F 
 
 C7W7 
 d 
 
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 The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio 
 
 A Study ia 
 
 Adaptation and Assimilation 
 
 '^aaes^ 
 
 By 
 
 TiEV. Daniel Jenkins Wir;LiAMS 
 
 THESIS 
 
 PHESENTKr TO THE FACULTY OF THE GR/VDUATE ScIIOOL OP THE 
 
 Ohio State IJNiVEEisiTY, in Partl\l Fulfilment 
 OF the Requirements for the Degree 
 
 OF D<^0TOF? OF PtTILOSOPHY 
 
The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio 
 
The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio 
 
 A Study in 
 
 Adaptation and Assimilation 
 
 By 
 
 Rev. Daniel Jenkins WniLiAMS 
 
 THESIS 
 
 Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School op the 
 
 Ohio State University, in Partial Fulfilment 
 
 OF THE Requirements for the Degree 
 
 OF Doctor op Philosophy 
 
 Published by the Author 
 
 Oshkosh, Wlsconsin 
 
 1913 
 

 Copyright 1913 
 
 by 
 
 Daniel Jenkins Williams 
 
Dedicated to the Sacred Memory of 
 Hugh and Elias R. 
 
 ^-v « ^^ 
 
Y GwiR Yn Erbyn Y Btd" 
 Welsh Motto 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 Bibliography 11-12 
 
 Chapter I. 
 The Cause of Welsh Emigration 
 
 The Norman-English Conquest of Wales 13 
 
 The Assimilation of Welsh and English Law 13 
 
 Nonconformity in Wales 15 
 
 Religious Awakening in the Eighteenth Century 15 
 
 Result of the 18th Century Revival on the Social Life 
 
 of Wales 16 
 
 General Dissatisfaction Results in Emigration 16 
 
 Traces of Early Welsh Migration 17 
 
 The ''Dyffryn Mawr'' Colony in Pennsylvania 18 
 
 After the War of Independence Welsh Emigration Revived 18 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 The Coming of the Welsh to Ohio 
 
 (Immigration and Early Settlement) 
 
 The First Welsh Arrivals 20 
 
 The First Permanent Welsh Settlers 20 
 
 The Paddy's Run Settlement 22 
 
 The Welsh Hills Settlement 23 
 
 The ** Jackson and Gallia'' Settlement , . . . . 24 
 
 The Gomer Settlement 26 
 
 The Venedocia Settlement , 27 
 
 The Radnor Settlement 27 
 
 Pioneer Life 28 
 
 Early Homes 29 
 
 The Family and the Home Training. 30 
 
 Sabbath Observance 30 
 
 Religious Life 31 
 
 Growth 34 
 
 Decline 37 
 
* * • •> ^^ • • 
 
 8 CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter III. 
 The Welsh of Ohio in Columbus 
 
 Page 
 
 Location and Early History of Columbus 39 
 
 Location Advantageous to the Welsh 41 
 
 Periods of Welsh Migration 42 
 
 The First Period 42 
 
 Emigration to America Agitated in Wales 43 
 
 Welsh of the First Period Skilled Laborers 48 
 
 The Second Period 49 
 
 The ^^Mill Men'' Come 49 
 
 Immigration from Local Settlements in Ohio 50 
 
 The Third Period 52 
 
 Organization and Change 55 
 
 Community Spirit ^ . . . 58 
 
 Literary and Social Functions 59 
 
 The Eisteddfod 59 
 
 Donations 60 
 
 Amusements 60 
 
 The Welsh Prominent in Columbus 60 
 
 Conclusion 61 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 Welsh Population Statistics 
 
 General Statement 63 
 
 The Gathering of Data for the Present Work 64 
 
 Limitations of the Work 66 
 
 Classified Groups 67 
 
 General Survey of the Welsh Population of Columbus 68 
 
 Distribution of the Welsh over the City 69 
 
 Population by Age Classes 74 
 
 Sex 75 
 
 Foreign and Native Born 76 
 
 Place of Birth 76 
 
 Conclusion 80 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter V. 
 Welsh Social Statistics 
 
 Page 
 
 General Statement 81 
 
 Marriage and Conjugal Relation 81 
 
 Intermarriage 82 
 
 Families, Dwellings and Resident Districts 89 
 
 Occupation Groups and Business Relations 92 
 
 Education 94 
 
 Literary and Improvement Societies 94 
 
 Morality and Temperance 96 
 
 Politics 97 
 
 Church Membership 97 
 
 Conclusion 104 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 The Process of Change 
 (The Vanishing Welsh) 
 
 Welsh Conservatism Giving Way to a Broader Outlook . . . 105 
 
 Regard for Sunday and Holidays 107 
 
 The Linguistic Question 108 
 
 Characteristic Welsh Institutions Waning 116 
 
 Revivals Among the Welsh 117 
 
 The Problem of the Church 119 
 
 The Church and Its Ministry 124 
 
 Three Groups of Welsh Ministers Discussed 125 
 
 The Welsh Church Approaching a Crisis 127 
 
 The Welsh Church in Columbus Adapting Itself 132 
 
 Intermarriage Affects Church Membership 133 
 
 Concluding Remarks 134 
 
10 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Graphic Representations 
 
 Figure 1. Showing the Sources of the Welsh in Colum- 
 bus in 25 years 54 
 
 Figure 2. Showing the relative number of foreign and 
 
 native bom Welsh 77 
 
 Figure 3. Showing relative number of pure and mixed 
 
 marriages 84 
 
 Figure 4. Showing marriages according to grouping of 
 
 foreign and native born 86 
 
 Figure 5. Showing relative number of church members, 
 
 attendants, and non-church-goers 102 
 
 Figure 6. Showing relative number of Welsh speakers 
 
 and non-Welsh-speakers 114 
 
 Figure 7. Showing relative number of Welsh speakers 
 according to classifications of native and 
 foreign born 115 
 
 Figure 8. i. Showing relative number of baptisms, and, 
 ii. those admitted into church membership 
 
 in a given period 131 
 
 Map 
 
 Outline Map of Columbus 72 
 
 Appendix 
 
 A. Table II. showing Total Number of Members Received 
 
 into the Calvinistic Methodist Church of Columbus 
 by Letters in 25 years. 
 
 B. Table V. Age-groups According to Sex in the Calvinistic 
 
 Methodist Church and Society. 
 
 C. Table VI. Statistics of Foreign and Native Bom Welsh 
 
 in Columbus. 
 
 D. Tables VIII., IX. and X. on Marriage and Intermarriages 
 
 and the Nationalities with whom the Welsh have 
 Intermarried. 
 
 E. Tables XIII., XIV. and XV. on Church Members, At- 
 
 tendants, and Non-church-goers, Classified According 
 to their Foreign and Native Born Groups. 
 
 F. List of Welsh Periodicals Published in America. 
 
 Error 144 
 
BIBLIOGBAPHT 11 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 **The Cradle of the Republic, Jamestown and the James 
 River'' by Lyon G. Tyler: First edition 1900; sec- 
 ond edition 1906. Hermitage Press, Richmond, Va., 
 publisher. 
 
 "New England's Memorial" by Nathaniel Morton, 5th Edi- 
 tion by John Davies. Crocker and Brewester, pub- 
 lishers, Boston, 1826. 
 
 '*The Making of Pennsylvania" by Sidney George Fisher, 
 1896, Lippincott, Philadelphia, publisher. 
 
 '* Historical Collections of the State of Pennsylvania" by 
 Sherman Day, 1843 edition. 
 
 ''Historical Collections of Ohio," two Volumes by Henry 
 Howe; C. J. Krehbiel & Co., publishers, Cincinnati, 
 Ohio. 
 
 ''Ohio Historical Society," — Articles by William Harvey 
 Jones. 
 
 "The History of Paddy's Run" by Rev. B. W. Chidlaw; pub- 
 lished by Hamilton Telegraph Co., Hamilton, Ohio, 
 1876. 
 
 "The Story of My Life" by Rev. B. W. Chidlaw, D. D., 
 Cleves, Ohio. 
 
 "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus, Ohio 
 from the Earliest Times Up to 1860" by L. D. 
 Davies, Columbus, Ohio. 1910. 
 
 "Statistics and Sociology" by Richmond Mayo-Smith, 1902; 
 The MacMillian Co., publishers. 
 
 "Y Cyfaill" — a Welsh monthly magazine of the Calvinistic 
 Methodist denomination. Rev. Joseph Roberts, D. 
 D., New York City, editor. 
 
 "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia" by Rev. William R. Evans, 
 Gallia, 0. J. T. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y., publisher. 
 
12 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 *'Y Drych" a Welsh weekly paper for the Welsh in America 
 
 owned and published by J. T. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y. 
 *'The Cymry of 76'' — an address delivered in 1855 before the 
 
 Saint David's Benevolent Society, New York City by 
 
 Alexander Jones, M. D. 
 *' Cymry Al Phobl" 1894, printed by the editor of the Drych, 
 
 Utica, N. Y. 
 *'Hanes Cymry America" 1872, by Rev. R. D. Thomas (lor- 
 
 werth Cwynedd) published by T. J. Griffiths, Utica, 
 
 N. Y. 
 *'Cofia.nt y Parch Robert Williams, Moriah, Ohio." published 
 
 by T. J. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y., 1883. 
 **Hanes Methodistiaeth Cymry," Rev. John Hughes; published 
 
 by Hughes and Son, Wrexham, 1854. 
 **The Cambrian" — a magazine for Welsh- Americans, publish- 
 ed by T. J. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y. 
 ''Records of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, Columbus, O." 
 The United States Census for 1910. 
 ''The Welsh People" by John Rhys and David Brynmor— 
 
 Jones, the MacMillian Co. 1900. 
 "The Story of the Nations— Wales" by Owen M. Edwards, 
 
 Putnam's Sons, 1902. 
 "Diwygiadau Crefyddol Cymry," Parch Henry Hughes, 
 
 published at Sywddfa'r Genedl, Caernarfon. 
 "Cofiant Y Tri Brawd," E. Pan Jones, Ph. D., H. Evans, 
 
 Bala, publisher. 
 "Welshmen as Civil, Political and Moral Factors in the 
 
 Formation of the United States Republic," by Rev. 
 
 W. R. Evans. 
 "Adroddiad Pwryllgor Adeiladu Capel Newydd Salem, Vene- 
 
 docia." 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 
 
 Welsh emigration grew naturally out of conditions pre- 
 vailing in Wales. The conditions resulted from a series of 
 events running over several centuries which culminated in a 
 break between the landlord and the tenant, between the own- 
 ers of estates and the actual tillers of the land. 
 
 In briefly tracing the steps which led ultimately to ex- 
 treme dissatisfaction on the part of the Welsh with conditions 
 in their native land we observe the following facts : 
 
 The forming of modem estates in Wales was a gradual 
 process and was due to the breaking down of the ancient 
 Welsh feudal system consequent to the Norman or Norman- 
 English Conquest. Wales is a land of castles, but her castles 
 are not Welsh — they are Norman. They were erected by 
 the conquerors of Wales. The result of this gradual conquest 
 was the formation of modem estates in Wales. The free- 
 holders, who possessed tracts of land so large that they ceased 
 to be farmers in the ordinary sense and who lived mainly on 
 the rents paid them by the tillers of the soil, gradually became 
 a distinct class and the natural outgrowth was the develop- 
 ment of an aristocratic group. 
 
 The assimilation of Welsh and English law which was 
 completed by the legislation of Henry VIII. tended to enlarge 
 the powers of this aristocratic class very much, for, from that 
 time, Welsh members were sent to Westminster regularly and 
 this fact had an important bearing on the fortunes of the 
 Welsh upper class. ^ Prom the very nature of the situation 
 it was members of the landowning families that were sent to 
 Parliament for many generations. The result of this was that 
 the aristocracy of Wales joined in the general political life of 
 
 1 S«e "The Story of the Nations — Wales" Oh. XX on the "Court of 
 Wales." 
 
14 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 the whole kingdom, and it gave them a broader outlook on life 
 and a keener sense of their own importance as well. They 
 came into contact with people of their own class in England 
 and this finally led to intermarriage between Welsh and 
 English families. Their increasing association with the cor- 
 responding class in England led also to a gradual assimilation 
 in manners, speech, and general habits of life. 
 
 The dissolution of the monasteries which took place prac- 
 tically at the same time as the summoning of the Welsh mem- 
 bers to Parliament had also an important effect on the en- 
 larging of Welsh estates, or, better say, of the estates in Wales, 
 for it gave an opportunity to members of the Norman-English 
 baronial families as well as to the Welsh princely families to 
 add new tracts to their estates. 
 
 The rebellion of the 17th Century had a great effect in 
 destroying the older Welsh estates and in forming new ones. 
 By the time of James I., Wales as well as England was divided 
 into estates similar in character to those of today. ^ 
 
 The Norman-English Conquest of Wales stopped the 
 progress of Wales in every way. Not only had the Welsh 
 lost their land but the continual condition of warfare reduced 
 the masses of the people to a barren condition intellectually. 
 The real Welsh aristocracy of the pre-Conquest period, the 
 people who nourished and fostered the early literature of 
 Wales, disappeared or became assimilated into the English 
 upper class. The Reformation created little or no excitement 
 in Wales. It was practically unnoticed by the great masses 
 of the Principality. This is significant, for a strong religious 
 appeal would naturally arouse the highly imaginative and 
 emotional Celt. **The Welsh,'' says Professor Rhys, **were 
 plunged into a deep sleep from which the Civil Wars and the 
 religious excitement of the 17th Century were able only very 
 partially to arouse them.'* 
 
 During the reign of Elizabeth a statute was passed pro- 
 
 1 See "The Welsh People" Ch, IX p. 295 sq. on "History of Land Tenure 
 in Wales;" see also "The Story of the Nations — ^Wales" p. 339 sq. 
 
THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 15 
 
 viding for the translation of the Bible into Welsh. This task 
 was a service of inestimable value to religion in Wales. 
 
 Nonconformity in Wales as to its origin is generally asso- 
 ciated with William Worth and his colleagues who after being 
 ejected from the church went around preaching as itinerant 
 preachers throughout the country. ^ But so far as the or- 
 ganized condition of the church was concerned it remained 
 practically unchanged, with the possible exception of a few 
 nonconformist organizations in South Wales, until the end of 
 the 17th Century. 
 
 Religiously rural Wales was a desolate wilderness at the 
 beginning of the 18th Century. The majority of the clergy 
 of the Established Church contented themselves with a per- 
 functory discharge of their duties. Services were seldom 
 held; in some parishes only once or twice in a year, and in 
 others no services in several years. The Church appointed 
 to the Welsh bishoprics persons entirely ignorant of the Welsh 
 language. Another evil was the *' clerical absenteeism.*' 
 Many of the clergy of Welsh parishes did not reside in their 
 parishes.2 And still greater was the evil of the *' system of 
 pluralities" where men held several offices in the church and 
 distributed many more among members of their families.^ 
 
 The Religious Awakening, — ^With such conditions pre- 
 vailing something must happen, and it did happen in Wales. 
 The renaissance of Wales during the 18th Century came in 
 the form of a religious revival which in its intensity and con- 
 sequence was tremendous. The century from 1730 to 1830 
 witnessed a complete transformation of the Welsh people. 
 *an 1730," Professor Rhys tells us, 'Hhe Welsh speaking 
 people were probably as a whole the least religious and most 
 intellectually backward in England and Wales. By 1830 
 they had become the most earnest and religious people in the 
 whole kingdom." 
 
 1 See "The Welsh People" p. 462. 
 
 2 The Bishops of Llandaff were absentees from 1706 to 1820. See Welsh 
 People p. 468. 
 
 8 Bishop Luxmore and four of his relatives, (sons and nephews) held 
 collectirely not less than 16 offices which brought to them from church sources 
 •bout 25,225£. For details see "The Welsh People" p. 468-469. 
 
16 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 This change was produced by the Calvinistic Methodist 
 revival. In some respects this revival resembled the revival 
 which took place in England under Whitfield and Wesley. 
 It had its beginning within the pale of the Established 
 Church. Griffith Jones of Llanddowror was its originator 
 but he was soon eclipsed by Daniel Rowlands of Llangeitho 
 and Howell Harries of Treveca. These two men in spite ot 
 bitterest persecution and most violent opposition aroused 
 Wales from its lethargy by their powerful preaching. The 
 result was that by the middle of the 18th Century large and 
 energetic nonconformist organizations had been created in 
 Wales. A great and efficient clergj^ had arisen and a con- 
 structive work was being carried on.^ 
 
 The influence of this revival upon the social and economic 
 progress of Wales was significant. It was a religious move- 
 ment to be sure, but it was more than that. It produced a 
 change in the mental and moral qualities of the people. The 
 result of this awakening expressed itself in many ways. It 
 helped to preserve the Welsh language which was rapidly 
 vanishing in the Conquest period. It stimulated Welsh 
 literature and it raised a force of Welsh writers and pulpit 
 orators of mighty power. It stimulated a demand for edu- 
 cation, and it created a general dissatisfaction with the social 
 and economic regime then existing. 
 
 With the awakening from the apathy produced by cen- 
 turies of conquest, internal wars, and lordship domination, 
 there arose in the bosom of Wales the old time desire for 
 liberty and independence. This cherished hope had been 
 blighted for centuries, but the love of freedom which was 
 dormant in the heart of the nation was rekindled and now 
 asserted itself once more. 
 
 We have this condition existing in Wales during the 18th 
 and 19th Centuries, the period of great emigration; The 
 inhabitants were divided into two classes very unequal in 
 number and intelligence, viz. (i) The landowning class 
 
 1 See "The Welsh People" p. 453 Ch. X on the Religious Movement in 
 Wales. See bUo "The Story of tie Nations — Wales" p. 386 sq. 
 
THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 17 
 
 which was aristocratic in type, living in the towns, speaking 
 for the most part the English language, and who were in 
 direct touch with the same class in England, (ii) The ac- 
 tual cultivators of the soil, speaking the Welsh language, liv- 
 ing in the rural parts, and entertaining views of life and 
 clinging to traditions belonging to an early stage of civiliza- 
 tion. The landowners were English churchmen while their 
 tenants were nonconformists, and the former had but little 
 regard for the welfare of the later. 
 
 The foregoing may suffice as a rough outline of general 
 conditions which may well account for Welsh migration fx) 
 America when once the attention of the downtrodden people 
 was called to the advantages on the American Continent. To 
 know of a land where he might actually become possessor of 
 a plot of ground and where he could worship according to the 
 dictates of his own conscience appealed to the Welshman very 
 strongly; and hither they came in large numbers. 
 
 There were Welsh in the Colonies which landed at James- 
 town^ and Plymouth Rock,^ and many refugees fled to New 
 England in the succeeding decades. Welsh place names in 
 New England such as the towns of Bangor, Milford and Mon- 
 mouth in Maine, Milford in Massachusetts, and Conway in 
 New Hampshire, indicate that there were Welsh settlers in 
 the various Colonies.^ 
 
 The first Welsh colony of any considerable size and im- 
 portance was that which came to America under William Penn 
 in 1682. With the coming of Penn the Welsh entered Penn- 
 sylvania in very large numbers. Fisher in his *' Making of 
 Pennsylvania'' informs us that *'For the first fifteen or 
 twenty years after the founding of Pennsylvania in 1682 the 
 Welsh were the most numerous class of immigrants, and they 
 have left many traces of themselves for many miles around 
 Philadelphia in the names of places.*' 
 
 1 See "The Cradle of the Republic, James Town and the James River" 
 p. 100 sq. where 20 or more Welsh names are given among those who landed 
 at Jamestown in 1607. 
 
 2 See "New England's Memorial" p. 38 sq. where at least five names 
 which are Welsh are mentioned among the men who signed the first political 
 document at Cape Cod. 
 
 3 "Cymry A* i Phobl" p. 41 sq. 
 
18 • THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 The Welsh settled in *'Y Dyffry n Mawr/ ^— The Great 
 Valley — near Philadelphia. They had negotiated with Penn 
 for this tract, which consisted of 40,000 acres of land, before 
 they left Wales. The Welsh of the Dyffrn Mawr colony were 
 Quakers, and for the first eight or nine years they undertook 
 to rule their colony in their own way, having none of the 
 usual county or township officers, their Quaker-meetings exer- 
 cising the civil authority.^ That which determined emigra- 
 tion on the part of the Welsh who came to the Dyffrn Mawr 
 was twofold in nature, (i) the tyranny of the nobles in Wales 
 and, (jr) the persecution of the Quakers in the 17th Century. 
 When the way was opened the Welsh immediately followed 
 Penn to his Province in Pennsylvania. The venture of the 
 first Welshmen who came to Pennsylvania was attended with 
 great success and that stimulated others of their countrymen 
 to follow them to America. 
 
 For a hundred years after the founding of this colony in 
 the Dyffryn Mawr the Welsh continued to migrate and to 
 settle in the different New England Colonies. The part which 
 the Welsh took in the struggle for American Independence 
 shows a general prevalence of Welsh in the Colonies. Among 
 the signers of the Declaration of Independence there were 
 Welshmen from several different Colonies. Among the gen- 
 erals of the Revolutionary War there were fourteen men of 
 Welsh blood, as were also many of the Colonels, Captains, 
 Lieutenants, Naval Officers and Chaplains, to say nothing 
 of the hundreds who filled the ranks.^ 
 
 After the War for Independence Welsh migration revived 
 with vigor. The record of Welshmen in the fight for inde- 
 pendence aroused the pride and the love of liberty which the 
 Welsh so much cherished, and thousands came to believe that 
 their high aspirations could be realized only in America. The 
 Press was also busy with articles which stimulated and nour- 
 ished dissatisfaction with conditions in Wales, and was at the 
 
 1 See "The Making of Pennsylvania" p. 202 sq. See also "Historical 
 CollectionB of the State of Pennsylvania" Chapters on Delaware, Cambria, 
 Chester and Montgomery Counties. 
 
 2 See "The Cymry of '76"; see also "Welshmen as Civil, Political and 
 Moral Factors in the Formation and Development of the United States Republic." 
 
THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 19 
 
 same time publishing glowing advertisements of favorable 
 conditions in the United States. ^ 
 
 The religious independent spirit was also growing. 
 Shortly after 1730 Daniel Kowlands of Llangeitho and Howell 
 Harris of Treveca stirred all Wales with their dissenting 
 movement, and this turned the faces of thousands of Welsh- 
 men toward America with a view to enjoying religious liberty. , 
 
 It is our purpose in the chapters which follow to study 
 some of the Wekh_who iidgrated ^t^^ Ohio toward the close of 
 the 18th Century and during the early decades of The I9ffi 
 Century, and to follow their fortunes to the point where they 
 are being assimilated into the great American people. \ g l. 
 
 1 Rev. Richard Price wrote a pamphlet on "Observations on Civil Liberty 
 and the Justice and the Policy of the War with America" in 1776. 60,000 * 
 copies of this work was sold in a few months. This pamphlet aroused great 
 interest on both sides of the Atlantic. So greatly was it admired in the United 
 States that the American Congress in 1778, through Franklin, communicated to 
 him their desire to consider him a fellow citizen, and asked his assistance in 
 regulating their finances. In 1783, the same time as Washington, Mr. Price 
 received the honorary degree of LL. D. from Yale University. 
 
 & 
 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 
 (Migration and Early Settlement) 
 
 The first Welshman to enter the territory now known as 
 the State of Ohio was the Rev. David Jones who labored as a 
 missionary among the Shawnee and Delaware Indians in 1772 
 and 1773. The second Welshman known to have traversed 
 Ohio ground was General Anthony Wayne. General Wayne, 
 with his army, came to Ohio in 1793 being commissioned by 
 the government *'to make an end of Indian troubles on the 
 frontier. ' * ^ 
 
 The first permanent Welsh settlers^ in Ohio were Ezekiel 
 Hughes and Edward Bebb who came from Llanbrynmair, 
 Montgomeryshire, North Wales. These two men were re- 
 sponsible for the first definite step westward on the part of 
 Welsh emigrants. Hughes and Bebb were instrumental in 
 persuading a company of fifty Welsh people in their neighbor- 
 hood in Llanbrynmair to emigrate to America. This com- 
 pany walked from Llanbrynmair to Bristol, England, where, 
 on August 11th, 1795, they embarked on the ship Maria and 
 sailed for America. After a perilous voyage of fourteen 
 weeks they entered Delaware Bay and in a few days there- 
 after reached the port of Philadelphia. These emigrants be- 
 came the pioneer settlers of Ebensgburg, Cambria County, 
 Pennsylvania, of Paddy's Run, Butler County, Ohio, and of 
 the Welsh Hills in Licking County, Ohio. 
 
 In the autumn of 1796 twelve families settled in Ebens- 
 burg^ including those of Theopholis Reese, Thomas Phillips, 
 and James Nicholas. In the following Spring and Summer 
 eleven other families came to the settlement. They named 
 
 1 See "The Cambrian for Nov. 3, 1881; also "The Cymry of '76" 
 
 2 See "The History of the Welsh Settlement of Paddy's Run"; also 
 "Hanes Cymry America" p. 113 sq. 
 
 3 See "Day's Historical Collections of Pennsylvania," chapter on "Cam- 
 bria County." 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 21 
 
 the township Cambria, and later the County was given the 
 same name.^ The Welsh of this colony are characterized as 
 **a people remarkable for thrift, sobriety, and industry. '* 
 
 Hughes and Bebb did not join the other members of their 
 company who settled in Ebensburg, Pennsylvania, but after 
 remaining with friends in the Dyffryn Mawr, (Great Valley), 
 near Philadelphia for several months, they started in April 
 1796 for the then far West. They walked over the mountains 
 to Red Stone, Old Fort, (now Brownsville) Pa. where they 
 secured a flat-boat and floated down the Ohio River to Fort 
 Washington, or Cincinnati. 
 
 After reaching Cincinnati they spent three weeks **in 
 traversing the five lower ranges*' but in their search they 
 found only one tract of land which they considered good for 
 that part of the country. They described the land as being 
 well watered and convenient being only half a mile from the 
 road going from Cincinnati to Hamilton. They purchased 
 100 acres of land in section 34, Colerian Township, cleared a 
 part of it for cultivation, and built a cabin on it. Their pur- 
 pose was to remain there and to experiment with the land in 
 that region until the land beyond the Great Miami was sur- 
 veyed by the government and placed on the market, believing 
 that the soil on the east side of the Great Miami River was 
 similar to that on the west side. 
 
 They remained on their farm east of the Great Miami 
 from 1796 until 1801 when the government surveyed the land 
 on the west side of the river and placed it on the market. 
 The two men made frequent excursions into the regions be- 
 yond the Miami and made careful examination of the soil and 
 of conditions in general. **The land to be sold on the other 
 side of the Miami," writes Hughes, **is rich as any in Ken- 
 tucky, much better watered, and the title indisputable.** 
 
 Ezekiel Hughes was the first to purchase land in this newly 
 opened territory. He bought sections 15 and 16 in White- 
 water Township, Hamilton County, paying $2.05 per acre. 
 
 1 The Welsh of Cambria Cotinty first settled at Beulah, about two miles 
 from Ebensburg but when Ebensburg was made the county seat of Cambria 
 County, the Welsh gradually moved toward Ebensburg. 
 
22 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 This tract lies between the Miami and Whitewater rivers, 
 just where the Whitewater empties into the Miami. At the 
 same time Edward Bebb purchased half a section on the Dry- 
 Fork of Whitewater in what is now Morgan Township, Butler 
 County, which was the first land bought in Butler County. 
 Two other men, Morgan and William Gwilym, from Cavena- 
 man, South Wales, joined Hughes and Bebb on the east side 
 of the Great Miami in 1798, and ** squatted'' on Blue Rock 
 Creek. In 1802 William Gwilym followed his friends to 
 Paddy's Run and began to clear the forest. Morgan Gwilym 
 returned to Red Stone where he had previously worked, stayed 
 there a while and then invested his earnings in a two-horse 
 wagon and some iron castings and returned to Paddy's Run. 
 Edward Bebb, after buying his land, started for Wales 
 seeking the sweetheart of his former days with the intention 
 of bringing her to the cabin in the woods. He walked all the 
 distance from Paddy's Run to Ebensburg intending to stay 
 there a short time on his return trip to Wales. While at 
 Ebensburg, much to his surprise, he met the lady for whom 
 he was making the trip. Her maiden name was Margret 
 Roberts. But when Bebb met her in Ebensburg her name 
 was Mrs. Margret Owens. After Bebb left Wales for Ameri- 
 ca Miss Roberts married a man by the name of Owens. To 
 Mr. and Mrs. Owens one child was born. The family left 
 Wales for America but on the voyage Owens and the child 
 died and were buried at sea, and Mrs. Owens was left to make 
 her way in the new country alone. After landing in New 
 York she determined to go to Ebensburg where she had rela- 
 tives who had left Llanbrynmair in the ship Maria in 1795. 
 It was at the home of one of the friends that Edward Bebb 
 found her on his arrival at Ebensburg. Bebb remained there 
 a few weeks, then returned to his home, on the Dry Fork, 
 accompanied by his bride. There in their cabin on December 
 8th, 1802 was bom William Bebb, the first white child born 
 in Butler County, who later became the 17th Governor of 
 Ohio, and the first native born Governor of the Buckeye State.^ 
 
 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I. p. 349. 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 23 
 
 Ezekiel Hughes returned to Wales in 1803 and married a 
 Miss Margret Bebb.^ The two returned to their home in 
 Hamilton County in 1804. These trips on the part of Bebb 
 and Hughes, together with correspondence and glaring ad- 
 vertisement, created a great interest on the part of the Welsh 
 of Llanbrynmair and presently a large number of Welsh im- 
 migrants poured into Paddy's Rim. From 1803 to 1820 there 
 was a constant stream of Welsh people coming into the com- 
 munity and a Welsh colony was the result. 
 
 Just as Hughes and Bebb were pioneers in Paddy's Run 
 so is Paddy's Run pioneer and parent of Welsh settlements 
 in Ohio.2 Out of Paddy's Run grew, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, four important Welsh settlements in the State, viz.: 
 the Welsh Hills colony in Licking County, settled in 1801 ; 
 the Jackson and Gallia settlements in Jackson and Gallia 
 Counties, settled in 1818 ; the Gomer settlement established in 
 Gomer, Allen County, in 1833; and the Venedocia settlement 
 in Vanwert County established in 1848. 
 
 The Welsh Hills Settlement 
 
 Theopholis Rees and Thomas Phillips were members of the 
 colony w^hich first settled in Cambria County, Pennsylvania, 
 in 1796. The influence of Hughes and Bebb may be seen in 
 the desire of their friends to venture farther west. 
 
 In 1801 Theopholis Rees began to investigate the ad- 
 vantages of the country beyond the Ohio River.^ In August 
 
 1 Margret Bebb, so far as we have been able to ascertain, was not a 
 relative of the other Bebbs mentioned in this chapter. 
 
 2 Paddy's Run sounds incongruous as the name of a Welsh community. 
 There is a story handed down by tradition that in the first surveying party 
 which came to this region there was an Irishman, and that the Irishman was 
 drowned in this creek. From that time to the present day the creek has been 
 known as Paddy's Run; and the community takes its name from the creek 
 which runs through the valley. At one time during the '80s an effort was 
 made to change the name from Paddy's Run to Glendower (Welsh, Glyndwr). 
 The change was actually and officially made by the government, but so great 
 was the opposition to it that the name was soon changed back to Paddy's Run. 
 The station is now called Shandon but the community is known as Paddy's Run. 
 
 3 See "The Cambrian" for August 1907, article by Wm. Harvey Jones, 
 p. 344 sq. Mr. Jones in this article states that Rees came to America with 
 Thomas Phillips and others landing in New York May 14, 1795. Chidlaw 
 definitely states that Rees was in the company of fifty who came with Hughes 
 and Bebb and landed in Philadelphia in the Spring of 1795. Jones has made 
 a careful study of Welsh Settlements in Ohio in recent years. Ohidlaw, on the 
 other hand, was the son-in-law of Ezekiel Hughes and wrote 20 years before 
 Jones. Chidlaw quotes from the Diary of Ezekiel Hughes in his article (see 
 The Cambrian for May, 1888), Whether Rees was in this particular company 
 which Hughes and Bebb brought with them or not we do not know, but that 
 the large majority of the Ebensburg colony were from the colony that Hughes 
 and Bebb brought over is certain. So the influence of these men in their west- 
 ward venture was felt in the Ebensburg colony, and the most venturesome of 
 them were, by the success of their friends in Paddy's Run. inspired to seek 
 like opportunities beyond the Ohio. 
 
24 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 1801 he sent his son, John Rees, and Simon Jones to explore 
 a tract of land in Granville Township, Licking County, which 
 has since received the name of Welsh Hills Settlement. When 
 these men returned to Ebensburg and reported favorably on 
 the land in Licking County, Theopholis Rees and Thomas 
 Phillips purchased nearly 2,000 acres of land in the northwest 
 comer of Granville Township. The tract was divided, Rees 
 taking the south half or a little more, and Phillips the re- 
 mainder. Others bought smaller farms about the same time. 
 A year after the purchase was made Rees and his family, his 
 two sons-in-law and their families, left Ebensburg for their 
 new home in the Welsh Hills. Thomas Phillips did not come 
 to his tract in the Welsh Hills until 1806. From 1806 on, the 
 colony grew rapidly for many years. 
 
 '^JACKSON AND GALLIA'' 
 
 Paddy's Run is indirectly responsible for the Welsh set- 
 tlement of Jackson and Gallia Counties in Southern Ohio. 
 In the Spring of 1818 six families from Kilkenin, Cardigan- 
 shire, South Wales, emigrated for America. Their destina- 
 tion was Paddy 's Run, Butler County, Ohio. Friends of these 
 people had left Kilkenin before and had settled in Paddy's 
 Run. These six families arrived at Baltimore, and there 
 hired wagons to carry them and their baggage to Pittsburg, 
 where they purchased a flat-boat to float down the Ohio River 
 as far as Cincinnati in the hope of reaching Paddy's Run 
 shortly after. Floating down the Ohio they arrived in a few 
 days at a small village, and, being short of provisions, paddled 
 to shore and a delegation was sent to the town to secure food. 
 On entering the village they discovered that the inhabitants 
 were French — the village was Gallipolis. 
 
 The delegation was kindly received by the French inhabit- 
 ants who urged them to remain for the night. The committee 
 returned to the boat and reported what they had seen and 
 heard, with the result that the entire party disembarked and 
 spent the night in Gallipolis. The French improved their 
 time and opportunity and did all in their power to persuade 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 25 
 
 the Welsh to remain in Gallia County giving it as their 
 opinion that Gallia County was as good a country as could be 
 found anjrvvhere. 
 
 During the night a violent storm arose. A heavy rain 
 fell and a fierce gale was blowing. When the Welsh went to 
 the river bank the next morning their boat was no where to 
 be found. Two theories are advanced as to the disappearance 
 of the boat. One is that during the storm of that night the 
 boat became unfastened from the shore and drifted down the 
 river. The other is that some resident of the village imbued 
 more or less with the modem idea of booming his town cast 
 the boat adrift in the hope of compelling the Welsh immi- 
 grants to increase the population of Gallipolis. The boat was 
 found and brought back to the village after several days 
 search, but by this time the women of the company rebelled 
 against going any farther. ^ They declared that they had 
 sufficiently risked their lives already and positively declined 
 to commit themselves to the mercy of the treacherous Ohio 
 any more in a flat-boat. 
 
 The rebellion of the women together with the kind hospi- 
 tality of the French inhabitants of Gallipolis prevailed. The 
 Welsh settlement of Jackson and Gallia owes its existence to 
 this incident which occurred to this company of immigrants 
 who left Kilkenin in Cardiganshire, South Wales, with the 
 avowed intention of going to Paddy's Run in Butler County, 
 hich is only a short distance farther down the river. 
 
 These six families had little or no means when they arrived 
 in Gallipolis and their first task was to find employment. At 
 that time the State was opening a highw^ay from Gallipolis to 
 Jackson. On this road the men found work. They pushed 
 their way north and west some eighteen or twenty miles from 
 Gallipolis and came into the vicinity of what is now known as 
 Centerville in Gallia County. They followed Sims Creek 
 where there were a few acres of good bottom land. 
 
 These pioneers experienced untold hardships and suffered 
 
 1 See **The Cambrian" for June 1883, p. 120; also the "Cambrian" for 
 Not. 1888, p. 322 and "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia," p. 10 sq. 
 
26 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 great privations. No glowing reports were sent to the old 
 home in Wales from this settlement for many years, and it 
 was not imtil eleven years later that another Welshman came 
 from Cardiganshire into Jackson and Gallia Counties. 
 
 In 1829 David Thomas came from Cardiganshire to visit 
 his old time neighbors and friends, and in 1831 the Rev. Ed- 
 ward Jones from the same place came to the settlement. 
 While there Jones preached to the pioneers in their native 
 tongue. This was the first Welsh preaching they had heard 
 since leaving Wales. Jones stayed but a short time, then re- 
 turned to Cardiganshire where he wrote and published a 
 pamphlet in which he described the land of Jackson and Gallia 
 Counties, and told of its resources, urging that this section 
 of Ohio was the very place to which the Welsh should 
 emigrate.^ As a result of the publication of this pamphlet 
 the Welsh from Cardiganshire literally poured into the Jack- 
 son and Gallia settlement for many years. The settlement is 
 frequently called **The Cardiganshire of America.*' Immi- 
 gration began with vigor in 1834 and continued increasingly 
 for twenty or twenty-five years. 
 
 THE GOMER SETTLEMENT IN ALLEN COUNTY 
 While the Welsh from Cardiganshire were flocking into 
 Jackson and Gallia Counties, the Welsh from Montgomeryshire 
 were entering Allen County. In 1833 three men, James 
 Nicholas, Esq., David Roberts, and Thomas Watkins, with 
 their respective families drove in wagons from Paddy's Run 
 through the dense forest to what is now known as Gomer in 
 Allen County .2 The Welsh of Paddy's Run were almost all 
 from Montgomeryshire, as we have already observed. Now 
 we find favorable reports going from Gomer to Llanbrynmair, 
 Montgomeryshire and some of the pioneer settlers of Gomer 
 soon paid visits to the old home in Wales with the result that 
 a large immigration into Gomer from Llanbrynmair was soon 
 realized. 
 
 1 See "The Cambrian" for Nov. 1883, p. 286 sq. ; also "The Cambrian" 
 for Sept. 1907, p. 295; and "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia," p. 13. 
 
 2 See "The Cambrian" for Oct. 1908, p. 439; also "Hanes Cymry Amer- 
 ica," p. 120. 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 27 
 
 THE VENEDOCIA SETTLEMENT IN VANWERT 
 COUNTY 
 
 For the Venedocia Welsh Settlement Paddy *s Run is also 
 responsible. Governor William Bebb purchased two or three 
 sections of land in what is now Venedocia, Vanwert County. 
 Through the influence of Governor Bebb his cousin, also Wil- 
 liam Bebb by name, came to America from Llanbrynmair. 
 He lived at a place called Rhiwgriafol, and was known as 
 *'Bebb Rhiwgriafol.'^ 
 
 The Bebbs in Wales were prominent Calvinistic Metho- 
 dists, ^ and William Bebb * * Rhiwgriaf ol* ' promised his friends 
 and relatives before leaving home that he would, on arriving 
 in America, establish a Welsh colony the religious complexion 
 of which would be Calvinistic Methodist. With this promise 
 he left Wales for Paddy's Run in 1846 or 1847. 
 
 In April 1848 three men, William Bebb *'Rhiwgriafo^^ 
 Thomas Morris, and Richard Jarvis accompanied by their re- 
 spective families, left Paddy's Run for Vanwert County. This 
 was the beginning of the present large and prosperous com- 
 munity of Welsh people in Venedocia.^ 
 
 THE RADNOR SETTLEMENT IN DELAWARE COUNTY 
 
 There is one more settlement which must be considered 
 here because of its evident bearing on the early Welsh popu- 
 lation of Columbus, Ohio, although it bears no relation, so far 
 as we can learn, to the pioneer settlement of Paddy's Run. 
 It is the Welsh settlement of Radnor in Delaware County. 
 This settlement is in the township of Radnor near the north- 
 west comer of the county, about six miles north of the city of 
 Delaware. A young man by the name of David Pugh from 
 Radnorshire, South Wales, was the first to purchase land here, 
 buying land warrants for 4,000 acres from Samuel Jones of 
 Philadelphia.^ 
 
 Pugh^ landed in Baltimore in 1801 and rode on horse-back 
 
 1 See "MethodiBtiaeth Cymru" Vol. II., p. 246. 
 
 2 See "Hanes Cymry America," p. 122; also "Adroddiad Pwyllgor 
 Adeiladu Capel Newydd Salem Venedocia." 
 
 3 See "The Cambrian" for August 1907, p. 345. 
 
 4 David Pugh is the ancestor of the large and influential Pugh family of 
 Columbv^, Ohio. 
 
28 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 all the way from Philadelphia to Radnor to see his purchase. 
 He then returned to Philadelphia and arranged with a Welsh- 
 man by the name of Henry Perry from Anglesea, North 
 Wales, to make a settlement upon the tract. 
 
 In the Autumn of 1803 Perry and his two sons, aged 13 
 and 15, erected a cabin on the land and lived in it that winter. 
 In the Spring of 1804 Perry left his boys on the place to do 
 for themselves while he returned to Baltimore for his wife 
 and other children. In 1804 Pugh returned to his tract and 
 divided it into lots of 100 acres each, and sold the farms to 
 other settlers who came there. Many Welsh people came to 
 Radnor from 1804 to 1807 and after that time the settlement 
 enjoyed a prosperous growth for at least twenty years. 
 
 PIONEER LIFE 
 
 Many aspects of life were common to all these pioneer 
 Welsh communities. The region into which they came was 
 an unbroken forest, covered with a variety of timber and a 
 thick growth of underbrush. The water supply was plentiful 
 and the forest gave abundance of fruit and nuts of many 
 varieties. The woods abounded with game and the streams 
 teemed with fish. Nature provided well for the early comers. 
 
 The first task of the pioneer after securing his land was to 
 select a suitable place for the location of his cabin. The first 
 Welsh settlers sought the hills. The regions into which they 
 came in Butler, Licking, and Jackson and Gallia Counties 
 were hilly, as were the homes of former Welsh settlers in 
 Cambria County and the Great Valley region in Pennsylvania. 
 Two reasons may be assigned for their selecting the hills for 
 a home. First, the land from which these pioneer Welshmen 
 came was mountainous. It was natural that they should chose 
 a place similar in its general appearance to their homeland. 
 A second reason for their seeking the hills was that the hill- 
 tops were healthier. The valleys and bottom lands while 
 possessing better soil, were at the same time swampy, the 
 streams were sluggish and the water stagnant; whereas the 
 hillsides were dry and from their slopes welled up pure and 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 29 
 
 refreshing springs of water which ran in streams into the 
 valleys below. 
 
 The first cabins were generally erected near a spring on 
 the hillside. Before the early settlers of Jackson and Gallia 
 Counties decided to make that region their final abode they 
 commissioned one of their number to investigate the condi- 
 tions of the soil and climate in the Radnor settlement in Dela- 
 ware County. The man returned with the verdict that the 
 region about Radnor was low and swampy and suggestive of 
 malaria. The Radnor colony, therefore, is the one exception 
 of the early pioneer Welsh of Ohio which settled in a region 
 not hilly, for the land in the vicinity of Radnor, while it is 
 not entirely flat, is only slightly rolling. 
 
 After living for a generation in the hill-country the Welsh 
 began to move out of the hills into more level regions, and to 
 make settlements there. Thus we found some of the early 
 settlers of Paddy's Run in 1833 migrating to Gomer and start- 
 ing a new settlement there; others from the same place went 
 to Venedocia in Vanwert County in 1848 to establish a new 
 settlement in that place. And later, during the '60s we find 
 the second generation leaving the hills of the Jackson and 
 Gallia settlement and joining their countrymen in Vanwert 
 County, while scores of others left for the prairies in Western 
 States.i 
 
 The cabins of these early Welsh pioneers were built of 
 logs with puncheon floors and greased paper windows. The 
 doors were of clapboards fastened with wooden hinges. The 
 logs of the house were chinked with mud of clay, as were also 
 the chimneys. Their houses were scantily furnished with 
 home made furniture, and their out-of-door buildings corres- 
 ponded with their dwellings in point of architecture and fur- 
 nishing in general. 
 
 These Welsh pioneers possessed qualities of great endur- 
 ance and their prominent characteristics were industry, fru- 
 gality, deep religious convictions, and a kind and helpful 
 
 1 See "The Cambrian" for March 1885, p. 78; also "Hanes OjmTj 
 America" Part II., p. 47. 
 
30 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 neighborly spirit. Their co-operation in economic activity 
 showed this. They had their cabin ** raisings," their ''roll- 
 ings," ' ' ehoppings, " and ''huskings" in common, and 
 ''butchering day" was a great event. The women also had 
 knitting parties and quilting bees. When new comers entered 
 the settlement they were received with great kindness and the 
 spirit of hospitality was very marked at such a time. Neigh- 
 bors entertained new arrivals and helped them clear a piece 
 of ground and to raise a cabin and did all in their power to 
 make things home-like and comfortable for them. 
 
 The Family and the Home Training. — This was a period 
 of large families in the Welsh settlements, the families ranged 
 anywhere from six, eight to ten children in the home, and 
 sometimes twelve. The home influence and training were 
 puritanic. On the puncheon floors of the cabins the entire 
 family knelt every morning and every evening about the 
 family altar. These early families knew but one language 
 and one Book. They all spoke Welsh and they read and 
 studied the Welsh Bible. If a family chanced to have some 
 book aside from the Bible it was a biblical commentary, or 
 perhaps a biography of some famous Welsh preacher. Papers 
 and periodicals were scarcely known to them for a long time, 
 except some few sent from Wales and these generally were of 
 a religious character. 
 
 With the literature at their disposal the parents in these 
 humble homes were diligent in instructing their children; 
 evenings were spent in teaching them to read the Welsh Bible 
 and to commit verses of Scripture to memory. The younger 
 children learned verses, while the older children committed 
 chapters of the Gospels and Psalms to memory. 
 
 Sabbath Observance. — The Sabbath was very strictly ob- 
 served in the home. All shoes had to be shined on Saturday 
 night for Simday. Wood and water enough to last over Sun- 
 day had to be brought to the house on Saturday evening. If 
 a child laughed heartily on Sunday he was censured for it, 
 the idea being that such laughter could only issue from a 
 spirit of levity which was regarded unworthy of the day. 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 31 
 
 For any member of the family to remain home from church 
 on Sunday, except for illness, was out of the question. A 
 child was censured for picking a berry from a bush on his way 
 from Sunday School. To sing any song other than church 
 hymns was not allowed, and to whistle even a hymn tune was 
 forbidden as one of the unnecessary things on Sunday. To 
 go for a walk on Sunday was to idle the time away and to go 
 for a ride would be definitely to break the Sabbath. 
 
 The diligence with which these parents guided their child- 
 ren and gave them instruction with the meagre means at their 
 disposal is certainly praiseworthy, and their reward may be 
 seen in the worthy type of manhood and womanhood which 
 the early settlements have produced. 
 
 RELIGIOUS LIFE 
 
 The Church Organization. — The control of the church in a 
 typical Welsh community is remarkable. The church occu- 
 pied a large and controlling place in each of these early Welsh 
 settlements. But the power of the church organization is 
 more marked in the Jackson and Gallia settlement than in any 
 other. This may be accounted for in several ways. First of 
 all, it was by far the largest of the early settlements, thus 
 affording opportunities for developing a community life of 
 their own choice without compromises with other people about 
 them. In the next place they were all from the same part of 
 Wales; they were, so to speak, one large family. They were 
 very clannish and desired to have nothing to do with their 
 neighbors of other nationalities. They spoke the Welsh lan- 
 guage and were determined to maintain it. Their prevailing 
 religious persuasion was Calvanistic Methodist and this de- 
 nomination lends itself readily to a rigid form of government. 
 
 The first pastor to the Jackson and Gallia settlement was 
 the Rev. Robert Williams. Williams was a man of austere 
 character and of domineering disposition. He was a powerful 
 preacher, a great organizer, and an untiring worker. He was 
 an absolute ruler and possessed but little of the democratic 
 spirit. Apart from Robert Williams the history of the Jack- 
 
32 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 son and Gallia settlement cannot be related. He was its con- 
 trolling figure in every religious undertaking. Under his 
 leadership the religious organization of the settlement was 
 developed and carried on for forty years, and the highly or- 
 ganized condition of the settlement in a religious way was 
 very largely due to his efforts.^ 
 
 The social life of the early Welshman centered about the 
 church. To give the history of the church and its allied in- 
 stitutions is to explain in large part the social control of a 
 Welsh community. 
 
 An idea of the strength of the church in this representative 
 Welsh community may be gained from a brief resume of the 
 institutions of the church as they grew in the settlement. 
 The Sunday School, (Yr Ysgol Sul), — Sunday School is a 
 great institution with the Welsh. The text-book in the Welsh 
 Sunday School is the Bible. Quarterlies and lesson leaves 
 are not used. All the people of the Jackson and Gallia com- 
 munity attended Sunday School, both young and old; men 
 and women as well as children. The preparation of the Sun- 
 day School lesson was the task for the week at home. And 
 the Sunday School program was such as to encourage and 
 stimulate home study. 
 
 The Sunday School Meeting, (Cyfarfod Ysgolion). This 
 was held on week-days. It was held in turn at every church 
 in the circuit. Representatives from each church attended 
 the Sunday School Meeting, and reports from every school in 
 the circuit were read there, giving record of attendance and 
 work done. Papers were read by delegates on subjects per- 
 taining to Sunday School work and Bible study. This stimu- 
 lated active work in the home schools and they in turn en- 
 couraged diligence in home instruction and study. 
 
 Annual Sunday School Association Meeting, (Cyfarfod 
 Ysgolion Blynyddol). This annual meeting corresponded to 
 what is now generally known as Sunday School Institute. It 
 was always held in September. Here all the schools of the 
 
 1 See "Hanes Ojmrj America," p. 143; also "Sefydliadau Jackson a 
 Gallia," p. 100; and "Coflant Y Parch Robert Williams, Moriah, Ohio." 
 
THE COMING OP THE WELSH TO OHIO 33 
 
 settlement gathered once a year. To the Sunday School bi- 
 monthly meeting, mentioned above, delegates were sent from 
 various schools, but to the Annual Association Meeting the 
 whole community turned out bringing their picnic lunches 
 with them and staying for the day, and an elaborate program 
 was prepared for the occasion. 
 
 The Bible Society Auxiliary, — (Y Gymdeithas Feiblau). 
 This society was organized in the settlement in 1845. The 
 society held two meetings annually, in convenient centers; 
 one at Oak Hill and the other at Centerville. At these meet- 
 ings reports of the Bible Society were read, and essays and 
 addresses were delivered on important topics pertaining to the 
 work of the Bible Society. 
 
 A Class in Theology, (Yr Ysgol Duwinyddol). There was 
 for many years a large class in Oak Hill known as Yr Ysgol 
 Duwinyddol, or School of Theology. It consisted of a leader 
 who was a local minister, and any other persons of serious 
 purpose who desired to attend. The enrollment in this school 
 averaged from 30 to 40 persons. They met once every week. 
 
 The Presbytery Meeting, (Cyfarfod Dosparth). Presby- 
 tery met quarterly and it lasted two days, beginning Tuesday 
 evening and lasting until Thursday afternoon. One morning 
 session was devoted to business and the rest of the time to 
 listening to sermons by the ministers, two men preaching at 
 each session. 
 
 The Synodical Meeting, (Y Gymanfa). The Welsh Synod 
 of Ohio meets twice in the year, and once in every two years 
 the Synod comes to the settlement. The Gymanfa used to be 
 held at Moriah, the mother church, in former years, but in 
 later years it has been held at Oak Hill, this place being more 
 central. The Gymanfa was held in the week time, the public 
 sessions were conducted in a grove near the church. Any- 
 where from 3,000 to 4,000 people attended this great meeting 
 of the church. The following is the program of the Gymanfa : 
 Tuesday at 10:00 a. m. the Gymanfa convenes. This is its 
 first business session, and at 2:00 p. m. the second business 
 session. 7 :00 p. m. public service, two sermons. Wednesday 
 
34 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 10 :00 a. m. business session ; Wednesday 2 :00 p. m. General 
 Fellowship Meeting; 6:00 or 7:00 p. m. public service, two 
 sermons; Thursday 10:00 a. m. public service, two sermons; 
 2 :00 p. m. public service, two sermons ; 6 :00 p. m. public ser- 
 vice, two sermons. On Friday, post-Gymanfa sessions were 
 held and the order was as follows: Friday 10:00 a. m. two 
 sermons ; 2 :00 p. m. two sermons. At the close of the Friday 
 afternoon session the people dispersed and went home. But 
 this was not all, for on the Sunday following all the visiting 
 ministers to Synod preached on the circuit while the local 
 preachers of the circuit had a day off. 
 
 Visiting Clergymen to the settlement, (Pregethwyr ar 
 Dro). It frequently happened that a preacher from Wales 
 would visit the settlement, or a prominent preacher from 
 some other Gymanfa of America, and when he came he was 
 given an itinerary through the settlement. He would preach 
 in all the larger churches, and this would be generally in the 
 week time, preaching at one church in the morning, at another 
 at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, and in a church in one of the 
 villages in the evening. Farmers would drop all their work, 
 even in mid harvest, to follow the preacher from church to 
 church. 
 
 From the above list of church institutions and meetings, 
 one may gain an idea of the highly organized condition of the 
 settlement in a religious way and the prominent place given 
 to preaching the gospel. They had their regular weekly 
 prayer meetings and fellowship meetings in each church, and 
 in the winter season they had singing schools and literary 
 meetings in the different neighborhoods. We can readily see 
 how the church kept the peoj)le busy and occupied preparing 
 for these great functions. 
 
 GROWTH 
 
 The size of a Welsh colony may be fairly well estimated 
 
 by the number of churches established, and the rapidity with 
 
 which the colony grew may be conjectured from the rate at 
 
 which new churches were erected in a given period. The de- 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 35 
 
 cline of the community as a distinctively Welsh community 
 may be measured by the decline of the church as a Welsh 
 church. This is particularly true of rural districts. 
 
 The first thing the Welsh pioneer provides for, after the 
 immediate care of the home, is the religious welfare of the 
 community life. In Paddy's Run a Congregational church 
 was organized in 1803 with ten charter members, six of whom 
 were Welsh. Paddy's Run was at no time a pure Welsh 
 colony. From the very beginning the Welsh of this commu- 
 nity mingled with people of other nationalities. Its Welsh 
 population numbered about 500 to 600 in its most flourishing 
 period, from 1830 to 1850. During that time the church was 
 practically a Welsh church with some English preaching. It 
 was a Congregational Church because the Welsh who came 
 there from Montgomeryshire were Congregationalists. 
 
 The pioneers of the Welsh Hills were Baptists. They at 
 one time belonged to the Union Church^ at Ebensburg, Penn- 
 sylvania. The controlling spirit of that church, the Rev. 
 Morgan Rees, was a Baptist, and the whole church was very 
 soon influenced by his persuasion. The result was that when 
 the Welsh settled in Licking County the church was organized 
 as a Baptist church in 1808. No less than thirty of the earli- 
 est communicants in this church had previously been members 
 of the Union Church in Ebensburg. 
 
 In the Jackson and Gallia settlement the first families who 
 came there in 1818 worshipped with the Methodist Episco- 
 palians in a nearby community. But when the new tide of 
 Welsh immigration arose in 1834 the Welsh began to hold 
 their own religious meetings, and to conduct them in their 
 own language. The prevailing religious persuasion of the 
 Cardiganshire Welsh is Calvinistic Methodist, hence the pre- 
 vailing church in this settlement is Calvinistic Methodist. In 
 1836 the inhabitants of the Jackson and Gallia colony erected 
 their first church. So tremendous was the influx of Welsh 
 from Cardiganshire that churches began to spring up year by 
 
 1 See "The Cambrian" for'Aujrust 1907, p. 346. 
 
36 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 year in other neighborhoods in every direction from the 
 mother church. 
 
 The writer knows of no better way to illustrate this fact 
 of rapid growth than by enumerating the churches of Jackson 
 and Gallia and giving the date of their organization, and 
 thereby endeavor to show the rapidity with which the Welsh 
 immigrants came into the different neighborhoods of the set- 
 tlement. The churches of the Calvinistic Methodist denom- 
 ination run as follows: — Moriah, the mother church, was or- 
 ganized in 1835; Horeb, 1838; Centerville, 1840; Bethel, 
 1841 ; Soar, 1841 ; Sardis, 1843 ; Bethania, 1847 ; Tabor, 1848 ; 
 Oak Hill, 1851; Bethseda, 1856; Salem, 1862; Penuel, 1870; 
 Jackson, 1880. While the Calvinistic Methodists were busy 
 organizing churches, other denominations were likewise en- 
 gaged though in point of number and strength they were 
 eclipsed by the Calvinistic Methodists. The Congregational- 
 ists during this period built six or seven churches. The first 
 of the Congregational churches was built at Oak Hill in 1840. 
 The Baptists had four churches and the Wesleyans one. Thus 
 it appears that some 24 or 25 churches were built by the Welsh 
 of this settlement. Aside from these churches many Welsh 
 Sunday Schools were organized in neighborhoods where 
 churches did not exist. 
 
 In Gomer, Allen County, the first church was built in 1845. 
 This was a Congregational church. The Welsh colony grew 
 in numbers and has kept its Congregational spirit throughout. 
 Gomer and its environs constitute the stronghold of Welsh 
 Congregationalism in Ohio. Besides the Gomer church there 
 were two or three other Welsh congregational churches in the 
 Gomer settlement. 
 
 In Venedocia, Vanwert County, the three families who 
 came there in 1848, held religious worship the first Sunday 
 after their arrival. They worshipped in their cabins, princi- 
 pally at Bebb's, until 1853 when their first church was built. 
 The church in this settlement is Calvinistic Methodist. Many 
 who came into this neighborhood were Congregationalists from 
 
THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 37 
 
 Llanbrynmair, North Wales, but the prevailing tendency was 
 Calvinistic Methodist and that persuasion controlled. There 
 were at one time four churches in this group, all of which 
 were Calvinistic Methodist, though one of them was organized 
 as a Union Church of Welsh Congregationalists and Calvinis- 
 tic Methodists, but under the control of the Calvinists. One 
 of the four churches has since been abandoned. The immi- 
 gration on the part of the Welsh from Jackson and Gallia 
 Counties in the '60s helped to make Venedocia Calvinistic 
 Methodist. 
 
 We have then the following four distinct Welsh settle- 
 ments in Ohio for which Paddy's Run is in some way respon- 
 sible : the Welsh Hills settlement in Licking County the popu- 
 lation of which in its strongest period was about 400 or 500, 
 with a Baptist church as the prevailing type of religious per- 
 suasion, though other denominations organized their churches 
 later ; the Jackson and Gallia settlement with a population of 
 from 5,000 to 6,000, and its prevailing religious denomination 
 is Calvinistic Methodist; the Gomer settlement with a popu- 
 lation of about 1,000 or 1,500 and the Congregational church 
 in control ; the Venedocia settlement in Vanwert County with 
 a population similar to that of Gomer, or larger, and the 
 church in power there is Calvinistic Methodist. 
 
 The Radnor settlement numbered about 600 to 800 and its 
 first church was Congregational though other denominations 
 erected their churches later. 
 
 All these settlements have had their influence in con- 
 tributing to the make-up of the Welsh of Columbus, Ohio, as 
 we shall have occasion to observe later. Radnor and the 
 Welsh Hills were early sources of the Welsh of Columbus, and 
 the Jackson and Gallia settlement along with Venedocia have 
 given much to Columbus in later years. 
 
 Each of these Welsh settlements has reached its summit as 
 a flourishing community of the Welsh type, and is now 
 descending the hill on the other side. The communities are 
 rapidly becoming assimilated into the great American people. 
 
38 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 In Paddy ^s Run, the Welsh Hills, and Radnor the Welsh 
 language has passed out of use in the church and home. In 
 Jackson and Gallia Counties the language is still in use but 
 is rapidly being supplanted by the English. In Gomer the 
 change is rapidly taking place and in Venedocia as well, 
 though the Welsh tongue prevails as yet in the latter in the 
 church service. 
 
 The descendants of the early Welsh families still live in 
 these communities, scores of them, and many of them are well- 
 to-do farmers. The land in Paddy's Run is worth from $75.00 
 to $125.00 per acre and in the Welsh Hills it is about the same. 
 In Radnor, Gomer, and Venedocia farms are worth anywhere 
 from $150.00 to $250.00 per acre. The descendants of the 
 pioneers in the Jackson and Gallia settlement have not fared 
 so well. The land there has not increased in value, as it has 
 in the other settlements, after improvement. Some of the 
 land is worth only from $6.00 to $10.00 per acre today, though 
 many of the children of the early settlers are now well-to-do 
 owing to interests in other enterprises such as coal mines, iron 
 furnaces,^ and the clay-brick industry. But the large majori- 
 ty of them are on the farms. 
 
 1 See "The Cambrian" for August 1891, p. 225. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 
 The Location and Early History of Columbus 
 
 Columbus, the capital of Ohio and the seat of Franklin 
 County, is situated near the geographical center of the State 
 on the banks of the Scioto River, its business portion being 
 just where the Olentangy River empties into the Scioto. The 
 site of Columbus was at one time occupied by the Wyandot 
 and other Indian tribes. 
 
 The site was selected for the capital of Ohio by the legis- 
 lature in 1812, partly as the result of the efforts of four citi- 
 zens of Franklinton who had ** formed a company to establish 
 the State Capital on the high banks of the Scioto River oppo- 
 site Franklinton.'* Columbus thus got its existence by the 
 legislative act creating a home for the Capitol of Ohio on a 
 site which was then practically an unbroken forest. 
 
 The town was laid out in the spring of 1812, and on the 
 18th of June in the same year the first land was sold at pub- 
 lic sale. In 1815 the first census was taken and the population 
 at that time was 700. In 1816 the town was incorporated as 
 the borough of Columbus; in 1824 Columbus was made the 
 seat of Franklin County, and it was incorporated as a city in 
 1834. 
 
 Immediately after the town had been laid out improve- 
 ments were begun and streets were platted. In 1825 the Ohio 
 Canal, from Cleveland on Lake Erie to Portsmouth on the 
 Ohio River, was commenced, and was completed in 1838. The 
 Columbus ** feeder*' from Columbus to Lockbume, a distance 
 of eleven miles, was completed in 1831. This gave Columbus 
 water communication with Lake Erie and the Ohio River. In 
 1836 the National Road from Wheeling, West Virginia, to 
 Indianapolis, Indiana, passed through Columbus. The San- 
 duskey turnpike, extending north from Columbus to San- 
 
40 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 duskey on Lake Erie, and other roads were in process of con- 
 struction during this period all of which entered this mecca 
 in the center of the State of Ohio. In 1841 the first railroad 
 in Ohio was begun and in 1850 the first train steamed into 
 Columbus over what was then the Columbus and Xenia Rail- 
 road.^ 
 
 After the town had been laid out and improvements be- 
 gun Ohio's Capital was destined to grow. The building of 
 the State institutions meant that here was employment for 
 men engaged in many forms of labor, and thither they came 
 in large numbers. These great institutions of the State gave 
 employment to hundreds of men as well as did the canal, the 
 public highways and the railroads of the same period, to say 
 nothing of other great building projects of a public and pri- 
 vate nature during that time. 
 
 Contemporary with the rise of the great State institutions 
 was the development of industries in Columbus. From its 
 very location, in the center of a great industrial State and 
 region, and its proximity to the great coal fields of Ohio, 
 Columbus was destined to become an important industrial 
 center. The growth of industry meant the rise of commerce. 
 And presently, from 1850 on, we find railroad systems de- 
 veloping in central Ohio until today there are about 15 rail- 
 roads which enter the city. An idea of the rapid growth of 
 Columbus may be obtained from a glance at Table I. below. 
 The table after the first two figures is taken from the United 
 States Census Report for 1910. 
 
 TABLE I. 
 General Population from 1815 to 1910 
 
 1815 700 
 
 1820 1,400 
 
 1830 2,435 
 
 1840 6,048 
 
 1850 17,882 
 
 1860 18,554 
 
 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I. Chapter on Franklin 
 County. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 41 
 
 1870 31,247 
 
 1880 51,647 
 
 1890 88,150 
 
 1900 125,560 
 
 1910 181,511 
 
 We have gone sufficiently into the investigation of the 
 growth of Columbus to show that at a very early day it pre- 
 sented great attractions to immigrants especially those of the 
 artisan or skilled labor class. We are concerned here primar- 
 ily, not with the growth of Columbus as such, but particularly 
 with a certain group of immigrants who came to the city, viz. 
 the Welsh who came to Columbus. 
 
 Just how early in the history of Columbus the Welsh en- 
 tered is impossible to ascertain. But that Welsh legislators 
 had a part in selecting the site of Columbus and in giving it 
 a name is evident. Resolutions in the legislature referring to 
 the site and the name were offered by two men by the names 
 of Edwards and Evans. And when the final vote was taken 
 on these resolutions six Welsh names appear on the roll call, 
 viz. for the affirmative are the names of Evans, Edwards, T. 
 Morris and D. Morris; on the negative side the names of J. 
 Jones and T. G. Jones. Among the 17 citizens who had set- 
 tled in Columbus as early as 1813 one name appears which 
 may be that of a Welshman, viz. Jarvis.^ 
 
 LOCATION ADVANTAGEOUS TO THE WELSH 
 
 We have no record that the Welsh came to Columbus as 
 pioneer settlers as we found them in the settlements of Paddy 's 
 Run, the Welsh Hills, ** Jackson and Gallia," and the other 
 settlements studied in Chapter II. In fact we know next to 
 nothing concerning the Welsh in Columbus previous to 1820. 
 
 The position of Columbus, however, with reference to two 
 Welsh settlements in particular was very advantageous, viz. 
 the Welsh Hills in Licking County and the Radnor settlement 
 in Delaware County. These two regions had been settled by 
 
 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I., article by E. O. Randall, 
 p. 618 so.; also "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Oolnmbus, Ohio 
 from its Earliest Times up to 1860," p. 6. 
 
42 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 the Welsh more than a decade before Columbus came into 
 existence. The Welsh Hills settlement was about 30 or 35 
 miles to the East and a little northeast of Columbus, and the 
 Radnor settlement was about the same distance to the North. 
 It is most natural that the young men who grew up in these 
 settlements, as demand for workmen increased in Columbus, 
 should turn to Columbus for employment and that their 
 friends and countrymen who migrated from Wales should fol- 
 low them in their search for work in the rapidly growing city. 
 The Welsh people of these two communities were in constant 
 communication with friends and relatives in Wales and they 
 informed them of the great opportunities offered to workmen 
 in Ohio's Capital. 
 
 PERIODS OF WELSH MIGRATION 
 While we have no definite trace of Welsh immigration to 
 Columbus previous to 1820, from that time on, until the pres- 
 ent day, Welsh immigration in one form or another has con- 
 tinued. Welsh migration to Columbus falls naturally into 
 three periods, viz: from 1820 to 1860; from 1860 to 1885; 
 from 1885 to the present time. The first period may be de- 
 signated as the Period of Foreign Welsh Immigration to Co- 
 lumbus. The second period, marks the decline of foreign 
 Welsh immigration and a gradual rise of immigration on the 
 part of the Welsh from local communities in the States, 
 especially from communities in Ohio. The third period marks 
 the cessation of foreign Welsh immigration and the rapid 
 growth of immigration from local settlements in Ohio. 
 
 THE FIRST PERIOD 
 
 The first period (1820-1860) may again be subdivided in- 
 to two smaller periods, viz. from 1820 to 1840 ; and from 1840 
 to 1860. From 1820 to 1840, the immigration to Columbus 
 was more or less indirect and was due to the influence of the 
 Welsh Hills and Radnor settlements. People would come 
 from Wales to join their friends and relatives in these colonies 
 and in time would drift into Columbus to find employment. 
 
 As early as 1822 a man by the name of Ebenezer Thomas 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 43 
 
 in company with others owned and operated a woolen mill for 
 carding, spinning and weaving. In the same year Thomas 
 Cadwallader, John 0. Richards and Morgan Powell came to 
 Columbus. By the year 1824 a sufficient number of Welsh 
 people had arrived to constitute a church, when a Welsh Bap- 
 tist church was organized.^ The influence of the Welsh Hills 
 settlement may be seen here, for they were Baptists, and the 
 first preacher to the new society at Columbus was a Rev. 0. 
 Owens from Granville, Ohio. 
 
 EMIGRATION TO AMERICA AGITATED IN WALES 
 
 Beginning with 1840 and continuing until within a few 
 years of the Civil War we find a great increase of direct im- 
 migration from Wales to Columbus. They came from Mont- 
 gomeryshire in North Wales. This was the county from which 
 Ezekiel Hughes and Edward Bebb had come with their com- 
 pany of Welsh immigrants in 1795 ; conditions in Wales were 
 oppressive at that time and up to the middle of the 19th cen- 
 tury had not improved but rather had grown worse. 
 
 Samuel Roberts, a cousin to Governor Bebb, was a Congre- 
 gational preacher of great power. His influence in that day, 
 (the '40s and '50s), was mighty with the Welsh of Montgom- 
 eryshire and throughout Wales. He took upon himself to 
 champion the cause of the poor tenant farmer of his parish in 
 Montgomeryshire and of the country round about Llanbryn- 
 mair. He pled with the landlords and stewards for fair 
 play. Having done all he could in this way, but without re- 
 sult he began to attack them and to denounce landlordism 
 bitterly. His efforts to change things in Wales were futile, 
 but he did accomplish something definite. He succeeded in 
 arousing a spirit of unrest and dissatisfaction on the part of 
 the Welsh tenant farmer, with the result that scores and 
 hundreds of the Montgomeryshire Welsh emigrated to Ameri- 
 ca in the two decades from 1840 to 1860. A great many of 
 these came directly to Columbus, while scores also came into 
 Gomer and Venedocia, and hundreds settled in Western States. 
 
 1 See "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus, &c." p. 8 sq. 
 
44 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 The following article published in *'Y Cronicl/' a Welsh 
 periodical, for July 1852, will serve to illustrate the spirit of 
 Rev. Samuel Roberts' agitation and his method of work.^ 
 
 "The greater part of the agricultural communities of the 
 Principality has suffered a great deal of insult and of mal- 
 treatment. The landlords and stewards have for many years 
 oppressed their most faithful tenants, and it is very difficult 
 to arouse them to a sense of the unfairness and foolishness, 
 and the consequent loss to themselves, of their oppressive con- 
 duct. They would do well to study the following short chap- 
 ter of * * Facts Concerning Emigration. ' ' 
 
 "1. This morning over 70 people, most of them young 
 and in the flower of life, left Llanbrynmair for America. 
 
 2. A larger number than that left a neighboring com- 
 munity just recently. 
 
 3. There are several families now arranging their affairs 
 so as to be prepared to leave in the Autumn or early Spring 
 
 4. Five or six such large companies, to say nothing of 
 lesser groups, have left this neighborhood within a few years. 
 
 5. Similar groups are leaving other communities, and 
 they are increasing all the while. 
 
 6. The old families would not leave the land of their 
 fathers if there was any hope of earning a living at home. 
 
 7. Hundreds of those who left this community in recent 
 years are doing well in America. And they are continually 
 not only urging their friends to follow them, but they are 
 ready to send aid to their poor relatives to pay their transpor- 
 tation. 
 
 8. Within two months the writer has received £80 from a 
 young workman in America toward paying the passage of 
 some of those who left here this very morning. 
 
 9. The inducements to emigrate are rapidly increasing. 
 Five pounds is almost enough to pay the way of a strong 
 young man, or a rosy cheeked young woman, from the bare 
 
 1 See "Cofiant Y Tri Brawd o Lanbrynmair a Conwy," p. 50 sq. where 
 this article ie quoted. 
 
THE WELSH OP OHIO IN COLUMBUS 45 
 
 and fruitless slopes Plimlimmon and Cader Idris to the 
 wealthy valleys of Ohio and Missouri. 
 
 10. The increase in traveling facilities together with the 
 certainty of higher wages, better board, etc. are a great induce- 
 ment to young people, who are strong and ambitious, to emi- 
 grate from this land of poverty and oppression to a country 
 where the rights of labor and religion are given more protec- 
 tion and fair play than they are receiving here. 
 
 11. The time to persuade a diligent laborer and a skilled 
 workman to remain in Wales to half starve themselves, when 
 they can receive for their services such fine wages in markets 
 which are so inviting, free and convenient, is past. 
 
 12. The population of this vicinity is less according to 
 the last census than it was when the previous census was 
 taken, and it would be still smaller were it not that strangers 
 had recently come into our woolen mills. 
 
 13. The fact that continual decrease is experienced in an 
 agricultural district, which is thinly populated, is a sure sign 
 that there is here some glaring unfairness on the part of land- 
 lords and stewards. 
 
 14. The best class of tenants are forced to believe that 
 the day is near at hand when they too must give up their 
 farms and follow their friends and relatives in the search for 
 better and cheaper farms on the great Western Continent, and 
 they can easily secure them. 
 
 15. It is not easy for the landlords now to imagine the 
 loss to themselves and to their children because of banishing 
 these faithful, diligent, and economical tenants from their 
 farms. And they certainly will repent, when it is too late, 
 for treading under foot so cruelly the rights of the people who 
 have served them with so much self-denial and faithfulness, 
 endeavoring through a score of narrow straits to meet their 
 rents. 
 
 16. The landlords and stewards will never again have the 
 opportunity to oppress tenants so obedient, humble, and sub- 
 missive as those they are now crushing to ruin. The old 
 
46 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 schemes of inducing the inexperienced and of ensnaring them 
 have been worn thread-bare. The door of hope, to diligence 
 and labor, is open. The great continents of America and Au- 
 stralia are open to receive, reward, and honor the skilled work- 
 man, the faithful shepherd, the honest laborer and the op- 
 pressed tenant. ' ' 
 
 Add to this form of agitation on the part of Welsh leaders 
 in Wales the visits made to Wales by individuals of influence 
 who went back to Montgomeryshire from Ohio, and we have 
 another direct incentive to Welsh emigration. We shall here 
 mention one such person who exerted a great deal of influence 
 in bringing many Montgomeryshire Welsh to Ohio and to 
 Columbus. 
 
 Rev. B. W. Chidlaw came to Radnor, Ohio, with his parents 
 when a boy of ten years, in 1821. Within a few weeks aftei 
 their arrival Chidlaw 's father died and the boy was left to 
 care for his widow^ed mother. Chidlaw received his early re- 
 ligious training at home with his mother and in the log chapel 
 near Radnor. He got his elementary education in the log 
 school-house in the same neighborhood. In August, 1829 
 Chidlaw walked from Radnor to Granville, Ohio, in order to 
 study Latin and Greek, preparatory to entering the Ohio Uni- 
 versity at Athens later that year. In November he entered 
 the Ohio University. A year or two later he entered the 
 Miami University at Oxford, Ohio, walking all the way from 
 Radnor to Oxford, a distance of 125 miles. In 1835 he gradu- 
 ated from Miami University and was licensed to preach by 
 the Oxford Presbytery. At the same time he received a call 
 to the pastorate of the Paddy's Run Congregational Church. 
 Before taking up work in this important field Chidlaw decided 
 to make a trip to Wales with a view of improving his Welsh, 
 the church at Paddy's Run at that time being carried on for 
 the most part in the Welsh language. 
 
 In the Autumn of 1835 Chidlaw spent two months in 
 Wales and preached week-days and Sundays practically all 
 the time he was there. In 1839 he made a second trip to 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 47 
 
 Wales and this time he stayed there eight months. He was 
 given an extensive itinerary in the vicinity of his old home in 
 Montgomeryshire. Chidlaw preached daily and met with en- 
 thusiastic inquirers wherever he went. People who wanted to 
 learn more about life and opportunities in America, and 
 especially in Ohio, met him at every turn.^ Chidlaw was a 
 great agitator of ** America for the Welsh,'* and the fact of 
 his being a Welsh preacher reared and educated in Ohio en- 
 couraged them in the belief that there were religious oppor- 
 tunities in this country as well as chances for improvement in 
 a material way. 
 
 We insert the following illustration of Chidlaw *s agitation 
 on his preaching tours in Wales. It is a story of personal ex- 
 perience told by Mr. Edward Pryce of Columbus who is now 
 the oldest Welsh resident of the city. "I came to Columbus,'* 
 said Mr. Pryce in an interview, * * in 1840. At that time I was / 
 a lad of seven years. The Welsh of that period were nearly j 
 all from Montgomeryshire. Rev. B. W. Chidlaw put us in ! 
 the notion of coming to America. He was a preacher who j 
 lived with his mother at Radnor and had come back to Mont- 
 gomeryshire for a visit. I well remember the night he spent ( 
 at our home. He wore boots. That was the first time for me { 
 ever to see boots on a man 's feet, and what puzzled me was j 
 how he could ever get them off. I remember it as well as^' 
 yesterday. j 
 
 ** Chidlaw told us of the great advantages for raising 
 children in America. My mother took it all in for she ha^ 
 seven children. And she decided then and there to come herd. 
 Father objected to coming, but mother prevailed and we cam^, 
 arriving in Columbus in June 1840, and I have lived here 
 ever since." 
 
 In addition to the deplorable economic and social condi- 
 tions in Wales, revealed in Samuel Roberts' agitation, which 
 stimulated migration together with the influence of individu- 
 als, like Chidlaw, who visited their old homes and others who 
 wrote glowing accounts concerning life and opportunities in 
 
 1 See "The Story of My Life," Ch. V., p. 82. 
 
48 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHia 
 
 Columbus we have the fact of improved transportation facili- 
 ties in this period. The National Road from Wheeling, West 
 Virginia, on the Ohio River was completed. Also the San- 
 duskey Turnpike which connected Columbus with Lake Erie 
 by land. And still more attractive to the immigrant was the 
 Ohio Canal, which brought Columbus into water communica- 
 tion with the Ohio River and Lake Erie. Immigrants who 
 landed at Baltimore and Philadelphia came overland to Pitts- 
 burg, then down the Ohio River to Portsmouth, thence up the 
 Canal to Columbus. Others came from the North up the St. 
 Lawrence River through the lakes to Cleveland and from 
 Cleveland down the Canal to Columbus. We have record of 
 Welsh immigrants coming to Columbus by both these routes. 
 And we have finally to mention the development of the rail- 
 roads after 1850 which eclipsed all other modes of travel. 
 
 THE WELSH OF THE FIRST PERIOD WERE 
 SKILLED LABORERS ^ 
 An old City Directory of Columbus (1842-1843) contains 
 the names of 38 Welsh people. Five are names of females, 
 five are of males whose occupations are not mentioned. The 
 names of 28 males appear whose occupations are given. 
 Twenty-three of the twenty-eight named were skilled laborers. 
 The little pamphlet by Mr. L. D. Davis, entitled *'Some Facts 
 with References to the Welsh of Columbus, Ohio from the 
 Earliest Times up to I860,'' gives a brief obituary mention 
 of many of the early Welsh of Columbus, giving (i) the date 
 of their birth; (ii) the date of their marriage; (iii) the part 
 of Wales from which they came ; (iv) the year of their arrival 
 in Columbus; (v) their occupation and religious preference, 
 and (vi) the date of their death. This booklet reveals the 
 fact that at least three-fourths of theWelsh who came to Co- 
 lumbus previous to 1860 came from Montgomeryshire and 
 that a very large percent of them were skilled laborers, and 
 among them a great many carpenters and plasterers. 
 
 1 Just how many of the early Welsh were skilled laborers when they 
 came to the city we have no means of ascertaining, perhaps not many for the 
 large majority of them came from an agricultural district in Wales, but on 
 their arrival in Columbus they evidently applied themselves to the trades. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 49 
 
 The Welsh were found working in the different industries 
 such as the John Demming Threshing Machine Company, and 
 Neil and Moore's Coach Shop, the Joseph Ridgeway Com- 
 pany, manufacturers of all kinds of machinery, and other 
 similar places. 
 
 THE SECOND PERIOD 
 
 The second period (1860-1885) marks the gradual decline 
 of direct foreign immigration from Wales to Columbus and a 
 corresponding rise of immigration from the local Welsh settle- 
 ments. The decline of immigration from Wales was due 
 largely to the fact that other States west of Ohio were offering 
 tempting attractions to immigrants. The booming of Western 
 States appealed to the poor immigrant from Wales. The con- 
 sequence was that Welsh immigrants entered these States in 
 large numbers. An idea of the way the Welsh went westward 
 may be had from the fact that from 1864 to 1870 ovei: 240 
 Welsh families settled in Missouri alone. ^ 
 
 THE ''MILL MEN'' COME 
 While the immigrant directly from Wales traveled west- 
 ward there were attractions in Columbus which appealed to 
 a special class of workmen, namely, the ''mill men." The rise 
 of industry, the mills and shops, attracted workmen of that 
 class. For example : the Steel Rail Company which organized 
 a mill for the manufacture of steel rails attracted a great 
 many iron workers in the 70s. The company engaged a 
 Welshman by the name of Lewis as superintendent. Lewis 
 came from Pennsylvania. The habit of the Welsh iron work- 
 ers of that day was to follow their leader, so along with Lewis 
 came many of his former workmen, the majority of whom 
 were Southwaleans. Another Welshman by the name of 
 Lewis was bookkeeper for the company, and almost all of the 
 important positions such as foremen, engineers, etc. were held 
 by Welshmen. In conversations with Welsh residents of Co- 
 lumbus, many of whom worked in the Steel Rail Mill in that 
 former day, the writer has been given various estimates as to 
 
 1 See "Cymry America," p. 84 sq. 
 
50 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 the percent of Welsh working in the mill. Some gave it as 
 their opinion that three-fourths of the employees were Welsh, 
 others gave an estimate of two-thirds and no one gave a lower 
 estimate than one-half. The mill was abandoned some twenty 
 years ago. Some of the Welsh left at that time but many of 
 them remained in the city, finding employment with other 
 firms. 
 
 The Hayden Company had a great many Welsh people in 
 their employ. David Price, a brother of Edward Pryce^ 
 mentioned above, was 17 years of age when he came to Colum- 
 bus with his parents in 1840. David Price was connected with 
 the Hayden Company for 45 years. At first he was a teamster 
 for Hayden, then he clerked in the store. Finally he became 
 foreman of all the outside work for Hayden, having complete 
 charge of teams, the hiring of men, etc., a sort of general 
 manager of outside affairs. David Price helped the young 
 Welsh boys a great deal. He was a man of unusual energy 
 and push. He knew the city and was known by all. When a 
 Welshman arrived in the city in search for work he was di- 
 rected to Price, who always assisted him in finding employ- 
 ment. Price gave the young Welshmen positions at Hayden 's, 
 either temporarily or permanently, and he helped scores of 
 them secure good positions elsewhere in the city. 
 
 IMMIGRATION FROM LOCAL SETTLEMENTS IN OHIO 
 
 During this period the tide of immigration on the part of 
 the Welsh from the Jackson and Gallia settlement turned from 
 Cincinnati to Columbus. This began in 1860 when the Rev. 
 R. H. Evans, who was raised in the settlement, became pastor 
 of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. The next 
 to come from this settlement was a woman who came as house- 
 keeper for a man in Columbus, who had a brother living in 
 the settlement. She came in 1863. The same year Mr. L. D. 
 Davies was brought to Camp Chase as a paroled prisoner of 
 the Civil War. At the close of the War in 1865 Mr. Davies 
 came to Columbus and settled there permanently in business 
 
 1 These two brothers spelled their names differently, one with a "y" and 
 the other with an "i". The spelling of the name "y" in Pryce is the original. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 51 
 
 as a grocer. He was followed by his brother in 1867 accom- 
 panied by another young man from the settlement. After 
 that time Welsh immigration from the Jackson and Gallia 
 settlement kept increasing. By 1873 there were about 15 
 people from the settlement in Columbus and in the decade 
 which followed a great many more came. 
 
 The causes of migration from Jackson and Gallia may 
 be briefly summed up as follows: (i) Their farms were small 
 and not very productive, so the young sought employment in 
 the city, (ii) Cincinnati was not so attractive to them as in 
 former years. ^ The city had grown and consequently the 
 Welsh population had scattered. The pastor of the Welsh 
 church of that period was not so strong socially as his prede- 
 cessor had been, (iii) The development of railroads in cen- 
 tral Ohio made Columbus very accessible to the people of the 
 settlement, (iv) Wages were good and many forms of oc- 
 cupation were available in Columbus, (v) Columbus was 
 not as large as Cincinnati and the Welsh were grouped to- 
 gether about their church, (vi) Rev. R. H. Evans came to 
 the Columbus church directly from Jackson and Gallia settle- 
 ment. He was followed by the Rev. David Harris as pastor. 
 Mr. Harris came to Columbus from Ironton which is also in 
 the Jackson and Gallia Presbytery. Harris had been a tomb- 
 stone maker and had traveled extensively through the settle- 
 ment. He knew all the people of the community, first as 
 business man, then as minister. His influence brought many 
 to Columbus, (vii) Men from the settlement came to Co- 
 lumbus as members of the legislature from their district, and 
 they advised the young of Jackson and Gallia, who were seek- 
 
 1 For many years previous to 1860 the Welsh from Jackson and Gallia 
 flocked into Cincinnati. Scores of Welsh girls found employment in the best 
 homes of the city. The young men also entered the shops and factories of 
 Cincinnati and many of them learned trades. Poverty at home forced them to 
 seek employment elsewhere. Cincinnati was accessible to the Settrement by 
 water down the Ohio River. The fact that there was a good Welsh church in 
 Cincinnati helped to attract them there, and it encouraged the parents to 
 allow their children to go to Cincinnati. The first two pastors of the Cincinnati 
 0. M. church were Revs. Edward Jones and Howel Powell. These men were 
 very strong socially, and they paid great attention to the young men and 
 women who entered the city from country homes. The Welsh 0. M. church 
 during the late '50s and early '60s had a membership of 850; two-thirds of 
 them were from Jackson and Gallia, and about one-third of them were servant 
 girls. 
 
52 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 ing for positions in the city, to go to Columbus, (viii) When 
 the children were established in good positions their parents, 
 in many cases, followed them to Columbus. 
 
 THE THIRD PERIOD 
 
 The third period of Welsh migration to Columbus, (1885) 
 is marked by a decided decrease in direct immigration from 
 Wales and the rapid increase of immigration from the local 
 Welsh settlements in Ohio. The decrease of foreign Welsh 
 immigration amounts to what may be regarded as almost a 
 complete extinction of the direct foreign immigration on the 
 part of the Welsh to Columbus. 
 
 The trend of migration during the past 25 years may be 
 seen from Table II. in the Appendix.^ Table II. has been 
 compiled from the records of the Calvinistic Methodist Church 
 of Columbus. The Table shows the total number received into 
 the church by letter in the past 25 years, (viz. from 1885 to 
 1909 inclusive). In the table there are 28 columns showing 
 the sources from which the members came, the name at the 
 top indicating the church. The column at the left shows the 
 year in which they came. The two columns marked "totals," 
 one at the right and the other at the bottom, shows (i) the 
 total which came each year, and (ii) the total which came 
 from each church in 25 years. The columns of this table are 
 also grouped in such a way as to indicate what churches are 
 grouped together, belonging to the same vicinity. 
 
 This table, to be sure, does not include all the Welsh who 
 have come to Columbus in the past quarter of a century. For 
 many who came here went to the Welsh Congregational 
 Church, others went to English churches in the city and still 
 others to no church at all. But the table does indicate the 
 trend of the Welsh immigration during this period. 
 
 The first 15 columns are of churches in the Jackson and 
 Gallia Presbytery, and all of these may be said to belong to 
 the Jackson and Gallia settlement with the exception of four. 
 And these four have contributed the least of any of the 
 
 1 See Appendix A. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 53 
 
 churches individually of the entire 15. They are Ironton, 
 Portsmouth, and Pomeroy on the Ohio River and Coalton in 
 Jackson County. These four collectively gave to the Calvin- 
 istic Methodist Church of Columbus only 22 out of 466 mem- 
 bers which came by letters from that Presbytery. All the 
 rest came directly from the settlement except Jackson town 
 people, and they must be counted as a part of the settlement 
 for the Welsh population of Jackson grew out of the settle- 
 ment. 
 
 The next large group is that of Vanwert and Putnam 
 Counties consisting of five churches. The Sugar Creek Church 
 in Putnam County is separated from the others by some 15 or 
 18 miles. But it is a neighboring settlement and may be 
 thus considered with the Venedocia settlement in Vanwert 
 County. From the Venedocia and Sugar Creek group 135 
 members have come in the past 25 years, the most of these 
 came in the late *90s and thereafter. The remainder are from 
 various places in Ohio, as the table indicates, and from other 
 States, and from Wales. 
 
 The total coming to the Calvinistic Church by letters in 
 the past 25 years is 801. Of this total 466 came from Jackson 
 and Gallia Presbytery, and 135 came from the Venedocia and 
 Sugar Creek group. In other words 601 out of the 801, or 
 three-fourths of the entire number came from these two dis- 
 tricts alone. Of the remaining 200 members, 125 were scatter- 
 ing in Ohio, including those who came from English churches 
 in Columbus; 43 were from other States, and only 35 came 
 directly from Wales. From this it is fair to conclude that 
 direct immigration from Wales to Columbus had practically 
 stopped by 1885, and that there was a great influx of Welsh 
 from rural districts in Ohio, particularly from Jackson and 
 Gallia and from Venedocia and Sugar Creek, is evident.^ 
 
 The Welsh from the Jackson and Gallia settlement were 
 variously employed when they came to Columbus. Many 
 were artisans and they entered the mills and shops. Others 
 were employed as carpenters, plasterers, painters, stone 
 
 1 See Figure I. on page 54. 
 
Figure 1 
 
 a 
 b 
 
 c 
 
 d 
 
 e 
 
 /6. 8 
 /J. 4 
 
 44 
 
 Figure 1 is a graphic representation of Table II, appendix 
 A. The segments are as follows : 
 Segment a. Jackson and Gallia. 
 Segment b. Vanwert and Putnam. 
 Segment c. All others in Ohio. 
 Segment d. Other States. 
 Segment e. Wales, G. B. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 55 
 
 masons, bricklayers, and some were common laborers. Many 
 found work in the State Institutions, while others clerked in 
 stores and found positions as bookkeepers, and many of the 
 young women were employed as house servants in the best 
 homes in the city. 
 
 The new arrivals from Jackson and Gallia were received 
 and cared for by friends and relatives who had already be- 
 come established in the city. The grocery store of Mr. L. D. 
 Davies was for many years practically an employment bureau 
 for the Welsh who flocked into the city from the Jackson and 
 Gallia settlement. 
 
 ORGANIZATION AND CHANGE 
 
 The first period (1820-1860), was a period of organization 
 and rapid changes according to shifting conditions. The be- 
 ginning of church activities is a good illustration of this fact. 
 The first Welsh church organized in 1824 was Baptist. The 
 worshippers met in the homes of the members until 1830 when 
 they occupied a building on Mound Street between Fifth and 
 Sixth streets. In 1831 the society resolved to build a church. 
 The church was erected and was ready to be occupied by May 
 1832. The English Baptists had no church, consequently 
 some English preaching was allowed in the Welsh church. 
 Then the clash came. A dissension arose and in the Autumn 
 of 1832 a number of the Welsh members went out of the 
 church and organized a new Baptist church under the leader- 
 ship of Rev. John Harris. At the beginning the services were 
 carried on entirely in Welsh in the new church. But later on, 
 the English speaking Baptists had to be reckoned with again 
 with the result that occasional sermons were preached in the 
 English language. The colored Baptists also worshipped with 
 them in this society for a short time but they withdrew and 
 organized for themselves in 1834. 
 
 There were, therefore, in 1833 two Baptist churches or- 
 ganized under Welsh auspices. Both societies were weak and 
 they maintained an existence with great difficulty. Their case 
 was taken up by the Baptist Missionary Society with the re- 
 
56 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 suit that a new society was formed which absorbed both of 
 the Welsh societies. The new (third) church was English. 
 In the roll of its charter members this church had 9 Welsh 
 people, and on the committee appointed to build a new church 
 edifice the name of Rev. John Harris appears. From these 
 facts it is evident that the Welsh were prominent in founding 
 the Baptist interests in Columbus. The new church built on 
 the corner of Rich and Third streets was occupied in 1837 and 
 by 1840 it had a membership of over 200, many of whom were 
 Welsh. 
 
 While the Baptists were passing out of existence as a 
 Welsh church another Welsh society was in process of forma- 
 tion under the direction of Rev. James Hoge, the father of 
 Presbyterianism in Columbus. This church was organized as 
 a Union Welsh church with a charter membership of 12, nine 
 of whom were women and three men. At first meetings were 
 held in a schoolhouse located in an alley north of Broad Street 
 between High and Front streets The location of the meeting 
 house was subject to many and frequent changes until a frame 
 church building was erected on Town Street between Fifth 
 and Sixth streets. The church was dedicated as a Mission 
 church under the auspices of the First Presbyterian Church. 
 The lot for the building was donated by the Presbyterians. 
 This church passed through its period of struggle. One faith- 
 ful member by the name of Davies (y Saer) was there alone 
 many a time simply to keep the door open, awaiting a brighter 
 day for the Welsh church. Conditions improved and all went 
 well for a time and they succeeded in building a church for 
 themselves in 1845. But the Union Church, like their Baptist 
 brethren, after they had accomplished the definite and difficult 
 task of building a house of worship, quarrelled and the result 
 was a division.^ 
 
 The real cause of the ''split*' was that during the '40s 
 many of those who came to Columbus from Wales were Cal- 
 vinistic Methodists. The Calvinists wanted more Calvinism 
 in the church. One member of the Union Church who was a 
 
 1 See "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus &c." p. 12 gq. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 57 
 
 Calvinistic Methodist wrote to a friend in Wales urging him 
 to come to Columbus to assist in organizing a Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church, giving as his reason that the present ar- 
 rangement in the Union Church was very unsatisfactory to 
 the Calvinistic faction. He also stated that he believed that 
 the dissatisfaction then existing would continue and increase 
 until the Calvinistic Methodists organized for themselves. 
 The friend came to Columbus in 1848, and the Calvinistic 
 faction went out from the Union Church and organized a 
 church for themselves with 28 charter members. This re- 
 duced the Union Church to 12 members, the same number as 
 it had when it organized ten or more years before. From this 
 time on the Union Church was known as the Welsh Congrega- 
 tional Church ; and they worshipped in their church on Town 
 Street until the early ^90s when they erected a new and com- 
 modious building on the corner of Washington Avenue and 
 Gay Street. 
 
 The Calvinistic Methodists after organizing with 28 char- 
 ter members held their meetings for a year or more in the 
 homes of Edward Herbert and Evan Reynolds on the corner 
 of East Long and Fourth Streets. In 1849 a new church edi- 
 fice w^as erected on the corner of East Long and Fifth Streets. 
 It was occupied in 1850 and the same year the church was 
 received into the Western Presbytery of the Welsh Calvinistic 
 Methodist Synod of Ohio. 
 
 Since that time there have been two Welsh churches in 
 Columbus, viz. the Welsh Congregational Church and the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church. The Calvinistic Methodist society 
 found it necessary to move from its crowded quarters on the 
 corner of East Long and Fifth streets and in 1887 a new com- 
 fortable auditorium with a seating capacity of 800 or more 
 was built on the comer of East Long and Sixth streets. The 
 Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church is prosperous and grow- 
 ing, having a membership at present^ of 512. The Welsh 
 Congregational Church has not grown in recent years. Its 
 
 1 Janaary lat 1910. 
 
68 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 resident membership is a little over 100, and nearly half of 
 this number are foreign born. This church has but few mem- 
 bers under 21 years of age. 
 
 COMMUNITY SPIRIT 
 
 The early Welsh were clannish and lived close together 
 about their church. At first they lived south of Broad Street. 
 This may be seen from th location of their churches. The 
 Welsh Baptist Church organized in 1824 held its first meetings 
 on Mound Street, between High and Front Streets, and the 
 church built in 1835 was on the corner of Rich and Third 
 Streets. The Union Church held meetings at first, (1837), in 
 an alley north of Broad Street between High and Front 
 Streets; then for a few years on the corner of Fourth and 
 Oak Streets and finally they erected a church edifice on Town 
 Street between Fifth and Sixth Streets. 
 
 As the city grew the new comers began to settle farther 
 away from the business portion of the town toward the north 
 and north-east into the region north of Long and east of High 
 Street, as far as Cleveland Avenue. Thus it was that when 
 the Calvinistic Methodists broke away from the Union Church 
 they worshipped in the homes of Herbert and Reynolds on the 
 corner of East Long and Fourth Streets, and later built a 
 church in the same neighborhood. So numerous were the 
 Welsh in the vicinity of East Long and Fifth streets^ that the 
 neighborhood was known as ''Welshburg;" and the neighbor- 
 hood about the corner of Chestnut and Third streets was call- 
 ed *'Jonesborough.'' 
 
 Many of the so-called **mill men" who came to Columbus 
 in the 70s lived in the vicinity of Welshburg and Jonesbor- 
 ough while a large number of them lived near the Steel Rail 
 Mill in the Goodale Street district formerly known as '* Fly- 
 town.'* Some of the people who came to the Goodale Street 
 district in the days of the Steel Rail Mill and who bought 
 property for themselves at that time still live there, but these 
 now are few in number. 
 
 1 See "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus &c." pp. 16 
 and 48. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 59 
 
 The Welsh from local communities in Ohio had not started 
 to come to Columbus in any considerable numbers until after 
 1860. When they did come they began to settle in the imme- 
 diate vicinity of the Welsh Church. The Welsh community 
 at this time began to assume larger proportions, reaching out 
 farther east and north-east, its boimdaries in a general way 
 being on the South, East Broad Street; on the West, North 
 High Street; on the North, East Naghten and Buckingham 
 streets, and on the East as far as Lexington Avenue. The 
 fifth ward at one time teemed with Welsh people. 
 
 LITERARY AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONS 
 
 The literary meetings were occasions of great interest to 
 the Welsh of Columbus in the early days. The literary meet- 
 ing was a great event in a literary and social way. Here the 
 young and old alike would compete in music, poetry, recita- 
 tions and sight reading. Great interest was aroused by these 
 meetings, competition was often very keen and there was a 
 great spirit of rivalry and this sometimes resulted in bitter 
 feelings in the community. 
 
 Singing schools are now a thing of the past, but these were 
 at one time very popular in Welsh society, and to them very 
 largely is due the credit for good Welsh congregational sing- 
 ing. But the singing schools and the church choir practice 
 were not always appreciated by those in authority in the 
 church. At one time the choir of the Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church had to provide its own kerosene oil for rehearsals. 
 
 EISTEDDFOD 
 The Eisteddfod is to the state or nation what the literary 
 meeting is to the local community. It is a literary meeting 
 on a large scale. It is broader in its scope than a literary 
 meeting. It is State or Nation-wide in its scope. To the 
 Eisteddfod, competing choirs come from all parts of the coun- 
 try. Welsh men of letters from a large radius send their 
 literary productions to the Eisteddfod. Columbus once had 
 an Eisteddfod association ; this was in the 70s, and Anthony 
 Howells, Ohio's State Treasurer, was treasurer of the Eistedd- 
 
60 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 fod Association. Great Eisteddfods were held but owing to 
 the panic of 1875-1876 the Association was dissolved though 
 successful Eisteddfods have been held since that time.^ 
 
 DONATIONS 
 Compensation to the minister for his service was at first 
 meagre, but the annual donation to the minister was an event 
 of great interest. Mrs. Kinney, the daughter of David Price, 
 has in her possession what was known as the '* Donation 
 Book.'' The Donation Book is a relic of that early day. The 
 book was owned by Mrs. Kinney's father who, while he was 
 not identified with the church, took great pleasure in securing 
 the annual donation for the Welsh preacher. This little book 
 contains the names of subscribers and the amount subscribed 
 by them for several different years in the '60s. Sometimes the 
 donations amounted to more than $200.00. 
 
 AMUSEMENTS 
 The pioneer Welsh were very conservative and amusements 
 generally were condemned. Card playing, theatre going, 
 dancing, and similar social pleasures, were not tolerated by the 
 church. Formal parties among the young people were not 
 allowed. But the young gathered together for good times 
 nevertheless. And in their gatherings they played such 
 games as kissing games in kissing parties which would be 
 frowned upon in Welsh society today. The Welsh are very 
 conservative in all things. They are slow to adopt anything 
 new. It was under a storm of opposition that the small organ 
 was introduced into the church service. In matters of dress 
 the older Welsh were very modest. Perhaps no church in 
 Columbus had a congregation more modest and sombre in its 
 wearing apparel than the Welsh congregation in former years. 
 
 THE WELSH PROMINENT IN COLUMBUS 
 
 The early Welsh of Columbus were prominent in the pub- 
 lic affairs of the city from the very beginning. They served 
 as County Commissioners, Infirmary Directors, City Council- 
 
 1 Recently a new Eisteddfod Association, known as "The Columbus Ohio 
 Eisteddfod Association" has been formed. 
 
THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 61 
 
 men, etc. A man bearing the Welsh name of George Williams 
 was County Commissioner in 1820. On the City Fire Depart- 
 ment in 1850-1851 there were eight Welshmen. In the or- 
 ganization of Capital University in 1850 the name of William 
 M. Reynolds, preacher and professor, appears, as well as 
 Thomas Roberts, one of the directors. The Rev. Edward D. 
 Morris, D. D., LL. D. was pastor of the first Presbyterian 
 church in the *50s. After that he was professor in Lane The- 
 ological Seminary in Cincinnati, Ohio, for 30 years. Dr. Mor- 
 ris now resides in Columbus. Perhaps the best known Welsh- 
 man who ever lived in Columbus is William Dean Howells, 
 ** America's leading writer of fiction," who came to Columbus 
 at the age of 14 years. Here he earned his first money, as 
 compositor on the Ohio State Journal, with a salary of $4.00 
 per week.^ 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 Three important influences which stimulated immigration 
 to Columbus stand out clearly in the foregoing pages: (i) 
 The underlying cause was ecomonic; then, (ii) The influ- 
 ence of religious leaders and (iii) the controlling place of the 
 .church in Welsh society is very evident. Hardships and op- 
 pression in the fatherland resulting from the tyranny of land- 
 lords and stewards made life a drudgery for the poor Welsh 
 tenant farmer. Migration to America was their door of hope. 
 In the Jackson and Gallia settlements the poverty of the land 
 forced the young from the settlement to seek employment 
 elsewhere. The development of industries in Columbus and 
 the great demand for workmen together with increased trans- 
 portation facilities made Columbus both attractive and ac- 
 cessible. 
 
 The influence of religious leaders is also an important con- 
 sideration as is the controlling place of the church in Welsh 
 society. Just as Williams controlled in the Jackson and 
 Gallia settlement, so did the preacher exert a great influence 
 in attracting the Welsh to Columbus. Samuel Roberts was 
 creating a dissatisfaction in Llanbrynmair, Montgomeryshire. 
 
 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I., p. 327. 
 
62 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Chidlaw went to that very community and told of the great 
 advantages in America, and, especially in Ohio, for his old 
 home was in Radnor. Then came Evans and Harris from the 
 Jackson and Gallia Presbytery as pastors to Columbus, and the 
 trend of migration on the part of the young of the settlement 
 changed from Cincinnati to Columbus. We do not claim for 
 the religious leaders entire control in the matter of this change 
 from Cincinnati to Columbus as may be seen from the discus- 
 sion, but that they exerted a great influence no one will doubt. 
 Welsh parents felt safe to have their children in the care of 
 these men of the church. 
 
 The controlling place of the church may be seen in the 
 fact that the Welsh lived in a group about their church. The 
 first thing a Welshman asks when anticipating a change from 
 one place to another is, What are the religious advantages? 
 and religious advantages to him means the existence of a Welsh 
 church. When for any reason a church moved a few squares 
 from its original meeting place, such as from Town Street to 
 the corner of East Long and Fifth Streets, we find all the new 
 comers to Columbus settling in the immediate vicinity of the 
 church location. It should be noted also that the early church 
 controlled not only the location of the Welsh, but it also gov- 
 erned their social life for a long period. 
 
 The Welsh church in Columbus today has lost, to a very 
 great extent, its controlling place both in directing the resi- 
 dence of its adherents and in its social control of Welsh 
 society. A more complete discussion of this will be given in 
 a subsequent chapter. 
 
CHAPTER IV, 
 
 WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 
 
 General Statement 
 The population of Columbus at present is 181,511. Further 
 details of the last census for cities have not been issued by the 
 Bureau of the Census up to the time of this writing. What 
 the Census Report of 1910 may reveal is not known, but, 
 judging from the Census Reports of the past, nothing of any 
 great value for the detailed study of such a small group as 
 the Welsh of Columbus can be looked for. Below is a table 
 of what the census reports have given concerning the Welsh 
 of Columbus from the beginning up to the present time. 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 The U. 8, Census Report on the Welsh Population of 
 ColumhuSj Ohio. 
 
 1900 1890 1880 1870 
 
 Born in Wales 595 607 559 415 
 
 Both parents born in Wales 1,400 1,273 
 
 Father born in Wales and mother 
 
 bom in U. S 427 252 
 
 Mother bom in Wales and father 
 
 bora in U. S 232 141 
 
 Father bom in Wales and mother in 
 
 some other foreign country 84 68 
 
 Mother bom in Wales and father in 
 
 some other foreign country 86 65 
 
 The above table taken from the Census Report shows that 
 previous to 1870 no report was given by the United States 
 Census Bureau regarding the Welsh population of Columbus. 
 In 1870 the number of persons bom in Wales was 415; in 
 1880 the number was 559. When we come to the report for 
 1890 we are given some additional information, and likewise 
 
64 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 for 1900. The additional items are: (i) the number of 
 native born Welsh whose parents were born in Wales, (ii) the 
 number having one parent born in Wales and the other in the 
 United States, (iii) the number having one parent born in 
 Wales and the other in some other foreign country. The total 
 Welsh (either full blood or part Welsh) in Columbus in 1890 
 according to this report was 2,406; and in 1900 the number 
 was 2,824. There was a slight decrease in the number of 
 foreign born Welsh, viz. from 607 in 1890 to 595 in 1900. 
 While there was a slight increase in the number of native born 
 of foreign parents, viz. from 1,273 in 1890 to 1,400 in 1900. 
 The other items show a corresponding slight increase. 
 
 From this report it is impossible to know just how many 
 were of pure Welsh blood, except those born in Wales and 
 those whose parents were born in Wales. For, when we come 
 to those, one of whose parents was born in Wales and the other 
 in the United States, it is impossible to know whether the one 
 born in the United States was of Welsh blood or of some other 
 nationality. Likewise in the case of those whose parents were 
 born one in Wales and the other in some other foreign coun- 
 try, we are not told what foreign country, so we are given no 
 clue as to the trend of intermarriage between the Welsh in 
 this country and the people of other nationalities. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that it would be impossible to se- 
 cure any definite and satisfactory results with reference to 
 the Welsh of Columbus from the scanty reports given out con- 
 cerning them by the Bureau of the Census. The Census Re- 
 ports do well perhaps when dealing with the large masses, but 
 for details regarding a small and limited group, such as we 
 are now considering, they are very unsatisfactory, being too 
 general in their scope. 
 
 THE GATHERING OF DATA FOR THE 
 
 PRESENT WORK 
 
 During the writer's stay of about three and one-half years 
 
 in Columbus an effort was made under the auspices of the 
 
 Calvinistic Methodist (or Welsh Presbyterian) Church, and 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 66 
 
 under the' direct supervision of the writer, to obtain more 
 specific knowledge with regard to the Welsh of the city. To 
 this end a canvass of the city was made. The primary object 
 of the canvass was not sociological, but for the purpose of the 
 church, the idea being to learn the real sphere and function 
 of the Welsh church in its relation to the Welsh population 
 of Columbus. Had the object been sociological primarily, 
 more data bearing directly on this work would be available. 
 But from the data accumulated by the church and for the 
 church purpose many interesting facts of a sociological nature 
 have been gleaned. The canvass was begun the first of 
 January 1910 and completed in May of the same year. The 
 work was done by one person and his knowledge of the Welsh 
 people of Columbus doubtless surpasses that of any other 
 citizen. He has lived in Columbus since the close of the Civil 
 War. Shortly after coming to Columbus in 1865 he became 
 established in business as a grocer. This gave him a wide ac- 
 quaintance in the city. Moreover he has been an officer in the 
 Calvinistie Methodist Church for over 25 years and his interest 
 in the church is vital. Such in brief are the qualifications of 
 the man who made the canvass. 
 
 It was deemed unnecessary to make a house to house can- 
 vass of the whole city. The method employed was to take the 
 Directory of the City of Columbus and to go through it col- 
 umn by column with care, making notes of Welsh names and 
 addresses and of any other names which savored of Welsh. 
 After thus selecting the names, the canvasser was advised by 
 the clerk in the City Directory's office of the way that office 
 arranged and classified its material for systematic work. The 
 canvasser followed the direction in every detail of instruction, 
 and with good results. ^ 
 
 The canvasser was provided with record-cards for his 
 work. The record-card was arranged in such a way as to 
 make records for single males or single females, or for hus- 
 band and wife and for children in the family where there 
 
 1 It took five weeks for the canvasser to collect materials and classify 
 them for the canvass before the field work was actually be^n. 
 
66 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 were children. The record-card contained the following ques- 
 tions: (i) Name? (2) Address? (3) Occupation? (4) 
 Age? (5) Foreign or native born? (6) Rural or Urban? 
 (7) Foreign or native parents? (8) Speak or read Welsh? 
 (9) Old home? (10) Number of years lived in Columbus? 
 (11) Member of church? Where? (12) Attend church? 
 Where? (13) Educational advantages? (14) Economic and 
 social condition? (15) For families of children (a) Sons? 
 Names? (b) Daughters? Names? (c) Ages of each? (d'^ 
 Members of church? (e) Of Sunday School? (f) Attend 
 Grade School? (g) High School? (h) College? (i) Do 
 children speak Welsh? (j) Where do children attend church? 
 From the returns of these record-cards much information, 
 vital and interesting, was obtained, and from this information 
 most of the statistics in this and the following chapters have 
 been compiled and arranged. This has been supplemented 
 by work of a similar kind, but of a more detailed nature, 
 which the writer himself did in his own church and society. 
 Inquiry and personal interviews with many elderly and lead- 
 ing Welsh citizens of Columbus was also a source of important 
 information. 
 
 .« LIMITATIONS OF THE WORK 
 
 A complete and perfect knowledge of the Welsh of Colum- 
 bus on the basis of this canvass is not claimed. This was not 
 possible in such a canvass, nor could it have been possible had 
 a systematic house to house canvass of the entire city been 
 made. For the canvasser made what he termed ** back-calls'' 
 at some addresses as many as four or five times and found no 
 one at home. Another difficulty was found in trying to locate 
 Welsh females who had married males of other nationalities. 
 Here the City Directory was helpless, the name giving no clue. 
 But even with such persons the canvasser's wide acquaintance 
 with the Welsh and his knowledge of the city in general were 
 a great aid in this work, and he learned of many through con- 
 stant inquiry wherever he went in the city. It is needless to 
 say that the canvasser made scores and hundreds of calls on 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 6f 
 
 families and individuals who were not Welsh. This was 
 especially true of certain streets in the colored districts where 
 the negroes had such names as Davis, Jones, Williams, and 
 other names common among Welsh people. These names on 
 his list, the canvasser disposed of as he went along. 
 
 While we are glad to make every allowance possible re- 
 garding the limitations of the work, it may be fairly claimed 
 that this canvass is more accurate and gives more information 
 concerning the Welsh of Columbus than anything else pro- 
 duced up to the present time. We know of no similar work 
 done among the Welsh of any city or community in the United 
 States. The canvass reveals an abundance of details regard- 
 ing the Welsh of Columbus which cannot be obtained from 
 any other source. The Census Bureau cannot attempt such 
 details. 
 
 CLASSIFIED GROUPS 
 
 The total number of Welsh people in Columbus enumerated 
 in this canvass is 3,174. The Census Report for 1900 gives 
 2,824, and for 1890 it gives 2,406.i There are three degrees of 
 classification made herein, viz. 1. The Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church and society, which has been studied with more detail 
 than was possible in the general canvass of the city. This 
 group numbers 672. II. Those who were regularly and 
 carefully written up on the record-cards by the canvasser. 
 This includes every adult whose record was written up in the 
 first 14 questions of the record-card. This group is styled 
 Regularly Classified and it numbers 1,273. III. The third 
 group is that of children whose classification begins with ques- 
 tion 15 on the record-card. This group we designate as In- 
 complete Classification. The total of this group is 1,229. 
 These then are the groups: 
 
 I. The Calvinistic Methodist Church and society 672 
 
 II. The Regularly Classified 1,273 
 
 III. The Incomplete Classification 1,229 
 
 The total of these groups is 3,174 
 
 i These figures show that there was a gain from 1890 to 1900 of 418, and 
 from 1900 to 1910, according to our canva^is, a gain of 350 over the Census 
 Report of 1900. 
 
68 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE WELSH POPULATION 
 OF COLUMBUS 
 According to onr canvass there are 3,174 Welsh people in 
 the city of Columbus. This includes the children of mixed 
 marriages as well as those who are full blood Welsh. From 
 the canvass made, a fair estimate of the entire Welsh popula- 
 tion would be about 3,600. 
 
 The Welsh not a Foreign Group. — The study of the Welsh 
 of Columbus of today is not that of a certain number of 
 foreigners of the same nationality grouped together in one 
 section of the city with their manner of life, their habits and 
 institutions, unchanged as yet through contact with American 
 life and spirit, such as a study of an Italian or Hungarian 
 group in some of our large cities might be. Such a study of 
 the Welsh in Columbus would be very interesting were it pos- 
 sible. And such a study might have been possible in the 
 Welsh society of Columbus, 50 or 60 years ago, in the days of 
 ^*Welshburg" and **Jonesborough." 
 
 But the study of the Welsh of Colimibus at present is 
 quite a different problem. It is the study of a people who 
 have been influenced by American life and institutions ; influ- 
 enced by social intercourse for several decades; influenced 
 through business and economic relations; influenced through 
 intermarriage with other nationalities; influenced linquisti- 
 cally through commercial intercourse and especially, for the 
 children, through the public schools. Many of the Welsh of 
 Columbus are of the third and fourth generation of Welsh 
 people in America, and some perhaps older. Many of these, 
 while of pure Welsh blood, have no strong national prejudices 
 to overcome. They have never learned the Welsh language, 
 and their parents do not speak it, and language plays an im- 
 portant part in Welsh nationality. When a Welshman loses 
 his native tongue, it is difficult to distinguish him from any 
 other normal American citizen. Church and religion are also 
 thought to be elements in the make-up of the Welshman, and 
 of this we shall have occasion to speak later. 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 69 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF THE WELSH OVER COLUMBUS 
 Previous to 1850 the Welsh of Columbus lived south of 
 Broad Street. Later they moved north and north-eastward 
 to the vicinity of East Long and Fifth Streets. There they 
 lived in a compact group in the immediate vicinity of the 
 church. Today they are scattered, more or less, all over the 
 city. To be sure, many of the older families who bought 
 property and settled in the locality of Welshburg still remain 
 there. Others who came in the 70s and '80s and bought 
 property on Cleveland Avenue, East Spring Street, and Kel- 
 logg Avenue still retain their homes on these streets; but the 
 children of these families, who have married in recent years, 
 have located in other parts of the city. It is claimed that of 
 the members of the Calvinistic Church scarcely a family lived 
 more than five or six squares away from the church as re- 
 cently as 12 to 15 years ago. Today many of them are found 
 in the remote parts of the city. Some of them live in the 
 extreme West Side beyond the State Hospital; others in the 
 North End beyond the Ohio State University, but the great 
 majority of those who have located in other parts of the city 
 in recent years have gone east and southeastward. There is 
 not at present a single Welsh family among the members of 
 the Calvinistic Methodist Church that lives south of Broad 
 Street and west of Parsons Avenue. The new comers from 
 Jackson and Gallia and elsewhere, previous to 12 or 15 years 
 ago sought homes in the Welsh community in the immediate 
 vicinity of the church, but they do so no longer. The new 
 comer of today goes either east or north to find a home. 
 
 The reasons for leaving the vicinity of the church are: 
 (i) Street car facilities are improved so that people can get 
 to church and to business with comparative ease from distant 
 parts of the city, (ii) Homes and rents in the new and 
 modern houses are cheaper in these districts which are farther 
 from the business center of the city, (iii) Foreigners, such 
 as Italians, are forging from High Street into the old vicinity 
 inhabited almost exclusively by the Welsh in former days. 
 
70 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 The Welsh will continue to leave this old vicinity more and 
 more in the future. The general trend of the great majority 
 of them is toward the east and southeastern part of Columbus. 
 
 Columbus, for convenience in speaking of it, is divided 
 into ends and sides. Viz. the East Side and West Side, and 
 the South End and the North End. High Street divides the 
 city into east and west and Broad Street divids it into north 
 and south. People are generally spoken of as living on the 
 East Side or West Side, or in the North End or South End. 
 For the sake of convenience in tracing the distribution of the 
 Welsh over Columbus the writer has followed these general 
 divisions and has made some smaller subdivisions. The di- 
 visions are as follows : 
 
 The South End. — The South End as described here em- 
 braces that part of Columbus which is south of Broad Street, 
 west of Parsons Avenue, east. of the Scioto River, due south 
 to the city limits. 
 
 The North End. — The North End embraces all the region 
 north of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, to the 
 north, east, and west city limits. 
 
 The West Side. — The West Side embraces that portion of 
 the city which is west of the Scioto River and south of Broad 
 Street, south and west to the city limits ; also the portion west 
 of North High Street, north of Broad Street and south of the 
 Big Four tracks entering Union Station, west to the city limits. 
 
 The East Side. — The East Side embraces that portion of 
 Columbus east of North High Street, north of Broad Street 
 and south of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, 
 east to the city limits ;^ also the portion of the city south of 
 Broad Street and east of Parsons Avenue, south and east to 
 the city limits. This last we designate as the Southeast Cor- 
 ner of the city. 
 
 According to these divisions the Welsh are distributed 
 over the city as shown in table IV. 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 
 
 71 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE WELSH OVER THE 
 
 CITY OF COLUMBUS 
 
 Total From In Welsh 
 
 Number General C. M. 
 
 Part of city addresses Canvass Church 
 
 South End 90 87 3 
 
 West Side 183 172 11 
 
 North End 391 377 14 
 
 East Side 664 441 223 
 
 Totals! 1,328 1,077 251 
 
 The figures in table IV. above represent addresses on 
 cards regularly filled in the General Canvass of the city and 
 those of the Calvinistic Methodist Church. The canvasser re- 
 turned 1,136 record-cards, of these 59 were with addresses 
 omitted or indistinguishable. The remaining 1,077 were scat- 
 tered over the city as indicated in table IV. Likewise the 251 
 addresses of families and individuals connected with the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church are distributed over the city as per 
 table. 
 
 Smaller groups were also formed of the several divisions. 
 For the South Side no smaller divisions were made.^ Of the 
 West Side two subdivisions were made, viz. (i) from the 
 eastern^ boundary as given above to the Hill Top, or Midland 
 Avenue, and (ii) from the Hill Top to the west city limits. 
 
 The North End is subdivided into two general divisions, 
 and these two into three lesser groups respectively as follows : 
 
 (i) All the region north of the Big Four tracks entering 
 Union Station and west of North High Street, subdivided as 
 follows : 
 
 (a) From the Big Four tracks north to 1st. Avenue and 
 west to the city limits. 
 
 (b) From 1st Avenue north to 11th Avenue and west to 
 the city limits. 
 
 1 The reader must bear in mind that the figures in table IV. represent, 
 not individuals but addresses, and that whole families have the same address 
 in some case^, while in others the address is that of an individual. 
 
 2 See rough outline map of Columbus on next page. 
 
.aDOOQQQESgl 
 
 T— 3DDDnQDD0DDDyyyH' 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 73 
 
 (c) From 11th Avenue, north and west to the city limits. 
 
 (ii) All the region north of the Big Four tracks entering 
 Union Station, east of North High Street, east and north to 
 the city limits, subdivided as follows : 
 
 (a) From the Big Four tracks north to 1st Avenue, east 
 to the city limits. 
 
 (b) From 1st Avenue north to 11th and Woodward Ave- 
 nues, and east to the city limits. 
 
 (c) From 11th and Woodward Avenues to the north and 
 east city limits. 
 
 Of the East Side three divisions are made as follows : 
 
 (i) All the region east of North High Street and north 
 of Broad Street as far as the Big Four tracks entering Union 
 Station, east to Hamilton Avenue. 
 
 (ii) The region north of Broad and south of the Big Four 
 tracks east of Hamilton Avenue to the east city limits. 
 
 (iii) All the region south of Broad Street and east of 
 Parsons Avenue, south and east to the city limits. 
 
 For the South End no smaller divisions were made, the 
 total there being only 90, and only 3 of the 90 are addresses 
 of people belonging to the Calvinistic Methodist Church, and 
 the three are addressses of individuals. Thus we see that 
 there is not a single Welsh family south of Broad Street in 
 the region west of Parsons Avenue identified with the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church today. This is significant in view 
 of the fact that the early Welsh community, grouped about 
 its church, was almost entirely south of Broad Street and west 
 of Parsons Avenue. The Welsh are distributed according to 
 the subgroups above for the West Side, North End and East 
 Side as follows: 
 
 West Side total 183; (i) From eastern boundary to Hill 
 Top 130 ; 9 of these are addresses of people in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church, (ii) From the Hill Top to the west city 
 limits, 53 ; 2 of these are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church. 
 
 For the North End, first division, (a) 80; none of 
 which are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic Methodist 
 
74 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Church and society, (b) 173; 5 of these are addresses of 
 people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, (c) 
 17; 3 of these are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church and society. 
 
 Second division, (a) 25; one of them is in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church and society, (b) 45; 2 are addresses of 
 persons in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, (c) 
 50; and 3 of these are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church and society. 
 
 Over the East Side the Welsh are distributed according to 
 the above subdivision as follows: (i) First division, 331; 
 167, or a little over one-half of them, are addresses of people 
 in the Calvinistic Methodist Church, (ii) Second division, 
 205; 37 of these are addresses of people in the Calvinistic 
 Church and society, (iii) Third division, 128; 19 of them 
 are addresses of people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church 
 and society. 
 
 When we recall that scarcely a family in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church 12 or 15 years ago lived east of Hamilton 
 Avenue, and that now we have 56 addresses of people in that 
 church who are living east of Hamilton and Parsons Avenues 
 (about 50 of the 56 being addresses of families in that church, 
 the remainder being of single individuals) one realizes how 
 the Welsh are rapidly abandoning the old stamping ground, 
 and the once much cherished neighborhood of Welshburg, in 
 the immediate vicinity of the church. That there are 167 
 addresses of families and individuals in the immediate vicinity 
 of the church shows that the tendency on the part of those 
 who settled there in an early day is to retain their homes near 
 the church. But this study of the distribution of the Welsh 
 over the whole city proves beyond a doubt that the Welsh 
 have scattered greatly in the last decade, or a little more. 
 
 POPULATION BY AGE CLASSES 
 Our data for the population by age classes is not sufficient- 
 ly complete in the general canvass of the city, owing to the 
 fact that the answers to the subdivisions of question 15 on the 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 75 
 
 record-cards were not complete enough to be relied upon for 
 the purpose of this work. From question 15 to the end of the 
 questions on the record-cards, let us be reminded, is what we 
 have designated as ** Incomplete Classification.'* For the 
 statistics on this subject we are compelled to use the smaller 
 group of the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, the 
 total of which is 672.1 
 
 In the first Age-class (those five years old and under) 
 there are more males than females, and likewise in the second 
 age-class, (childhood, 6 to 15). In the third age-class. Youths, 
 there are more females than males. But for the total under 
 the "Maturity" class the males are in excess of females by 2, 
 the total of each being 107 males and 105 females. In each 
 of the remaining age-classes the females are in excess as may 
 be seen from the table. One reason for this excess of females 
 in the maturity age-class is the large number of domestics in 
 the roll of the church membership ; there are 35 domestics, or 
 servant girls, in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. 
 Another reason is, the large percent of widows over widowers ; 
 there are 40 widows and only 17 widowers. 
 
 SEX 
 
 Of the entire 3,174 Welsh people canvassed in Columbus, 
 1,704 were males and 1,470 were females. 2,368 of the whole 
 number were of pure Welsh blood and 806 were children of 
 mixed marriages. Of the full-blood Welsh 1,945 were adults 
 regularly classified, and of these 1,077 were males and 868 
 were females; 423 of the full-blood Welsh were children of 
 Welsh parents not regularly classified, and of these 211 were 
 males and 212 were females. Of the 806 children of mixed 
 marriages 416 were males and 390 were females. 
 
 This does not represent accurately the percent of Welsh 
 males and females in the city for no doubt there were many 
 females who married males of other nationalities that were 
 not located by the canvasser. It is likewise very probable 
 that many Welsh domestics were not found by him. 
 
 1 See Appendix B. 
 
76 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Statistics on the relative fecundity of full-blood and mixed 
 marriages would be interesting and profitable if such could be 
 ascertained. But our canvass dealt with the Welsh of Co- 
 lumbus, and children who had grown up in homes and had 
 left the city were not recorded, consequently our statistics are 
 not complete enough for such analysis. 
 
 THE FOREIGN AND NATIVE BORN 
 The great majority of the Welsh of Columbus are native 
 bom. From the two groups regularly classiled, viz. the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church and society and the Regularly 
 Classified in the general canvass, there are 672 and 1,273 re- 
 spectively, making a total of 1,945. The analysis of this num- 
 ber may be seen by consulting table VI.^ 
 
 To the total of native bom as indicated in Table VI. may 
 be added the ** Incomplete Classification^' group which num- 
 bers 1,229, as follows: 
 
 Children from mixed marriages 806 
 
 Children from Welsh parents 423 
 
 The children from mixed marriages are doubtless all native 
 bom. And the children of Welsh parents in this group are 
 in all probability very nearly all native bom. Granted that 
 this be true, our number of native born is 2,778, as over against 
 396 foreign bom Welsh in the city. The percent would be 
 87.5 native bom, and foreign bom 12.5 percent. To be sure, 
 if every Welsh person in the city had been canvassed, the can- 
 vass would show more than 396 foreign bom Welsh. But 
 there would be a corresponding, or greater, increase in the 
 total number of native bom Welsh as well. 
 
 THE PLACE OF BIRTH 
 The birth-place of the foreign born Welsh of course is 
 Wales. The greater part of the early settlers came from 
 Montgomeryshire in North Wales. Thereafter a great many 
 Southwaleans came here into the mills, and indirectly from 
 local settlements in Ohio. 
 
 1 See Appendix 0. See also Figure 2 on opposite page. 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 
 
 T7 
 
 Figure 2 
 
 cm 
 
 756 
 10 4- 
 
 Figure 2 is a graphic representation of table VI. page 94. 
 The segments are as follows : 
 
 Segment a. The total native born. 
 
 Segment b. The total foreign born. 
 
78 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 We cannot give the exact birth-place of the Welsh of Co- 
 lumbus, but what is even more interesting and perhaps more 
 important, in the study of a limited group such as we are now 
 considering, is to know where the people were raised and 
 what the early influences were which surrounded them up to 
 the age of manhood or maturity. With this idea in view ques- 
 tion 9 on the record-card was: *' Where was your old home?*' 
 By ''old home*' we mean the place where the person was 
 brought up. The object in asking such a question was to find 
 out whether the person was raised and surrounded in his 
 youth and formative period of life by Welsh influences such 
 as he would have if he were reared in Wales or in a rural 
 community in this country thickly populated by Welsh people, 
 such as Jackson and Gallia. The very next question on the 
 record-card was *'How many years have you lived in Colum- 
 bus T' A person may have been foreign born, but owing to 
 leaving Wales with his parents when a mere child, as many 
 of the present Welsh of Columbus did, he would give another 
 place as his **old home.'' 
 
 Our returns from the general canvass gave interesting re- 
 sults in this line of inquiry. From the Regularly Classified 
 group we here give 914 who filled out the ''Old Home'* col- 
 umn. Others were scattering, where less than four were given 
 for a community we did not make record of them. Likewise 
 of those in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society we 
 give place names of the "Old Home'' of the adults for whom 
 cards were regularly filled out, but not for children in the 
 families. Most of the children are raised in Columbus. Of 
 this group we have 419. 
 
WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 7» 
 
 TABLE VII. 
 
 THE ''OLD HOMES* '^ OF THE WELSH OF 
 COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Total From the In the 
 
 Place number. General Canvass. C. M. Church 
 
 Columbus 447 394 53 
 
 Jackson and Gallia 396 166 230 
 
 Wales G. B 235 168 67 
 
 Vanwert and Put- 
 nam Counties . . 64 12 52 
 Hocking Valley . . 58 56 2 
 Licking County . . 44 42 2 
 Delaware County. .30 28 2 
 
 Pomeroy 22 21 1 
 
 Ironton 14 9 5 
 
 Allen County.... 11 11 
 
 Portsmouth 7 6 1 
 
 Martin's Ferry... 4 4 
 
 Totals 1,333 914 419 
 
 It is very significant that out of 447 who stated that 
 Columbus is their *'old home'' only 11.7 percent are in the 
 Calvinistic Methodist Church, while out of 396 who gave Jack- 
 son and Gallia settlement as their **old home'' 58 percent are 
 in the Calvinistic Methodist Church; and out of 64 who gave 
 Venedocia in Vanwert County and Sugar Creek in Putnam 
 County as their **old home" 81.2 percent are in the Welsh 
 Calvinistic Methodist Church. Of the 235 who gave Wales 
 as their **old home" only 28.6 percent are in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church. The trend of these figures prove that the 
 supply for the Welsh churches in Columbus in the past 25 
 
 1 The reader will observe the distinction made between "Old Home," and 
 "Foreign Born." 67 persons in the C. M. church gave Wales as their old 
 home, while 127 of the members were foreign born. That means that 60 out 
 of the 127 came to this country in childhood and could not call Wales their 
 "old home." The writer has one person distinctly in mind who has the fol- 
 lowing record: She came from Wales with her parents when 8he was two 
 years old. She lived with her parents in Jackson and Gallia until she was a 
 young woman of 25 or more. She then moved to Columbus and is a mem- 
 ber of the C. M. church at present. This person is recorded as follows: 
 Foreign Born, but "Old Home," Jackson and Oallia Settlement. 
 
 UN J VERS! TV 
 
80 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 years or more has come from the rural districts of Ohio and 
 not from Columbus itself nor from Wales. 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 The Welsh church in the past has lost many of its children 
 because of refusing to adapt itself to their need through its 
 too great allegiance to the Welsh language. This is made 
 clear in the fact that only 53 out of 447 Welsh people who 
 give Columbus as their **old home'' are in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church. Only 29 persons in the Calvinistic Metho- 
 dist Church are the direct descendants of the old Welsh 
 families of Columbus, but there are scores of them in the Eng- 
 lish churches of the city. They are lost to the Welsh church 
 through lack of adaptation on the part of the church, and be- 
 cause of manifold other influences they are gradually being 
 assimilated into the American population of the city. 
 
 In very recent years things have changed. The Welsh 
 church is now adapting itself to its children, and they are 
 being held to the Welsh church even though they are being 
 assimilated otherwise into the American population of Colum- 
 bus. AH of which means that the Welsh church of the city 
 is rapidly coming to recognize the fact that it must change in 
 order to minister to its own people. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 
 General Statement 
 
 The Welsh people of Columbus are no longer a small group 
 located in one particular part of the city with immediate com- 
 munity interests and influenced more or less exclusively by 
 their own local group. They are scattered all over the city 
 and are influenced by environments other than Welsh in their 
 respective neighborhoods. On the other hand they are bound 
 together, as Welsh people, by ties common to themselves and 
 to this extent they are more or less independent of their re- 
 spective localities in their interests. The chief bonds here 
 are the literary and improvement societies, the Welsh 
 language, and the Welsh church. 
 
 With this brief introductory statement, let us give our 
 attention to the following topics for discussion in this chapter 
 on Social Statistics: Marriage and Conjugal Relation; 
 Families, Dwellings, and Residence districts; Occupation and 
 Business Relations; Education; Literary and Improvement 
 Societies; Morality and Temperance; Politics; Church Mem- 
 bership. 
 
 MARRIAGE AND CONJUGAL RELATION 
 
 Our study of marriage and conjugal relation among the 
 Welsh of Columbus is concerned chiefly with an investigation 
 of the extent to which the Welsh people tend to cling together 
 through marriage, by an endeavor to ascertain the relative 
 number of Welsh who marry within their own nationality and 
 the number who intermarry with persons of other nationali- 
 ties. 
 
 At one time it was looked upon with great disfavor and 
 even as a disgrace for a Welsh person to marry outside of his 
 own nationality. No matter how respectable an American, or 
 a person of any other nationality, might be, to marry him was 
 
82 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 to **lose class'' to a great extent in Welsh society. Perhaps 
 the chief cause underlying this prejudice was the question of 
 the Welsh language and church. For it was a foregone con- 
 clusion that the children brought up in a home from such a 
 union would not be taught the Welsh language, and not know- 
 ing the Welsh language they could not enjoy the full benefit 
 of religious instruction in the Welsh church. Ever3i;hing in 
 the Welsh church a decade and more ago was carried on in the 
 Welsh language. 
 
 There was a church rule, also, which was in force about 25 
 years ago which caused much discomfort to the young Welsh 
 person who was a member of the church and who fell in love 
 with a person who was not a member of the church, whether 
 that person was Welsh or of some other nationalty. The law, 
 or rule, was called '*Y Seithfed Rheol.'' Translated it means 
 *'The Seventh Rule.'' The Seventh Rule was based on the 
 words of Saint Paul in II. Corinthians 6:14, which read as 
 follows: **Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbe- 
 lievers." Based upon these words. The Seventh Rule was 
 made to the effect that no member of the church should mar- 
 ry a person outside of the church. For a short time this rule 
 held sway and was rigidly enforced. Church members who 
 married non-church members were churched. There is a 
 deeper law, however, which governs society, and such a rule 
 of the church could not last long and like many other drastic 
 measures it spent itself and today it is never heard of in the 
 Welsh church. 
 
 INTERMARRIAGE 
 ** There are many influences tending to merge the foreign 
 born population with the native bom in the United States. 
 The most natural and effective way of welding diverse nation- 
 alities or races into one nation is by intermarriages between 
 foreigners and natives of different nationalities. Thereby is 
 brought about a mixture of blood and community of customs 
 and habits of life which efface any previous differences."^ 
 
 1 See "Statistics and Sociology" p. 304. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 83 
 
 Professor Mayo-Smith further states, however, that **we shall 
 not be able to trace this statistically for the statistics of mar- 
 riage in the United Staes are nelher accurate nor complete, 
 and do not give the nationality of the bride and groom/' 
 
 In our study of the Welsh of Columbus we have endeav- 
 ored to do this very thing. We have endeavored to trace the 
 extent to which the Welsh cling together in their marriage 
 relations, and, on the other hand, we have sought to know 
 how far amalgamation has gone on through intermarriage 
 with people of other nationalities. It was not possible for us 
 to ascertain from the results of our canvass whether the people 
 of other nationalities, such as Irish and Germans with whom 
 the Welsh intermarried, were foreign or native born. 
 
 The result of our inquiry along this line is given in three 
 tables, viz. VIII., IX. and X. These tables are compiled from 
 the returns of our general canvass of the city, the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church not being considered in these tables.^ 
 
 Table VIII. shows, (i) the total number of marriages; (ii) 
 the number of marriages between Welsh persons; and (iii) 
 the number of mixed marriages. Table IX. shows the number 
 of mixed marriages between Welsh males and females of other 
 nationalities, and the nationalities into which they have mar- 
 ried ; and Table X. does the same for Welsh females who have 
 married males of other nationalities. 
 
 The total number of marriages recorded in this canvass, 
 as indicated by the above mentioned tables, is 653. Of this 
 total 525, or 80.4 percent, are mixed marriages; while only 
 19.6 percent are marriages between Welsh persons.^ The per- 
 centages for the three largest groups, viz. the foreign bom 
 Welsh, the native born of foreign parents, and the native born 
 of native parents, run as follows : Total number of marriages 
 on the part of foreign bom Welsh, 108 ; percent of these be- 
 tween Welsh persons, 38.8 percent of marriages between per- 
 sons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other 
 nationality, 61.2. The total number of marriages on the part 
 
 1 See Appendix D. 
 
 2 See Figure 8 on page 84. 
 
84 
 
 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Figure 3 
 
 ED 
 
 dO.4 
 /9.6 
 
 Figure 3 is a graphic representation of Table VIII., ap- 
 pendix D. The segments are as follows: 
 
 Segment a. Total number of mixed marriages. 
 Segment b. Total marriages between Welsh persons. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 8S 
 
 of native bom of foreign parents, 185; percent of these be- 
 tween Welsh persons, 10.8; percent of marriages between per- 
 sons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other 
 nationality, 89.2. Total number of marriages on the part of 
 native bom of native parents 212; percent of these between 
 Welsh persons, 6.1; percent of marriages between persons 
 one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other national- 
 ity, 93.9.2 
 
 It is evident that the tendency to intermarry with persons 
 of other nationalities increases as we get farther away from 
 the foreign bom Welsh group. When we realize that the 
 largest group in the three mentioned above is the native bom 
 of native parents, viz. 212, and that only 6.1 of these married 
 Welsh with Welsh, it shows a condition of rapid assimilation 
 on the part of the Welsh of Columbus outside of the Calvin- 
 istic Methodist Church. 
 
 In the Calvinistic Methodist Chuch there are 25 mixed 
 marriages or marriages between Welsh persons and persons 
 of other nationalities. They run as follows: Foreign born 
 Welsh with persons of other nationalities, 4; native bom 
 Welsh of foreign parents with persons of other nationalities, 
 11 ; Native born having father foreign and mother native, 4 ; 
 Native born having father native and mother foreign, 1; 
 Native born of native parents, 5. Almost one-half of this 
 group of mixed marriages are from the native bom of foreign 
 parents class, or, counting those one of whose parents is for- 
 eign and the other native, more than one-half, viz. 15 out of 
 25, as over against 5 of the native bom of native parents class. 
 The reason for this doubtless is that the Welsh of a marriage- 
 able age in the Welsh church for some time past have been the 
 native bom of foreign parents group, while many of the native 
 bom of native parents who intermarried left the Welsh church 
 with their partners and joined an English church, consequent- 
 ly there is more intermarriage on the part of the native bom 
 of foreign parents class than any other in the Welsh church 
 
 2 See Fi^re 4 on page 86 and 87. 
 
86 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Figure 4 
 
 Figure 4 is in three parts : — 
 
 1. The marriages of foreign born Welsh. 
 
 2. The marriages of the native bom of foreign parents. 
 
 3. The marriages of the native bom of native parents. 
 
 The size of the circles represents the relative number of 
 marriages in each group. The segments * ^ a ' ' and * * b " in each 
 circle represent: 
 
 a. The total number of mixed marriages. 
 
 b. The total number of marriages between Welsh persons. 
 
 / 
 
 38.8 
 I 1 6/.£ 
 
 /oo.o 
 
 Total number of marriages on the part of foreign bom 
 Welsh represented in the above circle is 108. 
 
/0.3 
 
 ds,z 
 
 /oo. o 
 
 Total number of marriages on the part of native bom of 
 foreign parents represented in the above circle is 185. 
 
 93-9 
 
 100. 
 Total number of marriages on the part of native born 
 Welsh having native parents represented in the above circle 
 is 212. 
 
88 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 at present. Never before was there as large a number of 
 mixed marriages in the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church 
 in Columbus. 
 
 Tables IX. and X. show the relative number of males and 
 females in each group of mixed marriages, giving also the 
 nationalities into which they married. From a comparison 
 of the two tables it appears that a much larger percent of 
 males have intermarried with other nationalities than of 
 females. The reason for this, very largely no doubt, is our 
 inability to locate the females who have married males of 
 other nationalities. So while the numbers here given are 399 
 Welsh males who have married females of other nationalities, 
 126 Welsh females who have married males of other nationali- 
 ties, or 74 and 26 percent respectively, it cannot be claimed 
 to represent the situation accurately, for the Welsh females 
 have perhaps intermarried with other nationalities quite as 
 much as the Welsh males have. The percentage of Welsh 
 males and Welsh females in the Calvinistic Methodist Church 
 and society who have intermarried with other nationalities 
 points in this direction, as well as general observation on the 
 part of the writer. Of the 25 mixed marriages in the Calvin- 
 istic Methodist Church, 16 were marriages between Welsh fe- 
 males and males of other nationalities, and 9 were between 
 Welsh males and females of other nationalities. Moreover, 
 out of 17 marriages solomnized by the writer as pastor of the 
 Calvinistic Methodist Church in three years time, marriages 
 contracted between persons one of whom at least was a member 
 of his church, 9 were between Welsh persons, and 8 were be- 
 tween persons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some 
 other nationality. Of the 8 mixed marriages, 7 were between 
 Welsh females and males of some other nationality, and only 
 one was on the part of a Welsh male with a female of another 
 nationality. Judging from this very limited group, the tend- 
 ency to intermarry with other nationalities is greater among 
 Welsh females than Welsh males. But this may be an ex- 
 ceptional group in this respect; at any rate it is too limited 
 to give any definite conclusions. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 99 
 
 Furthermore, the relative numbers of nationalities into 
 which the Welsh have intermarried as represented in tables 
 IX. and X. cannot be regarded as exact, or absolutely accu- 
 rate. For this reason we do not reduce them to percentages 
 for comparison. The number of Germans, Irish, etc., are 
 accurate as here stated. But the column marked ** American'' 
 cannot be claimed as accurate for the reason that it is difficult 
 to state what an American is, or who is an American. For 
 example, a person whose ancestors came from Germany, or 
 whose father and mother were both bom in Ireland, may call 
 himself an American, and properly so. The rule followed 
 here has been to state the nationalities as German or Ameri- 
 can, and so on, just as they were given in the record-cards. 
 While the column marked ** American'' may contain the 
 names of other distinct nationalities, the fact that the Welsh 
 have freely intermarried with other nationalities is substan- 
 tiated throughout, and that they are rapidly becoming assim- 
 ilated into the great American people is proved without a 
 possible question of doubt. Were it possible to add here the 
 classification of children who are only half Welsh, and con- 
 tinue this to those who are one-fourth and one-eighth part 
 Welsh, we would readily see how the Welsh, as such, are van- 
 ishing and losing their identity, through amalgamation, into 
 what we may call the American people. 
 
 FAMILIES, DWELLINGS AND RESIDENT DISTRICTS 
 Our statistics from the general canvass of the city on this 
 subject do not give information sufficiently accurate to draw 
 conclusions from them. So, for our knowledge on this phase 
 of our inquiry, we are compelled to satisfy ourselves with the 
 statistics of the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society 
 alone, the total of which is 672. 
 
 In this group there are 190 families. The average size of 
 a family is 3.8. They run as follows : Families consisting of 
 one member, 9 ; families consisting of two members, 46 ; fam- 
 ilies consisting of three members, 43; families consisting of 
 four members, 35; families consisting of five members, 19; 
 
90 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 families consisting of six members, 19 ; families consisting of 
 seven members, 10; families consisting of eight members, 7; 
 families consisting of nine members, 2. There are no families 
 of more than nine members. There are 40 widows and 17 
 widowers in this group. 
 
 These are days of small families among the Welsh of Co- 
 lumbus. Mr. L. D. Davies, in his pamphlet on the Welsh of 
 Columbus previous to 1860, refers to large families, and we 
 observed in a foregoing chapter that the early Welsh of Jack- 
 son and Gallia, and other settlements in early days, also had 
 large families. While Mr. Davies makes no point of enumer- 
 ating the families and their respective sizes, he refers to some 
 as being very large and incidentally mentions the number of 
 children in some of the families. He refers to one family 
 which came to Columbus in that period and which later moved 
 to Brown Township, as having 15 children, all of whom were 
 living at home at the same time. Another family of eleven 
 children is mentioned, and two families having ten children 
 in each, three families having eight children and three having 
 seven children. In January 1910, there were 26 married 
 couples in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society with 
 no children; 40 families with but one child, while only two 
 families had as many as seven children. 
 
 To discuss the causes for this condition with any degree of 
 satisfaction is not easy. But doubtless there are at least two 
 contributing causes, and perhaps more, (i) Economic con- 
 siderations have their influence; inability to support large 
 families affects this problem. Then (ii) closely linked with 
 the economic consideration is the social reason, viz. the desire 
 to properly rear children bom to the home, and consequently 
 the desire to have a limited family to whom good advantages 
 may be given. 
 
 Regarding dwellings and residence districts it may be said 
 that the Welsh generally speaking live in comfortable homes. 
 The large majority of them belong to the skilled labor class, 
 and live well; they occupy houses having from six to eight 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 91 
 
 rooms. The dwellings of the Welsh, to be sure, represent the 
 two extremes, and they reside in parts of the city representing 
 the extremes of wealth and poverty. The streets and localities 
 where they are found are somewhat indicative of their social 
 welfare. Some of the Welsh own very fine homes on Broad 
 Street, while others live in dingy huts in the poorer sections of 
 the city such as west of North High Street on either side of the 
 railroad tracks. The writer has visited a poor widow, who 
 supported herself by washing, living in a one room cottage 
 with just a kitchen attached to it in the rear. For this cot- 
 tage she paid $3.00 per month rent. She was is poor health, 
 suffering from asthma and had to rely on charity for aid when 
 she was ill and unable to earn a living. Such cases are rare 
 among the Welsh, and very seldom do we find a Welsh person 
 dependent on charity. The average Welsh home is comfortable 
 and well equipped with good furniture, well located on re- 
 spectable and improved streets, and its inhabitants enjoy a 
 wholesome and comfortable living. 
 
 In the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society over 50 
 percent of the families own their homes. While not all are 
 free from incumbrance, many of them own property besides 
 their homes. And while less than 50 percent are renters, 
 even some of those who rent are property holders and a large 
 number of single persons are property owners in the city. 
 Many are in business for themselves, and some may be classed 
 as ''well-to-do.'' 
 
 The Welsh of Columbus are thrifty and live well, but with 
 it all they practice a wholesome economy. They are saving 
 without being stingy. They are home-lovers and make much 
 of home life. Their hospitality is phenomenal. Their child- 
 ren are well trained in diligence, and have a good knowledge 
 of the practical things of life. Seldom will one find a girl 
 brought up in a Welsh home who is not familiar with all the 
 details of practical housekeeping. Nor do they neglect the 
 cultural phase of life in the home. They have good books. 
 Very little trashy literature will be found in the average 
 
92 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Welsh home. They make much of music. As a rule the home 
 where there are children has a piano, and Welsh children are 
 taught to sing as well as to play on musical instruments. 
 
 OCCUPATION GROUPS AND BUSINESS RELATIONS 
 The following statistics are based on the returns from the 
 Regularly Classified group in the general canvass and from 
 the statistics of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church and 
 society. Three classifications are made according to occupa- 
 tion groups, with an additional group of occupations unclassi- 
 fied. 
 
 The three general Occupation Groups classified are: (i) 
 Professional and Official Group, (ii) Those having to do 
 with Commerce and Transportation, (iii) Those who are 
 connected with Manufacture and Mechanical Industry, (iv) 
 The fourth group is that of occupations unclassified. The 
 total of Welsh persons who gave their occupations is 966, and 
 they are distributed as to occupation groups as follows : The 
 largest occupation group is the Commercial and Transporta- 
 tion Group. It numbers 409, or 41.5 percent of the entire 
 working force of Welsh people here considered. Of the Com- 
 mercial and Transportation Group, the commercial clerks, 
 bookkeepers, stenographers, salesmen, both city and traveling, 
 constitute 65.6 percent of the group, or 27.2 percent of the en- 
 tire working force of the Welsh people in Columbus according 
 to our canvass. A little less than one-third of the Commercial 
 clerks are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. 
 About one-third of the entire clerkship force are females. 
 Railroaders constitute 8.7 percent of this occupation group, 
 and they are 3.6 percent of the entire working force of the 
 Welsh people. 
 
 The next largest occupation group is that of persons con- 
 nected with Manufacturing and Mechanical Industry. In this 
 group there are 323 persons, or a little more than one-third of 
 the entire working force here considered. 244 of these are 
 from the general canvass, and 79 are in the Calvinistic Metho- 
 dist Church and society. The largest class in this occupation 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 98 
 
 group are the carpenters and joiners of whom there are 63, 
 or 20.1 percent of the group, and 6.7 percent of the entire 
 working force of the Welsh people canvassed. The next 
 largest class in this occupation group are the painters and 
 decorators of whom there are 29; then come the machinists, 
 24 in number; blacksmiths, 11; factory women, 10; and the 
 remainder are scattered among 52 different occupations hav- 
 ing less than ten in each. 
 
 The third of the occupation groups is that of Professional 
 and Official occupations. In this group there are 101, or 10.5 
 percent of the whole working force of the Welsh people can- 
 vassed. Of this group, 22 are in the Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church and society. The remaining 79 are from the general 
 canvass of the city. 47, or almost one-half of this occupation 
 group, are teachers and instructors in the city schools. High 
 schools, the Ohio State University, or teachers of music. 
 About one-fifth of this group are doctors; 16 of whom are 
 Physicians; 3 are Doctors of Dental Surgery; and one is a 
 Veterinary Surgeon. The remainder of this group are scat- 
 tering with less than five in a given profession or office. 
 
 The fourth group, which is not classified, has in it 141 
 persons, or 14.6 percent of the whole working force. 76 of 
 these are laborers, 36 are domestics, 11 are janitors, 8 are 
 saloonkeepers and bartenders, and the remaining 6 are em- 
 ployed with some form of personal service. 
 
 From the above classification according to occupation it 
 is clear that a large percent of the Welsh are skilled laborers 
 and clerks of one form or another, and that one in every ten 
 is in some profession or is occupied in some official capacity. 
 Relatively few are laborers. 
 
 Business Relations. — The Welsh tend to cling together in 
 business. Welsh contractors employ Welshmen as a rule. 
 Welsh st o ne masons go together. The Welsh form partner- 
 ships in such businesses as grocery stores, etc. This form^ 
 association is carried on quite extensively among the WelsS,^ 
 Welsh families favor a Weldi physician as a rule. ^And they 
 
 f 
 
94 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 patronize stores and places of business kept by men of their 
 own nationality, and even favor stores and business houses 
 where Welsh clerks are employed. 
 
 EDUCATION 
 The children of the Welsh people of Columbus attend the 
 city schools, the grade schools, high schools, and some enter 
 the Ohio State University, or some college. Exact statistics 
 on this subject for the entire Welsh population of Columbus 
 we could not obtain with sufficient accuracy to draw definite 
 conclusions. But for the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church 
 and society they are as given in table XI. 
 
 TABLE XI. 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 Number of persons who have had college education 14 
 
 Number of persons in college at present 6 
 
 Number of persons who have had professional education. 7 
 
 Number of persons of High School education 57 
 
 Number of persons now attending High Schools 25 
 
 Number of persons now in Common Schools 95 
 
 Number of illiterates 3 
 
 Number under five years of age 52 
 
 Number of those not classified here 413 
 
 Total ..672 
 
 Of the 413 not classified in the table above, practically all 
 have had a common school education or its equivalent, and a 
 large number of them have had a commercial course besides. 
 
 LITERARY AND IMPROVEMENT SOCIETIES 
 The old time interest in literary societies and singing 
 schools, once so intense among the Welsh of Columbus, is now 
 lagging. From 25 to 50 years ago the literary society was a 
 great function, and it aroused great interest and a spirit of 
 rivalry in competition. It was carried on almost exclusively 
 in the Welsh language. Today societies and organizations of 
 a distinctly Welsh character are practically extinct in Colum- 
 bus. Some cities in America, where the Welsh population is 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 95 
 
 larger than in Columbus and in other cities where the Welsh 
 population is much smaller, flourishing Welsh organizations 
 are maintained such as the Cymrodorion Society, the Ivorite 
 Society, the Saint David's Society,^ etc.; but not one of these 
 societies of a distinctly Welsh character are found among the 
 Welsh of Columbus today. While there are none of the Welsh 
 societies in Columbus almost all of the Welshmen belong to 
 one or another of the fraternal societies or labor organizations 
 in the city. 
 
 The old time literary society has been supplanted by a 
 Ladies' Literary Club, which was organized under the auspices 
 of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in 1909. Its object was 
 group study in which the young women came together in read- 
 ing circles to study some author or some religious course such 
 as a Missionary field or country. One meeting in the month 
 is of a public nature to which all women are invited. 
 
 The Young Men's Brotherhood was organized in 1908 un- 
 der the auspices of the same church. It is broad in its scope, 
 its object being **to advance the moral, social, and intellectual 
 welfare of its members, ' ' its membership is not confined to the 
 church. A Debating Club was also organized about this time 
 among young boys of a High School age, its membership being 
 elective and confined to twelve in number. Among the middle 
 aged men there exists a Class in Theology which meets weekly 
 for the discussion of theological questions. The membership 
 of this class is also elective and limited to twelve in number. 
 The church choir of the Calvinistic Methodist Church amounts 
 to a musical society. It is regularly organized with officers 
 and directors. The choir consists of about 60 voices, and they 
 meet regularly every week for rehearsals. For the past two 
 Christmas seasons this choir has given Handel's Messiah with 
 credit and distinction. ^ 
 
 The two Welsh churches have their respective Ladies' Aid 
 Societies, and from their accumulations every year they con- 
 
 1 A Saint David's Society was organized in Columbus on March 3rd 1918 
 -when about 250 Welshmen met at a dinner to celebrate Saint David's Day. 
 
 1 The Messiah has now been giTen for four successiTO seasons, 1909 to 
 1912, with increasing success. 
 
96 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 tribute to various benevolences in Columbus, such as the Child- 
 ren 's Aid Society, the Associated Charities, City Missions, etc. 
 They also have a Missionary Branch through which they con- 
 tribute to missions, both Home and Foreign. Among the 
 women there is a local branch of the Woman *s Christian Tem- 
 perance Union, known as the * * Cambrian W. C. T. U. ' ' which 
 holds regular monthly meetings. The Welsh of Columbus 
 also have an auxiliary to the American Bible Society. This 
 was organized in 1853. The first year after its organization 
 this auxiliary society contributed over $144.00 to the American 
 Bible Society. The Columbus auxiliary society has grown 
 and flourished ever since its organization. It has many Life 
 Members of the American Bible Society and some Life Di- 
 rectors. 
 
 MORALITY AND TEMPERANCE 
 
 Very seldom do we hear of a Welshman being arrested for 
 any cause whatever. Only four or five times in the period of 
 three years and a half that the writer lived in Columbus was 
 the Welsh pride shocked by the announcement that one of 
 their nationality had been arrested. The writer has never 
 heard of a Welsh child appearing in the Juvenile Court of 
 the city, and the report of that court for June 1911 shows that 
 there were none during the year preceding. A Welshman 
 sentenced to the workhouse is seldom heard of, and a Welsh 
 pauper is a rare being. 
 
 On the question of temperance the Welsh society of Colum- 
 bus has improved a great deal in the last quarter of a century. 
 In the days of the steel rail mill there were many indulgent 
 Welshmen in Columbus. Some of them could be classed as 
 low and given to very excessive drinking. In this respect the 
 Welsh have advanced greatly. Welsh habitual drunkards 
 are few in number. The number of those who dring intoxi- 
 cants is becoming smaller year by year. The Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church for many years has made total abstinence 
 a requisite for admission to church membership. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS Vt 
 
 POLITICS 
 
 In politics the Welsh of Columbus are almost all Republi- 
 cans though there are exceptions; a few are Democrats and 
 still others are Prohibitionists. Since the rise of the Anti- 
 saloon movement many of the Welsh who were Prohibitionists 
 have joined its ranks rather than cling to the Prohibition par- 
 ty ; that is, those of them who are staunch supporters of tem- 
 perance. Party lines are not so closely adhered to by the 
 Welsh of today as they were in former days ; and a Welshman 
 on a ticket, no matter which party, will command the majority 
 of Welsh votes. 
 
 CHURCH MEMBERSHIP 
 
 There is scarcely a religious denomination in the city of 
 Columbus without at least one Welshman in the roll of its 
 members. Twenty-two religious bodies have a total of 1,118 
 Welsh people enrolled in them and of this 1,118, 512 are mem- 
 bers of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, and 75 are in the 
 Welsh Congregational Church. This is not the total member- 
 ship of the Welsh Congregational Church. These are children 
 in the homes, children whose record was given in question 15 
 and its subdivisions on the record-card whose classification is 
 not complete and consequently they are not counted here but 
 a record of them is given in the ** Incomplete Classification" 
 group. ^ The children, however, are few in number in the 
 Welsh Congregational Church, the most of them are grown 
 up children in the homes. This church has but very few 
 members under 18 or 20 years of age, and at least one-half of 
 its membership are foreign born Welsh. 
 
 We have as the result of our canvass 606 persons who are 
 members of churches other than the Welsh Calvinistic Metho- 
 dist Church in Columbus. And these 606, it must be remem- 
 bered, are adults regularly classified. Were we able to give 
 
 1 The 75 mentioned here and elsewhere in this work do not represent the 
 total membership of the Welsh Oon^egational Church. 75 is the number of 
 adults regularly classified on onr record-cards. Where there were sons and 
 daughters in the families they have been recorded in the "Incomplete Classi- 
 fication" group of which there are 423 children of Welsh parents. The total 
 membership of the Welsh Congregational Church is somewhat over 100, perhaps 
 120. 
 
98 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 the church statistics for the children under 21 years of age 
 (as we have done for the Calvinistic Methodist Church) the 
 report would show a much larger number of Welsh persons 
 in the English churches of Columbus. 
 
 Barring the two Welsh churches for the moment, we have 
 531 Welsh people who are members of churches other than 
 Welsh in the city. Of this 531 the Methodist Episcopal 
 church has the largest number, viz. 181, or 34 percent of all 
 the Welsh church members in churches not Welsh in the city, 
 and 16.2 percent of the entire number of church members 
 among the Welsh people of the city. The next in point of 
 numbers is the Presbyterian church with 106 Welsh people, 
 or 20 percent of those not members of the Welsh churches, 
 and 9.7 percent of the whole number of Welsh church mem- 
 bers. The next is the Congregational Church with 14.9 per- 
 cent of Welsh outside of Welsh churches, or a little over 7 
 percent of the whole number of church members who are 
 Welsh. The next in size is the Welsh Congregational Church 
 with 75 members regularly classified, which is a little less than 
 13 percent of those in Welsh churches, and 6.7 percent of the 
 entire church membership here considered.^ The Baptist 
 Church has 41 Welsh people, or 7.7 percent of those not in 
 Welsh churches, and 3.6 percent of the whole number of Welsh 
 church members. The Church of Christ has 36 Welshmen on 
 its roll, or 6.8 percent of those in churches not Welsh in the 
 city, and 3.2 percent of the entire church membership of 
 Welsh people. The Episcopal Church has 30 Welsh people 
 in its roll of membership which is 5.4 of Welsh church mem- 
 bers outside of the Welsh churches, or 2.8 percent of the entire 
 Welsh church membership here considered. The remaining 
 denominations and religious bodies have less than 15 members 
 in each as may be seen by consulting table XII. 
 
 i If we had a complete classified list of the members of the Welsh Con- 
 gregational Church it would have about 20 percent of all members in Welsh 
 churches instead of 13 as here mentioned. American readers may wonder why 
 we give a separate account of the Welsh Congregational Church here, i. e. why 
 not include it in the column "Congregational" along with all other Congrega- 
 tional churches of the city. The reason is that the Welsh Congregational 
 Church is a body separate and distinct from the English Congregational church. 
 It has its own State Convention or Association just as the Calvinistic Methodist 
 (or Welsh Presbyterian) church is a distinct organization from the Presbyterian 
 body. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS M 
 
 TABLE XII. 
 THE NUMBER OF WELSH IN THE VARIOUS 
 CHURCHES 
 
 Calvinistic Methodist Church 512 
 
 Methodist Episcopal Church 181 
 
 Presbyterian Church 106 
 
 Congregational Church 79 
 
 Welsh Congregational Church 75 
 
 Baptist Church • 41 
 
 Church of Christ 36 
 
 Episcopal Church 30 
 
 United Brethren 14 
 
 United Presbyterian Church 10 
 
 Catholic Church 8 
 
 Lutheran Church 5 
 
 Seventh Day Adventists 3 
 
 Universalist Church • • 3 
 
 Church of God 3 
 
 Salvation Army • 3 
 
 Latter Day Saints 2 
 
 Christian Science Church. . . • • 2 
 
 Spiritualists 2 
 
 Church of the Nazarene • . . . 1 
 
 Reformed Church 1 
 
 Young Men *s Christian Association . . . • • 1 
 
 Total — 1,118 of whom 512 are in the Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church, and 75 of whom are in the Welsh Congregational 
 Church. 
 
 As we have intimated above, if our returns from the gen- 
 eral canvass were more complete, a much larger percent of the 
 Welsh of Columbus would be in churches other than Welsh 
 churches in the city. In our group designated ** Incomplete 
 Classification,*' which dealt with question 15 and its subdi- 
 visions on the record-card, we have, 806 children from mixed 
 marriages, and 423 children of Welsh parents, not considered 
 at all in the table on Church Affiliations given above. Were 
 
100 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 these groups, the total of which is 1,229, classified as to church 
 aflfiliations there would be revealed the fact that several hun- 
 dred more Welsh people were in churches other than the Welsh 
 churches of Columbus, which have not been recorded at all in 
 this writing on church relationship for the reason that our 
 statistics gave us no aid on this question. 
 
 Tables XIII., XIV. and XV. in the appendix,^ give respect- 
 ively, (i) The total number of church members, (ii) The total 
 of those not church members but who attend, (iii) The total 
 who do not attend church. These are given according to their 
 status as foreign or native bom, etc. In these tables the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church and society is omitted, the effort 
 here being to learn the religious status of the Welsh outside 
 of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. These 
 tables are made up from the regularly classified records of 
 our general canvass. By *' church members'' here we mean 
 persons who are directly indentified with some church or other 
 as members. By ** those who are not church members but who 
 attend'' we mean persons who are not directly indentified with 
 any particular church as members, but who attend with more 
 or less regularity and who gave the name of the church which 
 they attended. By *' non-church goers" we mean (i) persons 
 who definitely stated that they attended no church whatever ^ 
 and (ii) those who, when asked about their church attend- 
 ance, gave such answers as: ** seldom," ** every where, " *^all 
 churches," **once in a while," or ** nowhere in particular," 
 in reply, and who in no instance gave the name of the church 
 which they attended even **once in a while." The total of 
 these three tables is 1,273 and concerning them the following 
 facts are revealed: 
 
 The first group, Table XIII., gives the total of church 
 members outside of the Calvinistic Methodist Church. This 
 group consists of 606 church members, or 47.6 percent of the 
 entire 1,273 persons here considered. The second group, 
 Table XIV., gives the total of church attendants who are not 
 
 1 See Appendix E. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 101 
 
 members. This group consists of 328 persons, or 25.7 of the 
 entire 1,273 in these tables. The third group, Table XV., 
 gives the total of non-church-goers and it consists of 339 per- 
 sons, or 26.7 percent of the entire number considered in these 
 tables.^ 
 
 Reckoned with respect to their grouping as foreign and 
 native bom in these three tables the percentages are as follows : 
 
 Of the 1,273 persons classified in tables XIII., XIV., and 
 XV. collectively 269, or 21.1 percent, are foreign bom; 415, 
 or 32.6 percent, are native born of foreign parents; 178, or 
 14 percent, are persons having one parent foreign and the 
 other native; 411, or 32.3 percent, are native bom of native 
 parents. 
 
 Percentages according to sex in these groups are as indi- 
 cated in table XVI. below. 
 
 1 See Fi^re 5 page 102. 
 

 102 
 
 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Figure 5 
 
 ^7.6 
 
 Figure 5 is a graphic representation of Tables XII., XIII. 
 and XIV. in the appendix. The segments are as follows: 
 
 Segment a. The total of church members as per table. 
 
 Segment b. The total of church attendants who are not 
 members. 
 
 Segment c. The total of non-church-goers. 
 
WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 108 
 
 TABLE XVI. 
 
 Showing the relative number of males and females among 
 the Welsh of Columbus, (not in the Calvinistie Methodist 
 Church) grouped according to their status of Foreign and 
 Native bom, and showing the extent of church affiliations for 
 each group according to sex. 
 
 h 
 I |l I 
 
 • Its 
 
 o 
 
 c5 .^2 o«5 
 
 g ^ B a fl « -S 
 
 I g£ S-*^ gg 
 
 •^ St •"£ 5* 
 
 c 
 
 M) 
 
 I. Percent of Males and Females. ^55 55 
 
 Males 58.7 61 59 61.3 
 
 Females 41.3 39 41 38.7 
 
 loo 100 100 100 
 
 II. Grouped According to Chnirch 
 
 Affiliations. 
 Percent of Church Members in these 
 
 Groups 55 46 4a4 44.7 
 
 Percent of church attendants, not 
 
 members 24.2 27 23.4 26.5 
 
 Percent of non-church-goers 20.8 27 30.2 28.8 
 
 IlOO 100 100 100 
 
 m. Church Affiliation according to sex 
 in these groups. 
 
 Church members — Males 47.9 43.2 44 48.4 
 
 Church members — Females 52.1 56.8 56 51.6 
 
 Too 100 100 100 
 
 Church attendants— Males 63 67 69.1 58.7 
 
 Church attendants— Females 37 33 30.9 41.3 
 
 loo 100 100 100 
 
 Non-church-goers— Males 82.2 85.6 74 83.9 
 
 Non-church-goers— Females 17.8 14>.4 26 16.1 
 
 loo 100 100 100 
 
104 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 The percentages in table XVI., when closely examined, ex- 
 plain themselves. We can readily see that there is an excess 
 of males as compared with females in each group. We have 
 attempted to explain the reason for this in a previous section 
 of this chapter. 1 
 
 As we get farther away from the foreign bom Welsh group 
 the percentage of church memberships decrease. In the col- 
 umns on church membership according to sex, the percent 
 for females is larger than that for males in each group 
 notwithstanding that the males outnumber the females by a 
 large majority. Of those who attend church, but who are not 
 members, the percent for males in each group is in excess of 
 females. Likewise in the group of non-church-goers the per- 
 cent for the males is very large while that for females is very 
 small. The inevitable conclusion is that Welsh women are 
 better church attendants than Welsh men. 
 
 By way of conclusion, we may observe from the facts pre- 
 sented in this and the preceeding chapter that the assimilative 
 process is rapidly taking place. The Welsh of the city are 
 being absorbed by the community and the Welsh traditions 
 and * ' clannishness " are breaking down. While the Welsh 
 community life centered about the church at one time almost 
 entirely, the church having refused to adjust itself to new con- 
 ditions has lost its hold on scores of Welsh in the city. As a 
 consequence a large majority of the Welsh group has given 
 away and melted into the American population in response to 
 manifold outside influences and the lack of sufficiently strong 
 common bonds to hold them together. 
 
 1 See page 88. 
 
CHAPTER VL 
 
 THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 
 (The Vanishing Welsh) 
 Our discussion of the Process of Change may be treated to 
 advantage by grouping our ideas under three general topics 
 for consideration, as follows: 1. The Welsh conservatism is 
 giving way to a broader outlook, due to the influence of en- 
 vironment in general and the consequent vanishing of Welsh 
 institutions. 2. The linguistic question — a change of langu- 
 age. 3. The problem for the church — new conditions. 
 
 WELSH CONSERVATISM IS GIVING WAY 
 TO A BROADER OUTLOOK 
 
 The Welsh mind is conservative and, generally speaking, 
 unprogressive. It accepts anything new with great reluct- 
 ance. But that a great change has taken place in the Welsh 
 social mind in recent years, no one can doubt. Extreme Welsh 
 -conservatism has given way to a broader spirit in almost every 
 direction, and on almost every question of public concern and 
 ^f private conduct. In the preceding chapters, we studied 
 the early Welsh of Ohio as pioneers settling in their respective 
 communities. They preserved their Welsh customs, habits, 
 and institutions for a long time without being influenced to 
 any marked degree by the American spirit. 
 
 In the case of the Jackson and Gallia colony, for example, 
 we studied a rural community transplanted from its native 
 soil on the slopes of the Welsh mountains to the rugged hills 
 of Jackson and Gallia Counties in southern Ohio. There the 
 South walean from Cardiganshire lived and labored and wor- 
 shipped, much the same way as he did in his native land, for 
 several decades. There were no public conveniences to disturb 
 his peace and custom. There were no steam railways, inter- 
 
106 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 urban lines, nor even public highways of any account invading 
 the settlement. There were no telegraphs, telephones, nor 
 rural mail carriers, and even foreign mails were very infre- 
 quent for a long time. They had but little contact with the 
 outside world and what contact they did have was forced upon 
 them by circumstances. They preferred to live alone enjoy- 
 ing their own society, customs, and religious exercises, more 
 than association with their neighbors of other nationalities. 
 No doubt they changed somewhat without outside suggestion 
 and influences, but this form of change was for a long time 
 very slight and we have no means of measuring the extent of 
 it. 
 
 In Columbus, too, we found the Welsh community compact 
 and clustered about their church. They were distinguished 
 as a group by the names Welshburg and Jonesborough. They 
 talked and worshipped in their mother tongue, and they pre- 
 ferred their own little group, in a social way, to mixing with 
 foreigners in the neighborhoods about them. 
 
 The Welsh people of Columbus today are the descendants 
 of the early Welsh families who settled here and the children 
 of the early settlers of other Welsh communities in Ohio, par- 
 ticularly the Jackson and Gallia settlement. As we study 
 present conditions in Columbus we are impressed with the 
 great change which has come to the Welsh social mind. It 
 has changed tremendously in recent years, and still greater 
 changes must come in the next decade or two when those who 
 are boys and girls today, and who are thoroughly Americanized 
 in habit and spirit, will assume leadership and responsibility 
 in the homes, in the social circles, in business relations, and in 
 the church. 
 
 There was a time when the introduction of the innocent 
 and helpful organ into the church worship met with great re- 
 sistance. Parting the hair was looked upon by older people 
 at one time as a sign of too much pride. The men combed 
 their hair straight down over their foreheads. But the Welsh 
 of today are quite as modern in their personal appearance and 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 107 
 
 as dashy in their habits of dress as any other respectable peo- 
 ple in the community. To sing love songs and **coon songs*' 
 used to be regarded as very unbecoming to the young, and 
 they were rebuked for it by the elders of the church. Card 
 playing, dancing, theatre going, billiard plajdng, and bowling 
 met with wholesale condemnation in former days; and even 
 pitching quoits, playing croquet, and other similar amusements 
 by way of recreation, were discouraged in past decades. To- 
 day they are not endorsed, but are tolerated even by the leaders 
 of the church. Some church members have billiard tables in 
 their homes, others play cards, and many attend theatres, but 
 most of them are particular in their attendance upon theatres ; 
 they attend the best. 
 
 The conservatism of the Welsh church on the linguistic 
 question has lost many of the young people to the Welsh 
 church in the past. But this now is being overcome and the 
 Welsh young people remain in their own church. Many of 
 those who marry persons of other nationalities, instead of 
 leaving the Welsh church for some English speaking church, 
 persuade their partners to remain with them in the Welsh 
 church. 
 
 REGARD FOR SUNDAYS AND HOLIDAYS 
 The Welsh people as a people have a sacred regard for the 
 Sabbath. They observe the Lord's Day. But while they 
 keep the Sabbath with good and wholesome observance, they 
 are far from giving it the strict puritan observance which, 
 for example, their forefathers did in the early days in the 
 Jackson and Gallia settlement. The strict avoidance of 
 whistling on Sunday, and of walking to and from church with 
 a member of the opposite sex on the part of young people, or 
 of going for a walk on Sunday, is no longer required; such 
 things, which were not tolerated at one time in Welsh circles, 
 are today common. 
 
 Some holidays are strictly observed. Chief among these 
 is Thanksgiving Day. Thanksgiving Day is held in great es- 
 teem by the Welsh of Celumbus. The writer has heard a 
 
108 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 prominent member of the Calvinistic Methodist Church re- 
 mark thus: *'I regard Thanksgiving Day as just as sacred 
 as Sunday. ' ' Scores of others would reiterate that statement. 
 In the Calyinistic Methodist Church there are three meetings 
 held on Thanksgiving Day, and this is true of almost all other 
 Welsh churches. The order of services on Thanksgiving Day 
 is as follows : At 10 :00 a. m. a Welsh prayer meeting ; 2 :00 
 p. m. a general fellowship meeting ; 7 :30 p. m. a prayer meet- 
 ing under the auspices of the young people's societies. The 
 service best attended is the afternoon service when all, both 
 younger children and older people, attend if the weather is 
 favorable. But the morning and evening services are well 
 attended also. It is regarded as out of place for a young man 
 to attend a foot ball game on Thanksgiving afternoon, even 
 though he attended church both morning and evening. 
 
 Other holidays have been given no unusual attention by 
 the Welsh. Christmas has not been observed with any very 
 special functions until recent years. Of late Christmas exer- 
 cises have been held for the children of the Sunday School. 
 Easter has had no special observance until very recently, ex- 
 cept by way of eating an unusual number of eggs on that day. 
 The Welsh Eisteddfod is often held on either Christmas or 
 New Year's Day, and a Welsh picnic is held on the Fourth of 
 July. 
 
 THE LINGUISTIC QUESTION 
 
 The question of language has had a great influence in 
 changing the social thinking of the Welsh of Columbus. One 
 of the stanzas of the Welsh National Air breathes the senti- 
 ment that ''If the enemy has ravished the Land of Wales, the 
 Language of Wales is as living as ever." C'Os treisiodd y 
 gelyn fy Ngwlad dan ei droed, mae Hen laith y Cymry mor 
 fyw ag erioed.") However true that statement may be of 
 Wales today, the truth about the Welsh who emigrated to 
 America is that they have found a new home in a good land, 
 but they are losing their mother tongue, the language of 
 Wales. 
 
THE PB0CE8S OP CHANGE 109 
 
 Welsh communities in America have made a brave fight to 
 preserve the language of their fatherland, which is so dear 
 to them. But like every other language spoken by foreigners 
 who come to our shores, the Welsh must give way before the 
 dominant power of the English. The longevity of the Welsh 
 language varies in proportion to the size of the community, 
 its geographical position, the proportion of Welsh in the com- 
 munity, and the degree of migration from Wales into the com- 
 munity. Welsh settlements and Welsh characteristics will, 
 in the future, be shorter lived in America than they have been 
 in the past. Our reason for this belief is that modern con- 
 veniences in America today disturb the exclusiveness and the 
 clannish tendencies of any people, or group of people, who 
 come to our shores. Steam railways, electric railways, tele- 
 graphs, telephones, rural mails and daily papers, and a 
 thousand other modern improvemnts and conveniences 
 disturb the exclusiveness of any community or clan, and be- 
 fore the power of the English language in the commercial 
 world of America every other tongue must be silent. 
 
 The average period of persistence of the Welsh language 
 in Welsh communities is about three generations or about 80 
 years; sometimes more, and frequently less. Concerning the 
 Welsh settlements briefly studied in the second chapter, the 
 following may be stated regarding the longevity of the Welsh 
 language in them. Paddy's Run, settled over a hundred years 
 ago passed through its most flourishing period in the '30s and 
 '40s. At present there are only four old settlers^ in Paddy's 
 Run who can speak the Welsh language. In the Welsh Hills 
 in Licking County, there are less than a dozen people who can 
 speak Welsh. In the towns of Granville and Newark, several 
 Welsh speaking people may be found. In the Jackson and 
 Gallia settlement,^ the strongest and best organized Welsh 
 settlement in America in her balmy days, and the best fortified 
 by natural environment against extraneous influences, the 
 Welsh language is rapidly vanishing and is being supplanted 
 
 1 Two of these are over 90 years old. 
 
 2 First 18 settlers came there in 1818, but the real growth of the tettle- 
 ment began in 1884. 
 
110 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 by English even in the church services. About one-third of 
 the preaching done in the settlement is in English, perhaps 
 more. About two-thirds of the Sunday School classes in the 
 churches are conducted in the English language. Gomer in 
 Allen County, settled in 1838, is rapidly changing its com- 
 plexion linguistically. Half of the preaching services are in 
 English and more than half of the Sunday School classes are 
 carried on in that tongue. Venedocia in Vanwert County, 
 settled in 1848, is gradually coming to recognize the need of 
 English in the church. Venedocia is the latest of the large 
 settlements, here considered, to be established and therefore 
 the last to show signs of the decline of the Welsh language. 
 Strictly speaking, the signs were evident long ago, but they 
 were not discerned by the leaders in the Welsh church. A 
 Presbyterian Church was organized in Venedocia some 12 
 years ago by the Lima Presbytery and its services are con- 
 ducted in English. The Welsh people in Venedocia should 
 have organized that church under the auspices of the Calvin- 
 istic Methodist denomination. They failed to do this. The 
 result is that he Welsh Church of Venedocia in the past 10 
 or 12 years has gradually decreased, while the Presbyterian 
 Church, which consists very largely of younger Welsh Ameri- 
 cans, has grown during the same period from a small mission 
 church to a church with a membership of about 120. The 
 Sugar Creek Church in Putnam County became extinct as a 
 Welsh church, and for a number of years no service was held 
 there. In recent years this church has been reorganized by 
 the Calvinistic Methodists as an English church, and the work 
 there is now growing. The Radnor settlement, in Delaware 
 County, once a flourishing Welsh community is now entirely 
 English in society and church. But the inhabitants of the 
 community are almost all people of Welsh blood, being the 
 descendants of the early Welsh settlers who came to Radnor a 
 hundred years ago. 
 
 With this brief resume of the linguistic conditions of the 
 older Welsh settlements of Ohio, which supply Columbus with 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 111 
 
 much of its Welsh population today, let us now give attention 
 to the linguistic condition among the Welsh of Columbus. 
 
 First, the linguistic condition in the Calv inistic Methodist, 
 Church. The Welsh church is the gTeS"'c6nsefver'oi Welsn 
 forces, linguistic and otherwise. The Welsh church is the last 
 place to give up the Welsh language. When every other 
 branch of social activity and every social circle, including the 
 home, has ceased to use the Welsh language the Church de- 
 mands it in public worship, even though every sign points to 
 the need of a change. The main reason for this condition is 
 that the older people cling to their mother tongue from senti- 
 ment, and the older people control in church affairs. They 
 cling to the Welsh not that they do not understand the Eng- 
 lish, but because they prefer the Welsh. The older people do 
 understand English, but scores of their children do not un- 
 derstand Welsh. The Welsh language is losing, and it must 
 lose more and more in Columbus, as in other communities, as 
 the process of Americanization of the children in Welsh homes 
 is increasing, and as the practical cessation of immigration 
 from Wales continues. 
 
 In the Calvinistic Methodist Church of Columbus there 
 are 51 infants of five years and under. Of these 51 infants, 
 6 are able to speak Welsh. They speak the language well for 
 children five years of age. In the next age group, children 
 from 6 to 10 years of age, there are 50, and 4 of these may be 
 said to speak Welsh fairly well. In the next age group, 11 
 to 15, there are 52, and 3 of these can speak Welsh. In the 
 next age group, youths 16 to 20 years of age, there are 59, and 
 13 of these are able to speak the Welsh language. Of adults 
 over 21 years of age in the church, there are 39 persons of 
 pure Welsh blood who cannot speak Welsh, besides the mem- 
 bers who are not of Welsh blood and who cannot understand 
 the language. 
 
 We have this interesting linguistic condition among the 
 children of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, viz. there are 
 more children, and a larger percent of the children, of five 
 
112 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 years old and under who can speak the Welsh language than 
 there are in the next two age groups, viz. those between the 
 ages of six and ten, and eleven and fifteen, respectively. The 
 reason for this is that some Welsh parents are faithful to 
 teach Welsh to their young children in the home, but as soon 
 as they go to the public schools and begin to associate with 
 other children, they pick up English and in a short time they 
 refuse to express themselves in Welsh even at home, and not 
 long thereafter they cannot talk Welsh at all. 
 
 There are 212 children under 21 years of age in the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church and society and only 26, or 12.7 
 percent, of them are able to intelligently use the Welsh langu- 
 age. It may here be urged that almost one-fourth of this 212 
 are infants under five years of age, many of whom are unable 
 to speak any language as yet. That is true, but the fact still 
 remains that a larger percent of this age-group can speak 
 Welsh than of the next two age-groups respectively; all of 
 which means that when these children, now under five years 
 of age, come to the age-groups of 6 to 10 and 11 to 15 respect- 
 ively, a smaller percent of them will be able to speak the Welsh 
 language than at present. 
 
 The percentages in the age-groups run as follows : Of the 
 total under 21 years of age, 12.7 percent speak Welsh. Age- 
 group under five years of age, 11.7 percent speak Welsh; in 
 the age-group 11 to 15 years, 5.8 percent speak Welsh ; in the 
 age-group 16 to 20 years, 22 percent are able to speak Welsh. 
 Of those over 21 years of age, there are 39 persons of pure 
 Welsh blood, or 8.5 percent of those over 21 years old, who 
 cannot speak the Welsh language. The group of 212 children 
 and youths under 21 years old, 87.3 percent of whom cannot 
 speak Welsh, are, for the most part, children of Welsh parents 
 who have come to Columbus from the Jackson and Gallia 
 settlement in the past 25 years. There are but very few of 
 the descendants of the old original Welsh families of Colum- 
 bus in the Calvinistic Methodist Church at present. Most of 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 113 
 
 these have left the Welsh church and are identified with Eng- 
 lish churches in the city. 
 
 When we come to study the linguistic situation among the 
 Welsh of Columbus outside the Welsh Calvinistic Church and 
 society, conditions are still more striking, as may well be ex- 
 pected, even though the members of the Welsh Congregational 
 Church are reckoned in this group. 
 
 Of the entire 1,273 persons regularly classified in the Gen- 
 eral Canvass of the Welsh people of the city 359, or 28.2 per- 
 cent, speak the Welsh language. ^ And these are distributed 
 as to classification of foreign and native born as follows: 
 There are 269 foreign born Welsh, and of this total 161, or a 
 little less than 60 percent, speak Welsh. The total number 
 of native born of foreign parents is 415 ; of this number 130, 
 or 31.3 percent, speak Welsh. The total number of native 
 born having one of the parents foreign and the other native, 
 is 178; of these 23, or a trifle less than 13 percent, speak 
 Welsh. The total number of native bom of native parents is 
 411 ; 45 of these, or 10.9 percent, speak the Welsh language. 
 
 It is evident from the above percentages that as we get 
 farther away from the foreign born Welsh the knowledge of 
 the Welsh language decreases. This is to be expected, but 
 the percentage of each group is interesting nevertheless, if not 
 surprising. As Americanization takes place the knowledge of 
 Welsh diminishes. The groups, beginning with the foreign 
 born Welsh, show the percents to diminish as follows: (i) 
 59.8 percent; (ii) 31.3 percent; (iii) 12.9 percent; (iv) 10.9 
 percent, respectively.^ 
 
 With such a condition present, and with practically no 
 direct immigration from Wales, and with rapid linguistic 
 changes going on in the communities which have served as 
 ** feeders'' for Columbus in the last 25 years, and which still 
 continue to supply Columbus with Welsh people, it is safe to 
 predict that the time is not far distant when the Welsh lan- 
 guage will be extinct in Columbus, or at least dropped from use 
 
 1 See Figure 6 on page 114. 
 
 2 See Figure 7 on page 115. , . 
 
lU 
 
 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Figure 6 
 
 Figure 6 is a graphic representation of linguistic condi- 
 tion stated on page 113. The segments are as follows: 
 
 Segment a. Total of those who cannot speak the Welsh 
 language. 
 
 Segment b. Total of those who can speak Welsh. 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 
 
 Figure 7 
 
 115 
 
 CD 
 
 40.3i 
 
 CZD 
 
 01^ 
 
 on 
 
 Figure 7, in four parts, is a graphic representation of the 
 linguistic conditions as analyzed on page 113. 
 The circles are as follows: 
 
 1. Linguistic condition among the foreign horn Welsh. 
 
 2. Linguistic condition among the native bom of foreign 
 parents. 
 
 3. Linguistic condition among the native bom having one 
 foreign and one native parent. 
 
 4. Linguistic condition among the native born of native 
 parents. 
 
 The segments in each circle are as follows? 
 Segment a. Total who cannot speak Welsh. 
 Segment b. Total who speak Welsh. 
 
116 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 even in the Welsh church. Were we able to give linguistic 
 conditions regarding the 423 children of Welsh parents, and 
 the 806 children of mixed marriages, one of whose parents 
 was Welsh, the statistics on the vanishing of the Welsh 
 language would be even more striking than the above figures 
 show. 
 
 CHARACTERISTIC WELSH INSTITUTIONS WANING 
 
 There are Welsh organizations and societies in many com- 
 munities where the Welsh are organized as a people. Colum- 
 bus today has none of these. Such organizations as the 
 Cymrodorion Society, the Ivorite Society, Saint David's Soci- 
 ety, etc. are found in many Welsh communities, especially in 
 the cities. Some cities much larger than Columbus have them, 
 such as New York, Philadelphia, etc., and some cities much 
 smaller than Columbus, and which have a much smaller Welsh 
 population than Columbus, also have them. But no such or- 
 ganizations exist in Columbus. Even the Cambrian Musical 
 Club, consisting of about 40 male voices, which was organized 
 about six years ago, was abandoned in 1910. The Eisteddfod 
 which is a characteristic Welsh institution is held occasionally, 
 but this has no permanent elements. It is formed from an 
 impulse on the part of a few persons and a temporary organi- 
 zation is formed to carry out the Eisteddfod plans for the 
 season. After the Eisteddfod takes place the organization 
 dissolves, as a rule. 
 
 The reason for the absence of characteristic Welsh institu- 
 tions among the Welsh of Columbus is difficult to state. The 
 language does not play a very important part here. For, in 
 many cities, flourishing Welsh societies are maintained where 
 the Welsh speaking population is small. The only character- 
 istic Welsh institutions in Columbus are those under the 
 auspices of the Welsh church. Perhaps the great Welsh or- 
 ganizations are formed, in cities where they exist, after the 
 Welsh church has proven insufficient to the task of holding 
 together the great mass of influential Welsh people in the city. 
 At any rate, the condition in Columbus at present is that of 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 117 
 
 a strong Welsh church with no other Welsh societies besides 
 those maintained under the auspices of the church. ^ Another 
 reason which may be assigned for the absence of these Welsh 
 institutions is that the Welsh of Columbus are absorbed with 
 other societies and organizations in a social way. The men 
 belong to various fraternal societies and labor organizations 
 in the city, which occupy their time and attention; and the 
 women have joined clubs for women in the city. Granted that 
 this be one of the causes for the absence of Welsh institutions, 
 we again see the change which has come into the Welsh society 
 through association with other peoples in a mixed community. 
 Welsh ideals and institutions are vanishing, and the Welsh of 
 Columbus are identifying themselves with institutions which 
 are common to Americans. The old societies once cherished 
 by the Welsh are giving way to American institutions. 
 
 Revivals among the Welsh. — Revivals are not peculiar to 
 the Welsh people, but a Welsh religious revival is unique. 
 The revivals of Wales are such as possess the whole nation. 
 
 1 The organization of the St. David's Society in Columbus in March 1913 
 may suggest the fact that the Welsh church in Columbus is now approaching 
 the point where it is not equal to the task of holding together the many in- 
 fluential Welsh of the city. Be that as it may. The Welsh of Columbus are 
 now agitating the organization of a "Welsh Social Center." Such an organi- 
 zation may doubtless have its advantages to the Welsh of the city at large, but 
 it will be a disadvantage to the Welsh church. About four years ago, (1909), 
 the Welsh C. M. Church considered erecting a new church edifice which would 
 accommodate social aspects of work, commonly known as "the institutional 
 church" work, making provision for social rooms and reading rooms for the 
 scores of young Welsh men and women who are in the city, many of whom 
 have come from country homes and are living in rooming houses in Columbus. 
 The measure failed to carry four years ago. Now the question of a new church 
 has been revived, and likewise the question of a social gathering place, but 
 now it comes up as a double-header, viz. a new church and a Welsh social 
 center, as two separate institutions The church, in December 1913, decided to 
 erect a new edifice, and the Welsh of the city are planning a ' 'Welsh social 
 center." (See Preliminary Program of Columbus Eisteddfod announcement for 
 January 1, 1913.) 
 
 A "social center," as such, could not well be carried on under the auspices 
 of a church, for it wants to be free from sectarianism and racial lines. It is 
 the same to Jew and Gentile, the same to Cotholic and Protestant. It must be 
 in a public place — at the public school building where "all paths meet." But 
 when the Welsh social center is considered, the ordinary objections to its being 
 associated with the church do not hold. 
 
 The Welsh have always regarded the church as their rallying place. The 
 church has always been the Welshman's social center. The result of a "Welsh 
 social center' ' apart from the church in Columbus will be detrimental to the 
 Welsh church, especially with its present insistance on more Welsh speaking in 
 the church than the conditions warrant. The result will be that the young 
 will go to the social center for their Welsh social life, where they can mingle 
 with their own nationality, for the Welsh are clannish, and they will go to an 
 English church for their religious exercises. So between the Welsh social 
 center and the lack of sufficient English in the Welsh church the Welsh church 
 will more and more lose its control over the Welsh population of the city. 
 
118 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 During a Welsh revival, the whole nation is stirred by a re- 
 ligious awakening and upheaval. The Welsh communities in 
 America have experienced such religious awakenings in 
 pioneer days. Such a revival started in America in 1858. It 
 swept through Welsh communities in the United States and 
 the fire of the revival crossed the Atlantic in the person of its 
 leader,^ and it stirred all Wales. 
 
 A similar revival shook Wales in 1904-1905 when the whole 
 nation was ablaze with the heat of it. The revival was led by 
 a young man 26 years of age, and it resulted in over 80,000 
 conversions. Such a revival may visit Wales again, but it is 
 very unlikely that the Welsh in America will ever experience 
 a revival similar to that of 1859, and such as swept over Wales 
 in 1904 and 1905. In 1905-06, an effort towards a revival of 
 the Welsh type was made in many Welsh communities in 
 America. In some instances the people were somewhat 
 awakened but nothing of an unusual nature resulted from the 
 effort. Some of the revival singers came from Wales to 
 America, Two young men visited Columbus; good meetings 
 were held, but nothing of any consequence was known to fol- 
 low their work. 
 
 Our reasons for believing that the Welsh in America may 
 never again experience the old-time Welsh revivals are: (i) 
 The Welshman has lived in America too long and he has be- 
 come Americanized, and has lost through association and as- 
 similiation a great deal of his highly emotional qualities and 
 his vividness of imagination, (ii) He is far removed from 
 the superstitions which once possessed the people in the 
 Fatherland, and he is educated to the extent that he has over- 
 come much of the superstitious in him; and this has affected 
 his temperament.^ (iii) The waning of the Welsh language 
 will also have its effects upon the revival spirit among the 
 Welsh in this country, (iv) The manner of Welsh preach- 
 ing has changed. Welsh preaching is not so highly exciting 
 
 1 See Diwygiadau Crefyddol Cymru, p. 404. 
 
 2 Let the reader not assume or conclude that the writer regards super- 
 stition and revival as identical for he does not, but that a superstitious nature 
 is an easy target for certain forms of revival appeals is beyond question. 
 
THE PB0CES8 OP CHANGE 119 
 
 as it once was, and the Welsh clergy indulge less in realisms 
 in their discourses. This form of preaching in the past has 
 had a great deal of influence upon the highly imaginative 
 Welshman, or Celt. For these reasons we believe that the old- 
 time Welsh revivals are not likely to visit the Welsh in Ameri- 
 ca in the future. 
 
 THE PROBLEM FOR THE CHURCH— NEW 
 CONDITIONS 
 
 The Problem for the Welsh Church in America is closely 
 linked with the Linguistic Question. Conditions being as they 
 are, the problem for the church cannot be fairly discussed 
 apart fi'om the question of the Welsh language, — and the 
 Welsh language, as we have pointed out, is a vanishing quan- 
 tity.^ The Welsh people, generally speaking, are regarded as 
 religious and very devoted to the church. To what extent 
 this reputation for religion given the Welsh is due to their 
 natural make-up, and how much of it is traditional, is difficult 
 to state. If the Welshman is religiously inclined by constitu- 
 tion, apart from tradition, language, and castoms, we would 
 expect to find the full blood Welshman just as religious aftei 
 he has forgotten the Welsh language as he was before. 
 
 The Calvinistic Methodist denomination, which is by far 
 the best organized and strongest Welsh church in America 
 today, has never conceived of giving the gospel to any com- 
 munity in America, except to communities where there are 
 Welsh-speaking people. The writer knows of not a single 
 church organized, nor a mission maintained, by the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church in the United States, except where there 
 are Welsh speaking Welshmen. In a few instances, in recent 
 years, churches which had gone do^vn as Welsh churches have 
 been resurrected by the denomination as churches in which 
 the English language is to be used for worship. The Sugar 
 
 1 See "Y Cyfaill" for November 1911, the address of the late Rev. 
 Daniel Thomas M. A., as resigning Moderator of the General Assembly of the 
 Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church in the United States, at Cotter, low*, 
 August 1911. In this address, or sermon, Mr. Thomas declares that the C. M. 
 denomination is now passing through a crisis. Two important considerations 
 he presents, viz. (i) The denomination in relation to language in its churches, 
 (ii) in relation to its future existence. He declares that three-fourths of 
 those who leave the church do so for linguistic reasons. 
 
120 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Creek Church in Putnam county is one such church. But in 
 no instance, known to the writer, has a church been organized 
 or a mission maintained in any community which was not 
 Welsh. It is thus fair to conclude that the Calvinistic IMetho- 
 dist Church in the United States conceives its function to be 
 to serve people of the Welsh nationality only. That is to say, 
 it is a church for Welshmen in the United States. 
 
 If this conclusion, dra^vn from observation of what seems 
 to be the policy of the denomination — or at least its practice — 
 is correct, the next question forced upon us for consideration 
 is: Does the Welsh church in America meet the religious 
 needs of the Welsh community ? In order to answer this ques- 
 tion we must ask ourselves. What is a Welshman? Are they 
 Welsh w^ho are born in Wales and who can speak the Welsh 
 language? The answer assuredly is **Yes.*' 
 
 Are they Welsh who are bom in Wales and of Welsh par- 
 ents, but who cannot speak the Welsh language? Are the 
 native born of foreign Welsh parents, and who can speak the 
 Welsh language, to be regarded as Welsh? Are the native 
 born of foreign Welsh parents, and ^vho cannot speak the 
 Welsh language, to be regarded as Welsh? Are native born 
 children of native born parents who can speak the Welsh 
 language to be considered as Welsh ? Are native born childr- 
 ren of native born parents of pure Welsh blood ^vho cannot 
 speak the Welsh language to be regarded as Welsh? Our 
 question is. What constitutes a Welshman? Is he a Welsh- 
 man, who is born in America and w^hose parents are American 
 born, when neither he nor his parents can speak the Welsh 
 language, but in whose veins everj^ drop of blood comes from 
 a pure Welsh ancestry ? If the Welsh church in America con- 
 siders its functions to be to serve only the Welsh speaking of 
 the Welsh people in the United States, it fails to meet the re- 
 ligious needs of the large majority of the Welsh nationality 
 in America. Then what of the child of the mixed marriage, 
 one of whose parents is Welsh? Who is responsible for his 
 religious instruction and training? If the Welsh church seeks 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 121 
 
 only to minister to those Welshmen who speak the Welsh 
 language, it falls far short of providing for its own nationality 
 in this country. It serves only that portion of the Welsh 
 people who can receive religious instruction through the medi- 
 um of the Welsh language. 
 
 With these questions in mind, let us turn our attention to 
 the statistics on the Welsh of Columbus, and study existing 
 conditions with respect to church affiliations among them. 
 
 Table XII., on church affiliations, shows a total of 1,118 
 church members.^ Of this total 512 are in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church. The remaining 606 are from the General 
 Canvass in the city at large. The 512 membei*s of the Calvin- 
 istic Methodist Church, here counted, include the children of 
 that church over 12 years of age who have been admitted into 
 full church membership. The remaining 606 are only the 
 adults regularly classified in the general canvass. Were the 
 423 children of Welsh parents and the 806 children of mixed 
 parents (not classified as to church affiliation) added here the 
 number of Welsh and half -Welsh in churches other than Welsh 
 churches in Columbus would be much larger. But our con- 
 clusions must be drawn from materials at our disposal. 
 Among the Welsh of Columbus besides those in the two Welsh 
 churches, as the table shows, there are Welsh people distributed 
 among twenty other religious bodies, and one man insisted 
 that Socialism was his religion. 
 
 Prom the array of church membership in table XII., we 
 can see how scattered are the Welsh of Columbus regarding 
 their religious tendencies and church affiliations. The Metho- 
 dist Episcopal Church has more Welsh members than any 
 other denomination in the city, barring the Calvinistic Metho- 
 dist Church. It has 181 Welsh people in its ranks in the city. 
 There may be several reasons assigned for this: (i) A few 
 may have been Welsh Wesleyans, and therefore naturally went 
 to the Methodist Episcopal Church, (ii) The spirit of the 
 Methodist Episcopal Church appeals to the Welsh tempera- 
 ment. The ^lethodist Episcopal Church is often called the 
 
 i See Table page 99. 
 
122 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 church of the people, i. e. of the masses ; that fact would appeal 
 to a large number of Welsh people, (iii) The Methodist 
 ** class-meeting'' comes closer to the Calvinistic ''fellowship 
 meeting'' than any other church institution in any other de- 
 nomination known to the writer, (iv) The Calvinistic 
 Methodists, when speaking of their church, call it ''Methodist" 
 for brevity, just as the Methodist Episcopalians call their 
 church "Methodist" for the same reason. This coincidence 
 of names has attracted many a Calvinistic Methodist to the 
 Methodist Episcopal church. A Calvinistic Methodist, on 
 leaving his old home church and going to a town where there 
 were different denominations, if he identified himself with 
 any English church, frequently united with the Methodist 
 Episcopal Church instead of going to a Presbyterian Church 
 which would have been practically equivalent to his own Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church, except for the language. The wri- 
 ter's attention was called to this fact by one who had been a 
 resident of Jackson County from childhood until recent 
 years. He stated that scores, who had gone from that Welsh 
 settlement, entered the Methodist Episcopal Church in just 
 that way, being misled by the name * ' Methodist. ' ' It was only 
 a few weeks after this conversation with the friend from Jack- 
 son that the writer found an illustration of this very thing. 
 A man, who had been a member all his life, up to that time, 
 in a Calvinistic Methodist Church, had moved to town and had 
 identified himself with the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
 When asked by the w^riter w^hy he did not go to the Presby- 
 terian Church, his immediate and direct reply, and that almost 
 in the spirit of a retort, was, "Why should a Methodist go to 
 a Presbyterian Church?" The percent of Welsh in the other 
 churches in the city may be seen by consulting the table. 
 
 The important question for the Welsh church in America 
 with its heretofore strict allegiance to the Welsh language is 
 the problem of the unchurched Welsh in our cities, and the 
 abandoned Welsh churches in our rural communities. Of the 
 1,273 persons regularly classified in our general canvass of the 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 123 
 
 city, only 606, or 47.4 percent, were church members. Of the 
 remaining 52.6 percent, who were not church members, 25.7 
 percent attended church; and 26.7 percent were non-church- 
 goers. When more than one-half of the 1,273 adults here 
 considered are non-church members and over one-fourth never 
 attend church, it presents a serious aspect of religious condi- 
 tion among a people generally known as good church people.^ 
 When we remember that the Welsh church has made no effort 
 toward missionary work outside of its own nationality, and it 
 never could until very recent years because of linguistic limi- 
 tations which it placed upon its work; and when we realize 
 that out of the above 1,273 regularly classified persons only 
 27.4 percent speak the Welsh language and that a very large 
 percent of that number are foreign born Welsh, a portion 
 which is becoming smaller year by year because of little or no 
 immigration from Wales ; and when we remember that 411 of 
 the above 1,273, (or about one-third of the whole number) are 
 native bom of native parents, and of this only 10.9 percent 
 are able to speak the Welsh language; add to this again the 
 fact that out of 212 persons under 21 years of age in the Cal- 
 vinistie Methodist Church only 12.7 percent are able intelli- 
 gently to handle the Welsh language, may we not fairly con- 
 clude that the Calvinistic Methodist Church has not in the past 
 served the Welsh people, but only a portion of the people of 
 Welsh blood, viz. those who understood the Welsh language? 
 If the Welsh churches of Columbus were composed of a 
 large membership which did not understand the English 
 language clinging to the Welsh would be commendable, pro- 
 vided a strong effort were put forth at the same time to serve 
 the Welsh population which does not understand the Welsh 
 language; over one-half of whom are not members in any 
 church and one-fourth of them never attend church. But the 
 number of Welsh people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church 
 who do not understand English is very small, if there are any. 
 There is not a single person in the Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church who cannot carry on a conversation in Eng- 
 
 i See Appendix E. and Figure 5, page 102. 
 
124 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 lish. There are over 250 members who cannot carry on a 
 conversation in Welsh. The older people tell us that they 
 cannot understand English sermons, but when Chapman and 
 Alexander! come to the city, or any other far-famed persons ; 
 these people attend the entire series of discourses and they are 
 able to report intelligently on what they have heard. The 
 Welshman's sentiment regarding language runs away with his 
 better judgment and what should be his regard for the highest 
 welfare of the growing generation of Welsh in America. The 
 writer believes that the time is ripe when the Welsh church 
 in America should give less attention to the Welsh language, 
 as the vehicle for conveying instruction, and that it should 
 apply itself more diligently to the dissemination of truth 
 through the medium of a language which practically all the 
 Welsh people now^ possess, and thus endeavor to serve all the 
 people in the community. 
 
 The Church and its Ministry. — The Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church is rapidly approaching a crisis with respect to minis- 
 terial supply for its pulpits. Almost all of the Welsh com- 
 munities in America are in a transitional stage, but only a few 
 of them thus far have recognized that fact, and consequently 
 the church has suffered, or, speaking from a standpoint of the 
 community, the church has failed to meet the religious need 
 of the community. One Ohioan who has been an officer in the 
 Calvinistic Methodist Church for over 40 years in one of our 
 large cities, and who is American born, said to the writer in a 
 conversation on this question: ''Our fathers who laid the 
 foundation of our denomination in this country never dreamed 
 of the present condition of things. They believed that our 
 church would always remain Welsh." The statement is 
 doubtless very true. The fathers of the Calvinistic Methodist 
 Church perhaps did not dream of changing linguistic condi- 
 tions. But they did meet the need of the community in their 
 day. Theirs was a day of planning and providing for the im- 
 migrant from Wales. He was thoroughly Welsh and they did 
 well in providing for him. And whatever their opinion as to 
 
 i Evangelists. 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 125 
 
 the permanence of the Welsh language may have been, we 
 know that it is vanishing and the problem for the Welsh 
 church today is to provide for a Welsh population which does 
 not know the Welsh language. Does the Welsh church meet 
 this emergency ? 
 
 One of the difficulties in the way of meeting the need of 
 the community is the question of ministerial supply for the 
 pulpits and the right type of pastors for the parishes. We do 
 not here raise the question of the character and ability of the 
 clergy from Wales. They are men of most excellent charac- 
 ter and, a large majority of them, are men of ability. But the 
 training and early environment of the Welsh ministers in im- 
 portant Welsh churches have not been the sort which fit them 
 for the most successful work in many Welsh communities to- 
 day. The church in the past has been supplied very largely 
 by ministers from Wales, great men and able preachers many 
 of them. And for the early generations of Welsh in America, 
 they were fully able to cope with conditions in the Welsh 
 parish and community. There was perfect sympathy between 
 pastor and people. The condition was that of a foreigner 
 serving foreigners in a foreigner's way. The spirit and cus- 
 tom of the parishoners were not American, and the preacher 
 from Wales served acceptably and well. 
 
 During the last decade or two, the minister from Wales 
 has not been the success in Welsh communities in America 
 that his predecessors were. The reason for this is the change 
 that has come into the Welsh community. The pastor, whose 
 early years have been spent in Wales, and whose training and 
 entire education have been received in Welsh schools and col- 
 leges, and whose ideals are the ideals of the ** Welshman in 
 Wales, ' * does not meet the requirements of a Welsh parish in 
 America. A man with such a training, excellent as it may 
 be for the clergy in Wales, lacks sympathy for the American 
 ideals with which his parishioners are imbued, and is too firmly 
 rooted in his own type of thinking ever fully to adapt himself 
 to conditions in this country where the environment is thor- 
 
126 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 oughly American. We have striking examples of able minis- 
 ters from Wales who have not been a success in Welsh parishes 
 in America for these reasons, even though some of them were 
 abundantly able to preach in the English language. 
 
 The chief reasons for the lack of success of the Welsh 
 minister from Wales, in Welsh communities in iVmerica, may 
 be fairly summed up as follows: (i) The form of ministry 
 in Wales, where the pastor preaches in his own church only 
 one Sunday in the month, unfits a man for a permanent 
 pastorate in America where the minister occupies his own pul- 
 pit twice every Sunday throughout the year, (ii) The lack 
 of sympathy for American ideals and institutions with which 
 his parishioners are imbued, especially the young of the parish, 
 \^dth the result that he does not get a hold on his people as he 
 otherwise would, (iii) The insistence of the Welsh pastor 
 from Wales upon the use of the Welsh language in the church 
 services, and his continual emphasis on the importance of the 
 Welsh, instead of an acceptance of the language known to the 
 people of his charge as a medium for conveying religious in- 
 struction. The strongest witnesses possible to this fact, and 
 the only witnesses necessary, are the many Welsh churches 
 closed and abandoned in communities where children of the 
 early Welsh settlers still live, but who do not understand the 
 Welsh language. The older Welsh pastors and elders in the 
 church insisted on having Welsh as the language of the church 
 until the church went down. The churches are down, but the 
 descendants of the early Welsh families are still in the com- 
 munity; some going to English churches of other denomina- 
 tions, while others belong to the army of the non-church-going 
 Welsh. 
 
 There is a second class of Welsh ministers which has been 
 a compromise in this transitional stage in the recent past. 
 Namely, young men from Wales who have come to the United 
 States in their 'teens and twenties and have entered our col- 
 leges and theological seminaries in certain of the States, par- 
 ticularly Wisconsin, in which the synod of the Calvinistic 
 
THE PKOCESS OF CHANGE 127 
 
 ^lethodist denomination has a fund for the educating of can- 
 didates for the ministry. From such a source has come many 
 good men, and well qualified, to the Welsh pulpit during the 
 past twenty or twenty-five years. They are Welsh by birth 
 and training up to the High School or College age, and their 
 education for the ministry has been received in America. But 
 even with these men as leadei-s the Welsh note prevails, and 
 their tendency has been to insist upon things Welsh, especially 
 the Welsh language, rather than to accept conditions as they 
 are and to put their strength and effort upon the moral and 
 religious development of society as they find it in America. 
 While these men have met an emergency in the past decade or 
 two, their tendency has been reactionary, — ''back to the 
 Welsh," — and this in the future will lose rather than gain for 
 the Welsh church. 
 
 There is a third class of niinistei-s to be considered in this 
 connection, viz. the American born Welsh preacher. This 
 class, from the point of view of sympathy with American 
 spirit, customs and ideals, and the complete understanding of 
 the American environment which surrounds our people in a 
 given community, is Avell equipped for the task. These men 
 are of Welsh stock. They have been raised in Welsh homes 
 with a certain knowledge of Welsh institutions and customs 
 and habits of mind; and thej' are possessed of a good 
 knowledge of present day conditions which surround their 
 people. But for the Welsh church most of them are entirely 
 inadequate because, even though they are of pure Welsh blood, 
 they do not know the Welsh language sufiiciently to use it in 
 public service in the Welsh pulpit, where at lea^st one sermon 
 on Sunday in the Welsh language is required. The result is 
 that a great majority of young Welshmen who are candidates 
 for the ministry from the Calvinistic Methodist Church enter 
 the ministry in an English speaking church. 
 
 The crisis which the Calvinistic Methodist Church is ap- 
 
 The Welsh Press abounds with articles opposing the introduction of English 
 into various church serrices. In the columns of the "Drych" articles appear 
 insisting upon more Welsh in the Welsh churches. The writer has many clip- 
 pings on the subject. 
 
128 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 preaching is this: unless conditions indicated by the signs of 
 the times in the church are anticipated, the church will find 
 itself, in the not distant future, a church without an efficient 
 ministry such as it now possesses. For, in the first place, if 
 our reasoning is correct, the clergy from Wales will not meet 
 the requirements of conditions in the Welsh communities in 
 America. Secondly, if the older ministers and elders, who 
 control in the councils of the church, continue to insist on the 
 maintainance of the Welsh language in the churches of the 
 denomination, the denomination will be unable to retain its 
 candidates for the ministry in the Welsh church. The young 
 men who are studying for the ministry in the Welsh church 
 are also studying conditions and are aw^are of social forces 
 operating in Welsh communities in this country. They are 
 aware of linguistic limitations in the Welsh parish. They 
 have not the same passion for the Welsh language as their 
 predecessors had, and they will seek opportunities to serve the 
 church, regardless of language and nationality, as Americans. 
 They are not likely to cling to the Welsh language at the ex- 
 pense of rendering greater services in an American pulpit. 
 
 The Welsh church in America has no schools, colleges or 
 theological seminaries. For all their learning, outside of the 
 Sunday School, they must depend on American institutions.^ 
 This is not true of other foreign peoples in America today. 
 The Germans, for instance, have their schools and colleges and 
 theological institutions, which, with a large immigration, will 
 keep up the German language for decades to come.^ The 
 Welsh have none of these and immigration to the older settle- 
 ments has practically ceased. This means that in the absence 
 of distinct Welsh institutions Americanization w411 increase 
 among the Welsh more rapidly as time goes on. And the time 
 
 1 Even Welsh literature in America today is confined practically to two 
 periodicals, viz. the "Drych" a national weekly for the Welsh in America, and 
 the "Cyfaill," a monthly magazine, the official organ of the Calvinistic Metho- 
 dist denomination in this country. Many Welsh papers and magazines have 
 been started from time to time, but have been discontinued. See Appendix 6. 
 
 2 See the "Cyfaill" for January 1910, article by Rev. John B. Johns, D. D. 
 Dr. Johns read this article before the Welsh Synod of Wisconsin when he 
 was pastor of the Welsh C. M. church at Randolph, Wis., he is now pastor of 
 the C. M. Church of Columbus, Ohio. 
 
THE PROCESS OP CHANGE 129 
 
 is not far distant when complete assimilation into the great 
 American people will have taken place. 
 
 The Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus during the 
 past decade has undergone rapid and significant change. The 
 pastors of the Columbus church up to 1899 were not able to 
 preach in English, and were opposed to anything which 
 savoi*ed of English in the church. During the '908 the de- 
 mand for English was felt to increase, but the allegiance to 
 the Welsh, on the other hand, was very strong on the part of 
 those in authority. When the Christian Endeavor Society 
 was organized it was discouraged by some of the elders, and 
 was regarded almost as a dangerous thing. This position was 
 taken for two reasons. First, the young people in the church 
 had never taken an active part in church services before, ex- 
 cept for the repeating of verses in the fellowship meeting, 
 and to see the young active in church services appeared to 
 some of the austere elders as '^playing with religion.** The 
 second reason for the opposition is that English was spoken in 
 the meetings by some who took an active part. So the 
 Christian Endeavor met with no encouragement for some time, 
 but it thrived nevertheless. 
 
 Beginning with the 20th Century things began to change. 
 One sermon a month was preached in English on Sunday 
 evening. English classes in Sunday School began to multiply. 
 For a time the linguistic struggle waged in Sunday School. 
 Teachers insisted on teaching Welsh to their pupils during 
 the Sunday School hour, and Welsh children left Sunday 
 School because their teachers insisted on their learning Welsh 
 when they knew nothing of Welsh on the street, in the public 
 school, nor even in the home. But the strong Welsh prejudice 
 was overcome in the Sunday School as time went on, and to- 
 day about 28, or perhaps more, classes out of 36 are conducted 
 in English. By the latter part of 1907, English sermons were 
 introduced into the Sunday evening service regularly every 
 Sunday. The Christian Endeavor Society is now carried on 
 entirely in English. In the Junior Endeavor Society not a 
 
130 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 word of Welsh is spoken. The Brotherhood Society meetings 
 are all English and the Ladies' Literary Club as well. The 
 large majority of those who take part in the fellowship meet- 
 ing do so in English. The mid-week prayer service is about 
 half English and half Welsh. The trustees carry on their 
 discussions in English, and the records are kept in the English 
 language. The session has mixed records, both Welsh and 
 English. The meetings of the Ladies* Aid and Missionary 
 Society as well as the Cambrian W. C. T. U. are all conducted 
 in English. And the annual report of the church is published 
 in the English language. The only distinctly Welsh service 
 in the church are the old people's prayer service at 9 a. m. and 
 the public service at 10 :00 a. m. on Sundays. 
 
 It is this recognition of the need of English that has given 
 the Calvinistic Methodist Church its substantial growth in the 
 last decade, and especially in the last five years. The admis- 
 sion of English into the church services has kept the young 
 Welsh people in the Welsh church instead of their leaving it 
 for English churches in the city, or from drifting to total in- 
 difference regarding church life. To be sure, immigration 
 from local communities has kept up during the last decade as 
 before, but the corresponding exit on the part of the young of 
 the church has not been as great as it was in previous years. 
 Take, for example, the number of children baptized and the 
 number of children received into full membership of the 
 church in 25 years, and compare the relative increase of those 
 received in the last five years. The total number of children 
 baptized in 25 years is 163. Of this number, 22.7 percent 
 were baptized in the last five years. This is about normal. ^ 
 The total number received into full membership of the church 
 in 25 years is 146. Of this number, 42.4 percent were taken 
 in during the last ^ve years. This shows a tremendous in- 
 crease.2 Immigration has continued from local Welsh com- 
 munities to be sure, but the real and persistent gro\\i:h of the 
 church has resulted from the fact that it has been able to 
 
 1 See Figure 8. i., page 131. 
 
 2 See Figure 8. ii., page 131. 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 
 
 181 
 
 Figure 8 
 
 7 7.3 
 
 4Z. 4- 
 
 51 6 
 
 Figure 8. i, represents the total number of children bap- 
 tized in 25 years previous to January 1, 1910, as per discussioa 
 on page 130. 
 
 Segment a. Gives total baptized from 1885 to 1904. 
 
 Segment b. Shows total baptized from 1905 to 1909. 
 
 Figure 8. ii representing the total of children received 
 into church in 25 years previous to January 1, 1910, as per 
 discussion on page 130. 
 
 Segment a. Shows total received from 1885 to 1904. 
 
 Segment b. Shows total received from 1905 to 1909. 
 
132 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 retain its own children by adapting itself to them linguisti- 
 cally. 
 
 An octagenarian living in Columbus, but who spent most 
 of his life in Jackson county, in discussing the linguistic situ- 
 ation with the writer said: ''Pan ddaeth Saesneg i mewa i'r 
 Settlement fe aeth crefydd i maes." (When English came 
 into the Settlement religion went out of it/') Whatever may 
 be said of that philosophy with respect to the Jackson and 
 Gallia settlement, the recognition of the imminent need of 
 English has saved the young people of the Welsh families to 
 the Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. Only 29, or 
 less than 6 percent, of the church members in the Calvinistic 
 Methodist Church are native born descendants of the old 
 Welsh families of Columbus who came here previous to the 
 influx from the Jackson and Gallia and other local settlements. 
 The large majority of the descendants of the old Welsh fam- 
 ilies are in English churches of one denomination or another, 
 and some of them in no church. Scores of them were lost to 
 the Welsh church, no doubt, for linguistic reasons. The new 
 group of Columbus born Welsh children, children of the 
 Welsh who have come into Columbus in the past quarter of a 
 century, are being held to the Welsh church largely because 
 the church in recent years has tried to adapt itself to their 
 condition. Today 212 young people under 21 years of age, 
 and many others who are over 21 years old, are in the Welsh 
 church and society while only 12.7 percent of those under 21 
 years can understand the Welsh language with any reasonable 
 degree of intelligence. 
 
 It is evident that a great change has come over the Welsh 
 social mind in recent years. The Welsh church in Columbus 
 is awakening to the new conditions, and an endeavor is being 
 made to meet the need, at least in the church society, by in- 
 troducing English into the church services. The Welsh group 
 in Columbus has been transformed from the ancient type of 
 Welsh society into a modem Welsh community. The church 
 is awake to modern and present day problems. The Welsh 
 
THE PROCESS OP CHANGE 133 
 
 of Columbus are now studying the conditions which surround 
 their people.^ 
 
 INTERMARRIAGE AFFECTS CHURCH MEMBERSHIP 
 
 Intermarriage between the Welsh and people of other 
 nationalities reveals a change in their social thinking. While 
 it reveals a change it also produces change. Only a few de- 
 cades ago to marry outside of the Welsh nationality was 
 looked upon with disfavor and even as a disgrace in some in- 
 stances. Intermarriage with other nationalities is now a com- 
 mon thing among the Welsh people, as our statistics on mar- 
 riage and conjugal relation point out very clearly. Out of 
 17 marriages solemnized by the writer as pastor of the Cal- 
 vinistic Methodist Church, 8 were between persons, one of 
 whom was a member of his church (and of pure Welsh blood) 
 with persons of other nationalities. From the general canvass 
 of the city we found that out of 653, 19.6 percent, were of 
 parties both of whom were Welsh ; 80.4 percent, were between 
 parties one of whom was Welsh and the other a person of 
 some other nationality .^ Such an extensive intermarriage with 
 other peoples must have a great influence in breaking down 
 the boundaries of a distinctly Welsh type of society. 
 
 The Welsh have not only intermarried with different na- 
 tionalities, but also with persons of many and various religious 
 persuasions and this affects the Welsh church problem. They 
 are united with persons in a religious way whose persuasions 
 and confessions are not even known to the Welshman in his 
 own country, such as Lutherans, United Brethren, etc. Eight 
 Welshmen were members of the Catholic church while 21 
 others had married Catholics ; and a larger number than that 
 had married Lutherans and some united with the Lutheran 
 church as a result. These influences in a religious and social 
 way, together with the influences of the schools upon the 
 young, the influence of business intercourse and commercial 
 relations existing between Welshmen and men of other nation- 
 
 1 The proposed "Welsh Social Center" is an evidence of this. 
 
 2 See Appendix D. ; also Figrures 8 and 4, pages 84 and 86. 
 
134 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 alities, sufficiently account for the tremendous change on the 
 part of the Welsh group in Columbus in recent years. 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 From a study of the conditions revealed in the foregoing 
 chapters, the following facts may be noted : 
 
 1. The Welsh of Columbus, by adapting themselves to 
 surrounding conditions, are rapidly becoming assimilated into 
 the American population of the city, and consequently their 
 Welsh characteristics and institutions are vanishing. 
 
 2. The Welsh language is rapidly passing out of use both 
 in the home and in the church. The rising generation cannot 
 speak it. 
 
 3. Intermarriage between Welsh persons and persons of 
 other nationalities is very general and widespread, and this 
 modifies conditions in Welsh society. 
 
 4. Intermarriage between members of the Welsh church 
 and people of other religious persuasions in other nationalities 
 affects the Welsh church and society. 
 
 5. Welsh parents insist on their children being faith- 
 ful to the Welsh church. At the same time they insist on 
 having the Sunday morning service in the Welsh language 
 which the growing generation does not understand. Many 
 churches of the Calvinistic Methodist denomination have but 
 one English preaching service in the month and some have no 
 English preaching. 
 
 6. The Welsh church must apply itself more vigorously 
 to adapting itself to the rapidly changing linguistic condi- 
 tions. It is now time that English were introduced into the 
 morning service on Sunday. With about one-half of the 
 society unable to speak Welsh and the entire membership able 
 to understand English preaching, it is to be hoped that the 
 rising generation may soon be favored with some English 
 preaching on Sunday morning in Columbus. 
 
 7. If the leaders in the Calvinistic Methodist Church in 
 the United States continue to insist on preserving the Welsh 
 
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 135 
 
 language in the church services, as they have in the past they 
 will find the church, in the not distant future, a church with- 
 out an efficient ministry' such as it now enjoys. Candidates 
 for the christian ministry in the Welsh church today have 
 their ears to the ground, and they read the signs of the times, 
 and they will likely enter the ministry where linguistic limi- 
 tations will not be a handicap to their usefulness. 
 
 8. The Welsh Calvinistic Methodist denomination, if it 
 is determined to exist as a separate body for some time to 
 come, should study its parish or community socially, and 
 through its knowledge of social conditions serve the people — 
 their social and spiritual need — through the medium of 
 a language which all the people understand. The motto of the 
 Welsh church in the community, socially speaking, should be 
 — Adaptation. 
 
 9. The ultimate fate of the Calvinistic Methodist (or 
 Welsh Presbyterian) denomination in this country will be 
 complete assimilation into the Presbyterian Church in the 
 United States. This will take place in one or the other of 
 two ways, viz. by Union or by Absorption; and the longer 
 Union is postponed, the more rapidly will Absorption take 
 place. With the present condition of widespread intercourse, 
 both social and commercial, and while sharing the language 
 and life common to Americans and mingling freely with all 
 other peoples, the Welsh cannot continue in a church based on 
 and limited to a single race. 
 
 The fond dream of the Welshman of the past has been for 
 a community in America strictly Welsh, uncontaminated by 
 extraneous influences, and in which the Welsh language might 
 ever flourish. But this is not to be. The process of Ameri- 
 canization will prevail over the efforts of any foreign group 
 to the contrary. And under the influence of American insti- 
 tutions an American type of man will ultimately be evolved. 
 Local groups or communities may try icr stay this process, if 
 they will, by clinging to some cardinal custom of their re- 
 spective father-lands or mother-tongues, but ultimately all 
 
136 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 must be melted into a uniform American people. Marks of 
 other races will vanish in our country and an American type 
 will be the result. Every people who come to our shores will 
 contribute some element which will affect the character of the 
 ultimate American, but in making its contributions every 
 foreign community will spend itself. 
 
 The Welsh in America have come to stay. Their descend- 
 ants, as they go down through the generations, are destined to 
 lose their identity through amalgamation and assimilation. 
 But while they thus lose their life, they also find it; for in 
 losing their identity they make their permanent contribution 
 to the American race. Nothing of intrinsic value will be lost, 
 but will exist as a lasting element in American civilization. 
 Welsh communities in America, then, should apply them- 
 selves to rearing citizens imbued with the highest American 
 ideals of education, religion and citizenship. This does not 
 mean that they should think less of the Land of their Fathers, 
 but that they should think more of their adopted land and 
 the home their children, and thus do their part in contribut- 
 ing to the development of the highest possible type of Ameri- 
 can citizen. 
 
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 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 TABLE V. 
 
 AGE GROUPS ACCORDING TO SEX IN THE 
 
 CALVINISTIC METHODIST CHURCH AND SOCIETY 
 
 Age Males Females Totals 
 
 Infants under 5 yrs. 27 24 51 
 
 ChUdhood 6 to 10 yrs. 22 28 
 
 11 to 15 yrs. 31-53 21-49 102 
 
 Youth 16 to 20 yrs. 27 32 59 
 
 Maturity 21 to 30 yrs. 57 59 
 
 31 to 40 yrs. 50 64 
 
 41 to 50 yrs. 39 48 
 
 51 to 60 yrs. 27-172 41-212 384 
 
 Old Age 61 to 70 yrs. 17 31 
 
 71 to 80 yrs. 9 10 
 
 81 yrs. and over 4-30 5-46 76 
 
 TOTALS 309 363 672 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 TABLE VI. 
 
 FOREIGN AND NATIVE BORN 
 
 .1 I 
 
 ® "" "Si-* 
 
 I II ja |l S5S 
 
 hS p. .a_ -^ .Oft 
 
 fe ^ ^ ^z; ^ 
 
 Calvinistic Methodist Church and 
 
 society 127 192 67 14 272 
 
 Regularly Classified in city at large. 269 415 152 26 411 
 
 Totals 396 607 219 40 683 
 
 Total foreign born 396 
 
 Total native bom 1,549 
 
APPENDIX 139 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 TABLES VIII, IX. and X. 
 
 MARRIAGE AND INTERMARRIAGE AND THE 
 
 NATIONNALITIES WITH WHOM THE 
 
 WELSH HAVE INTERMARRIED 
 
 TABLE VIII. 
 
 .» I 
 
 a I? «a 0. 
 .2 ® |« a^ s & 
 
 i ii si i| 2g - 
 * ^S. i" ^s ^g. 
 
 .a ft 
 
 g '5 tS tS :S « 5 
 
 o cB « 08 cs a O 
 
 fc 55 Jz; 55 » P H 
 
 The total number of marriages 108 185 70 4 212 74 653 
 
 Welih males who married Welsh fe- 
 males 42 20 1 13 62 128 
 
 The total number of mixed marriages. 66 165 69 4 199 22 525 
 
 Welsh males with females of other 
 
 nationalities 52 122 49 4 160 12 399 
 
 Welsh females with males of other 
 
 nationalities 14 43 20 39 10 126 
 
 TABLE IX. 
 
 MALES WHO INTERMARRIED 
 
 The total number of mixed marriages. 52 122 49 4 160 12 399 
 
 Welsh males who married Americans . . 31 90 35 3 126 4 289 
 
 Welsh males who married Germans... 14 24 10 1 23 5 77 
 
 Welsh males who married Irish 5 5 20 8 3 23 
 
 Welsh males who married Scotch 2 3 20 2 9 
 
 Welsh males who married Norwegians 10 1 
 
 TABLE X. 
 
 FEMALES WHO INTERMARRIED 
 
 Total number of mixed marriages 14 43 20 39 10 126 
 
 Welsh females who married Americans 11 29 16 32 4 82 
 
 Welsh females who married Germans . . 2 6 4 12 4 28 
 
 Welsh females who married Irish. ... 1 300 41 9 
 
 Welsh females who married Scotch ... 500 01 6 
 
 Welsh females who married Swedes. .0 10 1 
 
140 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 TABLES XIII., XIV., XV.i 
 
 CHURCH MEMBERS, ATTENDANTS, AND 
 NON-CHURCH-GOERS 
 
 Classified according to their Foreign and Native born groups. 
 
 TABLE XIII. a. 
 
 CHURCH MEMBERS 
 
 60 ► 
 
 9 
 
 §B «S > ^ bS 
 
 
 
 .a 
 
 ^ -ss "I -| Si 
 
 ' ii §1 il is 
 
 ^ pes O'"' rn ©ai 
 
 j; ^ +s ^ ^ ^ 
 
 o « « « « o 
 
 fe ^ ^ ^ }?; H 
 
 Total number of church members 95 165 61 8 150 479 
 
 Total number of males 46 75 26 6 82 232 
 
 Total number of females 49 90 35 2 68 244 
 
 Total number of males who are single .. 4 27 10 3 23 67 
 Total number of females who are single 13 45 24 2 42 126 
 Total number of Welsh males who mar- 
 ried Welsh females 21 8 10 6 36 
 
 Total number of Welsh females who 
 
 married Welsh males 28 14 1 8 51 
 
 Total number of Welsh males who mar- 
 ried females of other nationalities. . 21 40 15 3 53 132 
 Total number of Welsh females who 
 
 married males of other nationalities 8 31 10 18 67 
 
 b. (incomplete) 
 
 Total number of church members 53 27 10 3 34 127 
 
 Total number of males 25 8 3 1 7 44 
 
 Total number of females 28 19 7 22 27 83 
 
 1 Tables XIII., XIV. and XV. are in two parts, "a" and "b". The 
 
 returns were not all as complete as we could wish for on this subject, and for 
 
 that reason part "b" in each table is given separate so as to permit us to give 
 
 "a" as complete and with as much detail as possible for returns which were 
 complete. 
 
APPENDIX 141 
 
 TABLE XIV. a. 
 
 CHURCH ATTENDANTS 
 
 Who are not Members. 
 
 05 
 
 fc « 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 § 
 
 
 s 
 
 n 
 
 il 
 
 
 TS 
 
 •^ 
 
 
 
 ® s 
 
 ? s 
 
 « 
 
 
 ► eS 
 
 > s 
 
 > 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 eS 
 
 0!) 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 52; 
 
 ^ 
 
 A 
 
 H 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 97 
 
 282 
 
 24 
 
 3 
 
 59 
 
 184 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 38 
 
 98 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 51 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 36 
 
 •° ,c p. 
 Sg « 
 2 '^ 
 
 Total not members who attend 49 97 
 
 Total number of males 31 67 
 
 Total number of females 18 30 
 
 Total of the males, single 6 19 
 
 Total of the females, single 1 15 
 
 Total number of Welsh males who mar- 
 ried Welsh females 14 6 5 25 
 
 Total number of Welsh females who 
 
 married Welsh males 8 4 3 15 
 
 Welsh males who married females of 
 
 other nationalities 10 34 16 1 33 94 
 
 Welsh females who married males of 
 
 other nationalities 3 4 5 13 25 
 
 b. (incomplete) 
 
 Total not members who attend 16 15 
 
 Total number of males 10 8 
 
 Total number of females 6 7 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 46 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 21 
 
143 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 TABLE XV. a. 
 NON-CHURCH-GOERS 
 
 I 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 « 
 
 o 
 
 Total non-church-goers 49 
 
 Total number of males 39 
 
 Total number of females 10 
 
 Total number of males, single 12 
 
 Total number of females, single 1 
 
 Welsh males who married Welsh females 7 
 Welsh females who married Welsh males 6 
 Welsh males who married females of 
 
 other nationalities 20 48 18 52 138 
 
 Welsh females who married males of 
 
 other nationalities 3 7 4 7 21 
 
 b. (incomplete) 
 
 Total non-church-goers 7 
 
 Total number of these males 7 
 
 Total number of these females 
 
 a 
 
 1^ 
 
 «a 
 
 « 
 
 
 s 
 
 s- 
 
 ft 2 
 
 •+2 
 
 
 o 
 
 2 fl 
 
 A « 
 
 OS 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 as 
 11 
 
 si 
 
 2S 
 
 §1 
 
 
 ^ft 
 
 
 tS 
 
 ^c. 
 
 
 « 
 
 9 
 
 * a 
 
 <o 
 
 • 
 
 > 
 
 ► C8 
 
 > s 
 
 > 
 
 ,2! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CB 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 es 
 
 
 52; 
 
 J5 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 H 
 
 100 
 
 42 
 
 11 
 
 113 
 
 315 
 
 87 
 
 33 
 
 7 
 
 97 
 
 263 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 52 
 
 33 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 43 
 
 110 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 21 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
APPENDIX 143 
 
 APPENDIX F. 
 WELSH PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN AMERICA 
 
 1. **Cymro America/' a bi-weekly established 1832; 
 
 existed only a few months. 
 
 2. **Y Cyfaill/* a denominational monthly of the Calvin- 
 
 istic Methodist denomination established 1838, and 
 is extant. 
 
 3. '*Y Cenhadwr/' a denominational monthly of the Con- 
 
 gregational church, established 1840 and became ex- 
 tinct about 1900. 
 
 4. **Y Dyngarwr,** established 1842, and was united with 
 
 **Y Cenhadwr'* in 1844. 
 
 5. **Y Beread,'' a denominational bi-weekly of the Baptist 
 
 denomination, established in 1842, and was published 
 for about a year. 
 
 6. **Y Seren Gorllewinol,** established in 1842 as an organ 
 
 of the Baptist denomination, but has been discon- 
 tinued for a great many years. 
 
 7. **Y Detholydd,'* a Congregational denominational organ 
 
 established 1850, and was soon discontinued. 
 
 8. **Haul Gomer/' established in 1884, and was discon- 
 
 tinued after nine months. 
 
 9. **Y Drych,'' a national weekly established 1851 and is 
 
 still extant. 
 
 10. *'Cymro Americanaidd, * ' a weekly established 1853; ab- 
 
 sorbed by the Drych a little later. 
 
 11. '*Y Gwyliedydd Americanaidd, ' ' established 1854; ab- 
 
 sorbed by the Drych in 1855. 
 
 12. **Y Cylchgrawn Cenedlaethol, ' ' established 1853, and 
 
 published quarterly until 1856. 
 
 13. **Y Traethodydd/' established 1857, and published quar- 
 
 terly until 1861 or 1862. 
 
144 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 14. '*Y Golygydd/' established 1856, only four numbers 
 
 were issued. 
 
 15. '*Yr Arweinydd/' established 1858 and continuing for 
 
 three or four years. 
 
 16. "Y Bardd/' established 1858; only five numbers of the 
 
 ''Bardd'* were issued. 
 
 17. **Y Wasg," established 1871, absorbed by '^Y Drych'' 
 
 in 1890. 
 
 18. **Baner America," established 1868, absorbed by the 
 
 "Drych" in 1877. 
 
 19. '*Y Columbia," established 1888, absorbed by the Drych 
 
 in 1894. The '^ Columbia" was bi-lingual. 
 
 20. ''Y Lamp," established in the early '90s as a Christian 
 
 Endeavor organ of the Calvinistic Methodist Synod 
 of "Wisconsin; discontinued about six or eight years 
 ago. 
 
 21. " Y Trysor, ' * successor to * * Y Lamp, ' ' issued two or three 
 
 years. 
 
 22. ''Seren Oneida" ) ^^ ,, ,.^. , 
 
 23. -Cvfaill^o^Undeb" iThese three were pohtica organs 
 
 24. -YrAmserau" f and lived but a short tm.e. 
 
 Of the above papers and periodicals established and print- 
 ed for the Welsh in America, only two survive today, viz. the 
 '* Drych," a national weekly; and **Y Cyfaill," a monthly, 
 which is the official organ of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, 
 in the United States. 
 
 There are, however, two periodicals designed for the Welsh 
 in America printed in the English language: "The Cam- 
 brian," a bi-weekly magazine, and **The Druid," a weekly 
 paper. 
 
 ERROR 
 
 Reference to "Table VI., Page 94" on page 77, should 
 read ' ' Table VI., Appendix C. " 
 
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