quarry. With them also 
 marched 500 Afghan Horse commanded by Hajji 
 Khan Khakar, who had undertaken to act as guide. 
 This man had been one of the first to desert the 
 Amir and pay homage to Shah Shuja at Kandahar. 
 
 1 Eough Notes.
 
 70 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 The Shah had rewarded the traitor with a rich 
 jaghir and a post of honour in the State.^ 
 
 The story of that keen but futile chase has been 
 well told by Sir George Lawrence, who took an 
 active part therein at the head of fifty of his own 
 troopers. Outram's force set off in the lightest 
 marchincr order on the evenino; of August 3. Three 
 days later two more officers with a few score men 
 joined in the chase. For six days and nights, with 
 short intervals of rest, and food of the scantiest and 
 plainest kind, the hunters rode on over rough and 
 hilly ground, past scattered villages, up the steep 
 pass that led over the Hindu Kush, as far as the 
 town of Bamian, turning always a deaf ear to the 
 excuses repeatedly urged by their treacherous guide 
 for delaying or abandoning a dangerous and fruit- 
 less errand. 
 
 Many of Outram's Afghan horsemen were badly 
 mounted, and most of them kept lagging behind 
 in quest of plunder. "We have to obey our 
 orders," was Outram's answer to all Hajji's remon- 
 strances, " and if your men fail us at the critical 
 moment, you will have to answer to Shah Shuja 
 with your life." At Bamian Outram learned that 
 the fugitive Amir, with his son Akbar and 2000 
 horsemen, had fled beyond Saigan, and found 
 asylum with the "Wall, or Governor, of Kulum 
 across the Balkh frontier. Seeing that further 
 pursuit was hopeless, Outram halted for three 
 days at Bamian to rest and recruit his tired 
 party before turning his face tow-ards Kabul, where 
 Keane's army was already encamped. 
 
 ^ Kaye's War in Afghanistan. Sir G. Lawrence's Forty Years' 
 Service in India.
 
 WITH THE AEMY OF THE INDUS. 71 
 
 Meanwhile his letters to Macnaghten report the 
 final escape of Dost Muhammad across the frontier, 
 and recount the series of tricks played upon himself 
 by a manifest traitor in order to ensure the failure 
 of an enterprise which would else have proved a 
 complete success. '* The conduct of Hajji Khan," 
 he declares, " if not criminal, has been most blam- 
 able throughout ; his backwardness having favoured 
 the escape of the Amir Dost Muhammad Khan, 
 whose capture was inevitable had the Khan pushed 
 on, as he might have done, as I repeatedly urged 
 him to do, and as his troops were perfectly capable 
 of doing." 
 
 He concludes by affirming that "the whole of 
 the proceedings of Nussir-ud-Daula [the Hajji's 
 official title] have thus displayed either the grossest 
 cowardice or the deepest treachery ; and I have 
 now performed my duty in making them known 
 to you."' 
 
 On August 12 Outram's party set out from 
 Bamian, and arrived at Kabul on the 17th. " Our 
 arrival," says Lawrence, " was hailed with much 
 satisfaction as well as surprise, as a horseman had 
 come into camp and reported that he had witnessed 
 our total destruction. Of course we had to bear 
 the usual fate of the unsuccessful — friends kindly 
 remarking, 'what madmen we were to go on such 
 a wild-goose chase ; what other result could have 
 been expected ? we were only too lucky to return 
 with our heads on our shoulders,' &c. ; Sir John 
 Keane winding up the chorus by saying ' he had 
 not supposed there were thirteen such asses in his 
 whole force ! ' Indeed I entertained some such 
 
 ^ Eough Notes.
 
 72 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 thoughts myself as to the rash character of our 
 expedition ; but still, as a soldier, I could not have 
 shrunk from undertaking what my superiors deemed 
 was within the verge of possibility. Besides, I think 
 that had we been accompanied by a stronger body 
 of our own troops, and no Afghans, with only trust- 
 worthy guides, we should have succeeded in our 
 enterprise." ^ 
 
 Outram at once reported to Shah Shuja the ap- 
 parent treachery of Hajji Khan. The old traitor 
 was promptly arrested by the Shah's command. 
 Clear proofs of his treasonable practices were soon 
 forthcoming, and the villainous Hajji was presently 
 marched off a close prisoner to Hindustan. In due 
 time he was safely lodged in the riverside fortress 
 of Chunar. 
 
 Meanwhile on August 7, 1839, Shah Shuja-ul- 
 Mulk, glittering with jewels and mounted on a 
 white charger, had been escorted in triumph by 
 British officers and troops through the streets of 
 Kabul into the castled palace of the Bala Hissar. 
 No outburst of popular welcome hailed the Shah's 
 return to his capital after an absence of thirty 
 years. Of those who came out to stare at the 
 passing pageant, very few were seen to offer him 
 a common salaam. " It was more," says Kaye, 
 " like a funeral procession than the entry of the 
 king into the capital of his restored dominions." 
 
 ^ Lawrence's Forty-Three Years' Service.
 
 73 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILUCHIS. 
 AUGUST-DECEMBER 1839. 
 
 Not many weeks after the escape of Dost Muham- 
 mad Captain Outram was leading an armed force 
 on a more successful errand than that which had 
 carried him across the Hindu Kush. " On August 
 21," he writes, " I was temporarily placed at the 
 disposal of the Envoy and Minister with his majesty 
 Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk, for the purpose of conducting 
 an expedition into certain disturbed districts lying 
 between Kabul and Kandahar, in order to tranquil- 
 lise the disaffected Ghilzai tribes, none of whom had 
 yet submitted to the king." He accepted Mac- 
 naghten's offer of political employment only on 
 the understanclino^ that he should be free to take 
 part in any further fighting that events might call 
 for. 
 
 He was instructed to depose, and if possible to 
 arrest, four refractory Ghilzai chiefs, and to estab- 
 lish the newly appointed Ghilzai governors ; to 
 punish the people of Maruf for their wanton de- 
 struction of a peaceful caravan ; to reduce, if need- 
 ful, the forts of Hajji Khan Khakar ; and lastly, to 
 hunt down and punish all concerned in the cold-
 
 74 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 blooded murder of Colonel Herring/ The troops 
 assigned him for this purpose comprised a wing of 
 the Shah's 1st Cavalry, a squadron of Skinner's 
 Horse, 500 Afghan Horse, Captain Abbot's nine- 
 pounder battery, and Captain Anderson's troop of 
 Horse Artillery. A wing of the 16th Bengal In- 
 fantry was to join him later from Ghazni, and a 
 regiment of the Shah's infantry from Kandahar. 
 
 On September 7 Outram set out from Kabul on 
 an enterprise which demanded skill, energy, and 
 endurance of the highest order. The delays and 
 difficulties which he had to encounter on his march 
 northwards were not few. On the 12th his men 
 toiled painfully over the Kharwar Pass, the ascent 
 of which is described by Outram as " extremely 
 steep and difficult, and infinitely worse than the 
 Khojak." It was not until the 14th that the 500 
 Afghan horsemen, whom Macnaghten had promised 
 to send on by hook or by crook, made their tardy 
 appearance in Outram's camp. Still pressing for- 
 wards, he was joined on the 18th by a wing of the 
 16th Bengal Native Infantry under Major M'Laren. 
 Two days later Outram learned that the detachment 
 which he had left behind at Kharwar had arrested 
 Bakshi Khan, a chief of the robber tribe concerned 
 in the murder of Colonel Herrinij. 
 
 On the 21st Outram made a night-march in order 
 to surprise a body of these Kanjak banditti in one 
 of their mountain fastnesses. Arriving by day- 
 break at a deep dell occupied by the gang, he 
 disposed his troops so skilfully that the enemy, 
 
 ^ "This officer, with his regiment, was escorting treasure from 
 Kandahar, and was barbarously butchered when strolling unarmed 
 to a small distance from his camp." — Durand.
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILUCHIS. 75 
 
 hemmed in on all sides, were compelled after a 
 fierce and stubborn resistance to throw down their 
 arms. Sixteen of the more desperate had been 
 slain, and 112, including several women who had 
 shared in the fighting, were taken prisoners. Not 
 a soul among them had been permitted to escape. 
 Forty-six of the most ferocious were forthwith sent 
 ofi" to Kabul, where they were promptly executed 
 in the presence of our troops. 
 
 How much of this success, w^on by our side with 
 very trifling loss, was due to Outram's quick eye 
 and ready daring may be gathered from his own 
 account of the aff"air : " The ground being very 
 broken and diflicult, most of the enemy had found 
 time to ascend a precipitous hill, along the ridge of 
 which they must have escaped had I not fortun- 
 ately been mounted on an exceedingly active horse, 
 and thus been enabled to gallop ahead and deter 
 them from advancing until the cavalry came up. 
 Finding themselves completely surrounded, they 
 defended themselves most stoutly, and maintained 
 their position until their ammunition was nearly 
 all expended, when on a general rush being made 
 from every quarter at once, they were induced to 
 throw down their arms." 
 
 Outram accomplished the remainder of his errand 
 with equal celerity and success. By October 8 the 
 strong fort of Killa-i-Murgha, whose garrison in the 
 darkness had cut their way out, was entirely de- 
 molished by Outram's sappers. Nine days later he 
 contrived to capture two Barakzai chiefs with all 
 their followers, who had been concerned in the 
 plunder and ill-treatment of the Hindustani cara- 
 van. The Barakzai stronghold at Maruf, which
 
 76 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 had been abandoned a few days before on the 
 approach of Willshire's Bombay column, was de- 
 stroyed by Outram's orders on the 18th. "To my 
 astonishment," he writes, " it proved to be the strong- 
 est fortress that we had yet seen in the country, 
 . . . which might have held out successfully 
 against all the materiel with which the Bombay 
 Division is provided."^ The destruction of a large 
 fort belonging to Hajji Khan Khakar on October 
 29 relieved the surroundincr villaojes from all fear 
 of further depredations, and brought Outram's mis- 
 sion to a successful close. Rejoining the Bombay 
 column, he arrived at Quetta on the last day of 
 October 1839. 
 
 Outside Afsjhanistan one more task remained to 
 accomjDlish before the Bombay column could re- 
 sume its homeward march. During his halt at 
 Quetta Willshire had been ordered to march south- 
 wards against Khelfit, the capital of Biluchistan, 
 for the purpose of punishing the ruler of that 
 country, Mihrab Khan, whom Burnes had charged 
 with divers acts of enmity and bad faith in breach 
 of his treaty with the Indian Government. In 
 vain had the Khan pleaded his utter impotence 
 to restrain Biluchi robbers from plundering our 
 baggage, and to furnish the promised supplies from 
 a country on the brink of famine. No mercy was 
 to be shown to the prince who had given Shah 
 Shuja a kindly welcome during his flight in 1834 
 from Kandahar. 
 
 Leaving his cavalry, with most of his guns and 
 some Native Infantry, to march off through the 
 Bolan Pass, General Willshire led the rest of his 
 
 ^ Rough Notes.
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILUCHIS. 77 
 
 troops from Quetta on November 4 towards Khelat. 
 On November 13 Khelat was carried by storm after 
 a desperate struggle, in which the brave old Khan 
 and eight of his chief officers fell, fighting stubbornly 
 to the last.^ 
 
 As an officer on "VVillshire's staff, Outram rendered 
 conspicuous service during that day's fighting. See- 
 ing that the enemy were trying to withdraw their 
 guns from the heights outside the fort. General 
 Willshire despatched Outram with orders to the 
 column nearest the gate "to pursue the fugitives, 
 and, if possible, to enter the fort with them — but 
 at any rate to prevent their taking in the ord- 
 nance." Outram reached the scene of action in time 
 to ensure the capture of the guns, but too late to 
 prevent the flying enemy from closing the gate 
 against their pursuers. 
 
 Leaving the grenadier company of the Queen's 
 Royals to " take post under cover of a ruined 
 building within sixty yards of the gate," Outram 
 galloped off to report progress. The whole of our 
 troops had now gained the heights, and the guns 
 were also being dragged up. Two of these were 
 speedily playing upon the towers which commanded 
 the gateway, while two others opened fire upon the 
 gate itself, which was presently blown in after a 
 few discharges from the two remaining guns. 
 
 During the final advance of the storming parties 
 the general ordered Captain Outram, who in the 
 meantime had not been idle, to take a company of 
 the 17th Foot and the 31st Bengal Native Infantry, 
 and with these to storm the heights and secure the 
 gate on the opposite side of the fort. This move- 
 
 ^ Kaye.
 
 78 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 ment was carried out in so spirited a manner that 
 the last of the matchlock-men were driven from the 
 heights, and the gate itself was stormed by a suc- 
 cessful rush of our men before the enemy had time 
 to close it. Two guns which had been sent to 
 Outram's aid were then turned against the citadel 
 with such effect that a way in was soon cleared 
 for the short but desperate struggle which ended 
 in the fall of Khelat. 
 
 Through that day's fighting Outram's good for- 
 tune carried him unharmed by the storm of shot 
 to which he must have offered a conspicuous mark. 
 "On these two occasions," he writes, "I was the 
 only mounted officer present ; but although both 
 the nature of my occupation, and the singularity 
 of my rifle uniform, differing as it did from all 
 others, must have attracted a considerable share 
 of the enemy's observation, I escaped with my usual 
 good fortune." ^ 
 
 In his despatch of November 14, General Will- 
 shire paid an especial tribute to Captain Outram, 
 " who had volunteered his services on my personal 
 staff." To that officer, he adds, " I feel greatly 
 indebted for the zeal and ability with which he 
 has performed various duties that I have required 
 of him upon other occasions, as well as the present." 
 As a further mark of his approval, Willshire re- 
 quested Outram to bear a duplicate of his despatch 
 to the Governor of Bombay by the direct route 
 southwards to the port of Sonmiani, for the purpose 
 of ascertaining how far that route was practicable 
 for the march of troops. About midnight of 
 November 15 Outram started on his perilous 
 
 ^ Kough Notes. Outram Services.
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BIL^CHIS. 79 
 
 journey of 360 miles through a hostile country as 
 yet unknown to Europeans. 
 
 His party consisted of six persons, himself dis- 
 guised as an Afghan pii^ or friar, attended by one 
 servant, and accompanied by " two holy Saiyads 
 from Shawl," with their two armed followers ; the 
 whole " being mounted on four ponies and two 
 camels, carrying provisions for ourselves, and as 
 much grain for the animals as we could conveniently 
 take." 
 
 On the following day they passed a number of 
 fugitives from Khelat, and travelled for a time in 
 unwilling company with the families of Mihrab 
 Khan's brother and his chief Minister. The ladies 
 of this party recognised the Saiyads as old acquaint- 
 ances. "It behoved us," says Outram, "to remain 
 with this party a sufficient time to listen to all their 
 griefs, and having been previously introduced by 
 my companions in the character of a jpir, I was 
 most especially called upon to sympathise in their 
 woes. This I did by assuming an air of deep 
 gravity and attention, although in reality I did 
 not understand a single word that was uttered." 
 The very disguise donned by Outram might have 
 become an added danger, had the garments, which 
 he selected from the plunder of Khelat, been 
 of a somewhat costlier and more pretentious 
 quality. 
 
 On the night of the 16th, while the travellers 
 were resting under the walls of a deserted village, 
 "inquisitive persons flocked round us to institute 
 inquiries respecting relatives or friends who had 
 been engaged at Khelat." Outram pretended to be 
 asleep; "but my companions were compelled to
 
 80 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 satisfy a whole string of interrogatories, which lasted 
 until the nisfht was far advanced." Decidinsj to 
 push on again before dawn, they persuaded " an 
 indigent native" to act as guide, upon the sole 
 condition that Outram would furnish him with a 
 charm to save his sick camel from dying during 
 his absence. " A tuft of the animal's hair having 
 accordingly been brought to me, I was obliged, in 
 support of my assumed character, to go through 
 the mummery of muttering over it a string of 
 cabalistic words — may God forgive the hypocrisy ! " ^ 
 
 After passing safely on the 18th through the 
 village of Nal, the party halted in a friendly jungle 
 three miles beyond, while one of the Saiyads, with 
 the two armed attendants, returned to the village 
 in quest of grain for the horses. This party, un- 
 fortunately missing our place of concealment, sub- 
 sequently passed on, and we w^aited for them in 
 vain until the evening. The other Saiyad then 
 became so uneasy that he went back to the village 
 to inquire for them, leaving me alone with my 
 domestic, Hussain, to abide his return." 
 
 Outram and his servant were thus left alone, 
 without money, food, or guide ; neither of them 
 able to speak a word of Biluchi, and both of them 
 liable to be murdered by the first party of 
 natives who might discover their hiding - place. 
 Nearly an hour passed by in this manner ; the 
 night was fast approaching, and neither of his com- 
 panions had yet returned. Taking his courage in 
 both hands, Outram took his wa}^ towards the vil- 
 lage, " where, should I fail to terrify the chief into 
 civility by threats of the consequences of maltreat- 
 
 ^ Rough Notes.
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILt>CHIS. 81 
 
 ing a British officer, I hoped that the holy influ- 
 ence of my Saiyad friends might prove of some 
 avail." 
 
 He and Hussain had not gone far when, to their 
 great relief, they were overtaken by the second 
 Saiyad, who was hunting everywhere for his lost 
 companions. " His return," says Outram, " brought 
 a most welcome reprieve from what I considered 
 almost certain destruction ; and he informed us that 
 the rest of our party had left the village some hours 
 previously, and had doubtless gone on, under the 
 impression that we had preceded them." Pushing 
 forward for two hours from village to village in 
 search of their missing friends, " we at length dis- 
 covered them in a small fort assisting at the coron- 
 ach for the dead chief, the tidings of whose fall at 
 Khelat had been received that very afternoon." An 
 hour later the whole of Outram's party hurried on 
 beneath the brilliant moonlight for eight hours over 
 some forty miles of smooth road. 
 
 During the last thirty miles they had seen *' not 
 a trace of human habitation." It was with a keen 
 sense of relief that Outram lay down by the bank of 
 a river for two hours of well-earned sleep. ^ They 
 awoke at last to find that their guide had mean- 
 while decamped. Luckily a shepherd tending his 
 flock hard by was persuaded to take the other man's 
 place. A ride of eight hours on the 19th carried 
 the party over a range of lofty mountains to their 
 bivouac in the half-dry bed of the Urnach river, 
 where for the first time their horses enjoyed the 
 forage they sorely needed. At 10 a.m. of November 
 23 they reached Sonmiani, whence Outram the same 
 
 1 Rough Notes. 
 F
 
 82 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 evening eml^arked for Karachi in a boat provided by 
 a hospitable Hindu. 
 
 At Karachi Outram rode off in his Afghan 
 costume on the pony which had borne him so 
 stoutly from Khelat to Sonmiani, to renew ac- 
 quaintance with his brother - in - law, General Far- 
 quharson. Great was the general's amused surprise 
 at the figure wdiich appeared before him, with a 
 small puggree "sparsely bound about his head, the 
 hair cropping through the interstices ; all very dirty 
 and mean -looking. There was no saddle on the 
 pony — merely a cloth over his back."^ 
 
 On the evening of the same day, the 24th, 
 Outram sailed for Bombay, where he delivered the 
 despatches which first acquainted his Government 
 with the fall of Khelat. It was now, too, that 
 Outram learned for the first time how very near 
 to utter failure had come his successful journey 
 through Biluchistan. Shortly after his arrival at 
 Bombay a party of Biluchi horse-dealers landed 
 there also from Sonmiani. They stated " that at 
 midnight of the evening on which I sailed the son 
 of Wali Muhammad Khan (the chief of Wadh, who 
 was slain at the storm of Khelat) arrived in great 
 haste with a party in pursuit of me ; and on learn- 
 ing that I had already gone, displayed extreme 
 disappointment and irritation. It would appear 
 that information of my journey and disguise had 
 been received by this chief the day after I passed 
 through Nal. To the forced march of fifty miles, 
 therefore, which was made thence by our i:)arty, 
 with the design of outstripping the flying tidings 
 of the overthrow of Khelat, I may consider myself 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILUCHIS. 83 
 
 principally indebted for my escape — my pursuers 
 having missed me at the seaport of Sonmiani only 
 by a few hours." ^ 
 
 On November 13, 1839, Captain Outram was 
 promoted to the brevet rank of major for his ser- 
 vices at Khelat. His report on the results of his 
 recent journey was duly forwarded by the Bombay 
 Government to the Government of India. From 
 both quarters he received abundant thanks for " the 
 very interesting and valuable documents " which 
 he had placed before them, " being a sketch and 
 description of the route, and narrative of that 
 officer's journey through Biluchistan from Khelat 
 to Sonmiani." ^ 
 
 In the course of the following year the Court of 
 Directors, through their Secret Committee, con- 
 ferred upon Major Outram the rank of lieutenant- 
 colonel, and Lord Auckland wrote to congratulate 
 him upon the promotion he had so well deserved. 
 But Outram looked in vain for any authorita- 
 tive announcement of this new honour. By some 
 strano;e oversight his name was omitted from the 
 ' Gazette.' In the list of honours and rewards for 
 noteworthy achievements connected with the final 
 triumph of our arms no place had been found for 
 the deeds of that tireless officer, without whose 
 ubiquitous aid the army of the Indus could never 
 have won its way to Kandahar. But Outram was 
 too proud, or too unselfish, to bring this omission to 
 the notice of those who might have repaired it. 
 "I consider that honours sought are not to be 
 esteemed," was his unfailing answer to the friends 
 who urged him to press the matter home. 
 
 * Rough Notes. ^ Outram Testimonials.
 
 84 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Had Outram's name been mentioned, as it ought 
 to have been, by Lord Keane in his Ghazni despatch, 
 his brevet majority would have been dated from the 
 fall of that place, and he would have risen to the 
 rank of lieutenant-colonel for his services at Khclat. 
 " You will have inferred," he writes to his father-in- 
 law, Mr J. Anderson, in June 1840, " from his [Lord 
 Keane's] silence regarding me at Ghazni that there 
 is a want of cordiality in that quarter — in fact, there 
 had been a coolness between us some time before, 
 . , . and though I had done more than all the rest 
 of his personal staff as a soldier, still out of mere 
 spitefulness he left me unnoticed, which, as all others 
 were mentioned, amounted to positive disgrace." ^ 
 
 If Outram scorned to plead for the justice officially 
 denied him, he was anxious at any rate to win a 
 favourable hearing from all lovers of truth and fair 
 play. The 'Rough Notes,' so often cited in these 
 pages, aimed merely at furnishing intelligent readers 
 with a plain unvarnished record of the writer's own 
 services during the late campaign. As such the 
 little volume needed no apology for its candid 
 egotism. Made up of extracts from his copious 
 diary, it contained no sort of criticism on the mis- 
 takes or shortcomings of other people. But the 
 letter already quoted shows how keenly his con- 
 science could upbraid him for having published a 
 book in which he seemed to figure as the leading 
 hero of his story. He had at first been persuaded 
 to print a few copies of his journal, " for circula- 
 tion amongst my private friends as a sort of self- 
 justification to them ; but in an evil hour I was 
 persuaded further to allow it to be published in 
 
 ^ See letter quoted iii Appendix A.
 
 MAINLY AMONG THE GHILZAIS AND BILtyCHIS. 85 
 
 England, which, now that the irritation which in- 
 duced me to put it forth in the first instance 
 has passed away, I most heartily repent of. The 
 thing was well enough as a personal appeal to 
 my personal friends, but to thrust my own per- 
 formances thus before the public I look upon as 
 most indelicate. The public, not knowing the object 
 of notes, in the first instance will naturally look 
 on me as a most unblushing braggart, as in the 
 journal I describe nothing of general interest what- 
 ever — merely my own doings. Alas ! it is too late 
 now ; my judgment was carried away at the moment 
 by my feelings and the enthusiasm of my friends." ^ 
 In view of his own preface, however, it may be 
 doubted whether any fair-minded reader of ' Rough 
 Notes ' would have discovered a trace of that vain- 
 glorious boasting for which the writer took himself 
 so remorsefully to task. Outram had none, indeed, 
 of the pride which apes humility ; but neither was 
 he given to overrating his own merits or seeking to 
 exalt himself at the expense of others. 
 
 ^ Outram Letters. The first London edition of ' Eough Notes' 
 wa3 published in 1840 by J. M. Kichardson, 23 Cornhill.
 
 86 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. JANUARY 
 1840 -SEPTEMBER 1842. 
 
 Shortly after his arrival at Bombay Major Outram 
 received a flattering letter from Lord Auckland, 
 ofi"ering him the Political Agency in Lower Sind in 
 the room of Sir Henry Pottinger, whose retirement 
 would take effect from January 1, 1840. The com- 
 pliment thus paid him was materially enhanced by 
 Lord Auckland's knowledcje of the fact that Outram 
 had always strongly condemned his Afghan policy, 
 and even foretold its disastrous failure.^ 
 
 His friends in India were not backward in their 
 congratulations. One of them, our old acquaintance 
 Mr Bax, disclaimed all credit for having helped him 
 forward on the road to success. " You will get to 
 the top of the ladder," he wrote, "as you deserve. 
 . . . Your own right hand, your own sound heart 
 and sound sense, your own energy and enterprise, 
 have accomplished everything, and I knew, a dozen 
 years ago, they would raise you to fame whenever 
 opportunity offered. 
 
 " 2 
 
 ^ Outram Services. Letters to Mr Willoughby, Secretary to the 
 Bombay Government. 
 ' Outram Letters,
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 87 
 
 Embarking from Bassein on January 13, 1840, 
 Outram landed at Mandavi on the 22nd. In pass- 
 ing leisurely through Cutch, he spent some days 
 with Sir Henry Pottinger at BhAj, and gleaned 
 from him much useful information concerning affairs 
 in Sind. His further progress thence to Haidarabad 
 was made all the easier for the help his party 
 received from the Amirs of Lower Sind. His 
 arrival at Haidarabad on February 24 was marked 
 by every token of respectful and friendly greeting 
 from members of the reigning family.^ 
 
 " We have much to do to set our house in 
 order," he writes in April to his mother, "and 
 I foresee stirring times in which I must take a 
 foremost part." The new Resident at Haidarabad 
 took up the work that lay before him with his 
 usual vigour and enlightened zeal. Chief among 
 the fruits of his earlier labours were the reduction 
 of taxes on inland produce brought to the British 
 camp at Karachi, the relief of the Indus traffic 
 from excessive tolls, and the beginnings of a friendly 
 understanding with Mir Sher Muhammad of Mirpur, 
 which ripened in the following year into a treaty 
 warmly approved by the Indian Government, and 
 gratefully indorsed by the Secret Committee in 
 Leadenhall Street.^ " The documents," wrote the 
 Committee, " relating to the renunciation by the 
 Amir of Mirpur of the right to levy tolls on the 
 Indus, furnished additional proof of the zeal and 
 
 ^ Goldsmid. 
 
 ^ In this street stood the old India House, from which the Court 
 of Directors through their Secret Committee dictated or controlled 
 the actions of their servants in all parts of India.
 
 88 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 ability with which Major Outram discharges his 
 important functions." ^ 
 
 Meanwhile Outram's anxiety regarding the pro- 
 gress of Eussian arms and intrigues in Central 
 Asia had been allayed by the disastrous issue of 
 Perovski's march across the Turkman steppes upon 
 Khiva. "We shall now have plenty of time," he 
 writes to his mother in July 1840, "to render 
 secure our new positions on the Indus at any 
 rate, if not in Afghanistan, which is and will 
 be for some time to come internally very disturbed. 
 . . . Maggy has of course announced her arrival in 
 Bombay. ... I am preparing a good house in a 
 nice garden overhanging the banks of the Indus, 
 and as our communications now will be rapid and 
 easy by steamer, I think we may make it out 
 tolerably well by going to Karachi on the coast 
 for the hot months always, where the climate is 
 then delightful. ... I see no reason for fearing 
 that I shall not be able to pay you a visit in 
 three years at the outside, for by that time I 
 shall be sure of high employment when I return 
 to India." 
 
 His hopes, however, of a speedy reunion with his 
 wife had to be deferred for several months. It was 
 not until December of that year that the building 
 and furnishing of the new Residency had been com- 
 pleted. At last, however, at the close of January 
 1841, his wife entered the new home which Outram 
 had prepared for her. He still clung to the hope 
 that as soon as Haidarabad grew too hot for her 
 personal comfort she might be able to recruit her 
 strength among the cool sea-breezes at Karachi. 
 
 ^ Outram Testimonials.
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 89 
 
 Early in June Mrs Outram fled to Karachi, 
 whither her husband hoped to follow her before 
 long. " Unfortunately," he writes to his mother, 
 " I am unable to leave my post at present, but 
 then I don't care for heat. I shall join Margaret 
 at Karachi as soon as I can get away." After a 
 few months spent at Karachi under the roof of 
 Brigadier Farquharson, Mrs Outram returned to 
 Bombay, " where I hope," writes her husband, " she 
 will be comfortable in a house she has hired for 
 herself till she goes home, which she purposes doing 
 either in January or March, and I confidently trust 
 to join her there in two years, for everything 
 promises a successful work to me in settling this 
 country, and I consider that time ample." ^ 
 
 Besides her delicate health, Outram had yet 
 another reason for sending his wife away on a 
 long leave of absence from her husband's side. 
 Lord Auckland's confidence in the agent of his 
 own appointing had already declared itself in an 
 order placing the whole of Sind, with the trans- 
 montane province of Khelat, under Outram's polit- 
 ical charge. Outram saw that his new sphere of 
 duty would make imperious demands upon his 
 time and strength in a country which offered no 
 fit resting-place for an invalid wife. As early as 
 August 18 he had taken a hasty leave of the 
 Haidarabad Amirs, and given his last instructions 
 to Captain Leckie concerning the proper treatment 
 of those princes. The kindly and generous spirit 
 of those instructions may be inferred from one of 
 the most pathetic incidents in Outram's career. 
 
 On December 5, 1840, died Nur Muhammad 
 
 * Outram Papers.
 
 90 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Khan, the acknowledged head of the Haidarabad 
 Amirs, whose old distrust of England's policy had 
 given place under Outram's soothing influence to 
 a feeling of sincere friendship for his powerful 
 nei2;hbour. On the morning before his death " the 
 Amir," writes Outram, " evidently feeling that we 
 could not meet again, embraced me most fervently, 
 and spoke distinctly to the following purport in 
 the presence of Doctor Owen and the other Amirs : 
 ' You are to me as my brother Nasir Khan, and 
 the grief of this sickness is equally felt by you 
 and Nasir Khan : from the days of Adam no one 
 bas known so great truth and friendship as I 
 have found in you.' I replied, ' Your Highness has 
 proved your friendship to my Government and my- 
 self by your daily acts. You have considered me 
 as a brother; I feel for your highness, and night 
 and day grieve for your sickness ; ' to which he 
 added, ' My friendship for the British is known to 
 God, my conscience is clear before God.' The 
 Amir still retained me in his feeble embrace for 
 a few moments, and after taking some medicine 
 from my hand, again embraced me, as if with 
 the conviction that we could not meet again." ^ 
 
 For some days before the Amir's death, Outram 
 had been a regular visitor at his bedside. On one 
 of such occasions the dying prince beckoned his 
 brother Nasir Khan, and his youngest son Husain 
 Ali, to his side. "He then took a hand of each," 
 says Outram, " and placed them in mine, saying, 
 ' You are their father and brother, you will protect 
 them,' to which I replied in general but warm terms 
 of personal friendship." 
 
 * Despatch of December 6, 1840, to the Government of India.
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 91 
 
 During; a second visit to the Amir on the same 
 evening; Husain Ali came into the room "and 
 whispered in the ear of his father, wlio smiled, and 
 informed me that the Khanum (the mother of his 
 sons) sent to say she hailed me as her brother with 
 much gratification, to which I made a suitable 
 acknowledgment. On inquiry afterwards I learned 
 that this is considered an extraordinary proof of 
 friendship, such as has never heretofore been dis- 
 played except to the nearest relations." ^ 
 
 How rightly Nur Muhammad reckoned upon 
 Outram's loyal friendship, and how nobly Outram 
 struggled, for his dead friend's sake as well as Eng- 
 land's honour, to avert misfortune from the family 
 thus bequeathed to his guardian care, the reader of 
 these pages will learn later on. 
 
 In the latter part of August 1841 the new Agent 
 for Upper Sind and Khelat was speeding up the 
 Indus to Sakhar, whence on the morning of the 
 25th he started on camel-back for a ride of 250 
 miles across Sind to Quetta, on the farther side of 
 the Bolan Pass. Accompanied b)^ one hardy serv- 
 ant, also mounted on a camel, he reached Dadar at 
 the foot of the Bolan in five days. The journey 
 was accomplished " at a season of the year," says 
 a well-informed writer, " when most men would 
 have reg;arded an order to undertake it as little 
 short of sentence of death." 
 
 Halting for two days at Dadar, he pushed on 
 through the Bolan Pass, which no one hitherto had 
 dreamed of entering without a strong escort, and 
 arrived at Quetta on September 2. On learning 
 the issue of this adventurous ride in the hottest 
 
 1 Despatch of December 6, 1840, to the Government of India.
 
 92 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 season of the year, Lord Auckland wrote to express 
 his " satisfaction at the promptitude with which you 
 have joined the headquarters of your office." 
 
 At Quetta Outram's first care was to conciliate 
 the young prince, Nasir Khan of Khelat, whose 
 father, Mihrab Khan, had fallen two years before 
 in defence of his own capital. After the fall of 
 Khelat the young Brahui prince, scorning sub- 
 mission to Shah Shuja, had led the remnant of his 
 followers into the hill country about the Bolan. 
 For many months the brave young prince strove, 
 not always unsuccessfully, to avenge his father's 
 wrongs upon the invaders of his father's realm. 
 Khelat itself fell for a time into his hands, and 
 several parties of British sepoys were waylaid and 
 destroyed or put to flight. But the recapture of 
 Khelat by Nott, and the crushing defeat of his faith- 
 ful highlanders at Mustang, sent Nasir Khan a heart- 
 sick wanderer among the wilds of Biluchistan. 
 
 The Indian Government still had a conscience, 
 and oftered for a small consideration to acknowledge 
 Nasir Khan's title to the greater part of his father's 
 dominions. But the son of Mihrab Khan was slow 
 to accept the proffered friendship of his victorious 
 foes. It was only a few weeks before Outram's 
 arrival at Quetta that Nasir Khan could bring him- 
 self to comply with Colonel Stacy's earnest invita- 
 tions to a friendly conference on the future of Khelat, 
 
 At last, on September 4, 1841, the young Khan 
 was met by Colonel Stacy and conducted with all 
 due ceremony into Quetta, where a friendly message 
 awaited him from Major Outram. Next morning 
 at a darbar, attended by several British officers of 
 rank, he was introduced to the new Political Agent,
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 93 
 
 who received him with every mark of respectful 
 courtesy. " The youth," writes Colonel Stacy, 
 " was rather embarrassed at first, but on Major 
 Outram's assuring him of the kindly feelings of 
 Government towards him, he expressed his desire 
 to become an ally of the Company," of whose justice 
 and liberality he had often heard. " He had come," 
 he added, "to enrol himself amongst the number 
 of their servants, to live under the shade of their 
 flag ; and he was willing to agree to whatever terms 
 the Company might prescribe." ^ 
 
 Outram's kindly words and frank geniality took 
 the young prince's heart as it were by storm. His 
 old distrust of the man who had played a con- 
 spicuous part in the assault upon his father's capital 
 gave place to a feeling of utter confidence in this 
 new friend, whose quiet sympathy lightened the 
 burden of his sorrows, while his cheery counsel in- 
 spired him with the hope of brighter days to come. 
 
 Escorted by a body of British troops, the young 
 Khan was duly conducted by Outram to Khelat, 
 where, in the presence of his chief sirdars, he signed 
 the treaty of friendship between himself and the 
 East India Company. On the same afternoon he 
 was publicly installed by Outram in the seat of 
 his ancestors. After the ceremony the Khan 
 shook hands with each of the British officers there 
 assembled, while a royal salute was fired in good 
 style from his Highness's own guns. " The young 
 chief," says Outram, " was visibly afi'ected — almost 
 to tears — by the good feeling displayed towards 
 him by the English gentlemen."^ 
 
 ^ Colonel Stacy's letter, quoted by Goldsmid. 
 2 Outram's letter to Mr John Colvin.
 
 94 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 So successful were the measures taken by Outram, 
 that he won the hearts not only of the Khan him- 
 self, but of all his Brahui nobles, who had been 
 fiercely exasperated by the slaughters of 1839 and 
 the sack of Khelat/ It was this act of timely con- 
 ciliation which saved from disaster the troops of 
 Nott and England in the dark days that were 
 about to follow. 
 
 In the middle of October Outram quitted Khelat 
 for Dadar, where for a time he established his head- 
 quarters, and busied himself in keeping order and 
 guarding the roads between Sind and Biluchistan 
 against the marauding tribes that infested the 
 mountain passes. He had hardly settled down to 
 his work on the Sind frontier when the first mutter- 
 ings of a storm that boded mischief to our garri- 
 sons beyond the Khaiber caught his attentive ear. 
 Emissaries from Kabul and Kandahar were already 
 passing down to Quetta and Northern Sind, preach- 
 ing a holy war against Shah Shuja and his English 
 allies. While Macnaghten was reporting " all quiet 
 from Dan to Beersheba," Outram had learned enouofh 
 to convince him that nearly all Afghanistan was 
 seething with rebellion, against a monarch whose 
 sole claim to his people's allegiance rested on a few 
 thousand British bayonets, backed by a score or 
 two of British guns. 
 
 On November 2, 1841, at the moment when he 
 was about to succeed Sir William Macnaghten as 
 envoy to Shah Shuja, Sir Alexander Burnes fell a 
 victim to the policy which he had once opposed. 
 The help which he had asked for from the canton- 
 ments outside Kabul never came, and he was cut 
 
 ^ Outram Services.
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 95 
 
 to pieces by a furious Afghan mob, in the vain 
 attempt to pass through them disguised as an 
 Afghan. That murderous outbreak in Kabul city 
 was to mark the beginning of a period perhaps the 
 most sorrowful in the history of British India before 
 the great Mutiny of 1857. It became the signal 
 for a revolt which spread unchecked day by day in 
 the face of some 5000 good fighting men outside the 
 city, whose leaders proved quite incapable of acting 
 promptly for a common end. 
 
 It seemed as if the Nemesis of triumphant wrong- 
 doing had suddenly found ns out, and paralysed the 
 hands and brains of our civil and military chiefs 
 at Kabul. The rout of our mishandled troops 
 at Behmaru on November 23 was followed by weeks 
 of divided counsels and palsied inaction within a 
 beleaguered intrenchment, held by a garrison be- 
 numbed with cold, hunger, and despair. One last 
 wild effort made by Macnaghten on December 23 to 
 secure safety for our starving people by sowing 
 dissensions among their foes was rewarded by the 
 pistol-shot which ended his own life and sealed the 
 doom of Elphinstone's dwindling army. 
 
 It is needless here infandum renovare dolorem 
 with a detailed account of the yet darker days that 
 followed the envoy's death. On the morning of 
 January 6, 1842, in compliance with a treaty signed 
 by the leading Afghan chiefs, some 4500 Europeans 
 and sepoys, with nearly 100 women and children 
 and 11,000 camp-followers, marched off from Kabul 
 through the falling snow towards a country which 
 very few of them were ever to behold again. On 
 the 13th of the same month some men of Sale's 
 garrison at Jalalabad descried a solitary horseman
 
 96 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 feebly urging his jaded pony towards the walls of 
 that friendly stronghold. It proved to be Dr Bryden, 
 the only man of Elphinstone's army who had fought 
 his way through a week of fearful suffering from 
 Afghan savagery, aided by an Afghan winter, to a 
 place of rest and safety on the road to Peshawar. 
 Of the thousands that left Kabul on January 6, 120 
 men, women, and children survived as prisoners in 
 the hands of Muhammad Akbar. 
 
 Very few of the camp - followers survived the 
 horrors of that awful retreat, which had soon turned 
 into a wild pell-mell rush through passes blocked 
 with snow, and crowned with Afghan marksmen 
 greedy for revenge and plunder. Of the sepoy 
 regiments a few score frost-bitten wretches straggled 
 ultimately into Peshawar. 
 
 The tidings of that great disaster, the most 
 shameful which had ever yet befallen our arms in 
 Asia, sent a thrill of wrathful dismay through every 
 English heart in India. " I have proved a false 
 prophet," wrote Outram on February 10 to Sir 
 James Carnac, " as regards the issue of affairs at 
 Kabul ; but who could conceive that 5000 British 
 troops would deliberately commit suicide, which 
 literally has been the fate of the Kabul garrison ? 
 From first to last such a tissue of political and 
 military mismanagement the history of the world 
 has never shown, and such dire disgrace never here- 
 tofore blotted the British page." 
 
 "Had we retained our hold on the Bfila Hisar, 
 doubtless our troops in the camp when at the last 
 extremity would have cut their way to the fort- 
 ress ; so we can only account for their not doing 
 so by the circumstance of the Shah — in whose
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 97 
 
 power we so foolishly placed it — having refused us 
 refuge ! 
 
 " Being cut off from that retreat, and devoid 
 of supplies, I can imagine the troops becoming 
 dispirited, and at last d7^iving their leaders to 
 seek for terms ; but I could not have believed 
 that any British officers could have consented to 
 such terms as appear to have been entered into ; 
 shackling their country by conditions which it is 
 dishonourable — and will be a vital blow to our 
 power in India — to abide by; besides being in 
 every respect the most disgraceful treaty that 
 Britons with arms in their hands ever submitted 
 to, — that too after proof of the utter futility of all 
 such engagements with their savage enemies, in the 
 murder of our envoy and attack on our camp during 
 the armistice." 
 
 In the same letter he rejoices to hear that General 
 Sale has refused to evacuate Jalalabad ; and he hopes 
 that General Nott will hold Kandahar and Khelat-i- 
 Ghilzai, "where there is nothing to fear." But he 
 has grave doubts concerning the safety of Ghazni, 
 and fears that Colonel Palmer's garrison will pay 
 the penalty of our recent blunders in Kabul. 
 " Within my own charge," he adds, " I confidently 
 trust to all going well, notwithstanding the volcanoes 
 around us." 
 
 In order to prove that he had not been a false 
 prophet except in one particular, Outram encloses 
 " extracts from my correspondence from Afghanistan, 
 when we first entered that country in 1839, from 
 which you will see that I then predicted everything 
 that has come to pass so far as the Afghans are 
 concerned, though certainly I never could have
 
 98 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 believed that our troops in that country could be 
 humbled to such a depth of degradation ! " ^ 
 
 A few days earlier he had written to his mother : 
 " Let me again assure you that you have no cause 
 to be anxious about my charge or myself because 
 of what has happened at Kabul, which you will 
 learn by this opportunity. This country is a level 
 plain, below the passes, where successful opposition 
 never could be made to our troops. At Kandahar 
 we have an overwhelming force which nothing in 
 Afghanistan could conquer, and at Quetta we have 
 a strong brigade posted in such a manner that the 
 position is impregnable, and while we hold those 
 positions there is no fear of disturbance in the 
 countries below the passes, besides which there is 
 no fellow-feeling between the Afghans and BiKichis, 
 and troops are pouring into the country from 
 Gujerat and Karachi which nothing in Sind could 
 withstand or would attempt to oppose. Conse- 
 quently the Amirs would not dare to rebel. Be 
 under no anxiety, therefore, on my account, my 
 dearest mother ; the outbreak at Kabul I foretold, 
 and recorded the prophecy three years ago, but 
 we are far differently situated in Sind and in this 
 country. I expect to have everything settled in 
 this quarter by about the end of the month, when 
 I shall move to Sakliar and get under cover of a 
 house for the hot season, unless I may have to go 
 up to Khelat, which I don't think likely." 
 
 On February 20, 1842, the retiring Governor- 
 General, Lord Auckland, wrote Outram a farewell 
 letter declaring his " assurance that you have, from 
 
 ^ Selections from the Private Correspondence of Lieut. -Colonel 
 Outram, concerning affairs in Afghanistan and Sind. 1839-42.
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 99 
 
 day to day, since your late appointment, added to 
 that high estimate with which I have lonsf reo-arded 
 your character, and which led me to place confi- 
 dence in you. It is mortifying and galling to me 
 to feel that plans, which you had nearly brought 
 to successful maturity, for great improvement, for 
 the consolidation of security and influence, for the 
 happiness of the population of immense tracts, and 
 for your own and our honour, should be endangered 
 by events of which our military history has happily 
 no parallel. You will, I know, do well in the 
 storm ; and, I trust, that as far as the interests 
 confided to you are concerned, you will enable us 
 to weather it." ^ 
 
 How richly Outram repaid the confidence thus 
 accorded him a sympathetic historian has set forth 
 in glowing words : "Outram was supreme in Sind, 
 and a heavy weight of responsibility fell upon him. 
 But he was equal to the occasion. His was it in 
 that conjuncture not only to maintain the peace 
 and security of the country immediately under his 
 political care, but to aid our imperilled countrymen 
 in the territory beyond the Biliichi passes. He 
 stood on the highroad to Kandahar. If that road 
 had been closed, if Sind and Biluchistan had risen 
 against us, it would have gone hard with our 
 beleaguered garrisons in Western Afghanistan. But 
 the country did not rise ; and Outram, all his 
 energies roused into intense action, grieving over 
 the dishonour that was falling upon the nation, and 
 vehemently protesting against the recreant counsels 
 of those who would have withdrawn our beaten 
 army within the British frontier without chastising 
 
 1 Outram Testimonials.
 
 100 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 the insolence of our enemies, did mighty service, 
 at a most critical time, by throwing troops, stores, 
 ammunition, and money into Kandahar." ^ 
 
 Speaking in the House of Lords, February 26, 
 1843, Lord Auckland declared that "to no man 
 in a public office was the public service under 
 greater obligations than to Major Outram ; a more 
 distinguished servant of the public did not exist, 
 and one more eminent in a long career. Major 
 Outram exerted himself in collecting camels and 
 stores ; from Rajputana, Jindpur, and other places 
 3000 camels were obtained, and marched on April 
 10 from Sakhar to Quetta, and thence to Kandahar ; 
 and with these camels General Nott was enabled 
 to effect his march [to Kabul], for which he was 
 indebted, in a great degree, to the promptitude and 
 zeal with which Major Outram acted." ^ 
 
 He protested again and again with honest fervour 
 against Lord Ellenborough's avowed intention to 
 retire from Afghanistan without making an effort 
 to retrieve the tarnished honour of our arms, or 
 to rescue the British captives from the hands of 
 the Afghans. " Nothing is easier," he wTote on 
 one occasion, " than to retrieve our honour in 
 Afghanistan, and I pray God Lord Ellenborough 
 may at once see the damnable policy of shirking 
 the undertaking." 
 
 In the course of February 1842 Outram had been 
 specially active in furnishing General England with 
 all needful means for the march of a stronsf 
 brigade through the Bolan Pass to Quetta, in 
 charge of ample treasure and supplies for Nott's 
 garrison at Kandahar. His one anxiety at this 
 
 ^ Cornbill Magazine, January 1861. ^ Outram Testimonials.
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 101 
 
 time v/as to strengthen Nott's hands at Kandahar 
 in the hope of bolder counsels prevailing at Cal- 
 cutta. Happily for Outram's peace of mind, as 
 well as the national honour, Lord Ellenborough's 
 views regarding the Afghan problem were not 
 shared by the two veterans who were burning for 
 an opportunity to vindicate the national honour in 
 spite of the Governor - General himself. General 
 Nott was of one mind with Outram in his resolu- 
 tion to hold his ground at Kandahar against all 
 assailants until events should compel him to cut 
 his way back to Quetta. General George Pollock, 
 an old Artillery officer who had fought under 
 Lord Lake and done good service in Nipal and 
 Burmah, was now intrusted with the task of lead- 
 ing a British army through the Khaibar Pass and 
 joining hands with Sale at Jalalabad. He, too, had 
 a will of his own which enabled him in due time 
 to carry his victorious troops a good deal further 
 than Lord Ellenborough had at first designed. 
 
 Outram's letters of this period to friends or 
 fellow - workers in all parts of India show how 
 strenuously he pleaded for that free hand which 
 Lord Ellenborough still shrank from granting to 
 our commanders in Afghanistan. Whether he 
 writes to his old friend Mr J. P. Willoughby at 
 Bombay, to his able assistant Captain Hammersley 
 at Quetta, to Captain Henry Lawrence at Peshawar, 
 or to Mr Herbert Maddock of the Bengal Secretariat, 
 he is always harping on the ease with which Nott 
 and Pollock could march on Kabul from opposite 
 quarters to avenge the disasters and the shame of 
 the past winter, and to rescue our compatriots from 
 a prolonged and cruel captivity.
 
 102 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 In his letter of March 13 to Mr (afterwards Sir 
 Herbert) Maddock he speaks of a severe illness from 
 which he had just recovered in time to leave Dadar 
 for the more central, if even hotter, neighbourhood 
 of Sakhar. During the fierce heats of a Sindian 
 June he travelled all the way back from Sakhar to 
 Quetta, where he arrived on the 11th, two days after 
 the despatch thence of a large convoy of camels for 
 Kandahar. By that time he knew that Nott was 
 in "direct and quick communication with General 
 Pollock " at Jalalabad. The two generals under- 
 stood each other : Lord Ellenborough's latest order 
 had allowed them to stand fast until October, 
 Meanwhile they still hoped that something might 
 induce his wavering lordship again to modify his 
 own plans in compliance with the pressure which 
 they and their friends might yet bring to bear 
 upon the Indian Government. 
 
 They had not to wait long for the next swing 
 of the official pendulum. On July 4 the Governor- 
 General issued from Allahabad an order which re- 
 lieved many a brave heart from torturing suspense, 
 and virtually gave his two generals the free hand 
 which they had wellnigh despaired of obtaining. 
 The old order for withdrawal was still to hold 
 good ; but Nott was allowed, at his own risk, to 
 choose between retiring into Sind by way of Quetta, 
 and retiring to Peshawar by way of Ghazni and 
 Kabul. Pollock, for his part, w^as empowered to 
 move forward in concert with Nott, should that 
 officer " decide upon adopting the line of retirement 
 by Ghazni and Kabul." ^ 
 
 1 Afghan Papers.
 
 SIND, KHELAT, AND AFGHANISTAN. 103 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that neither general 
 shrank from accepting the grave responsibility thus 
 laid upon his shoulders by a Governor bent on 
 proving his own consistency at the expense of his 
 moral courage. On August 9, at the head of 8000 
 choice troops of all arms, Nott began his memorable 
 march upon Ghazni and Kabul, leaving England 
 to conduct his spare troops, guns, and stores back 
 to Quetta, on their way home through Sind. 
 Eleven days later, Pollock also led his avenging 
 army, strengthened by Sale's garrison, out of Jalal- 
 abad, timing his forward movements so as to keep 
 step with the force advancing from Kandahar. 
 
 Meanwhile Outram at Quetta was slowly recover- 
 ing from a dangerous illness brought on by " the 
 worry of mind and body to which I had been 
 incessantly exposed of late, and w^atching by the 
 deathbed of poor Hammersley for several nights." 
 
 On England's jfirst advance in April from Quetta 
 towards Kandahar he retired in haste before a few 
 hundred tribesmen defending a breastwork which his 
 own troops could have carried with little loss. In 
 excuse for his own shortcomings he complained that 
 Hammersley had failed to warn him of the enemy's 
 movements. Hammersley became the scapegoat for 
 England's default of duty. The Government ordered 
 his removal from political employ ; but Outram, 
 resenting the injustice done to a zealous public 
 servant, retained him at his post on the plea that 
 his presence there was absolutely needed. Outram's 
 noble disregard of orders, and his persistent plead- 
 ings on behalf of his injured friend, were rewarded 
 only by a semi-official reprimand. The subsequent
 
 104 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 illness and death of Hammersley may have helped 
 to account for the brain fever of which Outram 
 so nearly died. 
 
 In the first days of October, however, we find 
 Outram in the field again, leading a body of Brahui 
 horsemen to guard the flanks of England's column 
 on its march homeward throuo^h the Bolan Pass 
 into the plains of Sind/ 
 
 ^ Outram Services.
 
 105 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. OCTOBER 1842-APRIL 1843. 
 
 The injustice done to Hammersley by the Indian 
 Government was not the only cause of Outram's 
 bitterness against the posturing Proconsul, who 
 cherished a lofty scorn of the whole race of public 
 servants known in India as Politicals. In fulfil- 
 ment of the pledges given by Lord Auckland, Major 
 Outram had secured the loyalty of the young Khan 
 of Khelat and his Brahui followers by restoring the 
 whole of the Shal valley to the son of its former 
 ruler. " I complain," he writes to Colonel Suther- 
 land on September 29, *' not of being bandied like a 
 racket-ball up and down this infeimal pass, because 
 it is my duty to go wherever it is thought I am 
 most required ; but I do complain of the lackey 
 style in which I am treated by the Governor- 
 General ; of the bitter reproof he so lavishly 
 bestows on me when he thinks me wrong and I 
 know I am right ; of the withering neglect with 
 which he treats the devoted services of those in my 
 department; of . the unjust sacrifice of one of my 
 most deserving assistants ; of the unceremonious 
 dismissal of five others without any communication 
 to myself whatever on the subject.
 
 106 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 " Such treatment, Ccaused solely by his lordship's 
 vexation at my advocacy of the advance on Kabul 
 and poor Hammersley's cause, would have goaded 
 many men to madness ; but I verily believe it has 
 been the resurrection of me from the very jaws of 
 death — like ^larryat's middy — for, when in extreme 
 danger the other day (brought on, by the bye, by 
 attendance on the deathbed of poor Hammersley, 
 whose death the medical men declare was acceler- 
 ated, if not positively caused, by the treatment he 
 received), the most insulting letter T ever received 
 in my life, and which I am sure Mr Maddock, or 
 any other gentleman secretary, would not have 
 penned of his own accord, arrived ; my eager desire 
 to reply to which gave a fillip to my system from 
 which I benefited at any rate." 
 
 Outram's reply to his lordship's censure would, he 
 declares, have ensured his destruction " had it con- 
 tained anything that could be refuted ; but, on 
 the contrary, elicited only acknowledgment, an 
 apology being due for a positive and unfounded 
 insult." ^ 
 
 Pushing on ahead of England's troops, he reached 
 Dadar on October 7. Leaving Dadar on the even- 
 ing of the 10th, he breakfasted at Sakhar on the 
 morninef of the 12th. Here for the first time he 
 met the redoubtable Sir Charles Napier, whom 
 Ellenborough had already intrusted with the 
 supreme control of all civil and military affairs 
 in Sind. The two men seem at that time to have 
 been agreed on the policy to be pursued towards 
 the Amirs. " Major Outram," writes Napier, " is 
 of my opinion, and I like him much, for that reason 
 
 ' Outram's Private Correspondence.
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 107 
 
 probably, for I confess not to like those who differ 
 in opinion with me." ^ 
 
 Outram was also satisfied with his new acquaint- 
 ance, " I have now," he writes to George Clerk on 
 October 16, "a most able and upright coadjutor in 
 General Napier, a man after my own heart, and 
 under whom I consider it an honour to serve." 
 
 In the same letter he congratulates his corre- 
 spondent on his promotion, " who felt so deeply our 
 national degradation, and so nobly advocated the 
 only honourable course we could pursue for the 
 retrieval of our fame, and rescue of our captive 
 countrymen. Thank God, we have escaped from 
 the lowest depth of degradation into which we were 
 about at one time to plunge, and should have sunk, 
 had it not been for the stand against it made by our 
 generals in Afghanistan, backed by the advocacy of 
 such men as Mr Maddock and yourself." 
 
 Writing to Willoughby on the 22nd, he says : 
 " Sir Charles and I are working heartily together to 
 put matters on a better footing in Sind, for which a 
 new treaty will be necessary; and I think we have 
 grounds sufficient to warrant dictating our own 
 terms. /, however, ostensibly have nothing to 
 say to the matter, his lordship having apparently 
 thrown me overboard, and no longer addresses me 
 on any subject ! " 
 
 By this time, however, the blow which Outram 
 had foreseen was about to fall upon him. In spite 
 of Ellenborough's previous assurances, Outram was 
 suddenly removed from his post. " His lordship 
 having failed in convicting me of any fault," he 
 
 ^ Life of General Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B. By William Napier 
 Bruce. Murray, London.
 
 108 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 writes to Willoiighby, on October 26, " has recourse 
 to a general measure by which he sweeps me off 
 with the whole department. A * new-broom measure,' 
 which it will take some trouble hereafter to remedy 
 the effects of. 
 
 " As I before told you I should do, I return to my 
 regiment a poorer man than when I left it twenty 
 years ago, but with a lighter heart than I have 
 enjoyed for some months past. I feel emancipated 
 from bondage of the most deoraded nature, and 
 am only too much obliged to Lord Ellenborough 
 for saving me from breaking my own head by 
 resigning." 
 
 Before leaving Sind Outram placed before Sir C. 
 Napier a full and clear statement of our relations 
 with the Amirs, and of the measures which Napier 
 and himself had deemed requisite for the readjust- 
 ment of those relations. Napier's testimony to the 
 help which Outram had given him was amply rend- 
 ered in his letter of October 28 : "I cannot allow 
 you to leave this command without expressing to 
 you the high sense I entertain of your zeal and 
 abilities in the public service, and of the obligations 
 I personally feel towards you, for the great assist- 
 ance you have so kindly and so diligently afforded 
 me ; thereby diminishing in every way the diffi- 
 culties that I have had to encounter, as your suc- 
 cessor in the political department of Sind." ^ 
 
 At Sakhar Outram counted many friends and 
 admirers among the officers under Napier's com- 
 mand. On November 4, 1842, they invited him to 
 a grand farewell dinner, at which Napier himself 
 presided. After the Queen's health had been drunk 
 
 ^ Outram Services.
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 109 
 
 with all the honours, the gallant chairman delivered 
 the following speech : — 
 
 " Gentlemen, I have told you that there are only 
 to be two toasts drunk this evening. One, that of a 
 lady, the Queen, you have already responded to ; 
 the other shall be for a gentleman. But, before I 
 proceed any further, I must tell you a story. In 
 the fourteenth century there was, in the French 
 army, a knight renowned for deeds of gallantry in 
 war, and wisdom in council ; indeed, so deservedly 
 famous was he that, by general acclamation, he was 
 called the knight sans peur et sans reproche. The 
 name of this knight you may all know was the 
 Chevalier Bayard. Gentlemen, I give you the 
 Bayard of India, sa7is peur et sans reproche, Major 
 James Outram, of the Bombay army." 
 
 The applause which greeted these words of the 
 veteran warrior testiJ&ed to the hearty response they 
 evoked from nearly a hundred throats. Outram 
 was deeply moved by the cheers that emphasised 
 Napier's crowning compliment. For some moments 
 after rising to acknowledge the toast he stood as if 
 dumb before his expectant audience. The speech 
 when it did come glowed with a natural eloquence 
 of a full and grateful heart. In acknowledging the 
 honour paid him " by such a man as Sir Charles 
 Napier, and so cordially echoed by such an assembly," 
 he accepted it only on behalf of the ' ' political corps 
 of Sind and Biluchistan, of which I was till lately 
 the chief, and receive it as a generous requiem on 
 the demise of that body." 
 
 He went on to thank the officers of the Indian 
 army for the help they had so generously rendered 
 in maintaining the peace of the provinces intrusted
 
 110 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 to his charge. " We now depart from this country," 
 he added, " with the innate o-ratification of knowing 
 that during our administration, and throughout the 
 most exciting period the pages of our Indian history- 
 can show, that not a human life has been sacrificed 
 within the limits of Biluehistan (beyond that of 
 criminals formally executed) ; that not a particle of 
 property has been pillaged, not a habitation has 
 been destroyed, not a field has been laid waste, and 
 that the population has been converted from our 
 bitterest foes to friends who now crave British 
 rule. 
 
 "As to myself, gentlemen, I say with truth that 
 although I now return to my regiment a poorer 
 man than I left it three years ago, 1 do so a far 
 prouder man than I had ever hoped I could have 
 acquired the right to hold myself, — proud in the 
 best sense of the term, and rendered so by the high 
 opinion which has this night been so publicly ex- 
 pressed of me by Sir Charles Napier, and so warmly 
 responded to by this great company, to the agita- 
 tion caused by which I beg you to attribute my 
 confused address ; for although prepared to see the 
 many gallant comrades who have so kindly met to 
 do me honour on this occasion, I certainly never 
 could have contemplated so overwhelming a com- 
 pliment as was conveyed by the comparison your 
 distinguished President was pleased to institute."^ 
 
 Returning later in the same month to Bombay, 
 Outram received the congratulations of his own 
 Government on "the satisfactory terms under which 
 he had made over his late important charge to Sir 
 C. Napier," followed by an assurance " of the high 
 
 * Bombay Times, November 1842.
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. Ill 
 
 gratification which they had derived from observing 
 the eminent zeal and ability with which he had dis- 
 charged the important duties confided to him dur- 
 ing the three last eventful years." ^ The Governor 
 himself, Sir George Arthur, hastened to offer him 
 the best appointment then at his disposal. But 
 Outran! would accept no kindness that might delay 
 for an hour longer his return home. 
 
 His arrangements for the voyage were already 
 completed, when a sudden message from the 
 Governor-General once more frustrated his dearest 
 hopes. " Alas 1 there is much between the cup 
 and the lip in this world," he writes to his mother 
 on December 16 ; "I am ordered back to Sind ! not 
 asked to suit my own convenience as to going or 
 not, but ordered positively to go, in order to 
 officiate as a commissioner in negotiating the new 
 treaties with the Amirs of Sind ; so go I must, 
 much to my disgust, although it is looked upon 
 by my friends as much to my advantage, as prov- 
 ing to the world (our little Pedlington) that my 
 late removal from office was not owing to any fault 
 on my part, and that I still retain the confidence of 
 Government. . . . 
 
 " I can only refer you for consolation to the 
 gratifying account of a public dinner given to me 
 here the other day, the largest that has been ever 
 given here to any individual except Mr Elphinstone, 
 and Sir J. Malcolm, I am told, at which almost 
 every male member of the society either attended 
 or put down their names as subscribers, and the 
 Governor and the Commander-in-Chief each de- 
 puted one of their staff on the occasion. I have 
 
 ^ Outran! Testimonials.
 
 112 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 been quite overwhelmed with kindness and atten- 
 tion, which will far more than compensate me for 
 Lord Ellenboroiigh's contumely, and loss of any 
 share in the honours which will, I suppose, be 
 bestowed on those prominently concerned in the 
 Afghan retrieval, for which I beg you will not 
 make any stir. I really begin to have a contempt 
 for such baubles, seeing how they are bestowed. 
 I embark for Sind in a steamer at four this after- 
 noon, and expect to be at Sakhar by the end of 
 the month." 
 
 Outran! arrived at Sakhar on January 3, 1843. 
 On the 12th he writes to his mother from Imamgarh, 
 "a small fort situated in the midst of the desert 
 about 100 miles a little to the eastward of south 
 of Khairpur, the capital of Upper Sind, a stronghold 
 where the chiefs of Sind are in the habit of taking 
 refuge when in rebellion or pressed by foreign in- 
 vasion, on which account Sir Charles Napier de- 
 termined to destroy the place, and advanced with 
 a light force for the purpose in eight marches from 
 Diji, where I joined him the day before he started, 
 having reached Sakhar on the evening of the 3rd, 
 from whence I made his camp on the 4th." ^ 
 
 Napier's daring march across the Sind Desert 
 from Diji to Imamgarh was declared by the Duke 
 of Wellington to be " one of the most curious mili- 
 tary feats he had ever known or read of." On 
 January 6, 1843, he set out with a squadron of 
 Sind horse, two large howitzers of the camel battery, 
 and 350 men of the 22nd Foot mounted on camels, 
 two to each in kajdivas or panniers. The eighty 
 miles were accomplished in seven marches ; " the 
 
 1 Outram Letters.
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 113 
 
 first three," says Outram, " through thick juugle, and 
 a not very bad road, the remaining four through 
 an ocean of loose sandhills, sometimes very high and 
 steep, over which we had much difficulty in taking 
 the guns." 
 
 The desert stronghold was found empty, and the 
 fortifications were blown up with the powder they 
 contained. It was a novel and brilliant feat of 
 arms, accomplished without the loss of a single 
 man ; and as a means of frightening the Amirs 
 into submission it was not without important 
 effect. 
 
 Leaving the ruined fortress on the 16th, Napier 
 marched southward to disperse a gathering of 
 hostile tribes at Dinghi, a fort about midway be- 
 tween Khairpur and Haidarabad. Meanwhile on 
 the night of the 15th Outram had been despatched 
 by Napier to Khairpur with instructions to summon 
 the Amirs of both provinces to appear at that place 
 in person, or through their vakils, on January 25, 
 in order to complete the new treaty with the Indian 
 Government. Resolved to make one more effort 
 to save Mir Rustam, the aged chief of the Amirs, 
 Outram turned aside to visit the Amir's camp a few 
 miles from Diji. " The old chief and all about him 
 received me," he says, " very civilly, and appeared 
 grateful for the trouble I took on their account, 
 but their confidence in me was evidently much 
 shaken." 
 
 The intrigues of Rustam's rival, Ali Murad, were 
 already doing their work ; and the old chiefs mis- 
 trust of his visitor's intentions was further con- 
 firmed by Outram's assurance that it was not in his 
 power " to alter the arrangements which had already 
 
 H
 
 114 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 been decided by the Governor- General," Outram 
 expressed his earnest desire " to settle all details, 
 and the arrangement of the territory that remained, 
 as much as possible, fairly towards all parties. The 
 Amir then remarked, ' What remains to be settled ? 
 Our means of livelihood are taken ; ' adding, ' Why 
 am I not to continue Rais for the short time I have 
 to live ? ' " ^ 
 
 By the evening of the 16th Outram arrived at 
 Diji after a journey of ninety miles, completed on 
 one camel through a hostile country, with two 
 Biliichi horsemen for his escort. By Januar}^ 25 
 not a single Amir from Upper Sincl had responded to 
 Outram's summons for the meeting at Khairpur; the 
 term of grace was extended by Napier to February 6. 
 Meanwhile Outram at his own request was allowed 
 to go on to Haidarabad. " I am sure," wrote 
 Napier, " they will not resist by force of arms, 
 but I would omit no one step that you or any one 
 thinks can prevent that chance." 
 
 Reaching 'Haidarabad on February 8, Outram at 
 once held a series of conferences with the Amirs 
 of both provinces. The Commissioner tried his best 
 to dissuade the assembled princes from demanding 
 redress for the w^rongs inflicted on their beloved 
 Rais, Mir Rustam, through the treachery of his 
 younger brother Ali Murad. Unless the turban 
 were restored to Rustam, and the march of Napier's 
 troops at once arrested, they could not restrain their 
 BiKichi soldiery from plundering far and wide. At 
 last, however, on February 12, the hateful treaty 
 was signed and sealed in Outram's presence by 
 nearly all the leading Amirs. On his way back 
 
 ^ Goldsmid. ,
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 115 
 
 from the port where the treaty had been signed 
 Outran! and his officers were assailed with curses 
 by a crowd of citizens and soldiers, who were hardly 
 restrained from bloodshed by the presence of an 
 escort furnished from the Amirs' own troops. 
 
 On the following day the Amirs sent to warn 
 the Commissioner that their Biltichi soldiers were 
 getting out of hand. If Major Outram stayed at 
 the Eesidency they could not answer for the result. 
 Outram assured the Amirs' messengers that their 
 masters would be held responsible for the conduct 
 of their subjects. As for retiring from the Resi- 
 dency, he declared that he would not budge an inch, 
 nor place an additional sentry at his door. 
 
 On the morning of the 15th large bodies of horse 
 and foot, numbering about 8000, were seen ad- 
 vancing towards the Residency compound, a square 
 enclosure skirted on three sides by a wall barely 
 five feet high ; while the fourth looked upon the 
 river, whence the company's steamer the Planet 
 could rake the enemy at need with the fire from 
 her single twelve-pounder. For more than three 
 hours Outram's slender garrison of 100 men, the 
 light company of the 22nd Foot and a small body 
 of Sepoys, the whole commanded by the gallant 
 Captain Conway, nobly stood their ground against 
 overwhelming odds. By that time the ammunition 
 was running very short, and the Satellite steamer 
 had reached the scene of conflict without any fresh 
 supplies of men or cartridges. Meanwhile the 
 enemy were bringing up some guns to bear upon 
 the Residency itself. The next hour, 12 to 1 p.m., 
 was spent by the little garrison in masking their 
 retreat with all the baggage from a position no
 
 116 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 longer tenable. "It was resolved," wrote Outram, 
 " as a preparatory measure, to abandon the front 
 positions of the compound. Accordingly, at a pre- 
 concerted signal, the parties posted there fell back 
 to the Residency, which then became the front line 
 of defence. 
 
 " The hour allotted for carrying off the baggage 
 having terminated, the retreat was sounded, on 
 which all posts except one were abandoned, and 
 the men closed in double march at a gate ap- 
 pointed. When formed. Captain Conway marched 
 the party by sections to the river front of the still 
 guarded post, and then marched in column directly 
 down to the steamer, the march being the signal 
 for the last batch of defenders to drop from the 
 windows and cover the retiring column by skirmish- 
 ing to the rear in extended order." 
 
 By this time the enemy had placed three guns 
 under the trees in front of the gate where our 
 soldiers had last formed, " But their fire," adds 
 Outram, "was almost entirely kept under by the 
 Planet's single twelve-pounder ; and the detachment 
 was embarked without loss, the wounded and corpses 
 of the slain having been previously removed on 
 board." 
 
 Outram's whole loss in those four hours of con- 
 tinuous fighting amounted only to three men killed, 
 twelve wounded, and four camp-followers missing ; 
 while the enemy had lost more than sixty killed, 
 and probably four times as many wounded. Thus, 
 in spite of every advantage, the assailants had 
 completely failed, in Outram's words, " to force an 
 imperfect low -walled enclosure of 200 yards square, 
 defended by only 100 men against countless numbers
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 117 
 
 possessing commanding positions and cover up to 
 our walls on three sides." ^ 
 
 On February 1 6 Outram and his gallant little band 
 arrived at Matari, sixteen miles above Haidarabad. 
 Here they fell in with the advanced - guard of 
 Napier's army. On the same day he reported 
 himself to Sir Charles Napier, whose admiration of 
 his recent exploit is thus recorded in his subsequent 
 despatch of the victory of Miani : " The defence of 
 the Residency by Major Outram and the small force 
 with him, against such numbers of the enemy, was 
 so admirable that I have scarcely mentioned it in 
 the foregoing despatch, because I propose to send 
 your lordship a detailed account of it, as a brilliant 
 example of defending a military post." 
 
 In compliance with his chiefs instructions, Outram 
 started on the same night with 200 men to set fire 
 to the woods of the Shikargah, or hunting-ground of 
 the Amirs, which were supposed to cover the flank 
 of the Amirs' forces. Throughout the greater part of 
 the next day, famous in history for the battle of 
 Miani, he was employed in trying to destroy a large 
 tract of forest, which, owing to the absence of wind, 
 " burned," he says, " very slowly and partially. We 
 only saw one body of about 500 of the enemy, who 
 made off on observing our approach ; we heard firing 
 in the direction of the army, which continued till 
 
 1 P.M." 
 
 He would have taken his men round the forest so 
 as to fall upon the retreating enemy. " The ofiicers, 
 however, considered their men too much knocked up 
 to attempt an enterprise involving a farther march 
 of some miles. We returned to our vessels about 
 
 1 Outram Papers. Marshman's History of India.
 
 118 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 sunset, and shortly after learned from the natives 
 the severe action which had taken place." 
 
 Napier held that Outram's operations " would 
 have been most important to the result of the battle. 
 However, the enemy had moved about eight miles 
 to their right during the night, and ]\Iajor Outram 
 executed his task without difficulty at the hour 
 appointed — viz., nine o'clock — and from the field 
 we observed the smoke of the burning wood arise. 
 I am strongly inclined to think that this circum- 
 stance had some effect on the enemy. But it de- 
 prived me of the able services of Major Outram, 
 Captain Green, and Lieutenants Brown and Wells, 
 together with 200 men, which I much regretted for 
 their sakes." 
 
 On the 18th Outram rejoined the victor of Miani, 
 encamped on the Indus within striking distance of 
 Haidarabad. The field of battle, through which his 
 road lay, " plainly showed, in the bright moonlight, 
 from the heaps of slain covering it, how severely 
 contested the action must have been. We were 
 soon in possession of the particulars of this very 
 sanguinary, at one time doubtful, and finally de- 
 cisive conflict. Our loss, in proportion to the 
 numbers engaged, was very heavy : 19 officers and 
 256 men, and 95 horses killed and wounded out of 
 about 2700 actually in the field. There were many 
 chiefs, and upwards of 5000 killed and wounded 
 of the enemy." 
 
 By noon of the same day several of the Haid- 
 arabfid Amirs had surrendered on the only terms — 
 " life, and nothing else " — which Napier would deign 
 to grant them. The swords which they had laid at 
 the stern old warrior's feet were at once returned to
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 119 
 
 them ; and one of their number, Husain Ali Khan, 
 was forthwith set free at Outram's own intercession, 
 " out of respect to the memory of his late father, 
 Mir Nur Muhammad, who on his deathbed had con- 
 signed the youth to my guardianship." ^ 
 
 On the following day Napier marched past Haid- 
 arabad and encamped close to the ruined Eesidency. 
 Believing that nothing more could be done pending 
 the receipt of fresh orders from the Governor- 
 General, Outram, with Napier's consent, embarked 
 on the 20th for Bombay. Two days later he wrote 
 from Tatta to his friend Lieutenant Brown, to whose 
 charge the captive princes had been confided : " Let 
 me entreat of you, as a kindness to myself, to pay 
 every regard to their comfort and dignity. I do 
 assure you my heart bleeds for them, and it was in 
 the fear that I might betray my feelings that I de- 
 clined the last interview they yesterday sought of 
 me. Pray say how sorry I was I could not call 
 upon them before leaving ; that, could I have done 
 them any good, I would not have grudged any ex- 
 penditure of time or labour on their behalf ; but 
 that, alas ! they have placed it out of my power to 
 do aught, by acting contrary to my advice, and 
 having recourse to the fatal step of appeal to arms 
 against the British powder." 
 
 It was with a heavy heart that Outram paced the 
 deck of the steamer which bore him back to Bom- 
 bay. He had witnessed the failure of all his efforts 
 to save the reigning princes of Sind from the 
 ruin they had helped to bring upon themselves. 
 And the warmth of his friendship for the great 
 captain, with whom his own nature had much in 
 
 ^ Goldsmid. Napier Bruce.
 
 120 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 common, could not blind him to the war of senti- 
 ment and opinion already blazing between them on 
 some vital questions of public policy. 
 
 Landing at Bombay before the close of that 
 eventful February, Outram had no reason to com- 
 plain of the greeting which awaited him from all 
 classes of his countrymen. The Governor himself, 
 Sir George Arthur, received him as a personal 
 friend, and persuaded him to defer his departure 
 homewards for at least another month, in case his 
 services might still be needed by Sir Charles Napier. 
 " It never occurred to me," he writes to the Gover- 
 nor on February 28, " that possibly Sir Charles, in 
 his kind consideration for my personal convenience, 
 may have let me come away sooner than he other- 
 wise would have wished ; and it is with compunc- 
 tion that I reflect on the enormous labour which he 
 certainly will have to go through during the coming 
 hot season, much of the minor details and drudgery 
 of which I might save him from. 
 
 "If such is really the opinion of Sir Charles, I would 
 rejoin him with alacrity and pleasure on the footing 
 of an acting aide-de-camp, as which I should have 
 no voice of my own in the policy Sir Charles might 
 adopt, and merely should have to carry out to the 
 best of my ability the details which he might in- 
 trust to me, which would be far preferable to me to 
 the situation in which I was formerly placed, when, 
 having a voice, I was bound to raise it as my con- 
 science dictated." 
 
 Writing to Napier himself about a week later, 
 Outram will not presume " to think that I could be 
 of much use in a purely military line, but it would 
 gratify me to share your fatigues and dangers, and
 
 WITH NAPIER IN SIND. 121 
 
 I should be no longer called upon to officiate out 
 of that line. . . . 
 
 " I am sick of policy ; I will not say yours is the 
 best, but it is undoubtedly the shortest — that of 
 the sword. Oh, how I wish you had drawn it in a 
 better cause ! " 
 
 When Outram, however, did volunteer to join a 
 detachment preparing to embark for Sind, the Bom- 
 bay Government deemed it inexpedient, in view of 
 his former services and position, to accept his offer. 
 Meanwhile, on March 25, his many friends in Bom- 
 bay held a public meeting, at which it was unani- 
 mously resolved to present him with a sword, of 
 the value of 300 guineas, and a costly piece of plate. 
 " I have always felt," wrote Outram in return to 
 Mr Le Geyt, "that to obtain the applause of my 
 comrades in arms is the highest honour to which 
 I could aspire ; but when I perceive men of all 
 classes unite with them in according to me this 
 distinguished mark of approbation, I feel my merits 
 have been greatly overrated, and that it is to their 
 partial estimate of the services I have performed 
 that I am indebted for this splendid token of their 
 approbation. 
 
 " I accept with gratitude the sword thus presented 
 to me. It w^ill be my most cherished possession 
 while I live, and on my death it shall be bequeathed 
 to my representative as the most highly valued 
 gift I can bestow." ^ 
 
 On April 1, 1843, James Outram went on board 
 the steamer which was to carry him as far as Suez 
 
 1 There were no fewer than 511 subscribers to this testimonial. 
 The sword was duly made by a London firm, and delivered to Out- 
 ram in the following October after his return from France.
 
 122 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 on his way home through Egypt. A day or two 
 earlier he had received from Dr Carr, the Bishop 
 of Bombay, a Bible and Prayer-Book, accompanied 
 by a letter, which accounted for the absence of the 
 rev. donor's name from the list of subscribers to 
 the Outram testimonial. " I felt," he wrote, " that 
 I could not consistently take part in the offering 
 of a sword, as it is the object of my office and min- 
 istry to keep the sword in its scabbard, and to 
 labour to promote peace. With these views, and 
 with feelings of great respect for the intrepid 
 bravery, ability, persevering activity, and, I will 
 add, forbearance towards the weak, which have 
 marked your conduct, I venture to offer you a 
 small tribute of respect, and to request your accept- 
 ance of a Book, a blessed Book, in which you may 
 find support in the hour of trial, and consolation at 
 that time when the sword must be laid aside, and 
 when external things must cease to interest. In it, 
 my dear sir, is to be found a peace which the world 
 cannot disturb. I pray that this peace may be 
 yours ; and with sentiments of much admiration 
 and respect, believe me to be, sir, very sincerely 
 yours, Thomas Bombay."
 
 123 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 ON FURLOUGH AND AFTER. APRIL 184:3-MAY 1845. 
 
 Writing to his motlier from Malta on April 29, 
 Outram thanks heaven that " I am now on the 
 highroad towards you, and, God willing, shall be 
 at Motherbank on the 13th, out of quarantine on 
 the 14th, and on my way from London to Scotland 
 on the 17th, so you may calculate on what day 
 I am likely to be with you. I shall stay as long 
 as I can, and then return to London, where I 
 expect to have much to occupy me for a month 
 or two. When I see you all my plans will be 
 arranged." 
 
 Once more, however, circumstances conspired to 
 upset his plans. For some days after his arrival 
 in London, Lord Ripon, then President of the 
 Board of Control, had no leisure to grant him 
 the interview for which he had applied. Outram's 
 first care on returning to England was to plead 
 the cause of the despoiled and exiled Amirs of 
 Sind with the Minister who controlled the foreign 
 afi'airs of the East India Company. For this pur- 
 pose he presented Lord Ripon with a copy of his 
 journal, which contained a full report of his con- 
 ferences with the Amirs before the battle of Miani.
 
 124 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 This report he had forwarded in February to Sir 
 Charles Napier, who acknowledged the receipt of it, 
 but for some reason or another withheld its con- 
 tents from the Governor-General. 
 
 In his letter of May 16 to Lord Ripon he pledges 
 himself " to maintain the truth of everything that 
 is stated in those papers," which show, among other 
 things, that the Amirs " never contemplated oppos- 
 ing our power, and were only driven to do so from 
 despe7rUion." In these documents Outram also 
 foretells " evil consequences hereafter if we do not 
 take advantage of our position as conquerors mag- 
 nanimously to pardon the Amirs, at least to the 
 extent of restoring their possessions if not their 
 sovereignty, thus showing to the princes of India 
 that territorial acquisition is not really our object 
 or desire." ^ 
 
 It was too late, however, for human eloquence 
 to avert the issues of accomplished facts. Even 
 before Outram left India Napier had won his crown- 
 ing victory over the Amirs' forces ; the whole of 
 Sind had been formally annexed to British India ; 
 and her exiled princes had been carried off as State 
 prisoners to their future homes at Poona and Barack- 
 pore. From a statement put forth many years 
 afterwards by Mr Gladstone, it appears that the 
 Ministry of Sir Robert Peel entirely disapproved of 
 the course adopted by their Governor-General. But 
 they felt themselves powerless to undo what Ellen- 
 borough had already done ; for, in Mr Gladstone's 
 words, " the mischief of retaining was less than the 
 mischief of abandoning " their new conquest.- 
 
 1 Outram's Correspondence with the Authorities in England. 
 ^ Contemporary Review, November 1876.
 
 ON FURLOUGH AND AFTER. 125 
 
 Outram's persistent pleadings on behalf of the 
 Sind Amirs with prominent statesmen and East 
 India Directors served, at least, to bring out the 
 sentimental side of the story told in official de- 
 spatches, and secured a respectful hearing for his 
 own version of the matters in dispute between 
 himself and the Indian Government. From Lord 
 Ripon he obtained an assurance that the documents 
 suppressed by Napier should find a place in the 
 coming Blue-Book on the aff"airs of Sind. And 
 it may have been partly due to Outram's influence 
 that the Court of Directors passed in August reso- 
 lutions condemning the policy which had turned 
 the land of the Amirs into a British province. 
 
 Beyond that burst of harmless thunder the Court 
 of Directors did not care to go. Lord Ellenborough 
 was not recalled ; the exiled princes remained in 
 exile ; and Napier proceeded to govern Sind with 
 the strong hand of a great soldier, guided by the 
 skill and genius of a resourceful statesman. 
 
 In July 1843 Outram saw himself gazetted Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel and C.B., — two distinctions which, 
 in the words of Mountstuart Elphinstone, " had 
 been promised, or more than promised, long ago. 
 Had he received these honours at the time, he 
 would now, on the principle which must have been 
 observed, of advancing each officer one step, have 
 been made aide-de-camp to the Queen and K.CB." 
 In the same letter to Mr John Lock, an East India 
 Director, Elphinstone declares that, " besides his 
 ample share in the planning and conduct of various 
 military enterprises, his political services for several 
 years have been such as it would be difficult to 
 parallel in the whole course of Indian diplomacy.
 
 126 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 . . . Coiisideriiio; all these services, and the high 
 station held by Colonel Outram when he per- 
 formed them, the appearance of his name among 
 crowds of subalterns is rather a humiliation than 
 an honour." ^ 
 
 Colonel Outram's share of the Sind prize-money 
 amounted to the value of £3000. Of this timely 
 addition to a moderate income he refused to accept 
 a single farthing for his own use, handing the whole 
 sum over to various charities in India. 
 
 Meanwhile in the early summer of 1843 Outram 
 joined his wife and mother at Cheltenham, where 
 he spent some happy weeks varied by occasional 
 visits to London. During his stay in that once 
 favourite resort of Anglo-Indians he was invited 
 to meet a number of friends and admirers at a 
 dinner to be given in the Plough Hotel. He de- 
 clined the honour on the plea of his health, for he 
 was only just recovering from a huge Sind boil 
 upon his cheek. Before the close of the season 
 he took his wife and mother to London, where 
 the former was duly presented, together with Mrs 
 Bax, at Court. 
 
 A brief experience of London gaieties and sight- 
 seeing was followed by Outram's journey to Scot- 
 land on visits of a few days each to his sister, 
 Mrs Sligo, and his ftither-in-law. Rejoining his 
 wife at Brighton, he took her on with him to 
 Paris by way of Dieppe. The close of September 
 found them back again in Brook Street, where he 
 stayed until his return to India by the mail of 
 December 1." 
 
 During the voyage he won the friendship of Mr 
 
 ^ Outram Testimonials. 2 Goldsmid.
 
 ON FURLOUGH AND AFTER. 127 
 
 Inglis Money of the Bengal Civil Service, who in 
 a letter to Sir Francis Outram tells how one day, 
 when the ship was rolling heavily, "a sergeant's 
 wife with a baby in her arms had hold of the top of 
 the companion-ladder, and did not know how to get 
 down it to the lower deck. There were three young 
 fellows standing close by smoking, and apparently 
 amused at her predicament. Just as I was on the 
 point of starting to help the poor woman, your 
 chivalrous father darted past me and, getting 
 hold of the companion-ladder, helped her down as 
 tenderly and carefully as if she had been his own 
 mother." 
 
 This abrupt curtailment of Outram's furlough 
 sprang from his own eagerness to serve his country 
 at a critical moment in her Indian affairs. In 
 November it was known that a revolution had 
 occurred at Lahore, and that Sher Sing, who had 
 succeeded his famous father Eanjit on the throne 
 of the Punjab, had been murdered by his own 
 minister, Dhyan Sing. This event was followed 
 by others which threatened to involve the rulers 
 of India in a war with their whilom Sikh allies. 
 
 In the first days of the new year, 1844, Outram 
 landed in Bombay armed with a letter from the 
 Duke of Wellington to the Commander-in-Chief, 
 Sir Hugh Gough, in which he was strongly recom- 
 mended for employment, in the event of war with 
 the Sikhs. By that time, however. Sir Hugh had 
 brought his brief campaign against the Gwalior 
 Marathas to a victorious ending, while the chances 
 of armed strife beyond the Satlaj seemed still 
 remote. 
 
 On the 23rd Outram writes to his wife from Asir-
 
 128 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 garh, on his way to the Governor-General's camp at 
 Gwalior. Three weeks later, on his way back from 
 Gwalior, he acquaints his mother with the failure of 
 his attempt to speak with Lord Ellenborough face to 
 face. "Fancy my being in the same camp yester- 
 day with Lord Ellenborough, to whom I proffered 
 my attendance as in duty bound, and to show that 
 I did not shun to meet his lordship after all I had 
 done at home 1 He, however, had no wish to meet 
 me, and declined the interview, unless I would state 
 my reasons in writing : so we did not meet." 
 
 Lord Ellenborough, however, offered him the 
 political charge of Nimar, a district lying to the 
 north of Khandesh. This appointment, so inferior 
 to anything he had held before, he was at first 
 inclined to reject. But the advice of his friends 
 prevailed upon him to accept the offer of a post 
 which was probably at that time the best that 
 the Government could bestow. On March 10 he 
 reached Mandlesar, the headquarters of his agency, 
 " situated on the banks of the Narbada, on the road 
 between Asirgarh and Mhow." Here he found " a 
 good house and garden, a doctor and his wife, and 
 one or two officers. A detachment of troops is 
 always stationed there ; it is a pretty place also, so 
 I daresay Margaret will not dislike it." 
 
 During his travels of the past two months he had 
 seen "Agra, the Taj, and Gwalior, which alone 
 would repay the journey, and met with much 
 civility and attention from everybody except Lord 
 Ellenborough." 
 
 " My life," he adds, " is that of a perfect hermit. 
 I go to office at sunrise, stay there till 10 o'clock, 
 receiving petitions, and transacting business person-
 
 ON FURLOUGH AND AFTER. 129 
 
 ally with the natives ; breakfast at 10 ; then in my 
 office at home official correspondence, &c., till dinner 
 at 4 ; ride out after dinner, then tea and read till 
 bedtime." 
 
 Meanwhile his letters to his friends in India and 
 at home were always harping on the subject that 
 engrossed his thoughts, the injustice done to the 
 Amirs, and their champion, by a Ministry which 
 refused to lay before Parliament certain papers 
 bearing on questions raised by the annexation of 
 Sind. The recall of Lord Ellenborough in May, 
 followed by the arrival of his successor. Sir Henry 
 Hardinge, failed to comfort his sorely troubled 
 spirit, or to save some of his correspondents from 
 unmerited reproach for their seeming lack of 
 sympathy with his own especial grievance. By 
 the middle of September he had thrown up his 
 appointment, and started for Bombay with the in- 
 tention of returnins^ home in the following month. 
 
 At Bombay he was still awaiting the answer to 
 his request for permission to return home when the 
 news of a rebellion in the Southern Maratha country 
 impelled him to delay his departure, and to place 
 his sword at the disposal of the Bombay Govern- 
 ment. Sir George Arthur gladly accepted his offer, 
 and proposed to send him into the disturbed pro- 
 vinces as Political Agent in room of Mr Reeves, who, 
 being a civilian, was deemed less suitable for such a 
 post than a military officer at a time when war was 
 already raging. Outram, with his wonted chivalry, 
 refused to supersede a gentleman for whose talents 
 and character he had a high respect, and who was 
 thoroughly acquainted with the state of affairs in 
 the Southern Maratha country. At the same time 
 
 I
 
 130 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 he expressed his readiness to act in conjunction with 
 Mr Reeves so long as the war lasted. Sir George 
 Arthur avowed his hearty approval of Outram's 
 generous scruples, and directed him to proceed on 
 "special duty" to the seat of war. 
 
 On October 11 Outram joined the camp of 
 Brigadier Wallace in front of the fortress of Saman- 
 garh. On the morning of the 13th the fort was 
 carried by storm, Outram himself leading the way 
 inside, and standing for a moment alone among the 
 enemy. On the same day he took part with Captain 
 Graeme and a wing of the 5th Light Cavalry in their 
 successful pursuit of a large body of the rebels. For 
 his services throughout that day he received the 
 cordial thanks of the Brigadier commanding. 
 
 The camp of General Delamotte became the next 
 scene of Outram's activities. As special commis- 
 sioner and chief intelligence officer he kept a close 
 watch upon the movements of the insurgent leaders, 
 while using his best efforts to win their submission 
 by offers of a general amnesty. Had those efforts 
 been backed by the timely movements of an armed 
 force, the rebellion might have collapsed before the 
 middle of November. It was not until the close of 
 that month that Delamotte appeared before Pan- 
 hala, a hill-fort in the State of Kolhapur, whose boy 
 ruler had fled for shelter to the British camp.^ 
 
 On December 1 our batteries opened fire upon the 
 stronghold, which was stormed the same afternoon 
 in gallant style — Outram, as usual, being among the 
 foremost to mount the breach. Several of the ring- 
 leaders fell in the assault, many prisoners were 
 taken by the troops posted outside the fort, and 
 
 * Calcutta Review, September 1845. Outram Services. Goldsmid.
 
 ON FURLOUGH AND AFTER. 131 
 
 before evening the neighbouring fort of Pawangarh 
 fell without a struggle into our hands. 
 
 As the fighting in those districts now seemed 
 virtually over, Outram returned to Bombay in the 
 middle of December for the purpose of taking his 
 passage to England. But the military commanders 
 had reckoned without their defeated foes, who pre- 
 pared to renew the struggle below the Ghats among 
 the rocky jungles of Sawant-Wari. The Bombay 
 Government, however, still needed the help of so 
 tried and trustworthy an agent, and Outram 
 promptly offered to return to the seat of war, and 
 there organise and lead a body of light troops. 
 
 Landing at Vingorla in the first days of January 
 1845, he selected two or three good oflicers for 
 service on his staff, with whom a week later he 
 arrived at the town of Wari, where he proceeded 
 to organise a column 1200 strong, made up of 
 Europeans, Sepoys, and local troops, with a few 
 sappers and a light field battery. " Never," says 
 his great contemporary, Sir Henry Lawrence, in the 
 ' Calcutta Keview,' " was the magic power of one 
 man's presence more striking than on Outram's 
 return to the seat of war." His first act was to 
 detach 100 men under an English officer back 
 to Vingorla, to allay the panic which had spread to 
 that place. From Wari he himself pushed on 
 with the bulk of his troops towards the Sivapur 
 valley, with a view to attacking the rebels on that 
 side, while three other columns were moving against 
 them from as many different quarters. 
 
 Of all these columns Outram's alone was entirely 
 successful. In spite of all hindrances he made his 
 way from one point to another of an unknown and
 
 132 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 difficult country, capturing stockades, villages, and 
 forts, with only one partial check, and driving the 
 last of the insursjent chiefs across the border into 
 the Portuguese territory of Goa. The combined 
 movement had begun on January 20. By the end 
 of that month the last band of insurgents had been 
 dispersed, and the boldest of their leaders slain or 
 captured. At Kolhapur a British officer ere long 
 replaced the native minister, and the political 
 control of Sawant-Wari was finally intrusted to the 
 capable hands of Captain Le Grand Jacob, who, in 
 Lawrence's own words, " is, like Colonel Outram, a 
 good soldier as well as an able and conciliating civil 
 officer." 
 
 Outram's brilliant services during the past few 
 months, " the energy, boldness, and military skill " 
 displayed by him, " and the rapidity and success 
 which characterised all the movements of his detach- 
 ment," were gratefully acknowledged both by the Bom- 
 bay Government and their Commander-in-Chief." ^ 
 
 Early in February 1845 Sir George Arthur ofifered 
 him the post of Resident at the court of Satara, in 
 the small Maratha kingdom, then ruled by a direct 
 descendant of that daring Sivaji who first taught his 
 countrymen to defy the armies and humble the 
 pride of a great Mughal emperor. It was not, how- 
 ever, until three months later that Outram found 
 himself free to take up his new duties, leaving to his 
 successor, Captain Jacob, the management of a tran- 
 quillised and orderly Sawant - Wari, and carrying 
 away with him the thanks of the Supreme Govern- 
 ment for his skilful handling of some delicate nego- 
 tiations with the Portuguese Government of Goa. 
 
 ^ Outram Papers.
 
 133 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. MAY 1845- 
 NOVEMBER 1848. 
 
 On May 26, 1845, Colonel Outram reached Satara 
 in company with his wife, who had rejoined him 
 earlier in the month at Bombay. On April 22 he 
 had written to his mother about his future plans : 
 *' I have had much to undergo and struggle against 
 during the past six months, but have passed through 
 the ordeal with increased credit, and believe I stand 
 higher than ever in the estimation of Government, 
 even that of Bengal, having received congratula- 
 tions of Sir Henry Hardinge on the success of my 
 measures in this country ; but I certainly cannot 
 rest under the misrepresentations cast upon me in 
 the Napier book, and hope it may induce Govern- 
 ment to permit me to defend myself, in which case 
 I have no fear of the result. . . . 
 
 " I have been so incessantly occupied since the 
 first volume of William Napier's ' Conquest of Sind ' 
 came out that I have had no time to turn my atten- 
 tion to the subject, and purposed waiting for the 
 second to tackle both at once, but the second does 
 not now appear likely to come out, as I understand 
 the Duke frowns upon it ; but there is too much in
 
 134 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 the first for me to pass over, and as soon as released 
 from my present duty I shall turn my attention 
 to it." 
 
 His present duties included the chief command of 
 all the troops quartered in Satara. During the 
 worst of the summer heats he went with Mrs 
 Outran! up the Ghats for a few weeks' sojourn in 
 the cool mountain air of Mahabaleshar. Here, too, 
 he found more leisure for completing his Com- 
 mentary on Sir William Napier's version of the 
 events which issued in the conquest of Sind. 
 Before the close of September he had already snififed 
 the first tokens of impending war along the valley 
 of the Satlaj. However pacific were our own inten- 
 tions towards the Government of Lahore, he felt 
 that the Sikh soldiery might prove so uncontrollable 
 that the collision so long expected might come at 
 any moment. "I cannot resist, therefore," he 
 writes to Colonel Gough, "again soliciting per- 
 mission to join the army said to be about to 
 assemble under the Commander-in-Chief, on the 
 mere chance of hostilities, as a volunteer." 
 
 In his answer of October 17 Colonel Gough assures 
 Outran! that the Commander-in-Chief "at present 
 sees no chance of active service either in the Punjab 
 or elsewhere " ; and that his Excellency would deem 
 it " quite out of his province to order the attendance 
 of an officer belonging to another Presidency." 
 
 Sir Hugh Cough's soothing assurances failed to 
 quench Outram's yearning for fresh fields of military 
 adventure. On December 18 he applies to the 
 Governor-General through his secretary, Mr Fred- 
 erick Currie, for permission to join the headquarters' 
 camp as a volunteer, if he can obtain a few months'
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. 135 
 
 leave of absence from his Government. Sir Henry 
 Hardinge referred the matter to his Commander-in- 
 Chief, who replied on January 4, 1846, through his 
 secretary, Captain West, that he would be happy to 
 see Colonel Outram in his camp, if he could obtain 
 the necessary leave of absence. 
 
 By that time Gough had already won two hard- 
 fought battles with the great Sikh army which had 
 poured across the Satlaj before the middle of 
 December 1845. The campaign, however, was not 
 yet over. Armed with the sanction of his own 
 Government, Outram had arranged his dak from 
 Satara to the headquarters' camp at Firozpur, when 
 on January 20 " Sir George Arthur received a letter 
 from Sir Hugh Gough of such a nature as caused 
 him to withdraw the leave which had been granted 
 to me." 
 
 "Thus has been suddenly dashed the hope of my 
 life for years past," he writes to Captain West on 
 January 24, "for which I returned to India before 
 the expiration of my furlough in November 1843, in 
 the full confidence that the recommendation of the 
 Duke of Wellington would ensure my admission to 
 the glorious field of the Punjab, which I considered 
 was the only one worthy of a soldier likely to occur 
 in my day, and the last chance I should ever 
 have of serving under the banner of a Peninsular 
 hero." ^ 
 
 The reasons for this sudden change of front are set 
 forth in Captain West's letter of February 19 to 
 Colonel Outram : " I have delayed a few days to 
 reply to your letter from Satara, thinking, as has 
 turned out to be the case, that the decisive victory 
 
 1 Outram MSS.
 
 136 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 of Subraon on the 10th instant would change the 
 face of affairs from a warlike to a peaceful hue ; and 
 when I laid your request before his Excellency the 
 Commander-in-Chief, he replied, ' Write to Colonel 
 Outram that I could have no j^ersonal motive in inter- 
 dicting his joining the army ; on the contrary, that 
 I had every desire of making the acquaintance of so 
 gallant and distinguished an officer.' 
 
 " It was, however, suggested to his Excellency, 
 when Sir C. Napier was summoned to join the army 
 of the Satlaj, that there might be some awkwardness 
 on your both being present with it ; and acting upon 
 this view of the case, his Excellency did write to Sir 
 G. Arthur pointing out the inconvenience which 
 might arise, and which to others did appear suffi- 
 ciently obvious to merit consideration." 
 
 The writer goes on to say that Gulab Sing has 
 agreed to all the terms proposed by the Governor- 
 General. "As matters have assumed an aspect so 
 decidedly peaceable, his Excellency thinks it would 
 be as useless writing to Sir G. Arthur on the subject 
 as it would be unprofitable to yourself to make so 
 long a journey for nothing. 
 
 " I can fully sympathise in your disappointment 
 at not having witnessed our glorious and hardly- 
 contested campaign ; it has been bloody indeed : the 
 Singhs have proved themselves no mean or con- 
 temptible enemy ; it has been the severest fighting 
 that ever occurred in India. 
 
 "Had you quitted Bombay to join the army on 
 the permission from his Excellency accorded in my 
 letter, you would probably have been too late for the 
 battle of Subraon. However, I repeat again, I can 
 well understand your feelings on this occasion, rec-
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. 137 
 
 ollecting as I do my own vexation at missing the 
 battles of Miani and Haidarabad." ^ 
 
 The war, indeed, had come to an end with the 
 crowning victory of Subraon. Outram, however, 
 felt as one who had been cheated of his heart's 
 desire by what appeared to him a paltry subterfuge. 
 Why should the fact of his having quarrelled with 
 Sir Charles Napier suffice to disable him from ren- 
 dering loyal service to the leader of an army in which 
 his adversary happened to hold high command ? As 
 the force which Napier assembled at Rohri never 
 crossed the frontier of Northern Sind, while Outram 
 had sought only for a place in the fighting line, the 
 likelihood of any meeting between the Queen's and 
 the Company's officer would have been infinitesimal. 
 Even if they had met, Napier surely would not have 
 wished, in the words of Outram's previous letter, 
 " to thwart a soldier's desire to serve his country 
 in the field ; and as it was never my intention to 
 intrude myself personally upon the Commander-in- 
 Chief, Sir C. Napier would have no cause for com- 
 plaint on that score. Neither is it, I should hope, 
 to be apprehended that I could ever so far forget 
 my duty as a soldier and the respect due to that 
 officer's position, as to conduct myself otherwise than 
 I ought to do towards him, should we personally 
 meet." 
 
 Meanwhile Outram was engaged in passing 
 through the Bombay press the last sheets of his 
 Commentary on General Sir William Napier's 
 ' Conquest of Sind,' a work in which the well-known 
 historian of the Peninsular War sought to vindicate 
 his brother's dealings with the Amirs of Sind by 
 
 ' Outram MSS.
 
 138 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 savagely aspersing the character and conduct of the 
 man whom Sir Charles Napier had once extolled as 
 the Bayard of India, It was only in the previous 
 June that Outram had read the second volume of 
 this remarkable outburst of brotherly devotion ; 
 and he had hastened to acquaint its author with 
 " my intention to publish, as soon as possible, 
 as full and complete refutation as circumstances 
 admit of all the calumnies and misrepresentations 
 which, with the manifest object of raising your 
 brother's character at the expense of mine, you have 
 published against me." 
 
 The Commentary was printed in Bombay merely 
 for private circulation, but a London edition, revised 
 and expurgated, came out a few months later from 
 the press of Messrs Blackwood under the title of 
 ' The Conquest of Sind : a Commentary.' Many of 
 the misstatements in Sir William Napier's work 
 " are exposed," says a writer in the ' Calcutta 
 Review,' " with unsparing freedom, but in a tone 
 of great moderation, in Colonel Outram's Com- 
 mentary, which presents, in many respects, a 
 remarkable contrast to the work upon which it 
 comments." 
 
 Of Outram's Commentary, in the words of the 
 same writer, "it may, in brief, be said, that without 
 displaying the fitful eloquence or the practised 
 literary skill of the military historian, it evinces a 
 thorough mastery of the subject on which it treats, 
 and it is written in clear, forcible, and unaffected 
 language, with an earnestness that bespeaks the 
 author's honesty of purpose, and with a scrupulous 
 accuracy to which his opponent can lay no claim." ^ 
 
 1 Calcutta Review, December 1846.
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. 139 
 
 It is needless here to dwell upon the furious con- 
 troversy aroused by these two rival retrospects of 
 the events which issued in the conquest of Sind. 
 Wild words wandered to and fro for several years 
 between the partisans on either side, and even 
 Outram was stung into making rash charges against 
 Sir Charles Napier, which he afterwards saw reason 
 to qualify or withdraw. Of Outram, however, it 
 may truly be said that in all the heat of this 
 polemic word-throwing he "nothing common did, 
 nor mean." He never knowingly hit his assailant 
 below the belt, nor could he stoop to fling back the 
 kind of mud with which Sir W. Napier had wantonly 
 bespattered him. 
 
 As to the main question at issue between himself 
 and Sir C Napier, it seems only fair to admit that 
 each of them, looking at a different side of the 
 shield, may have acted rightly from his own point 
 of view. While Outram cluns; to his belief in the 
 good faith of the Amirs, and their readiness to 
 accept, with certain limitations, the terms proposed 
 by the Indian Government, Napier, on the other 
 hand, had started with a firm conviction of their 
 secret hostility to a Power whose real strength they 
 had been tempted to undervalue. Napier declared 
 that the safety of his small army had been gravely 
 imperilled by Outram's ill-timed appeals to the 
 magnanimity of Sher Muhammad, the " Lion of 
 Mirpur," while Outram complained that his last 
 efforts to conciliate the Amirs had been foredoomed 
 to failure by Napier's sudden march towards 
 Haidarabad. The two men, in short, had been 
 working upon lines so clearly divergent that mis- 
 understandings, leading by degrees to an open
 
 140 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 rupture, would inevitably ensue. One is reminded 
 of the eager disputants in Merrick's amusing tale 
 concernin2: the colour of the chameleon. In the 
 light of subsequent history it may even be argued 
 that Outram's policy of trust in the Amirs would 
 have proved less wise for practical purposes than 
 Napier's policy of vigilant coercion. 
 
 In March 1847 Outram obtained a month's leave 
 on medical certificate to Bombay. It does not 
 appear, according to Sir F. Goldsmid, that he 
 suflfered from any serious ailment ; but the 
 sedentary life which he had lately been leading, 
 added to the long mental strain of paper con- 
 troversy, may have driven him to recruit his health 
 amonsf the sea-breezes and social recreations of 
 Malabar Hill. He had not long returned to Satara 
 when Sir George Clerk, the new Governor of Bom- 
 bay, offered him the post of Resident at Baroda, 
 the chief native state on that side of India. This 
 appointment was at that time the highest which 
 the Bombay Government could bestow ; and Sir 
 George Clerk had warmly sympathised with Out- 
 ram's earnest efforts to secure an honourable retreat 
 from Afghanistan. He had followed Outram's sub- 
 sequent career with admiring interest, and in May 
 of this year he gladly offered him an appointment 
 worthy of his deserts. " My appointment," writes 
 Outram to his mother on May 17, "to the highest 
 political situation under the Bombay Government, 
 is looked upon by the service generally as a triumph 
 over the Napiers ; but I shall never consider myself 
 righted until I am replaced in political employment 
 under the Government of India, from which Lord 
 Ellenborough removed me, and until the condemna-
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. 141 
 
 tion his lordship recorded against me, respecting 
 Sind, is expunged." 
 
 The Baroda State was one of those Maratha king- 
 doms which the vassals of the Peshwas had carved 
 out for themselves in the eighteenth century from 
 the ruins of the old Mughal Empire. Outram was 
 no stranger to some parts of the country now placed 
 under his political charge. His official experiences 
 in Khandesh and the Mahi Kanta from 1835-38 had 
 thrown much curious light on the dealings of native 
 officials throughout the provinces governed by the 
 Gaikwar.^ His new appointment seemed to open to 
 him a wide field of administrative reform, and he 
 "hastened," says an able writer, "to enter on its 
 duties, cheered with bright visions of the lasting 
 benefits which he hoped to confer on the prince and 
 people of Baroda. 
 
 "But these visions were not destined to be 
 realised. Before he could mature his plans he was 
 grieved to discover that the corruption, which in 
 former days he had helped to combat, was not 
 extinct ; that the long-cherished popular belief in 
 the corruptibility of the Bombay Government still 
 survived ; and that this belief was not less potent 
 for mischief than he had found it to be in 1837. 
 The further he carried his inquiries, the more 
 forcibly was the conviction impressed on his mind. 
 And he saw that till a more healthy moral tone 
 could be introduced into the native department of 
 his diplomatic establishment, and a more elevated 
 estimate of the integrity of Bombay functionaries 
 
 ^ Gaikwar, or cowherd, was the title bequeathed to his successors 
 by Pilaji Gaikwai', the Maratha peasant who founded the reigning 
 dynasty of Baroda.
 
 142 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 forced on the native community, vain must be his 
 efforts to promote the mental or material improve- 
 ment of the people." ^ 
 
 The task to which our modern Hercules addressed 
 himself might have taxed the courage of him who 
 slew the Hydra and achieved the cleansing of the 
 Augean stables. Outram's own particular monster 
 was called by the natives khatpat, a term which 
 included every kind of corrupt influence, from 
 bribery to blackmailing. In Baroda the trail of 
 this serpent was over all departments of public 
 business, and its poisonous breath seems to have 
 tainted the official atmosphere of Bombay itself. 
 " The great art of life," as Kaye has well observed, 
 "is to make things pleasant. A troublesome man 
 is the despair of his superiors ; he must have as 
 good stuff in him as you, James Outram, if his 
 stirrings do not bring him to grief." ^ 
 
 How zealously the new Resident went to work 
 may be seen from his letters of July 1847 to his 
 assistant, Captain Fulljames, at Ahmadabad. After 
 recounting the misdeeds of one Baba Nafra who had 
 just been arrested on the charges of bribery and 
 abduction, he goes on to speak in no flattering 
 terms of Narsu Pant, for several years the con- 
 fidential agent at the Baroda Residency. "A cun- 
 ning fellow like Narsu Pant would have little diffi- 
 culty in trumping up f{ilse charges. But Mr Narsu's 
 tether is very short, and I doubt not that in a few 
 days his own misdeeds will be fully exposed — he 
 must be quaking in his shoes, knowing as he does 
 what there is against him." 
 
 In another letter he gives his assistant " full 
 
 1 Outram Services. ^ Cornhill Magazine, January 1861.
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. 143 
 
 authority to search the magisterial and other 
 judicial records — the records of the Kolie corps, 
 &c., &c. — and to quote from them whatever may 
 be necessary to your report on the state of the 
 police and working of the corps, and everything 
 connected therewith." 
 
 "Your report," he adds, "will, I have no doubt, 
 be sufficient to afford Government ground for 
 utterly reforming the whole system of police, and 
 on handing it up I shall submit the reorganisation 
 I would recommend ; so if you have any further 
 suggestions to oflfer beyond those you have already 
 given me, let me have them by the time I receive 
 your report." And he concludes by telling Full- 
 james to be in no hurry with his report ; " it is of 
 more importance it should be full and convincing 
 than that it should go in soon." 
 
 Writing again to Fulljames on December 1, with 
 regard to some further reports on the police, Outram 
 suggests that he might " find a way to comment on 
 the ill-working of those united functions (revenue 
 and magisterial) without appearing unnecessarily 
 to intrude what must be so unpalatable to the Civil 
 Service, and if your and Wallace's supplementary 
 reports come through me, I will then take the 
 opportunity to say my say also." 
 
 Eeferring to a case of opium robbery which had 
 not yet been brought clearly home to the actual 
 culprits, although so many persons had been con- 
 fined on suspicion, " I wish much," he says, " you 
 would try by a second examination of the prisoners 
 in Ahmadabad to elicit further evidence, otherwise 
 I fear it never will be brought home to the rascals." 
 " Might you not," he adds, " with sanction of the
 
 144 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 judge, hold out a promise of pardon to one or two 
 of them if they gave such information as will lead 
 to the conviction of the culprits ? or might you not 
 get some of those who are to be released on secur- 
 ity, to come forward as Queen's evidence ? " 
 
 In the year 1848 a change of ill-omen to Outram 
 occurred in the Government of Bombay. His 
 staunch friend Sir George Clerk was driven by ill- 
 health to resign his office, and Lord Falkland was 
 sent out to fill his place. Towards the end of April 
 Outram 's home at Baroda was saddened by the un- 
 timely death of Mrs Outram's brother, Lieutenant 
 Anderson, who had been foully murdered, together 
 with his civil colleague, Mr Vans Agnew, by the 
 soldiers of Mulraj, the Diwan or Governor of Mul- 
 tan. The two victims of unforeseen treachery had 
 been deputed by the Lahore Darbar to instal a new 
 Governor at Multan in the room of Mulraj, who had 
 lately tendered his resignation. With regard to 
 Lieutenant Anderson, Outram writes to his mother 
 on May 16: "It is indeed a sad, sad termination 
 to the career of one of the noblest young men I 
 ever knew, when he thoufrht he had attained a 
 sure 23ath to fame and honour. Our last letter 
 from him, written the day he embarked at Lahore 
 to sail down to Multan, was full of hope and 
 
 While Herbert Edwardes was leading his Bannu 
 levies across the Indus to the very walls of Mulraj 's 
 stronghold, it was becoming daily clearer that the 
 outbreak at Multan had set fire to the fuel of a 
 general Sikh revolt against a Government impelled 
 by British officers and protected by British ba3^on- 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 FROM SATARA TO BARODA. 145 
 
 ets. Outram, as usual, longed to play his part in 
 the coining struggle between the whole Sikh nation 
 and the Government of Lord Dalhousie, who had 
 gone out to fill the place vacated by Lord Hardinge. 
 In a letter to Sir Frederick Currie, who was acting 
 at Lahore as British Resident in the room of Sir 
 Henry Lawrence, absent for a time on sick-leave 
 to Europe, Outram urged the propriety of securing 
 the services of the Sind camel corps, and a regiment 
 of Sind horse, for the defence of Bhawalptir from 
 the inroads of the Multani rebels. 
 
 For this end he was ready to act in concert with 
 Major John Jacob. "If you intrust my friend 
 Jacob and myself with this duty," he writes, " de- 
 pend upon it we shall not lie idle, nor allow the 
 Multanis to cross to this side of the river with im- 
 punity, and shall so puzzle Mulraj by our feints 
 and movements as to deter him, in a great measure, 
 if not altogether, from attempting any distant opera- 
 tions until our regular army can come down upon 
 him."^ 
 
 Shortly afterwards he applied to Lord Dalhousie 
 himself for employment on a roving commission of 
 the kind already proposed. The Governor-General 
 expressed his readiness to further Outram's wishes ; 
 but in view of pending arrangements for the de- 
 spatch of a Bombay column to co-operate with the 
 troops of Bengal, he held it better that Outram 
 should apply to his own Government for the requi- 
 site permission. The consequent reference to Bom- 
 bay resulted only in a polite refusal of Colonel 
 Outram's request. 
 
 On September 12, 1848, Outram left Baroda on 
 
 1 Outram MSS. 
 E
 
 146 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 medical certificate, arriving five days later in Bom- 
 bay. In the autumn of the previous year he had 
 been attacked with erysipelas, which nearly caused 
 his death. A year later, excessive brain-work in a 
 very unhealthy climate had developed symptoms 
 so alarming that his medical advisers insisted on a 
 complete change of scene and air. The six weeks 
 that Outram spent in Bombay were chiefly em- 
 ployed in vainly urging the Government to carry 
 out some of the measures advocated in his official 
 reports on the state of things at Baroda. At last, 
 on November 3, he embarked with his wife for 
 Suez, whence Mrs Outram would pass on to her 
 Scottish home, leaving her husband to recruit his 
 health and enlarge his mental outlook by a length- 
 ened sojourn in the land of the Pharaohs and the 
 Ptolemies.
 
 147 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 
 NOVEMBER 1848-FEBRUARY 1852. 
 
 After landing at Suez, Colonel and Mrs Outram 
 proceeded across the Desert in one of those vans 
 which carried passengers between Suez and Cairo in 
 the early days of the Overland route from India to 
 England. Towards evening they came across a van 
 which was bearing Sir Henry Lawrence back to the 
 Punjab after an absence of less than a year. The 
 meeting between these two men, who had never 
 seen each other before, is described by Lady Law- 
 rence in a letter to her son Alexander : " Our vans 
 stopped ; papa got out, and, in the twilight, had ten 
 minutes' talk with Colonel Outram. They have long 
 known each other by character, and corresponded 
 pleasantly, but had never met before. There is 
 much alike in their characters ; but Colonel Outram 
 has had peculiar opportunities of protesting against 
 tyranny, and he has refused to enrich himself by 
 ill-gotten gains. . . . 
 
 " Colonel Outram, though a very poor man, would 
 not take money which he did not think rightfully 
 his, and distributed all his share in charity — giving 
 £800 to the Hill Asylum at Kussowli. I was glad,
 
 148 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 even in the dark, to shake hands with one whom I 
 esteemed so highly." ^ 
 
 Early in December Outram parted from his wife 
 at Alexandria on board the steamer which was to 
 convey her back to England. Finding Alexandria 
 intolerable after her departure, he returned up the 
 Nile towards Cairo in the steamer which had brought 
 him down. At Cairo he began to study Arabic with 
 a view to extending his travels as far west as Tunis. 
 A qualified teacher had been found for him by the 
 well-known missionary Mr Leider. "As I have had 
 no practice," he writes to Mrs Outram, " in learning 
 languages for thirty years past, I fear I shall prove 
 a very stupid pupil." In the following year, how- 
 ever, his letters from Bombay served to convince 
 him that his scheme for visiting Tunis was a vain 
 thing under the terms of his furlough to Egypt. 
 " I am informed," he writes, " that my tether extends 
 only to 36 degrees of north latitude, and 30 longitude 
 E. of Greenwich." 
 
 Before leaving India he had been ordered by his 
 doctors to keep always moving as the best means of 
 regaining his health. The first two months of 1849 
 were occupied by him in a careful survey of the 
 route across the Desert from Keneh to Kosseir, the 
 same route which Baird's Indian contingent had 
 traversed in the opposite direction during the war 
 with Napoleon in 1801. On this occasion he was 
 accompanied by Mr Stuart Poole, nephew of the 
 well-known Arabic scholar, Edward Lane.^ 
 
 ^ Life of Sir Henry Lawrence. By Sir Herbert Edwardes and 
 Herman Merivale, C.B. 
 
 2 Author of ' Modern Egyptians,' and translator of ' The Arabian 
 Nights.'
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 149 
 
 On mounting his camel at Keneh for the trip 
 across the Desert Outram wore a resrulation sword. 
 "Don't wear that, Colonel ; they will find you out," 
 entreated Mr Poole. " Do you think," he answered, 
 " I will wear anything but the Queen's sword ? " So 
 he went undisguised, and the suspicions that his 
 frankness excited nearly " led to my being carried 
 off during his absence." On his previous voyage up 
 the Nile as far as Thebes he had taken note of 
 every good military position along the route. " He 
 would say of a fine temple, ' What a splendid posi- 
 tion ! " With a great respect for learning, he cared 
 very little for antiquities." 
 
 In his account of the trip Mr Stuart Poole was 
 deeply impressed by " the strength and individuality 
 of his disposition, his warmth of heart, his great un- 
 selfishness, his absolute confidence in me. ... At 
 that time he seemed to me in full strength of body 
 and mind. He struck me as not unlike Cromwell in 
 face, though of a far more refined type, marked in 
 the firm and delicate modelling of the mouth, espe- 
 cially in the upper lip. He had a soldier's piercing 
 eyes, changing in a moment from command to 
 gentleness. In speech he was hesitating, but when 
 he was warmed by his subject he could speak 
 forcibly. He was consumed by ambition, yet I 
 never knew a more modest man." 
 
 Just as they were setting out on their return 
 journey from Kosseir, the news of the hard-fought 
 and only half-won battle of Chilianwala excited 
 Outram to the verge of madness. " I will go back 
 at once," he said, " and serve as captain in my old 
 black regiment." During their voyage down the 
 Nile to Cairo Outram "kept the boatmen at work
 
 150 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 night and day. Sleeping in the cabin next to his, I 
 was constantly roused by his shouts to the exhausted 
 men to go on rowing. A mutiny broke out, and the 
 men were taken before a Turkish governor, who 
 politely offered to have them bastinadoed all round. 
 Outram, of course, could not consent, and the old 
 state of things returned." 
 
 By the time the travellers reached Cairo they 
 knew that Lord Gough had won the crowning vic- 
 tory of Gujarat, and Outram " was full of regret for 
 the discomfort his impetuosity had caused." 
 
 One characteristic incident of the return voyage 
 must not be omitted. " One day when we had no 
 meat for dinner I shot a pigeon. Outram, ardent 
 sportsman as he was, said to me sadly, ' I have made 
 a vow never to shoot a bird.' He would not eat the 
 bird, which was given to an old peasant woman, and 
 we dined as we could," ^ 
 
 So intense had been Outram's anxiety concerning 
 the progress of our arms in the Punjab that on one 
 occasion he sped down the Red Sea to Aden, intend- 
 ing if need arose to catch the first steamer thence 
 for Bombay. " Every officer," he writes to his wife, 
 " who has eaten the Company's salt is bound to do 
 so likewise in whatever part of the world he may 
 happen to be situated." Happily the news that 
 reached him by the next homeward mail seemed 
 to justify his immediate return to Suez, and to his 
 self-appointed task in Egypt. The date of this 
 Aden episode is not given by his biographer, but 
 in all likelihood it occurred just after his journey 
 across the Desert to Kosseir. 
 
 By the end of March 1849 Outram was speeding 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 151 
 
 down the Nile to Damietta, on the eastern mouth 
 of that river. After a long and careful inspection 
 of a town which had once been the centre of a 
 thriving trade, he returned to Cairo about the end 
 of April. In the following month he started on 
 a similar errand for Rosetta, on the western mouth 
 of the Nile ; but on this occasion he was too ill to 
 leave his boat, and the visit had to be deferred to a 
 later season. In June we find him at Alexandria, 
 sufiering from a sharp attack of spinal rheumatism, 
 brought on by imprudent bathing. To shake ofi" 
 this painful malady he started on the 20th for a 
 cruise along the Syrian coast. The first days of 
 his voyage were days to him of unspeakable agony. 
 He lived entirely upon tea, and was unable to walk 
 without support. After a while his health began 
 to improve, and soon after landing at Smyrna he 
 reported himself as nearly free from pain, and able 
 at last to sit up and write. 
 
 By the middle of August he was strong enough 
 to make an excursion to Beyrout, whence he rode 
 up to the Lebanon, where, says Sir F. Goldsmid, 
 "he had once contemplated passing the hot weather. 
 But the trip was enough to satisfy him, and he 
 forthwith rode down again." In a letter of October 
 2 to his wife, written shortly after his return to 
 Cairo, he declares that he was never better in bodily 
 health. In the course of the same month he made 
 another trip to Damietta, to complete his survey 
 of that neighbourhood. A second visit to Rosetta 
 furnished him with fresh materials for the report on 
 which he was engaged. This report was afterwards 
 completed at Cairo, and is, in the words of his 
 biographer, " an admirable example of the useful
 
 152 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 account to which au able and active-minded soldier 
 may turn a twelve or fifteen months' furlough in 
 a foreign country," 
 
 The body of this exhaustive Memoir, compiled for 
 the instruction of the Court of Directors, comprised 
 more than a hundred pages of closely printed fools- 
 cap. Of the twelve sections into w^hich it was 
 divided, " the first," says Sir F. Goldsmid, " deals 
 mainly with the fortifications of Alexandria, but is 
 in other respects a political review ; the second is 
 a valuable notice of the resources of Egypt, touching 
 on military establishments, revenues, agricultural 
 products, and means of transport ; the third is a 
 retrospect of French campaigns under the first 
 Napoleon ; and the remaining nine may be generally 
 classed together under the heads of political, strateg- 
 ical, and hypothetical." 
 
 The appendices were even bulkier than the 
 Memoir itself. From Mr Stuart Poole we learn 
 that his uncle Mr Lane and his brother rendered 
 Outram no little service in the preparation of this 
 report. 
 
 In April 1850 the document was laid before the 
 Government of Bombay, by whom it was duly 
 forwarded to Lord Dalhousie for transmission to 
 the Secret Committee in Leadenhall Street. The 
 Governor - General entirely concurred with Lord 
 Falkland in the tribute paid by the latter to the 
 "distinguished and honourable zeal" displayed by 
 Colonel Outram in his country's service, " under 
 the pressure of ill-health and other unfavourable 
 circumstances." Lord Palmerston, who was then 
 at the Foreign Oftice, testified to the value of 
 Outram's Memoir, and declared his belief that, if
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 153 
 
 the Russo-Turkisli differences had continued, Outram 
 would have been asked to remain in Egypt. 
 
 In his reminiscences of this period Mr Stuart 
 Poole touches upon some noteworthy traits in 
 Outram's vivid personality. "At this time," he 
 says, " I saw much of Colonel Outram, His con- 
 versation usually turned on the wrongs of the 
 Amirs of Sind, the Baroda bribery, and not seldom 
 on the native races and how they should be 
 governed. It now strikes me that he lost mental 
 strength from the power an id^e fixe had of getting 
 entire command of him. On native questions, I 
 may add, that without being sympathetic, owing 
 possibly to his want of linguistic facility, he was 
 full of a desire for equal justice to all, and com- 
 mented on acts of spoliation or harshness wdth the 
 keenest indignation. He was so sensitive to fair 
 play that he spoke of being hurt with his brother 
 officers for picking off Afghan matchlock-men who 
 innocently came within range of their rifles. He 
 never could be made to tell or verify any story 
 of his own achievements. Whatever I knew came 
 out by accident. Thus once he said, ' I like that 
 stick ; I took a hill-fort with it ! ' Another time 
 he told how, as a subaltern, he had called out the 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay army for not 
 giving him a chance of active service in Burmah, 
 when that gallant old officer, while regretting he 
 had not the chance of a shot at Outram, whose 
 challenge no one at Puna would carry, yet sent him 
 at once to the front. 
 
 " Even the incidents of his tio-er-hunts were with- 
 held from us. The deep scars on his head were 
 admitted to be the marks of claws, but he would
 
 154 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 never acknowledge or deny the story that his head 
 was once in a tiger's mouth, when a well-directed 
 bullet from a friend's gun relaxed the brute's jaw^s. 
 He lived sparingly, but lavished everything in pres- 
 ents to his friends. His only amusement was chess, 
 and his only indulgence smoking either a hookah, 
 of which he took half-a-dozen w4iiffs, or a cigar." 
 
 " I wish," continues Mr Poole, " I could re- 
 member his conversation on political matters, but 
 except in the cases of Sind and Baroda, and his 
 strong indignation against those who would not 
 have rescued our captives in Afghanistan, I cannot 
 venture at this distance of time to put on paper 
 what he said of those high in office. He had a 
 strong feeling of personal responsibility, and spared 
 no one who was not true to this test. Consistently 
 he was the first to see and reward merit in young 
 men. ^ 
 
 On January 21, 1850, Outram started from Suez 
 on his return to India, landing at Bombay on 
 February 7. In the previous December he had 
 written from Cairo to Captain Fulljames : " Thank 
 the Lord, my pilgrimage is now nearly over. I 
 never was more tired of anything in my life, and 
 most willingly would have gone back months ago, 
 could I have had any excuse for returning before 
 my time was up. I tried it once, and got as far as 
 Aden, but the termination of the war, which I there 
 learned, deprived me of that plea, so I had to come 
 back £120 out of pocket by the trip. I should 
 return by this mail had I not two more journeys 
 to make to complete my inspection of Egypt, which 
 I may as well finish since I am about it." 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 155 
 
 His moods at this period seemed to have varied 
 like the play of light and shadow across a wind- 
 stirred landscape. According to his biographer, his 
 letters home in 1849 betrayed a marked unwilling- 
 ness to resume his duties at Baroda. He had even 
 applied to Lord Dalhousie for the next vacancy 
 at Nagpur. "He would have almost preferred 
 retirement from the service altogether, had his 
 means permitted ; and to have become Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Addiscombe, in succession to Sir 
 Ephraim Stannus, then shortly to retire, would 
 have been to him a most acceptable contingency." 
 Still longing for home, he appears to have indulged 
 in visions of some quiet retreat, where " he and his 
 wife and son might live together in peace until time 
 should bring about a more propitious state of things." 
 
 In Bombay he enjoyed for a time the hospitality 
 of his old friends the Willoughbys, pending their 
 departure thence to Mahableshwar. He was cheered, 
 too, by welcome letters from the Lawrences at 
 Lahore, in one of which Lady Lawrence tells him 
 how " we often talk of our ten minutes' acquaintance 
 with you in the Desert, and only wish it could be 
 carried somewhat further." 
 
 Outram returned to Baroda in May, determined, 
 in spite of all discouragement from headquarters, 
 to carry on his thankless crusade against hhatpat. 
 On the following day, the 9th, Captain and Mrs 
 Fulljames came to stay with him, and relieved for a 
 time what he called " the melancholy of the great 
 house," Between 4 a.m. and sunrise he would take 
 his morning ride, after which he usually sat at his 
 desk until his breakfast hour at nine. Half an hour 
 later he returned to his work till sunset. A drive
 
 156 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 to the parade-ground, followed by half an hour's 
 walk, filled up his time before dinner, after which 
 he generally wrote for two or three hours ; retiring 
 punctually to rest at 9 p.m. Although he liked the 
 officers and found their messes good, he never dined 
 at mess. "As I always go to bed at nine," he 
 writes, " to enable me to get up before daybreak, 
 I cannot suit myself to the late hours." 
 
 His assistant. Lieutenant Battye, " kind and 
 honest-hearted as ever," was always present at the 
 dinner-table, where several officers from camp were 
 often welcome guests. For their amusement he 
 resolved to " perpetrate one piece of extravagance. 
 . . . The grand undertaking is a bathing-tank, to 
 be erected beside the well near the flagstaff : it is 
 to be forty feet long and twelve broad, which will 
 be a great luxury to all, for at present there is no 
 place where they can get a swim." 
 
 "My crusade against corruption goes on," he 
 writes to his wife in December ; "no light work," 
 as we have seen already. But the incessant occu- 
 pation appeared to agree with him, for he "never 
 was better." Christmas, however, brought with it 
 the inevitable longing to strike work at Baroda and 
 hasten homewards to his family circle. " Oh, how 
 I wish," he writes, " I could be of the party ! What 
 a contrast to a happy Christmas is my solitary 
 condition here ! " Battye had gone away for two 
 months' leave on account of ill-health, and he was 
 once more alone. He was still busily engaged in 
 " prosecuting corruption cases," despite the ill-will 
 he encountered from natives of all classes. " I am 
 progressing slowly but surely," he writes, " in spite 
 of every obstacle, and assuredly shall succeed ; but
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 157 
 
 the villainy, hypocrisy, and unblushing perjury I 
 meet with at every turn, together with the apathy 
 of the Government, so thoroughly have disgusted me 
 that I am determined to shake the dust off my feet 
 and leave Baroda when I have finished the work." ^ 
 
 In April 1851 we find Outram in Bombay, 
 exchanging warm farewells with his old friend 
 Willoughby, who was about to return home. 
 "With his departure I feel," he said, " as if almost 
 my last tie to India were severed." Before the 
 end of May he was back again in Baroda, disheart- 
 ened by the failure of the Bombay Government to 
 make good their promises of support in his cam- 
 paign against corruption. They appointed a special 
 Commission to retry the cases which he himself had 
 carefully investigated, and that arch-ofi'ender Narsu 
 Pant, against whom the Resident had sent in five 
 damning charges, became once more free to parade 
 the streets of Baroda in all the pomp and splendour 
 of his former greatness. 
 
 By this time Outram saw that the days of his 
 official life at Baroda were already numbered. In 
 October he forwarded to Lord Falkland's Govern- 
 ment, for submission to the Court of Directors, a 
 long and fearless report on the khatpat cases. " In 
 framing that report," he says, " I deemed it my 
 duty to leave nothing untold which was requisite 
 to enable the Court of Directors (from whom the 
 Bombay Government had withheld my appeals) to 
 judge of the nature and propriety of those official 
 obstructions which had been thrown in my way." ^ 
 
 1 Goldsmid. 
 
 2 Baroda Intrigues, and Bombay Khatpat. By Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Outram, C.B. Smith, Elder, & Co., London.
 
 158 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Lord Falkland's answer to so direct a challenge 
 was not long in cominsr. It seemed to the Bombay 
 Government that Outram's report was couched in 
 terms disrespectful to itself, and likely to impair 
 its friendly relations with the Gaikwar. An angry 
 letter from the Governor in Council dispensed with 
 Outram's services in Baroda, but allowed him to 
 withdraw in the manner least offensive to his own 
 feelings, and least calculated to embarrass the Gov- 
 ernment. Outram replied by requesting leave to 
 visit the Presidency for a month from December 
 15, — an arrangement which, he trusted, would give 
 the Government sufficient time for appointing his 
 successor. 
 
 " Do not fancy," he writes to his mother, " that 
 I am at all cast down by this. I fully expected it, 
 and am not sorry to get away from this sink of 
 iniquity ; though, of course, I should have preferred 
 a more honourable retreat." 
 
 " You must not think," he adds, " that I am 
 coming home to agitate, or to induce the Court to 
 censure or annul the measures of the Bombay Gov- 
 ernment. Under any circumstances I should never 
 be induced to place myself in opposition to my own 
 Government ; and the wording of their present 
 letter certainly would not warrant me in doing so 
 now." 
 
 He would simply leave it to the Court of Directors 
 to decide whether he could have acted otherwise 
 than he had done ; for "I am certain that a care- 
 ful perusal of the whole correspondence, and espe- 
 cially of the Uhatipat report, upon which the Govern- 
 ment's letter is based, will assure the Court that 
 however right Government may be in removing me
 
 FROM BARODA TO EGYPT AND BACK AGAIN. 159 
 
 from hence, there rests not the shadow of a stain 
 on my character as a man or as a diplomatist." ^ 
 
 There was one circumstance in Outram's career in 
 Baroda which he had never mentioned to his own 
 family, or even to any of his friends in Bombay. 
 There is no doubt that his life was attempted, not 
 once, but several times during the progress of his 
 khatpat crusade. The strange and mysterious ill- 
 ness which had driven him to Egypt was attributed 
 by his doctors to poison, administered either in his 
 food or in the hookah which he generally smoked. 
 Similar practices were employed against him after 
 his return to Baroda. 
 
 In a confidential letter of October 1850 he tells 
 Captain Eastwick how he had lately been on the 
 eve of succeedinof in his investigations " resardins 
 Baba Nafra's villainy in the Jatabai affair." Up to 
 that time he had been in good health, and it was 
 most important that his health should remain good. 
 " I began to fall into a somnolent condition, and to 
 present all the symptoms which medical men con- 
 sider to indicate the operation on the system of 
 narcotic poison." After much puzzling, his doctors 
 suggested something wrong in the tobacco which 
 he used. "In the most off-hand manner I ex- 
 pressed to my servant my fear that the tobacconist 
 of whom I had bought it might have given me an 
 inferior quality. The man instantly grew as white 
 as a black man can become, trembled all over, and 
 began asseverating in a confused and conscience- 
 stricken manner that he had not put any poison 
 into the goracho ; a suspicion I had not expressed. 
 . . . Next day I thought it right to tell him that, 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 160 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 whether justly or unjustly, the doctor thought I 
 had been tampered with, that if I died my body 
 would be examined and the cause of my death 
 ascertained, and that, if poison were detected, sus- 
 picion would then fall on him as having supplied 
 my chillams." 
 
 From that day forward the old symptoms abated, 
 and had not since returned. " But you rarely fail," 
 lie adds, " to find a stick when you wish to strike a 
 dog, and there are more ways than one of hocussing 
 an obnoxious Kesident."^ 
 
 It appears that subsequent attempts to poison 
 him were frustrated by the vigilance of kind Dr 
 Ogilvie and a few other friends. Besides other 
 precautions, the good doctor, in the words of Sir 
 F. Goldsmid, " combined with four or five associates 
 in an arrang-ement that one of the band should 
 partake of every dish which the Resident tasted 
 — a task of some risk in more ways than one, for 
 he seemed to have a preference for what was most 
 indigestible." 
 
 The new year, 1852, found Outram once more 
 in Bombay, drafting the last pages of his Baroda 
 report, looking up old friends, and interviewing 
 members of the Bombay Council, all save the Gov- 
 ernor himself, who refused to grant him a private 
 audience. On February 17 he embarked for Suez, 
 and landed a month later at Southampton. 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 161 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 ON THE FLOWING TIDE. MARCH 1852- 
 NOVEMBER 1854. 
 
 From Southampton Outram hastened to rejoin his 
 wife and son in some quiet lodgings bordering on 
 Mayfair. A visit to Brighton during the summer 
 was followed by a trip to Boulogne and Paris. At 
 watering-places and in Paris " it amused him," says 
 a trustworthy informant, "to sit out on the fre- 
 quented promenades and watch what was going 
 on — always with a cigar in his mouth, and, if 
 possible, with an Indian friend. But his acquaint- 
 ances were not necessarily Anglo-Indians : he had a 
 great faculty of attracting strangers and making the 
 most of their society. His frank and open manners 
 and quiet fun made him an agreeable companion, 
 and wherever he went he picked up friends who 
 retained an unusually permanent interest in their 
 fellow-traveller. " 
 
 Intolerant of aimless idling, and having no special 
 resources, he always " liked to be where ' something 
 was going on' — he did not mind what, so long as 
 there was not quiescence or stagnation. When any- 
 thing occurred to cheer or interest him his spirits 
 would visibly rise, and he would shed his brightness 
 around."
 
 162 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 In places such as Brighton he delighted in the 
 varied aspects of the sea, and the light and move- 
 ment of a crowded beach. He would go out sailing 
 in the roughest weather, bribing the boatmen to 
 encounter perils from which they would else have 
 shrunk. 
 
 Eeturning to London in November 1852, Outram 
 was just in time to attend the funeral of his old 
 friend the great Duke of Wellington, who w^as buried 
 in St Paul's Cathedral amid "the noise of the 
 mourning of a mighty nation." From that time 
 until July 1853 he appears never to have quitted 
 London except for a short visit to Scotland in the 
 spring. During the greater part of this period his 
 mother had her place of honour in the Outram 
 household, enlivening, says her biographer, "many 
 a sociable breakfast by her wit and freshness." 
 
 The presence of a friend at breakfast or dinner 
 was always welcome, and he liked to meet people at 
 his club ; but he steadily refused to go out to 
 parties, or pose in public among the lions of the 
 hour. After l)reakfast he would betake himself, 
 cigar in mouth, to the Oriental Club, returning home 
 to prosecute his researches into Baroda afiairs, to 
 wTite his letters, and to interview his friends in 
 Parliament and the India House. His evenings 
 were usually spent at his club, or among congenial 
 associates at the Cosmopolitan. Meanwhile his wife 
 and her son Francis spent many an hour in copying 
 out all manner of notes and documents bearing 
 upon Outram 's official past. 
 
 Towards the close of October 1852 w^as issued, in 
 two huge volumes of a Parliamentary Blue-Book, a 
 full but ill-digested report on all matters connected
 
 ON THE FLOWING TIDE. 163 
 
 with the khatpat scandals and Colonel Outram's 
 enforced retirement from Baroda. This Blue-Book 
 contains the answer given in June by the Court of 
 Directors to Lord Falkland's spiteful charges against 
 his plain-speaking subaltern. It contains also the 
 dissents recorded from certain passages in the 
 Court's despatch by Directors of such mark as 
 Colonel Sykes, Captain Eastwick, Messrs W. B. 
 Bayley, and Ross Mangles. Thirteen dissidents in 
 all were found to differ from their colleagues, mainly 
 in condemnino' the removal of Colonel Outram from 
 a post in which he was rendering the highest service 
 to the Government of Bombay. These gentlemen 
 were virtually of one mind in holding that Outram's 
 intemperate language towards his official betters was 
 fully condoned, if not wholly justified, by "the zeal, 
 ability, and fearless energy which that officer was 
 bringing to bear upon the important object of his 
 investigations, and which it was the bounden duty, 
 as assuredly it was the interest, of the Government 
 of Bombay to encourage and suf)port."^ 
 
 The Court of Directors seem, in fact, to have 
 halted between two opinions, " scarcely knowing," in 
 the words of Sir John Kaye, "whether to applaud 
 what he did, or to censure his manner of doing it. 
 Bound to maintain the authority of their distant 
 rulers, and to condemn insubordination of language, 
 the Directors of the Company could not help feeling, 
 not only that he had done nobly, but that he had 
 done well — that he had promoted their interests 
 whilst he was demonstratively asserting his own 
 honesty and courage." But for the intervention of 
 
 ^ Baroda and Bombay : a Nai-rative drawn from the Papers laid 
 before Parliament. By John Chapman.
 
 164 THE BAYAKD OF INDIA. 
 
 the Board of Control, they would probably have 
 insisted in reinstating Outram in Baroda. They 
 went so far, at any rate, as to express their hope 
 "that, when Lieutenant-Colonel Outram shall return 
 to India, you will find a suitable opportunity of 
 employing him where his talents and experience may 
 prove useful to the public service." 
 
 It was not, indeed, with Lord Falkland's approval 
 that Outram was destined to return in triumph to 
 his former post. In a happy moment the Court of 
 Directors decided to transfer the political charge 
 of Baroda from the Bombay Government to the 
 Governor-General himself. They also requested the 
 Marquis of Dalhousie to find suitable employment 
 for Colonel Outram on that officer's return to duty. 
 
 Early in July 1853 Outram sailed from South- 
 ampton on his way through Egypt to Calcutta. At 
 Alexandria he stayed a fortnight, in hopes of being 
 required to proceed to Constantinople for active 
 service in the war which then seemed imminent 
 between Turkey and Russia. Once more his dreams 
 of military renown were to be quashed by a message 
 from the " Great Elchi," Sir Stratford Canning, who 
 assured him that there was no present likelihood of 
 an appeal to arms. 
 
 Outram reached Calcutta on September 12. A 
 welcome letter from Lord Dalhousie awaited his 
 arrival. " We had bedrooms adjoining," says Mr 
 Inglis Money, " in one of the houses near the Bengal 
 Club. One morning he brought his breakfast into 
 my room and this letter. . . . Lord D. towards the 
 end wrote that he deeply regretted there was 
 nothing in his power to offer him that would 
 compensate for his brilliant services."
 
 ON THE FLOWING TIDE. 165 
 
 In this letter Dalhousie said that the j)ost of 
 Resident at Haidarabad, for which Outram had 
 been recommended by the Court of Directors, had 
 already been promised to a civil officer of high 
 standing and long service. But, he added, " I have 
 officially told the Court that if I am to take charge 
 of Baroda, as they desire, I must choose my own 
 agent ; and that my first act would be to replace you 
 in that Residency." ^ 
 
 On September 13 Outram had his first interview 
 with the great Proconsul, who was bent upon trans- 
 forming the conquered Punjab into a model province, 
 who had just been adding Pegu to the dominions of 
 the East India Company, and whose reforming hand 
 was making itself felt for good in a hundred ways 
 throughout the length and breadth of our Indian 
 Empire. The interview was long and most satisfac- 
 tory, as Outram tells his wife. The Governor- 
 General, who was still reeling under the shock 
 caused by the death of his beloved wife on her 
 voyage home, " expressed his regret that he could 
 not show any hospitality, being unfit company for 
 any one. In fact he sees no one, and never moves 
 out of his room even for a drive. He is, however, 
 assiduous in business, and the amount of work he 
 gets through is, I am told, perfectly astonishing ; 
 indeed, excessive work seems to be his only solace 
 under his deep affliction." 
 
 Outram, for his part, had " every reason to be 
 thankful " for the result of an interview which sent 
 him back in triumph to Baroda " as the Governor- 
 General's agent, with his full support." Pending the 
 needful arrangements for that end, Outram stayed on 
 
 ^ Outram Papers
 
 166 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 in Calcutta as an honorary member of Dalliousie's 
 personal stalf. After Dalliousie's return from a tour 
 through Pegu, Outram was employed by his new 
 chief to write an important " Memorandum on the 
 Invasion of India from the Westward." 
 
 From his frequent interviews with the head of the 
 Indian Government he seems to have come away 
 spellbound by the inherent kingliness of Lord Dal- 
 liousie's mien and bearinsr. He told Dr Alexander 
 Grant, his lordship's physician and trusted friend, 
 " that he had had interviews with the Duke of Wel- 
 lington, with Sir Robert Peel, and other leading 
 statesmen in Eno;land, but never felt such awe and 
 such a feeling of inferiority as in interviews with Lord 
 Dalhousie, who had ever been most kind to him." ^ 
 
 Before the cold season of 1853-54 came to an end 
 Outram had grown heartily tired of the idle kind of 
 life he was leading in the City of Palaces. After 
 attending a banquet given in his honour by Chief- 
 Justice Sir James Colville and a large number of 
 his countrymen, he left Calcutta in the latter part 
 of February 1854. In Bombay he met with a hearty 
 welcome from the new Governor, Lord Elphinstone. 
 In company with his former assistant. Captain Battye, 
 he arrived at Baroda on March 19. On the follow- 
 ing day he paid his first visit to the Gaikwar, who 
 after a moment of awkward silence received the 
 reinstalled Resident with his accustomed courtesy. 
 
 Under Outram's steady insistence his highness 
 ere long found himself constrained to o^et rid of his 
 favourite minister and kinsman, the Bhao, whose 
 removal was demanded by the Governor-General 
 
 ' Physician and Friend. Edited by John Smith, (M.E., LL.D. 
 John Murray, 1902.
 
 ON THE FLOWING TIDE. 167 
 
 himself. To all the Gaikwar's pleadings on this 
 matter Outram turned a deaf ear ; and a month 
 later he was able to report that " the Gaikwar has 
 not only dismissed the Bhao as required to do, but 
 has gone much further, having expelled him from 
 the country, and dismissed all his allies besides, 
 solemnly pledging himself never to readmit any 
 of them to his counsels." By that time also the 
 infamous Narsu Pant had disappeared not only 
 from Baroda, but from the world in which he 
 had intrigued so long and so successfully. 
 
 In May Outram was warmly congratulated by 
 Lord Dalhousie on the complete success of his 
 mission to Baroda. " The mingled sternness and 
 consideration with which you have treated the 
 Gaikwar will, I hope, have a lasting effect on the 
 Gaikwar himself; and will teach both him and 
 those about him, that while the Supreme Govern- 
 ment is desirous of upholding him, it must be 
 obeyed in all things." 
 
 In the same letter Dalhousie was " concerned to 
 learn that the transfer to the new appointment at 
 Aden is not agreeable to you. The triumph to you 
 seemed to me so great, and the post was one I 
 thought so much to your mind, that I supposed it 
 would be very acceptable to you. 
 
 " The despatch will show you that not only your 
 pecuniary interests have been saved from harm, but 
 that a strong opinion has been recorded that your 
 acceptance of the transfer, far from being an im- 
 pediment to your promotion to higher office here- 
 after, greatly strengthens your claims. I hope this 
 provision will remove some of your distaste." ^ 
 
 1 GeneralJohn Jacob. By Alexander InnesShand. Seeley & Co.,1900.
 
 168 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 The Governor-General had already given Outram 
 full authority to summon his successor, with per- 
 mission to leave for Aden at any moment after 
 Major Malcolm's arrival. On June 7, 1854, Outram 
 left Bombay on board the Company's war-steamer 
 Ajdaha to take up the post of Commandant and 
 Political Agent at Aden, the Gibraltar of the 
 Arabian Sea. The weather was rough, the lascar 
 crew were weak and utterly inefficient for the work 
 required of them, and the supply of coal threatened 
 to run short. It was sixteen days before Captain 
 Barker dropped anchor in the port of Aden with 
 scarcely a ton of coal to spare. 
 
 At that time a strong hand and a clear head were 
 especially needed for the safeguarding of our new 
 possession at the south - western corner of the 
 Arabian Peninsula. In the short space of three 
 months the new Eesident succeeded in disarming 
 the hostility of the neighbouring tribes, and in 
 making British influence respected outside the 
 borders of his command. Nor did he neglect the 
 wellbeing of the troops intrusted to his charge. 
 " It has been my unfortunate destiny," he writes 
 in August to Lord Elphinstone, "to expose evil 
 of one sort or other wherever I go." Thanks to 
 his exertions, the tanks and wells, wdiich had 
 hitherto supplied the garrison with impure and 
 brackish water, were soon to undergo so thorough 
 a cleansing that a gallon of pure sweet water could 
 be issued daily to each soldier." ^ 
 
 In a like spirit he selected a large plot of ground 
 on the northern side of the harbour, where potatoes 
 
 ^ Notes on Outram. By the Rev. G. P. Badger.
 
 ON THE FLOWING TIDE. 169 
 
 and other vegetables might be grown for the use of 
 dwellers in the cantonment. 
 
 Outram had started for Aden in the highest 
 spirits; "as merry as a marriage - bell " were the 
 words he used in one of his letters home. But 
 the climate of that Arabian Eden soon told so 
 harmfully upon his outward man that we find him 
 writing in September to acquaint Lord Elphinstone 
 with his failing health and the need of temporary 
 absence from his duties. At this juncture he re- 
 ceived from Lord Dalhousie the welcome offer of 
 the best appointment within his lordship's gift — 
 namely, the post of Resident at the Court of Oudh. 
 
 While gratefully acknowledging the " very dis- 
 tinguished honour" thus accorded him, Outram pro- 
 tested that he would ill deserve the confidence 
 placed in him by the Governor-General if he failed 
 to bring to his lordship's notice a fact which might 
 disqualify him for so important a post. " I allude 
 to my ignorance of the Persian language, in which 
 I understand the Resident's transactions with the 
 Court of Oudh are conducted, and a thorough 
 knowledge of which may perhaps be deemed 
 essential to the representative of Government at 
 that Court." As the state of his health, however, 
 demanded a change of climate for a short period, 
 Outram proposed, with the sanction of the Bombay 
 Government, to proceed at once on sick-leave to 
 Calcutta, " in order, should your lordship still deem 
 me worthy of holding the Lucknow Residency, I 
 may not cause any inconvenience to the public 
 interests by unnecessary delay." ^ 
 
 1 Outram MSS.
 
 170 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Reassured on tliis point by Dalliousie himself, 
 Outran! quitcd Aden on October 27, by the mail- 
 steamer, which called there on its way from Suez to 
 Garden Reach. A few days earlier he had handed 
 over the charg-e of his office to his old friend and 
 fellow-campaigner, Colonel (afterwards Sir) William 
 Coghlan, K.C.B., of the Bombay Artillery. The 
 regret which Lord Elphinstone expressed at his 
 departure was shared, in the words of his able 
 assistant, the Rev. G. P. Badger, " by all the sur- 
 roundino- tribes, who had learned durino; the short 
 space of four months to dread him as an enemy, 
 and to love him as a friend." 
 
 On the eve of his departure he found time to 
 acquaint his mother with the good fortune which 
 had befallen him, and to announce his plans for 
 her future welfare. "You can now, therefore, have 
 no scruple to receive from me whatever may be 
 necessary to your comfort. I formerly said £500 
 a-year, but I can well afford much more than that, 
 if you could but be prevailed upon to expend it. 
 
 " Lucknow is a delisi;htful climate I am told, and 
 we have a favourite hill station within three days' 
 march to go to in the hot weather, where the 
 climate is equal to that of Italy. We are looking 
 for the English mail, and I trust it will bring a 
 letter from you giving a good account of yourself, 
 and assuring me that 3^ou will now keep a maid and 
 a carriaoe." ^ 
 
 By the middle of November he landed once more 
 in the populous city on the Hugli, after an absence 
 of only nine months, the greater part of which had 
 been passed in strenuous official labours. 
 
 ^ Goldsiuid.
 
 171 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. DECEMBER 
 1854-DECEMBER 1856. 
 
 Before Outram readied Calcutta Dalhousie had 
 started on a voyage along the coast of Orissa in 
 quest of the health which grief and overwork had 
 broken down. But the instructions which he had 
 left behind him for the guidance of the new 
 Resident were duly imparted to Outram by Sir 
 John Low, who had lately taken his seat in the 
 Supreme Council. Outram learned, in the words of 
 Kaye, " the settled resolution of Government to 
 wait no longer for impossible improvements from 
 within, but at once to shape their measures for the 
 assertion, in accordance with treaty, of the authority 
 of the paramount state. But it was not a thing to 
 be done in a hurry. The measure itself was to be 
 deliberately carried out after certain preliminary 
 formalities of inquiry and reference. It was Out- 
 ram's part to inquire."^ 
 
 On his way up the country Outram met with a 
 cordial welcome from General Sleeman, the late 
 Resident at Lucknow, who had hailed in his suc- 
 cessor the very man whom he himself would have 
 
 ^ Kaye's Sepoy War.
 
 172 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 selected for such a post. "Had your lordship," he 
 had written in September, "left the choice of a 
 successor to me, I should have pointed out Colonel 
 Outram ; and I feel very much rejoiced that he has 
 been selected for the office, and I hope he will come 
 as soon as possible." 
 
 At Cawnpore, where he arrived on December 2, 
 Outram spent two days in receiving visits from the 
 functionaries whom the Kino- of Oudh had sent for- 
 ward to prepare the way for his arrival at Lucknow, 
 On December 5 the new Resident made his formal 
 entrance into the capital of Oudh, " attended by 
 the Residency officers, with a large procession of 
 elephants, camel-men, cavalry, and infantr}^ The 
 heir-apparent — the king being indisposed — met the 
 Resident half-way between the Dil Khusha and the 
 Residency. Outram left his own howdah for that 
 bi the heir-apparent, and the procession then went 
 on, attended by great crowds, among whom money 
 was scattered, to the Moti Mahal palace, wdiere a 
 banquet was prepared, followed by elephant and 
 other wild-beast fisjhts."^ 
 
 In January 1855 Mrs Outram rejoined the hus- 
 band from whom she had parted in the summer of 
 1853. Outram had already plunged with his wonted 
 zeal into the work that lay before him. " He used 
 to rise," says his biographer, "before it was light, 
 and, after a few minutes' walk on the flat roof of 
 the Residency, set to work, pausing only to eat a 
 hurried breakfast, till time for the evening drive, 
 which he underwent as a necessary penance. In 
 the morning he was occasionally and with difficulty 
 
 1 Recollections of my Life. By Surgeon - General Sir Joseph 
 Fayrer, Bart., K.C.S.I., LL.D. Blackwood, 1900.
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. 173 
 
 persuaded by his wife to accompany her in the 
 carriage ; but such an act was the mere pretence of 
 an airing. Though by dint of much persuasion he 
 had been led to purchase a riding-horse, to get him 
 upon it was quite another matter. He is said to 
 have only accomplished one or two rides, and 
 these apparently because he wished to inspect some 
 buildings." 
 
 In the midst of his new labours he still hankered 
 after more active service at the seat of war in the 
 Crimea. " I must confess," he writes to a friend in 
 March, " I am beginning to despond regarding the 
 war in the Crimea. I don't like trusting to any 
 co-operation from the Turks from Eupatoria. They 
 certainly will be defeated by the Russians if they 
 move out of their intrenchments, and I see not how 
 otherwise we can assemble sufficient forces to com- 
 plete the investment of Sebastopol, and at the same 
 time keep in check the enormous army Russia will 
 now have in the Crimea." 
 
 At Kars also affairs looked so gloomy that he 
 resjretted the mistake he had made in comino- out 
 again to India. " All the pomps and luxuries I 
 here enjoy are grating to my feelings, for I feel that 
 I ought to be sharing the dangers and privations of 
 my comrades in the field." 
 
 The news which reached him four months later 
 evoked some comments of a more cheerful nature, 
 although he felt that nothing less would satisfy 
 him than the expulsion of Russia from Georgia and 
 Circassia, as well as the Danubian Provinces. 
 
 With all his eagerness to press matters against 
 Russia, he as;reed with Lord Dalhousie as to the 
 impolicy of despatching any more European troops
 
 174 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 from India to feed the war in the Crimea. When 
 the news of the Santal rising in Birbhum reached 
 Lucknow, he wrote on July 28: "And now it is 
 doubly certain that his lordship would not sanction 
 the despatch of more troops from India, since the 
 insurrection which has lately broken out in Bengal 
 (which, though not very formidable, will take time 
 and considerable troops to put down) shows how 
 well prepared we ought to be for such emeutes, 
 this of the Santals beino- the last that could have 
 been anticipated, they being the least warlike, 
 and naturally the most peaceable of our Indian 
 subjects."^ 
 
 Before the end of ]\Tarcli Outram had forwarded 
 to his Government a careful and exhaustive report 
 on the condition of Oudh from the first years of the 
 century onward. Long before 1855 it had become 
 clear that some radical change was needed in the 
 government of that unfortunate country. One 
 Governor-General after another, from Lord William 
 Bentinck to Lord Hardinge, had striven to check 
 misrule in the fair province which Wellesley had 
 raised into a kingdom. Ever since Wajid All's 
 accession in 1847 matters had been going steadily 
 from bad to worse. General Sleeman's reports 
 from the Residency had shown that such things as 
 government, law, and justice had no existence in 
 Oudh — that the strong everywhere preyed upon the 
 weak, that the Garden of India was fast becoming 
 a thorn-covered wilderness, that violence and rapine 
 stalked through the land, while the king amused 
 himself with a court of fiddlers, singers, buffoons, 
 and dancing-girls. 
 
 1 Rev. Dr Badger's Notes on Outram.
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. 175 
 
 All these evils Outram found flourishing as rankly 
 as ever in 1855. He too, like Sleeman before him, 
 called upon the Governor-General to enforce his 
 treaty rights against a dynasty which in fifty 
 years had continually broken all its pledges, and 
 to assume the government of a country whose 
 native rulers could not be trusted to govern it for 
 themselves. 
 
 In the jDreparation of this report Outram had 
 been largely aided by Dr (afterwards Sir) Joseph 
 Fayrer, who combined the duties of medical officer 
 and political assistant to the Lucknow Residency. 
 Possessing that knowledsje of Persian which Outram 
 lacked, Fayrer had been requested to furnish his 
 new chief with a daily precis of the events recorded 
 by a native scribe in the court circular of his 
 time and country. " Strange reports," says Fayrer, 
 " thus reached me of the king and his doings. His 
 various proceedings in the harem and court ; the 
 presents he gave, the honours he conferred, and the 
 promotions he made ; the oppression of the amils 
 (tax-collectors), the resistance of the zemindars and 
 talukdars, their fights and the consequences, made a 
 story that no one could have imagined." 
 
 " The following," he adds, " will give an idea of 
 one of the daily reports : ' His majesty was this 
 morning carried in his tonjon to the Mahal, and 
 there he and So-and-so [ladies] were entertained 
 with the fights of two pairs of new rams, which 
 fought with great energy, also of some quails. 
 Shawls worth Rs. 100 were presented to the 
 jemadar who arranged these fights. His majesty 
 then listened to a new singer, and amused himself 
 afterwards by kite-flying till 4 p.m., when he went
 
 176 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 to sleep. Reports have come from the village 
 
 of in the district of that Ram Sing, 
 
 zemindar, refused to pay Rs. 500 demanded of him 
 by the amil, whereon his house was burned ; he 
 was wounded, and his two sons and brothers have 
 absconded. Jewan Khan, daroga of the pigeon- 
 house, received a khilat of shawls and Rs. 2000 for 
 producing a pigeon with one black and one white 
 wing. His majesty recited to the Khas Mahal his 
 new poem on the loves of the bulbuls,' and so on." 
 
 In spite of his new surroundings and improved 
 prospects, Outram's health remained far from good, 
 and Fayrer was often called upon to prescribe for 
 him. " He was a great smoker," writes Sir Joseph, 
 "was hardly ever without a cigar in his mouth; 
 and this I tried to alter, but with little success. 
 I wrote him a very strong letter on the subject, 
 hoping it might have some effect. He replied 
 very kindly, saying how implicitly he believed in 
 all I said, but that he could not do without his 
 ciffars." 
 
 Before the close of 1885 Dalhousie had returned 
 from the Nilgriris to Calcutta, bowed down and 
 crippled by a wasting disease, but intent upon 
 doing his duty to the last, and leaving no arrears 
 of work for his destined successor. On January 2, 
 1856, he received from the Court of Directors their 
 final answer to his previous minutes on the past 
 and present condition of Oudh. That answer he 
 could only read as a positive order to annex the 
 kingdom misruled by Wajid Ali. Had any choice 
 been left to him, he would have preferred to govern 
 Oudh directly through competent British officers, in 
 the name and for the ultimate good of the reigning
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. 177 
 
 dynasty. But the mandates of the India House 
 were to him as decrees of fate, and he spent the 
 last days of his Indian rulership in carrying out a 
 measure the virtual justice of which he could not 
 dispute. 
 
 In prompt answer to Dalhousie's summons, Outram 
 hastened down to Calcutta to take counsel with his 
 chief on the best means of accomplishing the task 
 imposed by their honourable masters. Returning a 
 few days later to Lucknow, Outram lost no time in 
 laying before the king a letter from the Governor- 
 General, explaining the terms of a draft treaty 
 which his majesty was courteously invited to sign. 
 Wajid Ali fell to weeping, called himself a miserable 
 wretch, placed his turban in the Resident's hands, 
 and with a curious mixture of pride and humility 
 refused to sign a covenant which left him still a 
 sovereign within his own palace, with a handsome 
 yearly allowance for himself, his family, and his 
 retinue. 
 
 Seeing that no words of his could move the royal 
 voluptuary from his set purpose, Outram withdrew 
 from the presence to arrange the next scene in that 
 historic drama which began a century earlier in the 
 days of Clive. On February 7 he issued the pro- 
 clamation in which Dalhousie declared Oudh thence- 
 forth a British province. Sir James Outram, K.C.B., 
 was appointed Chief Commissioner ; his civil officers 
 proceeded to take charge of their several districts, 
 while British troops held the capital, and the 
 people everywhere submitted quietly to their future 
 masters. 
 
 "Everything," wrote Outram a few days later to 
 the Governor-General, " has been going on most 
 
 M
 
 178 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 satisfactorily. Tlie populace of the capital appear 
 to have already forgotten they ever had a king, and 
 display the same civility to Europeans they were 
 previously so noted for. Even the higher classes 
 and nobles of the court appear already reconciled 
 to the change. In the districts our proclamations 
 have been heartily welcomed, I am informed, by 
 the middling and lower classes, and even the higher 
 display no dissatisfaction ; while the more power- 
 ful talukdars and chieftains in the provinces are 
 turning their allegiance with alacrity." 
 
 He was " greatly gratified by the zeal displayed 
 by all the civil officers, not one of whom has 
 orumbled in the sli2;htest de2;ree at beinoj ordered 
 off" into the jungles the moment after coming off" 
 long dak trips without tents, kit, or servants, to 
 find shelter as they best can in the towns or 
 villao^es." ^ 
 
 For his tardy promotion to a Knighthood of the 
 Bath the new Chief Commissioner was mainly 
 indebted to the strong representations made on his 
 behalf by the retiring Governor-General, who in 
 September 1855 had written to the powers at home 
 a letter reviewing Outram's past career, and frankly 
 avowing his opinion " that General Outram has not 
 received the reward that was his due. I venture 
 humbly to express my hope," he adds, " that before 
 quitting the shores of India I shall enjoy the deep 
 gratification of seeing the gracious favour of the 
 Crown extended to this most gallant and distin- 
 o;uished officer." 
 
 Writing from Galle on March 14, Dalhousie sent 
 Outram his hearty congratulations " on the well- 
 
 1 Outram MSS.
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. l79 
 
 earned honour," which he had just seen mentioned 
 in the 'Gazette.' "And now," he adds, "let me 
 bid you farewell. As long as I live I shall re- 
 member with genuine pleasure our official connec- 
 tion, and shall hope to retain j^our personal 
 friendship." 
 
 It was not long before the peace of Oudh became 
 ruffled here and there by breezes ominous of pos- 
 sible storm. On February 29, the day on which 
 Dalhousie received his successor, Lord Canning, on 
 the steps of Government House, the Chief Commis- 
 sioner wrote to acquaint the Governor-General with 
 the turbulent doings of two najib regiments at 
 Baraitch, who refused to have their arrears investi- 
 gated by a special committee, or to take service 
 under the new Government. " As I suspect they 
 are instigated to this by Rajah Man Sing or the 
 Tulsipur Rajah, who though professing loyalty are 
 no doubt bitterly opposed to our rule, which would 
 put an end to their almost independent power, and 
 that they, the najths, purpose to instigate others to 
 commence a sort of guerilla warfare so soon as the 
 hot season will render the operations of our troops 
 difficult." 
 
 He proposed to make an example of the mal- 
 contents in such a manner as would serve to 
 overawe " the immense numbers of discharged 
 soldiery now let loose on the country, and perhaps 
 save further difficulty with other regiments not yet 
 disposed of, which may be instigated to the same 
 course through the same influences." 
 
 Turning aside from public and more personal 
 matters, Outram bids his chief a regretful fare- 
 well : —
 
 180 THE BAYARD OF IXDIA. 
 
 "It is with heavy heart I now say farewell to 
 your lordship. May the Almighty in His mercy 
 restore that health which has been sacrificed in the 
 service of India, and may I yet have opportunities 
 of proving my gratitude for the vast benefits and 
 generous support I have received from your lordship, 
 and more particularly by satisfactorily fulfilling the 
 duties of the high functions you have intrusted 
 to me, is the earnest prayer of, my dear Lord 
 Dalhousie, your most deeply obliged and sincerely 
 devoted servant, J. Outram."^ 
 
 Under the heavy work that now devolved upon 
 him, Outram's slender store of health soon dwindled 
 away. Nor was the burden of his new and some- 
 what distasteful duties lightened by the growing 
 friction between himself and some of his civilian 
 colleagues, who aspired to govern Oudh according 
 to the cast-iron methods enforced in the oldest of 
 our Indian provinces. As early as Ajoril 1856 his 
 watchful friend Dr Fayrer " had to insist upon his 
 leaving for England." Besides the acute rheumatism 
 in his neck and shoulders, there were manifest 
 symptoms of mischief in the brain, which nothing 
 but immediate rest from work could overcome. On 
 April 11 Outram announced to Lord Canning the 
 imperative need for his temporary absence from 
 Lucknow. 
 
 After making over his office to Mr Coverley Jack- 
 son, and sending Lady Outram off to the hills," her 
 
 ^ Outram MSS. 
 
 - Lady Outram went to Mussoorie, escorted by her son, now Sir 
 Francis Outram, Bart., who had just come out to India as a qualified 
 member of the Indian Civil Service.
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. 181 
 
 invalid husband hastened down the country to catch 
 the next mail-steamer from Calcutta. On May 1 
 he had a long interview with Lord Canning, who 
 " was very kind, and appears to have made himself 
 thoroughly acquainted with Oudh politics."^ 
 
 His chief object, however, was to impress his 
 lordship with the need of taking " immediate meas- 
 ures for the better security of the fortress of Allaha- 
 bad. I informed him that the gates were held only 
 by Sepoy guards, and that if a Sivaji should arise, 
 he might any day obtain possession, by corrupting 
 the Sepoys, or by introducing any number of follow- 
 ers with concealed arms among the crowds of Hindu 
 devotees who were allowed access on certain festival 
 days to pay their devotions at the shrines within 
 the fort." 
 
 On his way through Cawnpore Outrani had ar- 
 ranged with General Penny " to have 200 European 
 troops in readiness to despatch by bullock -train to 
 Allahabad so soon as he should receive the order 
 from Calcutta, and I entreated his lordship to send 
 the order without delay. He made a note of my 
 suggestion, and appeared impressed with the advis- 
 ability of carrying it out." 
 
 Outran! also found time to write to General 
 Anson, the new Commander-in-Chief, " informing 
 him of what I had recommended, and begged his 
 Excellency to see it done without delay." 
 
 We may imagine Outram's astonishment when 
 on his return from Persia to Calcutta in 1857, he 
 found " that nothing had been done — that the Fort 
 of Allahabad had been saved by a miracle ! Had 
 it fallen, the garrison of Lucknow would inevitably 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 182 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 have been sacrificed like that of Cawnpore, for 
 Havelock's troops could not have passed Allahabad 
 to the rescue. And as it would have taken many 
 months to equip an army at Calcutta for the siege 
 of Allahabad, the Delhi force also must have been 
 sacrificed, and India lost. AVhcreas had the pre- 
 cautions I proposed been adopted, a European 
 regiment must have been retained at Cawnpore 
 to supply the Allahabad garrison, and General 
 Wheeler's party would have been saved." ^ 
 
 On May 3 the Bentinck steamed down the Hugli 
 with James Outram on board. It was not before 
 the middle of August that he reappeared in London, 
 not much the better for his recent wanderine's over 
 sea and land. " As sea-air, change of scenery, and 
 relaxation have been prescribed by the faculty as 
 my best medicine," he writes to his mother from 
 Suez on May 30, "I shall occupy myself at first, I 
 think, in coasting from port to port along the 
 shores of the Mediterranean — going, in the first 
 instance, via Beyrout and Smyrna, to Constantin- 
 ople, and thence, via Greece, to Malta ; . . . thence 
 I should coast along Italy, going inland to Rome 
 and Milan, staying a few days at Naples, Leghorn, 
 Genoa, and Marseilles, and thence to Paris and 
 home." 
 
 He feared, moreover, that an earlier return home 
 might involve him in heated discussions at the India 
 House and other like annoyances, " which would 
 keep me in London, and defeat the object of my 
 sea trip to set me up." 
 
 For some days after his arrival he was confined 
 to the house by severe rheumatic troubles. Early 
 
 ^ Goldsniid.
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. 183 
 
 in the following: month he was able to visit his aged 
 mother in Edinburgh, where he owed to her timely 
 intervention his narrow escape from death by 
 suffocation. One night after he had gone to bed 
 his old Portuguese servant blew out the gas in his 
 room instead of turning it off. Luckily his mother, 
 who was in the adjoining room, smelt the danger, 
 and hastened into her son's room to ascertain the 
 cause. " Her son was sleeping," says his biographer, 
 " wholly unconscious of what had happened ; though 
 in another half hour the vapour might have done 
 its deadly work upon him, or the house have been 
 blown up." 
 
 A subsequent visit to his kind friends, Mr and 
 Mrs Mangles, at Brighton, seems to have worked 
 wonders upon Outram's bodily health. At the be- 
 ginning of November he assures his mother that 
 his complaint had left him ; that the air of Brighton 
 has invigorated him to such a degree that she would 
 scarcely know him again. 
 
 While he was still at Brighton, it appears, accord- 
 ing to Mr Stuart Poole, that he was called upon by 
 Colonel Sykes, who had come to tell him that the 
 Government had resolved to offer him the command 
 of an expedition against Persia. " What ! Persia ? " 
 exclaimed Outram ; "I'll go to-morrow." On the 
 afternoon of November 13, shortly after his return 
 to London, he found a messenger awaiting him with 
 a note from Colonel Sykes, " requesting my im- 
 mediate attendance at the Lidia Board. When I 
 got there Mr Vernon Smith ^ and the Chairs of the 
 Court of Directors were in conclave. Mr Smith 
 then informed me that it had been decided in the 
 
 ^ Afterwards Lord Lyvedeii.
 
 184 THE BAYARU OB' INDIA. 
 
 Cul)inet yesterday that I was to be offered the 
 command of the army which had gone from Bombay 
 to Persia, with diplomatic powers and the rank of 
 lieutenant - general. I expressed, of com'se, my 
 readiness and gratification ; and was told that I 
 should be required to go by the first mail if I pos- 
 sibly could, which I declared myself ready to do." ^ 
 
 To Outram this announcement came like the 
 trumpet-call to an old war-horse. Five days later 
 he embarked at Southampton by the old Overland 
 route through Egypt to Bombay. From Malta he 
 writes to assure his mother of his entire freedom 
 from any return of the old rheumatic troubles. " I 
 never felt better or stronger in my life — quite equal 
 to any campaign." 
 
 " It is impossible to say," he wrote to Dr Fayrer 
 on December 20, " how long I may be occupied in 
 Persia, as no one can foresee what may be the eftect 
 of our present demonstration on the Shah ; but it 
 is hardly to be expected that he will at once sub- 
 mit to our terms, underhandedly encouraged to 
 opposition, as he most likely will be, by French as 
 well as Russian advisers, for both are interested in 
 undermining our influence in Persia. You will, I 
 am sure, consider that I could not in honour have 
 declined so important a trust as has been imposed 
 
 ^ " While the organisation of this expeditionary force was under 
 discussion in C-'alciitta, the Conimander-in-(;hief, General Anson, re- 
 quested Havelock's sentiments as to the fittest man to command it, 
 and mentioned the name of General Stalker. Havelock stated that, 
 without any disparagement of the merits of this officer, he consid- 
 ered General Outram to be suited above all other men for this im- 
 portant enterprise ; and it was partly under the influence of this 
 suggestion that the offer was made to liim by the Home Govern- 
 ment." — Marshman's Life of Sir Henry Havelock.
 
 NEW HONOURS AND WIDER OUTLOOKS. 185 
 
 on me, sole diplomatic as well as military responsi- 
 bility. I only hope I may prove equal to the 
 emergency." ^ 
 
 On December 22, 1856, Sir James Outram landed 
 in Bombay, whence a division of his army had sailed 
 a few weeks earlier for the Persian Gulf, under the 
 command of Major-General Stalker. The second 
 division, under Brigadier-General Havelock, C.B., 
 was being got ready to follow in the same direction. 
 By Outram's special desire the command of the 
 cavalry was to be intrusted to Colonel John Jacob, 
 the brilliant soldier whose merits he himself had 
 been among the first to extol. 
 
 1 Outram MSS.
 
 186 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE PERSIAN AVAR. JANUARY-JULY 1857. 
 
 On December 27 Outram's generous instincts were 
 gratified by the tidings of his old comrade's success- 
 ful enterprise in the Persian Gulf. By the capture 
 of Bushahr on the 10th, General Stalker had struck 
 the first blow at Persian arrogance, and secured a 
 firm base for the further movements of British 
 troops. Meanwhile several causes detained Outram 
 for some weeks longer in Bombay. Time was 
 needed to complete the equipment of a fleet and 
 army strong enough to ensure the speedy triumph 
 of our arms. By some mischance Outram's brevet 
 rank of lieutenant-general had been limited to India 
 alone, and it was not until three days before his 
 departure, in the middle of January 1857, that the 
 mistake was duly rectified. 
 
 On January 27 Outram landed at Bushahr, where 
 he met with a cordial welcome both from General 
 Stalker and the British envoy, Mr Murray. By the 
 end of the month the greater part of Havelock's 
 division had also arrived. Outram had already 
 learned that the Persian Government were making 
 great preparations to recover their lost stronghold. 
 At Burasjun, about forty - six miles inland from
 
 THE PERSIAN WAR. 187 
 
 Bnshahr, the Persian commander had assembled a 
 force nearly 8000 strong, with eighteen or twenty 
 guns. 
 
 Outram resolved to attack the enemy at once, 
 before he could be yet further strengthened. On 
 the evening of February 3 he began his march at 
 the head of 4500 men, half of whom were British, 
 and eighteen guns, leaving a sufficient garrison in 
 Bushahr. On the afternoon of the 5th, after a 
 trying march of forty-one hours "in the worst of 
 weather," his troops came within sight of the Persian 
 intrenchments, only to find them vacant of any foe. 
 A few horsemen alone were visible in the rear of 
 the flying enemy, whose retreat through strong 
 mountain-passes Outram, with his small force, few 
 cavalry, and slender commissariat, deemed it rash 
 to follow. In the hurry of their flight, however, the 
 Persians had left behind them vast heaps of warlike 
 stores, enough for the feeding and equipment of a 
 large army. Of these, all that was useful or port- 
 able was either brought away or given out among 
 the troops, the remainder being destroyed upon the 
 spot before Outram began his march home. 
 
 On the evening of the 7th, by the light of explod- 
 ing magazines, the army began to retrace its steps 
 towards Bushahr. It had not gone far, however, 
 when the Persian horse began to worry its rear, and 
 ere long to threaten it on every side. The halt was 
 presently sounded, and the troops formed square to 
 protect the baggage. Under a galling fire from four 
 heavy guns they awaited the slow approach of dawn. 
 The first light of morning revealed to our troops a 
 Persian army from 6000 to 7000 strong, drawn up 
 in fighting order on their left rear.
 
 188 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 The order to advance was promptly given. Our 
 cavalry and artillery swept forward, with the in- 
 fantry behind them in double line. While the guns 
 were doing their wonted duty against the Persian 
 ranks, the Poonah Horse and the 3rd Bombay 
 Cavalry made two dashing charges into the thick of 
 the Persian bayonets. In one of their onsets the 
 Bombay troopers crashed into a square of infantry, 
 and riding through and through it, left nearly a 
 whole regiment dead upon the spot. At sight of 
 such slaughter the enemy broke and fled, throwing 
 their arms away as they ran, and owing their escape 
 from worse disaster only to the scant numbers of the 
 British horse. 
 
 The fight had taken place near the village of 
 Khushab, some five miles only from Burasjun. By 
 ten o'clock the victors found themselves easy masters 
 of a field strewn with 700 dead, besides two field- 
 guns and many hundred stand of arms. Our 
 infantry never came within reach of the foe. Ten 
 killed and sixty-two wounded, many of them during 
 the night, made up the whole of the British loss. 
 To Major-General Stalker and Colonel Lugard, chief 
 of the staff, was assigned by Outram himself the real 
 credit for this achievement ; their brave commander 
 having in the first moments of the night-alarm been 
 so stunned by the falling of his charger as to have 
 only resumed his place in time to witness the 
 enemy's final discomfiture. Before midnight of the 
 following day, the 9th, most of our tired troops were 
 back again at Bushahr, after another long march 
 through a country in many places scarcely passable 
 for the never-ending rain.^ 
 
 ^ Trotter's Britiah Empire in India, vol. ii.
 
 THE PERSIAN WAR. 189 
 
 Writing to Lord Elphinstone on February 15, 
 Outram speaks of the hearty support which he had 
 received from General Stalker. " Not content with 
 seconding me in command, he insisted on my being 
 his guest and sharing his tent. No brother could be 
 more kind or cordial, and I shall be very sorry to 
 leave him for a time. His position here will be very 
 onerous until reinforced, or until I can return ; for, 
 on learning the diminution of the force here, the 
 enemy may be encouraged to come on, though I do 
 not think this immediately likely." 
 
 The experience gained on the march to Burasjun 
 had taught him the futility of attempting, with his 
 limited means, to reach the Persian capital by the 
 way of Shiraz. He resolved therefore to make all 
 due preparations for an attack upon Muhamra, a 
 fortified town on the right bank of the Karun river, 
 commanding at once the passage of the Euphrates 
 and the apjDroach by water to Ispahan. Some weeks 
 had to elapse before the whole of the promised rein- 
 forcements reached Bushahr in transports towed by 
 slow steamers. On March 4 he began embarking 
 the troops detailed for service against Muhamra ; 
 but it was not until the 15th that Havelock with 
 a wing of his 78th Highlanders joined the fleet 
 anchored some thirty miles below Muhamra. 
 
 Meanwhile Outram had been detained at Bushahr 
 by the illness and death of General Stalker, and the 
 need of finding a competent ofiicer to fill his place. 
 Happily the arrival of Colonel Jacob, at the head of 
 his famous Sind Horse, gave Outram the very man 
 he wanted for the Bushahr command, and left him 
 free at last to carry out his scheme for bringing 
 Persia to her knees.
 
 190 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Uu the evening of Marcli 21 the Company's 
 steamer, the Feroze, bore Sir James Outram up to 
 the fleet, already assembled off the Shat-ul-Arab 
 mouth of the Euphrates, Three days later the war- 
 steamers, commanded by Commodore Young, passed 
 up the Shat-ul-Arab, towing the troop-ships, aboard 
 which were distributed about 4900 soldiers, includ- 
 ing 400 horse and two batteries of artillery. Some 
 of the transports grounded on the way, and night 
 had set in before the last of them dropped anchor off 
 Ilurteh, an Arab village just above the junction of 
 the Shat-ul-Arab with the Karun, about thirty miles 
 from the sea, and only three below Muhamra. 
 
 On the same day a mishap befell the Feroze, for 
 a full account of which I am indebted to Captain 
 Hewison, then a young naval officer on board the 
 steam-frigate which carried Outram and his staff. 
 "We were towing a large sailing-ship full of troops 
 from Bushahr, and on entering the river grounded 
 on a mudbank, and stuck fast until the tide rose. 
 The sailing-ship, requiring less depth of water, ran 
 into us, and embedded her stem in the centre of our 
 stern, at the same time upsetting the large deck- 
 house (where Outram and his staff were) with her 
 bowsprit. We thought they were all killed by the 
 roof falling on them, but, strange to say, with the 
 exception of Dr Badger, who had his face and eye 
 badly cut, the others were hauled from under the 
 roof unhurt, owing to four heavy brass stanchions 
 round the hatchway that led to the sleeping-deck 
 below preventing the roof falling flat, also a strong 
 black-wood table. It created some little excitement 
 on board, as you may imagine." 
 
 The next day was spent in preparing a raft for
 
 THE PERSIAN WAR. 191 
 
 the mortar battery, and transferring guns, troops, 
 and stores from the larger vessels into boats and 
 small steamers. At daybreak of the 26th the 
 mortar battery opened a heavy fire upon the 
 enemy's works from the shelter of a low island. At 
 7 A.M. the men-of-war moved up the Karun under 
 a raking fire, which none of them returned until 
 they had all gained their proper places. Then in 
 one and the same moment the din of their answering 
 guns began. After two hours' steady pounding the 
 fire from the fort batteries slackened more and more 
 until it ceased ; the signal for the transports soon 
 brought them up above the northernmost defences ; 
 and by half -past one the troops, all safely dis- 
 embarked, began their march upon the enemy's 
 intrenchments. But the enemy, commanded by 
 Prince Mirza, were already in full flight, leaving 
 behind them all their seventeen guns, much ammu- 
 nition, and a vast amount of public and private 
 stores. A scouting party of Sind Horse under 
 Captain Malcolm Green followed the fugitives for 
 several miles: but for want of sufticient cavalrv 
 and guns at the right moment it was impossible 
 to continue the pursuit. 
 
 Muhamra, in fact, had been won by the warships 
 of the Indian navy, consisting of four steam-frigates, 
 one steam-sloop, and two sloops of war. "The 
 gentlemen in blue," wrote Havelock, "had it all to 
 themselves, and left us naught to do." The small- 
 ness of the British loss — ten killed and thirty 
 wounded — was largely due to the foresight of Com- 
 mander Kennie, who lined the bulwarks of each 
 vessel with trusses of pressed hay, through which a 
 Persian matchlock-ball could make no way. " Thus
 
 192 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 300 bullets," says Lieutenant Low, " were found 
 buried in the sides of the Feroze, and vast numbers 
 were shaken out of the hay-trusses." The fire, more- 
 over, from the enemy's guns had been unsettled at 
 the last moment " by the bold step of closing on the 
 batteries, by which the loss of the ships, engaging 
 under a point-blank fire, at a range varying between 
 GO and 300 yards, was greatly reduced."^ 
 
 In planning the attack on Muhamra Outram had 
 intended to take his post on board the leading ship. 
 In vain did some of his officers point out the danger 
 to which he would thus be exposing a life so im- 
 portant to the service on hand. Fortunately one of 
 his most confidential friends determined to a2:>peal 
 to Outram's generosity by suggesting that " his 
 presence with the leading ship might deprive the 
 Commodore and the Indian navy generally of some 
 of the honour which was to be won." The bait 
 took at once, and he arranged to follow in the 
 Scindian after the forts had been battered by the 
 men-of-war. 
 
 "As it proved, however," says Dr Badger, "Out- 
 ram did not thereby place himself beyond personal 
 danger. As the diff"erent vessels moved up the 
 river they were exposed to the fire of several field- 
 pieces which the Persians had detached to arrest 
 their progress, and to frequent volleys of musketry 
 from behind the mud wall which enclosed the date- 
 groves on its banks. The Scindian, carrying the 
 old Indian jack, or gridiron, as the sailors call it, 
 was specially marked for these attacks. A round- 
 shot from one of their guns struck down Captain 
 Havelock's servant and killed him on the spot, and 
 
 ^ Low's History of the Indian Navy.
 
 THE PEKSIAN WAR. 193 
 
 a musket-ball was prevented from wounding Out- 
 ram's foot by a lucky hookah which happened to 
 stand before him. Outram at the time was calmly 
 surveying the movements of the enemy on shore, 
 dropping his glass every now and then to order 
 the men, who belonged to H.M.'s glorious 64th 
 Eegiment, and who would be peering above the 
 bulwarks, not to expose themselves. He had 
 hardly uttered the words, ' Down, men of the 
 64th ! ' when a shower of balls from the shore 
 rattled over the deck, happily missing the General, 
 whose whole person was exposed to the assailants. 
 ' They have put your pipe out,' was his only 
 remark, addressing himself to his friend, who had 
 been smoking the hookah, quite unconscious of the 
 danger which he had escaped." ^ 
 
 On the 29th three small steamers, three gunboats, 
 and as many ships' boats, carrying among them 300 
 British infantry, started up the Karun under the 
 command of Captain Rennie in quest of the van- 
 ished foe. On the morning of April 1 a body of 
 these, numbering 7000 infantry and many hundred 
 horse, with six guns, were seen strongly posted 
 near the town of Ahwaz, 100 miles up the Karun. 
 A few rounds from the gunboats sent the brave 
 army once more flying, with swarms of plundering 
 Arabs at their heels. Two days were spent in 
 carrying away the sheep, arms, and mules discovered 
 in Ahwaz, and in distributing the captured stores 
 of grain among the people of the country. On 
 April 4 the flotilla steamed down again towards 
 Muhamra. 
 
 In his despatch to the Indian Government Out- 
 
 ^ Eev. G. P. Badger's Notes on Outram. 
 N
 
 194 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 ram dwells on the admirable manner in which his 
 instructions had been carried out, and on the " com- 
 plete success which has attended the energetic and 
 judicious measures adopted by all concerned ; 
 indeed it is impossible to calculate upon the 
 advantaores that must ensue from the successful 
 result of this expedition, in the effect it will have 
 upon the Arab tribes, who, in crowds, witnessed 
 the extraordinary scene of a large army of 7000 
 infantry, with five or six guns, and a host of 
 cavalry, precipitately retreating before a detach- 
 ment of 300 British infantry, three small river- 
 steamers, and three gunboats."^ 
 
 A few days later the war was virtually ended by 
 the truce which Outram ordered on hearing of the 
 treaty then actually on its way from Paris for final 
 ratification at Teheran. At Paris on March 4 the 
 English and Persian commissioners had signed an 
 agreement which pledged the Shah to renounce all 
 claim of sovereignty over Herat, or any other 
 Afghan province. In any future quarrel between 
 Persia and Afghanistan England was to act as a 
 friendly mediator. The treaty for suppressing the 
 slave - trade in the Persian Gulf was to be pro- 
 longed for another ten years after the expiry of 
 its original term ; and in all matters of commerce 
 and politics Great Britain was henceforth to stand 
 on an equal footing with the most favoured of her 
 rivals. 
 
 On April 14 the Shah aflixed his signature to a 
 treaty which relieved England from further embroil- 
 ment with a foreign Power at the very moment 
 when all her resources were about to be needed for 
 
 ' Quoted by Lieutenant Low,
 
 THE PERSIAN WAR. 195 
 
 the preservation of her Indian Empire. At Baghdad 
 on May 2 the final ratifications of the treaty were 
 exchanged. On May 9 Sir James Outram issued a 
 field-force order thanking the troops for their past 
 services, and bidding them prepare for a speedy 
 return to India. 
 
 By that time, indeed, he knew that his country- 
 men in Northern India were walking per ignes 
 suppositos cineri doloso. Some weeks earlier the 
 smouldering disaff'ection among the Bengal Sepoys 
 had blazed into open mutiny at Barrackpur and 
 Bahrampur. All through March and April the 
 tokens of coming evil had been growing more rife. 
 Night after night fresh fires, whose origin remained 
 a mystery, broke out in the wide Ambala canton- 
 ment ; and the men who handled the new Enfield 
 cartridges were exposed to the jeers and insults 
 of their less loyal comrades. Early in April Lord 
 Elphinstone had sent Outram an urgent request 
 for the despatch of every European soldier with 
 all possible haste to Bombay and Calcutta. 
 
 On the morning before their return to India the 
 78th Highlanders had been reviewed for the last 
 time by their beloved General, Sir James Outram. 
 But the men were not satisfied with a farewell of 
 this formal nature. Through the mediation of their 
 own ofiicers, Colonel Stisted arranged with an officer 
 of Outram's staff" that the General should be de- 
 tained in his tent on one pretext or another to 
 receive their parting homage. Towards the evening 
 the sound of their bagpipes announced their ap- 
 proach. After some persuasion Outram consented 
 to come forth. " No sooner," says Dr Badger, 
 "was he seen by the men than they burst out
 
 196 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 into a cheer such as brave British soldiers only 
 can give. Outram attempted to address them, 
 but his sentences were interrupted by renewed 
 outbursts which so much affected him that he 
 could scarcely speak. An Italian oflicer in the 
 service of the Pasha of Baghdad, who was an eye- 
 witness of this scene, remarked to an officer of 
 the force, ' I should be sorry to command a whole 
 division of Persians against that one regiment of 
 Highlanders.' " 
 
 Writing on April 27 to Lord Elphinstone, Outram 
 pointed out that the mutinous spirit so rife in the 
 Bengal army resulted from " the faulty system of 
 its organisation, so different from that of Bombay, 
 where such insubordination is scarcely possible ; for 
 with us the intermediate tie between the European 
 officers and the men — i.e., the native officers — is 
 a loyal efficient body, selected for their superior 
 ability, and gratefully attached to their officers in 
 consequence. Their superior ability naturally exer- 
 cises a wholesome influence over the men, among 
 whom no mutinous spirit could be engendered 
 without their knowledge, and the exertion of their 
 influence to counteract it ; whereas the seniority 
 system of the Bengal Army supplies neither able 
 nor influential native officers — old imbeciles merely, 
 possessing no control over the men, and owing no 
 gratitude to their officers, or to the Government, 
 for a position which is merely the result of seniority 
 in the service." 
 
 He had once spoken his mind on this subject to 
 Lord Dalhousie, who assured him that he too had 
 seriously considered the matter, and had consulted 
 some of the highest officers of the Bengal Army.
 
 THE PERSIAN WAR. 19 Y 
 
 But they, "one and all, deprecated any attempt 
 to change the system, as a dangerous innovation. 
 Whatever the danger, it should be incurred, the 
 change being gradually introduced ; for, as at 
 present constituted, the Bengal Army never can - 
 be depended on."^ 
 
 Leaving his native troops and European artillery 
 under Jacob's command to hold Bushahr until the 
 Persians should have withdrawn from Herat, Outram 
 hastened in the latter part of May to Baghdad, to 
 take measures for ensuring the due fulfilment of 
 the treaty on Persia's part. 
 
 At Baghdad he was tortured by fears " for my 
 wife and son," as he writes to Mr Mangles. " He is 
 stationed at Aligarh, and she was with him when 
 I last heard from her in the middle of May, but 
 expected to leave for Landour in ten days. At 
 that time all was tranquil in that quarter, but ere 
 she could leave most probably the country may 
 have risen, and God only knows what may have 
 been her fate. It is dreadful to contemplate." 
 
 These fears were allayed soon after his return 
 to Bushahr in the middle of June. " My wife and 
 son," he writes, " had a narrow escape from Aligarh. 
 . . . The Sepoys at last broke out in mutiny, and 
 all Europeans were obliged to fly. Our boy Frank 
 placed his mother behind him on a pony, and carried 
 her safely till they overtook a carriage on the Agra 
 road, and they made good their way to Agra ; but 
 all their kit (including her jewels and some of my 
 medals, &c.) was sacrificed, except the clothes on 
 their backs. Her latest letter was dated 26th May, 
 by which time she had recovered from her fatigues, 
 
 1 Goldsmid.
 
 198 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 but was in much anxiety about Frank, who forms 
 one of a band of volunteers who scour the country 
 to rescue isolated Europeans." 
 
 Lady Outram's letter to her husband had not 
 told him all the facts. "The pony," says Sir F. 
 Goldsmid, " rebelled against the double burden, and 
 so they had to walk for more than half a mile 
 through cantonments — the Sepoys looting the 
 bungalows as they passed. Lady Outram's thin 
 shoes fell off, and her feet were much blistered by 
 the hot sand." 
 
 On June 17 Outram started for Bombay in com- 
 pany with Colonel Lugard and the officers of his 
 staff. From June 26 to July 9 he remained at 
 Bombay as the guest of Lord Elphinstone, awaiting 
 further instructions from Calcutta, and diligently 
 revolving the best means of battling with the 
 hurricane of revolt and bloodshed already raging 
 over a large part of British India. Tired of waiting 
 for instructions which never reached him, he em- 
 barked from Bombay on July 9 for Galle, whence 
 he took the first available steamer for Calcutta.
 
 199 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. JULY-SEPTEMBER 1857. 
 
 On the last day of July 1857 Sir James Outram, 
 G.C.B., landed in Calcutta, having just received the 
 Grand Cross of the Bath in reward for his services 
 against the Persians. For our imperilled country- 
 men in India July had been a month of torturing 
 anxiety, of incessant alarms, relieved by a few- 
 gleams of hope, too often swallowed up in a black 
 cloud of unspeakable disaster. Even in the strongly 
 governed, well-policed Punjab the fear of Nicholson's 
 avenging column had failed to avert a formidable 
 outbreak at Sialkot. The little army, which on 
 June 8 had encamped before Delhi, seemed by the 
 close of July as far as ever from the capture of a 
 great walled city bristling with guns and garrisoned 
 by more than 30,000 trained Sepoys. In the North- 
 West Provinces the fort of Agra was filled with 
 fugitives from the neighbouring districts, and held 
 by a garrison too weak to cope with the lawlessness 
 everywhere rampant outside its walls. All Oudh 
 was in wild revolt, and the untimely death of Sir 
 Henry Lawrence in his Residency which his fore- 
 sight had made defensible marked the first days of 
 a siege memorable for the sufferings and the daunt-
 
 200 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 less heroism of a few hundred men and women 
 under the most trying conditions, in the face of 
 overwhelming odds. 
 
 From Allahabad, succoured in the nick of time by 
 Colonel James Neill and his Madras Fusiliers fresh 
 from restoring order in Benares, General Havelock 
 and his recent comrades of the Persian war had 
 fought their way in triumph to Cawnpore against 
 thousands of armed mutineers sent out for their 
 undoing by the miscreant Nana of Bithur. They 
 had already learned something of the fate which 
 befell Sir Hugh Wheeler's hapless garrison in the 
 last days of June, but they still hoped to rescue 
 the women and children whom the Nana held in 
 close captivity. On the night of July 16 Havelock's 
 weary soldiers slept on the parade-ground of Cawn- 
 pore, still unprepared for the crowning catastrophe, 
 whose tokens on the morrow were to meet their 
 eyes. Not until then did they learn the whole 
 truth; how on the evening of July 15, the day of 
 his last defeat, the ruthless Nana had caused the 
 remnant of his captives — men, women, and children 
 — to be shot down, hacked, stabbed, or beaten to 
 death, within the bungalow which had been their 
 prison for a fortnight past, and how next morning 
 their mangled bodies had been stripped and tumbled 
 into the nearest well. Two hundred in all, includ- 
 ing those who had survived the slaughter of Fathi- 
 garh, appear to have perished on that night of 
 horror. Of all the 900 souls who entered the 
 doomed intrenchment in the first week of June, 
 four only, two officers and two privates, survived to 
 rejoin their countrymen at Allahabad. 
 
 Before the end of July mutiny and rebellion were
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. 201 
 
 rampant also in the province of Bihar, where the 
 mutineers from Dinapore acted in concert with the 
 armed retainers of Kunwar Singh. From his 
 quarters at Government House Outram wrote on 
 August 2 to inform Lord Elphinstone that events 
 had occurred in Dinapore and elsewhere which 
 required his " immediate services in command of 
 the two divisions of the Bengal army," covering the 
 whole distance from Calcutta to Cawnpore. Besides 
 his appointment to this double charge, Lord Canning 
 intrusted him a few days later with the post of 
 Chief Commissioner in Oudh, left vacant by the 
 death of Sir Henry Lawrence. His lordship further 
 insisted on Outram's retaining the appointment of 
 Governor- General's Agent for Eajputana, in spite of 
 Outram's earnest desire to hand that post over to 
 his locum tenens, Sir George Lawrence, " one of my 
 companions in chase of Dost Muhammad over the 
 Hindu Kush in 1839." ^ 
 
 On the evening of August 6 Outram started on 
 his voyage up the Ganges with Colonel Robert 
 Napier of the Bengal Engineers — afterwards Lord 
 Napier of Magdala — for his military secretary and 
 chief of the stafi'. " I take up a mountain train 
 with me," he writes to Lord Elphinstone, "but no 
 artillerymen are to be had, and I must extemporise 
 a crew for the guns as best I can from among the 
 sailors and soldiers. You will allow my prospects 
 are not very brilliant, but your lordship may rely 
 on my doing my best to uphold my honour as a 
 Bombay officer, and to prove myself worthy of the 
 confidence you have always placed in me." ^ 
 
 The soldiers to whom he refers belonged to the 
 
 ^ Letter to Dr Badger. ^ Kaye's Sepoj War.
 
 202 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 5th and 90th Regiments of Foot. On his way up 
 the river Outram learned how gloriously Vincent 
 Eyre, at the head of 220 Europeans and three 
 guns, had won his perilous way through thousands 
 of Bihar insurgents to the rescue of Wake's heroic 
 little garrison at Arrah, at the very moment when 
 hope had wellnigh given place to despair. At 
 Dinapore on the 18th Outram received perhaps his 
 first telegram from the new Commander-in-Chief, 
 the veteran Sir Colin Campbell, who expressed the 
 hope that Eyre's success in Bihar would enable Sir 
 James Outram to send on his European troops at 
 once to Allahabad. "It is an exceeding satisfaction 
 to me," Sir Colin added, " to have your assistance, 
 and to find you in your present position." 
 
 Not until the evening of September 1 did Out- 
 ram arrive at Allahabad. By that time Havelock 
 had fallen back upon Cawnpore, disheartened by 
 the failure of two attempts made in the teeth of 
 appalling obstacles to relieve the daily dwindling 
 garrison of Lucknow. He had even talked of re- 
 tiring as far as Allahabad unless the reinforcements 
 he sorely needed were sent up to him without de- 
 lay. The prospect indeed was enough to daunt the 
 most sanguine leader of troops in the field ; for 
 cholera, sunstroke, dysentery, and the inevitable 
 losses in battle against heavy odds had reduced 
 Havelock's effective strength from 1300 men to 700. 
 His spirits had been further depressed by the know- 
 ledge that another officer was about to relieve him 
 of his command. 
 
 On this point, however, Outram had already 
 taken care to reassure him. On August 28 he had 
 telegraphed to Havelock announcing his intention
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. 203 
 
 to retain that officer in command of the relieving 
 force. " I shall join you with the reinforcements. 
 But to you shall be left the glory of relieving Luck- 
 now, for which you have already struggled so much. 
 I shall accompany you only in my civil capacity 
 as Commissioner, placing my military service at 
 your disposal should you please, serving under 
 you as volunteer,"^ This act of heroic self-ab- 
 negation, over which Outram had pondered long 
 and anxiously, and which he lived sincerely to re- 
 gret, was warmly commended at the time both by 
 Sir Colin Campbell and the Governor-General. 
 
 On the night of September 5 Outram began his 
 march towards Cawnpore at the head of the 90th 
 Foot, having sent on half of his force under Major 
 Simmons in the first hours of the same day. At 
 the second stage of his march he was joined by a 
 strong company of the 78th Highlanders, despatched 
 by bullock-train from Benares. On the morning of 
 the 10th Outram despatched Major Eyre with two 
 guns and 150 men mounted on elephants to look 
 after a body of insurgents who were threatening to 
 outflank him. "As Major Eyre commands the 
 party," he wrote to Havelock, " he will succeed if 
 any one can in discomfiting the scoundrels." "" Eyre 
 discharged his errand so completely that few of the 
 enemy escaped across the river. 
 
 On the morning of the 15th more than half of 
 Outram's reinforcements marched into camp at 
 Cawnpore. The rest were brought up later in the 
 day by their noble leader, who found himself warmly 
 welcomed, both by his friend and comrade of the 
 Persian war and by Havelock's bold lieutenant, 
 
 ^ Marshman's Havelock. 2 Goldsmid.
 
 20-4 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 James Neill. He had intended, if need arose, to 
 make Cawnpore by forced marches ; but one day's 
 experience convinced him of the danger of overtax- 
 ing the strength of men, some hundreds of whom 
 had been cooped up for five months on board ship 
 and in river-steamers. "As we have such favour- 
 able accounts of the Lucknow garrison," he wrote 
 to Havelock on September 6, " and it being of im- 
 portance you should receive your reinforcements in 
 an efiicient state, I propose to pursue the ordinary 
 ten marches to Cawnpore."^ Three days later he 
 was able to telegraph to the Commander-in-Chief, 
 " We are getting on better, as the 90th get more 
 accustomed to their shore-legs.'"^ 
 
 Thanks to Outram's timely dissuasions, Havelock's 
 order for the immediate advance of his troops across 
 the Ganges was countermanded, pending the con- 
 struction of a bridge of boats on the Cawnpore side. 
 During the three days spent upon this work by 
 Crommelin and his sappers, aided by the coolies 
 whom Mr John Sherer, the energetic magistrate, 
 had got together, Outram's magnetic influence made 
 itself felt among all classes of his countrymen at 
 Cawnpore. "Although every soldier," writes Cap- 
 tain John Robertson, "had perfect confidence in 
 Brigadier -General Havelock, all who had served 
 with Outram were delighted to see him again. . . . 
 During the few days he was at Cawnpore he got up 
 sports for the amusement of the men, as he had 
 done in Persia, awarding prizes to the successful 
 competitors. His unselfish and generous nature in 
 allowing Havelock to command until the garrison 
 of Lucknow had been relieved was characteristic of 
 
 1 Goldsmid. ^ Forrest's Selections, &c., vol. ii.
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. 205 
 
 the man. He never appeared to have any thought 
 for himself." ^ 
 
 Mr Sherer " felt somewhat nervous on entering 
 a room in the large house on the bank, where he 
 [Outram] had taken up his quarters — a little out 
 of conversation, as one does find oneself when first 
 in the presence of a person of whom one has heard 
 much. The kindly face, the friendly hand extended, 
 the entire absence of stiffness or self-consciousness 
 — reminding me greatly, in this noble and natural 
 simplicity, of Mr Thomason — soon brought reassur- 
 ance. He took the trouble to show me a map of 
 Lucknow, and to explain some of the difficulties of 
 reaching the Eesidency. And never neglecting an 
 opportunity of encouraging what he thought was 
 right, he told me he had not failed to observe how 
 harmoniously all efforts for the objects in view were 
 working together." " 
 
 On the morning of the 16th Sir James Outram 
 issued the famous order which transferred to 
 Havelock the sole command of the troops destined 
 for the relief of Lucknow. " The important duty 
 of first relievino; the garrison of Lucknow has been 
 intrusted to Brigadier- General Havelock, C.B. ; and 
 Major- General Outram feels that it is due to this 
 distinguished officer, and the strenuous and noble 
 exertions which he has already made to efi"ect that 
 object, that to him should accrue the honour of 
 the achievement. Major -General Outram is con- 
 fident that the great end for which General 
 Havelock and his brave troops have so long and 
 
 1 Outram MSS. 
 
 2 Daily Life during the Indian Mutiny. By J. W. Sherer, C.S.I. 
 Swan, Sonnenschein, & Co.
 
 206 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 SO gloriously fought will now, under the blessing 
 of Providence, be accomplished. 
 
 "The Major-General therefore, in gratitude for, 
 and admiration of, the brilliant deeds in arms 
 achieved by General Havelock and his gallant 
 troops, will cheerfully waive his rank on the 
 occasion ; and will accompany the force to Luck- 
 now in his civil capacity as Chief Commissioner of 
 Oudli, tendering his military services to General 
 Havelock as a volunteer. On the relief of Luck- 
 now the Major-General will resume his position at 
 the head of the force." ^ 
 
 That such an order, in Mr Sherer's opinion, " did 
 honour to his heart, no one, of course, could dis- 
 pute. But there was no question of Outram's 
 heart. He was known to be the most generous 
 man alive. The difficulty that exercised many 
 military minds was of a different kind. Can an 
 officer, intrusted with a task by the Queen, make 
 that task over to another person ? " What Outram 
 himself thought upon this subject a few years later 
 will be shown in a subsequent chapter. 
 
 In the early morning of September 19 the reliev- 
 ing column, now mustering about 3000 fighting 
 men, began its fateful march over the bridge of 
 boats into Oudh. Outram reined up his mottled 
 roan horse on the mound where Mr Sherer and a 
 few other friends were standing. " He was bearded 
 and sat erect, as if his youth had returned. The 
 long array wound down to the water, and slowly 
 crossed over into Oudh. Men of history were 
 there : Havelock and Napier, Neill and Eyre ; and 
 many others. The pageant passed us ; and by 
 
 ' Marshmaii.
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. 207 
 
 nightfall the troops were spread out on the opposite 
 shore. Next day the heavy guns were taken over 
 — a task of some trouble, of course."^ 
 
 The first infantry brigade, commanded by Neill 
 himself, consisted of the Madras Fusiliers, the 5th 
 Fusiliers, the 84th Foot, and two companies of the 
 64th. The second, composed of the 78th High- 
 landers, the 90th Light Infantry, and Brayser's 
 Sikhs, was led by Colonel Hamilton of the 78th. 
 The field-batteries of Maude and Olpherts, together 
 with Vincent Eyre's heavy guns and howitzers, 
 made up the artillery brigade under the command 
 of Major Cooper. Crommelin commanded the 
 Engineers. To Captain Barrow of the Madras army 
 had been assigned the leadership of the Volunteer 
 Cavalry, about 150 in all, two-thirds of whom were 
 oflicers in search of employment, indigo - planters, 
 refugee tradesmen, and police patrols. Conspic- 
 uous among these for his powerful war-horse and 
 the stout cudgel which he carried in the place 
 of any other weapon, rode our Indian Bayard, in 
 himself a host. 
 
 Only forty-five miles lay between the river and 
 the goal of every man's desire. But the rainy 
 season was not yet over, and for three days our 
 men had to tramp along through a flooded country 
 under a downpour of persistent rain. On the morn- 
 ing of the 21st they had marched only five miles 
 from camp when the enemy were seen in great 
 numbers with twelve guns about the village of 
 Mangalw^r. A strong turning movement against 
 the enemy's right was promptly seconded by a 
 dashing charge of Barrow's volunteers, foremost 
 
 ^ Sherer's Daily Life, &c.
 
 208 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 amons: whom was Sir James Outram, as eager for 
 the fray as when, many years before, he started 
 in chase of Dost Muhammad. " A turn in the 
 road," to quote from Mr G. W. Forrest, " disclosed 
 right ahead a dense body of rallied rebels. ' Close 
 up and take order,' shouted Barrow, and in a word 
 they plunged forward and rode into the mass, 
 sabring right and left ; Outram's malacca in full 
 play. Pursued and pursuers rolled pell-mell along 
 the road to Bashiratganj. Two guns behind an 
 intrenchment barred the way. Barrow, his men 
 following him, rushed at the earthwork and over it, 
 cut down the gunners and captured the guns. The 
 rebels were pursued and sabred through the town 
 till the great serai beyond was reached. A hundred 
 and twenty killed, two guns and the regimental 
 colours of the 1st Bengal Native Infantry captured, 
 attested the vigour of the pursuit." ^ 
 
 For eight miles, as far as Bashiratganj, was the 
 pursuit continued. Havelock gave the routed 
 enemy no time to destroy the bridge over the 
 Sai, or to carry across it more than four of their 
 guns. That night the column bivouacked a little 
 beyond Bashiratganj. On the 22nd it crossed the 
 Sai, still under a drenching rain, and found shelter 
 for the night in some neighbouring villages. During 
 that afternoon the firing at Lucknow could be heard 
 so plainly that a royal salute was fired from Eyre's 
 24-poundcrs, in the hope of its reaching the ears of 
 our countrymen only sixteen miles away. But that 
 hope proved fallacious, for the wind was blowing 
 in the wrong direction. 
 
 On the 23rd Havelock's force marched on for 
 
 ^ Forrest's Selections.
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. 209 
 
 some ten miles along a road lined by broad swamps 
 to attack 10,000 or 11,000 rebels strongly posted 
 about the walled park and gardens of the Alambagh, 
 the great summer palace of the kings of Oudh. In 
 the face of a steady fire from many guns the 
 assailants plunged through the intervening marshes, 
 drove the enemy before them at every turn, and 
 stormed the park with the adjacent buildings, 
 taking five guns, and following up the routed 
 enemy to the very skirts of Lucknow. Outram's 
 volunteers and Johnson's irregulars vied with each 
 other in deeds of successful daring, charging some 
 of the guns, cutting down the gunners, and chasing 
 the Pandies back to their intrenchments beyond the 
 canal. Sixty officers and men slain or wounded 
 was the price paid by Havelock for a victory which 
 placed him within arm's-length of his long-desired 
 goal. 
 
 Barrow and Outram, joined by Olpherts with his 
 light guns, had chased the rebels up to the Charbagh 
 bridge which spanned the canal. The failing day- 
 light stayed their further progress at a point too 
 strong to be carried by a sudden rush. As Outram 
 was riding back with his men he received a de- 
 spatch announcing the fall of Delhi and the flight 
 of its king. Later in the evening our wet and 
 weary soldiers drank in the glad tidings from 
 Outram's own lips as he passed along the lines 
 of their respective bivouacs. The ringing cheers 
 which everywhere followed the reading of Brigadier 
 Wilson's letter seemed to find their answer in the 
 booming of the guns from the hard-pressed garrison 
 of Lucknow. 
 
 All that day, indeed, the people in the Residency 
 
 o
 
 210 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 had been listening with eager ears to the sounds of 
 battle raging only a few miles off, sounds which 
 eloquently confirmed the news brought back to 
 Colonel Inglis on the night before by his faithful 
 scout Angad. The letter which that brave old 
 pensioner delivered into the colonel's hands had 
 been written by Outram on September 20 — "telling 
 us," says Fayrer, " that a force had crossed the 
 Ganges on the 19th and was advancing to our 
 relief. The letter advised us not to leave the 
 defences as they approached, and only to attempt 
 to assist them in such a way as we could with 
 safety. This news did good to all by raising our 
 spirits and inspiring hope, which had at this time 
 sunk very low." 
 
 On the following day, the 24th, Havelock resolved 
 to give his men a full day's rest before the crowning 
 strugs[le against immeasurable odds. The tents 
 were pitched for the first time since the crossing 
 of the Ganges, and the troops were thus enabled 
 once more to enjoy the luxury of dry clothes. The 
 only close fighting done that day arose from a 
 sudden dash of hostile cavalry upon the weakly 
 guarded baggage in our rear. One officer and 
 several men w^ere slain in the first surprise, before 
 the rear-guard had learned to distinguish foes from 
 friends. It was not long, however, before the 
 assailants were driven back with heavy loss by the 
 steadiness of the 90th Foot, and the timely onset of 
 Olphert's guns. " Far greater annoyance," says 
 Havelock's biographer, " was experienced from two 
 of the enemy's 9 -pounders placed near the Charbagh 
 bridge, in a thick wood which afi'orded no mark to 
 our guns but the white pufi"s of smoke as they rose
 
 ON THE WAY TO LUCKNOW. 211 
 
 above the trees. Our six heavy guns endeavoured 
 to silence them from daybreak till near evening, but 
 with little success." 
 
 The two generals, Outram and Havelock, spent 
 several hours of this day in discussing ways and 
 means of carrying out the heroic enterprise ap- 
 pointed for the morrow. Of the four routes leading 
 to the Kesidency, Havelock would have preferred 
 that which passed along the northern bank of the 
 river Gumti, to a point which might afford an easy 
 passage for his guns. But this route was declared 
 impracticable, even for light field-guns, by Colonel 
 Napier, who had just returned from a careful re- 
 connaissance of a country water-logged by three 
 days of incessant rain. It was finally resolved to 
 force the Charbagh bridge, turn to the right along 
 the canal, pass round the eastern side of the city, 
 and make for the Farid Baksh, a palace near the 
 Kesidency. 
 
 There was nothing, indeed, but a choice of evils 
 for these two veterans to consider. Had time been 
 of less importance, Havelock would have stood fast 
 a few days longer in the Alambagh until the drying 
 of the ground enabled him to reach the Residency 
 by the route of his own preferring, and even to 
 escort the rescued garrison back in triumph to 
 Cawnpore. But the latest messages from Colonel 
 Inglis pointed to the absolute need of pressing 
 forward at all hazards to the help of a garrison 
 closely besieged, wasted by wounds, sickness, hard- 
 ship in every form, and threatened by the imminent 
 failure of its fast diminishing stock of food.^ "It 
 was certain," says Malleson, "that the Charbagh 
 
 ^ Marshman's Havelock.
 
 212 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 bridge and every inch of ground beyond it would 
 be desperately defended." But every soldier in the 
 force knew that he formed part of a forlorn-hope 
 on whose success alone the life of every man, 
 woman, and child in the Lucknow Residency would 
 depend. 
 
 It was arranged that the baggage, with the sick 
 and wounded, the hospital, and the reserves of 
 food and ammunition, should be left in the Alam- 
 bagh, under the charge of six officers and 300 men, 
 mostly footsore, commanded by Major M'Intyre of 
 the 78th Highlanders. The position was further 
 guarded by two 9 -pounders and two of the heavy 
 guns, beside those previously captured from the 
 enemy. ^ The troops were ordered to take sixty 
 rounds of ball-cartridge in their pouches, while a 
 reserve of the same quantity was to be conveyed 
 on camels. In spite of Outram's objections. Have- 
 lock, mindful of Keane's mistake at Ghazni, decided 
 to take with him the rest of the heavy guns. 
 
 Less than five miles lay between the Residency 
 and the Alambagh. But many hours of the follow- 
 ing day had to elapse, and many lions to be en- 
 countered by the way, before that march was fairly 
 accomplished. 
 
 ^ Forrest.
 
 213 
 
 CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 
 
 NOVEMBER 1857. 
 
 SEPTEMBER- 
 
 On the morning of September 25, as the troops 
 were standing armed and eager for the work before 
 them, Outram rode up to Havelock with the view 
 of effecting certain changes in the movements 
 ordered for that day. As the two were bending 
 together over a map of the locality, a round-shot 
 bounding over their heads seemed like the challenge 
 to immediate and deadly battle. The advance was 
 sounded, and Outram placed himself at the head of 
 the first, or Neill's brigade, while Havelock followed 
 in front of the second. 
 
 It was not many minutes before the fight began 
 in deadly earnest. In spite of a tremendous fire 
 from guns in front, and from houses and waUs on 
 either side, Neill's war- tried Fusiliers, stoutly aided 
 by the men of the 64th and 84th Foot, by Maude's 
 battery, and part of the 5th Fusiliers, ere long drove 
 the enemy from a succession of gardens and walled 
 enclosures which blocked the approach to the 
 Charbagh bridge. 
 
 As the column neared the bridge a halt was 
 sounded by Havelock's orders. The bridge itself
 
 214 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 was defended on the Lucknow side by a battery of 
 five guns, light and heavy, nearly hidden by a 
 strong breastwork, on each side of which rose lofty 
 houses held by a crowd of musketeers. For many 
 long minutes the troops had to find what shelter 
 they could from the hail of lead and iron that beat 
 upon them, while Maud's guns kept up an answer- 
 ing fire upon the batteries in his front. Outram 
 was struck by a bullet which j^ierced his arm ; " but 
 he only smiled," says Colonel Maude, " and asked 
 one of us to tie his handkerchief tightly above the 
 wound." Several times durino; the halt Maude 
 " turned to the calm, cool, grim General, and asked 
 him to allow us to advance, as we could not possibly 
 do any good by halting there. He agreed with me, 
 but did not like to take the responsibility of order- 
 ing us to go on. At last Havelock sent the welcome 
 order to advance." 
 
 At a word from Neill the Madras Fusiliers with a 
 dozen or so of the 84th, covered by the fire from 
 Maude's guns, rushed on with a cheer towards the 
 bridge through a storm of grape-shot, and before 
 the enemy had time to reload carried the breast- 
 work, bayoneting the gunners and spiking the guns. 
 At the same moment Outram emerged at the head 
 of the 5th Fusiliers from the walled gardens which 
 he had cleared of the foe. The 78 th were left to 
 hold the bridge with the adjacent houses until all 
 the troops and baggage had passed. 
 
 Meanwhile the rest of the column marched 
 quietly forward along the northern bank of the 
 canal, hindered only by the dead weight of the 
 heavy guns, which stuck fast at any part of the 
 road where the mud lay deepest. Avoiding the
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 215 
 
 certain dangers of the direct road to the Residency, 
 Havelock finally struck oif from the canal into a 
 road which led northwards past the Sikandrabagh 
 towards the line of palaces about the Kaiser Bagh, 
 or King's Garden. Here on that afternoon the 
 crowning struggle of an eventful day began. A 
 fire of grape and musketry, under which, as Have- 
 lock said, " nothing could live," mowed down scores 
 of brave men as they rushed across a narrow bridge 
 that led to the shelter of some deserted buildings 
 near the Chatar Manzil and the palace of Farid 
 Baksh. 
 
 " The force," says Marshman, " was halted under 
 the shelter of a wall of one of the palaces to allow 
 the long column, the progress of which had been 
 impeded by the narrowness of the streets, and by 
 the heavy guns, to come up, and the troops 
 obtained some respite." Ere long the 78th High- 
 landers issued from a road along which they had 
 been stubbornly fighting their way for three hours 
 against fearful odds. Daylight was now waning 
 fast, and 500 yards of streets and lanes still lay 
 between our foremost troops and the Residency. 
 The heavy guns, the dhoolies full of wounded, the 
 baggage, and the rear-guard were still some way 
 behind, with the enemy all around them. A few 
 hours' halt at the Chatar Manzil would enable the 
 rest of the troops with the wounded to close up ; 
 and meanwhile messages might somehow be ex- 
 changed with the beleaguered garrison. Outram, as 
 cool-headed as he was chivalrous, urged upon Have- 
 lock the only course which prudence could have 
 justified. " I proposed a halt," he wrote to Sir Colin 
 Campbell, "of only a few hours' duration, in order
 
 216 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 to enable the rear-guard, with which were all our 
 heavy guns, the baggage, and the dhoolies contain- 
 ing our wounded, to come up, by which time the 
 whole force would have occupied the Chatar Manzil 
 in security, which we were then holding, and from 
 which we could have effected our way to the Resi- 
 dency by opening communication through the inter- 
 vening palaces ; in a less brilliant manner, it is true, 
 but with comparatively little loss ; at the same time 
 offering to show the way through the street, if he 
 preferred it." 
 
 Havelock, however, viewing the question from its 
 sentimental side, would hear of nothing but an 
 immediate advance ; and Outram, vexed at heart 
 but mindful of a soldier's duty, rode forward in the 
 deepening twilight to show his countrymen the way 
 across what to him was familiar ground. 
 
 The final advance was led by Stisted's High- 
 landers and Brasyer's Sikhs, who now formed the 
 head of the column. " This column," in Havelock's 
 own words, " rushed on with a desperate gallantry, 
 led by Sir James Outram and myself and Lieuten- 
 ants Hudson and Hargood of my staff, through 
 streets of flat-roofed loopholed houses, from which 
 a perpetual fire was kept up." 
 
 Meanwhile the spirits of the beleaguered garrison 
 had been rising higher and higher as the sounds 
 of that day's fighting drew hourly nearer. "At 
 4 P.M.," says Sir J. Fayrer, "it was reported that 
 Europeans could be seen near Mr Martin's house 
 and about the Moti Mahal, and a continuous heavy 
 musketry-fire, coming nearer and nearer, was heard. 
 We could not see our friends, hidden as they were 
 amonsfst the streets, but we could see that the
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 217 
 
 enemy were firing upon them from the roofs of the 
 houses, and from places of vantage. Very soon the 
 Europeans could be seen fighting their way through 
 one of the principal streets, men falling rapidly, 
 when, as Wilson says, ' once fairly seen, all our 
 doubts and fears regarding them were ended, and 
 then the garrison's long-pent-up feelings of anxiety 
 and suspense burst forth in a succession of deafen- 
 ing cheers from every pit, trench, and battery ; 
 from behind the sandbags piled on shattered houses, 
 from every post still held by a few gallant spirits, 
 rose cheer on cheer. Even from the hospital many 
 of the wounded crawled forth to join in the glad 
 shout of welcome of those who had so bravely come 
 to our assistance. It was a moment never to be 
 forgotten.' " ^ 
 
 With an exultant hurrah the Highlanders and 
 Sikhs, headed by Outram and Havelock, rushed 
 through the evening shades into a whirl of out- 
 stretched hands and joy-flashing eyes, and voices 
 feebly re-echoing the shouts that each fresh band of 
 victors sent up to heaven in their turn. Strange 
 hands wrung each other in familiar greeting ; 
 strange voices thrilled together with a rush of 
 sympathy seldom shown even between the oldest 
 and dearest friends. The ladies with their children 
 crowded to the porch of Dr Fayrer's house to see 
 Outram and Havelock enter in, and to welcome the 
 rough -bearded warriors who pressed forward to 
 shake the hands of their rescued countrywomen, 
 and to catch up the children one after another in 
 their arms. 
 
 ^ Fayrer's Recollections. The Defence of Lucknow. By a Staff 
 Officer. Smith, Elder, & Co.
 
 218 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Amous; the new-comers who throns;ed the Resi- 
 dency, one man of superlative mark was missing. 
 Brigadier-General Neill had fallen from his horse, 
 shot dead by a Sepoy marksman as he was leading 
 his " Blue-caps," the Madras Fusiliers, towards the 
 Residency by another road than that which Outram 
 and Havelock had followed. Of him Kaye has well 
 said, " Like the two Lawrences, like Outram and 
 like Nicholson, he had wonderful self-reliance ; and 
 there was no responsibility so great as to make him 
 shrink from taking upon himself the burden of it." ^ 
 But for the crisis which brought him and his 
 regiment round to Calcutta, the deeds of Colonel 
 James Neill might never have filled a page in the 
 annals of Indian history. Nor would his name 
 have fio;ured amono: the heroes to whom more than 
 one speaker paid eloquent tribute at the great 
 meetins: held that winter in Calcutta. " He was an 
 honour to the country, and the idol of the British 
 army," said a soldier of the 78th Highlanders in a 
 letter to his brother on September 20. 
 
 That evening Dr Fayrer found his house filled 
 with " ofticers and soldiers all showing the results of 
 hard fightingf. Dear old Outram, with him Colonel 
 R. Napier as chief of his staff", Sitwell and Chamier, 
 his A.D.C.'s, and W. Money, C.S., his private secre- 
 tary, all entered by the Bailey-guard into my house. 
 We felt as if it were all over now, though we knew, 
 too, that this could not be the case, and very shortly 
 realised that by finding ourselves as closely besieged 
 as before. 
 
 " Outram and Napier both came in wounded : 
 Outram had been shot through the arm and Napier 
 
 * Kaye's Lives of Indian Officers.
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 219 
 
 through the leg. I dressed their wounds and made 
 them as comfortable as possible. We had very little 
 to offer them, but we did all we could. The enemy 
 were still keeping up a heavy fire upon us, as if in 
 defiance. We were reinforced, but not relieved in 
 the sense that we had hoped to be." 
 
 During that night several hundred of Havelock's 
 men still lay outside the Residency, between the 
 Bailey-guard and the adjacent buildings. It was 
 not until the next mornino- that the bulk of these 
 troops made their way into the garrison lines. Not 
 until the night of the 26th did the rear-guard, which 
 had fought its way to the Moti Mahal palace, join 
 hands with a strong column which Colonel Napier 
 had led out in quest of the missing troops and 
 guns. 
 
 Thus, after a close siege of eighty -seven days, 
 had the Lucknow garrison been saved from untold 
 disaster by the sturdy courage of the men who 
 stormed the defences of the canal, and fought their 
 conquering way through every barrier that frowned 
 between them and the Bailey-guard. In the success 
 so far achieved good generalship had borne but little 
 part. "It is difficult," says Colonel Maude, "to 
 resist the conclusion that the affair was a muddle, 
 however gloriously conducted, from beginning to 
 end. 
 
 " The officers led their men right well ; but of 
 generalship, iwoprement dit, that day there was 
 little if any at all." Outram of course " had his 
 wits about him, and was cool and collected enough ; 
 but having voluntarily subordinated his rank, he 
 could not take any independent steps without 
 involving a grave breach of discipline, while the
 
 220 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 general who was nominally in command took no 
 initiative action whatever." ^ 
 
 Out of the 2000 who marched out from the Alam- 
 bagh on September 25, no fewer than 31 officers and 
 504 men had been killed or wounded during the 
 movements of that and the following day. The 
 number of slain alone amounted to 196, of whom 11 
 were wounded soldiers who were either burned to 
 death in their dhoolies or cut up by a merciless foe. 
 
 Among the first to grasp Outram's hand on the 
 evening of the 25th was his brother-in-law, Lieu- 
 tenant J. C. Anderson, wdio had lately succeeded 
 the brave and resourceful Fulton as chief engineer 
 in charge of the Eesidency. The war-worn general, 
 with one arm in a sling and his head bare, — he had 
 lost his forage-cap during the final advance, — re- 
 turned all such greetings with a cordial word or 
 smile as he passed on to take up his quarters in the 
 long room of Fayrer's house, where Outram and 
 Napier, lying side by side on two charpoys, talked 
 to each other and gave their instructions, while their 
 kind host busied himself in dressing their wounds 
 and seeing to their comfort. 
 
 Next morning Dr Fayrer met Sir James " wander- 
 ing about with his coat in his hand, when he said, 
 * Do you think Mrs Fayrer or one of the ladies could 
 mend this for me ? ' He referred to the two bullet- 
 holes. My wife mended it, and I provided him with 
 a uniform cap with a gold-banded peak which just 
 fitted him, so he was set up again in this respect." 
 
 On this day, September 26, Outram resumed the 
 chief command of the troops in Oudh. His first 
 step was to order the clearing out of the " Captain 
 
 ^ Memories of the Mutiny.
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 221 
 
 Bazaar," which lay disagreeably close to one part of 
 the garrison's outworks. That task was thoroughly 
 accomplished by Colonel Inglis and the 32nd Foot, 
 after a struggle which issued in the capture of five 
 guns, and the loss on our side of three killed, 
 includino; one officer and seven wounded. 
 
 On the following day, the 27th, " the palaces 
 extending along, on the line of the river, from the 
 Residency to near the Kaiser Bagh, were occupied 
 for the accommodation of our troops. On the same 
 day, at noon, a party consisting of 150 men made 
 a sortie on another of the enemy's positions and 
 destroyed four guns, at a loss of eight killed and 
 wounded. At daylight on the 28th three columns, 
 aggregating 700 men, attacked the enemy's works 
 at three different points, destroyed ten guns, and 
 demolished by powder explosions the houses which 
 afforded position to the enemy for musketry- fire. 
 This successful operation was attended by the 
 serious loss of one officer and fifteen men killed and 
 missing, one officer and thirty-one men wounded, 
 the officer killed being Major Simmons, commanding 
 her Majesty's 5th Fusiliers, most deeply regretted by 
 the whole army." ^ 
 
 At the time when Outram wrote the lines just 
 quoted he had come to the conclusion that only one 
 course remained open to him. Recognising the 
 hopelessness of any attempt to carry ofi" the rescued 
 garrison from Lucknow, he resolved to stand fast 
 within the Residency until further help should come, 
 to secure all possible supplies of provisions for his 
 force, " and to maintain ourselves, even on reduced 
 rations, until reinforcements advance to our relief." 
 
 ^ Outram's despatch of September 30.
 
 222 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 During that last week in September many visitors 
 came to inquire after Outrani and his wounded arm. 
 " Oh, damn the arm ! " was the answer which Fayrer 
 heard him give to one of these well - meaning 
 questioners. He had been provoked beyond his 
 wont by the ill-timed reference to such a trifle at 
 a moment when affairs of the gravest public import 
 were engrossing; all his attentions, " We had 
 nothing to give them [Outram and Napier] but 
 commissariat rations," remarks Sir Joseph, "nor 
 would they hear of anything being sent to them 
 from elsewhere. Something was sent to him one 
 day beyond the ordinary ration ; he was very angry, 
 and refused to have it. Dear old fellow ! He was 
 indeed chevalier sans peur et sans rejyroche." 
 
 From September 25 down to the arrival of Sir C. 
 Campbell's relieving force in November, Outram, 
 says Captain Eobertson, " was untiring in his exer- 
 tions to do everything in his power for us. He 
 daily visited the sick and wounded, speaking words 
 of kindness when he could do nothing better. His 
 genial face and kind-hearted words did more for me 
 than all the skill of my doctors." ^ 
 
 It had lately been Outram's secret ambition to 
 obtain the Victoria Cross which the Queen had 
 instituted as a reward for signal deeds of valour at 
 the close of the Crimean war in 1856. The Vol- 
 unteer Cavalry unanimously recorded their votes 
 for Sir James Outram on account of his gallantry 
 at Mangalwar. " Nothing," says Sir J. Fayrer, 
 " would have pleased him more than to have it 
 [the V.C], but some wretched red-tapism prevented 
 him from getting it because he was so high in 
 
 ^ Outram MSS.
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 223 
 
 command. I don't know what lie thought about it, 
 but I know what we all thought of it ! " On learn- 
 ing what had happened, Outram requested the 
 volunteers to cancel their election and choose some 
 one else in his place. He would never have allowed 
 them, he explained, to take such a step had he been 
 aware of their intention, for he was of course inelig- 
 ible as being the general under whom they served. 
 
 It was not merely personal ambition which in- 
 spired Outram's apparent rashness on the road to 
 Lucknow. " I conceive," he wrote in 1859, " that 
 as a soldier I was simply in the position of a mere 
 volunteer during the period I abdicated the com- 
 mand to General Havelock. I am not so satisfied, 
 however, that I can justly contend against the 
 impression, which I regret to find is entertained by 
 the Governor-General, that I too readily ignored the 
 responsibilities of the high civil position in which he 
 had placed me, even whilst its duties were in abey- 
 ance from the impossibility of conducting them, 
 while yet we possessed no footing in Oudh. In 
 that view his Excellency's arguments against the 
 course I pursued on this occasion are too cogent, 
 though so kindly and courteously expressed, to allow 
 me to blind myself to the fact that I was not 
 justified in so entirely losing sight, as I cannot but 
 feel conscious that I did, of my position of Chief 
 Commissioner of Oudh. But I beg to be allowed to 
 urge as somewhat extenuating my apparent selfish- 
 ness in seeking personal distinction in the field, 
 while yet my civil functions were literally nil, that 
 until Lucknow fell to our arms or returned to 
 allegiance on relief of the garrison, there could be 
 no possibility of a chief commissioner being required ;
 
 224 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 and to effect the great object which we then had in 
 view, every man of the force, military or civil, was 
 required to do the duty of a soldier." 
 
 " But I hope," he goes on, " I was actuated by 
 better motives than the mere seeking of personal 
 distinction. I felt that it was more incumbent on 
 myself than on any man in the force to show the 
 soldiers that I did not shrink from any dangers to 
 which they themselves were exposed, in a struggle 
 which they all knew / had drawn them into. Our 
 success depended on all being nerved by the same 
 spirit ; and the holding back of so prominent an 
 individual as their late general, on the plea of his 
 position as Chief Commissioner, would not have 
 promoted such a spirit. It was an object certainly 
 to inspire our small body of cavalry, in their first 
 contest, with the enthusiasm required to carry them 
 through what we knew they would have to encounter 
 ere we reached Lucknow. 
 
 " But my interference was little needed to that 
 end with men under Captain Barrow's command, and 
 would not have been exerted, perhaps, had I had 
 previous opportunities of testing that ofticer's quali- 
 fications for command. The cavalry aftair, however, 
 was mere pastime to what was before us when im- 
 perative duty demanded my exposure ; for I state 
 but the truth, to which the whole army will testify, 
 declaring it in self-defence against the imputation 
 of needlessly exposing myself, that had I gone to 
 the rear when wounded on the morning of Septem- 
 ber 25, the column would not have penetrated into 
 the city, nor without my guidance could it have 
 reached the Residency." 
 
 I think that no impartial reader will hesitate to
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 225 
 
 indorse Sir John Kaye's conclusion, " that to have 
 done otherwise than he did would have been very 
 much unlike all that we know of the character of 
 James Outram. It was not in him when danger 
 threatened to refrain from going to the front. 
 That he was ambitious is not to be denied ; but his 
 ambition had but little of the common element of 
 selfishness. He would never consent to rise at the 
 expense of others, nor would he benefit himself to 
 the injury of the State." ^ 
 
 As the enemy still continued from a battery 
 across the river to annoy the defenders of the 
 Redan, Colonel Maude contrived by a well-aimed 
 shot, delivered at the right moment, to disable 
 their heaviest gun. The good news soon found its 
 way to Outram, who came down with one or two 
 of his stafi" to see for himself the result of Maude's 
 skill. " The Bayard of India said with his genial 
 smile, ' I have heard of your feat of arms, Maude, 
 and I now give you the highest reward it is in my 
 power to bestow ! ' at the same time handing me a 
 Manilla cheroot. A most seasonable gift it was, 
 and I heartily and laughingly thanked the good 
 General for it." ^ 
 
 The safety of the little garrison at the Alambagh 
 gave Outram food for grave anxiety in the first 
 days of his renewed command. On the 28th he 
 advised Major M'Intyre to do the best he could 
 for the defence of his position. '* Should you be 
 assailed," he wrote, " you will be able to hold your 
 own. The only damage they can do you is by 
 firing long shots into the garden, but I trust the 
 four guns left with you will soon silence such fire." 
 
 * Cornhill Magazine, May 1863. ^ Memories of the Mutiny. 
 
 P
 
 226 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 The failure of bis cavalry on September 30 to 
 force a passage tbrougb tbe enemy's lines, decided 
 bira to work bis way tbrougb tbe buildings along tbe 
 Cawnpore road. For tbis end it was necessary to 
 clear away tbe powerful battery wliicb still annoyed 
 our troops from tbe garden of Pbillips's bouse, flank- 
 ing tbe road aforesaid. " Tbis was efi"ected," wrote 
 Outrara, " on October 2, witb tbe comparatively 
 trifling loss of two killed and eleven wounded ; a 
 result wbicb was due to tbe careful and scientific 
 dispositions of Colonel Napier, under wbose personal 
 guidance the operation was conducted. Three guns 
 were taken and burst — their carriages destroyed ; 
 and a large house in tbe garden, which had been 
 tbe enemy's stronghold, was blown up." 
 
 Tbe next few days were spent by our troops in 
 working from house to house with crowbar and 
 pickaxe, until a large mosque strongly held by 
 the enemy eff'ectually blocked their advance. The 
 assailants therefore, on October 6, fell back upon 
 Pbillips's house after blowing up the principal bouses 
 between the mosque and their new position, which 
 thenceforth became " a permanent outpost, afl"ording 
 comfortable accommodation to her Majesty's 78tb 
 Highlanders, and protecting a considerable portion 
 of the intrenchment from molestation, besides con- 
 necting it with the palaces occupied by General 
 Havelock." ^ 
 
 It was not lono- before Outram's fears for the 
 safety of M'Intyre's garrison were dispelled by the 
 timely arrival at the Alambagh of successive con- 
 voys from Cawnpore. Meanwhile his mind had 
 been relieved from a still heavier burden by the 
 results of a scrutiny which Napier had conducted at 
 
 ^ Outram's despatch of November 26.
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 227 
 
 his desire into the stock of food remaininof within 
 the Residency precincts. To his surprise Napier 
 discovered that the stock of supplies laid in by the 
 forethought of Sir Henry Lawrence would suffice to 
 feed the enlarged garrison for yet another two 
 months.^ 
 
 A discovery so unexpected brought about a 
 radical change in Outram's plans. Thenceforth no 
 more sorties were allowed ; and Outram resolved 
 to make the best he could of his improved position 
 pending the arrival of reinforcements from below. 
 
 "From this time," says General Innes, "warfare 
 became one of mines, but on quite a different footing 
 from that of the first sieoje. Then the struo^s^le had 
 been for life or death — a single sudden success on the 
 enemy's part might have meant the irruption of the 
 besiegers and the extinction of the garrison ; but 
 now there was no such risk — it was a case of pure 
 underground contest, with no specially important 
 result hanging on the issue. But throughout it, ex- 
 cept at the start, the enemy always failed, and the 
 victory lay with the garrison. The locale of this 
 contest was confined entirely to the new position." 
 
 On the 21st both Outram and Napier were 
 described by Fayrer as doing well. "Outram is 
 constantly about ; he is utterly indifferent to fire ; 
 I have been about with him in many places where 
 it was hot, but he takes not the slightest notice 
 of it." 
 
 The enemy, whose numbers had lately been in- 
 creased by thousands of Sepoys from Delhi and else- 
 where, still maintained a steady but wellnigh harm- 
 less fire upon Outram's garrison. In the city itself 
 a boy king had been set up by the rebel soldiery, 
 
 ^ The Sepoy Eevolt. By General M'Leod Innes, V.C.
 
 228 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 and in his name alone would the wily Rajah 
 Man Singh deign to treat with Lord Canning's 
 Chief Commissioner. On October 27 Man Singh's 
 wakil, or envoy, had a long conference with Out- 
 ram's private secretary, Mr W. J. Money, which 
 led to no satisfactory result. The great Hindu 
 chieftain's offer to escort the women, children, and 
 invalids to Cawnpore appeared to Outram more like 
 an insult or a bravado than a mark of genuine 
 courtesy. 
 
 The receipt of news from home was of course a 
 rare event in the life of Outram's garrison. One 
 day in October a messenger from the Alambagh 
 brought them a ' Home News ' of August 25. 
 " Great interest expressed in it about us all. 
 Troops are coming out overland to our assistance, 
 and the prospects seem more cheering." ^ 
 
 On the 27th a letter was received from Cawnpore 
 telling of the arrival there of Hope Grant's Delhi 
 column, and of its successful fights with the rebels 
 near Mainpuri and Cawnpore. Amidst his multi- 
 farious duties Outram kept up a brisk correspond- 
 ence with the authorities, civil and military, beyond 
 the Ganges. His messengers carried no private 
 letters from any one in the garrison to friends 
 outside. " Tell her I cannot write to her," were 
 Outram's own words concerning Lady Outram in 
 the postscript of a letter addressed to Captain Bruce 
 at Cawnpore ; "as our expensive cossids can only 
 carry a quill, private communications have been 
 forbidden to others, and I cannot, in honour, take 
 advantage to write privately myself."^ By way 
 of precaution all letters sent from the Residency 
 
 1 Sir J. Fayrer's Recollections. ' Goldsmid.
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 229 
 
 were written in Greek characters. "You ask me 
 to write in the English character," was Outram's 
 answer to one of his officers, " so would the enemy 
 wish me to do. As the only security against their 
 understanding what we write in case our letters fall 
 into their hands, the Greek character must be used." 
 
 On learning that an army of Gwalior mutineers 
 had reached Kalpi on the Jumna, whence they 
 would certainly march across the Doab to Cawnpore, 
 Outram wrote to Captain Bruce on October 28 
 urgently recommending the defeat and dispersion 
 of the " Gwalior rebels " before any attempt was 
 made to relieve himself. " We can manao;e to 
 screw on," he added, " till near the end of November 
 on further reduced rations. Only the longer we 
 remain the less physical strength we shall have to 
 aid our friends when they do advance, and the 
 fewer guns shall we be able to move out in co- 
 operation. But it is so obviously to the advantage 
 of the State that the Gwalior rebels should be first 
 effectually destroyed, that our relief should be a 
 secondary consideration." 
 
 On November 3 a semaphore was set up on the 
 top of the Residency, whence signals could be ex- 
 changed with the Alambagh. On the same day 
 Sir Colin Campbell arrived at Cawnpore. Disre- 
 garding, wisely or unwisely, Outram's counsel touch- 
 ing the Gwalior rebels, he decided to push on with 
 the least possible delay towards Lucknow. On the 
 evening of November 9, after a forced march of 
 thirty-five miles, he joined hands with Hope Grant's 
 column at Bantera, about five miles from the Alam- 
 bagh. At Bantera on the following morning a 
 strange-looking creature appeared before the tent
 
 230 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 of the Commander-in-Chief. The grim old warrior 
 came out to ask the new-comer's name and business. 
 Pulling off his turban, the stranger drew from one 
 of its folds a short note of introduction from Sir 
 James Outram. 
 
 The bearer of the note was Mr Thomas Kavanagh, 
 a clerk in the Company's service at Lucknow, who 
 had persuaded the Chief Commissioner to send him 
 forth disguised as a native, in company with a 
 trusty native spy, upon an errand which Outram 
 dared not ask one of his own officers to undertake. 
 After a night of perilous wandering through streets 
 full of armed men, and through a country bristling 
 with rebel pickets, Kavanagh had fallen in with a 
 British outpost, whence he w^as duly conducted to 
 Campbell's headquarters. Besides a number of 
 verbal messages from the Chief Commissioner, 
 Kavanagh had brought with him a plan of the 
 city, a code of signals, and a letter in which Outram 
 pointed out what seemed to him the easiest road 
 for the relieving column.^ Kavanagh himself re- 
 mained at headquarters for the purpose of acting 
 as guide to the advancing; force. 
 
 In the evening of November 12 Campbell's force, 
 amounting only to 5000 of all arms, encamped at 
 the Alambagh after a sharp skirmish, in which 
 Hugh Cough's squadron of Hodson's Horse made a 
 brilliant charge, resulting in the capture of two 
 guns.^ On the 14th, Sir Colin fought his way across 
 country from the Alambagh to the Dilkusha Park 
 and the Martiniere, where the troops were halted 
 for the following day. 
 
 ' Goldsmid ; Forrest. 
 
 ^ Sir C. Campbell's despatch. Sir H. Gough's Old Memories.
 
 WITHIN THE LUCKNOW RESIDENCY. 231 
 
 Thus far Campbell had followed Outram's direc- 
 tions, but a reconnaissance made on the 15th de- 
 cided him to take a wider circuit across the canal. 
 " On the morning of the 16th," says Sir J. Fayrer, 
 *' the relief force moved early, and we heard the fire 
 of their heavy guns distinctly. From the roof of the 
 house we could see a good deal, and it was curious 
 to feel that it was for us they were fighting ! I 
 could see distinctly in the distance cavalry, infantry, 
 and artillery. We saw some of our mines explode 
 at the Chatar Manzil, and several shells burst in the 
 air. Rockets were being freely used, and some 
 buildings were seen in flames. By the evening the 
 relief force had got up to the Moti Mahal, so that 
 they were now very near us. Some of our people 
 made a sortie and stormed one of the enemy's 
 positions." 
 
 Meanwhile the advancing force had to carry by 
 storm the walled defences of the Sikandrabagh and 
 the Shah Najif before that day's work came to a 
 successful close. That evening 1800 rebels lay dead 
 within the precincts of the Sikandrabagh alone. 
 
 On the 17th fighting was renewed at the Mess- 
 House, where Peel's blue-jackets battered a way 
 in with their heavy guns for Campbell's infantry. 
 Before evening the victors had carried the wide 
 enclosure of the Moti Mahal. Between this point 
 and Outram's advanced post there intervened a 
 quarter of a mile commanded by a line of sharp- 
 shooters and the guns from the Badshah Bagh. Along 
 this perilous space Outram and Havelock, with their 
 respective Stan's, went forward on foot to welcome 
 the Commander-in-Chief. " Passing unhurt," says 
 Marshman, "through the first fire from the Kaiser
 
 232 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Bagh, they reached the Moti Mahal in safety." As 
 the party hastened through the passages and courts 
 of the Moti Mahal a shell burst among them, which 
 laid Havelock for a moment prostrate, but otherwise 
 unharmed. Only twenty -five yards now divided 
 them from Campbell's headquarters at the Mess- 
 House. 
 
 Under a storm of fire from the Kaiser Bagh they 
 sped in single file across that deadly passage. 
 Outram and Havelock made their way unscathed 
 towards the spot where Campbell awaited them ; 
 but the rest of the party, including Napier himself, 
 were struck by the passing bullets. The meeting 
 between the three veterans was, in Sir Hope Grant's 
 words, " a happy meeting, and a cordial shaking of 
 hands took place." Havelock's wan face lighted up 
 a little on learning from his brave old chief that 
 he had been orazetted K.C.B. The relief of the 
 besieged garrison had now been accomplished. It 
 only remained, as Sir Colin himself informed the 
 two commanders, to carry out his original plan of 
 withdrawing the whole of the garrison to Cawnpore 
 before taking steps to deal with the Gwalior 
 mutineers.
 
 233 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 
 NOVEMBER 1857-FEBRUARY 1858. 
 
 On the following day, November 18, Outram and 
 Havelock waited upon the Commander-in-Chief to 
 express their views upon the course they deemed it 
 best to pursue. They urged Sir Colin to drive the 
 rebels out of the Kaiser Bagh, and then to continue 
 holding the city with an adequate portion of the 
 troops at his command. Sir Colin, however, in- 
 sisted that " a strong movable division outside the 
 town, with field and heavy artillery, in a good 
 military position, was the real manner of holding 
 the city of Lucknow in check." His ammunition 
 also was running short ; he deemed himself weak in 
 infantry ; and, strongest reason of all, the Gwalior 
 insurgents might at any moment attack Cawnpore. 
 For the present he would content himself with 
 carrying ofi" the Lucknow garrison, and holding the 
 city in check by means of a strong force intrenched 
 at the Alambagh.^ 
 
 The arrangements which Outram made by Camp- 
 bell's orders for the safe withdrawal of many 
 hundred men, women, and children from the ruined 
 Eesidency to the ground prepared for them in the 
 
 ^ Marshman.
 
 234 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Dilkusha Park were not completed until the 19th. 
 " I have enough to do just now," he writes to Lady 
 Outran! on the 18th, " in arranging the difficult and 
 delicate operation of the withdrawal of our troops 
 with the vast number of women, sick and wounded 
 (about 1500 souls). . . . My wound is entirely 
 healed, and was nothing to signify, not having laid 
 me up for a single day."^ 
 
 About 3 P.M. of the 19tli, some hours after the 
 last of the sick and wounded had been safely borne 
 away, the general exodus of the women, children, 
 and non-combatants began. Many of them had to 
 trudge on foot through five miles of heavy sand, 
 while others were drawn slowly along by horses, too 
 weak almost to carry themselves. More than once 
 they had to run for their lives from a shower of 
 grape or bullets ; at other times a block in the 
 narrow road kept them waiting for long minutes in 
 sharp suspense. By the end of the first hour they 
 reached the Sikandrabagh, where they received a 
 kindly welcome from the Commander-in-Chief. A 
 few hours' halt in that noisome neighbourhood 
 enabled them to pursue the rest of their way in 
 dhoolies provided by the old chief himself. The 
 long procession took some hours more to reach the 
 Dilkusha. After all their past sufferings, in spite of 
 their buried dear ones, and of the household goods 
 they had been forced to leave behind them, their 
 first night's quiet sleep in the tents prepared for 
 them at their new resting-place, was an event to 
 remember with special thankfulness in after years.^ 
 
 ^ Goldsmid. 
 
 ^ The Polehampton Memoirs ; Lady Inglis's Diary ; Forrest ; 
 Sir J. Fayrer.
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 235 
 
 Only one woman and two or three attendants 
 were hurt on the way by hostile shot. Meanwhile 
 the troops in garrison, under Outram's masterly 
 management, were busied in preparing for their 
 own departure. Of the guns they had served so 
 well, some were burst on the spot, others were 
 removed to the camp outside the city. The 
 ordnance stores, the treasure, the remaining sup- 
 plies of grain, the State prisoners, were all carried 
 quietly away while the enemy's attention was drawn 
 off by a steady cannonade of the Kaiser Bagh and 
 other strong posts in the city,^ 
 
 At length, on the night of the 22nd, silently, and 
 in perfect order, the last body of Outram's soldiers 
 — the 78th Highlanders and Maude's battery having 
 the post of honour in the rear — stepped forth from 
 the lights and fires of the battered Residency into 
 the darkness of the long winding lane that still lay 
 between them and comparative safety. The High- 
 landers were enjoined by Outram to avoid keeping 
 step, lest the regular tramp should be heard by the 
 enemy." As Mr Money passed out of the Bailey- 
 guard gate he saw his noble chief holding back. 
 " The thought struck me at once that he wished to 
 be the last man to quit the garrison — but it was not 
 to be, Brio-adier Tng-lis had observed the move, and 
 at once said, ' You will allow me, Sir James, to be 
 the last, and to shut the gates of my old garrison.' 
 Outram at once yielded, and Inglis closed the 
 gates." 
 
 From the Sikandrabagh Campbell himself, riding 
 with Adrian Hope's brigade, covered the retreat 
 which Outram had so skilfully planned. Not a hitch 
 
 ^ C. Campbell's despatch of November 25. ^ Goldsmid.
 
 236 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 occurred throughout the movement, whose success 
 depended on the intelligence and the discipline of 
 all concerned. Not a man was lost in that night 
 march through the midst of 40,000 or 50,000 armed 
 foes. One officer, indeed, who had somehow been 
 overlooked, awoke to find himself alone in the 
 abandoned intrenchment. Horror - stricken, and 
 hardly knowing which way to turn, he sped on 
 from one deserted post to another as fast as fear 
 could carry him, until, breathless and wellnigh 
 crazed, he came up w^ith a part of the British rear- 
 guard. By four in the morning of the 23rd the last 
 of our soldiers had reached the Dilkusha. Some 
 hours later the enemy were still blazing away at our 
 abandoned posts, and repairing the breaches which 
 our guns the day before had made in the Kaiser 
 Bagh. 
 
 On one conspicuous leader in the fighting of the 
 past six months death was already closing fast. 
 Worn out with toil, anxiety, exposure, and hard fare, 
 Sir Henry Havelock had fallen ill on November 20. 
 Two days later he knew himself to be dying, and on 
 the 24th he breathed his last, calmly and content- 
 edly, in the camp at the Dilkusha. Outram could 
 not restrain his tears when he visited his dying 
 comrade on the evening of the 23rd. Writing 
 afterwards to Havelock's biographer, he speaks of 
 his tenderness as " that of a brother. He told me 
 he was dying, and spoke from the fulness of his 
 honest heart of the feelings which he bore towards 
 me, and of the satisfaction with which he looked 
 back to our past intercourse and service together, 
 which had never been on a single occasion marred 
 by a disagreement of any kind, nor embittered by
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 237 
 
 an angry word. . . . How truly I mourned his loss 
 is known to God and my own heart." 
 
 On the morning of the 26th his remains were 
 interred in the Alambagh with all the honours that 
 a crowd of mourning comrades, headed by Camp- 
 bell himself, could bestow. " I myself," says 
 Outram, " was denied the melancholy satisfaction 
 of attending; his honoured remains to the grave, 
 by being left at Dilkushfi to bring up the rear 
 division." 
 
 By way of precaution Outram afterwards caused 
 the grave to be smoothed over. "At the same 
 time," says his biographer, " he directed such minute 
 measurements to be taken as to lead to the recogni- 
 tion, when required, of the precise site." According 
 to Mr Forrest, the mango-tree which marks the spot 
 " still spreads its branches over his tomb, and the 
 cross carved on it by the hand of Outram was a few 
 years ago still discernible." 
 
 During the 24th the long train of women and 
 children, together with the sick and wounded of the 
 whole force, were escorted by Hope Grant's division 
 to their temporary halting-place at the Alambagh. 
 "The difficulties and obstacles upon the road," says 
 Sir J. Fayrer, "were indescribable, but every one 
 was very kind to the sick and wounded, the ladies 
 and children." Outram's division remained behind 
 until the following day, "to prevent molestation," 
 wrote Sir Colin Campbell, "of the immense convoy 
 of the women and wounded, which it was necessary 
 to transport with us." 
 
 To each and all concerned in the work thus far 
 accomplished Sir Colin Campbell's despatch dealt 
 out a liberal measure of just praise. Outram's able
 
 238 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 strategy, Hope Grant's untiring diligence, Peel's 
 happy daring, the splendid rivalry of the Royal and 
 Bengal Artillery, the steady zeal of the officers of the 
 9th Lancers and the Irregular Horse, who " were 
 never out of the saddle during all this time," received 
 from Sir Colin's pen no heartier tribute than did the 
 fiery courage of the troops that stormed the Sikan- 
 drabagh, the soldier -like watchfulness of Brigadier 
 Russell's column, and the matchless heroism of the 
 whole force, which for seven days had formed " one 
 outlying picket, never out of fire, and covering an 
 immense extent of orround." 
 
 Admirable also had been the defence of the en- 
 larged position, as maintained by Outram for nearly 
 two months between the first and the second relief 
 of Lucknow. The manner in which a straggling, 
 weakly guarded line of gardens, courts, and dwelling- 
 houses, mixed up with the buildings of a hostile city, 
 had been held against " a close and constant fire 
 from loopholed walls and windows," and a fitful 
 storm of grape and round-shot from guns, mostly 
 within point-blank range, was a marvel of sturdy 
 soldiership and engineering skill. Against twenty 
 of the enemy's mines twenty -one shafts had been 
 dug by Napier's engineers. Of the former, five only 
 had been burst by the rebels, two of them quite 
 harmlessly ; while seven had been blown in by our 
 men, and the enemy had been driven out of seven 
 more. 
 
 As for the old garrison who had fouoht and 
 sufi'ered under Colonel Inglis, all England rang 
 with stories of their prowess, and with heartfelt 
 pseans over their success. All Europe hailed with 
 half-envious admiration the victorious issue of a
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 239 
 
 defence which Lord Canning might well place 
 among the most heroic recorded in history — a de- 
 fence which Campbell himself called magnificent, 
 and which, to Outram's thinking, demanded the use 
 of terms " far more laudatory," if such were pos- 
 sible, than those once applied to the "illustrious 
 garrison " of Jalalabad. 
 
 On the 27th Sir Colin Campbell began his return 
 march to Cawnpore at the head of 3000 men, 
 amongst whom, says Mr G. W. Forrest, "were the 
 remnant of the gallant 32nd who had so stoutly 
 defended the Residency, the Sepoys whose fidelity 
 and courage can never be too highly appraised, and 
 the few native pensioners who had loyally responded 
 to the call of Sir Henry Lawrence to come to our 
 aid in the darkest hour." To them was intrusted 
 the safeguarding of the rescued women and children, 
 and some 1500 sick and wounded, too^ether with 
 the treasure, surplus stores, and the engineer and 
 artillery parks. The march of a convoy extending 
 over ten miles of road was inevitably slow, and not 
 until the evening of November 30 had the whole 
 of its precious burden been safely sheltered within 
 Windham's intrenched position at Cawnpore. 
 
 " That fine noble fellow," as Sir Hoj^e Grant calls 
 Sir James Outram, was left behind with 3500 men 
 to hold the position around the Alambagh until the 
 Commander-in-Chief should return in the followino; 
 year to expel the rebels from Lucknow\ The posi- 
 tion which Outram had to hold with this small 
 force against any number of the enemy covered a 
 circuit of about ten miles, extending across the 
 Cawnpore road south-eastward to the old, half- 
 ruined fort of Jalalabad. " Where this position,"
 
 240 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 writes Colonel Malleson, "was not naturally cov- 
 ered by swamps he placed batteries, dug trenches, 
 and planted abattis to protect it. 
 
 The troops under his command consisted of " the 
 remnants of Havelock's noble force ; the regiments 
 Outram had brought up with him from Allahabad ; 
 and what the siege of Delhi had left of the gallant 
 75th. Weak in numbers were these battalions, but 
 every man of them was a veteran to be relied upon. 
 One, the 78th, had learned to love James Outram — 
 no other word would express the truth — in Persia. 
 The Military Train, as worthy comrades of the Vol- 
 unteer Cavalry, and some good Madras troops, 
 must not be forgotten in making up the total. Sir 
 James had lost Colonel Napier, called away on other 
 duty, but Colonel Berkeley proved an excellent chief 
 of the staff. Colonels Hamilton and Stisted well 
 led his two infantry brigades ; while Vincent Eyre 
 handled the cavalry and artillery to perfection, 
 seconded by one whose dash had become proverbial 
 even among Horse Artillerymen — Major William 
 Olpherts." ^ Outram's numbers were made up to 
 4000 by a strong picket retained at Banni to 
 guard the bridge over the Sai. 
 
 For the next few weeks Outram employed him- 
 self in strengthening his position, in keeping a 
 careful watch upon the enemy's movements, and 
 in making fruitless efforts to obtain supplies from 
 the neighbouring villages. So strict and general 
 was the blockade enforced by the rebel leaders that 
 Outram was driven to depend upon Cawnpore for 
 supplies escorted by troops whom he could ill spare 
 from the defence of his own position. 
 
 1 Goldsmid.
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 241 
 
 The instructions forwarded by Campbell's chief 
 of the staff, shortly after the rout of the Gwalior 
 contingent, evoked from Outram so powerful a pro- 
 test against unreasonable demands upon his military 
 etrenfifth that he was allowed henceforth a free 
 hand in matters bearing on the safety of his 
 command. 
 
 Amidst all his difficulties he managed to keep 
 himself thoroughly informed of the enemy's move- 
 ments and designs. Few commanders, indeed, have 
 ever equalled him in the excellence of his scouting 
 arrangements. A great deal of his success in war 
 has been ascribed by a competent critic to "his 
 determination to obtain the best information of the 
 enemy's strength and plans before acting. He was 
 cautious in this, but when once on the field, he was 
 all dash. At the Alambagh his Intelligence De- 
 partment was amazingly good. Again and again 
 were his spies sent back before he would move from 
 camp." 
 
 During the three months that he held his isolated 
 position " he never harassed the soldiers," says 
 Major Eobertson, "by calling them out a moment 
 before wanted to repel the repeated attacks of the 
 rebels ; and he dismissed them as soon as he could 
 dispense with their services, generally ordering a 
 dram or half a dram of rum to be issued if he 
 had it to give. The result of this was, that when 
 an alarm was given the men were on the ground 
 at once." 
 
 Day after day in December the enemy had been 
 employed in throwing up batteries, and in making 
 hostile demonstrations along his lines. At last, on 
 the 22nd, an attempt was made to sever Outram's 
 
 Q
 
 242 THE BAYAHD OF INDIA. 
 
 commiinicatioiis with Baiini. But the British gen- 
 eral happened to be wide awake. At five of that 
 morning he moved out with nearly half his force 
 *' in the hope of surprising the enemy, and inter- 
 cepting their retreat to the city." Their main body 
 retreated betimes out of Outram's reach ; but the 
 attack upon their rear was made so suddenly and 
 followed up with so fierce a courage, that, in spite 
 of their overwhelming numbers, they fied like 
 frightened sheep, with " the loss of four Horse 
 Artillery guns, much ammunition, besides elephants 
 and baggage, and some fifty or sixty men slain." 
 According to Outram's report on this affair, there 
 was " hardly a casualty on our side." 
 
 About a fortnight later Outram despatched a 
 convoy of empty waggons to Cawnpore, guarded by 
 530 men with four guns. The strength of the 
 escort on this occasion was due to the tidino-s which 
 Outram's spies had brought him, of fresh move- 
 ments planned by the rebel leaders against his rear. 
 On hearing of an arrangement which seemed for the 
 time to cripple the force about the Alambagh, the 
 enemy determined, in Malleson's words, " to make 
 a supreme effort to destroy Outram. Accordingly 
 on January 12 they issued from Lucknow to the 
 number of 30,000. They massed this body oppo- 
 site to the extreme left of Outram's position, then 
 gradually extended it so as to face his front and 
 left. To the front attack Outram opposed two 
 brigades, the one consisting of 733 English troops, 
 the other of 713, whilst he directed the ever-daring 
 Olpherts to take four guns, and, supported by the 
 men of the military train, to dash at the overlapping 
 right of the rebels. Olpherts fell on them just as
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 243 
 
 they were developing their overlapping movement, 
 and not only compelled them to renounce it, but 
 to fall back in confusion. The two brigades oper- 
 ating against the centre were equally successful. 
 They not only drove back the rebels, but foiled an 
 insidious movement which their leader was planning 
 against the right of the British position. By four 
 o'clock the rebels were in full flight. Their losses 
 were heavy. 
 
 Four days later the enemy renewed their attack 
 on several points of Outram's lines. One large body, 
 led by a Hindu devotee dressed up as Hanuman 
 the monkey-god, made a sudden dash on the Jalala- 
 bad outpost, but were soon repulsed by a well-aimed 
 fire which laid their leader helpless on the ground. 
 Throughout the day they skirmished ineff"ectually 
 about Outram's left. Growing bolder in the falling 
 darkness, they swarmed against the villages on our 
 extreme left. But the withering fire of grape and 
 musketry poured in by Gordon's men sent them 
 flying with heavy loss. Meanwhile a large body 
 of horse which threatened the left rear was held in 
 check and finally scattered by Olpherts' gunners 
 and the men of the military train. 
 
 About the middle of February 1858 a return con- 
 voy laden with supplies had begun its march home- 
 ward from Cawnpore. But the famous maulvi, one 
 of the most active of the rebel leaders, had sworn 
 that he would capture the returning convoy. On 
 the night of the 14th he set out from Lucknow at 
 the head of a strong force, and took up a position 
 whence he could fall with ease upon his expected 
 prey. But Outram had already got some inkling 
 of the maulvi s scheme. As a violent dust-storm
 
 244 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 was blowinor on the 15tli, under cover of which the 
 assailants might gain their end, he ordered out two 
 of Olpherts' horsed guns and a troop of military- 
 train to observe their movements. Some fresh 
 troops, with the rest of Olpherts' battery, were sent 
 on betimes towards the scene of danger. 
 
 Olpherts, however, had already made so spirited 
 a charge upon the hostile cavalry escorting the 
 maulvi himself that his supports came up only in 
 time to quicken the enemy's retreat, and cover the 
 return of the convoy to camp.^ 
 
 On the morning of the 16th, to quote from Out- 
 ram's own despatch, " the enemy filled their trenches 
 with as many men as they could hold, and as- 
 sembled in vast numbers under the topes [groves] 
 in their rear ; at the same time a body of cavalry 
 and infantry was detached to threaten our left flank. 
 . . . They made repeated demonstrations of ad- 
 vancing to attack, but their courage apparently as 
 often failed them, and they almost immediately 
 retired to their position. About 5.30 p.m. they 
 suddenly issued in clouds of skirmishers from the 
 trenches, advancing for some distance towards our 
 batteries posted on the left and centre of our line, 
 and opened a smart fire of musketry on the outpost 
 of the left front village and advanced towards it in 
 large bodies. They were repulsed by the picket, 
 consisting of 200 men of the 90th Light Infantry 
 under command of Lieutenant - Colonel Smith of 
 that regiment, losing a good many men, the 90th 
 having three wounded. 
 
 " As soon as it was dark they concentrated a 
 very heavy musketry-fire on the north and east 
 
 ^ Malleson. Forrest.
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 245 
 
 faces of the Alambagh, which they continued for 
 about two hours, but fortunately did no harm ; 
 they did not all finally retire until 8.30 p.m. Their 
 loss must have been severe, as their flashes gave 
 an excellent line for our guns, which opened on 
 them with shrapnel - shell and grape. Our loss 
 during the last two days has been one killed and 
 three wounded." 
 
 By this time the rebel leaders became aware of 
 the great preparations which Sir Colin Campbell 
 was making for the advance of a powerful army 
 against Lucknow. A large convoy was coming up 
 from Cawnpore, escorted by the greater part of 
 Outram's cavalry. On Sunday, February 21, the 
 war-worn Outram had again to meet the furious 
 onsets of 20,000 rebels, and the fire of numerous 
 guns, on all sides of a position weakened by the 
 absence of some of his best troops. His spies, how- 
 ever, had forewarned him of the enemy's purpose ; 
 how the Hindus had sworn by the Ganges, and the 
 Muhammadans on the Koran, that they would slay 
 the Farangis or perish in the attempt. 
 
 The assailants, therefore, got nothing but dis- 
 appointment for their pains. Dosed with grape 
 from the British guns, their swarming cavalry 
 checked by the bold advance of a few field-pieces 
 and a few hundred horse, those threatening masses 
 were chased back to the shelter of their own 
 batteries with the loss of many hundred slain or 
 wounded, against only nine wounded on our side. 
 
 " I am awaiting the junction of the chief," Outram 
 writes on the 23rd to Dr Fayrer, " and he appears 
 to be awaiting the advance of Jung Bahadur ; in the 
 meantime the enemy is becoming desperate, and
 
 246 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 has been rather restless of late and somewhat 
 troublesome ; but he lost so severely in his last 
 attack on Sunday — at least 600 killed and wounded 
 — that he has not plucked up heart yet to come on 
 again." 
 
 On the 25th, however, the enemy made one last 
 determined eflfort to destroy the garrison which had 
 defied them for three months past. "The Queen 
 Eegent and her son," says Forrest, "the Prime 
 Minister and the principal nobles, mounted on state 
 elephants, came out of the city to encourage the 
 assailants and witness their triumph." But by 
 this time Outram had been reinforced by several 
 hundred horse and foot, and a battery of light 
 guns. After a night-march of thirty-six miles, the 
 main body of Hodson's Horse, led by the all-daring 
 Hodson himself, had entered the Alambagh in the 
 early morning of the 25th, just in time to bear a 
 noteworthy part in that day's decisive struggle. 
 
 The attack was delivered about 9 a.m. along the 
 whole front of Outram's line. While large bodies 
 of horse and foot, with three guns, bore down 
 against his left, thirty regiments of foot, with 1000 
 horse and eight guns, were seen advancing against 
 his right. " Of this number," writes Outram, 
 "about one-half, with two guns, advanced towards 
 our right rear, and, having occupied the to'pes im- 
 mediately to the east of Jalalabad, commenced 
 shelling that post heavily, evidently in the hope 
 of igniting the large quantity of combustible stores 
 at present collected there ; while the remainder held 
 in support the villages and topes directly in front of 
 the enemy's outworks." 
 
 About an hour later, having given time for
 
 ON GUARD IN THE ALAMBAGH. 247 
 
 Barrow's Volunteers and Wales's Horse to sweep 
 round on the enemy's rear, Outram delivered his 
 counter-attack with the bulk of his available force. 
 "The infantry," says Captain Sir J. Seton of the 
 Madras Fusiliers, " did not come into effective 
 action, so precipitate was the retreat of the enemy 
 on receiving the fire of the horsed guns, and on 
 becoming aware of two bodies of cavalry, of which 
 one, advancing from the left of the British column, 
 threatened to cut off his retreat, while the other, 
 having made a detour by the village of Nauran- 
 gabad, came on him from the opposite direction. 
 Still there was time for the centre body of cavalry 
 which headed the infantry column to dash into the 
 retreating ranks and to capture two guns," 
 
 By 1 P.M. the foe had disappeared. "About 
 4 P.M.," says Outram, " the enemy again moved 
 out against us. On this occasion they directed 
 their principal eflorts against our left, and evinced 
 more spirit and determination than they had 
 hitherto done. Repeatedly they advanced within 
 grape and musket range, and as they ever met 
 with a warm reception from our guns and Enfields, 
 especially from those of the left front picket, com- 
 manded by Major Master, of the 5th Fusiliers, they 
 must have suffered severely." 
 
 During the night firing was renewed from time 
 to time as the discomfited rebels sent parties for- 
 ward to cover the removal of their dead. Their 
 loss throughout the day was reported to have been 
 from 400 to 500 slain, while Outram had lost no 
 more than five killed and thirty -five officers and 
 men wounded. 
 
 Thus ended the sixth and last attempt to over-
 
 248 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 power the little force which for three mouths had 
 maintained its perilous watch at the Alambagh over 
 the rebellious capital of a province swarming with 
 Sepoy mutineers and the armed retainers of nobles 
 and great landowners fiercely impatient of British 
 rule. Outram's unsleeping vigilance, and the ready 
 trust which he inspired in all who served under 
 him, had now cleared the way for that final sul)- 
 jugation of Oudh which our arms and diplomacy 
 had still to accomplish. 
 
 " Sir James," says one who knew him, " had a 
 cheery word for officers and men at each post, 
 generally some small compliment — such as a regret 
 the enemy would not come on, because you're al- 
 ways so well prepared — and his visit seemed a wel- 
 come one everywhere. As you know, he could be 
 uncommonly irate on provocation. ... I was told 
 that when he did 'let out' at any one, especially 
 a youngster, he was not comfortable till he had 
 made it up by some kind word or deed, and that 
 as often as not a ' wig ' ended by the oflfer of a 
 cheroot — a valuable gift at the Alambagh. His 
 holster was stufi'ed with these luxuries instead of a 
 revolver, and he dispensed them right liberally." ^ 
 
 "Full justice," says Mr Forrest, "was not done 
 by Sir Colin Campbell or the chief of the stafi" to 
 Outram's defence of Alambagh, which must be 
 viewed as a fine example of courage and good 
 conduct, and will always stand out as a glorious 
 episode in the annals of the Indian Mutiny." 
 
 ' Forrest's Selections.
 
 249 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. MARCH 1858. 
 
 Not till the end of February 1858 did Sir Colin 
 Campbell leave Cawnpore to take command of 
 perhaps the finest army that ever in British uniform 
 stepped out on Indian soil. Four strong divisions 
 of infantry, including that of Franks', who was 
 marching up from the southern borders of Gudh, 
 two good brigades of Sir Hope Grant's cavalry, 
 three splendid brigades of artillery under Sir 
 Archdale Wilson, and one of Engineers, made up 
 an army of 25,000 men, two-thirds of whom were 
 British-born. Outram, of course, commanded the 
 first infantry division, which included the heroes of 
 so many bloody fights between Fathipur and Luck- 
 now — Neill's own Fusiliers, the 78tli Highlanders, 
 and Brasyer's Sikhs. To the second division, under 
 General Lugard, belonged the 93rd Highlanders 
 and the 4th Punjab Rifles. Conspicuous among the 
 regiments of Walpole's division were the 1st Bengal 
 Fusiliers and the 2nd, or Green's, Punjab Infantry. 
 The war-worn 9th Lancers, Hodson's swarthy Horse, 
 and the dashing Volunteer Cavalry formed the pick 
 of Hope Grant's powerful array. The Engineer 
 brigade might well be proud of such a leader as
 
 250 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Robert Napier. In tlie long roll of battery-com- 
 manders the names of Turner, Tombs, Olpherts, 
 Remmington, Middleton, Bishop, recalled many a 
 great deed done before Delhi, or on the way to 
 Lucknow, by the soldiers of an army renowned for 
 matchless services in every field. Major Henry 
 Norman, the adjutant-general, had won no small 
 distinction during the siege of Delhi. As chief of 
 the staff General Mansfield was in his right place. 
 Dr Brown, the superintending surgeon ; Major 
 Johnson, the assistant adjutant -general ; Captain 
 FitzGerald, of the commissariat ; Captain Allgood, 
 the quartermaster-general, were all officers of known 
 worth in their several lines. Joti Parsad himself, 
 the great contractor, came over from Agra to 
 supply the means of feeding and moving Sir Colin's 
 troops. 
 
 On March 2 Sir Colin, with the van of his fine 
 arni}^, passed by the Alambagh on his way to the 
 old camping-ground at the Dilkusha. Outram came 
 out to meet his chief and discuss with him the 
 details of the campaign in which he himself was to 
 play an important part, and concerning which he 
 had more than once in the past month expounded 
 his own views by letter to Sir Colin Campbell. 
 
 After a sharp skirmish, in which tlie enemy lost a 
 gun, Sir Colin Campbell got firmly planted around 
 the Dilkusha, his right resting on the Gumti, while 
 the advanced pickets held the Dilkusha Palace on 
 the right, the Muhammad-Bagh on the left front. 
 Both points were strengthened with heavy guns, 
 which kept down the fire from a line of outworks 
 along the canal. The next two days were spent 
 in bringing up the remainder of the troops, guns,
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF ODDH. 251 
 
 and stores of all kinds from the rear. Colonel 
 Campbell's cavalry brigade guarded the left of 
 the camp, and scoured the country in front of 
 the Alambagh. Hodson's ubiquitous troopers kept 
 diligent watch towards the fort of Jalalabad beyond 
 the British left. On the 5th General Franks, true 
 to the day appointed, was ready to fill up the gap 
 which Outram's march across the Gumti would leave 
 on the morrow in Campbell's line. 
 
 By this time Outram had left the Alambagh to 
 overlook the process of bridging the Gumti near the 
 village of Bibiapur. "The chief," he wrote to his 
 wife on March 4, "has done me the high honour of 
 placing me in command of a large force which is to 
 occupy a position on the other side of the Gumti 
 to-morrow. ... I anticipate little or no opposition, 
 so do not be alarmed should this reach you before 
 you learn the result. ... A higher honour could 
 not have been conferred on me than this command." 
 
 Early on the morning of the 6th Outram's division 
 marched down towards the Gumti, across which two 
 floating bridges had been completed during the 
 previous night. As the leading troop of horse 
 approached the river they found Outram seated 
 beside one of the bridges, quietly smoking his cigar 
 as he awaited the arrival of his column across the 
 difficult ground which lay between the river and 
 the camp. A little later Sir Colin himself, says Sir 
 J. Hope Grant, " being anxious to get his men 
 across before the enemy could discover our inten- 
 tion and open upon us, rode down to the river- 
 side and pitched into everybody most handsomely, 
 I catching the principal share. But this had a good 
 eff'ect, and hastened the passage very materially —
 
 252 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 everything was got over in safety just as daybreak 
 appeared." 
 
 Then began the great turning movement which 
 Sir Colin Campbell had rightly intrusted to the 
 foremost soldier in his army, the first deliverer of 
 Lucknow, the stubborn defender of the Alambagh. 
 While the Commander-in-Chief prepared at the 
 given moment to crash his way forward through a 
 triple line of works, held by a foe at once strong and 
 resolute, his trusty lieutenant was to press onward 
 up the left bank of the Gumti, to block the way of 
 escape on that side of the great city, and to storm 
 or rake with his heavy guns the eastern and northern 
 faces of the enemy's works. 
 
 It was no light task, indeed, that awaited the 
 powerful army of Oudh. Whatever a brave, 
 resolute, and cunning foe could do to streng;then 
 a strong position had been done by the 70,000 or 
 80,000 Sepoys, volunteers, and armed retainers, 
 whom national pride, fanaticism, or hope of plunder 
 had rallied to the colours of the manly-hearted 
 Queen Regent, Hazrat-Mahal, or to the green Hag 
 of her suspected rival, the maulvi of Faizabad. 
 Besides the natural strength of a large city full of 
 narrow streets, tall houses, and great palace squares, 
 each forming a separate stronghold, its defenders 
 had gained ample time to repair past damages and 
 to throw up new defences at points that seemed 
 open to future attack. 
 
 The canal itself formed a wet ditch to the outer- 
 most line of works whose kernel consisted of the 
 cluster of courts and buildings known as the Kaiser 
 Bagh. A fortified rampart stretched along the 
 inner side of the canal. The midmost line of works
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 253 
 
 covered the great pile of the Imjxmbara, the Mess- 
 House, and the Moti Mahal. Each of these lines 
 ended at the river, which swept sharply southward 
 as it passed the neighbourhood of the dome-crowned 
 Imjimbara. Their inner flanks rested on the streets 
 of a crowded city, through which no general would 
 choose to force his way. Outside the canal, in the 
 bend between it and the river, stood, amidst fair 
 gardens and stately groves, the building once known 
 as Constantia, and since called, after its founder, La 
 Martiniere. From this post the rebels for the first 
 few days kept up a fire not altogether harmless. 
 But it was not Sir Colin's cue to take one step for- 
 ward until Outram had fairly turned the defences of 
 the canal. 
 
 Meanwhile Sir James led Walpole's infantry, a 
 picked brigade of horse under Hope Grant, and five 
 batteries of guns under Brigadier AVood, across the 
 two bridges which Napier's engineers had fashioned 
 out of beer-casks, ropes, and planking in the past 
 three days. That night, after a skirmish with the 
 enemy's cavalry, he rested near the village of 
 Ishmaelganj, the site of that disastrous battle on 
 June 30 which preluded the siege of the Residency. 
 The next day was spent in repelling the enemy's 
 attacks upon Outram's pickets. On the 8th his 
 men were employed in preparing batteries for the 
 heavy guns sent over that morning for his use. 
 
 The dawn of the 9th was ushered in by the 
 thunders of a crushing fire poured into the enemy's 
 works at the Chakar Kothi, or Yellow House, which 
 had been the grand-stand of the King of Oudh's 
 race- course, from eight heavy guns and three how- 
 itzers. Ere long the Chakar Kothi was stormed by
 
 254 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 a part of Walpole's infantry, aided by a few of 
 Wood's guns. Pressing hotly on the heels of a 
 retreatinsf foe, Outram carried with ease the strong 
 walled enclosure of the Padshah -Bagh or King's 
 Garden, and began with his heavy guns to rake the 
 line of works behind the Martiniere. 
 
 During those days of waiting Sir Colin's heavy 
 guns and mortars from the opposite bank of the 
 river kept pounding into the defences in their front. 
 Peel's rockets scared the rebels out of corners still 
 spared by his shells. The storming of the Yellow 
 House became the signal for Lugard's advance on 
 the first line of works. Without firing a shot the 
 Highlanders and Punjabis of Hope's brigade stormed 
 the defences of the Martiniere ; then with another 
 magnificent rush they climbed up the lofty ramparts 
 lining the canal. Their steps were quickened by the 
 sight of an English officer waving his sword atop of 
 the rampart, a mark for the muskets of many foes. 
 It was the bold Lieutenant Butler of the 1st Bengal 
 Fusiliers, who had swum across the river to acquaint 
 Hope's skirmishers with Outram's success in turning 
 the first line of works. 
 
 On the evening of the 9th the line of the canal 
 as far as Banks's House was safe in British hands. 
 The next day was spent by Lugard's column in 
 battering and storming Banks's House and in 
 making ready for a flank march to the left of the 
 Kaiser Bagh, while Outram was bringing his guns 
 and mortars to play upon the same post from his 
 camp across the river, and Hope Grant's horsemen 
 were busy scouring the plain between the river and 
 the old cantonments. On the 11th from both flanks 
 of the besieging army a furious storm of shot and
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 255 
 
 shell crashed down on the remaining defences of 
 the doomed city. The Sikandrabagh, scene of so 
 much slaughter in the past November, was carried 
 easily that morning. Other buildings to the right 
 were won as swiftly by storm or simple cannonade. 
 One massive pile of buildings, known as the Begam 
 Kothi or Beojam's Palace, held out for several 
 hours under a merciless pounding from Peel's 
 howitzers. While Napier was yet watching for the 
 moment when bayonets might take the place of 
 cannon, Sir Colin and some of his officers were 
 ensased in the less consjenial task of exchano;ino; 
 courtesies with Jang Bahadur, the warlike Kegent 
 of Nipal, who had just brought his Gurkhas, some 
 days after time, into the field. 
 
 In the midst of that interview the war-grimed 
 figure of Hope Johnstone, the deputy adjutant- 
 general, strode up to his chief bearing the glad 
 news of the successful storming of the Begam 
 Kothi. In another moment Sir Colin Campbell 
 and Jang Bahadur were grasping each other's hands 
 and making up with friendly smiles for their want 
 of a common language. 
 
 The fight whose issue had been thus opportunely 
 announced was described by Campbell himself as 
 the " sternest struggle which occurred during the 
 siege." After a fierce bombardment of eight or 
 nine hours, ending in a practicable breach, Napier 
 resolved to carry the Begam's Palace by storm. 
 About 4 P.M. Adrian Hope led forth a column of 
 the 93rd Highlanders, 4th Punjab Rifles, and 1000 
 Gurkhas to the attack. The Highlanders mounted 
 the breach first, but their comrades were close be- 
 hind. At every turn some fresh work had to be
 
 256 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 carried, some fresh group of rebels to be over- 
 powered. But the dread bayonet clove its way- 
 through all barriers. Ere long the whole pile of 
 buildings, itself a powerful fortress, bastioned, loop- 
 holed, filled with men and guns, begirt with tall 
 ramparts and a broad deep ditch, had been swept 
 clean of its living o-arrison. Of the rebel dead 500 
 bodies were afterwards counted up. 
 
 The victory would have been cheaply won but 
 for the death of the far-famed Hodson, who, having 
 joined the fight as a volunteer, fell shot through 
 the liver by one of the sepoys lurking in an outer 
 room of the great courtyard. Some of his troopers 
 cried that night like children over their dying hero, 
 whom those rough Eastern warriors had loved and 
 worshipped as their ideal of perfect soldiership, — the 
 model captain of light horse, the matchless swords- 
 man, the wise yet daring counsellor, the born leader 
 of men, — who would have followed him anywhither 
 to the death. ^ 
 
 " I trust I have done my duty," were the last 
 words which the dying hero spoke to his sorrowing 
 friend Napier. On the evening of the 12th, the 
 day after Hodson's death, his body was buried in 
 the grounds of the Martiniere. At the moment 
 when it was lowered into the grave, Campbell him- 
 self, the veteran Commander-in-Chief, burst into 
 tears over the loss of " one of the finest officers in 
 the army," the man whom Robert Napier was 
 proud to call friend, to whom Montgomery could 
 find no equal for his rare combination of talent, 
 courage, coolness, and unerring judgment. 
 
 On this day Outram also had been steadily gain- 
 
 1 Russell ; ' Hodson of Hodson's Horse ' ; Innes ; Forrest.
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 25 7 
 
 ing ground. While his heavy batteries pounded 
 the Mess-House and the Kaiser Bagh, his infantry, 
 flanked by the horse, swept onwards through the 
 suburbs on that side of the Gumti, seized a mosque 
 commanding the iron bridge above the Kesidency, 
 and drove the enemy as far as the stone bridge by 
 the Machhi-Bhawan, At this point he sounded a 
 halt. Strengthening his hold on the iron bridge, 
 he resolved to await the coming of some more heavy 
 guns, which might help in raking the defences of 
 the Kaiser Bag-h. On the 13th these new allies 
 spoke to such effect that the enemy, placed between 
 two raging fires, fled despairing on the morrow from 
 their last orreat stronghold in Lucknow. In all these 
 movements on the left bank of the river Outram's 
 loss, apart from the cavalry, amounted only to 26 
 slain, 113 wounded. "It is impossible," sa3^s Col- 
 onel Malleson, "to overestimate the value of the 
 assistance which Outram thus rendered to the main 
 attack." 
 
 Meanwhile on his own side Sir Colin had been 
 steadily tearing his way to the heart of the rebel 
 defences. On the 12th Franks's division relieved 
 Lugard's. While Napier's sappers kept blowing 
 up the lines of building between the Begam Kothi 
 and the Kaiser Bagh, the infantry with some of the 
 mortars moved gradually forward, and a strong 
 battery of heavy guns thundered against the 
 lesser Imambara. At last on the morning of the 
 14th this light and graceful monument of Moorish 
 art was carried with a rush by Brigadier Russell's 
 infantr}^ A minute later Brayser's Sikhs had 
 followed the flying Bandies right through the open 
 gateway of the Kaiser Bagh. Other troops came 
 
 R
 
 258 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 up close behind the Sikhs ; but their help was 
 hardly needed, for no stand was made save where 
 a knot of rebels, driven into a corner, had to sell 
 their lives as dearly as they could. 
 
 Still the conquerors pressed forward, the more 
 eagerly for that last success. One after another the 
 Mess-House, the Teri-Kothi, the Moti Mahal, and 
 the Chatar Manzil, all scenes of hard fighting in 
 the past November, fell into their hands. It was 
 a hard day's work for all concerned ; but the elation 
 of repeated victories upheld them marvellously to 
 the end. That evening Campbell might fairly deem 
 himself master of Lucknow, might well be proud of 
 a conquest achieved on the whole so easily, at a 
 cost of only 900 killed and wounded, over an enemy 
 of thrice his own numbers, intrenched along a range 
 of massive palaces and wide-walled courts whose 
 like could hardly be found in Europe ; every weak 
 point strengthened to the utmost, each outlet care- 
 fully guarded by works that displayed a marvellous 
 industry and no common skill. ^ 
 
 Campbell, however, on this day had lost a golden 
 opportunity of reaping the full fruits of his success. 
 Thanks to the daring of two volunteers. Lieutenant 
 Wynne and Sergeant Paul, Outram saw himself 
 free to cross the iron bridge and cut off the retreat 
 of the enemy from the positions already attacked 
 by Franks and Napier. The rebels would thus 
 have been completely destroyed, and much of the 
 work which our arms had still to accomplish would 
 have been forestalled. But his request for leave 
 to cross the Gumti was met by an answer, the 
 strangest surely that ever a British general re- 
 
 ^ Sir C. Campbell's despatch.
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 259 
 
 turned to his second in command. " I am afraid, 
 gentleman," said Outram to those around him, 
 " you will be disappointed when I tell you that I 
 am not going to attack to-day." Sir Colin, in 
 fact, had ordered him not to cross the river unless 
 he could do so without losing a single man. 
 
 As the enemy had guns commanding the bridge, 
 to say nothing of a mosque and some loopholed 
 houses behind them, Outram knew that he could not 
 carry the bridge without losing a number of men. 
 As Malleson has well observed, " the ultimate pursuit 
 of the rebels who escaped because Outram did not 
 cross caused an infinitely greater loss of men to the 
 British army than the storming of the bridge 
 and the taking of the rebels in rear would have 
 occasioned."^ 
 
 On the 15th the cavalry of Hope Grant and 
 Brigadier Campbell were sent off by different roads 
 in pursuit of the rebels flying from Lucknow. But 
 nothing was gained by this move. The enemy had 
 scattered all over the country, and many of those 
 who still remained in the city seized that oppor- 
 tunity to escape for the purpose of doing us further 
 mischief ere long. " It was not a judicious move on 
 Sir Colin's part," writes Lord Eoberts, " to send the 
 cavalry miles away from Lucknow just when they 
 could have been so usefully employed on the out- 
 skirts of the city. This was also appreciated when 
 too late, and both brigades were ordered to return, 
 which they did on the 17th." 
 
 A large remnant of the beaten foe had still to 
 be cleared out of the city. On March 16 Outram 
 carried one of his brigades across the Gumti to the 
 
 ^ Forrest ; Malleson ; Lord Eoberts's Forty-One Years in India.
 
 260 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Sikandrabagh, and, strengthened by two more regi- 
 ments, pressed on to attack the Eesidency and seize 
 the iron bridge. Easily successful in both attempts, 
 he lost no time in carrying the Machhi-Bhawan and 
 a group of buildings hard by. 
 
 The way of escape by the stone bridge being at 
 length cut off by Walpole's brigade and some of the 
 cavalry, the enemy Hed up the right bank of the 
 river ; some making straight for Rohilkhand, others 
 halting for a last stand in the Musa-Bagh, another 
 of those walled gardens that everywhere skirted the 
 city. Meanwhile another body of rebels made a 
 bold but fruitless dash upon the Alambagh, where 
 Franklin's small garrison stood quite ready to receive 
 them. 
 
 While Outram was steadily cleaving his way 
 through the north-western quarter of the city, 
 Jang Bahadur, having dislodged the rebels from 
 the neighbourhood of the Alambagh, advanced along 
 the southern side of Lucknow, clearing the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Hazrat-Ganj, the great street which 
 led from the Charbagh bridge up to the ruined 
 Residency. 
 
 On March 19th a combined movement was led by 
 Outram against the 5000 rebels still intrenched 
 within the Musa-Bagh. The task allotted him was 
 soon accomplished. Position after position fell with 
 hardly a struggle, until the enemy were sent flying 
 in headlong rout before the sweeping rush of the 9th 
 Lancers. Of their twelve guns two were at once 
 abandoned, four were taken by Outram's pursuing 
 force, and the other six fell into the hands of Captain 
 Coles's Lancers, who kept up the chase for several 
 miles. But 200 or 300 horsemen could not annihilate
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 261 
 
 SO many thousand Sepoys fleeing through cornfields, 
 enclosed gardens, and ground cut up by ravines. 
 Most of the fugitives, therefore, got away to brew 
 fresh mischief anon in other places. 
 
 Once more Outram was prevented by an un- 
 toward chance from gathering the full fruits of his 
 success. The fault on this occasion lay not with his 
 chief but with Colonel Campbell, who failed to bring 
 up his cavalry brigade in time to press on the pur- 
 suit which Coles's Lancers had so brilliantly begun. 
 And thus it happened that some thousands more of 
 discomfited Pandies swelled the number of fugitives 
 who lived to fight another day.^ 
 
 One of the foremost rebel leaders, the maulvi of 
 Faizabad, was still lurking in the heart of the city 
 with several hundred of his bravest followers and 
 two guns. On the 21st Sir Edward Lugard was sent 
 to dislodge him. A stout resistance was at last over- 
 come by a successful charge of the 93rd Foot, who 
 took the guns and slew more than a hundred of the 
 flying foe. But, in spite of a keen pursuit by 
 Brigadier Campbell's cavalry, the maulvi himself 
 again made good his escape. By that time the few 
 small parties who had lingered in odd corners of the 
 city had been routed out and slain or scattered afar. 
 Two days later Hope Grant broke up a body of 
 insurgents at Kursi, twenty miles away on the 
 Faizabad road, with heavy slaughter and the seizure 
 of more guns. 
 
 With this last achievement ends the reconquest of 
 Lucknow, and the short but memorable career of the 
 army of Oudh. The last great centre of armed re- 
 bellion eastward of the Jumna had fallen wholly into 
 
 ^ Hope Grant ; Malleson.
 
 262 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Sir Colin's power. Paralysed by the loss of Luck- 
 now, by the defection or the quarrels of their fore- 
 most leaders, one of whom, Man Singh, was already 
 making terms with his former masters, the insur- 
 gents of Oudh could henceforth be attacked and 
 crushed by smaller columns moving each under its 
 own commander. 
 
 Lucknow was wholly in our hands ; but Sir Colin 
 had, in the words of General Innes, "lost nearly 
 the whole of the hoped-for fruits of his capture of 
 Lucknow, owing first to his checking Outram on the 
 14th ; then to his misdirected pursuits of the 15th ; 
 and finally to the failure of proper leading for his 
 splendid force of cavalry at the most opportune and 
 critical moment of the war." The immediate out- 
 come of three weeks' fighting fell lamentably short 
 of that which Outram's far-seeing counsels would 
 have ensured. 
 
 In the great city itself was left a powerful garrison 
 under the fit command of Hope Grant, himself 
 subordinate to the Chief Commissioner of Oudh. 
 Lugard's division marched southwards to deal with 
 the rebels who, under Kunwar Singh, were still 
 threatening Azimgarh. Walpole led his own brave 
 soldiers northwards into Rohilkhand. Jang Bahadur, 
 with the pick of his Nipfdese, marched off to Allaha- 
 bad, where the Governor- General was waiting to 
 thank his magnificent ally for services which, though 
 tardily accepted and somewhat haltingly rendered, 
 were destined to reap no grudging reward. 
 
 Meanwhile the Chief Commissioner had been 
 strongly protesting through the telegraph wires 
 against the tenor of a proclamation which Lord 
 Canning had directed him to issue after the re-
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 263 
 
 conquest of Lucknow. In the first draft of that 
 memorable document the Governor-General had 
 confiscated the whole proprietory right in the soil 
 of Oudh, save in the case of six men — three rajahs, 
 one talukdar, and two zamindars — who had stood 
 faithful amid great temptations. An explanatory 
 letter accompanied the proclamation. Sir James 
 protested against the impolitic harshness of a decree 
 which seemed to widen the area of popular revolt. 
 It was adding, he pleaded, one injustice to another 
 to press so hard upon a class of men who, smarting 
 under the blows inflicted by the settlement decrees 
 of 1856, had delayed taking up arms against us 
 " until our rule was virtually at an end." Give 
 them back their lands, and they will at once aid us 
 in restoring order. Otherwise, driven to despair, 
 " they will betake themselves to their domains for 
 the carrying on of a long, bloody, and guerilla war." ^ 
 In reply to these remonstrances, Lord Canning in- 
 structed him to insert in the proclamation a qualify- 
 ing clause, which granted a large indulgence to all 
 who should help in re-establishing order. 
 
 In the document thus amended those rebel land- 
 owners who should at once surrender were promised 
 immunity from death or imprisonment, if only their 
 hands were " unstained with English blood murder- 
 ously shed." Those who had protected English 
 lives would have especial claims to the kind and 
 considerate treatment withheld from none but down- 
 right murderers of English men and women. 
 
 With every copy of the revised proclamation 
 Outram sent forth a circular letter, informing each 
 of the talukdars that if he would at once come in 
 
 ^ Official Papers.
 
 264 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 and obey the Chief Commissioner's orders, none of 
 his lands would be confiscated, and his claims to 
 lands held by him before annexation would be re- 
 heard, " provided you have taken no part in the 
 atrocities committed on helpless Europeans." 
 
 In another circular he exhorted the people of 
 Oudh to get rid of the " absurd belief, instilled into 
 them by the rebels, that the British Government are 
 going to destroy their caste," because "the Christian 
 religion forbids forcible conversion to its doctrines." 
 
 Outram's efforts to neutralise the mischief caused 
 by Canning's sweeping severity found a hearty, if 
 rather indiscreet, response in the scolding despatch 
 which his former opponent. Lord Ellenborough, sent 
 out as President of the Board of Control to the 
 Governor-General. By that time, however, Outram 
 had ceased to administer the affairs of Oudh. On 
 April 4 he left Lucknow for Calcutta to serve as 
 military member of the Supreme Council in the 
 room of Sir John Low. His able successor in Oudh, 
 Eobert Montgomery, proceeded to carry out the 
 new policy with the mingled tact and vigour which 
 had won for him in the Punjab a name second only 
 to that of John Lawrence. 
 
 " It need hardly be observed," says Outram's 
 biographer, " that the farewell greetings he received 
 were of more than ordinary warmth. Few men 
 have left more sincerely attached comrades behind 
 than he did at each stage of his career. He de- 
 clined an escort for himself and the members of his 
 staff who accompanied him, relying on his stout 
 stick for his own protection ; and so he quietly 
 took his final leave of Lucknow." 
 
 " General Outram left yesterday," wrote one of
 
 WITH THE ARMY OF OUDH. 265 
 
 his friends to an Indian newspaper. " He left with 
 that which rank cannot claim nor regulations compel, 
 the tearful valedictions of many attached friends, 
 and the affectionate regrets of the whole army. 
 ' How Sir James must have been beloved ! ' was 
 the pleased exclamation of his successor, Mr Mont- 
 gomery, as he watched the General's departure 
 from Banks's House. . . . ' God bless the dear old 
 General ! ' was uttered by many a manly voice from 
 the Dil Khusha to Musa-Bagh, from the canton- 
 ments to the Residency, in tones of deep emotion, 
 and with the emphasis of unfeigned sincerity. And 
 the bravery, the goodness, the tender-heartedness 
 of the fine soldier who had so often led them in 
 battle, were the favourite topics of discussion yester- 
 day afternoon in every guardroom and at every 
 mess. Well did this true-hearted, chivalric, gener- 
 ous English gentleman merit the love of his troops. 
 For rarely has there been a commander to whom 
 the happiness and wellbeing of his men were so 
 much an object of incessant thought. Have you 
 noticed the difference between his despatches and 
 those of most other generals ? With them it is ' I ' 
 did this, ' I ' ordered that, ' I ' pushed on here, or 
 effected a division there. With him how different ! 
 The whole operations are described as though they 
 had been the spontaneous acts of the individual 
 commanding officers, with no directing mind to 
 regulate their movements. His ' I's ' are limited 
 to acknowledgments of his obligations ; and how 
 warmly does he acknowledge his obligations ! How 
 eager to say a kind word for every one ! How 
 thoughtful about all but himself ! " 
 
 A few days before his departure, Outram found
 
 266 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 time to write Major Olpherts a letter which deserves 
 quoting in full : — 
 
 "My dear Olpherts, — The old 1st Division is 
 about to be broken up. An entirely new distri- 
 bution of the army is about to take place, and I 
 shall not have the opportunity of expressing in my 
 farewell order, which must be of a general nature, 
 the admiration with which I regard both you and 
 your noble fellows in particular, and the regard 
 which I entertain towards yourself personally. 
 Such sentiments I could not embody in a despatch 
 while we were together in the field without laying 
 myself open to the charge of using extra-official 
 lanouas^e. 
 
 " Believe me, my dear heroic Olpherts, that you 
 occupy a very high place in my affection and re- 
 gard ; and that I shall ever remember with pride, 
 pleasure, and gratitude to yourself the six months 
 we stood together in the plain of Alambagh. 
 
 " ' Bravery ' is a poor and insufficient epithet to 
 apply to a valour such as yours ; and Olpherts' 
 ' zeal ' and ' energy ' are terms of too common ap- 
 plication to convey my sense of your entire and 
 successful devotion to the service. But words are 
 at best the symbols of ideas and feelings, and I 
 trust that you require no symbols to satisfy you 
 as to what I think of you and feel towards you. 
 Should you be spared, there is a bright and glorious 
 career before you, and not one of your friends 
 will watch it with deeper interest than, my dear 
 Olpherts, yours affectionately, J. Outram." ^ 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 267 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE MILITARY MEMBER OF THE VICEROY's 
 COUNCIL. MAY 1858-JULY 1860. 
 
 At Allahabad, where Lord Canning had for the time 
 fixed his headquarters, Outram became the guest of 
 the Governor-General, who greeted him as cordially 
 as if no cause for dispute had arisen between them. 
 
 On May 2 we find him in Calcutta writing to his 
 old friend Captain Eastwick on many topics of public 
 and personal interest. He is " crushed with work, 
 principally the drudgery of demi-ofiicial correspond- 
 ence," resulting from his Persian and Indian cam- 
 paigns. He "hopes and believes" that the new 
 Chief Commissioner of Oudh will render that 
 province "the most prosperous division of our 
 Indian Empire. By the aid of its existing landed 
 aristocracy this may easily be done. . . . But even 
 with the adoption of correct principles, and with a 
 Montgomery to apply them, I fear that Oudh will 
 never flourish — as it easily might be made, and 
 indubitably ought to be made to flourish — until half 
 the foolscap work now imposed on our oflicials be 
 abolished." 
 
 And he goes on to sketch some of the most need- 
 ful reforms which would tend to release " our highly
 
 268 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 educated and highly paid civil officers from the 
 clerkly drudgery which leaves them no time for the 
 performance of their higher duties, and from that 
 soul-crushing system of references, official criticisms, 
 and snubbings, &c., which makes them dread to do 
 good, or move one step beyond the ' Regulations.' " 
 
 Soon after his arrival in Calcutta " he sent," says 
 Major Robertson, " a very large quantity of new 
 books and newspapers to all the corps which had 
 served under him during the Mutiny. The papers 
 were continued to the 78th until ordered home early 
 in 1859. I need scarcely say that the cost of the 
 books and papers came out of Sir James's pocket." ^ 
 " In Calcutta," says his biographer, " he led the 
 usual life of the European dignitary, with its many 
 hours of steamy work, and such relaxation as was 
 afforded by a constant succession of dinner-parties. 
 These were in his case, though frequent, mostly at 
 home ; for he did not care to go out at night. He 
 and Lady Outram shared a good house at Garden 
 Reach with his old friend Mr Le Geyt, of the 
 Bombay Civil Service, and they generally had guests 
 living under their roof, after the approved Indian 
 custom — none being more welcome to Sir James 
 than small middies." 
 
 As early as June of this year he was driven to 
 recruit his health by a sea voyage to Galle and 
 back. Later in the year, for a similar reason, he 
 spent a month at Chandanagor, and a few days at 
 Barrackpore. 
 
 Soon after his return from Galle Outram was 
 cheered by abundant tokens of public honour and 
 esteem ; he had already received the thanks of 
 
 1 Outram MSS.
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY's COUNCIL. 269 
 
 Parliament for his services at tlie Alambagh and for 
 his share in the final conquest of Lucknow. At a 
 meeting held in June by the Court of Proprietors, 
 Sir Frederick Currie, chairman of the East India 
 Board, announced that the Queen, at Lord Ellen- 
 borough's suggestion, had been pleased to confer a 
 baronetcy on Sir James Outram. He then proposed 
 to enhance the value of this new honour by a 
 yearly pension of £1000. The proposal was warmly 
 seconded by Captain Eastwick, who thus closed an 
 eloquent review of Outram's career: "It is right 
 and fitting that their country should reward such 
 men : no institutions, no political contrivances, 
 can supply their place in the administration of its 
 affairs." 
 
 In the same month of June Outram's friends and 
 well-wishers held a meeting in Bombay for the 
 purpose of presenting him with a fitting testimonial 
 of their affectionate regard. The result in due time 
 appeared in the form of a handsome shield made of 
 oxydised silver and damascened steel, the whole 
 designed and modelled by the eminent sculptor Mr 
 H. H. Armstead, R.A. In honour of Lady Outram 
 the same committee ordered a complete set of silver 
 plate, including a tea service for ordinary use. On 
 the shield itself were represented the most note- 
 worthy scenes in Outram's Indian career, from the 
 subjugation of the Bhils to the charge of the 
 Volunteer Horse at Mangalwar. In the centre of 
 this fair work of art is a bold relief showing forth 
 the hero's surrender of his command to Havelock. 
 Around the central scene are medallion portraits of 
 some of his most intimate friends and comrades. 
 
 At a meeting held in the Guildhall on October 7
 
 270 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 it was resolved to present Outram with the freedom 
 of the city of London and a sword of the value of a 
 hundred guineas. In January 1859 the Master and 
 Wardens of the Merchant Taylors' Company awarded 
 him the freedom of their ancient corporation. 
 
 Meanwhile, on August 2, 1858, the "Act for the 
 better government of India " passed under the royal 
 hand, and the East India Company ceased to rule 
 the empire founded in its name. On the 7th the 
 Directors went through the process of electing seven 
 of their number to seats in the new Council of India, 
 which took the place of the old Court of Directors. 
 On November 1 of the same year a new era of peace 
 and good government was solemnly proclaimed 
 throughout British India by the reading of the 
 manifesto in which Queen Victoria formally assumed 
 the sceptre hitherto wielded by her trustees, the 
 Honourable East India Company. 
 
 This carefully worded State paper, drawn up by 
 Lord Derby and retouched by the Queen herself, 
 teemed with every assurance of pardon, protection, 
 goodwill, and tender treatment for all ranks and 
 classes of her Majesty's Indian subjects save the 
 convicted murderers of English folk. It proclaimed 
 a policy of strong -handed peace, good faith, and 
 enlightened eiforts for the common weal ; of respect 
 for " the rights, dignity, and honour of native princes 
 as our own " ; of impartial tolerance for all forms of 
 religious belief or worship. None should be "in 
 anywise favoured, none molested or disquieted," on 
 account of his religious creed under a Government 
 which for the first time openly rejoiced in its own 
 Christianity. Every native, of whatever race or 
 creed, was to be freely admitted to any public office
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY's COUNCIL. 271 
 
 the duties of which he might be qualified by " educa- 
 tion, ability, and integrity duly to discharge." In 
 all future legislation all possible regard should be 
 paid to "the ancient rights, usages, and customs of 
 India," especially to all rights connected with the 
 holding of ancestral lands. 
 
 It was a memorable holiday all over India, the day 
 when this Proclamation was read aloud, not only in 
 the Viceroy's camp at Allahabad, but at the head- 
 quarters of every province in the Empire, from the 
 Punjab to Pegu. In all the chief cities of British 
 India the booming of guns, the clang of military 
 music, the cheers of paraded soldiery, and the noise 
 of admiring crowds acclaimed the new charter of 
 Indian rights and aspirations. 
 
 While our troops were still employed in recon- 
 quering parts of Oudh, hunting down the last band 
 of outlawed desperadoes in Central India, the new 
 military member of the Viceroy's Council was add- 
 ing to his regular duties the writing of long minutes 
 upon the new administrative problems arising out 
 of the Sepoy war, and the final transfer of India 
 from the Company to the Crown. He had long 
 since foreseen that India needed a large increase 
 of her English garrison to counterpoise the grow- 
 ing numbers of her native soldiery. How best to 
 remodel her military system in accordance with 
 the teachings of experience and the drift of recent 
 political changes formed one of the gravest ques- 
 tions which Canning's Government had now to 
 consider. 
 
 Outram, for his part, pleaded long and earnestly 
 against entire absorption of the Company's European 
 forces into the regular army of the Crown. By all
 
 272 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 means let us maintain, he argued, a large European 
 garrison in India, but let it consist mainly of troops 
 recruited for local service alone. Outram was will- 
 ing enougli to " abolish all the native artillery of the 
 Bengal army, with the exception of the few guns 
 required at certain frontier posts, in positions where 
 Europeans could not live." But he would " rather 
 retain the native artillery of Madras and Bombay." 
 Should that point be otherwise resolved, he pro- 
 posed to make the transition very gradual. He 
 "would turn no trained artillerymen loose upon the 
 country." 
 
 He was against re-establishing "regular native 
 infantry for Bengal, and would retain on the regular 
 footing only the regiments which remained faithful, 
 and those composed of the loyal remnants of other 
 regiments ; these, I think, should have higher pay 
 than the rest of the native army, comprised of 
 irregular and police corps, who will generally, 1 
 understand, have nearly, if not quite, the same 
 rates of pay as the line formerly received." 
 
 To any scheme for amalgamating the Royal and 
 Indian armies he was strongly averse, holding that 
 any such transformation would involve serious 
 injury to the interests of the latter, " especially 
 of its officers." Even if such a measure could be 
 carried through with entire justice to all concerned, 
 he would still regard it as most impolitic. " In the 
 first place, to assimilate the two armies, the system 
 of purchase must be introduced into the Indian 
 army, which would be detrimental to its morale. 
 But more particularly would it be injurious to the 
 Indian army, as creating a spirit of restlessness 
 among young men, the officers, naturally desirous
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY's COUNCIL. 273 
 
 of change, and a feeling of instability in their 
 position in India, which would deprive officers of 
 heart in the service — and it would destroy that 
 esprit de corps which now animates our Indian 
 army. The officers composing that army should 
 regard India as their home — the only sphere in 
 which they can acquire, or hope for, promotion 
 and distinction." 
 
 In the course of 1859, while the question of 
 amalgamation still hung in suspense, reports were 
 rife of an impending mutiny among the local 
 European troops, who had upheld their country's 
 honour in a hundred fields, and during the late 
 troubles had surpassed even their old renown. 
 Eemembering how Lord Palmerston, as Prime 
 Minister, had declared that all who objected to 
 serve the Queen would "of course be entitled to 
 their discharge," they deeply resented the prospect 
 of being transferred "like a lot of horses" without 
 question asked or choice offered them, from the 
 service of the Company to that of the Crown. 
 
 The storm blew over, but the " White Mutiny," 
 as some people called it, dealt a crushing blow to 
 the advocates of a separate local army. 
 
 In vain did Outram in January 1860 record his 
 solemn protest against a measure upon which the 
 Home Government had already made up its mind. 
 To his thinking the stories of the so-called " mutiny " 
 had been greatly exaggerated. He urged that allow- 
 ances should be made for conduct due to official 
 blundering; and he argued justly, that "were cir- 
 cumstances to arise calculated to excite disafiection 
 amongst the European soldiers of India, the evil 
 could best be remedied by the presence in the country 
 
 s
 
 274 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 of two forces . . . diflfering so far from each other 
 in conditions of service and traditions as to sjive 
 each a distinctive esprit de corps." The argument 
 that a " local force would occupy a social position 
 inferior to that held by the line troops " w^as scouted 
 as "utterly undeserving of attention." 
 
 In desiring to give the Queen's regiments a wider 
 experience of field service in India, the Govern- 
 ment seemed, he thought, to admit that Indian 
 regiments were "in better marching and fighting 
 order than regiments serving at home or in the 
 colonies." 
 
 Under the Indian system of selection for staff 
 employ, he held that the staff of the Indian army 
 contained as large a number of highly competent 
 officers " as any army in Europe ; for, as he truly 
 said, ' a man can and does create for himself, and 
 superior fitness for staff employ always does create 
 it for him. Such is not the case in England.' " ^ 
 
 All such protests — and Outram on this question 
 was backed by many officers of high repute — failed 
 to avert the inevitable issues of a struoojle between 
 the Horse Guards and the champions of local effici- 
 ency. In the summer of 18 GO the ministerial bill 
 for amalgamating the two armies finally became 
 law, and during the next tw^o years Prince Albert's 
 demand for " sim^^licity, unity, steadiness of system, 
 and unity of command " was finally adopted. 
 
 Outram's fatherly care for the wellbeing, moral 
 and physical, of the British soldier shone forth in 
 every line of a "supplementary minute," too long 
 to be quoted, or even summarised here. It set 
 forth in minute detail his carefully pondered views 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROYS COUNCIL. 275 
 
 on the soldier's training, equipment, and instruction, 
 from the moment of his leaving home to the end of 
 his career. 
 
 Beginning, for instance, with the young soldier's 
 life on board ship, he expressed " a very decided 
 opinion that, daily (before breakfast), the troops 
 should be assembled for the public worship of God. 
 I do not ask for a Ions; service. . . . But a service 
 of some sort there should be, were it to embrace no 
 more than the singing of the morning or some other 
 hymn, the reading of a few verses of the Bible, and 
 the recitation of one or two collects — or the Litany 
 on those days on which the Church prescribes that 
 the Litanj^ shall be used." 
 
 He insisted on the " great value of theatricals as 
 a means of affording amusement to soldiers. In 
 every regiment there are several men of mercurial 
 temperament, and often of considerable intellectual 
 ability and good education, for whom it is very diffi- 
 cult to find any innocent amusement — often among 
 the best and most useful men in an emergency, they 
 are troublesome, and sometimes even dangerous, in 
 quiet quarters. The rough outdoor amusements of 
 their coarser comrades have few charms for them, 
 and they are but too apt to degenerate into hard 
 drinkers, or to find a most mischievous vent for 
 their mental activity as soldier lawyers." ^ 
 
 "Nothing," remarked his colleague, Sir Bartle 
 Frere, "can be more profoundly true than what he 
 says of the necessity for developing to a greater 
 degree the ' individualism ' of the soldier — in other 
 words, training him to think and judge and act for 
 himself, in place of training him to consider himself 
 
 1 Goldsmid.
 
 276 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 merely as a small portion of a great machine, pro- 
 hibited from all independent action." 
 
 " In the various gradations of military control," 
 said Outram in the concluding words of his own 
 minute, "all depends on the spirit in which the 
 controlling power is exercised, and on the tact of 
 him who exercises it. Be kind, considerate, and 
 conciliatory ; scrupulously regard the feelings of 
 those under you ; avoid aught that can weaken 
 their legitimate authority or diminish the respect 
 of their inferiors ; treat not a blunder as a crime ; 
 assume that what is evidently unknov/n is simply 
 something forgotten ; and if you have to do with 
 well-conditioned men, they will regard your con- 
 stant interest in their proceedings as a compliment, 
 not as an offence. I speak from the experience of 
 more than forty years, both in civil and military 
 life. 
 
 " I can only plead my profound conviction that 
 the British soldier, even of the roughest stamp, is, 
 if wisely and kindly treated, susceptible of a culture 
 — physical, intellectual, moral, and professional — far 
 in excess of that which is generally supposed to be 
 attainable by him ; that just as you approximate a 
 private intellectually, morally, and professionally 
 to the standard of his officers, do you increase his 
 commercial value as a soldier ; and that the interests 
 of India (politically, financially, and morally con- 
 sidered) demand that the very highest possible 
 culture of all kinds should be bestowed on the 
 members of her European garrison, and the highest 
 possible development given to their capacities, both 
 individual and corporate." 
 
 His care for the British soldier extended even to
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY's COUNCIL. 277 
 
 the soldier's wife and daughters, who ought, he said 
 in effect, to be treated by their officers with all the 
 courtesy due from gentlemen towards women of 
 whatever class. " The women should feel, and their 
 husbands and husbands' comrades should see, that 
 the most triflinsj matters affectino; their comfort 
 and happiness engaged their officers' constant and 
 solicitous attention. They should be addressed as 
 if it were assumed that every woman was in feelings 
 a lady, and in moral tone all that her best friends 
 could wish." 
 
 As President of the Council in Lord Canning's 
 absence, he impressed Sir Bartle Frere in 1860 with 
 the " abundant energy " displayed by a veteran 
 overworn with hard work, and the bodily strain of 
 the past few years, in dealing with " any subject 
 which related to the welfare of the soldier or to the 
 rights of native princes or people ; and the favourite 
 work of his latter days in Calcutta was the provision 
 of means for exercise and recreation for the English 
 soldiers, to whom Calcutta and the neighbouring 
 cantonment of Dum-dum had so frequently afforded 
 nothing but the road to a premature grave." 
 
 During this period "it was my good fortune," 
 says his old comrade Sir Vincent Eyre, "to be a 
 frequent guest in Outram's house, and to enjoy a 
 considerable share of his confidence. His active 
 mind seemed to be perpetually occupied with the 
 practical problem of how he could best serve the 
 interests of his country, and benefit those classes, 
 whether European or native, who fell within the 
 legitimate range of his influence. . . . 
 
 " He did all in his power to introduce a system 
 of healthy recreations and useful occupations in
 
 278 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 barracks during those periods of unavoidable idle- 
 ness when the soldier is most liable to fall into evil 
 habits from sheer lack of proper objects to engage 
 his attention. These efforts culminated in the 
 establishment, at the cantonment of Dum-dum, of 
 what became known as ' The Outram Institute,' and 
 was the first ' soldiers' club,' on a durable basis, 
 introduced into India. Its success may be said to 
 have given the first impetus to a general adoption 
 of the system throughout the service, with well- 
 known beneficial results. . . . Outrara may be said 
 to have established an unquestionable claim to 
 special distinction as ' the soldier's friend.' " 
 
 Towards the end of 1859 he had once more to 
 part from the wife who had so lately rejoined him. 
 About this time he renewed his acquaintance with 
 Mr John Sherer, then journeying homewards on a 
 well-earned furlough from Cawnpore. On reaching 
 the metropolis Mr Sherer found his father-in-law, 
 Sir Henry Harington, living in Chowringhee with 
 Outram and Le Geyt, then legislative member for 
 Bombay. "The Indian Bayard, when I was driving 
 in the carriage with him in the evening, with no 
 especial claim to his confidence whatever, often 
 spoke to me of passages in his career. The sense 
 of his own celebrity never seemed to occur to him, 
 and he talked about public events with the same 
 simplicity with which on ' the course,' in the midst 
 of all the fashionables, he would stop and chaffer, 
 jokingly, about the price of tupsee much, as the 
 vendors of the renowned ' mango fish ' brought it 
 along fresh from the river. 
 
 *' But it was not in the carriage, but at the house, 
 and before several people, including the gaunt, talk-
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY's COUNCIL. 279 
 
 ative Chisholm Anstey, who was visiting Calcutta, 
 that Outram began to speak of having postponed 
 taking charge from Havelock till the Bailey-guard 
 was reached. ' It was a foolish thing,' he said ; 
 ' sentiment had obscured duty. Every man should 
 carry out the task assigned to him. I do not know 
 that I could not have got through the streets of 
 Lucknow with less loss of life. At any rate, I 
 ought to have tried what I could do.' This plainly- 
 expressed regret seemed to me to do his character 
 as much credit as the mistaken but noble impulse 
 which called it forth." ^ 
 
 In March 1860 a farewell dinner was given by 
 the Royal Engineers to Colonel Robert Napier, 
 who had just been appointed to command a divi- 
 sion in the army destined for service in China 
 under the leadership of General Sir Hope Grant. 
 Among the leading speakers on this occasion was 
 Sir James Outram, who paid a hearty tribute to 
 the worth of his old friend and comrade, the guest 
 of the evening. He went so far as to say that, 
 "when under the difficult circumstances in which 
 they were placed his heart sometimes failed him, 
 he invariably found Napier prepared with a means 
 of getting over the difficulty, and he always left 
 him reassured and established." 
 
 Napier on his side frankly acknowledged "his 
 obligations to Outram's example and Outram's 
 teaching." Referring modestly to the high com- 
 pliments which his friend had paid him, he pro- 
 tested that " he would have been dull indeed if 
 he had derived no profit from his intimate relations 
 with such a distinguished soldier." ^ 
 
 ^ Daily Life during the Mutiny, * Goldsmid.
 
 280 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 It is pleasant, by the way, to note the terms 
 in which Outram on this occasion referred to his 
 old commander Sir Charles Napier ; dwelling on 
 " the respect and esteem he had always entertained 
 for him from first to last ; how convinced he was that 
 the difierences which had arisen arose solely from 
 the indiscretion of partisans who came between." 
 
 In all the arrangements for the Chinese expedi- 
 tion Outram had borne so strenuous a part that 
 much of its ultimate success was due to his keen 
 foresight and comprehensive mastery of details. 
 But his many labours for the public weal in that 
 exhausting climate told so seriously upon his health 
 that he found himself compelled, in the latter part 
 of April 1860, to take a voyage as far as Singapur. 
 " He has had that nasty bronchitic attack hanging 
 about him," wrote Dr Fayrer to Lady Outram, " and 
 lately it has been rather worse than better, so he 
 has admitted the advantage of going away, and 
 I feel satisfied that it will do him all the good 
 in the world, enable him to return to Calcutta and 
 serve out the remainder of the time, . . . and 
 enable him also to retire in good health." ^ The 
 two months' trip, however, had done him so little 
 good that nothing remained for him but his im- 
 mediate return home. 
 
 On July 14 a great public meeting was held in 
 Calcutta to consider what sort of testimonial could 
 best be ofi"ered by his grateful countrymen to their 
 departing hero. Of the four resolutions then passed, 
 one embodied an address recounting in eloquent 
 terms a long list of services which Outram had 
 rendered his country during more than forty years. 
 
 1 Outram MSS.
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY'S COUNCIL. 281 
 
 " But, Sir," the address concluded, " it is not as 
 the successful General, nor as the trusted States- 
 man, that you will be best remembered by us, 
 who have mixed with the companions of your toils 
 and triumphs, and who, some of us, have had the 
 honour to serve with and under you. 
 
 "It is as a man whom no success could harden 
 or render selfish, who could surrender to an heroic 
 comrade the honour of success which fortune had 
 placed within his own grasp, who in the excite- 
 ment of battle and in the midst of triumph never 
 forgot the claims and wants of the humblest of 
 his followers, who loved his fellow-soldiers better 
 than his own fame and aggrandisement, and has 
 devoted himself with his whole heart to improve 
 the soldiers' moral and intellectual as w^ell as 
 physical condition, — it is as one who would not 
 only sacrifice life and fortune to duty, but who 
 never allowed either fear or favour to weisrh for 
 a moment against what his heart told him was 
 right and true ; — it is as our noble, disinterested 
 fellow - countryman, who has preserved all his 
 chivalry of feeling unchilled through the wear 
 and tear of a laborious life, and who will ever be 
 remembered as emphatically *the soldier's friend,' 
 that we would wish to testify our admiration and 
 afi'ectionate respect, and to preserve the memory 
 of your career as an example to ourselves and to 
 those who come after us." ^ 
 
 The address was duly presented to Sir James 
 Outram, together with a copy of another resolu- 
 tion voting him a testimonial in the form most 
 agreeable to himself. 
 
 ^ Outram Papers.
 
 282 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 On July 18, two days before his own departure, 
 Outram replied to the address in words that strove 
 to express the fulness of a warm and generous 
 heart. After duly acknowledging the honour thus 
 conferred upon him by the unanimous vote of all 
 classes " of the large community of Calcutta," he 
 went on to assure his kind friends that he was 
 "quite unconscious of having done anything to 
 deserve the distinguished honour. I am not sensible 
 of having done more than my duty in the various 
 public situations which I have had the honour to 
 hold. To few, perhaps, have the opportunities been 
 accorded which I have had the good fortune to 
 enjoy, and if I have been able to improve those 
 opportunities, and to obtain some measure of suc- 
 cess, I owe it, under Providence, to a great extent, 
 to the assistance and co-operation of the many 
 able and gallant comrades with whom I have had 
 the happiness of being associated in the discharge 
 of my public duties, and it is very gratifying to 
 me to think that the honours bestowed upon me 
 will be reflected upon them." 
 
 With regard to the proffered testimonial, he 
 avowed his "earnest desire" that only a small 
 portion of the fund subscribed " should be ex- 
 pended on any object of a personal character, 
 . . . and that the greater part of the money 
 should be devoted to establishing an institution 
 at any place that the committee appointed at the 
 meeting may think proper to select, whereby the 
 army in which my lot in life has been cast may 
 benefit."^ Sir F. Goldsmid tells us that in one 
 day alone the subscription list in Calcutta amounted 
 
 ^ Outram Papers.
 
 MILITARY MEMBER OF VICEROY'S COUNCIL. 283 
 
 to no less than 10,000 rupees, then equivalent to 
 £1000 sterling. 
 
 In the last two years Outram had expended 
 more than £1000 in providing readable books, 
 newspapers, and games for the use of those who 
 had shared his Oudh campaigns ; and before leav- 
 ing Calcutta he made over some 500 of his own 
 books to the Soldier's Library at Fort William. 
 Among the few which he carried home with 
 him were ' Froissart's Chronicles ' and ' Life of 
 Bayard.' 
 
 On the eve of his last journey home ' The Friend 
 of India ' wrote : " To-morrow the Indian army 
 will lose its brightest ornament, and every soldier 
 of India his best friend. Worn out by the almost 
 continuous service of forty years, having stuck to 
 his post just one hot season too many, Sir James 
 Outram leaves India, nominally for six months, but 
 we believe for ever."
 
 284 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 
 
 JULY 1860-MARCH 25, 1863. 
 
 On July 20, 1860, our Indian Bayard embarked for 
 Suez on his way home. " I fear," he wrote from 
 Aden to Dr Fayrer, " my friends may have thought 
 me insensible to the kindly cheer they gave me on 
 leavino; Garden Keach. The truth was I was too 
 sensible and was quite overpowered by it." 
 
 In the same letter he assures his friend that the 
 voyage to Aden " has almost entirely restored me — I 
 have had no cough for days, and my arm is almost 
 restored to its usual flexibility." He still hoped 
 to " make out the Danube trip," but would decide 
 nothing until he reached Suez. At Madras Sir 
 Patrick Grant, then Commander - in - Chief of the 
 Southern Presidency, came oflf to see him ; and the 
 Governor, Sir Henry Ward, "wrote to say he was 
 coming, but his duties prevented him, being alarmed 
 by a carbuncle which had made its appearance." ^ 
 
 The heat in Egypt tried him so severely, that he 
 wrote on August 18 from Alexandria, "It would be 
 madness to attempt the Constantinople route, so I 
 have resolved on going by Marseilles." He writes 
 from the Oriental Club to announce his arrival in 
 
 1 Outrani MSS.
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 285 
 
 England, after a fatiguing journey of twenty hours 
 from Marseilles to Paris, and ten more from Paris to 
 London. He was still so much of an invalid that 
 instead of proceeding, as he had fondly hoped, to 
 his mother's home in Scotland, he returned to his 
 old quarters at Brighton. Thither also came Lady 
 Outram, who would gladly have met him in Egypt 
 but for his express injunctions to the contrary. 
 "She was much shocked," says his biographer, "by 
 the change the nine months had wrought ; for when 
 he had bade farewell to her at the mouth of the 
 Hugli, he was looking remarkably well, and now 
 she found him utterly broken down, and in a most 
 critical state of health. 
 
 Eeturning to London in October, he was invited 
 to a public function at the Guildhall, for the purpose 
 of receiving the freedom of the city and the sword 
 of honour which had been awarded him two years 
 before. In spite of his weak health, and the earnest 
 dissuasions of his family, he resolved to go through 
 the needful formalities at any cost. The civic 
 authorities for their part did all they could to 
 render the ceremony as little fatiguing as possible. 
 The Lord Mayor begged him to remain seated when 
 he would have risen to return thanks for the honour 
 conferred upon him. The few words which Out- 
 ram spoke on this occasion, amidst the cheers of a 
 crowded gathering, were devoted to the praise of 
 Lord Clyde, — the Sir Colin Campbell of former 
 days, — "for whom he felt all the affectionate de- 
 votion of a Highland clansman for his chief." 
 
 The ceremony took place on December 26. It 
 was followed by a banquet given the same evening 
 in honour of Lord Clyde and Sir James Outram.
 
 286 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 In a letter expressing deep regret at his utter in- 
 ability to attend the banquet, Outram never touched 
 upon himself or his own doings, but descanted in 
 generous terms upon the merits of Lord Canning 
 and his Indian policy. A few days earlier he had 
 been compelled, for like reasons, to decline attend- 
 ing a banquet given by the Merchant Taylors' Com- 
 pany in honour of Lord Clyde and himself ; nor was 
 he able to name a day for his formal admission to 
 the Grocers' Company. 
 
 In March 1861 an influential meeting was held in 
 London to raise funds for a grand testimonial to the 
 hero, whom all men delighted to honour. Lord 
 Lyveden — the Vernon Smith of an earlier day — 
 took the chair in the unavoidable absence of the 
 Duke of Argyll. Around him sat a distinguished 
 group of noblemen and gentlemen, and among the 
 speakers were Lord Keane, Sir James Fergusson, 
 Lord Kinnaircl, Lord Shaftesbury, Sir Henry Kaw- 
 linson. Colonel Sykes, Sir Robert Hamilton, and Dr 
 Burnes. The testimonial was to take the shape, 
 first, of a statue in London itself; secondly, of an 
 equestrian statue in Calcutta ; and thirdly, of a silver 
 dessert service of the value of £1000, together with 
 an illuminated address bearino- the names of more 
 than 1800 subscriljers to the testimonial. 
 
 The Calcutta and Loudon committees worked in 
 zealous concert for a common end. In due time 
 Noble's statue, bearing the single word Outram, 
 adorned the Thames embankment near Charing 
 Cross ; but it was several years before Foley's 
 masterpiece of equestrian sculpture got itself erected 
 on the Calcutta Maidan, an excellent cast of which 
 may still be seen at the Crystal Palace.
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 287 
 
 Oa July 26 he is writing once more from Brighton 
 to Dr Fayrer : " Not yet well, but very much better, 
 and the doctors say next winter in Egypt will quite 
 set me up. . . . My wife also has been benefited by 
 the Homburg waters, but is far from strong. I 
 wish her to pass the winter at Nice, which the 
 doctors think the best for liver complaint, which 
 she has ; Egypt would not do for her." 
 
 His handwriting at this time was sadly shaken. 
 " I have only lately begun to write again," he says 
 in the same letter, "and the practice seems quite 
 strange."^ In October 1861 Outram found himself 
 once more in Egypt. "Unfortunately," writes Dr 
 Badger, " health was the thing which he least 
 attended to, and, after spending the winter there, 
 returned to England vid Corfu and Vienna — some- 
 what improved, perhaps, but still very weak, . . . 
 While at Cairo he was cheered by seeing many of 
 his old friends going to or returning from India ; 
 and it always afforded him the highest gratification 
 to recognise among the passengers some he had 
 known in former years," 
 
 Twice also did the Prince of Wales dismount 
 from his donkey to speak with the broken veteran 
 in front of Shepheard's Hotel. At Alexandria in 
 the spring of 1862 he met Lord Canning, who was 
 then returning home, a heart-broken widower, to 
 die a few weeks later at his house in Grosvenor 
 Square. Before the end of June the late Viceroy's 
 remains were interred in Westminster Abbey. Con- 
 spicuous among those who attended the funeral 
 " walked Lord Clyde, supporting on his arm the 
 bowed form of the gallant Outram."^ 
 
 1 Outram MSS. 2 j^j^j^ 3 Times, June 23, 1882.
 
 288 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Earlier in the same month Outram was at Oxford 
 receiving his degree of D.C.L., in the Sheldonian 
 Theatre, amidst the deafening plaudits of all who 
 witnessed the ceremony. On this occasion a similar 
 degree was conferred upon Lord Palmerston. Dr 
 Badger tells us that " Outram had been requested 
 to come wearing all his decorations ; but seeing the 
 Premier without any, he remarked, ' My Lord, the 
 contrast makes me look like a brass captain.' ' You 
 have won yours nobly,' replied Lord Palmerston, a 
 remark which gratified Outram exceedingly, and 
 which he frequently repeated in token of the 
 Premier's kindliness." 
 
 A like honour had been proposed to him some 
 time before by the University of Cambridge, but 
 Outram was then too ill to appear in person. 
 
 In July a deputation of friends and admirers, 
 headed by the Duke of Argyll, waited upon Out- 
 ram at his own house in Queen's Gate Gardens to 
 present him with the address already mentioned, 
 and with a choice set of silver centre-pieces sup- 
 ported upon figures emblematic of his own career. 
 " The names enrolled on this address," said his 
 Grace of Argyll, " are those of men of difi"erent 
 classes and difi'erent countries, many of whom, 
 knowing you only by the achievements which you 
 have bequeathed to history, admire your heroism 
 and chivalry from a distance ; while others, who 
 have enjoyed the privilege of more intimate rela- 
 tions with you, and have closely observed the 
 simplicity, the gentleness, and the manliness of 
 your character, blend with a still higher admiration 
 the most afi^ectionate feelings of personal regard." 
 
 "To what length," wrote Kaye, "the parchment
 
 Sir James Outram, 
 
 LIEUT.-GENERAL, G.C.B., &c., BARONET. 
 
 HIS LIFE WAS GIVEN TO INDIA; 
 
 IN EARLY MANHOOD HE RECLAIMED WILD RACES 
 
 BY WINNING THEIR HEARTS. 
 
 GHAZNI, KELAT, THE INDIAN CAUCASUS, WITNESSED THE 
 
 DARING DEEDS OF HIS PRIME; 
 
 PERSIA BROUGHT TO SUE FOR PEACE, 
 
 LUCKNOW RELIEVED, DEFENDED, AND RECOVERED, 
 
 WERE FIELDS OF HIS LATER GLORIES. 
 
 FAITHFUL SERVANT OF ENGLAND; 
 
 LARGE MINDED AND KINDLY RULER OF HER SUBJECTS; W 
 
 IN ALL THE TRUE KNIGHT; 
 
 "THE BAYARD OF THE EAST." 
 
 Born, 29th January 1803 ; 
 Died, 11th March 1863. 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON 
 
 MONUMENT TO SIR JAMES OUTRAA\ 
 
 AT CALCUTTA.
 
 288 
 
 1 
 
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 83DAfl GJIW 03MIAJDa5I 3H aOOHl^AM YJJlAa iT, 
 3HT OagaiWTIW ,8U«/;0JA3 WAMWt 3MT ,tAJ3H >1KX/;H. 
 
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 rior.'-^, " ' the 
 
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 11 
 
 .ATTUDJA'1 TA
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 289 
 
 bearing those names might have been rolled out 
 could only be dimly conjectured, for it had stretched 
 itself over the floor of a room of no small dimen- 
 sions without sensibly diminishing the bulk of the 
 scroll, and there were those who proposed laugh- 
 ingly to adjourn, for more fitting space, to the 
 neighbouring Exhibition building." ^ 
 
 " I thank you from the bottom of my heart," 
 was Outram's answer ; " I thank all, whether pres- 
 ent or absent, in England or in India, who have 
 united to render me this great honour. I cannot 
 venture to think that I have done all that you say 
 of me ; but I know that, with such powers as God 
 has given me, I have honestly tried to do it. 
 
 " I was reared under a system which gave to 
 every man an equal chance of going to the front ; 
 and I owe it to that system that I am now standing 
 before you — less, I cannot help thinking, on account 
 of my individual deserts than as the representa- 
 tive of the great service, now passed into a tradi- 
 tion, to which for forty years I had the honour to 
 belong. If to anything in myself I owe such suc- 
 cess as I may have attained, it is mainly to this — 
 that throughout my career I have loved the people 
 of India, regarded their country as my home, and 
 made their weal my first object. And though my 
 last service in the field was against the comrades 
 of my old associates, the madness of a moment has 
 not obliterated from my mind the fidelity of a 
 century, and I can still love and still believe. I 
 thank you again for your great kindness. The 
 memory of it will go with me to my grave." ^ 
 
 One more honour he was debarred by the rules 
 
 ^ Cornhill Magazine, May 1863. 2 Times, July 5, 1862. 
 
 T
 
 290 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 of the service from receiving. Sir William Mans- 
 field, then Commander-in-Chief at Bomba}^ had 
 suffoiested that Lieutenant-General Sir James Out- 
 ram, as " incomparably the most distinguished 
 general officer on the rolls of the Bombay Army," 
 should be ap^Dointed to the colonelcy of one of the 
 new line regiments, the 106th. But the fact of 
 his never having reached the regimental rank of 
 colonel was not to be set aside in favour even of 
 worth so clearly pre-eminent. 
 
 On August 29 he writes from Brighton to the 
 dear old mother, whom ever since his last farewell 
 to India he had been hoping to visit once more in 
 her Scottish home. After telling her how his health 
 would compel him to winter abroad, " I fully hope," 
 he added, "you may, through God's mercy, be 
 spared yet long after my return, when I trust to be 
 sufficiently restored to visit you in Edinburgh. . . . 
 I feel that Scotland would be too much for me at 
 present." 
 
 " The last two years of his life were," in the 
 words of a near relative, " but a prolonged struggle 
 with suffering." He had bought a house in Queen's 
 Gate Gardens, " but his asthma kept him so much 
 on the move that he enjoyed little more than a few 
 weeks of occasional residence in it. The stimulus of 
 a congenial friend or of cheery young people would, 
 however, now and then revive him a little, when 
 something of his former self would pleasantly flash 
 out. Youngsters had always been favourites with 
 him, and he was never seen to more advantage than 
 when entering thoroughly into their interests, tell- 
 ing them of his hunting days, or indulging in the 
 good-humoured badinage to which he was prone.
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 291 
 
 His quaint humour, his keen sense of the ludicrous, 
 his merry glance, added to the effect of his well-told 
 and well-timed anecdotes ; and he had a peculiar 
 way of looking up and laughing with his eyes which 
 gave irresistible point to his shrewd comments or 
 sly remarks. 
 
 "His taste was good, indeed apt to be fastidious, 
 and he greatly appreciated music of a touching 
 character. Sacred music, always his preference, was 
 an especial solace to him now. Books were still a 
 means of whiling away an hour or two, but reading 
 was no longer the resource it had been. Imperial 
 politics — home, foreign, or Anglo-Indian — continued 
 to occupy his thoughts to the last. Of party in- 
 trigues he had seen more than enough, and preferred 
 to judge men and measures from his own point of 
 view. Brag, bluster, or insincerity in any shape 
 were an abomination to him, and he was most 
 averse to persons professing infidel views. But he 
 was tolerant of divergent opinions generally, if only 
 he were convinced of the sincerity of those who 
 advanced them. No one more readily appreciated 
 sterling worth in any sphere of life. 
 
 " The irritability induced by illness and the 
 ' trouble ' he gave as an invalid much distressed 
 him. He bought a repeater on purpose not to 
 disturb his servant by asking the time during the 
 weary hours of his long night, and whenever he 
 heard of any sight or amusement within reach he was 
 anxious to send his attendants, no matter at what 
 inconvenience to himself. One of these was a gentle 
 Indo - Portuguese, whom he might well esteem 
 highly. Another was a poor band -boy who had 
 been found chained up a prisoner in Lucknow.
 
 292 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Though the son of European parents, his sallow 
 complexion and his usefulness to the rebels as a 
 translator of English saved him from death ; and 
 except as regarded close confinement, short com- 
 mons, jeers and scoffs, he did not complain much of 
 his treatment by them. 
 
 "Sir James was chivalrously loyal, and the in- 
 ability to attend any levee, in consequence of his 
 infirm state of health, grieved him, lest his absence 
 should be misconstrued. Honours crowded upon 
 him, and he was gratified by the genuine respect 
 and considerate attention he met with wherever he 
 went. But what most pleased him were the kind- 
 nesses proffered by strangers of all ranks in recogni- 
 tion of what he had done for some loved one. He 
 felt such attentions particularly when they were the 
 expressions of the gratitude of aged parents in 
 recollection of some dear boy who had fought and 
 died under his command. Few men had enjoyed so 
 many opportunities of befriending others, and it 
 may perhaps be added that few had availed them- 
 selves of such opportunities more constantly. Of 
 this his invalid days reaped the comforting fruit." ^ 
 
 In the autumn of 1862 Sir James once more left 
 his London home to pass the coming winter in the 
 milder climate of Southern Europe. In company 
 with his wife he remained some weeks in Paris before 
 proceeding to Nice. Here, in spite of his broken 
 health, " he employed himself," says Sir F. Goldsmid, 
 *' in earnest endeavours to advance the claims of such 
 of his friends as he felt were worthy of his help, and 
 might soon miss his powerful advocacy." 
 
 On Christmas morning he was able for the last 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 293 
 
 time to attend the early communion service. But 
 the cold winds of Nice developed symptoms so 
 alarming that in February 1863 his medical advisers 
 ordered him to Pau. In spite of careful nursing on 
 Lady Outram s part, his sufferings on the journey 
 thither seemed to wear out the last remnants of his 
 vital strength. At Pau Dr Duncan Macpherson of 
 the Madras Army at once placed his services at the 
 disposal of the dying hero. They were gratefully 
 accepted, and he remained in close attendance upon 
 him to the last. " My gallant patient," he wrote to 
 'The Lancet,' "was in a hopeless state when he 
 reached Pau. The cold winds of Nice had excited a 
 fresh attack of bronchitis ; and during the last eight 
 days of his life he was unable to lie down even for a 
 few minutes. 
 
 "Weak as he was, he spoke often of the depressed 
 position of army medical officers, regretting that 
 so little success had attended his efforts to obtain 
 a due recognition of their services ; adding, with 
 emphasis, ' The day must come when your services 
 will be recognised. Another great war will end 
 this long controversy in your favour.' Such were 
 the dying words of this good and gallant soldier." 
 
 At one o'clock on the morning of March 11, 1863, 
 the Bayard of India passed away, " sitting in his 
 arm-chair, without a struggle — his face unmoved — 
 his hands resting as if in sleep. His face had lost 
 much of the suffering look of his later years : his 
 head was slightly bent forward and looked very 
 noble." ^ His last moments were cheered by the 
 presence of his wife and son, — the latter having 
 arrived on the previous afternoon from the death- 
 
 ^ Goldsmid.
 
 294 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 bed of Mrs Outram, whose long life had been 
 brought to a timely close a few days only before 
 the death of him who had been the pride and main- 
 stay of her declining years. 
 
 A fortnight later, on March 25, 1863, "crowds 
 were flocking," writes Sir John Kaye, "to West- 
 minster Abbey to see Outram's remains laid in the 
 grave of the great burial-place of the mighty dead. 
 The Government, which he had served so long and 
 so devotedly, gave him a public funeral, and so 
 great was the veneration in which he had been held 
 that people came from a distance to pay him the 
 last honours, and hundreds sought admittance to 
 the Abbey, to whom it was of necessity reluctantly 
 refused. It was a solemn and a touchino^ scene." 
 
 Besides other Ministers of the Crown, " that 
 particular department of the State," in the words of 
 the same writer, " under which he had served, went 
 forth in a body to the Abbey from its neighbouring 
 domicile — Secretary of State, Under-Secretaries of 
 State, Members of Council, Secretaries of Depart- 
 ments, and others of less rank, but with like 
 instincts of admiration for the great man, the 
 history of whose deeds was scattered over the bulky 
 records in their charge." ^ 
 
 Conspicuous among the mourners stood the 
 soldierlike figure of the veteran Lord Clyde, who 
 bowed his grey head in manifest sorrow as he laid 
 his wreath upon the bier. There also stood Sir 
 John Lawrence, the saviour of North-Western India, 
 and ere long the destined successor to the Indian 
 Viceroyalty. Among others there present might 
 be seen the Duke of Argyll, the Earls of Dalhousie 
 
 * Cornhill Magazine, May 1863.
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 295 
 
 and Shaftesbury, Lords Chelmsford, Lyveden, and 
 Harris, Sir George Clerk, Sir Henry Rawlinson, 
 Outram's comrade in the Afghan war, the second 
 Lord Keane, and a crowd of the personal friends 
 whom the dead hero had gathered round him in the 
 long years of his Indian service. 
 
 " But more noticeable," says Kaye, " even than 
 great statesmen and high officers of Government, 
 more noticeable by the living and more honouring 
 to the dead, was a little group of soldiers, in the 
 Highland uniform, who stood by the hero's grave, 
 stirred to the very depths of their hearts by rever- 
 ence and affection. They were a party of sergeants 
 of the 78th Regiment who had solicited and 
 obtained leave to come down from a distance that 
 they might pay, on behalf of their regiment, the 
 last honours to one by whom it was their privilege 
 to have been led to battle and to conquest. The 
 78th Highlanders knew Outram well. There were 
 some men still in the regiment who twenty years 
 before had served in the dreary furnace of Sindh ; 
 but it was on the great battlefield of Oudh that 
 they had learnt to love and to honour a leader who 
 was ever as mindful of their interests as he was 
 regardless of his own ; who was as tender towards 
 and as careful of his men as though they were his 
 children ; who never sacrificed a life except to the 
 stern necessity of the fight." This party of faithful 
 Highlanders consisted of four officers and twenty 
 sergeants or corporals, who had come up of their 
 own accord from Shorncliffe to pay the last honours 
 to the great soldier, whose persistent kindliness had 
 won their undying love.^ 
 
 1 Cornhill Magazine ; Goldsmid.
 
 296 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th they had called at 
 the house where Outram's body lay, in hopes of 
 being allowed to carry it to its last resting-place. 
 But the weight of the coffin and the distance to be 
 traversed compelled the reluctant refusal of their 
 request. But they marched beside the hearse, filed 
 through the Abbey on either side of the coffin, and 
 saw it lowered into the grave. 
 
 Nearly in the centre of the lofty nave lie the 
 remains of James Outram, beside those of Lord 
 Canning, and of Lord Clyde, who was to survive 
 him only by a few months. Outram's grave is 
 marked by a marble slab, bearing the words sug- 
 gested by Dean Stanley, " The Bayard of India." 
 Over the doorway on the south side of the nave is 
 Noble's bust of the dead warrior, erected by the 
 Minister for India, Sir Charles Wood, and the 
 members of his Council. The inscription, worded 
 by the Political Secretary, Sir John Kaye, reveres 
 the memory of "A soldier of the East India Com- 
 pany, who during a service of forty years in war 
 and in council, by deeds of bravery and devotion, 
 by an unselfish life, by benevolence never weary 
 of welldoing, sustained the honour of the British 
 nation, won the love of his comrades, and promoted 
 the happiness of the people of India." 
 
 From the newspaper press of England and India 
 arose a general chorus of regretful homage to the 
 memory of the large-hearted, upright, clear-headed 
 leader, who had made his way by sheer force of 
 character into the front rank of England's doughtiest 
 and noblest sons ; of men, for instance, like Philip 
 Sydney, Wolfe, and Nelson. " James Outram," 
 wrote ' The Times,' " was an illustration of what
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 297 
 
 can be done by a strong-minded, truth -loving, 
 honest, and valiant nature in such an arena as 
 India affords. Because he had neither rank nor 
 fortune, he stood in that press of self-reliant men 
 from which the hand of patron or politician could 
 pluck no favourite. He took his place among his 
 peers in the race when there was a fair field and no 
 favour, and he came to the front and bore himself 
 so well that his distanced rivals echoed the applause 
 which greeted the winner. . . . 
 
 " Truly was he told in the address which was 
 voted to him by his countrymen at home, ' By men 
 of your stamp was our Indian Empire won ; by men 
 of your stamp must it be preserved,' — by men as 
 honest, as single-minded, as chivalrous, as humane, 
 with as much love for the people of the country, 
 as much pride in an Indian career, and as little 
 thought of self as James Outram." 
 
 " No lips will open," says ' The Times of India,' 
 " to speak of the deceased but in terms of regret, 
 respect, love, and admiration. James Outram was 
 a man of whom any army, any government, any 
 nation might be proud. He was one of those few, 
 in high place, whose claims to be considered a 
 master-mind men never paused to analyse. They 
 knew he would do no wrong, and was ever desirous 
 to do good, and that sufficed. And much good has 
 he left behind him. ... He was brave as the best 
 of olden knights, lovable as best of olden priors." 
 
 " A fox is a fool and a lion a coward compared 
 with James Outram," was a common saying among 
 his countrymen in Bombay, — a saying which ex- 
 pressed in the neatest of epigrams the essential 
 qualities of a mighty hunter and a great military
 
 298 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 chief. Of Outram's military genius we have had 
 abundant j)i'Oofs. As the writer of an excellent 
 memoir in the ' Dictionary of National Biography ' 
 has truly said, " Outram was a good soldier and 
 a skilful diplomatist. Filled with ambition, he 
 was nevertheless most unselfish. Possessed of great 
 courage, a strong individuality, a warm temper, 
 untiring energy, and good physique, he was kind- 
 hearted, modest, and chivalrous." In speech he 
 "was hesitating until he warmed to a subject, when 
 he could speak forcibly. An idea too often got 
 complete command of him, and it was then difficult 
 for him to see the other side of a question. He 
 had a strong feeling of personal responsibility. He 
 quickly saw and rew^arded merit in young men." 
 
 " The more his life is studied in its details," said 
 the late head-master of Harrow, Dr Montagu Butler, 
 "the more it will be found how habitually he made 
 a practice of esteeming others better than himself, 
 of looking less at his own things and more at the 
 things of others." 
 
 " There were men of hiofher rank than James 
 Outram," wTote his old friend Sir John Kaye, "men 
 who had commanded greater armies, and who had 
 governed more extensive territories. There was 
 no one great event, changino; the destinies of em- 
 pires, to which he could point as peculiarly his 
 own. His career was without a Waterloo. But 
 a life of sustained devotion to the public service, 
 a life made beautiful by repeated acts of heroism 
 and chivalry, a life of stainless truth and unsullied 
 honour, made England echo back the praises which 
 pealed across the Eastern seas." ^ 
 
 1 Cornhill Magazine, May 1863.
 
 FROM CALCUTTA TO WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 299 
 
 " I never knew one," wrote his old admirer Sir 
 George Clerk in 1880, " who combined with thorough 
 sterling character and soldierly qualities so much of 
 single-mindedness and modesty ; and heaps of ex- 
 perience have come in my way, too, during a long 
 and busy public life." 
 
 The inscription carved on the monument in the 
 Calcutta Maidan was a somewhat curtailed version 
 of that prepared by another ornament of the Com- 
 pany's service, the late Sir Henry Yule. With a 
 full copy of the original text this chapter may fitly 
 close : — 
 
 " His life was given to India : in early manhood 
 he reclaimed wild races by winning their hearts : 
 Ghazni, Khelat, the Indian Caucasus, witnessed the 
 daring deeds of his prime : Persia brought to sue 
 for peace ; Lucknow relieved, defended, and re- 
 covered, were fields of his later glories. Many wise 
 rulers, many valiant captains, hath his country sent 
 hither ; but never any loved as this man was by 
 those whom they governed or led on to battle ! 
 Faithful servant of England : large - minded and 
 kindly ruler of her subjects : doing nought through 
 vainglory, but ' ever esteeming others better than 
 himself : valiant, incorrupt, self-denying, magnani- 
 mous, in all the true knight ! " 
 
 " If an opponent once styled him the Bayard of 
 India, they who set up this Memorial may well 
 lack words to utter all their loving admiration ! "
 
 300 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 The following "Rough Notes," forwarded to Sir Francis 
 Outram in 1865 by Colonel W. Morris of the Bombay Army, 
 came under my notice too late for insertion in their proper 
 place. 
 
 Rough Notes from April 1833 to February 1835. 
 
 " It would be difficult to select an individual better en- 
 titled to the enduring remembrance of all who knew him 
 than Sir James Outram. He was a brave indomitable 
 soldier, a true friend, and one to be thoroughly relied on, 
 and no one understood better than he the true spirit which 
 ought to animate a soldier and the moral energy which has 
 so material an influence on the issues of war. It was in 
 the summer of 1833 that Captain Outram went (for the 
 first time, I believe) into the Satpura mountains on service, 
 and just as he was entering a deep gorge was heard to say 
 to himself, ' Well, here we enter these strong fastnesses, and 
 I return alive only if successful ; I never will quit these 
 Bhil chiefs until they are subdued,' thus showing his deter- 
 minate will and full resolution to gain his object or perish. 
 Having succeeded in all his operations, he was encamped 
 near the strong fort of Sindwa, the walls of which were in 
 many places 60 feet high : he had been bathing in a tank, 
 close under the walls, when he resolved to jump off the 
 wall into the tank, and taking with him an umbrella to act 
 as a parachute, made his leap ; but he soon found that he 
 had trusted to too frail a support, for on jumping from the
 
 APPENDIX A. 301 
 
 wall his weight and the rapidity of his descent caused the 
 umbrella to collapse, and be came down a fearful crash. 
 He was, however, only slightly stunned, and came to the 
 surface after being some time submerged. This shows the 
 sort of man Sir James was. 
 
 " Again, on one occasion he, accompanied by a party of 
 his own Bhils, went after a cheetah on the ISTandurbar Hills. 
 The animal, on being found, took refuge in a large cave 
 situated on the side of a hill too steep for human foot to 
 descend. The Bhils were at a loss what to do, but Outram 
 was not to be balked. He desired the Bhils to take off 
 their pugrees and to tie them together, and then having 
 fastened one end round his waist, told the astonished fol- 
 lowers to lower him to the cave, where he succeeded in 
 killing the cheetah. 
 
 " On another occasion, at a tiger hunt, the animal having 
 been wounded, went down into a large earth and could not 
 be dislodged. Outram descended from his elephant, and, 
 spear in hand, sat down at the entrance intending to pin 
 the animal as it came out, which at length it did, and Out- 
 ram, driving the spear as he thought through its neck, was 
 surprised to see the tiger dash the spear aside as if it were 
 a reed and bound away unhurt. 
 
 " Sir James was sincere and hearty in his friendship, 
 jovial, and full of fun and anecdote. On duty he was stern, 
 and thoroughly determined to have his orders carried out. 
 He was a great friend to the natives of India, and beloved 
 by them, as is proved by his success in taming the wild 
 Bhils. He was a lover of justice, and would even write in 
 the newspapers, if by doing so he could benefit a native 
 who he thought deserved it. He liked an independent 
 spirit in man or animal. He admired a particular dog 
 because he never would wag his tail to any one but his 
 master; and would often caress this animal more for his 
 independent feeling, as he never would wag his tail to him. 
 He was a great rider, and never could bear to be anything 
 but leader. Once he was seen out of his saddle and on his 
 horse's neck in excitement to gain the first spear.
 
 302 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 "Another instance of Captain Outram's prowess in hunt- 
 ing may be mentioned. A tiger, whom the party in pur- 
 suit intended to spear instead of shooting, after a run 
 through difficult jungle crept into a lair of long reeds. 
 Outram at once proposed to follow him, and on hands and 
 knees crept through the tiger's lair. Fortunately the tiger, 
 hearing his approach, moved off' instead of showing fight, 
 otherwise in Outram's cramped posture he would have been 
 completely in the animal's power. On another occasion, 
 while riding after a wild buffalo spear in hand, the animal 
 was at length brought to bay, and charged so furiously as 
 by his weight completely to upset both horse and rider, 
 goring the former severely. 
 
 " Once, when bathing in a tank he heard that one of the 
 party had jumped off the top of the bath-house, which was 
 two stories high ; he sent for the house-steps and jumped 
 from them after placing them on the top of the bath-house. 
 Again, in the same tank a young alligator was temporarily 
 placed, which was very savage ; Outram was aware of this, 
 but he immediately bathed in the tank, defying the alli- 
 gator."
 
 303 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 I AM indebted to my friend Mr E. Jupp of Sunderland for 
 the following spirited verses on Outram's advance to the 
 Lucknow Kesidency : — 
 
 The Red Lane : Lucknow. 
 
 " On — in God's name advance ! " Up the lane ! onward ! 
 
 Who will not follow when Outram rides first ! 
 Forward ! though not e'en the far-famed six hundred 
 
 Through such a tempest of musketry burst. 
 From every flap-topped roof where crouch the foe aloof, 
 
 Shielded and sheltered, the live bullets rain, 
 Raking our staggering flanks, while the white smoke in 
 banks 
 
 Broods like a death-shadow o'er the red lane. 
 
 " On — in God's name advance ! " Sections, quick wheeling. 
 
 Eight and left firing each cross-alley sweep : 
 Back from our volleys the Bandies are reeling, 
 
 Breaking and scattering like hound-driven sheep. 
 Would that the broad claymore now cleared a path before, 
 
 Sword of our sires that ne'er flashed in vain : 
 Onward, in order due, march we like clansmen true, 
 
 Forcing a passage grim up the red lane. 
 
 Hark ! in the front now what means that wild cheering ? 
 
 See his bright broadsword the Chief waves in air ; 
 Can it be really the goal we are nearing ? — 
 
 " Forward ! Quick ! Double ! " By God, we are there !
 
 304 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Back from the Bailey-guard, by the grim cannon barred, 
 Haul they the grinning gun with might and main : 
 
 Through the embrasure freed leaps Outram's plunging steed. 
 And dim behind us now lies the red lane. 
 
 Eound us they gather in wild gratulation — 
 
 Babes in our arms are clasped, fondled, and pressed ; 
 Cheer upon cheer peals of stern exultation : 
 
 God ! be thy succour and mercy confessed. 
 No coronach to-day let the shrill bagpipe play, 
 
 Only a triumph-note over the slain : 
 Long shall the tale be told, 'mid Scotland's mountains cold, 
 
 How Outram led the Plaids up the red lane. 
 
 September 1903.
 
 305 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 The following letter from the son of the first Lord Keane 
 deserves quoting at full length : — 
 
 London, March 9, 1861. 
 
 My deak Outeam, — I have had very great pleasure in 
 receiving your letter from Paris this evening, inasmuch as 
 it informs me of the great improvement in your health, 
 which all your friends (and they are legion) pray for, and 
 trust that you may be restored to us, on your return to 
 England, in renewed health and strength. 
 
 You must not thank me (for I don't deserve it) for any 
 little trouble I may have had in preparing the late success- 
 ful demonstration in Willis's Rooms, — to General Hancock 
 and Colonel Holland, especially the former, are your thanks 
 due ; for they have both worked like horses, and their 
 arrangements have been admirable — although they could 
 not help the unavoidable absence of the Duke of Argyll 
 and Lord Stanley, to which was nearly added the misfor- 
 tune of losing Lord Shaftesbury, who spoke nobly for you, 
 as he was summoned the same evening to his dying mother 
 at Eichmond. 
 
 I feel I can never repay you the valuable and important 
 services you rendered to my poor father and his army 
 in Sindh and Afghanistan — services ill requited to you 
 by omitting your name in his despatches and orders, 
 which had he not done so, would have secured you a 
 brevet -majority for Ghazni with S. Powell (and myself 
 afterwards), and consequently a lieutenant- colonelcy for 
 
 U
 
 306 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 Khelat ; but I lay the blame on M , for I know he 
 
 (my father) always had the highest regard and opinion 
 of you, but was too much influenced by his military secre- 
 tary not only in that instance, but in many others. He 
 did not consequently appreciate your edorts and services 
 as they deserved, or acknowledge the importance of them 
 as every one else did. I hope some day to have a talk with 
 you on this subject. 
 
 It is not only this feeling that I have alluded to, but old 
 friendship, the great regard I feel and have always felt for 
 you, added to the transcendant services you have rendered 
 to your country, that now prompt me to do my utmost in 
 securing from your countrymen that public notice and 
 reward that is so justly your due, and which it gives me 
 real pleasure and gratification to see so well responded to, 
 when they are called upon to render honour where it has 
 been so nobly won. 
 
 I shall hope to hear of you and your whereabouts occa- 
 sionally from your son. — Believe me, my dear Outram, your 
 old and sincere friend, 
 
 Keane.
 
 307 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 The following passages are extracted from the Supplement 
 to the ' Home News' of March 19, 1863 :— 
 
 " One of the bravest and most devoted of the East India 
 Company's army, Sir James Outram, died at Pan on March 
 11, after a long illness. The state of his health since his 
 return from India prevented that gallant spirit from enjoy- 
 ing the honours and rewards which his grateful country- 
 men were eager to press upon him. As modest and gentle 
 in his private character as he was firm and dauntless at the 
 post of duty, Outram, after forty years of hard work in a 
 tropical climate, bore with exemplary patience the sufferings 
 which denied him the satisfaction of reposing on his well- 
 earned laurels in the evening of his life. 
 
 " The great mass of the people who are proud of our vast 
 dominion in the East little know the nature of the tenure 
 by which it is held, and the sacrifices by which it has been 
 won. Men of vast abilities, of great capacity for business, 
 of the highest order of intellect, attain a reputation in the 
 world of India without exercising any influence or gaining 
 any large position in the mother country which they serve. 
 If they sink under the weight of their burdens and their 
 toils abroad, a few obituary lines are all they receive at 
 home, where an election for a member of Parliament at an 
 obscure borough, or the details of a remarkable trial, may 
 be at the time engrossing popular attention. If they come 
 home, they come home as men who have abandoned a 
 career or who are seeking retirement, and their giant pro- 
 portions are lost in the crowd. The old traditions concern-
 
 308 THE U A YARD OF INDIA. 
 
 ing Indian nabobs pursue them here, and they probably 
 subside into the moderate position which is assigned to the 
 first man in some pleasant watering-place. It is not pos- 
 sible to estimate too highly the quality by which a man 
 rises to high station in India, where the art of government 
 is polished and perfected by the friction of the dangers 
 under which it is cultivated, and by the enormous respons- 
 ibility and the risks of failure. James Outram was an 
 illustration of what can be done by a strong-minded, truth- 
 loving, and honest and valiant nature in such an arena as 
 India affords. Because he had neither rank nor fortune, 
 he stood in that press of self-reliant men from which the 
 hand of patron or politician could pluck no favourite. He 
 took his place among his peers in the race when there was 
 a fair field and no favour, and he came to the front and 
 bore himself so well that his distanced rivals echoed the 
 applause which greeted the winner. It was but natural that 
 he should have been proud of the service in which he won 
 such honours, and that he should be jealous of any measure 
 which did it wrong. And to the last he was the Indian 
 officer to whom the Indian Army was dear, who loved Its 
 reputation, and resisted any effort to destroy its individu- 
 ality. It was he who, more than any other man, opposed 
 the amalgamation of the services, and who in an exhaustive 
 Minute of singular ability pointed out the practical objec- 
 tions to the measure. 
 
 " He visited England in the summer of 1856, and all men 
 who saw him then believed that his work was done, so little 
 did he resemble the James Outram they had known a few 
 years before. But when our rupture with the Court of 
 Teheran rendered war inevitable, and orders went to India 
 to fit out an expedition for service in Persia, Outram sud- 
 denly revived. 
 
 " A new-born strength seemed to have been infused into 
 his shattered frame, and when he knew that his aid was 
 needed he never doubted for a moment that he was able to 
 assume the command which his Government was willing to 
 intrust to him.
 
 APPENDIX D. 309 
 
 " He went, forgetful of his bodily ailments, and the ex- 
 citement of active service, like a strong tonic, made him 
 more than equal to his work. The campaign was short and 
 decisive. All the objects of the expedition were triumph- 
 antly attained. In this year Outrani was made a K.C.B. 
 
 " Scarcely had he returned from the Persian expedition 
 before he found himself called to more serious duty yet in 
 India. The Bengal Army had broken out into rebellion, 
 and another field of action opened out before Sir James 
 Outram. 
 
 "In July 1857 Outram landed at Bombay, telegraphed 
 to Calcutta, found that he was wanted there, and proceeded 
 onwards to receive Lord Canning's instructions. 'The 
 intense admiration,' he recorded more than two years after- 
 wards in an official minute, ' with which I regarded Lord 
 Elphinstone's bold demeanour and noble self-abnegation 
 under such trying circumstances when I parted from his 
 Lordship in July 1857 was only equal, for it could not be 
 surpassed, even by that with which, on my arrival a fort- 
 night afterwards in Calcutta, I was then inspired by the 
 calm dignity, confidence, and determination with which the 
 Governor-General himself was braving the storm which by 
 that time was raging in its utmost fury.' 
 
 " With Lord Canning, the Governor-General, Outram had 
 a serious misunderstanding regarding the policy pursued by 
 his Lordship towards the talukdars of Oudh, Lord Can- 
 ning's so-called confiscation measure, dated from Allahabad, 
 caused a perfect storm of disapproval in England, and the 
 fact becoming known that the Chief Commissioner in Oudh 
 strongly disapproved of it, made most people instinctively 
 feel that Lord Canning had made a mistake. But Outram's 
 calm and waiting remonstrance bore the stamp of truthful- 
 ness and responsibility ; he showed plainly that if the 
 scheme were carried out, it would be one of general con- 
 fiscation, which must end in another rebellion. The taluk- 
 dars had been unjustly treated, he said, under the settle- 
 ment operation ; they did not revolt till the last moment, 
 and they might fairly be regarded as honourable enemies,
 
 310 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 against whom it was monstrous to engage in ' a guerilla war 
 of extirpation.' The scheme was modified, but Sir James 
 Outram did not approve of it, and left for Calcutta because 
 he could not carry out a policy so repugnant to the feelings 
 of one who, a poor man, had refused to touch money derived 
 from the conquest of those whom he regarded as oppressively 
 treated. It is due to his wisdom and knowledge of the 
 country to say that the modifications he introduced into the 
 policy indicated by the measure were justified in the sub- 
 sequent dealings of the Government of India with the 
 leaders of the disaffected. 
 
 " He went down to Calcutta and took his seat as a Mem- 
 ber of the Supreme Council of India ; but desk-work of any 
 kind never suited him, and the climate of Bengal soon 
 began to ravage his constitution. He took immense interest 
 in his work, especially in all questions ali'ecting the interest 
 of the old Indian Army in which he had been bred ; and 
 his minutes on the subject of reorganisation show how 
 great was his concern for the welfare of his comrades, and 
 how resolute he was to speak out the unvarnished truth. 
 
 " But the harness which braced him up was now off his 
 back, and the trumpet-sound no longer stirred his spirit. 
 He sank under the burden of peace, turned his face home- 
 wards, and appeared among us feeble and exhausted, to 
 receive from men of all ranks and all callings tlie homage 
 of an admiring welcome. The communities of India had 
 voted him a statue, had founded an institution to his 
 honour, and had presented him with other commemorative 
 testimonials. 
 
 " His admirers in England followed their example, and a 
 characteristic statue by one of the first of our English 
 sculptors now waits a befitting site in the metropolis of 
 the Empire. 
 
 "But while in a grateful and humble spirit he was re- 
 ceiving the applause of his countrymen, he was fast fading 
 away from their sight. He spent the winter of 1861-62 
 in the mild dry climate of Egypt, and he returned some- 
 what benefited by the change. But the favourable symp-
 
 APPENDIX D. 311 
 
 toms which had manifested themselves were transitory. 
 His health was so shattered that it was wonderful how he 
 bore the voyage to his native shore. Honours awaited him 
 at all points, but he could enjoy them little. He was 
 presented with the freedom of the city of London in the 
 form of a sword worth one hundred guineas, on the 20th 
 December 1860, according to a vote of the Corporation of 
 October 7, 1858. He was very feeble, and suffered severely 
 during the proceedings. The vote stated that the present 
 was made to Sir James Outram ' in testimony of the signal 
 services rendered by him in suppressing mutiny and re- 
 bellion in the East Indies, and in admiration of his high 
 personal and public character, exemplified through a long 
 period of military service in the East as a brave, skilful, 
 and patriotic soldier.' 
 
 " On the creation of the Order of the Star of India, Sir 
 James Outram was enrolled as one of its first and not least 
 distinguished members, and was pressed to become one of 
 the [Home] Indian Council ; but his health was too far 
 gone for any more work. 
 
 " In July 1862 Sir James Outram received the honorary 
 degree of D.C.L. from the University of Oxford at the 
 grand commemoration in company with Lord Palmerston, 
 Sir Eoundell Palmer, Sir E. W. Head, and others. He was 
 designated by Dr Twiss ' Dux fortissimus,' and was warmly 
 praised for his various services ; but it was painful to see 
 the effort which the ceremony caused the gallant veteran, 
 who had to be lifted up to the doctors' seats amid a per- 
 fect storm of sympathetic cheering from all the theatre. 
 From that day he gradually sank under his illness. He 
 quitted England again for the last time, and though his 
 friends were hopeful that still for some years he might be 
 spared to them, and though he himself often talked of again 
 serving his country, disease had taken fast hold of him, and 
 he went abroad only to die. 
 
 " Sir James Outram did many great things in his time, 
 and he had many great qualities. But he desired nothing 
 so much as to be regarded as a fair specimen of a ' Com-
 
 312 THE BAYARD OF INDIA. 
 
 pany's officer.' He often said that there were many better 
 men in the army to which he was proud of belonging, and 
 that tliey would have done better than himself had they 
 enjoyed equal opportunities. In this his humility exceeded 
 the truth. For, without any one pre-eminent quality, he 
 had a combination of many qualities which precisely fitted 
 him for the work which lay before him ; and many abler 
 men would have failed to do what he accomplished by his 
 robust energy and his devotion to the public service. Truly 
 was he told in the address which was voted to him by his 
 countrymen at home, ' By men of your stamp was our 
 Indian Empire won ; by men of your stamp must it be 
 preserved.' 
 
 " The Dean of Westminster has acceded to the wishes of 
 Sir James Outram's friends that the remains of this dis- 
 tinguished soldier should be interred in Westminster 
 Abbey." 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 It is pleasant to learn that the regiment once known as 
 the 23rd Bombay N.I. is henceforth to figure in the Indian 
 Army as the 123rd, or Outram's Eifles.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aberdeen, Outram's mother settles 
 in, 4. 
 
 Address, presentation to Outram 
 of an, on his leaving India, 280 
 e< seq. — again presented with 
 an, in London, 286, 288. 
 
 Aden, Outram appointed Com- 
 mandant and Political Agent 
 at, 168 — improvements effected 
 at, ih. et seq. 
 
 Alambagh, the, Outram's defence 
 of, after the relief of the Luck- 
 now garrison, 239 et seq., 248 
 — determined attacks on, 242 
 et seq. — Sir Colin Campbell's 
 preparations for relief of, 245 
 — arrival of Hodson's Horse at, 
 246 — Outram leaves, 251 — re- 
 ceives the thanks of Parliament 
 for his services at, 269. 
 
 Allahabad Fort, the, Outram's 
 suggestions for strengthening, 
 181 — miraculous escape of, from 
 destruction, ib,, 200. 
 
 Amirs of Haidarabad, the, Out- 
 ram's kindly treatment of, 89 
 et seq. — statement to Sir Charles 
 Napier regarding, 108 — Outram 
 appointed commissioner in nego- 
 tiating new treaties with. 111 
 — the treaty with, reluctantly 
 signed, 114 — Sir Charles Napier's 
 victory over, at Miani, 118 — 
 Outram's concern for, while 
 captives, 119 — the cause of, 
 
 pled by Outram before Lord 
 Ripon in London, 123 — ulti- 
 mate fate of, 124 — Outram's 
 continued advocacy of, 129, 
 153, 154 — different views re- 
 garding, taken by Outram and 
 Sir Charles Napier, 139. 
 
 Anderson, James, LL.D., father 
 of Mrs Outram, 2. 
 
 Anderson, Lieutenant, murder of, 
 144. 
 
 Anderson, Margaret, marriage of, 
 47. See Lady Outram. 
 
 Anderson, Margaret — see Mrs 
 Outram. 
 
 Arabic, Outram takes up the study 
 of, 148. 
 
 Argyll, Duke of, presentation of 
 address to Outram by, in Lon- 
 don, 288. 
 
 Army of Oudh, the, composition 
 of, 249 — operations of, 250 
 et seq. — results achieved by, 
 261. 
 
 Army of the Indus, operations of 
 the, 5S et seq. 
 
 Auckland, Lord, Outram appointed 
 Political Agent in Lower Sind 
 by, 86 — the whole of Sind and 
 Khelat placed under Outram's 
 political charge by, 89 — fare- 
 well letter to Outram from, 98 
 — testimony of, in the House 
 of Lords, as to Outram's ser- 
 vices, 100.
 
 314 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Baroda, Outram's duties as adju- 
 tant at, 12 — appointed Resident 
 at, 140 — corrupt condition of 
 public affairs in, 141 et seq. — 
 Outram's leave of, on medical 
 certificate, 145 — his return to, 
 155 — his services in, dispensed 
 with, 158 — attempts to poison 
 him while in, 159 — Parlia- 
 mentary Blue - Book issued on 
 the ailairs of, 1G2 — Outram 
 replaced at, by Lord Dalhousie, 
 165 — reforms accomplished in, 
 166 et seq. 
 
 Baronetcy, conferring of a, on 
 Outram, 269. 
 
 " Bayard of India," the title of, 
 applied to Outram by Sir Charles 
 Napier, 109. 
 
 Begam's Palace, the, storming of, 
 255 — death of Hodson of Hod- 
 son's Horse daring attack on, 
 25G. 
 
 Bengal army, the, mutinous spirit 
 in, 195, 196 — outbreak of mutiny 
 in, 197. 
 
 Bhils of Khandesh, the, insurrec- 
 tion of, 20 — reclamation of, 22 
 — raising of a corps amongst, 
 ib. et seq. — Outram's measures 
 with, 24 — submission of, and 
 growth of friendship in, 26 et 
 seq. — employment of the corps 
 of, on active service, 36 et seq. 
 — Outram resigns command of 
 corps of, 47. 
 
 Bishop of Bombay, gift from the, 
 to Outram, 122. 
 
 British India, royal proclamation 
 regarding the government of, 
 270. 
 
 British soldier, the, Outram's "min- 
 ute " as to the wellbeing of, 274 
 et seq. — his schemes for the 
 comfort of, 277. 
 
 Burnes, Sir Alexander, murder of, 
 94. 
 
 Calcutta Maidan, the, erection of 
 equestrian statue of Outram 
 on, 286 — original text of in- 
 scription for statue on, 299. 
 
 Camel-drivers, a mutiny amongst, 
 64. 
 
 Campbell, Sir Colin, march of, for 
 the second relief of Lucknow, 
 229 — meeting of Outram and 
 Havelock with, on relief of 
 Lucknow garrison, 232 — orders 
 of, for withdrawal from the 
 Lucknow Residency, 233 — de- 
 spatch of, regarding conduct of 
 the garrison during the siege of 
 the Residency, 237 et seq. — re- 
 turn march of, to Cawnpore, 239 
 — takes command of the Army 
 of Oudh, 249 — final success of, 
 258— tribute by Outram to, 285 
 — banquet in London to, ib. — 
 Outram and, at Lord Canning's 
 funeral in Westminster Abbey, 
 287 — at Outram's funeral in 
 Westminster Abbey, 294 — grave 
 of, in Westminster Abbey, 296. 
 
 Canning, Lord, proclamation of, 
 regarding rebel landowners of 
 Oudh, 262 — Outram's protest 
 against the severity of, 263 — 
 becomes the guest of, at Allaha- 
 bad, 267 — Outram's testimony 
 regarding the Indian policy of, 
 286 — funeral of, in Westminster 
 Abbey, 287. 
 
 Cawnpore, Havelock's march to, 
 200 — the massacre at, ib. — Out- 
 ram's march to, 203 — withdrawal 
 of Lucknow garrison to, 233 et 
 seq. — Sir Colin Campbell's return 
 march to, 239. 
 
 Chilianwala, effect on Outram of 
 the news of the battle of, 
 149. 
 
 City of London, presentation to 
 Outram of the freedom of the, 
 270, 285. 
 
 Clerk, Sir George, Outram's ap- 
 pointment by, as Resident at 
 Baroda, 140 — resignation of, 
 144. 
 
 Clyde, Lord — see Sir Colin Camp- 
 bell. 
 
 Colonelcy of line regiment, Outram 
 debarred the honour of, 290. 
 
 Conmiander of the Bath, the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 315 
 
 honour of, conferred on Outram, 
 125. 
 
 'Conquest of Sind, the,' by Sir 
 William Napier, misrepresenta- 
 tions of Outram in, 133 — Out- 
 ram's Commentary on, 134, 137 
 et seq. 
 
 Cotton, Sir Willoughby, command 
 of the Bengal column of the 
 Army of the Indus by, 62. 
 
 Crimea, Outram's desire for service 
 in the, 164, 173. 
 
 Crown and Company armies in 
 India, the, ministerial bill for 
 amalgamating, 274 — Outram's 
 "supplementary minute" re- 
 garding, ih. et seq. 
 
 Dalhousie, Lord, Outram replaced 
 in the Baroda Residency by, 165 
 — Outram's admiration for, 166 
 — appointed Commandant and 
 Political Agent at Aden by, 167 
 — offered the post of Resident at 
 the Court of Oudh by, 169— ill- 
 health of, 171, 176— Oudh de- 
 clared a British province by, 177 
 — procures a K.C.B. for Outram, 
 178— Outram's farewell of, 180. 
 
 Dang, the, Outram's expedition 
 against the Bhils of, 36 et seq. 
 
 Delhi, the fall of, 209. 
 
 Dost Muhammad, flight of, from 
 Ghazni, 69 — the chase after, ib. 
 et seq. 
 
 East India Company, assumption 
 of the powers of the, by the 
 Crown, 270. 
 
 Egypt, Outram's sojourn in, on 
 furlough, 148 et seq. — his 
 Memoir on, laid before the 
 Government of Bombay, 152 — 
 his second residence in, 287. 
 
 EUenborough, Lord, Outram's pro- 
 test against the policy of, re- 
 garding Afghanistan, 100 — 
 Outram removed from his post 
 in Sind by, 107 — declines Out- 
 ram an interview, but ofi'ers him 
 the political charge of Nimar, 
 128— recall of, from India, 129. 
 
 Elphinstone, Mountstuart, Gover- 
 nor of Bombay, attempts by, 
 to reclaim the Bhils of Khan- 
 desh, 22 et seq. — Mrs Outram's 
 application to, on behalf of her 
 son, 43 — testimony of, as to 
 Outram's services, 125. 
 
 England, General, Outram's timely 
 assistance to, 100 — first advance 
 of, to Kandahar, 103. 
 
 Fayrer, Dr (afterwards Sir Joseph), 
 services of, to Outram, at the 
 Lucknow Residency, 175 — refer- 
 ences to, 180, 184, 210, 218, 
 220, 222, 237 et seq. passim— 
 accounts by, of the relief of the 
 Residency during the Mutiny, 
 216, 231. 
 
 Fever, Outram's repeated severe 
 attacks of, 23. 
 
 Field-sports, Outram's love of, 15 
 etseq., 32, 40. 
 
 Fireworks, results of an explosion 
 of, 13. 
 
 Gas-poisoning, a lucky escape from, 
 183. 
 
 Ghazni, storming of the fortress of, 
 66 et seq. — flight of Dost Mu- 
 hammad from, 69. 
 
 Ghilzais, expedition against the, 
 73 et seq. 
 
 Grand Cross of the Bath, Outram 
 receives the, 199. 
 
 Greek characters, use of, for de- 
 spatches from the besieged Luck- 
 now Residency, 229. 
 
 Guildhall, public function at the, 
 in Outram's honour, 285. 
 
 Guzerat, subjugation of the unruly 
 clans of, 45 et seq. 
 
 Haidarabad, Outram's residence at, 
 87 — the Amirs of, 89 et seq. 
 —the Residency at, defended 
 by Outram and his garrison, 
 115. 
 
 Hammersley, Captain, unjust treat- 
 ment of, 103. 
 
 Hastings, the Marquis of, results of 
 the rule of, in India, 10.
 
 ;516 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Havelock, General (afterwards Sir 
 Henry), command of troops by, 
 in the Persian war, 18o — march 
 of, to Cawnpore, 200 — attempts 
 of, to relieve the Lucknow 
 garrison, 202 — Outram's gener- 
 ous resolve regarding the com- 
 mand of, 203, 205 — march of 
 troops under command of, for 
 Lucknow, 20G et seq. — relief of 
 the Lucknow garrison by, 217 
 et seq. — Outram's conclusions re- 
 garding his abdication of com- 
 mand to, 228 et seq., 279 — 
 meeting of Outram and, with Sir 
 Colin Campbell, on second relief 
 of Lucknow, 232 — death of, 
 236. 
 
 Hodson of Hodson's Horse, services 
 of, during the Mutiny, 246, 249, 
 251— death of, 256. 
 
 Hog- hunting in India, the practice 
 of, 15 et seq. 
 
 ' Home News, the,' on Outram's 
 career, 307 (Appendix D). 
 
 Illuminated address, presentation 
 
 to Outram of an, at the close of 
 
 liis career, 286, 288— Outram's 
 
 reply on receiving, 289. 
 Imamgarh, the fort of, destroyed 
 
 by Sir Charles Napier, 112. 
 Indian military system, the problem 
 
 of, under Crown rule, 271 et 
 
 seq. — passing of ministerial bill 
 
 regarding, 274. 
 Indian Mutiny, tlie, first signs of, 
 
 195 — outbreak of, 197, 199 
 
 et seq. 
 Indus, the Army of the, operations 
 
 of, 58 et seq. 
 
 Jacob, Captain Le Grand, appoint- 
 ment of, as political ruler at 
 Sawant-Wari, 132. 
 
 Jacob, Colonel John, appointed to 
 cavalry command in the Persian 
 war, 1 85 — Bushahr command 
 given to, 189. 
 
 Jupp, R., verses by, on Outram's 
 advance to the Lucknow llesi- 
 dency, 303 (Appendix B). 
 
 Kabul, British disasters at, 95 — the 
 retreat from, ih. et seq. — General 
 Nott's march on, 103 et seq. 
 
 Kandahar, Shah Shuja - ul - Mulk 
 restored to his throne at, 65, 72. 
 
 Kavanagh, Thomas, important 
 services of, during the siege of 
 Lucknow, 230. 
 
 Kaye, Sir John, testimony of, to 
 Outram's character, 298. 
 
 Keane, Sir John, Outram becomes 
 extra A.D.C. to, 57 — operations 
 of the Army of the Indus under 
 the command of, 58 et seq. — 
 omission of Outram's name in 
 (Uiazni despatch of, 84 — letter 
 from the son of, to Sir James 
 Outram, 305 (Appendix C). 
 
 Khandesh, expedition againt the 
 Bhils of, 20 et seq. 
 
 Khatpaf, Outram's efforts to abolish 
 the practice of, in Baroda, 142 
 et seq., 155 et seq. — his report on, 
 157 et seq. — Parliamentary Blue- 
 Book on, 162 et scg. 
 
 Kheh'it, the storming of, 76 — ad- 
 venturous journey from, to 
 Sonmiani, 78 et seq. 
 
 Kittur, the siege of, 18. 
 
 Knighthood of the Bath, Outram 
 promoted to a, 177. 
 
 Lawrence, Sir Henry, first meeting 
 of Outram and, 147 — death of, 
 199. 
 
 Lucknow, formal entrance of Out- 
 ram into, as Resident at the 
 Court of Oudh, 172 — his leave 
 of, from ill-health, 180— Have- 
 lock's attempts to relieve the 
 garrison of, on the outbreak of 
 the Mutiny, 202— march of the 
 relieving column for, 206 et seq. 
 — operations for the relief of, 
 210 et seq. — tlie final advance on, 
 216— relief of the Residency at, 
 217 — strengthening of the de- 
 fences of, 225 et seq. — Sir Colin 
 Campbell's march towards, 229 
 — meeting of Outram, Havelock, 
 and Campbell on second relief 
 of, 232 — withdrawal of the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 317 
 
 garrison from, 233 et seq. — Sir 
 Colin Campbell's preparations for 
 attack on, 245 — operations of 
 the Army of Oudh in, 250 et seq. 
 — final victory at, 258 — the 
 enemy's flight from, 259 — Out- 
 ram receives thanks of Parlia- 
 ment for his share in the con- 
 quest of, 269^ — verses on Out- 
 ram's advance on the Residency 
 at, 303 (Appendix B). 
 
 Mahi Kanta, the, insubordination 
 in, 45 — expedition against, 48 — 
 Outram's residence in, 52 — suc- 
 cessful pacification of, 55. 
 
 Maude, Colonel, curious reward to, 
 for feat of arms, 225. 
 
 Melville, Lord, interview with, of 
 Outram's mother, 4. 
 
 Merchant Taylors' Company of 
 London, presentation to Outram 
 of the freedom of the, 270. 
 
 Miani, Sir Charles Napier's victory 
 at, 118. 
 
 Mihrab Khan, ruler of Biluchistan, 
 expedition against, 76 ei seq. 
 
 Money, Inglis, anecdote regarding 
 Outram by, 127. 
 
 Morris, Colonel W. , ' ' Rough 
 Notes" by, 300 (Appendix A). 
 
 Musalman sacred banner, capture 
 of a, at Kabul, 68. 
 
 Napier, Colonel Robert (afterwards 
 Lord Napier of Magdala), ap- 
 pointment of, as Outram's mili- 
 tary secretary during the Indian 
 Mutiny, 201- — services of, during 
 the siege of the Lucknow Resi- 
 dency, 218, 226, 238— presence 
 of, with the Army of Oudh, 250 
 — farewell dinner to, 179. 
 
 Napier, Sir Charles, supreme con- 
 trol in Sind assumed by, 106 — 
 the title of "Bayard of India" 
 applied to Outram by, 109 — the 
 fort of Imamgarh destroyed by, 
 112— the battle of Miani fought 
 by, 118 — crowning victory over 
 the Amirs' forces gained by, 124 
 — unfortunate result of Outram's 
 
 quarrel with, 136 — Outram's feel- 
 ings towards, 280. 
 
 Napier, Sir William, misrepresent- 
 ations of Outram in the ' Con- 
 quest of Sind' by, 133 et seq. 
 
 Narbada valley, the insurrection 
 amongst the Bhils of the, 42 et 
 seq. 
 
 Nasir Khan of Khelat, revolt of, 
 92 — conference between Outram 
 and, ib. — instalment of, as chief 
 of Khelat, 93. 
 
 Native witnesses, hardships of, 44. 
 
 Neill, Brigadier-General, death of, 
 at first relief of the Lucknow 
 Residency, 218. 
 
 North-West Provinces, Outram's 
 request for Political employment 
 in the, 42. 
 
 Nur Muhammad Khan, affecting 
 scene at deathbed of, 90. 
 
 Olpherts, Major William, services 
 of, in the Alambagh, 240, 242, 
 244— with the Army of Oudh, 
 250— Outram's letter to, 266. 
 
 Oudh, Outram appointed Resident 
 at the Court of, 169 — his official 
 report on the condition of, 174 — 
 declared a British province, 177 
 — Outram appointed Chief Com- 
 missioner in, 201 — services of 
 the Army of, 250 et seq. — Lord 
 Canning's proclamation regard- 
 ing rebel landowners of, 262 — 
 Outram's resignation as Chief 
 Commissioner of, 264 — his de- 
 parture from, 265. 
 
 Outram, Benjamin, father of Sir 
 James, 2. 
 
 Outram, Francis, brother of Sir 
 James, early years of, 4 — refer- 
 ences to, 8, 14, 19, 33 — his 
 death, 33 — monument to, 35. 
 
 Outram, Francis (now Sir Francis), 
 son of Sir James, birth of, 52 — 
 references to, 127, 161, 162, 197, 
 293—" Rough Notes" by Colonel 
 W. Morris sent to, 300 (Appen- 
 dix A). 
 
 Outram, General Sir James, parent- 
 age of, 1 et seq. — his school-days.
 
 318 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 6 el neq. — becomes a cadet in the 
 Indian army, 8 — appointed ad- 
 jutant of a regiment of native 
 infantry, 12 — marches against 
 the Bhils of Khandcsh, '10 — 
 raises and commands a Bhil 
 corps, 22 — his native troops 
 take the field, 36 — his love of 
 sport, 40 — he applies for Politi- 
 cal employment in the North- 
 West Provinces, 42 — his mar- 
 riage, 47 — proceeds against the 
 unruly clans of the Mahi 
 Kanta, 48 et seq. — sails for 
 Sind as extra A.D.C. to Sir 
 John Keane, 57 — his service 
 with the Army of the Indus, 62 
 et -seq. — conducts an expedition 
 against the disaffected Ghilzais 
 and Biluchis, 73 et seq. — is pro- 
 moted to brevet rank of major, 
 83 — becomes Political Agent of 
 Sind and Khelat, 89 — his danger- 
 ous illness, 103 — is joined by 
 Sir Charles Napier, 106 — takes 
 farewell of Sind, 108 — is ordered 
 back to Sind, 111 — rejoins Sir 
 Charles Napier, and acts in con- 
 cert with him in pacifying the 
 country, 112 et seq. — embarks 
 for Bombay on furlough, 119 
 
 — is presented with a sword 
 and a piece of plate, 121^ — ar- 
 rives in London, 123. 
 
 He pleads the cause of the 
 exiled Amirs of Sind with Lord 
 Ripon, 123 ct seq.— is gazetted 
 Lieutenant - Colonel and C.B. , 
 125 — his return to India, 126 
 
 — accepts a Political charge, 
 128 — volunteers for service 
 against the Marathas, 1 29 — 
 becomes Kesideut at the ('ourt 
 of Satara, 132 — his application 
 for active service in the Pun- 
 jab refused, 135 — publication 
 of his Commentary on General 
 Sir William Napier's ' Conquest 
 of Sind,' 137 — appointed Resi- 
 dent at Baroda, 140 — on sick 
 leave, 146. 
 
 His leisure-time occupations in 
 
 Egypt, 148 et seq. — his return 
 to Baroda, 155 — his services at 
 Baroda dispensed with, 158 — 
 repeated attempts on his life, 
 159 — arrives in England, 160 — 
 official infjuiry regarding his 
 work in Baroda, 163 — is rein- 
 stated at the Residency there, 
 165 — appointed Commandant 
 and Political Agent at Aden, 
 168 — becomes Resident at Luck- 
 now, 170 — promoted to be Chief 
 Commissioner of Oudh, with title 
 of Sir James Outram, K.C.B., 
 177 — again invalided home, 180 
 — is given command of army in 
 Persia, 184 — his successes in 
 Persia, 187 et se^.— the 78th 
 Highlanders bid him farewell, 
 198 — receives the Grand Cross 
 of the Bath, 199 — takes com- 
 mand of the Bengal army on the 
 outbreak of the Indian Mutiny, 
 201 — his march to Cawnpore, 
 203 — transfers his command to 
 General Havelock, 205 — present 
 at the relief of the Lucknow 
 Residency, 217 — resumes chief 
 command of troops in Oudh, 
 220 — resolves to wait in the 
 Residency for arrival of help, 
 221 — along with Havelock wel- 
 comes Sir Colin Campbell on 
 second relief of the Lucknow 
 garrison, 232 — carries out the 
 retreat from the Residency, 233 
 et seq. — is left behind to hold 
 the position around the Alam- 
 bagh, 239 et seq. — co-operates 
 with Sir Colin Campbell in ex- 
 pelling the rebels from Lucknow, 
 249 et seq. — is appointed military 
 member of the Supreme Council 
 at Calcutta, 264— receives vari- 
 ous public honours, 269 — his 
 views as to the remodelling of 
 our Indian military system, 271 
 et seq. — his care for the British 
 soldier, 274 et seq. — is forced by 
 ill-health to embark for home, 
 280 — farewell gifts presented to 
 him at Calcutta, 281 et seq.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 319 
 
 His journey to England, 284 
 — more public honours conferred 
 upon him, 285 et seq. — goes to 
 and fro in search of health, 287 — 
 receives degree of D.C.L. from 
 Oxford, 288 — his last two years, 
 290 et seg.— his death, 293— his 
 funeral at Westminster Abbey, 
 294 — public testimonies as to 
 his worth and services to his 
 country, 296 et seq. 
 
 Outram Institute, establishment of 
 the, at Dum-dum, 278. 
 
 Outram, Lady, references to, 52, 
 53, 88, 89, 126, 133, 146, 148, 
 161, 162, 172, 180, 197, 198, 
 228, 251, 268, 269, 278, 285, 
 292, 293. 
 
 Outram, Margaret, sister of Sir 
 James, marriage of, 33 — death 
 of, 39. 
 
 Outram, Mrs, mother of Sir James, 
 references to, 2, 3, 4, 14, 31, 
 38, 42, 57, 87, 98, 123, 126, 
 128, 133, 140, 144, 158, 162, 
 170, 182, 183, 290— death of, 
 294. 
 
 Outram, William, D.D., an ancestor 
 of Sir James, notice of, 1. 
 
 Outram's Rifles, the designation 
 of, 312 (Appendix E). 
 
 Oxford, Outram and Lord Palmer- 
 ston receive degree of D.C.L. 
 from, 288. 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, testimony of, 
 as to the value of Outram's 
 Memoir on Egypt, 152 — degree 
 of D.C.L. conferred by Oxford 
 on, 288. 
 
 Partab Singh, expedition against, 
 53. 
 
 Pau, death of Outram at, 293. 
 
 Persia, Outram appointed to com- 
 mand of expedition against, 183 
 — military operations in, 186 et 
 seq. — signing of treaty between 
 Great Britain and, 194 — Outram 
 receives the Grand Cross of the 
 Bath for services in, 199. 
 
 Pig-sticking in India, the practice 
 of, 15 ef seq. 
 
 Plate, piece of, presented to Out- 
 ram at Bombay, 121. 
 
 Poole, Stuart, Outram accompanied 
 by, in his survey of the Desert 
 route, 148 — some reminiscences 
 of Outram by, 149 et seq. 
 
 Queen Victoria, proclamation by, 
 regarding government of British 
 India, 270. 
 
 Quetta, Outram's adventurous ride 
 from Sind to, 91 — conference 
 between Nasir Khan and Outram 
 at, 92. 
 
 'Rough Notes,' publication of 
 Outram's, 84. 
 
 "Rough and Ready," Outram's 
 communication under signature 
 of, as to value of sport in mili- 
 tary training, 40. 
 
 Sepoy soldiers, Outram's concern 
 for the proper treatment of, 
 39. 
 
 Shah Shuja - ul - Mulk, reinstate- 
 ment of, as ruler of Afghanis- 
 tan, 65, 72 — native revolt 
 against, 94. 
 
 Shield, presentation to Outram of 
 a, 269. 
 
 Silver dessert service, presenta- 
 tion to Outram of a, 286. 
 
 Silver plate, set of, presented to 
 Lady Outram, 269. 
 
 Sind, expedition against, 57 et seq. 
 — Outram becomes Political 
 Agent in, 86, 89— Sir Charlea 
 Napier assumes supreme con- 
 trol in, 106 — annexation of, to 
 British India, 124. 
 
 Sind prize-money, Outram's dis- 
 posal of his share of, 126, 
 147. 
 
 Sligo, Mrs, sister of Sir James 
 Outram, some reminiscences by, 
 6 — reference to, 126. 
 
 Southern Mahratta country, Out- 
 ram's services during the re- 
 bellion in the, 129 et seq. 
 
 St Paul's Cathedral, funeral of 
 Duke of Wellington in, 162.
 
 320 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Suraj Mall, subjugation and out- 
 lawry of, 48 et »eq. 
 
 Sword, presentation of a, to Out- 
 ram at Bombay, 121 — and in 
 London, 270, 285. 
 
 Thackeray, St John, murder of, 
 
 18. 
 Tliames embankment, erection of 
 
 statue of Outram on the, 
 
 286. 
 'Times of India, the,' on Outram's 
 
 career, 297. 
 'Times, the,' on Outram's career, 
 
 296. 
 
 Wellington, the Duke of, funeral 
 of, 162. 
 
 Westminster Abbey, monument to 
 an ancestor of Outram's in, 1 — 
 Lord Canning's funeral in, 287 
 — Outram's funeral in, 294 et 
 seq. — Outram's grave in, 296 — 
 Lord Clyde's grave in, ib. 
 
 " White Mutiny," the so-called, in 
 India, 273. 
 
 Willshire, General, services of, 
 with the Army of the Indus, 
 65, 76 — tribute paid to Outram 
 by, 78 — task entrusted to Out- 
 ram by, ib. et seq. 
 
 Victoria Cross, Outram prevented Yearly pension, Outram granted a, 
 from receiving the, 222. 269. 
 
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