PROCEEDINGS OF 
 ENTRAL ASIAN S 
 
 THE 
 
 EFORM MOVEMENT !N 
 
 GENERAL SIR T. E, GORDON, 
 
 ffW^ 
 
 LAL ASIAN SOCIE7
 
 Iproceebinos of the Central 
 Heian Society 
 
 THE REFORM MOVEMENT IN PERSIA 
 
 BY 
 
 GENERAL SIR T. E GORDON 
 
 K.C.B., K.C.I.E., C.S.I. 
 BEAD WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 1907. 

 
 SRLF 
 URL 
 
 THE REFORM MOVEMENT IN PERSIA 
 
 The Chairman, Libutenant-General Sir Edwin Collen, in 
 commencing the proceedings said : The subject of the paper 
 which is about to be read is the reform movement in Persia. It 
 is a very important one to us, because we are deeply concerned 
 in the future pros[)crity of the country, and I do not think we 
 could listen to anyone who is more competent to inform us on 
 the subject than General Sir Thomas Gordon. Not only is 
 he admirably qualified by his residence in the country, by his 
 official connection with it, and by study and knowledge, but he 
 has been personally acquainted with many of the actors in the 
 great drama which has recently been enacted on the Persian 
 stage. 
 
 The first serious reformer in modern times in Persia 
 was Mirza Taki Khan, Prime Minister to Nasr-ed-Din, 
 Shah, and grandfather, on the maternal side, of the new 
 Shah, Mohamed Ali, He was a man of exceptional 
 ability, and came to the front as a statesman and diplo- 
 matist at the International Conference of British, Russian, 
 Turkish, and Persian representatives, which was held at 
 Erzerum about 1845-184G, for the settlement of the long- 
 standing frontier disputes between Persia and Turkey. 
 The Mushir-ed-Dowleh, a high dignitary, had arrived 
 there as Persia's plenipotentiary, but becoming in- 
 capacitated by Illness, Mirza Taki, who was in his suite, 
 was appointed to replace him. He found his opportunity 
 then to show his high quality as a diplomatist, and at the 
 close of the Conference he was said to be ' beyond all 
 comparison, the most Interesting personage amongst the 
 International Commissioners.'
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 The reigning sovereign, Shah Mahomed, died shortly 
 after Mirza Taki's return to Tabriz from Erzerum, and 
 he accompanied the Heir Apparent, Nasr-ed-Din, who 
 was there as Governor-General of Azerbaijan, and had 
 been proclaimed Shah, to the Capital. Nasr-ed-Din was 
 then but sixteen years of age, and as yet had shown no 
 signs of unusual mental ability, but he had the sagacity 
 to see that Mirza Taki Khan possessed the qualities that 
 were wanted in a Prime Minister, and he raised him to 
 that high position. As Mirza Taki shared the common 
 idea that the title of Sadr Azem, which may be granted 
 to a Prime Minister, carried with it the evil fortune of 
 sudden death sooner or later, he declined it when offered 
 to him, and asked to be named Amir-i-Nizam, or Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the army, while continuing also to 
 act as Prime Minister. He was accordingly so appointed, 
 and afterwards was granted the further title of Amlr-el- 
 Kebir, the Great Chief. It will be seen later that his 
 refusal of the higher title of Sadr Azem did not save 
 him from the fate which he believed to belong to its 
 greatness. 
 
 The Amir Nizam, as he was commonly called, was 
 regarded by all as owing his elevation entirely to his 
 own talent and services. He was a man altogether of a 
 diH'erent nature from that of his countrymen in general, 
 and it is said of him in Persia to this day that he was 
 fully entitled to be considered an example of the noblest 
 work of God— viz., an honest man. He overcame all the 
 difficulties which lay in the way of the young Shah, and 
 proceeded successfully to establish the royal power 
 tliroughout the Kingdom. The Shah showed him the 
 highest possible favour by making him his brother-in-law 
 through marriage with his only sister, the Princess Izzat- 
 ed-Dowleh, to whom he was much attached. This
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 marriage placed him in a position of intimacy which gave 
 greater facihties for communicating his views, and in- 
 creasing his influence with the Shah. As a man of 
 thought, intelHgence, and patriotism, he voiced the 
 aspirations of his countrymen, and explained the need 
 and advantao^e of reform in the administration. He 
 desired to relieve them from the oppression practised by 
 the provincial governors, v^^ho bought their posts under 
 the farming system, and robbed the Imperial Treasury as 
 well as the people in enriching themselves and their 
 followers. He showed that the existing system of 
 provincial government encouraged the idea of semi- 
 independence, and weakened the central government, 
 while it reduced the contributions to the Imperial 
 Treasury, contributions which, under a reformed system, 
 could be largely increased. He went so far as to speak 
 of a form of constitutional government, by which national 
 deputies would aid in the much-needed reforms, and the 
 consolidation of the Imperial power. This is gathered 
 from popular sources of information, which further 
 incline to the belief that the Shah was induced to adopt 
 the views of his strontj and able Prime Minister. The 
 Amir Nizam lost no time in following up the favourable 
 impression he had made, and having convinced the Shah 
 that the first step in his scheme of reform was to secure 
 a firm foundation for the work of government in a well- 
 appointed and regularly-paid army, he proceeded to 
 improve the military organization and the condition of 
 the soldier, and succeeded in forming an efficient and 
 reliable force. 
 
 The provincial governments being mostly held by 
 relatives and favourites of the Shah (a system which 
 still prevails), these beneficiaries were greatly alarmed 
 when the Amir Nizam's reform proposals became known,
 
 ( <- ) 
 
 and a combination was formed against him, having for its 
 object, not only the defeat of his plans, but also his 
 dismissal and death. There are Persians of liberal 
 opinions who say that the traditional policy of Russia to 
 check all reforms in the East was brought into play at 
 Tehran with the view of the Amir Nizam's removal from 
 ofBce ; but the action of the Russian Legation in its ill- 
 timed, if well-meant interference afterwards on his 
 behalf, seems to refute this suggestion. The Caucasus 
 had then been very lately brought under nominal 
 subjection to Russia, and was still in a state of semi- 
 independence, and as the Mahommedan mountaineers of 
 that region profess the same Shiah creed as the Persians, 
 and have many ideas in common with them, it M^as 
 reasonable to imagine that any form of constitutional 
 government granted to the latter by the Shah might 
 incite the former to prolong their long-continued struggle 
 against the Russian power, in the hope of obtaining a 
 large measure of home rule. But these suggestions may 
 merely mean that the Persians wish to believe that it 
 required some greater influence than that of a few of 
 their own countrymen to induce the Shah to listen to the 
 enemies whom an honest minister must ever raise ae:ainst 
 himself in a corrupt Court. 
 
 Unfortunately the Amir Nizam about that time lost 
 the confidence of the Queen -mother, his mother-in-la\v, 
 and this circumstance strencrthened the hands of his 
 
 o 
 
 enemies. Warnings against the ambitious Prime 
 Minister, as he was represented to be, were constantly 
 poured into the royal ear ; his successes were called 
 crimes ; it was insinuated that he aimed at grasping the 
 sceptre, and his influence with the reformed army was 
 cited as a proof of his designs, and a cause of danger. 
 The Shah's suspicions and fears were at length aroused,
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 and as there were no means of checking the Minister's 
 power except by removing him from office, his down- 
 fall was determined on. Thus Nasr-ed-Din came 
 under the evil influence of designing counsellors, and 
 consented to the dismissal, and afterwards to the death, 
 of one who had served him faithfully, and to whom 
 he was also much attached both as friend and brother- 
 in-law. 
 
 It was not probable that Mirza Taki Khan, once fallen 
 from his high estate, would have long survived this crisis 
 in his career, for he was too real a character to be harm- 
 less, and means would doubtless have been devised to get 
 rid of him altogether. The Shah offered him the choice 
 of the governorships of Shiraz, Isfahan, or Kom, but 
 he declined all. At length, however, through the 
 mediation of Colonel Sheil, the British representative at 
 Tehran, he was off^ered and accepted the small governor- 
 ship of Kashan. Prince Dolgorouki, the Russian repre- 
 sentative at the capital, was equally his friend, as he 
 knew that sooner or later, if his life was spared, he would 
 be recalled to power. He was too imprudent, however, 
 in showing his friendship by taking him under the 
 immediate protection of the Legation in such a public 
 manner as to bear the appearance of an uncalled-for 
 defiance of the Shah's sovereign authority. The fallen 
 Minister's enemies took every advantage of the un- 
 fortunate mistake of this ill-timed, active interference, 
 and the Shah's feelings of anger and resentment were so 
 skilfully worked upon that Mirza Taki was degraded, 
 and ordered to retire in disgrace to Kashan, under the 
 surveillance of a military guard. But this did not 
 satisfy his vindictive enemies ; the Shah was told that 
 if he valued the safety of his throne he must give the 
 order for the death of the ex-Amir Nizam. Still the
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 Shah could not be brought to consent to the death of an 
 innocent man, and he was permitted to live for two 
 months in retirement with his wife at the old palace of 
 Feen, near Kashan. But at length his enemies prevailed 
 and the fatal warrant was sio-ned. 
 
 o 
 
 The Shah's only sister, the wife of Mirza Taki Khan, 
 was devotedly attached to her husband, and accompanied 
 him to Kashan, fully determined to watch over his safety 
 by always keeping near him, for she knew that the 
 traditional strict rule of Court etiquette against violence 
 in the presence of a Princess would serve as a strong 
 protection. Every day the guards took the precaution 
 of summoning him from his rooms in order that they 
 might make sure he had not escaped, and when he went 
 outside to show himself his wife was in the habit of 
 accompanying him ; but after a time, seeing that this 
 ceremony was a mere matter of form, she ceased to go 
 forth with him, and contented herself with the precaution 
 of testing every dish of food that was set before him. 
 Such was the popularity of the ex-Minister that no one 
 could be found willing to carry the death warrant into 
 execution ; but at length a man volunteered for the 
 hideous work, promising that he would put him to death 
 without the Princess beinof made aware of what was 
 going to happen. This man was a clever, worthless 
 adventurer, who had imposed upon the Amir Nizam, 
 when in power, and had been lately admitted by him 
 into the Shah's service as chief of the ' farash ' (lictor) 
 attendants, a post of some importance. He now offered, 
 in order to show his zeal in the service of his new master, 
 to become the executioner of his benefactor. When he 
 appeared at Kashan, the old retainers of the fallen 
 Minister who shared his exile were filled with joy, for 
 they believed that one who owed his advance in life to
 
 ( '-^ ) 
 
 their chief had been chosen to be the bearer of f^ood 
 news, but they were doomed to cruel disappointment. 
 On January 9, 1852, Mirza Taki was called forth as 
 usual by his guards, and on his appearing alone he was 
 seized, gagged, and dragged to an adjoining bath-house. 
 He at once saw that his fate was sealed, and with a 
 resignation which was in keeping with the greatness of 
 his life, he merely asked that he should be allowed to die 
 in his own way. The request was granted, and he went 
 into the bath, where a barber opened the principal arteries 
 in each arm and he slowly bled to death. The young 
 Princess, his wife, becoming alarmed at the absence of 
 her husband, was told by the messenger from Tehran 
 that he had gone to take a bath preparatory to putting 
 on a robe of honour which the Shah had sent to him. 
 She soon learnt the dreadful truth. 
 
 Thus perished by the hands of Persians the man who 
 had done so much to regenerate Persia. He was dis- 
 tinguished as possessing the ability, patience, energy, 
 and integrity required to enable a Prime Minister to 
 conduct with success the affairs of State, and he had 
 already stamped with the seal of his genius a new era 
 for his country. His reforms were extremely distasteful 
 to many persons in high position at Court, and they 
 became his bitter enemies. Acts which should have 
 redounded to his credit were made the charges on which 
 he lost his office and his life. The Shah became so beset 
 by evil reports and suspicions that at last he listened 
 seriously to the constant cry of discontent and the 
 insinuations of intrigue. Tiie upright Minister fell, and 
 an unworthy successor was appointed ; the good that his 
 predecessor had effected with so much diHiculty was 
 speedily undone ; the troops were no longer paid until 
 after long periods of entreaty ; peculation again was
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 practised openly in every department of the adminis- 
 tration, and bribery and coiTuption became the rule. 
 
 The shockino: fate of Mirza Taki Khan excited the 
 greatest horror in Europe, and the Shah and his new 
 Prime Minister had to hsten to indignant expressions of 
 regret called fortli from foreign Governments by the 
 barbarous sentence which had been executed at Kashan. 
 Then followed the hour of remorse. When too late, the 
 Shah realized the irreparable loss he had sustained, and, 
 df^siring to honour the memory of the great Minister, he 
 caused his two infant daughters to be betrothed to his 
 own two sons, one of them being Mozuffer-ed-Din, the 
 late Shah. It was said that Nasr-ed-Din. in his grief, 
 resolved to observe every anniversary of the death of his 
 brother-in-law, Mirza Taki, as a day of humiliation. 
 Writing in 1858, Mr. Watson, in his 'Supplementary 
 History of Persia,' from which part of the foregoing 
 subject-matter has been taken, says : ' Each year that 
 has passed since the death of Mirza Taki Khan has 
 added to his fame by showing how vain is the expecta- 
 tion of finding another Vazir capable of continuing the_ 
 work of reform which was begun by him. The short 
 })eriod of his administration is now looked back upon as 
 the golden era of modern Persia, and his name lives in 
 the memory of all.' 
 
 The tragedy of Mirza Taki Khan's death put an end 
 to all talk of administrative reform for some time, but it 
 was resumed in 1889, after Shah Nasr-ed-Din's return to 
 Persia from his third visit to Europe, when he was so 
 well received in England. His Prime Minister at that 
 time was Mirza Ali Asghar Khan, a man of strong- 
 character and great ability, who was known to hold 
 advanced views regarding an improved system of govern- 
 ment, and who liad influence enougli to induce the Shah
 
 ( 11 ) 
 
 to discuss in a general sense the advantage of reform. 
 But the subject never passed beyond the talking stage, 
 and it came to be a habit with the Shah to discuss 
 reforms in his morningf hours of business, and to forwt all 
 about them in the afternoon. He found ease in ruling 
 through one Minister, the Grand Vazir, but the work of 
 the Central Government was thus reduced to a very- 
 small compass, resulting in a bad system which threw 
 greater power in the hands of the provincial governors 
 and caused much maladministration. The sentiment 
 attaching to Nasr-ed-Din's long reign, its general peace- 
 ful character, and his pleasant manner created a popu- 
 larity which kept down any strong expression of the 
 spirit of Liberalism that in the meantime was steadily 
 spreading among the people. This new feeling mani- 
 fested itself quietly in a desire for greater freedom and 
 fair play in the work of life, and relief from the evils of 
 farming out and selling the provincial governments and 
 posts. While it seemed, however, that Nasr-ed-Din was 
 protected by popular sentiment against overt disturbance 
 of his rule, yet it was known that a movement, having 
 for its object the limiting of autocratic government, was 
 only lying dormant until his death. But an event in 
 1892 showed how powerless he was against the people, 
 and very nearly precipitated revolutionary action against 
 his absolute monarchy. This was the imposition of the 
 Tobacco Monopoly, which, by its arbitrary proceedings, 
 roused the deep discontent of the whole country, and 
 resulted in the discomfiture of the Shah and his Govern- 
 ment. The success of the people in this struggle was 
 greatly due to the leadership of the Moullas, who at that 
 time were viewing with alarm the spread of Liberalism, 
 which they foresaw was likely to develop a force that 
 would seriously affect their old supremacy. Accordingly,
 
 -( 12 ) 
 
 th(^y seized the opportunity, which this occasion offered, 
 to champion a popular cause, and to recover some of the 
 Influence they had lost. The cancelment of the Tobacco 
 Monopoly Concession cost the country half a million 
 sterlinof for compensation, and In order to pay this sum, 
 Persia, for the first time In her history, appeared In the 
 money-market of the West as a borrower. The people 
 were too pleased with their escape from dear tobacco — an 
 article which among them Is regarded as a necessary of 
 life — to pay much attention to what was said of the loan, 
 and appeared to look upon It merely as another of the 
 many excuses which their rulers were In the habit of 
 making for raising money. It was sufliclent for the 
 present to them that they could continue to smoke the 
 tobacco of their choice without fear of having to lessen 
 or lose the enjoyment of that simple luxury. 
 
 The assassination of Shah Nasr-ed-Dln in May, 189G, 
 while in the pious act of bowing low In reverence on 
 passing within the famous shrine and sanctuary of Shah 
 Abdul Azlm, near Tehran, sent a shock of horror through- 
 out Persia ; and the fact that the crime was committed 
 by one of their own faith intensified the feeling of exe- 
 cration in the minds of the Impressionable Persians. The 
 crime was generally regarded as a sacrilege, both with 
 regard to the life which was taken and the sanctuary it 
 violated, and its abhorrence for a time strengthened 
 what it was intended to end or weaken — viz., the Influence 
 and power of the Kajar dynasty. The accession of the 
 new Shah, Mozuffer-ed- Din, was peaceful, notwithstanding 
 the fears of some that opposition would appear. It was 
 the first time with the Kajar dynasty that the Heir 
 Apparent found no rival in his path to the throne, and 
 the fullest credit was given in Persia and Europe to the 
 Prime Ministei', All Asghar Khan (well known as Amin-
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 es-Sultaii), for having, by his strong will, resolute char- 
 acter, and prompt action at this critical time, saved the 
 country from disorder. The new Shah recognized his 
 loyalty to the Crown, and fidelity to himself, by retain- 
 ing him in office as Grand Vazir — an act of appointment 
 which gave great general satisfaction. It is almost 
 unnecessary to say that the assassination of Shah Nasr- 
 ed-Din was in no way connected with the reform move- 
 ment. It was apparently the act of a mad enthusiast 
 who belonged to the religious party in Constantinople 
 which advocated the establishment of one Church and 
 one creed in Islam by a union of Suni and Shiah. He 
 was possessed with the idea that the Shah, as sovereign 
 head of the Shiah faith, stood in the way of this union, 
 and he said he was chosen to do the deed of murder. 
 
 For a second time a great tragedy checked the pro- 
 gress of reform. Those who had waited for the close of 
 Nasr-ed- Din's reign before taking further steps in that 
 direction were, in common with the whole people, deeply 
 touched by one of the saddest events that had ever 
 happened in Persia — viz., the murder within the sanctuary 
 precincts of their old monarch, who was about to cele- 
 brate the jubilee of his reign, and they were content to 
 wait for what the new reign might bring forth. They 
 soon were given hope in Shah Mozuffer-ed-Din's expres- 
 sion of appreciation of the domestic needs of his country, 
 and determination to abolish the system of selling the 
 provincial governments and posts to the highest bidders. 
 But at the same time there were rumours of a change 
 of Prime Minister, which seemed to point to delay in 
 reform. 
 
 Shah Mozuffer-ed-Din was sincere in his desire to keep 
 the Sadr Azem, Ali Asghar Khan, in office, and to main- 
 tain in high honour the Grand Vazir, who had rendered
 
 ( 14 ) 
 
 him signal service at a most critical time, but being of 
 weak character he was much influenced in all affairs by 
 the courtiers who had attached themselves to his service 
 at Tabriz, before he came to the throne, in the hope of 
 some day reaping their reward at Tehran. These, from 
 long association with him, occupied much of his time, 
 and often took complete possession of his judgment. 
 They became his irresponsible advisers, and being greedy 
 and presumptuous in pursuit of personal advantage, they 
 sometimes interfered beyond endurance in aflairs of 
 State. It was not likely, in the nature of things in 
 Persia, that this powerful Court party which surrounded 
 the Shah would be long friendly to a Grand Vazir of 
 such independent character as Ali Asghar Khan, and 
 their jealousy and envy at last brought about his fall. 
 Tliere can be no doubt he would then have gone the 
 usual way of all fallen Grand Vazirs, had he not been 
 protected by influential friendly representations which 
 secured for him permission to live quietly in exile at 
 Kom. He was succeeded in office by his old rival, the 
 Amin-ed-Dowleh, a minister of considerable experience 
 of State affairs, and well known for his enlightened views 
 and honesty of purpose. He prepared a fairly practical 
 scheme of administrative reform, and proposed to draw 
 u[) a regular budget, which should set forth the actual 
 revenue and expenditure of the country. But, excellent 
 as were his intentions, he had not the force of purpose to 
 carry them through, and he in turn fell from power in 
 1898, as had his predecessor, Ali Asghar Khan, who 
 now, after twenty-one months of retirement at Kom, 
 was called back to the capital and reappointed Grand 
 Vazir. He had tasted the bitterness of adversity after 
 long enjoyment of the sweets of power, and he came 
 determined to occupy as long as possible the high office
 
 ( 15 ) 
 
 to which he had been called a second time. This was 
 the first instance in Persian history of a fallen Grand 
 Vazir's return to power, as hitherto death had almost 
 always attended downfall. 
 
 The Amin-ed-Dowleh, as a first step in his policy, had 
 arranged for an English loan of one and a quarter million 
 sterling to pay off some smaller loans bearing high 
 interest, settle arrears of pay due to officials and the 
 troops, and provide the Treasury with a small working 
 balance ; but at the last moment the Court party and 
 Ministers related to the Royal House made such ex- 
 travagant demands that the loan amount was raised to 
 two millions. Failure to secure this increased loan 
 caused his downfall, and Ali Asghar Khan was then 
 recalled to take his place. He also failed to get the 
 two milUon loan from England, but succeeded in obtain- 
 ing- it from Russia. He availed himself of the services 
 of M. Naus, a Belgian official lent by that Government, 
 whom his predecessor had engaged as State financial 
 adviser, and with his assistance effected the valuable 
 reform of the Customs, which nearly doubled the pay- 
 ments to the Imperial Treasury, and fully provided for 
 the interest of the Russian loan. He was contemplating 
 further reforms when, in 1900, the Shah made his first 
 visit to Europe. This visit was a long one, and its 
 expenses formed a heavy charge to the State. It was 
 popularly supposed that the Shah Nasr-ed-Din, who was 
 originally of a frugal nature, had hoarded great wealth, 
 but during the latter years of his reign his old habits of 
 economy seemed to have deserted him, and, so far from 
 adding to his hoard, he drew largely from it. Doubtless 
 his great overgrown domestic establishments had pro- 
 duced the change from economy to extravagance. The 
 son, Mozuffer-ed-Din, accordingly found his inheritance
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 to be far short of his anticipations. The accession to 
 the throne always involves heavy expenditure, and 
 the new monarch soon spent the comparatively small 
 amount that remained in the Palace Treasury, after 
 rewarding in a lavish manner the services rendered to 
 him whilst he was Heir Apparent, and those of his 
 father's entourage, whose powerful influence was indis- 
 pensable to a peaceful succession. 
 
 A second visit to Europe was made in 1902, when 
 again considerable sums had to be provided for heavy 
 Court expenses, and a further Russian loan was con- 
 tracted. As on the previous occasion, the journey was 
 nominally for purposes of health, but the expenses 
 incurred were said to be more often in keeping with the 
 ways of a merry monarch than an invalid. The Prime 
 Minister, All Asghar, notwithstanding the high title of 
 Atabeg-i-Azem and the rank of Highness which the 
 fShah had granted him on his restoration to royal favour, 
 soon discovered that he was not the powerful minister 
 he had been before his exile. He found himself hampered 
 and harassed by the Court party, and was forced to look 
 for support from the Russian Legation, which had it in 
 their power to control his enemies. Mozuffer-ed-Din's 
 weak health had become chronic, and developed in him a 
 strong aversion from public business and energetic action 
 which enabled the Court party to exercise much power 
 and patronage in his name. The Atabeg tried to con- 
 ciliate this powerful Court party, but found the conditions 
 incompatible with his position, and at length in 1903, 
 becoming weary of their arrogant pretensions and cease- 
 less intrigues, he resigned, after a second term of oflSce 
 lasting four and a half years. On this occasion there 
 was no doubt of his personal safety, and he was allowed 
 ample time to arrange his private affairs, and prepare for
 
 ( 17 ) 
 
 a journey round the world, which was to end with the 
 pilgrimage to Mecca. He carried out this plan success- 
 fully, travelling first to Moscow and by the Siberian 
 railway to Vladivostock, thence to Pekin and Tokio, 
 where he was well received. From Japan he voyaged 
 to San Francisco, and after a short stay in the United 
 States came to Europe, and went on to Cairo and Jeddah. 
 From the last-mentioned place he made the pilgrimage 
 to Mecca and Medina, returning via Damascus and Con- 
 stantinople. Since that time he has lived quietly in 
 Europe. His Highness the Atabeg-i-Azem, Mirza Ali 
 Asghar Khan, is a fine example of a ' man of the people, 
 with whom he was deservedly popular. He understood 
 their feelings, and was well able to interpret their minds 
 to his royal master. He may yet be heard of in his 
 country's service. 
 
 It had been the unchanging policy of the Shahs from 
 ancient times to take their Grand Vazirs and many of 
 their principal functionaries from the lower ranks of 
 life, as being more likely, from feelings of gratitude and 
 dependence, to preserve their allegiance, than those of 
 the higher class who, at the call of ambition, might act 
 against them. This principle, which excluded members 
 of the Royal House, had always been observed in the 
 choice of a Prime Minister until the resignation of 
 Ali Asghar Khan in 1903, when the Ain-ed-Dowleh, a 
 kinsman of the Shah, was appointed to succeed him. 
 He evidently was the nominee of the Court party, who 
 had come to find their j)ower equal to making and 
 unmaking Grand Vazirs. Their interests being closely 
 concerned in the existing system of provincial govern- 
 ment, they were violently opposed to any reform in that 
 direction. At that time (1904), of the twenty-nine 
 provincial governors in Persia, twelve were princes of
 
 ( IH ) 
 
 the royal family and relatives of the Shah, and five were 
 favourite chamberlains and attendants. Some of these 
 remained at Court, and ruled their provinces through 
 deputies, who added to the burden of taxation laid upon 
 the people. Shah Mozuffer-ed-Din, at the beginning of 
 his reign, had expressed his intention to abolish the 
 existing system, but no energetic action was taken to 
 that end. The reform movement, however, was kept 
 alive by the Shah's promise, and by hopes from each 
 Grand Vazir as he assumed office. The Ain ed-Dowleh, 
 whose appointment marked the fourth change of Prime 
 Minister in Mozuffer-ed-Din's reign of seven years up 
 to that time, was a statesman of strong character and 
 good ability, who had shown signs of being a determined 
 reformer. He had much influence with the Shah through 
 his relationship and personal qualities, and with this 
 support there were great expectations that he would be 
 able to overcome all opposition to his avowed policy of 
 reform in the financial and provincial administration. 
 He likewise shared the confidence of his predecessors in 
 M. Naus, the Belgian financial adviser, and put into 
 force his scheme to examine the pension lists of the 
 provincial governments, which are a fruitful source of 
 heavy loss to the State. Touching as this did the indi- 
 vidual interests of an army of officials, Court favourites, 
 and drones, there arose a great cry against the Grand 
 Vazir, who headed the party of progress, and such was 
 the strength and influence of the opposition to his 
 policy of reform, that he was constrained to abandon it ; 
 and then, finding his personal interests threatened, he 
 made a complete surrender of his advanced views, and 
 became as reactionary as he had been progressive. 
 
 The Shah made another visit to Europe in 1905, his 
 third in nine years, and as the Treasury was empty,
 
 ( 19 ) 
 
 another small loan was contracted to meet the expenses 
 of the journey and other ' extraordinary ' State require- 
 ments. In the meanwhile the popular discontent was 
 Increasing, and local committees at provincial centres 
 openly discussed reforms and means for curbing the 
 arbitrary power of the Government. An indication of 
 public impatience with the autocracy was given after 
 the Shah's return from Europe, by the refusal of the 
 people of Shiraz to receive back as their governor His 
 Imperial Highness Shoa-es-Sultaneh, second and favourite 
 son of His Majesty, who had left his province for some 
 time in charge of a deputy, and resided at the capital. 
 The alleged reason for their action was maladministra- 
 tion, and on hearing of the Prince's departure from 
 Tehran to resume his charge, the bazars of Shiraz were 
 closed as a demonstration against his return. The Shah 
 recognized the danger of the situation, and recalled his 
 son from Kom, when so far on his way south. About 
 the same time the people of Resht, chief town of the 
 Caspian Province of Ghllan, raised a similar clamour 
 against the return of their governor, His Imperial 
 Highness, Azad-es- Sultan, fourth son of the Shah, who 
 had been absent for some time at Tehran, but they 
 eventually consented to receive him on certain conditions 
 being complied with. The unpopularity of the Aln-ed- 
 Dowleh as Grand Yazlr was openly declared at the 
 capital, where he was accused of acting In the interests 
 of the princes, and against those of the people, and they 
 loudly demanded his dismissal. In answer to the 
 popular cry, the Shah removed him from office In 
 August last, and appointed in his place the Muahir-ed- 
 Dowleh (the fifth change of Grand Vazir In ten years), 
 who had been for many years Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, and the right-hand man of more than one Prime
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 Minister. The people suspected the continued stay of 
 the Aln-ed-Dowleh at or near Tehran as influencing the 
 Shah towards reactionary measures, and they persistently 
 demanded that he should be sent to some distant place. 
 The Shah again yielded to the popular cry, and the 
 ex-Grand Vazir retired to Meshed, in Khorasan. Thus, 
 just as the Grand Yazir, All Asghar Khan, the ' man of 
 the people,' was driven from office and into exile by the 
 Court, so was his successor, the Prince Prime Minister, 
 Aln-ed-Dowleh, similarly treated by the people, when 
 they realized their power to coerce the Court. 
 
 In 1906 the discontent with the Government became 
 general, the popular telephone was at work throughout 
 the land ; and what was before whispered was now 
 spoken aloud. Tabriz, the second city in the kingdom 
 and capital of Azerbaijan, its most important province, 
 led the way in popular agitation, and showed an alarm- 
 ing readiness for extreme action. The people of Azer- 
 baijan are noted for their sturdy independence, and the 
 district has always furnished excellent soldiers. The 
 spirited resistance of the Tabrizis in 1892 to the Tobacco 
 Monopoly, of which mention has already been made, was 
 the flame which kindled the burning indignation of the 
 whole country against that obnoxious measure. The 
 Moullas now again joined the popular movement, show- 
 ing a sympathy with the cause of liberty which was 
 hardly to be expected from a class who generally are 
 determined opponents to progress. This sympathy 
 between religion and liberty is also observed in the 
 Persian pilgrims to the holy places of Islam, of whom 
 the numbers are yearly increasing owing to improved 
 means of transit. Their long journeys and protracted 
 absence from home demand Intelligence and indepen- 
 dence, resolution and energy, and they may always be
 
 ( ^1 ) 
 
 regarded as superior to the ordinary crowd. Travelling 
 as they do through Russian and Turkish territory, they 
 have many opportunities of seeing the conditions of life 
 there ; and whatever may be said against the administra- 
 tions of Kussia and Turkey, the observing Persian 
 pilgrims seem to find much that is good in both, and 
 which they regret not to find in their country. They 
 express their opinions freely when they return home, 
 and make comparisons which are unfavourable to their 
 own Government. Similarly, other Persians, engaged in 
 business which takes them in great numbers to many 
 trade centres in Russia and Turkey, where flourishing 
 colonies of their countrymen have long been established, 
 make the same observations. It is not that the condition 
 of the peasantry and labouring classes in Persia is very 
 bad, but the system of Government prevents them 
 bettering it. The tendency is to stifle enterprise among 
 the lower classes, who cannot pay to secure exemption 
 from the tax collector's grasping anticipations. 
 
 The ordinary Persian abroad is a wonderfully different 
 person from what he seems to be at home. Thus, for 
 example, the observant traveller may note that Baku 
 swarms with Persians, resident and migratory ; he will 
 see them everywhere — as shopkeepers, mechanics, masons, 
 carpenters, coachmen, carters, and contract labourers, all 
 in a bustle of business — so different from Persians at 
 home. A sense of insecurity makes them Indolent and 
 apathetic in Persia, but out of it the}'' show themselves 
 active, energetic, and very intelligent. They are in 
 great numbers at many commercial centres in the adjoin- 
 ing countries — at Constantinople, Damascus, Aleppo, 
 Baghdad, Tiflis, Askhabad, and other towns. Most of 
 the new buildings in Tifiis were built by Persians, and 
 thousands were engaged in the construction of tlie
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 Trans-Caspian railway. The permanent workmen now 
 employed on it are largely Persian, and Askhabad has 
 a resident population of over 12,000. There were said 
 to be 20,000 from the provinces of Azerbaijan and 
 Hamadan working on the new railway from Tiflis to 
 Alexandropol, Kars, and the Persian frontier, and doubt- 
 less many of them will permanently settle on the line. 
 Pilgrims, traders, town colonists, workmen, and others 
 with experience of foreign travel and residence, who in 
 the usual course find their way home to all parts of the 
 country, unconsciously form a great natural organization 
 for the spread of Liberalism, as they tell of a better 
 condition of things which might be theirs in Persia. 
 Shah Nasr-ed-Din was opposed to youths of the in- 
 fluential families being educated in Europe, as he foresaw 
 they would return in disagreement with the severe 
 Conservatism of old Persia ; and it may be said that this 
 generally does happen. Some, however, were sent to 
 Germany, France, and England, during his reign by 
 permission being obtained through powerful patrons. 
 But they were few in comparison with the number who 
 now go, for the late Shah was in favour of the practice 
 as leading to advanced education. He also encouraged 
 the enlightenment of the people, by giving freedom to 
 the native press, and modifying the censorship on certain 
 Persian newspapers, of advanced opinions, which are 
 published in Calcutta, Cairo, Constantinople, and London, 
 and transmitted to Persia. Throuofh these means, direct 
 and indirect, the people of late years have become better 
 informed on many points, and more prepared to take 
 interest and part in a reform movement which promises 
 to give them an improved system of government. 
 
 After some street affrays in Tehran, between the Court 
 partisans and the people last year, the old form of 
 passive resistance, by taking sanctuary, was resorted to
 
 ( 23 ) 
 
 by the representative reform party. It has been said 
 that Persia is attracted to England by her hopes, and 
 driven to Russia by her fears ; and on this occasion she 
 was guided by her hopes, for over 13,000 of the principal 
 inhabitants of Tehran took refuge at the British Legation 
 as a protest against the refusal of the Shah to grant 
 certain administrative reforms. The Persians have 
 always known England as the ' land of the free,' and they 
 said they sought asylum in the Legation of the ' land of 
 liberty.' Such a state of things at the capital was 
 unprecedented, and the Shah, who was greatly affected 
 by its publicity, after repeated promises and procrasti- 
 nation, finally granted the constitution demanded. 
 Mozuffer-ed-Din's health, which had long been bad, was 
 then in a very precarious state, but he struggled with 
 adverse circumstances, and showed anxiety to satisfy the 
 legitimate desires of the people before he died, for he 
 was said to be at heart a liberal. The Heir Apparent 
 had been summoned from Tabriz, and was associated 
 with him in the grant of the Constitution. On January 8 
 Shall Mozuffer-ed-Din passed away, after a long and 
 lingering illness, and his son, Mohamed Ali, succeeded 
 him, without any trouble beyond that of an empty 
 treasury. But there soon followed the demand by the 
 National Assembly that he should declare himself a 
 constitutional monarch ; and after some temporizing he 
 formally accepted the Constitution, thus stripping him- 
 self of autocratic power. 
 
 The mother of the new Shah is the Princess Am-ol- 
 Khakan, daughter of the murdered AmIr-el-Kebir 
 (Mirza Taki Khan) and his wife, the Princess Izzat-ed- 
 Dowleh, sister of Nasr-ed-Din Shah. Thus he is the 
 grandson, on the maternal side, of the Great Minister, 
 the first reformer in modern Persia, and the people, In 
 their natural quick manner, may well say tliat the s})irit,
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 wliich led him, in association with his father the late 
 Shah a few days before his death, to sign the deed of 
 constitution, will strengthen him to carry into effect the 
 reforms for which his mother's father died. He has the 
 people on his side, for they affect to believe that as his 
 father was, so is he, a Liberal at heart, and is glad to 
 see the Constitution established. He will require their 
 fullest support, for it can hardly be expected that the 
 various parties which have hitherto fattened on the old 
 systems of arbitrary government will submit quietly to 
 extinction, It is reported that public opinion at Tehran 
 inclines to the belief that after some trials and dis- 
 appointments good will come out of the radical change, 
 and the new Government will prove a success. It is said 
 that in the concert of hope and optimism there regarding 
 the future of the country, only one discordant note has 
 been heard, and that was from an Imperial Prince, who 
 remarked that the dynasty (Kajar) was not made to 
 govern in such conditions ; that the Constitutional 
 system was excellent for Europe, but was not suited for 
 Asia, and it was absurd to think of it for Persia. This 
 Prince is likely to find his provincial Government work 
 much changed when the new system is introduced, 
 which will probably be after the festival of Nauroz, the 
 Persian new year, March 21. 
 
 The National Assembly is said, so far, to be composed 
 of a majority of comparatively ignorant deputies, and a 
 minority of well-informed ; but it should be borne in 
 mind, with reference to the former, that the Persian is 
 the most shrewd of all Orientals, and they therefore may 
 acquit themselves passably well in their representative 
 character. Already this Assembly, in spite of ignorance 
 and administrative inexperience, seems to have obtained 
 a strange influence over the Ministens and the Shah, 
 who accept its demands and decisions with wonderful
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 amiability. The natural disposition of the Persians is 
 docile, and we find in their history no terrible details of 
 sanguinary popular tumults. Sir Robert Ker Porter, 
 who travelled in Persia in 1817-1818, wrote of them: 
 ' Their bland docility of mind, so amiable to a certain 
 point, and dangerous beyond it, makes the Persians, of 
 all people, the easiest to govern ; the State revolutions, 
 so often occurring in this country, have not been those 
 of the people, nor over the people, but the result of 
 struggles between different claimants for the Crown.' 
 It may be said of this reform movement in Persia that a 
 long continuance of maladministration at last drove the 
 people beyond the bounds of ' bland docility,' and made 
 them dangerous. It has been suggested that the move- 
 ment sprang from recent events in Russia ; but while it 
 probably was stimulated by them, and the assurance that 
 that Power was too heavily engaged with her own 
 internal affairs to allow of interference in the domestic 
 affairs of another country, yet there is good reason to 
 believe that the reform party had been active in Persia 
 for some time before the Russian troubles began. 
 
 Sir Robert Porter showed a clear insight into the 
 cause of the decline of Persia, when, after reciting her 
 past glories, he wrote : ' How, then, are we to account for 
 the Empire of Persia having been so great, and yet it 
 has hardly ever appeared to exist as a nation ? How 
 that, in the midst of trophies and spoils, the country has 
 ever been poor ? and in the meridian of victory the 
 hearts of the people have quailed for fear ? The answer 
 seems plain to an Englishman ; Persia has always been 
 under an arbitrary Government. The people, feeling 
 themselves nothing as a people, have been nothing as a 
 people, but good soldiers when called upon, though 
 always the soldiers of him who feeds or pays them. 
 Having no political constitution to defend, it was all one
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 to tliuin whetlier they fought the battles of Shah Thamas 
 or Nadir Sliah.' But a great political change has now 
 taken place ; the old arbitrary Government has given 
 way to a constitutional one, without violent disturbance 
 or disorder, and the new Government, by giving the 
 Persian people a Constitution to defend, may create a 
 patriotism which will render foreign conquest, or acquisi- 
 tion of their country, a less easy task than it has hitherto 
 seemed. It may serve a good purpose to repeat here 
 what Lord Salisbury said to Shah Nasr-ed-Din, on the 
 occasion of his visit to England in 1889. 'We desire 
 above all things that Persia shall not only be prosperous, 
 but be strong — strong in her resources, strong in her 
 preparations, strong in her alliances, in order that she 
 may pursue the peaceful path on which she has entered 
 in security and tranquillity.' 
 
 DISCUSSION 
 
 The Chairman said : I think there can be only one opinion as 
 to the value of the paper we have just heard read. Sir Thomas 
 Gordon has unfolded to us a remarkable history and perhaps, 
 the most pathetic incident in that history is the fate which 
 befel Mirza Taki Khan, the great Minister who led the vanguard 
 of reform. But the most curious thing — which must have 
 struck all of us — is the leadership of the Mullas as the 
 champions of the popular cause, because in Eastern countries 
 we do not usually associate the priesthood with aspirations for 
 liberty. A very mteresting summary of the new Constitution 
 was published a few days ago in the Times, and I may invite 
 your attention to some of the leading features of this remarkable 
 document. It comprises fifty-one articles, and the first eleven 
 of these deal with the constitution of the National Council under 
 the late Shah's decree of August last. The Council is to 
 represent ' the whole people of Persia, who all participate in the 
 domestic and political affairs of the country.' The number of 
 members is limited for the present to 162, but is to be raised in 
 case of need to 200, and the election is for two full years. 
 Article 15 gives the National Council a right to ' propose what-
 
 ( 27 ) 
 
 ever may be deemed to the interest of the Empire'; and the 
 four succeeding articles provide for the full control by the 
 National Council over the organization of the Government and 
 the affairs of the State, and especially over financial matters 
 and internal administration. Articles 22 to 26 enact that the 
 sanction of the National Council must be obtained for any 
 territorial changes, for the alienation of any part of the revenues 
 or property of the State, for all concessions of every kind, for 
 Government loans, whether internal or external, and for railway 
 or road construction. Only treaties which have to be kept 
 secret in the interests of the State are excepted from these 
 provisions. Articles 43, 44, and 45 relate to the creation of a 
 Senate, consisting of sixty members, thirty being appointed on 
 behalf of the Shah (fifteen from the capital and fifteen from the 
 provinces), and thirty elected on behalf of the National Council 
 in the same proportion. Other articles relate to the respective 
 duties of the Senate and the National Council and their relations 
 towards each other. The concluding article commands future 
 rulers to preserve these * principles and articles,' which are 
 declared to be put into operation ' in order to fortify the 
 Government, to strengthen the Sovereign, to safeguard the 
 administration of justice and the tranquillity of the nation.' 
 The practical question for us this afternoon is. What are the 
 prospects of the stability of this Constitution, so admirably 
 framed and so far-reaching in its provisos? Many forces will be 
 working against it, and perhaps those who follow me in the dis- 
 cussion \^ ill indicate their opinion on the chances of its success. 
 
 Sir Lepel Griffin said : The remarks I have to make are 
 not in criticism of the paper, for as it stands it is complete, and 
 gives us a most accurate picture of the j)rogress of reform in 
 Persia during the last half-century. There is no one in England 
 to-day, I believe, who could have given us the history so 
 admirably and so exactly as General Gordon has done. My 
 object is to respond to the invitation of the chairman, and 
 express my views as to the prospects of the future. General 
 Gordon has in the most interesting way shown the various steps 
 by which the present situation has arisen, and I must confess 
 that the result seems to me somewhat strange and disconcerting 
 We regard the slow geological processes of Nature with respectful, 
 though with somewhat languid, interest ; but when those pro- 
 cesses culminate in an earth(juake we are naturally somewhat 
 disturbed. There has been a political earthquake in Persia, and
 
 ( 2S ) 
 
 no one who knows that country at all well can prophesy with 
 certainty what the result will be. Eepresentative government 
 has proved a failure in the greater part of the w'orld, and has 
 only been a very moderate success even in England. Is Persia 
 going to be the one country of the East in which representative 
 institutions are to be successful ? I hardly think so (Hear, 
 hear). The new Persian Assembly, or Parliament, is proceeding, 
 it seems to me, in the same reckless, turbulent, and intolerant 
 manner as was shown by the first Duma in St. Petersburg, and 
 it may meet with a similar termination. It may, on the other 
 hand — and we all hope it will — be fruitful of some good and 
 some advantage for Persia generally. The other day there was 
 a very clever and interesting article in the Times on the Con- 
 stitution, the main features of which have just been indicated to 
 us by General CoUen. That article, written by a high authority, 
 appeared to me to be somewhat too optimistic. We do not 
 expect figs to grow from thistles, and representative institutions 
 in Persia I shall view with distrust until I see some sign of this 
 botanical curiosity taking place. However, there is one incidental 
 good result of the present situation. The statesman who has 
 twice held office as Prime Minister, Ali Asghar Khan, the Atabeg, 
 of whom General Gordon spoke at some length, has been sum- 
 moned to Tehran, it is said ; but, like spirits from the vasty 
 deep, it is very uncertain whether he will return. I hope 
 sincerely he will He is a man of great force of character, but 
 he will find it a very different thing to govern Persia to-day, 
 under this new Constitution, to what it was when he left the 
 country a few years ago. He is not at all likely to tamely 
 submit to the domination and tyranny of an Assembly which 
 now holds the entire power in its hands and leaves nothing to 
 the Shah, except, perhaps, the condescended privilege of regu- 
 lating the rules for his zenana (Laughter). The optimistic 
 spirit which characterized the Times article was, I think, a little 
 premature. One element of hope, however, is that the Govern- 
 ments of England and Paissia have at last, after a great many 
 years' battling vainly and without result against each other, 
 determined to act in accord in Persia. This is as it should be. 
 The two Powers acting in concert may bring a wholesome 
 influence to bear on the administration of Persia under the new 
 conditions. Although we do not expect to see much influence 
 for liberty proceeding from Paissia, I hope that English influence 
 will be in the direction of leading the machinery of Government 
 
 \
 
 ( 2'J ) 
 
 into more reasonable channels than the new Constitution, 
 exceedingly able though it be, seems to forebode (Hear, hear). 
 
 Colonel Sir Thomas Holdich said : My own acquaintance 
 with Persia is not very intimate, and I should like to ask one 
 question. Persia is, no doubt, more homogeneous than India ; 
 there are not so many divergent, almost discordant, national 
 elements to deal with. Slill, the divergence is very considerable. 
 There is quite enough of it to make the National Assembly, 
 drawn from all parts of the country, a very lively Assembly 
 indeed. I should like to ask Sir Thomas whether it is really 
 representative — whether, for instance, the Kurds of Western 
 Persia are represented in it by a Kurd, and whether the 
 Baluchis on the extreme south-east are represented by a Baluchi ? 
 The point is of some practical importance in view of the new 
 accord referred to by Sir Lepel Griffin as existing between 
 Great Britain and Russia. If we are to keep ourselves to 
 Southern Persia, while Russia keeps herself to Northern Persia, 
 it is a matter of some importance that the various races of the 
 South should be properly represented in the new Assembly. I 
 gathered from the lecture that, on the whole, the impelling move- 
 ment towards reform had come from the North — that the people 
 of Azerbaijan led the way in popular agitation. I would like to 
 know whether that province has secured more numerical power 
 in proportion than is the case with the southern provinces 
 (Hear, hear). 
 
 Mr. Hart-Davies, M.P., said : I have very much appreciated 
 the lecture, which is certainly one of the most interesting we 
 have ever had. The question of the stability or otherwise of the 
 new form of administration is one of very great importance for 
 us. If this constitutional Parliament does turn out a success, 
 we shall have to revise all our ideas of the East. We have 
 always thought that in Oriental lands there could be no such 
 thing as constitutional government, and hitherto those lands 
 have never evolved any form of government except that of a 
 despotism. If this experiment succeeds, the effect on our 
 position in India will l)e very great ; it will raise hopes there 
 that we shall find it exceedingly difficult to accept to the full. 
 My own ideas of Persia are somewhat antiquated, as I have not 
 been there for many years now ; l)ut, like other travellers, I like 
 the Persians, and feel that under good government they would 
 1)0 a great people. The Persian reform movement seems to me 
 part of a general spiiit of political unrest manifesting itself
 
 ( ao ) 
 
 tliroughout the East. When I was in Paissia last year, I found 
 that one of the first proposals made hy the Mahommedans of a 
 certain province in connection with the creation of the Duma 
 was that female suffrage should l)e granted (Laughter). They 
 asked for a change which has yet to he secured even in England. 
 When we see such a spirit manifesting itself in the East, it 
 strengthens the hope we all entertain that the world is marching 
 on towards something hetter. I am sure that the aspirations of 
 the Persians for political liberty will receive all the sympathy 
 they can possibly have from the people of England (Cheers). 
 
 Mr. W. Irvine said : I should like to support what has fallen 
 from Sir Lepel Griffin. Any close student of the history of the 
 East must be extremely sceptical as to the permanence of 
 popular institutions started in Persia under the Constitution the 
 chairman has outlined. It is a truism that State institutions 
 and constitutions grow, and cannot be established suddenly. 
 They must grow from small beginnings, and become part of the 
 life of the people, before they have any chance of success. If 
 study of the past history of a people is of any use in predicting 
 the future, one is forced to the conclusion that such institutions 
 have no chance of success in the East as we know it and have 
 known it. As has been pointed out, if there is success in this 
 experiment it will have the most far-reaching consequences. In 
 fact, we shall have to reconsider entirel}- the basis of our political 
 belief in the East as to what can be done by, and what we must 
 still continue to do for, the people we govern. As to the paper, 
 I must say that I see nothing in all the story told us leading up 
 naturally to the grant of a constitution of fifty-one paragraphs. 
 The course of events in the last fifty years, as summarized by 
 the lecturer, was of the usual Oriental order. There were the 
 attempts of honest ministers to secure better administration, but 
 this was to be obtained under the old Oriental type of despotic 
 power. There was no connection that I could trace between the 
 events narrated and the grant of constitutional government ; 
 the one did not lead up to the other in the ordinary way of 
 natural development. I do not see how this clever constitution 
 of the European type — constructed, I should think, by Europeans 
 — is going to stand. The mere fact that it was decreed between 
 sunset one day and sunrise the next almost takes one's breath 
 away. Who could expect anything of that kind to take place in 
 an Oriental country as we have hitherto known such countries ? 
 
 General Sir Thomas Gordon, in replying on the discussion,
 
 ( '*51 ) 
 
 said : The only point to which I need refer is the question of 
 Sir Thomas Holdich as to the representation of Kurds and 
 Baluchis in the new Assembly. I do not know at present the 
 personal composition of the Assembly, but I saw in a late report 
 allusion made to the presence in Tehran of one of the principal 
 tribal chiefs. I take him to be chief of the powerful Shah sevend 
 nomads, whose pasture-lands extend from Zinjan to the neigh- 
 bourhood of Tehran. He was reported to be in favour of a 
 constitutional government, and a government of Ministers who 
 would be responsible to the representatives of the people. Now 
 this remark is in keeping with the ancient system of government 
 from the early stages of tribal power and life in Persia. The 
 chiefs of the tribes which went thither from Central Asia were 
 as the heads of primitive republics. They sat in open Council 
 surrounded by their tribesmen-subjects. To this day the Arab 
 sheikhs, who have not been gathered entirely into the fold of 
 Turkey, govern their tribes in the same way. The nomads of 
 Persia, unlike the settled population, have been under the control 
 of the central Government in only a limited degree. They have 
 had to pay taxes upon the lands they casually tilled and upon 
 their flocks and herds, but this is done through their own chiefs, 
 and thus they have not suffered the oj^pression that lay so heavily 
 upon the settled population. No doubt, in drawing up the Con- 
 stitution, the Government had to consider the feelings of the 
 nomads, who number altogether, I think, between one and two 
 milHons, including as they do the Kurds of the north and the 
 Bakhtiaris of the west. The hand of the latter has often been 
 against the central Government, because a famous chief of theirs 
 was put to death in the most barbarous and treacherous manner 
 by Nasr-ed-Din. In the south are the Baluchis and various 
 Turk and Arab nomad tribes, more or less warlike. The Govern- 
 ment has always been somewhat afraid of the strong nomad 
 tribes, because of their natural system of military organization, 
 which teaches them to turn out, well armed and roughly dis- 
 ciplined, at short notice ready for combined action. I have no 
 doubt that it will be the policy of the Government to attract to 
 the Assembly representatives of the various tril)es to which I 
 have referred. In each case, I should say, the representatives 
 would be nominated by the chiefs and the leaders of tribal public 
 opinion. What measures in that direction have already been 
 taken I do not know. 
 
 Sir Lepel Griffin : We have no definite information at
 
 ( 32 ) 
 
 present. I do not think that tribal representatives have come 
 in from the south. 
 
 The Chairman, in concluding the proceedings, said : I think 
 we are indebted to those who have taken part in this informing 
 discussion. The experiment — for it is an experiment — of which 
 we have been speaking is an extraordinary and bold one. 
 Whether the Shah will be well or ill-advised, now he has accepted 
 the Constitution, to further its aims and practically support its 
 principles appears to be a rather moot point. My own humble 
 opinion is that if the Shah is wise in his generation he will see 
 the necessity for abiding by the Constitution, which will, no 
 doubt, be modified in the course of time — because it is likely to 
 lead to increased prosperity, and to the strengthening of his own 
 position and dynasty. It certainly should have our goodwill, 
 for better government in Persia means greater security to India 
 and the extension of commerce, while in the cause of humanity 
 and civilization we should especially welcome this new departure. 
 It may, of course, fail, and much must depend upon the modera- 
 tion and restraint exercised by all concerned. Let us hope, 
 however, that it will succeed. There is at least this to be said : 
 that, as Sir Lepel Griffin pointed out, the present moment is a 
 propitious one, because Eussia and England are, we may hope, 
 approaching a point when agreement may be possible on many 
 vexed questions in Eastern affairs, which have interfered with 
 the good relations of these two Powers for some time past. As 
 regards ourselves, I hope and trust it is an earnest of the way in 
 which we shall be regarded as the friends of Persia under the 
 new order of things that the first outburst of this popular move- 
 ment was marked, as Sir Thomas Gordon has told us, by the 
 phenomenon of 13,000 reformers taking refuge at the British 
 Legation in Tehran. We at least can wish the new order of 
 things every success, and encourage it by all legitimate means, 
 for we as a nation desire to see the amelioration of the condition 
 of the Persian people, the establishment of a strong and settled 
 Government, and the peace and prosperity of the country. It 
 now only remains for me to ask you to accord a very hearty vote 
 of thanks to Sir Thomas Gordon for his admirable and instruc- 
 tive paper (Cheers). 
 
 BILLINO AMD 30M8, LTD., PRINTERS, GUII.DKURD
 
 J
 
 D 000 001 685 7