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This Day isp< blished, Price 2s. 6d.
No. XIII. FOR JAN. 1817, OF
THE ASIATIC JOURNAL
ogontfjlp Better
FOR BRITISH INDIA AND ITS DEPENDENCIES;
CONT4 INC
UC-NRLF
ORIGINAL COMMUNICA IONS.
MEMOIRS.
HISTORY. m
ANTIQUITIES AND POETRY.
REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.
DEBATES AT THE EAST INDIA HOUSE
PROCEEDINGS AT TOE COLLEGES.
MILITARY AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
APPOINTMENTS.
PROMOTIONS.
RESIGNATIONS.
BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES.
SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE.
LISTS OF PASSENGERS AND SHIP LETTER MAILS,
LISTS OF COMPANY'S SHIPPING, &c.
NOTICES OF SALES.
LONDON MARKETS.
PRICES CURRENT.
VARIATIONS OF INDIA EXCHANGES.
COMPANY'S SECURITIES, &c. &c.
Printed for Black, Pz.bury, and Allen, LeadenhaU Street; of
-horn the preceding Numbers may be had, bound in two hand-
some volumes, octavo, and forming n complete History of the
Affairs of India for 1816.
INQUIRY
INTO THE
CAUSES AND REMEDIES
OF THE
LATE AND PRESENT SCARCITY
AND
of
IN A
LETTER
TO
THE RIGHT HON. EARL SPENCER,
FIRST LOUD OF THE ADMIRALTY, &C. &C.
Dated 8th November, 1800,
WITH
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
DISTRESSES OF AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE
Which have prevailed for the last Tlir.ee Years.
BY SIR GILBERT BLANE, BART. F.R.S.
PHYSICIAN TO THE PRINCE RECENT.
SECOND EDITION ;
With considerable Alterations and Additions.
PRINTED EXCLUSIVELY IN THE PAMPHLETEER,
1817V
NO. XVII. Pam. VOL. IX. R
This Tract was first published without the Author's name, in
the end of the year 1800, in which as well as in the preceding
year a great scarcity prevailed in consequence of bad crops. As
the soundest and most received principles of political economy are
here inculcated, and as the Author has arinexed some notes and
illustrations applicable to late events, and which may be useful
in the present distressful crisis, we have deemed it deserving of a
place in our collection of works which ought not to perish, and
we have prevailed on the Author to make the corrections and
additions which the reader will find.
INQUIRY, &c.
MY LORD,
1 HAVE for a great patt of my life been in the habit
of studying political economy as a recreation, in those hours
which I could spare from the proper duties of my station. Though
these duties have but little relation to this subject, they have been
such as to enable me to converse with and derive information from
persons eminent in rank and learning, 1 as well as practical know-
ledge. I have also been led to a consideration of the subject by
my examinations before the Committees of the House of Commons
on the subject of bread and corn. What was before a matter of
taste and amusement now becomes a matter of duty ; for the
present scarcity and high price of provisions is a subject of such
high and universal interest that it is of the utmost importance, not
only for the members of the Government, but for every individual,
to form correct opinions regarding it. As errors among the go-
verned as well as the governing are here peculiarly serious and
even dangerous to the public peace, it behoves every good man to
endeavour not only to form his own opinions on sound principles
and solid grounds, but to the utmost of his power to lend his as-
sistance to others in doing so.
As what I have to communicate would derive no weight from
my name, it is of no consequence that it should be made public *,
but knowing the deep interest your Lordship takes in this ques-
tion, I court the sanction of your name in thus addressing you,
and I submit the following enquiry to you, not only as a member
of the Legislature, as one of His Majesty's hereditary Counsellors,
1 The Author lived in habits of private intimacy with the Jatc Lou!
Liverpool, Mr. Witidhain the late eminent Statesman and Orator, the late
Sir W. Pultenoy, and other persons of cxicnsivc political information.
363624
260 A Letter to Earl Spencer
and one of his Ministers presiding over a high department of the
ite, b it also as one who by his independence, his private vir-
tues, and various talents, has conciliated the confidence, respect,
and affection of the nation, and who is acknowledged to be a pro-
moter and a judge of whatever is beneficial to society.
In enquiring into the causes and remedies of the present distress,
much light may be derived from the retrospect of past times. It
appears from history that there has been no famine in this country
for more than 350 years, though in that time there have been
frequent instances of distress from scarcity and dearth. Famines
were frequent, not only before the Norman conquest, during the
baton and Danish dynasties, but since that era until near the end
of the Plantagenet race of Kings. During this latter period,
though the records of the times are very imperfect in most other
points, they are tolerably satisfactory with regard to this : for it
was the custom of the annalists of those days to mark the weather
irom year to year, and it appears that famines never occurred
except after bad seasons. It is, however, probable that what
were famines would sometimes have been only cases of extra-
dmafy dearth had it not been for impolitic institutions and regu-
lations. Ihe laws prohibiting the transport of corn from one
the country to another, must assuredly have contributed
greatly to aggravate the evil, and there is one instance of a regu-
lation to nx the price of provisions in the year 1314, to which
historians attribute the famine of the following year. However
his may be, it may be considered as a historical fact, that famines
never occurred m those nor any other ages, but in consequence of
bad seasons How little they depend on political convulsions may
be inferred from hence, that they were unknown during the great
struggles of the kingdom, such as the civil wars of York and Lan-
caster, and those of the King and Parliament. The last famine in
England was m 1448, in the time of Henry VI. before the disas-
trous civil wars of that reign broke out. Some died of want in the
great scarcity of 1699, but this was in a time of peace
f r h f e is r / ason to P res ^ ^at the general course of nature
lor the last 250 years has not been different from what it was
rfere that period, some other causes must be sought for, and
ome knowledge of the utmost importance to the points in ques-
on may be derived from an enquiry into the circumstances which
idered those ages so liable to these severe calamities, particularly
14th century, which was remarkable for famine and pesti-
lence, all over Europe.
1st. The low state of agriculture. This was owing not only
1 See Hume's and Henry's Histories of England.
on the High Price of Provisions. 261
to the backwardness of those ages in every branch of industry, but
to the mean and degrading state in which the laborers in agricul-
ture were held in consequence of the prevalence of feudal and
military ideas, The cultivation of the soil was held by the Ro-
mans ' in the rank of a liberal pursuit, whereas in the middle ages
all over Europe the most opprobrious terms in language are de-
rived from the condition of this class of the community, such as
raturier, villain, churls, serfs, &c. It appears that in the 13th
and 14
the wants of society, not only the protection of persons and the
security of property seem necessary, but the most perfect freedom
in augmenting, improving, and disposing of it within the limits
already mentioned. It is this, if I mistake not, which constitutes
the dearest part of civil rights and liberties, from which (according
to some of the best judges), more than from our political rights
and liberties, is derived that enviable state of prosperity and hap-
piness, by which the situation of this country stands contrasted
with the tyranny and false policy prevailing in most other nations
of the world.
4thly. That commerce is rendered equitable and beneficial to the
parties and to the community at large, by the seller endeavouring
to get as much as he can for his commodity, and the buyer giving
as little as he can, while the former is constrained to part with his
article, and the other induced to accept it by another and a dif-
ferent contention which takes place between dealers endeavouring
to gain a preference at market by underselling each other. By this
double struggle, equity and reason are maintained by virtue of
moral causes in the commercial world, just as the frame of the
universe is upheld in its existence and harmony, by the compound
operation and counteraction of physical forces ; and it seems nearly
as presumptuous to meddle with the one as with the other, the
frame of the human mind being as much the work of divine wisdom
as the natural world.
5thly. It follows from these principles, that prices must always
stand in the compound proportion of supply and demand. This at
first sight may appear peculiarly hard with regard to articles of the
first necessity : quite the contrary, for by these, and by no other
means or contrivance, can consumption be regulated, so as to con-
form to the increase or diminution of the stock in hand. If thj|
holder of an article haa an abundant stock, he will part with it at
a lower price in order to make sure of disposing of it, and vice
versa. The advantages attending a high price in case of short
Stock are, first, that it forms a motive to the consumer for eco-
nomy, tending to make the existing quantity adequate to the wants
of the whole year. 2ndly. It serves as a criterion and standard
for the degree of supply called for from importation, for importa-
tion is not undertaken from any computation or ascertained know-
ledge of the shortness of the stock in hand, except in so far as the
lucrative arts by motives of interest. Secure to the workman the fruits of
his labor, give him the prospects of independence and freedom; the public
has found a faithful minister in the acquisition of wealth, and a faithful
steward in hoarding what he has gained. The statesman in this can do little
more than avoid doing mischief. Ferguson's Essay on the History of Civil
Society. P. iii. Sect. 4.
on the High Price of Provisions. 269
wants of the community are expressed by high prices, affording a
motive for commercial enterprize, in conformity to the principles
of human nature above explained.
Sixthly, It equally follows from these principles that it is for
the benefit of society, that prices should be permitted to adjust
themselves spontaneously, according to the relations of supply and
demand. That markets should not be disturbed by the interfer-
ence of the magistrate, whose whole function is protection; that
the hand of power must in all cases be kept off, as pernicious in
the commercial intercourse of individuals, and peculiarly dangerous
with regard to those who deal in articles indispensable to human
life ; so that the inference upon the whole matter in question is,
that security and competition are the indispensable and sole requi-
sites for attaining in perfection the advantages derivable to mankind
from industry and commerce.
To return. The prejudice conceived against middle-men, de-
pends on a fallacy which a little sagacity will detect. A hasty and
shallow consideration of the subject leads many, among whom are
some of the more enlightened class of society, to imagine that in
these transactions there is an accumulated profit obtained, at the
expence of the consumer. They apprehend that the grower parts
with his commodity to the middle-man on the same terms he would
do to the consumer. This is not the case. It cannot be the case.
He lets the middle-man have his corn or cattle for less than he
himself would accept at the market, and which of reason and ne-
cessity he must and ought to have, had he been at the additional
expense of time and money in proceeding to the market. Nay
more, it can be made plain to the meanest capacity, that the mid-
dle-man, on the more enlarged scale on which he deals, can afford
to take smaller profits on each transaction than the grower could
on a smaller quantity of the article, 1 so that the public is demon-
strably a gainer by this transaction.
But it is alleged that when articles constituting the necessaries
of life, get into the hands of great merchants, who are smaller in
number as their dealings are more extensive, they are thereby
enabled to combine by acting in concert so as to command the
market and to produce all the effects of a monopoly.
I beg here the closest attention while I detect this most dangerous
and specious fallacy ; and if I should happily be able to do justice
in words to those grounds upon which my own conviction is 7
founded, I am confident I shall carry the like conviction to the
mind of every man of ordinary understanding, who divesting him-""
of passion and prejudice will candidly lend his attention.
See this admirably illustrated in Smith's Wealth of Nations. Vol. 1.
. 106*113.
270 A Letter to Earl Spencer
I believe that according to all the rules both of law and of logic,
the onus probandi lies on the affirmative side of a question. It is
fair therefore to set out by calling for the proofs of these com-
binations and monopolies. I have hitherto heard nothing but
gratuitous assertion, and when the advocates for the existence of
these abuses are called upon for proofs and have not been able to
produce them, we have been told that though there may be no express
covenant between the dealers or producers of corn, cattle, or butter,
there is a virtual or tacit one implied in the community of interest,
which binds them together. But this remark, if there is any force
of truth in it, will apply to every branch of trade whatever ; so
that there could be no such thing as fair dealing in the world.
Commerce itself, in the most comprehensive sense of the word,
would, if this principle were admitted, be only another term for
conspiracy and oppression, and no article could at any time or in
any place be procurable at a just and reasonable rate. The truth is
that the interested efforts of the seller are duly counteracted and
controlled by the like motive in the buyer, and it is this struggle
combined with the relation between supply and demand, constitut-
ing and regulating that competition which ascertains and fixes the
intermediate and fair point in the price of all articles at market.
When they are pressed still farther for proofs they allege that
provisions differ from all other goods in this respect, that they are in-
dispensable to life, the consumer has no option, as in many other ar-
ticles, and must therefore take them on any terms. But if there were
any truth in this observation, society would be more or less exposed
to this wrong at all times. The same capital can with equal ease
purchase a large quantity at a lower rate as it can a smaller
quantity at a higher rate, so that it would be equally in the power
of middlemen at all times to deal out provisions at an exorbitant
price in a year of plenty, as in a year of scarcity. What were
these monopolists about in years of common plenty? for if it is
true, as they allege, that the scarcity is not real, in what does this
year differ from any other ? Are monopolists like locusts, whose
visitations occur from no visible cause and at such uncertain in-
tervals as neither to be foreseen nor prevented. If the power of
monopolists over the articles of subsistence depended on the di-
minished quantity of the stock in existence, there occurs e very-
year, even in those of the greatest plenty, a period, the months of
May and June, for instance, in which this stock is smaller than in a
year of the greatest scarcity in the months of October or Novem-
ber. If the alleged abuses were real, therefore, the community
would be more exposed to them in the former than in the latter
case.
If such abuses were practicable, it does not appear why they
should not extend to other articles of necessity as well as provisions.
On the High Price of Provisions. 271
for these are not the only necessaries of life. In this climate
raiment is as necessary as food, but I have never heard that un-
fairness and oppression in the price of cloth has ever been matter
of public grievance or popular clamour against the dealers in it;
nor have manufacturers and merchants ever been the butts of that
indignation and odium with which farmers and middlemen have
been traduced and assailed ; though the articles of wearing apparel,
from the manner in which they are produced, the more limited
number of those who deal in them, and from their being less pe-
rishable, are infinitely more susceptible of becoming the objects
of combination and monopoly than corn. The supply of cloth
is indeed not so fluctuating as that of corn, for it does not depend
on seasons, but this argument will not avail those who deny the
existence of scarcity and impute the distress to the abuses of
dealers. The like reasoning will apply to butchers* meat, salt,
leather, and coals. What distinguishes the products of agriculture
from all these is the fluctuation of the supply depending on the
Tariable nature of seasons, from the uncontrollable course of
nature, but imputed by the vulgar to moral in place of physical
causes. Though the quantity of butchers' meat is in some
measure dependent on agriculture, according to the modern method
of feeding cattle, the influence of seasons on the supply, is not in
the least to be compared to that of corn ; and it is truly admirable
to contemplate the regular, adequate and fair supply of animal
food to this metropolis, flowing quietly from Smithfield, as from
a reservoir, to the mouth of every individual, after ramifying into
all the channels of consumption, without exciting public clamor,
and without the assistance of assize or of any regulation of
price or rule of distribution, but what arises out of the sponta-
neous operation of supply and demand, undisturbed by human in-
terference, and working in the same silent and salutary manner as
the circulation of the blood or any other process of nature.
There is another blind infatuation on this subject, which it be-
longs to this place to expose, namely, that during times of scarcity
certain articles of food are destroyed with a view to enhance the
price of what remains. We are told, for instance, that the Dutch,
in consequence of sometimes widely mistaking in their calcula-
tions of the quantity of the spices required for the markets of Eu-
rope, by reason of the remoteness of their settlements, and finding
on their arrival that they have imported much more than they
want, throw a large proportion of them into the sea. I arn not
competent to decide on the truth of this, but it may be safely ad-
milted that there is nothing incredible in such an operation of com-
merce being practised upon a superabundant article of luxury, the
spontaneous production of those remote possessions from whence
272 A Letter to Earl Spencer
they are brought. But if we were told, that when the Dutch de-
stroy their spices, it is not when they are superabundant, but when
they are most scarce, who could believe this ? This it is, however,
which is alleged with regard to corn ; and it is with a mixture of
pity and disgust that we sometimes hear persons of rank and edu-
cation far above the vulgar, profess their belief in this strange
dogma. If any one could be found at once so wicked and foolish
as to practise this, it would certainly be in years of the greatest
abundance. But when we reflect that it is not in times of over-
flowing plenty, but in those of scarcity and distress, that this enor*
mity is said to be committed ; that it is not on an article of luxury^
but on a necessary of life ; that it is not on a spontaneous produc-
tion of the earth, but on the most precious fruit of human toil ;
insanity itself could not be guilty of it, nor could any thing but
fatuity give credit to it ; and the belief of it is as disgraceful to
human reason, as of any of the dogmas of the most groveling su-
perstition.
The outcry that has been raised against large farms may be
adduced as another example of popular error on the subject of pro-
visions* It is unnecessary to enter into calculations to prove the
advantages resulting from the smaller proportional number of horses
kept in large than in small farms, and the advantages of the former
over the latter in admitting greater scope for a due succession of
crops, as well as every other advantage enjoyed by every other
manufacturer on an enlarged scale, enabling him to produce the
greatest possible quantity of his commodity for the use of man
at the least possible expense, and thereby to undersell others, to
the great and manifest benefit of the consumer. Without dilating
on these topics, it is only necessary to refer to one incontrovertible
fact, namely, that it is by large farms alone that markets are or
can be supplied ; for small farms either yield no more than what
subsists the cultivators, or so little surplus, that neither towns, th
manufacturing population, the army nor navy, nor in short any
purchasers or consumers of provisions, could be adequately sup-
plied by them. It is a self-evident proposition that the more food
that is produced over and above what is required for the subsist-
ence of those who raise it, so much the better it is for a manufac-
turing community such as ours ; for there will be the more to bring
to market, so as to increase the ratio of the supply to the demand,
the circumstance which alone can keep down prices. It is the
augmented production of the staple articles of life, which is alone
deserving of consideration in the eyes of the truly enlightened and
patriotic 5 and it excites our pity to hear those who ought to know
better, arguing seriously in favor of small farms, from the greater
quantity of poultry, pigs, and eggs, which they send to market.
on tlie High Price of Provisions. 273
The laws enacted in the reign of Edward VI. 1 show the shallow
and false conceptions of all ranks in that age, on the subject of the
trade in corn ; and tended still further to foster and countenance
popular prejudices. They were admitted on the rolls of Parlia-
ment about the same time that transubstantiation was expunged
from the canon-book, and seem to have been the worthy successors
of that article of faith. One can as easily believe that bread is
beef, or that beef is bread, as that bread or beef of a wholesome
quality can, in time of scarcity ^nd public distress, be destroyed
by any human being for avaricious purposes, or that the whole body
of farmers, graziers, and dealers in provisions, in the kingdom, can
enter into a conspiracy against the consumers. In the age of Ed-
ward VI. knowledge had made great advances, and had established
the reformation -, but this is a proof, among many others, how slow
such advances arc ; nor ought we to wonder that prejudices
and errors should then exist, which are prevalent in this more
enlightened age. 1
In the early ages of commerce, the emoluments of it were con-
fined to a few individuals. Any one possessed of a moderate
capital, with sagacity to avail himself of it to the utmost, soon
outstripped his poor and more ignorant neighbours. In the fifteenth
century, there arose in Europe a family 3 of merchants, which by
successful commerce attained to the dignity and importance of
sovereign princes, so as in the succeeding century to give two
queens to France, and three pontiff's to Rome. In the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries there were much richer merchants in
London than in the present times, though commerce has increased
a hundred fold. There are now thousands who attain competency,
hundreds who obtain opulence, but there are none who by com-
* Statutes of the 3rd and 4th of Edward VI. chap. 19, and 21 ; 6th of Ed-
ward VI. chap. 14 ; 7th of Edward VI. chap. 14.
* There was one just and real cause of complaint, which contributed
more perhaps than any other cause to the dis-tres.ed state of the markets at
one period of this reign. This was the state of the coin, with regard to debase-
ment and deficient weight and quantity, as well as the want of a due adjust-
ment of the value of gold and silver to each other. This produced such
jerious inconvenience, that the graziers and other owners of the neces-
saries of life did not know what to ask nor take in exchange for them; and
either parted with their commodities with reluctance, or carried them back
and never returned. The monetary system began to be improved towards
tbe end of this reign, and was completed in that of Elizabeth. See Treatise
cm the Coin of the Realm, by the Earl of Liverpool. London, 1805. p. 91.
3 The house of Medici is here alluded to. This family was originally of
tfie medical profession, as their name implies. One of them was enabled
to found this illustrious race of princes by the wealth which he acquired
from a contract for supplying Florence with fuel ; but it was the trade
iu silk which chiefly maintained their future splendor.
NO. XVH. Pam. VOL. IX. S
A Letter to Earl Spencer,
merce alone attain to princely fortunes. What merchant now can
be compared with Sir Thomas Gresham, the founder of the Royal
Exchange ; or with Mr. Sutton, the founder of the Charter House ?
It was in those ages that the founders of some of the most illus-
trious families' of England acquired their wealth by commerce,
and the situation of first magistrate of London was no uncommon
road to the peerage. In those days monopolies and combinations
must have been much more practicable on account of the general
ignorance and want of competition. But it is to be remarked
that none of the great fortunes above alluded to were amassed by
dealers in the necessaries of life. Monopolies detrimental to the
general interests of society were not uncommon in those ages, but
they were created by public authority, and extended only to cer-
tain branches of foreign trade. How much more impossible must
monopolies and combinations be in our days when capital is so-
diffused, and when every thing is kept to its just and salutary level
by a system of fair and equitable * competition ! Let any one re-
flect for a moment, that in order to establish a combination or mono-
poly in the necessaries of life, not only all the merchants, factors,
jobbers, and middlemen of all descriptions, but all the growers must
concur in forming a conspiracy against the public, mutually pledging
their faith that not one of them will undersell the other, and let him
ask himself if he can believe this. It is deemed a thing next to im-
possible that a conspiracy against the state, comprehending ten or
twelve persons, can remain long a secret. How comes it, then,
that out of so many thousands of farmers, graziers, and dealers, none
have ever yet peached ? The only difficulty in refuting such an
opinion is the difficulty of finding adequate words to express and
expose its absurdities. Not the least proof has ever been brought
of the existence of such combinations and monopolies, so that to
1 The writer need make no apology to the noble families ofOshorne,
Gower, Waldegrave, and Capel, for ranking them with the House of MedU-i.
It is remarked by Mr. Pennant, in a hook entitled London, that the grand-
father of Queen Elizabeth, and father of the Earl of Wiltshire, was a mer-
chant inCheapside.
* The present equable diffusion of moderate wealth cannot be better illus-
trated than by remarking, that in this age many palaces and superb man-
sions have heen pulled down or converted^ other purposes, while none have
been erected on the like scale. Somerset House, the Savoy, Bloomsbury
House, York House, now converted into small private residences under the
name of Alhany, Cumberland House converted into the Ordnance Office,
and others, not to mention the numberless Baronial mansions and castles iu
all parts of England, now in ruins, may all be adduced as examples of the
decrease of inordinate wealth. On the other hand, the multiplication of
commodious dwellings for the upper and middle classes of society, and the
increased comforts oi all ranks, not only in the metropolis, but in the whole
kingdom, exhibits a picture of individual happiness and public prosperity,
unknown in any other age or country.
On the High Price of Provisions. 275
attempt to prove a negative would be fighting with a phantom.
Gratuitous assertions are as boundless as the wild imaginations of
man, and endless as the affirmative propositions arising out of the
possible combinations of language. He, therefore, who would
engage to prove that universal combination and monopoly, with
regard to the necessaries of life, do not exist ; or that these neces-
saries are not destroyed, through avarice, during dearths and fa-
mines, would be undertaking the same sort of task as any one who
should undertake to prove the negative of the dream of an enthu-
siast or a lunatic. It is impossible any longer to treat the subject
seriously, and an apology would be due for saying so much, were
it not a fact that the peace and safety of the community have been
endangered by the prevalence of such extravagant opinions. 1
We hear daily from persons not otherwise deficient in good
sense, that one of the principal causes of the present high price
of provisions is the quantity of capital in the country, and the fa-
cility of obtaining money or credit, particularly from country
bankers, 2 " whereby dealers are enabled to engage in speculations, and
prevent corn from being brought to market. This is one of the
most common popular errors. With a view to refute it I only re-
quire the following postulatum to be conceded, namely, that men,
however rich, or however much at a loss to employ their money,
will not engage in any trade, but for the purpose of gaining by
it. Now it is evident that if such speculations keep up the arti-
cle beyond a certain point, they must lose either by being over-
taken by a plentiful crop, or by the spoiling of their corn in the
granaries, and if it is short of that point, these capitalists are the
benefactors and saviours of the community, by gradually feeding
the market and by reserving such a stock as, under the influence
of security of property and the check of competition, will exactly
serve to carry us round the year, and this on terms proportioned to
the total stock of provisions, provided their speculations have been
made upon sound grounds ; for in this case their profit and advan-
tage would be coincident with the public advantage ; as their loss
would with the public loss, had their speculation been injudiciously
conceived. And we have here another proof that fair and enlightened
self interest is not only safe but beneficial, nay, indispensable in fur-
thering the best interests of the community. It would indeed be
a solecism in the creation, an anomaly in the wise and beneficent
adjustments of providence so admirable and conspicuous in the
government of the world, to suppose that it could be otherwise.
It appears that last year (1799), the speculators calculated on
1 Since this was written, the author has met with Mr. Burke's letter to
Mr. Pitt on this subject, written in 1795, in which it is treated with all th
eloquence and vigor of mind characteristic of that great man.
* Sec Illustration II.
276 A Jitter to Earl Spencer,
very just principles, for, that there is no surplus of last year's
nor of the unexampled importation that has been made, is put be-
yond a doubt by its being necessary at this early period, October
(1800) a season in which there is in years of plenty a residue sufficient
for three months' consumption, to thrash out part of this year's
crop for the daily supply of the market ; and this is an unanswer-
able refutation of those who obstinately contend that corn has
been unnecessarily kept up, and it would after this be an insult
to the meanest understanding to waste words in disproving that
it is still hoarded, or that it has been thrown into the river. The
fact turns out clearly to be that the whole crop of last year, toge-
ther with what has been imported, has been barely sufficient to save
the country from famine ; and had the dealers in corn been so
blind to their own interest as to have hoarded a month's supply,
Over and above the surplus which usually remains after the gather-
ing in of a new crop, how much less an evil would this have been
than to have sold eff the whole stock a month before the cutting
down of the new crop ! in other words to have created a famine,
which, I repeat it, would have been the infallible consequence of
bringing the corn to market in the beginning of this year, at the
price of a plentiful year. Ought we not then in this as in other
instances to adore the wisdom and goodness of divine providence,
which by the spontaneous and irresistible though silent co-opera-
tion of natural and moral causes, accomplishes the most salutary
ends in spite of the vain efforts and officious interference of human
policy. The well known fable of Jupiter and the Husbandman
admits of an apt application to this subject.
The want of a surplus so great and so evident this atitumn,
distinguishes this year from all those which have preceded it in
the memory of man. This is imputable solely to the deficiency of
the crop of last year, and the evil is greatly aggravated by the de-
ficiency of that of the present year. The crops on the clay
grounds which make a great proportion of the whole, have en-
tirely failed in consequence of the earth being last summer baked
as it were by the long and excessive heat and drought which suc-
ceeded the wet weather in May. Much of the corn also which
was standing after the 19th of August, when the rains came on,
was spoiled as it stood, by the germination of the grains. The
potatoes, in like manner, though much more independent of wea-
ther than corn, have greatly failed from the like causes j * for hav-
1 It is remarkable that as the summer of the preceding year, (1799), had
been the most wet and cold, so the summer of this year, 1800, has been the
most hot and dry in the memory of man. The mean height of the thermo-
meter in the bunjmer months for the five }'ears immediately preceding and
On the High Price of Provisions. 277
ittg been forced to an untimely maturity by the excessive heat and
drought without having attained their ordinary and natural size,
the rains which came on in August, instead of furthering their
growth, caused them to germinate, thereby deteriorating their
quality. As we are now therefore under the pressure of two bad
years, the utmost economy will be required to carry us through
the ensuing twelve months.
The last argument I shall adduce in proof of the reality of the
scarcity, is the enormous importation which has taken place in the
course of this year. Importation to a certain amount has been
found necessary for many years, which could not have been the
case had the domestic production of corn been adequate to the
demands ' of the population. From the statement in the note,
it appears that the domestic agriculture has not furnished a suf-
ficient supply for our people for a series of more than thirty years ;
and carries irresistible conviction, if any were still wanting, of the
unequalled deficiency of the last two years, especially when it is
considered that this corn was attracted hither, notwithstanding
its being high priced and hard to be procured abroad ; for the
crops were scanty last year in the countries bordering on tha
Baltic, from whence the principal supplies are derived, insomuch
that the King of Prussia at one time prohibited exportation of
corn from his dominions ; and though there had been a better
crop in America than there had been for some years, it had been
following these two years of scarcity, was 59. 6. That of the same months
in 1709, was 57. 3. and in 1800, it was 60. There was a like difference with
regard to the rain in the years which preceded and followed the year 1799.
1 Previous to the year 1767 there was a considerable annual excess of ex-
ported over imported corn, ever since the year 1697, with the exception of
a few years, the most remarkable of which were 1709, 1728, 1729, 1739,
1740, 1744, 1757, all of which were bad years from natural causes. Those
of 1709 and 1740, were deficient from extremely hard frost. We are not
able to ascertain so well the cause of the deficiency in the other years.
Since the year 1767 there has been a considerable excess of annual impor-
tation, except in a few plentiful years: and we observe that in that period
the highest importations have been after years of deficient crop, namely, in
the years 1783, 1796, 1800, and 1801. The average of annual importation of
wheat and flour for the ten years immediately preceding 1800, was 349,595
qrs. During these ten years there was no exportation except in 1792, in
which 277,861 qrs. were exported. In the ten years preceding these,
that is, from 1780 to 1789, both inclusive, the average of excess of annual
importation over exportation was 78,248. The importation of wheat and
flour in 1800, was 1,242,507, and in 1801 it wai 1,396,360. See Report
of the commiteee of the House of Lords 1814. The average of the ten follow-
ing years, that is from 1802 to 1811, both inclusive, has been 476,390. In one
of these years, namely 1810, it was more than three times the average of
the whole period, having been 1,454,906. This is accounted for by the
French licences. It ought to be remarked that there has been no
tion since 1792.
278 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
deficient there for the preceding seven years, on account of the
devastation of the Hessian fly.
The scarcity occasioned by the bad season last year (1799,)
being established as the main cause of the high price of provisions,
let us next enquire whether there are not subordinate and secon-
dary causes of it. Several of these have been urged with plausi-
bility and possibly with truth.
1st. The depreciation of money. 1 The same denomination of
coin will not go half so far in purchasing the articles of sub-
sistence as they did forty years ago , and the question is whether
the wages of labor have kept pace with this. It is well known
that wages have been greatly raised within these few years as
well as the pay of the army and navy. Whether they ought to
keep exact pace with the depreciation of money, is a very diffi-
cult and delicate question, but it would be highly impolitic to
raise wages at any time by law, and it would be highly impolitic
and even dangerous to do so in a case of temporary distress such
as the present ; 2 for they could not be reduced without the risk of
popular commotion, and the great resource against famine, found-
ed on diminished consumption, would thereby be done away.
2dly. The increased consumption on account of the war. This
is a point which admits of pretty accurate solution by calculation.
The number of land forces employed is under 200,000 ; but let
them be taken at that : the number of seamen and marines voted by
Parliament is 120,000, The prisoners of war have at times ex-
ceeded 30,000, 3 though at present under that number. Now,
the two first classes would be consuming provisions, wherever they
were, and provisions of this country, were they all at home ; but
a very large proportion of them are on foreign service, and main-
tained chiefly from the production of other countries, not to men-
tion the diminution of consumers by the sword and deadly climates.
It is true that soldiers and sailors consume more provisions, parti-
cularly animal food, than they would in the situation of peasants
and artisans. Let it be admitted that they consume .twice as much j
which is certajnly above the truth. This being assumed, the
1 See Illustration III.
* In order to avoid the raising of wages, the government resorted to the
temporary expedient of making an allowance from the poor's rates to la-
borers with large families. Alter the scarcity it was found not possible to dis-
continue this allowance, and jt is found to add greatly to the evils of the
poor's rates?, by encouraging the idle anc} improvident habits of the laboring
class of the population.
3 The author having been at that time a commissioner of sick and wound-
ed seamen, and tru- prisoners of war being then under the direction of that
board, he had the opportunity of accurate information on this subject. In
tjie two last years of the war, that is 18i3 and 1814, they amounted to more
than 60,000.
On the High Price of Provisions. 279
whole number, that is 320,000, are to be considered as additional
mouths. To these the prisoners of war being added, the whole
number of additional consumers is 350,000. The population
of the three kingdoms is about 15 millions. 1 This increased con-
sumption therefore is not quite one 43rd part of the whole. Now
what should we say to the master of a family who should allege
that he has wherewithal to maintain 43 persons, but that if a
single individual were added, it would be productive of the greatest
distress to the whole ? Is there a man deserving of the name of
a Briton who can entertain so mean an opinion of the spirit and
resources of his country, or who can employ so pitiful an argument
to vilify the public counsels, or to cramp those national ex-
ertions so salutary, and at this moment so indispensable to the
public welfare and defence. There is no point better ascertained
from authentic history, than that war, whether foreign or civil, has
had no effect in creating scarcity. The prices which have been
extracted from public records both by authors and parliamentary
committees, are completely in proof of this. It may be asked,
whence has arisen the popular persuasion of the contrary, a per-
suasion which has been so cruelly abused by the factious and igno-
rant, for the purpose of exciting public discontent ? We can only
refer it to that catalogue of popular errors and prejudices so preva-
lent among the vulgar ; and in the present instance perhaps no
other nor better reason can be assigned, than that the words
Peace and Plenty happen to have the same initial letter, which
gives them that alliterative quality, of which almost all popular
adages partake.
It has also been attempted to connect the war with the scarcity,
by alleging that the high prices are referable to the enormous taxes
and loans, accumulated to an unprecedented and unheard of
amount. There can be no doubt that these, by multiplying z the
circulating medium, have a tendency to depreciate money, and
thereby to unsettle the due ratio between wages and the price of pro-
visions/ But as this has had no effect in checking productive indus-
try (the true and only criterion and constituent of national prospe-
rity) : it must be admitted to stand low in the list of evils. An evil
however it undeniably is, though a necessary one, being the price
as it were or sacrifice called for by that system of defence and
self preservation, which alone could save the country in the late
and present convulsed state of the world ; but considered as a
crimination of ministry, it is at once so shallow and captious as to
require no further notice.
1 By the population returns of 1801, the population of Great Britain was
< 0,9 12,646, and the lowest computation of that of Ireland is four millions.
* See Illustration III.
280 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
Sdly. Agriculture not keeping pace with population and manu-
factures. Dr. Goldsmith has been heard to confess that his poem
entitled the Deserted Village, is merely a poetical fiction; and Dr.
Price's statements, and reasonings in proof of the decrease of popula-
tion in England, have been completely overset and refuted both by
facts and inference. A friend of mine extremely conversant in such
researches, has inferred from the study of Doomsday book and
other documents that the population of England, at the conquest, was
not more than one sixth of what it is at present. When the low
State of agriculture is considered, and that the greater part of the
subsistence was then derived from animal food produced by the
natural herbage j when it is considered how slowly all improve-
ments advanced for several subsequent ages, under the discourage-
ments of feudal oppression and barbarism, and what great acces-
sions have been made to the food of man in the late and present
century, by improved and extended agriculture 1 and the introduc-
tion of potatoes, it will not appear surprising that the population
should be six times greater than at the conquest. It appears
.clearly from parliamentary returns and other documents, that the
increase of population in this reign alone is equal to the whole
population in the 1 1th century. The growth of London, Liverpool,
Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Hull, and other towns, affords
sufficient proof of the great increase of numbers in the seats of trade
and manufactories, while there is no proof of the decrease of it in
villages,
There is still another circumstance from which the rapid in-
crease of population in this reign is deducible. Notwithstand-
ing the prodigious accessions to the general mass of subsistence
in- this period, it has not kept pace with the accessions of con-
sumers, as is demonstrable from the statement already made of
the almost total cessation of exportation for near forty years,
and the great increase of importation in the same time. Now a
moment's reflexion will account for this ; for the greater part of the
manufactured articles not being for domestic, but for foreign con-
sumption, a disproportionate share of capital and labor is directed
to manufactories in preference to agriculture. And it seems both
natural and reasonable that as other countries take off the redun-
dant products of our looms, forges, and potteries, that we should
take off the redundant products of their fields. Corn indeed as
an article of commerce is in no respect different from any other
manufacturer-commodity, in so far as relates to supply and demand;
but being a necessary of life it is more the subject of jealousy and
alarm. It may be asked why cloth being also a necessary of life,
is not in like manner the object of public prejudice. As it is much
less perishable than corn, it would be much more easily monopo-
-* See Illustration II.
on the High Price of Provisions. 281
Ksed and hoarded, if this was possible. The reason why this
article has never been the subject of public clamor, seems to be
that the supply is more abundant, and that it is not subject to
fluctuations as corn is from bad seasons.
The inference from the whole of this is, that the increase of
population has rendered importation necessary for a long series of
years, even in seasons of ordinary plenty, and much more so the
last two years on account of bad crops ; that nothing but a vast
deficiency in these years could render such an unparalleled amount
of importation necessary ; and that nothing can argue more de-
plorable shallowness and ignorance, than the opinion of those who
maintain that there has been no real scarcity.
4thly. The prosecution of those who are invidiously styled
forestallers and regraters. It has already been abundantly
proved that no definition can be given which can discriminate
forestallers from other dealers. All dealers therefore must be ap-
prehensive of being deemed criminal by construction of law. This
crime is not a malum in se ,- no man's conscience therefore can
point it out to him, and it differs from all other mala prohibita, in
not admitting of any definite or recognisable description; so that
under the influence of such ambiguous and unconscious guilt, they
must live in perpetual dread of our tribunals, such as we conceive
heretics to do under the awe of the inquisition.
Now there is no maxim in commerce better established, than
that profits ought to bear proportion to risks, and this is so fully
recognized in the practice of trade, and its reasonableness so
evident, that it could be losing time to set about proving it ; but
the present subject affords an apt example for its illustration; for
when a dealer subjects himself to the penalties and opprobrium
incident to a legal prosecution, and to the still more terrible
vengeance of a deluded and incensed populace, aiming at the
destruction of his character, property arid life, will it be a small
additional profit which will compensate for all this ? Those men
of character and capital who are timid, will be driven from the
trade, and the transport of provision, indispensable to the sub-
sistence of the community, would be at an end. What has saved
us from this evil, and from the horrors of conflagration and mas-
sacre, but the country being in a state of armed preparation, on
account of the external dangers of the state ? What have those
to answer for, therefore, who have by printed and oral represent-
ations (not intentionally, I admit, but ignorantly) goaded on the
multitude to acts of outrage and persecution against innocent,
useful and estimable individuals, thereby aggravating the public dis-
tress by striking terror into those who supply the markets.
The mob might have been the victims of their own fury, had they
not been met by a firm and temperate resistance. Doctrines of
A Letter to Earl Spencer,
the most dangerous tendency had been propagated from the bench
he bar, the hust.ngs, the press, and even the pulpit coun enS
the popular prejud.ces and passions which incited to those a<
us not however withhold our meed of praise frornllL common cou,
cil man, who having too hastily and credulously related in a late
public speech the history of a family alleged to have been drive, to
despair and suic.de by famine, which was found by ennui ie< o
he spot to be totally void of truth, took occasion oT of the
ne public meetings to make amends by correcting his forme
statement, and of recanting what he ha/said w ,^ ' rd toh
belief m monopolies and combinations. And may we al^o presume
to hope that those virtuous and learned judges whose decrees"
anthomy carry such deserved weight, ma/ be also led to re.consid er
a subject on which, as it lie. out of the tract of that techn.calknow-
ledge, and those professional habits and studies to which theylo
i is nodisgrace forthem toC
L. -ru to de "y *at the abuses alluded
can ,n no case exist. There is no proposition depending on
Ty prrblirtr, b^ " n0t Hable t0 ****** h is t*?*,
y probable, that by some rare concurrence of circumstances, par-
ticularly where soaety is on a small scale, the dealers in the neccl-
sanes of hf e may have hacl it in their co ^
and ect more than a fair profit. Under the imperfect Tta e of
lEn? T' "!, the - Variable state of """ affairs and i
stitutions, the conduct oi a government, in enacting and dispensing
laws, must be guided whh regard to what is expedient, byavera'l
and approx^at.ons gathered from a fair induction of facts, so^
L a d h H 6 greate - t P" Ctic:lble ' tho "gl' t 'he greatest p'ossi Je
hor^'iX T g i" Sh rt What 1S best U P" Ae whole: and we
hope ,t has been demonstrated that it is by far best upon the
Whole that protection and fair competition are the only safeguard's
of souety, though m spite of these there may arise single ina, ct
of oppression And does it not become ihe disputants in all
questions of thus nature, in that spirit of candor inseparable from
hberalme,,, the one side not d jca]] P horn
lett m , S HH n eitce P twn ^Ue the other side should beware
firs S ttl> T^." 88 !" f brea r d ' H^torians mention that this was
fast msti tuted in the reign of Henry III. so that it may be said to
antiautn Th parhament ' a " d therefo "> -""able on the score of
Th L 9 law I W ^." eVCTtheleSS an a 8 8 f darkness and ignorance.
J^aL rh',f y e f abl 't"S amaximum of profit, directly militates
to soct t f r f t' 0m . 0f comra ^ce, and must therefore be pernicious
o society, ,f there is any reason or justice in those principles now
o?i the High Price of Provisions. 283
admitted by all enlightened men, and which it is one of the main
objects of this letter to illustrate. I shall endeavour to point out
sortie of its inconveniences which have not commonly been at-
tended to.
1st. The baker, in consequence of his profit being fixed, has
but little inducement to buy his flour as cheap as he can, which
he would do, were his profits to accrue to him like those of other
tradesmen. This is sufficiently obvious. But there is another
consequence not so obvious, though equally certain, and to which
I solicit the most particular attention. The miller knowing that
he may have what price he pleases from the baker, is little anxious
how much he gives the farmer. The baker has even an interest
in buying his flour at a high price, and in reporting to the magis-
trate only the highest price which he gives, excluding the flour of
inferior quality; for as part of his profit depends on the number of
loaves he can bake over and above the statutary number in a sack
of flour, his profit will be greater, the higher the price. He has
been accordingly known to have offered more to the miller than he
asked. Who does not see that the greater the scarcity the greater
the temptation to these practices ? who does not see that it is to this,
together with the discouragement given to the supplies of the
markets, and not to the chimeras of forestalling and monopolising^
that we are to look for the real causes of the price of bread being
higher than the scarcity will warrant. l
2ndly. The above mentioned objection will apply to the assize in
1 IJowever true this may be in so far as it relates to the baker, I have,
since writing this letter, been inclined to doubt of its truth, as it relates to
the farmer. Archdeacon lleslop published a tract in 1801, entitled a Com-
parative Statement of the food produced from arable and grass lands. In
the Appendix to it he makes a remark equally new and ingenious as it is
important and incontrovertible, tenSing to prove that the fair return to a
farmer ought not to be in the simple inverse proportion of the comparative
amount of the yearly crop. In order that a farmer may be enabled to live
and pay his rent, the price of corn in a year of scarcity should be so far in-
creased as to afford a sum equal to that of a year of average plenty. The
reasonableness of this is self-evident, and it would appear at fir>t sight that
this increase ought to be in the simple inverse proportion of the deficiency
of the crop : for instance, if the crop should have fallen short one half or one
third, that then the price demanded ought to be one half or one third more.
A more close attention will demonstrate the fallacy of this; for suppose
the total annual average production of a farm to be fifty quarters, the
farmer after reserving a sufficiency for the support of his family and for seed,
which are computed at two-fifths, can bring 30 quarters to inaiket, where-
with to pay his rent and have a living profit. A bad year occurs, in which
the total production is only one-half," that is 25 quarters. From this let 20
be deducted for sustenance and seed, there remains only 5 to bring to mar-
ket, that is, one-sixth of the average year, in place of one half, as had been
lustily computed. The same rule will apply pro ruta whatever the degree
of deficiency may be.
284 A Loiter to Earl Spencer,
the abstract ; but I beg to point out some great error in the par-
ticular manner in which it is now conducted.
The difference in the price at which white and brown bread is
directed to be sold, remains the same at whatever price bread may
be. The difference in price of one species of loaf from the other,
is by the present regulation three halfpence, so that supposing the
price of the white loaf to be sixpence, the price of the brown or
household would be four-pence halfpenny, that is, one-fourth less ;
but supposing the price of the white loaf to be a shilling, that of
the brown would be ten-pence halfpenny, that is, one-eighth less.
Is not this giving an incre;3ing premium on the consumption of
white bread proportioned to the rise of the price ? that is, of the
scarcity, so that when there is the greatest dearth there is the least
inducement to eat brown bread ; and there is a virtual prohibition
of it, when most wanted for the relief of the poor.
Srdly. The assize is so set that the baker has a greater interest in
selling white than he has in selling brown bread. The flour of
which the latter is made is less retentive of moisture in the oven,
so that a greater quantity of flour is necessary, in order to yield the
same weight of bread. It also requires more yeast. These cir-
cumstances are not taken into account in setting the assize.
4thly. It is impossible by means of the assize to make the price of
bread to conform to the price of wheat in case of sudden fluctu-
ation, without offending popular prejudice and ignorance. When
a fall in the price of wheat or flour takes place, the magistrate im-
mediately sets the assize accordingly, but as bakers have a more or
less stock on hand, purchased at a higher price, this leads to evi-
dent hardship and injustice, which has occasionally been so gross
and glaring as to induce the magistrate to relax the rigor of the
law.
It would be tedious here to enumerate all the inconveniences
and inaccuracies belonging both to the principle and practice of
the assize. They have been pointed out by a very ingenious and
respectable clergyman, 1 who has bestowed great labor and atten-
tion on this subject. It is a strong objection to assize in general,
that it is not in the power of calculation to construct a table that
1 The Rev. Dr. Heslop, in a work intitled Observations on the Stat. 31.
Geo. II. Though the arguments on this subject were demonstrative and
convincing to every enlightened and unprejudiced mind, the assize was not
abolished till the session of 1815, when a bill to this effect was brought in
by Mr. Frankland Lewis. In a very able report of the Committee on this
bill, besides the above stated objections, it was proved by reference made
to places where no assize was practised, Birmingham, Manchester, Bath,
&c., that the price of bread was lower than where the law of assize was put
in practice. The good effect of this abolition, however, is likely to be frus-
trated in all those towns in which there are corporations of bakers, institu-
tions which can only be considered as legal and organized combinations.
on the High Price of Provisions. 28J
shall be equitably adjusted to all the fluctuations and varieties of
the materials. In order to make even an approximation to equity,
much more skill and science is required than can be expected from
those who are charged with this duty.
From what has been said respecting the causes of the distresses*
it is evident that we can promise ourselves no substantial relief
but from importation, in so far as regards the temporary evil ; and
from augmented cultivation, in so far as regards the permanent
sufficiency of food in future. As a remedy for the scarcity arising
from the bad crop of 1795, the government undertook to import
corn on their own account, and to dispose of it with merely a
saving profit. This appeared very plausible, and was certainly
undertaken with the best intention, but it was soon abandoned,
for they could not import a quantity adequate to the want of the
whole community ; and as this damped all private enterprize, it
would have proved instead of a salutary measure a most pernici-
ous one. Great benefit arose from it, however, as it proved a most
instructive practical lesson, in confirmation of a principle which
it has been one of the chief objects of this letter to inculcate,
namely, that the public is never so well served as by free trade
and individual competition. No individuals, however large their
capital, could enter into competition with the public treasury,
under any circumstances 5 but when that treasury professes to sell
at a price at which no private person could afford to sell, this is a
virtual prohibition of what is understood by. commerce. Though
the present scarcity (1800,) therefore is much greater than that of
1795, no such measure has been resorted to.
It is evident that nothing but the extension of cultivation can
make our domestic productions keep pace with the increasing popu-
lation. There has for the last fifty years been an immense addition
to the food of man, from numerous enclosures of commons, the
improved skill and extension of agriculture, but above all, from the
increasing production of potatoes. The population, however, in
consequence of the encouragement to rear families, from the de-
mand for hands to carry on those manufactures by whicri the
wants of other nations are supplied, has greatly outstripped these
new and increased sources of subsistence, insomuch that from the
beginning of the present reign there has been a constant depen-
dence on other countries for the requisite quantity of corn. Since
the year 1766 there have been only six years l in which the sum
total of exported corn of all species has exceeded the imported.
As the late prosecutions of dealers have been manifestly founded
on false principles, and have proved highly injurious by obstructing
1 !to efcry year since this letter was written, that is from 1800 to 16-16, the
importation has greatly exceeded the exportation.
286 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
the supply of the market through the intimidation which they oo
casioned, it would be advisable to repeal the common law as well
as the statute law on this subject. In repealing the law of Ed-
ward VI. in 1772, it was an oversight not to have abrogated 1 the
common law on this subject at the same time, for convictions have
lately taken place on the latter. The preamble to the statute of
1772, and the speeches in the debate, particularly that of Mr.
Burke, set the impolitic tendency of the ancient law in the strong-
est point of view. So great was the impression made on the mem-
bers of the legislature by this enlightened view of the subject, that
on a petition presented by the city of London in 1787, praying a
suppression of the practices of forestallers, monopolisers, and re-
graters, to which they ascribed the high price of provision, the
House of Commons refused even to take it into consideration. A
like petition was presented in 1796, which was favorably reported
upon by a Committee, but was rejected by the House.
In case the total repeal of these laws should not be deemed
afe and politic in the present irritated state of the public mind,
I beg to suggest with that diffidence which becomes one who does
not belong to the profession of the law, that they might be dis-
armed of their pernicious tendency by enacting, that no conviction
shall follow unless it shall appear in proof that the act committed
1 It was no doubt the intention of the legislature to have abrogated the whole
laws relating to this subject, for by not doing so the repeal of the statute of Ed-
ward II. proved nugatory, as actions still lay at common law. I was informed
by the late Sir William Pulteney, that the following circumstance gave rise to
that act of parliament : London was at that time supplied with immense quan-
tities of fresh butter, from that part of Yorkshire called Holderness. The
dairies were farmed by London dealers, who were in the practice of accommo-
dating other shopkeepers with what they could not dispose of themselves. It
was plain that it was entirely out of the power of farmers to bring this commo-
dity to market themselves, and as it is a very perishable article, the prompt
method that has been described was the best possible for the public benefit. In
the course of this traffic, however, one of these dealers was brought under the
predicament of Edward VI.'s statute, and was convicted. Lord Mansfield,
from a principle of justice and humanity, and perceiving that the infliction of the
penalty would ruin their trade, contrived to suspend judgment, and suggested
the repeal of the statute in the interim.
In 1767, in consequence of complaints concerning the high price of provisions,
and petitions having been presented to the House of Commons on that subject,
ascribing it to the practices of forestallers, jobbers, &c. a bill was brought into
parliament to enforce the law against such offenders ; but the Committee ap-
pointed to consider these laws, came to the following resolntions, viz.
1st. " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the several laws relating to
badgers, engrossers, forestallers, and regraters, by preventing the circulation of
and free trade iu corn and other provisions, have been the means of raising the
price thpreof iu many parts of the kingdom.
Sndly. " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the House be moved
or leave to bring in a bill to remedy the evils occasioned by the said laws."
In consequence of fresh petitions from the country to the same purport as the
former, the matter lay over till 1772, when the above mentioned bill was brought
in and passed.
on the High Price of Provisions. 287
has been a matter of real detriment ' to the public or to an indivi-
dual. Till this or some other security shall be afforded to dealers,
men of credit, character and capital, through whom alone a fair
and regular supply of the market can be attained, will be entirely
driven from the trade which will fall into the hands of hucksters
and adventurers. I know for certain that these prosecutions have
already had a bad effect, and if they should still go on, will aggravate
the evils of the present deficient crop. Notwithstanding of the
shortness of this year's (1800) crop, and the want of the assistance
usual in other years from the surplus of the preceding one, .which
is generally equal to the supply of three months or more after
harvest, the public will look for some farther fall ; and if this shall
not happen, it will be difficult to assign any other causes for it than
the discouragement of commercial competition, and the great profits
necessary to enable growers to bring their own produce to
market, or to compensate for the risks to such unintimidated
dealers as may continue to supply the markets. a
Having thus humbly stated what I conceive to be the most ex-
pedient and practicable means of relieving and preventing scarcity,
there remains only one measure upon which some animadversion is
called, as it has been recommended through the press as very advisable
in the presnt crisis. I mean the establishment of a maximum of price.
As the principle of this has been exploded in the most satisfactory
manner by all the soundest writers on political economy, I shall not
enter into the reasonings on the subject, but only make a few-
references to history respecting the practical effects of it. It was
tried in the reign of Edward II. in the year 1315, under the pres-
sure of a great scarcity, and during one of the worst administra-
tions that England ever saw ; but was abandoned on its being
found mischievous and impracticable. It was tried in France
during an administration still more execrable and flagitious, that
of Robespierre, and without the excuse of that ignorance and
barbarism which prevailed in the 14th century. Here also it
was abandoned for the like reasons, after it had been promulgated
in a complicated system of regulations filling two quarto volumes.
In referring to ancient history we find similar proceedings. Sue-
tonius cap. 34<. mentions, that it was tried at Rome by Tiberius in
the plenitude of his tyranny. The Emperor Dioclesian, equally
ignorant and tyrannical, endeavoured to quiet the people by insti-
tuting a maximum, as we learn from the following passage in
Lactantius, De morte persecutorum. " Idem y quum variis imquita-
1 This idea seems to meef with some countenance from an expression of
Lord Coke, who say.s that " mi engrosser may be imHrted at the common law as
fw an offence, malum in se. '' Institutes of the Laws of England, p, iii.
7 See in Illustration IV. the farther niean^ of relief adopted by Parliameilt in
the course of the whiter subsequent to the publication of this letter.
288 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
it bus f aver ft cart tat em, legem de pretio rerum venalium skatucre
conatus est. Time ob exigua et vilia multus sa?iguis effusus, net
veiiale quicquid metu apparebat, et caritas multo detenus exarsit,
donee lex necessitate ipsd post midtorum cxitium solveretur" Ix.
thus appears that in all ages and countries this measure has been
followed by an aggravation of the evil of dearth, with the addition
of those of discontent and bloodshed. Though persons in a situa-
tion above the vulgar, both in rank and education, are heard
approving and recommending this measure, yet> as it is reprobated
both by reason and experience, and as it could be dictated only by
ignorance and tyranny, and therefore abhorrent to the character
of our present rules, it is needless to dilate farther upon the
subject.
I have thus, my lord, unburthened my mind, by communicating
with all diffidence what I have felt it my duty not to withhold.
I am sensible that it might be made much more perfect both in
point of matter and arrangement ; but it has been composed at
those short intervals of leisure, which the duties of an active pro-*
fession admit of. The whole of this subject is a matter of the
utmost delicacy and importance to the cause of humanity and
public spirit ; upon which it behoves every man to inform him-
self, and to throw all the light in his power. The first step
towards alleviating the miseries of the poor, is to ascertain from
whence they proceed ; and if we cannot immediately relieve their*
wants, let us at least soothe their discontents, by endeavouring to
convince them, that the evils under which they suffer, are imput-
able to natural and uncontrolable causes, and not to inflame their
passions and exasperate their sufferings, by representing them as
flowing from the crimes of their fellow subjects, and thereby
impelling them to acts that aggravate the evil tenfold, and lead to
the most disastrous and tragical results.
If it were not taking up too much of your lordship's time, it
would be interesting and curious to enquire upon what principle
the strange credulity of mankind on these points is founded. I
shall only shortly remark that it is the nature of the human mind,
when galled by suffering, to yield readily to jealofcjy and suspi-
cion ; and in this mood " trifles light as air" are confirming evi-
dence. Fear is also very favourable to credulity, and it is upcn
this that superstitious terrors are chiefly excited. The strongest
emotions are created by the horrors of the invisible world. Next
to these, animal subsistence seems to excite the deepest interest ;
as may be exemplified in panics, in the irrational anxieties of avarice,
and the blind credulity with regard to the points now under dis-
cussion, so that these aberrations of the mind may be termed
temporal superstition. It is stated by one of tine most philosophi-
on the High Price of Provisions. 289
cal of die classic poets, 1 as the principal advantage attending the
cultivation of reason, that it enables the mind to surmount such
vain fears. 1 But as this subject relates to the indispensable neces-
sities of our animal nature, ami is full of specious fallacies, it is
perhaps one of those upon which an uneducated mind finds it moat
difficult to form a correct and dispassionate judgment. The time will
come when our more enlightened posterity will be as much aston-
ished, that the belief in forestalling and monopolizing the neces-
saries of life, being the cause of die scarcity and high price of
provisions, should prevail at the end of the 1 8th century, as we
are at the grave characters who believed in ghosts and witches at
the beginning of the 17th century. It is not quite 2OO yeare
since not only the King on the throne and the judges on the 'bench,
but the majority of the whole legislature of England, believed in
witchcraft, as appears from an act of parliament pa&sed against
that imaginary crime in the reign of James I. ; and it appears faroon
t-he records of that age, that there were several execution's ki the
succeeding reign also for the same offence.
However mortifying it may be to human pride, and however
reprehensible that those who are styled the better sort should give
into such errors, let us make every allowance for those who have
not the same advantages of information, and who living froiai day
to day by their labor, are much more deeply interested in the ques-
tion, while their birth and education preclude them from the ad-
vantages which ought to counteract prejudice in those of more
liberal and enlightened minds. When this is duly weighed we
ought rather to admire the quietness and patience of the common-
alty of England, than be surprised at their late transient and par-
tial excesses. Whoever will study the character of the common
people of this island, will find much to admire in them, particu-
larly that aversion to shedding blood, and to the vindictive use of
edged weapons, which remarkably distinguishes them from all the
nations of Europe, particularly the more southern. How cruel
then to abuse the generous nature of such people ! It seems in-
cumbent on those in power, on the ministers of religion, and on all
persons of education, to sooth, console, and instruct, the industrious
artisan and laborer, on a subject in which they are so proiae to
errors of the most dangerous and fatal tendency ; to represent to
them that this island is like a ship at sea, on a voyage of twelve
months, with an inadequate store of provisions on board, and with
a precarious chance of any farther supply, and that too great an
expenditure in the beginning of the voyage would induce a famine
before they could arrive in port , that therefore it becomes them
1 I'eHx qui potuit rcrtiiu cognosccre cansas
At<]iie nictus omjies et inexorahiie tkinui
Snbjecit peditws, Ktrc]tit^mque Achlrdxtis arari. -Virgil.
NO. XVII. Pam. VOL. IX. T
290 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
to submit with Christian patience to being put on short allowance
not giving way to unmanly repinings, much less disgracing them-
selves by mutiny. This class of society should also have it ex-
plained to them, that it is only by means of high prices that general
frugality and reduced consumption can be effected: and it might
be made plain to them, that the farmer ought to have such a price
as to indemnify him for the shortness of his crop, and to enable
him not only to continue but to increase his tillage , making them
even comprehend that the profits ought injustice to be higher than
in the simple inverse proportion of the scarcity, as explained in the
.note at page 288 ; that high prices are necessary in order to ensure
adequate importation ; that the farmers who produce, and the
-dealers who bring that produce to market for the accommodation
and subsistence of the community at large, and of the poor in
particular, instead of being the objects of their indignation, ought
to be regarded as their best friends.
I have only farther to add, that as this letter is intended for the
public eye, and as a question may arise concerning the purity of
the author's motives, he thinks it right to declare, that he is not
only no dealer in any of the articles of life, but that he has not the
smallest acquaintance or connection with any one who is. And
lest it should be said that he is probably some one in the pay of
government, he equally disclaims this charge. He can bring proof
that such were his opinions before these questions were publicly
agitated, and that he has freely and publicly declared them since
they have been agitated, at a time when it was generally believed
that the majority of his Majesty's ministers were of a different
way of thinking.
But my great security against the misconstruction of my motives
is, that the public think too well of your Lordship to believe that
you would suffer yourself to be addressed by a sordid trader or an
unprincipled mercenary, but by one whose character is well
known to you, and who has the honor to be, &c.
ILLUSTRATION I. Pages 261. 264.
It is an important feature in the character of the human species,
as distinguished from the brute creation, that it could never have
attained to the perfection of its nature, whether in point of happi-
ness or intelligence, if it depended solely for its existence and ne-
cessary accommodation on the spontaneous productions of Nature.
If the articles for maintaining life, referriWe to the heads of food,
clothing, arid shelter, more especially the first, were as indepen-
dent of our industry as are the necessaries of light, air and water,
neither the virtues nor faculties of rational nature could even have
been developed. In such a state there could be no such thing as
property, no play for the active and inventive energiesof man,
wfeether mental or corporeal, moral or political, no roomfor the
072 the High Price of -Provisions. 291
talents exercised in productive industry and commercial inter-
course, all the mutual and endearing ties and dependencies of
social and civilized life, all the trades, professions, arts, and sci-
ences, whether ministering to the necessary accommodation or
elegance of life, constituting man's greatest felicity, whether as
objects of pursuit or enjoyment, would have been unknown. The
agricultural class l constituting more than one third of the popu-
lation of this island, and a much larger proportion in most other
countries, could not have existed. This is no where better ex-
pressed than by Virgil. 1 Another poet less philosophical, but in
language still more enchanting and animated, has represented a
state of Nature in which all things necessary to man were yielded
spontaneously, and in which he is exempted from care and labor,
as the state of supreme felicity, calling it the golden age. As his-
tory^does not countenance the existence of any such state of things,
we may fairly regard it as a fiction equally remote from truth as it
is inconsistent with reason. What the poet paints as a condition
of exalted virtue and happiness, the philosopher reprobates as a
condition which, if it could exist, would be more miserable and
degrading than the rudest state in which any portion of the human
species has yet been found to exist. 3
Of all the classes of food, there is none so suitable to human
life as the farinaceous matter contained in the seeds of certain
gramineous and leguminous plants. They are salutary, nutritious,
and grateful, and hold a middle rank between recent vegetables
and animal food. They are also wisely adapted by Providence as
the subjects of tillage, for in the various operations required for
raising them and preparing them for food, consists the most health-
ful occupation, they employ in most countries the largest portion
1 By the returns of population of England, Scotland, and Wales in 1811, the
number of families chiefly employed in Agriculture, \vas 895,998, in trade, ma-
uofactnres, or handicraft, 1,129,049; not comprised in the two precedng classes
519,168. The total number of persons composing these families was 12,396,80:3,
exceeding the enumeration of 1301 by 1,654,157. A friend of the Author's,
extremely conversant in Mich researches, has computed from data, furnished by
doomsday book, that the population at the Conquest could not be more than
on*-sixth of this, and from the best records that can be found it was about one-
third of it in the middle of the 16th, and one half of it about the end of the l?th
eentuiy. For the progressive population of this century and the last, see the
luminous and ingenious disquisition of Mr. Rickman in his preliminary remarks
[*erixed to the abstract of the population returns of 1811.
% Pater ipse colendi
Hand facilem esse viam voluit, primusque perartem
Movit agros curis acuens mortalia corda.
3 In illustrating the advantage of food procured by industry, over that which
u spontaneous, we may here quote a fact mentioned by Mr. Turner in th nar-
rative of his embassy to Tibet. In passing through Bootan, he remarked that
tL- country was sufficiently fertile in a species of wild rice, to supply the inha-
bitant* with food without labor, but that no people could be more wretched nor
W\ in' anii'm \ oll.rr countries. ']':,< Mcam-
oiginc in panu-mar, could not tor maintained, to ul toy llu* clu-ap HW! abundant
snnply ot eo.iis pcf'nlrar to tills i-i.uul. In a co ivi-is.ition < Hh^ .infi-or's on this
subject us" . i.iiv minister from Spam to tin- court, he rc-
ni.irkfd, tbt liu- English coal-mines nii^ht pioprrly moduli toe c.tlu-u liuir IJiack
[mlios, meaning, no doubt, that they \v re as valuable to this country as those
of Mexico aud Peru to this country. They ait* Inyoiui a doubt much more so.
294 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
that these are the main constituents of national wealth and power,
but it is equally true that agriculture has till lately been robbed of
its due share of capital and labor, by the superior profits and higher
wages of those engaged in manufactures. Accordingly we find
that the great increase of population in our times, has not been
in those districts in which the soil is most fertile, but where fuel
is most abundant. Those counties in which the population is
most dense, and in which it has chiefly increased since the begin-
ning of the last century, are Lancashire, Gloucestershire, War-
wickshire, Staffordshire, and the West Riding ot Yorkshire. No
reason can be assigned for these becoming the favorite seats of
industry, but the attraction of abundant and cheap fuel. The soil
in some of these is so far from being superior, that in Lancashire,
where the greatest increase of population has taken place, it is of
an inferior quality.
It is quite plain from all this that the advancement in popula-
tion in this or any other country is referrible to the motives held
out for the encouragement of early marriages, the chief of which is
the prospect of persons being able to command a sufficiency of
food, fuel, clothing and lodging for themselves and their offspring.
In going a little deeper into this subject, it may be remarked
that nature is extremely profuse in the production of the seminal
principle, both in the vegetable and animal kingdom. Of the
seeds and eggs which are generated, not one in many thousands is
developed. It is observed by naturalists that a single thistle
produces 24,000 seeds, and that in the roe of a single sturgeon,
there is a number of eggs equal to the whole number of human
beings on the face of the earth. It may be remarked, that corn
itself is a seed of which the purposes of nature require that a very
small proportion should be developed in perpetuating the plant.
Jn the animal kingdom, if even the small proportion which is
developed, were in some species of animal to arrive at maturity,
and if a great part of them were not cut off in early life by disease,
by accident, or as food for other animals, the earth would be over-
stocked.
In the human species the physical powers of procreation are
indefinite, for it is demonstrable that no country ever has supported,
nor ever can support the number of human beings, which might
be brought into existence by the exercise of those powers to their
utmost extent. If every male and female were to marry as soon
as they are marriageable, the species would double every ten or
twelve years, according to the computation of some theorists.
But they have been found actually to double in fifteen years. Let
this last be assumed nsthe maximum, and if any one will try itby
the rule of geometrical progression, he will find that in about 110
years, there would be more inhabitants in the island of Great Bri-
tain, than the present amount of the whole human species, reckon-
On tte High Price of Provisions. 295
ing the population of this island to be 12 millions, which is some*
what less than the late enumeration in 1811, and assuming the
population of the world, according to a gross computation of
some political economists, to be 1,200 millions.
The most rapid increase of population ' that has been actually
ascertained to take place, has been in the English American colo-
nies, where the inhabitant?;, soon after the first occupation of the
soil, doubled in most districts in '25 years, but in one of them in
15 years. It is manifest that this rate of progression could not
go on for more than one or two steps, * as no fertility of soil could
keep pace with it. The country in Europe, in which there has
been by far the most rapid increase of population in this age, has
been Ireland. Sir William Petty computed the population of
it about the time of the revolution at a million. Captain South,
in an article in the Phil. Trans. Vol. XXII. p. 518, computes
it in the year 1695, at 1,034-, 102. It appears, from an enquiry,
instituted by the Parliament of Ireland in 1732, that the computa-
tion then was 2,011,319. Mr. Newenham in an elaborate work
published in 1805, entitled, A Statistical enquiry into the population
of Ireland, computes it at upwards of 5 millions, and calculates
that it had doubled in 46 years.
An Act of Parliament passed for the enumeration of the inhabi-
tants of Ireland in the year 1812, but so many difficulties occurred
that returns have not yet (November 1816.) been made, but there
is good reason to believe that it contains upwards of five millions,
so that it has quintupled in about 120 years. There has perhaps,
during that period, been less political disturbance and misrule than
1 See Political and Philosophical Miscellanies by Benjamin Franklin, LL. D.
P. 263. Loud. 1779.
2 This is admirably elucidated by Mr. Malthus in his Essay on the principle
of Population page 4, 2d Edition. * See also Price on Reversionary payments,
P. 274. and 83. That there can be no greater number of inhabitants in any
country than there is food to maintain them, seems at first sight a mere insipid tru-
ism, hardly worthy of being enunciated in words. 1 1 has been from over-looking it
however, that historical and political writers have been led into gross errors and
inconsistencies, nor before the work of Mr. Malthus was it ever clearly laid down
and reasoned upon as a fundamental axiom in political economy, thai subsistence
IN the great regulator ^population. Neither war, emigration, nor epidemic dis-
".iscs have any sensible nor dnvable effect in impairing population! If subsis-
tence remains um'.iimnished, such losses are immediately repaired. As a proof of
the very crude state in which this branch of political science remained at a very late
period of En ( .- unc tin- two years of
scarcity. This is reronciled witli the text above, by remarking tliat fliest> lw
yars were the yean of short crops, but it is not till the subsequent year that
want is much feft.
298 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
feelings of nature, that it is not carried to such an extent as to be
adequate to its end, for we are assured by travellers, that a year
rever passes without famine being felt in a greater or less degree
in one province or another of the empire. Is not the mental and
bodily imbecility, the meanness, fraud, and other degrading quali-
ties so conspicuous in the Chinese character, referrible to the
anxiety in seeking, and the difficulty of obtaining, the means of
supporting life ?
There is nothing so conducive to the happiness, dignity, and
virtue of man, as the due adjustment of population to subsist-
ence, unless it is that principle by which all parents hold them-
selves bound, whether from motives of duty, affection, or decent
pride, to maintain their own offspring. Wherever this principle is
wanting, the sure foundation is laid of misery, vice, and meanness,
and it is with the deepest and most heartfelt regret, that every good
and considerate man must contemplate these effects, as necessarily
flowing from the poor-laws, and the great aggravation of these
effects in our time, from a provision made by the legislature in the
year 1800, in consequence of the concurrence of scarcity with the
.depreciation of money, whereby the wages of laborers became in-
adequate to their maintenance, and it was judged more advisable
to direct an allowance from the funds of the poor, than to in-
crease their wages. This provision for the families of laborers and
artisans, according to their number, was continued after the scar-
city, which alone could justify it, had ceased, and the effect of it
on their uncultivated minds, has been to -add to those habits of
idleness, debauchery, and improvidence, induced by the poor-
laws, and to extinguish the last sparks of that decent pride, (per-
haps more properly termed self-respect,) the only guide and safe-
guard of industry, sobriety, frugality, and chastity. One of the
greatest evils engendered by this system, is that of marriages con-
tracted with little other prospect of future maintenance for the
parties and their offspring, but the dependance on parish relief; and
many of those who earn high wages, are so destitute of every good
sentiment and virtuous principle, that in place of prosecuting in-
dustry, and laying up a provision for the support and education of
their children, or to provide for themselves and their families, in
case of sickness, old age, or deatn, waste the remaining days of
the week in dissipating their gains in grovelling and licentious
pleasures. To this depravity of morals, bad example, and neglect
of education, may be attributed the juvenile delinquency, prevail-
ing at this time in this metropolis to a degree never before known ;
and it has appeared from the researches of a committee of the
House of Commons appointed to enquire into the state of the
police, that these vicious children were uneducated, whereas in a
report by Mr. Raikes, it appeared that of 4000 young persons
who had been properly educated, only one case of criminal con-
On the High Price of Provisions. 299
duct had occurred , and the like beneficial effect of instruction
was evinced by the evidence of Mr. Robert Owen, superintendant
of the cotton mills at New Lanark, in his examination last summer
before the committee, for enquiring into the state of education
of the lower orders, as well as in his printed work, entitled, A NEW
VIEW OF SOCIETY. It will not be denied, that in that portion
of the community which lives independently of manual labor, the
liberal manners, good principles, and decent comportment, which
distinguish them from the vulgar, is the fruit of education. It is by
these qualities that they are preserved from flagitious as well as
from grovelling vices, and from inconsiderately contracting mar-
riages, in circumstances which would entail poverty arid distress
on their offspring. Will it be said that one portion of the hu-
man species is so different from another, that the like ends are
not attainable by the like means in the one as in the other ; and
that a degree of knowledge suitable to their respective con-
ditions, will not have a like influence on the character and con-
duct of each ? This is not a speculative conceit, for it has been
practically exemplified in Scotland, where by the superior in-
telligence and virtuous principles, early impressed on the minds of
all ranks, the relative duties are inculcated, understood, and prac-
tised, the mutual attachments of kindred are cherished, habits of
industry and frugality are acquired and exercised, not merely for
their own maintenance, but for the support and education of their
children, and as a provision against age and sickness, so as to
avoid the degradation of parochial relief to themselves, their off-
spring, their brothers, sisters, or parents. It is well known from
authentic historical evidence, that these benefits were derived
from the institution of parochial schools, for we learn from the
works of Fletcher of Salton, and from some passages in the statis-
tical account of parishes collected by Sir J. Sinclair, that the com-
monalty of Scotland before that time were extremely brutal, idle,
and vicious.
Can it admit of a doubt that instruction being the only means
of infusing good principles and self-esteem is the greatest boon
that can be conferred on a nation, and the only grounds of hope
for recalling the labouring classes of England from that state of
degradation into which they have fallen ? Can it be in the order
of Providence, that this canker which preys on the moral vital*
of the community is irremediable ? The radical remedy however
will be sought for in vain, by any other means than that of operat-
ing a change in the dispositions and principles of the people,
through the medium of instruction. It is manifest that all legal
regulation and co-ercion must prove either totally abortive, or
merely palliative, without an improvement in those fundamental
principles of religion and morality, those sentiments of duty and
SOO A Letter to Eari Spencer,
self -respect, upon which alone the edifice of human happiness,
dignity, and virtue, is reared. 1
ILLUSTRATION III. Page 278.
The function of money as an instrument for promoting the con-
venience, and facilitating the transactions of human life is two-fold" :
it serves as a medium for effecting and expediting the transfer of
commodities and the purchase of labor ; and it serves as a standard
or measure of value, for ascertaining and comparing the value of
the subjects of property. The depreciation of it, therefore, must
be a matter of serious moment in the affairs of social and civilized
life. It is obvious that much inconvenience must arise, when the
same denomination of money, a pound for instance, can be
exchanged for only half the quantity of the necessaries of life,
which it could formerly procure under the same circumstances.
The term Depreciation was originally applied to coin whether adul-
terated by base admixtures, or reduced in weight by monetary fraud,
or by wear, at a time when metals were the only circulating medium.
When it is applied to paper currency, it means either that reduction
of value which takes place in consequence of the suspected
solvency of those who issue it, or that which is caused by excess
of issues. In the two first senses it affects money, chiefly as a
medium of exchange, in the last chiefly as a standard of value.
It is in this last sense that we are here to consider it.
The evils resulting from this depreciation are, 1st. The great
hardships arising from it to annuitants and others living on fixed
incomes. 2dly. The injustice and confusion arising in all contracts
for time ; for when a depreciation of money takes place in the
interim between the stipulations of a covenant and its fulfilment,
the terms, though the same in name, become totally different in
substance and meaning. This holds true, not only in the trans-
actions of private life, but between the public debtor and creditor ;
for it is obvious that the value of the national stock falls in
proportion to this depreciation, and that a portion of the
national debt, equal to the difference of the original value and the
depreciated value, is virtually paid off to the advantage of the state,
and to the prejudice of the stockholder. Sdly. The difficulty of
adjusting wages, particularly agricultural wages, to the enhanced
price of the necessaries of life. The evils which arose from the
attempts to correct this by the legislature directing allowance to
be made to laborers in health from parochial funds have been
already adverted to.
In those ages in which metals were the only medium of ex-
* See this subject treated with a comprehension of mind, a force of argument, and
a manly elocution, which has rarely been equalled, by Mr. Malthus in the 1 1th
and 12th chap, of the 4th book of his Essay on the Principle of Population, 2d Ed.
On the High Price of Provisions. 301
change, great inconvenience arose from the deterioration of coin
both in quality and weight, and we know of no country in which
frauds and abuses in this branch of public administration have not
been practised to a great extent, as is denoted by the difference
of weight of metal equivalent to a pound in money, and that of a
pound weight of the same metal, of which the money originally con-
sisted. This is remarkable enough in England, but still moreinFrance.
The universal tendency to such depreciation is such, that its opposite,
that is, an increase of the value of money is unknown in history as
fir as I know, and in proof of it there is no word in any language
with which I am acquainted, to serve as a co-relative to it. The de-
preciation and neglect of the coin, as has been already remarked, rose
to such a pitch in the reign of Edward VI. 1 that those who brought
commodities to market, did not know what to ask for them, and not
unfrequently returned home with them and endeavoured to find
a market in foreign parts. This, together with the impolitic and
impracticable laws enacted in this reign against forestalled, nearly
suspended all commerce by precluding the supplies of the market,
so that it was found necessary to make a total reformation in the
coin in the end of this reign, and that of Oueen Elizabeth.
The great multiplication of the precious metals by the discovery
of America, caused a great depreciation of coin, but this was not
felt in proportion to the magnitude of this increase, for the growth
of commerce was so rapid about that time, that a greater quan-
tity was found necessary for carrying on the extended dealings of
the world. Metallic money was found soon afterwards to be a very
cumbersome and inadequate method, for fulfilling engagements and
settling accounts in countries remote from each other. To
obviate this, bills of exchange a were brought in aid of money.
This was soon improved upon, by the employing of written obliga-
tions founded upon credit, as a medium of circulation, so as to
make paper perform the function of money ; and England being
the country in which credit was most vigorous, on account of the
superior security of person and property, and superior good faith,
grounded on public and individual morality ; this species of
currency had here the earliest and fullest scope, and has been
found of incalculable utility in facilitating commercial transactions,
in giving activity to capital, and in stimulating industry. It has the
advantage over metallic currency, of not being susceptible of
physical deterioration, in being more transportable, of being capa-
ble of being increased or diminished, at will, according to the
1 See treatise on the COHJS of tlie Realm, by the Earl of Liverpool, p.
Ixmdou 1C').').
* See this subject as well as other branches of political economy, treated v.ith
great clearness and precision, in a work m titled " Conversations on Political
Economy," a work which from the plain am' familiar styk in which it is written,
h well adapted to diffuse this branch of useful knowledge. London, 1816.
3O2 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
exigences of society, and in its materials costing comparatively
nothing. Its disadvantages are, that it may become depreciated
by distrust in those on whose credit it is issued, and that it may
become totally annihilated by their insolvency. It is liable also to
be multiplied to excess, so as to disturb the regularity arid fairness
of commercial dealings, for if the quantity of any sort of currency
is carried beyond a certain point, it loses that useful attribute by
which it serves as a standard of value in other words, it becomes
depreciated in virtue of the law of supply and demand by which
the exchangeable value of all articles is ascertained ; for as com-
modities and labor are purchased with money, so money may be
said to be purchased by these, and the price of money will depend
on the quantity at market, like any other article.
It has been alleged in the text, that currency cannot be carried to
excess by creating paper money to answer such discounts and loans as
the exigencies of manufactures, agriculture, and commerce demand,
being the expression and measure, as it were, of what is requisite for
these legitimate purposes ; and it was farther alleged, that in case
either bankers or traders should carry their speculations beyond the
bounds ot prudence, there was a principle of self-correction which
brought them back to what was moderate, and what would prove salu-
tary to themselves and to society. That there has been an excess
of circulating medium in the last twenty years is evident, however,
from the prices of the necessaries of life, and the wages of labor
having nearly doubled in that time. Nor can there be a doubt that
this has been mainly owing to the advances made to the State, and
the payment of the yearly increasing dividends on the national
stocks in their own paper only, and to an unexampled amount, an
amount rendered necessary by the peculiar circumstances of the
times, the nation having been engaged in a war the most extensive,
the most expensive, the most portentous, and the most protracted
in the history of the world. This great and rapid creation of cir-
culating medium augmented the price of the precious metals, in
common with every other commodity, so that in the year 1797,
the Bank found that they could not purchase them for the purpose
of coin without ruin to themselves. This gave occasion to the
restriction act of that year, prohibiting the Bank of England from
paying their notes in cash. This Bank being thus set free from
those prudential restraints which co-erce private Banks, it has been
alleged that they have abused this licence by making exorbitant
issues. This, however, has never been proved, nor does it appear
that it could ever be either their wish or their interest to do so.
With regard to the discounts made to individuals, it was equally
their interest and their duty now, as in time past, to satisfy themselves
of the responsibility of those whom they trusted ; and with regard
to the public accommo4atkm and payments, they h^ve no choice.
On the High Price of Provisions. 3O3
They had no other means of paying the interest of the public debt
or dividends, as they are called, which from the beginning of the
war in 1793, till its conclusion in 1815, had increased from nine
millions to twenty-nine * millions. The gold had all disappeared
by clandestine exportation or hoarding, and if these payments had
been made in specie, this would equally have added to the mass of
circulating medium. This mass went on increasing in the course
of the war by the continued creation of paper currency.
It does not appear to a plain man like the writer of this, what
grounds there were in all this for censure, either of the Bank or of
the Government. To say that they did not pursue the best possible
course, is merely saying that they did not possess that perfection
which does not belong to human nature nor human conduct.
Great and singular difficulties and dangers called for great and sin-
gular exertions, for novel, untried, and unheard-of resources, and
we cannot look back with other sentiments than those of gratitude
and admiration at the genius, firmness, and perseverance of those
statesmen, and on the talents and intrepidity of those warriors by-
sea and land, who have conducted this arduous and dubious con-
test to a happy issue. And who will say that the prize has been
won at too high a cost, the country having not only saved itself, but
delivered the civilised world from the most degrading and almost
hopeless subjugation and oppression ; and the successful result of
the struggle has left it doubtful whether this era in the History of
Britain will appear to posterity most, wonderful for her unexampled
wealth and power, the wisdom -and energy of her counsels, the mag-
nitude of her productive industry, and commercial enterprizes, or her
martial spirit, the high atchievements and renown of her fleets and
armies.
During the whole course of this war, there was an accelerated
increase, not only of currency which is merely the sign or sha-
dow of wealth, but also of agriculture, of manufacture, of popula-
tion, of commerce, foreign and domestic, in short, of whatever is
understood to constitute the substantial opulence, power, and pros-
perity of a country. Every one acquainted with history knows that
there are particular objects which temporarily excite the human mind
in particular ages and countries, and which spread through communi-
ties as it were by contagion. The most signal of these objects are the
spirit of war and conquest, the pursuits of literature and science, but
above all, political and religious phrensies. A more sober and less
dangerous species of excitement has possessed the minds of the
inhabitants of Gre'at Britain the last twenty years, consisting in an
universal spirit or rage for agricultural and manufacturing adventure.
With regard to agriculture, a satisfactory proof of this assertion
1 This applies only to the unredeemed debt, and is exclusive of the sinking
fynd which amounted to fourteen millions. See Chalmers's State of the United
1816.
304* ..'' Letter to Earl Spencer,
vil! be found in a comparison of the number of inclosure bills at
different periods, from the beginning of the last century till the
present time.' In the reign of King William III. there were none.
In the reign of Queen Arine there were thr-eer In the reign of
George I. there were sixteen. In that of George II. 144. During
tfoat pa.rt of the present reigri which preceded the Jate war, that is
fom !7<>0ti!l 1792, the- number of these bills was one thousand four
hundred and forty, making an annual average of about forty-four.
From that tiwie, tilt 18! 3, their number was seventeen hundred and
ninety-eight, which makes an annual average of about eighty-two.
During that part of the present century which had elapsed before
this account was taken, that is from 1801 to 1813, both inclusive,
the number of these bills was one thousand two hundred arid
ninety-six, making an annual average of about ninety-nine. In
die year 1811, the number was one hundred and thirty-three,
which is only eleven less than the whole number in the reign of
Ceorge II. and the number in any two of these years taken toge-
ther, is greater than the whole number in the first sixty years of
the last cenftiry.
This statement presents a true picture of the accelerated rapidity
with which this, the most important branch of national industry, lias
advanced, and arTb-rds an authentic specimen of the -spirit of the
times. The improvement of agriculture in point of skill, added
still more perhaps to the sum total of production, than the exten-
sion of it implied in the number of inclosure bills, and proves that
the intelligence of this age -keeps pace with its spirit.
With regard to manufactures and commerce, let us endeavour
to find out also some criterion whereby to judge of their progress
ia the same space of time. Perhaps none better can be pitched
upon than the export trade, for the wealth and prosperity of a
country must be in proportion to that surplus of its productive
industry which remains after the supply of domestic wants. The
magnitude of this is asoertainable from the account kept at the
Custom-house, both of the tonnage of the ships employed in this
trade, and of the value of their cargoes. It appears from this that
the average tonnage of ships cleared outward from the ports of-
Great Britain, including foreign vessels, in the years 1755-6-7 was
572.710, that in the years 1793-4-5, it was 1.518.498, that in the
years 1803-4-5, it was 2.059.924, that in 1609, it was 2.2S0.982,
and that in 1S14, it was 2.447.263, and from the finance account
delivered to the House of Commons, March 1816, it appears that
it amounted to 2.777.306 in the year 1815. And it appears that thr
*alue of cargoes exported in the same periods was as follows :
1 iSoc Report of the Committee of the House of Lords, rommnnicated the 2Sd
of Nov. 1814.
z See State of the United Kujgdoirss at thje peace -of Paris, by Ge*rg CbaS-
er*, Esq. London, 1S15.
On tlie High Price of Provisions. 305
12.371.552/. on an average of the years 1755-6-7, 33.6H.902/ on
an average of the years 1793-4-5, 50.301.763/. in 1809,
56.59 1 . 1 54/. in 1 8 1 4. It is here observable that the value of cargoes,
at the beginning of war, bears a much smaller proportion to that at
the end of it, than the amounts of the tonnage at the same period.
This is what might be expected, being the necessary result of the de-
preciation of money in the interim. It follows that the tonnage is
the fairest criterion. The export trade therefore, that is, the products
of national industry, including that of the colonies in the beginning
and at the end of the war, stood in the ratio of 1.518.495 to
2.447.268.
It seems natural to think that war should at all times greatly dis-
courage and obstruct commerce. In reviewing historically, how-
ever, the comparative commerce of this country at different periods,
it does not appear that war has had a very prejudicial effect upon
it. In the seven years war the exports were diminished in the first
years of it, but this was more than made up by the increase in the
latter years of it. In the American war, which partook of the
nature of a civil war, it was diminished near a fourth part, com-
pared to the preceding seven years. But it is peculiar to the late
war, that the trade should, in the course of it, have increased very
near two thirds. This was not owing merely to the annihilation
of the fleets of the maritime powers of Europe, all of which were
at war with this country, but to the vast increase of production.
The enterprising spirit already adverted to, was animated not only
by the great quantity of currency set afloat by the issues and
accommodations of the Bank of England, but by that of the mul-
tiplied country Banks. It appears from the investigations of the
bullion committee in 1810, that the number of these Banks in
1797, was 230, and that they had from that time^ till 1810, grown
to the number of seven hundred and twenty-one.
The first impression made o,n the mind by reflecting on these
statements, is the picture which they exhibit of a great nation, en-
gaged in an extensive war, and pursuing, at the same time, the
occupations of peace with singular ardor and success.
The next reflection which naturally occurs is, that as the wants
of mankind are limited, this rapid creation of the products cf
industry must also be limited. From investigations made in the year
1800, it appeared clearly that even in years of plenty, the agri-
culture of England could not maintain its population. The high
prices in that year of scarcity proved an additional stimulus to agri-
culture, which proceeded as has been already stated with an acce-
lerated pace, so that in the year 1813, the domestic production,
together with the importation from the Continent and Ire-land,
proved more than sufficient for the general subsistence. In the
month of February of that year, the average price of wheat
was one hundred and nineteen shillings the quarter. After
NO. XVII. Pam. VOL. IX. U
306 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
the gathering in of the crop, which proved a very plentiful one, the
price of corn began rapidly to fall, so that the average of December
was seventy-two shillings. This fall involves an internal evidence of
superabundance ; for however the case may be with regard to arti-
cles, the demand for which fluctuates with fashion and fancy, it is
not conceivable that under the same demand, the price of articles
indispensable to life can be affected by any other means than the
amount of the supply. Corn continued to fall still lower in 1814,
but notwithstanding an enormous importation from France after
the conclusion of the treaty of peace, where it could be procured
at thirty-three shillings per quarter, none of the monthly averages
of that year fell lower than sixty-seven. But the bill brought into
parliament for the protection of British agriculture having been
thrown out, the importation continued, and the accumulation of
foreign grain was so great, that notwithstanding the ports being
shut in the month of March 1815, the prices continued falling the
whole of that year, so that the average of December, was fifty-five-
shillings and ninepence. The lowest price was in the middle of Ja-
nuary following, the weekly average having been -fifty-two shillings
and sixpence. It continued about fifty-five till April, when it
began to rise, and continued to do so gradually till harvest, and the
new crop proving very deficient in quantity and bad in quality on
account of the cold and wet weather of summer, resembling
very much the season of 1799, and its being on account of the
continued rains badly got in, it rose rapidly, so that in the middle
of November the ports were opened in conformity to the act of par-
liament, the average of the maritime counties having for six weeks
been above eighty shillings The rise since that time has been so
rapid that the average of England and Wales was stated in the
London Gazette of the 21st of June to be 104.2 that is double
of what it was the first month of this year.
From the end of 1813, till the summer 1816, the prices had
been so low as in many places not to pay the expences of cultiva-
tion, and in none to yield living profit and fair rent. Had the pro-
tecting act passed at the beginning of this period, what an infinity
of public calamity and individual misery would have been pre-
vented! The evil consequences of the prejudices which prevented
this salutary measure, was not confined to farmers and landlords,
but recoiled on the authors of it j' for the cheapness of bread was
much more than countervailed by the want of employment. The
great defalcation of the rents of landlords, and of the profits of farm-
ers, disabled them from employing the same number of laborers, and
from consuming those articles by which thousands of artisans earn
their subsistence. Mr. Western, member of parliament for Essex,
in a most able and luminous but affecting speech on this subject,
1 While the bill was pending in parliament in 1814, the im>b of London broke
into the house of the Hon. F. Robinson, who bronght it in, destroying and defacing
the furniture, and committed various outrages in the houses of several other
members who were considered as favorable to it.
On tfie High Price of Provisions. 307
on the 6th of March 1816, computed that the animal receipts of
farmers throughout England arid Wales, had suffered a diminution
of seventy millions in 1815, compared to 1812, the greater part
of which would have been expended in the maintenance of laborers
and artisans, and might therefore be regarded as so much withheld
from them. The laboring part of the community might therefore
be considered as starving in the midst of plenty, as Mr. Western
expressed it, being much less able to maintain themselves now than
when bread was one third dearer. This blindness was not confined
to that class of the community who have ignorance and want of edu-
cation for their excuse. The measure was opposed by some of
those belonging to the superior classes, both in and out of parlia-
ment, who pertinaciously resisted, and effectually defeated it in
1813 and 1814, and it passed after considerable opposition in 1815.
These incidents have had the good effect at least of proving the
reasonableness and efficacy of protecting the domestic production of
corn, which is certainly as well entitled to such protection as certain
other branches of manufacture of "much less importance. They also
illustrate the mutual dependance which all ranks of society have
upon each other. What can be more obvious than that the surplus
production of the farmer could not be disposable unless there were
artisans and manufacturers to consume it, and that the latter could
not exist without that large branch of consumption depending on
the profits of farmers and the income of landlords. 1
1 Some eminent political economists regard mere consumers as a burden to the
community. The Roman Poet might very justly stigmatise his rich countrymen
by the epithet ot'fruges consumere miti, for they supported their luxury by plunder
and extortion in subjugated countries, and from the same resources, corrupted
the populace by largesses and shows. On the other hand, the luxury, or rather
the liberal indulgences, the becoming elegance and splendor of the nobility
and gentry of England, is a necessary part of that economical machinery which
maintains the circulation and mutual dependance of these two great departments
of productive industry, agriculture, and manufactures. It is this state of society,
and not the ojther, which is so aptly characterized in the fable of the belly and
the limbs, by which, in the purer ages of the Roman Republic, a dangerous sedi-
tion was appeased. If one were called upon to name who was the fatherand founder
of the science of political economy, one would name neither Sir W. Petty, nor M.
Qut'snoy, nor M. Mirabeau, nor Adam Smith, nor Sir James Stewart, nor any
modern author, but Menenius Agrippa, the author of this most ingenious and
very apposite apologue, which if it had been equally well understood by the high
and low vulgar of this metropolis, as it was by the populace of Rome, we should
not have seen the corn bill twice defeated, nor would this city have been dis-
graced by the scandalous riots of 1814, nor polluted by the still more audacious
and seditious outrages of the 2d of Dec. 1816. It has been disputed whether
ignorance, faction, or intimidation, had the greatest share in defeating the corn
bill. This is a question which the writer of tins does not feel himself called upon
to decide, nor would it become him to impute motives to any one. But ought not
we of this age which calls itself enlightened, and enjoying the boasted benefit of
the press in diffusing knowledge, to take some degree of shame to ourselves, that
we are less intelligent and more deaf to reason, than the common people of Rome
in an early and unlettered age of that state. No science has been more cultivated
in the last forty years, than that of political economy, but no subject has been
less generally studied and understood, none has produced fewer practical and use-
ful results.
308 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
What has been said of agricultural distress applies to the manu-
facturer's distress. The like sanguine spirit of enterprise brought
on the one as it did the other. It appears from preceding state-
ments, that the exports of 1814- and 1815, greatly exceeded those
of former years, but the foreign markets were so glutted that great
loss was incurred by these adventures. It has already been re-
marked, how much the distresses of this class were aggravated by
the domestic consumption being diminished in consequence of the
deficient income from agriculture.
It has not been universally believed nor admitted, that excess of
production has been the main cause of the late distresses. Some
other causes have been much more insisted on, such as the transi-
tion from war to peace, the deficiency of circulating medium, the
want of foreign vent for commodities, on account of the Continent
having been so recently exhausted and impoverished by war, and
from other sources of supply being opened by the peace.
"With regard to the first of these, it seems equally irreconcilable
to chronology as to truth and reason to maintain it. We have
seen that the great fall of the price of corn took place in 1813,
before there was either peace or the prospect of it. 1 It is true that
the quarter of wheat fell a feVr shillings lower in 1814, the year
of the peace, but this was the necessary consequence of the increased
importation. It was plausibly alleged, that the diminution of
demand, in consequence of the cessation of the government- con-
tracts, had the principal share in it. But besides this being inad-
missible in point of time, it has been shown at page 278 what an
insignificant proportion the consumption of soldiers, sailors, and
prisoners of war, bears to that-of the whole community. But it has
been farther alleged, that the agents of government being conspi-
cuous persons in markets, their absence would tend to depress
prices, and that markets, when fully supplied, fall greatly upon very
small additions, just as when the scales of a balance are nicely
poised, a single grain sinks one of them deeply. All this is admit-
ted, yet it is quite plain, that whatever secondary causes there may
have been, the main cause, whatever it was, must have been in full
operation before the peace or the prospects of it, and that this
cause could be no other than a redundant supply.
Nor is it historically true, that similar distress has usually
occurred on the event of a peace. I can find no traces of any such
thing after the treaties of Utrecht nor Aix la Chapelle, nor after
the seven years war. On the latter event in 1 763, this was so far
from being the case, that the London merchants were in the high-
est state of prosperity, and stepped forwards to prop the tottering
1 There were certainly very sanguine hopes entertained by many of the fall of
Buonaparte, after the battle of Leipsic on the 18th of October of this year, but
the contest continued dubious till the capture of Paris in the beginning of April
1814.
On the High Price of Provisions. 309
credit of some of the foreign Banks. 1 After the close of the Ame-
rican war, there was very considerable distress in consequence of
a very bad crop in 1782, by which, some of the districts of the
northern parts of the island were brought to the brink of famine,
and a few persons were said to have died of want. Whatever
partial distresses there might be at these periods from the state of
commerce, they were confined to merchants, bankers, and stock-
jobbers, and did not in the least partake of the nature of the cala-
mity, which since 1813 has pervaded the body of the population.
The most serious mercantile distresses in the last fifty years,
have occurred in time of profound peace, that is in the years 1771
and 1792, originating in an excess of speculation. 2
And with regard to the deficiency of circulating medium, this will
certainly not apply to the country at large in a year in which there
are proofs of more floating and disposable, as well as circulating
money, than ever was before known in> this, or probably any other
country ; for the sum total of the taxes in 1813 amounted to 62
millions, and the sum of two loans contracted for in the same year
was 43 millions, which was obtained at a very moderate interest.
But it may be alleged that, however this might be, the farmers
found actually greater want of money than in former years, and
were compelled to bring their grain to premature markets, and to
dispose of it at inadequate prices. These facts are incontrovertible,
but they were the effect and not the cause of the distress ; for in
consequence of the sudden and unexpected fall of the price of
agricultural produce, the farmers could not make the usual deposits
with the provincial bankers, who were thereby in their turn inca-
pable of furnishing the usual accommodations to the farmers. 3
The remedies which have been proposed for these evils may be
classed under the three heads of the benevolent, the spontaneous,
and the legislative.
1. The relief best adapted to an evil in its nature temporary
seems to be that of individual benevolence. However much the
labouring class may be blameable for their improvidence, it be-
1 See Chalmers's Estimate.
a It is remarkable that these three great epochas of commercial distress, name-
ly, 1771, 1792, and 1813, have fallen out at exactly the same interval of
tune from each other, that is twenty-one years. Is this merely casual, or is there
a sort of cycle in human affairs like certain periodical revolutions in nature ?
1 The reader may possibly expect that the author should not here pass entirely
unnoticed certain political causes to which the distresses of the country have
been imputed ; but as he knows of no process of reasoning which can induce a
conviction, or even a suspicion in any rational mind, that parliamentary reform,
or sinecure places have any connexion with the present question ; it is impos-
sible to combat such gratuitous assumptions by serious argument, and he can only
deplore in common with every oue who values the public peace, or feels for the
honor of the age and country in which he lives, that such assertions should have
been employed to excite the late tumultuary and seditious outrages, and still
more, that such sentiments should have been entertained and acted upon by cer-
tain corporate bodies. Sea the Address of the City of London, Dicembtr 9, 1816.
310 A Letter to Earl Spencer,
comes the opulent, in such moments of distress, to come forward
with voluntary and gratuitous relief, a species of relief recommend-
ed by its being an exercise of the best affections of the heart, and
by its superseding such legislative relief as might lead to perma-
nent evil and inconvenience, as has been strongly adverted to in the
text, in the scarcity of 1800. The generosity of landlords in re-
mitting rent has been very efficient in relieving the farmers, and
the ample pecuniary subscriptions now on foot will go far towards
the relief of the other classes. A fine example of the wisdom and
efficacy, as well as of the practical philanthropy of this species
of bounty came last summer before the Committee cf Education in
the examination of Mr. Robert Owen, superintendant of the Cot-
ton Works near Lanark, on the river Clyde. When the rupture
with America*occurred in 18:2, there was a suspension of these
works, in consequence of the cessation of the demand. The ope-
rative people, of whom a great proportion was very young persons,
were retained and supported at the expense of the owners till the
return of employment. The expense incurred by this was j7000,
and the owners declared that they never expended the like sum
more to their advantage and satisfaction.
2. There is in the body politic, as in the natural, a certain self"
healing principle, by which its disorders are removed by spontane-
ous processes. If the author is right in assigning an exuberant
supply as the main cause of distress, the evil necessarily leads to
cure itself by continued consumption, and has already, in a great
measure, done so. That principle also, by which every derange-
ment of supply and demand tends to correct itself through the
operation of the natural propensities and fair self-interest of man-
kind, has already been fully adverted to. It will now be said, perhaps,
by the adversaries of the corn-bill, that the country is fortunate in
possessing a store of foreign corn to meet the present exigency of a
short crop. But on the other hand, may it not with more reason
be alleged, that the native cultivation has been discouraged and
abridged, not less by the inundation of foreign corn thrown into
the market than what was allowed to be warehoused duty free,
thereby damping the prospects of the English farmer. Had not
this been the case, the domestic production would have compen-
sated the bad harvest. At the period of ploughing and sowing the
bad season could not be foreseen.
3. Of the legislative means of relief, the act for prohibiting im-
portation, till wheat should be 80 shillings the quarter, was the
measure most calculated to mitigate the general calamity. Much
censure was cast on the Government by those who conceived the
distresses to arise from a scarcity of circulating medium, for not
stepping forward with pecuniary relief to the farmer. This is
certainly not without precedent ; for in the year 1792 the Grenada
merchants were accommodated with five millions in Exchequer
On the High Price of Provision. 311
Bills ; an operation which succeeded perfectly by relieving these
merchants, and proving no loss to Government. But the magnitude
and universality of the present distresses are plainly such as to
render this sort of relief hopeless and impracticable. The only
other substantial relief afforded by the legislature, besides the corn
act above-mentioned, w^as a repeal of the war duties on malt, as pro-
posed by Mr. Western, who proved that these duties had been raised
so high as to diminish the cultivation of barley. There was also
a protecting duty imposed on foreign butter and cheese. The other
means of relief proposed by him were chiefly, the repealing the
act for warehousing foreign corn, a bounty on exportation, a high
duty on certain articles, such as rape, seed, and tallow imported,
as they depreciated the same articles of domestic production. And
he alleged, that as the tithes and poor's rates were paid almost exclu-
sively by those engaged in agriculture, the land ought to be relieved
as much as possible from other burdens.
It has been found that the power of the legislature in such a
matter is extremely limited, and it will be seen from the next illus-
tration that it is as apt to do too much as too little, by its interference.
ILLUSTRATION IV.
After the publication of this letter in 1800, the principal measures
which were taken by Parliament, with a view to the farther alle-
viation of the public distress, were
1. On the 15th of December an additional bounty was granted
on the importation of corn and flour, ensuring the importer against
a fall of the market, by making up to him as much as the market
price should fall below 100 shillings, and as much as the sack of
flour should fall below 70 shillings.
2. An act passed for the suspension of the distilleries, and of the
manufactory of starch, from the 8th of December, 1800, to the
1st of January, 1802.
3. A bounty was granted on the importation of rice and Swe-
dish herrings.
4. A law passed on the 31st of December, 1800, restricting the
miller from grinding any flour except what is used in making the
yrheaten standard bread, that is, the whole grain except the bran
and pollard, and prohibiting the baker from baking any bread of
pure fine flour, from the above date till November, 1801.
All these measures proved salutary, except the last, which was
found so impracticable and detrimental, that it was suspended on
the 9th of February following for six weeks, and at the end of
that time it was repealed. This, like the importation by Govern-
ment in 1795, and the Bread Company of 1800, both of which
proved either detrimental or nugatory, affords a proof of that co-
incidence of public and private interest, to illustrate which has been
one of the principal objects of the preceding letter. The reasons
312 A Letter to Earl Spencer, |