F C7W7 d If , The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio A Study ia Adaptation and Assimilation '^aaes^ By TiEV. Daniel Jenkins Wir;LiAMS THESIS PHESENTKr TO THE FACULTY OF THE GR/VDUATE ScIIOOL OP THE Ohio State IJNiVEEisiTY, in Partl\l Fulfilment OF the Requirements for the Degree OF D<^0TOF? OF PtTILOSOPHY The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio The Welsh of Columbus, Ohio A Study in Adaptation and Assimilation By Rev. Daniel Jenkins WniLiAMS THESIS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School op the Ohio State University, in Partial Fulfilment OF THE Requirements for the Degree OF Doctor op Philosophy Published by the Author Oshkosh, Wlsconsin 1913 Copyright 1913 by Daniel Jenkins Williams Dedicated to the Sacred Memory of Hugh and Elias R. ^-v « ^^ Y GwiR Yn Erbyn Y Btd" Welsh Motto CONTENTS CONTENTS Page Bibliography 11-12 Chapter I. The Cause of Welsh Emigration The Norman-English Conquest of Wales 13 The Assimilation of Welsh and English Law 13 Nonconformity in Wales 15 Religious Awakening in the Eighteenth Century 15 Result of the 18th Century Revival on the Social Life of Wales 16 General Dissatisfaction Results in Emigration 16 Traces of Early Welsh Migration 17 The ''Dyffryn Mawr'' Colony in Pennsylvania 18 After the War of Independence Welsh Emigration Revived 18 Chapter II. The Coming of the Welsh to Ohio (Immigration and Early Settlement) The First Welsh Arrivals 20 The First Permanent Welsh Settlers 20 The Paddy's Run Settlement 22 The Welsh Hills Settlement 23 The ** Jackson and Gallia'' Settlement , . . . . 24 The Gomer Settlement 26 The Venedocia Settlement , 27 The Radnor Settlement 27 Pioneer Life 28 Early Homes 29 The Family and the Home Training. 30 Sabbath Observance 30 Religious Life 31 Growth 34 Decline 37 * * • •> ^^ • • 8 CONTENTS Chapter III. The Welsh of Ohio in Columbus Page Location and Early History of Columbus 39 Location Advantageous to the Welsh 41 Periods of Welsh Migration 42 The First Period 42 Emigration to America Agitated in Wales 43 Welsh of the First Period Skilled Laborers 48 The Second Period 49 The ^^Mill Men'' Come 49 Immigration from Local Settlements in Ohio 50 The Third Period 52 Organization and Change 55 Community Spirit ^ . . . 58 Literary and Social Functions 59 The Eisteddfod 59 Donations 60 Amusements 60 The Welsh Prominent in Columbus 60 Conclusion 61 Chapter IV. Welsh Population Statistics General Statement 63 The Gathering of Data for the Present Work 64 Limitations of the Work 66 Classified Groups 67 General Survey of the Welsh Population of Columbus 68 Distribution of the Welsh over the City 69 Population by Age Classes 74 Sex 75 Foreign and Native Born 76 Place of Birth 76 Conclusion 80 CONTENTS Chapter V. Welsh Social Statistics Page General Statement 81 Marriage and Conjugal Relation 81 Intermarriage 82 Families, Dwellings and Resident Districts 89 Occupation Groups and Business Relations 92 Education 94 Literary and Improvement Societies 94 Morality and Temperance 96 Politics 97 Church Membership 97 Conclusion 104 Chapter VI. The Process of Change (The Vanishing Welsh) Welsh Conservatism Giving Way to a Broader Outlook . . . 105 Regard for Sunday and Holidays 107 The Linguistic Question 108 Characteristic Welsh Institutions Waning 116 Revivals Among the Welsh 117 The Problem of the Church 119 The Church and Its Ministry 124 Three Groups of Welsh Ministers Discussed 125 The Welsh Church Approaching a Crisis 127 The Welsh Church in Columbus Adapting Itself 132 Intermarriage Affects Church Membership 133 Concluding Remarks 134 10 CONTENTS Graphic Representations Figure 1. Showing the Sources of the Welsh in Colum- bus in 25 years 54 Figure 2. Showing the relative number of foreign and native bom Welsh 77 Figure 3. Showing relative number of pure and mixed marriages 84 Figure 4. Showing marriages according to grouping of foreign and native born 86 Figure 5. Showing relative number of church members, attendants, and non-church-goers 102 Figure 6. Showing relative number of Welsh speakers and non-Welsh-speakers 114 Figure 7. Showing relative number of Welsh speakers according to classifications of native and foreign born 115 Figure 8. i. Showing relative number of baptisms, and, ii. those admitted into church membership in a given period 131 Map Outline Map of Columbus 72 Appendix A. Table II. showing Total Number of Members Received into the Calvinistic Methodist Church of Columbus by Letters in 25 years. B. Table V. Age-groups According to Sex in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and Society. C. Table VI. Statistics of Foreign and Native Bom Welsh in Columbus. D. Tables VIII., IX. and X. on Marriage and Intermarriages and the Nationalities with whom the Welsh have Intermarried. E. Tables XIII., XIV. and XV. on Church Members, At- tendants, and Non-church-goers, Classified According to their Foreign and Native Born Groups. F. List of Welsh Periodicals Published in America. Error 144 BIBLIOGBAPHT 11 BIBLIOGRAPHY **The Cradle of the Republic, Jamestown and the James River'' by Lyon G. Tyler: First edition 1900; sec- ond edition 1906. Hermitage Press, Richmond, Va., publisher. "New England's Memorial" by Nathaniel Morton, 5th Edi- tion by John Davies. Crocker and Brewester, pub- lishers, Boston, 1826. '*The Making of Pennsylvania" by Sidney George Fisher, 1896, Lippincott, Philadelphia, publisher. '* Historical Collections of the State of Pennsylvania" by Sherman Day, 1843 edition. ''Historical Collections of Ohio," two Volumes by Henry Howe; C. J. Krehbiel & Co., publishers, Cincinnati, Ohio. ''Ohio Historical Society," — Articles by William Harvey Jones. "The History of Paddy's Run" by Rev. B. W. Chidlaw; pub- lished by Hamilton Telegraph Co., Hamilton, Ohio, 1876. "The Story of My Life" by Rev. B. W. Chidlaw, D. D., Cleves, Ohio. "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus, Ohio from the Earliest Times Up to 1860" by L. D. Davies, Columbus, Ohio. 1910. "Statistics and Sociology" by Richmond Mayo-Smith, 1902; The MacMillian Co., publishers. "Y Cyfaill" — a Welsh monthly magazine of the Calvinistic Methodist denomination. Rev. Joseph Roberts, D. D., New York City, editor. "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia" by Rev. William R. Evans, Gallia, 0. J. T. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y., publisher. 12 BIBLIOGRAPHY *'Y Drych" a Welsh weekly paper for the Welsh in America owned and published by J. T. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y. *'The Cymry of 76'' — an address delivered in 1855 before the Saint David's Benevolent Society, New York City by Alexander Jones, M. D. *' Cymry Al Phobl" 1894, printed by the editor of the Drych, Utica, N. Y. *'Hanes Cymry America" 1872, by Rev. R. D. Thomas (lor- werth Cwynedd) published by T. J. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y. *'Cofia.nt y Parch Robert Williams, Moriah, Ohio." published by T. J. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y., 1883. **Hanes Methodistiaeth Cymry," Rev. John Hughes; published by Hughes and Son, Wrexham, 1854. **The Cambrian" — a magazine for Welsh- Americans, publish- ed by T. J. Griffiths, Utica, N. Y. ''Records of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, Columbus, O." The United States Census for 1910. ''The Welsh People" by John Rhys and David Brynmor— Jones, the MacMillian Co. 1900. "The Story of the Nations— Wales" by Owen M. Edwards, Putnam's Sons, 1902. "Diwygiadau Crefyddol Cymry," Parch Henry Hughes, published at Sywddfa'r Genedl, Caernarfon. "Cofiant Y Tri Brawd," E. Pan Jones, Ph. D., H. Evans, Bala, publisher. "Welshmen as Civil, Political and Moral Factors in the Formation of the United States Republic," by Rev. W. R. Evans. "Adroddiad Pwryllgor Adeiladu Capel Newydd Salem, Vene- docia." CHAPTER I. THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION Welsh emigration grew naturally out of conditions pre- vailing in Wales. The conditions resulted from a series of events running over several centuries which culminated in a break between the landlord and the tenant, between the own- ers of estates and the actual tillers of the land. In briefly tracing the steps which led ultimately to ex- treme dissatisfaction on the part of the Welsh with conditions in their native land we observe the following facts : The forming of modem estates in Wales was a gradual process and was due to the breaking down of the ancient Welsh feudal system consequent to the Norman or Norman- English Conquest. Wales is a land of castles, but her castles are not Welsh — they are Norman. They were erected by the conquerors of Wales. The result of this gradual conquest was the formation of modem estates in Wales. The free- holders, who possessed tracts of land so large that they ceased to be farmers in the ordinary sense and who lived mainly on the rents paid them by the tillers of the soil, gradually became a distinct class and the natural outgrowth was the develop- ment of an aristocratic group. The assimilation of Welsh and English law which was completed by the legislation of Henry VIII. tended to enlarge the powers of this aristocratic class very much, for, from that time, Welsh members were sent to Westminster regularly and this fact had an important bearing on the fortunes of the Welsh upper class. ^ Prom the very nature of the situation it was members of the landowning families that were sent to Parliament for many generations. The result of this was that the aristocracy of Wales joined in the general political life of 1 S«e "The Story of the Nations — Wales" Oh. XX on the "Court of Wales." 14 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO the whole kingdom, and it gave them a broader outlook on life and a keener sense of their own importance as well. They came into contact with people of their own class in England and this finally led to intermarriage between Welsh and English families. Their increasing association with the cor- responding class in England led also to a gradual assimilation in manners, speech, and general habits of life. The dissolution of the monasteries which took place prac- tically at the same time as the summoning of the Welsh mem- bers to Parliament had also an important effect on the en- larging of Welsh estates, or, better say, of the estates in Wales, for it gave an opportunity to members of the Norman-English baronial families as well as to the Welsh princely families to add new tracts to their estates. The rebellion of the 17th Century had a great effect in destroying the older Welsh estates and in forming new ones. By the time of James I., Wales as well as England was divided into estates similar in character to those of today. ^ The Norman-English Conquest of Wales stopped the progress of Wales in every way. Not only had the Welsh lost their land but the continual condition of warfare reduced the masses of the people to a barren condition intellectually. The real Welsh aristocracy of the pre-Conquest period, the people who nourished and fostered the early literature of Wales, disappeared or became assimilated into the English upper class. The Reformation created little or no excitement in Wales. It was practically unnoticed by the great masses of the Principality. This is significant, for a strong religious appeal would naturally arouse the highly imaginative and emotional Celt. **The Welsh,'' says Professor Rhys, **were plunged into a deep sleep from which the Civil Wars and the religious excitement of the 17th Century were able only very partially to arouse them.'* During the reign of Elizabeth a statute was passed pro- 1 See "The Welsh People" Ch, IX p. 295 sq. on "History of Land Tenure in Wales;" see also "The Story of the Nations — ^Wales" p. 339 sq. THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 15 viding for the translation of the Bible into Welsh. This task was a service of inestimable value to religion in Wales. Nonconformity in Wales as to its origin is generally asso- ciated with William Worth and his colleagues who after being ejected from the church went around preaching as itinerant preachers throughout the country. ^ But so far as the or- ganized condition of the church was concerned it remained practically unchanged, with the possible exception of a few nonconformist organizations in South Wales, until the end of the 17th Century. Religiously rural Wales was a desolate wilderness at the beginning of the 18th Century. The majority of the clergy of the Established Church contented themselves with a per- functory discharge of their duties. Services were seldom held; in some parishes only once or twice in a year, and in others no services in several years. The Church appointed to the Welsh bishoprics persons entirely ignorant of the Welsh language. Another evil was the *' clerical absenteeism.*' Many of the clergy of Welsh parishes did not reside in their parishes.2 And still greater was the evil of the *' system of pluralities" where men held several offices in the church and distributed many more among members of their families.^ The Religious Awakening, — ^With such conditions pre- vailing something must happen, and it did happen in Wales. The renaissance of Wales during the 18th Century came in the form of a religious revival which in its intensity and con- sequence was tremendous. The century from 1730 to 1830 witnessed a complete transformation of the Welsh people. *an 1730," Professor Rhys tells us, 'Hhe Welsh speaking people were probably as a whole the least religious and most intellectually backward in England and Wales. By 1830 they had become the most earnest and religious people in the whole kingdom." 1 See "The Welsh People" p. 462. 2 The Bishops of Llandaff were absentees from 1706 to 1820. See Welsh People p. 468. 8 Bishop Luxmore and four of his relatives, (sons and nephews) held collectirely not less than 16 offices which brought to them from church sources •bout 25,225£. For details see "The Welsh People" p. 468-469. 16 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO This change was produced by the Calvinistic Methodist revival. In some respects this revival resembled the revival which took place in England under Whitfield and Wesley. It had its beginning within the pale of the Established Church. Griffith Jones of Llanddowror was its originator but he was soon eclipsed by Daniel Rowlands of Llangeitho and Howell Harries of Treveca. These two men in spite ot bitterest persecution and most violent opposition aroused Wales from its lethargy by their powerful preaching. The result was that by the middle of the 18th Century large and energetic nonconformist organizations had been created in Wales. A great and efficient clergj^ had arisen and a con- structive work was being carried on.^ The influence of this revival upon the social and economic progress of Wales was significant. It was a religious move- ment to be sure, but it was more than that. It produced a change in the mental and moral qualities of the people. The result of this awakening expressed itself in many ways. It helped to preserve the Welsh language which was rapidly vanishing in the Conquest period. It stimulated Welsh literature and it raised a force of Welsh writers and pulpit orators of mighty power. It stimulated a demand for edu- cation, and it created a general dissatisfaction with the social and economic regime then existing. With the awakening from the apathy produced by cen- turies of conquest, internal wars, and lordship domination, there arose in the bosom of Wales the old time desire for liberty and independence. This cherished hope had been blighted for centuries, but the love of freedom which was dormant in the heart of the nation was rekindled and now asserted itself once more. We have this condition existing in Wales during the 18th and 19th Centuries, the period of great emigration; The inhabitants were divided into two classes very unequal in number and intelligence, viz. (i) The landowning class 1 See "The Welsh People" p. 453 Ch. X on the Religious Movement in Wales. See bUo "The Story of tie Nations — Wales" p. 386 sq. THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 17 which was aristocratic in type, living in the towns, speaking for the most part the English language, and who were in direct touch with the same class in England, (ii) The ac- tual cultivators of the soil, speaking the Welsh language, liv- ing in the rural parts, and entertaining views of life and clinging to traditions belonging to an early stage of civiliza- tion. The landowners were English churchmen while their tenants were nonconformists, and the former had but little regard for the welfare of the later. The foregoing may suffice as a rough outline of general conditions which may well account for Welsh migration fx) America when once the attention of the downtrodden people was called to the advantages on the American Continent. To know of a land where he might actually become possessor of a plot of ground and where he could worship according to the dictates of his own conscience appealed to the Welshman very strongly; and hither they came in large numbers. There were Welsh in the Colonies which landed at James- town^ and Plymouth Rock,^ and many refugees fled to New England in the succeeding decades. Welsh place names in New England such as the towns of Bangor, Milford and Mon- mouth in Maine, Milford in Massachusetts, and Conway in New Hampshire, indicate that there were Welsh settlers in the various Colonies.^ The first Welsh colony of any considerable size and im- portance was that which came to America under William Penn in 1682. With the coming of Penn the Welsh entered Penn- sylvania in very large numbers. Fisher in his *' Making of Pennsylvania'' informs us that *'For the first fifteen or twenty years after the founding of Pennsylvania in 1682 the Welsh were the most numerous class of immigrants, and they have left many traces of themselves for many miles around Philadelphia in the names of places.*' 1 See "The Cradle of the Republic, James Town and the James River" p. 100 sq. where 20 or more Welsh names are given among those who landed at Jamestown in 1607. 2 See "New England's Memorial" p. 38 sq. where at least five names which are Welsh are mentioned among the men who signed the first political document at Cape Cod. 3 "Cymry A* i Phobl" p. 41 sq. 18 • THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO The Welsh settled in *'Y Dyffry n Mawr/ ^— The Great Valley — near Philadelphia. They had negotiated with Penn for this tract, which consisted of 40,000 acres of land, before they left Wales. The Welsh of the Dyffrn Mawr colony were Quakers, and for the first eight or nine years they undertook to rule their colony in their own way, having none of the usual county or township officers, their Quaker-meetings exer- cising the civil authority.^ That which determined emigra- tion on the part of the Welsh who came to the Dyffrn Mawr was twofold in nature, (i) the tyranny of the nobles in Wales and, (jr) the persecution of the Quakers in the 17th Century. When the way was opened the Welsh immediately followed Penn to his Province in Pennsylvania. The venture of the first Welshmen who came to Pennsylvania was attended with great success and that stimulated others of their countrymen to follow them to America. For a hundred years after the founding of this colony in the Dyffryn Mawr the Welsh continued to migrate and to settle in the different New England Colonies. The part which the Welsh took in the struggle for American Independence shows a general prevalence of Welsh in the Colonies. Among the signers of the Declaration of Independence there were Welshmen from several different Colonies. Among the gen- erals of the Revolutionary War there were fourteen men of Welsh blood, as were also many of the Colonels, Captains, Lieutenants, Naval Officers and Chaplains, to say nothing of the hundreds who filled the ranks.^ After the War for Independence Welsh migration revived with vigor. The record of Welshmen in the fight for inde- pendence aroused the pride and the love of liberty which the Welsh so much cherished, and thousands came to believe that their high aspirations could be realized only in America. The Press was also busy with articles which stimulated and nour- ished dissatisfaction with conditions in Wales, and was at the 1 See "The Making of Pennsylvania" p. 202 sq. See also "Historical CollectionB of the State of Pennsylvania" Chapters on Delaware, Cambria, Chester and Montgomery Counties. 2 See "The Cymry of '76"; see also "Welshmen as Civil, Political and Moral Factors in the Formation and Development of the United States Republic." THE CAUSE OF WELSH EMIGRATION 19 same time publishing glowing advertisements of favorable conditions in the United States. ^ The religious independent spirit was also growing. Shortly after 1730 Daniel Kowlands of Llangeitho and Howell Harris of Treveca stirred all Wales with their dissenting movement, and this turned the faces of thousands of Welsh- men toward America with a view to enjoying religious liberty. , It is our purpose in the chapters which follow to study some of the Wekh_who iidgrated ^t^^ Ohio toward the close of the 18th Century and during the early decades of The I9ffi Century, and to follow their fortunes to the point where they are being assimilated into the great American people. \ g l. 1 Rev. Richard Price wrote a pamphlet on "Observations on Civil Liberty and the Justice and the Policy of the War with America" in 1776. 60,000 * copies of this work was sold in a few months. This pamphlet aroused great interest on both sides of the Atlantic. So greatly was it admired in the United States that the American Congress in 1778, through Franklin, communicated to him their desire to consider him a fellow citizen, and asked his assistance in regulating their finances. In 1783, the same time as Washington, Mr. Price received the honorary degree of LL. D. from Yale University. & CHAPTER 11. THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO (Migration and Early Settlement) The first Welshman to enter the territory now known as the State of Ohio was the Rev. David Jones who labored as a missionary among the Shawnee and Delaware Indians in 1772 and 1773. The second Welshman known to have traversed Ohio ground was General Anthony Wayne. General Wayne, with his army, came to Ohio in 1793 being commissioned by the government *'to make an end of Indian troubles on the frontier. ' * ^ The first permanent Welsh settlers^ in Ohio were Ezekiel Hughes and Edward Bebb who came from Llanbrynmair, Montgomeryshire, North Wales. These two men were re- sponsible for the first definite step westward on the part of Welsh emigrants. Hughes and Bebb were instrumental in persuading a company of fifty Welsh people in their neighbor- hood in Llanbrynmair to emigrate to America. This com- pany walked from Llanbrynmair to Bristol, England, where, on August 11th, 1795, they embarked on the ship Maria and sailed for America. After a perilous voyage of fourteen weeks they entered Delaware Bay and in a few days there- after reached the port of Philadelphia. These emigrants be- came the pioneer settlers of Ebensgburg, Cambria County, Pennsylvania, of Paddy's Run, Butler County, Ohio, and of the Welsh Hills in Licking County, Ohio. In the autumn of 1796 twelve families settled in Ebens- burg^ including those of Theopholis Reese, Thomas Phillips, and James Nicholas. In the following Spring and Summer eleven other families came to the settlement. They named 1 See "The Cambrian for Nov. 3, 1881; also "The Cymry of '76" 2 See "The History of the Welsh Settlement of Paddy's Run"; also "Hanes Cymry America" p. 113 sq. 3 See "Day's Historical Collections of Pennsylvania," chapter on "Cam- bria County." THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 21 the township Cambria, and later the County was given the same name.^ The Welsh of this colony are characterized as **a people remarkable for thrift, sobriety, and industry. '* Hughes and Bebb did not join the other members of their company who settled in Ebensburg, Pennsylvania, but after remaining with friends in the Dyffryn Mawr, (Great Valley), near Philadelphia for several months, they started in April 1796 for the then far West. They walked over the mountains to Red Stone, Old Fort, (now Brownsville) Pa. where they secured a flat-boat and floated down the Ohio River to Fort Washington, or Cincinnati. After reaching Cincinnati they spent three weeks **in traversing the five lower ranges*' but in their search they found only one tract of land which they considered good for that part of the country. They described the land as being well watered and convenient being only half a mile from the road going from Cincinnati to Hamilton. They purchased 100 acres of land in section 34, Colerian Township, cleared a part of it for cultivation, and built a cabin on it. Their pur- pose was to remain there and to experiment with the land in that region until the land beyond the Great Miami was sur- veyed by the government and placed on the market, believing that the soil on the east side of the Great Miami River was similar to that on the west side. They remained on their farm east of the Great Miami from 1796 until 1801 when the government surveyed the land on the west side of the river and placed it on the market. The two men made frequent excursions into the regions be- yond the Miami and made careful examination of the soil and of conditions in general. **The land to be sold on the other side of the Miami," writes Hughes, **is rich as any in Ken- tucky, much better watered, and the title indisputable.** Ezekiel Hughes was the first to purchase land in this newly opened territory. He bought sections 15 and 16 in White- water Township, Hamilton County, paying $2.05 per acre. 1 The Welsh of Cambria Cotinty first settled at Beulah, about two miles from Ebensburg but when Ebensburg was made the county seat of Cambria County, the Welsh gradually moved toward Ebensburg. 22 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO This tract lies between the Miami and Whitewater rivers, just where the Whitewater empties into the Miami. At the same time Edward Bebb purchased half a section on the Dry- Fork of Whitewater in what is now Morgan Township, Butler County, which was the first land bought in Butler County. Two other men, Morgan and William Gwilym, from Cavena- man, South Wales, joined Hughes and Bebb on the east side of the Great Miami in 1798, and ** squatted'' on Blue Rock Creek. In 1802 William Gwilym followed his friends to Paddy's Run and began to clear the forest. Morgan Gwilym returned to Red Stone where he had previously worked, stayed there a while and then invested his earnings in a two-horse wagon and some iron castings and returned to Paddy's Run. Edward Bebb, after buying his land, started for Wales seeking the sweetheart of his former days with the intention of bringing her to the cabin in the woods. He walked all the distance from Paddy's Run to Ebensburg intending to stay there a short time on his return trip to Wales. While at Ebensburg, much to his surprise, he met the lady for whom he was making the trip. Her maiden name was Margret Roberts. But when Bebb met her in Ebensburg her name was Mrs. Margret Owens. After Bebb left Wales for Ameri- ca Miss Roberts married a man by the name of Owens. To Mr. and Mrs. Owens one child was born. The family left Wales for America but on the voyage Owens and the child died and were buried at sea, and Mrs. Owens was left to make her way in the new country alone. After landing in New York she determined to go to Ebensburg where she had rela- tives who had left Llanbrynmair in the ship Maria in 1795. It was at the home of one of the friends that Edward Bebb found her on his arrival at Ebensburg. Bebb remained there a few weeks, then returned to his home, on the Dry Fork, accompanied by his bride. There in their cabin on December 8th, 1802 was bom William Bebb, the first white child born in Butler County, who later became the 17th Governor of Ohio, and the first native born Governor of the Buckeye State.^ 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I. p. 349. THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 23 Ezekiel Hughes returned to Wales in 1803 and married a Miss Margret Bebb.^ The two returned to their home in Hamilton County in 1804. These trips on the part of Bebb and Hughes, together with correspondence and glaring ad- vertisement, created a great interest on the part of the Welsh of Llanbrynmair and presently a large number of Welsh im- migrants poured into Paddy's Rim. From 1803 to 1820 there was a constant stream of Welsh people coming into the com- munity and a Welsh colony was the result. Just as Hughes and Bebb were pioneers in Paddy's Run so is Paddy's Run pioneer and parent of Welsh settlements in Ohio.2 Out of Paddy's Run grew, either directly or indi- rectly, four important Welsh settlements in the State, viz.: the Welsh Hills colony in Licking County, settled in 1801 ; the Jackson and Gallia settlements in Jackson and Gallia Counties, settled in 1818 ; the Gomer settlement established in Gomer, Allen County, in 1833; and the Venedocia settlement in Vanwert County established in 1848. The Welsh Hills Settlement Theopholis Rees and Thomas Phillips were members of the colony w^hich first settled in Cambria County, Pennsylvania, in 1796. The influence of Hughes and Bebb may be seen in the desire of their friends to venture farther west. In 1801 Theopholis Rees began to investigate the ad- vantages of the country beyond the Ohio River.^ In August 1 Margret Bebb, so far as we have been able to ascertain, was not a relative of the other Bebbs mentioned in this chapter. 2 Paddy's Run sounds incongruous as the name of a Welsh community. There is a story handed down by tradition that in the first surveying party which came to this region there was an Irishman, and that the Irishman was drowned in this creek. From that time to the present day the creek has been known as Paddy's Run; and the community takes its name from the creek which runs through the valley. At one time during the '80s an effort was made to change the name from Paddy's Run to Glendower (Welsh, Glyndwr). The change was actually and officially made by the government, but so great was the opposition to it that the name was soon changed back to Paddy's Run. The station is now called Shandon but the community is known as Paddy's Run. 3 See "The Cambrian" for August 1907, article by Wm. Harvey Jones, p. 344 sq. Mr. Jones in this article states that Rees came to America with Thomas Phillips and others landing in New York May 14, 1795. Chidlaw definitely states that Rees was in the company of fifty who came with Hughes and Bebb and landed in Philadelphia in the Spring of 1795. Jones has made a careful study of Welsh Settlements in Ohio in recent years. Ohidlaw, on the other hand, was the son-in-law of Ezekiel Hughes and wrote 20 years before Jones. Chidlaw quotes from the Diary of Ezekiel Hughes in his article (see The Cambrian for May, 1888), Whether Rees was in this particular company which Hughes and Bebb brought with them or not we do not know, but that the large majority of the Ebensburg colony were from the colony that Hughes and Bebb brought over is certain. So the influence of these men in their west- ward venture was felt in the Ebensburg colony, and the most venturesome of them were, by the success of their friends in Paddy's Run. inspired to seek like opportunities beyond the Ohio. 24 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 1801 he sent his son, John Rees, and Simon Jones to explore a tract of land in Granville Township, Licking County, which has since received the name of Welsh Hills Settlement. When these men returned to Ebensburg and reported favorably on the land in Licking County, Theopholis Rees and Thomas Phillips purchased nearly 2,000 acres of land in the northwest comer of Granville Township. The tract was divided, Rees taking the south half or a little more, and Phillips the re- mainder. Others bought smaller farms about the same time. A year after the purchase was made Rees and his family, his two sons-in-law and their families, left Ebensburg for their new home in the Welsh Hills. Thomas Phillips did not come to his tract in the Welsh Hills until 1806. From 1806 on, the colony grew rapidly for many years. '^JACKSON AND GALLIA'' Paddy's Run is indirectly responsible for the Welsh set- tlement of Jackson and Gallia Counties in Southern Ohio. In the Spring of 1818 six families from Kilkenin, Cardigan- shire, South Wales, emigrated for America. Their destina- tion was Paddy 's Run, Butler County, Ohio. Friends of these people had left Kilkenin before and had settled in Paddy's Run. These six families arrived at Baltimore, and there hired wagons to carry them and their baggage to Pittsburg, where they purchased a flat-boat to float down the Ohio River as far as Cincinnati in the hope of reaching Paddy's Run shortly after. Floating down the Ohio they arrived in a few days at a small village, and, being short of provisions, paddled to shore and a delegation was sent to the town to secure food. On entering the village they discovered that the inhabitants were French — the village was Gallipolis. The delegation was kindly received by the French inhabit- ants who urged them to remain for the night. The committee returned to the boat and reported what they had seen and heard, with the result that the entire party disembarked and spent the night in Gallipolis. The French improved their time and opportunity and did all in their power to persuade THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 25 the Welsh to remain in Gallia County giving it as their opinion that Gallia County was as good a country as could be found anjrvvhere. During the night a violent storm arose. A heavy rain fell and a fierce gale was blowing. When the Welsh went to the river bank the next morning their boat was no where to be found. Two theories are advanced as to the disappearance of the boat. One is that during the storm of that night the boat became unfastened from the shore and drifted down the river. The other is that some resident of the village imbued more or less with the modem idea of booming his town cast the boat adrift in the hope of compelling the Welsh immi- grants to increase the population of Gallipolis. The boat was found and brought back to the village after several days search, but by this time the women of the company rebelled against going any farther. ^ They declared that they had sufficiently risked their lives already and positively declined to commit themselves to the mercy of the treacherous Ohio any more in a flat-boat. The rebellion of the women together with the kind hospi- tality of the French inhabitants of Gallipolis prevailed. The Welsh settlement of Jackson and Gallia owes its existence to this incident which occurred to this company of immigrants who left Kilkenin in Cardiganshire, South Wales, with the avowed intention of going to Paddy's Run in Butler County, hich is only a short distance farther down the river. These six families had little or no means when they arrived in Gallipolis and their first task was to find employment. At that time the State was opening a highw^ay from Gallipolis to Jackson. On this road the men found work. They pushed their way north and west some eighteen or twenty miles from Gallipolis and came into the vicinity of what is now known as Centerville in Gallia County. They followed Sims Creek where there were a few acres of good bottom land. These pioneers experienced untold hardships and suffered 1 See **The Cambrian" for June 1883, p. 120; also the "Cambrian" for Not. 1888, p. 322 and "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia," p. 10 sq. 26 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO great privations. No glowing reports were sent to the old home in Wales from this settlement for many years, and it was not imtil eleven years later that another Welshman came from Cardiganshire into Jackson and Gallia Counties. In 1829 David Thomas came from Cardiganshire to visit his old time neighbors and friends, and in 1831 the Rev. Ed- ward Jones from the same place came to the settlement. While there Jones preached to the pioneers in their native tongue. This was the first Welsh preaching they had heard since leaving Wales. Jones stayed but a short time, then re- turned to Cardiganshire where he wrote and published a pamphlet in which he described the land of Jackson and Gallia Counties, and told of its resources, urging that this section of Ohio was the very place to which the Welsh should emigrate.^ As a result of the publication of this pamphlet the Welsh from Cardiganshire literally poured into the Jack- son and Gallia settlement for many years. The settlement is frequently called **The Cardiganshire of America.*' Immi- gration began with vigor in 1834 and continued increasingly for twenty or twenty-five years. THE GOMER SETTLEMENT IN ALLEN COUNTY While the Welsh from Cardiganshire were flocking into Jackson and Gallia Counties, the Welsh from Montgomeryshire were entering Allen County. In 1833 three men, James Nicholas, Esq., David Roberts, and Thomas Watkins, with their respective families drove in wagons from Paddy's Run through the dense forest to what is now known as Gomer in Allen County .2 The Welsh of Paddy's Run were almost all from Montgomeryshire, as we have already observed. Now we find favorable reports going from Gomer to Llanbrynmair, Montgomeryshire and some of the pioneer settlers of Gomer soon paid visits to the old home in Wales with the result that a large immigration into Gomer from Llanbrynmair was soon realized. 1 See "The Cambrian" for Nov. 1883, p. 286 sq. ; also "The Cambrian" for Sept. 1907, p. 295; and "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia," p. 13. 2 See "The Cambrian" for Oct. 1908, p. 439; also "Hanes Cymry Amer- ica," p. 120. THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 27 THE VENEDOCIA SETTLEMENT IN VANWERT COUNTY For the Venedocia Welsh Settlement Paddy *s Run is also responsible. Governor William Bebb purchased two or three sections of land in what is now Venedocia, Vanwert County. Through the influence of Governor Bebb his cousin, also Wil- liam Bebb by name, came to America from Llanbrynmair. He lived at a place called Rhiwgriafol, and was known as *'Bebb Rhiwgriafol.'^ The Bebbs in Wales were prominent Calvinistic Metho- dists, ^ and William Bebb * * Rhiwgriaf ol* ' promised his friends and relatives before leaving home that he would, on arriving in America, establish a Welsh colony the religious complexion of which would be Calvinistic Methodist. With this promise he left Wales for Paddy's Run in 1846 or 1847. In April 1848 three men, William Bebb *'Rhiwgriafo^^ Thomas Morris, and Richard Jarvis accompanied by their re- spective families, left Paddy's Run for Vanwert County. This was the beginning of the present large and prosperous com- munity of Welsh people in Venedocia.^ THE RADNOR SETTLEMENT IN DELAWARE COUNTY There is one more settlement which must be considered here because of its evident bearing on the early Welsh popu- lation of Columbus, Ohio, although it bears no relation, so far as we can learn, to the pioneer settlement of Paddy's Run. It is the Welsh settlement of Radnor in Delaware County. This settlement is in the township of Radnor near the north- west comer of the county, about six miles north of the city of Delaware. A young man by the name of David Pugh from Radnorshire, South Wales, was the first to purchase land here, buying land warrants for 4,000 acres from Samuel Jones of Philadelphia.^ Pugh^ landed in Baltimore in 1801 and rode on horse-back 1 See "MethodiBtiaeth Cymru" Vol. II., p. 246. 2 See "Hanes Cymry America," p. 122; also "Adroddiad Pwyllgor Adeiladu Capel Newydd Salem Venedocia." 3 See "The Cambrian" for August 1907, p. 345. 4 David Pugh is the ancestor of the large and influential Pugh family of Columbv^, Ohio. 28 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO all the way from Philadelphia to Radnor to see his purchase. He then returned to Philadelphia and arranged with a Welsh- man by the name of Henry Perry from Anglesea, North Wales, to make a settlement upon the tract. In the Autumn of 1803 Perry and his two sons, aged 13 and 15, erected a cabin on the land and lived in it that winter. In the Spring of 1804 Perry left his boys on the place to do for themselves while he returned to Baltimore for his wife and other children. In 1804 Pugh returned to his tract and divided it into lots of 100 acres each, and sold the farms to other settlers who came there. Many Welsh people came to Radnor from 1804 to 1807 and after that time the settlement enjoyed a prosperous growth for at least twenty years. PIONEER LIFE Many aspects of life were common to all these pioneer Welsh communities. The region into which they came was an unbroken forest, covered with a variety of timber and a thick growth of underbrush. The water supply was plentiful and the forest gave abundance of fruit and nuts of many varieties. The woods abounded with game and the streams teemed with fish. Nature provided well for the early comers. The first task of the pioneer after securing his land was to select a suitable place for the location of his cabin. The first Welsh settlers sought the hills. The regions into which they came in Butler, Licking, and Jackson and Gallia Counties were hilly, as were the homes of former Welsh settlers in Cambria County and the Great Valley region in Pennsylvania. Two reasons may be assigned for their selecting the hills for a home. First, the land from which these pioneer Welshmen came was mountainous. It was natural that they should chose a place similar in its general appearance to their homeland. A second reason for their seeking the hills was that the hill- tops were healthier. The valleys and bottom lands while possessing better soil, were at the same time swampy, the streams were sluggish and the water stagnant; whereas the hillsides were dry and from their slopes welled up pure and THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 29 refreshing springs of water which ran in streams into the valleys below. The first cabins were generally erected near a spring on the hillside. Before the early settlers of Jackson and Gallia Counties decided to make that region their final abode they commissioned one of their number to investigate the condi- tions of the soil and climate in the Radnor settlement in Dela- ware County. The man returned with the verdict that the region about Radnor was low and swampy and suggestive of malaria. The Radnor colony, therefore, is the one exception of the early pioneer Welsh of Ohio which settled in a region not hilly, for the land in the vicinity of Radnor, while it is not entirely flat, is only slightly rolling. After living for a generation in the hill-country the Welsh began to move out of the hills into more level regions, and to make settlements there. Thus we found some of the early settlers of Paddy's Run in 1833 migrating to Gomer and start- ing a new settlement there; others from the same place went to Venedocia in Vanwert County in 1848 to establish a new settlement in that place. And later, during the '60s we find the second generation leaving the hills of the Jackson and Gallia settlement and joining their countrymen in Vanwert County, while scores of others left for the prairies in Western States.i The cabins of these early Welsh pioneers were built of logs with puncheon floors and greased paper windows. The doors were of clapboards fastened with wooden hinges. The logs of the house were chinked with mud of clay, as were also the chimneys. Their houses were scantily furnished with home made furniture, and their out-of-door buildings corres- ponded with their dwellings in point of architecture and fur- nishing in general. These Welsh pioneers possessed qualities of great endur- ance and their prominent characteristics were industry, fru- gality, deep religious convictions, and a kind and helpful 1 See "The Cambrian" for March 1885, p. 78; also "Hanes OjmTj America" Part II., p. 47. 30 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO neighborly spirit. Their co-operation in economic activity showed this. They had their cabin ** raisings," their ''roll- ings," ' ' ehoppings, " and ''huskings" in common, and ''butchering day" was a great event. The women also had knitting parties and quilting bees. When new comers entered the settlement they were received with great kindness and the spirit of hospitality was very marked at such a time. Neigh- bors entertained new arrivals and helped them clear a piece of ground and to raise a cabin and did all in their power to make things home-like and comfortable for them. The Family and the Home Training. — This was a period of large families in the Welsh settlements, the families ranged anywhere from six, eight to ten children in the home, and sometimes twelve. The home influence and training were puritanic. On the puncheon floors of the cabins the entire family knelt every morning and every evening about the family altar. These early families knew but one language and one Book. They all spoke Welsh and they read and studied the Welsh Bible. If a family chanced to have some book aside from the Bible it was a biblical commentary, or perhaps a biography of some famous Welsh preacher. Papers and periodicals were scarcely known to them for a long time, except some few sent from Wales and these generally were of a religious character. With the literature at their disposal the parents in these humble homes were diligent in instructing their children; evenings were spent in teaching them to read the Welsh Bible and to commit verses of Scripture to memory. The younger children learned verses, while the older children committed chapters of the Gospels and Psalms to memory. Sabbath Observance. — The Sabbath was very strictly ob- served in the home. All shoes had to be shined on Saturday night for Simday. Wood and water enough to last over Sun- day had to be brought to the house on Saturday evening. If a child laughed heartily on Sunday he was censured for it, the idea being that such laughter could only issue from a spirit of levity which was regarded unworthy of the day. THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 31 For any member of the family to remain home from church on Sunday, except for illness, was out of the question. A child was censured for picking a berry from a bush on his way from Sunday School. To sing any song other than church hymns was not allowed, and to whistle even a hymn tune was forbidden as one of the unnecessary things on Sunday. To go for a walk on Sunday was to idle the time away and to go for a ride would be definitely to break the Sabbath. The diligence with which these parents guided their child- ren and gave them instruction with the meagre means at their disposal is certainly praiseworthy, and their reward may be seen in the worthy type of manhood and womanhood which the early settlements have produced. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Church Organization. — The control of the church in a typical Welsh community is remarkable. The church occu- pied a large and controlling place in each of these early Welsh settlements. But the power of the church organization is more marked in the Jackson and Gallia settlement than in any other. This may be accounted for in several ways. First of all, it was by far the largest of the early settlements, thus affording opportunities for developing a community life of their own choice without compromises with other people about them. In the next place they were all from the same part of Wales; they were, so to speak, one large family. They were very clannish and desired to have nothing to do with their neighbors of other nationalities. They spoke the Welsh lan- guage and were determined to maintain it. Their prevailing religious persuasion was Calvanistic Methodist and this de- nomination lends itself readily to a rigid form of government. The first pastor to the Jackson and Gallia settlement was the Rev. Robert Williams. Williams was a man of austere character and of domineering disposition. He was a powerful preacher, a great organizer, and an untiring worker. He was an absolute ruler and possessed but little of the democratic spirit. Apart from Robert Williams the history of the Jack- 32 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO son and Gallia settlement cannot be related. He was its con- trolling figure in every religious undertaking. Under his leadership the religious organization of the settlement was developed and carried on for forty years, and the highly or- ganized condition of the settlement in a religious way was very largely due to his efforts.^ The social life of the early Welshman centered about the church. To give the history of the church and its allied in- stitutions is to explain in large part the social control of a Welsh community. An idea of the strength of the church in this representative Welsh community may be gained from a brief resume of the institutions of the church as they grew in the settlement. The Sunday School, (Yr Ysgol Sul), — Sunday School is a great institution with the Welsh. The text-book in the Welsh Sunday School is the Bible. Quarterlies and lesson leaves are not used. All the people of the Jackson and Gallia com- munity attended Sunday School, both young and old; men and women as well as children. The preparation of the Sun- day School lesson was the task for the week at home. And the Sunday School program was such as to encourage and stimulate home study. The Sunday School Meeting, (Cyfarfod Ysgolion). This was held on week-days. It was held in turn at every church in the circuit. Representatives from each church attended the Sunday School Meeting, and reports from every school in the circuit were read there, giving record of attendance and work done. Papers were read by delegates on subjects per- taining to Sunday School work and Bible study. This stimu- lated active work in the home schools and they in turn en- couraged diligence in home instruction and study. Annual Sunday School Association Meeting, (Cyfarfod Ysgolion Blynyddol). This annual meeting corresponded to what is now generally known as Sunday School Institute. It was always held in September. Here all the schools of the 1 See "Hanes Ojmrj America," p. 143; also "Sefydliadau Jackson a Gallia," p. 100; and "Coflant Y Parch Robert Williams, Moriah, Ohio." THE COMING OP THE WELSH TO OHIO 33 settlement gathered once a year. To the Sunday School bi- monthly meeting, mentioned above, delegates were sent from various schools, but to the Annual Association Meeting the whole community turned out bringing their picnic lunches with them and staying for the day, and an elaborate program was prepared for the occasion. The Bible Society Auxiliary, — (Y Gymdeithas Feiblau). This society was organized in the settlement in 1845. The society held two meetings annually, in convenient centers; one at Oak Hill and the other at Centerville. At these meet- ings reports of the Bible Society were read, and essays and addresses were delivered on important topics pertaining to the work of the Bible Society. A Class in Theology, (Yr Ysgol Duwinyddol). There was for many years a large class in Oak Hill known as Yr Ysgol Duwinyddol, or School of Theology. It consisted of a leader who was a local minister, and any other persons of serious purpose who desired to attend. The enrollment in this school averaged from 30 to 40 persons. They met once every week. The Presbytery Meeting, (Cyfarfod Dosparth). Presby- tery met quarterly and it lasted two days, beginning Tuesday evening and lasting until Thursday afternoon. One morning session was devoted to business and the rest of the time to listening to sermons by the ministers, two men preaching at each session. The Synodical Meeting, (Y Gymanfa). The Welsh Synod of Ohio meets twice in the year, and once in every two years the Synod comes to the settlement. The Gymanfa used to be held at Moriah, the mother church, in former years, but in later years it has been held at Oak Hill, this place being more central. The Gymanfa was held in the week time, the public sessions were conducted in a grove near the church. Any- where from 3,000 to 4,000 people attended this great meeting of the church. The following is the program of the Gymanfa : Tuesday at 10:00 a. m. the Gymanfa convenes. This is its first business session, and at 2:00 p. m. the second business session. 7 :00 p. m. public service, two sermons. Wednesday 34 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 10 :00 a. m. business session ; Wednesday 2 :00 p. m. General Fellowship Meeting; 6:00 or 7:00 p. m. public service, two sermons; Thursday 10:00 a. m. public service, two sermons; 2 :00 p. m. public service, two sermons ; 6 :00 p. m. public ser- vice, two sermons. On Friday, post-Gymanfa sessions were held and the order was as follows: Friday 10:00 a. m. two sermons ; 2 :00 p. m. two sermons. At the close of the Friday afternoon session the people dispersed and went home. But this was not all, for on the Sunday following all the visiting ministers to Synod preached on the circuit while the local preachers of the circuit had a day off. Visiting Clergymen to the settlement, (Pregethwyr ar Dro). It frequently happened that a preacher from Wales would visit the settlement, or a prominent preacher from some other Gymanfa of America, and when he came he was given an itinerary through the settlement. He would preach in all the larger churches, and this would be generally in the week time, preaching at one church in the morning, at another at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, and in a church in one of the villages in the evening. Farmers would drop all their work, even in mid harvest, to follow the preacher from church to church. From the above list of church institutions and meetings, one may gain an idea of the highly organized condition of the settlement in a religious way and the prominent place given to preaching the gospel. They had their regular weekly prayer meetings and fellowship meetings in each church, and in the winter season they had singing schools and literary meetings in the different neighborhoods. We can readily see how the church kept the peoj)le busy and occupied preparing for these great functions. GROWTH The size of a Welsh colony may be fairly well estimated by the number of churches established, and the rapidity with which the colony grew may be conjectured from the rate at which new churches were erected in a given period. The de- THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 35 cline of the community as a distinctively Welsh community may be measured by the decline of the church as a Welsh church. This is particularly true of rural districts. The first thing the Welsh pioneer provides for, after the immediate care of the home, is the religious welfare of the community life. In Paddy's Run a Congregational church was organized in 1803 with ten charter members, six of whom were Welsh. Paddy's Run was at no time a pure Welsh colony. From the very beginning the Welsh of this commu- nity mingled with people of other nationalities. Its Welsh population numbered about 500 to 600 in its most flourishing period, from 1830 to 1850. During that time the church was practically a Welsh church with some English preaching. It was a Congregational Church because the Welsh who came there from Montgomeryshire were Congregationalists. The pioneers of the Welsh Hills were Baptists. They at one time belonged to the Union Church^ at Ebensburg, Penn- sylvania. The controlling spirit of that church, the Rev. Morgan Rees, was a Baptist, and the whole church was very soon influenced by his persuasion. The result was that when the Welsh settled in Licking County the church was organized as a Baptist church in 1808. No less than thirty of the earli- est communicants in this church had previously been members of the Union Church in Ebensburg. In the Jackson and Gallia settlement the first families who came there in 1818 worshipped with the Methodist Episco- palians in a nearby community. But when the new tide of Welsh immigration arose in 1834 the Welsh began to hold their own religious meetings, and to conduct them in their own language. The prevailing religious persuasion of the Cardiganshire Welsh is Calvinistic Methodist, hence the pre- vailing church in this settlement is Calvinistic Methodist. In 1836 the inhabitants of the Jackson and Gallia colony erected their first church. So tremendous was the influx of Welsh from Cardiganshire that churches began to spring up year by 1 See "The Cambrian" for'Aujrust 1907, p. 346. 36 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO year in other neighborhoods in every direction from the mother church. The writer knows of no better way to illustrate this fact of rapid growth than by enumerating the churches of Jackson and Gallia and giving the date of their organization, and thereby endeavor to show the rapidity with which the Welsh immigrants came into the different neighborhoods of the set- tlement. The churches of the Calvinistic Methodist denom- ination run as follows: — Moriah, the mother church, was or- ganized in 1835; Horeb, 1838; Centerville, 1840; Bethel, 1841 ; Soar, 1841 ; Sardis, 1843 ; Bethania, 1847 ; Tabor, 1848 ; Oak Hill, 1851; Bethseda, 1856; Salem, 1862; Penuel, 1870; Jackson, 1880. While the Calvinistic Methodists were busy organizing churches, other denominations were likewise en- gaged though in point of number and strength they were eclipsed by the Calvinistic Methodists. The Congregational- ists during this period built six or seven churches. The first of the Congregational churches was built at Oak Hill in 1840. The Baptists had four churches and the Wesleyans one. Thus it appears that some 24 or 25 churches were built by the Welsh of this settlement. Aside from these churches many Welsh Sunday Schools were organized in neighborhoods where churches did not exist. In Gomer, Allen County, the first church was built in 1845. This was a Congregational church. The Welsh colony grew in numbers and has kept its Congregational spirit throughout. Gomer and its environs constitute the stronghold of Welsh Congregationalism in Ohio. Besides the Gomer church there were two or three other Welsh congregational churches in the Gomer settlement. In Venedocia, Vanwert County, the three families who came there in 1848, held religious worship the first Sunday after their arrival. They worshipped in their cabins, princi- pally at Bebb's, until 1853 when their first church was built. The church in this settlement is Calvinistic Methodist. Many who came into this neighborhood were Congregationalists from THE COMING OF THE WELSH TO OHIO 37 Llanbrynmair, North Wales, but the prevailing tendency was Calvinistic Methodist and that persuasion controlled. There were at one time four churches in this group, all of which were Calvinistic Methodist, though one of them was organized as a Union Church of Welsh Congregationalists and Calvinis- tic Methodists, but under the control of the Calvinists. One of the four churches has since been abandoned. The immi- gration on the part of the Welsh from Jackson and Gallia Counties in the '60s helped to make Venedocia Calvinistic Methodist. We have then the following four distinct Welsh settle- ments in Ohio for which Paddy's Run is in some way respon- sible : the Welsh Hills settlement in Licking County the popu- lation of which in its strongest period was about 400 or 500, with a Baptist church as the prevailing type of religious per- suasion, though other denominations organized their churches later ; the Jackson and Gallia settlement with a population of from 5,000 to 6,000, and its prevailing religious denomination is Calvinistic Methodist; the Gomer settlement with a popu- lation of about 1,000 or 1,500 and the Congregational church in control ; the Venedocia settlement in Vanwert County with a population similar to that of Gomer, or larger, and the church in power there is Calvinistic Methodist. The Radnor settlement numbered about 600 to 800 and its first church was Congregational though other denominations erected their churches later. All these settlements have had their influence in con- tributing to the make-up of the Welsh of Columbus, Ohio, as we shall have occasion to observe later. Radnor and the Welsh Hills were early sources of the Welsh of Columbus, and the Jackson and Gallia settlement along with Venedocia have given much to Columbus in later years. Each of these Welsh settlements has reached its summit as a flourishing community of the Welsh type, and is now descending the hill on the other side. The communities are rapidly becoming assimilated into the great American people. 38 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO In Paddy ^s Run, the Welsh Hills, and Radnor the Welsh language has passed out of use in the church and home. In Jackson and Gallia Counties the language is still in use but is rapidly being supplanted by the English. In Gomer the change is rapidly taking place and in Venedocia as well, though the Welsh tongue prevails as yet in the latter in the church service. The descendants of the early Welsh families still live in these communities, scores of them, and many of them are well- to-do farmers. The land in Paddy's Run is worth from $75.00 to $125.00 per acre and in the Welsh Hills it is about the same. In Radnor, Gomer, and Venedocia farms are worth anywhere from $150.00 to $250.00 per acre. The descendants of the pioneers in the Jackson and Gallia settlement have not fared so well. The land there has not increased in value, as it has in the other settlements, after improvement. Some of the land is worth only from $6.00 to $10.00 per acre today, though many of the children of the early settlers are now well-to-do owing to interests in other enterprises such as coal mines, iron furnaces,^ and the clay-brick industry. But the large majori- ty of them are on the farms. 1 See "The Cambrian" for August 1891, p. 225. CHAPTER III. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS The Location and Early History of Columbus Columbus, the capital of Ohio and the seat of Franklin County, is situated near the geographical center of the State on the banks of the Scioto River, its business portion being just where the Olentangy River empties into the Scioto. The site of Columbus was at one time occupied by the Wyandot and other Indian tribes. The site was selected for the capital of Ohio by the legis- lature in 1812, partly as the result of the efforts of four citi- zens of Franklinton who had ** formed a company to establish the State Capital on the high banks of the Scioto River oppo- site Franklinton.'* Columbus thus got its existence by the legislative act creating a home for the Capitol of Ohio on a site which was then practically an unbroken forest. The town was laid out in the spring of 1812, and on the 18th of June in the same year the first land was sold at pub- lic sale. In 1815 the first census was taken and the population at that time was 700. In 1816 the town was incorporated as the borough of Columbus; in 1824 Columbus was made the seat of Franklin County, and it was incorporated as a city in 1834. Immediately after the town had been laid out improve- ments were begun and streets were platted. In 1825 the Ohio Canal, from Cleveland on Lake Erie to Portsmouth on the Ohio River, was commenced, and was completed in 1838. The Columbus ** feeder*' from Columbus to Lockbume, a distance of eleven miles, was completed in 1831. This gave Columbus water communication with Lake Erie and the Ohio River. In 1836 the National Road from Wheeling, West Virginia, to Indianapolis, Indiana, passed through Columbus. The San- duskey turnpike, extending north from Columbus to San- 40 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO duskey on Lake Erie, and other roads were in process of con- struction during this period all of which entered this mecca in the center of the State of Ohio. In 1841 the first railroad in Ohio was begun and in 1850 the first train steamed into Columbus over what was then the Columbus and Xenia Rail- road.^ After the town had been laid out and improvements be- gun Ohio's Capital was destined to grow. The building of the State institutions meant that here was employment for men engaged in many forms of labor, and thither they came in large numbers. These great institutions of the State gave employment to hundreds of men as well as did the canal, the public highways and the railroads of the same period, to say nothing of other great building projects of a public and pri- vate nature during that time. Contemporary with the rise of the great State institutions was the development of industries in Columbus. From its very location, in the center of a great industrial State and region, and its proximity to the great coal fields of Ohio, Columbus was destined to become an important industrial center. The growth of industry meant the rise of commerce. And presently, from 1850 on, we find railroad systems de- veloping in central Ohio until today there are about 15 rail- roads which enter the city. An idea of the rapid growth of Columbus may be obtained from a glance at Table I. below. The table after the first two figures is taken from the United States Census Report for 1910. TABLE I. General Population from 1815 to 1910 1815 700 1820 1,400 1830 2,435 1840 6,048 1850 17,882 1860 18,554 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I. Chapter on Franklin County. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 41 1870 31,247 1880 51,647 1890 88,150 1900 125,560 1910 181,511 We have gone sufficiently into the investigation of the growth of Columbus to show that at a very early day it pre- sented great attractions to immigrants especially those of the artisan or skilled labor class. We are concerned here primar- ily, not with the growth of Columbus as such, but particularly with a certain group of immigrants who came to the city, viz. the Welsh who came to Columbus. Just how early in the history of Columbus the Welsh en- tered is impossible to ascertain. But that Welsh legislators had a part in selecting the site of Columbus and in giving it a name is evident. Resolutions in the legislature referring to the site and the name were offered by two men by the names of Edwards and Evans. And when the final vote was taken on these resolutions six Welsh names appear on the roll call, viz. for the affirmative are the names of Evans, Edwards, T. Morris and D. Morris; on the negative side the names of J. Jones and T. G. Jones. Among the 17 citizens who had set- tled in Columbus as early as 1813 one name appears which may be that of a Welshman, viz. Jarvis.^ LOCATION ADVANTAGEOUS TO THE WELSH We have no record that the Welsh came to Columbus as pioneer settlers as we found them in the settlements of Paddy 's Run, the Welsh Hills, ** Jackson and Gallia," and the other settlements studied in Chapter II. In fact we know next to nothing concerning the Welsh in Columbus previous to 1820. The position of Columbus, however, with reference to two Welsh settlements in particular was very advantageous, viz. the Welsh Hills in Licking County and the Radnor settlement in Delaware County. These two regions had been settled by 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I., article by E. O. Randall, p. 618 so.; also "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Oolnmbus, Ohio from its Earliest Times up to 1860," p. 6. 42 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO the Welsh more than a decade before Columbus came into existence. The Welsh Hills settlement was about 30 or 35 miles to the East and a little northeast of Columbus, and the Radnor settlement was about the same distance to the North. It is most natural that the young men who grew up in these settlements, as demand for workmen increased in Columbus, should turn to Columbus for employment and that their friends and countrymen who migrated from Wales should fol- low them in their search for work in the rapidly growing city. The Welsh people of these two communities were in constant communication with friends and relatives in Wales and they informed them of the great opportunities offered to workmen in Ohio's Capital. PERIODS OF WELSH MIGRATION While we have no definite trace of Welsh immigration to Columbus previous to 1820, from that time on, until the pres- ent day, Welsh immigration in one form or another has con- tinued. Welsh migration to Columbus falls naturally into three periods, viz: from 1820 to 1860; from 1860 to 1885; from 1885 to the present time. The first period may be de- signated as the Period of Foreign Welsh Immigration to Co- lumbus. The second period, marks the decline of foreign Welsh immigration and a gradual rise of immigration on the part of the Welsh from local communities in the States, especially from communities in Ohio. The third period marks the cessation of foreign Welsh immigration and the rapid growth of immigration from local settlements in Ohio. THE FIRST PERIOD The first period (1820-1860) may again be subdivided in- to two smaller periods, viz. from 1820 to 1840 ; and from 1840 to 1860. From 1820 to 1840, the immigration to Columbus was more or less indirect and was due to the influence of the Welsh Hills and Radnor settlements. People would come from Wales to join their friends and relatives in these colonies and in time would drift into Columbus to find employment. As early as 1822 a man by the name of Ebenezer Thomas THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 43 in company with others owned and operated a woolen mill for carding, spinning and weaving. In the same year Thomas Cadwallader, John 0. Richards and Morgan Powell came to Columbus. By the year 1824 a sufficient number of Welsh people had arrived to constitute a church, when a Welsh Bap- tist church was organized.^ The influence of the Welsh Hills settlement may be seen here, for they were Baptists, and the first preacher to the new society at Columbus was a Rev. 0. Owens from Granville, Ohio. EMIGRATION TO AMERICA AGITATED IN WALES Beginning with 1840 and continuing until within a few years of the Civil War we find a great increase of direct im- migration from Wales to Columbus. They came from Mont- gomeryshire in North Wales. This was the county from which Ezekiel Hughes and Edward Bebb had come with their com- pany of Welsh immigrants in 1795 ; conditions in Wales were oppressive at that time and up to the middle of the 19th cen- tury had not improved but rather had grown worse. Samuel Roberts, a cousin to Governor Bebb, was a Congre- gational preacher of great power. His influence in that day, (the '40s and '50s), was mighty with the Welsh of Montgom- eryshire and throughout Wales. He took upon himself to champion the cause of the poor tenant farmer of his parish in Montgomeryshire and of the country round about Llanbryn- mair. He pled with the landlords and stewards for fair play. Having done all he could in this way, but without re- sult he began to attack them and to denounce landlordism bitterly. His efforts to change things in Wales were futile, but he did accomplish something definite. He succeeded in arousing a spirit of unrest and dissatisfaction on the part of the Welsh tenant farmer, with the result that scores and hundreds of the Montgomeryshire Welsh emigrated to Ameri- ca in the two decades from 1840 to 1860. A great many of these came directly to Columbus, while scores also came into Gomer and Venedocia, and hundreds settled in Western States. 1 See "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus, &c." p. 8 sq. 44 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO The following article published in *'Y Cronicl/' a Welsh periodical, for July 1852, will serve to illustrate the spirit of Rev. Samuel Roberts' agitation and his method of work.^ "The greater part of the agricultural communities of the Principality has suffered a great deal of insult and of mal- treatment. The landlords and stewards have for many years oppressed their most faithful tenants, and it is very difficult to arouse them to a sense of the unfairness and foolishness, and the consequent loss to themselves, of their oppressive con- duct. They would do well to study the following short chap- ter of * * Facts Concerning Emigration. ' ' "1. This morning over 70 people, most of them young and in the flower of life, left Llanbrynmair for America. 2. A larger number than that left a neighboring com- munity just recently. 3. There are several families now arranging their affairs so as to be prepared to leave in the Autumn or early Spring 4. Five or six such large companies, to say nothing of lesser groups, have left this neighborhood within a few years. 5. Similar groups are leaving other communities, and they are increasing all the while. 6. The old families would not leave the land of their fathers if there was any hope of earning a living at home. 7. Hundreds of those who left this community in recent years are doing well in America. And they are continually not only urging their friends to follow them, but they are ready to send aid to their poor relatives to pay their transpor- tation. 8. Within two months the writer has received £80 from a young workman in America toward paying the passage of some of those who left here this very morning. 9. The inducements to emigrate are rapidly increasing. Five pounds is almost enough to pay the way of a strong young man, or a rosy cheeked young woman, from the bare 1 See "Cofiant Y Tri Brawd o Lanbrynmair a Conwy," p. 50 sq. where this article ie quoted. THE WELSH OP OHIO IN COLUMBUS 45 and fruitless slopes Plimlimmon and Cader Idris to the wealthy valleys of Ohio and Missouri. 10. The increase in traveling facilities together with the certainty of higher wages, better board, etc. are a great induce- ment to young people, who are strong and ambitious, to emi- grate from this land of poverty and oppression to a country where the rights of labor and religion are given more protec- tion and fair play than they are receiving here. 11. The time to persuade a diligent laborer and a skilled workman to remain in Wales to half starve themselves, when they can receive for their services such fine wages in markets which are so inviting, free and convenient, is past. 12. The population of this vicinity is less according to the last census than it was when the previous census was taken, and it would be still smaller were it not that strangers had recently come into our woolen mills. 13. The fact that continual decrease is experienced in an agricultural district, which is thinly populated, is a sure sign that there is here some glaring unfairness on the part of land- lords and stewards. 14. The best class of tenants are forced to believe that the day is near at hand when they too must give up their farms and follow their friends and relatives in the search for better and cheaper farms on the great Western Continent, and they can easily secure them. 15. It is not easy for the landlords now to imagine the loss to themselves and to their children because of banishing these faithful, diligent, and economical tenants from their farms. And they certainly will repent, when it is too late, for treading under foot so cruelly the rights of the people who have served them with so much self-denial and faithfulness, endeavoring through a score of narrow straits to meet their rents. 16. The landlords and stewards will never again have the opportunity to oppress tenants so obedient, humble, and sub- missive as those they are now crushing to ruin. The old 46 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO schemes of inducing the inexperienced and of ensnaring them have been worn thread-bare. The door of hope, to diligence and labor, is open. The great continents of America and Au- stralia are open to receive, reward, and honor the skilled work- man, the faithful shepherd, the honest laborer and the op- pressed tenant. ' ' Add to this form of agitation on the part of Welsh leaders in Wales the visits made to Wales by individuals of influence who went back to Montgomeryshire from Ohio, and we have another direct incentive to Welsh emigration. We shall here mention one such person who exerted a great deal of influence in bringing many Montgomeryshire Welsh to Ohio and to Columbus. Rev. B. W. Chidlaw came to Radnor, Ohio, with his parents when a boy of ten years, in 1821. Within a few weeks aftei their arrival Chidlaw 's father died and the boy was left to care for his widow^ed mother. Chidlaw received his early re- ligious training at home with his mother and in the log chapel near Radnor. He got his elementary education in the log school-house in the same neighborhood. In August, 1829 Chidlaw walked from Radnor to Granville, Ohio, in order to study Latin and Greek, preparatory to entering the Ohio Uni- versity at Athens later that year. In November he entered the Ohio University. A year or two later he entered the Miami University at Oxford, Ohio, walking all the way from Radnor to Oxford, a distance of 125 miles. In 1835 he gradu- ated from Miami University and was licensed to preach by the Oxford Presbytery. At the same time he received a call to the pastorate of the Paddy's Run Congregational Church. Before taking up work in this important field Chidlaw decided to make a trip to Wales with a view of improving his Welsh, the church at Paddy's Run at that time being carried on for the most part in the Welsh language. In the Autumn of 1835 Chidlaw spent two months in Wales and preached week-days and Sundays practically all the time he was there. In 1839 he made a second trip to THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 47 Wales and this time he stayed there eight months. He was given an extensive itinerary in the vicinity of his old home in Montgomeryshire. Chidlaw preached daily and met with en- thusiastic inquirers wherever he went. People who wanted to learn more about life and opportunities in America, and especially in Ohio, met him at every turn.^ Chidlaw was a great agitator of ** America for the Welsh,'* and the fact of his being a Welsh preacher reared and educated in Ohio en- couraged them in the belief that there were religious oppor- tunities in this country as well as chances for improvement in a material way. We insert the following illustration of Chidlaw *s agitation on his preaching tours in Wales. It is a story of personal ex- perience told by Mr. Edward Pryce of Columbus who is now the oldest Welsh resident of the city. "I came to Columbus,'* said Mr. Pryce in an interview, * * in 1840. At that time I was / a lad of seven years. The Welsh of that period were nearly j all from Montgomeryshire. Rev. B. W. Chidlaw put us in ! the notion of coming to America. He was a preacher who j lived with his mother at Radnor and had come back to Mont- gomeryshire for a visit. I well remember the night he spent ( at our home. He wore boots. That was the first time for me { ever to see boots on a man 's feet, and what puzzled me was j how he could ever get them off. I remember it as well as^' yesterday. j ** Chidlaw told us of the great advantages for raising children in America. My mother took it all in for she ha^ seven children. And she decided then and there to come herd. Father objected to coming, but mother prevailed and we cam^, arriving in Columbus in June 1840, and I have lived here ever since." In addition to the deplorable economic and social condi- tions in Wales, revealed in Samuel Roberts' agitation, which stimulated migration together with the influence of individu- als, like Chidlaw, who visited their old homes and others who wrote glowing accounts concerning life and opportunities in 1 See "The Story of My Life," Ch. V., p. 82. 48 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHia Columbus we have the fact of improved transportation facili- ties in this period. The National Road from Wheeling, West Virginia, on the Ohio River was completed. Also the San- duskey Turnpike which connected Columbus with Lake Erie by land. And still more attractive to the immigrant was the Ohio Canal, which brought Columbus into water communica- tion with the Ohio River and Lake Erie. Immigrants who landed at Baltimore and Philadelphia came overland to Pitts- burg, then down the Ohio River to Portsmouth, thence up the Canal to Columbus. Others came from the North up the St. Lawrence River through the lakes to Cleveland and from Cleveland down the Canal to Columbus. We have record of Welsh immigrants coming to Columbus by both these routes. And we have finally to mention the development of the rail- roads after 1850 which eclipsed all other modes of travel. THE WELSH OF THE FIRST PERIOD WERE SKILLED LABORERS ^ An old City Directory of Columbus (1842-1843) contains the names of 38 Welsh people. Five are names of females, five are of males whose occupations are not mentioned. The names of 28 males appear whose occupations are given. Twenty-three of the twenty-eight named were skilled laborers. The little pamphlet by Mr. L. D. Davis, entitled *'Some Facts with References to the Welsh of Columbus, Ohio from the Earliest Times up to I860,'' gives a brief obituary mention of many of the early Welsh of Columbus, giving (i) the date of their birth; (ii) the date of their marriage; (iii) the part of Wales from which they came ; (iv) the year of their arrival in Columbus; (v) their occupation and religious preference, and (vi) the date of their death. This booklet reveals the fact that at least three-fourths of theWelsh who came to Co- lumbus previous to 1860 came from Montgomeryshire and that a very large percent of them were skilled laborers, and among them a great many carpenters and plasterers. 1 Just how many of the early Welsh were skilled laborers when they came to the city we have no means of ascertaining, perhaps not many for the large majority of them came from an agricultural district in Wales, but on their arrival in Columbus they evidently applied themselves to the trades. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 49 The Welsh were found working in the different industries such as the John Demming Threshing Machine Company, and Neil and Moore's Coach Shop, the Joseph Ridgeway Com- pany, manufacturers of all kinds of machinery, and other similar places. THE SECOND PERIOD The second period (1860-1885) marks the gradual decline of direct foreign immigration from Wales to Columbus and a corresponding rise of immigration from the local Welsh settle- ments. The decline of immigration from Wales was due largely to the fact that other States west of Ohio were offering tempting attractions to immigrants. The booming of Western States appealed to the poor immigrant from Wales. The con- sequence was that Welsh immigrants entered these States in large numbers. An idea of the way the Welsh went westward may be had from the fact that from 1864 to 1870 ovei: 240 Welsh families settled in Missouri alone. ^ THE ''MILL MEN'' COME While the immigrant directly from Wales traveled west- ward there were attractions in Columbus which appealed to a special class of workmen, namely, the ''mill men." The rise of industry, the mills and shops, attracted workmen of that class. For example : the Steel Rail Company which organized a mill for the manufacture of steel rails attracted a great many iron workers in the 70s. The company engaged a Welshman by the name of Lewis as superintendent. Lewis came from Pennsylvania. The habit of the Welsh iron work- ers of that day was to follow their leader, so along with Lewis came many of his former workmen, the majority of whom were Southwaleans. Another Welshman by the name of Lewis was bookkeeper for the company, and almost all of the important positions such as foremen, engineers, etc. were held by Welshmen. In conversations with Welsh residents of Co- lumbus, many of whom worked in the Steel Rail Mill in that former day, the writer has been given various estimates as to 1 See "Cymry America," p. 84 sq. 50 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO the percent of Welsh working in the mill. Some gave it as their opinion that three-fourths of the employees were Welsh, others gave an estimate of two-thirds and no one gave a lower estimate than one-half. The mill was abandoned some twenty years ago. Some of the Welsh left at that time but many of them remained in the city, finding employment with other firms. The Hayden Company had a great many Welsh people in their employ. David Price, a brother of Edward Pryce^ mentioned above, was 17 years of age when he came to Colum- bus with his parents in 1840. David Price was connected with the Hayden Company for 45 years. At first he was a teamster for Hayden, then he clerked in the store. Finally he became foreman of all the outside work for Hayden, having complete charge of teams, the hiring of men, etc., a sort of general manager of outside affairs. David Price helped the young Welsh boys a great deal. He was a man of unusual energy and push. He knew the city and was known by all. When a Welshman arrived in the city in search for work he was di- rected to Price, who always assisted him in finding employ- ment. Price gave the young Welshmen positions at Hayden 's, either temporarily or permanently, and he helped scores of them secure good positions elsewhere in the city. IMMIGRATION FROM LOCAL SETTLEMENTS IN OHIO During this period the tide of immigration on the part of the Welsh from the Jackson and Gallia settlement turned from Cincinnati to Columbus. This began in 1860 when the Rev. R. H. Evans, who was raised in the settlement, became pastor of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. The next to come from this settlement was a woman who came as house- keeper for a man in Columbus, who had a brother living in the settlement. She came in 1863. The same year Mr. L. D. Davies was brought to Camp Chase as a paroled prisoner of the Civil War. At the close of the War in 1865 Mr. Davies came to Columbus and settled there permanently in business 1 These two brothers spelled their names differently, one with a "y" and the other with an "i". The spelling of the name "y" in Pryce is the original. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 51 as a grocer. He was followed by his brother in 1867 accom- panied by another young man from the settlement. After that time Welsh immigration from the Jackson and Gallia settlement kept increasing. By 1873 there were about 15 people from the settlement in Columbus and in the decade which followed a great many more came. The causes of migration from Jackson and Gallia may be briefly summed up as follows: (i) Their farms were small and not very productive, so the young sought employment in the city, (ii) Cincinnati was not so attractive to them as in former years. ^ The city had grown and consequently the Welsh population had scattered. The pastor of the Welsh church of that period was not so strong socially as his prede- cessor had been, (iii) The development of railroads in cen- tral Ohio made Columbus very accessible to the people of the settlement, (iv) Wages were good and many forms of oc- cupation were available in Columbus, (v) Columbus was not as large as Cincinnati and the Welsh were grouped to- gether about their church, (vi) Rev. R. H. Evans came to the Columbus church directly from Jackson and Gallia settle- ment. He was followed by the Rev. David Harris as pastor. Mr. Harris came to Columbus from Ironton which is also in the Jackson and Gallia Presbytery. Harris had been a tomb- stone maker and had traveled extensively through the settle- ment. He knew all the people of the community, first as business man, then as minister. His influence brought many to Columbus, (vii) Men from the settlement came to Co- lumbus as members of the legislature from their district, and they advised the young of Jackson and Gallia, who were seek- 1 For many years previous to 1860 the Welsh from Jackson and Gallia flocked into Cincinnati. Scores of Welsh girls found employment in the best homes of the city. The young men also entered the shops and factories of Cincinnati and many of them learned trades. Poverty at home forced them to seek employment elsewhere. Cincinnati was accessible to the Settrement by water down the Ohio River. The fact that there was a good Welsh church in Cincinnati helped to attract them there, and it encouraged the parents to allow their children to go to Cincinnati. The first two pastors of the Cincinnati 0. M. church were Revs. Edward Jones and Howel Powell. These men were very strong socially, and they paid great attention to the young men and women who entered the city from country homes. The Welsh 0. M. church during the late '50s and early '60s had a membership of 850; two-thirds of them were from Jackson and Gallia, and about one-third of them were servant girls. 52 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO ing for positions in the city, to go to Columbus, (viii) When the children were established in good positions their parents, in many cases, followed them to Columbus. THE THIRD PERIOD The third period of Welsh migration to Columbus, (1885) is marked by a decided decrease in direct immigration from Wales and the rapid increase of immigration from the local Welsh settlements in Ohio. The decrease of foreign Welsh immigration amounts to what may be regarded as almost a complete extinction of the direct foreign immigration on the part of the Welsh to Columbus. The trend of migration during the past 25 years may be seen from Table II. in the Appendix.^ Table II. has been compiled from the records of the Calvinistic Methodist Church of Columbus. The Table shows the total number received into the church by letter in the past 25 years, (viz. from 1885 to 1909 inclusive). In the table there are 28 columns showing the sources from which the members came, the name at the top indicating the church. The column at the left shows the year in which they came. The two columns marked "totals," one at the right and the other at the bottom, shows (i) the total which came each year, and (ii) the total which came from each church in 25 years. The columns of this table are also grouped in such a way as to indicate what churches are grouped together, belonging to the same vicinity. This table, to be sure, does not include all the Welsh who have come to Columbus in the past quarter of a century. For many who came here went to the Welsh Congregational Church, others went to English churches in the city and still others to no church at all. But the table does indicate the trend of the Welsh immigration during this period. The first 15 columns are of churches in the Jackson and Gallia Presbytery, and all of these may be said to belong to the Jackson and Gallia settlement with the exception of four. And these four have contributed the least of any of the 1 See Appendix A. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 53 churches individually of the entire 15. They are Ironton, Portsmouth, and Pomeroy on the Ohio River and Coalton in Jackson County. These four collectively gave to the Calvin- istic Methodist Church of Columbus only 22 out of 466 mem- bers which came by letters from that Presbytery. All the rest came directly from the settlement except Jackson town people, and they must be counted as a part of the settlement for the Welsh population of Jackson grew out of the settle- ment. The next large group is that of Vanwert and Putnam Counties consisting of five churches. The Sugar Creek Church in Putnam County is separated from the others by some 15 or 18 miles. But it is a neighboring settlement and may be thus considered with the Venedocia settlement in Vanwert County. From the Venedocia and Sugar Creek group 135 members have come in the past 25 years, the most of these came in the late *90s and thereafter. The remainder are from various places in Ohio, as the table indicates, and from other States, and from Wales. The total coming to the Calvinistic Church by letters in the past 25 years is 801. Of this total 466 came from Jackson and Gallia Presbytery, and 135 came from the Venedocia and Sugar Creek group. In other words 601 out of the 801, or three-fourths of the entire number came from these two dis- tricts alone. Of the remaining 200 members, 125 were scatter- ing in Ohio, including those who came from English churches in Columbus; 43 were from other States, and only 35 came directly from Wales. From this it is fair to conclude that direct immigration from Wales to Columbus had practically stopped by 1885, and that there was a great influx of Welsh from rural districts in Ohio, particularly from Jackson and Gallia and from Venedocia and Sugar Creek, is evident.^ The Welsh from the Jackson and Gallia settlement were variously employed when they came to Columbus. Many were artisans and they entered the mills and shops. Others were employed as carpenters, plasterers, painters, stone 1 See Figure I. on page 54. Figure 1 a b c d e /6. 8 /J. 4 44 Figure 1 is a graphic representation of Table II, appendix A. The segments are as follows : Segment a. Jackson and Gallia. Segment b. Vanwert and Putnam. Segment c. All others in Ohio. Segment d. Other States. Segment e. Wales, G. B. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 55 masons, bricklayers, and some were common laborers. Many found work in the State Institutions, while others clerked in stores and found positions as bookkeepers, and many of the young women were employed as house servants in the best homes in the city. The new arrivals from Jackson and Gallia were received and cared for by friends and relatives who had already be- come established in the city. The grocery store of Mr. L. D. Davies was for many years practically an employment bureau for the Welsh who flocked into the city from the Jackson and Gallia settlement. ORGANIZATION AND CHANGE The first period (1820-1860), was a period of organization and rapid changes according to shifting conditions. The be- ginning of church activities is a good illustration of this fact. The first Welsh church organized in 1824 was Baptist. The worshippers met in the homes of the members until 1830 when they occupied a building on Mound Street between Fifth and Sixth streets. In 1831 the society resolved to build a church. The church was erected and was ready to be occupied by May 1832. The English Baptists had no church, consequently some English preaching was allowed in the Welsh church. Then the clash came. A dissension arose and in the Autumn of 1832 a number of the Welsh members went out of the church and organized a new Baptist church under the leader- ship of Rev. John Harris. At the beginning the services were carried on entirely in Welsh in the new church. But later on, the English speaking Baptists had to be reckoned with again with the result that occasional sermons were preached in the English language. The colored Baptists also worshipped with them in this society for a short time but they withdrew and organized for themselves in 1834. There were, therefore, in 1833 two Baptist churches or- ganized under Welsh auspices. Both societies were weak and they maintained an existence with great difficulty. Their case was taken up by the Baptist Missionary Society with the re- 56 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO suit that a new society was formed which absorbed both of the Welsh societies. The new (third) church was English. In the roll of its charter members this church had 9 Welsh people, and on the committee appointed to build a new church edifice the name of Rev. John Harris appears. From these facts it is evident that the Welsh were prominent in founding the Baptist interests in Columbus. The new church built on the corner of Rich and Third streets was occupied in 1837 and by 1840 it had a membership of over 200, many of whom were Welsh. While the Baptists were passing out of existence as a Welsh church another Welsh society was in process of forma- tion under the direction of Rev. James Hoge, the father of Presbyterianism in Columbus. This church was organized as a Union Welsh church with a charter membership of 12, nine of whom were women and three men. At first meetings were held in a schoolhouse located in an alley north of Broad Street between High and Front streets The location of the meeting house was subject to many and frequent changes until a frame church building was erected on Town Street between Fifth and Sixth streets. The church was dedicated as a Mission church under the auspices of the First Presbyterian Church. The lot for the building was donated by the Presbyterians. This church passed through its period of struggle. One faith- ful member by the name of Davies (y Saer) was there alone many a time simply to keep the door open, awaiting a brighter day for the Welsh church. Conditions improved and all went well for a time and they succeeded in building a church for themselves in 1845. But the Union Church, like their Baptist brethren, after they had accomplished the definite and difficult task of building a house of worship, quarrelled and the result was a division.^ The real cause of the ''split*' was that during the '40s many of those who came to Columbus from Wales were Cal- vinistic Methodists. The Calvinists wanted more Calvinism in the church. One member of the Union Church who was a 1 See "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus &c." p. 12 gq. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 57 Calvinistic Methodist wrote to a friend in Wales urging him to come to Columbus to assist in organizing a Calvinistic Methodist Church, giving as his reason that the present ar- rangement in the Union Church was very unsatisfactory to the Calvinistic faction. He also stated that he believed that the dissatisfaction then existing would continue and increase until the Calvinistic Methodists organized for themselves. The friend came to Columbus in 1848, and the Calvinistic faction went out from the Union Church and organized a church for themselves with 28 charter members. This re- duced the Union Church to 12 members, the same number as it had when it organized ten or more years before. From this time on the Union Church was known as the Welsh Congrega- tional Church ; and they worshipped in their church on Town Street until the early ^90s when they erected a new and com- modious building on the corner of Washington Avenue and Gay Street. The Calvinistic Methodists after organizing with 28 char- ter members held their meetings for a year or more in the homes of Edward Herbert and Evan Reynolds on the corner of East Long and Fourth Streets. In 1849 a new church edi- fice w^as erected on the corner of East Long and Fifth Streets. It was occupied in 1850 and the same year the church was received into the Western Presbytery of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Synod of Ohio. Since that time there have been two Welsh churches in Columbus, viz. the Welsh Congregational Church and the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church. The Calvinistic Methodist society found it necessary to move from its crowded quarters on the corner of East Long and Fifth streets and in 1887 a new com- fortable auditorium with a seating capacity of 800 or more was built on the comer of East Long and Sixth streets. The Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church is prosperous and grow- ing, having a membership at present^ of 512. The Welsh Congregational Church has not grown in recent years. Its 1 Janaary lat 1910. 68 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO resident membership is a little over 100, and nearly half of this number are foreign born. This church has but few mem- bers under 21 years of age. COMMUNITY SPIRIT The early Welsh were clannish and lived close together about their church. At first they lived south of Broad Street. This may be seen from th location of their churches. The Welsh Baptist Church organized in 1824 held its first meetings on Mound Street, between High and Front Streets, and the church built in 1835 was on the corner of Rich and Third Streets. The Union Church held meetings at first, (1837), in an alley north of Broad Street between High and Front Streets; then for a few years on the corner of Fourth and Oak Streets and finally they erected a church edifice on Town Street between Fifth and Sixth Streets. As the city grew the new comers began to settle farther away from the business portion of the town toward the north and north-east into the region north of Long and east of High Street, as far as Cleveland Avenue. Thus it was that when the Calvinistic Methodists broke away from the Union Church they worshipped in the homes of Herbert and Reynolds on the corner of East Long and Fourth Streets, and later built a church in the same neighborhood. So numerous were the Welsh in the vicinity of East Long and Fifth streets^ that the neighborhood was known as ''Welshburg;" and the neighbor- hood about the corner of Chestnut and Third streets was call- ed *'Jonesborough.'' Many of the so-called **mill men" who came to Columbus in the 70s lived in the vicinity of Welshburg and Jonesbor- ough while a large number of them lived near the Steel Rail Mill in the Goodale Street district formerly known as '* Fly- town.'* Some of the people who came to the Goodale Street district in the days of the Steel Rail Mill and who bought property for themselves at that time still live there, but these now are few in number. 1 See "Some Facts with Reference to the Welsh of Columbus &c." pp. 16 and 48. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 59 The Welsh from local communities in Ohio had not started to come to Columbus in any considerable numbers until after 1860. When they did come they began to settle in the imme- diate vicinity of the Welsh Church. The Welsh community at this time began to assume larger proportions, reaching out farther east and north-east, its boimdaries in a general way being on the South, East Broad Street; on the West, North High Street; on the North, East Naghten and Buckingham streets, and on the East as far as Lexington Avenue. The fifth ward at one time teemed with Welsh people. LITERARY AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONS The literary meetings were occasions of great interest to the Welsh of Columbus in the early days. The literary meet- ing was a great event in a literary and social way. Here the young and old alike would compete in music, poetry, recita- tions and sight reading. Great interest was aroused by these meetings, competition was often very keen and there was a great spirit of rivalry and this sometimes resulted in bitter feelings in the community. Singing schools are now a thing of the past, but these were at one time very popular in Welsh society, and to them very largely is due the credit for good Welsh congregational sing- ing. But the singing schools and the church choir practice were not always appreciated by those in authority in the church. At one time the choir of the Calvinistic Methodist Church had to provide its own kerosene oil for rehearsals. EISTEDDFOD The Eisteddfod is to the state or nation what the literary meeting is to the local community. It is a literary meeting on a large scale. It is broader in its scope than a literary meeting. It is State or Nation-wide in its scope. To the Eisteddfod, competing choirs come from all parts of the coun- try. Welsh men of letters from a large radius send their literary productions to the Eisteddfod. Columbus once had an Eisteddfod association ; this was in the 70s, and Anthony Howells, Ohio's State Treasurer, was treasurer of the Eistedd- 60 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO fod Association. Great Eisteddfods were held but owing to the panic of 1875-1876 the Association was dissolved though successful Eisteddfods have been held since that time.^ DONATIONS Compensation to the minister for his service was at first meagre, but the annual donation to the minister was an event of great interest. Mrs. Kinney, the daughter of David Price, has in her possession what was known as the '* Donation Book.'' The Donation Book is a relic of that early day. The book was owned by Mrs. Kinney's father who, while he was not identified with the church, took great pleasure in securing the annual donation for the Welsh preacher. This little book contains the names of subscribers and the amount subscribed by them for several different years in the '60s. Sometimes the donations amounted to more than $200.00. AMUSEMENTS The pioneer Welsh were very conservative and amusements generally were condemned. Card playing, theatre going, dancing, and similar social pleasures, were not tolerated by the church. Formal parties among the young people were not allowed. But the young gathered together for good times nevertheless. And in their gatherings they played such games as kissing games in kissing parties which would be frowned upon in Welsh society today. The Welsh are very conservative in all things. They are slow to adopt anything new. It was under a storm of opposition that the small organ was introduced into the church service. In matters of dress the older Welsh were very modest. Perhaps no church in Columbus had a congregation more modest and sombre in its wearing apparel than the Welsh congregation in former years. THE WELSH PROMINENT IN COLUMBUS The early Welsh of Columbus were prominent in the pub- lic affairs of the city from the very beginning. They served as County Commissioners, Infirmary Directors, City Council- 1 Recently a new Eisteddfod Association, known as "The Columbus Ohio Eisteddfod Association" has been formed. THE WELSH OF OHIO IN COLUMBUS 61 men, etc. A man bearing the Welsh name of George Williams was County Commissioner in 1820. On the City Fire Depart- ment in 1850-1851 there were eight Welshmen. In the or- ganization of Capital University in 1850 the name of William M. Reynolds, preacher and professor, appears, as well as Thomas Roberts, one of the directors. The Rev. Edward D. Morris, D. D., LL. D. was pastor of the first Presbyterian church in the *50s. After that he was professor in Lane The- ological Seminary in Cincinnati, Ohio, for 30 years. Dr. Mor- ris now resides in Columbus. Perhaps the best known Welsh- man who ever lived in Columbus is William Dean Howells, ** America's leading writer of fiction," who came to Columbus at the age of 14 years. Here he earned his first money, as compositor on the Ohio State Journal, with a salary of $4.00 per week.^ CONCLUSION Three important influences which stimulated immigration to Columbus stand out clearly in the foregoing pages: (i) The underlying cause was ecomonic; then, (ii) The influ- ence of religious leaders and (iii) the controlling place of the .church in Welsh society is very evident. Hardships and op- pression in the fatherland resulting from the tyranny of land- lords and stewards made life a drudgery for the poor Welsh tenant farmer. Migration to America was their door of hope. In the Jackson and Gallia settlements the poverty of the land forced the young from the settlement to seek employment elsewhere. The development of industries in Columbus and the great demand for workmen together with increased trans- portation facilities made Columbus both attractive and ac- cessible. The influence of religious leaders is also an important con- sideration as is the controlling place of the church in Welsh society. Just as Williams controlled in the Jackson and Gallia settlement, so did the preacher exert a great influence in attracting the Welsh to Columbus. Samuel Roberts was creating a dissatisfaction in Llanbrynmair, Montgomeryshire. 1 See "Historical Collections of Ohio" Vol. I., p. 327. 62 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Chidlaw went to that very community and told of the great advantages in America, and, especially in Ohio, for his old home was in Radnor. Then came Evans and Harris from the Jackson and Gallia Presbytery as pastors to Columbus, and the trend of migration on the part of the young of the settlement changed from Cincinnati to Columbus. We do not claim for the religious leaders entire control in the matter of this change from Cincinnati to Columbus as may be seen from the discus- sion, but that they exerted a great influence no one will doubt. Welsh parents felt safe to have their children in the care of these men of the church. The controlling place of the church may be seen in the fact that the Welsh lived in a group about their church. The first thing a Welshman asks when anticipating a change from one place to another is, What are the religious advantages? and religious advantages to him means the existence of a Welsh church. When for any reason a church moved a few squares from its original meeting place, such as from Town Street to the corner of East Long and Fifth Streets, we find all the new comers to Columbus settling in the immediate vicinity of the church location. It should be noted also that the early church controlled not only the location of the Welsh, but it also gov- erned their social life for a long period. The Welsh church in Columbus today has lost, to a very great extent, its controlling place both in directing the resi- dence of its adherents and in its social control of Welsh society. A more complete discussion of this will be given in a subsequent chapter. CHAPTER IV, WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS General Statement The population of Columbus at present is 181,511. Further details of the last census for cities have not been issued by the Bureau of the Census up to the time of this writing. What the Census Report of 1910 may reveal is not known, but, judging from the Census Reports of the past, nothing of any great value for the detailed study of such a small group as the Welsh of Columbus can be looked for. Below is a table of what the census reports have given concerning the Welsh of Columbus from the beginning up to the present time. TABLE III. The U. 8, Census Report on the Welsh Population of ColumhuSj Ohio. 1900 1890 1880 1870 Born in Wales 595 607 559 415 Both parents born in Wales 1,400 1,273 Father born in Wales and mother bom in U. S 427 252 Mother bom in Wales and father bora in U. S 232 141 Father bom in Wales and mother in some other foreign country 84 68 Mother bom in Wales and father in some other foreign country 86 65 The above table taken from the Census Report shows that previous to 1870 no report was given by the United States Census Bureau regarding the Welsh population of Columbus. In 1870 the number of persons bom in Wales was 415; in 1880 the number was 559. When we come to the report for 1890 we are given some additional information, and likewise 64 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO for 1900. The additional items are: (i) the number of native born Welsh whose parents were born in Wales, (ii) the number having one parent born in Wales and the other in the United States, (iii) the number having one parent born in Wales and the other in some other foreign country. The total Welsh (either full blood or part Welsh) in Columbus in 1890 according to this report was 2,406; and in 1900 the number was 2,824. There was a slight decrease in the number of foreign born Welsh, viz. from 607 in 1890 to 595 in 1900. While there was a slight increase in the number of native born of foreign parents, viz. from 1,273 in 1890 to 1,400 in 1900. The other items show a corresponding slight increase. From this report it is impossible to know just how many were of pure Welsh blood, except those born in Wales and those whose parents were born in Wales. For, when we come to those, one of whose parents was born in Wales and the other in the United States, it is impossible to know whether the one born in the United States was of Welsh blood or of some other nationality. Likewise in the case of those whose parents were born one in Wales and the other in some other foreign coun- try, we are not told what foreign country, so we are given no clue as to the trend of intermarriage between the Welsh in this country and the people of other nationalities. It is evident, therefore, that it would be impossible to se- cure any definite and satisfactory results with reference to the Welsh of Columbus from the scanty reports given out con- cerning them by the Bureau of the Census. The Census Re- ports do well perhaps when dealing with the large masses, but for details regarding a small and limited group, such as we are now considering, they are very unsatisfactory, being too general in their scope. THE GATHERING OF DATA FOR THE PRESENT WORK During the writer's stay of about three and one-half years in Columbus an effort was made under the auspices of the Calvinistic Methodist (or Welsh Presbyterian) Church, and WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 66 under the' direct supervision of the writer, to obtain more specific knowledge with regard to the Welsh of the city. To this end a canvass of the city was made. The primary object of the canvass was not sociological, but for the purpose of the church, the idea being to learn the real sphere and function of the Welsh church in its relation to the Welsh population of Columbus. Had the object been sociological primarily, more data bearing directly on this work would be available. But from the data accumulated by the church and for the church purpose many interesting facts of a sociological nature have been gleaned. The canvass was begun the first of January 1910 and completed in May of the same year. The work was done by one person and his knowledge of the Welsh people of Columbus doubtless surpasses that of any other citizen. He has lived in Columbus since the close of the Civil War. Shortly after coming to Columbus in 1865 he became established in business as a grocer. This gave him a wide ac- quaintance in the city. Moreover he has been an officer in the Calvinistie Methodist Church for over 25 years and his interest in the church is vital. Such in brief are the qualifications of the man who made the canvass. It was deemed unnecessary to make a house to house can- vass of the whole city. The method employed was to take the Directory of the City of Columbus and to go through it col- umn by column with care, making notes of Welsh names and addresses and of any other names which savored of Welsh. After thus selecting the names, the canvasser was advised by the clerk in the City Directory's office of the way that office arranged and classified its material for systematic work. The canvasser followed the direction in every detail of instruction, and with good results. ^ The canvasser was provided with record-cards for his work. The record-card was arranged in such a way as to make records for single males or single females, or for hus- band and wife and for children in the family where there 1 It took five weeks for the canvasser to collect materials and classify them for the canvass before the field work was actually be^n. 66 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO were children. The record-card contained the following ques- tions: (i) Name? (2) Address? (3) Occupation? (4) Age? (5) Foreign or native born? (6) Rural or Urban? (7) Foreign or native parents? (8) Speak or read Welsh? (9) Old home? (10) Number of years lived in Columbus? (11) Member of church? Where? (12) Attend church? Where? (13) Educational advantages? (14) Economic and social condition? (15) For families of children (a) Sons? Names? (b) Daughters? Names? (c) Ages of each? (d'^ Members of church? (e) Of Sunday School? (f) Attend Grade School? (g) High School? (h) College? (i) Do children speak Welsh? (j) Where do children attend church? From the returns of these record-cards much information, vital and interesting, was obtained, and from this information most of the statistics in this and the following chapters have been compiled and arranged. This has been supplemented by work of a similar kind, but of a more detailed nature, which the writer himself did in his own church and society. Inquiry and personal interviews with many elderly and lead- ing Welsh citizens of Columbus was also a source of important information. .« LIMITATIONS OF THE WORK A complete and perfect knowledge of the Welsh of Colum- bus on the basis of this canvass is not claimed. This was not possible in such a canvass, nor could it have been possible had a systematic house to house canvass of the entire city been made. For the canvasser made what he termed ** back-calls'' at some addresses as many as four or five times and found no one at home. Another difficulty was found in trying to locate Welsh females who had married males of other nationalities. Here the City Directory was helpless, the name giving no clue. But even with such persons the canvasser's wide acquaintance with the Welsh and his knowledge of the city in general were a great aid in this work, and he learned of many through con- stant inquiry wherever he went in the city. It is needless to say that the canvasser made scores and hundreds of calls on WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 6f families and individuals who were not Welsh. This was especially true of certain streets in the colored districts where the negroes had such names as Davis, Jones, Williams, and other names common among Welsh people. These names on his list, the canvasser disposed of as he went along. While we are glad to make every allowance possible re- garding the limitations of the work, it may be fairly claimed that this canvass is more accurate and gives more information concerning the Welsh of Columbus than anything else pro- duced up to the present time. We know of no similar work done among the Welsh of any city or community in the United States. The canvass reveals an abundance of details regard- ing the Welsh of Columbus which cannot be obtained from any other source. The Census Bureau cannot attempt such details. CLASSIFIED GROUPS The total number of Welsh people in Columbus enumerated in this canvass is 3,174. The Census Report for 1900 gives 2,824, and for 1890 it gives 2,406.i There are three degrees of classification made herein, viz. 1. The Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, which has been studied with more detail than was possible in the general canvass of the city. This group numbers 672. II. Those who were regularly and carefully written up on the record-cards by the canvasser. This includes every adult whose record was written up in the first 14 questions of the record-card. This group is styled Regularly Classified and it numbers 1,273. III. The third group is that of children whose classification begins with ques- tion 15 on the record-card. This group we designate as In- complete Classification. The total of this group is 1,229. These then are the groups: I. The Calvinistic Methodist Church and society 672 II. The Regularly Classified 1,273 III. The Incomplete Classification 1,229 The total of these groups is 3,174 i These figures show that there was a gain from 1890 to 1900 of 418, and from 1900 to 1910, according to our canva^is, a gain of 350 over the Census Report of 1900. 68 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO GENERAL SURVEY OF THE WELSH POPULATION OF COLUMBUS According to onr canvass there are 3,174 Welsh people in the city of Columbus. This includes the children of mixed marriages as well as those who are full blood Welsh. From the canvass made, a fair estimate of the entire Welsh popula- tion would be about 3,600. The Welsh not a Foreign Group. — The study of the Welsh of Columbus of today is not that of a certain number of foreigners of the same nationality grouped together in one section of the city with their manner of life, their habits and institutions, unchanged as yet through contact with American life and spirit, such as a study of an Italian or Hungarian group in some of our large cities might be. Such a study of the Welsh in Columbus would be very interesting were it pos- sible. And such a study might have been possible in the Welsh society of Columbus, 50 or 60 years ago, in the days of ^*Welshburg" and **Jonesborough." But the study of the Welsh of Colimibus at present is quite a different problem. It is the study of a people who have been influenced by American life and institutions ; influ- enced by social intercourse for several decades; influenced through business and economic relations; influenced through intermarriage with other nationalities; influenced linquisti- cally through commercial intercourse and especially, for the children, through the public schools. Many of the Welsh of Columbus are of the third and fourth generation of Welsh people in America, and some perhaps older. Many of these, while of pure Welsh blood, have no strong national prejudices to overcome. They have never learned the Welsh language, and their parents do not speak it, and language plays an im- portant part in Welsh nationality. When a Welshman loses his native tongue, it is difficult to distinguish him from any other normal American citizen. Church and religion are also thought to be elements in the make-up of the Welshman, and of this we shall have occasion to speak later. WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 69 DISTRIBUTION OF THE WELSH OVER COLUMBUS Previous to 1850 the Welsh of Columbus lived south of Broad Street. Later they moved north and north-eastward to the vicinity of East Long and Fifth Streets. There they lived in a compact group in the immediate vicinity of the church. Today they are scattered, more or less, all over the city. To be sure, many of the older families who bought property and settled in the locality of Welshburg still remain there. Others who came in the 70s and '80s and bought property on Cleveland Avenue, East Spring Street, and Kel- logg Avenue still retain their homes on these streets; but the children of these families, who have married in recent years, have located in other parts of the city. It is claimed that of the members of the Calvinistic Church scarcely a family lived more than five or six squares away from the church as re- cently as 12 to 15 years ago. Today many of them are found in the remote parts of the city. Some of them live in the extreme West Side beyond the State Hospital; others in the North End beyond the Ohio State University, but the great majority of those who have located in other parts of the city in recent years have gone east and southeastward. There is not at present a single Welsh family among the members of the Calvinistic Methodist Church that lives south of Broad Street and west of Parsons Avenue. The new comers from Jackson and Gallia and elsewhere, previous to 12 or 15 years ago sought homes in the Welsh community in the immediate vicinity of the church, but they do so no longer. The new comer of today goes either east or north to find a home. The reasons for leaving the vicinity of the church are: (i) Street car facilities are improved so that people can get to church and to business with comparative ease from distant parts of the city, (ii) Homes and rents in the new and modern houses are cheaper in these districts which are farther from the business center of the city, (iii) Foreigners, such as Italians, are forging from High Street into the old vicinity inhabited almost exclusively by the Welsh in former days. 70 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO The Welsh will continue to leave this old vicinity more and more in the future. The general trend of the great majority of them is toward the east and southeastern part of Columbus. Columbus, for convenience in speaking of it, is divided into ends and sides. Viz. the East Side and West Side, and the South End and the North End. High Street divides the city into east and west and Broad Street divids it into north and south. People are generally spoken of as living on the East Side or West Side, or in the North End or South End. For the sake of convenience in tracing the distribution of the Welsh over Columbus the writer has followed these general divisions and has made some smaller subdivisions. The di- visions are as follows : The South End. — The South End as described here em- braces that part of Columbus which is south of Broad Street, west of Parsons Avenue, east. of the Scioto River, due south to the city limits. The North End. — The North End embraces all the region north of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, to the north, east, and west city limits. The West Side. — The West Side embraces that portion of the city which is west of the Scioto River and south of Broad Street, south and west to the city limits ; also the portion west of North High Street, north of Broad Street and south of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, west to the city limits. The East Side. — The East Side embraces that portion of Columbus east of North High Street, north of Broad Street and south of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, east to the city limits ;^ also the portion of the city south of Broad Street and east of Parsons Avenue, south and east to the city limits. This last we designate as the Southeast Cor- ner of the city. According to these divisions the Welsh are distributed over the city as shown in table IV. WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 71 TABLE IV. THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE WELSH OVER THE CITY OF COLUMBUS Total From In Welsh Number General C. M. Part of city addresses Canvass Church South End 90 87 3 West Side 183 172 11 North End 391 377 14 East Side 664 441 223 Totals! 1,328 1,077 251 The figures in table IV. above represent addresses on cards regularly filled in the General Canvass of the city and those of the Calvinistic Methodist Church. The canvasser re- turned 1,136 record-cards, of these 59 were with addresses omitted or indistinguishable. The remaining 1,077 were scat- tered over the city as indicated in table IV. Likewise the 251 addresses of families and individuals connected with the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church are distributed over the city as per table. Smaller groups were also formed of the several divisions. For the South Side no smaller divisions were made.^ Of the West Side two subdivisions were made, viz. (i) from the eastern^ boundary as given above to the Hill Top, or Midland Avenue, and (ii) from the Hill Top to the west city limits. The North End is subdivided into two general divisions, and these two into three lesser groups respectively as follows : (i) All the region north of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station and west of North High Street, subdivided as follows : (a) From the Big Four tracks north to 1st. Avenue and west to the city limits. (b) From 1st Avenue north to 11th Avenue and west to the city limits. 1 The reader must bear in mind that the figures in table IV. represent, not individuals but addresses, and that whole families have the same address in some case^, while in others the address is that of an individual. 2 See rough outline map of Columbus on next page. .aDOOQQQESgl T— 3DDDnQDD0DDDyyyH' WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 73 (c) From 11th Avenue, north and west to the city limits. (ii) All the region north of the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, east of North High Street, east and north to the city limits, subdivided as follows : (a) From the Big Four tracks north to 1st Avenue, east to the city limits. (b) From 1st Avenue north to 11th and Woodward Ave- nues, and east to the city limits. (c) From 11th and Woodward Avenues to the north and east city limits. Of the East Side three divisions are made as follows : (i) All the region east of North High Street and north of Broad Street as far as the Big Four tracks entering Union Station, east to Hamilton Avenue. (ii) The region north of Broad and south of the Big Four tracks east of Hamilton Avenue to the east city limits. (iii) All the region south of Broad Street and east of Parsons Avenue, south and east to the city limits. For the South End no smaller divisions were made, the total there being only 90, and only 3 of the 90 are addresses of people belonging to the Calvinistic Methodist Church, and the three are addressses of individuals. Thus we see that there is not a single Welsh family south of Broad Street in the region west of Parsons Avenue identified with the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church today. This is significant in view of the fact that the early Welsh community, grouped about its church, was almost entirely south of Broad Street and west of Parsons Avenue. The Welsh are distributed according to the subgroups above for the West Side, North End and East Side as follows: West Side total 183; (i) From eastern boundary to Hill Top 130 ; 9 of these are addresses of people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church, (ii) From the Hill Top to the west city limits, 53 ; 2 of these are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church. For the North End, first division, (a) 80; none of which are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic Methodist 74 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Church and society, (b) 173; 5 of these are addresses of people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, (c) 17; 3 of these are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. Second division, (a) 25; one of them is in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, (b) 45; 2 are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, (c) 50; and 3 of these are addresses of persons in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. Over the East Side the Welsh are distributed according to the above subdivision as follows: (i) First division, 331; 167, or a little over one-half of them, are addresses of people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church, (ii) Second division, 205; 37 of these are addresses of people in the Calvinistic Church and society, (iii) Third division, 128; 19 of them are addresses of people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. When we recall that scarcely a family in the Calvinistic Methodist Church 12 or 15 years ago lived east of Hamilton Avenue, and that now we have 56 addresses of people in that church who are living east of Hamilton and Parsons Avenues (about 50 of the 56 being addresses of families in that church, the remainder being of single individuals) one realizes how the Welsh are rapidly abandoning the old stamping ground, and the once much cherished neighborhood of Welshburg, in the immediate vicinity of the church. That there are 167 addresses of families and individuals in the immediate vicinity of the church shows that the tendency on the part of those who settled there in an early day is to retain their homes near the church. But this study of the distribution of the Welsh over the whole city proves beyond a doubt that the Welsh have scattered greatly in the last decade, or a little more. POPULATION BY AGE CLASSES Our data for the population by age classes is not sufficient- ly complete in the general canvass of the city, owing to the fact that the answers to the subdivisions of question 15 on the WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 75 record-cards were not complete enough to be relied upon for the purpose of this work. From question 15 to the end of the questions on the record-cards, let us be reminded, is what we have designated as ** Incomplete Classification.'* For the statistics on this subject we are compelled to use the smaller group of the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society, the total of which is 672.1 In the first Age-class (those five years old and under) there are more males than females, and likewise in the second age-class, (childhood, 6 to 15). In the third age-class. Youths, there are more females than males. But for the total under the "Maturity" class the males are in excess of females by 2, the total of each being 107 males and 105 females. In each of the remaining age-classes the females are in excess as may be seen from the table. One reason for this excess of females in the maturity age-class is the large number of domestics in the roll of the church membership ; there are 35 domestics, or servant girls, in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. Another reason is, the large percent of widows over widowers ; there are 40 widows and only 17 widowers. SEX Of the entire 3,174 Welsh people canvassed in Columbus, 1,704 were males and 1,470 were females. 2,368 of the whole number were of pure Welsh blood and 806 were children of mixed marriages. Of the full-blood Welsh 1,945 were adults regularly classified, and of these 1,077 were males and 868 were females; 423 of the full-blood Welsh were children of Welsh parents not regularly classified, and of these 211 were males and 212 were females. Of the 806 children of mixed marriages 416 were males and 390 were females. This does not represent accurately the percent of Welsh males and females in the city for no doubt there were many females who married males of other nationalities that were not located by the canvasser. It is likewise very probable that many Welsh domestics were not found by him. 1 See Appendix B. 76 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Statistics on the relative fecundity of full-blood and mixed marriages would be interesting and profitable if such could be ascertained. But our canvass dealt with the Welsh of Co- lumbus, and children who had grown up in homes and had left the city were not recorded, consequently our statistics are not complete enough for such analysis. THE FOREIGN AND NATIVE BORN The great majority of the Welsh of Columbus are native bom. From the two groups regularly classiled, viz. the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church and society and the Regularly Classified in the general canvass, there are 672 and 1,273 re- spectively, making a total of 1,945. The analysis of this num- ber may be seen by consulting table VI.^ To the total of native bom as indicated in Table VI. may be added the ** Incomplete Classification^' group which num- bers 1,229, as follows: Children from mixed marriages 806 Children from Welsh parents 423 The children from mixed marriages are doubtless all native bom. And the children of Welsh parents in this group are in all probability very nearly all native bom. Granted that this be true, our number of native born is 2,778, as over against 396 foreign bom Welsh in the city. The percent would be 87.5 native bom, and foreign bom 12.5 percent. To be sure, if every Welsh person in the city had been canvassed, the can- vass would show more than 396 foreign bom Welsh. But there would be a corresponding, or greater, increase in the total number of native bom Welsh as well. THE PLACE OF BIRTH The birth-place of the foreign born Welsh of course is Wales. The greater part of the early settlers came from Montgomeryshire in North Wales. Thereafter a great many Southwaleans came here into the mills, and indirectly from local settlements in Ohio. 1 See Appendix 0. See also Figure 2 on opposite page. WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS T7 Figure 2 cm 756 10 4- Figure 2 is a graphic representation of table VI. page 94. The segments are as follows : Segment a. The total native born. Segment b. The total foreign born. 78 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO We cannot give the exact birth-place of the Welsh of Co- lumbus, but what is even more interesting and perhaps more important, in the study of a limited group such as we are now considering, is to know where the people were raised and what the early influences were which surrounded them up to the age of manhood or maturity. With this idea in view ques- tion 9 on the record-card was: *' Where was your old home?*' By ''old home*' we mean the place where the person was brought up. The object in asking such a question was to find out whether the person was raised and surrounded in his youth and formative period of life by Welsh influences such as he would have if he were reared in Wales or in a rural community in this country thickly populated by Welsh people, such as Jackson and Gallia. The very next question on the record-card was *'How many years have you lived in Colum- bus T' A person may have been foreign born, but owing to leaving Wales with his parents when a mere child, as many of the present Welsh of Columbus did, he would give another place as his **old home.'' Our returns from the general canvass gave interesting re- sults in this line of inquiry. From the Regularly Classified group we here give 914 who filled out the ''Old Home'* col- umn. Others were scattering, where less than four were given for a community we did not make record of them. Likewise of those in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society we give place names of the "Old Home'' of the adults for whom cards were regularly filled out, but not for children in the families. Most of the children are raised in Columbus. Of this group we have 419. WELSH POPULATION STATISTICS 7» TABLE VII. THE ''OLD HOMES* '^ OF THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Total From the In the Place number. General Canvass. C. M. Church Columbus 447 394 53 Jackson and Gallia 396 166 230 Wales G. B 235 168 67 Vanwert and Put- nam Counties . . 64 12 52 Hocking Valley . . 58 56 2 Licking County . . 44 42 2 Delaware County. .30 28 2 Pomeroy 22 21 1 Ironton 14 9 5 Allen County.... 11 11 Portsmouth 7 6 1 Martin's Ferry... 4 4 Totals 1,333 914 419 It is very significant that out of 447 who stated that Columbus is their *'old home'' only 11.7 percent are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church, while out of 396 who gave Jack- son and Gallia settlement as their **old home'' 58 percent are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church; and out of 64 who gave Venedocia in Vanwert County and Sugar Creek in Putnam County as their **old home" 81.2 percent are in the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church. Of the 235 who gave Wales as their **old home" only 28.6 percent are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church. The trend of these figures prove that the supply for the Welsh churches in Columbus in the past 25 1 The reader will observe the distinction made between "Old Home," and "Foreign Born." 67 persons in the C. M. church gave Wales as their old home, while 127 of the members were foreign born. That means that 60 out of the 127 came to this country in childhood and could not call Wales their "old home." The writer has one person distinctly in mind who has the fol- lowing record: She came from Wales with her parents when 8he was two years old. She lived with her parents in Jackson and Gallia until she was a young woman of 25 or more. She then moved to Columbus and is a mem- ber of the C. M. church at present. This person is recorded as follows: Foreign Born, but "Old Home," Jackson and Oallia Settlement. UN J VERS! TV 80 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO years or more has come from the rural districts of Ohio and not from Columbus itself nor from Wales. CONCLUSION The Welsh church in the past has lost many of its children because of refusing to adapt itself to their need through its too great allegiance to the Welsh language. This is made clear in the fact that only 53 out of 447 Welsh people who give Columbus as their **old home'' are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church. Only 29 persons in the Calvinistic Metho- dist Church are the direct descendants of the old Welsh families of Columbus, but there are scores of them in the Eng- lish churches of the city. They are lost to the Welsh church through lack of adaptation on the part of the church, and be- cause of manifold other influences they are gradually being assimilated into the American population of the city. In very recent years things have changed. The Welsh church is now adapting itself to its children, and they are being held to the Welsh church even though they are being assimilated otherwise into the American population of Colum- bus. AH of which means that the Welsh church of the city is rapidly coming to recognize the fact that it must change in order to minister to its own people. CHAPTER V. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS General Statement The Welsh people of Columbus are no longer a small group located in one particular part of the city with immediate com- munity interests and influenced more or less exclusively by their own local group. They are scattered all over the city and are influenced by environments other than Welsh in their respective neighborhoods. On the other hand they are bound together, as Welsh people, by ties common to themselves and to this extent they are more or less independent of their re- spective localities in their interests. The chief bonds here are the literary and improvement societies, the Welsh language, and the Welsh church. With this brief introductory statement, let us give our attention to the following topics for discussion in this chapter on Social Statistics: Marriage and Conjugal Relation; Families, Dwellings, and Residence districts; Occupation and Business Relations; Education; Literary and Improvement Societies; Morality and Temperance; Politics; Church Mem- bership. MARRIAGE AND CONJUGAL RELATION Our study of marriage and conjugal relation among the Welsh of Columbus is concerned chiefly with an investigation of the extent to which the Welsh people tend to cling together through marriage, by an endeavor to ascertain the relative number of Welsh who marry within their own nationality and the number who intermarry with persons of other nationali- ties. At one time it was looked upon with great disfavor and even as a disgrace for a Welsh person to marry outside of his own nationality. No matter how respectable an American, or a person of any other nationality, might be, to marry him was 82 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO to **lose class'' to a great extent in Welsh society. Perhaps the chief cause underlying this prejudice was the question of the Welsh language and church. For it was a foregone con- clusion that the children brought up in a home from such a union would not be taught the Welsh language, and not know- ing the Welsh language they could not enjoy the full benefit of religious instruction in the Welsh church. Ever3i;hing in the Welsh church a decade and more ago was carried on in the Welsh language. There was a church rule, also, which was in force about 25 years ago which caused much discomfort to the young Welsh person who was a member of the church and who fell in love with a person who was not a member of the church, whether that person was Welsh or of some other nationalty. The law, or rule, was called '*Y Seithfed Rheol.'' Translated it means *'The Seventh Rule.'' The Seventh Rule was based on the words of Saint Paul in II. Corinthians 6:14, which read as follows: **Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbe- lievers." Based upon these words. The Seventh Rule was made to the effect that no member of the church should mar- ry a person outside of the church. For a short time this rule held sway and was rigidly enforced. Church members who married non-church members were churched. There is a deeper law, however, which governs society, and such a rule of the church could not last long and like many other drastic measures it spent itself and today it is never heard of in the Welsh church. INTERMARRIAGE ** There are many influences tending to merge the foreign born population with the native bom in the United States. The most natural and effective way of welding diverse nation- alities or races into one nation is by intermarriages between foreigners and natives of different nationalities. Thereby is brought about a mixture of blood and community of customs and habits of life which efface any previous differences."^ 1 See "Statistics and Sociology" p. 304. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 83 Professor Mayo-Smith further states, however, that **we shall not be able to trace this statistically for the statistics of mar- riage in the United Staes are nelher accurate nor complete, and do not give the nationality of the bride and groom/' In our study of the Welsh of Columbus we have endeav- ored to do this very thing. We have endeavored to trace the extent to which the Welsh cling together in their marriage relations, and, on the other hand, we have sought to know how far amalgamation has gone on through intermarriage with people of other nationalities. It was not possible for us to ascertain from the results of our canvass whether the people of other nationalities, such as Irish and Germans with whom the Welsh intermarried, were foreign or native born. The result of our inquiry along this line is given in three tables, viz. VIII., IX. and X. These tables are compiled from the returns of our general canvass of the city, the Calvinistic Methodist Church not being considered in these tables.^ Table VIII. shows, (i) the total number of marriages; (ii) the number of marriages between Welsh persons; and (iii) the number of mixed marriages. Table IX. shows the number of mixed marriages between Welsh males and females of other nationalities, and the nationalities into which they have mar- ried ; and Table X. does the same for Welsh females who have married males of other nationalities. The total number of marriages recorded in this canvass, as indicated by the above mentioned tables, is 653. Of this total 525, or 80.4 percent, are mixed marriages; while only 19.6 percent are marriages between Welsh persons.^ The per- centages for the three largest groups, viz. the foreign bom Welsh, the native born of foreign parents, and the native born of native parents, run as follows : Total number of marriages on the part of foreign bom Welsh, 108 ; percent of these be- tween Welsh persons, 38.8 percent of marriages between per- sons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other nationality, 61.2. The total number of marriages on the part 1 See Appendix D. 2 See Figure 8 on page 84. 84 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Figure 3 ED dO.4 /9.6 Figure 3 is a graphic representation of Table VIII., ap- pendix D. The segments are as follows: Segment a. Total number of mixed marriages. Segment b. Total marriages between Welsh persons. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 8S of native bom of foreign parents, 185; percent of these be- tween Welsh persons, 10.8; percent of marriages between per- sons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other nationality, 89.2. Total number of marriages on the part of native bom of native parents 212; percent of these between Welsh persons, 6.1; percent of marriages between persons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other national- ity, 93.9.2 It is evident that the tendency to intermarry with persons of other nationalities increases as we get farther away from the foreign bom Welsh group. When we realize that the largest group in the three mentioned above is the native bom of native parents, viz. 212, and that only 6.1 of these married Welsh with Welsh, it shows a condition of rapid assimilation on the part of the Welsh of Columbus outside of the Calvin- istic Methodist Church. In the Calvinistic Methodist Chuch there are 25 mixed marriages or marriages between Welsh persons and persons of other nationalities. They run as follows: Foreign born Welsh with persons of other nationalities, 4; native bom Welsh of foreign parents with persons of other nationalities, 11 ; Native born having father foreign and mother native, 4 ; Native born having father native and mother foreign, 1; Native born of native parents, 5. Almost one-half of this group of mixed marriages are from the native bom of foreign parents class, or, counting those one of whose parents is for- eign and the other native, more than one-half, viz. 15 out of 25, as over against 5 of the native bom of native parents class. The reason for this doubtless is that the Welsh of a marriage- able age in the Welsh church for some time past have been the native bom of foreign parents group, while many of the native bom of native parents who intermarried left the Welsh church with their partners and joined an English church, consequent- ly there is more intermarriage on the part of the native bom of foreign parents class than any other in the Welsh church 2 See Fi^re 4 on page 86 and 87. 86 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Figure 4 Figure 4 is in three parts : — 1. The marriages of foreign born Welsh. 2. The marriages of the native bom of foreign parents. 3. The marriages of the native bom of native parents. The size of the circles represents the relative number of marriages in each group. The segments * ^ a ' ' and * * b " in each circle represent: a. The total number of mixed marriages. b. The total number of marriages between Welsh persons. / 38.8 I 1 6/.£ /oo.o Total number of marriages on the part of foreign bom Welsh represented in the above circle is 108. /0.3 ds,z /oo. o Total number of marriages on the part of native bom of foreign parents represented in the above circle is 185. 93-9 100. Total number of marriages on the part of native born Welsh having native parents represented in the above circle is 212. 88 THE WELSH OP COLUMBUS, OHIO at present. Never before was there as large a number of mixed marriages in the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. Tables IX. and X. show the relative number of males and females in each group of mixed marriages, giving also the nationalities into which they married. From a comparison of the two tables it appears that a much larger percent of males have intermarried with other nationalities than of females. The reason for this, very largely no doubt, is our inability to locate the females who have married males of other nationalities. So while the numbers here given are 399 Welsh males who have married females of other nationalities, 126 Welsh females who have married males of other nationali- ties, or 74 and 26 percent respectively, it cannot be claimed to represent the situation accurately, for the Welsh females have perhaps intermarried with other nationalities quite as much as the Welsh males have. The percentage of Welsh males and Welsh females in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society who have intermarried with other nationalities points in this direction, as well as general observation on the part of the writer. Of the 25 mixed marriages in the Calvin- istic Methodist Church, 16 were marriages between Welsh fe- males and males of other nationalities, and 9 were between Welsh males and females of other nationalities. Moreover, out of 17 marriages solomnized by the writer as pastor of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in three years time, marriages contracted between persons one of whom at least was a member of his church, 9 were between Welsh persons, and 8 were be- tween persons one of whom was Welsh and the other of some other nationality. Of the 8 mixed marriages, 7 were between Welsh females and males of some other nationality, and only one was on the part of a Welsh male with a female of another nationality. Judging from this very limited group, the tend- ency to intermarry with other nationalities is greater among Welsh females than Welsh males. But this may be an ex- ceptional group in this respect; at any rate it is too limited to give any definite conclusions. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 99 Furthermore, the relative numbers of nationalities into which the Welsh have intermarried as represented in tables IX. and X. cannot be regarded as exact, or absolutely accu- rate. For this reason we do not reduce them to percentages for comparison. The number of Germans, Irish, etc., are accurate as here stated. But the column marked ** American'' cannot be claimed as accurate for the reason that it is difficult to state what an American is, or who is an American. For example, a person whose ancestors came from Germany, or whose father and mother were both bom in Ireland, may call himself an American, and properly so. The rule followed here has been to state the nationalities as German or Ameri- can, and so on, just as they were given in the record-cards. While the column marked ** American'' may contain the names of other distinct nationalities, the fact that the Welsh have freely intermarried with other nationalities is substan- tiated throughout, and that they are rapidly becoming assim- ilated into the great American people is proved without a possible question of doubt. Were it possible to add here the classification of children who are only half Welsh, and con- tinue this to those who are one-fourth and one-eighth part Welsh, we would readily see how the Welsh, as such, are van- ishing and losing their identity, through amalgamation, into what we may call the American people. FAMILIES, DWELLINGS AND RESIDENT DISTRICTS Our statistics from the general canvass of the city on this subject do not give information sufficiently accurate to draw conclusions from them. So, for our knowledge on this phase of our inquiry, we are compelled to satisfy ourselves with the statistics of the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society alone, the total of which is 672. In this group there are 190 families. The average size of a family is 3.8. They run as follows : Families consisting of one member, 9 ; families consisting of two members, 46 ; fam- ilies consisting of three members, 43; families consisting of four members, 35; families consisting of five members, 19; 90 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO families consisting of six members, 19 ; families consisting of seven members, 10; families consisting of eight members, 7; families consisting of nine members, 2. There are no families of more than nine members. There are 40 widows and 17 widowers in this group. These are days of small families among the Welsh of Co- lumbus. Mr. L. D. Davies, in his pamphlet on the Welsh of Columbus previous to 1860, refers to large families, and we observed in a foregoing chapter that the early Welsh of Jack- son and Gallia, and other settlements in early days, also had large families. While Mr. Davies makes no point of enumer- ating the families and their respective sizes, he refers to some as being very large and incidentally mentions the number of children in some of the families. He refers to one family which came to Columbus in that period and which later moved to Brown Township, as having 15 children, all of whom were living at home at the same time. Another family of eleven children is mentioned, and two families having ten children in each, three families having eight children and three having seven children. In January 1910, there were 26 married couples in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society with no children; 40 families with but one child, while only two families had as many as seven children. To discuss the causes for this condition with any degree of satisfaction is not easy. But doubtless there are at least two contributing causes, and perhaps more, (i) Economic con- siderations have their influence; inability to support large families affects this problem. Then (ii) closely linked with the economic consideration is the social reason, viz. the desire to properly rear children bom to the home, and consequently the desire to have a limited family to whom good advantages may be given. Regarding dwellings and residence districts it may be said that the Welsh generally speaking live in comfortable homes. The large majority of them belong to the skilled labor class, and live well; they occupy houses having from six to eight WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 91 rooms. The dwellings of the Welsh, to be sure, represent the two extremes, and they reside in parts of the city representing the extremes of wealth and poverty. The streets and localities where they are found are somewhat indicative of their social welfare. Some of the Welsh own very fine homes on Broad Street, while others live in dingy huts in the poorer sections of the city such as west of North High Street on either side of the railroad tracks. The writer has visited a poor widow, who supported herself by washing, living in a one room cottage with just a kitchen attached to it in the rear. For this cot- tage she paid $3.00 per month rent. She was is poor health, suffering from asthma and had to rely on charity for aid when she was ill and unable to earn a living. Such cases are rare among the Welsh, and very seldom do we find a Welsh person dependent on charity. The average Welsh home is comfortable and well equipped with good furniture, well located on re- spectable and improved streets, and its inhabitants enjoy a wholesome and comfortable living. In the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society over 50 percent of the families own their homes. While not all are free from incumbrance, many of them own property besides their homes. And while less than 50 percent are renters, even some of those who rent are property holders and a large number of single persons are property owners in the city. Many are in business for themselves, and some may be classed as ''well-to-do.'' The Welsh of Columbus are thrifty and live well, but with it all they practice a wholesome economy. They are saving without being stingy. They are home-lovers and make much of home life. Their hospitality is phenomenal. Their child- ren are well trained in diligence, and have a good knowledge of the practical things of life. Seldom will one find a girl brought up in a Welsh home who is not familiar with all the details of practical housekeeping. Nor do they neglect the cultural phase of life in the home. They have good books. Very little trashy literature will be found in the average 92 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Welsh home. They make much of music. As a rule the home where there are children has a piano, and Welsh children are taught to sing as well as to play on musical instruments. OCCUPATION GROUPS AND BUSINESS RELATIONS The following statistics are based on the returns from the Regularly Classified group in the general canvass and from the statistics of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. Three classifications are made according to occupa- tion groups, with an additional group of occupations unclassi- fied. The three general Occupation Groups classified are: (i) Professional and Official Group, (ii) Those having to do with Commerce and Transportation, (iii) Those who are connected with Manufacture and Mechanical Industry, (iv) The fourth group is that of occupations unclassified. The total of Welsh persons who gave their occupations is 966, and they are distributed as to occupation groups as follows : The largest occupation group is the Commercial and Transporta- tion Group. It numbers 409, or 41.5 percent of the entire working force of Welsh people here considered. Of the Com- mercial and Transportation Group, the commercial clerks, bookkeepers, stenographers, salesmen, both city and traveling, constitute 65.6 percent of the group, or 27.2 percent of the en- tire working force of the Welsh people in Columbus according to our canvass. A little less than one-third of the Commercial clerks are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. About one-third of the entire clerkship force are females. Railroaders constitute 8.7 percent of this occupation group, and they are 3.6 percent of the entire working force of the Welsh people. The next largest occupation group is that of persons con- nected with Manufacturing and Mechanical Industry. In this group there are 323 persons, or a little more than one-third of the entire working force here considered. 244 of these are from the general canvass, and 79 are in the Calvinistic Metho- dist Church and society. The largest class in this occupation WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 98 group are the carpenters and joiners of whom there are 63, or 20.1 percent of the group, and 6.7 percent of the entire working force of the Welsh people canvassed. The next largest class in this occupation group are the painters and decorators of whom there are 29; then come the machinists, 24 in number; blacksmiths, 11; factory women, 10; and the remainder are scattered among 52 different occupations hav- ing less than ten in each. The third of the occupation groups is that of Professional and Official occupations. In this group there are 101, or 10.5 percent of the whole working force of the Welsh people can- vassed. Of this group, 22 are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church and society. The remaining 79 are from the general canvass of the city. 47, or almost one-half of this occupation group, are teachers and instructors in the city schools. High schools, the Ohio State University, or teachers of music. About one-fifth of this group are doctors; 16 of whom are Physicians; 3 are Doctors of Dental Surgery; and one is a Veterinary Surgeon. The remainder of this group are scat- tering with less than five in a given profession or office. The fourth group, which is not classified, has in it 141 persons, or 14.6 percent of the whole working force. 76 of these are laborers, 36 are domestics, 11 are janitors, 8 are saloonkeepers and bartenders, and the remaining 6 are em- ployed with some form of personal service. From the above classification according to occupation it is clear that a large percent of the Welsh are skilled laborers and clerks of one form or another, and that one in every ten is in some profession or is occupied in some official capacity. Relatively few are laborers. Business Relations. — The Welsh tend to cling together in business. Welsh contractors employ Welshmen as a rule. Welsh st o ne masons go together. The Welsh form partner- ships in such businesses as grocery stores, etc. This form^ association is carried on quite extensively among the WelsS,^ Welsh families favor a Weldi physician as a rule. ^And they f 94 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO patronize stores and places of business kept by men of their own nationality, and even favor stores and business houses where Welsh clerks are employed. EDUCATION The children of the Welsh people of Columbus attend the city schools, the grade schools, high schools, and some enter the Ohio State University, or some college. Exact statistics on this subject for the entire Welsh population of Columbus we could not obtain with sufficient accuracy to draw definite conclusions. But for the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church and society they are as given in table XI. TABLE XI. EDUCATION Number of persons who have had college education 14 Number of persons in college at present 6 Number of persons who have had professional education. 7 Number of persons of High School education 57 Number of persons now attending High Schools 25 Number of persons now in Common Schools 95 Number of illiterates 3 Number under five years of age 52 Number of those not classified here 413 Total ..672 Of the 413 not classified in the table above, practically all have had a common school education or its equivalent, and a large number of them have had a commercial course besides. LITERARY AND IMPROVEMENT SOCIETIES The old time interest in literary societies and singing schools, once so intense among the Welsh of Columbus, is now lagging. From 25 to 50 years ago the literary society was a great function, and it aroused great interest and a spirit of rivalry in competition. It was carried on almost exclusively in the Welsh language. Today societies and organizations of a distinctly Welsh character are practically extinct in Colum- bus. Some cities in America, where the Welsh population is WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 95 larger than in Columbus and in other cities where the Welsh population is much smaller, flourishing Welsh organizations are maintained such as the Cymrodorion Society, the Ivorite Society, the Saint David's Society,^ etc.; but not one of these societies of a distinctly Welsh character are found among the Welsh of Columbus today. While there are none of the Welsh societies in Columbus almost all of the Welshmen belong to one or another of the fraternal societies or labor organizations in the city. The old time literary society has been supplanted by a Ladies' Literary Club, which was organized under the auspices of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in 1909. Its object was group study in which the young women came together in read- ing circles to study some author or some religious course such as a Missionary field or country. One meeting in the month is of a public nature to which all women are invited. The Young Men's Brotherhood was organized in 1908 un- der the auspices of the same church. It is broad in its scope, its object being **to advance the moral, social, and intellectual welfare of its members, ' ' its membership is not confined to the church. A Debating Club was also organized about this time among young boys of a High School age, its membership being elective and confined to twelve in number. Among the middle aged men there exists a Class in Theology which meets weekly for the discussion of theological questions. The membership of this class is also elective and limited to twelve in number. The church choir of the Calvinistic Methodist Church amounts to a musical society. It is regularly organized with officers and directors. The choir consists of about 60 voices, and they meet regularly every week for rehearsals. For the past two Christmas seasons this choir has given Handel's Messiah with credit and distinction. ^ The two Welsh churches have their respective Ladies' Aid Societies, and from their accumulations every year they con- 1 A Saint David's Society was organized in Columbus on March 3rd 1918 -when about 250 Welshmen met at a dinner to celebrate Saint David's Day. 1 The Messiah has now been giTen for four successiTO seasons, 1909 to 1912, with increasing success. 96 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO tribute to various benevolences in Columbus, such as the Child- ren 's Aid Society, the Associated Charities, City Missions, etc. They also have a Missionary Branch through which they con- tribute to missions, both Home and Foreign. Among the women there is a local branch of the Woman *s Christian Tem- perance Union, known as the * * Cambrian W. C. T. U. ' ' which holds regular monthly meetings. The Welsh of Columbus also have an auxiliary to the American Bible Society. This was organized in 1853. The first year after its organization this auxiliary society contributed over $144.00 to the American Bible Society. The Columbus auxiliary society has grown and flourished ever since its organization. It has many Life Members of the American Bible Society and some Life Di- rectors. MORALITY AND TEMPERANCE Very seldom do we hear of a Welshman being arrested for any cause whatever. Only four or five times in the period of three years and a half that the writer lived in Columbus was the Welsh pride shocked by the announcement that one of their nationality had been arrested. The writer has never heard of a Welsh child appearing in the Juvenile Court of the city, and the report of that court for June 1911 shows that there were none during the year preceding. A Welshman sentenced to the workhouse is seldom heard of, and a Welsh pauper is a rare being. On the question of temperance the Welsh society of Colum- bus has improved a great deal in the last quarter of a century. In the days of the steel rail mill there were many indulgent Welshmen in Columbus. Some of them could be classed as low and given to very excessive drinking. In this respect the Welsh have advanced greatly. Welsh habitual drunkards are few in number. The number of those who dring intoxi- cants is becoming smaller year by year. The Calvinistic Methodist Church for many years has made total abstinence a requisite for admission to church membership. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS Vt POLITICS In politics the Welsh of Columbus are almost all Republi- cans though there are exceptions; a few are Democrats and still others are Prohibitionists. Since the rise of the Anti- saloon movement many of the Welsh who were Prohibitionists have joined its ranks rather than cling to the Prohibition par- ty ; that is, those of them who are staunch supporters of tem- perance. Party lines are not so closely adhered to by the Welsh of today as they were in former days ; and a Welshman on a ticket, no matter which party, will command the majority of Welsh votes. CHURCH MEMBERSHIP There is scarcely a religious denomination in the city of Columbus without at least one Welshman in the roll of its members. Twenty-two religious bodies have a total of 1,118 Welsh people enrolled in them and of this 1,118, 512 are mem- bers of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, and 75 are in the Welsh Congregational Church. This is not the total member- ship of the Welsh Congregational Church. These are children in the homes, children whose record was given in question 15 and its subdivisions on the record-card whose classification is not complete and consequently they are not counted here but a record of them is given in the ** Incomplete Classification" group. ^ The children, however, are few in number in the Welsh Congregational Church, the most of them are grown up children in the homes. This church has but very few members under 18 or 20 years of age, and at least one-half of its membership are foreign born Welsh. We have as the result of our canvass 606 persons who are members of churches other than the Welsh Calvinistic Metho- dist Church in Columbus. And these 606, it must be remem- bered, are adults regularly classified. Were we able to give 1 The 75 mentioned here and elsewhere in this work do not represent the total membership of the Welsh Oon^egational Church. 75 is the number of adults regularly classified on onr record-cards. Where there were sons and daughters in the families they have been recorded in the "Incomplete Classi- fication" group of which there are 423 children of Welsh parents. The total membership of the Welsh Congregational Church is somewhat over 100, perhaps 120. 98 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO the church statistics for the children under 21 years of age (as we have done for the Calvinistic Methodist Church) the report would show a much larger number of Welsh persons in the English churches of Columbus. Barring the two Welsh churches for the moment, we have 531 Welsh people who are members of churches other than Welsh in the city. Of this 531 the Methodist Episcopal church has the largest number, viz. 181, or 34 percent of all the Welsh church members in churches not Welsh in the city, and 16.2 percent of the entire number of church members among the Welsh people of the city. The next in point of numbers is the Presbyterian church with 106 Welsh people, or 20 percent of those not members of the Welsh churches, and 9.7 percent of the whole number of Welsh church mem- bers. The next is the Congregational Church with 14.9 per- cent of Welsh outside of Welsh churches, or a little over 7 percent of the whole number of church members who are Welsh. The next in size is the Welsh Congregational Church with 75 members regularly classified, which is a little less than 13 percent of those in Welsh churches, and 6.7 percent of the entire church membership here considered.^ The Baptist Church has 41 Welsh people, or 7.7 percent of those not in Welsh churches, and 3.6 percent of the whole number of Welsh church members. The Church of Christ has 36 Welshmen on its roll, or 6.8 percent of those in churches not Welsh in the city, and 3.2 percent of the entire church membership of Welsh people. The Episcopal Church has 30 Welsh people in its roll of membership which is 5.4 of Welsh church mem- bers outside of the Welsh churches, or 2.8 percent of the entire Welsh church membership here considered. The remaining denominations and religious bodies have less than 15 members in each as may be seen by consulting table XII. i If we had a complete classified list of the members of the Welsh Con- gregational Church it would have about 20 percent of all members in Welsh churches instead of 13 as here mentioned. American readers may wonder why we give a separate account of the Welsh Congregational Church here, i. e. why not include it in the column "Congregational" along with all other Congrega- tional churches of the city. The reason is that the Welsh Congregational Church is a body separate and distinct from the English Congregational church. It has its own State Convention or Association just as the Calvinistic Methodist (or Welsh Presbyterian) church is a distinct organization from the Presbyterian body. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS M TABLE XII. THE NUMBER OF WELSH IN THE VARIOUS CHURCHES Calvinistic Methodist Church 512 Methodist Episcopal Church 181 Presbyterian Church 106 Congregational Church 79 Welsh Congregational Church 75 Baptist Church • 41 Church of Christ 36 Episcopal Church 30 United Brethren 14 United Presbyterian Church 10 Catholic Church 8 Lutheran Church 5 Seventh Day Adventists 3 Universalist Church • • 3 Church of God 3 Salvation Army • 3 Latter Day Saints 2 Christian Science Church. . . • • 2 Spiritualists 2 Church of the Nazarene • . . . 1 Reformed Church 1 Young Men *s Christian Association . . . • • 1 Total — 1,118 of whom 512 are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church, and 75 of whom are in the Welsh Congregational Church. As we have intimated above, if our returns from the gen- eral canvass were more complete, a much larger percent of the Welsh of Columbus would be in churches other than Welsh churches in the city. In our group designated ** Incomplete Classification,*' which dealt with question 15 and its subdi- visions on the record-card, we have, 806 children from mixed marriages, and 423 children of Welsh parents, not considered at all in the table on Church Affiliations given above. Were 100 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO these groups, the total of which is 1,229, classified as to church aflfiliations there would be revealed the fact that several hun- dred more Welsh people were in churches other than the Welsh churches of Columbus, which have not been recorded at all in this writing on church relationship for the reason that our statistics gave us no aid on this question. Tables XIII., XIV. and XV. in the appendix,^ give respect- ively, (i) The total number of church members, (ii) The total of those not church members but who attend, (iii) The total who do not attend church. These are given according to their status as foreign or native bom, etc. In these tables the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church and society is omitted, the effort here being to learn the religious status of the Welsh outside of the Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. These tables are made up from the regularly classified records of our general canvass. By *' church members'' here we mean persons who are directly indentified with some church or other as members. By ** those who are not church members but who attend'' we mean persons who are not directly indentified with any particular church as members, but who attend with more or less regularity and who gave the name of the church which they attended. By *' non-church goers" we mean (i) persons who definitely stated that they attended no church whatever ^ and (ii) those who, when asked about their church attend- ance, gave such answers as: ** seldom," ** every where, " *^all churches," **once in a while," or ** nowhere in particular," in reply, and who in no instance gave the name of the church which they attended even **once in a while." The total of these three tables is 1,273 and concerning them the following facts are revealed: The first group, Table XIII., gives the total of church members outside of the Calvinistic Methodist Church. This group consists of 606 church members, or 47.6 percent of the entire 1,273 persons here considered. The second group, Table XIV., gives the total of church attendants who are not 1 See Appendix E. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 101 members. This group consists of 328 persons, or 25.7 of the entire 1,273 in these tables. The third group, Table XV., gives the total of non-church-goers and it consists of 339 per- sons, or 26.7 percent of the entire number considered in these tables.^ Reckoned with respect to their grouping as foreign and native bom in these three tables the percentages are as follows : Of the 1,273 persons classified in tables XIII., XIV., and XV. collectively 269, or 21.1 percent, are foreign bom; 415, or 32.6 percent, are native born of foreign parents; 178, or 14 percent, are persons having one parent foreign and the other native; 411, or 32.3 percent, are native bom of native parents. Percentages according to sex in these groups are as indi- cated in table XVI. below. 1 See Fi^re 5 page 102. 102 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Figure 5 ^7.6 Figure 5 is a graphic representation of Tables XII., XIII. and XIV. in the appendix. The segments are as follows: Segment a. The total of church members as per table. Segment b. The total of church attendants who are not members. Segment c. The total of non-church-goers. WELSH SOCIAL STATISTICS 108 TABLE XVI. Showing the relative number of males and females among the Welsh of Columbus, (not in the Calvinistie Methodist Church) grouped according to their status of Foreign and Native bom, and showing the extent of church affiliations for each group according to sex. h I |l I • Its o c5 .^2 o«5 g ^ B a fl « -S I g£ S-*^ gg •^ St •"£ 5* c M) I. Percent of Males and Females. ^55 55 Males 58.7 61 59 61.3 Females 41.3 39 41 38.7 loo 100 100 100 II. Grouped According to Chnirch Affiliations. Percent of Church Members in these Groups 55 46 4a4 44.7 Percent of church attendants, not members 24.2 27 23.4 26.5 Percent of non-church-goers 20.8 27 30.2 28.8 IlOO 100 100 100 m. Church Affiliation according to sex in these groups. Church members — Males 47.9 43.2 44 48.4 Church members — Females 52.1 56.8 56 51.6 Too 100 100 100 Church attendants— Males 63 67 69.1 58.7 Church attendants— Females 37 33 30.9 41.3 loo 100 100 100 Non-church-goers— Males 82.2 85.6 74 83.9 Non-church-goers— Females 17.8 14>.4 26 16.1 loo 100 100 100 104 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO The percentages in table XVI., when closely examined, ex- plain themselves. We can readily see that there is an excess of males as compared with females in each group. We have attempted to explain the reason for this in a previous section of this chapter. 1 As we get farther away from the foreign bom Welsh group the percentage of church memberships decrease. In the col- umns on church membership according to sex, the percent for females is larger than that for males in each group notwithstanding that the males outnumber the females by a large majority. Of those who attend church, but who are not members, the percent for males in each group is in excess of females. Likewise in the group of non-church-goers the per- cent for the males is very large while that for females is very small. The inevitable conclusion is that Welsh women are better church attendants than Welsh men. By way of conclusion, we may observe from the facts pre- sented in this and the preceeding chapter that the assimilative process is rapidly taking place. The Welsh of the city are being absorbed by the community and the Welsh traditions and * ' clannishness " are breaking down. While the Welsh community life centered about the church at one time almost entirely, the church having refused to adjust itself to new con- ditions has lost its hold on scores of Welsh in the city. As a consequence a large majority of the Welsh group has given away and melted into the American population in response to manifold outside influences and the lack of sufficiently strong common bonds to hold them together. 1 See page 88. CHAPTER VL THE PROCESS OF CHANGE (The Vanishing Welsh) Our discussion of the Process of Change may be treated to advantage by grouping our ideas under three general topics for consideration, as follows: 1. The Welsh conservatism is giving way to a broader outlook, due to the influence of en- vironment in general and the consequent vanishing of Welsh institutions. 2. The linguistic question — a change of langu- age. 3. The problem for the church — new conditions. WELSH CONSERVATISM IS GIVING WAY TO A BROADER OUTLOOK The Welsh mind is conservative and, generally speaking, unprogressive. It accepts anything new with great reluct- ance. But that a great change has taken place in the Welsh social mind in recent years, no one can doubt. Extreme Welsh -conservatism has given way to a broader spirit in almost every direction, and on almost every question of public concern and ^f private conduct. In the preceding chapters, we studied the early Welsh of Ohio as pioneers settling in their respective communities. They preserved their Welsh customs, habits, and institutions for a long time without being influenced to any marked degree by the American spirit. In the case of the Jackson and Gallia colony, for example, we studied a rural community transplanted from its native soil on the slopes of the Welsh mountains to the rugged hills of Jackson and Gallia Counties in southern Ohio. There the South walean from Cardiganshire lived and labored and wor- shipped, much the same way as he did in his native land, for several decades. There were no public conveniences to disturb his peace and custom. There were no steam railways, inter- 106 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO urban lines, nor even public highways of any account invading the settlement. There were no telegraphs, telephones, nor rural mail carriers, and even foreign mails were very infre- quent for a long time. They had but little contact with the outside world and what contact they did have was forced upon them by circumstances. They preferred to live alone enjoy- ing their own society, customs, and religious exercises, more than association with their neighbors of other nationalities. No doubt they changed somewhat without outside suggestion and influences, but this form of change was for a long time very slight and we have no means of measuring the extent of it. In Columbus, too, we found the Welsh community compact and clustered about their church. They were distinguished as a group by the names Welshburg and Jonesborough. They talked and worshipped in their mother tongue, and they pre- ferred their own little group, in a social way, to mixing with foreigners in the neighborhoods about them. The Welsh people of Columbus today are the descendants of the early Welsh families who settled here and the children of the early settlers of other Welsh communities in Ohio, par- ticularly the Jackson and Gallia settlement. As we study present conditions in Columbus we are impressed with the great change which has come to the Welsh social mind. It has changed tremendously in recent years, and still greater changes must come in the next decade or two when those who are boys and girls today, and who are thoroughly Americanized in habit and spirit, will assume leadership and responsibility in the homes, in the social circles, in business relations, and in the church. There was a time when the introduction of the innocent and helpful organ into the church worship met with great re- sistance. Parting the hair was looked upon by older people at one time as a sign of too much pride. The men combed their hair straight down over their foreheads. But the Welsh of today are quite as modern in their personal appearance and THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 107 as dashy in their habits of dress as any other respectable peo- ple in the community. To sing love songs and **coon songs*' used to be regarded as very unbecoming to the young, and they were rebuked for it by the elders of the church. Card playing, dancing, theatre going, billiard plajdng, and bowling met with wholesale condemnation in former days; and even pitching quoits, playing croquet, and other similar amusements by way of recreation, were discouraged in past decades. To- day they are not endorsed, but are tolerated even by the leaders of the church. Some church members have billiard tables in their homes, others play cards, and many attend theatres, but most of them are particular in their attendance upon theatres ; they attend the best. The conservatism of the Welsh church on the linguistic question has lost many of the young people to the Welsh church in the past. But this now is being overcome and the Welsh young people remain in their own church. Many of those who marry persons of other nationalities, instead of leaving the Welsh church for some English speaking church, persuade their partners to remain with them in the Welsh church. REGARD FOR SUNDAYS AND HOLIDAYS The Welsh people as a people have a sacred regard for the Sabbath. They observe the Lord's Day. But while they keep the Sabbath with good and wholesome observance, they are far from giving it the strict puritan observance which, for example, their forefathers did in the early days in the Jackson and Gallia settlement. The strict avoidance of whistling on Sunday, and of walking to and from church with a member of the opposite sex on the part of young people, or of going for a walk on Sunday, is no longer required; such things, which were not tolerated at one time in Welsh circles, are today common. Some holidays are strictly observed. Chief among these is Thanksgiving Day. Thanksgiving Day is held in great es- teem by the Welsh of Celumbus. The writer has heard a 108 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO prominent member of the Calvinistic Methodist Church re- mark thus: *'I regard Thanksgiving Day as just as sacred as Sunday. ' ' Scores of others would reiterate that statement. In the Calyinistic Methodist Church there are three meetings held on Thanksgiving Day, and this is true of almost all other Welsh churches. The order of services on Thanksgiving Day is as follows : At 10 :00 a. m. a Welsh prayer meeting ; 2 :00 p. m. a general fellowship meeting ; 7 :30 p. m. a prayer meet- ing under the auspices of the young people's societies. The service best attended is the afternoon service when all, both younger children and older people, attend if the weather is favorable. But the morning and evening services are well attended also. It is regarded as out of place for a young man to attend a foot ball game on Thanksgiving afternoon, even though he attended church both morning and evening. Other holidays have been given no unusual attention by the Welsh. Christmas has not been observed with any very special functions until recent years. Of late Christmas exer- cises have been held for the children of the Sunday School. Easter has had no special observance until very recently, ex- cept by way of eating an unusual number of eggs on that day. The Welsh Eisteddfod is often held on either Christmas or New Year's Day, and a Welsh picnic is held on the Fourth of July. THE LINGUISTIC QUESTION The question of language has had a great influence in changing the social thinking of the Welsh of Columbus. One of the stanzas of the Welsh National Air breathes the senti- ment that ''If the enemy has ravished the Land of Wales, the Language of Wales is as living as ever." C'Os treisiodd y gelyn fy Ngwlad dan ei droed, mae Hen laith y Cymry mor fyw ag erioed.") However true that statement may be of Wales today, the truth about the Welsh who emigrated to America is that they have found a new home in a good land, but they are losing their mother tongue, the language of Wales. THE PB0CE8S OP CHANGE 109 Welsh communities in America have made a brave fight to preserve the language of their fatherland, which is so dear to them. But like every other language spoken by foreigners who come to our shores, the Welsh must give way before the dominant power of the English. The longevity of the Welsh language varies in proportion to the size of the community, its geographical position, the proportion of Welsh in the com- munity, and the degree of migration from Wales into the com- munity. Welsh settlements and Welsh characteristics will, in the future, be shorter lived in America than they have been in the past. Our reason for this belief is that modern con- veniences in America today disturb the exclusiveness and the clannish tendencies of any people, or group of people, who come to our shores. Steam railways, electric railways, tele- graphs, telephones, rural mails and daily papers, and a thousand other modern improvemnts and conveniences disturb the exclusiveness of any community or clan, and be- fore the power of the English language in the commercial world of America every other tongue must be silent. The average period of persistence of the Welsh language in Welsh communities is about three generations or about 80 years; sometimes more, and frequently less. Concerning the Welsh settlements briefly studied in the second chapter, the following may be stated regarding the longevity of the Welsh language in them. Paddy's Run, settled over a hundred years ago passed through its most flourishing period in the '30s and '40s. At present there are only four old settlers^ in Paddy's Run who can speak the Welsh language. In the Welsh Hills in Licking County, there are less than a dozen people who can speak Welsh. In the towns of Granville and Newark, several Welsh speaking people may be found. In the Jackson and Gallia settlement,^ the strongest and best organized Welsh settlement in America in her balmy days, and the best fortified by natural environment against extraneous influences, the Welsh language is rapidly vanishing and is being supplanted 1 Two of these are over 90 years old. 2 First 18 settlers came there in 1818, but the real growth of the tettle- ment began in 1884. 110 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO by English even in the church services. About one-third of the preaching done in the settlement is in English, perhaps more. About two-thirds of the Sunday School classes in the churches are conducted in the English language. Gomer in Allen County, settled in 1838, is rapidly changing its com- plexion linguistically. Half of the preaching services are in English and more than half of the Sunday School classes are carried on in that tongue. Venedocia in Vanwert County, settled in 1848, is gradually coming to recognize the need of English in the church. Venedocia is the latest of the large settlements, here considered, to be established and therefore the last to show signs of the decline of the Welsh language. Strictly speaking, the signs were evident long ago, but they were not discerned by the leaders in the Welsh church. A Presbyterian Church was organized in Venedocia some 12 years ago by the Lima Presbytery and its services are con- ducted in English. The Welsh people in Venedocia should have organized that church under the auspices of the Calvin- istic Methodist denomination. They failed to do this. The result is that he Welsh Church of Venedocia in the past 10 or 12 years has gradually decreased, while the Presbyterian Church, which consists very largely of younger Welsh Ameri- cans, has grown during the same period from a small mission church to a church with a membership of about 120. The Sugar Creek Church in Putnam County became extinct as a Welsh church, and for a number of years no service was held there. In recent years this church has been reorganized by the Calvinistic Methodists as an English church, and the work there is now growing. The Radnor settlement, in Delaware County, once a flourishing Welsh community is now entirely English in society and church. But the inhabitants of the community are almost all people of Welsh blood, being the descendants of the early Welsh settlers who came to Radnor a hundred years ago. With this brief resume of the linguistic conditions of the older Welsh settlements of Ohio, which supply Columbus with THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 111 much of its Welsh population today, let us now give attention to the linguistic condition among the Welsh of Columbus. First, the linguistic condition in the Calv inistic Methodist, Church. The Welsh church is the gTeS"'c6nsefver'oi Welsn forces, linguistic and otherwise. The Welsh church is the last place to give up the Welsh language. When every other branch of social activity and every social circle, including the home, has ceased to use the Welsh language the Church de- mands it in public worship, even though every sign points to the need of a change. The main reason for this condition is that the older people cling to their mother tongue from senti- ment, and the older people control in church affairs. They cling to the Welsh not that they do not understand the Eng- lish, but because they prefer the Welsh. The older people do understand English, but scores of their children do not un- derstand Welsh. The Welsh language is losing, and it must lose more and more in Columbus, as in other communities, as the process of Americanization of the children in Welsh homes is increasing, and as the practical cessation of immigration from Wales continues. In the Calvinistic Methodist Church of Columbus there are 51 infants of five years and under. Of these 51 infants, 6 are able to speak Welsh. They speak the language well for children five years of age. In the next age group, children from 6 to 10 years of age, there are 50, and 4 of these may be said to speak Welsh fairly well. In the next age group, 11 to 15, there are 52, and 3 of these can speak Welsh. In the next age group, youths 16 to 20 years of age, there are 59, and 13 of these are able to speak the Welsh language. Of adults over 21 years of age in the church, there are 39 persons of pure Welsh blood who cannot speak Welsh, besides the mem- bers who are not of Welsh blood and who cannot understand the language. We have this interesting linguistic condition among the children of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, viz. there are more children, and a larger percent of the children, of five 112 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO years old and under who can speak the Welsh language than there are in the next two age groups, viz. those between the ages of six and ten, and eleven and fifteen, respectively. The reason for this is that some Welsh parents are faithful to teach Welsh to their young children in the home, but as soon as they go to the public schools and begin to associate with other children, they pick up English and in a short time they refuse to express themselves in Welsh even at home, and not long thereafter they cannot talk Welsh at all. There are 212 children under 21 years of age in the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church and society and only 26, or 12.7 percent, of them are able to intelligently use the Welsh langu- age. It may here be urged that almost one-fourth of this 212 are infants under five years of age, many of whom are unable to speak any language as yet. That is true, but the fact still remains that a larger percent of this age-group can speak Welsh than of the next two age-groups respectively; all of which means that when these children, now under five years of age, come to the age-groups of 6 to 10 and 11 to 15 respect- ively, a smaller percent of them will be able to speak the Welsh language than at present. The percentages in the age-groups run as follows : Of the total under 21 years of age, 12.7 percent speak Welsh. Age- group under five years of age, 11.7 percent speak Welsh; in the age-group 11 to 15 years, 5.8 percent speak Welsh ; in the age-group 16 to 20 years, 22 percent are able to speak Welsh. Of those over 21 years of age, there are 39 persons of pure Welsh blood, or 8.5 percent of those over 21 years old, who cannot speak the Welsh language. The group of 212 children and youths under 21 years old, 87.3 percent of whom cannot speak Welsh, are, for the most part, children of Welsh parents who have come to Columbus from the Jackson and Gallia settlement in the past 25 years. There are but very few of the descendants of the old original Welsh families of Colum- bus in the Calvinistic Methodist Church at present. Most of THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 113 these have left the Welsh church and are identified with Eng- lish churches in the city. When we come to study the linguistic situation among the Welsh of Columbus outside the Welsh Calvinistic Church and society, conditions are still more striking, as may well be ex- pected, even though the members of the Welsh Congregational Church are reckoned in this group. Of the entire 1,273 persons regularly classified in the Gen- eral Canvass of the Welsh people of the city 359, or 28.2 per- cent, speak the Welsh language. ^ And these are distributed as to classification of foreign and native born as follows: There are 269 foreign born Welsh, and of this total 161, or a little less than 60 percent, speak Welsh. The total number of native born of foreign parents is 415 ; of this number 130, or 31.3 percent, speak Welsh. The total number of native born having one of the parents foreign and the other native, is 178; of these 23, or a trifle less than 13 percent, speak Welsh. The total number of native bom of native parents is 411 ; 45 of these, or 10.9 percent, speak the Welsh language. It is evident from the above percentages that as we get farther away from the foreign born Welsh the knowledge of the Welsh language decreases. This is to be expected, but the percentage of each group is interesting nevertheless, if not surprising. As Americanization takes place the knowledge of Welsh diminishes. The groups, beginning with the foreign born Welsh, show the percents to diminish as follows: (i) 59.8 percent; (ii) 31.3 percent; (iii) 12.9 percent; (iv) 10.9 percent, respectively.^ With such a condition present, and with practically no direct immigration from Wales, and with rapid linguistic changes going on in the communities which have served as ** feeders'' for Columbus in the last 25 years, and which still continue to supply Columbus with Welsh people, it is safe to predict that the time is not far distant when the Welsh lan- guage will be extinct in Columbus, or at least dropped from use 1 See Figure 6 on page 114. 2 See Figure 7 on page 115. , . lU THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Figure 6 Figure 6 is a graphic representation of linguistic condi- tion stated on page 113. The segments are as follows: Segment a. Total of those who cannot speak the Welsh language. Segment b. Total of those who can speak Welsh. THE PROCESS OF CHANGE Figure 7 115 CD 40.3i CZD 01^ on Figure 7, in four parts, is a graphic representation of the linguistic conditions as analyzed on page 113. The circles are as follows: 1. Linguistic condition among the foreign horn Welsh. 2. Linguistic condition among the native bom of foreign parents. 3. Linguistic condition among the native bom having one foreign and one native parent. 4. Linguistic condition among the native born of native parents. The segments in each circle are as follows? Segment a. Total who cannot speak Welsh. Segment b. Total who speak Welsh. 116 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO even in the Welsh church. Were we able to give linguistic conditions regarding the 423 children of Welsh parents, and the 806 children of mixed marriages, one of whose parents was Welsh, the statistics on the vanishing of the Welsh language would be even more striking than the above figures show. CHARACTERISTIC WELSH INSTITUTIONS WANING There are Welsh organizations and societies in many com- munities where the Welsh are organized as a people. Colum- bus today has none of these. Such organizations as the Cymrodorion Society, the Ivorite Society, Saint David's Soci- ety, etc. are found in many Welsh communities, especially in the cities. Some cities much larger than Columbus have them, such as New York, Philadelphia, etc., and some cities much smaller than Columbus, and which have a much smaller Welsh population than Columbus, also have them. But no such or- ganizations exist in Columbus. Even the Cambrian Musical Club, consisting of about 40 male voices, which was organized about six years ago, was abandoned in 1910. The Eisteddfod which is a characteristic Welsh institution is held occasionally, but this has no permanent elements. It is formed from an impulse on the part of a few persons and a temporary organi- zation is formed to carry out the Eisteddfod plans for the season. After the Eisteddfod takes place the organization dissolves, as a rule. The reason for the absence of characteristic Welsh institu- tions among the Welsh of Columbus is difficult to state. The language does not play a very important part here. For, in many cities, flourishing Welsh societies are maintained where the Welsh speaking population is small. The only character- istic Welsh institutions in Columbus are those under the auspices of the Welsh church. Perhaps the great Welsh or- ganizations are formed, in cities where they exist, after the Welsh church has proven insufficient to the task of holding together the great mass of influential Welsh people in the city. At any rate, the condition in Columbus at present is that of THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 117 a strong Welsh church with no other Welsh societies besides those maintained under the auspices of the church. ^ Another reason which may be assigned for the absence of these Welsh institutions is that the Welsh of Columbus are absorbed with other societies and organizations in a social way. The men belong to various fraternal societies and labor organizations in the city, which occupy their time and attention; and the women have joined clubs for women in the city. Granted that this be one of the causes for the absence of Welsh institutions, we again see the change which has come into the Welsh society through association with other peoples in a mixed community. Welsh ideals and institutions are vanishing, and the Welsh of Columbus are identifying themselves with institutions which are common to Americans. The old societies once cherished by the Welsh are giving way to American institutions. Revivals among the Welsh. — Revivals are not peculiar to the Welsh people, but a Welsh religious revival is unique. The revivals of Wales are such as possess the whole nation. 1 The organization of the St. David's Society in Columbus in March 1913 may suggest the fact that the Welsh church in Columbus is now approaching the point where it is not equal to the task of holding together the many in- fluential Welsh of the city. Be that as it may. The Welsh of Columbus are now agitating the organization of a "Welsh Social Center." Such an organi- zation may doubtless have its advantages to the Welsh of the city at large, but it will be a disadvantage to the Welsh church. About four years ago, (1909), the Welsh C. M. Church considered erecting a new church edifice which would accommodate social aspects of work, commonly known as "the institutional church" work, making provision for social rooms and reading rooms for the scores of young Welsh men and women who are in the city, many of whom have come from country homes and are living in rooming houses in Columbus. The measure failed to carry four years ago. Now the question of a new church has been revived, and likewise the question of a social gathering place, but now it comes up as a double-header, viz. a new church and a Welsh social center, as two separate institutions The church, in December 1913, decided to erect a new edifice, and the Welsh of the city are planning a ' 'Welsh social center." (See Preliminary Program of Columbus Eisteddfod announcement for January 1, 1913.) A "social center," as such, could not well be carried on under the auspices of a church, for it wants to be free from sectarianism and racial lines. It is the same to Jew and Gentile, the same to Cotholic and Protestant. It must be in a public place — at the public school building where "all paths meet." But when the Welsh social center is considered, the ordinary objections to its being associated with the church do not hold. The Welsh have always regarded the church as their rallying place. The church has always been the Welshman's social center. The result of a "Welsh social center' ' apart from the church in Columbus will be detrimental to the Welsh church, especially with its present insistance on more Welsh speaking in the church than the conditions warrant. The result will be that the young will go to the social center for their Welsh social life, where they can mingle with their own nationality, for the Welsh are clannish, and they will go to an English church for their religious exercises. So between the Welsh social center and the lack of sufficient English in the Welsh church the Welsh church will more and more lose its control over the Welsh population of the city. 118 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO During a Welsh revival, the whole nation is stirred by a re- ligious awakening and upheaval. The Welsh communities in America have experienced such religious awakenings in pioneer days. Such a revival started in America in 1858. It swept through Welsh communities in the United States and the fire of the revival crossed the Atlantic in the person of its leader,^ and it stirred all Wales. A similar revival shook Wales in 1904-1905 when the whole nation was ablaze with the heat of it. The revival was led by a young man 26 years of age, and it resulted in over 80,000 conversions. Such a revival may visit Wales again, but it is very unlikely that the Welsh in America will ever experience a revival similar to that of 1859, and such as swept over Wales in 1904 and 1905. In 1905-06, an effort towards a revival of the Welsh type was made in many Welsh communities in America. In some instances the people were somewhat awakened but nothing of an unusual nature resulted from the effort. Some of the revival singers came from Wales to America, Two young men visited Columbus; good meetings were held, but nothing of any consequence was known to fol- low their work. Our reasons for believing that the Welsh in America may never again experience the old-time Welsh revivals are: (i) The Welshman has lived in America too long and he has be- come Americanized, and has lost through association and as- similiation a great deal of his highly emotional qualities and his vividness of imagination, (ii) He is far removed from the superstitions which once possessed the people in the Fatherland, and he is educated to the extent that he has over- come much of the superstitious in him; and this has affected his temperament.^ (iii) The waning of the Welsh language will also have its effects upon the revival spirit among the Welsh in this country, (iv) The manner of Welsh preach- ing has changed. Welsh preaching is not so highly exciting 1 See Diwygiadau Crefyddol Cymru, p. 404. 2 Let the reader not assume or conclude that the writer regards super- stition and revival as identical for he does not, but that a superstitious nature is an easy target for certain forms of revival appeals is beyond question. THE PB0CES8 OP CHANGE 119 as it once was, and the Welsh clergy indulge less in realisms in their discourses. This form of preaching in the past has had a great deal of influence upon the highly imaginative Welshman, or Celt. For these reasons we believe that the old- time Welsh revivals are not likely to visit the Welsh in Ameri- ca in the future. THE PROBLEM FOR THE CHURCH— NEW CONDITIONS The Problem for the Welsh Church in America is closely linked with the Linguistic Question. Conditions being as they are, the problem for the church cannot be fairly discussed apart fi'om the question of the Welsh language, — and the Welsh language, as we have pointed out, is a vanishing quan- tity.^ The Welsh people, generally speaking, are regarded as religious and very devoted to the church. To what extent this reputation for religion given the Welsh is due to their natural make-up, and how much of it is traditional, is difficult to state. If the Welshman is religiously inclined by constitu- tion, apart from tradition, language, and castoms, we would expect to find the full blood Welshman just as religious aftei he has forgotten the Welsh language as he was before. The Calvinistic Methodist denomination, which is by far the best organized and strongest Welsh church in America today, has never conceived of giving the gospel to any com- munity in America, except to communities where there are Welsh-speaking people. The writer knows of not a single church organized, nor a mission maintained, by the Calvinistic Methodist Church in the United States, except where there are Welsh speaking Welshmen. In a few instances, in recent years, churches which had gone do^vn as Welsh churches have been resurrected by the denomination as churches in which the English language is to be used for worship. The Sugar 1 See "Y Cyfaill" for November 1911, the address of the late Rev. Daniel Thomas M. A., as resigning Moderator of the General Assembly of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church in the United States, at Cotter, low*, August 1911. In this address, or sermon, Mr. Thomas declares that the C. M. denomination is now passing through a crisis. Two important considerations he presents, viz. (i) The denomination in relation to language in its churches, (ii) in relation to its future existence. He declares that three-fourths of those who leave the church do so for linguistic reasons. 120 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO Creek Church in Putnam county is one such church. But in no instance, known to the writer, has a church been organized or a mission maintained in any community which was not Welsh. It is thus fair to conclude that the Calvinistic IMetho- dist Church in the United States conceives its function to be to serve people of the Welsh nationality only. That is to say, it is a church for Welshmen in the United States. If this conclusion, dra^vn from observation of what seems to be the policy of the denomination — or at least its practice — is correct, the next question forced upon us for consideration is: Does the Welsh church in America meet the religious needs of the Welsh community ? In order to answer this ques- tion we must ask ourselves. What is a Welshman? Are they Welsh w^ho are born in Wales and who can speak the Welsh language? The answer assuredly is **Yes.*' Are they Welsh who are bom in Wales and of Welsh par- ents, but who cannot speak the Welsh language? Are the native born of foreign Welsh parents, and who can speak the Welsh language, to be regarded as Welsh? Are the native born of foreign Welsh parents, and ^vho cannot speak the Welsh language, to be regarded as Welsh? Are native born children of native born parents who can speak the Welsh language to be considered as Welsh ? Are native born childr- ren of native born parents of pure Welsh blood ^vho cannot speak the Welsh language to be regarded as Welsh? Our question is. What constitutes a Welshman? Is he a Welsh- man, who is born in America and w^hose parents are American born, when neither he nor his parents can speak the Welsh language, but in whose veins everj^ drop of blood comes from a pure Welsh ancestry ? If the Welsh church in America con- siders its functions to be to serve only the Welsh speaking of the Welsh people in the United States, it fails to meet the re- ligious needs of the large majority of the Welsh nationality in America. Then what of the child of the mixed marriage, one of whose parents is Welsh? Who is responsible for his religious instruction and training? If the Welsh church seeks THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 121 only to minister to those Welshmen who speak the Welsh language, it falls far short of providing for its own nationality in this country. It serves only that portion of the Welsh people who can receive religious instruction through the medi- um of the Welsh language. With these questions in mind, let us turn our attention to the statistics on the Welsh of Columbus, and study existing conditions with respect to church affiliations among them. Table XII., on church affiliations, shows a total of 1,118 church members.^ Of this total 512 are in the Calvinistic Methodist Church. The remaining 606 are from the General Canvass in the city at large. The 512 membei*s of the Calvin- istic Methodist Church, here counted, include the children of that church over 12 years of age who have been admitted into full church membership. The remaining 606 are only the adults regularly classified in the general canvass. Were the 423 children of Welsh parents and the 806 children of mixed parents (not classified as to church affiliation) added here the number of Welsh and half -Welsh in churches other than Welsh churches in Columbus would be much larger. But our con- clusions must be drawn from materials at our disposal. Among the Welsh of Columbus besides those in the two Welsh churches, as the table shows, there are Welsh people distributed among twenty other religious bodies, and one man insisted that Socialism was his religion. Prom the array of church membership in table XII., we can see how scattered are the Welsh of Columbus regarding their religious tendencies and church affiliations. The Metho- dist Episcopal Church has more Welsh members than any other denomination in the city, barring the Calvinistic Metho- dist Church. It has 181 Welsh people in its ranks in the city. There may be several reasons assigned for this: (i) A few may have been Welsh Wesleyans, and therefore naturally went to the Methodist Episcopal Church, (ii) The spirit of the Methodist Episcopal Church appeals to the Welsh tempera- ment. The ^lethodist Episcopal Church is often called the i See Table page 99. 122 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO church of the people, i. e. of the masses ; that fact would appeal to a large number of Welsh people, (iii) The Methodist ** class-meeting'' comes closer to the Calvinistic ''fellowship meeting'' than any other church institution in any other de- nomination known to the writer, (iv) The Calvinistic Methodists, when speaking of their church, call it ''Methodist" for brevity, just as the Methodist Episcopalians call their church "Methodist" for the same reason. This coincidence of names has attracted many a Calvinistic Methodist to the Methodist Episcopal church. A Calvinistic Methodist, on leaving his old home church and going to a town where there were different denominations, if he identified himself with any English church, frequently united with the Methodist Episcopal Church instead of going to a Presbyterian Church which would have been practically equivalent to his own Cal- vinistic Methodist Church, except for the language. The wri- ter's attention was called to this fact by one who had been a resident of Jackson County from childhood until recent years. He stated that scores, who had gone from that Welsh settlement, entered the Methodist Episcopal Church in just that way, being misled by the name * ' Methodist. ' ' It was only a few weeks after this conversation with the friend from Jack- son that the writer found an illustration of this very thing. A man, who had been a member all his life, up to that time, in a Calvinistic Methodist Church, had moved to town and had identified himself with the Methodist Episcopal Church. When asked by the w^riter w^hy he did not go to the Presby- terian Church, his immediate and direct reply, and that almost in the spirit of a retort, was, "Why should a Methodist go to a Presbyterian Church?" The percent of Welsh in the other churches in the city may be seen by consulting the table. The important question for the Welsh church in America with its heretofore strict allegiance to the Welsh language is the problem of the unchurched Welsh in our cities, and the abandoned Welsh churches in our rural communities. Of the 1,273 persons regularly classified in our general canvass of the THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 123 city, only 606, or 47.4 percent, were church members. Of the remaining 52.6 percent, who were not church members, 25.7 percent attended church; and 26.7 percent were non-church- goers. When more than one-half of the 1,273 adults here considered are non-church members and over one-fourth never attend church, it presents a serious aspect of religious condi- tion among a people generally known as good church people.^ When we remember that the Welsh church has made no effort toward missionary work outside of its own nationality, and it never could until very recent years because of linguistic limi- tations which it placed upon its work; and when we realize that out of the above 1,273 regularly classified persons only 27.4 percent speak the Welsh language and that a very large percent of that number are foreign born Welsh, a portion which is becoming smaller year by year because of little or no immigration from Wales ; and when we remember that 411 of the above 1,273, (or about one-third of the whole number) are native bom of native parents, and of this only 10.9 percent are able to speak the Welsh language; add to this again the fact that out of 212 persons under 21 years of age in the Cal- vinistie Methodist Church only 12.7 percent are able intelli- gently to handle the Welsh language, may we not fairly con- clude that the Calvinistic Methodist Church has not in the past served the Welsh people, but only a portion of the people of Welsh blood, viz. those who understood the Welsh language? If the Welsh churches of Columbus were composed of a large membership which did not understand the English language clinging to the Welsh would be commendable, pro- vided a strong effort were put forth at the same time to serve the Welsh population which does not understand the Welsh language; over one-half of whom are not members in any church and one-fourth of them never attend church. But the number of Welsh people in the Calvinistic Methodist Church who do not understand English is very small, if there are any. There is not a single person in the Calvinistic Methodist Church who cannot carry on a conversation in Eng- i See Appendix E. and Figure 5, page 102. 124 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO lish. There are over 250 members who cannot carry on a conversation in Welsh. The older people tell us that they cannot understand English sermons, but when Chapman and Alexander! come to the city, or any other far-famed persons ; these people attend the entire series of discourses and they are able to report intelligently on what they have heard. The Welshman's sentiment regarding language runs away with his better judgment and what should be his regard for the highest welfare of the growing generation of Welsh in America. The writer believes that the time is ripe when the Welsh church in America should give less attention to the Welsh language, as the vehicle for conveying instruction, and that it should apply itself more diligently to the dissemination of truth through the medium of a language which practically all the Welsh people now^ possess, and thus endeavor to serve all the people in the community. The Church and its Ministry. — The Calvinistic Methodist Church is rapidly approaching a crisis with respect to minis- terial supply for its pulpits. Almost all of the Welsh com- munities in America are in a transitional stage, but only a few of them thus far have recognized that fact, and consequently the church has suffered, or, speaking from a standpoint of the community, the church has failed to meet the religious need of the community. One Ohioan who has been an officer in the Calvinistic Methodist Church for over 40 years in one of our large cities, and who is American born, said to the writer in a conversation on this question: ''Our fathers who laid the foundation of our denomination in this country never dreamed of the present condition of things. They believed that our church would always remain Welsh." The statement is doubtless very true. The fathers of the Calvinistic Methodist Church perhaps did not dream of changing linguistic condi- tions. But they did meet the need of the community in their day. Theirs was a day of planning and providing for the im- migrant from Wales. He was thoroughly Welsh and they did well in providing for him. And whatever their opinion as to i Evangelists. THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 125 the permanence of the Welsh language may have been, we know that it is vanishing and the problem for the Welsh church today is to provide for a Welsh population which does not know the Welsh language. Does the Welsh church meet this emergency ? One of the difficulties in the way of meeting the need of the community is the question of ministerial supply for the pulpits and the right type of pastors for the parishes. We do not here raise the question of the character and ability of the clergy from Wales. They are men of most excellent charac- ter and, a large majority of them, are men of ability. But the training and early environment of the Welsh ministers in im- portant Welsh churches have not been the sort which fit them for the most successful work in many Welsh communities to- day. The church in the past has been supplied very largely by ministers from Wales, great men and able preachers many of them. And for the early generations of Welsh in America, they were fully able to cope with conditions in the Welsh parish and community. There was perfect sympathy between pastor and people. The condition was that of a foreigner serving foreigners in a foreigner's way. The spirit and cus- tom of the parishoners were not American, and the preacher from Wales served acceptably and well. During the last decade or two, the minister from Wales has not been the success in Welsh communities in America that his predecessors were. The reason for this is the change that has come into the Welsh community. The pastor, whose early years have been spent in Wales, and whose training and entire education have been received in Welsh schools and col- leges, and whose ideals are the ideals of the ** Welshman in Wales, ' * does not meet the requirements of a Welsh parish in America. A man with such a training, excellent as it may be for the clergy in Wales, lacks sympathy for the American ideals with which his parishioners are imbued, and is too firmly rooted in his own type of thinking ever fully to adapt himself to conditions in this country where the environment is thor- 126 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO oughly American. We have striking examples of able minis- ters from Wales who have not been a success in Welsh parishes in America for these reasons, even though some of them were abundantly able to preach in the English language. The chief reasons for the lack of success of the Welsh minister from Wales, in Welsh communities in iVmerica, may be fairly summed up as follows: (i) The form of ministry in Wales, where the pastor preaches in his own church only one Sunday in the month, unfits a man for a permanent pastorate in America where the minister occupies his own pul- pit twice every Sunday throughout the year, (ii) The lack of sympathy for American ideals and institutions with which his parishioners are imbued, especially the young of the parish, \^dth the result that he does not get a hold on his people as he otherwise would, (iii) The insistence of the Welsh pastor from Wales upon the use of the Welsh language in the church services, and his continual emphasis on the importance of the Welsh, instead of an acceptance of the language known to the people of his charge as a medium for conveying religious in- struction. The strongest witnesses possible to this fact, and the only witnesses necessary, are the many Welsh churches closed and abandoned in communities where children of the early Welsh settlers still live, but who do not understand the Welsh language. The older Welsh pastors and elders in the church insisted on having Welsh as the language of the church until the church went down. The churches are down, but the descendants of the early Welsh families are still in the com- munity; some going to English churches of other denomina- tions, while others belong to the army of the non-church-going Welsh. There is a second class of Welsh ministers which has been a compromise in this transitional stage in the recent past. Namely, young men from Wales who have come to the United States in their 'teens and twenties and have entered our col- leges and theological seminaries in certain of the States, par- ticularly Wisconsin, in which the synod of the Calvinistic THE PKOCESS OF CHANGE 127 ^lethodist denomination has a fund for the educating of can- didates for the ministry. From such a source has come many good men, and well qualified, to the Welsh pulpit during the past twenty or twenty-five years. They are Welsh by birth and training up to the High School or College age, and their education for the ministry has been received in America. But even with these men as leadei-s the Welsh note prevails, and their tendency has been to insist upon things Welsh, especially the Welsh language, rather than to accept conditions as they are and to put their strength and effort upon the moral and religious development of society as they find it in America. While these men have met an emergency in the past decade or two, their tendency has been reactionary, — ''back to the Welsh," — and this in the future will lose rather than gain for the Welsh church. There is a third class of niinistei-s to be considered in this connection, viz. the American born Welsh preacher. This class, from the point of view of sympathy with American spirit, customs and ideals, and the complete understanding of the American environment which surrounds our people in a given community, is Avell equipped for the task. These men are of Welsh stock. They have been raised in Welsh homes with a certain knowledge of Welsh institutions and customs and habits of mind; and thej' are possessed of a good knowledge of present day conditions which surround their people. But for the Welsh church most of them are entirely inadequate because, even though they are of pure Welsh blood, they do not know the Welsh language sufiiciently to use it in public service in the Welsh pulpit, where at lea^st one sermon on Sunday in the Welsh language is required. The result is that a great majority of young Welshmen who are candidates for the ministry from the Calvinistic Methodist Church enter the ministry in an English speaking church. The crisis which the Calvinistic Methodist Church is ap- The Welsh Press abounds with articles opposing the introduction of English into various church serrices. In the columns of the "Drych" articles appear insisting upon more Welsh in the Welsh churches. The writer has many clip- pings on the subject. 128 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO preaching is this: unless conditions indicated by the signs of the times in the church are anticipated, the church will find itself, in the not distant future, a church without an efficient ministry such as it now possesses. For, in the first place, if our reasoning is correct, the clergy from Wales will not meet the requirements of conditions in the Welsh communities in America. Secondly, if the older ministers and elders, who control in the councils of the church, continue to insist on the maintainance of the Welsh language in the churches of the denomination, the denomination will be unable to retain its candidates for the ministry in the Welsh church. The young men who are studying for the ministry in the Welsh church are also studying conditions and are aw^are of social forces operating in Welsh communities in this country. They are aware of linguistic limitations in the Welsh parish. They have not the same passion for the Welsh language as their predecessors had, and they will seek opportunities to serve the church, regardless of language and nationality, as Americans. They are not likely to cling to the Welsh language at the ex- pense of rendering greater services in an American pulpit. The Welsh church in America has no schools, colleges or theological seminaries. For all their learning, outside of the Sunday School, they must depend on American institutions.^ This is not true of other foreign peoples in America today. The Germans, for instance, have their schools and colleges and theological institutions, which, with a large immigration, will keep up the German language for decades to come.^ The Welsh have none of these and immigration to the older settle- ments has practically ceased. This means that in the absence of distinct Welsh institutions Americanization w411 increase among the Welsh more rapidly as time goes on. And the time 1 Even Welsh literature in America today is confined practically to two periodicals, viz. the "Drych" a national weekly for the Welsh in America, and the "Cyfaill," a monthly magazine, the official organ of the Calvinistic Metho- dist denomination in this country. Many Welsh papers and magazines have been started from time to time, but have been discontinued. See Appendix 6. 2 See the "Cyfaill" for January 1910, article by Rev. John B. Johns, D. D. Dr. Johns read this article before the Welsh Synod of Wisconsin when he was pastor of the Welsh C. M. church at Randolph, Wis., he is now pastor of the C. M. Church of Columbus, Ohio. THE PROCESS OP CHANGE 129 is not far distant when complete assimilation into the great American people will have taken place. The Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus during the past decade has undergone rapid and significant change. The pastors of the Columbus church up to 1899 were not able to preach in English, and were opposed to anything which savoi*ed of English in the church. During the '908 the de- mand for English was felt to increase, but the allegiance to the Welsh, on the other hand, was very strong on the part of those in authority. When the Christian Endeavor Society was organized it was discouraged by some of the elders, and was regarded almost as a dangerous thing. This position was taken for two reasons. First, the young people in the church had never taken an active part in church services before, ex- cept for the repeating of verses in the fellowship meeting, and to see the young active in church services appeared to some of the austere elders as '^playing with religion.** The second reason for the opposition is that English was spoken in the meetings by some who took an active part. So the Christian Endeavor met with no encouragement for some time, but it thrived nevertheless. Beginning with the 20th Century things began to change. One sermon a month was preached in English on Sunday evening. English classes in Sunday School began to multiply. For a time the linguistic struggle waged in Sunday School. Teachers insisted on teaching Welsh to their pupils during the Sunday School hour, and Welsh children left Sunday School because their teachers insisted on their learning Welsh when they knew nothing of Welsh on the street, in the public school, nor even in the home. But the strong Welsh prejudice was overcome in the Sunday School as time went on, and to- day about 28, or perhaps more, classes out of 36 are conducted in English. By the latter part of 1907, English sermons were introduced into the Sunday evening service regularly every Sunday. The Christian Endeavor Society is now carried on entirely in English. In the Junior Endeavor Society not a 130 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO word of Welsh is spoken. The Brotherhood Society meetings are all English and the Ladies' Literary Club as well. The large majority of those who take part in the fellowship meet- ing do so in English. The mid-week prayer service is about half English and half Welsh. The trustees carry on their discussions in English, and the records are kept in the English language. The session has mixed records, both Welsh and English. The meetings of the Ladies* Aid and Missionary Society as well as the Cambrian W. C. T. U. are all conducted in English. And the annual report of the church is published in the English language. The only distinctly Welsh service in the church are the old people's prayer service at 9 a. m. and the public service at 10 :00 a. m. on Sundays. It is this recognition of the need of English that has given the Calvinistic Methodist Church its substantial growth in the last decade, and especially in the last five years. The admis- sion of English into the church services has kept the young Welsh people in the Welsh church instead of their leaving it for English churches in the city, or from drifting to total in- difference regarding church life. To be sure, immigration from local communities has kept up during the last decade as before, but the corresponding exit on the part of the young of the church has not been as great as it was in previous years. Take, for example, the number of children baptized and the number of children received into full membership of the church in 25 years, and compare the relative increase of those received in the last five years. The total number of children baptized in 25 years is 163. Of this number, 22.7 percent were baptized in the last five years. This is about normal. ^ The total number received into full membership of the church in 25 years is 146. Of this number, 42.4 percent were taken in during the last ^ve years. This shows a tremendous in- crease.2 Immigration has continued from local Welsh com- munities to be sure, but the real and persistent gro\\i:h of the church has resulted from the fact that it has been able to 1 See Figure 8. i., page 131. 2 See Figure 8. ii., page 131. THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 181 Figure 8 7 7.3 4Z. 4- 51 6 Figure 8. i, represents the total number of children bap- tized in 25 years previous to January 1, 1910, as per discussioa on page 130. Segment a. Gives total baptized from 1885 to 1904. Segment b. Shows total baptized from 1905 to 1909. Figure 8. ii representing the total of children received into church in 25 years previous to January 1, 1910, as per discussion on page 130. Segment a. Shows total received from 1885 to 1904. Segment b. Shows total received from 1905 to 1909. 132 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO retain its own children by adapting itself to them linguisti- cally. An octagenarian living in Columbus, but who spent most of his life in Jackson county, in discussing the linguistic situ- ation with the writer said: ''Pan ddaeth Saesneg i mewa i'r Settlement fe aeth crefydd i maes." (When English came into the Settlement religion went out of it/') Whatever may be said of that philosophy with respect to the Jackson and Gallia settlement, the recognition of the imminent need of English has saved the young people of the Welsh families to the Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus. Only 29, or less than 6 percent, of the church members in the Calvinistic Methodist Church are native born descendants of the old Welsh families of Columbus who came here previous to the influx from the Jackson and Gallia and other local settlements. The large majority of the descendants of the old Welsh fam- ilies are in English churches of one denomination or another, and some of them in no church. Scores of them were lost to the Welsh church, no doubt, for linguistic reasons. The new group of Columbus born Welsh children, children of the Welsh who have come into Columbus in the past quarter of a century, are being held to the Welsh church largely because the church in recent years has tried to adapt itself to their condition. Today 212 young people under 21 years of age, and many others who are over 21 years old, are in the Welsh church and society while only 12.7 percent of those under 21 years can understand the Welsh language with any reasonable degree of intelligence. It is evident that a great change has come over the Welsh social mind in recent years. The Welsh church in Columbus is awakening to the new conditions, and an endeavor is being made to meet the need, at least in the church society, by in- troducing English into the church services. The Welsh group in Columbus has been transformed from the ancient type of Welsh society into a modem Welsh community. The church is awake to modern and present day problems. The Welsh THE PROCESS OP CHANGE 133 of Columbus are now studying the conditions which surround their people.^ INTERMARRIAGE AFFECTS CHURCH MEMBERSHIP Intermarriage between the Welsh and people of other nationalities reveals a change in their social thinking. While it reveals a change it also produces change. Only a few de- cades ago to marry outside of the Welsh nationality was looked upon with disfavor and even as a disgrace in some in- stances. Intermarriage with other nationalities is now a com- mon thing among the Welsh people, as our statistics on mar- riage and conjugal relation point out very clearly. Out of 17 marriages solemnized by the writer as pastor of the Cal- vinistic Methodist Church, 8 were between persons, one of whom was a member of his church (and of pure Welsh blood) with persons of other nationalities. From the general canvass of the city we found that out of 653, 19.6 percent, were of parties both of whom were Welsh ; 80.4 percent, were between parties one of whom was Welsh and the other a person of some other nationality .^ Such an extensive intermarriage with other peoples must have a great influence in breaking down the boundaries of a distinctly Welsh type of society. The Welsh have not only intermarried with different na- tionalities, but also with persons of many and various religious persuasions and this affects the Welsh church problem. They are united with persons in a religious way whose persuasions and confessions are not even known to the Welshman in his own country, such as Lutherans, United Brethren, etc. Eight Welshmen were members of the Catholic church while 21 others had married Catholics ; and a larger number than that had married Lutherans and some united with the Lutheran church as a result. These influences in a religious and social way, together with the influences of the schools upon the young, the influence of business intercourse and commercial relations existing between Welshmen and men of other nation- 1 The proposed "Welsh Social Center" is an evidence of this. 2 See Appendix D. ; also Figrures 8 and 4, pages 84 and 86. 134 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO alities, sufficiently account for the tremendous change on the part of the Welsh group in Columbus in recent years. CONCLUSION From a study of the conditions revealed in the foregoing chapters, the following facts may be noted : 1. The Welsh of Columbus, by adapting themselves to surrounding conditions, are rapidly becoming assimilated into the American population of the city, and consequently their Welsh characteristics and institutions are vanishing. 2. The Welsh language is rapidly passing out of use both in the home and in the church. The rising generation cannot speak it. 3. Intermarriage between Welsh persons and persons of other nationalities is very general and widespread, and this modifies conditions in Welsh society. 4. Intermarriage between members of the Welsh church and people of other religious persuasions in other nationalities affects the Welsh church and society. 5. Welsh parents insist on their children being faith- ful to the Welsh church. At the same time they insist on having the Sunday morning service in the Welsh language which the growing generation does not understand. Many churches of the Calvinistic Methodist denomination have but one English preaching service in the month and some have no English preaching. 6. The Welsh church must apply itself more vigorously to adapting itself to the rapidly changing linguistic condi- tions. It is now time that English were introduced into the morning service on Sunday. With about one-half of the society unable to speak Welsh and the entire membership able to understand English preaching, it is to be hoped that the rising generation may soon be favored with some English preaching on Sunday morning in Columbus. 7. If the leaders in the Calvinistic Methodist Church in the United States continue to insist on preserving the Welsh THE PROCESS OF CHANGE 135 language in the church services, as they have in the past they will find the church, in the not distant future, a church with- out an efficient ministry' such as it now enjoys. Candidates for the christian ministry in the Welsh church today have their ears to the ground, and they read the signs of the times, and they will likely enter the ministry where linguistic limi- tations will not be a handicap to their usefulness. 8. The Welsh Calvinistic Methodist denomination, if it is determined to exist as a separate body for some time to come, should study its parish or community socially, and through its knowledge of social conditions serve the people — their social and spiritual need — through the medium of a language which all the people understand. The motto of the Welsh church in the community, socially speaking, should be — Adaptation. 9. The ultimate fate of the Calvinistic Methodist (or Welsh Presbyterian) denomination in this country will be complete assimilation into the Presbyterian Church in the United States. This will take place in one or the other of two ways, viz. by Union or by Absorption; and the longer Union is postponed, the more rapidly will Absorption take place. With the present condition of widespread intercourse, both social and commercial, and while sharing the language and life common to Americans and mingling freely with all other peoples, the Welsh cannot continue in a church based on and limited to a single race. The fond dream of the Welshman of the past has been for a community in America strictly Welsh, uncontaminated by extraneous influences, and in which the Welsh language might ever flourish. But this is not to be. The process of Ameri- canization will prevail over the efforts of any foreign group to the contrary. And under the influence of American insti- tutions an American type of man will ultimately be evolved. Local groups or communities may try icr stay this process, if they will, by clinging to some cardinal custom of their re- spective father-lands or mother-tongues, but ultimately all 136 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO must be melted into a uniform American people. Marks of other races will vanish in our country and an American type will be the result. Every people who come to our shores will contribute some element which will affect the character of the ultimate American, but in making its contributions every foreign community will spend itself. The Welsh in America have come to stay. Their descend- ants, as they go down through the generations, are destined to lose their identity through amalgamation and assimilation. But while they thus lose their life, they also find it; for in losing their identity they make their permanent contribution to the American race. Nothing of intrinsic value will be lost, but will exist as a lasting element in American civilization. Welsh communities in America, then, should apply them- selves to rearing citizens imbued with the highest American ideals of education, religion and citizenship. This does not mean that they should think less of the Land of their Fathers, but that they should think more of their adopted land and the home their children, and thus do their part in contribut- ing to the development of the highest possible type of Ameri- can citizen. Smo T»-''<»00«OOOMOCCI>»-<iHMI>.C<l»rt«QOOCC(MOseO<M 1-1 as 'a *£) ••I'M ©»<0«I«OrH©JOOC100rHOOOOOri»0«0(NOr-tO«H O ^ t»^»»g Jdq)0 i-lO'«**C<Ir-ti-IO»HO<«tOr-liHO'«*<rHOr-IOO»'<*<0<M»00 N O "<*< (^ll'^3) snqranioQ ooiHO©joo"^wr-(Or-t«H'^cooMoooacoooiHco oj g « .2 <>nO °l auuajJBOg Or-lTt<T»<»0«OTj*»«Wr-IOOOrH(M(Ni-<0<M'*(MrHfHOiH Oi > '^ 9 > • H«UU10UIQ ©iHOO-Hr-(OOOi-<0<HOOrHOOrHiHr-(OC<IOrtO ©J ^ 2 "^ £ eS ^»II«A 8a|3l30H Oi-lCOW(MOi-(©OOOrH©i-lOOOOOiHOOOr-( o »* J. aoapUH OOOiHOOrlOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ©1 ^ £ l|d9J0 JWSng i-(,-(r-(Oi-t©0<MOOOOOr-IOOCfCOOOOr-(.--i-l CO I9ntag 0000000000©OrHOO»-('-iOr-«000000 -* ^ g <l9'lOH "^i-IOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOJOOr-trHOOOOO CO 1-^ « £ ^ ^ ^ 5 UOIZ 00000000<MOOOOrHOO(MOO<Mr-<C<JOOrJ< tJ» 3 .a ® r-l CI r^ O ^ tnaiBS '^Tl<©qrt<;0WOr-lC0rHr-tr-1r-(iHWe000Or-IOa5O(NC0©q rl ^ s^ k> fl •IP"S Nr-ICO'^COiHTHr-lfHOOiHOOOr-IOOOOOOOOO Oi KN .WM 1-1 Q 1b o ^ojataoj: oooiHooiHoooooooooooooooooo w g > 88 q-^nOUIS^aO^ OOOCMOOOOOOiHrHOOr-tOOOOOOOOOO W3 tr" O oe' lanuaj; OOOO<M(>3iHOOOOrH(MOiHOe0iHr-IOOOC0OO fc* ^ M IHH f O r-(rHO<0»OrHOt*CO-*00©5iHC<l»0<N«fHlOTt<WQOCOCO 00 2 'O ^«H<*K OOaOiHOlTfW^iMT^Ofc^r-lr-tr-lOOiHtMO-^COOOO CO •"^ « llOSl[9«f ©lr-(T*4Q00iC0OOrHOr-l'tl<'^'*O»H0J'<J*0l»0t»Csie0Wi-l CO > "^ UO^nOJI OiHOOOr-lr-IOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO©l'<*<0 o> 'S '© Si CI, <19-I0H iH»-<O».':!O»0C0C0C0rHOO<M<MTji<?liHOOfHO-«tr-ieq(N CO l«U0j^«3aj3a03 OOOOi-tiHOlrHOOOOOrHOOr-tr-IOrHOOr-IOr-t rH ^ U0!»ie03 OOOrHOOOOOOlMOOOOOOOiHOfMOOOO » g « ft{l|Aja)a8Q ©aTfTtir5t^«OWU?»-4"^r-tr-IC0 01WeOeO«OOTt<rfCOeOrH01 00 lam^a -^rH lO(MeOOCOr^<MOrtOO»HWOOOOO©i-lr-(00 O eo « o £0 ^ viavqiag Or-ioeqor-toCfHOooorHOOoaiooooooo a •^ ir^«Ot^0005©i-tOacOT*«l.O«Ot*Q0050i-lC-l?OTt<IO«Ot^QOOi 01 SI -^00Q000Q0Q0Q0Q0Q0Q0Q0Q000Q0Q0Q0O>O>a>OJO5CiOiOiOJC»«-P 138 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO APPENDIX B. TABLE V. AGE GROUPS ACCORDING TO SEX IN THE CALVINISTIC METHODIST CHURCH AND SOCIETY Age Males Females Totals Infants under 5 yrs. 27 24 51 ChUdhood 6 to 10 yrs. 22 28 11 to 15 yrs. 31-53 21-49 102 Youth 16 to 20 yrs. 27 32 59 Maturity 21 to 30 yrs. 57 59 31 to 40 yrs. 50 64 41 to 50 yrs. 39 48 51 to 60 yrs. 27-172 41-212 384 Old Age 61 to 70 yrs. 17 31 71 to 80 yrs. 9 10 81 yrs. and over 4-30 5-46 76 TOTALS 309 363 672 APPENDIX C. TABLE VI. FOREIGN AND NATIVE BORN .1 I ® "" "Si-* I II ja |l S5S hS p. .a_ -^ .Oft fe ^ ^ ^z; ^ Calvinistic Methodist Church and society 127 192 67 14 272 Regularly Classified in city at large. 269 415 152 26 411 Totals 396 607 219 40 683 Total foreign born 396 Total native bom 1,549 APPENDIX 139 APPENDIX D. TABLES VIII, IX. and X. MARRIAGE AND INTERMARRIAGE AND THE NATIONNALITIES WITH WHOM THE WELSH HAVE INTERMARRIED TABLE VIII. .» I a I? «a 0. .2 ® |« a^ s & i ii si i| 2g - * ^S. i" ^s ^g. .a ft g '5 tS tS :S « 5 o cB « 08 cs a O fc 55 Jz; 55 » P H The total number of marriages 108 185 70 4 212 74 653 Welih males who married Welsh fe- males 42 20 1 13 62 128 The total number of mixed marriages. 66 165 69 4 199 22 525 Welsh males with females of other nationalities 52 122 49 4 160 12 399 Welsh females with males of other nationalities 14 43 20 39 10 126 TABLE IX. MALES WHO INTERMARRIED The total number of mixed marriages. 52 122 49 4 160 12 399 Welsh males who married Americans . . 31 90 35 3 126 4 289 Welsh males who married Germans... 14 24 10 1 23 5 77 Welsh males who married Irish 5 5 20 8 3 23 Welsh males who married Scotch 2 3 20 2 9 Welsh males who married Norwegians 10 1 TABLE X. FEMALES WHO INTERMARRIED Total number of mixed marriages 14 43 20 39 10 126 Welsh females who married Americans 11 29 16 32 4 82 Welsh females who married Germans . . 2 6 4 12 4 28 Welsh females who married Irish. ... 1 300 41 9 Welsh females who married Scotch ... 500 01 6 Welsh females who married Swedes. .0 10 1 140 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO APPENDIX E. TABLES XIII., XIV., XV.i CHURCH MEMBERS, ATTENDANTS, AND NON-CHURCH-GOERS Classified according to their Foreign and Native born groups. TABLE XIII. a. CHURCH MEMBERS 60 ► 9 §B «S > ^ bS .a ^ -ss "I -| Si ' ii §1 il is ^ pes O'"' rn ©ai j; ^ +s ^ ^ ^ o « « « « o fe ^ ^ ^ }?; H Total number of church members 95 165 61 8 150 479 Total number of males 46 75 26 6 82 232 Total number of females 49 90 35 2 68 244 Total number of males who are single .. 4 27 10 3 23 67 Total number of females who are single 13 45 24 2 42 126 Total number of Welsh males who mar- ried Welsh females 21 8 10 6 36 Total number of Welsh females who married Welsh males 28 14 1 8 51 Total number of Welsh males who mar- ried females of other nationalities. . 21 40 15 3 53 132 Total number of Welsh females who married males of other nationalities 8 31 10 18 67 b. (incomplete) Total number of church members 53 27 10 3 34 127 Total number of males 25 8 3 1 7 44 Total number of females 28 19 7 22 27 83 1 Tables XIII., XIV. and XV. are in two parts, "a" and "b". The returns were not all as complete as we could wish for on this subject, and for that reason part "b" in each table is given separate so as to permit us to give "a" as complete and with as much detail as possible for returns which were complete. APPENDIX 141 TABLE XIV. a. CHURCH ATTENDANTS Who are not Members. 05 fc « ^^ ^ § s n il TS •^ ® s ? s « ► eS > s > 5 eS 0!) a 52; ^ A H 35 4 97 282 24 3 59 184 11 1 38 98 6 3 17 51 5 15 36 •° ,c p. Sg « 2 '^ Total not members who attend 49 97 Total number of males 31 67 Total number of females 18 30 Total of the males, single 6 19 Total of the females, single 1 15 Total number of Welsh males who mar- ried Welsh females 14 6 5 25 Total number of Welsh females who married Welsh males 8 4 3 15 Welsh males who married females of other nationalities 10 34 16 1 33 94 Welsh females who married males of other nationalities 3 4 5 13 25 b. (incomplete) Total not members who attend 16 15 Total number of males 10 8 Total number of females 6 7 3 12 46 2 5 25 1 7 21 143 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO TABLE XV. a. NON-CHURCH-GOERS I a o « o Total non-church-goers 49 Total number of males 39 Total number of females 10 Total number of males, single 12 Total number of females, single 1 Welsh males who married Welsh females 7 Welsh females who married Welsh males 6 Welsh males who married females of other nationalities 20 48 18 52 138 Welsh females who married males of other nationalities 3 7 4 7 21 b. (incomplete) Total non-church-goers 7 Total number of these males 7 Total number of these females a 1^ «a « s s- ft 2 •+2 o 2 fl A « OS a as 11 si 2S §1 ^ft tS ^c. « 9 * a <o • > ► C8 > s > ,2! CB ^ es 52; J5 ^ ^ H 100 42 11 113 315 87 33 7 97 263 13 9 4 16 52 33 15 7 43 110 4 5 4 7 21 6 2 15 2 2 10 1 1 5 24 8 2 17 3 1 3 7 APPENDIX 143 APPENDIX F. WELSH PERIODICALS PUBLISHED IN AMERICA 1. **Cymro America/' a bi-weekly established 1832; existed only a few months. 2. **Y Cyfaill/* a denominational monthly of the Calvin- istic Methodist denomination established 1838, and is extant. 3. '*Y Cenhadwr/' a denominational monthly of the Con- gregational church, established 1840 and became ex- tinct about 1900. 4. **Y Dyngarwr,** established 1842, and was united with **Y Cenhadwr'* in 1844. 5. **Y Beread,'' a denominational bi-weekly of the Baptist denomination, established in 1842, and was published for about a year. 6. **Y Seren Gorllewinol,** established in 1842 as an organ of the Baptist denomination, but has been discon- tinued for a great many years. 7. **Y Detholydd,'* a Congregational denominational organ established 1850, and was soon discontinued. 8. **Haul Gomer/' established in 1884, and was discon- tinued after nine months. 9. **Y Drych,'' a national weekly established 1851 and is still extant. 10. *'Cymro Americanaidd, * ' a weekly established 1853; ab- sorbed by the Drych a little later. 11. '*Y Gwyliedydd Americanaidd, ' ' established 1854; ab- sorbed by the Drych in 1855. 12. **Y Cylchgrawn Cenedlaethol, ' ' established 1853, and published quarterly until 1856. 13. **Y Traethodydd/' established 1857, and published quar- terly until 1861 or 1862. 144 THE WELSH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO 14. '*Y Golygydd/' established 1856, only four numbers were issued. 15. '*Yr Arweinydd/' established 1858 and continuing for three or four years. 16. "Y Bardd/' established 1858; only five numbers of the ''Bardd'* were issued. 17. **Y Wasg," established 1871, absorbed by '^Y Drych'' in 1890. 18. **Baner America," established 1868, absorbed by the "Drych" in 1877. 19. '*Y Columbia," established 1888, absorbed by the Drych in 1894. The '^ Columbia" was bi-lingual. 20. ''Y Lamp," established in the early '90s as a Christian Endeavor organ of the Calvinistic Methodist Synod of "Wisconsin; discontinued about six or eight years ago. 21. " Y Trysor, ' * successor to * * Y Lamp, ' ' issued two or three years. 22. ''Seren Oneida" ) ^^ ,, ,.^. , 23. -Cvfaill^o^Undeb" iThese three were pohtica organs 24. -YrAmserau" f and lived but a short tm.e. Of the above papers and periodicals established and print- ed for the Welsh in America, only two survive today, viz. the '* Drych," a national weekly; and **Y Cyfaill," a monthly, which is the official organ of the Calvinistic Methodist Church, in the United States. There are, however, two periodicals designed for the Welsh in America printed in the English language: "The Cam- brian," a bi-weekly magazine, and **The Druid," a weekly paper. ERROR Reference to "Table VI., Page 94" on page 77, should read ' ' Table VI., Appendix C. " THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $t.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. SEP 191935 i 9. 7 1Q55 m"^^-^' i40ct'55W5 |ANT?>19g6L(| ^^^l.^^_l SEP 2 5 1973 — MAMyas?^ ^mi).mcm23 •e? An ■--^rrn- ^jn lU JJWJHBiHII IBieiB— » LD 21-100m-7,'33 U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES BDD3D17EM7 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY • — •:-, --. m