HJ IC-NRLF RB fllS A GREAT INDIAN PROBLEM AND A SUGGESTED SOLUTION BY RAI BAHR QANQA RAM, C.LE. (Late of P.W.D., India, retired). 1911. A GREAT INDIAN PROBLEM AND A SUGGESTED SOLUTION BY RAI BAHR QANQA RAM, C.I.E \| (Late of P.W.D., India, retired). LONDON : S. M. WILSON, PRINTER, GOLDERS GREEN. N.\V 1911. PREFACE. What is the Indian Problem? It has two aspects. f (1) In Great Britain it appears to be a spirit of " unrest >r and "discontent." Now and again, one sees in J the London and Provincial newspapers, the ugly words "Sedition in India." m (2) In India, the problem is one that daily presses upon the millions of its jpeople, the problem of making Jtwo ends meet ; of the food supplies for the ever growing population, and wherewithal to buy the needs of life ? Where there is smoke, there is fire, and there is a cause for 'unrest" and " discontent," but it is Economical and not Political. A great solution lies, in my opinion, as I will attempt to show in this pamphlet, in the development of the produce of land, and in freeing the cultivator from the harassment and hardship of the present system of cash fixed payment, according to a periodical or any kind of assessment. Before proceeding to outline my scheme in somewhat greater detail, I will here just say that from the knowledge of my own countrymen, I firmly believe that a revision of the Government of India's Land Revenue Policy in some accordance with my proposed solution of the problem will speedily lead to a development of land produce which will tend to alleviate, if not terminate, the "unrest" and " discontent," the evidences of dissatisfaction with the outward conditions of life. W40947 4 LAND REVENUE POLICY It does not follow that the method of Land taxation which I propose in the following pages, must necessarily reduce the Indian Land Revenue. Indeed, I shall try to show that under my plan the Revenue must increase in proportion to the growing prosperity of the peasant class. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. . _ , 5 "UNREST" or "SEDITION." During the last five years, what is known in London as "The Indian Political Problem" has come prominently before the public. Much has been said and printed upon the so-called "Unrest" (and even "Sedition") in India. A proper definition has never been given of the word "Sedition," and among the various definitions, a most eminent judge once described "Sedition" as meaning dis- affection, and disaffection to mean want of affection. There were not wanting people who defined it as meaning a desire on the part of the people for a change of Govern- ment. This definition I must, as a true son of India, most emphatically protest against, and history will bear me out in this assertion. As we all know, India has never been one nation. It has always been a home of diverse religions and castes, whose mode of living, habits and thoughts, were so varied that it would be impossible to mould one homogeneous whole out of them, and to pick out a section fit to govern the entire country. Under these conditions foreign rule was inevitable ; it was the destiny of Providence that a foreign power 'should govern the whole of the country. In the circumstances, who can deny that England was the best of all countries for the purpose ? Yet it would be shutting our eyes against facts, if we were to deny that there was no unrest in India. Admitting this to be the case, it is proposed the cause and offer some practical suggestions to remedy it. LAND REVENUE POLICY In the first place, I am convinced that this " unrest" has, in part, arisen from the natural sequence of trade intercourse with the more highly civilized western nations, which has in turn created financial difficulties hard to cope with, inasmuch as the natives of India have more readily grasped the art of spending money than that of making it. This being so, it will be to the advantage of Government as well as the people, for the former to do all that lies in its power to enable the latter to earn more. My solution of the problem is based upon this fact and aims at protecting the people from the temptation to spend more than they can afford when they happen to get an abundant harvest THE PROPOSED SOLUTION. Tithe, not Tax, is the principle of my plan. As things now stand, the land tax is assessed for a period of 20 to 30 years ahead, based on the average of production in the past, and this tax has to be paid yearly, a fixed sum, irrespective of crop values, so that in a lean, or worse still, a famine year, the poor peasant has ruin staring him in the face. It is this system that has bred the Indian money-lender in whose grip, so many poor peasants are paying exorbitant interest of a cumulative character. Providence of course sends "fat " as well as " lean " years, but the reader will understand how the simple peasant is all too easily persuaded to spend the prosperous years' proceeds OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 7 without any thought of the future, the more so in India where marriage and other social ceremonies have such a hold on the minds of the people. Under my proposed plan, the peasant would be encouraged, and recourse to borrowing discouraged. The peasant would not have to face the heart- breaking mortification of receiving a demand for Govern- ment revenue, amounting to as much as the whole of, or even more than, the entire value of his crop in a lean year. This is the cause of the so-called "unrest," which is, in other words " discontent," but by no means anarchy or desire for change of Government. Self-preservation is the first law of human nature, all the world over. It is not the privilege of any one race, nor can any one nation be deprived of this natural right. To illustrate this point more clearly, may I ask the reader how he would feel if at the end of a disastrous year's trading, or professional work, he were confronted with a fixed and unescapable demand for payment of an amount of Tax based on a profitable year's working, or even on five years average. The position of the average British workman, whose earnings make him a prince in comparison with the Indian peasant, may be quoted as further illustration of the need of some such plan as mine for the payment of Taxation. The idea of compelling yearly payment of Tax in a lump sum by the British workman would be rightly derided as 8 : LAND REVENUE POLICY an impossible one, and it is proving an almost impossible one in the case of the poor Indian Tax-payers. THE OPINION OF REVENUE OFFICERS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. The opinion of Revenue Officers themselves of the in- equitable and haphazard working of the present system may be quoted in support of my plea for sympathetic considera- tion of the present state of affairs. In 1902, Lord Curzon published a resolution in'the formjof a book, entitled " Land Revenue Policy of Indian Govern- ment." It was the outcome of a memorial signed by 'several experienced old administrators who had served in India, as Revenue Officers, prominent among them being Jthe late Mr. R. C. Dutt. The pith of the recommendations contained in this memorial was that the present Land Revenue system of spasmodic assessment, over short periods ranging from 20 to 30 years was calculated to retard progress, was pressing very heavily on the landowners, especially when the crops failed owing to climatic conditions, and that the remedy for meeting this evil as well as to bring prosperity to the agricultural class was [permanent settlement of Land Revenue. On this question the Government of India OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 9 publication above referred to went most exhaustively into every detail, but only arrived at the conclusion that the remedy pointed out by the memorialists did not meet the evil, and therefore the status quo must stand. This, despite the frankness characteristic of British statesmen in the following admission in Paragraph 39 of that Resolution : " In thus defining their policy, the Government of India would not desire to claim for the Land Revenue system of British India an exactitude or freedom from blemish to which it cannot pretend. Historically, it owes its origin to practice inherited from the most decaded period of the Native rule, and its form to changes made slowly and not without mistakes by men who were aliens in the country, and who could only with difficulty and by slow degrees assimilate the requirements, or enter into the feelings of the people . . "Logical completeness or simplicity cannot be expected of a system born of such surroundings, Japplied to such manifold conditions and to so heterogeneous a population .... Indeed, the one claim which the Government of India would decline to make for the Land Revenue system of this country is that it cannot be properly regarded as a science at all." As showing the importance to India of the subject dealt with in this pamphlet, statistics show that no less than 65.10 per cent of the population depends upon Agriculture. 10 LAND REVENUE POLICY It will be useful, indeed, to classify India's population as given in Whitaker : Earth work and general labour (not agriculture) 6.10 Provisions of food, drink and stimulants ... 5.70 Provisions of textile fabrics and dress ... ... 3.80 Personal, household and sanitation ... ... 3.64 All other occupations ... 15.60 Agriculture 65.16 Total 100.00 There are people who allege that Indians are becoming poorer and poorer under British Rule, while on the other hand statisticians seek to prove by actual figures of Trade Returns, that so far as money goes, India is getting richer inasmuch as it receives an amount of gold and silver, that far outbalances the exports and imports. Both sides of the questions are correct, the former because in olden times the Indians could live much more cheaply on their home produce, and their wants in luxuries were almost nil. The statisticians are correct because their conclusions are based on figures which cannot be disputed. But they ignore a very pertinent factor in the situation, namely, that in common with the rest of the world, in whose contact we have been brought by the British Rule, the purchasing power of a given sum is decreasing, while at the same time the expense of living is increasing. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 11 Granting again, that the least wealthy classes of the Indian population is desirous of living on a better plane than hitherto, is that a thing to be discouraged ? Does not that indicate a demand for Western manufactures ? Is not this progress of the people advantageous to both the Indian Revenue and the British trader ? Certainly it is ! Wealth is a matter of comparative degree, and in India there is the same progressive attitude towards things that tend to greater comfort and convenience, though in a lesser degree than in England and other countries, so that you will see the " Unrest " in India is neither Political, nor Religious, but Economic. It affects the whole of the country, and chiefly the agricultural population, for although 65% are directly supported by agriculture, the bulk of the remaining 35 are indirectly affected by the fortunes of the larger population. 12 LAND REVENUE POLICY THE GOVERNMENT AND INDIA'S CHIEF INDUSTRY. While agriculture is by far the most important occupa- tion of thejpeople [of India, jj^the Government has in the past done [scarcely |, r anything to improve this greatest of all industries of the population, although a good part of Revenue has been spent on education and other necessities of the people. Great credit is due to lyord Curzon for being the first to recognise practically the importance of the agricultural interest. It was he who inaugurated an Agricultural Department in each Province, and these Departments are doing good work, but will do still better under an improved system of Taxation, the mere method of collection of which at present handicaps all progress. Out of a surveyed area of 621 million acres in 1908 and 1909 there were 268 million acres cropped or fallow. 82 forest. 158 ,, not cultivable and 113 ,, ,, cultivable waste. In respect of the last-mentioned area of 113 million acres of cultivable waste land, I believe that the system of Tithe instead of Assessed Taxation I suggest in this pamphlet would in great part transform into cropped or fallow land, producing more Revenue for the Government and more employment for the people. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 13 WHAT IS THE INDIAN LAND REVENUE? Is it an income tax ? No income tax in the world that has ever been levied amounts to as much as 50 per cent, or 62| per cent, including cesses of the landowners income. It is admittedly not an income tax in the ordinary acceptance of the term, but is a share of the produce that a super-land- lord would take. This right of Government participation in the produce of land has been handed down to the British Government by legacy from India's ancient rulers. The right is not questioned. All that we have to consider is the manner of collection which may be fair to both, and least oppressive to the poor In olden days y this " share " was taken " in kind " and not in cash. The old system had its disadvantages, yet it had its advantages too ! Among the latter was an all- redeeming feature which is absent from the present system, that is the cultivator retained his share, however small. Even in a lean year there was something left for him. If the season was favourable and the harvest a good one, the authorities (" Sirkar" as we call them), were welcome to their bigger f share, but after all it was only large in pro- portion. On the other hand if the crops failed, the " Sirkar " shared in the loss. If through failure of rain or other calamities, there was no produce, Government did not enforce payment of a share when there was nothing produced by the earth, 14 LAND REVENUE POLICY a system which was eminently fair, so fair that the authorities were never blamed b}^ the people for failures^in which they were also losers.^ Unfortunately, this equitable custom of levying taxation was superseded by a system that now calls for a yearly cash payment of a sum fixed by *' Periodical Assessment," based on the yearly average yield for 20 to 30 years. True, it allows quite [fairly an average over both good and bad years, but the basis is compounded on from 50% to 83% of the landlords' rental, as well as on the basis of from one-tenth to one-fifth share of the gross produce of the land. THE GOVERNMENT'S OWN OPINION OF THE PRESENT LAND TAXATION. I do not think I can write more strongly than what the Government itself has admitted in condemnation of this system in the resolution : '' The gross produce standard, while it favoured more -fertile lands, pressed with extreme severity on the poor. The truth is that the Assessment of Revenue is subject to so many complicated and varying condi- tions that any attempt to reduce it to any exact mathematical proportion, either of gross or net produce, would not only be impracticable but would lead to the placing of a burden upon the shoulders of the people from which, under a less rigid system, they are exempt.' 1 OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 15 MY SUGGESTION. My plan involves the abolition of the present I^and Revenue System altogether, substituting a Produce Tax of One-sixth of the value of each, and every, product of the land, including cereals, live animals, hides and skins, on everything, in fact, which is dependent upon the land. This Duty I should charge on all such produce brought to the Railway Station, whether it be for Provincial consumption, for transfer from one Province to another, or for export to other countries, exempting only a certain local radius intended to cover home consumption. I would now like to ask the reader if my proposed plan, founded on the eminently fair old-time payment of a tithe is, or is not, a satisfactory solution of the problem ? Is not that principle of Government a sound one ? Which gives the right to share in the vicissitudes of the people under its care ? And are not the present vicissitudes of India, principally those connected with the fortunes of the people, largely dependent upon the produce of the land ? A simple system it is true, but its simplicity makes it all the more practical. This tithe system was brought to my mind one day while reading the annual budget statement 16 LAND REVENUE POLICY and trade review of the year. I noticed that the export of the products of the land was over 100 millions. Now, I said to myself that if it was admitted that the Govern- ment's share in this produce of the land was as much as one-fifth, then there was 20 millions revenue to be obtained in this manner straight away. Twenty millions was the total Land Revenue shown in the budget statement. At once it occurred to me that this was a simple way of collecting the Land Revenue. Why go into the intricate and oppressive details of the present system of Revenue collection, when by imposing a simple Produce Export Duty equal to one-fifth the value the Government could collect the same amount ? In other words, why not charge only the surplus and leave the home consumption free. Further careful consideration of the matter served to convince ^me more and more, that this method would eliminate all the imperfections of the present system, whilst still securing a proper} share mathematically and auto- matically calculated, and at the same time leaving free a liberal share for local consumption of the produce of each man's land. The total Land Revenue as at present collected by the Government of India in British India is 20 millions sterling. The Native States collect a total of 15 millions gross. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 17 No figures are available to show how much of this w land revenue, but for the purpose of this pamphlet let us say 10 millions. This makes 30 millions in all. The cesses for the Local Boards for the whole of India would come to about 10%, increasing the sum to 33. Now, supposing we put down 20 as sufficient reserve for famine and other calamities, that brings the total up to 40 millions. If I can prove from Government statistics that by levying an export duty equivalent to one-sixth the value of each man's produce, the duty to be levied at the Railway Station, as I have already stated, I think I shall have made a good prima facie case for the Government to con- sider my proposal favourably. POSSIBLE OBJECTIONS TO MY SYSTEM. I think it advisable, before proceeding further, to deal with the objections which might be levelled against this system. (1). A casual reader of these notes is likely to remark "Oh ! this would at once paralyse trade, because the cost would fall on the buyer." This is quite an erroneous idea, as I shall prove. Anyone who is acquainted with the trade of a country which exports the bulk of its produce, as India does, knows what such an additional charge would mean. 18 LAND REVENUE POLICY It would mean no more nor less than an extra item to be added to the cost of transit to a certain destination, whether land or sea, as the case ma}' be. Owing to our connections with foreign countries, Indian products are in all the markets of the world, and our market rates are governed by the foreign demand. The rate at seaports is net dictated by us, but is dictated by this foreign demand, and the local markets all over India are governed by the rates prevailing at the nearest sea port, minus the cost of transit. In fact, it is a question of supply and demand. Every morning there is telegraphed from the seaports to all the markets and emporiums all over India, news as to the seaports' requirements, and the prices at which the purchasers are willing to buy. These prices are worked backward to all markets, and the ruling rate of each local market is the rate at seaport, minus the cost of transit, i.e., railway freight, insurance, broker- age, commission, etc., etc. If, therefore, a certain percent- age is added to the cost of transit, it only means that the local market would fall by that amount, and the burden would logically, and legitimately, fall upon the producer. To make my meaning clear about the working backwards of the rate, take the instance of wheat. When it sells at 6 Rs. a cwt. in Bombay, the cost of transit to Delhi being nearly 1 R., it will be seen that when the Bombay rate is 6 Rs., Delhi rate is 5 Rs. If another 12 Anas or 1 R. a cwt. is OF THE IXDIAX GOVERNMENT. 19 added, the Delhi rate must fall by that amount, and the producer bears the burden. On the other hand, the pro- ducer is freed from all the vexatious collections of Land Revenue and from certain enormous extortions to which he has to submit. (2). A second objection is that if the farmer and producer, or whatever you call him, knows beforehand that his product is going to be further taxed 16% for the Govern- ment Exchequer, he would hesitate to sow any crops, and hence agriculture in India would be discouraged. In refutation of this argument I have only to bring the reader's attention to the fact that the fluctuation in prices between the times of sowing and reaping crops is greatly in excess of 16 to 20; . At the time of sowing a farmer never knows under the present system of foreign competi- tion what he is going to get for his produce. The rate, I venture to repeat, does not depend on what is produced in India, but upon the demand in the markets of the world. Another class, and a very important class too, who would benefit by this system, and for whom ^relief is very much needed (and for whose relief the Government is trying wrong and unscientific channels) is the middle class. The middle class are not producers, but they would automatically benefit under my system, inasmuch as they would then get the products of their districts cheaper to 20 LAND REVENUE POLICY the extent of the Produce Export Duty, because the market rate must inevitably fall to that amount. The advantages may therefore be thus briefly sum- marised ; (1). The Government will be placed in the proud position of being able to announce to the people that they have resolved on a system which taxes the Hxport surplus and not the local consumption. (2). The middle class, whose expenses have increased owing to reasons given in the opening part of my pamphlet, will be able to buy the- produce of their districts 16% cheaper a very great boon, indeed. (3). The fertile lands will bear a right and proper burden as compared with poor land the reverse is the case now, as so frankly admitted by the Government of India. (4). It is admitted on all hands that it is very unfair to exact a fixed demand in a country where produce fluctuates so much, as the result of such causes as failure of rain, visitation of locusts, frost and several others quite beyond human control. It is only in accordance with a law of human nature that we are not grateful if we have to pay less than what is legitimately due from us, but are ready enough to grumble when we are called upon t ) pay what seems too much in a poor year, a law which tells so severely on the peasants. When they get a OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 21 bumper crop, and have only to pay Government a revenue equal to. perhaps one-twentieth of their produce instead t of one-sixth, they naturally spend the rest in festivities, marriages, and other worldly wants. If, however, in any one year owing .to natural calamities, the produce falls short, or [fails altogether, having saved nothing for such unfortunate periods, and having no resources to fall back upon, they run into debt, from which owing to heavy cumulative interest they rarely extricate themselves. THE NATIVE STATES DIFFICULTY. It is not for me to dictate the precise lines on which the system should be worked. Of course there are difficulties to be surmounted, and amongst them the most formidable one is that in connection with that part of the country which is governed by Native States. But, where there is a will there is a way. At one time some difficulty was experienced in regard to the salt produced in Native States as well as in British territory, but the Government saw the necessity of deal- ing with it straightway and passed an Act called the Salt Act. In the same way, taking the Government Revenue at 20 millions, a Native States Revenue at 10 millions, this system could be easily worked so far as the Land Revenue is concerned A joint partnership with shares 2 to 1, or LAND REVENUE POLICY some system of permit, might be devised by which the producer in a British State would not be allowed to send to a Railway Station in the Native State. These are matters of detail in which it is not meet for an humble person like myself to dictate. My suggestions are confined to the making out of a prima facie reason for the Government to consider whether an automatic and indirect working method such as I have here described can not be devised to supersede the present unmethodical, unscientific, and directly oppressive system, pressing chiefly on the poor and favouring the rich, a system which retards the progress of the country, a system which makes the Government interests clash with the cultivators' interests a system which leaves the road open for extortion and bribery by the low official class a system which is not logical in principle, nor equitable in working. The plan I am suggesting is a Mathematical Solution of India's Economical problem. It involves no loss of revenue and is so elastic that the Government can safely look forward to increment in revenue owing to the encouragement it affords to the development of the resources of the land. That there is room for development and there is a demand for produce is patent from the following figures. In 1908, the Wheat Area in India was only 26 million Acres, out of a total of 268 million of Cropped Area. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 23 Taking the wants of the United Kingdom alone, the figures are that this Country only grows 23 per cent of its wants in Wheat, leaving 77 per cent to be supplied by other Countries thus: India 10 per cent. United States ... 16 Argentine 14 Russia 12 Canada ... ... 14 Australasia 7 Other Countries ... 4 Total 77 per cent. But the possibility [ot increase in Area under Wheat is nothing compared with what can be done towards improving the output, by adopting improved methods of agriculture, use of fertilisers and development of irrigation from wells. The present average yield per Acre of Wheat in India is only 9 bushels (Indian readers may roughly take a bushel to mean | of a maund) while the average of the United Kingdom is 31.46 bushels per Acre. Under good circumstances and with tha aid of modern fertilisers and improved seed, the yield of Wheat has been known to come to 70 bushels per Acre. In India, the average of the very best irrigated land hardly comes to 20. 24 LAND REVENUE POLICY This will show what room there is for development. I have cited only one instance, as the English readers are so familiar with Wheat, but there are hundreds of other land produce which are awaiting development. As an instance I may refer to Myrabolams, which used to go to almost waste, a few years back, and are now exported to the extent of millions of pounds. Fruit culture is still in its infancy, and there are several other articles which by enterprise and encouragement can bring wealth to India and increased revenue to the Government. One may safely conclude from the above figures that the time is ripe for great developments of India's resources in land produce, and only favourable conditions are required to encourage all such developments. EXPLANATIONS OF STATEMENTS AND TABLES ATTACHED. I have prepared these statements from the latest Govern- ment returns available, to show that under the present system, the Government do not get their fair share of the land produce, and yet the share obtained presses very hard on the millions, the reason being that the burden is not evenly and equitably distributed. Statement No. 1 is compiled to show the average rates of produce which are quite near enough for the purpose of making out a case for my proposition. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 25 Statement No. 2 gives a few articles of land produce and shows that on these few articles alone, if Government dues were assessed at even one-twelfth the gross produce they would bring a sum of 30 millions sterling, which is all that the British Government, as well as native states, get under the present system. It is a conclusive evidence of the fact that the burden is not evenly divided. The remaining Statements speak for themselves and clearly show how a land revenue of over 40 millions a year can be obtained by charging on the surplus, an export equivalent to one-sixth the gross produce. The following facts and figures will further help the reader to understand the operation of both the present System and the new plan I suggest. SOME IMPORTANT FACTS AND FACTORS. What provision is there in the present Land Revenue for the ever-increasing expenses of administration of ever-growing India ? Why should the Government Revenue be fixed for a period of Jrom 20 to 30 years ? The resources of "India are being developed. The Revenue should develop with them, and not remain fixed for from 20 to 30 years. 26 LAND REVENUE POLICY The rate of development of India's natural resources depends entirely on the conditions that favour or hinder development, and I claim that the substitution of a Produce Export Tax for the present 20 to 30 year fixed assessment Tax will encourage the development of every individual's resources. Under the new system of taxation I propose, there would be a yearly reminder that the Government of India acts fairly in regard to every man's fortunes. The Government would rejoice with the people in the good years, and sorrow with them in the bad years. That is how my people would regard the working of my plan. Under the present I,and Revenue system, if a man digs a well on his land the Tax Assessment is tripled. This is -encouraging neither the individual nor agriculture. There is no encouragement to improve production. My Tithe Tax would stimulate healthy rivalry among the district Tax Collectors. Each would strive for increase of production in his district. The Tithe Tax would furnish the Government of India with a most valuable automatic barometer reading of conditions in different districts. Instead cf the Revenue Collector being forced to enact the tmp.easing part of a mere money-squeezer, he would become the proud patron of production a money-maker, in short. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 27 The peasants of India neither use nor understand money. The present Tax has to be paid by each man in money. This opens the way for the Indian money-lender to get his grip upon the peasant. The cost of collection would be almost nil, all that would be necessary would be to have another column in the Railway receipts for duty, and the collection would be made by Railway staff without any extra cost. A nominal staff would only be necessary to keep the land records up-to-date. The Collectors could devote more time to the more productive work of development of the land's resources. The produce of India could be immensely increased by loans for wells, or by the Government or Revenue Authorities undertaking the digging of wells where production might be increased. Other ways in which India's resources could be developed are by (1) scientific manuring, (2) ploughing with up-to-date ploughs, (3) rearing better cattle, sheep, etc., (4) afforestation (deforestation is the chief cause of the droughts that bring famine) t and, last but not least, (5) irrigation from wells and other sources. Let those interested in India's development look up the Government figures showing the rapidly-increasing crops of Myrabolain, Walnuts and Shellac. These will show what may easily be done to increase the Indian Government's Revenue. The present Land Revenue system is destructive, the Tithe Tax I propose is constructive. 28 LAND REVENUE POLICY REPLIES TO SOME FRIENDLY CRITICS. Before compiling and publishing this pamphlet, I laid particulars of my proposed solution of India's Revenue problem before many whose practical experience of Indian Revenue matters fitted them to sit in judgment upon my ideas. I heard a good deal of praise, but in every case I was careful to ask for particulars of actual and possible objections to proposals. One high Revenue Official expressed the opinion that my scheme was too " inelastic" in its provisions and application. To [this I can only reply that I feel sure that the reader will agree with me that no greater degree of 'elasticity is required than an automatic proportionate tithe-charge upon the products of the land. Further, I may point out the inelasticity of the present system. Landowners are now exempt from Income Tax, and the middle class benefit by an abatement of 1,000 Rs. per year, whereas the peasant paying only 1 per year gets no exemption whatsoever he has to pay his pound of flesh. Under my system the peasant would pay only on his surplus. In fact, I consider the one great feature of my plan is its automatically working elasticity its yearly or seasonal elasticity as compared with the almost unnatural fixity of the 20 to 30 years' Land Assessment. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 29 The foregoing seem to be the chief objections to my proposed solution of the I,and Tax Problem. Many of the objections are merely founded on the objectors' innate conservatism the desire to let things remain as they are rather than make any progress towards what might prove to be an exchange of the present bad for the future worse. Such are not critics. Constructive criticism is helpful, but neither negative nor pessimistic condemnations contri- bute to progress. And I do most heartily feel that progress in the direction of the lines I have here all too inadequately suggested is what is needed to uproot India's root of unrest and plant instead the seed of her peaceful prosperity. 30 LAND REVENUE POLICY CONCLUSION. I am publishing only a limited first edition of this pamphlet, and hereby invite every well-wisher of India to send me helpful criticisms of my proposed new plan of Land Taxation. These criticisms may be merely critical, i.e., pointing out difficulties, or doubly helpful in the way of both pointing out difficulties and planning to overcome them. In Great Britain and Ireland, as well as in India and elsewhere, there are gentlemen possessing that knowledge of Indian affairs which makes them the best of all col- laborators in the full and proper consideration of, and planning for, India's needs. To the retired as well as the active worker in Indian affairs, this serious proposal of mine for the amelioration of a condition of affairs in India that needs attention will, I am sure, make an appeal that will not be disregarded. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 31 MY LAST APPEAL. Believing as I do in the soundness and equity of this scheme in the interests of Government and the people, I have a proposal to make, which is that an attempt might be made to start with the remission of Land Revenue on all holdings now paying a revenue of say 50 Rs. per annum, and making up the deficiency by a small charge of Export Duty on the surplus. A landholder paying a Land Revenue of 50 Rs. per annum (equivalent to 3 6s. 8d.) would hardly have an income of 300 Rs. (equivalent to 20) a year. Is it too much to ask this remission on behalf of a landholder, when others who are not Agriculturists are exempted from income tax, if their income does not exceed 1000 Rs. } 66 13s. 4d. (Note the minimum income tax- able limit in England is 160 per annum). A start on these lines will, I am sure, lead to higher reform which I have ventured to suggest in this pamphlet. Letters and enquiries in regard to the subject dealt with in this pamphlet should be addressed, until 10th July to : RAI BAHR GANGA RAM, C.I.E., c/o. Messrs. Thomas Cook & Son, Ludgate Circus, London. And after 10th July to RAI BAHR GANGA RAM, C.I.E., Lahore, India. N.B. The following extract is from Government of India's Publication "Indian Land Revenue Policy." Parts printed in bold type bear on the subject matter of this Pamphlet. LAND REVENUE POLICY OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. (Being the Resolution issued by the Govenor General in. Council on the i6th January, 1902.) CHAPTER I. INDIA. THE attention of the Government of India has lately been called in a special manner, to the subject of the Land Revenue administration of this country, partly by the series of almost unprecedented calamities which have in recent years assailed the agricultural population, partly by a number of Origin and im- representations which have reached portance of the them from sympathetic friends of India, enquiry. w h o have devoted careful study to the above-named problem. In the course of 1900, Mr. R. C. Dutt, C.I.E., formerly Acting Commissioner of Burdwan, addressed to His Excellency the Viceroy a series of letters (subsequently published in the form of a book) concerning the Land Revenue system of the different provinces, and he submitted certain recommendations as to future policy and action. At a little later date the Secretary of State transmitted to the Govern- ment of India a memorial signed by certain retired officers of the Indian Civil Service, formulating a somewhat similar list of suggestions. 34 LAND REVENUE POLICY 2. The Government of India welcomed the opportunity thus afforded them of instituting renewed enquiries into a matter that has, for more than a century, been the subject of anxious discussion. The well-being of the agricultural com- munity in India, constituting as it does so overwhelming a proportion of the entire population of the Indian continent, and contributing so large a quota to the Indian revenues, cannot fail to be to the Government a matter of the most intimate concern ; nor can it be denied that upon the incidence of the land revenue collections must the prosperity of those classes in a great measure depend. The question may be recognised therefore as one of the highest national importance, transcending the sphere of party or sectional controversy, and demanding at once the most exhaustive scrutiny and the most liberal treatment. When further it appeared that the main contention submitted to the Government by certain of its critics was that the intensity and frequency of recent famines are largely due to poverty caused by over-assessment - a contention the gravity of which cannot be disputed, seeing that it is tantamount to an arraignment of the policy that has been pursued by successive Indian administrations for an entire century and when this general proposition was accompanied by a series of detailed allegations as regards the system of assessment in vogue in the various parts of the country, it seemed to the Government of India that the opportunity should not be lost of definitely examining the grounds for these assertions ; and the letters above referred to were accordingly referred to the Local Governments for their consideration and report. Their replies have been received and are annexed to this Resolution. The Governor General in Council is grateful for the labour which has been bestowed upon their preparation, and he hopes that in the comprehensive review of land revenue policy throughout India which has thereby been obtained, may be found a corrective to many current misapprehensions and a source of more trustworthy knowledge in the future. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 35 3. On the present occasion he is, however, less concerned with the individual statements or misstatements that may have been made with regard to particular areas the replies of the Local Governments which show that an imperfect acquaintance with facts has been the source of much con- fusion and misunderstanding than he is with the larger questions affecting our land revenue policy as a whole, and the connection which it is alleged to Alleged connec- h ave with the recurrence and intensity necessary to discuss the economic fallacy that any alteration in the system or scale of assess- ments can permanently save an agricultural population from the effects of climatic disaster. The relation of cause and effect between a good rainfall, abundant crops, and agricul- tural prosperity, is not more obvious than is that between a bad monsoon, deficient produce, and a suffering people. When the vast majority of the inhabitants o! a country are dependent upon an industry which is itself dependent upon the rainfall, it is clear that a failure of the latter must un- favourably, and in extreme cases calamitously, affect the entire agricultural community. The suspension of the r?ins means a suspension of labour ; the suspension of labour means a drying up of the means of subsistence ; and the latter is necessarily followed by distress and destitution. There is 110 industry in the world the sudden interruption or the temporary destruction of which is not attended by impoverishment and suffering ; and there is no country in the world, where the meteorological and economic conditions ate at all similar to those prevailing in India, that could by any land revenue system that might possibly be devised escape the same results. 4. Nevertheless, if the prevention of the inevitable con- sequences of drought be an ideal incapable of attainment, mitigation is manifestly an object worthy of the closest attention of the Government. It cannot but be their desire 36 LAND REVENUE POLICY that assessments should be equitable in character and moderate in incidence ; and that there should be left to the proprietor or to the cultivator of the soil as the case may be that margin of profit that will enable him to save in ordinary seasons and to meet the strain of exceptional mis- fortune. Such aspirations must be even more forcibly impressed upon the Government at a time when, owing to the prolonged continuance of adverse circumstances, the agricultural population has passed through a phase of almost unequalled depression, and needs the fullest measure of encouragement that it is possible to afford. It is with the object of demonstrating how far these objects are capable of being realized under the existing system, or to what extent the latter is susceptible of improvement, that the Governor General in Council now proceeds to examine the general charges that have been brought against it, and the individual modifications that are proposed. 5. By the ancient law of the country to quote the opening The two kinds of words of Regulation XIX of 1793, by settlement : Perma- which the Permanent Settlement was nent and Tempor- created in Bengal the ruling power is ar y- entitled to a certain proportion of the produce of every acre of land unless it has transferred or limited its rights thereto. The procedure by which that proportion is determined is styled a Settlement of the L,and Revenue. A Settlement is of two kinds : permanent, by which the demand of the State is made fixed and unalterable for ever ; temporary, under which the State demand is revised at recurring periods of greater or less duration. Inasmuch as all agricultural land in India must fall within either the permanently-settled or the temporarily-settled areas, it is desirable to consider what are the criticisms or proposals that have been made with reference to each of these two classes. The permanently-settled districts, as is well known, cover the greater part of Bengal, parts of the North-Western Provinces and Madras, and a few other isolated tracts. At OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 37 an earlier period the school of thought that is represented by the present critics of the Government of India, advocated the extension of the Permanent Settlement throughout India ; and although this panacea is no longer proposed, the Govern- ment of India are invited by Mr. Dutt to believe that had such a policy been carried into effect 40 years ago, " India would have been spared those more dreadful and desolating famines which we have witnessed in recent years." It is also stated by the latter in his letter upon I^and Settlements in Bengal that in consequence of the Permanent Settlement in that province the cultivators are more prosperous, more resourceful, and better able to help themselves in years of bad harvest, than cultivators in any other part of India, that agricultural enterprise has been fostered, cultivation extended, and private capital accumulated, which is devoted to useful industries, and to public works and institutions. The hypothetical forecast above recorded is not rendered more plausible to the Government of India by their complete inability to endorse the accompanying allegations of fact. Bengal, and particularly Eastern Bengal, possesses exceptional advantages in its fertility, in its comparative immunity from the vicissitudes of climate to which other parts of the country are liable, in its excellent means of communication, in its enjoyment of a practical monopoly of the production of jute, and in the general trade and enterprise which radiate from its capital city. But neither these advantages nor the Permanent Settlement have availed to save Bengal from serious drought when the monsoon failure, from which it is ordinarily free, has spread to that part of India. Omitting to notice the frequent earlier famines, Failure of the per- that fc nown as the Behar famine of manent Settlement g ( called from ^ t of the to prevent famine in 1 \ Bengal. Bengal Province most seriously) affected) cost the State 6,000,000; while it can be shown that in the famine of 1897 there were at the height of the distress considerably more than f million 38 LAND REVENUE POLICY persons 011 relief in the permanently settled districts of Bengal, and that the total cost of that famine to the Bengal Administration was Ri, 08,04,000, or 720,266 (as com- pared with a famine expenditure of Rg8, 28,000, or 655,200, in Madras, and Ri, 26, 37,000, or 842,466, in Bombay), and this although the daily cost of relief for each person was less (Re. -08 1 in Bengal as compared with Re. .104 in Madras and Re. -106 in Bombay). If the figures of persons in receipt of relief in the permanently settled districts of Western Bengal were compared with those of the adjoining temporarily settled districts of the North-Western Provinces, where the conditions were closely similar, it would also be found that the percentage was more than half as high again in Behar as in the North-Western Provinces. The Government of India indeed know of no ground whatever for the contention that Bengal has been saved from famine by the Permanent Settlement, a contention which appears to them to be disproved by history : and they are not therefore disposed to attach much value to predictions as to the benefits that might have ensued had a similar settlement been extended elsewhere. 6. As regards the condition of cultivators in Bengal, who are the tenants of the landowners Its influence on ^. , . . ,, . the condition of the lnstltut ^ as a class in the last century tenantry in Bengal. b >~ the British Government, there is still less ground for the contention that their position, owing to the Permanent Settlement, has been converted into one of exceptional comfort and prosperity. It is precisely because this was not the case, and because, so far from being generously treated by the zemindars, the Bengal cultivator was rack-rented, impoverished, and oppressed, that the Government of India felt compelled to intervene on his behalf, and by the series of legislative measures that commenced with the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1859 and culminated in the Act of 1885, to place him in the position of greater security which he now enjoys. To confound OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 39 this legislation with the Permanent Settlement, and to ascribe even in part to the latter the benefits which it had conspicuously failed to confer, and which would never have accrued but for the former, is strangely to misread history. As for the allegation that the Permanent Settlement has been the means of developing in Bengal an exceptional flow of public-spirited and charitable investment, while the Government of India are proud of the fact that there are many worthy and liberal-minded landlords in Bengal as there also are in other parts of India they know that the evils of absenteeism, of management of estates by unsym- pathetic agents, of unhappy relations between landlord and tenant, and of the multiplication of tenure-holders, or middlemen, between the zemindar and the cultivator in many and various degrees are at least as marked and as much on the increase there as elsewhere ; and they cannot conscientiously endorse the proposition that, in the interests of the cultivator, that system of agrarian tenure should be held up as a public model, which is not supported by the experience of any civilised country, which is not justified by the single great experiment that has been made in India, and which was found in the latter case to place the tenant so unreservedly at the mercy of the landlord that the State has been compelled to employ for his protection a more stringent measure of legislation than has been found necessary in temporarily settled areas. It is not in fine in the Permanent Settlement of Bengal that the ryot has found his salvation ; it has been in the laws which have been passed by the Supreme Government to check its license and to moderate its abuses. 7. It is, however, to the temporarily settled districts that the bulk of criticism has been directed, The two classes of and to this branch of the subject the Temporary Settle- Governor General in Coundl wiu ments : Zemindan andRyotwari. turn - The two sub-divisions of this category will be successively examined ; the zemindari tracts (in some provinces called malguzari and 40 LAND REVENUE POLICY talukdari,) where the landlord pays the land revenue to the State, whether he cultivates the land himself or by means of rent-paying tenants ; and the ryotwari tracts, where the cultivator pays directly to the State. 8. The zemindari tenure is the prevailing form of land tenure in the Central Provinces, the North- Western Provinces and Oudh, and the Punjab. The suggestions with regard to it, which the Government of India have been invited to consider, are as follows : 9. It is nowhere clearly stated, but it may be inferred, that in the opinion of their critics Suggested reforms fi . sh w fee lace(] the in Zemindan Settle- ments examined, amount of rent which the landlord may take from his tenant. The (i) Limitation of Government of India would have landlord's enhance- been better p i ea sed had greater of tenants prominence and a more indisputable enunciation been given to this pro- position, since it is one with which they are in cordial agree- ment. It does not seem to them to be consistent that great stress should be laid upon the share of the produce which should be taken by the Government, when it deals directly with the tenant, or with the share of the rental that it should take from the landlord when the latter is the intermediary, while little or no attention is devoted to the rent paid by the cultivator in cases where he happens to pay it to a zemindar. If it is the interests of the ryot that are at stake, and that stand in most urgent need of protection, that pro- tection is not less necessary when his payments are made to a native landlord in the form of rent than when they are made in the form of land revenue to the British Government. Such being the logic of the case, it is with satisfaction that the Government of India can point to the fact that the principles here laid down have been, and are still, the basis of the numerous Tenancy Laws which have been enacted by them in recent years. Mention has already been made of OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 41 the Tenancy Acts in Bengal. Similar legislation has been carried through for the Central Provinces, and in the North- Western Provinces a Tenancy Law has recently been strength- ened in the interest of the ryots. The Government of India will welcome from their critics, upon future occasions, a co-operation in these attempts to improve and to safeguard the position of the tenant which they have not hitherto as a rule been so fortunate as to receive. 10. The next contention is that where the land revenue is paid to the State by the landlord, (2) Limitation of the p rmc ipie adopted in the Sahar- the State s demand 1 ,. .^. ., on landlords. ^^ Rules of l8 55- hmltm the State demand to one-half of the rent or assets of the landlord, should be universally apph'ed. Here it seems to the Governor General in Council to be necessary to utter a word of caution, which will be found to apply both to the present and still more to some of the subsequent proposals that will come under examination. These proposals contain the common suggestion of definite mathematical fractions of rent or produce, as the maximum share of Government. The Governor General in Council, while far from denying the possible utility of such standards as general principles of guidance, must guard himself from any acceptance of them as hard-and-fast rules of practice. It is impossible to apply any one criterion to all parts or classes in one province, much more so to the whole of India. The conditions of uniformity which would alone justify uniformity of treatment, are in many cases lacking. A rule of division which would be light in one case might be harsh in another ; a proportion of rent or of produce which would leave a wide margin of profit in one part of India might be vexatious elsewhere. While, therefore, general principles may reason- ably be formulated in order, as far as possible, to secure unity and continuity of policy, the Government of India would deprecate, in any case, the hasty acceptance of too precise mathematical formulae, as likely to tie the hands of 42 LAND REVENUE POLICY their officers, and to produce rigidity, instead of elasticity, in Land Revenue administration. II. Subject to the above qualification, the Governor General in Council now proceeds to examine the suggestion of a 50 per cent, limitation of the Government share in the landlord's rental. It has already been staled on the authority of Regulation XIX of 1793 that the ruling power in India has always, by the ancient law of the country, been entitled to i share in the produce of the soil. Ancient right of Regulation II of 1793 pointed out that * Z?*J f the Government share of that produce of the produce of the soil. was nxe d by estimating the rents paid by the tenants, deducting therefrom the cost of collection, allowing to the landlords one-eleventh of the remainder as their share, and appropriating the balance or ten-elevenths, as the share of the State. But if this was the ostensible basis upon which the Permanent Settlement in Bengal was originally made, and if, at the commencement of their fiscal administration, the Government of India thus followed indigenous custom in assessing the revenue, they soon began to moderate the severity of the practice. It is un- necessary to trace here in detail the process of mitigation. It will suffice to say that long before the late century had reached its midway point the demand of the State upon the landlord had been limited to two-thirds of the net assets. About the middle of the century, i.e., before the Mutiny, the question of the relative shares of the State and of the land- lords in the net produce of the soil came again under careful review in Northern India ; and the result of this further consideration of the matter was embodied in what are known as the " Saharanpur Rules " (so called because they were issued in connection with the re-settlement of the land revenue of the Saharanpur district of the North-Western Provinces). The Settlement Rules previously in force author- ised the demand of two-thirds of the net produce of an estate, or rather of its value in money, as the Government share in OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 43 respect of land revenue. The Saharanpui Rules, issued in 1855, laid down " not that the revenue 1 he saharanpur . . . . '. R lt l es of each estate is to be fixed as one half of the net average assets, but that in taking these assets with other data into consideration, the Collector will bear in mind that about one-half, and not two- thirds as heretofore, of the well ascertained net assets should be the Government demand." These orders have since remained the accepted canon of assessment on landlords* estates in the Xorth-Western Provinces, and they continued to govern assessments in the adjacent districts of the Central Provinces until the constitution of the latter as a separate administration in 1862. But for the assessment of the Nagpur district of the Central Provinces, which had been escheated to the Government of India in 1854. assessment up to 60 per cent, of the gross rental had been permitted by separate orders issued in 1860, owing partly to the undesir- ability of introducing too sharp a revulsion from the practice of the previously existing native administration, partly to the great extent of uncultivated land, which enabled the landlords largely to increase their incomes while the Settle- ment was running its course. 12. It is, therefore, an erroneous assumption that what is known as the " half assets rule " Progressive reduc- anywhere bound the Government to tion of the State's take as its land revenue from a district share under British as a whole no more than 50 per cent. ! of the actual rental of the land owners. Not only were there no compulsory orders in the matter, but the construction placed on the word " assets " at the time, and for many years later, permitted the Settlement Officer to look beyond the actual cash rental, and to take into con- sideration prospective increases of income, to assume a fair rent for land held by tenants enjoying privileges as against the landlord, and to consider the profits of sir or home-farm cultivation (where the land was held entirely by cultivating 44 LAND REVENUE POLICY proprietors) as well as the rental value of home-farm lands. Hence it arose that the assessments taken, though amounting only to about 50 per cent, of the nominal assets, absorbed as a rule a considerably higher proportion of the realised rental. In the North-Western and other zemindari provinces pro- spective assets have been excluded from consideration ; allowances have been made for improvements made by the landlord, for precariousness of cultivation, and for local circumstances ; and the revenue has been fixed at a share of the actual income of the proprietor, his income including a fair rental value for the lands which he farms himself, or assigns on privileged terms to tenants. The share to be taken as land revenue by Government is thus being brought down in the North-Western Provinces in the interests of the proprietor to an average of less than 50 per cent., while in the re-settlement of Oudh, now on the point of completion, the average falls below 47 per cent. In the Central Provinces, which have been for a shorter period under British rule, and where much higher assessments, amounting in some cases to over 75 per cent, of the actual income, were inherited from the Mahratta Government, there has been a progressive reduction of assessment ; but it has not yet reached the very moderate level that is common in the North-Western Provinces. In time, as population increases, and more labour and expenditure are devoted to cultivation, the share taken by Government may be expected still further to diminish and already (as pointed out in the Report from the Central Provinces) three of the districts in the north of the provinces have recently been re-assessed (from a desire to limit the sudden enhancements that result from long-term settlements) at less than 50 per cent, of the rental. In Orissa the gradual reduction of the Government proportion has been even more striking. In 1822 it was authoritatively declared to be 83.3 of the assets ; in 1833 it was lowered to 70 75 per cent. ; in 1840 to 65 per cent., with a permissive reduction to 60 per cent., while at the re-settlement just concluded, it has been OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 45 brought down to 54 per cent. In the Punjab, where pro- prietary cultivation is common, and where the maximum land revenue that may be taken is the " estimated value of half the net produce " the principal guide to this being the rents that are paid by neighbouring tenants at will the calcula- tions given in the official reply reveal yet lower proportions. Assessments of 45, 39, 35, and 25 per cent, are recorded in particular cases, and the general average is shown not to exceed 45 per cent, of the net income. 13. From this summary it results that while the standard of 50 per cent, has nowhere been laid down as a fixed and immutable prescription, there has been and there is, a growing tendency throughout temporarily settled zemindari districts to approximate to it, and in special circumstances a very much lower share is taken. It does not appear to the Government of India to be necessary to issue fresh regulations upon a matter in which their general policy is so clear and where, save in exceptional cases, to be justified by local conditions, uniformity of practice is now so common. 14. The Governor General in Council now passes to the consideration of those parts of the Suggested reforms countr >* where ' under tem P rar y in Ryotwari Settle- settlements, the ryotwan or peasant ments : Revenue to proprietary form of tenure prevails, be a definite share and where the cultivator pays directly of gross produce. to the State The pr i nc i pa i illustra- tions of this category are the greater parts of the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay, and the Provinces of Burma and Assam. The recommendations that have been made with regard to these areas will now be examined. It should be noted, however, that there is not complete identity between the two forms of the first recom- mendations that falls to be noticed ; for whereas the memorial sets forward the proposition that " the Government demand should be limited to 50 per cent, of the value of the net produce, after a liberal deduction for cultivation expenses 46 LAND REVENUE POLICY has been made, and should not ordinarily exceed one-fifth of the gross produce, even in those parts of the country, where, in theory, one-half of the net is assumed to approximate to one-third of the gross produce," Mr. Dutt, when speaking for himself, urges that " the impracticable rule of realising one-half the net produce or one-third the gross produce be abandoned, and the rule of fixing one-fifth the gross produce as the maximum of rent be adopted." It appears, therefore, that whereas Mr. Dutt as a signatory of the memorial does not contemplate the complete abandonment of the net produce standard, he yet, when petitioning on his own behalf, describes it as impracticable, and urges its disappearance. Moreover, in the latter capacity, he advocates a further mathematical criterion, namely, that while the maximum of one-fifth the produce should not be exceeded in the case of any single holding, the average land revenue for a whole district, including wet and dry lands, should be limited to one-tenth, as alleged to be the case in Northern India. 15. These fractional standards illustrate the remarks I '' i . which were made a little earlier as to metM standards. the dan S er of la ? in % down hard - an(J - fast lines ; and they also indicate the arbitrary and inelastic nature of the system which the Coverment of India are now invited to introduce. When Mr. Dutt suggests the analogy of Northern India, which is under an entirely different form of tenure, he appears to confuse rent with revenue, for he has elsewhere said that in Bengal and Northern India the average rents paid by the cultivator to the landlord are equivalent to one-fifth, or 20 per cent, (not 10 per cent.) of the gross produce ; whereas he here recommends that in Southern India the average proportion should be limited to one-tenth, or 10 per cent. Why there should be this distinction is not made clear. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 47 16. The Government of India believe it to be an entirely erroneous idea that it is either possible Impracticability or equitable to fix the demand oi the of the suggestion that State at a definite share of the the Land revenue , . ,, should be fixed at a P roduce of the land ' There IS * reat share of the gross practical difficulty in ascertaining what produce. the average produce is. It is dependent upon a number of varying factors, such as the industry and resources of the cultivator, the nature of the crop, the capacity, security and situation of the holding, and the chance of the seasons. The share of the gross produce which a crop can afford to pay must stand in close relation and in inverse proportion to the amount of expenditure which has been required to grow it, and this will vary very greatly, for instance, in the cases of sugarcane and of wheat. In zemindari districts, according!}-, rental value, and not produce, has for the last 50 years been adopted as the basis of assess- ments, although the latter have commonly been checked by comparison with produce, with the result, as a rule, of showing that, judged by that standard, they were unreasonably low. In the ryotwari provinces of Madras and Burma, the attempt has been made to fix assessment rates in accordance with produce", but the rules giving effect to this principle fence it round with so many qualifications as practically to involve its abandonment. It is now nearly 40 years since the alter- native standard of half the net produce was introduced in Madras, the reason being that the gross produce standard, while it favoured the more fertile, pressed with extreme severity upon the poorer lands. But even the standard thus adopted has not been worked up to in practice. There and elsewhere the net produce has been valued at much less than the current money rates, the out turn per acre deduced from crop experiments has been notoriously underestimated, and liberal deductions have been made for unprofitable cultivation, distance from markets, and vicissitudes of season, so that the rates in actual use for assessment are considerably below the 48 LAND REVENUE POLICY f_| F ] nominal share. There has been a similar reduction in the theoretical measure of assessment, which is also one-half of the net produce, in Burma ; and the last assessment report received from the Hanthawaddy district shows that the assessment actually imposed fell short of a quarter (hot one-half) of the net produce by nearly 20 per cent. The truth is that assessment o! land revenue is subject to so many complicated and varying conditions that any attempt to reduce it to an exact mathematical proportion either of gross or of net produce would not only be impracticable, but would lead to the placing o! burdens upon the shoulders of the people, from which, under a less rigid system, if sympathetically adminis- tered, they are exempt. Nor must the influence of the personal equation be ignored. Those who are familiar with the realities of assessment know well that among Settlement Officers there is a growing inclination towards leniency of assessment ; and that this spirit is encouraged by the avowed policy of Govern- ment, of the considerateness of which the progressive reduction of the State demand already indicated affords conclusive proof. The more the officers of Government know of the people, arid the more intimate their mutual relations become, the less likelihood is there of severity in the enforcement of public dues. In no official relation does a member of the Public Service come into such close contact with the people as in Settlement work ; and it cannot be his desire to aggrieve those among whom he is spending some of the most laborious years of his life, or to initiate a Settlement which, after a short interval, will break down. Every natural instinct and every recent injunction of the Supreme Government urge him to reasonableness and moderation. 17. Nothing, indeed, can be more clear than that, while the net produce rule itself calls for, adopted and is habituallv subject to, modifica- tions in the interest of the cultivator, the gross produce standard recommended by the memorialists would, if systematically applied, lead to an increase of assess- OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 49- merits all round. The Report from the Central Provinces shows that the proportion to produce of the gross rental ranges from one-sixth to one-fourteenth, and that the enforcement of any such standard would double the liabilities of the ryots. The Bengal Report gives statistical reasons for believing that rents are generally much below one-fifth of the gross produce, and indicates that ryots on Government temporarily settled estates are, judged by this standard, better off than under proprietors with a permanent settlement. The Madras reply says that, " if Government took one-fifth of the real gross produce from its ryots, it would fully double its present land revenue, exclusive of cesses, but inclusive of the total charge for water." In the ryotwari tracts of the Punjab the pro- portion taken by Government nowhere exceeds one-fifth of the gross produce, and is more often one-seventh or one- eighth, or even less. Similar conclusions are borne out by the Report of .the recent Famine Commission (paragraphs 261 268), in which it is stated, as the result of special en- quiries, that in the Central Provinces the incidence of land* revenue is less than 4 per cent, of the average value of the produce, that in Berar it is about 7 per cent., in Ajmer about 10 per cent., in the Hissar district of the Punjab 3| per cent., in other parts of the Punjab 7 per cent., except in the Delhi district, where it is 10 per cent. : in the Deccan probably above 7 per cent., in the Panch Mahals 5 per cent. ; and in Gujarat alone (where the profits on cultivation are very high) 20 per cent., or the equivalent of the one-fifth pleaded for IB the memorial. Since then it has been conclusively estab- lished that, under the existing practice, the Government is already taking much less than it is now invited to exact, and since the average rate, so far from showing an inclination to enhancement, is everywhere on the downward grade, the Governor General in Council is unable to accept a proposal which could only have consequences the very opposite of those which are anticipated by its authors. 50 LAND REVENUE POLICY 1 8. The next recommendation to which the attention of the Government of India has been The term of settle- d rawn i s that no term of settlement meni. Suggested mi- ., , , , , ,. , . , , 1 , nimum 0/30 years. m tem P orarll y ttkd districts should be for a shorter period than 30 years. The history of settlements may briefly be summarised as follows. In Bombay the 30 years' term was introduced by the Court of Directors so far back as 1837. From there it was extended to Madras and the North-Western Provinces, where it has been the standard period for the last half century. The same principle was followed in an extension of the Orissa Settlement in 1867, and in confirming most of the settlements made in the Central Provinces between 1860 and 1870. But it never came into general use in the Punjab, where, in the greater part of the province, the shorter term of 20 years has been the recognized rule. The question was exhaus- tively examined in 1895, when it was finally decided by the Secretary of State that 30 years should continue to be the ordinary term of settlement in Madras, Bombay, and the North-Western Provinces, that in the Punjab 20 years should be the general rule (30 years being admitted in some cases), and in the Central Provinces 20 years also. A 30 years' term has been adopted for the recent re-settlement of Orissa. In backward tracts, such as Burma and Assam, and in exceptional circumstances such as exist in Sind, shorter terms are permitted. The reasons for this differentiation are familiar and obvious. Where the land Considerations is fullv cultivated; rents fair, and which determine the .,, j^.- L t_* term of settlement. ^gncultural production not liable to violent oscillations, it is sufficient if the demands of the Government are re-adjusted once in 30 years, i.e., once in the lifetime of each generation. Where the opposite conditions prevail, where there are much waste land, low rents, and a fluctuating cultivation, or again where there is a rapid development of resources owing to the con- struction of roads, railways, or canals, to an increase of OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 51 population, or to a rise in prices, the postponement of re-settlement for so long a period is both injurious to the people, who are unequal to the strain of a sharp enhancement, and unjust to the general tax-payer who is temporarily deprived of the additional revenue to which he has a legitimate claim. Whether these considera- tions, justifying a shorter term of settlement than 30 years, apply with sufficient force to the Punjab and the Central Provinces at the present time ; and, if they do apply at the present time, whether the force of their application will diminish with the passage of time, are weighty questions to which careful attention will be given by the Government of India upon a suitable occasion. 19. It may further be pointed out that many of the objections at one time urged to revi- Improvements in sions of settlement have become, or are disturbing * ^-settlement itself is more rapid and less disturbing than was formerly the case. Where the re-settlement of a district thirty years ago lasted for six or eight years, the work is now, in a large district, usually completed in about four years, and often in less. The improvement in the village records, and their punctual correction and maintenance up to date, have to a large extent obviated the necessity for detailed surveys, and for those local enquiries by subordinate officers which were in former times a fruitful source of harassment and extortion to the agricultural community. The aim of the existing policy is to exclude underlings from all connection either with the work of assessment or with the preliminary inves- tigations leading up to it, and to devolve upon the Settlement Officer and his gazetted assistants all the negotiations with the people. The Government of India and the Local Govern- ments will always be read}' to carry this policy to further developments, their object being to simplify the maintenance, correct and up to date, of the village papers, and thereby to 52 LAND REVENUE POLICY secure an authentic record of the rights and privileges of the people, as well as a trustworthy instrument for the speedy determination of the fair claims of the Government on the land. 20. Again, the principle of exempting from assessments such improvements as have been made Exemption of im- by pr i va t e enterprise, though it finds provements from as- j ^ ^ traditions of the past, sessment. has been accepted by the British Government, and is provided for by definite rules, culminating in the case of the Bombay Presidency, in legal enactments which secure to the cultivator in perpetuity the whole of the profit arising not only from such irrigation works as private wells and tanks, but from the minor improvements which would count for an increase in assessment under a system of reclassification of the soil. The Madras ryots have a recognized right to enjoy for ever the fruit of their improve- ments, and the exemption of wells, irrigation channels, and tanks which are private property is provided for by executive orders. Minor improvements are also protected, as in Bombay, by the permanent recognition of a land classifica- tion once fairly effected. In zemindaria provinces, where the revenue is temporarily assessed on estates as a whole, and not on each particular plot of land composing them, the State has not similarly surrendered its right to all share in improvements in which the capacity of the soil plays a part with the industry or outlay of the cultivator. But the principle followed has been that additional assessments should not be imposed on these grounds until the private labour or capital expended upon them has had time to reap a remunerative return. In the Punjab and Bengal the term of exemption has been fixed, without reference to the term of settlement, at 20 years for masonry wells, 5 years for canal distributaries, and 10 years for other irrigation works. In the North- Western Provinces and the Central Provinces OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 5? irrigation works not constructed by Government are freed for the term of settlement next following their construction, the average period of exemption being 45 years in the former and 30 years in the latter provinces. The rules of all provinces provide for the grant of longer terms of exemption in special cases. This summary of existing procedure reveals a variety in practice which it is not possible to reduce to complete uniformity. It is the intention, however, of the Government of India, in consultation with the Local Governments, to take the whole matter into consideration, with a view' to the framing of rules that may stimulate the expenditure of private capital upon the improvement of the land, and secure to those who profit by such opportunities the legitimate reward of their enterprise. 21. The question of the effect upon the domestic life of the community of long as against short Effect of long as settlements has been the subject of against short settle- much discussion . It be regarded ments in increasing _. resources of the as certaln that long-term settlements people. leave more money to the people, however large be the revenue enhance- ment at the close. On the other hand, short-term settle- ments, which are the familiar practice of Native Rulers, excite less discontent, when not associated with inquisitorial proceedings. An increase of liabilities which comes once in a generation is said by some to be more acutely resented than one which has been rendered familiar by more frequent repetition. Upon this point it is difficult and perhaps unnecessary to pronounce : attention should, however, be called to a concession made by the Government with a view to reducing its own share of the produce, and leaving more to the landholder. Formerly the basis of assessment was the anticipated average yield of the land during the coming period of settlement. Now it is the actual yield at the time of assessment, so that the landowner enjoys to the fully an new advantages that may accrue either from his own outlay 54 LAND REVENUE POLICY or from outside circumstances, in the interval before the next revision is made. Assessment upon actual, as distinct from prospective assets has thus become a cardinal principle of the land revenue policy of Government. 22. In the foregoing paragraphs a partial answer has been given to the next prayer of the memorialists that in ryotwari tracts " there should be no increase in assessments except in cases where the land has increased in value (i) in consequence of improvements in irri- Suggested limita- gation works carried out at the expense tion of Government of Government ; (2) on account of a enhancements to rise . ., , , in value due to (i) nse m the value of P roduce > based on State improvements, the average prices of the thirty years (2) rise in prices. next preceding such revision." The first of the above provisos is not in- cluded in Mr. Butt's independent recommendation, which is to the effecct that no enhancement be anywhere permitted at a new settlement except on the ground of an increase of prices. The entire contention will now be examined. The principle that the State in India has a right to share in the produce of the land carries with it the right to share in any increment of the produce or its value. In the case of incre- ments resulting from the expenditure of private labour or capital, this right, as has already been pointed out, has been altogether waived in some provinces, and materially limited in others. But it can scarcely be contended that such a surrender should equally apply to improvements produced by the growth of population, by the gradual development of the country, by the introduction of new staples or by an increase in the productivity of the soil and in the value of its produce, more particularly if the latter are themselves the result of an expenditure upon irrigation or communications that has been incurred by the State. The concession to the landlord or the tenant of a complete monopoly of the profits of all improvements of the soil in perpetuity, whether created by himself or not, would be a doctrine not merely economically OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 55 unsound, but without any foundation in native custom or any precedent in history. What happens in practice is this : in zemindari areas the claims of Government to a share in the increasing value of the land are adjusted by a periodical settlement with the landlords for its portion of the rental. subject to a not infrequent sacrifice, in the interest of the tenants, of the fractions which might fairly be claimed. The possibility of making prices the basis of assessment in these tracts was carefully considered, and was finally negatived by the Secretary of State in 1885. Some interesting information may be derived from the Bengal Report as to the inequality of assessment which has resulted in that province from the non-interference of Government during the past century ; and from this may be deduced how uneven a settlement would become that was only liable to revision by an all-round enhancement or deduction. Whatever be the case as regards zemindari districts, it is now, however, urged that in ryotwari areas no ground of enhancement but a rise in price should in future be allowed. Attention has already been called to the limitation that has been placed by Government upon the discretion of its officers in respect of changes in land classifi- cation as a possible basis of enhancement. In Bombay no change in a classification once definitely accepted is permitted by the law. In Madras, though the Government of India, acting under the instructions of the Secretary of State in 1885, have declined to give a pledge against future revisions of classification, they have intimated their cordial acceptance of the principle that the existing classification, if found to be in the main equitable, shall, on re-settlement, not be disturbed. In these circumstances, to deny the right of the State to a share in any increase of values except those which could be inferred from the general tables of price statistics in itself a most fallacious and partial test would be to surrender to a number of individuals an increment which they had not themselves earned, but which had resulted, partly from the outlay of Government money on great public 56 LAND REVENUE POLICY works, such as canals and railways, partly from the general enhancement of values produced by expanding resources and a higher standard of civilisation. 23. The concluding proposal, which it is the duty of the Governor General in Council to ex- Limitation of . . . . , ....... , , amme, and which, in slightly different cesses on land. shapes, finds a place in both memorials, is that no cesses should be imposed on the rental of land, except for purposes directly benefiting the land, and that a limit should be fixed beyond which it may not be permissible to surcharge the land tax with local taxation. These cesses, which are levied for the construction and repair of roads, the upkeep of schools and dispensaries, and other similar duties appertaining to Local Government Boards, are generally assessed on the assets or rental value, since the land revenue would, in many provinces, be an unfair basis of distribution. The rate in force in Bengal is 6J per cent, on the rental, and this rate is taken as a fair standard by Mr. Dutt when speaking for himself. When associated with the other memorialists, he admits that the maximum rate may be as high as 10 per cent., a proportion which, as a matter of fact, is nowhere exceeded. But before going into this question, the Governor General in Council desires to record an emphatic dissent from the opinion that primary education is not a proper object of local taxation, and that such taxation should be limited to objects directly connected with the land. The aim of local taxation is the benefit of the community, and the spread of elementary education amongst the cultivating classes is the surest preventative of the carelessness which allows so large a proportion of the increased value that settled government and improved communications have given to the produce of agricultural industry, to slip through the fingers of the people. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 57 24. In the ryotwari provinces of Bombay and Madras and in Coorg the incidence of the Present incidence T , ^ . /r , , . , . . of Local Rales Local Rates (for roads and schools) is precisely that in force in Bengal. This comparison involves the assumption that ryotwari revenue is the equivalent of rent ; but, as a matter of fact, the extent to which sub-letting prevails in ryotwari provinces indicates that the revenue is substantially below the rental value, and the Local Rates are consequently below the Bengal level. In Lower Burma the Local Rates amount to 10 per cent., and in Assam to 8.3 per cent, on the ryotwari revenue. Though higher than elsewhere, they are within the maximum suggested in the memorial. In the Punjab they are equi- valent to 5.2 per cent, on the rental value. In no other provinces do they exceed 4 per cent. In the North-Western Provinces they are charged at 6 per cent ; but two-fifths of the proceeds are devoted to the maintenance of the village watch, which in Bengal and other parts is a charge upon special contributions assessed and collected apart from the Local Rates. 25. It may be objected, however, that the rates which ~ Responsibility of are levied for Local Self-Government village communities purposes are not the only extra charges for maintaining imposed upon the population, and rural officers. that count should also be taken of the sums payable by them for the remuneration of the village officers the watchman, the headman, and the accountant. The support of this village staff has been a charge on the community from time immemorial. In the Central Provinces and Bombay watchmen are still remunerated according to ancient custom, by grants of land and by fees collected by them directly from the people. Elsewhere they are supported by the proceeds of a cess to which in some provinces non- agriculturists not unreasonably subscribe. The headman is a functionary of more importance in ryotwari than in zemin- dari villages, and, except in Madras, Sind and Coorg, his 58 LAND REVENUE POLICY remuneration in ryotwari provinces has been accepted in whole or in part as a charge upon the land revenue which he collects. In the zemindari provinces, the proprietor of a village is also its headman, but where there are several sharers in the proprietorship of a village, one or more of their number represent the remainder, and have a right to a commission on the revenue payable through them, the rate being gener- ally 5 per cent. This represents a communal arrangement of very long standing. The village accountant's functions have been of late years considerably modified by his employ- ment in the maintenance of a connected system of agricul- tural statistics for his village. This addition to his duties has been acknowledged in some provinces by grants towards his remuneration from the public revenues, but elsewhere than Bombay, Berar, Burma, and Assam, a cess provides, at all events, a part of his salary. The Governor General in Council does not consider that these customary contribu- tions towards the maintenance of the staff of village officers can be classed as local taxation without some important qualifications. The commission paid in zemindari areas by proprietors to their representatives is in no sense a tax, and it is necessary, of course, to exclude from the watchman cess the contribution made in some provinces by non-agricul- turists before adding it to the charges on the agricultural population. Assuming, however, that, subject to these deductions, the maintenance of village officers should be accounted as taxation, it is a noteworthy fact that in no provinces but Sind, Madras, and Coorg does local taxation exceed the maximum limit suggested General conclu- m t h e memorial, the incidence in these fons as to burden of inces bem respectively 12!, lof, local taxation. and 13 per cent, on the ryotwa r i revenue. There can be little doubt that it would be sub- stantially lower if calculated on the true rental value. The general conclusion of the Government of India is that there is no reason for thinking that local taxation, if properly OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 59 distributed, is on the whole either onerous or excessive, while, as a general rule, it already falls short of the limit which the memorialists would propose to fix. But there are grounds for suspecting that the distribution is often unfair ; and that the landlords shift on to the tenants that share of the burden which is imposed by the law upon themselves. In the present backward condition of so many of the people, it is not possible effectively to redress this injustice : and the question presents itself whether it is not better, as oppor- tunities occur, to mitigate imposts which are made to press upon the cultivating classes more severely than the law intended. The Government of India would be glad to see their way to offer such relief. 26. But the burdens of which complaint is made are by no means confined to the legal cesses, Illegal cesses ex- * . , f A P , acted by landlords. whlch ' after aU ' are few m number and strictly limited in amount. There are also, in some zemindari tracts, a number of practically un- authorised village cesses, of which no mention has been made by the critics of the existing system, but which are well known to all those who are familiar with the economy of rural life in India. In many cases these unrecognised and often undesirable imposts exceed the total of the cesses levied under the British administration. Their imposition was prohibited by the Regulation of 1793, and ever since that date has been steadily discountenanced by the Government of India as vexatious to the ryot and detrimental to the successful cultivation of the soil. Their complete suppression by the action of the Government is not practicable in the present state of education among the agricultural classes. But the subject is one to which the friends of the ryot might appro- priately devote their concern, and in which their exertions might be of much use in supplementing the opposition of Government to a wholly illegitimate form of exaction. 60 LAND REVENUE POLICY 27. The Governor General in Council has now reviewed the particular suggestions of Mr. Dutt Detailed examina- and the memorialists. There remains tion of alleged con- to be noticed the underlying idea by nection of revenue which they haye all alike been ani . assessments with the .' c ^ famine resisting re- mated ' and wmch ' m some P arts ot the sources of the former's writings, has found definite people. expression. It is the theory that the amount of the land revenue taken by the Government of India in one form or another, from the people, is mainly responsible for famine, with its corollary that, were the assessments diminished, famine would be less frequent, or that at least, when they do occur, they would cause infinitely less suffering. The Governor General in Council does not believe that countenance to this theory can be derived either from the recorded facts of history, or from the circumstances of the present day. The evidence that has been adduced in this Resolution testifies to a progressive reduction of assessments, extending throughout the last century, and becoming more instead of less active during its second half. If then the severity of famine be proportionate to the weight of assessments, the famines in the earlier part of the iQth century ought to have been incomparably more serious than towards its close ; whereas the contention is familiar that the reverse has been the case. Again, the contention that in recent famines the parts of India that suffered most severely were the parts that were most highly assessed, finds (with the exception of Gujarat, which has not been seriously famine-stricken for a century and was soft and unprepared) no support in fact, and was expressly dis- owned by the recent Famine Commission. It is conclusively disproved in the case of the Central Provinces by the evidence of the Chief Commissioner that, in the famine of 1899-1900, the districts which felt the famine pressure most acutely were those which had been exempted from paying, the revised assessments, introduced at the previous revision ; while the OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 61 districts that suffered most from the famine of 1896-1897 were those in which there had been no enhancement for 40 years. 28. The fallacy in question is the result of an imperfect appreciation of the smallness of the Agricultural losses Iand rev enue compared with the enor- mous Iosses resuitin * from a wide - spread failure of crops. It has been estimated that in the Central Provinces the agricultural classes have lost 46 crores of rupees, or more than 26 millions sterling, during the past seven years an amount equivalent to the total land revenue of 50 years ; while seven years' land revenue would be required to recoup the State for its famine expenditure in these provinces since the year 1896. Similar calculations could be made with regard to the other famine-smitten provinces. It is clear that no reduction of the land revenue demand short of its total abolition and not even its abolition itself, could enable any community to hold up its head against a calamity so vast and so appalling. 29.. It is not, of course, disputed that if the Government were largely to abate its demand, and Probable effects a the amount of such abatement were of an abatement of fairl distributed am0 ngst the culti- the land revenue on " the resources of the vatln S dasses and were saved U P bv people. them, instead of being thoughtlessly spent, or absorbed by an increase of population, or appropriated by a particular section, a reserve would be created that might enable those classes better to withstand the losses caused by failure of the rains. But, unfortunately, neither in the past nor in the present circum- stances of the country can any warrant be found for the belief that the revenue so relinquished by Government would constitute a famine relief fund in the hands of the people. Experience has shown that excessive leniency of the kind in question re-acts prejudicially upon the industry of the agri- cultural classes, while it encourages the transfer of the soil 62 LAND REVENUE POLICE to mone} r -lenders and middlemen, who swallow the profits intended for the cultivators, and reduce the latter to a con- dition resembling serfdom. In illustration a reference may be made to Behar, which is permanently settled at a very light revenue, estimated as equivalent to a concession of at least 80 lakhs of rupees a year to the inhabitants. These advantages, however, have been monopolised by the land- owning section of the community, while the Behar tenants remain among the most heavily rented in India ; and as the -experience of two famines in the last 30 years has shown, have displayed the least capacity of resistance to the shock. 30. An additional source of error lies in the conception, which -is erroneous, that it is from the The classes which . revenue ; rf suffer from famine. of the agricultural community that the sufferers in famine and the recipients of famine relief are principally drawn. An inspection of any relief works on a large scale, while it shows that the poorer sections of the tenant class are not unrepresented, will also demonstrate that the great majority are not ryots, but labourers on the land, whom the land revenue assessment practically in no way affects. 31. It is noteworthy that the theory which has here been examined meets with no encourage- Theory of connec- ment a t the hands of the latest expert tion between- land bod that has enquired into the facts revenue ana famines '. . ^ . ^ rejected by Famine of the case > vlz " the Famme Commis- Commission, 1901. sion of 1901. After stating what was, in each of the provinces visited by them, the pressure of the land revenue on the soil in figures which have already been cited they concluded by saying that except in Bomba}', where they regarded it as full, the incidence of land revenue is low in moderate years, and that it should in no way, per se, be the cause of indebtedness. It is unnecessary, on the present occasion, to discuss what are the secondary causes of famine for as to the primary, there OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 6 cau be no dispute and of the poverty and indebtedness which famine brings in its train. But it is manifest that anyone who shuts his eyes to the industrial and economic forces that are at work in India at the present time, and that are patent upon the surface of agrarian life, who does not take into account the ever-increasing subdivision of holdings (arising from the land-hunger of the peasant popu- lation and the inveterate reluctance of the ryot to move even to the smallest distance from his natal place), the decline of industrial occupations other than agriculture, the rack- renting to which tenants are subjected by the more incon- siderate class of landlords and especially by middlemen of various degrees, the usurious rates of interest demanded by the money-lending class, the speculative expenditure upon litigation, the proneness to extravagance on festival occasions, and the numerous payments, in the form of petty bribes, among the ryots themselves, but who concentrates his entire gaze upon one aspect alone of their poverty, will carry away a most distorted impression both of the malady which he has set himself to diagnose, and of the remedies which it is in the power or is the dut}' of Government to apply. 32. Before concluding his examination of this problem, the Governor General in Council desires Three possible to not i ce three asp ects of the land causes of hards tub requiring attention, reveuue 1 uestlon Delving three pos- sible causes of hardship to the poorer landholder, which seems to him to be of much greater impor- tance than the criticisms which he has so far been engaged in examining. The first of these is the pitch of enhancement ; the second is the levy of the same assessment in bad years as in good, on the assumption that savings in the one will meet the losses oi the other ; the third is the effect of local deteriora- tion upon land revenue payments. 64 LAND REVENUE POLICY 33. That revenue enhancements must often be large is, of course, the direct consequence of (i) Large and sud- i ong -terni settlements, and it is, no den enhancements , , , , ,< . ,. , , . doubt, because their disturbing effect Of revenue. furnishes an argument for shorter settlements, that a reference to it has not been found in the fore-front of attack. There can be no question of the hard- ship which a family must experience in finding its income suddenly reduced by one third or even more, as may happen, for instance, when at the end of a term of settlement it is enjoying 75 per cent, of the assets, and re-settlement is made at 50 per cent. The question in the aspect now under con- sideration is not really affected (as is sometimes assumed) by the grounds on which the enhancement is made : a heavy addition to the assessment is as disturbing if justified by a large increase of cultivation as if resulting from a rise in valuation rates. It may be argued that a family in such a case has profited largely by the enjoyment of income which it would have lost under a shorter term settlement ; that it should have saved from its surplus to meet the eventual curtailment of its means ; and that the State will find long term settlements exceedingly disadvantageous if it is not only to lose all increment during their currency, but is also to forego part of its dues at their close. But the question must be considered from a practical point of view, and with reference to the conditions of human nature. The State cannot without hesitation call upon people suddenly to effect a great reduction in their domestic expenditure, however well justified in theory its demand may be. A man will look more to the actual increase of his obligations than he will to the arithmetical standards by which it is justified or determined. If for 30 years he has been paying a land revenue of R 1,000 and is called upon to pay R2,000 upon re-settlement, it is small consolation to him to be told that, while the former sum represented 50 per cent, of his former assets, the latter only amounts to 47 per cent, of his assets OF THE IXDIAX GOVKKXMKXT. 65 as they now stand. A reduction in percentages is far from compensating him for an enhancement of burdens. 34. To meet such cases, the Government of India desire The remedy ap- to lay much stress upon the principle plied. of gradual and progressive enforce- ment of sudden increases of other than moderate dimensions. The mitigation of a large enhancement by spreading its imposition over a term of years has been a recognized feature in the settlement procedure of Upper India for a long time past, but has not till recently been brought systematically into practice. In 1895 the Government of India, with the concurrence of the Secretary of State, drew general attention to the advisability of making larger use of progressive enhance- ments. In the Xorth-\Yestern Provinces, very complete effect has already been given to this principle. Similar rules have recently been used in the re-settlement of the Seoni district in the Central Provinces, and the expediency will now be considered of prescribing it for general guidance in those provinces. The rules on this subject contained in the Bengal Settlement Code are of particular application to ryots and tenure holders ; but they admit the use of progressive assessments in the Orissa settlements, though the}' lay down no definite scheme of progression, and, as a matter of fact, progressive assessments were most liberally granted in those settlements at a loss to the State of nearly 8 lakhs of rupees. In the Punjab, the use of progressive assessments has been discouraged on the ground that, though an appropriate means of easing an enhancement to a large landowner, they are not suitable to the circumstances of the petty proprietors who hold a very large proportion of the land in that province. Large increases in the demand have been commonly avoided by under-assessment. But it seems open to question whether an expedient which has proved serviceable in other parts of India might not be usefully adopted in the Punjab, and the point will be considered, though the effect of progressive assessments in this province would be to raise, not to lower, 66 LAND REVENUE POLICY the Government revenue. Turning now to ryotwari settle- ments, a rule of the Madras Settlement Code limits to 25 per cent, the enhancement which may be imposed at once, the balance being imposed by annual instalments, each not exceeding 12^ per cent, on the original assessment. This gives a ryot six years in which to accomodate himself to the doubling of his assessment. In the Bombay Presidency also the levy of substantial enhancements is distributed over a term of years, and the maximum enhancement may not exceed double the former amount. Deviations from these rules have, however, apparently been permitted. The procedure of ryotwari settlements renders it difficult for an assessing officer to pay close regard to the circumstances of individuals in framing his proposals, and there is, therefore, the greater need of general rules to obviate hardships in particular cases, even if it be conceded that men who culti- vate their own land can support a heavier percentage enhance- ment than those who subsist upon rental receipts. The question is one that calls for, and will receive, further consideration. 35. The question of varying the revenue demand to meet the character of the season is similar to the preceding, in that it involves departure from the theory of settlement at the cost of some revenue to the State. In theory the Govern- ment revenue represents the sum that may fairly be demanded on an average of seasons, and it is (2) Exaction of a assesse d in the belief that cultivators fixed demand where from j rf produce fluctuates. . years to meet the deficit in bad. It is manifest, however, that, in tracts where the chances of a bad harvest are high, it must be exceedingly difficult to make allowances for crop failure in framing the assessment rates. And it is also clear that the agricultural classes have not. as a rule, yet learnt to regard a good harvest, not as an occasion for larger expenditure, but as a means of insurance against failure of crops. In truth, to a poor family, a short harvest OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 67 must be a severe calamity. The assessment may absorb but a small share of the gross produce of its land. But its circum- stances depend on the net produce, on which the assessment is in higher proportion, and it is obvious that on inferior land a substantial deficiency in the out-turn may leave no net produce whatever, so that (in the absence of savings) the assessment can only be paid by borrowing or by stinting the necessaries of life. When such a deficiency is frequent, the rigid demand of the land revenue must add very materially to the hardships endured by a poor and uneducated people. 36. In tracts where great variations from the average of produce are not very frequent, such a demand may be suitable enough, its simplicity and educative effect compensating for the hardship that may be felt in individual cases. But where the produce of the land is liable to Necessity for , , greater elasticity. reat and fre <|u ent fluctuations owing to failure of irrigation or vicissitudes of season, there is reason to apprehend that a fixed assessment may ruin people before it teaches them. The revenue system of several provinces notably those of Madras and the Punjab have recognized the necessity of special arrangements for the remission of revenue for failure of crops on lands capable of being supplied by State irrigation works. In Madras no revenue is charged upon irrigable land the produce of which has not matured owing to the failure of the water-supply ; and in the Punjab this principle has received a further develop- ment, a deficiency of produce, not amounting to total failure, entitling the ryot to a proportionate abatement of the assess- ment rate. This system entails an elaborate procedure of crop inspection, and throws much responsibility upon native subordinates. But it has worked well, and is being extended. Unirrigated lands in the ryotwari provinces of Burma and Assam are ordinarily exempt from payment of assessment if left unsown ; but these provinces afford almost the only exceptions to the rule that lands which are dependent upon the rainfall pay a fixed assessment irrespective of their 68 LAND REVENUE POLICY produce. During the past twenty-five years the advantages, for lands of this description, of a more elastic system of collection have been urged at various times on the Government of India by very high authority, and have been carefully debated with Local Governments. The weight of opinion has been against change ; but this seems to be due partly to the idea that remissions in some years would be balanced by an increase of assessment in others, and partly to the difficulty contemplated in appraising the loss sustained by each of thousands of small holdings. The Government of India freely admit that a fluctuating assessment, in the sense of an assessment without a definite maximum limit in cash, and annually varying with the out-turn of the crops, is exceed- ingly difficult to work with fairness, throws an undesirable amount of power into the hands of subordinate officials, and lacks the influence for thrift which has been the desire of Government to secure in its land revenue policy. It would be a retrogade step, and would imply a reversion to the methods of native rule. But these objections would not apply so forcibly to a system under which the produce of particular harvests would be taken merely to justify the reduction of a standard demand, when such produce falls below a point at which relief is, for general reasons pronounced, to be necessary. Experience, gained on a large scale during the past years of distress, indicates that when crop failure affects an entire village, or other separately assessed area, the difficulty of dealing with holdings individually may possibly be met by working from aggregate to detail, by accepting the village, or other such area, as the unit for calculating the amount of reduction to be given, and leaving it to subordinate officials of approved character merely to distribute this amount according to the degree of the loss sustained by individuals. Where a landlord is interposed between the ryots and the Government, his assistance will often be of value in making this distribution, as it is in the interest of his rental collections that it should be fair. Such OF THE INDIAX GOVERNMENT. 69 a system will no doubt offer difficulties of its own, and careful supervision would be indispensable. But the Government of India are not satisfied that, in certain well-known tracts of insecure land, where crops are liable to violent fluctuations in produce, some such plan is not required in the interests of the people, and the question of its introduction will receive fresh consideration. It would be essential that the working of the system should be under the supervision of European officers of experience, at all events during the first years following its introduction. 37. In a country of the size and diversnry of India ex- ceptions must occur to the general rule (3) Expediency of agr i cu it u ral progress, and localities of meeting local , , ,, .... deterioration with are to be tound where the conditions prompt relief are those of actual deterioration. The Governor General in Council has in mind not only the losses of population and of produce which are the unavoidable consequences of severe famine, but the circumstances of tracts and villages which lose ground owing to such special causes as the effect of decimating epidemics of malarial fever or other conditions, whether connected or not with vicissitudes of season. For some years past the Government of India have insisted upon the importance of the early detection of cases of local deterioration, and have cominitteed to Provincial Departments of Land Records and Agriculture the conduct of systematic enquiries to this end. But the information thus collected has not always been fully utilized, and there have been cases in which a reduction of revenue was not granted till the troubles of the people had been aggravated by their efforts to provide the full fixed demand. It is no doubt true that any alteration of the assessment is in conflict with the terms of the original contract, by which the landholder has undertaken a liability for loss in return for an expectation of profit. But in this matter the interests of the Government are identical with the interests of the people, and it is unwise to exact from impoverished 70 LAND REVENUE POLICY persons a revenue which they really cannot pay, merely because they are under an engagement to pay it. The Governor General in Council is convinced of the desirability of granting prompt relief in these cases, whether they involve tracts or single villages, even though such a course may involve a departure from the strict principles of settlement. The amount of revenue which the concession will cost the State will be insignificant compared with the advantages obtained in assisting and encouraging an afflicted population. 38. In the review of their land revenue policy which has now been brought to a close, the G * <* * c^ to ^ established the following propositions, which for convenience sake, it may be desirable to summarise before concluding this Resolution : (1) That a Permanent Settlement, whether in Bengal or elsewhere, is no protection against the incidence and consequences of famine. (2) That in areas where the State receives its land revenue from landlords, progressive moderation is the key- note of the policy of the Government, and that the standard of 50 per cent, of the assets is one which is almost uniformly observed in practice, and is more often departed from on the side of deficiency than of excess. (3) That in the same areas the State has not objected, and does not hesitate, to interfere by legislation to protect the interests of the tenants against oppres- sion at the hands of the landlords. (4) That in areas where the State takes the land revenue from the cultivators, the proposal to fix the assess- ment at one-fifth of the gross produce would result in the imposition of a greatly increased burden upon the people. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 71 (5) That the policy of long-term settlements is gradually being extended, the exceptions being justified by conditions of local development. (6) That a simplification and cheapening of the pro- ceedings connected with new settlements, and an avoidance of the harassing invasion of an army of subordinate officials, are a part of the deliberate policy of Government. (7) That the principle of exempting or allowing for improvements is one of general acceptance, but may be capable of further extension. (8) That assessments have ceased to be made upon prospective assets. (9) That local taxation as a whole though susceptible of some redistribution is neither immoderate nor burdensome. (10) That over-assessment is not, as alleged, a general or widespread source of poverty and indebtedness in India, and that it cannot fairly be regarded as a contributory cause of famine. The Government of India have further laid down liberal principles for future guidance and will be prepared, wiiere the necessity is established, to make further advance in respect of (n) the progressive and graduated imposition of large enhancements ; (12) greater elasticity in the revenue collection, facili- tating its adjustment to the variations of the seasons, and the circumstances of the people ; (13) a more general resort to reduction of assessments in cases of local deterioration, where such reduction cannot be claimed under the terms of settlement. 72 LAND REVENUE POLICY 39. In thus defining their policy, the Government of . India would not desire to claim for the land revenue system of British India an exactitude or a freedom from blemish to which it cannot pretend. Historically it owes its immediate origin to practices inherited from the most decadent period of native rule, and its form to changes made slowly, and not without mistakes, by men who were aliens to the country, and could only with difficulty, and by slow degrees, assimilate the requirements or enter into the feelings of the people. Where habit and pre- cedent count for more than wisdom, there has been need for caution in reform ; and logical completeness or simplicity could not be expected of a system born amid such surround- ings, applied to such manifold conditions and to so hetero- geneous a population, and subject in, the various stages of its development, to considerations of practical expediency rather than of abstract symmetry or scientific perfection. Indeed the one claim which the Government of India would decline to make for the land revenue system of this country is that it can properly be regarded as a science at all. In'no country can land valuation be so described ; and in India, spite of records, estimates, and tables is no exception to the rule. A part of the weakness of the criticisms which have been directed against it, arises from the erroneous assumption that it can be regulated by fixed laws, or shaped by arithmetical standards. Assessments cannot be dictated by the theorist in his study ; they elude dogmatic treatment, and can only be safely worked out by the Settlement Officer in the village and on the fields. While they may admit of statistical analysis, they are liable to be hampered by premature statistical definition. The true function of Government is to lay down broad and generous principles for the guidance of its officers, with becoming regard to the traditions of the province and the circumstances of the locality, and to pre- scribe moderation in enhancement, and sympathy in collection. OF THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT. 73 Above all it is its duty to exercise discriminations the choice of the agents whom it employs for this most critical and responsible of tasks. The Governor General in Council acknowledges with gratitude the services that have been rendered to Government in this respect by a long line of devoted and capable officers, and he believes that the existing system, if pursued upon the lines that have been indicated, is both well suited to the present conditions of the country, and compatible with its future development, and that the revenue which it provides, and which is more lenient in its incidence than at any previous stage of Indian history, is capable of being levied from the people with surprisingly little hardship and without discontent. STATEMENTS. Xo. i. Showing rates in different provinces for the purposes of obtaining average rates for Statements Nos. 2 and 3. Xo. 2. Showing in totals of a few of the principal articles of produce in India and Burma. Average worked out for 15 years, from 1895-6 to 1909-10. Xo. 3. Showing export trade for all products of land carried by land and river, comprising that from province to- province and chief seaports. Quantities based on 5 years* average 1904-5 to 1908-9. Xo. 4. Showing the inter-provincial export trade. Rates computed from the returns of respective provinces. Xo. 5 A. Showing total export of the trans-frontier export trade of Burma. Xo. 5B. Showing value of principal articles of Indian produce in export trade of Rangoon, averaged for 5 years ending 1907-8. No. 50. Showing value of principal articles of produce exported coastwise. Averaged for 5 years ending 1907-8. Sum mar}' of total value of export trade and probable Government dues. 75 a W s . H a ^j w-v tr> ONOvo oo'Sm^o ro - S 00 VO ... .. s- " 2 ' 'a ^'^^82 o O Q t *> o ^ vo . *? w . *t ri f 06 od ri *vo- en * * ^"? vo lx O tx CO ON |_! M M ". vo- cOCO>-i i-iVO N ON*- 1 2voOcoONNN-'oco o - co 4 VO tx tx O O co cj 00 Tf co vo co 00 N vo vOTj-VO^^tx^OOVOtX- . ,_.-_. O\ixcotxOOVOvOOvoVO*-OOVO VO^o ^covow NO CO cfvCOCo'vo^cocovd^-^-CO NCO ONNvoCOvorf-vo co * CO CO Tf CO ^VO^ cOvoVO f OONtxvotx-' VOVO VO IxVOcoONtx ^ XJ ?Q coo\otxvqoq-vovo *>*> *? '~' T ?' v ^ f 7Q i tx^cocovdvovdco ON** NNlxONtXCOO ^ N 00 C-l - "- 1 ^1" - ^- N vo >vovoTt-ixoovovofo>-ttxconTj- oovo rtNCSfOtxlxMNi-ivocOi-iOON COtx g^OO-t-'txOON^vo o - vo vo VO <-" 44 3 S S - o tuo S .> 2 I a If Sa S O M ^ H H 3 ^"^ B . M 1*2 1| ! | ! TihliiJ 8 2 5 -^ ^ g ^ SO^P^M^^O W to O 1-f Q P gs fe O M o co * I g-il - 3. ri 77 ; :l I 1 1.7 3 JL II IIS h '> -s II? vq tx rs co oc oc tx co to vo ci ON N * $2 M N I rf co O M to N ON M N to s ON M to o vq ~ i i oo rj- vd o vd i-" I I cf\ od CO VO to tx oo <* vorfcoxoONCO O\O\'-' VO "- 1 N oo* vd d\ o IS |1I1 1 3 S S g a s o o LE O (X, pi, oo ON fx HI so ON oo tx w oo HI fO HI HI M HI *5 tx N <>o \n tr> rr> HI o\ VO <* c\ ? vq u? q q\ OON'ON^NOO'OHlltxfod^l 'OO M SO N IOVOT}- VOOOOO tx tx HI tx i oq v? tx I ' ^ M ! ^4d?vd I ^^5ot! ! ?l ! I tx rj- ^ ON I . . i . . . . -: . i ^ ^ . *? i i . i r i lO^ll^TfNNNO'O^ONON 1 l-n-l I - HirOHIHlMN H. HI HI ;"**. , tx tx tx Tf HI O vo OTI-MOVVON O HI M HI . 113 "1 O O ^ O o> o g 4.) ^_) 1 1 1 O O O ; l V) ! l ^ I - V 1 s a O CO CO t S 2 'S I fl rt a i ^ 1 8 '! h 79 bo O II Q ^T II gg I II STATEMENT No. 2. Shewing totals of a few of the principal articles of Produce in India including Burma, compiled from the Government of India return called " Area and Yield." Average worked out for 15 years from 1895-6 to 1909-10. Article of Produce. Total weight worked on average of 15 years. Rate Rs. Per Total Value. Rs. RICE 432,744,377 cwts. 588,532,352 Mds 5.71 Md 3,360,519,730 WHEAT 7,259,903 tons. I97,469,36i 4-74 ii 936,004,771 COTTON 4,130,255 bales 20,651,275 19-5 ,, 402,699,862 LINSEED. Pure & mixed 367,069 tons 9,984,276 5.76 ,, 57,509,430 RAPE and MUSTARD Pure & mixed 969,455 tons 26,369,176 6.5 ,, 171,399,644 SESAMUM. Pure & mixed, Tilor Jin- JiH 356,307 tons 9,691,550 6.51 ,, 63,091,990 GROUNDNUTS 155,645 tons 4,233,544 6.68 ,, 28,280,074 JUTE 6,981,166 bales 34,905,830 5-7 ,, 198,963,231 INDIGO 101,598 cwts 138,173 120.69 , , 16,676,099 SUGARCANE unre- fined, 12 years' average 2,013,261 tons 54,760,699 7-49 ,, 410,157,635 Rs. At is. 4d. ... Government dues at th 5,645,302,466 376,353,498 62,725,583 NOTE. The yield of these articles is increasing from year to year ; for instance, the yield of cotton for]i 910-11 was "5, 228,000 bales (Times supplement of J5th March, 1911). The value of Rice alone 3,360 million rupees 224 million pounds. Hence Government share at th from Rice alone would amount to 37 million pounds. 80 STATEMENT No. 3. Shewing Export Trade of India (excluding Burma, for which see Statement 5* A, B and C) for all products of land carried by Rail and River, comprising that from Province to Province and chief seaports (excluding the trade from one Block to another Block of the same Province, for which see Statement No. 4. Prepared from Government of India Return for the official year 1908-9. Quantities based on 5 years' average, 1904-5 to 1908-9, for Rates see Statement No. i. ARTICLE or PRODUCE. Quantities on average. s years Average Equal to in Maunds. Rate per Maund. Value in Rs. HORNED CATTLE 97,415 No. each 36.78 3,582,924 SHEEP AND GOATS 523,824 No. each 3-74 1,959,102 HORSES, PONIES & MULES 22,6O2 No. each 130.78 2,955,890 OTHER ANIMALS ... 966,613 No. each 19.06 18,423,644 APPAREL. Including drap- ery, haberdashery, &c. omitted as Foreign COAL AND COKE 7,565,582 205,782,830 56 115,238,385 COTTON, Raw 11,870,607 cwts. 16,144,025 i9o 314,808,487 COTTON. Manufactured, twist yarn and piece goods (Indian treated as cotton raw) 2 o35,4i4 cwts 3,448,163 19.5 67,239,178- CHEMICALS. Excepting Saltpetre 375,863 ,, 5n,i73 5-56 2,842,122 DRUGS. Intoxicating other than Opium 4,919 ,, 6,689 137-69 921,00$ DRUGS. Non-intoxicating 48,827 J, 66,404 195-93 13,010,536 Others 339,666 J, 46i,945 16.2 7,483,509- DYES AND TANS. Alizar- ine and Aniline omitted DYES AND TANS. Cutch 76,542 J, 104,097 22.69 2,361,961 DYES AND TANS. Indigo 14,285 >, 67,027 114.15 7,651,132 DYES AND TANS.-Myrabo- lams 1,083,860 J, 1,474,049 2. 2,948,098 DYES ANDTANS. Tanning Barks 516,825 702,882 2.03 1,426,850 DYES AND TANS. Tur- meric 668,619 n 909,322 8.55 7,774,703 DYES AND TANS. Others 2,764,465 ,, 3,759,672 18.26 68,651,611 FODDER. Oil Cake 2,174,624 ,, 2,957,488 2.64 7..807,768 FODDER. Hay, Straw and Grass 6,068,596 ,} 8,253,290 95 7,840,625 FRUIT AND VEGETABLES. Fresh 3,382,174 ,, 4,599,756 5-54 25,482,648 Carried forward 680,411,181 ARTICLE OF PRODUCE. Quantities on 5 years average. Equal to in Maunds. Average Rate per Maund. Value in Rs. Brought orward 680,411,181 GRAIN AND PUI,SE. Grain and Pulse 16,458,415 cwts. 22,383,444 4-37 97,815,650 GRAIN AND PUI.SE. Jawar and Bajra 8,108,193 11,027,142 3.22 35,507,397 GRAIN AND PUI,SE. Rice in Husk 6,8l6,20I ,, 9,270,033 2.97 27,531,998 GRAIN AND PUI,SE. Rice not in Husk 23,221,804 , J 31,581,653 5-71 180,331,239 GRAIN ANDPUI,SE. Wheat 29,123,251 J, 39,607,621 4-74 187,740,123 GRAIN ANDPUI,SE. Wheat Flour 2,028,749 ,, 2,759,098 5-97 16,471,815 GRAIN ANDPUI.SE. Others 5,943,403 J> 8,083,027 2.62 21,177,531 HIDES AND SKINS OF CATTLE. Dressed or Tanned 51,556 >, 70,116 47-5 333,051 HIDES AND SKINS OF CATTLE. Raw I,O79,IIO ,, 1,467,589 30.26 44,409,243 SKINS OF SHEEP AND OTHER ANIMALS. Dressed or Tanned 131,225 ,, 178,466 66.59 11,884,050 SKINS OF SHEEP AND OTHER ANIMALS. Raw 891,328 -J 1,212,206 32-32 39,178,498 HORNS 65,101 ,, 88,537 11.72 1,037,653 HEMP (INDIAN) AND OTHER FIBRES. Excluding Jute 796,387 ,, 1,083,086 7-25 7,852,374 JUTE. Raw 23,560,452 ,, 32,042,214 5-7 182,640,620 JuTE. Gunny bags and cloth 4,876,871 ,, 6,632,544 12.15 80,585,410 LAC 540,879 ,, 733,595 34.28 25,147,637 LEATHER. Unwrought . . . 173,535 ,, 236,007 112.15 26,468,185 LEATHER. Wrought 37,748 5i,337 175.07 8,987,569 LIQUORS. -- Ale, Beer, Wines, &c omitted MINERALS. All omitted Oiis. Kerosine ... omitted On,s. Castor 146,906 ,, 199,792 13-65 2,727,161 GII.S. Cocoanut 222,000 ,, 301,920 18.73 5,654,962 Oii,S. Mustard and Rape 671,299 > 912,966 18.25 16,661,630 Oii,s. Others 715,638 II 973,267 14.9 14,501,678 OILSEEDS. Castor 2,468,108 II 3,356,626 4-24 14,232,094 OII,SEEDS. Groundnuts 2,054,008 ,, 2,793,450 6.68 18,660,246 OILSEEDS. Linseed 6,369,835 ,, 8,599,277 5.76 49,531,836 OILSEEDS. Poppy 1,149,041 1,562,695 7-39 11,548,316 82 Carried forward 1,809,028,147 ARTICLE OF PRODUCE. Quantities on 5 years average. Equal to in Maunds. Average Rate per Maund. Value in Rs. Brought forward 1,809,028,147 OILSEEDS. Rape and Mus- cwts. tard 5,087,637 }) 6,919,186 6.5 44,974,709 OILSEEDS. Sesamum, Til or Jinjili 3,273,839 4,452,421 6.51 28,985,261 OILSEEDS. Others 31,378,026 42,674,115 3-23 137,837,391 OPIUM. omitted PAPER AND PASTEBOARD omitted . PROVISIONS. Dried Fruit and Nuts 1,992,734 2,710,118 17.91 48,538,213 PROVISIONS. Ghi 579,738 788,443 39-23 30,930,619 PROVISIONS. Others 2,732,477 3,716,168 12.42 46,154,807 RAILWAY PLANT AND ROLL- ING STOCK omitted SALTPETRE AND OTHER SALINE SUBSTANCES. 1,085,277 , 1,475,976 7.92 11,689,730 SPICES . B etelnuts 1,524,775 ,, 2,073,694 n.88 24,635,485 SPICES. Cardamoms 24,914 ii 33,883 138.29 4,685,680 SPICES. Chillies 937,408 ,, 1,274,874 12.27 15,642,704 SPICES. Ginger 88,684 ,, 120,610 14.81 1,786,234 SPICES. Pepper 144,322 ,, 196,277 20.76 4,074,710 SPICES. Others 1,206,281 1,640,542 17.1 28,053,268 SALT. omitted SILK. Raw and Piece Goods ... omitted SUGAR . Unrefined 9,156,746 ,, 12,453,174 7-49 93,274,273 SUGAR. Refined omitted . TEA. Indian 1,954,329 fj 2,657,887 38.17 101,451,546 TEA. Foreign omitted TOBACCO. Unmanufac- tured 1,560,363 >, 2,122,093 9.22 19,565,697 TOBACCO. Manufactured and others 664,544 ,, 903,779 46.1 41,664,212 WOOL. Raw 369,806 > 502,936 23.48 11,808,937 WOOL. Manufactured, less European Piece Goods 80,914 ii 110,043 86. 9,463,698 WOOD Timber un wrought and manufactured omitted MERCHANDISE. Other arti- cles of omitted ___ TREASURE omitted Total Rs At is. 4d. .*. Government dues at it 83 2,514,245,321 167,616,355 27,936,059 STATEMENT Statement shewing the Inter-Provincial Export Trade of India, excluding Madras (re-turns not oi a Province to other blocks of the same Province. Compiled from the Government of India Returns Article orProduce. Province of Bengal. Bombay President- Exclusive of Sind. Panjab. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value- in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. ! Rate per M'nd Value in Rs. Quantity j Rate in per Maunds. M'nd Value in Rs. HORNED CATTLE No. 55,198 33-76 1,863,484 47,937 40. i,9i7, 4 8c 9,593 23-8 228,383 SHEEP AND GOATS No. 347,905 4.76 1,658,747 639,288 3- 1,917,86* 6,496 3-7 24,058 HORSES, PONIES AND MULES . . No. 1,843 1,82.5 336,353 2,853 105-56 301,453 5,104 3-7 363,770 OTHER KINDS . . No. 85,800 4-25 364,649 6 40. 24C 174 27- 4,698 APPAREL Drapery, Haberdashery, &c. . . omit'd _ COAL AND COKE do. COTTON Raw 49,977 19.4 968,291 4,080,658 21. 85,689,450 134,684 16.55 2,229,007 COTTON Manufactured , Twist, Yarn, and Piece | Goods (Indian), treat- ed as Cotton, R.aw . . 555,949 19.4 10,785,410 415,499 21. 8,725,479 175,804 16.55 2,915,556 CHEMICALS Excepting Saltpetre 130,258 4-73 616,794 1,209 6.8 8,210 16,276 5-5 89,514 DRUGS Intoxicating other than Opium . . 185 15- 2,775 521 256.25 133,509 2,379 178.69 489,445 DRUGS Non Intoxicat- ing 14,120 300. 4,236,000 283 48.7 13,778 2,780 82.5 229,3455 DRUGS Others 38,772 ii. 426,492 15,196 18. 273,528 69,033 37-4 2,582,002! DYES AND TANS Ali- zarine and Analine . . omit'd _ _ DYES Cutch 16,236 16.25 263,980 4,485 31.98 143,431 319 24.14 7,702 DYES AND TANS Indigo 21,034 158.25 3,328,785 56 104.34 5,843 5,566 87- 484,226! DYES AND TANS Myra- 8 6 ! bolams 92,618 J -34 124,710 536,228 1.94 1,039,893 2,855 3- 8,565 DYES AND TANS Tan- ning Barks 22,905 1.77 40,553 222,656 2.56 570,554 18,114 95 17,301 DYES AND TANS Tur- meric 171,784 7-78 1,337,389 H3,354 6.84 776,017 48,427 9-7 469,89* DYES AND TANS Others 60,365 18.25 1,101,659 5,301 19. 1,000,719 43,588 23-3 1,015,770] FODDER Oilcake 1,819,506 2.25 4,097,091 382,158 2.83 1,081,922 71,481 3-75 268,700 FODDER Hay, Straw and Grass 1,755,040 I-I3 1,985,105 2,799,142 95 2,667,358 430,274 .84 363,772* FRUIT AND VEGETABLES Fresh 1,759,120 5-51 9,693,859 701,418 7.06 4,955,722 185,837 5-66 1,051, 926-* GRAIN AND PULSE Grain and Pulse 4,048,112 4-37 17,708,986 1,084,990 4-73 5,138,772 1,871,058 4-65 8, 700,801 ; GRAIN AND PULSE Jawar and Bajra 9,217 4-13 38,085 1,384,722 3.69 5,107,396 1,595,264 3-07 4,900,4844 GRAIN AND PULSE Rice in husk 4,640,855 2.82 13,117,716 120,967 3-87 469,125 110,368 3-54 390,740] GRAIN AND PULSE Rice not in husk 12,844,441 5-24 67,403,035 557,178 6.15 3,431,226 565,940 6.68 3,784,4111 GRAIN AND PULSE Wheat 282,896 5- 1,406,484 391,421 5-57 2,181,614 2,355,265 4.16 9,797,020J 84 No. 4. available) and Burma (separately treated in Statements 5, A, B and C) ; that is the trade from one block 'or 1908-9 and 1909-10. Rates computed from the returns of respective Provinces. Central Provinces and Berar. Province of Sind. Eastern Bengal and Assam* Province of Agra and Oudh. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd Value in Rs. 2,275 i,799 50. 3- 5,397 105 40. 4,200 192 464 40. 5-5 7,680 2,550 107 200. 21,400 IOI 150. 15.150 36 no. i. 3,900 205,968 23.81 4,903,756 575,638 18.69 10.763,198 36,150 18.9 683,340 417,360 19-5 8,138,520 142,012 23-81 3,3^1,306 230,012 18.69 3,298,924 3,352 18.9 63,353 213 8. 1.704 51-773 5-i 264,504 1,876 3-8 7,i5i 5,784 5-56 32,159 1,019 200.35 204.161 136 251-05 34,143 119 57-67 6,863 ] 60,321 "5-94 6,993,6i7 60 694 85- 8. 5,100 5.5* 2,207 13,988 475-36 18. 1,049,129 251,784 129 3,868 300. n. 38,700 42,548 J 1,098 58 1,502 15- 110.26 3- 16,470 6,395 49,206 4,506 975 i,449 3,228 3I-46 104.37 , 2.62 409 101,765 2,845 167 16.25 f [ 384,970 44.61 17,173,512 6,802 3,968 6,802 3,926 9-57 20. 2.32 1.36 60,158 79,36o 15,784 4 7,593 11,087 465 47,103 6.64 19.01 2.83 7 50,424 210,653 32,585 1.067 10 65,124 2,515 9.07 18.3 2.02 I.II 9,683 183 131,615 2,8n j 485,669 1.79 5,240,368 46,673 3.12 146,039 88,374 7-27 642,673 47,496 5-47 260,113 328,193 5-54 1,818,189 232,547 449:671 3-18 2.69 741,201 1,211,271 422.003 517,013 4-35 3-33 1,838,192 1,722,785 57,122 4-32 247,266 7,119,529 4-23 30,115,608 2,202 2-26 4,974 51,384 2-95 151,602 546,093 2-43 1,330,353 > 1,515,521 3-99 6,051,752 1,353,684 6.23 8,433,673 1,024,861 4-66 4,776,329 474,482 4.18' 1,982,913 880,790 4-64 4,092,229 257 5.02 1,290 85 Article of Produce. Province of Bengal. Bombay Presidency Exclusive of Sind. Panjab. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in RS. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. GRAIN AND PULSE I fc Wheat Flour. . 664,398 6.38 4,242,609 47,848 6.51 3", 564 564,853 4-87 2,756,160" GRAIN AND PULSE Others 642,696 i-75 1,124,712 109,171 3- 327,513 489,623 3-63 1,780,333* HIDES AND SKINS Cattle, Dressed or Tanned 7,252 55-7 403,825 I,I2O 49-75 55,723 1,192 32.61 38,874 HIDES AND SKINS Raw 339,367 26.49 8,990,587 16,065 21.76, 349,575 79,076 33-54 2,652,818 SKINS OF SHEEP AND OTHER ANIMALS Dressed or Tanned . . 240 79-21 19,012 20 3 82.36 16,720 2,444 49-44 120.840 SKINS OF SHEEP AND OTHER ANIMALS Raw 104,253 49-79 5,190,640 64,794 22. 1,360,366 87,174 32-39 2,824,408 HORNS 17,903 10. 179,030 10,360 17.17 177,891 869 5.64 4,908 HEMP (INDIAN) AND OTHER FIBRES Ex- cluding Jute 400,81 1 8.08 3,241,873 44,548 9.46 421,631 4,163 3-29 13,704 HEMP (INDIAN) AND OTHER FIBRES Jute, Raw 8,621,755 6.74 58,133,232 370 7.63 2,823 475 5- 2,375 HEMP (INDIAN) AND OTHER FIBRES Gun- ny Bags and Cloth . . 4,589,707 12.68 58,235,346 64,699 13-39 866,486 289,878 14.27 4,137,481 JAC 252,942 48.06 12,156,739 37i 40.07 14,867 1,715 25.01 42,895 I^EATHER Unwrought 1,663 82.32 136,899 21,935 220.58 4,838,394 31,103 38.39 1,194,040 I+EATHER Wrought, Ex- cepting Boots & Shoes i,776 128.38 228,020 3,822 257-31 983,450 7,670 136-7 1,048,550 IJOUORS Ale, Beer, Wines, &c omit'd METALS All omit'd . . ! MINERAL SUBSTANCES . . omit'd OILS Kerosine omit'd OILS Castor 33,4io ".5 384,321 31,108 13 58j 422,570 8,076 12.52 101,148 OILS Cocoanut 86,746 17.46 1,515,165 4,069 17-43 71,412 968 19.92 19,290 OILS Mustard & Rape 545,26i 17-31 9,437,353 1,981 19.61 38,849 6,578 16.83 110.712 OLS Others 348,918 "5 4,012,550 122,076 17- 2,075,292 27,204 19-5 530,523 OILSEEDS Castor 857,206 2.96 2,540,452 700,262 4-44 3,"4,834 i,453 4.72 6,864 OILSEEDS Groundnuts 65,039 4.86 316,604 347,983 6.66 2,316,870 2,852 7-82 22,302 OILSEEDS I,inseed 2,713,051 5-69 15,439,452 383,029 5-94 2,276,219 21,434 5-5 117,886 OILSEEDS Poppy 135,284 8.19 1,108,015 6,336 7.89 50,019 6,585 7.12 46,947 OILSEEDS Rape and Mustard 1,841,655 6.21 11,637,449 419,148 6-7 2,808,428 38,653 6.49 25i,U9 OILSEEDS Sesamum,Til or Jinjali 87,060 5-77 502,601 544,404 6.86 3,734,327 34,046 5-95 202,733 OILSEEDS Others 135,341 2.87 389,099 2,980,413 3- 8,941,239 672,707 4-74 3,190,859 OPIUM omit'd . PAPER AND PASTEBOARD omit'd PROVISIONS Dried Fruit and Nuts 71,206 18.24 1,299,701 127,721 19.01 2,428,883 149,220 18.78 2,803,793 PROVISIONS Ghi 115,922 36.83 4,269,926 69,918 44-27 3,095,282 52,595 37.86 1,991,468 PROVISIONS Others 593,146 9-25 5,486,596 706,388 8. 5,651,104 94,908 28.45 2,701,029 RAILWAY PLANT, ROLL- ING STOCK, &c. omit'd SALT omit'd c\t Central Provinces and Berar. Province of Sind. Eastern Bengal and Assam. Province of Agra and Oudh. juantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd Value in Rs. Quantitj in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd Value in Rs. 2.164 5-4 11,685 59,405 6-49 385,61 2,355 6.32 14.89 } 19.819 2-5 49,542 26,815 3- 80,265 708 1-77 1,255 7 46.14 323 37 51-43 1903 . 336,198 44-17 14,849,866 32-37 262,894 19,295 32-55 628,160 8,331 37.87 3i5,54i i 24.06 98,992 13,657 15-82 216,148 i,990 47.46 94,462 I J 13.07 8,064 420 17.18 7,217 338 ii. 3,7X8 4,219 11.72 49,447 16,650 163 10. 1,630 29,437 8.23 242,45: 55,507 7-25 402,426 4.638 370 7.38 2,734 2,612.002 5-55 14,510,853 1 284,187 8.92 2,534,94* \ 49-0. 442,228 153,144 13-4 2,052,267 18,700 12.56 234,938 J 118,178 2,361 39-65 93,6i3 60 .32.55 i,953 27,528 34-28 943,66o 40. 17,800 3,85i 251.63 969,062 13,501 43.61 1,938,879 200. 76,200 x,255 229.45 287,976 3 133-66 401 ' _ 14.14 47,164 2,391 18.57 44,404 55 11.76 647 1 . 18.84 4,108 19,199 18.17 348,647 897 17-47 15,677 I 454 20.7 8,983 129 19. 2.451 u,257 17-25 194,237 92.659 16.38 1,517,754 29,353 12. 352,236 9,090 17- 154,530 4,072 11.5 46,830 J 4,691 5-12 24,305 1,250 4-5 5,6i4 2 3 4-13 95 < 629,752 5-76 3,627,371 2,300 4-5 io,347 9,853 9-15 90,206 6.09 835,086 268 5-92 1,588 172 6. 1,032 1,209 ' 7- 8.527 2 8.5 17 6.62 3i,76i 155,041 6.82 1,057,816 60,769 5.92, 360,587 i 6.12 486,196 195,271 6.66 1,302,099 15,638 8.08 126,500 1 1-25 46,965 307,062 3- 921,186 3,086 2.93J 9,069 17,163 9.89 169,848 204,422 19- 3,884,018 U.I54 18.49 26i,757 180,521 69.56 i?, 557,041 11,768 38.49 452,970 8,517 44- 375,782 831 37.06 30,804 , 126,197 12. 1,514,364 46,768 8. 374.144 73.298 9-25; 678.004 ~~ _ _ 1 _ I ~ 87 Article of Produce. Province of Bengal. Bombay Presidency Exclusive of Sind. Punjab. Quantity in Maunds. * Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. SALTPETRE 381,421 8.46 3,228,801 96 7-65 735 29,037 5-25 152,441 OTHER SALINE .SUB- STANCES 235,763 5-5 1,296,689 224 n. 2,464 48,495 4-51 229,021 SILK Raw, &c. omit'd SPICES Betelnuts 359,925 8.71 3,136,942 27,142 13.98 379>623 2,950 I4-4 1 42,522 SPICES Cardamoms . . 11,483 104.95 1,205,213 504 164.56 82,940 1,354132.34 179,188 SPICES Chillies 176,454 11.9 2,100,718 105,724! 10.06 1,063,726 51792' 14-41 542,446 SPICES Ginger 4,380 9-43 4i,334 9,902 16.41 162,588 14,389! I 5- 215,890 SPICES Pepper 58,529 16.89 988,545 421 20.33 8,561 1,578 26.47 4i,777 SPICES Others 329,880 12.5 4,123,497 125,447 16. 2,007,152 32,463 20.58 668,265 SUGAR Refined omit'd SUGAR Unrefined 1,907,964 6.09 11,624,852 3,615 7.14 25,808 120,904 6.15 743,709 SUGAR Gur, Rab, Jag- gerey, Molasses &c. . . 1,026,972 7.36 7,563,997 574,743 4.18 2,404,627 TEA Indian 207,035 30.42 6,299,057 107 47-32 5,063 19,453 19. 369,607 TOBACCO Unmanufac- tured 891,531 8.16 7,279,771 236,169 14.01 3,309,033 266,917 7- 1,868,419 TOBACCO Manufactured j and Others omit'd WOOD Timber Un- wrought, &c omit'd WOOL Raw 24,279 25-83 627,125 55,045 31-87 1,754,764 68,789 19-13 1,316,185 WOOL Manufactured (Piece Goods, Indian, Rated as Wool, Raw) 4,35i 25.83 "3,386 156 31-87 4,972 4,995 19-13 95,554 MERCHANDISE All other Articles of omit'd TREASURE omit'd TOTALS Rs. 395.594,166 i8,774,35i 78,000,804 88 Central Provinces and Berar. Province of Sind. Eastern Bengal and Assam. Province of Agra and Oudh. Quantity in Maunds Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd. Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd Value in Rs. Quantity in Maunds. Rate per M'nd Value in Rs. 136 10. ! 1.360 103 7-87 811 1 128.570 7.14 917,990 4,494 22,470 10,789 ii. 118,719 1,321 5-56 7,365 J ' 4,290 *4- 59,9i6 7,108 14.32 101,848 9i,945 7.82 719,029 A : 145.124 39-2 5,806,461 114. 114 1,191 164.56 195.994 ' | 31,349 12.07 378.416 7,377 10.12 74,687 33,200 14.75 489,649 . 470 10,71 448 16.75 7,510 389 4-75 1,847 f 46 1,018 10,093 20-33 205,245 143 16.14 2,308 \ 5,630 20. 112,600 6,596 1 6. 105,536 1,409 12.7 17,885 6,787 10.6 1,765 7-14 12,605 6,167 8. 49,229 1 2,251,797 6.68 15.042,004 55 M9 6.24 344-535 2,001 7-77 15,566 56,037 5-86 328,631 J 63 62. 3.906 1,651 46.95 77,517 564,383 31-58 17,825,225 1.765' 36.17 67,370 25,258 9-54 241-159 8,595 8.87 76,280 101,672 7.78 791,790 161,826 9.22 1,492,036 978 14.09 13,779 152,702 ,M, 4797,709 17,840 23-48 418,883 3 14.09 42 668 31.41 20,982 ' 25,372,053 52,079 268 ^4996,151 Total for Total for Agra - and Oudh Bengal ( 131,678,109 J95.594, 168 ,, Bombay 182,774,351 Punjab 78,000,804 Central 25,372,053 Sindh 52,079,268 Eastern Bengal 44,996,151 Grand Total 910,494,904 89 STATEMENT No. 5. "A." Shewing the total Export of the transf rentier Export trade of Burma r compiled from the Governnment of India return for the year 1909-10. ARTICLE OF PRODUCE. Total Quantities. Value in Rs. ANIMALS. Horses, Ponies and Mules ... No. 109 8,240 Cattle 6 722 246 778 Sheep and Goats i, ^,/ ~~ 910 ^,)t i ^ 8,018 Elephants 10 53,800 Other kinds 2 1,000 COTTON Raw Mds. 3,806 85,800 COTTON. Twist and Yarn (Indian) 61,492 2,272,678 COTTON. Piece goods (Indian) ... 5,683 284,036 DRUGS AND MEDICINES. Betel leaf or Pan ' 8,770 93,048 DRUGS AND MEDICINES. Other sorts, non- intoxicating 1,674 49,718 DYES. Turmeric ... J, 1^1 T^ 13 1 02 DYES. Other kinds 363 11,678 FRUIT, VEGETABLES AND NUTS. Cocoanuts No. 50,234 6,714 FRUIT, VEGETABLES AND NUTS. Other kinds Mds. 10,116 45,36i GRAIN AND PULSE. Wheat 12,005 88,843 GRAIN AND PULSE. Gram and Pulse ,, 6,292 36,908 GRAIN AND PULSE. Rice, Husked i8,75i 73,628 GRAIN AND PULSE. Rice, Unhusked 365 494 GRAIN AND PULSE. Others ioi 74 HIDES AND SKINS. Hides of Cattle 13 333 HIDES AND SKINS. Skins of Sheep and Goats ... ... 2 40 JUTE. Gunny bags and cloth , , No. 54,693 10,938 LEATHER. Manufactured 103,533 OlLC \KE Mds 40 147 OILS. Excluding Petroleum iJAVt-vJ . T-J7 ,, 22,619 * TV 415,368 PROVISIONS. Various, including Ghi ... 133,279 2,292,686 SALTPETRE And other Saline substances ,, 222 890 OILSEEDS. And others 18 105 SPICES. Betelnuts 47,703 788,574 SPICES. Other kinds 759 10,874 SUGAR. Unrefined 6,412 48,653 TEA Indian 179 6,8<;o TOBACCO , , */3' 1 1.394 ) v ^.? 206.968 Total Rs. 7,252,877 At is. 4d. 483,525 .-. Government dues at |th 80,589 The following Articles are omitted: Apparel, Arms and Ammunition, Building Materials, Canes and Rattans, Chinese and Japanese Ware, Coal and Coke, Cordage and Rope of Vegetable Fibre, Earthenware and Porcelain, Glass, Gums and Resins, Jewellery and Precious Stones, Liquors, Mats, All Metals, Petroleum, Paints and Colours, Paper, Railway Material, Salt, Silk (Raw and Manufactured), Stones and Marble, Refined Sugar, Tea (European), Thanatpct, Wax, Wood, Wool (Manufactured), all other Articles of Merchandise, and Treasure. 90 STATEMENT No. 5. B." BURMA. Shewing the value of the principal Articles of Indian produce in the Export trade of Rangoon, averaged for the 5 years ending 1907-8. Compiled from the Government of India Report on the Maritime trade and Customs Administration of Burma for 1909-10. ARTICLE OF PRODUCE. Value in Rs. RICE. Husked and Unhusked RiCE. Bran COTTON. Raw HIDES AND SKINS. Raw GRAIN AND PULSE. Excluding Rice . . . FODDER. Bran, &c. , Oilcake SEEDS CANDLES CUTCH TOBACCO PROVISIONS CAOUTCHOUC. Raw SPICES ... HORN AND HORN MEAL I,AC. Stick OTHER ARTICLES 1,010,096 5,144,158 2,528,658 3,950,181 1,927,025 309,259 864,653 1,271,140 1,333,331 658,775 216,006 341,765 222,373 98,911 94,963 226,923 Total Rs. 120,287,217 [ 1 At is. 4d. 8,019,147 /. Government dues at th 1,3 36, 5 24 The following Articles are omitted : WOOD and Manufactures of, OILS, MINERAL, PIG L,EAD, JADESTONE, ARTICLES (not specified) EXPORTED BY POST, PRECIOUS STONES AND PEARLS unset. 91 STATEMENT Xo. 5. "C." BURMA. Shewing the value of the Principal Articles of Produce Exported Coastwise. Compiled from the Government of India Report on the Maritime trade and Customs Administration of Burma for 1909-10. Averaged for the 5 years ending 1907-8. ARTICLES OF PRODUCE. Value in Rs. RICE. Husked and Unhusked GRAIN AND PULSE. Excluding Rice COTTON MANUFACTURES. Including Twist and Yarn CANDLES. (Three years' average) SEEDS COTTON. Raw PROVISIONS SUGAR TOBACCO SPICES HIDES AND SKINS JUTE. Manufactures of CUTCH LAC ... OILS. Vegetable, not essential FRUITS AND VEGETABLES ... ANIMALS. (Living) OTHER ARTICLES 34,527,516 1,977,213 3,872,161 821,469 106,312 627,780 705,867 548,974 452,256 463,677 319,537 357,97i 379J32 1,252,365 190,204 87,812 96,048 1,243,738 Total Rs. 48,030,032 At is. 4d. 3,202,002 .*. Government dues at th 533,667 The following Articles are omitted : MINERAL OILS, including PARAFFIN WAX, WOOD and Manufactures of, METALS, APPAREL, HARD- WARE AND CUTLERY, SILK and Manufactures of, LIQUORS, MACHINERY and MILLWORK, UMBRELLAS, including PARASOLS, &c., EARTHENWARE and PORCELAIN, GLASS and GLASSWARE, CARRIAGES, CARTS, &c., IVORY, unmanufactured WOOL, manufactures of, RAILWAY PLANT and ROLLING STOCK. 92 Summary of Total value of Export Trade and probable Government due. STATEMENT. Total Value Equal in Govern- in Rs. vSterling. ment due Xo. 3 2,514,245,321 Export trade from Pro- vince to Province and to seaports, whole India Xo. 4 (Inter-Provincial) Xo. 5 " A." 5 "B." 167,616,355 910,494,904 60,699,660 7,252,877 120,287,217 48,030,032 483,525 8,019,147 3,202,002 27,936,059 IO,Il6,6lO 80,387 1,336,524 533,667 Rs. 3,600,310,351 240,002,069 40,003,447 XOTE. Returns of Madras for Inter-Provincial trade not being available, Statement 4 excludes Madras Presidency. Therefore for purpose of approximation, take Madras equal to Bombay and add 189,774,351 12,651,623 2,108,604 3,790,084,702 252,653,692 42,112,051 Therefore Government total will be say 42 million sterling. 93 GENERAL LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BERKELEY RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 5 %) DISC MAR 13 ' fcAVS LOAN OCT 1 1B71 JAN 03 1991 LD 21-100m-l,'54(1887sl6)476 Gaylamount Pamphlet Binder Gaylord Bros., Inc. Stockton, Calif. T. M. Reg. U.S. Pat. Off. M40947 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY