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MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF COLONEL HUTCHINSON liy his Vv'idow: with an "Account of the Sie;;e of Lathoni House." Portrait. 44. MEMOIRS OF BENVENUTO CELLINI, by HIMSELF. By ROSCOE. Portrait. 15, 18, & 22. COXE'S HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA, from the. foundation of the Monarchy, 1218 1792. Complete in 3 vols. Portraits. 16, 19, &.2S. LANZI'S HISTORY OF PAINTING. ByRoscoB. In 3 Vols. Portraits. 17, OCKLEY'S HISTORY OF THE SARACENS, Revised and Completed. Portrait. 20. SCHILLER'S WORKS. Vol. III. ["Don Carlos," "Mary Stuttrt," "Maid of Orleans," and "Bride of Messina."] Frontispiece. 21, 26, & 33. LAMARTjNE'S HISTORY OF THE GIRONDISTS; or. Memoir-j of , th French Uevolution, from unpublished sources. In 3 Vols. Portraits. ,24. MACHIAVELLI'S HISTORY OF FLORENCE, PRINCE, &c. Portrait. 25 SCHLEGEL'S LECTURES ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE. Translated by A. J. W. MOK.UISON. ^27, 32, &. 36. RANKE'S HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated by E. FOETKII. lu 3 "\ uls. Portraits. (The only complete English translation.) 28, 30, &. 34. COXE'S MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE OF MARLC'OROUGH. In Is. Portraits. * ATT.AS, of 2(1 fine hirL-i; Mnns and Finns of Marltiormish's Campaigns, (liuk"- . jj ublUhed in tlie original edition dt la las.) 4tu. los.od. ^29. SHERIDAN'S DRAMATIC WORKS AND LIFE. Portrait. 31. GOETHE'S WORKS. Vol.1. [His Autobiography. 13 Books.] Portrait. 85. WHEATLEY ON THE COMMON PRAYER. Frontispiece. 37, 39, 40, 81, & 86. MILTON'S PROSE WORKS. In 5 Vols, with general Index and Portrait.!. 88,41, &. 45. MENZEL'S HISTORY OF GERMANY. Complete in 3 Vols. Portrait. 42. SCHLEGEL'S /ESTHETIC AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. 43. GOETHE'S WORKS. Vol. 11. [Remainder of his Autobiography, and Travels.] 44. SCHILLER'S WORKS. Vol. IV. ["The Robbers," "Fiesko," "Love and intrigue," aud " The Ghost-Seer."] Translated by HEXKT G. BOIIN. o nai i m any uue wno win IOOK into ej^V iJ the so-called Philosophies of History that all ey/> ^VASJ that f he eye sees only what it brings with it. : in i Vois. BOSSCET sees in it the steps of an everlasting ,,51. TAYLOR'S (JEf?EM degeneracy; CONDORCET. the terms of an 52. GC^THE's WORK: eternal progress ; Vico, a series of recurring Z^k, ryc'es -, CARLYLK interprets it as the work of < 53, 5r. 58. 61. 66, 67, the free will of individual heroes ; Brci-ui: as $$& i '?v the KKV ?*O , ' the development of great general Jaws ; jgp v 57 e-t A NElNDER IF s E p HKGKI ' as fui exemplification in time of the categories of speculative thought. Of course 59. GREGORY'S >DR.) L they mutually exclude each other ; and one 62 ,-i S3. JAMES' (G. P. presently reaches the .conclusion that each 63 &. 70. SIR JOSHUA R point, of view may afford true but still only S3. ANDREW FULLER'' P ;u ' ial glimpses of the grand scheme; and 72. BUTLER'S ANALOi t!iat nistor y is to ric h. complex and varied to be made to fit the Procrustes-bed of drv 73. W$r. pr.M-R's VJ 1 nictaphysical abstractions. ["The NeighC. , ---" _ -. - 74. NEANDER'S MEMORIALS OF CHRISTIAN LIFE IN THE EARLY AND MIDDLE AGES (including his "U'.'lit in D.iri; i K 76. MISS BREWER'S WORKS, by MA11Y HOVaTT. Vol. II. "The President's !.;.-rs. ? ' I'urtralt. fe 77 & 80. JOHN FOSTER'S LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE, edited l.y J. B. MO. In 2 Volumes. Portrait. 78. BACON'S ESSAYS, APOPHTHEGMS, WISDOM OF THE ANCIENTS, NEW ATALANTIS, AND HENRY VII., wit;i Ilis.iert:iiiou and : 'fait. 9. CUIZOT'S HISTORY OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT, tr iroin the French by A. R. SCOIU.K. With Index. 83. WSS BREWER'S WORKS, by MART HOWITT. Vol. III. "The Home, u'. Strife ami t'caee." 84. DE LOLME ON THE COrJSTjTUTION OF ENGLAND, or, Account Kn_'!ish Govenirr.ent ; edited, with Life and 2voti:s, by JOHN MACGRKGOU, M.I'. "35. HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA, from 1702 to tlie present t ContinuatSoi uf COX-K. i'artrait f the prestnl /.' 87 &. 68. FOSTER'S LECTURES, edited by J. K. RVI.AXD. 2 v<,!s. 89- MISS BREMER'S WORKS, by MARY HOWITT, Vol IV. "A TI'.-M- : T II I'aiiii'.v; Tlie ^olltary; The Comforter; Axel and Anna : aud a Letter ' about Suppers. 90. SMITH'S (ADAM) THEORY OF MORAL SENTIMENTS: and " Ts^iy on g^>~^ the First Foniuition of Liiiiguages," with Mcmuir hy DLC.AI.D SI-KWAHT. 91, 95, 96,99, 102, 103, 105, & 106. COWPERS COMPLETE WORKS, Kditea I I'V Soi-rilKY; comprisuiir his Poem?, i fe, and Tniuslations, \VUJ SoutJicy's Memoir. With 50 ngrariiiffs un. Steel. Complete in 8 vois. o 4 ,v Mr. Fronde begins y. there is or can be such a thing as tory. There is something incongruous, -} the very connection of the two words. " It is as if o we were to talk of the color of sound, or the longi- V tade of the rule of three. " But he carries on the .y thought in a way tbat shows plainly his reluctance to '^, grapple fairly and squarely with the problem. In his -V" next sentence he says, ' ' where it is so difficult to 'v make out the truth on the commonest disputed facts -V; in matters passing under our very eyes, now can we '\c talk of a science in things long past, which come to ALETTE". 5k us only tbrough books ?" Now, to reason like this is , Spanish nominum. Trans- M merely to shrink from the encounter For the question fwtrait of MateatitUo. y; is, not whether the science is difficult, but whether i it is possible. Mr. Eroude sets out to show that i there can be no such science, and his first bit of 'i/S proof is that, if there w such a science, it mast \'Tj be far more difficult than any other; a position w&ich i we may contentedly grant. Let us follow him a >4 step further. "It often seems to me as if history :% were like a child's box of letters, with which we can ; spell any word we please. We have only to pick :!<: out such letters as we want, arrange them as we I'x-volu- QF WERTHER> GERMAN IS IN SPAIN. Translated .opious Index. Frontispiece. ritaming the Essay on the tiin.'.iins:, &c., with Notes by 111 2 Vote. S. With a Copious Memoir ait cf Kossuth. compiled from KAKAMSTN, Index, Portraits of Catherine like, and say nothing about those which do not suit our purpose. " And what does all this amount to ? Is this Mr. Fronde's idea of historical investigation ? Way, the same thing may be done in any science. We have only to pick out all the f acta on one side, and blink all the facts on the other side, to prove the veracity of eveiy oracle, soothsayer, and clalr- voyant that ever existed, the validity of every paltry omen, the credibility of every crazy notion of al- chemy or judicial astrology. In this way we may prove that the homceopathlst always saves his pa- - ' tlent, while the allopathist always kills |him ; or vice \ versa. CCEUR DE LION, Kin- of iul 1'hilui Aitr/iistus. Com- QRY. New Edition, with Tola. ESHIP. Complete. Ijy LEIGH HU.\T. Of THE FRENCH REVO- ctions, an additional Lceuut:, .UTION, from 1789 to 1814. EVOLUTION OF 1640. .Translated by U'u. HA. E:- v >. OF ENGLAND BY b ~- f l3. 1'ortra'Us. FN, from the [''all ot toe - \V. II.\/i.rrr. In '.'. vols. ^louis /.v. erected meir pseuuu siueuw. n is m mm way mui every charlatanry, as well as every incorrect or in- ; adequate hypothesis in physical or mental science.has [ted w thc idectic Review \' arisen and gained temporary recognition. Mr. Frg Po ^ rait ^ Tronde ought to know that, in history as in every- DF THE RESTORATION 6~ thing else, our only road to {a safe conclusion lies ex, and 5 additional Porirniu, 7 through the impartial examination of all relevant lis xvn. cloth. 15^ facts. Supposing Tycho Brahe had said to his r^l'TFv > Copemican antagonists, "Astronomy is like a child's box of letters; if we take out what we want jeTs-p and let the rest, cm w< <. " Oe u wfla t ever we pi ease ; sa 5 1 am ao UO 'easquiara 'IB JDJ aimBt9}38T aqinoni BBU ipuuoo jo qsis i 01 .8 3uiouuouuB paAiaaai 'siomm HIM an SB 5uaoi!)u?od(l TOOJJ ooj^dsap jo ^ BOIOH^OOaS UT 9iUlI19Q -09[ I I0 on, by "R". K. KELLT, Esq. orirait. Cio, fey MABGAaET, QUKEN CBOT B 59udojd ai UBU.8 aqj jo aowsodxa aqj oj 01 moqu ajo eaip pajaAiodraa ua CO JO 89JB39I8 ^ iW 'samiduos 01 CHARLES II. ait. Portrait. To the question as thus presented, we must answer, certainly not. Neither can any man foretell any such movement as the typhoid fever which six months hence is to strike him down. If the latter ease does not prove that there are no physiologic SPECTATOR, TATLER & laws, neither does the former prove that there are . w. per Volute. no laws of history. In both instances, the antece- ne t Edition, comprising in a v p dents of the phenomenon are irresistibly working out .tter as the sixty volumes of 5 ; : | their results ; though, in both cases, they are so liu - ;H complicated that no human skill can accurately an- &' 3 ticipate their course. But to a different present- t exquisite En?n\vui;s on \ . j mcnt of Mr. Fronde's question, we might return ay tiie BAKO.NKSS" UE CAI.A- 5g : difierent answer. There is a sense in which move- I ments like Mahometanism and Buddhism, or Chris- BJ. e./. ." tianity, could not have been predicted, and there is ;^^ et \, p au i an a vir-inia ( -A a sense in which they could have been. What could rows of Wetter, Xheodowm i A not have been predicted was the peculiar character "- "> Portraits. St. 6U. jg y impressed upon these movements by the gigantic ?. 'id personalities of such men as Mohammed and Omar, , bv MES j_ OUDOX j]i us _ ; ^Q Sakyamuni, Jesus and Paul. What could have i). 'as. j been predicted was the general character and direc- , . ,, , ,, r ;':l rton of the movements. For example, as I shall ' liowina future lecture, Christianity as a universal Vols l I5s or 3s 6i/ C) ^ religion was not possible until Rome had united in a ":j Pingle commonwealtli the progressive nations Edition, with Questions, Sec., f >3 of the world. And when Rome had ac- w - ipl'sDed this task, it might well have been ENCES. 5*. preoicted that before long a religion would arise, vhich should substitute monotheism for polytheism, ' procJaiming the universal fatherhood of God, and the ELIGIOUS HARMONIES, gi universal brotherhood of men. I admit that such a prediction could have been made only by a person J ATOMY, PHYSIOLOGY, I f amiliar with scientific modes of thought not then In 3F MAN - *'"''">'' << I existence ; but could such a person have been pres- ent to contemplate the phenomena, he might have ; V ot 'x-ith foreseen such a revolution in its main features, as being an inevitable result of the interaction of aii^PonuhrV'fnu^ ;/'"" Jewish, Hellenic, and Roman ideas. I am inclined &<.! revised ana enlarged. to think he might have foreseen that it would arise in Palestine, that its spread woaid be confined Jot&e RY or THE HEBREWS. area covered by Roman civilization, and tliat its work would be most thorough in the most thoroughly TION - 4j ' Romanized regions. vised and Improred Edition, ftS I would not, however, insist upon this point; nor is it necessary to do so. In none of the concrete : .tion,r-i th ir u odcuts and bean- Ktf ciences is there anjthingjike thorough and system- atic prevision, save ia astronomy :, * < v . wits, Hints to Enslisu Sportsmen and ^ : ,-, i.y IIIII-UA-S rDr.hsi'Kii, Ksq. Limp cioth. 2s. &-v I PARKES' ELEMENTARY CHEMISTRY, incorpsrating the CATECHISM. Xcw 6 Editiuu, with wood cuts, revised, Ss. M. &:'. = ' ' !>: I 5 J- f; : ; :, ^r tne metaphysical theory of will, and the JFUOHU**/, ^w- Hraj was examined in the preceding lecture, We '^'< saVtnat in its denial of causation, the dogma ofT wuwwuy ,. . ^ free-will is utterly indefensible', while in Iw ass r LIBRARY . W Won of freedom it is nothing but a play upon words. v _______ $& We saw that, since liberty of choice means nothing if ;ns In >$s it does not mean the power to exert volition in the Vol . it does no mean $$ direction indicated by the strongest group ol >- . elegan S'^fi tives, and since all control over character is impossi- V^IXV . , _,! mK4-l/\'na /WYTTP 1T1 ft. flfttiCmilll'" _,-. i tly bound / /(" HYCBi **Utl O1AAV\/ a**. v*w*-v.*. ~'P3. ble unless desires and volitions occur inadetermm- %'/ ate order of sequence, it is therefore the so-cailec /'X'Vj /r ..wii doctrine and not the causatiomst CAL, CONSTITUTIONAL 4 Vols. :;.?. ()'. ea. XL. Complete in 1 Yol.wii* >\'',V coolly retort upon them LV/T: pStahologic analysis. And this, which is the con- ^y clurton of science, is likewise the conclusion of $% common sense. Whatever may be our official :^;7v : thonef we" all practically ignore and discredit [C^'K thadoctrine that volition is lawless. Whatever voice ':0$s of tradition w may be in the habit of echoing, We do p ; V ''',V<-/ equally, (rom tne earliest to the latest day of our > 6J per y i, me . f'.^j'^t _.(- r,a nviot.iT!f>A flo.t and calculate uoon the . ... ii:. ,, n( aV'rv upon this indispensable postulate are based all our prime Ui^to BeHrtt '& MlSodsor education and of government. Finally, on by Si* * tyfi K^* examine history, we find that the aggregate of :''/'; i v' thoughts, desires, and volitions in each epoch is so ' manifestly determined by the aggregate of thoughts, desires, and volitions in the preceding epoch, tnat even libertarians are forced to commit ,v- \ fx' s BPOCQ* luou eVtSU UUCIiaiiaAio w.^ wj.v/vv* *v wwu. $st& logical suicide by recognizing the sequence. /' -./>^/|- ^^ . ya., u/i JllUU.al S 'j^'JYsSS 1 STAUNTON'S CHESS PLAYER'S HAND-BOOK, 2 LECTURES ON PAINTING, by T HE KOYAL ACADEMTC1AKS. * uM M ^ WvS-aM . 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TRANSLATED FROM THE THIRD GERMAN EDITION J. SIBREE, M.A. " The History of the World is not intelligible apart from a Government of the World."' W. v. UDMBOLDT. LONDON: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1857. Ar.;iex TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. HEGEL'S Lectures on the Philosophy of History are re- cognized iu Germany as a popular exposition of his system ; their form is less rigid than the generality of metaphysical trea- tises, and the illustrations, which occupy a large proportion of the work, are drawn from a field of observation more familiar perhaps, than any other, to those who have not devoted much time to metaphysical studies. One great value of the work is that it presents the leading facts of History from an altogether novel point of view. And when it is considered that the writings of Hegel have exercised a marked influence on the political movements of Germany, it will be admitted that his theory of the universe, especially that part which bears directly upon politics, deserves attention even from those who are the most exclusive advocates of the ' practical.' A writer who has established his claim to be regarded as an authority, by the life which he has infused into metaphy- sical abstractions, has pronounced the work before us, " one of the pleasantest books on the subject he ever read."* And compared with that of most German writers, even the style may claim to be called vigorous and pointed. If therefore in its English dress the Philosophy of History should be found deficient in this respect, the fault must not be attributed to the original. It has been the aim of the translator to present his author * Mr. G. H. Lewes, in his Biogr. Hist, of Philosophy, Vol. IV. Ed. 1841. to the public in a really English form, even at the cost of a circumlocution which must sometimes do injustice to the merits of the original. A few words however have necessarily been used in a rather unusual sense ; and one of them is of very frequent occurrence. The German ' Geist,' in Hegel's nomenclature, includes both Intelligence and "Will, the latter even more expressly than the former. It embraces in fact man's entire mental and moral being, and a little reflection will make it obvious that no term in our metaphysical vocabulary could have been well substituted for the more theological one, ' Spirit,' as a fair equivalent. It is indeed only the impersonal and abstract use of the term that is open to objection ; an objection which can be met by an appeal to the best classical usage ; viz. the ren- dering of the Hebrew HVI and Greek wvevpa in the Author- ized Version of the Scriptures. One indisputable instance may suffice in confirmation : " Their horses (i.e. of the Egyp- tians) are flesh and not spirit." (Isaiah xxxi. 3.) It is pertinent to remark here, that the comparative disuse of this term in English metaphysical literature, is one result of that alienation of theology from philosophy with which conti- nental writers of the most opposite schools agree in taxing the speculative genius of Britain an alienation which mainly accounts for the gulf separating English from Ger- man speculation, and which will, it is feared, on other ac- counts also be the occasion of communicating a somewhat uninviting aspect to the following pages. The distinction which the Germans make between ' Sitt- lichkeit' and 'Moralitat,' has presented another difficulty. The former denotes Conventional Morality, the latter that of the Heart or Conscience. Where no ambiguity was likely I'KEFACE. V to arise, both terms have been translated ' Morality.' In other cases a stricter rendering has been given, modified by the requirements of the context. The word ' Moment' is, as readers of German philosophy are aware, a veritable crux to the translator. In Mr. J. E. Morell's very valuable edi- tion of Johnson's Translation of Tennemann's ' Manual of the History of Philosophy/ (Bohn's Philos. Library), the following explanation is given : " This term was borrowed from Mechanics by Hegel (see his "Wissenschaft der Logik, vol. 3. p. 104. ed. 1841.) He employs it to denote the con- tending forces which are mutually dependent, and whose contradiction forms an equation. Hence his formula, Esse= Nothing. Here Esse and Nothing are momentums, giving birth to Werden, i.e. Existence. Thus the momentum con- tributes to the same Oneness of operation in contradictory forces that we see in mechanics, amidst contrast and diver- sity, in weight and distance, in the case of the balance." But in several parts of the work before us this definition is not strictly adhered to, and the Translator believes he has done justice to the original in rendering the word by ' Suc- cessive' or 'Organic Phase.' In the chapter on the Crusades another term occurs which could not be simply rendered into English. The definite, positive, and present embodiment of Essential Being is there spoken of as ' ein Dieses? ' das Dieses,' &c., literally ' a This, 1 ' the This, 1 for which repulsive combination a periphrasis has been substituted, which, it is believed, is not only accurate but expository. Paraphrastic additions, however, have been, in fairness to the reader, en- closed in brackets [ ] ; and the philosophical appropriation of ordinary terms is generally indicated by capitals, e.g. 1 Spirit,' ' Freedom,' ' State,' ' Nature,' &c. yi PREFACE. The limits of a brief preface preclude an attempt to ex- plain the Hegelian method in its wider applications ; and such an undertaking is rendered altogether unnecessary by the facilities which are afforded by works so very accessible as the translation of Tennemann above mentioned, Chaly- baeus's ' Historical Development of Speculative Philosophy, from Kant to Hegel,'* Blakey's History of the Philosophy of Mind,t Mr. Lewes's Biographical History of Philosophy, besides treatises devoted more particularly to the Hegelian philosophy. Among these latter may be fairly mentioned the work of a French Professor, M. Vera, ' Introduction a la philosophic de Hegel,' a lucid and earnest exposition of the system at large ; and the very able summary of Hegel's ' Philosophy of Eight,' by T. C. Sandars, late fellow of Oriel College, which forms one of the series of ' Oxford Essays' for 1855, and which bears directly on the subject of the present volume. It may, nevertheless, be of some service to the reader to indicate the point of view from which this Philosophy of History is composed, and to explain the leading idea. The substance of this explanation has already been given in the foot-notes accompanying the translation ; but, considering the unfamiliar character of the line of thought, a repetition will not, it is hoped, be deemed obtrusive. The aim and scope of that civilizing process which all hopeful thinkers recognize in History, is the attainment of RATIONAL FBEEDOH. But the very term Freedom sup- poses a previous bondage; and the question naturally arises: " Bondage to what ?" A superficial inquirer may * Republished by Mr. Bolm at 3* 6^. f Four vols. 8vo. London, 18f>0, 1. ].*. PBEFACE. Vll be satisfied with an answer referring it to the physical power of the ruling body. Such a response was deemed satisfactory by a large number of political speculators in the last century, and even at the beginning of the pre- sent ; and it is one of the great merits of an influential thinker of our days to have expelled this idolum fori, which had also become an idolum theatri, from its undue position ; and to have revived the simple truth that all stable organi- zations of men, all religious and political communities, are based upon principles which are far beyond the control of the One or the Many. And in these principles or some phase of them every man in every clime and age is born, lives and moves. The only question is : "Whence are those principles derived ? Whence spring those primary beliefs or superstitions, religious and political, that hold society together ? They are no inventions of ' priest- craft '.or 'kingcraft,' for to them priestcraft and king- craft owe their power. They are no results of a Contrat Social, for with them society originates. Nor are they the mere suggestions of man's weakness, prompting him to propitiate the powers of Nature, in furtherance of his finite, earthborn desires. Some of the phenomena of the religious systems that have prevailed in the world might seem thus explicable ; but the Nihilism of more than one Oriental creed, the suicidal strivings of the Hindoo devotee to become absorbed in a Divinity recognized as a pure ne- gation, cannot be reduced to so gross a formula ; while the political superstition that ascribes a Divine Kight to the feebleness of a woman or an infant is altogether untouched by it. Nothing is left therefore but to recognize them as ' fancies,' ' delusions,' ' dreams,' the results of man's vain viii PREFACE. imagination, to class them with the other absurdities with which the abortive past of Humanity is by some thought to be on]y too replete ; or, on the other hand, to regard them as the rudimentary teachings of that Essential Intelligence in which man's intellectual and moral life originates. With Hegel they are the objective manifestation of infinite Eeason the first promptings of Him who having " made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth, hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation, if haply they might feel after and find him," TOV yap KCU yerog ia^iiv. And it is these /catpot irpo- Tira.yiAf.voi, these determined and organic epochs in the his- tory of the world that Hegel proposes to distinguish and develop in the following treatise. Whatever view may be entertained as to the origin or importance of these elementary principles, and by whatever general name they may be called Spontaneous, Primary, or Objective Intelligence it seems demonstrable that it is in some sense or other to its own belief, its own Eeason or essential being, that imperfect humanity is in bondage ; while the perfection of social existence is commonly regarded as a deliverance from that bondage. In the Hegelian sys- tem, this paradoxical condition is regarded as one phase of that antithesis which is presented in all spheres of existence, between the Subjective and the Objective, but which it is the result of the natural and intellectual processes that con- stitute the life of the universe, to annul by merging into one absolute existence. And however startling this theory may be as applied to other departments of nature and intelli- gence, it appears to be no unreasonable formula for the course of civilization, and which is substantially as follows : PREFACE. II In less cultivated nations, political and moral restrictions are looked upon as objectively posited ; the constitution of society, like the world of natural objects, is regarded as something into which a man is inevitably born; and the individual feels himself bound to comply with requirements of whose justice or propriety he is not allowed to judge, though they often severely test his endurance, and even de- mand the sacrifice of his life. In a state of high civiliza- tion, on the contrary, though an equal self-sacrifice be called for, it is in respect of laws, and institutions which are felt to be just and desirable. This change of relation may, without any very extraordinary use of terms, or extravagance of speculative conceit, be designated the harmonization or reconciliation of Objective and Subjective intelligence. The successive phases which humanity has assumed in passing from that primitive state of bondage to this condition of Eational Freedom form the chief subject of the following lectures. The mental and moral condition of individuals and their social and religious conditions (the subjective and objective manifestations of Reason) exhibit a strict correspondence with each other in every grade of progress. " They that make them are like unto them," is as true of religious and political ideas as of religious and political idols. "Where man sets no value on that part of his mental and moral life which makes him superior to the brutes, brute life will be an object of worship and bestial sensuality will be the genius of the ritual. Where mere inaction is the finis lonorum, absorption in Nothingness will be the aim of the devotee. Where, on the contrary, active and vigorous virtue is recog- nized as constituting the real value of man where sub- b PREFACE. jective spirit has learned to assert its own Freedom, both against irrational and unjust requirements from without, and caprice, passion, and sensuality, from within, it will demand a living, acting, just, and holy, embodiment of Deity as the only possible object of its adoration. In the same degree, political principles also will be affected. "Where mere Na- ture predominates, no legal relations will be acknowledged but those based on natural distinction; rights will be inexorably associated with ' caste.' Where, on the other hand, Spirit has attained its Freedom, it will require a code of laws and a political constitution, in which the rational subordination of nature to reason that prevails in its own being, and the strength it feels to resist sensual seductions shall be distinctly mirrored. Between the lowest and highest grades of intelligence and will, there are several intervening stages, around which a complex of derivative ideas, and of institutions, arts, and sciences, in harmony with them, are aggregated. Each of these aggregates has acquired a name in history as a dis- tinct nationality. Where the distinctive principle is losing its vigour, as the result of the expansive force of mind of which it was only the temporary embodiment, the national life declines, and we have the transition to a higher grade, in which a comparatively abstract, and limited phase of subjective intelligence and will, to which corresponds an equally imperfect phase of objective Season, is exchanged for one more concrete, and vigorous one which developes human capabilities more freely and fully, and in which Eight is more adequately comprehended. The goal of this contention is, as already indicated, the self-realization, the complete development of Spirit, whose PREFACE. XI proper nature is Freedom Freedom in both senses of the term, i.e. liberation from outward control inasmuch as the law to which it submits has its own explicit sanction, and emancipation from the inward slavery of lust and passion. The above remarks are not designed to afford anything like a complete or systematic analysis of Hegel's Philosophy of History, but simply to indicate its leading conception, and if possible to contribute something towards removing a prejudice against it on the score of its resolving facts into mystical paradoxes, or attempting to construe them a priori. In applying the theory, some facts may not improbably have been distorted, some brought into undue prominence, and others altogether neglected. In the most cautious and limited analysis of the Past, failures and perversions of this kind are inevitable : and a comprehensive view of History is proportionately open to mistake. But it is another question whether the principles applied in this work to explain the course which civilization has followed, are a correct inference from historical facts, and afford a reliable clue to the ex- planation of their leading aspects. The translator would remark, in conclusion, that the " In- troduction" will probably be found the most tedious and difficult part of the treatise ; he would therefore suggest a cursory reading of it in the first instance, and a second perusal as a resume of principles which are more completely illustrated in the body of the work. J. S. UPPER GRANGE, STROUD, Nov. 25th, 1857. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. THE first question that suggests itself on the publication of a new Philosophy of History is why, of all the depart- ments of so-called Practical Philosophy, this should have been the latest cultivated and the least adequately discussed. For it was not until the beginning of the eighteenth century that Vico made the first attempt to substitute for that view of History which regarded it either as a succession of fortuitous occurrences, or as the supposed but not clearly recognized work of G-od, a conception of it as an embodiment of primordial laws, and a product of Eeason a theory which so far from contravening the moral freedom of humanity, posits the only conditions in which that freedom can be de- veloped. This fact can however be explained in a few brief observa- tions. The laws of Being and Thought, the economy of Nature, the phenomena of the human soul, even legal and political organisms ; nor less the forms of Art and the ac- knowledged manifestations of God in other modes have always passed for stable and immutable existences, if not as far as subjective views of them are concerned, yet certainly in their objective capacity. It is otherwise with the movements of History. The extrinsic contingency which predominates in the rise and fall of empires and of individuals, the triumphs of vice over virtue, the confession sometimes extorted, that there have been instances in which crimes have been pro- ductive of the greatest advantage to mankind, and that muta- bility, which must be regarded as the inseparable companion of human fortunes, tend to keep up the belief that History stands on such a basis of shifting caprice, on such an uncer- tain fire-vomiting volcano, that every endeavour to discover rules, ideas, the Divine and Eternal here, may be justly con- demned as an attempt to insinuate adventitious subtleties, as the bubble-blowing of a priori construction, or a vain PREFACE TO THE FIBST EDITION. xiii play of imagination. While men do not hesitate to admire God in the objects of Nature, it is deemed almost blasphemy to recognize him in human exertions and human achieve- ments ; it is supposed to be an exaltation of the disconnected results of caprice results which a mere change of humour might have altered above their proper value, to suppose a principle underlying them for which the passions of their authors left no room in their own minds. In short, men revolt from declaring the products of Free-Will and of the human spirit to be eternal, because they involve only one element of stability and consistency the advance amid con- stant mutability to a richer and more fully developed cha- racter. An important advance in Thought was required, a filling up of the "wide gulf" that separates Necessity from Liberty, before a guiding hand could be demonstrated as well as recognized in this most intractable because most unstable element before a Government of the World in the History of the World could be, not merely asserted but indicated, and Spirit be regarded as no more abandoned by God than Nature. Before this could be done, a series of millenniums ' must roll away : the work of the human spirit must reach a high degree of perfection, before that point of view can be attained, from which a comprehensive survey of its career is possible. Only now, when Christendom has elaborated an outward embodiment for its inward essence, in the form of civilized and free states, has the time arrived not merely for a History based on Philosophy, but for the Philosophy of History. One other remark must not be withheld, and which is per- haps adapted to reconcile even the opponents of Philosophy, at least to convince them that in the ideal comprehension of History, the original facts are not designed to be altered or violence of any kind done them. The remark in question has reference to what is regarded as belonging to Philosophy in these events. Not every trifling occurrence, not every phe- i nomenon pertaining rather to the sphere of individual life than to the course of the World-Spirit, is to be " construed," as it is called, and robbed of its life and substance by a withering formula. There is nothing more alien to intelli- gence, and consequently nothing more ridiculous than the descending to that micrology which attempts to explain in- XIV PBEFACE TO different matters which endeavours to represent that as necessitated which might have been decided in one way quite as well as in another, and of which in either case, he who presumes to construe the occurrence in question, would have found an explanation. Philosophy is degraded by this mechanical application of its noblest organs, while a recon- ciliation with those who occupy themselves with its empirical details is thereby rendered impossible. What is left for Philosophy to claim as its own, consists not in the demon- stration of the necessity of all occurrences, in regard to which, on the contrary, it may content itself with mere nar- ration, but rather in removing that veil of obscurity which conceals the fact that every considerable aggregate of nations, every important stadium of History has an idea as its basis, and that all the transitions and developments which the annals of the past exhibit to us, can be referred to the events that preceded them. In this artistic union of the merely descriptive element on the one hand, with that which aspires to the dignity of speculation, on the other hand, will lie the real value of a Philosophy of History. Again, the treatises on the Philosophy of History that have appeared within the last hundred years or thereabouts differ in the point of view from which they have been com- posed, vary with the national character of their respective authors, and lastly, are often mere indications of a Philoso- phy of History than actual elaborations of it. For we must at the outset clearly distinguish Philosojrfiies from Theosophies, which latter resolve all events directly into God, while the former unfold the manifestation in .Reality. Moreover, it is evident that the Philosophies of History which have ap- peared among the Italians and the French, have but little connection with a general system of thought, as constituting one of its organic constituents ; and that their views, though often correct and striking, cannot demonstrate their own inherent necessity. Lastly, much has often been introduced into the Philosophy of History that has been of a mysti- cal, rhapsodical order, that has not risen above a mere fugitive hint, an undeveloped fundamental idea ; and though in many cases the great merit of such contributions can- not be denied, their place would be only in the vestibule of our science. We have certainly no wish to deny that among THE PIRST EDITION. XV the Germans Leibnitz, Lessing, Weguelin, Iselin, Kant, Fichte, Rebelling, Schiller, W. von Humboldt,* Gorres, Steffens and Rosencranz,-^ have given utterance to observa- tions of a profound, ingenious and permanently valuable order, respecting both the basis of History generally and the con- nection that exists between events and the spirit of which they are demonstrably the embodiment. Among French writers, who would refuse to admire in Bossuet the refined ecclesiastical and teleological genius which regards the His- tory of the World as a vast map spread out before it ; in Mon- tesquieu the prodigious talent that makes events transform themselves instanter to thoughts in his quick apprehension ; or in Balanche and Jlichelet the seer's intuition that pierces the superficial crust of circumstances and discerns the hidden, forces with which they originated ? But if actually elaborated Philosophies of History are in question, four writers only present themselves, Fico, Herder, Fr. v. Schlegel,^ and lastly the Philosopher whose work we are here introducing to the public. Pico's life and literary labours carry us back to a period in which the elder philosophies are being supplanted by the Cartesian ; but the latter has not yet advanced beyond the contemplation of the fundamental ideas Being and Thought; it is not yet equipped for a descent into the concrete World of History, or prepared to master it. Vico, in attempting to exhibit the principles of History in his " Scienza Nuova," is obliged to rely on the guidance of the ancients and to adopt the classical 0i\o