PROCEEDINGS OF ENTRAL ASIAN S THE EFORM MOVEMENT !N GENERAL SIR T. E, GORDON, ffW^ LAL ASIAN SOCIE7 Iproceebinos of the Central Heian Society THE REFORM MOVEMENT IN PERSIA BY GENERAL SIR T. E GORDON K.C.B., K.C.I.E., C.S.I. BEAD WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 1907. SRLF URL THE REFORM MOVEMENT IN PERSIA The Chairman, Libutenant-General Sir Edwin Collen, in commencing the proceedings said : The subject of the paper which is about to be read is the reform movement in Persia. It is a very important one to us, because we are deeply concerned in the future pros[)crity of the country, and I do not think we could listen to anyone who is more competent to inform us on the subject than General Sir Thomas Gordon. Not only is he admirably qualified by his residence in the country, by his official connection with it, and by study and knowledge, but he has been personally acquainted with many of the actors in the great drama which has recently been enacted on the Persian stage. The first serious reformer in modern times in Persia was Mirza Taki Khan, Prime Minister to Nasr-ed-Din, Shah, and grandfather, on the maternal side, of the new Shah, Mohamed Ali, He was a man of exceptional ability, and came to the front as a statesman and diplo- matist at the International Conference of British, Russian, Turkish, and Persian representatives, which was held at Erzerum about 1845-184G, for the settlement of the long- standing frontier disputes between Persia and Turkey. The Mushir-ed-Dowleh, a high dignitary, had arrived there as Persia's plenipotentiary, but becoming in- capacitated by Illness, Mirza Taki, who was in his suite, was appointed to replace him. He found his opportunity then to show his high quality as a diplomatist, and at the close of the Conference he was said to be ' beyond all comparison, the most Interesting personage amongst the International Commissioners.' ( 4 ) The reigning sovereign, Shah Mahomed, died shortly after Mirza Taki's return to Tabriz from Erzerum, and he accompanied the Heir Apparent, Nasr-ed-Din, who was there as Governor-General of Azerbaijan, and had been proclaimed Shah, to the Capital. Nasr-ed-Din was then but sixteen years of age, and as yet had shown no signs of unusual mental ability, but he had the sagacity to see that Mirza Taki Khan possessed the qualities that were wanted in a Prime Minister, and he raised him to that high position. As Mirza Taki shared the common idea that the title of Sadr Azem, which may be granted to a Prime Minister, carried with it the evil fortune of sudden death sooner or later, he declined it when offered to him, and asked to be named Amir-i-Nizam, or Com- mander-in-Chief of the army, while continuing also to act as Prime Minister. He was accordingly so appointed, and afterwards was granted the further title of Amlr-el- Kebir, the Great Chief. It will be seen later that his refusal of the higher title of Sadr Azem did not save him from the fate which he believed to belong to its greatness. The Amir Nizam, as he was commonly called, was regarded by all as owing his elevation entirely to his own talent and services. He was a man altogether of a diH'erent nature from that of his countrymen in general, and it is said of him in Persia to this day that he was fully entitled to be considered an example of the noblest work of God— viz., an honest man. He overcame all the difficulties which lay in the way of the young Shah, and proceeded successfully to establish the royal power tliroughout the Kingdom. The Shah showed him the highest possible favour by making him his brother-in-law through marriage with his only sister, the Princess Izzat- ed-Dowleh, to whom he was much attached. This ( 3 ) marriage placed him in a position of intimacy which gave greater facihties for communicating his views, and in- creasing his influence with the Shah. As a man of thought, intelHgence, and patriotism, he voiced the aspirations of his countrymen, and explained the need and advantao^e of reform in the administration. He desired to relieve them from the oppression practised by the provincial governors, v^^ho bought their posts under the farming system, and robbed the Imperial Treasury as well as the people in enriching themselves and their followers. He showed that the existing system of provincial government encouraged the idea of semi- independence, and weakened the central government, while it reduced the contributions to the Imperial Treasury, contributions which, under a reformed system, could be largely increased. He went so far as to speak of a form of constitutional government, by which national deputies would aid in the much-needed reforms, and the consolidation of the Imperial power. This is gathered from popular sources of information, which further incline to the belief that the Shah was induced to adopt the views of his strontj and able Prime Minister. The Amir Nizam lost no time in following up the favourable impression he had made, and having convinced the Shah that the first step in his scheme of reform was to secure a firm foundation for the work of government in a well- appointed and regularly-paid army, he proceeded to improve the military organization and the condition of the soldier, and succeeded in forming an efficient and reliable force. The provincial governments being mostly held by relatives and favourites of the Shah (a system which still prevails), these beneficiaries were greatly alarmed when the Amir Nizam's reform proposals became known, ( <- ) and a combination was formed against him, having for its object, not only the defeat of his plans, but also his dismissal and death. There are Persians of liberal opinions who say that the traditional policy of Russia to check all reforms in the East was brought into play at Tehran with the view of the Amir Nizam's removal from ofBce ; but the action of the Russian Legation in its ill- timed, if well-meant interference afterwards on his behalf, seems to refute this suggestion. The Caucasus had then been very lately brought under nominal subjection to Russia, and was still in a state of semi- independence, and as the Mahommedan mountaineers of that region profess the same Shiah creed as the Persians, and have many ideas in common with them, it M^as reasonable to imagine that any form of constitutional government granted to the latter by the Shah might incite the former to prolong their long-continued struggle against the Russian power, in the hope of obtaining a large measure of home rule. But these suggestions may merely mean that the Persians wish to believe that it required some greater influence than that of a few of their own countrymen to induce the Shah to listen to the enemies whom an honest minister must ever raise ae:ainst himself in a corrupt Court. Unfortunately the Amir Nizam about that time lost the confidence of the Queen -mother, his mother-in-la\v, and this circumstance strencrthened the hands of his o enemies. Warnings against the ambitious Prime Minister, as he was represented to be, were constantly poured into the royal ear ; his successes were called crimes ; it was insinuated that he aimed at grasping the sceptre, and his influence with the reformed army was cited as a proof of his designs, and a cause of danger. The Shah's suspicions and fears were at length aroused, ( 7 ) and as there were no means of checking the Minister's power except by removing him from office, his down- fall was determined on. Thus Nasr-ed-Din came under the evil influence of designing counsellors, and consented to the dismissal, and afterwards to the death, of one who had served him faithfully, and to whom he was also much attached both as friend and brother- in-law. It was not probable that Mirza Taki Khan, once fallen from his high estate, would have long survived this crisis in his career, for he was too real a character to be harm- less, and means would doubtless have been devised to get rid of him altogether. The Shah offered him the choice of the governorships of Shiraz, Isfahan, or Kom, but he declined all. At length, however, through the mediation of Colonel Sheil, the British representative at Tehran, he was off^ered and accepted the small governor- ship of Kashan. Prince Dolgorouki, the Russian repre- sentative at the capital, was equally his friend, as he knew that sooner or later, if his life was spared, he would be recalled to power. He was too imprudent, however, in showing his friendship by taking him under the immediate protection of the Legation in such a public manner as to bear the appearance of an uncalled-for defiance of the Shah's sovereign authority. The fallen Minister's enemies took every advantage of the un- fortunate mistake of this ill-timed, active interference, and the Shah's feelings of anger and resentment were so skilfully worked upon that Mirza Taki was degraded, and ordered to retire in disgrace to Kashan, under the surveillance of a military guard. But this did not satisfy his vindictive enemies ; the Shah was told that if he valued the safety of his throne he must give the order for the death of the ex-Amir Nizam. Still the ( 8 ) Shah could not be brought to consent to the death of an innocent man, and he was permitted to live for two months in retirement with his wife at the old palace of Feen, near Kashan. But at length his enemies prevailed and the fatal warrant was sio-ned. o The Shah's only sister, the wife of Mirza Taki Khan, was devotedly attached to her husband, and accompanied him to Kashan, fully determined to watch over his safety by always keeping near him, for she knew that the traditional strict rule of Court etiquette against violence in the presence of a Princess would serve as a strong protection. Every day the guards took the precaution of summoning him from his rooms in order that they might make sure he had not escaped, and when he went outside to show himself his wife was in the habit of accompanying him ; but after a time, seeing that this ceremony was a mere matter of form, she ceased to go forth with him, and contented herself with the precaution of testing every dish of food that was set before him. Such was the popularity of the ex-Minister that no one could be found willing to carry the death warrant into execution ; but at length a man volunteered for the hideous work, promising that he would put him to death without the Princess beinof made aware of what was going to happen. This man was a clever, worthless adventurer, who had imposed upon the Amir Nizam, when in power, and had been lately admitted by him into the Shah's service as chief of the ' farash ' (lictor) attendants, a post of some importance. He now offered, in order to show his zeal in the service of his new master, to become the executioner of his benefactor. When he appeared at Kashan, the old retainers of the fallen Minister who shared his exile were filled with joy, for they believed that one who owed his advance in life to ( '-^ ) their chief had been chosen to be the bearer of f^ood news, but they were doomed to cruel disappointment. On January 9, 1852, Mirza Taki was called forth as usual by his guards, and on his appearing alone he was seized, gagged, and dragged to an adjoining bath-house. He at once saw that his fate was sealed, and with a resignation which was in keeping with the greatness of his life, he merely asked that he should be allowed to die in his own way. The request was granted, and he went into the bath, where a barber opened the principal arteries in each arm and he slowly bled to death. The young Princess, his wife, becoming alarmed at the absence of her husband, was told by the messenger from Tehran that he had gone to take a bath preparatory to putting on a robe of honour which the Shah had sent to him. She soon learnt the dreadful truth. Thus perished by the hands of Persians the man who had done so much to regenerate Persia. He was dis- tinguished as possessing the ability, patience, energy, and integrity required to enable a Prime Minister to conduct with success the affairs of State, and he had already stamped with the seal of his genius a new era for his country. His reforms were extremely distasteful to many persons in high position at Court, and they became his bitter enemies. Acts which should have redounded to his credit were made the charges on which he lost his office and his life. The Shah became so beset by evil reports and suspicions that at last he listened seriously to the constant cry of discontent and the insinuations of intrigue. Tiie upright Minister fell, and an unworthy successor was appointed ; the good that his predecessor had effected with so much diHiculty was speedily undone ; the troops were no longer paid until after long periods of entreaty ; peculation again was ( 10 ) practised openly in every department of the adminis- tration, and bribery and coiTuption became the rule. The shockino: fate of Mirza Taki Khan excited the greatest horror in Europe, and the Shah and his new Prime Minister had to hsten to indignant expressions of regret called fortli from foreign Governments by the barbarous sentence which had been executed at Kashan. Then followed the hour of remorse. When too late, the Shah realized the irreparable loss he had sustained, and, df^siring to honour the memory of the great Minister, he caused his two infant daughters to be betrothed to his own two sons, one of them being Mozuffer-ed-Din, the late Shah. It was said that Nasr-ed-Din. in his grief, resolved to observe every anniversary of the death of his brother-in-law, Mirza Taki, as a day of humiliation. Writing in 1858, Mr. Watson, in his 'Supplementary History of Persia,' from which part of the foregoing subject-matter has been taken, says : ' Each year that has passed since the death of Mirza Taki Khan has added to his fame by showing how vain is the expecta- tion of finding another Vazir capable of continuing the_ work of reform which was begun by him. The short })eriod of his administration is now looked back upon as the golden era of modern Persia, and his name lives in the memory of all.' The tragedy of Mirza Taki Khan's death put an end to all talk of administrative reform for some time, but it was resumed in 1889, after Shah Nasr-ed-Din's return to Persia from his third visit to Europe, when he was so well received in England. His Prime Minister at that time was Mirza Ali Asghar Khan, a man of strong- character and great ability, who was known to hold advanced views regarding an improved system of govern- ment, and who liad influence enougli to induce the Shah ( 11 ) to discuss in a general sense the advantage of reform. But the subject never passed beyond the talking stage, and it came to be a habit with the Shah to discuss reforms in his morningf hours of business, and to forwt all about them in the afternoon. He found ease in ruling through one Minister, the Grand Vazir, but the work of the Central Government was thus reduced to a very- small compass, resulting in a bad system which threw greater power in the hands of the provincial governors and caused much maladministration. The sentiment attaching to Nasr-ed-Din's long reign, its general peace- ful character, and his pleasant manner created a popu- larity which kept down any strong expression of the spirit of Liberalism that in the meantime was steadily spreading among the people. This new feeling mani- fested itself quietly in a desire for greater freedom and fair play in the work of life, and relief from the evils of farming out and selling the provincial governments and posts. While it seemed, however, that Nasr-ed-Din was protected by popular sentiment against overt disturbance of his rule, yet it was known that a movement, having for its object the limiting of autocratic government, was only lying dormant until his death. But an event in 1892 showed how powerless he was against the people, and very nearly precipitated revolutionary action against his absolute monarchy. This was the imposition of the Tobacco Monopoly, which, by its arbitrary proceedings, roused the deep discontent of the whole country, and resulted in the discomfiture of the Shah and his Govern- ment. The success of the people in this struggle was greatly due to the leadership of the Moullas, who at that time were viewing with alarm the spread of Liberalism, which they foresaw was likely to develop a force that would seriously affect their old supremacy. Accordingly, -( 12 ) th(^y seized the opportunity, which this occasion offered, to champion a popular cause, and to recover some of the Influence they had lost. The cancelment of the Tobacco Monopoly Concession cost the country half a million sterlinof for compensation, and In order to pay this sum, Persia, for the first time In her history, appeared In the money-market of the West as a borrower. The people were too pleased with their escape from dear tobacco — an article which among them Is regarded as a necessary of life — to pay much attention to what was said of the loan, and appeared to look upon It merely as another of the many excuses which their rulers were In the habit of making for raising money. It was sufliclent for the present to them that they could continue to smoke the tobacco of their choice without fear of having to lessen or lose the enjoyment of that simple luxury. The assassination of Shah Nasr-ed-Dln in May, 189G, while in the pious act of bowing low In reverence on passing within the famous shrine and sanctuary of Shah Abdul Azlm, near Tehran, sent a shock of horror through- out Persia ; and the fact that the crime was committed by one of their own faith intensified the feeling of exe- cration in the minds of the Impressionable Persians. The crime was generally regarded as a sacrilege, both with regard to the life which was taken and the sanctuary it violated, and its abhorrence for a time strengthened what it was intended to end or weaken — viz., the Influence and power of the Kajar dynasty. The accession of the new Shah, Mozuffer-ed- Din, was peaceful, notwithstanding the fears of some that opposition would appear. It was the first time with the Kajar dynasty that the Heir Apparent found no rival in his path to the throne, and the fullest credit was given in Persia and Europe to the Prime Ministei', All Asghar Khan (well known as Amin- ( 13 ) es-Sultaii), for having, by his strong will, resolute char- acter, and prompt action at this critical time, saved the country from disorder. The new Shah recognized his loyalty to the Crown, and fidelity to himself, by retain- ing him in office as Grand Vazir — an act of appointment which gave great general satisfaction. It is almost unnecessary to say that the assassination of Shah Nasr- ed-Din was in no way connected with the reform move- ment. It was apparently the act of a mad enthusiast who belonged to the religious party in Constantinople which advocated the establishment of one Church and one creed in Islam by a union of Suni and Shiah. He was possessed with the idea that the Shah, as sovereign head of the Shiah faith, stood in the way of this union, and he said he was chosen to do the deed of murder. For a second time a great tragedy checked the pro- gress of reform. Those who had waited for the close of Nasr-ed- Din's reign before taking further steps in that direction were, in common with the whole people, deeply touched by one of the saddest events that had ever happened in Persia — viz., the murder within the sanctuary precincts of their old monarch, who was about to cele- brate the jubilee of his reign, and they were content to wait for what the new reign might bring forth. They soon were given hope in Shah Mozuffer-ed-Din's expres- sion of appreciation of the domestic needs of his country, and determination to abolish the system of selling the provincial governments and posts to the highest bidders. But at the same time there were rumours of a change of Prime Minister, which seemed to point to delay in reform. Shah Mozuffer-ed-Din was sincere in his desire to keep the Sadr Azem, Ali Asghar Khan, in office, and to main- tain in high honour the Grand Vazir, who had rendered ( 14 ) him signal service at a most critical time, but being of weak character he was much influenced in all affairs by the courtiers who had attached themselves to his service at Tabriz, before he came to the throne, in the hope of some day reaping their reward at Tehran. These, from long association with him, occupied much of his time, and often took complete possession of his judgment. They became his irresponsible advisers, and being greedy and presumptuous in pursuit of personal advantage, they sometimes interfered beyond endurance in aflairs of State. It was not likely, in the nature of things in Persia, that this powerful Court party which surrounded the Shah would be long friendly to a Grand Vazir of such independent character as Ali Asghar Khan, and their jealousy and envy at last brought about his fall. Tliere can be no doubt he would then have gone the usual way of all fallen Grand Vazirs, had he not been protected by influential friendly representations which secured for him permission to live quietly in exile at Kom. He was succeeded in office by his old rival, the Amin-ed-Dowleh, a minister of considerable experience of State affairs, and well known for his enlightened views and honesty of purpose. He prepared a fairly practical scheme of administrative reform, and proposed to draw u[) a regular budget, which should set forth the actual revenue and expenditure of the country. But, excellent as were his intentions, he had not the force of purpose to carry them through, and he in turn fell from power in 1898, as had his predecessor, Ali Asghar Khan, who now, after twenty-one months of retirement at Kom, was called back to the capital and reappointed Grand Vazir. He had tasted the bitterness of adversity after long enjoyment of the sweets of power, and he came determined to occupy as long as possible the high office ( 15 ) to which he had been called a second time. This was the first instance in Persian history of a fallen Grand Vazir's return to power, as hitherto death had almost always attended downfall. The Amin-ed-Dowleh, as a first step in his policy, had arranged for an English loan of one and a quarter million sterling to pay off some smaller loans bearing high interest, settle arrears of pay due to officials and the troops, and provide the Treasury with a small working balance ; but at the last moment the Court party and Ministers related to the Royal House made such ex- travagant demands that the loan amount was raised to two millions. Failure to secure this increased loan caused his downfall, and Ali Asghar Khan was then recalled to take his place. He also failed to get the two milUon loan from England, but succeeded in obtain- ing- it from Russia. He availed himself of the services of M. Naus, a Belgian official lent by that Government, whom his predecessor had engaged as State financial adviser, and with his assistance effected the valuable reform of the Customs, which nearly doubled the pay- ments to the Imperial Treasury, and fully provided for the interest of the Russian loan. He was contemplating further reforms when, in 1900, the Shah made his first visit to Europe. This visit was a long one, and its expenses formed a heavy charge to the State. It was popularly supposed that the Shah Nasr-ed-Din, who was originally of a frugal nature, had hoarded great wealth, but during the latter years of his reign his old habits of economy seemed to have deserted him, and, so far from adding to his hoard, he drew largely from it. Doubtless his great overgrown domestic establishments had pro- duced the change from economy to extravagance. The son, Mozuffer-ed-Din, accordingly found his inheritance ( 10 ) to be far short of his anticipations. The accession to the throne always involves heavy expenditure, and the new monarch soon spent the comparatively small amount that remained in the Palace Treasury, after rewarding in a lavish manner the services rendered to him whilst he was Heir Apparent, and those of his father's entourage, whose powerful influence was indis- pensable to a peaceful succession. A second visit to Europe was made in 1902, when again considerable sums had to be provided for heavy Court expenses, and a further Russian loan was con- tracted. As on the previous occasion, the journey was nominally for purposes of health, but the expenses incurred were said to be more often in keeping with the ways of a merry monarch than an invalid. The Prime Minister, All Asghar, notwithstanding the high title of Atabeg-i-Azem and the rank of Highness which the fShah had granted him on his restoration to royal favour, soon discovered that he was not the powerful minister he had been before his exile. He found himself hampered and harassed by the Court party, and was forced to look for support from the Russian Legation, which had it in their power to control his enemies. Mozuffer-ed-Din's weak health had become chronic, and developed in him a strong aversion from public business and energetic action which enabled the Court party to exercise much power and patronage in his name. The Atabeg tried to con- ciliate this powerful Court party, but found the conditions incompatible with his position, and at length in 1903, becoming weary of their arrogant pretensions and cease- less intrigues, he resigned, after a second term of oflSce lasting four and a half years. On this occasion there was no doubt of his personal safety, and he was allowed ample time to arrange his private affairs, and prepare for ( 17 ) a journey round the world, which was to end with the pilgrimage to Mecca. He carried out this plan success- fully, travelling first to Moscow and by the Siberian railway to Vladivostock, thence to Pekin and Tokio, where he was well received. From Japan he voyaged to San Francisco, and after a short stay in the United States came to Europe, and went on to Cairo and Jeddah. From the last-mentioned place he made the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, returning via Damascus and Con- stantinople. Since that time he has lived quietly in Europe. His Highness the Atabeg-i-Azem, Mirza Ali Asghar Khan, is a fine example of a ' man of the people, with whom he was deservedly popular. He understood their feelings, and was well able to interpret their minds to his royal master. He may yet be heard of in his country's service. It had been the unchanging policy of the Shahs from ancient times to take their Grand Vazirs and many of their principal functionaries from the lower ranks of life, as being more likely, from feelings of gratitude and dependence, to preserve their allegiance, than those of the higher class who, at the call of ambition, might act against them. This principle, which excluded members of the Royal House, had always been observed in the choice of a Prime Minister until the resignation of Ali Asghar Khan in 1903, when the Ain-ed-Dowleh, a kinsman of the Shah, was appointed to succeed him. He evidently was the nominee of the Court party, who had come to find their j)ower equal to making and unmaking Grand Vazirs. Their interests being closely concerned in the existing system of provincial govern- ment, they were violently opposed to any reform in that direction. At that time (1904), of the twenty-nine provincial governors in Persia, twelve were princes of ( IH ) the royal family and relatives of the Shah, and five were favourite chamberlains and attendants. Some of these remained at Court, and ruled their provinces through deputies, who added to the burden of taxation laid upon the people. Shah Mozuffer-ed-Din, at the beginning of his reign, had expressed his intention to abolish the existing system, but no energetic action was taken to that end. The reform movement, however, was kept alive by the Shah's promise, and by hopes from each Grand Vazir as he assumed office. The Ain ed-Dowleh, whose appointment marked the fourth change of Prime Minister in Mozuffer-ed-Din's reign of seven years up to that time, was a statesman of strong character and good ability, who had shown signs of being a determined reformer. He had much influence with the Shah through his relationship and personal qualities, and with this support there were great expectations that he would be able to overcome all opposition to his avowed policy of reform in the financial and provincial administration. He likewise shared the confidence of his predecessors in M. Naus, the Belgian financial adviser, and put into force his scheme to examine the pension lists of the provincial governments, which are a fruitful source of heavy loss to the State. Touching as this did the indi- vidual interests of an army of officials, Court favourites, and drones, there arose a great cry against the Grand Vazir, who headed the party of progress, and such was the strength and influence of the opposition to his policy of reform, that he was constrained to abandon it ; and then, finding his personal interests threatened, he made a complete surrender of his advanced views, and became as reactionary as he had been progressive. The Shah made another visit to Europe in 1905, his third in nine years, and as the Treasury was empty, ( 19 ) another small loan was contracted to meet the expenses of the journey and other ' extraordinary ' State require- ments. In the meanwhile the popular discontent was Increasing, and local committees at provincial centres openly discussed reforms and means for curbing the arbitrary power of the Government. An indication of public impatience with the autocracy was given after the Shah's return from Europe, by the refusal of the people of Shiraz to receive back as their governor His Imperial Highness Shoa-es-Sultaneh, second and favourite son of His Majesty, who had left his province for some time in charge of a deputy, and resided at the capital. The alleged reason for their action was maladministra- tion, and on hearing of the Prince's departure from Tehran to resume his charge, the bazars of Shiraz were closed as a demonstration against his return. The Shah recognized the danger of the situation, and recalled his son from Kom, when so far on his way south. About the same time the people of Resht, chief town of the Caspian Province of Ghllan, raised a similar clamour against the return of their governor, His Imperial Highness, Azad-es- Sultan, fourth son of the Shah, who had been absent for some time at Tehran, but they eventually consented to receive him on certain conditions being complied with. The unpopularity of the Aln-ed- Dowleh as Grand Yazlr was openly declared at the capital, where he was accused of acting In the interests of the princes, and against those of the people, and they loudly demanded his dismissal. In answer to the popular cry, the Shah removed him from office In August last, and appointed in his place the Muahir-ed- Dowleh (the fifth change of Grand Vazir In ten years), who had been for many years Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the right-hand man of more than one Prime ( 20 ) Minister. The people suspected the continued stay of the Aln-ed-Dowleh at or near Tehran as influencing the Shah towards reactionary measures, and they persistently demanded that he should be sent to some distant place. The Shah again yielded to the popular cry, and the ex-Grand Vazir retired to Meshed, in Khorasan. Thus, just as the Grand Yazir, All Asghar Khan, the ' man of the people,' was driven from office and into exile by the Court, so was his successor, the Prince Prime Minister, Aln-ed-Dowleh, similarly treated by the people, when they realized their power to coerce the Court. In 1906 the discontent with the Government became general, the popular telephone was at work throughout the land ; and what was before whispered was now spoken aloud. Tabriz, the second city in the kingdom and capital of Azerbaijan, its most important province, led the way in popular agitation, and showed an alarm- ing readiness for extreme action. The people of Azer- baijan are noted for their sturdy independence, and the district has always furnished excellent soldiers. The spirited resistance of the Tabrizis in 1892 to the Tobacco Monopoly, of which mention has already been made, was the flame which kindled the burning indignation of the whole country against that obnoxious measure. The Moullas now again joined the popular movement, show- ing a sympathy with the cause of liberty which was hardly to be expected from a class who generally are determined opponents to progress. This sympathy between religion and liberty is also observed in the Persian pilgrims to the holy places of Islam, of whom the numbers are yearly increasing owing to improved means of transit. Their long journeys and protracted absence from home demand Intelligence and indepen- dence, resolution and energy, and they may always be ( ^1 ) regarded as superior to the ordinary crowd. Travelling as they do through Russian and Turkish territory, they have many opportunities of seeing the conditions of life there ; and whatever may be said against the administra- tions of Kussia and Turkey, the observing Persian pilgrims seem to find much that is good in both, and which they regret not to find in their country. They express their opinions freely when they return home, and make comparisons which are unfavourable to their own Government. Similarly, other Persians, engaged in business which takes them in great numbers to many trade centres in Russia and Turkey, where flourishing colonies of their countrymen have long been established, make the same observations. It is not that the condition of the peasantry and labouring classes in Persia is very bad, but the system of Government prevents them bettering it. The tendency is to stifle enterprise among the lower classes, who cannot pay to secure exemption from the tax collector's grasping anticipations. The ordinary Persian abroad is a wonderfully different person from what he seems to be at home. Thus, for example, the observant traveller may note that Baku swarms with Persians, resident and migratory ; he will see them everywhere — as shopkeepers, mechanics, masons, carpenters, coachmen, carters, and contract labourers, all in a bustle of business — so different from Persians at home. A sense of insecurity makes them Indolent and apathetic in Persia, but out of it the}'' show themselves active, energetic, and very intelligent. They are in great numbers at many commercial centres in the adjoin- ing countries — at Constantinople, Damascus, Aleppo, Baghdad, Tiflis, Askhabad, and other towns. Most of the new buildings in Tifiis were built by Persians, and thousands were engaged in the construction of tlie ( 22 ) Trans-Caspian railway. The permanent workmen now employed on it are largely Persian, and Askhabad has a resident population of over 12,000. There were said to be 20,000 from the provinces of Azerbaijan and Hamadan working on the new railway from Tiflis to Alexandropol, Kars, and the Persian frontier, and doubt- less many of them will permanently settle on the line. Pilgrims, traders, town colonists, workmen, and others with experience of foreign travel and residence, who in the usual course find their way home to all parts of the country, unconsciously form a great natural organization for the spread of Liberalism, as they tell of a better condition of things which might be theirs in Persia. Shah Nasr-ed-Din was opposed to youths of the in- fluential families being educated in Europe, as he foresaw they would return in disagreement with the severe Conservatism of old Persia ; and it may be said that this generally does happen. Some, however, were sent to Germany, France, and England, during his reign by permission being obtained through powerful patrons. But they were few in comparison with the number who now go, for the late Shah was in favour of the practice as leading to advanced education. He also encouraged the enlightenment of the people, by giving freedom to the native press, and modifying the censorship on certain Persian newspapers, of advanced opinions, which are published in Calcutta, Cairo, Constantinople, and London, and transmitted to Persia. Throuofh these means, direct and indirect, the people of late years have become better informed on many points, and more prepared to take interest and part in a reform movement which promises to give them an improved system of government. After some street affrays in Tehran, between the Court partisans and the people last year, the old form of passive resistance, by taking sanctuary, was resorted to ( 23 ) by the representative reform party. It has been said that Persia is attracted to England by her hopes, and driven to Russia by her fears ; and on this occasion she was guided by her hopes, for over 13,000 of the principal inhabitants of Tehran took refuge at the British Legation as a protest against the refusal of the Shah to grant certain administrative reforms. The Persians have always known England as the ' land of the free,' and they said they sought asylum in the Legation of the ' land of liberty.' Such a state of things at the capital was unprecedented, and the Shah, who was greatly affected by its publicity, after repeated promises and procrasti- nation, finally granted the constitution demanded. Mozuffer-ed-Din's health, which had long been bad, was then in a very precarious state, but he struggled with adverse circumstances, and showed anxiety to satisfy the legitimate desires of the people before he died, for he was said to be at heart a liberal. The Heir Apparent had been summoned from Tabriz, and was associated with him in the grant of the Constitution. On January 8 Shall Mozuffer-ed-Din passed away, after a long and lingering illness, and his son, Mohamed Ali, succeeded him, without any trouble beyond that of an empty treasury. But there soon followed the demand by the National Assembly that he should declare himself a constitutional monarch ; and after some temporizing he formally accepted the Constitution, thus stripping him- self of autocratic power. The mother of the new Shah is the Princess Am-ol- Khakan, daughter of the murdered AmIr-el-Kebir (Mirza Taki Khan) and his wife, the Princess Izzat-ed- Dowleh, sister of Nasr-ed-Din Shah. Thus he is the grandson, on the maternal side, of the Great Minister, the first reformer in modern Persia, and the people, In their natural quick manner, may well say tliat the s})irit, ( 24 ) wliich led him, in association with his father the late Shah a few days before his death, to sign the deed of constitution, will strengthen him to carry into effect the reforms for which his mother's father died. He has the people on his side, for they affect to believe that as his father was, so is he, a Liberal at heart, and is glad to see the Constitution established. He will require their fullest support, for it can hardly be expected that the various parties which have hitherto fattened on the old systems of arbitrary government will submit quietly to extinction, It is reported that public opinion at Tehran inclines to the belief that after some trials and dis- appointments good will come out of the radical change, and the new Government will prove a success. It is said that in the concert of hope and optimism there regarding the future of the country, only one discordant note has been heard, and that was from an Imperial Prince, who remarked that the dynasty (Kajar) was not made to govern in such conditions ; that the Constitutional system was excellent for Europe, but was not suited for Asia, and it was absurd to think of it for Persia. This Prince is likely to find his provincial Government work much changed when the new system is introduced, which will probably be after the festival of Nauroz, the Persian new year, March 21. The National Assembly is said, so far, to be composed of a majority of comparatively ignorant deputies, and a minority of well-informed ; but it should be borne in mind, with reference to the former, that the Persian is the most shrewd of all Orientals, and they therefore may acquit themselves passably well in their representative character. Already this Assembly, in spite of ignorance and administrative inexperience, seems to have obtained a strange influence over the Ministens and the Shah, who accept its demands and decisions with wonderful ( 25 ) amiability. The natural disposition of the Persians is docile, and we find in their history no terrible details of sanguinary popular tumults. Sir Robert Ker Porter, who travelled in Persia in 1817-1818, wrote of them: ' Their bland docility of mind, so amiable to a certain point, and dangerous beyond it, makes the Persians, of all people, the easiest to govern ; the State revolutions, so often occurring in this country, have not been those of the people, nor over the people, but the result of struggles between different claimants for the Crown.' It may be said of this reform movement in Persia that a long continuance of maladministration at last drove the people beyond the bounds of ' bland docility,' and made them dangerous. It has been suggested that the move- ment sprang from recent events in Russia ; but while it probably was stimulated by them, and the assurance that that Power was too heavily engaged with her own internal affairs to allow of interference in the domestic affairs of another country, yet there is good reason to believe that the reform party had been active in Persia for some time before the Russian troubles began. Sir Robert Porter showed a clear insight into the cause of the decline of Persia, when, after reciting her past glories, he wrote : ' How, then, are we to account for the Empire of Persia having been so great, and yet it has hardly ever appeared to exist as a nation ? How that, in the midst of trophies and spoils, the country has ever been poor ? and in the meridian of victory the hearts of the people have quailed for fear ? The answer seems plain to an Englishman ; Persia has always been under an arbitrary Government. The people, feeling themselves nothing as a people, have been nothing as a people, but good soldiers when called upon, though always the soldiers of him who feeds or pays them. Having no political constitution to defend, it was all one ( 20 ) to tliuin whetlier they fought the battles of Shah Thamas or Nadir Sliah.' But a great political change has now taken place ; the old arbitrary Government has given way to a constitutional one, without violent disturbance or disorder, and the new Government, by giving the Persian people a Constitution to defend, may create a patriotism which will render foreign conquest, or acquisi- tion of their country, a less easy task than it has hitherto seemed. It may serve a good purpose to repeat here what Lord Salisbury said to Shah Nasr-ed-Din, on the occasion of his visit to England in 1889. 'We desire above all things that Persia shall not only be prosperous, but be strong — strong in her resources, strong in her preparations, strong in her alliances, in order that she may pursue the peaceful path on which she has entered in security and tranquillity.' DISCUSSION The Chairman said : I think there can be only one opinion as to the value of the paper we have just heard read. Sir Thomas Gordon has unfolded to us a remarkable history and perhaps, the most pathetic incident in that history is the fate which befel Mirza Taki Khan, the great Minister who led the vanguard of reform. But the most curious thing — which must have struck all of us — is the leadership of the Mullas as the champions of the popular cause, because in Eastern countries we do not usually associate the priesthood with aspirations for liberty. A very mteresting summary of the new Constitution was published a few days ago in the Times, and I may invite your attention to some of the leading features of this remarkable document. It comprises fifty-one articles, and the first eleven of these deal with the constitution of the National Council under the late Shah's decree of August last. The Council is to represent ' the whole people of Persia, who all participate in the domestic and political affairs of the country.' The number of members is limited for the present to 162, but is to be raised in case of need to 200, and the election is for two full years. Article 15 gives the National Council a right to ' propose what- ( 27 ) ever may be deemed to the interest of the Empire'; and the four succeeding articles provide for the full control by the National Council over the organization of the Government and the affairs of the State, and especially over financial matters and internal administration. Articles 22 to 26 enact that the sanction of the National Council must be obtained for any territorial changes, for the alienation of any part of the revenues or property of the State, for all concessions of every kind, for Government loans, whether internal or external, and for railway or road construction. Only treaties which have to be kept secret in the interests of the State are excepted from these provisions. Articles 43, 44, and 45 relate to the creation of a Senate, consisting of sixty members, thirty being appointed on behalf of the Shah (fifteen from the capital and fifteen from the provinces), and thirty elected on behalf of the National Council in the same proportion. Other articles relate to the respective duties of the Senate and the National Council and their relations towards each other. The concluding article commands future rulers to preserve these * principles and articles,' which are declared to be put into operation ' in order to fortify the Government, to strengthen the Sovereign, to safeguard the administration of justice and the tranquillity of the nation.' The practical question for us this afternoon is. What are the prospects of the stability of this Constitution, so admirably framed and so far-reaching in its provisos? Many forces will be working against it, and perhaps those who follow me in the dis- cussion \^ ill indicate their opinion on the chances of its success. Sir Lepel Griffin said : The remarks I have to make are not in criticism of the paper, for as it stands it is complete, and gives us a most accurate picture of the j)rogress of reform in Persia during the last half-century. There is no one in England to-day, I believe, who could have given us the history so admirably and so exactly as General Gordon has done. My object is to respond to the invitation of the chairman, and express my views as to the prospects of the future. General Gordon has in the most interesting way shown the various steps by which the present situation has arisen, and I must confess that the result seems to me somewhat strange and disconcerting We regard the slow geological processes of Nature with respectful, though with somewhat languid, interest ; but when those pro- cesses culminate in an earth(juake we are naturally somewhat disturbed. There has been a political earthquake in Persia, and ( 2S ) no one who knows that country at all well can prophesy with certainty what the result will be. Eepresentative government has proved a failure in the greater part of the w'orld, and has only been a very moderate success even in England. Is Persia going to be the one country of the East in which representative institutions are to be successful ? I hardly think so (Hear, hear). The new Persian Assembly, or Parliament, is proceeding, it seems to me, in the same reckless, turbulent, and intolerant manner as was shown by the first Duma in St. Petersburg, and it may meet with a similar termination. It may, on the other hand — and we all hope it will — be fruitful of some good and some advantage for Persia generally. The other day there was a very clever and interesting article in the Times on the Con- stitution, the main features of which have just been indicated to us by General CoUen. That article, written by a high authority, appeared to me to be somewhat too optimistic. We do not expect figs to grow from thistles, and representative institutions in Persia I shall view with distrust until I see some sign of this botanical curiosity taking place. However, there is one incidental good result of the present situation. The statesman who has twice held office as Prime Minister, Ali Asghar Khan, the Atabeg, of whom General Gordon spoke at some length, has been sum- moned to Tehran, it is said ; but, like spirits from the vasty deep, it is very uncertain whether he will return. I hope sincerely he will He is a man of great force of character, but he will find it a very different thing to govern Persia to-day, under this new Constitution, to what it was when he left the country a few years ago. He is not at all likely to tamely submit to the domination and tyranny of an Assembly which now holds the entire power in its hands and leaves nothing to the Shah, except, perhaps, the condescended privilege of regu- lating the rules for his zenana (Laughter). The optimistic spirit which characterized the Times article was, I think, a little premature. One element of hope, however, is that the Govern- ments of England and Paissia have at last, after a great many years' battling vainly and without result against each other, determined to act in accord in Persia. This is as it should be. The two Powers acting in concert may bring a wholesome influence to bear on the administration of Persia under the new conditions. Although we do not expect to see much influence for liberty proceeding from Paissia, I hope that English influence will be in the direction of leading the machinery of Government \ ( 2'J ) into more reasonable channels than the new Constitution, exceedingly able though it be, seems to forebode (Hear, hear). Colonel Sir Thomas Holdich said : My own acquaintance with Persia is not very intimate, and I should like to ask one question. Persia is, no doubt, more homogeneous than India ; there are not so many divergent, almost discordant, national elements to deal with. Slill, the divergence is very considerable. There is quite enough of it to make the National Assembly, drawn from all parts of the country, a very lively Assembly indeed. I should like to ask Sir Thomas whether it is really representative — whether, for instance, the Kurds of Western Persia are represented in it by a Kurd, and whether the Baluchis on the extreme south-east are represented by a Baluchi ? The point is of some practical importance in view of the new accord referred to by Sir Lepel Griffin as existing between Great Britain and Russia. If we are to keep ourselves to Southern Persia, while Russia keeps herself to Northern Persia, it is a matter of some importance that the various races of the South should be properly represented in the new Assembly. I gathered from the lecture that, on the whole, the impelling move- ment towards reform had come from the North — that the people of Azerbaijan led the way in popular agitation. I would like to know whether that province has secured more numerical power in proportion than is the case with the southern provinces (Hear, hear). Mr. Hart-Davies, M.P., said : I have very much appreciated the lecture, which is certainly one of the most interesting we have ever had. The question of the stability or otherwise of the new form of administration is one of very great importance for us. If this constitutional Parliament does turn out a success, we shall have to revise all our ideas of the East. We have always thought that in Oriental lands there could be no such thing as constitutional government, and hitherto those lands have never evolved any form of government except that of a despotism. If this experiment succeeds, the effect on our position in India will l)e very great ; it will raise hopes there that we shall find it exceedingly difficult to accept to the full. My own ideas of Persia are somewhat antiquated, as I have not been there for many years now ; l)ut, like other travellers, I like the Persians, and feel that under good government they would 1)0 a great people. The Persian reform movement seems to me part of a general spiiit of political unrest manifesting itself ( ao ) tliroughout the East. When I was in Paissia last year, I found that one of the first proposals made hy the Mahommedans of a certain province in connection with the creation of the Duma was that female suffrage should l)e granted (Laughter). They asked for a change which has yet to he secured even in England. When we see such a spirit manifesting itself in the East, it strengthens the hope we all entertain that the world is marching on towards something hetter. I am sure that the aspirations of the Persians for political liberty will receive all the sympathy they can possibly have from the people of England (Cheers). Mr. W. Irvine said : I should like to support what has fallen from Sir Lepel Griffin. Any close student of the history of the East must be extremely sceptical as to the permanence of popular institutions started in Persia under the Constitution the chairman has outlined. It is a truism that State institutions and constitutions grow, and cannot be established suddenly. They must grow from small beginnings, and become part of the life of the people, before they have any chance of success. If study of the past history of a people is of any use in predicting the future, one is forced to the conclusion that such institutions have no chance of success in the East as we know it and have known it. As has been pointed out, if there is success in this experiment it will have the most far-reaching consequences. In fact, we shall have to reconsider entirel}- the basis of our political belief in the East as to what can be done by, and what we must still continue to do for, the people we govern. As to the paper, I must say that I see nothing in all the story told us leading up naturally to the grant of a constitution of fifty-one paragraphs. The course of events in the last fifty years, as summarized by the lecturer, was of the usual Oriental order. There were the attempts of honest ministers to secure better administration, but this was to be obtained under the old Oriental type of despotic power. There was no connection that I could trace between the events narrated and the grant of constitutional government ; the one did not lead up to the other in the ordinary way of natural development. I do not see how this clever constitution of the European type — constructed, I should think, by Europeans — is going to stand. The mere fact that it was decreed between sunset one day and sunrise the next almost takes one's breath away. Who could expect anything of that kind to take place in an Oriental country as we have hitherto known such countries ? General Sir Thomas Gordon, in replying on the discussion, ( '*51 ) said : The only point to which I need refer is the question of Sir Thomas Holdich as to the representation of Kurds and Baluchis in the new Assembly. I do not know at present the personal composition of the Assembly, but I saw in a late report allusion made to the presence in Tehran of one of the principal tribal chiefs. I take him to be chief of the powerful Shah sevend nomads, whose pasture-lands extend from Zinjan to the neigh- bourhood of Tehran. He was reported to be in favour of a constitutional government, and a government of Ministers who would be responsible to the representatives of the people. Now this remark is in keeping with the ancient system of government from the early stages of tribal power and life in Persia. The chiefs of the tribes which went thither from Central Asia were as the heads of primitive republics. They sat in open Council surrounded by their tribesmen-subjects. To this day the Arab sheikhs, who have not been gathered entirely into the fold of Turkey, govern their tribes in the same way. The nomads of Persia, unlike the settled population, have been under the control of the central Government in only a limited degree. They have had to pay taxes upon the lands they casually tilled and upon their flocks and herds, but this is done through their own chiefs, and thus they have not suffered the oj^pression that lay so heavily upon the settled population. No doubt, in drawing up the Con- stitution, the Government had to consider the feelings of the nomads, who number altogether, I think, between one and two milHons, including as they do the Kurds of the north and the Bakhtiaris of the west. The hand of the latter has often been against the central Government, because a famous chief of theirs was put to death in the most barbarous and treacherous manner by Nasr-ed-Din. In the south are the Baluchis and various Turk and Arab nomad tribes, more or less warlike. The Govern- ment has always been somewhat afraid of the strong nomad tribes, because of their natural system of military organization, which teaches them to turn out, well armed and roughly dis- ciplined, at short notice ready for combined action. I have no doubt that it will be the policy of the Government to attract to the Assembly representatives of the various tril)es to which I have referred. In each case, I should say, the representatives would be nominated by the chiefs and the leaders of tribal public opinion. What measures in that direction have already been taken I do not know. Sir Lepel Griffin : We have no definite information at ( 32 ) present. I do not think that tribal representatives have come in from the south. The Chairman, in concluding the proceedings, said : I think we are indebted to those who have taken part in this informing discussion. The experiment — for it is an experiment — of which we have been speaking is an extraordinary and bold one. Whether the Shah will be well or ill-advised, now he has accepted the Constitution, to further its aims and practically support its principles appears to be a rather moot point. My own humble opinion is that if the Shah is wise in his generation he will see the necessity for abiding by the Constitution, which will, no doubt, be modified in the course of time — because it is likely to lead to increased prosperity, and to the strengthening of his own position and dynasty. It certainly should have our goodwill, for better government in Persia means greater security to India and the extension of commerce, while in the cause of humanity and civilization we should especially welcome this new departure. It may, of course, fail, and much must depend upon the modera- tion and restraint exercised by all concerned. Let us hope, however, that it will succeed. There is at least this to be said : that, as Sir Lepel Griffin pointed out, the present moment is a propitious one, because Eussia and England are, we may hope, approaching a point when agreement may be possible on many vexed questions in Eastern affairs, which have interfered with the good relations of these two Powers for some time past. As regards ourselves, I hope and trust it is an earnest of the way in which we shall be regarded as the friends of Persia under the new order of things that the first outburst of this popular move- ment was marked, as Sir Thomas Gordon has told us, by the phenomenon of 13,000 reformers taking refuge at the British Legation in Tehran. We at least can wish the new order of things every success, and encourage it by all legitimate means, for we as a nation desire to see the amelioration of the condition of the Persian people, the establishment of a strong and settled Government, and the peace and prosperity of the country. It now only remains for me to ask you to accord a very hearty vote of thanks to Sir Thomas Gordon for his admirable and instruc- tive paper (Cheers). BILLINO AMD 30M8, LTD., PRINTERS, GUII.DKURD J D 000 001 685 7