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 DISCOURSE 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CONDUCT 
 
 GOVERNMENT of GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 IN RE&PECT T« 
 
 NEUTRAL NATIONS. 
 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 By CHARLES LORD HAWKESBURY. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for T. DEBRETT, oppofite Burlington Hovse, 
 
 * TlCCADILLY. 
 
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 ADVERTISEMEN T. \] ft 
 
 "^HE following- difcourfe was written in 
 *757 ty Charles Jenkinson, Efq, 
 now Lord Hawkesbury. Great Britain 
 was at that time engaged in war with 
 France, and the Republic of Holland 
 refilled to .conform to thofe treaties of de- 
 fenfive alliance, by which flic was then, 
 bound to affift Great Britain, and fuffered 
 her fubjects not only to trade with France, 
 Init to afford protection' to the property 
 of the enemy j to fupply him with na- 
 val and military florcs, and to bring to the 
 French ports in Europe the produce of the 
 French Weft India iflands. The Britifh go- 
 vernment ordered all Dutch mips, laden with 
 the property of the enemy, or with naval or 
 military ftores, or with the produce of the 
 
 French 

 
 iv ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 French Weft India iflands, to be feized, and 
 to be brought into port for legal adjudica-* 
 tion. The merchants of Holland remon- 
 strated againft this meafure, which deprived 
 them of a moil lucrative trade ; but the Bri-» 
 tifh government perfevered. This Discourse 
 was written in fupport of the principles on 
 which the British Government at that 
 time acted. It was tranflated and re-printed 
 \n almofl every language of Europe ; and it is 
 now re-publifhed, from the bell: edition, at 
 the defire pf feveral noblemen and gentlemen t 
 who think, that in the prefent circumftances 
 it may be equally ufeful, 
 
 Piccadilly, Jan. 27, 17944 
 
 A DIS.
 
 A 
 
 DISCOUUSE, Sec. 
 
 TT is unhappy for the race of mankind, that 
 **■ thofe collective bodies, into which it is 
 divided, mould be fubjecl: to the fame paf- 
 fions and animofities, as the individuals, of 
 which they are compofed, and not have, like 
 them, fome viiible fuperior tribunal, which 
 might hear and compofe their diffeniions : 
 this might, perhaps, prevent thofe appeals, 
 which are too frequently made to the fword, 
 where the events of war alone decide the 
 caufe, and the fentence, which paffeth on 
 the tranfgrefTbr, brings alfo to the injured 
 party a large (hare of misfortunes in the exe- 
 cution of it. The welfare of mankind how- 
 ever requires, that this neceffary evil mould 
 be confined within the narroweft bounds ; 
 and that a trial, where the proceedings are ib 
 
 B deftruc-
 
 2 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 deftru&ive, mould be made as fliort and 
 as equitable as the nature of it will admit : it 
 is the duty therefore of thofe who are not 
 concerned in the difpute to be extremely at- 
 tentive to their conduct, that they may not 
 thereby contribute to render the conteft une- 
 qual : as far as man is concerned, it is force- 
 alone on which the decifion depends ; to add 
 therefore, by any means, to the power of one 
 party is manifeit injuftice to the other, and 
 is befides highly injurious to the reft of man- 
 kind, fince it necellarily tends to fpread dif- 
 cord among nations, and from a iingle fpark 
 of contention to light up a general flame. 
 
 It might be hoped, that a duty like this, 
 inforced by fuch powerful motives, would 
 be univerfally obferved ; and that no private 
 inferior intereft could induce any power to 
 tranfgrefs it ; if fome little profits, the ob- 
 ject of greedy individuals, mould, perhaps, 
 arife from the violation <jf it ; can a nation in 
 general reap a benefit, where public juftice 
 receives a wound ? To ad in oppofition to 
 this, in hopes of fome prefent advantage, is 
 to eftablifh a dangerous example, which may 
 hereafter prove injurious to ourfelvcs ; it is to 
 untie the only band, which holdeth nations 
 happily together, and to banifh mutual con- 
 4 fidence
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 3 
 
 fidence from the various communities of the 
 world. 
 
 Such, however, hath been the miftaken 
 conduct of fome neutral Hates during the prc- 
 fent war. — France confented to the treaty of 
 Aix-la-Chappele, that (lie might the more fe- 
 curely purfue the obje&s of her ambition ; 
 and that under the difguife of peace fhe might 
 extend and fortify her pofleffions in a part of 
 the world, where her arms in time of open 
 war had always, till then, been unfuccefsful : 
 for this purpofe fhe had artfully contrived, 
 that the American rights mould not be de- 
 termined by that treaty, but be left to the 
 confideration of commiffaries, to whofe de- 
 cifions fhe never meant to pay any regard. — 
 Canada was her vulnerable part : this there- 
 fore fhe refolved firfl to ftrengthen, and then 
 to enter again with more confidence into 
 war; while we were employed in debating 
 our rights, fhe took more effectual means to 
 end the conteft in her favour ; fhe fent fre- 
 quent fupplies to America ; me feized and 
 fortified the paffes and navigable rivers of 
 that country, drove the Englifh from their 
 poffemons, and built forts on the dominions 
 of Great Britain ; when the defign was thus 
 far advanced, England faw it in all its ter- 
 B 2 rors,
 
 4 LORt> RAWKE5BURY 
 
 rors, and with fpirit determined to fupport 
 her juft rights : though forfaken now in her 
 diftrefs by thofe allies, who owe their inde- 
 pendency to her protection, me feared not in 
 fuch a caufe to ftand alone againft all the ef- 
 forts of France ; fhe fent forth her naval 
 ftrength, but the enemy foon rendered the 
 attempts of that ineffectual, by refolving never 
 to try its force : In what manner was fhe 
 now to employ it ? — One only object re- 
 mained worthy of its attention, and that was 
 to deftroy the trade of the enemy, and to in- 
 tercept the fuccours which fhe fent to her do- 
 minions in America. Though this would 
 not crulh at once the evil, it would ftop at 
 leaft the fources that fed it, and might in the 
 end contribute to induce the enemy to confent 
 to a reafonable peace. 
 
 France endeavoured again to obviate this 
 ftroke by her policy. She took off the tax 
 of 50 fous per ton, which fhe always chufes 
 to keep on foreign freightage : fhe opened 
 even her American ports, and admitted other 
 countries into that choice part of her commerce, 
 which, by her maritime regulations, fhe hath 
 at other times fo ftri&ly referved to herfelf. 
 Neutral nations feized at once on the advan- 
 tage, and opened to the enemy new channels 
 
 for
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 5 
 
 for the conveyance of thofe riches, by which 
 the war was to be nurfed and protracted: 
 under the banner of friendfhip they thus 
 ferved the caufe of the adverfary, whofe 
 wealth fecured by that protection would have 
 patted fafe and unmoleiced through our fleet ; 
 if Britain, again railing her fpirit, had not 
 refolved, that by this means her naval power 
 mould not be rendered ufelefs, and feized on 
 the enemy's property, which fhe found on 
 board neutral mips. — It is well known, how- 
 ever, that her conduct in this refpecl: hath 
 not been univerfally approved, and that fome 
 neutral nations think they have a right to 
 carry in their veffels unmolefted the property 
 of our adverfaries. — As I here differ with 
 them in fentiment, this is the point, on which 
 I intend to difcourfe. 
 
 Great and wife governments have always 
 been jealous of national glory : it is an active 
 principle which, properly cultivated, operates 
 in virtuous aclions through every member of 
 the flate ; to preferve this therefore in its pu- 
 rity is the duty of every one who loves his 
 country. — Can it then be wondered, that the 
 native of a kingdom, always celebrated for 
 its public fpirit, and its upright faith, at a 
 time when thefe are called in doubt, mould 
 
 inte-
 
 6 LORD HAWKESB17RT 
 
 intereft himfelf in its defence ? No indecent 
 charges fhall here be urged againft other 
 countries, it is meant only to vindicate the 
 honour of our own. It is to be lamented, 
 that the neceflity ox affairs mould at fuch 
 a feafon have given occafion to this dif- 
 putc> particularly with that ancient ally of 
 England, who hath fo often fought with her 
 under the fame banner, in fupport of the juft 
 rights and privileges of mankind : the zeal 
 of any government to encourage the indufhy 
 of its people, is what a Britiih pen can never 
 difapprove : the principle is noble, and me- 
 rits even our applaufe ; I only mean to mew, 
 that the prefent object of it is not juft. 
 
 I fhall therefore examine the right, which 
 neutral powers claim in this refpect ; firft, 
 according to the law of nations, that is, ac- 
 cording to thofe principles of natural law, 
 which are relative to the conduct of nations, 
 fuch as are approved by the ableft writers, 
 and pra&ifed by ftates the moft refined.— I 
 fhall then confider the alterations, which have 
 been made in this right by thofe treaties, 
 which have been fuperadded to the law of 
 nations, and which communities, for their 
 rnutual benefit, have eftablifhed among them- 
 fclvcs. 
 
 The
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 
 
 The right of protection then muft have its 
 foundation in fome law, and, when confi- 
 dered in relation to any particular cafe, it 
 muft be founded on that law, by which the 
 interefts of the parties concerned are generally 
 determined, and which hath force in that 
 place, where the right of protection is 
 claimed. Thus in the prefent cafe, if neu- 
 tral nations have any right to protect the pro- 
 perty of the enemy, it muft take its rife 
 from thofe laws, which are the eftablifhed 
 rules of conduct between nations, and par- 
 ticularly on that clement, where this right is 
 fuppofed to be exerted. No civil or muni- 
 cipal inftitutions, and much lefs the privi- 
 leges arifing from them, can here take places 
 they have no force but under the dominion of 
 thofe who agreed to their eftablifhment. The 
 queftion then is— How far, according to the 
 law of nations, doth this right of protection 
 extend ? — To anfwer this clearly, we muft 
 obferve, that governments can have fucceeded 
 to no other rights, but fuch as their refpective 
 members enjoyed in a ftate of individuality; 
 and that one nation is now to another, as it 
 were in a ftate of nature, that is, in the fame 
 condition in which man was to man before 
 they entered into fociety ; the right therefore 
 of protection, which individuals would have 
 
 enjoyed
 
 t LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 enjoyed in fuch a fituation, is tlie fame which 
 government can claim at prefent : — An indi- 
 vidual then in a ftate of nature, would have 
 had an undoubted right to proted his own 
 pcrfon and property againft any attack;— 
 but if I am engaged in contention with ano- 
 ther, would he then have had a right to pro- 
 tect him againfr. me ? — moft certainly not; 
 
 iince he thereby would deprive me of a ri^ht, 
 which the law of nature, for my own fecu- 
 rity, would in fuch a cafe give me, of feizing 
 the property of this my enemy, and deftroy- 
 ing his perfon : if he thought my conduct 
 manifestly injurious, fo as to call for general 
 refentment, he would, on that account, be- 
 come my enemy himfelf ; but as long as he 
 calls himfelf a neuter, to ad in this manner 
 againfr. me would be no lefs abfurd than un- 
 jufl:; — f uc h therefore, and no more, is the 
 right of protection, which governments enjoy 
 at prefent in thofe places, to which their own 
 dominions do not extend ; they have fuc- 
 ceeded to the rights only of their refpedive 
 members, and by confequence thefe alone they 
 can proted. 
 
 But it willbeafked, — From whence then 
 arifes the right, which governments alway 
 enjoy, of proteding the property of the enemy 
 
 within
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 9 
 
 Within the precincts of their own country ? 
 — It is a confequence of the right of do- 
 minion ; unlefs, therefore, their dominion 
 extends over the ocean, the right of pro- 
 tection cannot there take place : dominion 
 gives a right of enacting laws, of eftabliihing 
 new jurisdictions, and of making all (whe- 
 ther its own fubjects or thofe of other coun- 
 triesj fubmit to thefe, who come within the 
 pale of its power. Here then the trial, which 
 the law of nations gives, is, as it were, fu- 
 perleded ; and any proceedings upon it would 
 of courfe be unjuft ; but as foon as you are 
 out of the verge of this particular jurifdict ion, 
 the laws thereof and the privileges which at- 
 tend them ceafe at once, and the general laws 
 of nations again have their force : here the pro- 
 perty even of an ally hath no ether protection 
 than what thefe laws allow it : beinr ioined, 
 therefore, to the goods of an enemy, it cannot 
 communicate its protection to thefe, fince the 
 fame law which gives fecurity to the firft, al- 
 lows you to feize and deftroy the latter.. Thefe 
 reafonings are exemplified by a common fact; 
 — within the precincts of the dominion of any 
 government, you are not at liberty to fearch 
 the mips of any country ; but is not this li- 
 berty univerfally and immemorially practiled. 
 over all on the main fea ? and wherefore is 
 
 C this
 
 10 tORD HAWKESBURT 
 
 this fcarch made, but that, according to the 
 law of nations, all are here anfwerable for 
 what they may convey ? 
 
 There is fomething analogous to this in 
 molt civil governments. Few countries are 
 without fome places which enjoy a right of 
 protedion from the general laws of the ftate, 
 fuch as palaces, houfes of religion, and the 
 hke ; and this right generally ariies from fome 
 pretence to an exclufive jurifdi&ion ; as long, 
 therefore, as any particular property remains" 
 within the verge of thefe, however ju% 
 it may be the objetf of the law, it is not 
 fubjetf to the power of it; but fuppofe it 
 conveyed from hence into the public roads 
 beyond the precincls of this particular palace! 
 or convent, the protection it received would 
 vanifli at once, and the general laws of the 
 community would fully then have force upon 
 it. Thus the protection which governments 
 can give within their dominions extends not 
 to the lea ; the ocean is the public road of the 
 univerfe; the law of which is the law of na- 
 tions, and all that pafs thereon, are fubjedt to 
 it without cither privilege or exemption. 
 
 If this manner of reafoning mould not 
 clearly eftabhih my point, I can appeal in 
 
 fup-
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. II 
 
 fupport of it to the ableft writers on public 
 law, who will be found to have decided the 
 queftion in my favour. 
 
 And firft I will produce the teftimony of 
 that learned native of Delft, who wrote fo 
 nobly on the freedom of navigation to ferve 
 his ungrateful country. In one of the paf- 
 fages, which are now before me, it is re- 
 markable, how much he labours to give the 
 created extent to the rights of commerce ; 
 and yet with all his laudable bias to this fa- 
 vourite point, he is clearly of opinion, that 
 the fhip of a neutral nation cannot protect the 
 property of an enemy : he manifeftly im- 
 plies,* that the veffels even of allies are fub- 
 ject to condemnation on account of the ene- 
 mies property, with which they are laden ; 
 when it appears that this property was put 
 on board them with the confent of the own- 
 ers of the veffels, but not otherwife. His 
 words are, " Neque amicorum naves in prae- 
 " dam veniunt ob res hoftiles, nifi confenfu 
 «' id factum fit dominorum navis ;" and pro- 
 ducing feveral authorities in confirmation of 
 this opinion, he afterwards adds, " Alioqui 
 " res ipfae folac in prcedam veniunt ;" but it 
 
 * Gi-otius dejure Belli ac Facis, lib. iij. c. 6.. fee. 6. in 
 »otis. 
 
 C 2 the
 
 12. LOCD HAWKESBURY 
 
 the enemies property mould be found laden 
 on board a neutral vellel, without the con- 
 nivance of the owner, in fuch cafe, " that 
 " property alone is lawful prize:" and fpeak- 
 ing again in another place on this point, he 
 lavs, that if the wrong done me by my enemy 
 is manifeltly unjuit, and that any one, by af- 
 lording fuccours, ihouid encourage him in 
 his enmity againlt me, " jam non tantum ci- 
 " viliter tenebitur de darnno, fed & crimina- 
 " liter, ut IS, qui judici imminenti reum 
 " manifeilum eximit."* A line and animated 
 manner of exprcilion, which (hews how 
 clear the opinion of this great author was upon- 
 the queftion. 
 
 To the <eftimony of Grotius I mail add 
 that of Bynkerfhoek, a native alio of Hol- 
 land, and whole fentiments, in point of ma- 
 ritime jurifprudence, Barbcyrac often prefers 
 even to thole of the former ; and what makes 
 even his opinion at this time of great impor- 
 tance, is; that he wrote principally for the 
 ufe of the courts and Hates of the United Pro- 
 vinces, and generally confirms what he ad- 
 vance :s by their judgements and refolutions. 
 lie fpcaks exprchdy in favour of my point: 
 
 * Chorus dr Jure Belli ac Pucis, lib. iii. cap. i. 
 
 " Ra-
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 13 
 
 f< Ratione confulta," fays he,* " non fum qui 
 ** videam, curimon liceret capere res hoftiles 
 ** quamvis in navi arnica repertas, id enim 
 " capio, quod hoflium eft, quoclque jure belli 
 " victori cedit." He then affigns this reafon 
 alfo for his opinion, that as it is lawful to flop 
 on the ocean any vciiel, though (he carry the 
 colours of a neutral nation, and to examine 
 by her papers to whom Ihe really belongs, 
 and in cafe ihe appear to be the property of 
 an enemy, to feize her as a lawful prize ; fo 
 he can fee no caufe why this rule mould not 
 extend to the effects which any lhip may 
 have on board ; and if the goods of an enemy 
 mould lie there concealed, why they alfo, by 
 the right of war, mould not be taken and 
 condemned : he even declares it to be his opi- 
 nion, that the owner of the neutral velTel 
 fhould, in fuch a cafe, lofe the price of the 
 freight ; a feverity which the Englifh courts 
 of admiralty never pracrife, where fome par- 
 ticular circumftance doth not require it. 
 
 I mail add to thefe the opinion of Albericus 
 Gentilis,-f eileemed the ableft writer on national 
 jurifprudence till Grotius bore the palm from 
 
 * Bynkerfhoek, Queftionum Juris Publici, lib. i. cap. 14. 
 f Albericus Gentilis de Advocatione Hifpaaica, lib. i.cap. 
 38. 
 
 him ;
 
 H LORD HAWKKSBtfRY 
 
 him ; and his fame in this rcfped was fa 
 great, that Philip the Third of Spain appointed 
 him perpetual advocate for his fubjeds in all 
 caufes, which they might have depending in 
 the courts of England. This author ftatcs a 
 cafe, where the Tufcans had taken the efTeds 
 of the Turks, at that time their enemies, 
 which they found on board fome En^lifli 
 mips ; and he determines, that the Turkifli 
 goods are legal prize, but that the captai- 
 n-Rift pay the freight to the Engliih. " Tranf- 
 " eunt res," fays he, *« cum fua causa, vidor 
 " fuccedit in locum vidi, tenetur etrufcus 
 " pro toro naulo." The property of the 
 enemy paifeth to the captor, but all its confe- 
 quences attend it ; the goods juftly belong to 
 him, but he muil pay to the freighter all which 
 the enemy would have paid, to whofe right 
 he hath in every refped fucceeded. 
 
 To enter particularly into the fentiments of 
 any more writers on this fubjed would be 
 equally tedious and unneceifary ; it will be 
 fuiKcient to mention the names alone of fuch 
 others as are in favour of the qucllion. — 
 Among thel'e I find Heineccius,* no lefs 
 famed for his knowledge of laws, than for his. 
 
 •* Hcincccius de Xavibu- ul> YecWam dc Yctitarum Mer- 
 
 learn-
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 15 
 
 learning in what are the bell: expofitors of 
 laws, the antiquities of governments. — ■ 
 Zouch,* who for many years prefided in the 
 courts of admiralty of this kingdom. — Voet,"t* 
 Zuarius, J and Loccenius,§ all of them writers 
 of reputation, and whofe opinions are uni- 
 verfally relied on by all who treat on public 
 jurifprudence. 
 
 I might indeed have wholly omitted the fenti- 
 tnents of thefe learned individuals, fince wefhall 
 rind, that great communities themfclves have 
 confirmed our opinion both by their laws and 
 by their practice. — It will not be proper on this 
 occafion to look far back into the early annals 
 of the European ftates ; when the govern- 
 ments of thefe were yet in their infancy, the 
 advantages of commerce were but little un- 
 derstood, and of courfe the rights of it were 
 not fufriciently regarded ; war was then too 
 much the feafon of rapine, and they who en- 
 tered into it meant lefs to conquer" than to 
 plunder. As loon, however, as fome better 
 order began to be introduced into thefe affairs, 
 it then became ufaal for each party at the com- 
 
 * Zouch de Judicio inter Genres, pars 2. 
 
 f Voet de Jure Militari, cap. 5. 
 
 X Zuarius de Uliu Maris, Confil. ii. 
 
 § Loccenius de Jure Maritimo, lib. ii. cap. 4. 
 
 mencer
 
 l6 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 menccment of the war to publifh a declara- 
 tion, wherein he fpecified what kind of trade 
 he would permit neutral nations to carry on 
 with his enemy ; and the regulations of thefe 
 were fometimes attended to, and fometimes 
 not, either as the intercfl of the party neutral 
 inclined him to fubmit to the reftraint, or as 
 the power of the party belligerent enabled 
 Him to enforce the execution of it. True it 
 is, that the prohibitions which thefe declara- 
 tions contain are various, according to the 
 lentiments of the different governments which 
 made them ; and on that account they are, 
 perhaps, too unftcady a foundation on which 
 to eftabliih a right ; there plainly, however, 
 follows from hence one powerful inference 
 in our favour, that not one can be found amid 
 all this variety, which ever permitted neutral 
 nations to protect the property of the enemy : 
 this branch of freightage they all agree una- 
 nimoufly to prohibit. 
 
 The free ftates of Italy cultivated firft the 
 intereits of commerce : before any veffel had 
 as yet palled the Cape of Good Hope, and a 
 morter pafTage had been dif covered to the Eaft 
 Indies, Venice and Genoa drove the principal 
 trade of the world, and difperfed the manu- 
 factures of Alia to the different parts of Eu- 
 2 rope :
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 17 
 
 rope : it naturally followed, that thefe two 
 commercial republics fooneft underftood and 
 defined the juft rights of navigation ; their 
 maritime conftitutions ttill remain collected 
 in the Confolato del Mare ; and the reputa- 
 tion of thefe was fo great, that as the laws of 
 Rhodes were once to the Romans, and the 
 laws of Oleron to the wettern parts of Eu- 
 rope, fo thefe Italian laws became of force 
 univerfally to all nations which border on 
 the Mediterranean fca : thefe have determined 
 the point exprefsly in our favour. In one 
 of them it is aiferted, " Se la nave o navilio, 
 11 che pigliato fara, futte di amici e le mer- 
 " cantie, che lui portera faranno d'inimici, lo 
 l * armiraglio della nave o del navilio armato, 
 " pou forzare & conftringere quel patrone di 
 " quell a nave o d'quel navilio, che lui pigliato 
 *' havera, che lui conquella fua nave gli debba 
 " portare, quello, che di fuoi inimici fara;'* 
 " If the fliip or veflel which fliall be taken 
 " belong to an ally, and the merchandize 
 ** which fhe has on board belong to an ene- 
 •' my, the captain of the armed fhip may 
 " force or conftrain the matter of the ihip or 
 " velTel which he has taken, to carry into 
 " fome port for his account, the effects of his 
 " enemy which are on board ;" and it is af- 
 terwards added, that the matter of the veffel 
 
 D mutt
 
 l8 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 mull be paid for the freightage of the goods 
 of the enemy.* — And fuch was not only the 
 conftant purport of their laws, but the prac- 
 tice of their governments was always con- 
 formable to it. Their hiftorian f tells us, that 
 4n the war between the Venetians and the 
 Genoefe, the fliips of Grecians, .who were 
 neuter, were always fearched, and the ene- 
 mies who lay hid in them were taken out 
 and made prifoners. 
 
 It is unneceffary to dwell longer in giving 
 a further detail of the condud of every na- 
 tion in this refpect ; I will, therefore, con- 
 fine myfelf to thofe who are mod concerned 
 in the prcfent difputc; and will mew, that 
 as England claims no more at prefent than 
 what flic always enjoyed, fo France and 
 Holland have confhmtJy fupported the fame 
 opinion whenever their mtercit required it. 
 
 It was in the reign of the firfh Edward, a 
 prince who thoroughly undcrflood the rights 
 of his crown, and had a fpirit equal to the 
 fupport of them, that Philip the Fair of 
 France, being engaged in a war with the 
 Duke of Burgundy, the French admiral took 
 
 * I! Confotato del Marc, c. 273. 
 f Niccp. Grngoras, lib. ix. 
 
 the
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 19 
 
 the (liips of fevcral neutral nations, which 
 were palling through the Britifh Channel 
 into the ports of Flanders': great complaints 
 were made on this head, and comrniflioners 
 were appointed to examine into the conduct 
 of the admiral ; a libel was there prefented 
 againif him by almofl; every trading nation of 
 Europe ; the record * of this is ltill remain- 
 ing : and if neutral nations had at that time 
 pretended to enjoy the right of protecting 
 the property of the enemy, and that the ef- 
 fects which they carried on board their ihips, 
 could in no cafe, except in that of contra- 
 band, be made lawful prize, we might well 
 expect, that this right would here have been 
 claimed and afferted : fear could not, in this 
 cafe, have prevented it; for all the world, 
 except France, was on one fide of the quef- 
 tion ; but the record contains no fuch claim : 
 the injured demand their right on a different 
 principle, becaufe their fhips were taken on 
 thofe feas, •' where the kings of England 
 " (faith rhe record) have time out of mind 
 " been in peaceable poffeflion of the fovcreign 
 11 lordfhip, with power of appointing laws, 
 " of prohibiting the ufe of arms, of giving 
 " protection as occafion ihould require, and 
 
 * Sir Ed. Coke's Fourth Inft. chap, 22, 
 
 D % ap-
 
 *0 LORD HAWKESBCRY 
 
 •• appointing all things neceflary for the rnain- 
 " taining peace, juftice, and equity among 
 " all, as well foreigners as natives, who na- 
 " vigate thofe feas."* Here then the right of 
 protection is placed on that bafis, on which 
 alone it can properly be founded, the right of 
 dominion; no other pretence is offered; and 
 it I may be allowed to fum up the evidence, 
 as their names arc written in the record, 
 " Genue, Cateloigne, Efpaigne, Alemaine, 
 " Seland, Hoyland, Frife, Denmarcli, Nor- 
 " way, & plufours aultres lieux del Empier," 
 all join here in aiferting the principles on 
 which I firft eihblifhed my argument. 
 
 The annals of Edward III. afford ftill other 
 fads in favour of my opinion : this prince 
 added to his military accompli fhments, great 
 fagacity in the fcience of laws, and uncom- 
 mon attention to the commercial interefrs of 
 his kingdom ; in the fecond year of his reign 
 he confirmed the Charter of Privileges, which 
 fome of his predeceffors had before granted to 
 foreign merchants, and particularly to thofe 
 of the Hanfe-towns,f who were atjhat time 
 the greatcft freighters of the Weffern parts of 
 Europe : this inftrument may well be confi- 
 
 See all this more fully fated in the record, 
 f Rjmer's Fceclera, torn. 4. p. 361. 
 
 4 dered
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS, *l 
 
 dered as a fort of maritime regulation, by 
 which England meant to direct her conduct 
 at that time in affairs of this nature ; in this, 
 liberty of navigation is fully confirmed ; fo- 
 reign merchants are allowed to carry theirgoods, 
 whether purchafcd within the kingdom or 
 without, " Quocunque voluerint ;'* but with 
 this exception, " prscterquam ad Terras no- 
 44 toriorum & manifeftorum hoftium Regni 
 *« noftri ;"* and fome offences being after- 
 wards committed againfl this charter in the 
 fucceeding wars, it was again renewed in the 
 fame manner in the 6th year of this reign ; in 
 both thefe inftances the exception is exprefs, 
 that no trade whatfoever mould be permitted 
 with the enemy ; but this good king, perhaps 
 through a principle of juftice, and his ardent 
 love to commerce, ieems to have pracf lied 
 this right with more moderation, that is, in 
 much the fame manner in which the govern- 
 ment of England claims it at prefent ; for in 
 his wars with Scotland, fome mips of Great 
 Yarmouth having taken feveral veiiels belong- 
 ing- to the bure-effes of the town of Bruges, 
 44 Pr<Etendentes Bona in iifdem exiitentia 
 4 ' fuiffe hominum de Scotia, he directed 
 his precepts to the Sheriff of Norfolk, -f com- 
 
 * Rymer's Fcedera, torn. iv. p. J 16, 
 ] lb. p. 32S. 
 
 manding
 
 22 J-ORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 manding him to fet at liberty, and to caufe 
 iull reititution to be made of the mips, and 
 of fuch of the goods as belonged to the mer- 
 chants of Bruges, and that he ihouJd detain 
 only that part of the cargo which was the pro- 
 perty of the Scotch, his enemies. We find 
 alfo, that when Queen Elizabeth was en- 
 gaged in war with Spain, ihe feized ieveral 
 veffels of the Hanfe-Towns, which were 
 entering into the port of Lifbon j and ihe 
 urged, among other arguments, the charter 
 above mentioned in defence of her conduct : 
 flie was in this refped fo fatisfled of the juftice 
 of her caufe, that the threats of the German 
 Empire, and other neutral powers, could not 
 oblige her to relinquim her right; and though 
 ihe might perhaps on this occafion S i\ C too 
 great extent to this right, yet it is remarkable 
 that Monficur dc Thou, who was himfelf a 
 great lawyer, and had long fat m the flrfl court 
 of judicature in France, even when he blames 
 the conduct of the Queen in this affair, paf- 
 feth his cenfure upon it, not as defective in 
 juftice, but only in policy: « J n tarn alieno 
 ' tempore,^ fays he,* - Rcrum prudentiores 
 44 exdhmabant, imprudentcr factum eUe a 
 44 Regina ab Anglis." 
 
 Thurnus, lib. 96. 
 
 Wc
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 23 
 
 Wc have as yet mentioned the conduct 
 alone of thofe Englifh princes, who knew 
 how to affert their rights, and who ruled their 
 people with glory ; but we (hall find that 
 even under a weaker government, and in a 
 Litter period, this right of feizing the property 
 of the enemy found on board neutral fhipsr 
 hath been fully claimed and practifed : when 
 Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, prelided over 
 the naval affairs of England, and to gratify 
 his own private refentments, had engaged his 
 country in a war againft Spain, the Britilli 
 fleet under Pennington took feveral French 
 veffels, to the number of between thirty and 
 forty, which had Spanilh effects on board ; 
 they were brought into the ports of England, 
 and our courts of admiralty condemned the 
 goods of the Spaniards as legal prize, but or- 
 dered the veffels of the French to be rcleafed, 
 and the freightage to be paid to them. This 
 conduct was avowed by the Court of Eng- 
 land, and a full reprefentation of it transmit- 
 ted by the Lord High Admiral to the adminif- 
 tration of France: about- 15 years after this, 
 when the French themfelves were at war with 
 Spain, the navy of France took a great many 
 Englifh (hips which were laden with the pro- 
 perty of Spaniards ; and their courts of ad- 
 miralty condemned not only the enemy *s 
 
 effects x
 
 -4 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 C 
 
 fFecls, but the Englifh mips which conveyed 
 them : the Earl of Leicefter, then ambaffador 
 in France, made great complaints on this head; 
 he was anfwered, that the Englifh always acT:- 
 cd in this manner; and this anfwer being 
 tranfmitted to the Earl of Northumberland, 
 at that time Lord High Admiral, he confut- 
 ed upon it Sir Henry Martin, the bell Englifh 
 civilian of that age, and the moft verfed in 
 maritime jurifdiction ; and by his advice he 
 returned to Lord Leicester the following an- 
 fwer, which at the fame time proves the con- 
 front opinion, and (hews the moderation of 
 the Britifh Admiralty on this point : " that," 
 lays he,* " which is alledged by the French 
 "to be pra&ifed in our courts of admiralty 
 " is abfolutely denied ; and that neither the 
 " law nor practice hath ever been here to 
 44 confifcate the goods of friends for having 
 " enemies goods among them : we are fo far 
 •• from doing any fuch ad of injuftice, as 
 44 when in time of war we have met with 
 44 any fuch prizes, the freight hath always 
 44 been paid by the taker for thofe enemies 
 44 goods that he took, and thofe that belonged 
 44 unto friends were duly reflored to them." 
 
 ' The Sulnej Papers, Algernon Earl of Northumber- 
 land to Robert, Earl of Leicefter, Nov. 5, 1640. 
 
 Thus
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 2| 
 
 Thus much may fuffice to mew the con- 
 duel: of the people of England : — hiftory will 
 alfo prove to us, that Holland hath always 
 exerted the fame right : — At the beginning 
 almoft of that war which the United Pro- 
 vinces fuftained in fupport of their liberties, 
 and even before their fovereignty was as yet 
 fully eftabliihed, the people of Zealand fcru- 
 pled not to carry into their ports all fuch neu- 
 tral veffels * as were conveying the effects of 
 the enemy, under pretended names, from 
 Flanders into Spain ; and the courts of ad- 
 miralty of that province adjudged the Spanifli 
 property to be legal prize ; and though they 
 releafed the neutral mips, they made them no 
 compenfation for their freightage : among 
 thefe there were fome Englifh veffels, and 
 Queen Elizabeth, angry that lb young a ftate, 
 and one which had placed itfelf under her 
 protection, mould in any degree interrupt the 
 commerce of her people, at nrft fhewed the 
 effects of her refentment, by feizing their 
 mips, and imprisoning their merchants ; the 
 Zealanders upon this made reprifals ; feveral 
 Englifh veffels were detained, and their com- 
 manders put under confinement : to endea- 
 
 * Hiftoria Belgica Metereni, lib. 5. Camden, anno 1575. 
 Zoueh de Judicio inter Gcntes, pars 2. 
 
 E vour
 
 ^6 LORD HAWKESBUIttf 
 
 vour at fome fettlement of this affair, the* 
 Queen fent over to Holland Mr. Robert 
 Beal, her fecretary; and for the fame purpofe 
 the Prince of Orange difpatched a minifter to 
 London ; by thefe means the difpute at lad 
 was compromifed : the {hips and the prifon- 
 ers were on both fides releafed ; but the 
 Queen never obtained reftitution of the ene- 
 mies goods which were taken on board the 
 veflels of her fubjects ; this fact is worthy of 
 obiervation, not only as it relates to the con- 
 duct of Holland, but as it mews how far a 
 Princefs thought herfelf obliged in equity to 
 yield, whom hiflorians have always defcribed 
 as pofitive in her temper, and, whenever her 
 right was concerned, of a very tenacious dif- 
 pofition. 
 
 Holland, whenever Ihe was engaged in war, 
 almoft conftantly purfued the lame conduct : 
 (lie fometimes even prohibited the commerce 
 of neutral nations beyond all juftice and mo- 
 deration. In the year 1599,* when the go- 
 vernment of Spain firit prohibited the fub- 
 jects of the United Provinces from trading to 
 the ports of that kingdom, a liberty which 
 had unaccountably been allowed them, from 
 
 * Grotii Hift. fib. 8. 
 
 the
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 27 
 
 the commencement of their revolt to that 
 period; the States General, in revenge, pub- 
 lifhed a placart, forbidding the people of all 
 nations to carry any kind of merchandife into 
 Spain ; the words of Grotius, in the relation 
 he has given of this affair in his Belgic Hif- 
 tory, are very full and exprefs : " Per edic- 
 " turn,'* fays he, " vetant populos quofcun- 
 " que ullos commeatus refve alias in Hifpa- 
 " niam ferre; fi qui fecus faxint, ut hofti- 
 11 bus faventes vice hoftium futuros." This 
 placart they publicly notified to all kings and 
 nations, for this reafon, as the hiftorian ex- 
 preffes it, " ne quis infeitiam excufaret." 
 The confequences of this notification de- 
 ferve alfo our attention ; the hiftorian con- 
 tinues : " Paruit Rex Gallia?, ac fi quis fuo- 
 •' rum fex intra menfes in Hifpaniam navi*- 
 " gat, profelTus eft privatum periculum fore.** 
 Henry the Fourth, at that time king of 
 France, though delivered then from all his 
 diftreftes, and arrived at the fummit of all his 
 power, icrupled not to fubmit to this placart, 
 and gave up the interefts of all his fubjects, 
 who mould attempt within fix months to 
 tranfgrefs it: the hiftorian concludes, '* Cac- 
 " teri (reges) filentio rranfmifere ;" the other 
 powers of Europe made no clamorous corn- 
 plaints againft this meafurc of the States ; in 
 E 2 filence
 
 28 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 filencc they patted it over : How unlike was 
 this conduct to that of Holland at prefent ! 
 — Charles the Second, in a letter to the 
 States General, of October 4, 1666, charges 
 them with a remarkable violence of this 
 nature ; being at war with fome Afiatic 
 Princes in the Eafl Indies, they feized all the 
 ihips and goods of the Englith merchants 
 which were trading to thofe countries ; and 
 the Dutch governors fcrupled not only to pro- 
 iefs in their declarations, " Qu' ayant depuis 
 " peu annonce la guerre aux Princes, avec qui 
 •' ils avoient defTein de trafiquer, cette guerre 
 " devoit par confequent leur interdire tout 
 " commerce avec les dits Princes."* 
 
 I omit citing many other inftances of their 
 conduct in this particular, left I mould appear 
 tedious, efpecially as one fad itill remains, 
 which is alone fufficient to evince the opinion 
 of Holland on this point ; and the which I 
 rather chufe to mention, as it happened even 
 after the Dutch had by their negociations en- 
 deavoured to eftablifti, as a general maxim 
 among nations, that the goods of an enemy 
 under a neutral banner mould pais unmoles- 
 ted. — At the commencement of that war 
 
 * Charles the Second's Letter to the States General, Octo- 
 ber 4, r666. 
 
 which
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATION9. 29 
 
 which broke out immediately after the revo- 
 lution, when the firfr. grand alliance was 
 formed againft France, Holland entered into a 
 convention * with England to prohibit totally 
 the commerce of neutral powers with the 
 enemy : in the preamble of this, they ailign 
 publicly their reafons for it ; they fay, " that 
 ' having declared war againft the Moft Chrif- 
 
 * tian King, it behoves them to do as much 
 4 damage as pofiible to the common enemy, 
 1 in order to bring him to agree to fuch con- 
 
 * ditions as may reitore the repofe of Chrif- 
 
 * tendom : and that for this end it was necef- 
 1 fary to interrupt all trade and commerce 
 ' with the iubjecis of the find king ; and 
 ' that to effect this, they had ordered their 
 ' fleets to block up all the ports and havens 
 1 of France; 5 ' and afterwards, in the fecond 
 
 and third articles of this convention, it is agreed, 
 ' that they would take any veffel, whatever 
 ' king or Irate it may belong to, that mail 
 
 * be found failing into or out of the ports of 
 1 France, and condemn both veflel and mer- 
 ' chandife as legal prize j and that this refo- 
 
 * lution fliould be notified to ail neutral 
 
 * frates." Such therefore was at this time 
 
 * Convention concluded at London, Aug. 22, 1689. 
 
 the
 
 3° LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 the avowed opinion of Holland, and Eng- 
 land was induced to join with her in this 
 convention, exceeding thereby thofe bounds 
 of equity and moderation, which ilie had al~ 
 moil always praftifed in this point before, 
 and which fhe will, I hope, moff faithfully 
 obferve for the future. The Northern 
 Crowns, who were particularly affecled by 
 this prohibition, contended very vehemently 
 agamff it : in anfwer to their objections were 
 urged, the circumftances of affairs, the danger 
 of Europe, and the mighty ftrength of that am- 
 bitious power ; which, if fome extraordinary 
 effort was not made, would bring mankind 
 under its fubje&ion. It is remarkable, that 
 Fuffendorf,* who owed his fortune and em- 
 ployments to one of thofe Northern Crowns, 
 was of opinion in this cafe againft them, and 
 thought that the convention might be juftified. 
 It is not meant here at prefent either to cenfure 
 or commend it : circumftances may fometimes 
 make a thing to be lawful, which confidered 
 by itfelf, would be unjuff; but fuch times 
 are truly unhappy, when neceffity muff be 
 pleaded in fupport of a right. 
 
 * Sce a Latcr ( ' f Puffenciorf in Jno. Groningii Bibiiotneca 
 I:, v-ii.! » Libionim Juridicorum, p. 105. 
 
 1 It
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 3 1 
 
 It remains that I now inquire into the eon- 
 duel: of France ; my proofs * on this head will 
 be clear; they are indeed nothing lefs than 
 the public laws of that kingdom; by fome 
 very old French ordinances it is declared, not 
 only that the enemies goods mall be adjudged 
 to be lawful prize, but that the neutral veflel 
 which carries them, or the property of any 
 ally which mall be joined with them, mall be 
 joined alfo in the condemnation. It has always 
 been a maxim of the courts of maritime jurif- 
 dicrJon of France, " Que la robe d'am con- 
 " flfquecelle d'enemie:" and fo clear were 
 they in this opinion, that the laws which efla- 
 bliihed it were repeatedly enaded in the 
 reio-ns of two of their kings, Francis I. and 
 Henry III. — That the practice of the French 
 marine hath in this particular been coniorma- 
 ble to their laws, may be proved by a thou- 
 fand infrances: I mall felecl: one upon the 
 authority of a Miniiter of Holland, which 
 will mew what their conduct was in that 
 Spanilh war which preceded the Pyrenean 
 treaty. In a letter of Monfieur Boreel from 
 Paris to Monfieur de Wit, December 26th, 
 1653, "On tient ici," lays he, " pour 
 
 * See the Ordinances of France, Francis I. 1543- c « 4- 
 adHenrv III. 1584.. c. 69. 
 
 " maxi-
 
 3* Lord hawkesburt 
 
 * rhaxime favorable a leurs interefts, que 
 ' leurs enemies ne doivent recevoir ni defenfc 
 4 ni fervice des fuhjects de leur H. H. P. Pi 
 
 * en tranfportant de chez eux quelques mer- 
 ' chandifes ou commodites ou d'autres, qui 
 1 feroicnt pour le compte de Tenemie, fous 
 
 * peine, au cas qu'ils les trouvent dans les 
 
 * batiments Hollandois, qu'ils fcront de bonne 
 
 * prife, & qu'on les puiife enlever les dits ba* 
 1 timents & les conhfquer." 
 
 But it is not the old laws of France alone, 
 that thus determine this point, their more mo- 
 dern regulations confirm it : one of the laft 
 and greater!: ferviccs which Colbert perform- 
 ed to his country, was the cirabliihmcnt of a 
 fyllem of naval Jaws, the wifeft and beft di- 
 gefted which the fpirit of legiflation hath ever 
 yet produced j it is obfervable, that although 
 the ordinance which contained thefe laws was 
 regiftercd in 1601, feveral years fubfequent to 
 thole treaties, by which France agreed that 
 neutral veffels mould protect the property of 
 the enemy, yet it pays no attention to them, 
 and eitabliihcs the contrary doctrine. This 
 proves how little regard France always ihew- 
 ed to that article. The words of the ordi- 
 nance exprefsly condemn not only the ene- 
 mies
 
 017 NEUTRAL NATIONS. 33 
 
 mies goods, but the neutral fhip which car- 
 ries them : " All fliips (faith the law*) which 
 1 * have goods oh board that belong to the ene- 
 *' my, mall be good prize." 
 
 Thefe laws continue ftill to be obferved in 
 France : at the commencement even of the 
 prefent war, the French government delivered 
 to Monf. Berkenrode, the Dutch minifler at 
 Paris, a memorial, " Contenant les Precau- 
 44 tions," (as the title expreiTes it) •' que 
 " doivent prendre les negociants Hollandois 
 ■' conforment a ^ordinance de la marine & 
 " aux reglements de la France, pour eviter 
 " que leurs navires foient declares de bonne 
 " prife." In the preamble of this, the words 
 of the above-mentioned law are repeated, and 
 the fame rule of condemnation is declared to 
 be ftill in force : And the feventh article of 
 the memorial lays even a greater reftrid;ion 
 o n neutral commerce, than the ordinance of 
 1681 feems to have intended; it is there faid, 
 ** Si les navires Hollandois tranfportoient des 
 •' merchandifes du cru ou iabriques des ene- 
 *' mies de la France, ces merchandifes feroient 
 " de bonne prife, mais le corps du navire fe- 
 " roit relache." — By this memorial, there- 
 
 * Naval Ordinance of 168 1, Title ix. Art. 7. 
 
 F fore,
 
 34 LORD iYawkesbury 
 
 fore, every thing which is either of the growth 
 or manufacture of the enemy's country, when 
 found on board the ihips of Holland, chough 
 the property does not appear to belong to the 
 enemy, is declared to be good prize. The 
 fame reftriction evidently extends to all other 
 neutral traders.* Is not this almoft a total 
 prohibition to neutral powers, of any com- 
 merce with the enemies of France ? 
 
 Let us now look back on what has been 
 faid : the deduction which I have made hath, 
 I fear, been tedious; but the importance of 
 the fubject by force led me into it : — I flatter 
 myfelf, however, it has appeared, that reafon, 
 authority, and practice, all join to fupport the 
 caufc'I defend : — by reafon, I have endeavour* 
 cd to trace out thofe principles on which this 
 right of capture is grounded ; and to give 
 that weight to my own fentiments .which of 
 themfelves they would not deferve, I have 
 added the authorities of the ableft writers on- 
 this fubject ; — and laftly, I have entered 
 largely into the conduct of nations, that I 
 might not only lay thereby a broader founda-* 
 tion for this right, but that I might the more 
 fully illuftrate, by the extravagant pretentions 
 
 * Sec the preamble of ihe MercoriaL 
 
 of
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 35 
 
 of other ftates in this refpect, the prefent mo- 
 deration of England : no age or country ever 
 gave a greater extent to the commerce of neu- 
 tral nations, and we have feen that moif. in the 
 fame circumftances have confined it within 
 much narrower bounds. 
 
 There remains frill, however, one objection 
 to what has been laid, and that of foplaufible 
 a caft, that I cannot leave it without an an- 
 fwer: it has been pretended, that the liberty 
 of navigation is deftroyed by means of thefe 
 captures, and that a violent refbaint hath been 
 put on the lawful induftry of mankind. The 
 liberty of navigation, in fair conftruction, 
 can mean no more than the right of carrying 
 to any mart unmolefted the product of one's 
 own country or labour, and bringing back 
 the emoluments of it : but can it be lawful that 
 you mould extend this right to my detriment; 
 and when it was meant only for your own ad- 
 vantage, that you mould exert it in the caufe 
 of my enemy ? Each man hath a right to per- 
 form certain actions, but if the deftruction 
 of another mould follow from them, would 
 not this be a juft reafon of reftraint ? The 
 rights of mankind admit of different degrees, 
 and whenever two of thefe come into compe- 
 tition, the loweft in the fcale muff, always 
 
 F 2 give
 
 36 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 give place to the higher;— but you will fay. 
 that you have a profit in doing this ; if, howv 
 ever, it is otherwife unjuft, will that contf de- 
 ration convert it into a right ? — If you mean, 
 that your own commerce ought to be free, 
 that right is not in the leaft denied you ; but if 
 under this difguife you intend to convey free- 
 dom to the commerce of the enemy, what po- 
 licy or what juftice can require it ? What can 
 neutral nations defire more, than to remain 
 amid the ravages of war in the fame happy 
 circumftances which the tranquillity of peace 
 would have afforded them ? But can any right 
 from hence arife, that you mould take occa- 
 fion from the war itfelf to conftitute a new 
 fpecies of traffic, which in peace you never 
 enjoyed, and which the necefTtfy of one party 
 is obliged to grant you, to the detriment, per- 
 haps deftruction, of the other? If this right 
 was admitted, it would become the intereft of 
 all commercial ftates to promote diiTenfion 
 among their neighbours; the quarrels of 
 others would be a harveft to themfelves ; and 
 from the contentions of others they would ga» 
 thcr wealth and powcr.- T -But, after all, the 
 rights of commerce are not the real caufe of 
 this difpute: and liberty of navigation is only 
 a fair pretence, which ambition hath thought 
 fit to hold forth, to intereft the trading ftates 
 
 of
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. $f 
 
 of the world in its caufe, and to draw down 
 their indignation upon England ; this is not 
 the firft time that a deceit like this has been 
 practifed : when the power of Spain was at 
 its greatefr. height, and Elizabeth wifely con- 
 tended againit the mighty defigns of Philip, 
 the capture of fome veilels belonging to the 
 Hanfe Towns gave occalion to a conteft of this 
 nature : but they were the emiiTaries of Philip 
 that then blew up the flame, and pretending a 
 love to commerce, promoted the ambitious 
 projects of their mailer : the Queen of Eng- 
 land publifhed an apology for her conduct, 
 and this was anfwered in a virulent and abu-* 
 five manner, not from any of the Hanfe 
 Towns, but from Antwerp, a city under the 
 dominion of Spain, and it feemed to be writ- 
 ten (fays Thuanus) " per hominem Philippi 
 " partibus addictum, non tarn pro libertate 
 " navigationis et in Germanorum caufa de- 
 " fendenda, quam in Hifpanorum gratiam, 
 " et ad Reginir nomen profcindendum :" the 
 intercfls of commerce were the pretended 
 caufe of this difpute, but the real caufe was the 
 mtereit of Philip; the pretended deiign was to 
 preferve the liberty of navigation, but the real 
 end was to ferve the caufe of ambition, and 
 to deft roy the government of England ; — 
 this cafe need not be compared with our own 
 at prefent, the relemblance is too obvious. 
 
 Here
 
 ^3 LORD HAWKESBL'RY 
 
 Here then we might reft our caufc, if the 
 law ot nations was the only foundation on 
 which this point could be argued ; but the 
 bands of equity have been found alone too 
 weak to hold the nations of the world to 
 their duty; their intereft taught them to re- 
 new and confirm thefe by contracts among 
 themfelves, and frequently to add thereto 
 certain mutual advantages, greater than what 
 the law of nations fingly would have allowed 
 them : — let us confider therefore, what in- 
 fluence thefe may have in the prefent cafe ; — . 
 whatever they are, I mean to give them all 
 the force which reafon or juftice can require : 
 it our anceftors have betrayed the intereft. of 
 of their country in granting any privileges of 
 this nature, wc, who have fucceeded to their 
 rights, are bound to abide by their concef- 
 iions ; it is the happinefs of great kingdoms, 
 whofe power is equal to the fupport of their 
 own independency, to be able to acT: up to 
 thofe principles, which neceflity hath often 
 forced little {fates unhappily to abandon ; 
 thole fcandalous. maxims of policy, which 
 have brought difgrace both on the name 
 and the profefTion, took their rife from the 
 conduct of the little principalities of Italy, 
 when diitreiTed by the fucceflive invafions 
 which France and Spain made upon them, 
 1 they
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 39 
 
 they broke or conformed to their leagues, 3$ 
 their own fecurity obliged them ; and their 
 refined fhifts and evafions formed into- fyftems 
 by able doctors of their councils, have com- 
 pofed that fcience, which the world hath 
 called politics ; a fcience of fraud and deceit, 
 by which kingdoms are taught to be governed 
 On principles, which individuals would be 
 afhamed to profefs ; as if there could be no 
 morality among nations, and that mankind 
 being formed into civil focieties, and collec- 
 tively confldercd, were fet free from all rules 
 of honour and virtue : maxims like thefe I 
 mean to avoid ; to follow them would bring 
 dilhonour on my country. 
 
 It mull: then be allowed, that there are arti-* 
 cles in fome of our maritime treaties with 
 other nations, which have irJpulated, that, 
 * ' All which lliall be found on board the 
 •* velTels belonging to the fubjects of thofe 
 <f countries, fhall be accounted clear and free, 
 * ' although the whole lading or any part thereof 
 *' fhall, by juft title of property, belong to 
 " the enemies of Great Britain ;" fuch an 
 article is inferted in thofe maritime treaties, 
 which Great Britain hath made with France* 
 
 * Treaty between Great Britain and France, 24th Feb. 
 * 6 77- 
 
 and
 
 4° LORD HAWKE33URY 
 
 and Holland :* it has indeed by fomc beer! 
 fuppofed, that the fubjc&s of the crown of 
 Spain have a right to enjoy a privilege of the 
 fame nature ; certain, however, it is, that no 
 fuch article as that above mentioned, can be 
 found in the maritime treaties between that 
 country and Great Britain, and particularly in 
 that of Madrid-of 1667, w ^ch is the princi- 
 ple maritime treaty at prefent in force between 
 the two kingdoms ; but as a miftake in this 
 refpecl may poflibiy have arifen from a falfe 
 interpretation of two articles in the treaty of 
 Madrid, which declare in general,* that " the 
 " fubjefts of the two crowns refpedively 
 " mall have liberty to traffic throughout all 
 " countries, cultivating peace, amity, or neu- 
 " trality with either of them, and that the 
 " faid liberty mail in no wife be interrupted 
 " by any hindrance or difturbance what! bever, 
 ' by reafon of any hoilility which may be 
 " between either of the faid crowns and any 
 " other kingdoms:" and as the liberty here 
 itipulatcd, may be by fome erroneoufly ima- 
 gined to extend lb far, as to grant a right to 
 carry freely the effects of the enemy ; it will 
 be proper here to remove this error, and to 
 
 * Treaty between Great Britain and Holland, ift Dec. 
 j 764. 
 
 f Trcaty.of Madrid, ibfy. 
 
 flop
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. AI 
 
 lop a little to fhew the true deilgn and mean- 
 M ng of thefe articles. This explanation is at 
 D tf I prefent more necelTary, as it will tend to il- 
 Mluftrate the true fenfe of other ftipulations of 
 precifely the fame purport, which may be 
 found in feveral of our commercial treaties, 
 and particularly in the firft and fecond articles 
 of that with Holland of Dec. n,. 1674: a 
 wrong interpretation of which hath already 
 given occafion to great confufion and much 
 ialfe reafoning upon the prefent queftion. 
 
 It cannot, I think, be doubted, that accord- 
 ing to thofe principles of natural equity, 
 which conftitute the law of nations, the peo- 
 ple of every country muft always have a right 
 to trade in general, to the ports of any ftate, 
 though it may happen to be engaged in war 
 with another, provided it be with their own 
 merchandife, or on their own account ; and 
 that under this pretence, they do not attempt 
 to fcreen from one party the effects of the 
 other j and on condition alfo, that they carry 
 not to either of them any implements of war, 
 or whatever dk t according to the nature of 
 their refpc&ive fituations, or the circum- 
 ifonces of the cafe, may be necelTary to them 
 for their defence. As clear as this point may 
 be, it has fufficiently appeared by the facts de- 
 
 G duced
 
 1 2 tORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 duced above, that amid the regularities 6i 
 war, the rules of equity in this refpedt were 
 not always enough regarded ; and that many- 
 govern ments in time of war have often moil 
 Iicentiouily difturbed, and fometimes pro- 
 hibited totally, the commerce of neutral na- 
 tions with their enemies : about the middle 
 therefore of the laft century, when the com- 
 mercial regulations, which at prefent fubfifl 
 between the European powers, firft began to 
 be formed, it became abfolutely neceflary to 
 call back the attention of governments to 
 thofe principles of natural right, from whence 
 they had ftrayed ; and to fix and determine 
 what was the law of nations, by the articles 
 of their refpedtive treaties : for this purpofe, 
 the negociators of that age inferted in their 
 Commercial regulations, articles * to the fame 
 purport as thofe above-mentioned, aflerting, 
 in general, a right to trade unmolefted with 
 the enemies of each other ; and thefe they 
 ufually placed among thofe articles of general 
 import, which are commonly firft laid down 
 in treaties, as the bafis on which the fubfe- 
 
 * Treaty of Commerce between France and Holland, 
 1662. — Treaty of Commerce between England and Holland, 
 Feb. 17, 1668. — Treaty of Commerce between England and 
 Holland, Dec. r, 1674.— Treaty of Commerce between Eng- 
 land and France, Feb. *4, 1677". 
 
 duent
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS, 4? 
 
 quent ftipulations are founded : the rule there- 
 fore of equity in this cafe being thus defined, 
 they came afterwards to erecl upon it fuch 
 privileges as that rule alone would not have 
 allowed them ; and among the reft, fome na- 
 tions, as their intereft prompted them, 
 granted mutually to each other, by new and 
 exprefs articles, the right of carrying freely 
 the property of their refpedlive enemies. 
 Thefe laft: articles therefore muft be conn> 
 dered as wholly diftinft in their nature from 
 thofe before-mentioned, and in their meaning 
 totally different : the firft are an affirmance of 
 an old rule, the laft create a new privilege ; 
 thofe only confirm a right which was deter- 
 mined by the law of nations before ; thefe 
 make an exception to that law r : — if they 
 both imply the fame fenfe, why are both fo 
 often found inferted in the fame * treaties ? 
 Would the repetition in fuch a cafe have been 
 neceffary; and to what purpofe were new 
 articles added to grant a privilege which was 
 already included in the terms of the preced- 
 ing ? The fame exception alfo of contraband 
 goods is again repeated in the laft cafe, as 
 well as in the former ; and fhews clearly, 
 
 - : See the Treaties mentioned in the laft note. 
 
 G 2 that
 
 44 LORD HAWKESEURY 
 
 that the property, which is the objecl of the 
 exception in the different articles, mull like- 
 wife in its nature be different ; the one relates 
 to the ordinary means of traffic which every 
 nation enjoys, its own produce or property ; 
 the other to the property of the enemy. 
 
 But this point is ftill more clearly explained 
 by the afMance of other treaties, where arti- 
 cles of the fame force, as the 2 ill and 23d of 
 the" treaty of Madrid", are inferted, and the 
 intention of them fully made appear from the 
 fubfequent parts of the fame treaties. — In the 
 treaty of commerce between Great Britain and 
 Sweden, of the 21ft of Oclober, 1661, it is 
 Stipulated by the nth article, that 4t it is by 
 44 no means to be' underftood, that the fub- 
 44 jecls of one confederate, who is not a party 
 44 in a war, fhall be retrained in their liberty 
 44 of trade and navigation with the enemies 
 4 'of the other confederate, who is involved 
 44 in fuch war;" and then in the article 
 which immediately follows, the meaning of 
 thefe words become manifeft beyond a doubt : 
 it is there fo far from being fuppofed, that 
 the liberty here granted can be fo interpret- 
 ed, as to imply a right of conveying the 
 cffe&s of an enemy, that the very attempt to 
 
 praclife
 
 O^ NEUTRAL NATI0N9. A% 
 
 p*actife it under favour of this liberty, is there 
 tailed " a fraud/** and asa" moil heinous 
 crime,' ' is ordered " to be mod feverely pun- 
 ilhed ;*' and to prevent any collufion in this 
 refpeft, the veffels of both parties are required 
 to be furnimed with paffports, 4 ' fpecifying 
 44 of what nation the proprietors are to whom 
 « theefTe&s on board them belong."— And 
 in the treaty of commerce between Great 
 Britain and Denmark, of the nth of 
 July, 1670, a right of free trade with the 
 enemy is ftipulated in the 1 6th article ; and 
 afterwards by the 20th article, the extent of 
 this right is made apparent : here the means 
 are fet down to prevent the defigns of thofe, 
 who under favour of this ftipulation mould 
 attempt to protect the effe&s of the enemy j 
 and the illegality of fuch a practice being 
 fuppofed, as not neceffary to be exprefTed, 
 the article then declares, " but left this 
 44 liberty of navigation and paflage for one 
 44 ally might, during a war which the other 
 44 may be engaged in, by fea or land, with 
 44 any other flate, be of prejudice to fuch 
 44 other ally; and the goods belonging to the 
 44 enemy be fraudulently concealed, under the 
 44 colourable pretence of their being in amity 
 
 * See the Treaty of Commerce between Great Britain 
 ^nd Sweden, Oct. si, 1661. tt
 
 $6 LORI> HAWKESBPRY 
 
 '* together; to prevent, therefore, all fraud of 
 " that fort, all (hips mall be furnimed witii 
 •? pafiports }" the form of which is there fet 
 down, and is the fame as that mentioned 
 aboye.-rFrpm thefe treaties then it manifeftly 
 appears, that by a general ftipulation in fa- 
 war pf trade with the enemy of another 
 power, negotiators never intended to imply a 
 right to carry freely the effects of that enemy; 
 but that to eftabli|h fuch a right, it is necef- 
 iary to have it expref§Iy mentioned. The 
 2:1ft and i2,2d articles therefore of the treaty of 
 Madrid, in which liberty of traffic to thq 
 countries of the enemies of Great Britain is 
 thus in general ftipulated, can be explained 
 $0 grant to the fubjefts of the Crown of 
 Spain, no other right but that of carrying on 
 without any injuries, v. moieftation," or 
 *■ dilturbance," fuch traffic as would other- 
 wife be legal according to the law of nations, 
 and by this Jaw, in time of war, it never 
 could be legal to protect the effects of an 
 enemy ; — a privilege, however, like this 
 Great Britain hath confented to grant in her 
 commercial treaties with France and Holland; 
 the liril of thefe is put an end to by the pre- 
 : - war ; it remains, therefore, that I now 
 < ileourfe on this privilege, as it is ftipulatcd 
 in tli- Britifh treaties with Holland ; and I 
 
 i 
 
 pro-
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATlbks. 4^ 
 
 fropofe to fhew that here alio it is extinct. — 
 But to give a fuller view of my fubject, and 
 to fhew the origin and intention of this pri- 
 vilege, it will be rteceffary to enter a little into 
 the hiilory of it, and to relate the manner in 
 which the article that grants it was firft ad* 
 mitted into treaties. 
 
 When the United Provinces had put an end 
 ky the treaty of Munfler, to that long war, 
 which they had fo nobly maintained in fup- 
 port of their liberties, and had happily crowned 
 their labours by obtaining a full acknowledge- 
 ment of their fovereignty ; delivered from 
 the cares of war, they wifely turned their 
 thoughts towards the arts of peace : after long 
 contentions among themfelves, their com- 
 mercial provinces had at length obtained the 
 o-reateft lead in the ftate ; the intereft of trade 
 
 i> ..... 
 
 was of courfe the principal object ot then- 
 council ; their armies were reduced ; all who 
 favoured war were no longer in credit ; and 
 the views of their minifters terminated chiefly 
 in giving permanence to that extenfive traffic, 
 which had fupported them through all their 
 diftreffes, and to the effedts of which they 
 principally attributed all their power and free- 
 dom; 
 
 They
 
 4-8 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 They were, indeed, at this time fo fully 
 matters of almoil all the commerce of the 
 world, that they had little elfe to do but to 
 preferve the pofleinp.n of it : the public was, 
 on this occaiion, amufed with a new fpecies 
 of policy, the offspring rather of avarice than 
 ambition, defirous of keeping the reft of man- 
 kind in indolence, that it might more fully reap 
 the fruits of its own induftry : where wealth 
 was at leaft the firft objed: in view, though 
 in the end it might be accompanied by its 
 tifual attendant, power : the arts which they 
 praclifed to preferve their fiiheries, and to 
 fecure to themfelves alone the trade of the 
 Aiiatic fpices, are well known, and not at 
 prefent to our purpofe ; they urged loudly the 
 ireedom of navigation, till they had made it 
 free indeed for themfelves ; but they have been 
 charged with practifing a different doctrine 
 on the other fide of the line to what they 
 profefled on this ; and with feeking to efla- 
 bliih an exclusive trade on thofe very feas, 
 whofe freedom from papal grants and Spaniih 
 pretentions the pen of their Grotius had fo 
 ably defended. 
 
 There was, however, another fpecies of 
 commerce which demanded their attention 
 even more than either of the former; as it 
 
 was
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 49 
 
 was not only a profitable branch of traffic in 
 itfelf, but as it greatly tended to the fecurity 
 of the reft, by being the principal bafis of 
 their naval power : this was the trade of 
 freightage, or the carrying trade, the fubject 
 of our prefent difcourfe. — To underftand their 
 views" in this refpecl:, we muft firft take no- 
 tice of the foundation on which their policy 
 was built ; they had fucceeded to the Han- 
 featic traders, in becoming the carriers of the 
 world : long pofTeffion had, therefore, fur- 
 nifhed them with great numbers of failors 
 and fhips ; and to theie they added uncom- 
 mon parfimony and indufiry, the natural en- 
 dowments of their people : thefe made them 
 contented with fmall profits, and enabled them 
 to carry the manufactures of each country 
 even cheaper than the natives of it them- 
 felves : with fuch happy circumftances in 
 their favour, they were fure of making this 
 branch of trade wholly and perpetually their 
 own, if they could, by their negociations and 
 policy, eftablifh two points : — The firft was, 
 that no nation mould grant to its own na- 
 tives any privileges in relation to freight- 
 age, which the people of Holland mould not 
 equally enjoy. And as the confequences of 
 war mould otherwife frequently interrupt the 
 the courfe of this traffic, they laboured to ob- 
 
 H tain
 
 5° LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 tain, as their fecond point, that whenever any 
 other nation was engaged in war, they might 
 then enjoy, as neuters, the right of protecting 
 the property of its enemies. Thefe points, once 
 obtained, would open a larger field, on which 
 their induftry might exert itfelf, than what 
 they could otherwife of right pretend to en- 
 joy : they were wife, however, in endeavour- 
 ing to obtain it : no nation befides themfelves 
 had more mipping than what was equal to 
 the carriage of their own manufactures ! they 
 alone, therefore, could carry on the freightage 
 of other countries, and largely reap, when 
 their neighbours were at war, the advantages 
 propofed. 
 
 The regency of Holland laboured with great 
 perfeverance for the eftabliihment of thefe two 
 points: their great minifter De Witt* filled all 
 inftrudions and difpatches with every argu- 
 ment and motive which his adive mind 
 could invent in fupport of thefe favourite 
 maxims : they were willing to give up any 
 temporary advantage to gain that, which, 
 once acquired, would prove for ages an over- 
 flowing fpring of wealth. By their negotia- 
 tions they earne% laboured to induce France 
 
 * Lettrcs de Monf. De Witt, paffim. 
 
 to
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 51 
 
 to comply with their defircs in thefe refpe&s; 
 but here they were a long while unfuccefsfnl : 
 in oppofition to the firft point of their po- 
 licy, Fouquet, while he was at the head of 
 the French marine and finances, eftabliihed 
 the tax of 50 fous per ton on all foreign 
 (hipping j and endeavoured thereby to en- 
 courage and augment the freightage of his 
 own country ; and when, upon his difgrace, 
 Colbert fucceeded to his employments, this 
 tax of 50 fous was almoft the only part of 
 the formers policy which the latter thought 
 fit to adopt. It is amazing, with what zeal 
 and application the minifters of Holland con- 
 tended for the abolition of it : France at 
 length relaxed her feverity on this head, not 
 fo much to favour the trade of the Dutch, 
 as in compliance with the interefts of her 
 own. Colbert's great fchemes to improve the 
 manufactures of his country had met with 
 better fuccefs than his plans for the aug- 
 mentation of its marine; and the frequent 
 wars in which his ambitious matter involved 
 his kingdoms gave repeated checks to the 
 freightage of his people. France, therefore, 
 at laft found it neceffary to give a larger vent 
 to her manufaftures, by opening her ports to 
 foreign veffels ; and for this purpofe me took 
 off the tax of 50 fous, by the treaty of Ryf- 
 H 2 wick,
 
 S 2 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 wick, as far as it related to the (hips of Hol- 
 land alone : and fince that time me has regu- 
 lated her conduct in this particular as the in- 
 tereft of her trade requires. In time of war, 
 (he always remits this tax, as me is then 
 forced to make ufe of the freightage of neu- 
 tral nations, her naval power not being equal 
 to the protection of her own : and in time 
 of peace (he preferves the tax, or not, as the 
 increafe or diminution of her (hipping re- 
 quires, always giving the greater!: encourage- 
 ment to her own marine, which is confident 
 with the prefervation of her manufactures. 
 
 France confented fooner to the other point 
 of Dutch policy, and granted by treaty to 
 the veffels of Holland, as neuters, the right 
 of protecting the effeds of an enemy : the 
 laws of France, indeed, have continued al- 
 ways to determine againft this right ; and in 
 this refpect, therefore, their laws and treaties 
 contradict each other : fome very ancient or- 
 dinances of that kingdom (as we have (hewn 
 above) had adjudged as lawful prize in this 
 cafe, not only the enemies goods, but had 
 joined alfo in the condemnation the neutral 
 veflel which carried .them ; the laft, however, 
 of thefe points was remitted as early as 1646, 
 by a temporary treaty then made with Hol- 
 land ;
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. $$ 
 
 land ; the neutral veiTel, and all the effects 
 of a friend found on board it, by this were 
 ordered to be fpared : by a fubfequent nego- 
 tiation, Holland endeavoured to get this pri- 
 vilege farther confirmed and extended : it was 
 one great part of Monfieur Boreel's employ- 
 ment in his long embalTy at Paris : at laft, 
 however, in the memorable treaty of defenfive 
 alliance between Holland and France, of the 
 27th of April, 1662, this favour was obtained 
 in its full extent; by the 35th article* it is re- 
 ciprocally agreed, that all which (hall be 
 found oh board the vefTels of either of the 
 contracting parties, " encore que la charge 
 " ou partie d'icelle fut aux enemies, fera libre 
 " & ar^ranchie. ,, This article was again re- 
 newed by the marine treaty of 1678, and 
 by feveral fubfequent treaties : the marine 
 treaty of December 21, 1739, was the 
 laft in which it was inferred : this con- 
 tinued in force during part of the laft war ; 
 but in the year 1 745 the French Government 
 declared this treaty void by an acT: of council, 
 and it hath never lince been renewed: France, 
 from the condition of her marine, could cer- 
 tainly reap no advantage from the infertion of 
 this article in her own treaties ; but it was wife 
 
 * See the. treaties in the Letters of D'Eftrade, torn. i. 
 
 ? in
 
 5$ LORD HAWKESBORT 
 
 in her to endeavour to eitablifh the point as a 
 general maxim of national law among other 
 countries ; experience hath proved to her the 
 ufe of it in time of war. 
 
 But Holland mod exerted her policy to 
 bring that nation to a compliance with her 
 maxims, whom Ihe moft apprehended as her 
 rival in trade : the fcandalous ignorance of 
 the Engliih minifters in point of commerce, 
 and the little attention which they paid to the 
 interefts of it, gave fuch advantages for fome 
 time to the Dutch, that more veflels of that 
 country were feen in the ports of our colo- 
 nies than even of our own ; the fhipping of 
 England, from the reign of Elizabeth, had 
 been in a conftant decline > we mould hardly 
 have believed, that in the reign of Charles I. 
 England could not have furniihed more than 
 three merchant vefTels of 300 tons, if Sir 
 joiiah Child had not affirmed it : the time at 
 length arrived, when we were to be put in 
 this relpecl: on an equality with our neigh- 
 bours, and to vindicate (as it were) the ad- 
 vantages of our own induftry and produce to 
 ourfelves ; in 165 1, the Parliament of Eng- 
 land paffed into an ordinance that noble ftrain 
 of commercial policy, called fince, the ad: of 
 navigation ; Mr. St. John returning about 
 
 this
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 55 
 
 this time from his embaffy at the Hague, be- 
 came the happy inftrument, which Providence 
 madeufeof, to accompliih this great work;* 
 refenting highly the refufal, which had there 
 been given to his propofals, and the infults 
 which had been offered to his perfon, he 
 warmly folicited, and at length induced the 
 council of ftate, to move the parliament to 
 pafs it ; the committee fat five days in form- 
 ing it ; and it was at laft publifhed by order 
 of the houfe with great pomp and ceremony 
 at the Royal Exchange ; the Dutch were fo 
 fenfible of its confequences, that it was the 
 principal caufe of the enfuing war: they called 
 it in a manifefto,*f- publifhed foon after, 
 " A vile act and order." At the negociations 
 for that peace which put an end to the war, 
 De Witt laboured with his ufual indufhy and 
 acutenefs to procure the abolition of it ; his 
 efforts were happily in vain ; they who made 
 the law attended with vigour the execution of 
 it ; the effects of it were immedialy apparent. 
 This acl: of policy alone hath fortunately out- 
 weighed all our other follies and extrava- 
 gancies ; though condemned by fome of our 
 hiftorians, and unnoticed by others, it hath 
 proved the fertile fource of all our naval 
 
 * Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 345. 
 f The manifefto of Holland, 1652. 
 
 power :
 
 5^ LORD HAWKESBURT 
 
 power: it hath operated infenfibly to ourpre- 
 fervation, and hath been the fpring from 
 whence hath flowed the wealth and greatnefs 
 of England. 
 
 Our anceftors, with equal conftancy, for 
 fome time withftood the other maxim of Dutch 
 policy, and would not permit their vefTels, 
 as neuters, to protect the effeds of the ene- 
 my. By a very ancient and remarkable treaty, 
 made when the dukes of Burgundy were fo- 
 vereigns of the Low Countries, the contrary 
 opinion had long been eftablifhed ; in that it 
 was determined, " Quod fubditi Unius Prin- 
 " cipum Praedidorum," (that is, Henry VII. 
 King of England, and Philip, Duke of Bur- 
 gundy) " non adducent aut adduci facient 
 * per mare, fraudulofe, vel quocunque co- 
 " lore, ahqua bona feu merchandizas inimi- 
 4< corum alterius eorundem principum." And 
 it farther ftipulated, that in cafe the matter 
 of the neutral veflel mail endeavour, by a 
 talie report, to defraud the captor of any of 
 his enemy's effeds, he (hall be obliged to 
 make good the lofs fuftained thereby, by the 
 forfeiture of as much of his own. Frequent 
 applications were made before the reftoration, 
 both to the parliament and to the protedtor, 
 to alter the courfe of proceeding in this re- 
 
 fpe&i
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 5) 
 
 fpec~t ; but thofe heads which formed the act 
 of navigation were too wife to confent to 
 this ; a particular occasion, however, at laft 
 induced England to make the coneeihon ; by 
 the treaty of commerce made at the Hague, 
 17th of February, 1668, this point was fully 
 fettled to the fatisfaction of Holland ; by the 
 1 Oth article* of which it was fully itipulated, 
 that the (hipping of each country mould 
 carrv freely the goods of the enemies of the 
 other. The circummmces of the time, and 
 the iituation of affairs when this article was 
 framed, account for its admiffion into this 
 treaty, and very lfrongly apologife for the 
 authors of it ; Lewis the XlVth had then 
 juft commenced the firft career of his ambi- 
 tion, and England refolved with fpirit to 
 throw herfelf in his way. Holland was 
 then engaged in a ftrong defenfive alliance 
 with France, from whom it was neceilary to 
 feparate her, and to make her join with Eng- 
 land to fupport the independency of Europe. 
 The Dutch miniifers feized this fortunate 
 opportunity of obtaining from England the 
 fame advantages which they had already ac- 
 quired by their treaties with France. It hath 
 •been the policy of moll republics never to 
 
 * Intercurfus .Magnus inRymer's Fceden, vol. x'ri, p. 585. 
 
 I enter
 
 58 LORD HAVVKESBURY 
 
 enter into any alliance where fome benefit 
 doth not accrue to themfelves ; and Holland 
 could not be expcded to deviate from this 
 maxim on the prefent occafion, in compli- 
 ment to the king of England, who had al- 
 ways Shewn but little affection to the States ; 
 the war alfo with that monarch was but lately 
 ended, and tire wound but weakly healed : 
 the French treaty of 1662, befides its defen- 
 sive Stipulations, contained alfo feveral com- 
 mercial regulations, the favourite objed of 
 Holland ; thefe had been provisionally refer- 
 red to a few months before at Breda, with a 
 defign to prevent any intermediate difputes 
 between England and Holland, until a treaty 
 of commerce, which was then under delibe- 
 ration, was concluded ; but unlefs thefe were 
 perpetuate] on the prefent occafion, and 
 formed into a permament national treaty, to 
 which England was averfe,* the States were 
 refolved not to join in the alliance propofed : 
 Monf. De Witt exprefsly told Sir William 
 Temple,f " That the treaty of defenfive al- 
 " liance muff, for a bafis, have at the fame 
 " time an adjufhnent of matters of com- 
 " merce ;" and unlefs this could be obtained, 
 
 v Sir William Temple to Lord Arlington. Feb. 12, 1668. 
 f lb. Jan. 24, 1668. 
 
 it
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 59 
 
 it was the avowed opinion of that great pen- 
 fionury not to conclude. Influenced by the 
 fentiments of their minifler, the States per- 
 fifted in the fame refolution ; they forced, at 
 laft, Sir William Temple to yield the point ; 
 apprehen.fi ve of the lead delay, and of the 
 uncertainties which would neceilarily follow 
 from it, he ventured to comply with their 
 defires, though he exceeded thereby his in- 
 ftrudions ; a private promife patted firft be- 
 tween him and Monf. De Witt, and in con- 
 fequence of that, a few weeks after, a treaty 
 of commerce was concluded. 
 
 We have before obferved, that in the 35th 
 article of the treaty of 1662, the French con- 
 fented to grant the right of protedion to neu- 
 tral veffels; this, therefore, came of courfc 
 to be inferted in our commercial treaiy oi 
 1 668, and the advantages which would arife 
 from thence in favour of the trade ot Hol- 
 land, were the conceffions which England 
 then chofe to make, that ilie might obtain 
 the affiftance of that republic againft Franre. 
 To what other purpofe could England at 
 this time eftablifn a rule of commerce, which 
 (he had before fo often refufed, and now fo 
 relu&antly granted to the earneft lblicitations 
 of the States ? Any benefit which the Britilh 
 
 I 2, trade
 
 60 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 trade might reap from the mutual ftipulation 
 of this article, could never be the object which 
 the minifters of this country had in view. 
 The article, confidered by itfelf, is of the 
 moil fatal confequence to the power and trade 
 of Great Britain ; when flic is at peace, and 
 her neighbours are at war, flic cannot reap 
 any benefit from it, as her own fhipping is 
 not more than equal to the trade of her peo- 
 ple; and when, on the other hand, Great 
 Britain is at war, and her neighbours at peace, 
 it tends to defeat the beft part of her power, 
 and to render fruitlefs the efforts of her naval 
 force; while at the fame time, confidered as 
 a general maxim of right among other na- 
 tions, Great Britain neither wants the ufe of 
 it, as fhe is equal in time of war to the pro- 
 tection of her own (hipping; neither can her 
 merchants enjoy the advantage of it, as the 
 employment of foreign freightage is in moll: 
 refpeds directly contrary to her Jaws. This 
 •article was again renewed in the treaty of com- 
 merce 1674, in confequence of its having been 
 before ftipulated in that of 1668. The treaty 
 of 1 674 is the maritime regulation that at pre- 
 fent fubfifts between Great Britain and Hol- 
 land. 
 
 In
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 6l 
 
 In this manner, therefore, the article hav- 
 ino- obtained exiftence in thcic treaties, we 
 are now to confider whether it is ftill in 
 force. 
 
 Treaties of alliance being nothing more 
 than ftipulations of mutual advantages be- 
 tween two communities in favour of each 
 other, ought to be confidered in the nature of 
 a bargain ; the conditions of which are al- 
 ways fuppofed to be equal, at leaft in the 
 opinion of thole who make it ; he, therefore, 
 who breaks his part of the contract, deftroys 
 the equality or juftice of it, and forfeits all 
 pretence to thofe benefits, which the other 
 party had ftipulated in his favour : " Si pars 
 " una" (fays Grotius) * Fcedus violaverit, 
 " poterit altera a Foedere difcedere, nam Ca- 
 " pita Foederis fingula conditionis vim ha- 
 " bent." And Puffendorf,+ fpeaking of 
 conventions, lays, " Nee hsec alterum obli- 
 f* o-ant, ubi ab uno legibus conventionis non 
 *« fuerit fatis factum." 
 
 The next queftion then is—Hath Holland 
 complied with her part of the treaties cr con- 
 
 * Grotius de Jure Belli ac Pacis, lib. ii. cap. xv. fee. 15. 
 f Puffendorf de Jure Nat. & Gentium, lib. iii. cap. viii. 
 
 f rC. S. 
 
 traces,
 
 6z LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 trafts, to which fhe is mutually bound with 
 England ? — Hath the performed all that 
 flic hath ftipulated in our favour ? — Or hath 
 fhe been deficient in the execution of fome 
 article in which the very lire of our alliance 
 is contained ?-— If f material a part mould 
 be extinguifhed, it would be unnatural to 
 fuppofe, that any lefler limb of the treaties 
 mould have vigour. Holland, in this cafe, 
 could have no pretence to require the execu- 
 cution of what may have been conceded in 
 her favour; especially, if the performance of 
 it would operate to the detriment of that ally 
 whofe friendfhip fhe hath forfaken. 
 
 I doubt not but my reader hath already 
 anfvvered in his own mind the queftion pro- 
 pofed— that the poifeiilons of the crown of 
 Great Britain in Europe have been attacked 
 by the armies of France— that "in confequence 
 of this, on the 2d of Auguft, 1756, the Bri- 
 tilli government made to the States General 
 in proper form the necehary requisition — 
 that in fuch cafe Holland is obliged by trea- 
 ties to grant immediate fuccours, and after 
 a certain time to join with Great Britain in 
 open war — that fhe hath not performed thefe 
 conditions, and hath therefore forfeited all 
 title to any advantages contained in thofe 
 
 treaties^
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 6 
 
 .? 
 
 treaties, and above all, to fuch as may ariie 
 from the nature of the war itfelf ? 
 
 I (hall ftate, however, this point fome- 
 thing more particularly ; Holland is engaged 
 in three different guaranties or defenfive trea- 
 ties with Great Britain : the fir ft is that an- 
 cient original defenfive alliance, which hath 
 been the bafis of all the fubfequent treaties 
 between the two nations : this treaty was de- 
 fio-ncd to have been made immediately after 
 the triple alliance, but the unfteady conduct 
 of the minifters of Charles the Second, and 
 the unfortunate attachment of that monarch 
 to the French court, for fome years delayed 
 it: it was at laft, however, concluded at 
 Weftminfter the 3d of March, 1678: it is 
 (except in two immaterial alterations) an ex- 
 adt copy of the twelve fir ft articles of the 
 French treaty of 1662 ; and both were nego- 
 ciated by the fame minifter, Monfieur Van 
 Beuningen. In the preamble of this treaty, 
 " the prefervation of each other's dominions'* 
 is fet forth as the caufe of making it ; and the 
 ftipulations of it are, " a mutual guaranty of 
 " all they already enjoyed, or might hereafter 
 " acquire by treaties of peace, in Europe 
 " only." They farther guaranty, " all trea- 
 " ties which were at that time made, or 
 
 " might
 
 *>4 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 " might hereafter conjointly he made with 
 " any other power." They promife alfo, 
 " to defend and preferve each other in the 
 " poiTeilion of all towns or fortrefies, which 
 " did at that time belong, or mall for the fu- 
 " ture belong, to either of them/' and for 
 this purpofe it is determined, that " when 
 •' either nation is attacked or moleflcd, the 
 " other mall immediately fuccour it with a 
 " certain number of troops and men of war, 
 " and lhall be obliged to break with the ag- 
 " greflbr in two months, immediately after 
 " the party that is already at war (hall re- 
 " quire it ; and that they lliall then act con- 
 " jointly with all their forces, to bring the 
 44 common enemy to a reafonablc accommo- 
 " dation." 
 
 That Holland hath not complied with the 
 terms of this guaranty is evident ; — Minorca, 
 " a pofTefTion of the crown of Great Britain, 
 " and which Hie acquired by treaty," hath 
 been attacked : this is one cafe of the <iua- 
 
 o 
 
 ranty; by that attack, "a treaty that was 
 " made in common concert," the treaty of 
 Utrecht hath been broken ; this is a iecond 
 cafe of the guaranty ; and by thefe means 
 •' England hath been deprived of a poflcifion 
 ** which of right belonged to her :" this is a 
 4 third
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 65 
 
 third cafe of the guaranty ; and notwithftand- 
 iiv all this, Holland hath not as yet granted 
 the fuccours ftipulated ; and many more than 
 two months have palled without her having 
 entered into war conjointly with England, as 
 the treaty requires. 
 
 The fecond fpecies of defend ve alliance 
 which fubiifls between Great Britain and 
 Holland, is that which was firlt. agreed to, in 
 the treaty of barrier and fucceffion of October 
 the 29th, 1709, and again more particularly 
 ftipulated in another treaty to the fame pur- 
 pole of January 29th, 171 3: the defign of 
 this treaty is the guaranty of the Dutch bar- 
 rier on one part, and the guaranty of th£ 
 firmeft barrier of Britifh liberty, the Pro- 
 teftant fucceffion, on the other: the imputa- 
 tions are,* •' that in cafe either mould be at- 
 " tacked, the other mould furnifh at the re- 
 " quifition of the party injured, but at his 
 " own expence, certain fuccours there ex» 
 " prefTed ; and if the danger ihould be fuch 
 " as to require a greater force, that he mall be 
 " obliged to augment his fuccours, and ulti- 
 " mately to act with all his power in open 
 " war againft the aggreflbr." I pretend not 
 
 * Article xiv. of the treaty of Barrier and Sueceffion of 
 
 T. 
 
 January 29, 1713, 
 
 K te
 
 66 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 to make any ufe of this treaty in the prefent 
 cafe; and only mention it to give a fuller 
 view of the alliances which fubfift between 
 us. Here, however, I will indulge a wifli, 
 that the cafe of this guaranty, as far as it re- 
 lates to the right of the crown of Great Britain, 
 may never again exift. I always read with 
 forrow, that there ever was a time when the 
 unfortunate diffenfions of our people, in a 
 point where the whole of their happinefs was 
 concerned, fhould have made it neceflary to 
 add any other fan&ion to our own laws, than 
 fuch as our own power can afford them. 
 Thefe days, however, of fhame now, I hope, 
 are palled ; more than forty years experience 
 of the mildefl government mufl have won the 
 moft obdurate heart to confefs the prefent fe- 
 licity, and blefs the hand which beftows it. 
 When, forgetting ancient errors, we are thus 
 united in defence, the affections of his Ma- 
 jefly's fubjefts are the happiei! guaranty of 
 his right. 
 
 I come now to the laft fpecies of defend ve 
 alliance which iubfifts between Great Britain 
 and Holland. This was concluded at the 
 Hague the 4 th of January, 1717. To this 
 treaty France was a party. The intention or 
 view of it was, " the prefervation of each 
 
 " other
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 6j 
 
 " other reciprocally in the pofTeflion of their 
 " dominions, as eftablifhed by the treaty of 
 " Utretcht;" and the ftipulations are, " to 
 " defend all and each of the articles of the 
 " raid treaty, as far as they relate to the con- 
 " trading parties refpectively, or each of 
 " them in particular; and they guaranty all 
 •' the kingdoms, provinces, ftates, rights, 
 " and advantages, which each of the parties 
 " at the figning of that treaty pofTefTed:" and 
 in a feparate article all this is confined to 
 " Europe only." The fuccours ftipulated in 
 fupport of this guaranty, are much the fame 
 as thofe mentioned above ; firft, " interpofi- 
 " tion of good offices," — then, " a certain 
 " number of forces,"— and laftly, il deck- 
 <l ration of war." This treaty was renewed 
 by the quadruple alliance of 171 8, and again 
 by the acceffion of Holland to the treaty of 
 Hanover of 1726, and laftof all by the 3d ar- 
 ticle of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748, 
 
 Holland hath by no means executed the 
 terms of this guaranty, — Minorca, " a pof- 
 * ' feffion of the crown of England in Europe, 
 " which fhe enjoyed at the figning cf this 
 " treaty," hath been attacked; this is one 
 cafe of the guaranty. By this attack, ** the 
 *« article of the treaty of Utrecht, by which 
 
 K % " that
 
 °8 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 " that poiTefilon was ceded to England," 
 hath been broken ; this is another cafe of 
 guaranty. I need not again obferve, that 
 Holland, inconfequenceofthis, hath neither 
 granted the fuccours, nor declared war, as this 
 treaty alfo requires. 
 
 It will, however, perhaps be objected, "that 
 " Great Britain was the aggreflbr in the pre- 
 " fent war, and unlefs fhe had been firit at- 
 * tacked, the cafe of the guaranties doth not 
 « exift." True it is, that the treaties which 
 contain thefe guaranties, are called defenfive 
 treaties only ; but the words of them, and 
 particularly of that of 1678, which is the 
 bafts of all the reft, by no means exprefs the 
 point clearly in the fenfe of the objection ; 
 they guaranty in general - all the rights and 
 " pofTellions" of both parties, againft " all 
 " kings, princes, republics, and itates ; " fo 
 that if either " (hall be attacked" or " mo- 
 " lefted," whether it be " by hoftile aft or 
 ' open war," or "in any other manner 
 " whatfoever, difturbed in the poiTefiion of 
 jhis eftates, territories, rights, immum- 
 " ties, and freedom of commerce;" it then 
 declares what mall be done in defence of thefe 
 objeds of the guaranty, by the ally, who is 
 not at war; but it is no where mentioned, as 
 
 neccfTary
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 69 
 
 neceflary, that the attack of thefe fhould be 
 the firft injury or attack. Nor doth this loofe 
 manner of expreffion appear to have been an 
 omiflion or inaccuracy. They who have 
 framed thefe guaranties, certainly chofe to 
 leave this queition without any farther expla- 
 nation, to that good faith which muff, ulti- 
 mately decide upon the execution of all con- 
 tracts made between fovereign Hates. It is 
 not prefumed they hereby meant, that either 
 party fhould be obliged to fupport every acl 
 of violence or injuflice which his ally might 
 be prompted to commit through views of 
 intcreit or ambition. Eut, on the other 
 hand, they were cautious of affording too fre- 
 quent opportunities to pretend, that the cafe 
 of the guaranties did not exift, and of eluding 
 thereby the principal intention of the alliance; 
 both thefe inconveniencies were equally to be 
 avoided ; and they wifely thought fit to guard 
 againft the latter of thefe, no lefs than the 
 former. They knew that in every war be- 
 tween civilized nations, each party always 
 endeavours to throw upon the other, the odi- 
 um and guilt of the firft act of provocation 
 and aggreffion, and that the worft of caufes 
 was never without its excufe. They forefaw 
 that this aione would unavoidably give fuffi- 
 cicnt occafion to endlefs cavils and difputes, 
 
 whenever
 
 LORD HAWKESBITRY 
 
 whenever the infidelity of an ally inclined 
 him to avail himfelf of them. To have con- 
 lined therefore the cafe of the guaranty, by a 
 more minute description of it, and under 
 clofer reftriclions of form, would have fub- 
 jecled to flill greater uncertainty, a point, 
 which, from the nature of the thino- itfelf, 
 was already too liable to doubt ; they were 
 fenfible, that the cafes would be infinitely 
 various, that the motives to felf-defence, 
 though evidently juft, might not always be 
 univerfally apparent; that an artful enemy 
 might difguife the moll: alarming preparations, 
 and that an injured nation might be necellita- 
 ted to commit even a preventive hoftility, be- 
 fore the danger which caufed it could be pub- 
 licly known. Upon fucri confutations thefe 
 negeciators wifely thought proper to give the 
 greatelt latitude to this queftion, -and to leave 
 it open to a fair and liberal conflruaion; fuch 
 as might be expected from friends, whofe in- 
 terelts thefe treaties were fuppofed to have for 
 ever united, and fuch on the prefent occafion 
 Great Britain hath a right to demand. 
 
 If, however, we fhould, for the prefent, 
 wave this interpretation, and allow the trea- 
 ties to have all the meaning, which they 
 who make this objection require, the evidence 
 
 of
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 71 
 
 of facts will fufficicntly prove, that France 
 was the aggrcflbr in the prefent war. If we 
 look to America, the prefent war there is little 
 more than a continuation of the laft; repeated 
 ufurpations of the pofieffions of Great Britain 
 have been there the conftant employment of 
 France, almoft from the hour in which the 
 treaty of Aix was figned ; and thefe were at 
 laft followed by an avowed military attack 
 upon a fort belonging to the crown of Great 
 Britain, by regular troops, acting under a 
 commiffion from the court of France. If we 
 confider America as having no concern in the 
 prefent queftion, the fame ambitious power 
 will alfo be found to have been the a^jrreffor 
 in the European war; France early manifefted 
 herhoflile intentions in Europe; in 1753, in 
 direct oppofition to the exprefs rripulations * of 
 three folemn treaties flic bepan to reftore the 
 port of Dunkirk ; and Holland then conii- 
 dered this action in fuch a light as induced 
 her, in conjunction with the Britifn govern- 
 ment, to prefent a memorial againft it. 
 France alfo gave another proof of her hoilile in- 
 tentions by her deiigsi to invade Great Britain, 
 avowed by her miniflers in every court in Eu- 
 
 * Ninth article of the treaty of Utrecht ; fourth article of 
 the treaty of the Hague, 1 7 1 7 ; and feventeenth article of the 
 treaty oi Aix-Ia-Chapelie. 
 
 4 rope,
 
 7 2 iORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 rope, and fufficiently manifefted by the pre- 
 parations which fhe publicly made for it. 
 And thefe were likewise followed by an open 
 attack upon an European ifland belonging to 
 Great Britain, an attack upon the ifland of 
 Minorca. It feems, indeed, allowed, by the 
 opinion of the parties concerned, that by the 
 attack of Minorca, the European war was 
 firir. completely opened; notwithstanding all 
 which had palled elfewhere, propofals for an 
 accommodation of the American difputcs were 
 never difcontinued, nor the war conlidered as 
 univerfal, till that ifland was abfolutely inva- 
 ded. As for the captures at fea, the avowed 
 caufe upon which thefe were taken, fuffici- 
 ently evince that they undoubtedly belong to 
 the American war ; they were made in confe- 
 quence of the hostilities firit commenced in 
 America, and were feized as reprifals, for 
 the injuries there committed upon the property 
 of the people of England ; as fuch they were 
 always declared to be taken by the ministers 
 of that kingdom, and the value of them to be 
 on that account retained ;* and upon applica- 
 tion made to parliament foon after the feizure 
 of them, the legiflature exprefsly refilled to 
 distribute them among the captors, as they 
 
 * See the Brltiih declaration of war. 
 
 have
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 73 
 
 have done in refpect to all other prizes, which 
 have been made fince the war of Europe be- 
 gan. But even if this diftinction, which puts 
 the queftion out of all doubt, had not been 
 made by the minifters of England, thefe cap- 
 tures furely can never be looked upon but as a 
 part of the American war ; it will not cer- 
 tainly be denied, that fuch a war may extend 
 itfelf to the ocean, without having changed 
 either its nature or denomination ; what but 
 captures at fea have been the great conftituent 
 part of every American war before the pre- 
 fent ; as a war upon the American continent 
 muft always be fupported by fuccours fent 
 from Europe, it is abfurd to fuppofe that 
 either party in this cafe would not endea- 
 vour, as far as he was able, to take or deftroy 
 entirely the fhipping of his enemy, by which 
 alone thofe fuccours could be conveyed. 
 Countries which have very little internal force 
 within themfelves, cannot be defended but by 
 fuch troops as arethrown into them; to defeat, 
 therefore, the only means by which this re- 
 lief can be effected, muft be efteemed as ma- 
 terial a part of fuch a war, as the means to 
 inveft a fortrefs are a material part of a iiege. 
 But after all, thefe captures were fubfequent 
 to the reitoration of the port of Dunkirk, or 
 
 L the
 
 74 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 the * preparations to invade Great Britain ; 
 and thefe can never be confidered but as un- 
 doubted acls of aggreiTion ; it is not the firft 
 military action alone, but hoflilc preparations, 
 where the defign is apparent,f the ufurpation 
 of another's rights, or the denial of juftice, 
 which in the opinion of the ableft writers de- 
 nominate the aggreffor. The object of the 
 defenfive treaties are " rights, immunities, 
 4 and liberties," no lefs than " towns or 
 44 territories," and " the difturbance" or 
 44 moleftation" of the former, as well as 44 the 
 44 attack" of the latter, are exprefsly declared 
 to be cafes within the guarantees. 
 
 A more fubtle objection will frill perhaps 
 be made to what has been faid. It will be 
 urged, " that though France was theaggeflbr 
 44 in Europe, yet that it was only in confe- 
 44 quence of the hoftilities commenced before 
 
 * Undoubted intelligence was received of this before the 
 27th Auguft, 1755, when general orders were given to bring 
 in French veiTcls ; the Lys and the Alcide were taken on the 
 coaft of America, and are therefore in every light a part of 
 that war. 
 
 f Quanqu am et aliquando favor defenfionis ad illius par- 
 ibus liar, qui prior arma alteri infert, ut fiquis hoftem inva- 
 fionttjam cer um, per celeritatem opprefferit, dum ille adhuc 
 in adparandu bello cit occupatus. Fuffendorf de Jure Nat. &c. 
 lab. 8. cap. 6. fee. 3. 
 
 44 in
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 7$ 
 
 11 in America; with which it is determined 
 " by treaties, that Holland is to have no con- 
 " cern, and that the rights contefted at pre- 
 " lent are not contained in the gllaranties. ,, — 
 If the reafoning on which this objection is 
 founded was admitted, it would alone be fuffi- 
 cient to deftroy the effects of every guaranty, 
 and to extinguilh that confidence which na- 
 tions mutually place in each other on the 
 faith of defenlive alliances : it points out to 
 the enemy a certain method of avoiding the 
 inconvenience of fuch an alliance : it ihevvs 
 him where he ought to begin his attack ; let 
 only the firft effort be made upon fome place 
 not included in the guaranty, and after that 
 he may purfue his views againft the very ob- 
 ject without any appreheniions of the confe- 
 quence ; let France firft attack fome little 
 fpot belonging to Holland in America, and 
 her barrier would be no longer guaranteed : 
 To argue in this manner would be to trifle 
 with the molt, folemn engagements. The pro- 
 per object of guarantees is the prefervation of 
 fome particular country in the poiTeliion of 
 fome particular power. The treaties above- 
 mentioned promife the defence of the domi- 
 nions of each party in Europe, fimply and 
 abfolutely, whenever they are " attacked" or 
 " molefted." If in the prefent war the firft 
 L 2 attack
 
 7$ LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 attack was made out of Europe, it is manifeft 
 that long ago an attack hath alfo been made 
 in Europe : and that is beyond a doubt the 
 cafe of thefe guarantees. 
 
 Let us try, however, if we cannot difcover 
 what hath once been the opinion of Holland 
 on a point of this nature. — It hath already 
 been obferved, that the defenfive alliance be- 
 tween England and Holland of 1678 is but a 
 copy of the twelve firft articles of the French 
 treaty of 1662 ; foon after Holland had con- 
 cluded this laft alliance with France fhe be- 
 came engaged in a war with England ; the 
 attack then firft began, as in the preient cafe, 
 out of Europe, on the coaft of Guinea j and 
 the eaufe of the War was alfo the fame, a dis- 
 puted right to certain pofTeffions out of the 
 bounds of Europe, fome in Africa, and others 
 in the Eaft Indies : Hoftilities having conti- 
 nued for fome time in thofe parts, they after- 
 wards commenced alfo in Europe; immedi- 
 ately upon this Holland declared, that the 
 cafe of that guaranty did exift, and demanded 
 the fuccours which were itipulated. I need 
 not produce the memorials of their minifters 
 
 prove this ; hiftory fufficiently informs us, 
 
 France acknowledged the claim, granted 
 
 , and entered even into open war 
 
 in
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 77 
 
 in the defence of her ally : Here then we have 
 the fentiments of Holland on the fame article 
 in a cafe minutely parallel : France alfo pleads 
 in favour of the fi ne opinion, though her 
 conceflion in this refped: checked at that time 
 her youthful monarch in the firft eilay of his 
 ambition, delayed for feveral months his en- 
 trance into the Spanim provinces, and brought 
 on him the enmity of England. 
 
 If any doubt can yet remain about the 
 meaning and intent of this article, it may far- 
 ther be proved from the opinion of the Mi- 
 nifter who made it : — Immediately after Hol- 
 land was engaged in the war above-mention- 
 ed, fhe fent to the Court of France Moniieur 
 Van Beuningen to prefs the execution of that 
 guaranty, which he had himfelf concluded. 
 It is remarkable, that in his converfations on 
 this fubjedl with Monfieur de Lionne, the 
 fame objection was debated againfl which I 
 now contend : Van Beuningen treated it with 
 great contempt ; he afked Monfieur de 
 Lionne,* if the pretence of the European war 
 being only a continuation of that of Africa, 
 was what the Engliiri alone alledged to deprive. 
 
 * Lettre de M. Van Beuningen a M. De Witt, December 
 36, 1664. 
 
 them
 
 ?Z LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 them of the fuccours of France, or whether 
 the French Minifter laid any ftrefs upon it as 
 an argument at all to be fupported. De Lionne 
 at firft gave him to undcrftand that he thought 
 it of fome weight, «' A quoi, je repondis," 
 fays Van Beuningen, •« que je ne croyis pas, 
 " que cette objection fut feneufe, puis qu' ll 
 " dit alors, que celui, qui a commence la 
 " guerre en Guinnee, & de la en Europe, 
 " n'a pas commence de guerre en Europe; 
 " 6c ne pouvoit paiTer pour troubler la paix 
 " & le commerce en Europe, parce qu* il 
 " 1'avoit trouble ailleurs auparavant :" and 
 then he adds, " Ce, que j'ajoutai a ce raifon- 
 " nement pour refuter cette objection, refta 
 " fans replique." This was the fame Mon- 
 ileur Van Beuningen who negotiated our de- 
 fenfive treaty of 1678 ; he made the terms of 
 both thefe guaranties precifely alike ; and we 
 before (hewed that our common cafe at pre- 
 fent is exactly the fame as this on which his 
 opinion hath been produced. 
 
 If, however, the words of thefe treaties had 
 been againlt the interpretation which hath 
 been given them, I might juftly have appeal- 
 ed to the fpirit of them, as alone a fuificient 
 foundation on which to build my opinion: 
 The whole delign of all thefe our alliances 
 
 with
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 79 
 
 with Holland is to form a barrier againd the 
 power of thofe mighty kingdoms, whofe am- 
 bition might otherwife induce them to deflroy 
 the independency of Europe : They are, in 
 fact, a regular continuation of that policy 
 which gave birth to the Triple Alliance, when 
 the dangerous fpirit of the French councils 
 firfr began to appear. To anfwer this great 
 end, they guaranty the pofTeiiions of thofe two 
 maritime countries, who, from their wealth, 
 their internal ftrength, and their incapacity of 
 having any ambitious views themf elves, are 
 the beft fecurity againit the defigns of others : 
 But as the obligations of thefe guaranties are 
 too confiderable to be made ufe of on trifling 
 occafions, for this purpofe the contracting 
 parties have made one exception : The rights 
 of the European kingdoms in the diftant parts 
 of the world, and particularly in America, 
 are very uncertain, and the caufe of frequent 
 diffenfions, and it is well known that wars 
 have there fub filled- for many years between 
 the trading fubjecls and commercial compa- 
 nies of the feveral nations, while the mother 
 countries have lived, if not in friendlhip, at 
 leafl in peace; this then is the cafe particu- 
 larly excepted from the guaranty ; but this 
 exception mult always be fo interpreted as to 
 be made coniiflent with the principal inten- 
 3 tion
 
 80 LORD HAWKESBURT 
 
 tion of the alliance : — If fome great country 
 out of Europe fhould become of fo much im- 
 portance, that for the interefl of Europe it 
 ought to remain in the hands of the prefent 
 pofTefTors ; if the fame great diflurber of man- 
 kind, after many fruitlefs attempts in his own 
 neighbourhood, fhould now turn his thoughts 
 another way, and fhould endeavour, by dif- 
 tant diverficns, to enfeeble that power on 
 whofe confutation the fafety of the public 
 very much depends, and to deprive her of the 
 fources of her wealth, which fhe hath always 
 fo largely expended in fupport of the com- 
 mon caufe, would a generous friend, who at- 
 tends to the fpirit of his engagements, fay, 
 that the cafe of the guaranty did not then exifi ? 
 and, when the reafon of the exception is va- 
 nillic J, would he urge the pretence of it as 
 an excufe for giving up the principal point 
 on which the alliance was conftructed ?— 
 But if to this diilant attempt the enemy fhould 
 add an open and avowed war in Europe, 
 fhould threaten the mother country with in- 
 vasion, attack her fortreffes, and take occafion 
 from thence to fpread his armies over the con- 
 tinent, ihaJl this pretended exception ftill be 
 urged, when the literal cafe of guaranty is 
 now become apparent ? On this weak foun- 
 dation mail a wife people, under fuch obliga- 
 tions,
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 8l' 
 
 tions, not only refufe to grant their afTiirance, 
 but not permit their forfaken ally to make a 
 full life of his power? holding back in this 
 manner his arm, when they will not ftretch 
 forth their own, and claiming from the very 
 contracts they have broken that privilege 
 which they turn to the deftryction of her ally. 
 The abfurdity is mocking; fuch, however, is 
 the prefent cafe of England : Unhappy in her 
 friendihips ! She hath neither that afTifcance 
 from allies which they are bound by treaty to 
 eive her, neither is ibe allowed to exert even 
 her own force, though abandoned to her own 
 defence. 
 
 In this manner the point might be deter- 
 mined on a general view of thefe treaties ; 
 and this alone would be fufficient j — but it 
 may be further proved that the article on 
 which Holland founds her right of protecting 
 the property of the enemy, as far as it relates 
 to the prefent cafe, hath been particularly re- 
 pealed long ago. The treaty in which this 
 article was laft inferted was concluded the i ft 
 of December, 1674: Four years after this, 
 in 1678, was paft that defenhve alliance, in 
 which it was ftipulated between Holland and 
 England, " that if either party mould be at- 
 *' tacked in Europe, the other mould declare 
 
 M "'war
 
 S2 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 44 war againft the aggrefibr two months after 
 44 he is required:" By this treaty, therefore, 
 two months after England is attacked by 
 France in Europe, Holland muft become the 
 enemy of the latter as well as England ; and 
 to be the enemy of another means certainly to 
 diftrefs his trade and feize his property, not 
 to preferve the former and protect the latter. 
 If this therefore is the right interpretation of 
 the word enemy, this article directly and posi- 
 tively declares, that two months after France 
 has attacked the European poiTeflions of Eng- 
 land, the mips of Holland mail not have a 
 right to proteel; the effeds of the French: 
 this therefore is derogatory to the 8th article 
 of the marine treaty of 1678, and as being 
 pofterior to it, abfolutely repeals it. In all 
 laws (and fuch are treaties in refpect to na- 
 tions) the lait. enacted always fets afide the 
 former, fo far as they difagree. Cicero * 
 fays, it ought to be coniidered, " Utra Lex 
 44 pofterius fit lata, nam poflrema quacque 
 44 graviflima." 
 
 But this maxim is not neceflary on the pre- 
 lent occafion, fince the fame article is a-ain 
 repealed by two fubfequcnt treaties in words 
 
 * Cicero de Inventionc. 
 
 as
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. $$ 
 
 as pofitive as can be ufed ; for in that 
 treaty,* by which all the old alliances be- 
 tween the maritime powers were renewed im- 
 mediately after the revolution ; and alfo in 
 that of February 6, 1716, by which they 
 were again renewed upon the accefTion of the 
 prefent family to the throne, the treaties of 
 1674 and 167S are exprefsly mentioned, and 
 made of both a part; and it is there declared, 
 that " they mall have the fame force and cf- 
 " feci, as if they had been inferred in thefe 
 " treaties verbatim; that is to fay, fo far as 
 " they do not differ, or are contrary to one 
 " another ; yet fo as whatever hath been efta- 
 " blifhed by any later treaty fhall be under- 
 " flood and performed in the fenfe therein 
 '" exprefTed, without any regard had to any 
 ** former treaty:" Can it then be doubted 
 that the articles above mentioned are " con- 
 " trary to one another," as much as peace 
 and war, as much as friendfhip and enmity ? 
 Is not the defenfive alliance of 1678, " a 
 *' later treaty" than the marine regulation of 
 1 674 ? and ought not therefore, according to 
 the words of the renewal, " the article of the 
 <l latter to be performed in the fenfe therein 
 
 * Treaty of friendfhip and alliance between England and 
 Holland, Auguft, 1689. 
 
 M 2 " expref-
 
 84 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 " expreffed, without any regard being had to 
 " the former." Since then, the year 1689, 
 this article, as far as it relates to the prefent 
 cafe, hath been twice repealed. — Thus much, 
 therefore, may fuffice to Ihew, that the right 
 of Holland in this refpect is extinct. 
 
 There remains one more claim to be confi- 
 dcred ; a claim which, if report had not aver- 
 red that fuch a one had been formally offer- 
 ed, would bv no means defervc an anfwer. 
 The northern crowns, whole commercial 
 treaties with Great Britain contain not any 
 article which gives them exprefsly a right to 
 carry the property of the enemy, have endea- 
 voured to deduce this right from a general fti- 
 pulation, which is to be found in fome of 
 their treaties, declaring, that " they mail be 
 " treated in like manner as the molt favour- 
 " ed nation." If' Great Britain therefore 
 hath granted by treaty to any other nation the 
 right, in time of war, of becoming the carrier 
 of her enemies, they think they are juftly en- 
 titled to be admitted to the fame favour. Un- 
 der this pretence they claim this privilege, as 
 ltipulated in the Dutch treaty of 1674; but 
 it has been proved alfo that the treaty of 1674, 
 as far as it relates to the prefent cafe, is no 
 longer in force j if the inference therefore was 
 
 other wife
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. $5, 
 
 othcrwife juft, the foundation being thus dc- 
 flroycd, whatever is built upon it muftne- 
 ceffarily fall with it. But this flipulation of 
 equal favour, from the very nature of it, can 
 relate to nothing elfe but fuch advantages as 
 ,may be granted to foreign traders by the mu- 
 nicipal laws or ordinances of each country ; 
 fuch as equality of cuftoms, exemption from 
 the rigour of ancient laws, which would af- 
 fed them as aliens, and the privileges of 
 judges-confervators and confuls ; thefe are the 
 proper objects of favour, and becaufe the 
 whole detail of thefe could nsrt eafily be ioc- 
 cified in a treaty, for this reafon they are 
 thus comprehended in a general article, If 
 the rights conceded by treaties were the ob- 
 ieds of this flipulation, to what purpofe were 
 any other articles added, fince this would 
 contain them all, and would alone include 
 every privilege which pair or future treaties 
 could afibrd them ? and can it be fuppofed, 
 that any nation mentioned in this manner to 
 preclude itfelf from the power of exchanging, 
 by treaty, with fome particular country, any 
 great right of its own in return ior an equal 
 advantage ? or that this right mould, in inch 
 cafe, be" univerfaliy forfeited to the people of 
 every other nation, who would thus reap the 
 benefit without having been parties to the bar- 
 gain ?
 
 86 LORD HAWKESBUR? 
 
 gain ? But this point is made clear beyond A 
 doubt, from the words of the treaties them- 
 ielves, where this general equality is ftipu- 
 lated* 
 
 In the treaty of commerce between Great 
 Britain and Sweden, of the 21ft of O&ober, 
 1661, (the principal one at prefent in force 
 between the two countries) the fourth article, 
 which contains this ftipulation, plainly makes 
 it refer to fuch favours only, as may be en- 
 joyed in matters of traffic within their re- 
 fpe&ive dominions. The treatment which 
 the contracting parties mall there give to the 
 fubjeefs of each other is the principal purport of 
 the article; it fpecifies many particulars, and 
 among the reft it ftipulates, that the people 
 of both countries mall have 4t liberty to im- 
 " port and export their goods at difcretion, 
 ■*' the due cuftoms being always paid, and 
 44 the laws and ordinances of both kingdoms 
 44 univerfally obferved ;" and then, mannetlly 
 connecting this with what follows, it adds, 
 " which things being pre-fuppofed, they fhall 
 44 hold fuch ample privileges, exemptions, 
 44 liberties,, and immunities, as any foreigner 
 44 what foever doth or (hall enjoy ;" the gene- 
 ral equality therefore here ftipulated, plainly 
 relates to thofe places alone where the cui- 
 * turns
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 87 
 
 toms of thefe kingdoms are to be duly paid, 
 and the laws and ordinances of them are in 
 force, and that is only within their refpedive 
 dominions. The privileges here conceded 
 cannot poflibly have any larger extent ; and 
 to confine the fenfe of the article frill more 
 flrongly to the explanation which hath now 
 been given of it, the words, " in the domi- 
 " nions and kingdoms of each other," are 
 twice repeated, to determine clearly where 
 that trade muft be carried on, to which thi^ 
 favour is meant only to be granted ; if, how- 
 ever, any doubt could yet remain in refpect 
 to this interpretation, they who made the 
 treaty have given the ftrongeft proof, that 
 under this article they never intended to im- 
 ply a right of carrying the property of an 
 enemy, fince, by the i 2th article of this fame 
 treaty, an attempt of that nature is pronounced 
 to be " a heinous crime," and the ftrongeft 
 provifions are made to prevent it. In 
 the treaty of commerce between Great Bri- 
 tain and Ruffia, of the 2d of December, 
 1734, this ftipulation of equal favour is in- 
 ferred in few. ml articles j but it appears in 
 every one of them, to relate to nothing 
 elfe, but to the particular privileges which 
 the fubjects of each were to enjoy while 
 they were trading within die dominions of 
 
 the
 
 $S LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 the other. In the fecond article this equality 
 is cxprefsly faid to be granted " throughout 
 <l the dominions of the contracting parties 
 *' in Europe." In the third it relates only to 
 '* the favourable reception of the fubjects of 
 " each other in the ports of their refpective 
 " countries.'* In the 14th it grants only an 
 equal freedom to import " fuch merchandife 
 " into each other's dominions as is allowed 
 " to the fubjects of any other country ;" and 
 in the 28th it refers only to the " re/peel and 
 " treatment which is to be given to the fub- 
 *' je&s of one party who come into the do- 
 " minions of the other." In the treaty of 
 commerce between Great Britain and Den- 
 mark, of the nth of July, 1670, the lateit 
 at prefent in force between the two countries, 
 the llipulation of equal favour is inferted in 
 the 4: th article; it is there faid, M If the 
 " Hollanders, or any other nation, hath, or 
 " ihall obtain from his Majefly of Great 
 ' : Britain, any better articles, agreements, 
 ' exemptions, or privileges, than what are 
 " contained in this treaty, the fame and like 
 <; privileges mall be granted to the kino; of 
 : Denmark and Ins fubjects alio, in mod: full 
 : and effectual manner." That thefe privi- 
 , s relate only to cuftoms and other advan- 
 tages of the lame kind, might be proved 
 
 from
 
 ON NEOTRAL NATIONS. 89 
 
 from' the whole tenor of this treaty ; but it 
 will be fufficient to fhew that the right of 
 carrying the property of the enemy cannot 
 poilibly be intended by it. Holland had ob- 
 tained this right in 1668, two years before 
 the Danifh treaty was concluded ; if therefore 
 the ftipulation of equal favour contained in 
 the 40th article could extend to an advantage 
 of that nature, the merchants of Denmark 
 would have been immediately entitled to it 
 from the hour the treaty was figned : the mi- 
 nifies of that kingdom could not be ignorant 
 of this ; and yet in the 20th article they have 
 pofitively forbid the exertion of any fuch 
 right. They have even exprefTed the greateft 
 apprehenfion, left any liberty conceded by 
 this treaty lhould be interpreted to that pur- 
 pofe ; " left fuch freedom of navigation," fays 
 the article, " or palTage of the one ally, and 
 " his fubjecls and people during the war, 
 ' "< which the other may have by fea or land 
 " with any other country, may be to the 
 *' prejudice of the other ally, and that goods 
 " and merchandifes belonging to the enemy 
 *' may be fraudulently concealed under the 
 << colour of being in amity; for preventing 
 " fraud, and taking away all fufpicion, it is 
 " thought fit the fhijps, goods, and men, be- 
 *' loncn'no- to the other ally, in their paftage 
 
 N and
 
 9<3 LORD HAWKESBURt 
 
 " and voyage be furnifhed with letters of 
 " pafTport;" and in the pafTport the king ot 
 Denmark hath bound himfelf to declare that 
 the fhip and goods with which it is laden, 
 " belong to his fubje&s, or to others having 
 " an intereft therein, who are the fubjecls of 
 •■• neutral powers;" and that •« they do not 
 * ' appertain to either of the parties now en- 
 " gaged in war." Nothing more, I hope, 
 need be faid, to refute this weakefr. pretence 
 to a right of carrying freely the property of 
 the enemies of Great Britain. 
 
 As there is no article, therefore, which 
 grants a right of this nature at prcfent in force 
 in any of thefe commercial treaties, it is un- 
 neceffary to mew that moft of the captures 
 which England hath made of the veffels of 
 neutral nations, ought not properly to be re- 
 ferred to it, but may be julHfied by another 
 part of the faid treaties, where it is declared,* 
 *' that all goods are contraband, which are 
 " carried to places blockaded or invefted." 
 
 The debate here would turn on the real ex- 
 igence of the blockade. To evince this, I 
 
 • Art. Ixi. Treaty of 1674, between Great Britain and 
 Holland. The fame article is found in every other commer- 
 cial treaty. 
 
 might
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 91 
 
 fnio-ht fhew what opinion the Dutch had of a 
 naval blockade in 1630,* when they pre- 
 tended to have blocked up all the coaff, of 
 Flanders, and openly avowed that they would 
 take and condemn all neutral mips which had 
 the mod diftant appearance of being bound to 
 the ports of that country. I might alio mew 
 their opinion of the fame in 1689, when they 
 declared -f publicly to the neutral nations, 
 that they defigned to block up all the ports of 
 France. I might obferve, that as the poflef- 
 iion of the principal avenues to a townconfti- 
 tutcs a blockade by land ; and that it is not 
 neceflary, for this purpofe, to have made a 
 complete line of circumvallation ; fo by keep- 
 ing great fquadrons of mips of war cruiiing 
 conftantly before the ports of an enemy, by 
 deftroying in this manner totally his trade, 
 and preventing his fleets of war from ever 
 venturing out, except now and then a fhip or 
 two by ftealth, a blockade ought certainly to 
 be confklered as completely eftabli fried by fea. 
 I might farther prove the caufe from its ef- 
 fects, and fhew that the American iflands at 
 leaf* have experienced all the confequences of 
 fuch a fituation j where want of communica- 
 tion with the mother country, diflrefs, and 
 
 * Convention between England and Holland, ,1689, 
 f Phcajrt of June 26, 1630. 
 
 N 2 (limine
 
 9 1 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 famine, fully declare that they have been in- 
 veiled. But as this topic may not perhaps re- 
 late to the cafe of every capture, and depends 
 on the particular ftate of a variety of facls, I 
 fhall not dwell any longer upon it at prefent. 
 The queition hath here, I hope, fufficiently 
 been argued on principles which are plain and 
 com prehen five, on thofe equitable regulations 
 which nature hath eftablifhed among nations, 
 and on thofe particular contracts with which 
 communities have bound themfelves. And 
 as I before endeavoured to prove, that neutral 
 nations had no right by the former of thefe 
 obligations, to protect the property of the 
 enemy ; fo now it hath been fhewn by what 
 policy the Dutch firft obtained this privilege; 
 by what treaties it hath fince been taken from 
 them ; and by what conducl they have lately 
 forfeited whatever might remain of this right. 
 It hath alfo, I flatter myfelf, appeared with 
 how little reafon other neutral powers, under 
 colour of any article in their treaties of com- 
 merce, have claimed the enjoyment of fuch a 
 right. Upon the whole, therefore, I will 
 now beg permiflion to conclude, that the 
 naval power of England hath been conducted, 
 during the prefent war, with no lefs juftice 
 than fpirit ; that the faith of our fovereign is 
 as fpotlefs as his courage ; and that the ho- 
 nour of the country is unblemifTied. 
 
 The
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. 93 
 
 The bafis of juft complaint being thus re* 
 moved, thole idle clamours which have been 
 founded upon it, by no means merit our at- 
 tention ; to charge England with ambition, 
 mull appear fo abfurd to all who underftand 
 the nature of her government, that at the bar 
 of reafon it ought to be treated rather as ca- 
 lumny than accufation. Poffefled of every 
 blefling which civil government can pro- 
 duce, the is open to no temptation with 
 which ambition might feduce her ; purfuits 
 of that kind might pollibly operate to the 
 deftru&ion of her constitution, and her fyftem 
 of happinefs might be fubverted by the aug- 
 mentation of her power. It muff, always be 
 the intereft. of England to protect the juft 
 rights of commerce, and to fupport thofe 
 principles which promote the labours of man- 
 kind, iince ihe herfelf can only be great from 
 the virtuous induftry of her people. To ob- 
 tain the largell: extent from the exertion ot 
 this, is the point to which all her policy 
 mould tend ; and if foriaking thefe maxims, 
 ihe mould feek to enlarge her power by any 
 acts of ambitious lnjuftice, may the then, 
 for the welfare of the human race, ceafe to 
 be any longer great and powerful ! Her courts 
 of maritime jurifdiciion are more wilely cal- 
 culated to prefcrve the freedom of navigation, 
 I than
 
 94 LORD HAWKESBURY 
 
 than thofe of any other country ; as they are 
 not fubjetf: to the controul of her executive 
 power, thepaflions of her princes or minifters 
 can never influence the decifions of them ; and 
 foreign traders have in favour of their property 
 all fecurity which the nature of the thins; 
 
 wiii admit, the confeiences of wife men de- 
 termining upon matters of right, whom the 
 threats of power cannot affecl, and who are 
 fet free, as far as poflible, from all bias and 
 partiality ; and to the honour of the learned 
 perfons who at prefent perfide in thofe courts, 
 one impartial teftimony lhall here be produced 
 in their favour. Though treaties have ex, 
 prefsly pointed out to all who may there think 
 themfelves injured, a regular method of re- 
 drefs before a fuperior tribunal, the mer- 
 chants and freighters of Holland have never 
 ventured as yet to bring to a hearing, or even 
 to put into a way o{ trial any one of the appeals 
 which they have made from the determina- 
 tions of thefe judges, giving thereby caufe to 
 prcfume that they made them with no other 
 intention but to delay the execution of the 
 ientences ; and confeious of the invalidity of 
 their rights, they have in this manner plainly 
 contorted the real equity of thofe decifions 
 which have been patted upon them. That 
 amid the confufions of war, fome irrco-ulari- 
 
 to 
 
 tiei>
 
 ON NEUTRAL NATIONS. C f \ 
 
 tics may be committed, is a misfortune tuo 
 true to be denied, but which the circum-* 
 itances of the cafe render impoflible to be 
 wholly prevented. They are thc- ; tofffe- 
 quences ot all wars, not alone of the prefent. 
 To deitroy the trade of t the enemy, it is ne- 
 ceffary to employ privateers, which cannot 
 always be kept under thole ilrict rules to 
 which a more regular force is iubject ; thefe 
 maritime hulTars may fometimes exceed their 
 commiilions, and be guilty of disorders, the 
 authors of which cannot always be punilhed, 
 becaufe the nature of the fad; renders the dis- 
 covery of them difficult. But can the crimes 
 of thefe be imputed to miniflers, whole ears 
 are always open to complaints, and who la- 
 bour, as much as poffiblc, to redrefs them ? 
 The privateers of England are already made 
 iubject to every reftraint, which naval policy 
 hath as yet invented to force them to conform 
 to their duty. If, however, thefe are found 
 infufficient, and it any more fuccefsful means 
 can be dilcovered to prevent every unjuit de- 
 predation, by which the evils ot war may be 
 diminifhed, confident I am, that Great Bri- 
 tain will be the firit to adopt them ; let them 
 be confident only with the uie of her naval 
 power, and conformable to jultice, the Bn- 
 tifli legiilature will enact fuch into a law, and
 
 9^ LORD ftAWKESfeuRY 
 
 the Britifli rriiniury will attend moft fteadily 
 to the execution of them. 
 
 Utit after all, the wifeft regulations on oc- 
 cafions like this cannot be expected to anfvver 
 fully the end propofed ; the fyftem of huma- 
 nity is no where perfect, but in refpect to na* 
 tions its weaknefs is moft apparent ; the fofter 
 ties of natural affection among thefe have 
 little effect, and no coercive bands of power 
 exift to regulate and controul their paflions ; 
 it is the virtue of government alone, oik 
 which the general profperity depends, and 
 treaties have no better fan ct ion than what that 
 virtue can give them. Thefe were the prin- 
 ciples from which I flrft commenced my dif- 
 courfe ; by thefe the rulers of communities 
 are inftructed to amend, as far as pofiible, by 
 their prudence, what nature hath left impeiv 
 feet. Ambition or avarice will augment 
 the evil ; moderation may prevent it. Every 
 little inconvenience mull: be patiently fuffered 
 where a fuperior right makes, it neceflary. 
 The love of our country mould never induce 
 us to act contrary to that love which we 
 ought to bear to mankind, fincc the interefrs 
 of both, if they are- rightly purfued, will 
 always be found confident with each other. 
 
 i i N i s.
 
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