eS^75. 37 J8f, C 5 SEM MSM ^ s^ -p > A GENERAL AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF HOLY SCRIPTURE Copyright, 1897, BY A. E. Breen. A GENERAL AND CRITICAL INTRODUCTION f^:^ Sf °' TO THE STUDY OF Holy Scripture BY A. E. BREEN, D. D. Jldaa ypa(l>r) OeoTTvevaro^ kuI Q)(f>€XifjLO^ Trpo? SiSaa-KaXiav^ 7r/309 €\€ ,yfQ^ t>^^r>^/- fi^lU. /^w-ygV/A^ y^^ ^/^ .^1^ . yr^^/. ^^A ^. ^^-f^. r^jy, «.« L^«,pi..*4 (Samuel I and II, commonly 5. n 75SiD;? - - I called I and II Kings. Ck *M* ■Bkfc^^Lws (Kings I and II, commonly y. U U'J7Q - -] called III and IV Kings. 10. ^* in;y^^^ Isaias. -t-i m,* ^s^i.^*, «.«>««i^«k^ Heremias and The 11. y mrp) inp-l^ - - | lamentations. 12. !'*!'i^*i^ - - Obadia,Jona, Micha, 13. "li|^^ nr) D^N'?; jNahum, Habakuk. Literally the twelve Prophets, whom we Zephania, Haggai, designate as the twelve minor Prophets, [y^t^y.-.^ Malarhia These, by theJews, were computed as one book '-^cn.iidiici, ivididunia. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 43 14. y D^?nn *1SD Liber Laudum, or The Psalms. 15. D* ^?^D - - - The Proverbs of Solomon. 16. ^''nVii Job. 17. ?^'bii^:i Daniel. 18. )i' Xlty. - E^ra I and II. 19. P*D'^D^n^13^ - - Chronicles, I and II. 20. n^inpi^ Esther. 21. ^* ^^.'n'}P ------ Ecclesiastes. 22. ri* D'^*1*''^n ^^t^ - The Canticle of Canticles. By separating Ruth from Judges, and the Lamentations from Jeremiah, twenty-four books resulted, and these are the books of the Jewish Canon, or as it is commonly called the Canon of Ezra, from his supposed influence upon it. As no doubts have ever arisen concerning these books, they have been called the protocanonical works or books of the First Canon. Which mode of computation is prior, it is impossible to ascertain with certainty. Loisy believes the number twenty- four to be prior, as it seems to be the Talmudic number. Against this is the authority of Josephus, who speaks of the number twenty-two as the sole traditional one. A question of so little importance may well be left in its uncertainty. Chapter VI. Ezra and his Influence. The History of the Canon of the Old Testament is obscure and difficult, through default of reliable documents. In trac- ing it through its remote antiquity, we shall endeavor to bring forth in their clearest light the certain data, filling up the lacunas by the best warranted conjectures. The nucleus of the Old Law was the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. Around this centre of development was aggregated all the Sacred writings of the Jews. It was the niln^ the Law, par excellence, the divine book. The sub- T sequent books, even though by them considered divine, were never held equal in dignity to " the Law by the hand of Moses". They were but adjuncts, participating in the great 44 EZRA AND HIS INFLUENCE. fount. As less reverence was entertained for these later works, so less care was taken in their preservation. The Pentateuch was kept in the temple ; it was the warrant of Israel's preeminence over all the nations of the earth. It needed no authority to canonize it ; the character of its author, and the nature of its contents were all sufficient. No other book in Israel was equal to it. The other books came into being by degrees. Most of them were first written as detached chronicles, annals, or diaries, and subsequently compiled into their respective volumes. The Jews revered them, and acknowledged their divinity, but there was not, at least before Ezra's time, any central authority charged with the office of fixing the canon. Neither was there, before his time, any official list of the books of Holy Scripture. This is clearly proven by many proofs, i. The Samaritan Codex contains only the Pentateuch.* Had the other books been placed in a canon with the Pentateuch the existence here of the isolated Pentateuch would be inexplica- ble. We may not say with certainty at what date the Samari- tan Codex was written, but the most probable opinion would fix such date soon after the Schism of the ten tribes. (975 B. C.) Comely, in his Introduction in Libros Veteris Testa- menti maintains that, even before the time of Ezra, there existed a collection of sacred books, conjoined to the books of Moses. His argument to prove this is that there is evidence that the subsequent books were known and revered by the Jews, and that the preceding Prophets influenced the later ones. Loisy, in refuting this, rightly says that it is quite another thing to assert that an official collection had been con- stituted and to say that divers books existed, were known, and were revered. We hold that these books as they came into being were received by the Jews, but that no list was made of them and the sole motive of their inspired character was the nature of the writing, and the authority of their authors. There is no convincing data that the Prophets were commis- sioned by God to determine the canon of Scripture. There seems to be sufficient evidence to conclude that, previous to the time of Ezra, the five books of Moses occupied a unique place in the literature of the Jews. It was the written Consti- tution of Israel's Jahvistic polity. At times of great defection in religion, even the Thorah fell into disuse and oblivion. Thus *The Samaritan Codex contains a spurious text of the book of Josue, but it is evident that it is a later interpolation. EZRA AND HIS INFLUENCE. 45 the passage in II Kings XXII, 8: "And Helcias the high priest said to Saphan the scribe : * I have found the book of the Law in the house of the Lord ' ; and Helcias gave the book to Saphan, and he read it", implies a preexisting period of neglect and disuse of the Thorah. In those fierce idolatrous upheavals in Israel, a stiff necked people, led by an impious king, soon reduced all to religious anarchy. In the restoration of the divine worship by Josias, no mention is made of any other book than the Law. Had the other books formed a col- lection with the Pentateuch, they could hardly be passed over in such complete silence. The Pentateuch then from the beginning was always the basis and directing principle of the religious and national life of the Jewish people. It suffered some vicissitudes in the various religious defections of that people, but in their return to Jahve's Law, the Pentateuch was the centre of their reorgani- zation. The other books came into being by gradual growth. Most of these contained data that by living tradition was well known to the people. The books formed a scattered sacred literature. The writings of the Prophets gradually were collected by their disciples and by the learned in Israel. Thus copies of the books subsequent to the Pentateuch existed in many places through the nation, but they were not united with the Thorah, nor considered of equal dignity with it. We come now to deal with Ezra and his influence on Scrip- ture. The Babylonian Captivity, wrought by Nabuchadnezzar, had overthrown all the institutions of Israel. The temple was destroyed ; the priests dispersed and led into captivity ; the Holy Books in a state of disorder, and Jahve's altars demol- ished. To bring Israel out of her religious disorder, Ezra was sent with full power from Artaxerxes. His fitness for his com- mission may be inferred from I. Ezra VII, 6: " "^ISlD ^^IHl TW'O ni1n3 "TTID " " ^"^^ he was a ready scribe in the Law of Moses." Of Ezra's work as the restorer of Jahve's worship, and the reorganizer of Israel's polity, we have certain data. Concerning, however, the nature and extent of his labors on the Divine Books, we can only form, at most, proba- ble judgments, and, full oft, but conjectural opinions. Up to our days, the belief has been almost general that Ezra revised the sacred books, and fixed the Canon. That he wrought some important effects on the Sacred Books, we may not reasonably doubt. But to determine the exact nature and 46 EZRA AND HIS INFLUENCE. extent of his influence is impossible, through defect of docu- ments. In all questions of this nature, the judgments of men will be divergent. And so in this question men have thought differently. The preponderance of Catholic thought has been that Ezra compiled and fixed the Canon. Prominent among those who have held this opinion are Serarius, Bellarmine, Bon- frere, Huet, Frassen ; and more recently Welte, Herbst, Glaire, Scholz, Himpel, Ubaldi, and Comely. The most eminent Catholic writers who reject, in whole or part, the old theory of the constitution of the Canon by Ezra are Richard Simon, Mov- ers, Nickes, Malou, Danko, and Loisy. As rationalistic principles have thoroughly pervaded the protestant scriptural thought currents, I think that it will not aid in our investigation to bring forth and classify the protes- tant opinions concerning the influence of Ezra on the Jewish Canon. The Talmud furnishes us some curious data on the Canon. The treatise of the Mischna called fltD^ "'D'lS* (The Chapters of The Fathers) opens with a testimony concerning Holy Scripture : " Moses received the Law on Sinai and delivered it to Jehoshua. Jehoshua delivered it to the Elders. The Elders delivered it to the Prophets. The Prophets delivered it to the men of the Great Synagogue. The Talmudic treatise {^"in^ ^D2' (The Last Gate) of the Babylonic Gemara is more T : ^ T T explicit.* In folios 14 b and 15 . A. Tlvov Ta')(yoe9 a^iKrjfia rat irXr^aiov aov, KoX t6t€ SerjdevTO'i crov at afiap- Tiai (Tov XvOrjcrovraL. Eccli. XXVIII. 2. Remitte injuriam proximo tuo, et tunc deprecanti tibi peccata solventur. ^o(f)ia 'EaXcofjLoov Kecf). T. 5, 6. Kat oXiya, Traihevdevre'^ fxeyd- \a evepyerrjOijaovrat on 6 @eo? eireCpaaev avTOv. A. 3. 'Airavyaafia ydp iari coTO^ '^^ ^"^ airavyaafia tt)? B6^v^ ai8{ov Kal 'ecTonrrpov aKrjXihcorov ""-} X^P^'^'^VP ri}^ viroardaeco^ T?7? Tov v)€ov evepyeiwi kul clkcov ' 7779 ayaOoTTjTO'; airrov. Ibidem VII. 26. Epist. ad Hebraeos I. 3. Etenim lucis seternse splen- Qui quum sit splendor gloriae dor est, atque speculum virtutis et impressa imago substantiae Dei nulla macula aspersum, ejus- illius, etc. que imago bonitatis. Many more texts of this character may be collected from a comparison of the deuterocanonical books with the New Testa- ment. See Huet, Demonst. Evang. Prop. IV. and Vincenzi, Sessio IV. Cone. Trid. Vindicata. The Fathers of the Church continued the approbation of the Apostles, and made no distinction in their frequent cita- tions from Scripture between protocanonical and deutero- canonical works. None of the Apostolical Fathers has drawn up a Canon of Scripture. The injury of time has robbed us of much of their writings, but, in the few preserved to us, most frequent passages are found from the deuterocanonical works, of such mode of quotation that it is evident that they recog- nized these books as divine Scripture. St. Clement of Rome, who holds a high place in the primitive church, in his Epist. to the Corinthians, employs the book of Wisdom and Ecclesiasti- cus. He made an analysis of the book of Judith and the Greek version of Esther with its deuterocanonical fragments.* His use of the deuterocanonical books, may be seen from a comparison of the following collated passages : *St. Clement of Rome, was a disciple of St. Peter, from whom, accord- ing to Tertullian, he received ordination. He succeeded Anacletus in the Roman See in the year 91 of the Christian era. He is mentioned by St. Paul in the Epist. to the Philippians. His death is placed about the year 100. Although some have controverted his martyrdom, he is placed among the martyrs in the Canon of the Mass. THE CANON OF THE CHURCH. 63 Sap. IV. 24. '* Invidia autem diaboli mors introivit in orbem terrarum." Sap. XI. 22. " Virtuti brachii tui quis re- sistet ?" Sap. XII. 12. " Quis enim dicet tibi : Quid fecisti ?" Judith VIII. 30, et seqq. Esther V. XIV. XV. Clem. I. ad Cor. III. " Sed secundum pravas ipsius concupiscentias incedit, iniquam et impiam invidiam resumendo per quam et mors in mundum intravit." Clem. I. Cor. XXVII. "Quis resistet virtuti fortitu- dinis ejus ?" Ibid. "Quis dicet ei : Quid fecisti ?" Clem. I. Cor. LV " Beata Judith, cum urbs obsi- deretur, rogavit seniores ut sibi liceret in alienigenarum castra transire, ac seipsam periculo tradens propter caritatem patriae populique obsessi egressa est ; el Dominus tradidit Olophernem in manu feminae. Nee minus perfecta secundum fidem Esther periculo se objecit." Among the genuine works of Clement of Rome, are rightly reckoned the two Epistles ad Virgines.* Ecclesiasticus V. 14. " Si est tibi intellectus, re- sponde proximo ; sin autem, sit manus tua super os tuum." Ecclesiasticus IX. 8. " Averte faciem tuam a muliere compta, et ne circumspicias speciem alienam. Propter speciem mulieris multi perierunt, et ex hoc concupiscentia quasi ignis exardescit." Ibid. 12. " Cum aliena muliere ne sedeas omnino, nee accumbas cum ea, super cubitum." Clem. I. ad Virg. XI. " Si est tibi intellectus, re- sponde proximo ; sin autem, sit manus tua super os tuum." Clem. II. ad Virg. XIII. " Ne circumspicias speciem alienam. Propter speciem muli- eris multi perierunt." Clem. Ibid. "Cum muliere aliena ne sedeas omnino." *Funk in his Patr. Apost. rejects the genuinity of these two Epistles, but his chief argument is that in them the texts from Scripture are more literally quoted than in the Epist. ad Corinthios. Beelen and others have defended the authenticity of these Epistles, and we see no reason why a sane criticism should reject them. They have come down to us through the Syriac, and have been translated into Latin by "Wetstein, and later by Villecourt. 64 THE CANON OF THE CHURCH. Ibid. IX. 4. '* Cum saltatrice ne assiduus sis, nee audias illam, ne forte pereas in efficacia illius." Dan. XIII. 8. " Et videbant earn senes quo- tidie ingredientem, et deambu- lantem : et exarserunt in concu- piscentiam ejus." Ibid. 42 — 44. " Exclamavit autem voce mag- na Susanna, et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia ante- quam fiant, tu scis quoniam fal- sum testimonium tulerunt contra me : et ecce morior, cum nihil horum fecerim, quae isti mali- tiose composuerunt adversum me. Exaudivit autem Dominus vocem ejus." Clement. Ibid. " Cum saltatrice ne assiduus sis, nee audias illam, ne pereas in efficacia illius." Ibid. XIII. "Nonne ex iisdem Scripturis notum tibi est quid, ad tempora Susannae, narretur de senibus illis qui, cum frequenter starent inter mulieres, contemplati pulch- ritudinem alienam, in concupis- centiae barathrum praecipites de- derunt sese. Castitatis quidem pretium noverunt, sed ipsius jugum fregerunt. Hinc appe- titui perverse venumdati, in beatam Susannam conspirarunt ut earn constuprarent. At ilia turpe ipsorum desiderium frus- trata est, Innocentiae suae testem invocavit Deum, qui de manibus impiorum senum earn liberavit." The document of the first century, commonly known as the Epistle of St. Barnabas, also employs the deuterocanonical books.* Ecclesiasticus IV. 36. " Non sit porrecta manus tua ad accipiendum et ad dandum collecta." Epist. S. Barnabae XIX. 19. " Noli porrigere manus tuas ad accipiendum, ad dandum vero contrahere." The Pastor of Hermas, a document that goes back to the 1st or 2d century, makes use of deuterocanonical works. It is impossible to fix the identity of the author of Pastor. Some believed him to be the Hermas mentioned by Paul to the Romans XVI. 14 : " Salute Asyncritus, Phlegon, Hermas", hence the book was regarded by some as canonical Scripture. It is conjoined to the other Scriptures in Codex {»5 of Mt. Sinai. Irenseus, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen reputed *St. Barnabas was a Cyprian Jew of the tribe of Levi. Having embraced Christianity, he was associated with Paul in the Evangelization of the Gentiles. Tradition places his death to have occurred in Cyprus, at the hands of the Jews. Tillemont and others have rejected the genuinity of this Epistle. It is not our intention here to defend such genuinity. It is of value to us in making known to us the use of Scripture of the 1st Century. THE CANON OF THE CHURCH. 65 it divine Scripture. It was declared apocryphal in the Canon of Gelasius. It has always been considered a treatise valuable for Christian erudition. Its author's identity will always remain uncertain, but the document makes for our scope by showing the Christian tradition of the age immediately succeeding the Apostolic times. It is called the Pastor, because in it an angel, under the form of a shepherd, speaks. Its trend is chiefly parenetic. Ecclesiasticus XXVIII. 3. Pastor, Similitudo IX. 23. " Homo homini reservat iram, " Deus at Dominus noster, qui et a Deo quaerit medelam." dominatur omnium rerum, et creaturae suae universae habet po- testatem, offensas memmisse non vult, sed ab his qui peccata sua confitentur facile placatur. Homo vero, cum et languidus, mortalis, infirmus sit repletus peccatis, ho- mini perseveranter irascitur." St. Dionysius, the Areopagite, employs deuterocanonical Scripture.'* *Dionysius the Areopagite was a citizen of Athens, at the time that Paul preached the Gospel of Christ in that city. He was among the first men of the city, a member of the highest judicial court, called "ApeiO? 7rdL^a\\6fi€voi. Now there is no voice in tradition, with the sole exception of St. Jerome, that ever rejected these THE CANON OF THE CHURCH. 141 books. As witnesses of tradition, they make no discrimina- tion between these two classes ; but as critics, in which capacity they are of least worth, they sometimes omit these from the official list of the Holy Scriptures. It may be that some one among them doubted of the divinity of the writings. We are not seeking of them what they individually held, but what the Church of their day taught and believed. In the growth and development of doctrine this has always been verified, that certain truths were less clearly conspicuous in the deposit of faith in the beginning, which afterwards grew to their full life in the body of the Church's doctrines. Meliton may have doubted ; he does not deny. Other truths, which have been defined on the warrant of tradition, have encountered stronger opposition. St. Thomas strenously denied the Immac- ulate Conception, and yet that truth triumphed, and finally entered among the defined dogmas. In tradition, we must lose sight of the individual, and of his private opinions, and seek only the faith of the Church reflected in his writings. Again, Meli- ton's position may be explained as only an indication of the greater extrinsic authority of the protocanonical books. The question in his day had not been defined by the Church. The protocanonical books could claim a sort of official promul- gation, inasmuch as they were transmitted by the old cus- todians of Jahve's law. The deuterocanonical books had only the usage of the Christian people in their favor. Now, in such case, a man, even though revering the second class as God's word, could rightly restrict the word canonical to the first class. Ail Catholics receive and honor all of Mary's pre- rogatives, but no one can place among the dogmas of faith her Assumption, and it is only in our own times that we may incorporate among the dogmas the Immaculate Conception. But even were we to concede the worst, that Meliton rejected the deuterocanonical books, our thesis is not weakened. His would be the critical error of one man, availing naught against the voice of the Church of truth, reverberating through the practical usage of the " pars docens " and " pars discens " of the Church. The value of this proof from tradition is not impaired by the Fathers' occasional references to the Apocryphal books. Tertullian, De Cultu Fceminarum Lib. I. 3, approves the Book of Henoch. " I know," he says " that the work of Henoch which gives such order to the Angels is by some not received, because it is not admitted in the Jewish deposit. I believe that they judge that the book written before the deluge 142 THE CANON OF THE CHURCH. could not endure after such universal abolition of all things. If that is their plea, let them remember that the great grand- son of Henoch survived the cataclysm of Noah ; and he, for- sooth, had heard and memorized in the domestic tradition his ancient progenitor's favor with God, and all his noted deeds; since Henoch commanded nought else to his son, except that he hand down these things to posterity. Therefore, without doubt, Noah could succeed in the line of the tradition ; and, moreover, he (Noah) would not have kept silent the disposition of God, his preserver, and the glory of his house. Moreover, by the Holy Spirit he (Noah) could have restored the Scripture that perished in the deluge, in the manner that Ezra restored the Jewish literature, that was destroyed in the Babylonian cap- tivity. Wherefore, since Henoch in that same Scripture announces concerning the Lord, in our judgment, nothing is to be rejected. And we read (H. Tim. HI. i6) : 'All Scripture having power to edify is divinely inspired.' It may rightly be thought that it is rejected by the Jews in the same manner as the other things which treat of Christ. Nor is it surprising that they reject the Scriptures which treat of him whom they rejected when he spoke in person to them. We add that Henoch has a testimony in the Epistle of Jude the Apostle, (Jude I. 14)." We shall see later on that Tertullian errs in saying that St. Jude quotes from Henoch. The sentence of Jude was taken from a tradition, which afterwards formed the basis of the Apocryphal book of Henoch. The Epistle of Barnabas (IV. 3; XVI. 6.) quotes as divine Scripture the Book of Henoch ; Clement of Alexandria quotes the IV. Book of Ezra as " Ezra the prophet." III. Strom. 16. St. Athanasius, Apolog. Ad III. Ezra IV. 41. Imp. 11. " Et desiit loquendo, Et cm- " Hanc cum Zerobabel sapiens nes populi clamaverunt, et dixe- ille vir ceteris anteferret, alios runt : Magna est Veritas, et prae- superavit, universusque populus valet." in hanc vocem prorupit : 'Magna est Veritas et praevalet.' " Ibid. IV. 37, 41, 47. Idem Sermo Major de Fide, 35. "Et omnes populi clamaverunt, " Quemadmodum et Ezra pro- et dixerunt : Magna est Veritas, et phetico spiritu dicit ex persona praevalet." Zerobabelis, idque de Filio Dei : ' Vivit Veritas, et vincit, et robor- atur, manetque in saecula saecu- lorum.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 143 Origen quotes from the same book : III. Ezra IV. Orig. Comment, in Josue, VI. Ex praefatione. " Quia Ezrae tempore cum vi- num et inimicum, regem ac de- nique mulieres vincit Veritas, re- aedificatur templum Dei." Orig. In Lib. Josue, Hom. IX. III. Ezra IV. 59—60. ^q. " — et dixit : Abs te est vie- " _ jta ut et nos dicamus, sicut toria, et abs te est sapientia et in Ezra scriptum est : ' Quia a claritas. Et ego servus tuus sum. te, Domine, est victoria, et ego Benedictus es, qui dedisti mihi servus tuus : benedictus es, Deus sapientiam, et tibi confitebor, veritatis.' " Domine Deuspatrum nostrorum." The chain of tradition is not broken by these few isolated references to some of the Apocrypha. In these few cases, the Fathers are exponents of their individual opinions, and are to be valued only as mere individuals. They do not quote the Apocrypha as witnesses of the belief- of the Church. The absolute line between the Canonical and Apocryphal books had not been promulgated by any definite authority, and, using their liberty as individuals, some few erroneously extended inspiration to certain books, which never were factors in the life of the Church. This critical error then of the Fathers in these rare cases, prevails not against the solemn universal wit- ness that the writers of these early ages bear to the appro- bation of the deuterocanonical books, in the practical usage of the Christian people. Relying upon the certain data that we have adduced, we assert that if tradition be taken as the criterion of inspiration ; and if the traditions are most valued that go back closest to the Apostolic age, then the deuterocanonical books of Holy Writ rest on a solid foundation. Chapter IX. The Canon of the Fathers of the Fourth Century, AND First Years of Fifth Century. In this period, the unanimity which prevailed for the first three centuries is somewhat broken, especially by Jerome. The doubts which arose in this age concerning the deutero- canonical books prevailed more especially in the East. We find, however, that not one of the Fathers of this epoch, 144 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. excepting Jerome, rejected the deuterocanonical books. Their opposition to them never passed beyond a mere doubt con- cerning them. We find, also, in this period, many in the East and in the West, who defend a Canon identical with the Canon of Trent. Lastly, we find that "the very men who give a list of the Jewish books, evince an inclination to the Christian and enlarged Canon." Thus, we see, that the prac- tical tradition of the Church was so powerful, that it overcame in the life of the Church the doubts of individual men and isolated churches. As we come down from the first ages of the Church, the patristic data multiply, and, hence, we could not set forth here ever)' particular writer's views and use of Holy Scripture. Neither is such now necessary. No one will deny that in this period, Jerome is the only positive opponent of the deutero- canonical books. All likewise recognize, that the most and the greatest of the Fathers of this epoch received these books as divine Scripture. Many adduce here the authority of the Council of Nice, 325. They believe that in that council there was formulated a catalogue of books, which included the deuterocanonical Scripture. The proofs for the assertion of this are so feeble, that we pretermit it here as worthless to establish our theory.* *Comely defends the genuinity of the canon of Scripture of the Council of Nice. Among his proofs are the following : 1. St. Jerome in his preface to Judith declares that the Nicene Synod is said to have included the book of Judith, among the canonical Scriptures. The proving force of this testimony is not very great, for any approba- tion of the book in the deliberations of the Council, would justify Jerome's statement. We believe that the Nicene fathers recognized the deuterocanon- ical books as divine Scripture, but we hold that it is not sufficiently substan- tiated by historical data, that they drew up an official list of the Holy Scriptures. Had they done so, it would have had a greater influence on the trend of thought of the Greek fathers. St. Athanasius would not have declared that it was a bold and difficult thing to fix the list of the Holy Books, had there been promulgated a catalogue of the same by a council of which he was an important factor, and whose decisions he venerated. 2. Comely quotes some obscure words from Cassiodorus, reproduced from Hefele Conciliengesch. II. p. 486 ; but they form no forcible proof. 3. Comely also adduces the 36th canon of the Council of Hippo, A. D. 393: " Ut praeter Scripturas Catholicas, nihil in Ecclesia legatur. Capituli XXIV. Nicaeni Concilii. Item ut praeter Scripturas Catholicas nihil in ecclesia legatur sub nomine divinarum Scripturarum. Sunt autem Canonicae Scripturae, etc." The books of both canons are there mentioned. This Canon exists but in one sole codex in the Vallicellian library, in Rome. We are not disposed to detract from what force it may have, but we do not feel warranted to refer the Council of Nice among the proofs of the Canon in the fourth century. Hefele accords no certain authority to the aforesaid Canon. THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 145 The Council of Hippo A. D. 393 ; the Council of Carthage A. D. 397; and the second Council of Carthage in 419 A. D. officially promulgated canons of Scripture which included all the deuterocanonical books. Council of Hippo, Can. 36: '* The Synod defines that besides the canonical Scrip- tures nothing be read in the Church under the name of di- vine Scripture. The Canonical Scriptures are : Genesis, Ex- odus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Josue, Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings (Regnorum), Paralipomena two books. Job, The Davidic Psalter, the five books of Solomon, the twelve (minor) Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, Eze- chiel, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Ezra two books, Maccabees two books." The first Council of Carthage, 397 A. D., confirms the same canon. The second Council of Carthage, 419 A. D., has the fol- lowing : " It is decreed that nothing but the canonical Scrip- tures may be read under the name of divine Scripture. The canonical Scriptures are the following: Of the Old Testament, Genesis, ... Job, the VaaXter, five books of Solomon, the Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, (Ezechiel is wanting), the Twelve (minor) Prophets, Tobias, Judith, Esther, two books of Ezra, two books of Maccabees .... This decree shall be made known to our brother and fellow priest Boniface, the Bishop of Rome, or even to the other bishops for its confirmation ; for we have received from the Fathers, that thus {the Scriptures) should be read in the Church^ Some have found it strange that the three African Coun- cils were held at such short intervals. The reason of the repetitions of the Canon seems to be in the fact, that Catholic thought had been disturbed in those days by Jerome, who in his Prologus Galeaticus to the Books of Kings, rejected out of the Canon the deuterocanonical books, A. D. 390. Repeatedly in his subsequent labors, he inveighs against the deuterocanon- ical books and fragments, and it was to retain the Catholics faithful to their old traditions, that these three councils repeat their Canons in such quick succession. No doubt can reasonably exist, regarding St. Augustine's attitude towards the deuterocanonical Scriptures. He was an important factor in the three councils just mentioned : and re- peatedly in his works he declares himself clearly for the deu- terocanonical books. It would be a long and needless task to set forth Augustine's use of deuterocanonical Scripture. It will not be contradicted by any patristic scholar, that Angus- 146 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. tine held in equal veneration, the protocanonical and deutero- canonical books. He gives his views of Scripture and a complete canon in the Enchiridion of Christian Doctrine, Book II. VIII. " But let us now go back to consider the third step here mentioned, for it is about it that I have set myself to speak and reason as the Lord shall grant me wisdom. The most skillful interpreter of the sacred writings, then, will be he who in the first place has read them all and retained them in his knowledge, if not yet with full understanding, still with such knowledge as reading gives — those of them, at least, that are called canonical. For he will read the others with greater safety when built up in the belief of the truth, so that they will not take first possession of a weak mind, nor, cheating it with dangerous falsehoods and delusions, fill it with preju- dices adverse to a sound understanding. Now, in regard to the canonical Scriptures, he must follow the judgment of the greater number of Catholic Churches; and among these, of course, a high place must be given to such as have been thought worthy to be the seat of an Apostle and to receive epistles. Accordingly, among the canonical Scriptures he will judge according to the following standard : to prefer those that are received by all the Catholic Churches to those which some do not receive. Among those, again, which are not received by all, he will prefer such as have the sanction of the greater number and those of greater authority, to such as are held by the smaller number and those of less authority. If, however, he shall find that some books are held by the greater number of churches, and others by the churches of greater authority (though this is not a very likely thing to happen), I think, that in such a case, the authority on the two sides is to be looked upon as equal. Now the whole Canon of Scripture on which we say this judgment is to be exercised, is contained in the following books : — Five books of Moses, that is : Genesis, Ex- odus, Levicticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy ; one book of Joshua the son of Nun ; one of Judges ; one short book called Ruth, which seems rather to belong to the beginning of Kings ; next, four books of Kings and two of Chronicles — these last not following one another, but running parallel, so to speak, and going over the same ground. The books now mentioned are history, which contains a connected narrative of the times, and follows the order of the events. There are other books which seem to follow no regular order, and are connected neither with the order of the preceding books nor with one another, such as Job, and Tobias, and Esther, and Judith, and the two THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY 147 books of Maccabees and the two of Ezra, which last look more like a sequel to the continuous regular history which termin- ates with the books of Kings and Chronicles. Next are the Prophets, in which there is one book of the Psalms of David ; and three books of Solomon, viz.: Proverbs, Song of Songs, and Ecclesiastes. For two books, one called Wisdom and the other Ecclesiasticus, are ascribed to Solomon from a certain resemblance of style, but the most likely opinion is that they were written by Jesus, the son of Sirach. Still they are to be reckoned among the prophetical books, since they have attained recognition as being authoritative. The remainder are the books which are strictly called the Prophets : twelve separate books of the prophets which are connected with one another, and having never been disjoined, are reckoned as one book ; the names of these prophets are as follows : — Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi ; then there are the four greater Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, Ezechiel. The authority of the Old Testament is contained within the limits of these forty-four books. That of the New Testament, again, is contained within the following : — Four books of the Gospel, according to Matthew, according to Mark, according to Luke, according to John ; fourteen epistles of the Apostle Paul — one to the Romans, two to the Corinthians, one to the Gala- tians, to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, two to the Thessa- lonians, one to the Colossians, two to Timothy, one to Titus, to Philemon, to the Hebrews ; two of Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James ; one book of the Acts of the Apostles, and one of the Revelation of John." St. Augustine's practical use of the deuterocanonical books may be judged from his De Civitate Dei and Contra Manichaeos taken as specimens. In the former work, he has fifteen quota- tions from Wisdom, fourteen from Ecclesiasticus, two from Baruch, Judith, and Tobias respectively, and one from the Bene- dictus of Daniel. In his work against the Manicheans he has twenty-three quotations from Wisdom, six from Ecclesiasticus, two from Tobias, one from Baruch and one from the Macca- bees. In his work Contra Faustum XXXIII. 9, he promul- gates the Catholic criterion of the canonical Scriptures : " I admonish briefly you, who hold the execrable error (of the Manicheans), if ye wish to follow the authority of that Scrip- ture which is to be preferred to all others, that ye follow that Scripture which from the time of Christ, through the dispensa- tions of the Apostles, and of the Bishops, who succeeded them 148 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. in their sees by certain succession, has come down even to our day, preserved throughout the whole earth, approved and ex- plained." Chemnitz, objected against Augustine's authority for the deuterocanonical Scripture, citing a passage from his Contra Gaudentium, XXXI. 38 : " And indeed the Scripture which is called the Maccabees the Jews have not, as they have the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms, to which the Lord bears testimony as to his witnesses saying : ' That all things must needs be fulfilled which are written in the Law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms concerning me ' (Luke XXIV. 44) ; but it (Maccabees) is received by the Church not unprofitably, if it be soberly read or heard.'' This is a direct testimony that the Church to whom Augustine directed all who would receive the genuine Scripture had received and sanc- tioned a book, not contained in the Jewish Canon, and that such book was not without profit to readers and hearers. Later on in the same chapter he explains what he means by the restrictive clause : " if it be soberly read or heard." " For we should not," he says, " assenting approve all things that we read in the Scriptures that men did, even though they be praised by the testimony of God ; but we should consider and discern, using the judgment not of our own authority, but of the divine and holy Scriptures, which does not permit us to approve or imitate all the deeds of those to whom it bears a good and excellent testimony." Augustine's words restrict not the authority of Maccabees beneath divine Scripture, but regulate its use. The same words might have been applied by him to the Gospel of Matthew. There are sometimes alleged against us the words of Augus- tine which occur Lib. Retract. X. 3 : " Thus also I appear not to have rightly called the words prophetic in which it is written : 'Quid superbit terra et cinis?' Eccli. X. 9, since they are not written in the book of one whom we certainly know to have been a prophet." We believe that it is not the intention of Augustine here to throw doubt on Ecclesiasticus, but to be accurate in drawing a distinction between Prophets and Hagio- graphers. Such subtlety leaves intact a book's divinity. In the first book of his De Predestinatione Sanctorum XIV. against the Pelagians, who rejected the book of Wisdom, Augustine argues thus : " These things being so, there should not be rejected a sentence from the book of Wisdom, which has merited to be read by the order of lectors in the Church of Christ for so many years (tam longa annositate), and which has merited to be listened to with the veneration of divine author- THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 149 ity by all Christians, from bishops to the extreme lay faithful penitents and catechumens." Iterum ibidem : " But those who wish to be taught by the works of the Fathers (Tracta- torum) must needs prefer the book of Wisdom to all the Fathers ; for the celebrated Fathers nearest in time to the Apostles preferred it to their own opinions ; and they, using it as an authority, believed that they were making use of nothing short of a divine testimony. " It is evident, that with Augustine, the condition of all the deuterocanonical books was the same, hence by applying this testimony to the entire collection we have not alone the view of Augustine, but a succinct statement of the belief and usage of the Church from the Apostles to his own day." A document which sets forth the official attitude towards the deuterocanonical Scripture in this age is the Decree of Pope Gelasius, A. D. 492 — A. D. 496.* *' Nunc vero de Scripturis divinis agendum est quid universalis recipiat Ecclesia, vel quid vitare debeat. Incipit ordo Veteris Testamenti, Genesis liber I. Exodi liber I. Levitici liber I. Numeri liber I. Deuteronomii liber I. Jesu Nave liber I. Judicum liber I. Ruth liber I. Regum libri IV. Paralipomenon libri II. Psalmorum CL. liber I. Salomonis libri III. Proverbia liber I. Ecclesiastes liber I. Cantici Canticorum liber I. Item Sapientiae liber I. Ecclesiastici liber I. Item ordo Prophetarum: Esaiae liber I. Jeremiae liber I. cum Chinoth, id est, Lamentationibus suis, Ezechielis liber I. Danielis liber I. Osea liber I. Amos liber I. Michaeae liber I. Joel liber I. Abdiae liber I. Jonae liber I. Nahum liber I. Abbacuc liber I. Aggaei liber I. Zachariae liber I. Malachi liber I. Item ordo historiarum: Job liber I. ab aliis omissus. TobicB liber I. Hesdrae libri II. Hesther liber I. Judith liber I. Machabaeorum libri II." In the year 405, St. Exuperius, Bishop of Toulouse (t4i7) wrote to Pope Innocent I. asking among other things " what books should be received in the Canon of Holy Scripture." The Pontiff responds : " The subjoined brief will show what books should be received into the Canon of Holy Scripture. These are therefore (the books) concerning which thou hast *This decree is not found the same in the different codices. It is by some ascribed to Damasus (A. D. 366— A. D. 384) ; by others to Gelasius (A. D. 493— A. D. 496) ; and by others to Hormisdas (A. D. 514— A. D. 523). Cor- nely believes that it was originally a decree of Damasus, which was after- wards enlarged by Gelasius. All agree that it was an authentic promulgation from the Roman See in that period. Hefele Conciliengesch. II. 620. 160 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. wished the admonition of a longed for voice. The five books of Moses. .. .The book of Jesus, son of Nave, one book of Judges, the four books of Kings and Ruth, sixteen books of Prophets, five books of Solomon, the Psalter ; also of historical books, one book of Job, one of Tobias, one of Esther, one of Judith, two of Maccabees, two of Ezra and two of Paralipo- menon." In all these canons Baruch is considered an integral part of Jeremiah. The canons of Gelasius and Innocent are not ex cathedra definitions, but plain stditQvnQnts of the belief and usages of the Church from her central authority. The testimony of the fourth and fifth centuries to the divinity of the deuterocanonrcal Scriptures is evinced in the four great codices of that period : The Vatican and Sinaitic of the fourth century, and the Alexandrian and Codex of St. Ephrem of the fifth century. An accurate description of these codices will be given in the course of our treatise. Suffice it to say here that they all make no discrimination between the protocanonical and deuterocanonical books. The Ethiopian Version of Scripture, made in the fourth century, and the Armenian version, made in the beginning of the fifth century, contain all the books canonized by the Council of Trent. At what time the deuterocanonical books were placed in the Syriac translation known as the Peshito is not known, but they were there in the time of St. Ephrem (t379)> ^s we shall see in the course of the present work ; hence, we may add the testimony of the Syriac Peshito to the data for the deuterocanonical books. Sacred archaeology also affords proofs for the divinity of the deuterocanonical books. In the Catacombs, we find fre- quent representations from the deuterocanonical books, proving that those books were a part of the deposit of faith of the Church of the Martyrs. The recent researches in subterra- nean Rome has clearly demonstrated this proof, as can be seen in the works of Vincenzi (Sessio IV. Cone. Trid.) ; Malou (Lecture de la Bible II. 144); Garrucci (Storia dell' Arte Christiana), and others. The constant and universal tradition and usage of the first three centuries are corroborated in the fourth and fifth century by the express declarations and praxis of Fathers, by solemn decrees of Councils and Popes, and by the preserved evidences of the practical life of the Church. The adversaries of the deuterocanonical books bring against us the authority of the Fathers who have edited canons in THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 151 which the deuterocanonical books find no place. Preeminent for age and authority among these is St. Athanasius, the decus orthodoxiae.* We reproduce here the entire quotation from which the opposition of Athanasius is inferred ; " Since many have indeed tried to place in order those books which are called Apocrypha, and mix them with the divinely inspired Scripture which we have received upon certain testimony as the Fathers handed down to us, who from the beginning were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word, it has seemed good to me also, the brethren exhorting, to compute in the Canon, as I have learned, from the beginning, and in order, the books that have been handed down and are believed to be divine, that everyone that has been seduced may convict the seducers, and he who has persevered incorrupt may joyously remember these. The books of the Old Testament are in number twenty-two ; for so many, as I have heard, are the elements (of speech) with the Hebrews. In this order, and by these names, they are severally enumerated : The first is Genesis, then Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua son of Nun, Judges and Ruth follow ; then the four books of Kings, of which the first and second are considered as one, and, in like manner, the third and fourth. Following these the two books of Paralipomenon are also considered as one, as also the first and second of Ezra. Then come the book of Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles and Job ; then the Prophets of whom twelve are considered as one book. Then Isaiah, Jeremiah and with him Bartich, the Lamentations, and the Epistle ; then follow Ezechiel and Daniel, thus far the books of the Old Testament." After enumerating the complete Canon of the New Testa- ment, he continues : " These are the fountains of salvation, so that who thirsts may be filled by their discourses ; in these alone, the Christian doctrine is taught. Let no one add to them or take anything from them. But for greater accuracy, I deem it necessary to add this also, that there are, forsooth, other books besides these, which, indeed, are not placed tn *St. Athanasius was descended of an illustrious family of Alexandria. He was ordained deacon by St. Alexander, whom in 326 he succeeded in the see of Alexandria. He was the Charles Martel against the Arians in the Council of Nice, and combated this dreadful heresy throughout his life. His long episcopate of more than forty years was a perpetually troubled one. Many times he was forced to fly to the exile of the desert to escape his insidious foes. He is the great patristic authority on the Trinity and the Incarnation. 152 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. the Canon, but which the Fathers decreed should be read to those who have lately co^ne into the fold, and seek to be catechized, and who study to learn the Christian doctrine. (These are): The Wisdom of Solomon and the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Esther, Judith, Tobias, the so-called Doctrine of the Apostles, and Pastor. Therefore, while the former are in the Canon, and these latter are read, there is no mention of the Apocrypha, which are the figment of heretics who arbitrarily write books, to which they assign dates, that by the specious semblance of antiquity they may find occasion to deceive the simple." Ep. Fest. 29. To judge rightly St. Athanasius' attitude towards Holy Scripture, we must recall what has been said respecting Meliton. We must readily admit that in these ages a distinc- tion was made between the two classes of books, but it did not deny divine inspiration to the deuterocanonical works. A greater dignity was given by some Fathers to the books that had come down to the Church from the Jews ; but these same Fathers testify to the veneration in which the deuterocanonical works were held by the Church, and to the part they played in the life of the faithful. It must also be borne in mind that Athanasius flourished in Alexandria the fertile source of Apocrypha, and in his zeal to repel the inventions of heretics he was most conservative in treating the Canon. His location of Esther among the deuterocanonical books is unique, and was probably caused by the sanguinary character of the book, which also led some Jews to doubt of its divine inspiration. His omission of Maccabees seems to be an oversight since he adverts to their history in his writings. We do not seek to establish that the status of the two classes of books was the same with Athanasius ; but we judge it evident from his writ- ings that he venerated these same books as divine, although not equal in extrinsic authority to the books officially handed down from the Jews. The testimony of Athanasius that the Fathers of the Church had decreed that these books should be read in the Church manifests clearly the Church's attitude towards these books ; and the following passages, taken from the writings of Athanasius, show how deeply he also had drunk from these founts. Athanas. Oratio Contra Gen- Sap. XIV. 12. tes, 9. " Initium enim fornicationis " — quod et Dei sapientia his est exquisitio idolorum: et adin- verbis declarat : ' Initium forni- ventio illorum corruptio vitae cationis est exquisitio idolo- est — ." rum.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 153 Sap. XIV. 12—21. "Initium fornicationis, etc." Sap. XIV. 21. " Et haec fuit vitae humanae deceptio : quoniam aut affectui, aut regibus deservientes homines, incommunicabile nomen lapidi- bus et lignis imposuerunt." Sap. XIII. 5. " — a magnitudine enim spe- ciei, et creaturae cognoscibiliter poterit Creator horum videri — ." Sap. VI. 19. " Cura ergo disciplinae dilec- tio est : et dilectio custodia le- gum illius est : custoditio autem legum consummatio incorrup- tionis est — ." Sap. II. 23, 24. " Quoniam Deus creavit homi- nem inexterminabilem, et ad imaginem similitudinis suae fecit ilium. Invidia autem diaboli mors introivit in orbem ter- rarum — ." Sap. I. II. " Custodite ergo vos a mur- muratione, quae nihil prodest, et a detractione parcite linguae, quoniam sermo obscurus in va- cuum non ibit : os autem, quod mentitur, occidit animam." Tob. XII. 7. " Sacramentum regis abscon- dere, etc." Ibid. ** Haec. . . .jam olim Scriptura his verbis complexa est: ' Initium fornicationis, etc' " Pergit usque ad Vers. 21. Ibid. 17. " — sed cum incommunicabile, ut loquitur Scriptura, Dei nomen et honorem iis qui non dii sed mortales homines fuere ascribere studuerunt — ." Ibid. 44. " Ex magnitudine et pulchri- tudine rerum creatarum conveni- enter Creator conspicitur." S. Athanas. De Incarnatione Dei, 4. " — sicuti Sapientia ait: ' Ob- servatio legum confirmatio est incorruptionis. " Ibid. " — ut et Sapientia his verbis testatur: * Deus creavit hominem ut incorruptus esset, et imaginem propriae aeternitatis : invidia au- tem diaboli mors introivit in mundum.' " Ath. Apolog. et contra Arianos, 3- " — nee timeant illud quod in Sacris Litteris scriptum est : * Os quod mentitur occidit ani- mam.' " Ibid. II. " — cum oporteat, ut scriptum est : ' Sacramentum regis abscon- dere.' " 154 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Eccli. XXX. 4. " Mortuus est pater ejus, et quasi non est mortuus: similem enim reliquit sibi post se." Baruch III. 12. " Dereliquisti fontem sapien- tiae— ." Ibid. This quotation is not made use of by Athanasius, but is found in an apologetic treatise directed to him by a synod held at Alexandria, of the bishops of Egypt, Thebais, Libyia and Pentapolis. It is thus the testimony of the East to the divinity of the deuterocanonical works. In the letter of St. Alexander of Alexandriae to his co- laborer, we find the following : Ibid. 66. " Mortuus est enim, ait quodam in loco S. Scriptura, pater ejus et quasi non est mortuus." St. Ath. De Decretis Synod. Nicenae, 12. " Verbum item Israelem objur- gans ait : ' Dereliquisti fontem sapientiae.' " Ibid. 15. "Hujus porro sapientiae fon- tem esse Deum nos docet Baruch, ubi videlicet redarguitur Israel fontem sapientiae dereliquisse." S. Ath. De Sententia Dionysii, 15- " — congruenter rursum Chris- tus vapor dictus est : 'Est enim,* inquit, ' vapor virtutis Dei.* " Idem Epist. ad Episcopos Aegypti et Libyae, 3. " Non est speciosa laus in ore peccatoris." Idem Apolog. ad Const. Imp. 5- " Nam OS quod mentitur occi- dit animam." Sap. VII. 25. " Vapor est enim virtutis Dei, etc. Eccli. XV. 9. " Non est speciosa laus in ore peccatoris.*' Sap. I. (Already quoted.) Tob. IV. 19. " Consilium semper a sapiente perquire." Sap. III. 5. "In paucis vexati, in multis bene disponentur, quoniam Deus tentavit eos, et invenit illos dig- nos se." Ibid. 17. " Scriptum est : * Ab omni sa- piente consilium accipe.' " Idem Apolog. DeFuga Sua, 19. " Nam sicut aurum in fornace probatos, ut ait Sapientia, 'in- venit illos Dominus dignos se.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 156 Sap. II. 21. " Haec cogitaverunt, et errave- runt : excaecavit enim illos ma- litia eorum." Eccl. XIX. 26. " Ex visu cognoscitur vir, et ab occurso faciei cognoscitur sen- satus." Baruch IV. 20, 22. " Exui me stola pacis, indui autem me sacco obsecrationis, et clamabo ad Altissimum in diebus meis. Ego enim speravi in aeter- num, salutem vestram et venit mihi gaudium a sancto, etc." Dan. XIII. 42. ** Exclamavit autem voce mag- na Susanna, et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia ante- quam fiant." Baruch III. 12. " Dereliquisti fontem sapien- tiae — ." Eccli. XXIV. 12. " Tunc praecepit, et dixit mihi Creator omnium : et qui creavit me, requievit in tabernaculo meo — ." Sap. XIII. 5. " — a magnitudine enim spe- ciei et creaturae, cognoscibiliter poterit Creator horum videri — ." Judith XIII. 15. " — non enim quasi homo, sic Deus comminabitur, neque sicut filius hominis ad iracundiam in- flammabitur." Ibid. 71. " In his itaque eorum mentem excaecavit malitia." Idem Contra Arianos Orat. 1.4. *' — sapientia ait : ' Ex verbis suis cognoscitur vir.' " Ibid. 12. "Susanna quoque aiebat: 'Deus sempiterne.' Baruch item scrip- sit : ' Clamabo ad Deum sempi- ternum in diebus meis.' Et paulo post : ' Ego enim speravi in sem- piternum salutem vestram et venit mihi gaudium a Sancto.' " Ibid. 13. "Et apud Dan.: 'Exclamavit voce magna Susanna et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia ante- quam fiant.' " Ibid. 19. " — item apud Baruch scriptum est : * Dereliquistis fontem sapi- entiae.' " Idem Contra Arianos, Orat. II. 4. " — vel si ipse de seipso ait : ' Dominus creavit me.* " Ibid. 32. " Siquidem ex magnitudine et pulchritudine rerum creatarum, illarum Creator convenienter conspicitur," Ibid. 35. " ' Deus autem non ut homo est, quemadmodum testatur Scrip- tura: " 166 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Baruch III. 12. (Oft quoted.) Sap. IX. 2. " — et sapientia tua constituisti hominem, ut dominaretur crea- turae, quae a te facta est — ." Baruch III. 36. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus eum." Sap. VI. 26. " Multitude autem sapientum sanitas est orbis terrarum : et rex sapiens stabilimentum populi est." Eccli. I. lo. " Et effudit illam super omnia opera sua, et super omnem car- nem secundum datum suum, et praebuit illam diligentibus se." Dan. XIV. 4. " Qui respondens, ait ei: Quia non colo idola manufacta, sed viventem Deum, qui creavit cae- lum, et terram, et habet potesta- tem omnis carnis." Dan. XIII. 45. " Cumque duceretur ad mor- tem, suscitavit Dominus spiritum sanctum pueri junioris, cujus nomen Daniel — ." Baruch III. i. " Et nunc, Domine omnipo- tens, Deus Israel, anima in an- gustiis, et spiritus anxius clamat ad te." Dan. III. 86. "Benedicite spiritus, et animae justorum. Domino ;laudate et sup- erexaltate eum in saecula." Ibid. 42. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. 45. " Et in libro Sapientiae legitur: * Et sapientia tua constituisti ho- minem ut dominaretur creaturis quae a te factae sunt.' " Ibid. 49. " Et Baruch: 'Hie est Deus noster, non aestimabitur alius adversus eum.' " Ibid. 79. " Vel si nulla est sapientia, cur multitude sapientum in Scriptura memoratur ? " Ibid. " — ut hisce verbis testatur filius Sirach : ' Effudit illam in omnia opera sua cum omni came, secundum donationem suam, et praebuit illam diligentibus se.' " Idem Contra Arianos, Orat. III. 30. " Item Daniel Astyagi dixit : ' Ego idola manufacta non colo, sed Deum viventem qui coelum et terram creavit, et in omnem carnem dominatum habet.' " S. Athanas. Epist. I. ad Sera- pionem, 5. " Et apud Danielem : ' Susci- tavit Deus Spiritum pueri junioris cujus nomen Daniel, et exclama- vit voce magna : Mundus ego sum a sanguine hujus.' " Ibid. 7. " Baruch item his verbis preca- tur : ' Anima in angustiis et spi- ritus anxius clamat ad te,' et in Jfymno trium Puerorum. ' Be- nedicte spiritus et animae justo- rum Domino.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 157 Baruch III. lo, 12. " Quid est Israel, quod in terra inimicorum es ? Dereliquisti fon- tem sapientiae." Sap. I. 5. " Spiritus enim sanctus discip- linae effugiet fictum, et auferet se a cogitationibus, quae sunt sine intellectu," Sap. XII. I. " O quam bonus et suavis est, Domine, spiritus tuus in omni- bus ! " Dan. III. 57. " Benedicite omnia opera Do- mini Domino, etc." Sap. I. 7. " Quoniam spiritus Domini re- plevit orbem terrarum, etc." Dan. XIV. 4. " Qui respondens, ait ei: * Quia non colo idola manufacta, sed viventem Deum, qui creavit coe- lum, et terram et habet potesta- tem omnis carnis." Eccli. I. 32. " — exsecratio autem pecca- tori, cultura Dei." Dan. XIII. 42. " Exclamavit autem voce mag- na Susanna, et dixit : ' Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia ante- quam fiant.' " Baruch III. 36—38. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus eum. Hie adinvenit omnem viam dis- Ibid. 19, " Et iterum apud Baruch : 'Quid est Israel, quod in terra inimicorum es ? dereliquisti fon- tem sapientiae.' " Ibid. 26. " ' Spiritus sanctus,' inquit, 'disciplinae fugiet dolum, et auferet se a cogitationibus quae sunt sine intellectu.' " Ibid. 25. " — iterum in Sapientia legi- tur : * Tuus enim incorruptus spiritus est in omnibus." Idem Epist. II. ad Serap. 6. " Benedicite omnia opera Do- mini Domino." Idem Epist. III. ad Serap. 4. '* Ita enim scriptum est : ' Spi- ritus Domini replevit orbem ter- rarum.' " Idem Epist. IV. ad Serap. 21. " Ita quoque Daniel libere Da- rium affatus est : ' Non veneror idola manufacta, sed viventem Deum qui creavit coelum et ter- ram, et habet potestatem omnis carnis.' " S. Ath. Vita S. Antonii, 28. " — nam * exsecratio peccatori est pietas erga Deum." Ibid. 31. " — solusque Deus novit omnia antequam fiant." St. Athan, De Incarnat. et contra Arianos (In fine). " — quemadmodum et Jeremias dicit : ' Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus 158 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. ciplinae, et tradidit illam Jacob puero suo, et Israel dilecto suo. Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Sap. II. 24. " Invidia autem diaboli mors introivit in orbem terrarum — ." Dan. III. 57—62 ; 88. Baruch III. 12, (Already quoted.) Baruch III. 12 — 13. " Dereliquisti fontem sapien- tiae ; nam si in via Dei ambulas- ses, habitasses utique in pace sempiterna." Sap. V. 3. ** — dicentes intra se, poeniten- tiam agentes, et prae angustia spiritus gementes: Hi sunt, quos habuimus aliquando in derisum, et in similitudinem improperii." Eccli. XXXVIII. 9. "Fill, in tua infirmitate ne despicias te ipsum, sed ora Do- minum, et ipse curabit te." eum. Hie adinvenit omnem viam scientiae, et tradidit illam Jacob puero suo et Israel dilecto suo. Post haec in terris visus est et cum hominibus conversatus est.* " St. Athanas. Contra Apollina- rium, Lib. I. 7. *' Invidia autem diaboli mors intravit in mundum." Ibid. 15. Repetit idem. St. Ath. De Trinitate et S. Spiritu, 2. "Tres quoque sancti martyres, Ananias Azarias et Misael, in fornace ignis positi in terra Chaldaeorum, cum admirabiliter Deus calorem ignis ad temper- atum refrigerium convertisset, universam creaturam adhortantes secum laudare Deum, sic incipi- unt : * Benedicite, etc' " Citat majorem partem Cantici Trium Puerorum. Ibid. 19. (Already quoted.) Ibid. 20. " — dicit : * Dereliquisti fontem sapientiae; viam Domini si fuisses ingressus, utique habitares in pace in aeternum tempus." St. Ath.Sermo Major De Fide,28. " Hie est quem habuimus ali- quando in derisionem — -." St. Ath. Fragment De Amu- letis. " — coelesti sapientiae obse- quens dicenti : ' Fili, in tempore infirmitatis tuae ne despicias, sed ora Dominum, et ipse curabit te." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 159 Eccli. XV. 9. (Already quoted.) Dan. III. 50. (Already quoted.) Sap. VII. 27. " Et cum sit una, omnia potest: et in se permanens omnia innovat, et per nationes in animas sanctas se transfert, amicos Dei et pro- phetas constituit." Sap. II. 12. "Circumveniamus ergo justum, quoniam inutilis est nobis, etc." Eccli. XXVII. 29. " Et qui foveam fodit, incidet in earn, etc." Sap. II. 12. (Already quoted.) Dan. XII. Eccli. XV. 9. (Already quoted.) Baruch II. 35. " Et statuam illis testamentum alterum sempiternura, ut sim illis in Deum, et ipsi erunt mihi in populum, etc." Eccli. II. I. " Fili, accedens ad servitutem Dei, sta in justitia, et timore, et praepara animam tuam ad tenta- tionem." Eccli. XVIII. 6. " Cum consummaverit homo, tunc incipiet, etc." Idem, Epist. VII. 4. (Already quoted.) Idem, Epist. X. 3. (Already quoted.) Ibid. 4. " — prout de Sapientia testatur Salomon * quae cum una sit, omnia potest, et in se manens omnia renovat, et cum ad sanctas animas accedet, tunc Dei ama- tores et prophetas efficit.' " Idem, Epist. XI. 5. " Circumveniamus justum, quia nobis minime placet." Ibidem. ** Qui foveam proximo suo fodit in eamdem incidet." Idem, Epist. XIX. (Already quoted.) Idem, Epist. ad Marcellinum, 9. " Spiritu edoctus quisque ser- monem administrat ita ut aliquando historias praescribant ut Daniel Susannae — ." Ibid. 29. (Already quoted.) S. Ath. Expositio in Ps. LXXVII. 10. " Novam Evangelii traditionem dicit atque illud : * Ecce dies venit, et disponam cum eis tes- tamentum novum.' " Idem, in Ps. CXVII. " — juxta illud: 'Accedis ad serviendum Domino, praepara animam tuam ad tentationem.' " Idem, Ps. CXVIII. 60. Repetit idem. Ibidem 96, " — iuxta illud: *Cum con- summatur homo, tunc incipit.' " 160 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. St.Ath. De Titulis Psalmorum, De Ps. LXXVII. 137. '* Et in terra visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est. (Re- petit idem in Ps. XCIII.) St. Athan. Fragmenta in Math. " Eodem quoque modo senes duo cum Susannae dixissent : * Ecce in concupiscentia tui su- mus — .' " Ibid. " — juxta Sapientiae verbum : ' Anima calida est ut ignis accen- sus.' " Ibid. " Daniel vero lascivos senes sycophantiae causa a se damna- tos juxta legem Moysis ultus est." Ibid. De Falsis Prophetis. " Si videris sapientem aliquem, ex consilio Sapientiae, mane vi- gila ad ilium, stationes portarum ejus terat pes tuus, ut ab eo edis- cas legis umbras et gratiarum dona. " Ibid. De Lunaticis. " — Sapientia ita loquente : 'A luna, signum diei festi.' " Expositio in Ps. LXXVIII. " Carries Sanctorum tuorutn bestiis terrae. Quomodo enim sancti non fuerunt quorum san- guis effusus est pro legis obser- vantia, ex quorum erant numero Maccabaei ? " Athanasius simply considered these books as pious productions, somewhat like to our Imita- tion of Christ. Quoting a text from Judith, as we have seen above, Contra Arianos II. 38, he explicitly adds " ut testatur Scriptura'' His insertion of Pastor and the Doctrina Apostolorum among the books of the second canon is a critical error of his own, and not warranted by the usage of the Church. Canon- Baruch III. 38. " Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Dan. XIII. 20. " Ecce, ostia pomarii clausa sunt, et nemo nos videt, et nos in concupiscentia tui sumus, etc." Eccli. XXIII. %2. " Anima calida quasi ignis ar- dens non extinguetur, donee ali- quid glutiat." Dan. XIII. Eccli. VI. 36. " Et si videris sensatum, evi- gila ad eum, et gradus ostiorum illius exterat pes tuus." Eccli. XLIII 7. " A luna signum diei festi. etc. Maccab. Passim. No man can say that S. THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 161 icity and divinity were not in the mind of Athanasius convert- ible terms. There had been no official promulgation of a canon, and hence, he applied the term to the list of books which of old had received the sanction of the Synagogue. We feel warranted, then, in saying that as a witness of tradi- tion in his practical use of Scripture the weight of Athanasius' authority is with us, while, in his capacity of critic, he accords to the deuterocanonical books in general a veneration which the Church never gave to any but divine books. We omit the Synopsis Scripturae, formerly falsely ascribed to Athanasius, since it covers the same ground as the testi- mony already quoted. Another Father whose authority is invoked against us is St. Cyrill of Jerusalem.* The testimony upon which his authority is invoked against us is found in his fourth Catechesis, Chapters 33, 35, and 36. The following excerpts will illustrate his position : " Studiously also learn from the Church what are the books of the Old Testament, and what, of the New. Read to me noth- ing of the Apocrypha. For thou, who art ignorant of those books which are recognized and received by all, why dost thou wretchedly lose thy labor about those which are doubtful and controverted ? Read the divine Scriptures, the twenty-two books of the Old Testament, which the seventy-two inter- preters translated. * * * Read these twenty-two books, and have naught to do with the Apocrypha. These alone studi- ously meditate and handle, which we also read in the Church with certain confidence. Much more prudent and more pious were the Apostles and the ancient bishops, the rectors of the Church, who handed them down. Thou, therefore, being a child of the Church, overstep not the established laws." Con- tinuing, he gives the same canon as that of Athanasius, except that he conjoins Ruth with Judges, and includes Esther, thus *St. Cyrill of Jerusalem was born about the year 315 A. D. He was ordained deacon by St. Macarius of Jerusalem, and priest by St. Maximus. whom he succeeded in the See of Jerusalem in the year 350 A. D. His epis- copate was troubled by the opposition of the Arians, then powerful in the East. He was often exiled by the intrigues of these, and was marked for death by Julian the Apostate, but the death of Julian prevented the execution of his project. Cyrill died in his see in 386. In one of his letters to Con- stans he testifies to a marvelous luminous apparition of a cross which extended from Mt. Calvary to Mt. Olivet, which was witnessed by many for several hours. His chief works are his Catecheses to the Catechumens and Neophytes. Although some of Cyrill's opinions are strange, he was a staunch defender of the faith, and merits to be considered a coryphaeus in patristic theology. K 162 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. preserving the number twenty-two. And he adds : " But let all the other (books) be held outside (the canon) in a second (inferior) order. And whatever are not read in the churches, do thou not read these even privately." In truthfully weighing this testimony, we find in the first sentence the adoption of our criterion of inspiration: ^^Studi- ously also learn from the Church what are the books of the Old Testament, and what of the New." In the enunciation of this eternal verity, Cyrill spoke in the name of the whole Church. It was always believed, and always will be believed by those of the faith of Christ, that it was the province of the Church to regulate the code of Scripture. This every Father believed and taught. Neither does Cyrill characterize as apocryphal the deuterocanonical books. He considered them doubtful and of an inferior rank, and hence, exhorts the catechumens to make use of those concerning which there was no doubt. In forbidding the converts to read privately the books which were not read in the Church, he tacitly allows such private reading of the deuterocanonical books. The spirit of the Church at Jerusalem was extremely conservative, tinged with Judaism. Naturally for such, the books which the synagogue did not recognize would be regarded with some disfavor. Cyrill was influenced by the trend of religious thought reigning at Jeru- salem. He sacrificed nothing by his strict views on the canon. The protocanonical books are the most useful ; the Church had not defined the Canon ; and Cyrill safeguarded the rights of the Church by bidding everyone go to her for the Canon. The protocanonical and deuterocanonical books were not made absolutely equal until the decree of the Council of Trent. The Fathers considered the latter as useful, edifying, and most of the Fathers considered them of divine origin, but they, in general, accorded them a less dignity and veneration than that given the protocanonical books. The slight doubt that reigned in some churches regarding their divine origin induced Cyrill to place them in an inferior rank. In the uncertainty of re- ligious thought of his time, he judged it better that the neo. phytes should devote their study to the absolutely certain sources of divine truth. Were Cyrill alive to-day, he would learn from the Church to receive the complete Canon. In his practical use of Scripture, Cyrill follows the usage of the Church, and often quotes the deuterocanonical books, as the following examples will show : THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 163 Dan. III. 27, 29. " — quia Justus es in omnibus, quae fecisti nobis, et universa opera tua vera, et viae tuae rec- tae, et omnia judicia tua vera. Peccavimus enim, et inique egi- mus, etc." Eccli. III. 22. " Altiora te ne quaesieris, et fortiora te ne scrutatus fueris : sed quae praecepit tibi Deus, ilia cogita semper, et in pluribus operibus ejus ne fueris curio- sus." Sap. XIII. 2. " — sed aut ignem, aut spiri- tum, aut citatum aerem, aut gyrum stellarum, aut nimiam aquam, aut solem et lunam, rec- tores orbis terrarum deos puta- verunt." Sap. XIII. 5. " — a magnitudine enim spe- ciei et creaturae, cognoscibiliter poterit creator horum videri — ." Eccli. XLIII. 2. " Sol in aspectu annuntians in exitu, vas admirabile opus ex- celsi." Sap. XIII. 5. " — a magnitudine enim spe- cie et creaturae, cognoscibiliter poterit Creator horum videri — ." Catech. II. XVI. " — illicque pro malorum re- medio dicebant : * Justus es, Do- mine, in omnibus quae fecisti nobis: peccavimus enim et inique egimus.' " Catech. VI. 4. '* Prof undiora te ne quaesieris, et fortiora te ne in vestiges: quae tibi praecepta sunt, ea mente agita." Ibid. 8. " Deum nonnulli ignem esse senserunt." Catech. IX. 2. " — juxta Salomonem qui ait : ' nam ex magnitudine et pulchri- tudine creaturarum, proportione servata, procreator earum con- spicitur.' " Ibid. 6. ** — nonne admirari oportet eum qui in solis fabricam inspex- erit ? nam modici vasis apparens vim ingentem complectitur ; ab oriente apparens et in occiden- tem usque lumen emittens." Ibid. 16. " — et ex his quae dicta lec- taque sunt, quaeque ipse reperire aut cogitare poteris, 'ex magni- tudine et pulchritudine creatur- arum, proportione servata, Auc- torera earum conspicias." 164 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Baruch III. 36, 38. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus eum. Hie adinvenit omnem viam dis- ciplinae, et tradidit illam Jaeob puero suo, et Israel dileeto suo. Post haee in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Eceli. III. 22. (Already quoted.) Sap. II. 24. *' Invidia autem diaboli mors introivit in orbem terrarum — ." Eeeli. IV. 36. " Non sit porreeta manus tua ad aeeipiendum, et ad dandum coUecta." Dsn. XIV. 35. " Et apprehendit eum Angelus Domini in vertiee ejus, et por- tavit eum capillo capitis sui." Sap. VI. 17. "Quoniam dignos se ipsa cir- cuit quaerens, et in viis ostendit se illis hilariter, et in omni pro- videntia oecurrit illis." Dan. XIII. 42 — 45. " Exclamavit autem voce mag- na Susanna, et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia, ante- quam fiant, tu scis, quoniam fal- sum testimonium tulerunt contra me, et ecce, morior, cum nihil horum fecerim, quae isti mali- tiose composuerunt adversum me. Exaudivit autem Dominus vocem ejus. Cumque duceretur ad mortem, suscitavit Dominus spiritum sanctum pueri junioris, cujus nomen Daniel — ." Catech. XI. 15. " — audi Prophetam dicentem: *Hic est Deus noster, non repu- tabitur alius adversus eum. In- venit omnem viam scientiae, et dedit earn Jacob puero suo, et Israel dileeto a se. Post haee in terra visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Ibid. 19. " Ne extollas teipsum, ne cadas. Quae tibi mandata sunt ea sola meditare." Catech. XII. 5. " At maximum hoe opifieiorum Dei in paradiso choros agens inde diaboli ejecit invidia" Catech. XIII. 8. " Nee enim ad aeeipiendum tantum porreeta, verum etiam ad operandum prompta tibi sit ma- nus." Catech. XIV. 25. " Si enim Habacue ab angelo translatus est, per eomam sui capitis portatus, etc." Catech. XVI. 19. " — tantum illi ostia aperia- mus ; circumit enim quaerens dig- it nos. Ibid. 31. ** Idem (Spiritus Sanetus) sapientem effecit Danielis ani- mam ut seniorum judex esset adolescens. Damnata fuerat casta Susanna tamquam impu- dica ; vindex nullus ; quis enim eam a principibus eripuisset ? Ad mortem ducebatur, in manibus lictorum jam erat.... scriptum est enim : ' Suscitavit Deus Spiri- tum sanctum in puero juven- culo. ' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 165 Catech. XXIII. Mystagogica, Eccli. XXXIV. 9. V. 17. "Qui non est tentatus, quid " — et quomodo alicubi dic- scit ?" turn est : ' Vir non tentatus, non est probatus.' " We must admit that Cyrill's use of deuterocanonical Scripture is more restricted than that of other writers, but it is sufficient to show how the general belief and usage of the Church overcame the critical views of the individual. The force of such general acceptance of the Church may easily be judged from this alone, that in the very Catecheses in which he recommends to the Catechumens the use of only the proto- canonical books, he himself employs the deuterocanonical books as divine Scripture. There is also alleged against us the authority of Epiphanius.* The passage upon which his opposition to the deutero- canonical works is founded, occurs in the fourth chapter of the treatise on Weights and Measures. In this Chapter, he en- deavors to make the number of canonical books of the Old Testament accord with the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Of course, he only enumerates the books of the Jewish Canon. The closing words of the chapter are : " Re- garding the two books that are written in verse, that is, the Wisdom of Solomon, which is called Panaretus, and the book of Jesus the son of Sirach, the grandson of Jesus, who wrote this book of Wisdom in Hebrew, which his grandson Jesus translated into Greek, although they are useful and profitable, they are by no means placed in the Canon of Scripture. Hence, they *St. Epiphanius was born in Palestine, about the year 310 A. D. His youth was spent in the life of a solitary in the desert. He founded at the age of twenty a monastery in the desert, and devoted himself to the study of sacred and profane writers. The result of his continued application to read- ing is apparent in his works. In 366 he was made Bishop of Salamina the metropolis of Cyprus. In the capacity of bishop, he was a sturdy bulwark against the teeming heresies of that age. He bitterly opposed the theories of Origen, and, in his zeal to anathematize him, was discourteous to John Chrysostom. His imprudent zeal often led him to encroach on the jurisdic- tion of other bishops. He died on a return voyage by sea from Constanti- nople to Cyprus in 403. The works of Epiphanius exhibit a vast erudition, marred by a lack of criticism, and by the insertion of many fables. He was a compiler more than an original thinker. His style is harsh, negligent, obscure, and often without logical sequence. He lacked the power and discerning mind to master and order the vast amount that he had read. His chief works are his Panarium or Treatise against the Heresies, the Anchor- age, the Treatise of the Weights and Measures of the Jews, and a treatise concerning the twelve precious stones of the rational of the High Priest of the Jews. 166 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. were not placed in the Ark of the testament." The obscurity and lack of critical acumen of the writer appear in this short extract. It is evident that he supposes that the divine books of the Jews were placed in the Ark of the covenant, whereas only the Pentateuch was therein placed. The term canonical with Epiphanius, signified the official approbation by the Synagogue. Being a native of Palestine, his mind was in a measure tinged by Judaizing theories. In his day, the deuterocanonical books were not officially canonized by any universal authority. They had the sanction of usage and the veneration of the Church, but this did not make them equal in extrinsic authority to the books that Jew and Christian had always considered divine. Although Epiphanius speaks only of Wisdom and Ecclesias- ticus, his words equally apply to the other deuterocanonical books, since their history has always been the same. The reason that Tobias, Judith and Maccabees receive no recogni- tion from Cyrill and Epiphanius, is most probably that they are not so useful to impart dogmatic truths. Comely and others think that Epiphanius, in giving in this place the re- stricted Jewish Canon, tacitly infers the existence of an enlarged Christian Canon. We fail to find this opinion credi- ble. Everything seems to demonstrate that the canonization spoken of in those days was simply the official sanction of the Synagogue. This was the one and only Canon that these Fathers recognized, but in excluding the other books from it, they did not deny them divinity, although many accorded them an inferior dignity. All the books were read ; all were venerated by the faithful ; but the books of the first Canon had the external sanction of the Synagogue, which raised them theoretically above the others. It was only in the Council of Trent, that the official declaration of the Church made the two classes perfectly equal. Now, such official declaration being wanting, it is not strange that these Fathers theoretically treat- ing the question should not place these books in the Canon. Neither is it strange that individuals should have doubted concerning the divinity of these books. It shows the need of the Magisterium of the Church, which entered at the appropri- ate time, and took away all doubt by her authoritative voice. That Epiphanius at least considered Wisdom and Ecclesias- ticus as divine Scripture, appears from the following passage from Adversus Haereses, Haeres. LXXVI. 5 : "For if thou wert begotten of the Holy Ghost, and taught by the Apostles and Prophets, this shouldst thou do: Examine all the sacred codices from Genesis to the times of Esther, which are twenty- THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 167 seven books of the Old Testament, and are enumerated as twenty-two; then the four Holy Gospels. .. .the Books of Wisdom, that of Solomon, and of the Son of Sirach, and in fine all the books of Scripture^ Hence, Epiphanius, as it were, made two classes of the Old Testament Scriptures; the books canonized by the Jews, and those adopted and used by the Church as Holy Writ. In favor of the former, was the authority of the Synagogue ; while all used and venerated the latter, as, individuals, they did not feel warranted in according them a prerogative that the Church had not yet given. Epiphanius' use of the deuterocanonical books will appear from the following passages : Adversus Haereses, Lib. I. Eccli. VII. I. Haeres. XXIV. 6. " Noli facere mala, et non te apprehendent." Sap. III. 14. ■' — et spado, qui non opera- tus est per manus suas iniquita- tem, etc." Maccab. I. i. Dan. XIII. 42. " Exclamavit autem voce magna Susanna, et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia ante- quam fiant — ." Eccli. XIII. 20. " Omnis care ad similem sibi conjungetur, et omnis homo si- mili sui sociabitur." " — quemadmodum Scriptura testatur : * Qui quaerunt mala, mala eos apprehendant.' " Ibid. Haeres. XXVI. 15. "Ad haec alio in loco Spiritus Sanctus . . . hoc rnodo vaticina- tus est : * Beata sterilis incoin- quinata, quae nescivit torum in delicto, et spado, qui non opera- tus est manibus suis iniquita- tem.' " Ibid. Haeres. XXX. 25. " Quae causa est cur in Mac- cabaeorum libris scriptum sit: * — e Cittiensium terra genus quodam esse propagatum.' " Ibid. 31. " Novit enim omnia Deus ante- quam fiant, ' ut est Scriptum.' " Ibid. Haeres. XXXII. 8. "Quoniam avis omnis secun- dum genus suum congregatur, et omnis homo simili sui sociabitur * ait Scriptura.' " 168 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Eccli. XLIII. 26. " Qui navigant mare, enarrent pericula ejus; et audientes auri- bus nostris admirabimur." Eccli. XIV. 5. " Qui sibi nequam est, cui alii bonus erit?" Sap. VII. 2. " Decern mensium tempore co- agulatus sum in sanguine, etc." Baruch III. 36—38. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus eum. Hie adinvenit omnem viam dis- ciplinae et tradidit illam Jacob puero suo et Israel dilecto suo. Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Baruch III. 36. (Already quoted.) Eccli. XX. 2. " Concupiscentia spadonis de- virginabit juvenculam — ." Eccli. XXVII. 2. " Sicut in medio compaginis lapidum palus figitur sic et inter medium venditionis et emptionis angustiabitur peccatum." Sap. I. 13. " Quoniam Deus mortem non fecit, nee laetatur in perditione vivorum." Ibid. Haeres. XLII. 9. " — ut haec in nobis vera sit Scripturae sententia : ' Qui navi- gant mare, virtutes Domini nar- rant.' " Ibid. Haeres. XLII. Refut. 70. " Quis seipsum in praeceps im- pellit, impletque quod scriptum est : ' Qui sibi nequam est, cui bonus erit ?' " Ibid. Lib. II. Haeres. II. 29. " In quo ad Salomonis dictum illud allusisse videntur : ' Decem mensium spatio concretus in san- guine." Ibid. Haeres. LVII. 2. " — ut Scriptura declarat : ' Hie est Deus tuus ; non reputa- bitur alius ad ipsum. Invenit omnem viam seientiae et dedit illam Jacob puero suo, et Israel dilecto suo. Post haec in terra visus est, et eum hominibus con- versatus est.' " Ibid. 9. '* Scriptum est, inquit : ' Iste Deus est noster, et non aestima- bitur alius.' " Ibid. Haeres. LVIII. 4. " — a Sapiente dicitur : ' Con- cupiscentia spadonis devirginabit juvenculam." Ibid. Haeres. LIX. 7. " Atque 'ut palus,' inquit, 'inter duos lapides eonteritur, sic peccatum in medio ejus qui emit et vendit.' " Ibid. Haeres. LXIV. 19. " Deus enim mortem non fecit, nee deleetatur in perditione vi- ventium. Invidia vero diaboli mors introvit in mundum,' ut per Salomonem Sapientia testaiur." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 169 Sap. I, 14. " Creavit enim, ut essent om- nia : et sanabiles fecit nationes orbis terrarum : et non est in illis medicamentum exterminii, nee inferorum regnum in terra." Sap. II. 23, '* Quoniam Deus creavit ho- minem inexterminabilem, et ad imaginera similitudinis suae fecit ilium." Sap. III. 1—4. " Justorum autem animae in manu Dei sunt, et non tanget illos tormentum mortis. Visi sunt oculis insipientium mori: et aestimata est afflictio exitus illo- rum : et quod a nobis est iter, exterminium : illi autem sunt in pace. Et si coram hominibus tormenta passi sunt, spes illorum immortalitate plena est." Sap. VII. 2. " — decem mensium tempore coagulatus sum in sanguine, ex semine hominis, et delectamento somni conveniente." Eccli. X. 13. ** Cum enim morietur homo, hereditabit serpentes, et bestias, et vermes." Sap. III. 4—6. " Et si coram hominibus tor- menta passi sunt, spes illorum immortalitate plena est. In pau- cis vexati, in multis bene dispo- nentur : quoniam Deus tentavit eos, et invenit illos dignos se. Tamquam aurum in fornace pro- Ibid. Haeres. LXIV. 31. " — id quod Sapientia con- firmat his verbis : ' Creavit enim ut essent omnia Deus ; et salu- tares sunt mundi generationes. Nee est in illis medicamentum exitii.' " Ibid. 34. " Creavit enim, ait Sapientia, hominem in incorruptione ; ad imaginem aeternitatis suae fecit ilium." Ibid. 36. " Idem vero per Salomonem in eo libro qui Sapientia inscri- bitur ostendit ubi : ' Justorum,' inquit, ' animae in manu Dei sunt, et non tanget illos tormen- tum. Visi sunt oculis insipien- tum mori, et aestimata est afflic- tio exitus illorum, et quod a nobis est iter, exterminium. Illi autem sunt in pace, et spes illorum im- mortalitate plena est.' " Ibid. 39. " — Christi corpus non ex vol- untate viri, ac voluptate somnique congressione in iniquitatibus esse susceptum." Ibid. " Quam ob causam sapiens ille Sirachitapronuntiat: * Cum enim morietur homo, haereditabit ser- pentes, et bestias, et vermes.' " Ibid. 48. " Quam vero consentanea iis de martyribus a Salomone pro- nuntiata sint, attendite. Neque enim aliarum Scripturarum testi- monio caremus : 'Deus,' inquit, * tentavit eos, et invenit eos dig- nos se. Tamquam aurum in for- 170 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. bavit illosj et quasi holocaust! hostiam accepit illos, et in tem- pore erit respectus illorum." Sap. I. 4. " — quoniam in malevolam animam non introibit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore subdito peccatis." Sap. IV. 12. " Fascinatio enim nugacitatis obscurat bona, et inconstantia concupiscentiae transvertit sen- sum sine raalitia." Sap. IV. 8—12. " Senectus enim venerabilis est non diutuma etc." Sap. IV. 13 — 14. "Consummatus in brevi, ex- plevit tempora multa, placita enim erat Deo anima illius: propter hoc properavit educere ilium de medio iniquitatum ; populi autem videntes, et non in- telligentes, nee ponentes in prae- cordiis talia — ." Baruch III. 36. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius ad versus eum." Ibid. 37. " Hie adinvenit omnem viam disciplinae, et tradidit illam Jacob puero suo, et Israel dilecto suo." nace probavit illos ; et sicut holocaustum suavitatis accepit illos ; et in tempore visitationis illorum, etc' Cura antea dixis- set : ' Et si coram hominibus tormenta passi sunt, spes illo- rum immortalitate plena est. In paucis correpti magna beneficia consequentur.' " Ibid. 54. " Praeterea Salomon : * In ma- levolam,' inquit, * animam non introibit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore obnoxio peccato.' " Ibid. Haeres. LXV. i. " Nam in illo Scripturae dictum illud impletur : 'Fascinatio enim nugacitatis obscurat bona, et in- constantia concupiscentiae trans- vertit mentem sine malitia." Ibid. Haeres. LXVII. 4. " Hie igitur : * Senectus,' in- quit, ' venerabilis non longaeva, etc.'" Ibid. "Ut autem de pueris loqui ilium appareat statim adjicit : * Consummatus in brevi, (quasi dicat : mortuus juvenis) imple- vit tempora multa. Placita enim erat Domino anima illius : prop- terea festinavit eum ed4icere de medio malitiae." Ibid. Haeres. LXIX. 31. " Alter cum ipso minime com- parabitur." Ibid. " Quid porro ? Ut de Filio ser- monem esse cognoscas, deinceps ista subjecit : * Invenit omnem viam scientiae et dedit illam.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 171 Ibid. 38. " Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Ibid. 37—38. Ibid 38. Esther XIII. 9. " — et dixit: Domine, Do- mine, rex omnipotens, in ditione enim tua cuncta sunt posita, et non est, qui possit tuae resistere voluntati, si decreveris salvare Israel." Baruch III. 37 — 38. Sap. I. 7. " Quoniam spiritus Domini re- plevit orbem terrarum : et hoc, quod continet omnia, scientiam habet vocis." Eccli. XIV. 5. " Qui sibi nequam est, cui alii bonus erit ? et non jucundabitur in bonis suis." Sap. IX. 14. " Cogitationes enim mortalium timidae, et incertae providentiae nostrae — ." Baruch III. 38. " Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Ibid. " Tum postea ; ' In terra visus est, et cum hominibus conversa- tus est' " Ibid. S3' Ibid. 55. Ibid. Lib. III. Haeres. LXX. 7. " Sed et illud proinde certum, posse ilium quae velit efficere : * Nullus est enim qui ejus volun- tati resistat.' " Ibid. Haeres. LXXI. 3. *' Qui invenit omnem viam scientiae. Exstitisse vero divina Scriptura non dubitat. Nam quae sequuntur ante ilium exsti- tisse declarant. Velut quod om- nem viam scientiae reperisse di- catur, deinde in terris visus esse." Ibid. Haeres. LXXIV. " Spiritus enim Domini reple- vit orbem terrarum." Ibid Haeres. LXXVI. Confut. VIII. " Ecquis igitur illius miserebi- tur, qui sibi ipsi malus, nemini alteri bonus est ? " Ibid. LXXVI. Confut. XXXI. " — siquidem divina majestas, Patris inquam et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, angelorum mentes omnes longo intervallo superat, nedum hominum quorum timidae cogita- tiones." St.Epiph.Expositio Fidei XVL " — ac denique verus ut appa- reret Filius, et illud Propheta va- ticinium expleret : ' Et post haec enim in terra visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est.' " 172 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. The frequency with which this passage is quoted by the Fathers manifests that they considered it a classic text to prove the Incarnation. St, Epiph. Ancoratus II. " ' Initium quippe f ornicationis est exquisitio idolorum,' ut ait Scriptura." Ibid. XII. " Etenim cum nos Scriptura reprehendit his verbis : * Quae praecepta tibi sunt, haec cogita ; neque arcanis et occultis tibi opus est : et altiora te ne quae- sieris, ac profundiora te ne in- quiras.' " Ibid. XXIV. *' — et creaturas a Creatore discernentes, hunc in modum (tres pueri in fornace) locuti sunt : ' Benedicite omnia opera Domini Domino.' " He repeats this passage and other portions of the Benedic- tus in the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth Chapters. Sap. X. 21. Ibid. XXXI. " — quoniam sapientia aperuit " — quique balbutientium lin- os mutorum, et linguas infantium guam disertam praestitit, etc." fecit disertas." Sap. XIV. 12. " Initium enim fornicationis est exquisitio idolorum — ." Eccli. III. 22. " Altiora te ne quaesieris, et fortiora te ne scrutatus fueris : sed quae praecepit tibi Deus, ilia cogita semper, et in pluribus operibus ejus ne fueris curiosus." Dan. Ill, 57, " Benedicite omnia opera Do- mini Domino — ." Sap, VIII. 2, "Hanc amavi, et exquisivi a juventute mea, et quaesivi spon- sam mihi eam assumere, et ama- tor factus sum formae illius." Baruch III. 38. " Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Esther XIII. 9. (Already quoted.) Ibid. XLII. "Ad haec Salomon aliam quam- dam sapientiam appellat : 'Ama- vi,' inquit, * pulchritudinem ejus et eam mihi sponsam duxi.' " Ibid. LXXVIII. " Christus autem Deus e coelo, verbum e Maria caro factum est hominemque suscepit, et nobis- cum, ut ait Scriptura, versatus est." Ibid. XCVI. (Already quoted.) THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 173 St. Epiph. Epist. ad Joan. Sap. II. 23. Episcopum Hieros. Cap. VI. " Quoniam Deus creavit ho- " Dicit enim (Salomon) in Sa- minem inexterminabilem, et ad pientia quae titulo ejus inscribi- imaginem similitudinis suae fecit tur : ' Creavit Deus incorruptum ilium." hominem, et imaginem suae pro- prietatis dedit ei.' " Here, in the clearest terms, Epiphanius makes known that his exclusion of a book from the list of those called canonical, was not equivalent to denying it the authority of divine Scripture. He certainly believed that he was quoting the revealed word, when he introduces these passages in the solemn formulae, " ut ait Scriptura," " Scriptum est," etc. Neither did he quote these passages at random, not adverting to the fact that they were not in the Canon. He often specifies the book, and speaks of the authors. We believe that had the other deuterocanon- ical books been equally serviceable for dogmatic argument, he would have drawn also from them as from Scriptural sources. At least, our adversaries must admit that Epiphanius is a staunch supporter of the divinity of at least three deutero- canonical books, and also of the deuterocanonical fragments of Daniel, and that his exclusion of the deuterocanonical books from the list then termed canonical, cannot be construed to signify non-inspiration of the same. Among the adversaries of the deuterocanonical books is placed Gregory Nazianzenus.* *Gregory Nazianzenus, takes his distinctive title from Nazianzus, a small town in the south-west of Cappadocia, which is not known to the early geographers, and owes its chief importance to its connection with our author. It is impossible to fix with exactness the date of his birth ; according to the BoUandists it should be placed before the year 300. His father at first an infidel, was converted by his wife Nonna, and afterwards was Bishop of Nazianzus ; his mother St. Nonna, considered the infant Gregory as given her in answer to her prayers. Gregory studied at Csesarea, Alexandria and Athens, and became proficient in Greek oratory and poetry. He contracted in youth a friendship for St. Basil, which lasted through life. The two sought together the solitude of the desert, whence Gregory was afterwards summoned to assist his aged father in the cares of the Episcopate. He was soon after ordained priest by his father, and then, bishop by St. Basil. Gregory, however, soon after abandoned his see for the solitude, but emerged thence again at the instance of his decrepit father, and executed the episcopal functions in Nazianzus without assuming the name of bishop. After the death of his parent, he again sought the desert, but was brought thence by his friends, and placed in the See of Constantinople. He was favored by Theodosius the Great, and resisted the swarming heresies of the time, chief among which was the heresy of Ai-ius. The perfidy and envy of his enemies induced him to resign again the See 174 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Two passages in Gregory's works form the basis of his pretended opposition to the deuterocanonical books. The first passage occurs in Carmen I. 13: " Accipe a me selectum hunc, amice, numerum, Sunt quidem historic! libri omnes duodecim, Antiquioris Hebraicae sapientiae : Primus Genesis, deinde Exodus et Leviticus ; Postea Numeri, tum Deuteronomium. Deinde Josue et Judices: Ruth octavus est. Nonus decimusque liber, res gestae Regum, Et Paralipomena ; Esdram babes ultimo loco. Quinque versibus scripti sunt, quorum primus Job, Postea David, tum Salomonis tres, Ecclesiastes, Canticum, et Proverbia. Similiter quinque Spiritus prophetici ; Ac uno quidem continentur libri duodecim : Osee, et Amos, et Micheas tertius ; Deinde Joel, postea Jonas, Abdias, Nahum, Habacuc et Sophonias, Aggseus, deinde Zacharias, Malachias, Uno hi continentur libro : secundo Isaias, Tertio qui vocatus est Jeremias ab infantia, Quarto Ezechiel, quinto Danielis gratia. Veteres quidem numeravi duos et virginti libros Hebraeorum elementorum numero respondentes." After enumerating in succession all the books of the New Testament, excepting the Apocalypse, he concludes : ' ' Si quid est extra hunc numerum non est ex germanis Scripturis. " In the celebrated Carmen ad Seleucum, a Canon occurs dif- fering from the foregoing only in this, that he admits in it Esther, which did not appear in the first Carmen, and also the Apocalypse with the qualification : " Apocalypsim autem Johannis Quidam vero admittunt, pars vero major Spuriam asserunt." Basing their judgment on this difference in the Canons, and on the testimony of some codices, some have denied to Gregory the authorship of the Carmen ad Seleucum ; and have attributed it to Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium (344 — 394), the friend of Gregory, called by him the "irreproachable pontiff," the " angel," and " hero of truth," The opinion rests princi- pally on the authority of Combefis, the editor of Amphilochius' of Constantinople, and he finally sought the solitude of the desert again, where he died in 389 A. D. Gregory was by nature severe, and leaned to the life of an ascetic. His vast erudition, caused Jerome to journey to Constantinople to hear him. His writings are at times excessively ornate, and sometimes uncritical. His chief works are fifty -five orations, a great number of letters, and many poems. THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 175 works, and in my judgment has little foundation. I see no good reason for denying to Gregory this Carmen, since the presence of Esther and the Apocalypse therein would simply show that Gregory, in endeavoring to follow the trend of religious thought, could not be consistent in excluding books which the Church considered divine. Gregory concludes his canon in the Carmen ad Seleucum with these words : — "His certissimus Canon tibi sit divinarum Scripturarum." It would seem, at first sight, that these testimonies manifest a certain opposition to the deuterocanonical books. How- ever, in the Carmen ad Seleucum, 252 — 257, Gregory declares that he allows to the deuterocanonical books a sort of middle place between uninspired and inspired Scripture : — "Non omnis liber pro certo habendus Qui venerandum Scripturse nomen praefert. Sunt enim, sunt (ut nonnunquam fit) inscripti falsi nominis Libri : nonnuUi quidem intermedii sunt ac mcini, Ut ita dixerim, veritatis doctrinm ; Alii vero spurii et magnopere periculosi." Gregory accorded to the deuterocanonical books a middle rank. He made a distinction much like that made of old by the Jews in assigning an inferior degree of inspiration to the products of the " FiHa vocis." This was an erroneous expla- nation of a fact. The fact was, that these books bore the name of divine Scripture ; they entered into the deposit of faith of the Church ; the faithful learned them by memory ; Gregory himself, as we shall see by numerous passages from his writ- ings, had drunk deeply from these fountains. On the other hand, they were not in the official list of the Synagogue. This alone was sufficient to cast such doubt upon them with the extremely conservative Cappadocian school of which Gregory is a representative exponent, that they stopped short of inserting them in the Canon ; at the same time they honored them as sources of divine truth. The other Cappadocian Fathers, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and Caesarius, frequently cite Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, as they were the books most fitted for dogmatic argument. Basil quotes Judith : Lib. De Spiritu Sancto VIII. Judith IX. 4. 19. " Tu enim fecisti priora, et ilia " Sicuti Judith : * Cogitasti,' post ilia cogitasti, et hoc factum inquit, ' et praesto fuerunt omnia est quod ipse voluisti." quae cogitasti.' " 176 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. II. Maccab. VII. i. " Contigit autem et septem fratres una cum matre sua appre- hensos compelli a rege edere contra fas carnes porcinas, fla- gris, et taureis cruciatos." How deeply Gregory had usuage of the Church can be lated passages : Dan. XIII. 5. " Et constituti sunt de populo duo senes judices in illo anno : de quibus locutus est Dominus : Quia egressa est iniquitas de Babylone a senioribus judicibus, qui videbantur regere populum." Eccli. III. II. " Benedictio patris firmat do- mos filiorum — ." Sap. V. 15. " — quoniara spes impii tam- quam lanugo est, quae a vento tollitur, etc." Sap. XVI. 13. "Tu es enim, Domine, qui vitae et mortis babes potestatem, et deducis ad portas mortis, et reducis — ." Eccli. XXXVIII. 16. Epist. VI. ad Nectarii uxo- rem, i. " Maccabaeorum mater septem filiorum mortem conspexit, nee ingemuit, nee ignobiles lacrymas effudit, sed gratias agens Deo quod videret eos igne et ferro et acerbissimis verberibus e vinculis carnis exsolvi, Deo quidem pro- bata fuit, Celebris vero habita est apud homines." been influenced by the practical learned from the following col- St. Greg. Naz. Orat. II. 64. " — nempe quod egressa est iniquitas ex Babylone a seniori- bus judicibus qui populum re- gere videbantur." Ibid. 96. " Benedictio enim Patris firmat domos filiorum." Orat. V. 28. " — tamquam lanugo quae a vento disjicitur — ." Ibid. 29. " Ecquis novit num Deus qui solvit compeditos, gravemque et ' humis vergentem a portis mortis in altutn subvehit — .' " Orat. VII. I. "Fill, in mortuum produc lacry- "Super mortuum plora, et mas, et quasi dira passus, incipe quasi dirapassus, incipeplorare." plorare, etc." Sap. III. 15. " Bonorum enim laborum glo- riosus est fructus, etc." Ibid. 14. " Bonorum enim laborum glo- riosus est fructus." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 177 Sap, V. 10 — II. " — et tamquam navis, quae pertransit fluctuantem aquam : cujus, cum praeterierit, non est vestigium invenire, neque semi- tam carinae illius in fluctibus : aut tamquam avis, quae trans- volat in aere, cujus nullum inve- nitur argumentum itineris, etc." Sap. I. 4. " — quoniam in malevolam animam non introibit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore subdito peccatis." Eccli. VI. 14—15. " Amicus fidelis, protectio for- tis : qui autem invenit ilium, in- venit thesaurum. Amico fideli nulla est comparatio, et non est digna ponderatio auri et argenti contra bonitatem fidei illius." Eccli. I. 2. Ibid. 19. " Insomnium sumus, minime consistens, spectrum quoddam, quod teneri non potest, avis praetereuntis volatus, navis in mari vestigium non habens, pul- vis, vapor, ros matutinus, flos momento nascens et momento marcescens." Orat. IX. 2. " In malignam enim animam non ingressuram sapientiam recte dictum est." Oral. XI. I. "Amico fideli nulla est com- paratio ; nee ulla est digna pon- deratio contra bonitatem illius. Amicus fidelis, protectio fortis." Orat. XIV. 30. " Sed quis arenam maris et pluviae guttas et abyssi profun- ditatem metiri... queat ?" "Arenam maris, et pluviae guttas, et dies saeculi quis dinu- meravit ? Altitudinem coeli, et latitudinem terrae, et profundum abyssi quis dimensus est ? " The fifteenth oration of St. Gregory is in praise of the Mac- cabees, whose feast the Church celebrated in his day. Fre- quently in the course of the oration he adverts to data taken from the first and second Books of Maccabees. The very fact that he composed such an oration, shows clearly, that he re- cognized the books. Cornely's animadversion here that Gregory has in mind only the fourth book, is erroneous. (Cor- nely, Introduc. Gen. p. 98, note 18.) Gregory in the second paragraph speaks of a book : qui rationem perturbationibus animi imperare docet, which evidently refers to the apocryphal fourth book of Maccabees, but this would only show that he united the fourth with the others in collecting his argument. Most of the data of the oration are taken from the first and second Books of Maccabees. L 178 THE CATJON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Eccli. XI. 30. " Ante mortem ne laudes ho- minem quemquam, quoniam in filiis suis agnoscitur vir." Baruch II. 12. " — peccavimus, impie egi- mus, inique gessimus, Domine Deus noster, in omnibus justitiis tuis." Dan. XIV. 33. " Dixitque angelus Domini ad Habacuc : Fer prandium, quod habes, in Babylonem Danieli, qui est in lacu leonura." Sap. XL 21. "Sed et sine his uno spiritu poterant occidi persecutionem passi ab ipsis factis suis, et dis- persi per spiritura virtutis tuae : sed omnia in mensura, et numero et pondere disposuisti." Dan. XIII. Sap. I. 7. " Quoniam spiritus Domini re- plevit orbem terrarum, et hoc, quod continet omnia, scientiam habet vocis." Orat. XXIX. 17. He calls tatis," evidently assuming the Baruch III. 36, 38. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus eum. Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Orat. XVI. 3. " Nam si, ut ego cum Salo- mone sentio, hominem ante mor- tem beatum praedicare non opor- tet." Ibid. 12. " — adjungam : Peccavimus, inique egimus, impietatem feci- mus." Orat. XVIII. 30. " — aut per prophetam in sub- lime raptum satians, ut Danie- lem, antea cum fame in lacu pre- meretur." Orat. XXIV. i. " — atque ut hinc initium du- camus, quam commode, pulchris- que Dei mensuris, qui omnia cum pondere et mensura constituit ac moderatur, etc." Ibid. 10. " (Deus) qui et Susannam mor- tis periculo liberavit, et Theclam servavit ; illam a saevis seniori- bus, hanc a tyranno ipsius proco et a matri adhuc crudeliori." Orat. XXVIII. 8. " — ait Scriptura ' Spiri- tus Domini replevit orbem ter- rarum.' " the Son of God " Imago boni- phrase from Wisdom VII. 26. Orat. XXX. 13. *' * Hie Deus tuus, et non aesti- mabitur alius praeter eum.' Et paucis interjectis : * Post haec in terra visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 179 Sap. VII. 22. "Est enim in ilia spiritus in- telligentiae, sanctus, unicus, mul- tiplex, subtilis, disertus, mobi- lis, etc." Sap. I. 4. ** Quoniam in malevolam ani- mam non introibit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore subdito pec- catis." Sap. III. II. ** Sapientiam enim, et discipli- nam qui abjicit, infelix est : et vacua est spes illorum, et labores sine fructu, et inutilia opera eorum." Eccli. V. 14. "Si est tibi intellectus, re- sponde proximo : sin autem, sit manus tua super os tuum, ne capiaris in verbo indisciplinato, et confundaris." Eccli. VII. 15. " Noli verbosus esse in multi- tudine presbyterorum." Eccli. XI. 27. " In die bonorura ne immemor sis malorum, et in die malorum ne immemor sis bonorum — ." Dan. XIII. 5. " Et constituti sunt de populo duo senes judices in illo anno, de quibus locutus est Dominus : Quia egressa est iniquitas de Babylone a senioribus judicibus, qui videbantur regere populum." Dan. XIII. 42. " Exclamavit autem voce mag- na Susanna, et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia ante- quam fiant." Orat. XXXI. 29. "Spiritus intelligens, multi- plex, apertus, clarus, incontami- natus, minimeque impeditus, etc." Orat. XXXII. 12. " — quoniam in malevolam animam non introibit sapientia." Ibid. 20. " — ac Deus faxit ne quid un- quam huic occupationi praever- tendum ducam, ne alioqui ab ipsa Sapientia miser appeller, ut sapi- entiam et eruditionem spernens ac pro nihilo ducens." Ibid. 21. " Si est tibi sermo prudentiae, inquit ille, nee quisquam prohi- bebit : sin minus, haereat vincu- lum labiis tuis." Ibid. " Noli celer esse in verbis, ad- monet Sapiens," Orat. XXXV. 3. " In die enim laetitiae, inquit, malorum oblivio est." Orat. XXXVI. 3. " — juxta Danielem egressa est iniquitas a senioribus Baby- lonicis, qui Israelem regere existi- mabantur." Ibid 7. " — imo non videor, sed per- spicuus atque manifestus sum ei qui omnia priusquam oriantur novit." 180 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Eccli. III. II. "Benedictio patris firmat do- mes filiorum : maledictio autem matris eradicat fundamenta." Eccli. III. 12. " Ne glorieris in contumelia patris, etc." Eccli. I. 1 6. " Initium sapientiae, timor Do- mini, et cum fidelibus in vulva concreatus est, cum electis femi- nis graditur, et cum justis et fidelibus agnoscitur." Sap. III. 7. " Fulgebunt justi, et tamquam scintillae in arundineto discur- rent." Eccli. XXXII. 3. " — ut laeteris propter illos, et omamentum gratiae accipias co- ronam, et dignationem conse- quaris corrogationis." Sap. IV. 8. " Senectus enim venerabilis est non diuturna, neque annorum numero computata : cani autem sunt sensus hominis." II. Maccab. VII. i. " Contigit autem et septem fratres una cum matre sua appre- hensos compelli a rege edere contra fas carnes porcinas, fla- gris, et taureis cruciatos." Sap, II. 24. " Invidia autem diaboli mors introivit, etc." Orat. XXXVII. 6. " Item alio loco : ' Benedictio patris firmat domos filiorum ; maledictio autem matris eradicat fundamenta.' " Ibid. 18. " Quod si hoc etiam probas : ' Fili, ne glorieris de ignominia patris.' " Orat. XXXIX. 8. " Unde Salomon nobis legem statuit : 'Principium sapientiae,' inquit, ' posside sapientiam.* Quidnam vocat hoc principium sapientiae ? ' Timorem.' " Orat. XL. 6. " — quo tempore nimirum justi fulgebunt sicut sol." Ibid. 18. *' Honore eum complectere ut te ornet, capitique tuo gratiarum coronam nectat." Orat. XLIII. 23. " Quis prudentia perinde canus erat, etiam ante canitiem ? Quan- doquidem hac re senectutem Salomon quoque definivit." Ibid. 74. " Mitto septem Maccabaeorum dimicationem qui cum sacerdote et matre in sanguine atque omnis generis tormentis consummati sunt." Orat. XLIV. 4. " Quoniam autem invidia dia- boli mors in mundum introivit, etc." The reference to Judith V. 6, in Orat. XLV. 15 : "quod et semen Chaldaicum sublatum atque oppressum Scriptura vocat," is somewhat uncertain. THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 181 Eccli. III. n. " Benedictio patris firmat do- mes filiorum : maledictio autem matris eradicat fundamenta." Baruch III. 38. " Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." St. Greg. Epist. LXI. "Ita fiet ut ab ea non modo pecunias habeatis, sed maternam etiam benedictionem, filiorum domos fulcientem, consequam- ini." Epist. CII. " — atque ad haec verba con- fugientes : ' Post haec in terra visus est, et cum hominibus con- versatus est.' " Eccli. IV. 32. " Noli resistere contra faciem potentis, nee coneris contra ic- tum fluvii." Eccli. XXXI. 32. ** Aequa vita hominibus vinum in sobrietate: si bibas illud mod- erate, eris sobrius." Epist. CLXXVIII. " Porro non esse vi cohiben- dum fluminis cursum, paroemia quoque ipsa docet." Epist. CLXXXI. "Sin autem tibi praestantiore monitore opus est, illud quidem monet Salomon ut cum consilio vinum bibas, ne mundi hujus temulentia et vertigine agaris." These references leave no doubt that Gregory believed that he was there quoting divine Scripture. The whole Church used them, committed them to memory, proved and illustrated their dogmas by them. This influence was so powerful that even the most conservative came under it, and, as we shall see, even those who wished to turn the tide of this tradition were inconsistent. Another oriental authority of this period that is objected against us is the 60th canon of the Council of Laodicea. This canon explicitly defines that the books to be read in the Church are those which we now comprehend in the protocanonical class. The date of the Council of Laodicea is uncertain, but it is generally believed to have been celebrated about the middle of the fourth century. Some have doubted the genuinity of the 60th canon (Herbst, Vincenzi, Malou, Danko), but as it is recognized by Hefele, Conciliengesch. I. p. 749 — 75 1> we shall not base our treatment of it upon its doubt- ful character. Admitting all its claims, it simply establishes that some bishops of Phrygia in a particular council refused to allow to be read publicly in the Church any book excepting those that were absolutely certain. We are not endeavoring to prove that the position of protocanonical and deuterocanon- ical books were equal in the early ages of the Church. Their 182 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. equality was wrought by the Council of Trent. What we wish to show is that these books were known to the early Christians, venerated by them, committed to memory by them, and con- sidered by them as the inspired word of God. The Council in Trullo, which the Greeks hold to be oecumenical, received the Canons of the Council of Laodicea, but, as they also received the Canons of the Council of Carthage, they evidently intended that the decree concerning the canonical Scriptures should be modified in accordance with the complete Canon of the Council of Carthage. The Greeks also in the Council in Trullo received various Apocryphal documents of the fifth century called the Canons of the Apostles. The 85th canon of this collection is some- times cited against us, as it does not contain any of the deu- terocanonical books, save the books of Maccabees. This canon can have no weight since it embraces three books of Macca- bees, two epistles of St. Clement of Rome, and the eight books of the Constitutiones Apostolorum. The Council in Trullo in receiving this Canon could not have excluded the Canon of the Council of Carthage, whose decrees and canons it ratified. In fact, the Council in Trullo expressly stated that the Constitutiones Apost. were adul- terated, and hence not to be read. It seems, however, due to this canon that the Greeks, even to this day, recognize as canonical three books of Maccabees. We can scarcely expect the guiding hand of the Holy Ghost in the members who composed the Council in Trullo. One who candidly examines the data here presented must admit that the Oriental Church during the fourth and fifth centuries recognized and used the deuterocanonical books as divine Scripture. Turning now from the East to the west, we meet the first objection taken from the writings of St. Hilary.* The objec- tion is found in the fifteenth paragraph of his Prologue on the Book of Psalms. After seeking mystic reasons for the number eight in the Scriptures, he proceeds as follows : *St. Hilary was born in Poitiers in France in the opening years of the fourth century. His parents were pagans of noble rank. They procured for their son every educational advantage ; and the youth, applying himself with diligence soon came to be regarded as the most learned man of his age. His reading of the Holy Scriptures brought him to recognize the truth of the Christian faith, which he, his wife, and child Abra embraced. He was con- secrated Bishop of Poitiers in 350, or 355 and became the staunch defender of the Church against Arianism. The Arian Saturninus of Aries banished Hilary to Phrygia. He was called from his exile to be present at the Council THE CANON OF THE" IV. CENTURY. 183 " And this is the cause that the law of the Old Testament is divided into 22 books, that they might agree with the number of letters. These books are arranged according to the traditions of the ancients, so that five are of Moses, the sixth is of Jesus Nave, the seventh is Judges and Ruth, the first and second of Kings form the eighth ; the third and fourth (of Kings) form the ninth ; the two books of Paralipomenon form the tenth ; the dis- courses of the days of Ezra form the eleventh ; the book of Psalms, the twelfth ; Solomon's proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticle of Canticles form the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth ; the twelve Prophets form the sixteenth ; while Isaiah, then Jeremiah, the Lamentations and the Epistle, Daniel, Ezechiel, Job, and Esther complete the number of twenty-two books." Hilary gives only the protocanonical works, and then continues : " To some it has seemed good to add Tobias and Judith, and thus constitute 24 books according to the Greek alpha- bet, etc." We see here an excessive mysticism impelling a man to reject or admit a book for the sole purpose of completing a mystic number. This tendency had been brought into patristric thought by Origen and the Alexandrian school. Hilary does not reject the deuterocanonical books, but con- siders the protocanonical as forming a class by themselves. Hilary's weak, unsubstantial arguments are attributable to the man impressed by the spirit of his age. The great current of tradition is greater than any one man, and drew Hilary with it, so that we find him ranking the deuterocanonical books on an equal footing with the others, as the following quotations will show : Eccli. I. 33. St. Hilary Pral. in Ps, 20. "Fili, concupiscens sapientiam, ** — secundum id quod dictum conserva justitiam, et Deus prae- est : ' Desiderasti sapientiam ? bebit illam tibi." Serva mandata et Dominus praestabit tibi eandem,' " of Seleucia ; in which council he made such head against the Arians that to rid themselves of such a powerful antagonist, they sent him back to France. The people received him as a hero from the arena, victorious over the heretics. He set in order his diocese, and there passed the remaining years of his holy life. He died in 367 or 368. His most celebrated work is his Twelve Books on the Trinity, composed during his exile in Phrygia. This treatise is a classic work on the Trinity. He has left also Commentaries on the Psalms and Gospels, a treatise De Fide Orientalium, and numerous other shorter works. 184 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Eccli. XI. 30. "Ante mortem ne laudes ho- minem quemquam, quoniam in in filiis suis agnoscitur vir." Dan. XIII. 56. "Et, amoto eo, jussit venire alium, et dixit ei : Semen Cha- naan, et non Juda, etc." EccIl I. 16. " Initium sapientiae, timor Do- mini, etc," Baruch III. 38. " Post haec in terns visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." Sap. XVII. I. " Magna sunt enim judiciatua, Domine, et inenarrabilia, etc." Sap. VII. 27. "Et cum sit una, omnia po- test : et in se permanens, omnia innovat, et per nationes in ani- mas sanctas se transfert : amicos Dei et prophetas constituit." Sap. I. 7. " Quoniam spiritus Domini re- plevit orbem terrarum, etc." II. Maccab. VI. 18 et seqq. and VII. I et seqq. Tract, in XIV. Ps. 14. " Idcirco apud Salomonem omnis laus in exitu canitur." Tract, in LII, Ps, 19, " Sed et Daniel presbyteros condemnans ita dicit : ' Non se- men Abraham sed semen Cha- naan et non Juda.' " Tract, in Ps, LXVI. 9, " Et per Salomonen : ' Initium sapientiae timor Domini est.' " Tract, in Ps. LXVIII. 19. " — postea in terris visus sit, et inter homines conversatus sit." Tract, in Ps. CXVIII. 8. " — et TUTsum _prop/iefa : 'Mag- na enim sunt judicia tua, et ine- narrabilia,' " Ibid, Littera V, 9. " Si Apostoli docent, prior ille docuit: 'Constituit enim Sapien- tia amicos Dei et prophetas.' " Ibid, Littera XIX. 8. " Et Spiritus Dei, secundum Prophetam, replevit orbem ter- rarum." Tract, in Ps. CXXV. 4. " Testes sunt mihi tres pueri inter flammas cantanles (Dan. III. 24 et seqq.), testis Daniel in fame leonum prophetae prandio saturatus (Dan. XIV. 35); testis Eleazar inter jura dominorum patriis suis legibus liber ; testes cum matre sua martyres septem, Deo gratias inter nova mortis tor- menta referentes." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 185 Judith XVI. 3. " Dominus conterens bella, Dominus nomen est illi." Certainly Hilary denied not honored by the august name of Sap. VIII. 2. " Hanc amavi, et exquisivi a juventute mea, et quaesivi spon- sam mihi earn assumere, et ama- tor f actus sum formae illius." Ibid. 3. " Generositatem illius glorifi- cat contubernium habens Dei : sed et omnium Dominus dilexit illam — ." Ibid. 8. '' Et si multitudinem scientiae desiderat quis, scit praeterita. et de futuris aestimat, etc." Ibid. 2. (Already quoted.) Tob. XII. 12. "Quando orabas cum lacry- mis, et sepelieb'as mortuos, et derelinquebas prandium tuum, et mortuos abscondebas per diem in domo tua, et nocte sepeliebas cos, ego obtuli orationem tuam Domino." II. Maccab. VI. 21. " Hi autem, qui astabant, ini- qua miseratione commoti, prop- ter antiquam viri amicitiam, tol- lentes eum secreto, rogabant afferri carnes, quibus vesci ei licebat, ut simularetur mandu- casse, sicut rex imperaverat de sacrificii carnibus — ." Tract, in Ps. CXXV. 6. " — et cantantes ex Lege : * Do- minus conterens bella, Dominus nomen est illi.' " inspiration to a book which he the " Law." Tract, in Ps. CX XVIII. 9. "Salomon itaque ait : 'Quae- sivi sapientiam sponsam adducere mihi ipsi.' " Ibid. " — hujus sponsae suae opes memorat dicens : ' Honestatem glorificat convictum Dei habens, et omnium Dominus dilexit eam.' " Ibid. " — et si multam quis cogniti- onem desiderat, novit et quae a principio sunt, et quae futura sunt conspicit." Ibid. " — de qua et rursum ait : ' Ju- dicavi igitur hanc adducere ad convivendum mecum, et amator f actus sum pulchritudinis ejus.* " Tract, in Ps. CXXIX. 7. " Sunt, secundum Raphael ad Tobiam loquentem, angeli assis- tentes ante claritatem Dei, et orationes deprecantium ad Deum deferentes." Tract, in Ps. CXXXIV. 25. " Sanctus etiam Eleazar, cum a principibus populi sui degus- tare ementitum sacrificium coge- retur, gloriam martyrii sub hac eadem voce consummat, sciens, etc." 186 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. I. 7. " Quoniam spiritus Domini re- plevit orbem terrarum, etc." Eccli. XXVIII. 28—29. " Sepi aures tuas spinis, lin- guam nequam noli audire, et ori tuo facito ostia, et seras. Aurum tuum et argentum tuum confla, et verbis tuis facito stateram, et frenos ori tuo rectos — ." Sap. II. 12 — 13. "Circumveniamus ergo justum, quoniam inutilis est nobis, et contrarius est operibus nostris, , et filium Dei se nominat." Sap. XIII 5. " — a magnitudine enim spe- ciei et creaturae, cognoscibiliter poterit Creator horum videri — ." Dan. XIII. 42. " Exclamavit autem voce mag- na Susanna, et dixit : Deus aeterne, qui absconditorum es cognitor, qui nosti omnia, ante- quam fiant — ." II. Maccab. VII. 28. " Peto, nate, ut aspicias ad coe- lum et tcrram, et ad omnia quae in eis sunt, et intelligas, quia ex nihilo fecit ilia Deus, et hominum genus — ." II. Maccab. VII. 9. " — et in ultimo spiritu consti- tutus, sic ait : Tu quidem, sceles- tissime, in praesenti vita nos per- dis : sed Rex mundi defunctos nos pro suis legibus in aeternae vitae resurrectione suscitabit." Tract, in Ps. CXXXV. 11. " — docet propheta dicens : ' Spiritus Dei replevit orbem terrarum.' " Tract, in Ps. CXL. 5. " — ita monemur : ' Ecce cir- cumvalla possessionem tuam spi- nis ; argentum et aurum tuum constitue, et ori tuo fac ostium, et seram, et verbis tuis jugum et mensuram.' " Tract, de Ps. XLI. 12. " Vox cataractae fuit : ' Op- primamus justum, quia inutilis est nobis, et contrarius est operibus nostris, et filium Dei se nomi- nat.' " De Trinitate Lib. I. 7. " — hunc de Deo pulcherrimae sententiae modum propheticis vocibus apprehendit : ' De mag- nitudine enim operum et pulchri- tudine creaturarum consequenter generationum Conditor conspici- tur.'" Ibid. Lib. IV. 8. " — sicut beata Susanna dicit : ' Deus aeterne, absconditorum cognitor, sciens omnia ante gene- rationem eorum.' " Ibid. 16. "Omnia enim secundum Pro- phetam facta ex nihilo sunt." Lib. Contra Const. Imp. 6. " — sciat a martyre esse dic- tum regi Antiocho : ' Tu quidem, iniquus, de presenti vita nos per- dis, sed Rex mundi defunctos nos pro suis legibus in aeternam vi- tam in resurrectione suscitabit.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 187 Ex Operibus Historicis Frag. Eccli. XXI. I. HI. 24. '* Fill, peccasti ? non adjicias "Nee Dominum audiunt di- iterum : sed etde pristinis depre- centem : * Peccasti ? quiesce.' " care, ut tibi dimittentur." Sap. II. 23. Epistola VIII. " Quoniam Deus creavit homi- "Salomon clamat dicens : 'Deus nem inexterminabilem, etc." condidit hominem ad immortali- tatem.'" Sap. VI. 8. Ibid. IX. " Non enim subtrahet perso- " Clamat Propheta dicens : 'Et nam cujusquam Deus, nee vere- pauperem et divitem ego feci, et bitur magnitudinem cujusquam ; pro omnibus aequalis cura est quoniam pusillum et magnum mihi.'" ipse fecit, et aeqaliter cura est illi de omnibus." Hilary has here explicitly canonized every deuterocanonical hook. He sought the mystic number in the books that the Hebrews received, not with the view to exclude the others from divine inspiration, but only classifying the Scriptures of the Old Testament in two general categories, which existed down to the time of the Council of Trent. The next objection which is urged against us is taken from the fragmentary writings of Rufinus.* The objection is taken from the Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolorum 36 — 38. " And therefore it seems apposite to clearly enumerate, as we have received from the testimonies of the Fathers, the books of the Old and New Testaments, which, according to the *Rufinus was born at Concordia, a small village of Italy, towards the middle of the 4th century. He early devoted himself to the acquisition of knowledge, for which cause he took up his abode at Aquileja, whose renown as a seat of learning had merited for it the name of the second Rome. A de- sire for sanctity drew him into a monastery in this city, wherein St. Jerome first met him. There was formed between Jerome and Rufinus the closest friend- ship, so that when Jerome left Aquileja to journey through France and Ger- many, Rufinus, unconsolable by the separation, went in search of him. Rufinus visited Egypt, and there formed a lasting friendship with the celebrated St. Melania. He suffered many persecutions from the Arians. He was sent into exile, from which Melania ransomed him, and both retired to Palestine. The esteem in which Jerome at this time held Rufinus may be known from the following, written to a friend in Jerusalem : " You will see shine in Rufinus the character of sanctity, while I am but dust. My feeble eyes can scarce bear the effulgence of his virtues. He comes even now from the cleansing crucible of persecution, and is now whiter than snow, while I am stained by all sorts of sins." Rufinus built a monastery on Mt. Olivet, and there labored zealously 188 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. tradition of the ancients, are believed to be inspired by the Holy Ghost, and delivered to the Church." Then follows a list of only the protocanonical works. Continuing, he says : "It is to be known, however, that there are other books which have been called by the Fathers not canonical but ecclesiasti- cal. Such are the Wisdom which is called of Salomon, and the other Wisdom which is called of the Son of Sirach, which book in the Latin tongue is called by the general term of Ecclesias- ticus, by which term not the author but the quality of the Scripture is designated. Of the same order are the books of Tobias and Judith and the books of Maccabees, and in the New Testament the book which is called the Pastor of Her- mas, and the Two Ways or Choice of Peter. All these books, they (the Fathers) wished to be read in the churches, but not to be used for the confirmation of dogma." The testimony of Rufinus well illustrates the position of the deuterocanonical books in that age. The Church, as the divine institution of Christ, used them, and the faithful drew their spirit- ual teaching from them. At the same time, some of the Fathers induced a scientific distinction between them and the books of the first canon. This scientific distinction was purely a critical judgment of the Fathers, and was not aimed at denying to these books divine inspiration. There had been no decree of the Church, and these books had not as much extrinsically in their favor as the others. The extremely conservative spirit of the Fathers was content to use them as divine Scripture in their practical use of Scripture ; while, in drawing up official lists of Scriptures, they hestitated to make them equal with the books which the Church had received from the Synagogue. and fruitfully in apostolic work. Having become conversant with Greek while in Alexandria, he translated into Latin various works of the Greek tongue. Among others, he translated the Principles of Origen. This led to a rupture with St. Jerome, and there is nothing so bitter in patristic literature as Jerome's subsequent invective against Ruflnus. This division was a cause of much scandal in the Church. That Ruflnus led a saintly life, can not be doubted, but it seems quite certain that he became in his later years infected with the errors of Origen. Refinus declared that he had acted as a mere translator of the works of Origen, and Pope Anastasius, before whom he was cited, declared that he would leave to God to judge of his intention. We must do the same, but in justification to St. Jerome, it must be said that his zeal for orthodoxy caused him to repudiate the man whom he had once called friend. The most important of Ruflnus' works are : De Benedictionibus Patri- archarum, Commentarius in Symbolum Apostolorum, Historia Monachorum, Historia Ecclesiastica, Apologia contra Hieronymum and an Apologia ad Anastasium Papam. He died in Sicily in 410. THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 180 In the growth and development of doctrine, this hesitancy has been excluded by the vital power in the Church. In the few writings of Rufinus which remain to us, we find the following quotations of deuterocanonical Scripture : Benedictio Gad 3. Eccli. XXXIV. 9. " Qui non est tentatus, quid scit? Vir in multis expertus, co- gitabit multa ; at qui multa didi- cit, enarrabit intellectum," Eccli. XI. 30. " Ante mortem ne laudes ho- minem quemquam, quoniam in filiis suis agnoscitur vir." Baruch III. 36—38. " Hie est Deus noster, et non aestimabitur alius adversus eum. Hie adinvenit omnem viam dis- ciplinae, et tradidit illam Jacob puero sue, et Israel dilecto suo. Post haec in terris visus est, et cum hominibus conversatus est." " — ita enim Scriptura dicit : * Qui non est tentatus, non est probabilis.* " Benedictio Joseph 3. " — sed et sanctae Scripturae sententia est: ' Ne laudaveris quemquam ante obitum.' " Comment, in Symbolum Apost. 5- " Quod et Propheta praedixe- rat ubi ait : ' Hie Deus noster, non reputabitur alter ad eum. Invenit omnem viam disciplinae, et dedit eam Jacob puero suo et Israel dilecto suo : post haec in terris visus est et inter homines conversatus est.' " Sap. III. 7- " Fulgebunt justi, et tamquam scintillae in arundineto discur- rent." Ibid. 46. " — non erit difficile credere etiam ilia quae Prophetae prae- dlxerant : 'Quod justi scilicet fulgebunt sicut sol, et sicut splen- dor firmamenti in regno Dei." Certainly the man who quoted these lines believed that he was employing Holy Scripture. In his Apologia Contra Hieronynum, Lib. II. from the 32d to the 37th paragraph, Rufinus bitterly inveighs against St. Jerome for having dared to cut ofif the deuterocanonical books.* *An ut divinarum Scripturarum libros, quos ad plenissimum fldei Instni- mentum Ecclesiis Christi Apostoli tradiderunt, nova nunc et a Judaeis mutata interpretatione mutares ? Quis prsesumserit sacras Sancti Spiritus voces et divina Volumina temerare ? Quis praeter te divino muneri et Apostolorum haereditati manus intulerit. Et quidem cum in gens copia fuisse ex initio in Ecclesiis Dei, et praecipue Jerosolymis eorum, qui ex circumcisione crediderant, referatur, in quibus utique linguae utriusque perfectam fuisse scientiam, et legis peritiam proba- bilem, administrati pontiflcatus testatur offlcium. Quis ergo in ista eru- 190 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Hence in justice and right, Rufinus must be considered in every way favorable to the deuterocanonical works. We now come to the Achilles of our adversaries, St. Jerome, a man more versed in the Scriptures than any other of the Fathers up to his day. He has in many places, in no dubious terms, expressed his opposition to the deuterocanoni- cal books. As Jerome is inseparably linked with the Latin Vulgate, we deem it not amiss to insert here an abstract of his life. He was born about the year 346 in Stridon, a small village on the confines of Pannonia and Dalmatia. His parents were property holders, and afforded Jerome a liberal education. Though born of Catholic parents, he was not baptized in his infancy. Infant baptism was not then the custom. After finishing his juvenile studies at home, he was sent to Rome, and studied rhetoric under Aelius Donatus. Jerome's youth could not have been exempt from error, for he confesses in his VH. Epistle: "Ye know the difficult way of adolescence in which I also stumbled." And in his XLVHI. Epistle, 20 : "I extol to the heavens, virginity, not that I pos- sess it, but that I admire that which I do not possess." He was accustomed, with other young men of like age and mind with himself, to visit the Catacombs. Such mode of life manifested a serious bent, and he was finally baptized in the Catholic faith, when about twenty years of age. After completing his studies in Rome, he travelled through Gaul, seeking knowledge from ditorum virorum copia ausus est Instrumentum divinum, quod Apostoli Ecclesiis tradidenint, et depositum Sancti Spiritus compilare ? An non est compilare cum quaedam quidem immutantur, et error dicitur corrigi ? Nam omnis ilia historia de Susanna, quae castitatis exemplum praebebat Ecclesiis Dei, ab isto abscissa est et abjecta atque posthabita. Trium puerorum hymnus, qui maxime diebus solemnibus in Ecclesia Dei canitur, ab isto e loco suo penitus erasus est. Et quid per singula commemoro de his, quorum com- prehendere numerum nequeo ? De quo ut omittam illud dicere, quod Sep- tuaginta duorum virorum per cellulas interpretantium unam et consonam vocem, dubitandum non est, Spiritus Sancti inspiratione prolatam, et ma j oris id debere esse auctoritatis, quam id quod ab uno homine, sibi Barraba aspir- ante, translatum est. Ut ergo hoc omittam, vide quid dicimus, verbi caussa. Petrus Romanae Ecclesiae per viginti et quatuor annos praefuit : dubitandum non est, quin sicut caetera, quae ad instructionem pertinent, etiam librorum Instrumenta Ecclesiae ipse tradiderit, quae utique jam tunc, ipso sedente et docente, recitabantur ? Quid ergo ? Decepit Petrus Apostolus Christi Ecclesiam, etlibros ei falsos et nihil veritatis continentes tradidit, et cum sciret, quod verum est haberi apud Judaeos, apud Christianos volebat haberi quod falsum est ? Sed fortasse dicit, quia sine Uteris erat Petrus, et sciebat quidem Judaeorum libros magis esse veros, quam istos, qui erant in Ecclesia : sed interpretari non poterat propter sermonis imperitiam ? Et quid ? Nihil in isto agebat ignea lingua per Spiritum Sanctum caelitusdata? Non ergo omnibus Unguis loquebantur Apostoli ? THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 191 learned men and from the libraries. He settled some time at Treves, where the first promptings to the higher life were recog- nized by him. Having determined to leave the world, and consecrate himself to God, he returned to his home and ad- justed his patrimony. Thence he travelled through Greece, Thrace, Asia Minor, into Syria, and coming to Antioch, re- sided there for some time, where he heard ApoUinaris explain the Scriptures, but favored not his heretical dogma. Jerome now determined to seek solitude, and there devote his life to Scriptural studies. For this reason, he sought the desert of Chalcis, which was on the confines of Syria, bordering on the land of the Saracens. He was now about 28 years old. The desert of Chalcis was peopled by a sort of community of hermits, who lived under the guidance of Marcus the presbyter. Jerome speaks pathetically of his struggles to overcome his passions while in this solitude. In his letter to Eustochium, Ep. XXn. 7: " O, in my solitude and in that vast desert, which, burnt by the sun's heat, afforded a wild habitation to the monks, how oft I imagined myself in the midst of the luxuries of Rome ! I sat alone, because I was filled with bitterness. My uncomely limbs were rough with sackcloth, and my squalid skin became as black as an Ethiopian's. Tears every day, groans every day- and if ever the sleep which hung on my eye-lids overcame my resistance, I knocked against the ground my bare bones, which scarce hung together. I say nought of food and drink, since — quomodo non pervidebant per spiritum, quod futurum esset tempus post quadringentos fere annos, quando Ecclesia, cognito eo quod ab Apostolis non sibi esset tradita Veritas veteris Instrument!, legatos mitteret ad istos, quos illi tunc Circumcisionem vocabant, obsecrans et exorans, ut sibi de veri- tate, quae apud ipsos est, aliquid largirentur ? Per totos istos quadringentos annos errasse se, et ignorasse quod verum est, fateretur ? Adscitam se quidem esse ex Gentibus sponsam Christo per Apostolos : sed non ab eis veris monilibus exornatam : putasse se lapides esse pretiosos, nunc autem depre- hendisse, quod non sunt verae istae gemmae, quas sibi Apostoli Christi im- posuerant : erubescere se ad publicum procedere, falsis et non veris lapidi- bus adornatam, et ideo rogare se, ut vel Barrabam ilium quem aliquando, ut Christo nuberet, spreverat, mittant ad se qui possit cum uno electo ex suis viro ornamenta sibi vera, quae Apostoli non praestiterant, reparare ?. . . . Tua verba sunt, post quadringentos annos non debere simplices Latin- orum aures novae doctrinae voce pulsari. Modo tu dicis : Omnis qui puta- bat Susannam nuptis et innuptis exemplum pudicitiae praestitisse, erravit. Non est verum. Et omnis qui putabat, quod puer Daniel Spiritu Sancto fuerit repletus, et arguerit adulteros senes, erravit : non erat verum. Et omnis Ecclesia per orbem terrarum, sive eorum qui in corpore sunt, sive eorum qui ad Dominum perrexerunt, sive illi sancti Confessores fuerunt, seu etiam sancti Martyres, quicumque Hymnum trium puerorum in Ecclesia Do- mini cecinerunt, omnes erraverunt, et falsa cecinerunt. Modo ergo nobis post quadringentos annos Legis Veritas empta pretio de Synagoga procedit 192 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. the monks, even when ill, use only cold water, and it is thought a sin of luxury to take anything cooked. And I, who through fear of hell had condemned myself to such a prison, and be- came the companion of scorpions and wild beasts, oft seemed to be in the dances of maidens. My face was pale from fast- ings, but my mind was tempestuous with lustful desires ; in my cold body, the sole incentive of lust heated the man, dead before his death, within his own yet living flesh .... I remem- ber in my wailings to have often passed the day as well as the night, and not to have ceased from beating my breast till, the Lord intervening, peace came. I feared my cell as though it were conscious of my thoughts. Angry and unmerciful towards myself, I wandered alone through the deserts. If ever I saw the hollow of a valley, or the rough peak of a mountain, or an abrupt rock, there was the place of my prayer, there the prison of my miserable flesh, and, the Lord is my witness, after many tears, after much fixing of my eyes in heaven, sometimes I seemed to be among the cohorts of angels, and happy and re- joicing, I sang: ' We shall run after thee to the odour of thy ointments.'" To divert his mind from lustful thoughts, he took up the study of Hebrew, as he tells us in his letter to Rusticus, Epist. 125, 12: " When I was young, and the solitude of the desert en- compassed me, I could not endure the incentives of vice and the ardor of my nature, which, although I had broken by frequent fastings, my mind surged with (lustful) thoughts. To overcome this, I gave myself into the tutelage of a certain one of the Hebrews who had believed, in order that, after the rhetorical niceties of Quintillian, the rivers of Cicero, the gravity of Fronto, and soft grace of Pliny, I might learn a (mere) alpha- bet, and, ponder on harsh and grating words. What labor I endured, what difficulty I underwent, how oft I despaired, how oft I ceased, and, through the desire of knowledge, again began ; my conscience bears witness ; and not only the con- science of me who suffered , but also of those who lived with me. And I thank God that, from this bitter seed of my studies, I now gather sweet fruits." The sweet fruits were the deeper insight into God's prepara- tory dispensation in the Old Law, which only those who know the Hebrew tongue can attain. Some have thought that Jerome learned Greek also in this hermitage, but it seems more probable that he acquired that tongue in the curriculum of his studies at Rome. He could not have listened to the lectures of ApoUinaris at Antioch, unless THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 193 he knew Greek, his language. Jerome's impulsive char- acter made him many enemies. A dissension arose about the succession to the See of Antioch, Jerome was drawn into it, and his relations became so strained with the monks, that in the spring of 379 he left his solitude, and returned to Antioch. While in the solitude, he had a vision in which he seemed to stand before the throne of God, and be condemned that he was not a Christian but a Ciceronian. This event tem- pered his love for the profane classics, and inclined him ever more to the Scriptures. The party of the orthodox but unwise Paulinus had triumphed at Antioch, and, as Jerome had favored his cause, he found welcome in that city. He was by the said Paulinus ordained priest. In 380 he went to Constantinople and studied Scripture under Gregory Nazianzen. In 382 Jerome, Paulinus of Antioch, and St. Epiphanius were sum- moned to Rome by Pope Damasus to take part in the Roman Synod held in that year. After the close of the Synod, Jerome remained at Rome in the capacity of oriental secretary to Damasus. At this time he undertook, at the command of Damasus, a revision of the Psalter, which continued in use in the Church down to the times of Pius V. He next extended his labors to revising the New Testament, which he " restored according to the original Greek." Jerome's relations with Damasus were very close. Most of Jerome's Scriptural work at this time was done at Damasus request. The vehemence and intolerance of Jerome's nature, can be gleaned from the following passage, Epist. XXXIII. 4. It was written concern- ing the condemnation of Origen : " Rome consents to his condemnation ; it brings together its senate against him, not because of the novelty of his doctrines, not because of heresy, as the dogs who are mad against him now pretend ; but because they could not bear the glory of his eloquence and his know- ledge, and because when he spoke they were made to appear as mutes."* A few years later, he abused Rufinus in a similar manner because he sustained the defense of Origen. Like violent changes of opinion characterize his whole life. His judgments are not uniform and consistent, and this is to be taken into account when adducing him as an authority. Jerome had made enemies among the clergy of Rome. Rome was in a state of moral and political decline, and Jerome longed for the quiet of the desert. *Jerome was accustomed to call the clergy of Rome the Senate of Pharisees. M 194 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Paulinus and Jerome were the guests at Rome of the noble and wealthy lady Paula, the heiress of the Aemil- ian race. She had three daughters, Blesilla who died in a youthful widowhood, Eustochium, who took the virgin's vow, and Paulina who married Pammachius, the friend of Jerome. With these and certain other noble ladies, Jerome formed a sort of circle. They withdrew from the corrupt social and political life, and devoted their time to meditation, works of charity, and the study of the Scriptures, which Jerome expounded. When Damasus died, Jerome found that it would be uncon- genial to live in Rome. Siricius, the successor of Damasus had no sympathy with him, and the clergy were almost all opposed to him. In 384 he set out from Rome and journeyed through Cyprus into Syria, and remained some time at Antioch. Thence he journeyed in company with Paula and Eustochium down through Palestine, visiting the places made memorable by the life of Our Lord. In Praef. 2 ad Paralip. he describes the finis of this journey : " As those who have seen Athens better under- stand Grecian history; and as he, who has traveled from Troas through Leucadia and the Acroceraunian mountains to Sicily, and thence to the mouth of the Tiber, will better understand the third book of Virgil, thus a man will more clearly understand the Scriptures, if he shall have seen Judea with his own eyes, and shall have examined the memorials of the old cities, and the names of places whether unchanged or changed. Hence we took the pains to undergo this labor with most learned Hebrews, that we might journey through the country of which all the churches of Christ speak. Coming to Caesarea, Jerome came upon the Hexapla of Origen, and from this copied all the books of the Old Testament. He descended into Egypt and listened at Alexandria to Didymus, the celebrated teacher of Scripture : ** My head was now sprinkled with gray hairs," he says, " and seemed more fit for the master than the disciple ; but I went to Alexandria, I heard Didymus, and, for many things, am thankful to him." From Alexandria Jerome went to Bethlehem, where he spent his remaining years in an ascetical life. A mon- astery was built of which Jerome was head, and a convent, over which Paula presided. Both the patrimony of Paula and Jerome were expended in this work. Jerome lived in a cell close to the monastery, and it is in this period of his life that his greatest works were executed. He exercised a general THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 195 supervision over the monks and was sought by learned men from all parts of the world. Sulpicius Severus, who spent six months with him at Bethlehem, thus describes his life: " He is wholly absorbed in reading, he takes no rest by day or by night ; he is ever reading or writing something." Jerome was a man of great physical endurance. His literary activity at Bethlehem may be compared to that of Origen. He trans- lated the book of Tobias in a single night, and even, when ill, he dictated from his couch to an amanuensis. To perfect his knowledge of Hebrew, he employed a Jew to teach him, and, as this preceptor feared the fanaticism of his race, the lessons were given by night. Jerome speaks of these things in his Epist. ad Pammachius, 84, 3 : " With most great labor, and great price did I have Baranina by night as precep- tor. He feared the Jews, and was to me another Nicodemus." Coupled with this, he assiduously studied the Fathers and writers of the Church. Villarsi declares, that no one, Greek or Latin, read more authors than Jerome. In the year 389 Jerome began the great work of his life, a translation of the proto- canonical books of the Old Testament from the original Hebrew. He was not able to devote all his time to the great work, but it was the chief object of his labors for fifteen years. He also translated the deuterocanonical books of Tobias and Judith from Chaldean exemplars. This translation of Jerome forms our Vulgate, concerning which we shall speak later. His translation of the Psalter from the Hebrew was not re- ceived into the Vulgate ; its place was occupied by the Psalter which he revised from the Hexaplar text of Origen at Caesarea. Jerome died at Bethlehem, according to the Chronicle of Pros- per, in the year 420, and was interred close to the Grotto of the Nativity of Our Saviour. His body was afterwards brought to the Church of St. Maria Maggiore in Rome. Jerome is rightly considered as one of the greatest of the Fathers. His character was not without defects. He was scornful and resentful in controversy, and somewhat sensitive as to the estimation in which he was held by his contemporaries. But he was without avarice, great of heart, diligent in work and nobly tenacious of the main objects to which he devoted his life. He was a man of iron will, when he saw principle and duty before him, a strong man, whom no motives could divert from what he deemed just and right. The saddest event of his whole life was his violent quarrel with Rufinus, whom he vituperated even after his death. Rufinus died in Sicily in 410, and Jerome thus speaks of his death in the opening 196 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. chapter of his Commentary on Ezechiel: ''The scorpion Hes underground between Enceladus and Porphyrion, and the hydra of many heads has at last ceased to hiss against me." " Tantaene animis coelestibus irae ? " Jerome's attitude towards the deuterocanonical books was not consistent. At times he bitterly attacks them, as in the following passages. In his celebrated Prologus Galeatus, after the enumeration of the protocanonical books, he continues : " Whatever is out- side of these is to be placed among the Apocrypha. Therefore the Wisdom which is commonly ascribed to Solomon, and the book of Jesus the son of Sirach, Judith, Tobias, and Pastor are not in the Canon. The first Book of Maccabees I found in Hebrew, the second is originally Greek, as appears from the diction." Again in the Preface to Ezra : " What is not received by them, (the Hebrews) and what is not of the twenty-four Ancients (the protocanonical books) is to be repulsed far from one. In his Preface to the Books of Solomon : " There exist also Panaretus, the book of Jesus the Son of Sirach, and another of the pseudepigrapha which is called the Wisdom of Solomon. The first, I found in Hebrew, not called Ecclesiasticus, as with the Latins, but Parables: the second is nowhere with the Hebrews and the very style savors of Greek eloquence, and some of the old writers have ascribed it to Philo the Jew. As, therefore, the Church reads Judith, Tobias, and the books of Maccabees, but does not hold them canonical, thus let her read these two volumes for the edification of the people, not for the confir- mation of Ecclesiastical dogmas." In his Praef. in Esther : " To this book the received Latin version has added various ragged patches of words, adding the things which might be suggested by the theme." Here is an evident condemnation of the deuterocanonical fragments of Esther. Writing to Laeta, Epist. 107, 12, on the mode of instruct- ing her daughter, he says : " Let her shun all Apocrypha (the deuterocanonical books), and if ever she should read them, not for confirmation of dogmas, but out of reverence for the words, let her know that they are not of those who appear in the titles, and that there are many false things intermingled in them, and that one has need of great prudence to seek the gold in the slime." In his Commentary on Daniel, although he comments the deuterocanonical fragments, he is inclined to think that THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 197 they are fables of Greek origin. It does not increase our esteem of Jerome's critique to find that one cause of his doubt of the fragments is that in the XIV. Chapter, first verse, the King of Babylon is said to cry out with a loud voice; whereas Jerome had maintained that only the saints are said in Scrip- ture to cry out with a loud voice. In his prologue to Daniel, he justifies himself for having fixed an obelus to the fragments of Daniel, alleging that " Origen, and Eusebius, and Apollinaris and other church- writers and doctors of Greece declare that these visions have no place with the Hebrews, and that they needed not to respond to Porphyrins in defense of those things to which the Holy Scriptures gave no authority." In his prologue to Jeremiah he declares that he has omitted the book of Baruch, and the pseudepigraphic Epistle of Jere- miah, " setting at naught the rage of his caluminators." We have no wish to minimize Jerome's opposition to the deutero- canonical books. At times it was pronounced and violent. But he could, at most, only be termed a violent doubter. He never was calm and constant in his rejection of those books. The fact that, in such strange opposition, he was at variance with all his contemporaries, made him waver, and we find more quotations from deuterocanonical Scripture in Jerome, than in any other writer yet quoted. Oft when opposed by his adversaries for his scriptural views he vented his resentment upon the books themselves. Then, when asked by a friend, he would calmly discuss the merits of these same writings. He trans- lated Tobias from the Chaldaic at the instance of Chromatins and Heliodorus, the bishops, "judging it better to displease the Pharisees, in order to grant the requests of the bishops." Praef. in Lib. Tob. In Jerome's mind there was ever a conflict between two principles. By conviction and education he was a Christian, moulded by Christian tradition. His higher studies had made him in a certain sense a Jew. The weird quaint beauty of the Hebrew tongue, the deeper insight into the substance of the Old Law which only Hebraists can have, the conviction that of all the Christian writers of his time, he alone knew Hebrew, made him look with disfavor upon the books which the Jews rejected. It is an evidence in favor of the deuterocanonical books that they retained their place in the list of Scripture after the many tests, to which they were subjected. The genius of Jerome was not able to draw even one Father to en- tertain his views on the deuterocanonical works. He fluctu- 198 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. ated between his reverence for the Christian tradition, and his respect for the synagogue till his death, and contradicted him- self many times in his views on the books in question. Dan. XIII. 6i. " Et consurrexerunt adversus duos presbyteros (convicerat enim eos Daniel ex ore suo fal- sum dixisse testimonium) fece- runtque, eis sicut male egerant adversus proximum." Dan. XIV. 35. " Et apprehendit eum Angelus Domini in vertice ejus, et porta- vit eum capillo capitis sui, posu- itque eum in Babylon e supra lacum in impetu spiritus sui." Sap. I. II. "Custodite ergo vos a mur- muratione, quae nihil prodest, et a detractione parcite linguae, quoniam sermo obscurus in va- cuum non ibit : os autem, quod mentitur, occidit animam." Sap. VI. 7. " Exiguo enim conceditur mi- sericordia ; potentes autem po- tenter tormenta patientur." Dan. XIII. 51. " Et dixit ad eos Daniel: Se- parate illos ab invicem procul, et dijudicabo eos." Judith XIII. 10. " — et percussit bis in cervi- cem ejus, et abscidit caput ejus, et abstulit conopeum ejus a co- lumnis, et evolvit corpus ejus truncum." Esther XIV. 11. " Ne tradas, Domines, ceptrum tuum his, qui non sunt, etc," St. Jerome, Epist. I. 9, ** Nunc Susanna nobilis fide omnium subeat mentibus, quae iniquo damnata judicio, Spiritu Sancto puerum replente, salvata est. Ecce non dispar in utraque misericordia Domini. Ilia libe- rata per judicem, ne iret ad gladium; haec a judice damnata, absoluta per gladium est." Epist. III. I. "O si nunc mihi Dominus Jesus Christus .... Habacuc ad Dani- elem translationem concederet !" Epist. XIV. 6. " Os autem quod mentitur oc- cidit animam." Ibid. 9. " Potentes potenter tormenta patientur." Ibid. "Presbyteros puer Daniel ju- dical." Epist. XXII. 21. " Tunc Holofernis caput Ju- dith continens amputavit." Epist. XLVIII. 14. " Ne tradas, inquit Esther, hereditatem his qui non sunt, idolis scilicet et daemonibus." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 199 Sap. II. 23. " Quoniam Deus creavit ho- minem inexterminabilem, et ad imaginem similitudinis suae fecit ilium." Judith VIII. 6, et XIII. 9, 10. Eccli. XXV. 12. " Beatus, qui invenit amicum verum, et qui enarrat justitiam auri audienti." Epist. LI. 6. " Dicit enim (Salomon) in Sa- pientia quae titulo ejus inscribi- tur : * Creavit Deus incorruptum hominem, et imaginem suae pro- prietatis dedit ei." Epist. LIV. 16. " Legimus in Judith (si cui tamen placet volumen recipere) viduam confectam jejuniis et habitu lugubri sordidatam, quae non lugebat mortuum virum sed squalore corporis, Sponsi quaere- bat adventum. Video armatam gladio manum cruentam dex- teram. Recognosco caput Holo- phernis de mediis hostibus re- portatum.' " Epist. LVII. 1. " Legerat enim (Paulus) illud Jesu : * Beatus qui in aures loqui- tur audientis.' " Certainly Jerome does not wish to say that Paul committed to memory apocryphal Scripture. Eccli. III. 33. Epist. LXVI. 5. " Ignem ardentem extinguit " — sciens scriptum : * Sicut aqua, et eleemosyna resistit pec- aqua extinguit ignem ; ita elee- mosyna, peccatum." catis — ." Eccli. IV. 25. " Est enim confusio adducens peccatum, et est confusio addu- cens gloriam et gratiam." Eccli. XI. 27. " In die bonorum ne immemor sis malorum : et in die malorum ne immemor sis bonorum — ." Sap. IV. II. " — raptus est ne malitia mu- taret intellectum ejus, aut ne fictio deciperet animam illius." Ibid. 5. "Est confusio quae ducit ad mortem, et est confusio quae ducit ad vitam." Epist. LXXVII. 6. " — scilicet in die bona malo- rum non oblita est." Epist. LXXIX. 2. " Raptus est ne malitia muta- ret mentem ejus, quia placita erat Deo anima illius." 200 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. IV. 8. " Senectus enim venerabilis est non diuturna, neque annorum numero computata : cani autem sunt sensus hominis." Sap. I. 7. " Quoniam spiritus Domini re- plevit orbem terrarum, etc." Sap. VIII. 2. " Hanc amavi, et exquisivi a juventute mea, et quaesivi spon- sam mihi earn assumere, et ama- tor f actus sum formae illius." Ibid. 6. " Cani enim hominis sunt sa- pientia ejus." Epist. XCVIII. 13. " Et alibi legimus : * Spiritus Domini replevit orbem terra- rum.' Quod nunquam Scriptura memoraret nisi irrationabilia quaeque et inanima illius nomine complerentur." Ibid. 19. " — et in illius perseverantes amore cantabimus : ' Amator fui pulchritudinis ejus.'" A testimony that can be joined with those of Jerome is that of Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, which was translated by Jerome. It is designated as Epist. C. in Migne's Works of Jerome. In the Ninth Paragraph Theophilus speaks of the Maccabees as follows : II. Maccab. Passim. Could the universal Church martyrs ? Sap. IX. 15. " — corpus enim, quod cor- rumpitur, aggravat animam, et terrena inhabitatio deprimit sen- sum multa cogitantem." Eccli. XXII. 6. " Musica in luctu importuna narratio." "Quid memorem insignes Mac- cabaeorum victorias ? qui, ne illicitis carnibus vescerentur, et communes tangerent cibos, cor- pora obtulere cruciatibus: totius- que orbis in ecclesiis Christi laud- ibus praedicantur, fortiores poe- nis, ardentiores quibus combure- bantur ignibus." give such honor to apocryphal Epist. CVIII. 22. "Si non erit sublata diversi- tate sexus eadem corpora non resurgent: 'Aggravat enim ter- rena inhabitatio sensum multa cogitantem.' " Epist. CXVIII. I. ''^ Divina Scriptura loquitur: ' Musica in luctu, intempestiva narratio. '" THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 201 If words can express thoughts, the man who penned these lines believed that he was quoting the inspired word of God. Eccli. XXVII. 28. Epist. CXXV. 19. " Qui in altum mittit lapidem, " Et alibi : * Qui mittit in al- super caput ejus cadet ; et plaga turn lapidem, recidet in caput dolosa dolosi dividet vulnera." ejus.' " Esther XIV. 16. "Tu scis necessitatem meam, quod abominer signum superbiae et gloriae meae, quod est super caput meum in diebus ostenta- tionis meae, et detester illud quasi pannum menstruatae, etc." Eccli. IV. 28. " — nee retineas verbum in tempore salutis." Eccli. XXVIII. 28. " Sepi aures tuas spinis, lin- guam nequam noli audire, et ori tuo facito ostia et seras." Eccli. XXVIII. 29—30. " Aurum tuum et argentum tuura confla, et verbis tuis facito stateram, et frenos ori tuo rec- tos : et attende, ne forte labaris in lingua — ." Eccli. III. 20. " Quanto magnus es, humilia te in omnibus, et coram Deo in- venies gratiam — ." Eccli. X, lo. " Quoniam a Deo profecta est sapientia, etc." Epist. CXXX. 4. " Oderat ornatum suum et cum Esther loquebatur ad Dominum : * Tu nosti quod oderim insigne capitis mei, et tantae ducam im- munditiae velut pannum men- struatae.' " Epist. CXLVIII. 2. " — illud mecum Scripturae reputans : ' Tempus tacendi, et tempus loquendi.' Et iterum : ' Ne retineas verbum in tempore salutis.' " Ibid. 16. " Noli," inquit Scriptura, 'con- sentaneus esse, etc' Et alibi : * Sepi aures tuas spinis, et noli audire linguam nequam.' " Ibid. 18. "Unde Scriptura dicit : 'Ar- gentum et aurum tuum confla, et verbis tuis facito stateram et frenos ori tuo rectos : et attende ne forte labaris lingua.* " Ibid. 20. "Unde Scriptura dicit: 'Quanto magnus es ; humilia te in omni- bus, et coram Deo invenies gra- tiam.' " St, Jerome, Interpretatio Lib. Didymi, 10, "Dominus,' inquit, 'dabit sapientiam, et a facie ejus sapien- tia et intellectus procedit.' " 202 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. VI. 26. " Multitude autem sapientium sanitas est orbis terrarum ; et rex sapiens stabilimentum populi est." Tob. IV. 16. " Quod ab alio oderis fieri tibi, etc." Sap. XI. 27. "Parcis autem omnibus, quo- niam tua sunt, Domine, qui amas animas." Dan. XIII. Passim. Sap. VI. 7. " Exiguo enim conceditur mi- sericordia ; potentes autem po- tenter tormenta patientur." Sap. I. 4—5. " Quoniam in malevolam ani- mam non introibit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore subdito pec- catis. Spiritus enim sanctus dis- ciplinae effugiet fictum, et auferet se a cogitationibus, quae sunt sine intellectu, et corripietur a superveniente iniquitate." Sap. I. II. " Custodite ergo vos a mur- muratione, quae nihil prodest, et a detractione parcite linguae, quoniam sermo obscurus in va- cuum non ibit : os autem, quod mentitur, occidit animam." Ibid. 21. "Multitudo quippe sapientium, salus mundi." Ibid. 39. " Quod tibi non vis fieri, etc." Ibid. 46. " — juxta illud quod alibi scri- bitur : * Parces autem omnibus, Domine amator animarum, quia tuae sunt, neque enim odies quos fecisti.' " Adversus Jovinian, 25. "Erat igitur Daniel adhuc puer, et notus populo vel propter interpretationem somniorum re- gis vel propter Susannae libera- tionem et occisionem presby- terorum." Adversus Jov. Lib. II. 25. " — quanto majoris criminis, tanto majoris et poenae. ' Poten- tes enim potenter tormenta pa- tientur.'" Apologia Adversus Rufinum 17. " Loquitur et Sapientia quam sub nomine Salomonis legimus : * In malevolam animam nunquam intrabit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore subdito peccatis. Spi- ritus enim Sanctus eruditionis fugiet dolum et recedet a cogita- tionibus stultis.' " Adversus Rufinum Lib. III. 26. ** Os quod mentitur occidit an- imam." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 203 Eccli. III. 22. "Altiora te ne quaesieris, et fortiora te ne scrutatus fueris, etc." II. Maccab. V. Passim. Tob. XII. 7. " Etenim sacramentum regis abscondere bonum est, etc." Eccli. I. S3' "Fili, concupiscens sapientiam, conserva justitiam, et Deus prae- bebit illam tibi." Eccli. XXVII. 29. '* Et qui foveam fodit, incidet in earn : et qui statuit lapidem proximo, offendet in eo : et qui laqueum alii ponit, peribit in illo." Sap. VI. 7. (Oft quoted.) Sap. II. 12. " Circumveniamus ergo jus- tum, quoniam inutilis est nobis, etc." Dan. XIII. Passim. Adversus Pelagianos Lib. 1. 33. " Respondet stultae interroga- tioni tuae liber Sapientiae: 'Alti- ora te ne quaesieris, et fortiora te ne scrutatus fueris.' " Adversus Pelagianos Lib. II. 30. " Antiochus Epiphanius rex crudelissimus subvertit altare, ipsamque justitiam fecit concul- cari, quia concessum erat a Do- mino, causasque reddit propter peccata plurima." Comment, in Eccles. Cap.VIII. "Et hoc est quod in libro Tobiae scribitur : ' Mysterium regis abscondere bonum est.' " Ibid. Cap. IX. ** Dato nobis itaque praecepto quod dicit : ' Desiderasti sapien- tiam, serva mandata, et Dominus ministrabit tibi eam.' " Ibid. Cap. X. ** Siquidem et alibi ipse Salo- mon ait : * Qui statuit laqueam, capietur in illo.' " Comment, in Isaiam, Cap. I. Vers. 24. " — de quibus scriptum est : ' potentes potenter tormenta pa- tientur.' " (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Lib. IL Cap. III. Vers. i. " — cogitastis consilium pessi- mum dicentes : * Alligemus jus- tum, quia inutilis est nobis.' " Ibid. Vers. 2. " Et inveteratos dierum malo- rum duos presbyteros juxta Theodotionem in Danielis prin- cipio legimus." 204 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. IV. 8. " Senectus enim venerabilis est non diuturna, neque annorum numero computata : cani autem sunt sensus hominis," Ibid. " — de qua scriptum est : ' Canities hominum, prudentia est.'" Ibid. Vers. 3. *' Unde et illud in nostris libris legimus : ' Amici tibi sint pluri- mi, consiliarius autem unus de mille.' " Eccli. VII. 6. *' Noli quaerere fieri judex, nisi valeas virtute irrumpere ini- quitates, etc." Eccli. XI. 30. " Ante mortem ne laudes ho- minem quemquam, quoniam in filiis suis agnoscitur vir." Ecccli. XIII. I. " Qui tetigerit picem, inquina- bitur ab ea, etc." Esther. Passim. Dan. XIII. 56. " Et, amoto eo, jussit venire alium, et dixit ei : Semen Cha- naan, et non Juda, species de- cepit te, etc." Sap. IV. 8. (Oft quoted.) Eccli. I. 33. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Vers. 7. " — aliudque mandatum : * Ne quaeras judex fieri: ne forte non possis auferre iniquitates.' " Ibid. Vers. 12. " — nee praevenit sententiam judicis sui, dicente Scriptura sanc- ta : * Ne beatum dicas quemquam hominem ante mortem.' " Ibid. Lib. III. Cap. VI. Vers. 5. "Ex quo ostenditur noxium esse vivere cum peccatoribus : ' Qui enim tangit picem, inquin- abitur ab ea.' " Ibid. Lib. V. Cap. XIV. Vers. 2. " Potest et in Assueri tempori- busintelligi,quando, occisoHolo- pherne, hostilis ab Israel est caesus exercitus." Ibid. Lib. VII. Cap. XXIIL Vers. 12. " Unde et ad senem adulterum dicitur: ' Semen Chanaan et non Juda, species decepit te.' " Ibid. Lib. VIII. Cap. XXIV. Vers. 21. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Cap. XXVI. Vers. 4. " Unde et in alio loco scribi- tur : ' Desiderasti sapientiam, serva mandata, et Dominus tri- buet tibi eam.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 205 Sap. VI. 7. (Oft quoted.) Sap. IX. 6. " Nam et si quis erit consum- matus inter filios hominum, si ab illo abfuerit sapientia tua, in nihilum computabitur." Eccli. X. 9. " Avaro autem nihil est sceles- tius. Quid superbit terra et cinis ?" Sap. III. 13, 14. " Maledicta creatura eorum, quoniam felix est sterilis, et in- coinquinata, quae nescivit tho- rum in delicto, habebit fructum in respectione animarum sancta- rum : et spado, qui non operatus est per manus suas iniquitatem, nee cogitavit adversus Deum nequissima : dabitur enim illi fidei donum electum, et sors in templo Dei acceptissima." Sap. I. I. " Diligite justitiam, qui judi- catis terram. Sentite de Domino in bonitate, etc." Eccli. XXV. 12. " — beatus, qui invenit ami- cum verum, et qui enarrat justi- tiam auri audienti — ." Sap. I. 4. " Quoniam in malevolam ani- mam non introibit sapientia, nee habitabit in corpore subdito pee- eatis." Ibid. Lib. IX. Cap. XVIII. Vers. 23 et seqq. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Cap. XXIX. Vers. 15, 16. " — cum scriptum sit de Dei Sapientia : ' Si enim quis perfec- tus fuerit in filiis hominum abs- que tua sapientia, in nihil repu- tabitur.' " Ibid. Lib. XIV. Praef. " De quo scribitur : ' Quid glo- riatur terra et cinis ?' " Ibid. Lib. XV. Cap. LVI. Vers. 4, 5. " Qui sint eunuchi supra dixi- mus quibus loquitur et Sa- pientia quae titulo Salomonis in- scribitur : ' Beata sterilis imma- culata, quae non cognovit stra- tum in delicto ; habebit fructum in visitatione animarum. Et eunuchus qui non est operatus manu iniquitatem, neque cogita- vit contra Dominum mala. Dabi- tur enim fidei ejus electa gratia et pars in templo Domini delec- tabilis."* Ibid. Cap. LVI. Vers. 10—12. " — et audiamus Scripturam monentem : ' Sapite de Domino in bonitate.' " Ibid. Lib. XVI. Praef. " Ac ne a profanis tantum su- mere videor exemplum, nimirum hoc illud est quod aliis verbis Propheta demonstrat : 'Beatus qui in aures loquitur audien- tium." Ibid. Vers. 15. " Et quomodo in perversam animam non ingreditur sapientia, neque habitabit in corpore sub- dito peecatis.' " 206 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. I. 5. " Spiritus enim Sanctus discip- linae effugiet fictum, et auferet se a cogitationibus, etc." Eccli. XVI. 18. " Ecce coelum, et coeli coelo- rum, abyssus, et universa terra, quae in eis sunt, in conspectu illius commovebuntur." Esther XIV. 16. *' Tu scis necessitatem meam, quod abominer signum superbiae et gloriae meae, quod est super caput meum in diebus ostenta- tionis meae, et detester illud quasi pannum menstruatae, et non portem in diebus silentii mei — . Esther XIV. 11. " Ne tradas, Domine, sceptrum tuum his, qui non sunt, etc." Eccli. XI. 27, 29. " In die bonorum ne immemor sis malorum, et in die malorum ne immemor sis bonorum. Ma- litia horae oblivionem facit luxu- riae magnae, et in fine hominis denudatio operum illius." Sap. VI. 7. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Ibid. Lib. XVII. Cap. LXIII. Vers. 10. " De quo et in Sapientia reperi- mus quae nomine Salomonis scri- bitur ; * Sanctus enim Spiritus disciplinae fugiet dolum, et rece- det a cogitationibus stultis.'" Ibid. Vers. 15. " Denique Salomon qui aedi- ficavit domum Dei, ad eum pre- cans loquitur : ' Coeli coelorum et terra non sufficiunt tibi.' " Ibid. Lib. XVII. Cap. LXIV. Vers. 6. " — cui et Esther diadema suum quod erat regiae potestatis insigne comparat quod nequa- quam voluntate sed necessitate portabat : * Tu scis necessitatem meam : quoniam detestor signum superbiae meae, quod est super caput meum in diebus ostensio- nis meae : abominor illud sicut pannum menstruum : nee porto in diebus quietis.' " Ibid. Lib. XVIII. Cap. LXV. Vers. 3. "Unde et Esther loquitur ad Dominum : ' Ne tradas haeredi- tatem tuam his qui non sunt.' " Ibid. Vers. 17, 18. " — juxta illud quod scriptum est : * In die bona, oblivio malo- rum, et alibi : Afflictio horae ob- livionem facit deliciarum.' " Ibid. Vers. 20. (Oft quoted.) Comment, in Jerem. Lib. III. Cap. XII. Vers. 13. THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 207 Sap. I. 4. (Already quoted.) Eccli. XXII. II. ** Modicum plora supra mor- tuum, quoniam requievit." Ibid. Lib. IV. Cap. XVIII. Vers. 18. " — dicente Scriptura : * In perversam animam non intrabit Sapientia.' " Ibid. Cap. XXI. Vers. 14. " — juxta illud quod scriptum est : Mors viro requies cui clau- sit Deus viam suam. The same quotation appears in the XXVIII. Chapter, fifth and following verses. Ibid. Lib. V. Cap. XXIX. Vers. I et seqq. " Et in alio loco (scribit Salo- mon): * Hanc exquisivi sponsam accipere mihi, et amator factus sum decoris ejus.' " Ibid. Cap. XXIX. Vers. 21 et seqq. " — quorum uni loquitur Dan- iel: * Inveterate dierum malorum. Et alteri: Semen Chanaan et non Juda, species decepit te, et con- cupiscentia subvertit cor tuum. Sic faciebatis filiabus Israel et illae metuentes loquebantur vo- biscum, sed non filia Juda sus- tinuit iniquitatem vestram.* " Comment, in Ezechiel, Praef. " — nee putavi illam senten- tiam negligendam : ' Musica in luctu, importuna narratio.' " Ibid. Lib. II. Cap. V. Vers. 8,9. Ibid. Cap. VI. Vers. 9, 10. " Quam ob causam et in Dan- iele duo presbyteri praeceperunt revelari Susannam ut nudati cor- poris decore fruerentur." Ibid. Lib. IV. Cap. XVI. Vers. 3- " Mirabilis Daniel qui ad pres- byterum delinquentem, et adul- Sap. VIIL 2. Hanc amavi, et exquisivi a ju- ventute mea, et quaesivi sponsam mihi eam assumere, et amator factus sum formae illius." Dan. XIIL 56, 57. " Et, amoto eo, jussit venire alium, et dixit ei : Semen Cha- naan et non Juda, species decepit te, et concupiscentia subvertit cor tuum : sic faciebatis filiabus Israel, et illae timentes loque- bantur vobis, sed filia Juda non sustinuit iniquitatem vestram." Eccli. XXII. 6. " Musica in luctu importuna narratio, etc." Sap. VI. 7. Dan. XIII. 32. " At iniqui illi jusserunt ut discooperiretur (erat enim coo- perta) ut vel sic satiarentur de- core ejus." Dan. XIIL 56. (Oft quoted.) THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. terio jungentem homicidium puer ausus est dicere : ' Semen Cha- naan et non Juda, species decepit te.' " Sap. VII. 22. Ibid. Vers. lo. " — est enim in ilia spiritus in- " Nam et in libro Sapientiae telligentiae, sanctus, unicus, mul- qui a quibusdam Salomonis in- tiplex, subtilis, disertus, mobilis, scribitur, spiritus sapientiae uni- incoinquinatus, certus, suavis, genitus et multiplex tenuis et amans bonum, acutus, quem mutabilis appellatur." nihil vetat, benefaciens — ." In the fifth book Jerome quotes frequently the sentence of Wisdom VI. 7 : " Potentes potenter tormenta patientur." Lib. V. Cap. XVI. Vers. 59 et Eccli. XV. 9. seqq. " Non est speciosa laus in ore " Non est pulchra laudatio in peccatoris — ." ore peccatoris." Ibid. Lib. VI. Cap. XVIIL Eccli. III. 22. Vers. 6 et seqq. " Altiora te ne quaesieris, et " Sed et illud quod alibi dici- fortiora te ne scrutatus fueris : tur : ' Majora te non requiras, et sed quae praecepit tibi Deus, ilia fortiora te non scruteris.' " cogita semper, et in pluribus operibus ejus ne fueris curiosus." Eccli. XXXII. I. Ibid. " Rectorem te posuerunt ? noli " De quibus scriptum est : extolli : esto in illis quasi unus ' Principem te constituerunt ? ne ex ipsis." eleveris : esto inter eos quasi unus ex ipsis.' " Eccli. X. 9. Ibid. " Avaro autem nihil est sceles- " — cui illud convenit : 'Quid tius. Quid superbit terra et gioriatur terra et cinis ?' " cinis ?" Ibid. Lib. VIII. Cap. XXVIL Esther XIV. 11. Vers. 19. "Ne tradas, Domine, sceptrum " Unde et Esther contra idola tuum his, qui non sunt, etc." loquens : * Ne tradas,' inquit, * sceptrum tuum his qui non sunt.' " THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 209 The same quotation occurs again in the thirty-third verse of the same chapter of the commentary. Ibid. Lib. IX. Cap. XXIX. Sap. VI. 7. " Exiguo enim conceditur mis- ericordia: potentes autem poten- ter tormenta patientur." Eccli. I. 2. " Arenam maris, at pluviae guttas, at dies saeculi quis dinu- meravit ? Altitudinam caali, at latitudinam tarraa, at profundum abyssi quis dimansus est ?" Eccli. XXVII. 29. " Et qui foveam fodit, incidat in earn, etc." Eccli. XX. 32. " Sapientia absconsa et the- saurus invisus : quae utilitas in utrisque ?" Eccli. VII. 6. " Noli quaerere fieri judex, nisi valaas virtute irrumpera ini- quitates : ne forte extimescas fa- ciem potentis, et ponas scan- dalum in aequitate tua." Eccli. III. 29. " Cor nequam gravabitur in doloribus, et peccator adjiciet ad peccandum." Eccli. XXXII. I. *' Ractoram te posuerunt ? noli axtolli : asto in illis quasi unus ex ipsis." Eccli. I. 2. (Already quoted.) N Vers. 8 at seqq. Ibid. Cap. XXX. Vers. 20 at seqq. " Et in alio loco: 'Abyssum at sapientiam quis investigabit ?' " Ibid. Lib. X. Cap. XXXII. Vers, 17 et seqq. " Qui enim fodit foveam inci- det in earn." Ibid. Cap. XXXIII. Vers, i et seqq. ** De magistris negligentibus Salomon loquitur : ' Sapientia abscondita, et thesauros occul- tus, quae utilitas in utrisque ? ' " Ibid. Lib. XL Cap. XXXIV. i. " Unde magnopera cavendum est et observanda ilia praecepta : ' Ne quaeras judex fieri, ne forte non possis auferre iniquitates.* Et iterum : * Quanto major as, tanto magis te humilia, et in con- spectu Domini invenias gratiam.' Et rursum : * Ducam te constitu- erunt, ne eleveris : sed esto inter eos quasi unus ex illis.' " Ibid. Lib. XIIL Cap. XLIII. Vers. 13 et seqq. " Scriptura est : ' Abyssum et sapientiam quis investigabit ? ' " 210 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Eccli. XXXII. I. (Already quoted.) Eccli. XXVIII. 29. " — et verbis tuis facito sta- teram, et frenos ori tuo rectos." Ibid. Cap. XLV. 9. Sap. I. 4. (Already quoted.) Ibid. Vers. 10 et seqq. " — dicente Scriptura : * Ser- monibus tuis facies stateram et appendiculutn,' " Comment, in Daniel, Cap. II. Vers. 21. " In perversam autem animam non introibit sapientia." In this same chapter he inveighs against the deuterocanoni- cal fragments of Daniel. In the 23d verse he says : " And observe that Daniel is of the sons of Juda, not a priest as the fable of Bel declares." Coming to the Canticle of the youths in the fiery furnace, he prefaces his commentary on it as fol- lows : " Hitherto the Hebrews read : what follows even to the end of the Canticle of the three youths is not contained in Hebrew ; concerning which, lest we may seem to have passed it by, a few words are to be said." He then proceeds to com- ment it in the same manner as the other portions of the book. I. et II. Maccab. Passim. Sap. IV. 8. (Oft quoted.) Sap. III. 13. " Maledicta creatura eorum, quoniam felix est sterilis, et in- coinquinata, quae nescivit tho- rum in delicto, etc." Ibid. Cap. VIII. Vers. 14. " Legamus Maccabaeorum lib- ros et Josephi historiam." Ibid. Cap. XI. Vers. 34, 35. "Lege Maccabaeorum libros." Ibid. Cap. XII. Vers, i et seqq. " Ponit quoque historiam de Maccabaeis in qua dicitur mul- tos Judaeorum sub Mathathia et Juda Maccabaeo ad eremum con- fugisse, et latuisse in speluncis et in cavernis petrarum, et post vic- toriam processisse. Comment, in Osee Lib. Cap. VII. 8, 10. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Cap. X. Vers. 14. *' Beata sterilis immaculata quae non cognovit cubile in pec- cato." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 211 " Ex iniquo enim concubitu semen peribit." Sap. III. i6. Ibid. Filii autem adulterorum in in- consummatione erunt, et ab ini- quo thoro semen exterminabi- tur." He quotes again Sap. VI. 7, in Lib. III. Cap. XI. Vers. 8 et 9. Dan. XIII. 56. "Et, amoto eo, jussit venire, alium, et dixit ei : Semen Cha- naan etnon Juda, species decepit te, et concupiscentia subvertit cor tuum — ." Ibid. Cap. XII. Vers. 7, 8. " Semen Chanaan et non Juda, species decepit te." Eccli. XVI. 19. " — montes simul, et colles, et fundamenta terrae ; cum con- spexerit ilia Deus, tremore con- cutientur." Eccli. XV. 9. " Non est speciosa laus in ore peccatoris." In Lib. III. Cap. VI. Vers Sap. VI. 7. Ibid. Vers. 12, he repeats Esther XIV. 11. Comment, in Amos, Lib. II. Cap. IV. Vers. 12, 13. " Iste est qui firmat tonitruum, sive montes confirmat, ad cujus vocem coelorum cardines et terrae fundamenta quatiuntur" Ibid. Cap. V. Vers. 25. " — quia non est pulchra lau- datio in ore peccatoris." 7 et seqq., he quotes again Tob. XIV. 5—6 (juxta LXX.) ** Magnopere autem senuit : et vocavit filium suum et filios ejus, et dixit ei: fili, accipe filios tuos: ecce senui, et ad exeundum e vita sum : abi in Mediam, fili, quoniam credidi quaecumque lo- cutus est Jonas Propheta de Ninive quia subvertetur." In Jonam, Prologus. "Liber quoque Tobiae, licet non habeatur in Canone, tamen quia usurpatur ab Ecclesiasticis viris, tale quid memorat, dicente Tobia ad filium suum : * Fili, ecce senui, et in eo sum ut revertar de vita mea : tolle filios meos, et vade in mediam; fili, scio enim quae locutus est Jonas propheta de Ninive, quoniam subverte- tur.'" When Jerome speaks of the Canon, he evidently means the collection of the Jews. He clearly testifies here that tradition favored Tobias, although it was not received by the Jews, and he is disposed to give a certain reverence to the book on ac- count of its use by the Fathers. 212 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Judith XVI. 3. " Dominus conterens bella, Dominus nomen est illi. Eccli. XX. 31. " Xenia et dona excaecant oculos judicum, et quasi mutus in ore avertit correptiones eo- rum." Eccli. VI. 7. " Si possides amicum, in tenta- tione posside eum, etc." Comment, in Michaeam, Lib. I. Cap. II. Vers. 6, 8. "Recedente autem pace et auxilio Dei, quia restiterant Do- mino, de quo dicitur : * Dominus conterens bella, Dominus nomen ei.' " Ibid. Cap. III. Vers. 9 et seqq. " Munera excaecant oculos etiam Sapientium, et quasi fre- num in ore avertunt increpatio- nem." Ibid. Lib. II. Cap. VII. Vers. 5. 7- " Unde dicitur : ' Si habes amicum, in tentatione posside eum.' " Ibid. Vers. 14 seqq. ** — et erunt in confusione quae ducit ad vitam." Eccli. IV. 25. " Est enim confusio adducens peccatum, et est confusio addu- cens gloriam et gratiam." In Nahum, Cap. III. Vers. 8 seqq., he quotes again the oft- quoted sentence from Dan. XIII. 56. Dan. XIV. 35. Prologus in Habacuc. " Et apprehendit eum Angelus " — Daniel docere te poterit. Domini in vertice ejus, et porta- vit eum capillo capitis sui, posu- itque eum in Babylone supra lacum in impetu spiritus sui." Eccli. I. 2. (Already quoted.) Eccli. XX. 32. " Sapientia absconsa et the- saurus invisus : quae utilitas in utrisque ?" ad quem in lacum leonum Haba- cuc cum prandio mittitur." Comment, in Habacuc, Lib. II. Cap. III. Vers, ir, seqq. "Et pulchre opinationem phan- tasiae altitudinem vocat juxta Jesuni filium Sirach, qui ait : * Abyssum et sapientiam quis in- vestigabit ? ' " Comment, in Sophoniam, Cap. II. Vers. 3, 4. " — hoc est, alios doceant: ' Sa- pientia enim abscondita et the- saurus non comparens, quae util- itas in ambobus ?" THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 213 Dan. XIII. 56. ** Et, amoto eo, jussit venire alium, et dixit ei : Semen Cha- naan, et non Juda, etc." Sap. VI. 7. (Oft quoted.) Eccli. XXVII. 28. ** Qui in altum mittit lapidem, super caput ejus cadet : et plaga dolosa dolosi dividet vulnera." Judith. Passim. Eccli. IV. 10. " In judicando esto pupillis misericors ut pater, et pro viro matri illorum — ." Sap. I. 2. " — quoniam invenitur ab his, qui non tentant ilium : apparet autem eis, qui fidem habent in ilium — ." Sap. IX. 15. " Corpus enim, quod corrum- pitur, aggravat animam, et ter- rena inhabitatio deprimit sensum multa cogitantem." Maccab. Passim. Ibid. Vers. 8 seqq. "Et ad presbyteros cupientes sub figura Susannae Ecclesiae corrumpere castitatem dicat Daniel : ' Hoc est judicium Dei, Semen Chanaan et non Juda.' " Ibid. Cap. III. Vers. 8, 9. Ibid. Vers. 19, 20. " — et de Jesu filio Sirach tes- timonium proferamus: 'Qui mit- tit lapidem in excelsum, super caput suum mittit.' " Comment, in Haggai, Cap. I. Vers. 5, 6. " Similiter qui penitus noh bibit, siti peribit, sicut et in Ju- dith (si quis tamen vult librum recipere mulieris) et parvuli siti perierunt." Comment, in Zachariam, Lib. II. Cap. VII. Vers. 8 et seqq. "Viduam quoque et pupillum de quibus nobis praeceptum est : ' Esto pupillis pater, et pro viro matri eorum, judicans pupillum et justificans viduam.' " Ibid. Cap. VIII. Vers. 21, 22. " Appropinquat enim Dominus his qui non tentant eum, et os- tendit faciem suam his qui non sunt increduli." Ibid. Cap. IX. Vers. 15, 16. " — quia aggravat terrena hab- itatio sensum multa curantem." Ibid. Cap. X. Vers. I. seqq. " Ita felicitas Maccabaeorum tempore promissa est, quando sancti lapides elevati sunt super terram, etc." 214 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. I. 14. "Creavit enim, ut essent omnia: et sanabiles fecit nationes orbis terrarura : et non est in illis medicamentum exterminii, nee inferorum regnum in terra." Sap. IX. 16—18. " Quae autem in caelis sunt quis investigabit ? Sensum autem tuum quis sciet, nisi tu dederis sapientiam, et miseris spiritum sanctum tuum de altissimis : et sic correctae sint semitae eorum, qui sunt in terris, et quae tibi placent didicerint homines ? " Sap. IV. 8. " Senectus enim venerabilis est non diuturna, neque annorum numero computata : cani autem sunt sensus hominis." Sap. VI. 7. (Already quoted.) Eccli. XXV. 12. "Beatus, qui invenit amicum verum, et qui enarrat justitiam auri audienti." Sap. VI. 7. (Oft quoted.) Sap. I. 6. "Benignus est enim spiritus sapientiae, et non liberabit male- dicum a labiis suis, quoniam renum illius testis est Deus, et cordis illius scrutator est verus, et linguae ejus auditor." Ibid. Lib. III. Cap. XII. Vers. 9. "Unde in Sapientia quae Salo- monis inscribitur (si cui tamen placet librum recipere) scriptum reperimus : ' Creavit ut essent omnia, et salutares generationes mundi, et non erit eis venenum mortiferum.' " Ibid. " Et in supradicto volumine continetur : ' Quae in coelo sunt quis investigabit ? nisi quod tu dedisti sapientiam, et Spiritum Sanctum misisti de excelsis, et sic correctae sunt semitae eorum qui versantur in terra ; et quae tibi placent eruditi sunt homi- nes.' " Ibid. Cap. XIV. Vers. 9. " — de quo scriptum est : ' Cani hominis sapientia ejus.' " Comment, in Malach. Cap. II. Vers. I, 2. Ibid. Cap. III. Vers. 7 seqq. " — et consequetur illud de quo scriptum est: ' Beatus qui in aures loquitur audientium.' " Comment, in Evang, Math. Lib. I. Cap. V. Vers. 13. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. Cap. VI. Vers. 7. " Deus enim non verborum sed cordis auditor est." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 215 Judith V. *Tob. IV. 1 6. " Quod ab alio oderis fieri tibi, vide, ne tu aliquando alteri fa- cias." Sap. XII. I. "0 quam bonus et suavis est, Domine, spiritus tuus in omni- bus." 11. Maccab. VI. et VII. Pas- sim. Sap. XI. 25. " Diligis enim omnia quae sunt, et nihil odisti eorum quae f ecisti : nee enim odiens aliquid consti- tuisti, aut fecisti." Sap. IX. 15. " — corpus enim, quod cor- rumpitur, aggravat animam, et terrena inhabitatio deprimit sen- sum multa cogitantem." Eccli. XXVII. 12. "Homo sanctus in sapientia manet sicut sol ; nam stultus sicut luna mutatur." Sap. VI. 7. (Already quoted.) Sap. I. II. " Custodite ergo vos a murmu- ratione, quae nihil prodest, et a detractione parcite linguae, quo- niam sermo obscurus in vacuum non ibit : os autem, quod menti- tur, occidit animam." Ibid. Cap. VIII. Vers. 18. Ibid. Lib. III. Cap. XXI. Vers. 28. " — hoc est : ' Quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri ne feceris.* " Comment, in Epist. ad Galatas Lib. I. Cap. III. 2. " — de quo (Spiritu Sancto) alibi scribitur : ' Incorruptus Spi- ritus est in omnibus.' " Ibid. Lib. II. Cap. III. 14. " Eleazarus quoque nonagena- rius sub Antiocho rege Syriae, et cum septem filiis gloriosa mater, utrum maledictos eos aestimaturi fuerint, an omni laude dignissimos ? " Comment, in Epist. ad Ephe- sios Lib. I. Cap. I. 6. " Dicitur quippe ad Deum : ' Diligis omnia, et nihil abjicis eorum quae fecisti. Neque enim odio quid habens condidisti.* " Ibid. Lib. II. Cap. IV. 2. " Corruptibile enim corpus ag- gravat animam, et terrenum hoc tabernaculum sensum opprimit multa curantem.' " Ibid. 4. " — neque in morem stulti quasi luna mutetur." Ibid. Lib. III. Cap. V. 30. Breviarium in Psalmos, Ps. IV. ** Os enim quod mentitur occi- dit animam." 216 THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. Sap. VII. 27. " Et cum sit una, omnia potest, et in se permanens omnia inno- vat, et per nationes in animas sanctas se transfert ; amicos Dei et prophetas constituit." Eccli. I. 16. " Initium sapientiae, timor Do- mini, etc." Maccab. Passim. Eccli. XXVII. 12. " Homo sanctus in sapientia manet sicut sol ; nam stultus sicut luna mutatur." Eccli. XIV. 18. " Omnis caro sicut foenum ve- terascet, et sicut folium fructifi- cans in arbore viridi." Eccli. X. 9. " Avaro autem nihil est sceles- tius. Quid superbit terra et cinis ?" Eccli. III. 17. " — et in justitia aedificatur tibi, et in die tribulationis com- memorabitur tui, et sicut in sereno glacies solventur peccata tua." Sap. I. II. (Already quoted.) Sap. VIII. 2. " Hanc amavi, et exquisivi a juventute mea, et quaesivi spon- sam mihi eam assumere, et ama- tor f actus sum formae illius." Ibid. Ps. IX. " Et alibi (ipse Deus ait): An- ima justi sedes sapientiae." Ibid. Ps. XXXIII. " Ut illud : * Initium sapien- tiae, timor Domini.*" Ibid. " Filii Maccabaeorum vel modo unusquisque sanctus clamave- runt, et illos et modo unumquem- que ex omnibus tribulationibus liberat." Ibid. Ps. LXVII. " Insipiens enim sicut luna mutatur." Ibid. Ps. LXXXIII. " Ilia autem caro de qua dici- tur : Omnis caro foenum, non desiderat Dominum." Ibid. Ps. CXII. " Quia de terra et putredine peccatorum nostrorum erexit nos, ut illud : ' Quid superbis, pulvis et terra ? ' — fiat nobis illud quod scriptum est : * Sicut gla- cies in sereno solvuntur peccata tua." Ibid. Ps. CXIX. " — nostras interficimus ani- mas quod mentimur : * Os enim quod mentitur occidit animam." Liber De Expositione Psalmo- rum, Ps. CXXVII. "Dicit Salomon quia voluerit sapientiam ducere scilicet spon- sam." THE CANON OF THE IV. CENTURY. 217 These are the quotations which a cursory examination of Jerome's works reveals. We see in them that he quoted with great frequency the deuterocanonical books as divine Scrip- ture. Three causes are usually assigned for the doubts that pre- vailed among some Fathers concerning the deuterocanonical books. 1st, — Disputations between Jew and Christian were fre- quent in those days. The chief intellectual adversaries of the Church during the fourth and fifth centuries, were Jews, and the works of the Fathers of this period are filled with re- futations of their attacks. As the Jews rejected the deutero- canonical books, the Fathers were obliged to draw Scriptural materials from the protocanonical writings. Hence, gradually these were preferred in authority to the deuterocanonical books ; and, as they furnished all that was needed from a source accepted by both sides, the deuterocanonical works were often given a secondary place, and sometimes left out altogether. 2. — A second cause is found in Origen's critical edition of the Hexapla. In this work, which we shall describe more fully in the progress of this work, Origen compared the Septuagint text with the Hebrew and other Greek texts, then existing, marking the passages which were in the Septuagint, and not found in the Hebrew by an 6/3€\o<;. Copies made from this text, reproducing the diacritic points, soon filled the East. Now the Alexandrian grammarians were wont to use the 6/8e\o9, to denote a spurious passage. Origen's intention was evidently not to brand these books and fragments as spurious, but the error arose in the East especially to distrust what was denoted by this sign. 3. — Finally, the fourth and fifth centuries were an age fertile in heresies, apocryphal productions, absurd fables, and fictitious revelations, and in their caution against what was spurious, the Fathers sometimes erred in slowness to re- ceive those books which have in their favor all the evidence that is necessary, and that we have a right to expect. It was by them judged safer to refuse the quality of Canonicity to an inspired book, than, by excessive credulity, to approve an Apocryphal work. These causes operated principally in the East, and thence the most of the opposition came. The growth of the status of the deuterocanonical books might be compared to that of a healthy tree. It lost now and then a branch, in whose stead, it acquired new ones, and kept on growing till it filled the whole world, and now enjoys a firm unshaken hold 218 THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. on all those who hold to the Church of Christ. It did this be- cause there was in it a divine vigor, which came not from the branches, nor was impaired by their occasional dropping off. There never was any conflict between the Fathers on this point, for in practice, they were a unit. The lists they drew up were mere disciplinary opinions, which never entered to change their practical use of the Scripture. We find at first the most doubt in the East. This line of thought was brought into the West by Jerome ; and while the doubt gradually passed away in the East, we find the influence of Jerome, in the subsequent centuries, engendering some doubts in the minds of Fathers and theologians of the Western Catholic world. We shall pass in brief review the centuries from the fifth down to the Council of Trent. Chapter X. The Canon of the Old Testament from the End of THE Fifth Century to the End of the Twelfth Century. The Hexaplar version of Syriac Scriptures made by Paul of Telia, in 6i6, contains all the deuterocanonical works. DiONYSIUS, surnamed the little, approved the catalogue of Scriptures promulgated by the Council of Carthage in 419, which embraced all the deuterocanonical works.* Cassiodorus, writing for his monks a sort of introduction to the Holy Scriptures, sets forth three catalogues of Holy Books.f *Dionysius, surnamed the little, on account of his low stature, was a native of Scythia. He came to Rome, and was abbot of a monastery in that city. He was the inventor of the mode of reckoning the years of the Christian era since the birth of Christ, which method is erroneous by several years. He is the author of a "Codex Canonum" and other minor works. His death is placed about the year 540, in the reign of Justinian. fFlavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator belonged to a family most probably of Syrian origin, who were established at Scylaceum in Bruttium in the fifth century. His father was administrator of Sicily in 489, when Theodoric took Italy, and he filled high positions under Theodoric. Cassiodorus was bom about 490 or perhaps a little later. He filled important public olfices under the Gothic sovereigns, Theodoric Athalaric, Theodahat and Witiges. About the year 537, Cassiodorus renounced his public charges and retired to the Monasterium Vivariense, founded by himself at Scylaceum, where he devoted his life to study and prayer. His death is placed about the year 583. He was a prolific writer. He devoted much time to Scriptural studies, and gave thought that the monks of Vivarium should have good texts of Scripture. The monastery possessed an excellent library and many choice manuscripts. Many excellent manuscript texts of the Vulgate of Jerome were copied by the monks of Cassiodorus and spread through the world. THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. 219 The first list is that of Prologus Galeatus, the helmeted pro- logue of Jerome. The second list is the Canon of St. Augus- tine from his Doctrine Christiana, which we have already re- produced in full. This third list of Cassiodorus is identical with the catalogue of the Vulgate, except a slight variation in the order of the books. Cassiodorus was more reverential than critical. He plainly received all the deuterocanonical books, and failed to see any repudiation of them in the celebrated Prologue of Jerome. He certainly can be claimed as a witness of a tradition in the sixth century, which accorded to the deuterocanonical books the quality of divinity. It is evident that, in the East, in the sixth and seventh centuries, the deuterocanonical books were held to be canoni- ical, since the schismatic churches of the Chaldean Nesto- rians, the Jacobite Monophysites, Syrians, Ethiopians, Ar- menians and Copts, all have the deuterocanonical Scriptures in equal place with the other divine books.* It is needless to attend to the absurd catalogue of Junilius Africanus, an obscure bishop of Africa in the sixth century. This list places Chronicles, Job, and Ezra with Tobias, Judith, Esther, and Maccabees among the non-canoni- cal books.f His opinion represents the tradition of no church or sect, nor is it found in any writer of note, and is rejected by every- body. An unfavorable testimony is found in the work " De Sectis " of Leontius of Byzantium, a priest of Constantinople in the sixth century. He drew up a Canon of only the protocanonical books excepting Esther, and declared that, " these are the books which are held Canonical in the Church." Leontius lived many years in the monastery of St. Saba, near Jerusalem, and the ideas of the Church of Jerusalem are reflected in his works. It can be said of him, as of Cyrill that exclusion from canonicity was not with him exclusion from divinity. With them the divine books of the Old Testament were arranged in two classes canonical and non- canonical. They used the latter as divine Scripture without according it the preeminence of canonicity. Leontius used in several places quotations from deuterocanonical works as divine Scripture. *Assemann, Bibliotheca Orientalis, III. f Junil. Afric. De part. div. Legis I. 3-7. Migne 68, 16 et seqq. 220 THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. The opponents of our Thesis cite at this juncture St. Gregory the Great.* In the Moral Treatises XIX. 21, citing a passage from Maccabees, he prefaces the citation by saying : " We shall not act rashly, if we accept a testimony of books, which, although not canonical, have been published for the edification of the Church." In the phraseology of St. Gregory, canonical signified some- thing over and above divine. It signified those books con- cerning which the whole world, with one accord, united in pro- claiming the word of God. The other books were divine, were used as sources of divine teaching by the Church, but there was lacking the authoritative decree of the Church making them equal to the former in rank. The Jews of old made such dis- tinction regarding the Law and the Hagiographa. All came from God, but the Law was preeminent. The influence of St. Jerome was strong upon St. Gregory. The tradition of the Church drew him with it to use freely, as divine Scripture, the deuterocanonical books ; while the doubts of Jerome moved him to hesitate in his critical opinion to accord to these books a prerogative of which Jerome doubted. Had the Church not settled the issue in the Council of Trent, there would, doubt- less, be many Catholics yet who would refuse to make equal the books of the first and second Canons. Christ established a Church to step in and regulate Catholic thought at opportune times, and her aid was needed in settling, once for all, the dis- cussion of the Canon of Scripture. This isolated doubt from St. Gregory reflects merely a critical opinion, biased by Greg- ory's esteem for St. Jerome. To show what was St. Gregory's *St. Gregory, surnamed the Great, was born of an illustrious Roman family, and was pretor of Rome in 573. Despising the inanity of worldly grandeur, he retired into a monastery which he had built under the patron- age of St. Andrew. Pope Pelagius II. drew him from his retreat and made him one of the seven deacons of Rome. He then sent him as Nuncio to Con- stantinople, to implore the succour of Tiberius II. against the Lombards. At his return, he was made secretary to Pelagius, after Pelagius' death, by unani- mous consent of people and clergy, he was created Pope. He strove to avoid the papal dignity, but in vain; he was created Pope in 590. His reign was characterized by great ability and holiness. He by divine aid, checked a pestilence that ravaged Rome, extinguished the schism of the Three Chapters; evangelized England through means of St. Austin, reformed the divine office, reformed the clergy, checked the ambition of the Patriarchs of Constantinople, and upheld the rights of the Holy See. Gregory died in 604. His principal writings are his Moral Treatises, his Dialogues, and exegetical Treatises on Holy Scripture. He had more piety than learning, and his exegesis is excess- ively mystic. THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. 221 opinion as witness of tradition, we have excerpted the follow- ing deuterocanonical quotations from the English edition of some of Gregory's works, published by members of the English Church at Oxford, in 1844: Eccli. II. 14. "Wo to them that are of a double heart, and to wicked lips, and to the hands that do evil, and to the sinner that goeth on the earth two ways." Eccli. II. 16. " Wo to them, that have lost patience, and that have forsaken the right ways, and have gOtae aside into crooked ways." Sap. I. 7. "For the Spirit of the Lord hath filled the whole world : and that, which containeth all things, hath knowledge of the voice." EccH. XXIV. 8. " I alone have compassed the circuit of heaven, etc." Eccli. XXXII. 26. " And beware of thy own chil- dren, and take heed of them of thy household." Eccli. XI. 27. " In the day of good things be not unmindful of evils ; and in the day of evils be not unmind- ful of good things." Sap. XII. 15. " For so much then as thou art just, thou orderest all things justly : thinking it not agreeable Com. on Job. Bk. I. 36. " Hence it is well said by a certain wise man : * Woe to the sinner that goeth two ways.' " Ibid. 55. " For it is hence that it is said of the reprobate: ' Woe unto you that have lost patience.' " Ibid. Bk. II. 20. " Hence it is written concern- ing His Spirit: ' For the Spirit of the Lord filleth the world.' " Ibid. " Hence it is that His Wisdom saith : * I alone compassed the circuit of heaven,' " Ibid. Bk. III. 13. " For hence it is written : * Be- ware of thine own children, and take heed to thyself from thy servants.' " Ibid. 16. " For it is hence written : * In the day of prosperity be not un- mindful of affliction, and in the day of affliction be not unmind- ful of prosperity.' " Ibid. 26. " It is hence that a Wise Man saith to the Father : ' Forasmuch then as Thou art righteous Thy- 222 THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. to thy power, to condemn him, who deserveth not to be pun- ished." Eccli. IV. 24, " For there is a shame that bringeth sin, and there is a shame that bringeth glory and grace." Eccli. XXI. I. " My son, hast thou sinned ? do so no more : but for thy former sins also pray that they may be forgiven thee." Eccli. II. I. "Son, when thou comest to the service of God, stand in jus- tice, and in fear, and prepare thy soul for temptation." Eccli. I. 33. "Son, if thou desire wisdom, keep justice, and God will give her to thee." Sap. IX. 15. " For the corruptible body is a load upon the soul, and the earthly habitation presseth down the mind that museth upon many things." Sap. IX. 16. "And hardly do we guess aright at things that are upon earth : and with labour do we find the things that are before us. But the things that are in heaven, who shall search out ? " self, Thou orderest all things righteously ; Thou condemnest Him too that deserveth not to be punished.' "* Comment, on Job, Bk. IV. 32. " Of which it is said by one : ' There is a shame which is glory and grace.' " Ibid. 39. " And against this it is rightly said by one : * My son, hast thou sinned ? add not again thereto.' " Ibid. 42. " For so it is written : ' My son, if thou come to serve the Lord, stand in righteousness and in fear, and prepare thy soul for temptation.' " Ibid. 61. Ibid. 68. " For it is written : ' For the corruptible body presseth down the soul, and the earthly taber- nacle weigheth down the mind that museth upon many things.' " Ibid. Bk. V. 12. " That wise man had seen him- self to be encompassed with darkness, when he said : ' And with labour do we find the things that are before us; but the things that are in heaven who shall search out ?' " ♦Gregory has here followed a reading different from that of the Vulgate, but it is not a question of his critical handling of texts, but of his approba- tion of Wisdom ; and this, the present reading evidences. THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. 223 Sap. IV. II. " He was taken away lest wick- edness should alter his under- standing, or deceit beguile his soul." Eccli. V. 4. " Say not : I have sinned, and what harm hath befallen me ? for the most High is a patient rewarder." Sap, IX. 15. (Already quoted.) Sap. VII. 26. " For she is the brightness of eternal light, and the unspotted mirror of God's Majesty, and the image of his goodness." Sap. XII. 18. "But thou being master of power, judgest with tranquility, etc." Sap. II. 24. " But by the envy of the devil, death came into the world." Sap. V. 21. " And he will sharpen his severe wrath for a spear, and the whole world shall fight with him against the unwise." Ibid. 34. "If God in His providential dealings did not carry off the righteous. Wisdom would never have said of the righteous man : 'Yea, speedily was he taken away, lest that wickedness should alter his understanding.' " Ibid. 35. " For because, as it is written, ' For the Lord is a long-suffering rewarder.' " Ibid. 58. " And because in this life, whatever degree of virtue a man may have advanced to, he still feels the sting of corruption, 'For the corruptible body presseth down the soul, and the earthy tabernacle weigheth down the mind that museth upon many things.' " Ibid. 64. " And as the Wise Man, in the setting forth of Wisdom, saith concerning the same Son : ' For She is the brightness of the ever- lasting light.' " Ibid. 78. " — since it is written : ' But Thou, Lord, judgest with tran- quility.' " Ibid. 85. " Of whom also it is written : * Nevertheless, through envy of the devil came death into the world.' " Ibid. Bk. VL 14. "The wise man testifies con- cerning God : 'And the world shall fight with Him against the unwise.' " 2^ THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. Sap. XVI. 20. " Instead of which things thou didst feed thy people with the food of Angels, and gavest them bread from heaven prepared with- out labour, having in it all that is delicious, and the sweetness of every taste. Tobias IV. 16. ** See thou never do to another what thou wouldst hate to have done to thee by another." Eccli. XII. 8. " A friend shall not be known in prosperity, and an enemy shall not be hidden in adversity." Eccli. II. 16. " Woe to them, that have lost patience, and that have forsaken the right ways, and have gone aside into crooked ways. Sap. XI. 24. '* But thou hast mercy upon all, because thou canst do all things, and winkest at the sins of men for the sake of repentance." Sap. IX. 15. (Oft quoted.) Eccli. XXXIV. 7. " For dreams have deceived many, and they have failed that put their trust in them." Ibid. 22. " Hence it is said by the wise man of the sweetness of manna : 'Thou didst send them from heaven bread prepared without their labour, having in itself all delight, and the sweetness of every taste.'" Ibid. 54. " Hence the wise man saith : * Do not that to any which thou wouldst not have done to thy- self.' " Ibid. Bk. VII. 29. "Whence a certain wise man saith rightly : ' A friend cannot be known in prosperity ; and an enemy cannot be hidden in ad- versity.' " Ibid. 45. " Hence it is that it was spoken by one that was wise: ' Woe unto you that have lost patience.' " Ibid. Bk. VIII. 31. " — as it is written: 'And wink- est at the sins of men for their repentance.' " Ibid. 12. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. 42. " For except dreams were very frequently caused to come in il- lusion by our secret enemy, the wise man would never have pointed this out by saying: 'For dreams and vain illusions have deceived many.' " Sap. IX. 15. (Oft quoted.) Ibid. 50. (Oft quoted.) THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. 225 Eccli. XL. I. " Great labour is created for all men, and a heavy yoke is upon the children of Adam, from the day of their coming out of their mother's womb, until the day of their burial into the mother of all." Sap. V. 6. " Therefore we have erred from the way of truth, and the light of justice hath not shined unto us, and the sun of under- standing hath not risen upon us." Eccli. I. 13. "With him that feareth the Lord it shall go well in the latter end, and in the day of his death he shall be blessed." Sap. II. 12. "Let us therefore lie in wait for the just, because he is not for our turn, and he is contrary to our doings, and upbraideth us with transgressions of the law, and di- vulgeth against us the sins of our way of life." Eccli. VII. 40. " In all thy works remember thy last end, and thou shalt never sin." Sap. VI. 7 et 9. " For to him that is little, mercy is granted : but the mighty shall be mightily tormented. But a greater punishment is ready for the more mighty." o Ibid. 55. " The burthens of which state of infirmity that wise man rightly regarding, exclaims : ' A heavy yoke is upon the sons of Adam, from the day that they go out of their mother's womb till the day that they return to the mother of all things.' " Ibid. 76. " And as the ungodly that are cast away in the Judgment, are described in the book of Wisdom as saying : ' We have erred from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness hath not shined unto us, and the sun rose not upon us.' " Ibid. 88. " Of this it is said again : * Whoso feareth the Lord, it shall go well with him at the last.' " Ibid. Bk. IX. 89. " And the sons of perdition in their persecutions say concern- ing that same Redeemer : ' And He is clean contrary to our doings ' ; and soon afterwards : * For His life is not like other men s. Ibid. 92. " Hence again it is written : ' Whatsoever thou takest in hand, remember thine end, and thou shalt never do amiss.* " Ibid. 98. " For hence it is written: ' But mighty men shall be mightily tormented, and stronger torment shall come upon the stronger ones.' " THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. Tob. IV. 1 6. ** See thou never do to another what thou wouldst hate to have done to thee by another." Eccli. VII. 15. " Be not full of words in a mul- tude of ancients, and repeat not the word in thy prayer." Eccli. I. 13. "With him that feareth the Lord it shall go well in the latter end, and in the day of his death he shall be blessed." Eccli. XXXIV. 2. " The man that giveth heed to lying visions, is like him that catcheth at a shadow and fol- loweth after the wind." Sap. III. 2. "In the sight of the unwise they seemed to die : and their departure was taken for misery." Sap. XII. 18. "But thou, being master of power, judgest with tranquility, and with great favour disposest of us : for thy power is at hand when thou wilt." Sap. XVII. 10. " For whereas wickedness is fearful, it beareth witness of its condemnation : for a troubled conscience always forecasteth grievous things." Ibid. Bk. X. 8. "And the love of our neigh- bour is carried down into two precepts, since, on the one hand, it is said by a certain righteous man: ' Do that to no man which thou hatest.' " Ibid. 28. " For we should call to mind what is said : ' Do not repeat a word in thy prayer.' " Ibid. 35. " Hence it is written: ' Whoso feareth the Lord, it shall go well with him at the last.' " Ibid. Bk. XI. 68. " Hence it is well written con- cerning him, 'that he hath fol- lowed a shadow.' " Ibid. Bk. XII. 6. " — that amidst the hands of the persecutors his body is be- reft of life ; for according to the words of Wisdom: *In the sight of the unwise they seemed to die, and their departure is taken for misery.' " Ibid. 14. " Whence it is said to Him : * But Thou, Ruler of power, judgest with tranquillity, and orderest us with exceeding great regard.' " Ibid. 46. " Whence it is written : ' For whereas wickedness is timorous, she gives witness to condemna- tion.' " THE CANON OF THE VI. CENTURY. 227 Eccli. XI. 27. "In the day of good things, be not unmindful of evils : and in the day of evils, be not unmind- ful of good things." Eccli. X. 15. " Because his heart is departed from him that made him ; for pride is the beginning of all sin : he that holdeth it, shall be filled with maledictions, and it shall ruin him in the end." Eccli. XXII. 2. " The sluggard is pelted with the dung of oxen : and every one that toucheth him will shake his hands." Sap. I. 4. "For wisdom will not enter into a malicious soul, nor dwell in a body subject to sins." Eccli. III. 22. " Seek not the things that are too high for thee, and search not into things above thy ability." Sap. IX. 15. (Already quoted.) Eccli. XXII. 6. "A tale out of time is like music in mourning : but the stripes and instruction of Mt. Sinai, contains all the books. Codex B, of the Vatican, undoubtedly did contain all the books, but as it is now mutilated, a portion of Hebrews, the Pastoral Epistles, and the Apocalypse are wanting. Codex A, Alexandrinus, contains all the books. The palimpsest Codex C, of St. Ephrem, originally con- tained all the books.^ * An accurate description of these Codices will be given later on in this work. V 338 THE CANON OF N. T. OF IV. CENTURY. The Memphitic version of Scripture contains all the books of the Catholic Canon. The Sahidic version, also, though ex- isting now only in fragments, plainly shows that it contained the same Canon. The same Canon is found in the Ethiopian version, and in the Armenian version. The Peschito, as it exists now in the Nestorian Church, contains not II. Peter, II. and III. John, the Epistle of Jude, and the Apocalypse, but it is certain that St. Ephrem recognized these books, as frequent quotations from all of them are found in his works. This gives us cause to suspect that the Nestorians, after the time of St. Ephrem, expunged these books from the Canon of Scripture. In the Western Church, as time goes on, we find continued evidences that the Catholic Canon of to-day, was then the prac- tical Canon of the Church. . Hilary of Poitiers cites Hebrews, and attributes it to Paul. (De Trin. IV. II.) He cites also II. Peter (De Trin. I. 17,) and the Epistle of St. James (De Trin. IV. 8.) Lucifer of Cagliari, (fs/i) cites the Epistle to Hebrews, and the Epistle of Jude (De non conv. cum. Haer. 10, ed. Hartel).* St. Ambrose (t397) also employs often in his works the Epistle of the Hebrews and the Epistle of Jude. St. Philastrius of Brescia (Haeres, 88) formulates this Canon : " It has been establised by the Apostles and their successors, that nothing should be read in the Catholic Church except the Law, the Prophets, the thirteen Epistles of Paul and the seven Catholic Epistles." The omission of Hebrews and the Apocalypse is due to some shade of doubt that pos- sessed his mind at that time. In other portions of his works he characterizes as heretics those who do not receive the Apocalypse and the Epistle to the Hebrews.f *Lucifer was Bishop of Cagliari, metropolis of Sardinia, about the middle of the fourth century. He vigorously defended Athanasius in his combat against Arianism, and for this was exiled by the Arian Emperor, Con- stance. In his exile, he wrote his work against Constance, whereupon the Emperor sent him into upper Egypt. After the death of Constance, he was recalled by Julian in 361. He went to Antioch where the Church was rent by the discussion between Paulinus and Meletius. He consecrated Paulinus bishop of the See and thus augmented the schism. The saddest act in his whole career was his refusal to hold communion with the Pope after his restoration of the fathers of the Council of Rimini. He had many followers who took the name of Luciferans. He died in 371 at Cagliari. f Philaster was Bishop of Brescia in Italy, about the year 374. He was with Ambrose in the Council of Aquileia in 381. His death is placed about the year 387. In his work on heresy he reveals much piety, but there is there great lack of critique. THE CANON OF N. T. OF JEROME. 339 RUFINUS OF Aquileia (Expos. Symbol. 37) has formulated the complete Catholic Canon, and terminates his list with these words : " These are the books which the Fathers have placed in the Canon, and upon which they build our faith." The history of the New Testament has this advantage over that of the Old Testament, that it has not St. Jerome as an adversary. The works of Jerome are vast, and his references to the New Testament many. We can only adduce here some representative passages to show forth what was his mind on our Canon, In his Epistle to Paulinus (Migne Patrol. Lat. 22, 548) he has the following testimony : " I will touch briefly upon the New Testament, Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, the " quadriga " of the Lord and the true Cherubim. * ^ * Paul wrote to seven Churches : the eighth to the Hebrews is placed by many outside the Canon. He exhorts Timothy and ..Titus, and entreats Philemon for the fugitive slave Onesimus. * * * The Acts of the Apostles seem to contain but dry history, and to portray the infancy of the Church, but when we know that the writer was Luke, the physician, 'whose praise was in the Gospel,' we will understand that all his words are medicine for a sick soul. James, Peter, John, and Jude wrote seven Epistles, brief but deep, in mystery, brief in words, but long in the sense, so that many stumble in the understand- ing of them. The Apocalypse contains as many mysteries as words. This is insufficient praise ; the book is above all praise." Though drawn in an oratorical way and somewhat lacking in precision, this list contains Jerome's views on the Canon. He receives all the books, but records the doubt concerning the Epistle to the Hebrews. We shall now examine a few special references in the works of Jerome to the books of the New Testament, concerning which there existed doubt. In his treatise de Viribus Illustribus (Migne Pat. L. 23, 615) Cap. v., he enumerates Paul's Epistles thus : ** Paul wrote nine Epistles to seven churches, to the Romans one, to the Corinthians two, to the Galatians one, to the Ephesians one, to the Philippians one, to the Colossians one, to the Thessalo- nians two, and besides two to Timothy, one to Titus, and one to Philemon. The Epistle which is styled : To the Hebrews, is not believed to be of his authorship, on account of the diffe- rence in style and diction. By Tertullian it is ascribed to Barnabas ; others attribute it to Luke the Evangelist ; and some believe it to be of Clement of Rome, afterwards Pope, who, they say, was associated with Paul, and ordered and em- bellished Paul's teaching in his own language, or to speak more 340 THE CANON OF N. T. OF JEROME. precisely, since Paul wrote to the Hebrews, and on account of their hatred of his name, he omitted it in the salutation in the beginning. He wrote as a Hebrew in Hebrew, eloquently in his own tongue, and what was eloquently spoken in Hebrew, was more eloquently translated in Greek, and for this cause the Epistle differs from the other Epistles of Paul." Jerome estimated the thought of the Eastern world above that of the West. The doubts concerning Hebrews were nearly all centred in the West, and moved him little. Though he is ready to adopt any plausible theory to explain the ab- sence of the Pauline style in Hebrews, he, in no uncertain terms^ vindicates to Paul the formal creation of the work. We may say in passing, that all the discussion concerning the difference between the style of Hebrews and the other Pauline Epistles, is chiefly a vanity. It seems to have originated in the fact, that somebody, once upon a time, with some display of learn- ing, claimed to have surpassed his fellow mortals in discern- ment by discovering ^it. By the imitative instinct in man, others followed him, till the number became so great that men feared to go against the tide. I believe that if it differs at all, it is by being more Pauline than the others. No writer writes at all times in the same manner. In his Epistle to Dardanus (Migne, 22, 1103), he is even more explicit in favor of the Hebrews. " The Epistle which is entitled : To the Hebrews, is received as the Epistle of Paul, not only by all the churches of the Orient, but also by all the Greek writers up to the present time ; although many claim that the words were written by Barnabas or Clement. It matters not who the writer was, since he was an ecclesiastical man, and the Epistle is promulgated by the daily reading of the churches. And if the Latin usage does not receive it among the canonical Scriptures, neither do the Greek churches receive the Apocalypse with full sanction ; but we receive them both, following not the usage of our time, but the authority of the old writers." Jerome has exaggerated the doubts of the Western Church in regard to Hebrews. It was received by that Church, and the doubts were only scattering and individual. No doubt had properly invaded the corporate belief of the Church. Je- rome rises above these doubts, and receives the book on the warrant of tradition and the usage of the Church. Wherever he mentions elsewhere in his works these doubts, it is simply to historically state that which he did not personally enter- tain. THE CANON OF N. T. OF JEROME. 341 In his Commentary on Ezechiel, VIII. (Migne, 25, 1465), he introduces a quotation from Hebrews, with the remark : " If, in receiving the Epistle, the Latin people does not reject the authority of the Greeks." I believe this to be a rhetorical figure to belittle the importance of the occasional doubts of the West. It was equivalent to saying: Against the few doubts of the West is arrayed the authority of the whole Greek world. Jerome also records a doubt which regarded not the divine character, but the authorship of II. Peter. " Peter," he says, " wrote two Epistles which are called Catholic. The second of these is not believed to be his by many, on occount of its difference from the first in style." The statement of Jerome's own views is clear enough, namely, that Peter wrote two Epistles ; but it was inexact to say that many rejected the second. The doubt of Peter's authorship of the Second Epistle only existed in some Greek churches, who strove thus to justify its omission from their incomplete Canon. In his Epistle to Hedibia, (Migne, 22, 1002) he sets at naught this doubt, and ascribes the difference in style to dif- ferent amanuenses : " The two Epistles ascribed to Peter differ in tenor and style, whence we understand that he used differ- ent scribes." The opinion in itself is more of a myth than that concerning Hebrews. The two Epistles are Peter's, and Petrine. In the before-mentioned treatise, De Viris Illustribus, II. (Migne, P. L. 23, 607), Jerome delivers the following testimony concerning the Epistle of James : "James, who is called the brother of the Lord, wrote one Epistle which is one of the seven Catholic Epistles. It is said that it was published under his name by another, and that gradually, with the course of time, it acquired authority." The evident reason why Jerome does not deal with the opinion which he here notices is that it left intact the divine inspiration of the book. In op. cit. (Migne, 23, 613) he makes a similar statement respecting Jude's Epistle : " Jude, the brother of James, left a short Epistle, which is one of the Catholic Epistles. For the reason that he employs a testimony from the Apocryphal book of Henoch, it is rejected by many, but it has merited au- thority by its antiquity and usage (in the Church), and is reck- oned among the Holy Scriptures." There is a lack of precision, a lack of critical weighing of data, in these testimonies that has drawn from the Bollandists the just declaration : " II con- 342 CANON OF N. T. FROM END OF IV. TO XV. CENTURY. vient le peser avec la defiance que doit inspirer un ^crivain qui se montre plutot publiciste de talent, 6crivant au courant de la plume qu' historien consciencieux." In the same work, (Migne P. L. 23, 623, 637), Jerome in- serts a loose testimony concerning the Epistle of St. John : " John ^ * * has written one Epistle which is approved by all the ecclesiastical writers and learned men. The two others are attributed to John the Ancient, of whom they show the tomb at Ephesus, distinct from that of the Apostle, although others believe that both monuments belong to the Evangelist." As we have said before, these theories in the mind of Jerome left intact the divinity of the books. He separated the authorship of the books from their inspiration. He accepted their inspiration on the warrant of the Church ; the other question interested him but little. He was willing to record every legend concerning it, and suspend judgment. Much of Jerome's erudition is crude and un- digested. Traces of the last mentioned opinion of Jerome are found in the Decree of Gelasius. That decree contains all the books of the Catholic Canon, although the H.and HI. of John are in some manuscripts ascribed to John the Ancient. Its evidential force is independent of this detail, for it plainly receives all the books as divine Scripture. The Canon of Pope Innocent sent to Exuperius is identical with the Canon of the Council of Trent. We have before adduced the Canon of St. Augustine (Christian Doctrine, Chap. VIII.) which also is identical with that of the Council of Trent. He was not ignorant of the scattering doubts in the Western church. " The Epistle to the Hebrews," he says " has been doubted by some; but I prefer to follow the authority of the Eastern churches which receive it as canonical." (Migne, P. L. 44, 137). The authority of St. Augustine is not shaken by the least shadow of doubt. He received all the books as divinely in- spired Scripture. The three African Councils held in 393, 397, and 419, for- mulated a canon identical in substance with that of the Council of Trent. In the writings of representative men of the churches of Gaul and Spain of that period, we always find evidences of the complete Canon. Thus we see that at the end of the fourth century, all the great churches of the world possessed complete Canons. Some of the books had entered into their estate CANON OF N. T. FROM END OF IV. TO XV. CENTURY. 343 easier than others, but the energy of the divine character finally placed there those which, considered from a doctrinal standpoint, were unimportant. It is needless to attempt to record the data of the follow- ing centuries in favor of these books. The whole Christian world was unanimous in adopting them. The Syriac Version made in the sixth century contains them all. The Council in Trullo which is authority for the Greeks approved them all. In the West, the Bible of Cassiodorus contains all the books. The great doctors of the Latin Church are unanimous in re- ceiving the complete Canon. In fact the complete Canon enjoy- ed a period of undisturbed peace up to the fifteenth century. We have before mentioned the peculiar views on the Canon held by John of Salisbury. His views on the New Testament are also bizarre. " The Epistles of Paul," he says, " are fifteen, comprised in one volume, although the common and almost universal opinion, is that there are only fourteen, ten to the churches, and four to individuals, if the Epistle to the Hebrews is to be enumerated with the Epistles of Paul, which the doctor of doctors, Jerome, endeavors to prove in his Preface, where he refutes the cavils of those who contended that it was not of Paul. The fifteenth is that written to the Church at Laodicea, and although, as Jerome says, it is rejected by all, nevertheless it was written by the Apostle. Neither is this judgment founded on the opinion of others, but rests on the testimony of the Apostle who makes mention of such Epistle, in his Epistle to the Colossians." The uncritical mind of Salisbury failed to advert that his argument does not conclude. Paul wrote a letter to the Church at Laodicea, but that fact can not be alleged to prove that the letter of which Salisbury spoke was that letter of Paul. Salisbury had no followers, his opinion died with him. Toward the middle of the fifteenth century POPE EUGENE IV., in his Bull of Union with the Jacobites, enumerated the complete Canon of all our books as the Holy Scriptures. The definition awakened no word of discussion, for it was but pro- mulgating in official form what the whole Christian world believed. In the general upheaval of the settled status of things, which came with the great apostasy of the sixteenth century, doubt and error also invaded the thought of the age concern- ing Holy Scripture. In the first edition of his Greek New Testament, which he dedicated to Leo X., Erasmus outlined certain doubts con- 344 THE CANON OF N. T. OF CAJETAN. cerning the authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of St. James, II. Peter, II. and III. John, and the Apocalypse. The faculty of the Sorbonne rose up against him and censured him. One must confess, however, that the arguments of the Sorbonne are not conclusive, and their action inconsiderate. Erasmus protested that he held to the divinity of the books ; he only doubted of the authors. " There has always been doubt," he says, " regarding the author of Hebrews ; and I confess candidly that I doubt yet." The faculty responded by affixing to the opinion the note of temerity and schism. Erasmus appealed to history. " Doubt was entertained for a long time," he says, " regarding the Apocalypse, not by here- tics, but by orthodox men, who, though uncertain of the au- thor, received the book as coming from the Holy Ghost." Though Erasmus adduces here a fact, he does not deal justly thereby. The mere fact that certain scattering doubts arose in some churches concerning the author of this book, was not sufficient data to cast a doubt upon its author. The Sor- bonne would have acted more wisely in pointing out the weak- ness of the great humanist's position, than in condemning him in toto for that which was more against a sound critique than against faith. Erasmus at length sent to the faculty the following re- sponse, which does honor to the man : " According to the mind of man, I believe not that the Epistle to the Hebrews is of Paul, or of Luke, nor that II. Peter is of the Apostle, nor the Apocalypse of John. * -5^ ^ Only this doubt holds my mind, whether the Church receives the titles of the books, so that she not only bids us hold as infallible what is written in the books, but also commands us to hold as infallible that the books came from the authors whose names they bear. If she has canonized the titles, I renounce my doubt. A clear judgment of the Church moves me more than all the arguments of men." Issues are mixed here. The Church has certainly canon- ized some titles, and some she has not. But regarding the books of which Erasmus spoke, the mind of the Church is now clear, since she mentioned them in the decree of Trent as be- longing to their respective authors. The most notable opposition to the antilegomena in this period came from Cajetan.* ♦Thomas de Vio is sumamed Cajetanus, from the village of Gaeta or Cajeta, in the old kingdom of Naples where he was bom on the 20th of Feb- ruary, 1469. At the age of fifteen, he entered the Dominican order. He THE CANON OF N. T. OF CAJETAN. 845 We have before reviewed his position on the deuterocanon- ical books of the Old Testament. His views on the antilego- mena are focalized in the following statement : " From these and other words of Jerome, the prudent reader will know that studied theology at Bologna, and made brilliant progress in the sacred sciences. He took the degree of doctor of theology in a general assembly of the order held at Ferrara, in 1494. He taught theology for some years at Brescia, Pa via, and at Rome. In 1500 he was made procurator general ; and in 1508, General of the Order by the express recommendation of Julius II. In 1517 he was created Cardinal by Leo X. . and soon after was sent by the Pope into Germany to move the Emperor Maximillian against the Turks, and to make head against Luther. In the latter project, he was entirely unsuccessful. In fact it seems unfortunate that Cajetan should have been selected for this mission. He was but the echo of the excessively elaborate speculativism of the scholastics. It required living thought, the comprehension by a master mind of the peculiar causes that were influencing men's minds, to stop the tide of that dreadful sea which broke over Europe through the breach made by Luther's defection. A man like Philip Neri would have accom- plished more by his clear call to the supernatural, than the subtle dialec- tician. In 1519 Cajetan was made Bishop of Gaeta. After several other missions in state affairs, in 1523 he fixed his domicile at Rome, and devoted his life to the study of theology and the Holy Scriptures. In dogmatic theology, Cajetan was an absolute "Thomist" ; in Scripture, an absolute " Jeromist." This led to a sort of disdain for all the resources of sacred science outside the writings of these alone. This led him to enunciate many strange and dangerous opinions, especially in regard to the Scriptures. There is in his works a certain display of arrogance in the way he essays to solve every question by his intellection of these two doctors. In 1527 Rome was taken by the army of the Emperor, and Cajetan was made prisoner. He regained his liberty only by a ransom of fifty thousand Roman crowns. The remaining years of his life were consecrated to study till his death in 1534. Cajetan is undoubtedly the greatest commentator on the Summa Theo. logica of St. Thomas. This is also the greatest of his works. He commented all the Old Testament except the Canticle of Canticles and the Prophets. He has a commentary on the first three chapters of Isaiah. He commented all the New Testament except the Apocalypse. His method was to bring out the literal sense, and for this cause he declared himself unable to explain the Apocalypse. Cajetan's disregard for the Fathers, Jerome excepted, appears in his statement that one may hold that which is not contrary to the express doctrine of the Church, even " against a torrent of holy doctors." (Praef. in Lib. Moysis.). It would be better to deny even the supposition of Cajetan on this point. The Dominican Catharinus moved the Sorbonne to censure sixteen propo- sitions taken from Cajetan's commentaries on the Gospels. After Cajetan's death the same Catharinus wrote a work filled with bitter criticism and severe accusations against him. Melchior Canus also attacks Cajetan in his celebrated work De Locis Theologicis. He has been defended by Sixtus Sennensis, and by Richard Simon. Though the errors of Cajetan were not formal, it must be held in truth that his works on Scripture are defective in many places, and his temper of mind is far from laudable. 346 THE CANON OF N. T. OF COUNCIL OF TRENT. Jerome was not absolutely certain of the author of this Epistle, and since we have taken Jerome for our rule, lest we should err in the discernment of the canonical books, and those which he delivered to be canonical, we hold canonical, and those which he cut off from the Canon, we place outside the Canon ; therefore, from the fact that the author of this Epistle is doubtful with Jerome, the Epistle becomes doubtful, for if it be not of Paul, it is not clear that it is canonical. Wherefore, from the author- ity of this Epistle alone, questions of faith cannot be decided." Regarding Jude's Epistle he says : " From which things (the statements of St. Jerome) it appears that the Epistle is inferior in authority to Holy Scripture." He repeats in effect this statement in regard to H. and HI. John and the Epistle of James. He says naught of the Apocalypse, but he de- fended the canonicity of II. Peter. In regard to this Epistle, there was no choice between authenticity and a literary forgery, for the author claims to be Peter. (II. Peter, I. i). Cajetan shrank from characterizing a book, which the Church had used for centuries, as a literary fraud. In examining the testimonies of Cajetan, we find him more of a "Jeromist" than Jerome himself. Jerome had noted certain doubts regarding the antilegomena, but he had never admitted that the books were of doubtful inspiration. The great doctor rightly separated the question of authorship from that of divinity. He incidentally mentioned doubts regarding the former question, the other question with him was fixed and sure. It is a lamentable lack of logic in Cajetan's reason- ing to say, that if the author of a book be uncertain, the book itself is of inferior authority. The two questions were distinct in Jerome's time, and in Cajetan's time. The prerogative given to Jerome by Cajetan in the matter of the Canon is absurd. The Church, and the Church alone merits such authority. The whole testimony is like much that Cajetan wrote, an intense expression of himself. He had a perfect confidence in his heroes and himself, he cared little for what other men thought. It is generally stated that the opinion of Cajetan was one of the disposing causes, which drew from the Church the de- fined Canon of the Scriptures. The protestants had already set forth similar views in Germany. The great credit of Cajetan would tend to draw Catholics towards the new opinions. The juncture had come for the Church to act, and she in her Decree of Trent, spoke the faith which she had held from the beginning : " The books of the New Testament are THE CANON OF N. T. OF COUNCIL OF TRENT. 347 the four Gospels, of Matthew, Mark, Luke and John : the Acts of the Apostles, written by Luke : the fourteen Epistles of the Apostle Paul, viz., Romans, two to the Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, two to the Thessalonians, two to Timothy, one to Titus, one to Philemon, and one to the Hebrews ; two Epistles of Peter the Apostle, three Epistles of John the Apostle, one of James the Apostle, one of Jude the Apostle, and the Apocalypse of John the Apostle. If any man will not receive as sacred and canonical all these books entire, with all their parts, as they have been wont to be read in the Catholic Church, and as they exist in the old Latin Edition of the Vulgate, * * * '^^ let him be anathema." (Council of Trent, Sess. IV.) In the Council of Trent, the discussion of the Canon of the New Testament was less extensive and intense, than that which had come upon the Canon of the Old Testament. Not a voice opposed the canonicity of the antilegomena of the New Testament ; Luther and his supporters were recognized as their sole opponents. Regarding the last verses of the Gospel of Mark ; Luke's account of the sweat of the Lord in Gethsemani ; and the sec- tion relating to the adulteress in the Gospel of John, some dis- cussion was moved. Cardinal Pacheco demanded in the gen- eral assembly of the Council on the 27th of March, that these portions should be expressly indicated in the decree. Cajetan had placed that the final verses of Mark were of less authority in matters of faith. (Mark. XVI. 9 — 20.) The Fathers believed that it was inopportune to even notice the doubts concerning these passages. The question was put to vote whether express mention should be made of these pas- sages, and it was decided in the negative by thirty-four votes against seventeen. Some discussion followed till finally the point raised by Pacheco was safeguarded by the clause : " the books with all their parish The next point of discussion regarded the authors of the books. The question was submitted : Whether the books should be received together with the authors. Forty-four of the assembly voted on the ist of April, that the authors should be received as well as the books. In consequence of this the schema was modified, so that the author of every book of the New Testament is most clearly mentioned with the respective books. Hence the question which had been open up to that time was settled. The Council fixed the canonicity and authorship of the books. 348 THE NEW TESTAMENT OF THE SECTS. Chapter XIV. The New Testament of the Sects. The Canon of the schismatic Greek Church, is the same as that of the Roman Catholic Church. In Syria, the Nestorians receive only the Gospels, the Acts, fourteen Epistles of Paul, I. Peter, I. John, and the Epistle of James. Ebed Jesu, the Nestorian Metropolitan of Nisibe, (ti3i8), does not mention the four shorter Catholic Epis- tles and Apocalypse in his catalogue of the New Testa- ment. The schismatic Armenians receive all our books, and add two letters of the Corinthians to Paul, and Paul's response. The Ethiopian Canon contains all the books, and adds the Apostolical Constitutions. Calvin and his sect received the full Canon. The Anglican Church also received all the books of the Catholic Canon. In the Lutheran Church there was much fluctuation of opinion. Luther had doubted of the Epistles of James, Jude, Hebrews and the Apocalypse ; his followers went farther, and rejected II. Peter, and II. and III. John. But the Lutherans were not constant in this opinion. The lack of support of the other sects, and the feebleness of their position brought it about that Bossuet was able to write in 1700 to Leibnitz: " Nous convenons tous ensemble, protestants et catholiques, egalement des memes livres du Nouveau Testament ; car je ne crois pas que personne voulut suivre encore les emportements de Luther contre I'Epitre de saint Jacques. Passons done une meme canonicit^ a tous ces livres, contest6s autrefois ou non contest^s : apr^s cela. Monsieur, permettez-moi de vous de- mander si vous voulez affaiblir I'autorit^ ou de I'Epitre aux H^breux, si haute, si th^ologique, si divine, ou celle de 1' Apocalypse, ou reluit I'esprit prophetique avec autant de magnificence que dans Isaie et dans Daniel?" The Lutherans had abandoned their theory, but in many of of their Bibles the preface of Luther was long after printed. It is for this cause that Richard Simon ridicules them for such an apparent contradiction. Finally, these prefaces were ex- punged, and the opinions of their founder on this point con- signed to oblivion. THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. 349 The rise of rationalism has changed the estate of the books of both Testaments in the protestant church. It is now no longer a question of the divinity of any particular book, but belief in the divinity of the whole collection is fast dying in all the sects. Chapter XV. The Apocryphal and lost books of both Testaments. The radical signification of apocryphal, aTro/c/af^o? from aTTOKpvTrreLVy is that of hidden. Cornely believes that the application of the term to scrip- tural writings came from the custom of the Greeks of preserv- ing the ccTTOKpvifja ^tpkCa in the temples of the gods. These books, they fabled, had come to them from the gods ; hence, the later imposters, according to his opinion, feigned a mysterious origin for their productions, which thus were styled apocryphal. His arguments to prove this theory are very feeble. In our judgment the first signification of the term as applied to our books, was to denote that the origin and authorship of the book were unknown. By its etymological force, it would extend to all books of unknown authorship. But language is a living growth, and can not be bound by etymology. The books which, though of an uncertain author, were cer- tainly of an inspired author, were thus preserved immune from this appellation. So that the term became exclusively applied to books, whose real character was hidden. At all events the use of the term to-day is to signify a book which by its title seems to lay claim to divinity, but which has no sufficient data to substantiate this claim. Perhaps we could not better the definition of Origen : " Books which were pro- duced under the names of the saints (biblical personages), but which are outside the Canon." Not all the Apocrypha are of the same character. Some are impious ; others are composed of legends and pious reflec- tions intended for the edification of the faithful. The Apocrypha are of two great classes, those of the Old Testament, and those of the New. We know from the testi- monies of the Fathers that a vast multitude of Apocrypha existed in the early ages of the Church. The pious fictions of Christians, the fictions of the Jews, and the forgeries of the heretics conspired to augment the number. 350 THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. The first official enumeration of the Apocrypha is in the following Canon of Gelasius, sanctioned in a council at Rome in 495-496. List of apocryphal books which are not received : The Itinerary under name of Peter the Apostle, which is entitled of Clement, eight books, apocryphal. The Acts of Andrew the Apostle, apocryphal. The Acts of Thomas the Apostle, apocryphal. The Acts of Peter the Apostle, apocryphal. The Acts of Philip the Apostle, apocryphal. The Acts of Thaddaeus the Apostle, apocryphal. The Grospel of Thaddaeus, apocryphal. The Gospel of Mathias, apocryphal. The Gospel of Peter the Apostle, apocryphal. The Gospel of James the Apostle, apocryphal. The Gtospel of Barnabas, apocryphal. The Gospel of Thomas, used by the Manicheans, apocryphal. The Gospel of Bartholomew the Apostle, apocryphal. The Gospel of Andrew the Apostle, apocryphal. The Gospel corrupted by Lucian, apocryphal. The Book of the Infancy of the Saviour, apocryphal. The Gospels corrupted by Hesychius, apocryphal. The Book of the Navitivity af the Lord and Mary and the Wise Woman, apocryphal. The Book called Pastor, apocryphal. All the books made by Lucius, the disciple of the devil, apocryphal. The Book called The Foundation, apocryphal. The Book called The Treasure, apocryphal. The Book of the Daughters of Adam, or the Little Genesis, apocryphal. The Book called the Acts of Thecla and Paul, apocryphal. The Book called of Nepos, apocryphal. The Book of Proverbs, written by heretics, and circulated under the name of S. Sixtus, apocryphal. The Apocalypse, which bears the name of Paul the Apostle, apocryphal. The Apocalypse which bears the name of Thomas the Apostle, apocryphal. The Apocalypse which bears the name of Stephen the Apostle, apo- cryphal. The Book called "Transitus", that is the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, apocryphal. The Book called the Penance of Adam, apocryphal. The Book of Ogias, who is supposed by the heretics to have combated with the dragon after the deluge, apocryphal. The Book called the Testament of Job, apocryphal. The Book called the Penance of Origen, apocryphal. The Book called the Penance of St. Cyprian, apocryphal. The Book called the Penance of Jamne and Mambre, apocryphal. The Book called The Lots of the Holy Apostles, apocryphal. The Book called The Praise of the Apostles, apocryphal. The Book called The Canon of the Apostles, apocryphal. The Letter of Jesus to King Abgar, apocryphal. The Letter of Abgar to Jesus, apocryphal. The Book called The Contradiction of Solomon, apocryphal. (Mansi. Coll. Cone. Tom. VIII. THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. 351 A minor list of apocryphal books appears in the works of Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople (t828). Psalms and Canticles of Solomon, 2100 verses. Apocalypse of Peter, 300 verses. Epistle of Barnabas, 1360 verses. Gospel according to the Hebrews, 2200 verses. Henoch, 4800 verses. The Patriarchs, 5100 verses. The Prayer of Joseph, 1100 verses. The Testament of Moses, 1100 verses. The Assumption of Moses, 1400 verses. Abraham, 300 verses. Eldad and Modad, 400 verses. Elias, the Prophet, 316 verses. Sophonias, the Prophet, 600 verses. Zachary, the father of John, 500 verses. Baruch, Habacuc, Ezechiel, and Daniel, Pseudepigrapha. The Itinerary of Peter, 2750 verses. The Itinerary of John, 2600 verses. The Itinerary of Thomas, 1700 verses. The Gospel of Thomas, 1300 verses. The Doctrine of the Apostles, 200 verses. The I. and II. Epistle of Clement, 2600 verses. Ignatius, Polycarp, and the Pastor of Hermas. — (Opusc. Hist, ed. Boor). A list of Apocryphal books published from different manu- scripts by Montfaucon, Cotelier, Hody and Pitra contains the following : Adam. Apocalypse of Ezra. Henoch. History of James. Lamech. Apocalypse of Peter. Patriarchs. Voyage and Doctrine of the Apos- Prayer of Joseph. ties. Eldad and Modad. Epistle of Barnabas. Testament of Moses. Acts of Paul. Assumption of Moses. Apocalypse of Paul. Psalms of Solomon. Doctrine of Clement. Apocalypse of Elias. Doctrine of Ignatius. Vision of Elias. Doctrine of Polycarp. Vision of Isaias. Grospel of Barnabas. Apocalypse of Sophonias. Gospel of Matthew. Apocalypse of Zachary. (Pitra Jur. Eccles. Graec. Hist.) It is not within the scope of our work to give an extended notice upon all these Apocryphal books. We shall only speak of those of greater importance in the bearing upon the Holy Scriptures. We shall first speak of those which the Church permitted to be printed outside the Canon in the Vulgate. Outside the Canonical books in the edition, of the Vulgate, are found the third and fourth Books of Ezra, and the Prayer of Manasses. 35^ THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. The Third Book of Ezra, sometimes called " Ezra Graecus ", is largely made up of passages taken literally from the Canoni- cal I. Ezra and II. Chronicles. It has only the third, fourth, and six first verses of the fifth chapter original. In many codices of the Greek text, it precedes the canonical books of Ezra and Nehemias, which are comprised in one volume. It also occupies the same place in the old versions derived from the Suptuagint. Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, Chrysostom, Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustine, and Prosper have quoted the third and fourth chapters, but the quotations are scattering, and feeble in mode of enunciation. It gradually lost credit, till after the fifth century it disappears in the re- corded use of Scripture in the Church. The book was not absolutely rejected by the Church in the Council of Trent, and she permits its reading. There would be no difficulty in approving its portions wherein it accords with the aforesaid canonical books, but there are internal de- fects in its original chapters in point of doctrine, which will probably forever prevent it from entering upon the estate of canonical books. Though less entitled to credit than the former, the FOURTH Book of Ezra had more influence on early traditions. It was upon the data of this book that the role of Ezra as promul- gator of the Canon was founded. Up to the eighteenth century, the Greek text of the book was not known, and the Latin text alone was in the possession of the world. Since then Whiston published a translation of the Arabic text (Primitive Christianity Revived, London, 171 1) ; Ewald, in 1863, published the Arabic text ; Lawrence, in 1820, published the Ethiopian text; Ceriani published, in i860, a Latin trans- lation of the Syriac text ; and the Armenian Bibles of Venice, 1805, contain the Armenian translation. These show that the Latin work has suffered mutilations and interpolations. The aforesaid versions do not contain the two first and two last chapters of the text as found in the Latin, and they insert a long passage between the thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth verses of the seventh chapter. It is evident from the context, and the references of the Fathers, that these versions are more in accord with the original. The original book consisted of seven visions, in which the last judgment is said to impend, and men are exhorted to pre- pare for it. The original work seems to have been the work THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. 353 of a Jew, writing soon after the fall of Jerusalem. The first two chapters and also the last two are, doubtless, the interpola- tion of a Christian. Aside from the influence that the book had in the tradi- tional role of Ezra, the only certain evidence that the book was known to the Greek Fathers, is in Strom. III. i6, of Clement of Alexandria : IV. Ezra V. 35. Clem. Strom. III. 16. " And I said : ' Why, O Lord ? " ' Why was not the womb of For what was I born ? or why my mother my tomb, that I might did not the womb of my mother not see the affliction of Jacob, become my tomb, that I might and the tribulation of Israel,' not see the affliction of Jacob saith Ezra, the Prophet." and the travail of my people, Israel ?' " Among the Latin Fathers, Ambrose often quotes it as Scripture. The Latin Church also has incorporated certain passages from it into its Liturgy. Introit of Feria III. after Pen- IV. Ezra II. 37. tecost. "Commendatum donum ac- ''Accipite jucunditatemgloriae cipite et jucundamini, gratias vestrae, alleluja ; gratias agentes agentes ei, qui vos ad coelestia Deo, alleluja ; qui vos ad coeles- regna vocavit." tia regna vocavit." In the Sixth Responsorium in the Office of the Apostles, we find the following : IV. Ezra II. 45. " Hi sunt qui mortalem tuni- " Isti sunt triumphatores et cam deposuerunt, et immortalem amici Dei. qui contemnentes, sumpserunt, et confess! sunt no- jussa principum meruerunt prae- men Dei ; Modo coronantur, et mia aeterna : modo, coronantur accipiunt palmas." et accipiunt palmam." Responsorium IV. of Paschal IV. Ezra IL 35. Office of Martyrs. " Parati estote ad praemia " Lux perpetua lucebit Sanctis regni, quia lux perpetua lucebit tuis, Domine, et aeternitas tem- vobis per aeternitatem temporis. " porum. " These extrinsic data for the approbation of the book, in no wise, effect an argument in its favor. It never entered into the sacred literature of the Church. I found only this one refer- ence in Clement's works, and it is not strange that he should have given some notice to the book ; for he browsed on every w 364 THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. pasture where he could feed his hunger for knowledge. Am- brose is more pious than critical, and the visions of the pseudo Ezra pleased him. The reception of a passage into Missal or Breviary adds but little to its historical claim to authenticity. Both Missal and Breviary could very profitably be revised again. More- over, the passages quoted are in themselves true, and well ex- pressed, and appropriate to the theme for which used. Although the book is not absolutely condemned by the Church, it is certainly not of divine origin. In fact, it is not free from doctrinal errors regarding the state of the souls after death, and contains many rabbinic fables. We know upon the authority of II. Chronicles XXXIII. 12, 18, that Menasseh, son of Ezechias, when a captive in Babylon in punishment for his sins, was moved to penance, and prayed to God. But we have no means of knowing whether the prayer of Menasseh of the Latin Vulgate, be that authentic prayer. There is very little in its favor; the work is unim- portant, and it probably will always remain one of the unset- tled points of history. In editions of the Greek text of the Old Testament, we find the CLI. Psalm attributed to David. St. Athanasius (Epist. ad Marcell. 15) and Euthemius (In Ps. Proem.) regarded it as authentic. The import of the Psalm is to celebrate David's victory over Goliath. It was never received in the Latin ver- sion, but it has place in the Ethiopian, Armenian, Syriac, and Arabic. It is not lacking in grace of thought and diction, but no good authority warrants its inspiration. In some good codices of the Septuagint, Eighteen Psalms are found entitled "^aXfiol koI u>ha\ ^a\o^a.vTOzx'v^\.s {Libri Enoch Versio Aethiopica, Oyiiord, 1838). A German translation, with learned introduction and continuous commentary, was published by Prof. A. G. Hoffmann in Jena {Das Buch Henoch in vollstdndiger deutscher Uebersetzung, &c., 2 Theile, Leipzig, 1833-1838). The first part is translated from the English, but the second is based likewise on the Frankfort manuscript of the Ethiopic text. The Latin version of Gfrorer, made from the English and German translations, is of no value {Prophetae veteres pseudepigraphi, Stuttgart, 1840). The best edition of the Ethiopic text is that of Dillmann, who made use of five manuscripts {Liber Henoch Aethiopice, Leipzig, 185 1). Of the improved text thus obtained, Dillmann pub- lished another German translation with critical introduction and copious commentary {Das Buch Henoch ubersetzt und erkldrt, Leipzig, 1853). The Ethiopic version was not made immediately from the Hebrew original, but from the Greek. There is no reason to doubt its substantial fidelity, though it not unfrequently differs from the Greek text of fragments pre- served elsewhere, one at least of which is not to be found in the Ethiopic text. The whole work as it now lies before us, is divided into five books, but closer investigation makes it evi- dent that this text has passed through various hands, and is a composite work. It has been assumed by various critics that we have before us a collection of several books of Enoch inde- pendent one of another. This hypothesis, however, is unten- able ; we must, on the contrary, assume the existence of an original document, which at different times was enriched with additions from various sources. The critical treatment of the book has occupied, besides de Sacy, Lawrence, and Hoffmann, the following scholars, whose labors deserve a special mention here : Ernst Krieger [Liitzelberger] (in the Beitrdge zur Kritik und Exegese, Niirnberg, 1845), Liicke {Einleitung in die Offen- barung Johannis, 2d ed. Bonn, 1852), Dillmann (as above), Ewald {Ueber des Aethiopischen Buches Henoch Entstchung und Zusammensetzung), K. R. Kostlin (" Ueber die Entstehung des Buches Henoch,'' Theologische Jahrbiicher von Baur und Zeller, Jahrgang, 1856), and Hilgenfeld {Judische Apokalyptik, Jena, 1857; Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftliche Theologie, i860, p. 319 seqq., 1861, p. 212 seqq., 1862, p. 216 seqq.). Excluding first the so-called Parables (cc. 37-71), the fol- lowing chapters — 1-19, 21-36, 72-105 — form a well-connected THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. 357 whole, which professes to be a variety of revelations committed to writing which had been vouchsafed to the prophet Henoch, partly in ecstatic visions in the heavenly world, partly in pro- phetic dreams. The introduction (cc. 1-5) announces first a benediction of the prophet on the righteous, and then a prophecy of the great day of judgment, on which the impious will receive well-merited punishment for their disobedience to the ordinances of God. Whereupon follows (cc. 6-16) an ac- count of the origin of the universal corruption of the human race, induced by the fall of the angels and their carnal inter- course with the daughters of men. In consequence of the abominations resulting from this fall, God is about to impose a heavy judgment, which Henoch has to announce to the fallen "Watchers." These are to be in future bound in subterranean prisons for the whole period of earth's history, the duration of which is fixed at seventy generations, until the day of final judgment, whereon they will be cast forever into the lake of fire. In what follows, the original text appears in a somewhat fragmentary form in the Ethiopic version. As in the intro- duction, a reference to the fixed divine laws which heaven itself and the whole physical universe have to obey served to exhibit in the strongest light the guilt of sinners in transgress- ing the will of God, so now is made to follow (cc. 17-19, 21-36) an account of the mysteries of heaven and earth, which have been exhibited to Henoch by angels during an ecstatic rapture from earth to heaven. In this miraculous journey round the universe Henoch sees first the place of the winds and the regions whence lightning and thunder come. After that the water of life, and the sea of fire which is destined to receive the setting sun, the streams of Hades, the dwelling-place of the dead, the mountains of black winter clouds, the waters of Oceanus, the winds which support the universe, seven fiery mountains of precious stones, the mid-one of which, being the throne of God, reaches to heaven, the hell of fire, and in the vacant spaces of the universe the prison-houses of fallen star-spirits, and the future place of punishment for the angels who had held sinful intercourse with the daughters of men. In a sub- sequent journey Henoch is taken a second time to the same places. First to the place of punishment for the fallen angels ; then into Hades and its different compartments ; to the fire at which the stars are kindled ; to the place of future judgment ; to the seven mountains, the middle one of which rises in the form of a throne ; and then into the Holy Land and the vale of Hinnom, the future place of punishment for impious men ; 358 THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. and then further eastward to the legendary home-lands of noble spices, and on as far as Paradise. In a third journey Henoch arrives at the gates of Heaven, and the places whence issue stars and winds. Thereupon follows (cc. 72-82) the book con- cerning the courses of the heavenly lights, which describes once more in the form of a journey the movements and orders of stars and constellations, the courses of sun and moon, and the relation of the solar to the lunar year, to which are attached a series of further communications regarding the various winds, their origin and operations, concerning the seven mountains, seven streams, and seven islands. The laws of the lights and powers of heaven are announced to Henoch on his journeys by the instrumentality of angels. All this he imparts to his son Methuselah, who is to commit it in his turn to following gen- erations. In some parts of this section the original order seems to have been disturbed. Chapter 82 ought properly to stand before chapter 79, while chapter 81 forms the conclusion of this section. Henoch in this chapter contemplates the writ- ing on the heavenly tables, wherein are recorded the actions of men to the latest generations, and then returns from his jour- neys to earth, in order to spend one last year in the circle of his family. The revelations which follow concerning the future fortunes of mankind (cc. 83-91, 11 ; 93 ; 91, 12-19) ^^e presented in the form of visions which Henoch, hasbeen vouchsafed at different times of his life, but which he now, for the first time, on the conclusion of his wondrous journey, relates to his son Methu- selah. The first vision, seen by him while still a boy, in the house of his grandfather Mahalaleel, describes the flood (c. 83) ; the second, which had been imparted to him before his marriage, gives in apocalyptic figures a general survey of the history of the chosen people, from the first human pair to the struggles of the Israelites against the Syrians, in the time of John Hyr- canus. The account of these struggles is immediately followed by that of the approaching universal judgment (cc. 64-90). A third description of the future, introduced by exhortations to his children, gives once more a rapid survey of the world's his- tory divided into ten great weeks. At the end of the seventh week, which is the actual writer's own time, the righteous re- ceive a sevenfold instruction concerning the whole creation ; in the eighth week the righteous celebrate their triumph and enter on their kingdom; in the ninth, judgment is passed on the ungodly; to the tenth is assigned the judgment of the THE APOCRYPHA OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. 369 fallen angels and the renewal of heaven and earth. The last section (cc, 92 ; 94-105) contains the Doctrines of Wisdom which Henoch the writer imparts to his children and all future generations, warnings against sin in its various forms, admoni- tions to righteousness, fidelity, and perseverance, comminations against the ungodly, and promises for the righteous. The text of this comprehensive work appears in some parts not to belong to the original form. Apart from the lacuna be- tween chapters 16 and 17, and some smaller interpolations of which we shall have to speak farther on, it strikes one with surprise to find several things seen by Henoch in his journeys repeatedly told again in the same words. The revelations, moreover, vouchsafed to Henoch on his first journey (cc. 17-19) are for the most part repeated, chapters 21-36. The section about the Winds, on the other hand, chapters ^6 and JT, together with the addition about the Seven Mountains, &c., disturbs too much the connection of the book about the Lights of Heaven. It repeats, also, in more detail, what has already been treated of (chapters 33-36), only much more briefly. As there is little probability that these repetitions were in- tentional, we are warranted in supposing that there may have been different recensions of the text, which held their ground side by side, and were put together by some simple-minded collector. The book, in any case, remains a remarkable monument of Jewish theological opinion, at the close of the first and beginning of the second century before Christ. The result of these observations seems to be that the Book of Henoch must be regarded as a collective work, consisting of various parts, about the composition of which it will be dififi. cult to form a certain judgment until the Hebrew original, or at any rate the Greek version from which the Ethiopic is de- rived, shall have been recovered. — (Diet, of Christ. Biog. of Smith & Wace.) The Book of Henoch acquired much of its fame from a supposed reference made to it by Jude in his Epistle, V. 14: " Prophetavit autem et de his septimus ab Adam Henoch dicens : * Ecce venit Dominus in Sanctis millibus suis.' " The words of the Book of Henoch are : " Et ecce venit cum decem millibus sanctorum, ut judicium exerceat de iis et disjiciat im- probos, etc." Moved especially by this passage of Jude, Tertullian was much inclined to receive the book. His words, however, show that he was conscious that tradition was not with him. The 360 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. joint basis of Catholic faith in tradition does not consist of the stray voices of men, who, through the frailty of human reason, at times lapsed into unsupported vagaries. No man representing the Christian thought of the time, ever said that the Book of Henoch was divine. Augustineand Jeromeforciblyrepudiate it. It was conceded by those two Fathers and by many others that the Apostle Jude quoted this book in his Epistle. The Fathers argue that such use of the book did not necessarily canonize the book. Provided the Apocryphal book did, in the referred passage, contain a real statement by Henoch, I am not disposed to either affirm or deny this position. But there is no sufficient evidence for the application of such theory to the matter in question. It is far more probable that both the reference of Jude and the apocryphal book are based upon some common traditional or documentary data, available in that early age, or perhaps the apocryphal book took its passage from the Epistle of Jude, since much moves us to ascribe to the book a later origin than the date of the Epistle. In fact the passage in the Ethiopian exemplar seems like an interpolation, being not in harmony with the context. All things considered, we must conclude that the book is evidently a spurious product of unknown causes. The Assumption of Moses according to Origen, Didy- mus, and Oecumenius is cited by St. Jude, I. 9, (Orig, De Prin. III. 2; Didym. et Oecum. in Epist. Jud.). It is men- tioned by Clement of Alexandria and others. The original which seems to have been Aramaic Hebrew, is lost, as also the Greek translation. All that is preserved to us is a fragment of the Latin translation, found by Ceriani in a Palimpsest of the Ambrosian Library, and published by him in his Monu- menta Sacra in 1861. The book represents Moses, on the point of leaving his people, conversing with Joshua, and revealing to him the future destiny of the chosen people ; their establishment in the promised land, the overthrow of Jerusalem and the Temple, the Babylonian captivity, the restoration and second temple ; the sins of the Jews in the latter times, and their chastisement by a foreigner. The theme is weird and desolate. It seems to be the plaint of a Jew of the time of Herod, bewailing the decadence of his people. There is no foundation for the opinion that Jude cited this book. Certain data respecting the death of Moses existed with the Jews, and these formed the common source from which both authors drew. THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 361 The Apocalypse of Moses is a small book published for the first by Tischendorf, in Greek, in 1866. The work is a Jewish romance of the fifth century. It is unimportant, and almost unknown to the older writers. Certain later Greek writers have tried to find in it one of the sources of Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (Gal. V. 6; VI. 15). If there be any resemblance between the two documents, it must have resulted from the use which the author of the spurious document made of Paul's Epistle. In 1 8 19 Lawrence published the Ethiopian text of the Ascension of Isaiah. In 1828 Card. Mai discovered and published two fragments of an ancient Latin version of the same work. A third Latin fragment was brought out in 1878 by Gebhardt. According to Dillman, who translated into Latin the text of Lawrence, the work is of a composite character. I. — An account of the martyrdom of Isaiah, dating from end of the first century and known to Justin, TertuUian, Origen and Ambrose. 2. — The Ascension of Isaiah. This document narrates that in the seventh year of the reign of Ezechias, Isaiah is rapt to the heavens by an angel. He traverses successively the six circles, and comes to the seventh heaven to the throne of God, where the Trinity reveals itself to him, and the mystery of the Incarnation is made known to him. This part is of Gnostic origin, dating from about the beginning of the second century. 3. — These two works were joined by some later Christian, and finally the work received a later interpolation. St. Jerome narrates (in Is. 64, 4) that some derived what Paul writes, I. Cor. II. 9, from this apocryphal book, while others derive them from the APOCALYPSE OF Elias. Origen conjectured that Math. XXVII. 9, was derived from an apocry- phal book of Jeremias. Both these works and these opinions are unimportant, and have no influence on Christian thought, and we turn to more important things. Chief among the apocryphal books of the New Testament are the Letter of Abgar, King of Osrhoene, to Jesus Christ, and Jesus' response. The two documents, as preserved for us by Eusebius, are as follows : "Copy of the Letter Written by King Agbarus to Jesus, and Sent to Him, at Jerusalem, BY Ananias, the Courier. 'Agbarus, prince of Edessa, sends greeting to Jesus, the excellent Saviour, who has appeared in the borders of Jeru- 362 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. salem. I have heard the reports respecting thee and thy cures, as performed by thee without medicines and without the use of herbs. For as it is said, thou causest the blind to see again, the lame to walk, and thou cleansest the lepers, and thou castest out impure spirits and demons, and thou healest those that are tormented by long disease, and thou raisest the dead. And hearing all these things of thee, I concluded in my mind one of two things : either that thou art God, and having descended from heaven, doest these these things, or else doing them, thou art the son of God. Therefore, now I have written and besought thee to visit me, and to heal the disease with which I am afHicted. I have, also, heard that the Jews murmur against thee, and are plotting to injure thee ; I have, however, a very small but noble state, which is sufficient for us both.' This epistle, he thus wrote, whilst yet somewhat enlight- ened by the rays of divine truth. It is, also, worth the time to learn the epistle sent to him from Jesus, by the same bearer, which, though very brief, is yet very nervous, written in the following style : The Answer of Jesus to King Agbarus, by the Courier, Ananias. ' Blessed art thou, O Agbarus, who, without seeing, hast believed in me. For it is written concerning me, that they who have seen me will not believe, that they who have not seen, may believe and live. But in regard to what thou hast written, that I should come to thee, it is necessary that I should fulfill all things here, for which I have been sent. And after this fulfillment, thus to be received again by Him that sent me. And after I have been received up, I will send to thee a certain one of my disciples, that he may heal thy afflic- tion, and give life to thee and to those who are with thee.' " The continuation of the account in Eusebius narrates that after the resurrection of Jesus, Thaddeus the Apostle, went to the king, healed him of his infirmity and converted his people. The celebrated historian of Armenia, Moses of Khorene, testifies to the substantial facts of Eusebius' account. Several other accounts of the legend are in existence, some of them containing additional data. According to Moses of Khorene, the ambassador sent to Jesus by Abgar, brought back a portrait of the Lord which was venerated at Edessa up to the fifth century. The Syriac account of the correspondence affirms that the answer of Jesus was not by writing, but by THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 363 oral declaration delivered to the ambassador of the king. The whole legend appears in the celebrated Doctrine of Addai. It is, of course, legendary, a curious monument of Oriental litera- ture. It is, as we have seen, declared apocryphal in the decree of Gelasius, De Recipiendis Libris (Migne, Patrol. Lat. 59, 164). St. Ephrem fully believed in the authenticity of the recital, and Baronius declared that the recital was worthy of a certain veneration, but a critical examination of the history reveals a certain element of the impossible and the incredible, which plainly stamps it as fiction. Fabricius, in his Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti, Tom. I. p. 843 et seqq., exhibits three letters of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The first is addressed to St. Ignatius of An- tioch, and is as follows : " The letter of the Blessed Virgin Mary to St. Ignatius of Antioch. The humble handmaid of Jesus Christ salutes Ignatius, the beloved disciple. What things you have heard of John concern- ing Jesus, and believed, are true. Believe them ; cleave to them, and firmly cling to the doctrine of Christianity, which thou hast received, and conform thy acts and thy life thereto. I shall come with John to visit thee and those that are with thee. Stand fast in faith, and work manfully. Let not the acerbity of persecution move thee, but let thy spirit wax strong, and exult in God, thy Saviour. Amen." The second is to the people of Messina, the text of which is as follows : " The Virgin Mary, daughter of Joachim, the most humble handmaid of God, the mother of the crucified Jesus, of the tribe of Juda, of the line of David, sends greeting and the blessing of the Almighty God to all of Messina. It is attested by public document that ye in great faith sent to us messengers and legates, (vos omnes fide magna legatos et nuncios per publicum documen- tum ad nos misisse constat). Being taught the way of truth through the preaching of Paul, ye confess that our Son is the begotten of God, God and man, and that after his resurrection, he ascended into Heaven. Wherefore, we bless you and your city, and profess ourselves its perpetual pro- tector. In the year of our Son forty-two, the Nones of July, the seventeenth moon, the fifth day of the week, at Jerusalem, The Virgin Mary." 364 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. Any one that has ever read the Magnificat, or Mary's his- tory in the Gospel, has no need of other proof than the mere reading to pronounce this a forgery. It is, in mode of expres- sion, as bombastic as a state document in Rome, in the days of the humanists. Critics wisely concur in placing them as supposititious, and assign to them a quite recent date. In the Cathedral Church in Messina, there exists an exemplar of this letter, and on the fifth of June, the yearly commemora- tion of it is celebrated, called by the people ** Festa della Sacra Lettera," Rev. Father Inchofer published in 163 1 an erudite defense of the authenticity of the letter. It is an evidence of the strange uses to which a man may devote talents of a high order. A third letter of the Blessed Virgin is directed to the Florentines : " Florence, dear to the Lord Jesus Christ, my son, and to me. Hold to the faith, be instant in prayer, be strong in patience, for by these will you obtain eternal salva- tion with God." In some text there is added : " and glory with men." This letter is of the same character as the former, and its origin is similar. The same Fabricus and Sixtus of Sienna, have preserved for us six letters of the Apostle Paul to Seneca, and eight letters of Seneca to Paul. They at least have the credit of antiquity, since Jerome (De Vir. 111.) and Augustine (Epist. 54 ad Maced.) praise them. The drift of the letters is moral, and they contain nothing contrary to doctrine, but, from internal evidence critics agree that they are supposititious. They con- tain nothing of Paul's vigor of thought. The opinion is well founded, however, that relations of esteem existed between Seneca and Paul, and some have held that there did exist some letters of their correspondence, of which these are forged imitations. Liturgies exist of St. Peter, St. James, St. Matthew, and St. Mark. That they are not of the authorship of these is plain. It is probable, however, that they were written during the Apostolic epoch or soon after, but have suffered later interpolations and additions. In the founts of tradition we find mention of the " Doc- trine of the Apostles," " The Constitutions of the Apostles," " The Canons of the Apostles," and " The Two Ways or Judg- ment of Peter." These seem to be different forms of one composite work, composed of the Constitutions and Canons of THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 365 the Apostles. Concerning these, we excerpt the following data from Smith's & Cheetham's Dictionary of Christian An- tiquities : About 500 A. D., Dionysius Exiguus, a Roman monk of great learning, at the request of Stephen, Bishop of Salona, made a collection of Greek Canons, translating them into Latin. At the head of this collection he placed 50 Canons, with this title, " Incipiunt Regulae Ecclesiasticae sanctorum Apostolo- rum, prolatae per Clementem Ecclesiae Romanae Pontificem." At the same time, however, Dionysius says in the preface to his work, " In principio itaque canones, qui dicuntur Aposto- lorum, de Graeco transtulimus quibus quia plurimi consensum non praebuere facilem.,\\oz ipsum vestram noluimus ignorare sanctitatem, quamvis postea quaedam constitutapontificum ex- ipsis canonibus assumpta esse videantur." These words obviously point to a difference of opinion pre- vailing in the Church, though it has been doubted by some whether the dissentients spoken of rejected the Canons alto- gether, or merely denied that they were the work of the Apostles. And with regard to the last clause, it is much dis- puted whether previous popes can be shown to have known and cited these Canons. Hefele denies that " Pontifices " means Popes, and would understand it of bishops in their syn- odical constitutions. About fifty years after the work of Dionysius, John of An- tioch, otherwise called Johannes Scholasticus, patriarch of Constantinople, set forth a cvvra'yfJLa kuvovcov, which contained not 50 but 85 Canons of the Apostles. And in the year 692 these were expressly recognized in the decrees of the Quinisex- tine Council, not only as binding Canons, but (it would seem) as of apostolic origin. They are therefore in force in the Greek Church. How it came to pass that Dionysius translated only 50 does not appear. Some writers have supposed that he rejected what was not to be reconciled with the Roman practice. But, as Hefele observes, this could hardly be his motive, inasmuch as he retains a canon as to the nullity of heretical baptism, which is at variance with the view of the Western Church. Hence it has been suggested that the MS. used by Dionysius was of a different class from that of John of Antioch (for they vary in some expressions, and have also a difference in the numbering of the canons), and that it may have had only the 50 translated by the former. And an inference has also been drawn that the 35 latter Canons are of later date. Indeed, 366 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. according to some, they are obviously of a different type, and were possibly added to the collection at the same time that the Canons were appended to the Constitutions. Both in the collection of John of Antioch, and in that of Dionysius they are alleged to have been drawn up by Clement from the directions of the Apostles. In several places the Apostles speak in the first person, and in the 85th canon Clement uses the first person singular of himself. Their subjects are briefly as follow: "I & 2 (I. & II.). Bishop to be ordained by two or three bishops ; presbyters and deacons, and the rest of the clerical body, by one. 3 & 4 (III.) relate to what is proper to be offered at the altar ; mentioning new corn, grapes, and oil, and incense at the time of the holy oblation. 5 (IV.). First-fruits of other things are to be sent to the clergy at their home, not brought to the altar. 6 (V.). Bishop or presbyter or deacon not to put away his wife under pretence of piety. 7 (VI.). Clergy not to take secular cares on them. 8 (VII.). Nor to keep Easter before the vernal equinox, according to the Jewish system. 9 (VIII.). Nor to fail to communicate without some good reason. 10 (IX.). Laity not to be present at the reading of the Scriptures without remaining for prayer and the Communion. 1 1 (X.). None to join in prayer, even in a house, with an excommunicated person. 12 (XI.). Clergy not to join in prayer with a deposed man, as if he were still a cleric. 13 (XII. & XIII.). Clergy or lay persons, being under ex- communication or not admitted to Communion, going to another city, not to be received without letters. 14 (XIV.). Bishop not to leave his own diocese and invade another, even on request, except for good reasons, as in case he can confer spiritual benefit ; nor even then except by the judgment of many other bishops, and at pressing request. 15 (XV.). If clergy leave their own diocese, and take up their abode in another without consent of their own bishop, they are not to perform clerical functions there. 16 (XVI.). Bishop of such diocese not to treat them as clergy. 17 (XVII.). One twice married after baptism, or who has taken a concubine, not to be a cleric. THE Canon of n. t. and the apocrypha. 367 1 8 (XVIII.). One who has married a widow or divorced woman, or a courtesan or a slave, or an actress, not to be ad- mitted into the clerical body. 19 (XIX.). Nor one who has married two sisters or his niece. 20 (XX.) Clergy not to become sureties. 21 (XXI.). One who has been made a eunuch by violence, or in a persecution, or was so born, may be a bishop. 22 (XXII.). But if made so by his own act, cannot be a cleric. 23 (XXIII.). A cleric making himself so, to be deposed. 24 (XXIV.). A layman making himself a eunuch, to be shut out from Communion for three years. 25 & 26 (XXV.). Clerics guilty of incontinence, perjury, or theft, to be deposed, but not excommunicated (citing Nah. i, 9: ovK iSiKijaei Bh iirl to avro iv ^Xn^et). 27 (XXVI.). None to marry after entering the clerical body, except readers and singers. 28 (XXVII.) Clergy not to strike offenders. 29 (XXVIII.). Clergy deposed not to presume to act, on pain of being wholly cut off from the Church. 30 (XXIX.). Bishop, &c. obtaining ordination by money to be deposed, and together with him who ordained him, cut off from communion, as was Simon Magus by me, Peter, 31 (XXX.). Bishop obtaining a church by means of secular rulers to be deposed, &c. 32 (XXXI.). Presbyters not to set up a separate congre- gation and altar in contempt of his bishop, when the bishop is just and godly. 33 (XXXII.). Presbyter or deacon, under sentence of his own bishop not to be received elsewhere. 34 (XXXIII.). Clergy from a distance not to be received without letters of commendation, nor, unless they.be preachers of godliness, are they to have anything beyond the supply of their wants. 35 (XXXIV.). The bishops of every nation are to know who is chief among them, and to consider him their head, and do nothing without his judgment, except the affairs of their own dioceses, nor must he do anything without their judg- ment. 36 (XXXV.). Bishop not to ordain out of his diocese. 37 (XXXVI.). Clergy not to neglect to enter on the charge to which they are appointed, nor the people to refuse to receive them. 368 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 38 (XXXVI L). Synod of bishops to be held twice a year to settle controversies. 39 (XXXVIIL). Bishop to have care of all ecclesiastical affairs, but not to appropriate anything for his own family, ex- cept to grant them relief if in poverty. 40 (XXXIX. & XL.). Clergy to do nothing without bishop. Bishop to keep his own affairs separate from those of the Church, and to provide for his family out of his own prop- erty. 41 (XLI.). Bishop to have power over all ecclesiastical affairs, and to distribute through the presbyters and deacons, and to have a share himself if required. 42 (XLII.). Cleric not to play dice or take to drinking. 43 (XLIII.). Same as to subdeacon, reader, singer, or lay- man. 44 (XLiy.). Clergy not to take usury. 45 (XLV.). Clergy not to pray with heretics, still less to allow them to act as clergy. 46 (XLVL). Clergy not to recognize heretical baptism or sacrifice. 47 (XLVII.). Clergy not to rebaptize one truly baptized, nor to omit to baptize one polluted by the ungodly, otherwise he contemns the cross and death of the Lord, and does not distinguish true priests from false. 48 (XLVIII.). Layman who has put away his wife not to take another, nor to take a divorced woman. 49 (XLIX.). Baptism to be in name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, not of three eternals, or three sons, or three para- cletes. 50 (L.). Baptism to be performed by three immersions, making one initiation — not one single immersion into the Lord's death. LI. Clergy not to hold marriage, or the use of meat and wine, things evil in themselves, or to abstain on any other than ascetic grounds. LII. Bishop or presbyter to receive, not to reject peni- tents. LIII. Clergy not to refuse to partake of meat and wine on feast days [as if evil, or on other than ascetic grounds]. LIV. Clerics not to eat in taverns except on a journey. LV. Clerics not to insult bishop. LVI. Nor presbyter or deacon. LVII. Nor to mock the maimed, deaf, dumb, blind, or lame, nor must a layman do so. THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 369 LVIII. Bishops and presbyters not to neglect their clergy or people. LIX. Nor to refuse succour to the needy clergy. LX. Nor to publish in the Church, as sacred, works forged by the ungodly in false names. LXI. Those convicted of incontinence or other forbidden practices not to be admitted into the clerical body. LXII. Clerics, from fear of Jew or Gentile or heretic, deny- ing Christ to be excommunicated, or if only denying that they are clerics, to be deposed. On repentance, to be admitted as laymen. LXIII. Cleric eating blood, or things torn by beasts or dying of themselves, to be deposed, on account of the prohibi- tion in the law. Laymen doing so to be excommunicated. LXIV. Cleric or layman entering synagoge of Jews or heretics to pray, to be deposed and excommunicated. LXV. Cleric, in a struggle striking a single blow that proves mortal, to be deposed for his precipitancy. Layman to be excommunicated. LXVL Neither cleric nor layman to fast on Sunday or on any Saturday but one. LXVn. Any one doing violence to an unbetrothed virgin to be excommunicated. He may not take another, but must keep her, though poor. LXVin. Clergy not to be ordained a second time, unless when ordained by heretics, for those baptized or ordained by heretics have not really been brought into the number of the faithful or of the clergy. LXIX. Bishop, presbyter, deacon, reader, or singer, not fasting in the holy forty days, or on the fourth and sixth days, to be deposed, unless suffering from bodily weakness. Lay- men to be excommunicated. LXX. None to keep fast or feast with the Jews, or receive their feast-gifts, as unleavened bread and so forth. LXXL No Christian to give oil for a heathen temple or Jewish synagogue, or to light lamps at their feast times. LXXIL Nor to purloin wax or oil from the Church. LXXIIL Nor to convert to his own use any consecrated gold or silver vessel or linen. LXXIV. Bishop accused by credible men, to be sum- moned by the bishops ; and if he appear and confess the charge, or be proved guilty, to have appropriate sentence ; but if he do not obey the summons, then to be summoned a second and third time by two bishops personally ; and if he still be 370 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. contumacious, then the Synod is to make the fit decree against him, that he may not appear to gain anything by evading justice. LXXV. No heretic, nor less than two witnesses, even of the faithful, to be received against a bishop (Deut. 19, 15). LXXVI. Bishop not to ordain relatives bishops out of favour or affection. LXXVII. One having an eye injured or lame may still be a bishop, if worthy. LXXVIII. But not one deaf, dumb, or blind, as being practical hindrances. LXXIX. One that has a devil not to be a cleric, nor even to pray with the faithful, but when cleansed he may, if worthy. LXXX. A convert from the heathen or from a vicious life not forthwith to be made a bishop ; for it is not right that while yet untried he should be a teacher of others, unless this come about in some way by the grace of God. LXXXI. We declare that a bishop or presbyter is not to stoop to public [secular] offices, but to give himself to the wants of the Church (Matt. 6, 24). LXXXII. We do not allow slaves to be chosen into the clerical body without consent of their masters, to the injury of those who possess them, for this would subvert households. But if a slave seem worthy of ordination, as did our Onesimus, and the masters consent and set him free, let him be ordained. LXXXIII. Clergy not to serve in the army, and seek to hold both Roman command and priestly duties (Matt. 22, 21). LXXXIV. Those who unjustly insult a king or ruler to be punished. LXXXV. For you, both clergy and laity, let these be, as books to be reverenced and held holy, in the Old Testament — five of Moses, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy — of Jesus the son of Nun, one ; of Judges, one ; Ruth, one ; of Kings, four ; of Paraleipomena the book of days, two ; of Esdras, two ; of Esther, one ; of Maccabees, three ; of Job, one ; of the Psalter, one ; of Solomon, three — Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs ; of the Prophets, thir- teen ; of Isaiah, one ; of Jeremiah, one ; of Ezekiel, one ; of Daniel, one. Over and above is to be mentioned to you that your young men study the Wisdom of the learned Sirach. But of ours, that is of the New Testament, let there be four gos- pels, Matthew's, Mark's, Luke's, John's ; fourteen Epistles of Paul ; two Epistles of Peter ; three of John ; one of Jude ; two Epistles of Clement ; and the regulations addressed to you THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 371 bishops through me, Clement, in eight books, which it is not right to publish before all, on account of the mysteries in them ; and the Acts of us, the Apostles." The above is merely the substance of the Canons in an abridged form. It will not of course supersede the necessity of referring to the original in order to form an exact judgment. For the sake of brevity, the penalties have been in most cases omitted. They are usually deposition for the clergy, excom- munication for laymen. The subject is too vast for us to pass any critical judgment thereon here. We are content to state that there is no good evidence that the works should be attributed to the Apostles. The Apocryphal Gospel of the Hebrews is often spoken of in early tradition. Its origin appears from the fol- lowing data. Out of the Judaizing tendencies of the first cen- tury, arose the sects of the Nazarites and the Ebionites. Both these sects strove to bring the rites of the Old Law into the Christian dispensation, and it is quite certain that the Ebion- ites rejected the divinity of Jesus Christ. Both sects used a Gospel in Hebrew, which each mutilated and adapted to their theories. Excellent historical data warrant that this Hebrew text was a recension of the original Hebrew text of Matthew. (Irenaeus, Haer. I. 26, 2 ; III. il, 7; Epiphanius, Haer. XXVIII. 5 ; XXX. 3, 13, 24; Philaster, Haer. 36; Theodoret, Haer. Fab. II. i ; comp. Eusebius, H. E. III. 25, 27 ; Epiphan. Haer. XXIX. 9 ; XXX. 6, etc.) Papias is an early witness for St. Matthew having written in Hebrew {ap. Euseb. III. 39) and the same tradition is repeated by Irenaeus {Haer. III. i, i); Pantaenus {ap. Euseb. H. E. v. 10) ; Origen {ap. Euseb. H. E. VI. 25) ; Eusebius {H. E. III. 24, and elsewhere); Jerome {in Matth. Praefat. et passim); Cyril of Jerusalem {Catech. XIV.) The existence of this Gospel of the Hebrews as a distinct work, differing from our canonical Gospel of St. Matthew, is first put on record by Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. II. 9 ; p. 453 Potter) and by Origen who makes several citations from it {in Joann. tom. II. 6 ; in Jerem. XV. 4 ; in Matth. tom. XV. 14). Hegesippus is also reported to have borrowed some things from the Gospel of the Hebrews (Euseb. H. E. IV. 22). According to Origin {Horn. I. in Luc.) and Jerome {in Matth. praef.; c. Pelag. III. i) it also bore among the Ebionites the title of Gospel according to the Apostles. Jerome translated it into Greek and Latin from a copy found at Beroea(F^>. illustr. 2, 3 ; «^ Mich. VII. 2; in Matth. XII. 13; contra Pelagian. III. I). 372 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. Jerome's testimony alone on this point would be conclusive. " Matthew," he says, " who is also called Levi, the publican called to be an Apostle, was the first who wrote in Hebrew words and characters the Gospel for the converted Jews. It is uncertain who afterwards translated this into Greek. The Hebrew Exemplar is preserved to-day in the library at Caesa, rea, which Pamphilius, the martyr, with great zeal founded. Permission to copy this volume was given me by the Nazarites of Beroea, a city of Syria." (De Vir. 111. III. P. L. Migne, 23, 614.) He testifies (in Math. XII. 13, P. L. 26, 78) that he translated this text into Greek. Hence, we conclude that the original text in Hebrew of Matthew, mutilated and interpolated, formed the apocryphal Gospel of the Hebrews. Only fragments of it remain, which have been collected by Hilgenfeld. (Nov. Test, extra can. recept. IV.) The Epistle of Paul to the Laodiceans is mentioned in Muratori's fragment, and by Jerome and Theodoret. (Hier. De Vir. 111. V. ; Theod. in Coll. IV. 16.) Both these Fathers repudiate it. In the Codex of Fulda, the text of such a letter exists. From Colossians, IV. 16, it is highly probable that Paul wrote to the Church of Laodicea, but it is evident from an inspection of the text of Fulda that it is sup- posititious. The same judgment must be passed on the third letter to the Corinthians, which the Armenians retain in their bibles. The Epistle of Barnabas, before mentioned, was in much favor in the early Church. Clement of Alexandria and Origen considered it authentic. Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. III. 25,) places it among the spurious books. It is found in the Codex of Mt. Sinai. Some of those who have denied the inspiration of the book have maintained that it was of Barnabas' author- ship. But the internal evidence disproves its divinity and its authorship. The matter is trifling and excessively allegorical, ill fitting the " son of consolation," the co-laborer of Paul. The writer reveals complete ignorance of the Jewish Law and rites ; whereas Barnabas was a Levite, who had lived long in Jerusalem. Moreover, the writer is opposed to the Jewish Law, even to deal with it unjustly. These reasons moved Hefele to reject the authorship of the Epistle, and we believe them conclusive. As to date, though we may not be certain, it is most probably a product of the first century. In the latter half of the second century there was in circu- lation a book of visions and allegories, purporting to be THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 373 written by one Hermas, and which was commonly known as The Shepherd. This book was treated with respect bordering on that paid to the canonical Scriptures of the New Testa- ment, and it came into the public reading of different churches. A passage from it is quoted by Irenaeus (IV. 20, p. 253) with the words, " Well said the Scripture," a fact taken notice of by Eusebius {H. E. v. 8). We may with probability infer that in the time of Irenaeus the work was publicly read in the Galilean churches, for if Irenaeus were not quoting a well-known text, he would be likely to have named the source of his quotation ; but that he did not place the book on a level with the canoni- cal Scriptures may be inferred from his having quoted it but once, not appealing to it in his discussion of Scripture testi- monies in his third book. The mutilated commencement of the Stromateis of Clement of Alexandria, opens in the middle of a quotation from The Shepherd, and about ten times else- where he cites the book, always with a complete acceptance of the reality and divine character of the revelations made to Hermas, but without any explanation of his opinion, who Her- mas was or when he lived. In the next generation Origen, who frequently cites the book, says {in Rom. XVI. 14, vol, IV. p. 683), that it seems to him very useful, and he gives it as his individual opinion that it was divinely inspired. He further makes a guess, which was repeated by others after him, but which appears to rest on no earlier authority, that it was written by the Hermas mentioned at the end of the Epistle to the Romans. His other quotations show that less favorable views of the book were current in his time. His quotations from The Shepherd are carefully separated from those from the canonical books ; he generally adds to a quotation from The Shepherd a saving clause, giving the reader permission to reject it ; he speaks of it {in Matt. XIX. 7, Vol. III. p. 644) as a writing current in the Church, but not acknowledged by all, and {De Princ. IV. 1 1) as a book despised by some. Eusebius (II. 25), places the book among the voQa with the Acts of Paul, Revelation of Peter, Epistle of Barnabas, etc. Else- where (III. 3), while he is unable to place it among the ofjioXor^ovixeva as being rejected by some, he owns that it had been publicly used in churches, that some of the most eminent writers had employed it, and that it was judged by some most necessary for those who have particular need of elementary instruction in the faith. Athanasius, too {Ep. Fest, 39, Vol. I. pt. II. p. 963), classes The Shepherd with some of the deutero- canonical books of the Old Testament and with " the teaching 374 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. of the Apostles," as not canonical, but useful to be employed in catechetical instruction. The Shepherd is found in the Sinai- tic MS. following the Epistle of Barnabas, as an appendix to the books of the New Testament. After the fourth century the book rapidly passed out of ecclesiastical use in the East. The Western tradition as to the book deserves more atten- tion, as external evidence shows Rome to have been its place of composition. Foremost comes the writer of the MURATORIAN Fragment on the Canon, who tells us that the book had been written during the episcopate of Pius, by Hermas, a brother of that bishop, in a period which the writer speaks of as within then living memory. He concludes that the book ought to be read, but not to be publicly used in the Church among the prophetic writings, the number of which was complete, nor among the apostolic. The statement that the book not only might but ought to be read is a high recognition of the value attributed to it by the writer, and we may gather that at least in some places the church use of the book at that time had been such as to cause danger of its being set on a level with the canoni- cal Scriptures. Tertullian, in one of his earliest treatises, De Oratione, disputes against a practice of sitting down immed- iately after prayer, for which he knows no other reason assigned than that, in The Shepherd, Hermas is said, on prayer ended, to have sat upon the bed. He points out the unreasonableness of converting a narrative statement into a rule of discipline, and remarks that, if it were so regarded, the precept of sitting on a bed would not be satisfied by sitting on a bench or chair. A book which could so influence the practice of churches must evidently have enjoyed high authority at the time, an authority which Tertullian's argument does not dispute. It had probab- ly been translated into Latin, and was used in church reading. That Tertullian read it in a Latin translation, may be inferred from his describing it by the Latin title Pastor, and not by a Greek title, as he usually does when he refers to Greek writ- ings. Very different is Tertullian's treatment of the book some ten years later or more, after he had become a Montanist. When the authority of The Shepherd is urged in behalf of re- admitting adulterers to communion, he rejects the book as one not counted worthy of being included in the Canon, but placed by every council of the churches, even of the Catholic party, among false and apocryphal writings {De Pudic. cap. lo). Quoting the Epistle to the Hebrews, he says that this is at least more received than that apocryphal Shepherd of the adulterers (Cap. 20). The phrase " more received " warns us to THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. 376 t^t cum grano salis Tertullian's assertion as to the universal rt- jection of The Shepherd; but we may well believe that the line of distinction between apostolic and later writings was then being drawn more sharply than it had been before, and that in the interval between Tertullian's two writing's, The Shepherd was excluded from the public reading of many churches which before had admitted it. Possibly to this result may have con- tributed the publication by the Muratorian writer of the great- ness of the interval which separated Hermas from apostolic times. The statement of this writer is repeated in an entry in the Liberian papal catalogue, that under the episcopate of Pius, his brother Hermas wrote a book in which the commands and precepts were contained, which the angel gave him when he came to him in the habit of a shepherd. It has been thought with high probability, that this entry was derived from the catalouge of Hippolytus, which is the basis of the Liberian catalogue [Chronicon Canisianum]. It will be observed that, while refusing to assign the book to apostolic times, it makes no doubt of the reality of the angelic appear- ance to Hermas. Later biographical notices of popes, under- take to tell what the message given to Hermas was, namely, that Easter should always be celebrated on a Sunday. This notice clearly is the offspring of a time when all knowledge of the book of Hermas had been lost, and when it was attempted to supply by invention the imperfection of the earlier entry. This story of a revelation to Hermas about Easter celebration is amplified a little in the forged decretal letter of Pius I. (Mansi, Concil. I. 672). The later papal catalogues makes Pius the brother of Pastor, and another spurious letter of Pius tells of a contemporary presbyter Pastor. The poem of the Pseudo- Tertullian against Marcion, had described the brother of Pius as " angeHcus Pastor." A confusion between the name of Hermas and that of his book would imply that the book was not at the time in use. Jerome, when copying what Eusebius had said about the book {De Vir. Illust. 10, Vol. II. 845), adds that among the Latins it was almost unknown. He himself speaks contemptuously of it {In Habac. I. 14, Vol. VI. p. 604), for it seems to us certain that the book of Hermas is what he here refers to, It is marked in the Gelasian decree as apocry- phal. Notwithstanding, there are several traces that some use of the book continued in the West, one decisive fact being that there still exist some twenty MSS. of the Latin version. In the African church of the fourth century we find from the list in the Codex Claromontanus (Westcott, Canon N. T. p. 557) 376 THE CANON OF N. T. AND THE APOCRYPHA. that it was placed with the Acts of Paul, and the Revelation of St. Peter as an appendix to the New Testament books ; and it occupies a similar place in the Sinaitic MS., the only Greek Bible known to have contained it. But in some of the existing Latin MSS. it is placed with the apocryphal books of the Old Testa- ment, a position no doubt assigned to it in conformity with the opinion of Athanasius already quoted, which was known through Rufinus in the West. Turning now from the external history of the book to the book itself, we find it divides itself into three parts. The first part consists of visions. It opens with what reads like the narration of a real dream. Hermas tells that he who had brought him up, had sold him at Rome to a lady named Rhoda, that after a considerable time he renewed his acquaintance with her and began to love her as a sister ; that he saw her one day bathing in the Tiber and assisted her out of the water ; that admiring her beauty, he thought within himself how happy he should be if he had a wife like her in person and disposition. Further than this his thought did not go. But a little time after he had a vision. He fell asleep, and in his dream he was walking and struggling in ground so rugged and broken that it was impossible to pass. At length he succeeded in crossing the water by which his path had been washed away, and com- ing into smooth ground knelt to confess his sins to God. Then the heavens were opened, and he saw Rhoda salut- ing him from the sky. On his asking her what she did there, she told him she had been taken up to accuse him, because God was angry with him for having sinned in thought against her. Then Hermas was overwhelmed with horror and fear, not knowing how he could abide the severity of God's judg- ment, if such a thought as his was marked a sin. Rhoda now passes out of his dream, and he sees a venerable aged lady clad in shining garments sitting on a great white chair and holding a book in her hand. She asks him why he, usually so cheerful, is now so sad. On telling her, she owns what a sin any impure thought would be in one so chaste, so singleminded and so inno- cent as he ; but she tells him this is not why God is displeased with him, but because of the sins of his children, whom he, through false indulgence, had allowed to corrupt themselves,, but to whom repentance was open if he would warn them. Then she reads to him out of her book, but of all she reads he can remem- ber nothing save the last sentence, save that this alone was com- forting, and all that preceded was terrible and threatening. She parted from him with the words, " Play the man, Hermas." THE LOST BOOKS OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. 377 In another vision, a year after, he saw again the lady and her book, and received the book to copy, but still it conveyed no idea to his mind. He then set himself by fasting and prayer to learn the meaning of it, and after a fortnight was gratified. He learns, too, that the lady whom he had seen is not, as he had imagined, the sibyl, but the Church, and that she appeared as old because she was created first of all, and for her sake the world was made. After his first two visions, Hermas watched eagerly for new revelations, and set himself to obtain them by fasting and prayer. In those later visions, while the pictures presented to his mind are such as we can without difficulty believe to have been dream representations, the explanations given of them have a coherence only to be found in the thoughts of a waking man. This is still more true of the second and third parts of the work. At the end of a first part he has the vision in which he sees him, who gives the name, which, in strictness only be- longs to these two latter parts of the work, a man dressed like a Shepherd, who tells him that he is the angel of repentance, who has come to dwell with him, being the guardian to whose care he had been entrusted. From this Shepherd he receives, for the instruction of himself and of the Church, the " Commandments," which form the second, and the " Sim- ilitudes," which form the third, part of the work. (Salmon in Diet, of Christ. Biog.) The compass of the present work will not permit us to review the numerous other apocryphal writings. Chapter XVI. The Lost Books of Both Testaments. It is the common opinion of theologians that an inspired book may perish, and that some de facto have perished. As authorities for this opinion we may cite Origen, Chrysostom, St, Thomas, Bellarmine, Serarius, Pineda, Bonfrere, and nearly all the later Theologians.* Salmeron strove to set aside this opinion by the following arguments : " The Providence of God, which gave a book to teach men, will preserve that book. Moreover, if the Church, even in its preparatory state in the Old Law, should allow a *0rig. in Cant. Prol. c. fin. (M. 13, 84) ; 8. Chrys. in 1. Cor. hom. 7, 3 (M. 61, 58); 8. Thorn. Comm. in ep. S. Paul, ad 1 Cor. 5, 4 et Col. 4, 16; Bellarm. de verbo Dei IV. 4 ; 8erar. Proleg. c. VIII. qu. 14. 15 ; Pineda Salom. praev. I. 1 ; Bonfrer. Praeloq. VI. 2, etc. 378 THE LOST BOOKS OF BOTH TESTAMENTS. book to perish, which had been committed to her care, she would be unfaithful to her trust." In response we say first that two questions are confused here. It is one thing that a book divinely inspired, not yet canonized by the Church, should perish ; another that a book delivered to the Church by canonization should perish. This latter fact has never hap- pened. Franzelin, in response to Salmeron, argues that it is possible that even a canonical book should perish, for the reason that such book is not the sole or absolutely necessary means of teaching men the truth. The Church is only in- fallible and indefectible in furnishing an adequate means to impart truth to man, and her teaching power would not be hampered by the loss of a book, or portion thereof, of Holy Scripture. The argument of Salmeron that God, who gave the book, would preserve it, is feeble, for the book may be superseded by another, or it may not be necessary for succeed- ing ages. The common opinion is, therefore, that an inspired book may perish, and that some have perished. Many proverbs and canticles of Solomon and writings of Prophets, spoken of in the Scriptures, have certainly perished, and some, at least, of these were inspired. In the Old Testament we find mention of the following works : The Book of the Wars of the Lord (Num. XXI. 14) ; The Book of the Just (Jos. X. 13) ; The Book of the Words of the Days of Solomon (II. Sam. XI. 41) ; The Book of the Words of the Days of the Kings of Juda (III. Kings, XIV. 19); The Book of the Words of the Days of the Kings of Israel (III. Kings XIV. 20); The Book of Samuel the Prophet (I. Chron. XXIX. 29) ; The Words of Nathan, the Prophet (1. c.) : The Book of Gad, the Prophet (1. c.) ; The Books of Ahias (II. Chron. IX. 29) ; The Vision of Addo, the Prophet (1. c); The Book of Semeia the Prophet (II. Chron. XII. 15); The Book of Jehu, the Son of Hanan (II. Chron. XX. 34) ; The Discourse of Hosai (II. Chron. XXXIII. 19); The Deeds of Ozias by Isaiah (II. Chron. XXVI. 22) ; three thousand Parables of Solomon (III. Kings IV. 22) ; five thousand Can- ticles of Solomon (1. c.) ; the treatise of Solomon on Natural History (1. c); certain writings of Jeremiah (II. Maccab. II. i); The Book of the Days of John Hyrcanus (I. Maccab. XVI. 24) ; The Book of Jason, the Cyrenean (II. Maccab. II. 24). We hold it undoubted that a person inspired, in one pro- duction, may write another without such influence of the Holy THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 379 Spirit. We admit that some of the mentioned works were not inspired ; but there are others whose titles clearly prove that they were inspired works, and we no longer possess them. Of the New Testament, nearly all admit that one of Paul's Epistles to the Corinthians (I. Cor. V. 9), and the Epistle to the Church of Laodicea (Coloss. IV. 16), have perished. Who will deny that in these Paul also was inspired ? Wherefore, we conclude that the opinion which maintains the possibility and the actuality of the loss of inspired writings, rests on convincing data. Chapter XVII. The Hebrew Text of the Old Testament. All the protocanonical books of the Old Testament, except some Chaldaic fragments of Ezra and Daniel, were written in Hebrew.* Of the deuterocanonical books, Wisdom and 11. Maccabees were originally written in Greek ; Ecclesiasticus was written in Hebrew, but the text has perished. Jerome saw the Hebrew text of I. Maccabees, but this has also perished. It is not certain whether the others were originally written in Hebrew or Chaldaic. Concerning the history of the Hebrew language, we have thought good to excerpt from Home's Introduction to Holy Scripture, Vol. II. In dealing with the criticism of the text of the Old Testament, we shall frequently excerpt material from this author, with the alterations which we shall judge to be good. The languages of Western Asia, though differing in respect to dialect, are radically the same, and have been so, as far back as any historical records enable us to trace them. Pales- tine, Syria, Phoenicia, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Arabia, and also Ethiopia are reckoned as the countries, where the lan- guages commonly denominated Oriental have been spoken. Of late, many critics have rejected the appellation "■Oriental" as being too comprehensive, and have substituted that of "■ Shemitish" a denominative derived from Shem. Against this appellation, however, objections of a similar nature may be urged ; for no inconsiderable portion of those, who spoke *0f Daniel, the portion from tlie fourth verse of second chapter, to the twenty-eighth verse of seventh chapter, was written in Chaldaic. Of Ezra, the portions from I. Ezra IV. 8, to VI. 18, and from the twelfth to the twenty-sixth verse of seventh chapter were written in Chaldaic. 880 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. the languages in question, were not descendants of Shem. It is a matter of indifference which appellation is used, if it be first defined. The Oriental Languages may be divided into three princi- pal dialects, viz., the Aramaean, the Hebrew, and the Arabic. I. — The Aramaean, spoken in Syria, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia or Chaldaea, is subdivided into the Syriac and Chaldee dialects ; or, as they are sometimes called, the East and West Aramaean. 2. — The Hebrew or Canaanitish (Isa. XIX. i8.) was spoken in Palestine, and probably with little variation in Phoenicia, and the Phoenician colonies, as at Carthage and other places. The names of the Phoenician and Punic dialects are too few, and too much disfigured, to enable us to judge with certainty how extensively these languages were the same as the dialect of Palestine. 3. — The Arabic, to which the Ethiopic bears a special re- semblance, has, in modern times, a great variety of dialects, as a spoken language, and is spread over a vast extent of country. But, so far as we are acquainted with its former state, it appears more anciently to have been principally limited to Arabia and Ethiopia. The Arabic is very rich in forms and words : the Syriac, so far as it is yet known, is comparatively limited in both ; the Hebrew holds a middle place between them, both as to copious- ness of words and variety of forms. Besides the preceding dialects, there are many slighter variations of language, sometimes distinguished from the general names by local appellations. Thus, the Ephraimites could not distinguish between the letters D (s) and "^ (sh), as the Hebrews did, in speaking: hence the Ephraimites pro- nounced S/bboleth instead of S^z'bboleth. (Judges XII. 6.) Nehemiah was indignant, that part of his countrymen should speak the language of Ashdod. (Neh. XIII. 23 — ^5.) The Samaritan Dialect appears to be composed (as one might expect, see II. Kings XVII.) of Aramaean and Hebrew : and the slighter varieties of Arabic are as numerous as the provinces where the language is spoken. Numerous appellations have, at different times, been given to the Hebrew language. In the Scriptures it is nowhere called Hebrew. This term, as it is used in John V. 2, and in several other passages in the New Testament, does not refer to the biblical Hebrew, but to the Syro-Chaldaic dialect prevalent in Palestine in the time of Jesus Christ. In II. Kings XVIII. 26. THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 381 it is called the language of the Jews. In the Targums or Chaldee Paraphrases of the Old Testament, the appellation — holy tongue — is first applied to it : but the name, by which it is usually distinguished, is Hebrew, as being the language of the Hebrew nation. Concerning the origin of this name, there has been con- siderable difference of opinion. According to some critics, it derived its name from Heber, one of the descendants of Shem (Gen. X. 21. 25. XI. 14. 16, 17.): but other learned men are of opinion that it is derived from the root *1^^ (ab^r), to pass over, whence Abraham was denominated the Hebrew (Gen. XIV. 13.), having passed over the river Euphrates to come into the land of Canaan. This last opinion appears to be best founded, from the general fact that the most ancient names of nations were appellative. But, whatever extent of meaning was attached to the appellation Hebrew, before the time of Jacob, it appears afterwards to have been limited only to his posterity, and to be synonymous with Israelite. The origin of the Hebrew language must be dated farther back than the period, to which we can trace the appellation Hebrew. It is plain, from the names of persons and places in Canaan, that, wherever Abraham sojourned, he found a language in which he could easily converse, viz., the Hebrew or Phoenician language. That this was originally the language of Palestine, is evident from the names of nations being appellative, and from other facts in respect to the formation of this dialect. Thus, the West is, in Hebrew, Qi, which means the sea, that is, towards the Mediterranean Sea. As the Hebrew has no other proper word for west, so it must be evident that the language, in its distinctive and peculiar forms, must have been formed in Palestine. The Jewish Rabbins, Jonathan the author of the Chaldee Paraphrase, Solomon Jarchi, and Aben-Ezra, have affirmed that Hebrew was the primitive language spoken in Paradise ; and their opinion has been adopted by Origen, Jerome, Augustine, and some other Fathers, as well as by some modern critics and philologers. Huet, however, and the majority of modern critics, are of opinion, that the language spoken by Adam perished in the confusion of tongues at Babel. But it seems highly probable, that if the original parents of mankind were placed in Western Asia, they spoke substantially the language which has for more than fifty centuries pervaded that country. Wherefore, from internal evidence, and from the biblical ac- count, we believe that Hebrew has preserved in the main the 382 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. substance of the original language of mankind. We feel war- ranted in asserting that, in the confusion of tongues, the Hebrew remained substantially the old radical tongue, and that the divers tongues were formed in the dispersion, not by destroying the original Hebrew word, but by forming other languages, whose radical affinity with the Hebrew was not sufficient to make the speech of the nations intelligible to each other. We believe that some affinity with Hebrew is traceable in all the languages of the human race. At times this will be faint, for the reason that the change, in the dispersion, was substantial ; and, secondly, language is a living growth, and man will exer- cise his aptitude for speech by creating new words, and chang- ing the old ones to correspond to his ever-changing relations with nature. The language faculty of man continually moulds into articulate speech some reflection of nature, and thus the languages of men have grown away from their original affinity with the root-language. Various circumstances, indeed, combine to prove that Hebrew is in the main the original language. It is of all lan- guages that one which comes closest to nature. The words of which it is composed are very short, and admit of very little flection, as may be seen on reference to any Hebrew grammar or lexicon. The names of persons and places are descriptive of their nature, situation, accidental circumstances, &c. The names of brutes express their nature and properties more significantly and more accu- rately than any other known language in the world. The names also of various ancient nations are of Hebrew origin, being derived from the sons or grandsons of Shem, Ham, and Japhet : as, the Assyrians from Ashur ; the Elamites from Elam ; the Aramaeans from Aram ; the Lydians from Lud ; the Cimbrians or Cimmerians from Gomer ; the Medians from Madai, the son of Japhet ; the lonians from Javan, &c. Further the names given to the heathen deities suggest an additional proof of the antiquity and originality of the Hebrew language : thus, Japetus is derived from Japhet ; Jove, from Jahve ; Vulcan, from Tubal-Cain, who first discovered the use of iron and brass, &c., &c. Lastly, the traces of Hebrew which are to be found in very many other languages, and which have been noticed by several learned men, afford another argu- ment in favor of its antiquity and priority. These vestiges are particularly conspicuous in the Chaldee, Syriac, Arabic, Persian Phoenician, and other languages spoken by the people who dwelt nearestto Babylon, where the firstdivision of languagestookplace. THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 383 The knowledge of the Hebrew language was diffused very widely by the Phtenician merchants, who had factories and colonies on almost every coast of Europe and Asia : that it was identically the same as was spoken in Canaan, or Phoeni- cia, is evident from its being used by the inhabitants of that country from the time of Abraham to that of Joshua, who gave to places mentioned in the Old Testament, appellations which are pure Hebrew; such are Kiriathsepher, or the city of books, and Kiriath-sannah, or the city of learning. (Josh. XV. 15. 49.). Another proof of the identity of the two languages arises from the circumstance of the Hebrews conversing with the Canaanites, without an interpreter; as the spies sent by Joshua, with Rahab (Josh. H.); the ambassadors sent by the Gibeonites to Joshua (Josh. IX. 3 — 25.), &c. But a still stronger proof of the identity of the two languages is to be found in the fragments of the Punic tongue, which occur in the writings of ancient authors. That the Carthaginians (Pceni) derived their name, origin, and language from the Phoenicians, is a well-known and authenticated fact ; and that the latter sprang from the Canaanites might easily be shown from the situation of their country, as well as from their manners, customs, and ordinances. Not to cite the testimonies of pro- fane authors on this point, which have been accumulated by Walton, we have sufficient evidence to prove that they were considered as the same people, in the fact of the Phoeni- cians and Canaanites being used promiscuously to denote the inhabitants of the same country. Compare Exod. VI. 15. with Gen. XLVI. 10. and Exod. XVI. 35. with Josh. V. 12., in which passages, for the Hebrew words translated Canaanitish and land of Canaan, the Septuagint reads Phoenician, and the country of Phoenicia. The period from the age of Moses to that of David has been considered the golden age of the Hebrew language, which declined in purity from that time to the reign of Hezekiah or Manasseh, having received several foreign words from the com- mercial and political intercourse of the Jews and Israelites with the Assyrians and Babylonians. This period has been termed the silver age of the Hebrew language. In the interval be- tween the reign of Hezekiah and the Babylonish captivity, the purity of the language was neglected, and so many foreign words were introduced into it, that this period has, not in- aptly, been designated its iron age. During the seventy years' captivity, though it does not appear that the Hebrews entirely lost their native tongue, yet it underwent so considerable a 384 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. change from their adoption of the vernacular languages of the countries where they had resided, that afterwards, on their return from exile, they spoke a dialect of Chaldee mixed with Hebrew words. On this account it was, that, when the Hebrew Scriptures were read, it was found necessary to inter- pret them to the people in the Chaldaean language ; as, when Ezra, the scribe, brought the book of the law of Moses before the congregation, the Levites are said to have caused the people to understand the law, because they read in the book, in the law of God, distinctly, AND GAVE THE SENSE, AND CAUSED THEM TO UNDERSTAND THE READING. (Neh. VHI. 9.) Some time after the return from the great captivity, Hebrew ceased to be spoken altogether: though it continued to be cultivated and studied, by the priests and Levites, as a learned language that they might be enabled to expound the law and the prophets to the people, who, it appears from the New Testament, were well acquainted with their general contents and tenor ; this last-mentioned period has been called the leaden age of the language. " How long the Hebrew was re- tained, both in writing and conversation ; or in writing, after it ceased to be the language of conversation, it is impossible to determine. The coins, stamped in the time of the Maccabees, are all the oriental monuments we have, of the period that elapsed between the latest canonical writers, and the advent of Christ ; and the inscriptions on these are in Hebrew. At the time of Maccabees, Hebrew was probably understood, at least, as the language of books : perhaps, in some measure, also, among the better informed, as the language of conver- sation. But soon after this, the dominion of the Seleucidae, in Syria, over the Jewish nation, uniting with the former influence of the Babylonish captivity, in promoting the Ara- maean dialect, appears to have destroyed the remains of proper Hebrew, as a living language and to have universally substi- tuted, in its stead, the Hebraeo-Aramaean, as it was spoken, in the time of our Saviour. From the time when Hebrew ceased to be vernacular, down to the present day, a portion of this dialect has been preserved in the Old Testament. It has al- ways been the subject of study among learned Jews. Before and at the time of Christ, there were flourishing Jewish acade- mies at Jerusalem; especially under Hillel and Shammai. After Jerusalem was destroyed, schools were set up in various places, but particularly they flourished at Tiberias, until the death of R. Judah, surnamed Hakkodesh or the Holy, the author of the Mishna ; about A. D. 230. Some of his pupils THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 386 set up Other schools in Babylonia, which became the rivals of these. The Babylonian academies flourished until near the tenth century." From the academies at Tiberias and in Baby- lonia, we have received the Targums, the Talmud, the Masora (of all which an account will be found in the course of the pre- sent volume), and the written vowels and accents of the Hebrew language. The Hebrew of the Talmud and of the Rabbins has a close affinity with the later Hebrew ; especially the first and earliest part of it, the Mishna. The present Hebrew Characters, or Letters, are twenty-two in number, and of a square form : but the antiquity of these letters is a point that has been most severely contested by many learned men. From a passage in Eusebius's Chronicle, and another in Jerome, it was inferred by Joseph Scaliger, that Ezra, when he reformed the Jewish church, transcribed the ancient characters of the Hebrews into the square letters of the Chaldaeans : and that this was done for the use of those Jews, who, being born during the captivity, knew no other al- phabet than that of the people among whom they had been educated. Consequently, the old character, which we call the Samaritan, fell into total disuse. This opinion Scaliger sup- ported by passages from both the Talmuds, as well as from rabbinical writers, in which it is expressly affirmed that such characters were adopted by Ezra. But the most decisive con- firmation of this point is to be found in the ancient Hebrew coins, which were struck before the captivity, and even previ- ously to the revolt of the ten tribes. The characters engraven on all of them are manifestly the same with the modern Sama- ritan, though with some trifling variations in their forms, occa- sioned by the depredations of time. These coins, whether shekels or half shekels, have all of them, on one side, the golden manna-pot (mentioned in Exod. XVI, 32, 33.), and on its mouth, or over the top of it, most of them have a Samaritan Aleph, some an Aleph and Schin, or other letters, with this inscription. The Shekel of Israel, in Samaritan characters. On the opposite side is to be seen Aaron's rod with almonds, and in the same letters this inscription, Jerusalem the holy. Other coins are extant with somewhat different inscriptions, but the same characters are engraven on them all. The opinion originally produced by Scaliger, and thus decisively corroborated by coins, has been adopted by Casau- bon, Vossius, Grotius, Walton, Louis Cappel, Prideaux, and other eminent biblical critics and philologers, and is now generally received : it was, however, very strenuously though 386 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. unsuccessfully opposed by the younger Buxtorf, who endea- vored to prove, by a variety of passages from rabbinical writ- ers, that both the square and the Samaritan characters were anciently used; the present square character being that in which the tables of the law, and the copy deposited by the ark, were written ; and the other characters being employed in the copies of the law which were made for private and common use, and in civil affairs in general ; and that, after the captiv- ity, Ezra enjoined the former to be used by the Jews on all occasions, leaving the latter to the Samaritans and apostates. Independently, however, of the strong evidence against Bux- torf's hypothesis, which is afforded by the ancient Hebrew coins, when we consider the implacable enmity that existed between the Jews and Samaritans, is it likely that the one copied from the other, or that the former preferred, to the beautiful letters used by their ancestors, the rude and inelegant characters of their most detested rivals? And when the vast difference between the Chaldee (or square) and the Samaritan letters, with respect to convenience and beauty, is calmly con- sidered, it must be acknowledged that they never could have been used at the same time. After all, it is of no great moment which of these, or whether either of them, were the original characters, since it does not appear that any change of the words has arisen from the manner of writing them, because the Samaritan and Hebrew Pentateuchs almost always agree, notwithstanding the lapse of so many ages. It is most prob- able that the form of these characters has varied at different periods: this appears from the direct testimony of Montfaucon, and is implied in Kenicott's making the characters, in which manuscripts are written, one test of their age. It is, how- ever, certain that the Chaldee or square character was the common one: as in Matt. V. i8. the yod is referred to as the smallest letter in the alphabet. It is highly probable that it was the common character, when the Septuagint version was made ; because the departures in the Hebrew text from that version, so far as they have respect to the letters, can mostly be accounted for, on the ground, that the square characters were then used, and that the final letters which vary from the medial or initial form, were then wanting. But however interesting these inquiries may be in a philo- logical point of view, it is of far greater importance to be satis- fied concerning the much litigated, and yet undecided, question respecting the antiquity of the Hebrew points ; because, unless the student has determined for himself, after a mature investi- THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 387 gation, he cannot with confidence apply to the study of this sacred language. Three opinions have been offered by learned men on this subject. By some, the origin of the Hebrew vowel points is maintained to be coeval with the Hebrew language itself : while others assert them to have been first introduced by Ezra after the Babylonian captivity. A third hypothesis is, that they were invented, about five hundred years after Christ, by the doctors of the school of Tiberias, for the purpose of marking and establishing the genuine pronunciation, for the convenience of those who were learning the Hebrew tongue. This opinion, first announced by Rabbi Elias Levita in the beginning of the sixteenth century, has been adopt- ed by Cappel, Casaubon, Scaliger, Masclef, Erpenius, Hou- bigant, L'Advocat, Walton, Hare, Lowth, Kennicott, Geddes, and other eminent critics, and is now generally received, although some few writers of respectability continue strenuously to advocate their antiquity. The Arcanum Punctationis Revelatum of Cappel was opposed by Buxtorf in a treatise De Punctorum Vocalium Antiquitate, by whom the controversy was almost exhausted. That the vowel points are of modern date, and of human invention, rests upon the following considerations: I. — ** The kindred Semitic languages anciently had no written vowels. The most ancient Estrangelo and Kufish characters, that is, the ancient characters of the Syrians and Arabians, were destitute of vowels. The Palmyrene inscrip- tions, and nearly all the Phenician ones, are destitute of them. Some of the Maltese inscriptions, however, and a few of the Phenician have marks, which probably were intended as vowels. The Koran was confessedly destitute of them, at first. The punctuation of it occasioned great dispute among Mohammedans. In some of the older Syriac writings is found a single point, which, by being placed in different positions in regard to words, served as a diacritical sign. The present vowel system of the Syrians was introduced so late as the time of Theophilus and Jacob of Edessa. (VHI. Cent.) The Arabic vowels were adopted soon after the Koran was written ; but their other diacritical marks did not come into use until they were introduced by Ibn Mokla (about A. D. 900), together with the Nishi character, now in common _ »» use. 388 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 2. — The Samaritan letters, which (we have already seen) were the same with the Hebrew characters before the captivity, have no points ; nor are there any vestiges whatever of vowel points to be traced, either in the shekels struck by the kings of Israel, or in the Samaritan Pentateuch. The words have always been read by the aid of the four letters, Aleph, He, Vau, and Jod, which are called matres lectionis, or mothers of reading. 3. — The copies of the Scriptures used in the Jewish syna- gogues to the present time, and which are accounted particu- larly sacred, are constantly written without points, or any distinctions of verses whatever: a practice that could never have been introduced, nor would it have been so religiously followed, if vowel points had been coeval with the language, or of divine authority. To this fact we may add, that in many of the oldest and best manuscripts, collated and examined by Kennicott, either there are no points at all, or they are evidently a late addition ; and that all the ancient various readings marked by the Jews, regard only the letters ; not one of them relates to the vowel points, which could not have happened if these had been in use. 4. — Rabbi Elias Levita ascribes the invention of vowel points to the doctors of Tiberias, and has confirmed the fact by the authority of the most learned rabbins. 5. — The ancient Cabbalists draw all their mysteries from the letters, but none from the vowel points, which they could not have neglected if they had been acquainted with them. And, hence it is concluded, that the points were not in existence when the Cabbalistic interpretations were made. 6. — Although the Talmud contains the determinations of the Jewish doctors concerning many passages of the law, it is evident that the points were not affixed to the text when the Talmud was composed ; because there are several disputes concerning the sense of passages of the law, which could not have been controverted if the points had then been in exist- ence. Besides, the vowel points are never mentioned, though the fairest opportunity for noticing them offered itself, if they had really then been in use. The compilation of the Talmud was not finished until the sixth century. 7. — The ancient various readings, called Keri and Ketib, or Khetibh (which were collected a short time before the com- pletion of the Talmud), relate entirely to consonants, and not to vowel points ; yet, if these had existed in manuscript at the time the Keri and Khetib were collected, it is obvious that THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 389 some reference would directly or indirectly have been made to them. The silence, therefore, of the collectors of these various readings is a clear proof of the non-existence of vowel points in their time. 8. — The ancient versions — for instance, the Chaldee para- phrases of Jonathan and Onkelos, and the Greek versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, but especially the Sep- tuagint version — all read the text, in many passages, in senses different from that which the points determine them to mean. Whence, it is evident, that if the points had then been known, pointed manuscripts would have been followed as the most correct ; but as the authors of those versions did not use them, it is a plain proof that the points were not then in being. 9, — The ancient Jewish writers themselves are totally silent concerning the vowel points, which surely would not have been the case if they had been acquainted with them. Much stress, indeed, has been laid upon the books of Zohar and Bahir, but these have been proved not to have been known for a thousand years after the birth of Christ. Even Buxtorf himself admits, that the book Zohar could not have been written till after the tenth century ; and the rabbis, Gedaliah and Zachet, confess that it was not mentioned before the year 1290, and that it presents internal evidence that it is of a much later date than is intended. It is no uncommon practice of the Jews to publish books of recent date under the names of old writers, in order to render their authority respectable, and even to alter and interpolate ancient writers in order to sub- serve their own views. 10. — Equally silent are the ancient Fathers of the Christian Church, Origen and Jerome. In some fragments still extant, of Origen's vast biblical work, entitled the Hexapla (of which some account is given in a subsequent page), we have a speci- men of the manner in which Hebrew was pronounced in the third century ; and which, it appears, was widely different from that which results from adopting the Masoretic reading. Jerome, also, in various parts of his works, where he notices the different pronunciations of Hebrew words, treats only of the letters, and nowhere mentions the points, which he surely would have done, had they been found in the copies consulted by him. 1 1 . — The letters ^, X^t \ ^t (Aleph, He, Vau, and Yod,) upon the plan of the Masorites, are termed quiescent, because, ac- cording to them, they have no sound. At other times, these same letters indicate a variety of sounds, as the fancy of these 390 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. critics has been pleased to distinguish them by points. This single circumstance exhibits the whole doctrine of points as the baseless fabric of a vision. To suppress altogether, or to render insignificant, a radical letter of any word, in order to supply its place by an arbitrary dot or a fictitious mark, is an invention fraught with the grossest absurdity. 12. — Lastly, as the first vestiges of the points that can be traced are to be found in the writings of Rabbi Ben Asher, president of the Western School, and of Rabbi Ben Naphthali, chief of the Eastern School, who flourished about the middle of the tenth century, we are justified in assigning that as the epoch when the system of vowel points was established. Such are the evidences on which the majority of the learned rest their convictions of the modern date of the Hebrew points. Besides the vowel points, the antiquity of which has been considered in the preceding pages, we meet in pointed Hebrew Bibles with other marks or signs, termed ACCENTS ; the system of which is inseparably connected with the present state of the vowel points, inasmuch as these points are often changed in consequence of the accents. The latter, therefore, must have originated contemporaneously with the written vowels, at least, with the completion of the vowel system. Respecting the design of the accents, there has been great dispute among Hebrew grammarians. Professor Stuart, who has discussed this subject most copiously in his valuable Hebrew Grammar, is of opinion that they were designed, not to mark the tone- syllable of a word or the interpunction, but to regulate the cantillation of the Scriptures. It is well known that the Jews, from time immemorial, in the public reading of the Scriptures, have cantillated them, that is, read in a kind of half singing or recitative way. In this manner, most probably, the Ethiopian eunuch was reading the prophecy of Isaiah, when he was over- heard and interrogated by Philip. (Acts VIII. 30.) In this manner, also, Mussulmen read the Koran ; and the people of the East generally deliver public discourses in this way. The mode of cantillating Hebrew in different countries is at present vari- ous, but guided in all by the accents; that is, the accents are used as musical notes, though various powers are assigned to them. The Aramaean language derives its name from the very extensive region of Aram, in which it was anciently vernacular. As that region extended from the Mediterranean sea through Syria and Mesopotamia, beyond the river Tigris, the language there spoken necessarily diverged into various dialects ; the two principal of which are the Chaldee and the Syriac. THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 391 The Chaldee, sometimes called by way of distinction the East-Aramaan dialect, was formerly spoken in the province of Babylonia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris, the original inhabitants of which cultivated this language as a distinct dia- lect, and communicated it to the Jews during the Babylonian captivity. By means of the Jews it was transplanted into Pa- lestine, where it gradually became the vernacular tongue ; though it did not completely displace the old Hebrew until the time of the Maccabees. Although the Aramaean, as spoken by Jews, partook somewhat of the Hebrew character, no entire or very important corruption of it took place ; and to this cir- cumstance alone the Babylonians are indebted for the survival, or at least the partial preservation, of their language, which, even in the mother-country, has, since the spread of Moham- medism, been totally extinct. The principal remains of the Chaldee dialect now extant will be found : (i.) — In the Canonical Books, Ezra IV. 8. to VI. i8. and VII, 12 — 16. Jer. X. 2., and Dan. II. 4. to the end of chapter VII.; and (2.) — In the Targums or Chaldee Paraphrases of the Books of the Old Testament. The Syriac or West-Aramaean was spoken both in Syria and Mesopotamia ; and, after the captivity, it became vernacu- lar in Galilee. Hence, though several of the sacred writers of the New Testament expressed themselves in Greek, their ideas were Syriac ; and they consequently used many Syraic idioms, and a few Syriac words. The chief difference between the Syriac and Chaldee consists in the vowel-points or mode of pronunciation ; and, notwithstanding the forms of their respective letters are very dissimilar, yet the correspondence between the two dialects is so close, that if the Chaldee be written in Syriac characters without points, it becomes Syriac, with the exception of a single inflection in the formation of the verbs. The earliest document still extant in the Syriac dialect is the Peschito or old Syriac version of the Old and New Testament. Though more remotely allied to the Hebrew than either of the preceding dialects, the Arabic language possesses suffi- cient analogy to explain and illustrate the former, and is not, perhaps, inferior in importance to the Chaldee or the Syriac ; particularly as it is a living language, in which almost every sub- ject has been discussed, and which has received the minutest in- vestigation from native writers and lexicographers. The 392 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Arabic language has many roots in common with the Hebrew tongue ; and this again contains very many words which are no longer to be found in the Hebrew writings that are extant, but which exist in the Arabic language. The learned Jews, who flourished in Spain from the tenth to the twelfth century under the dominion of the Moors, were the iirst who applied Arabic to the illustration of the Hebrew language ; and subsequent Christian writers, as Bochart, the elder Schultens, Olaus Cel- sius, and others, have diligently and successfully applied the Arabian historians, geographers, and authors on natural his- tory, to the explanation of the Bible. The history of the text of the Old Testament may be divided into four epochs, viz. i. — From the writing of the Hebrew book, to the time of Christ ; 2. — From the time of Christ to the period of the Masorites ; 3. — From the time of the Masorites to the invention of the art of printing; 4. — From the invention of printing to our own time. History of the Hebrew Text from the Writing of THE Books of the Old Testament until the Time of Jesus Christ. We commence with the Pentateuch, concerning the earliest history of which we have more minute information than we have of the other books of the Old Testament. Previously to the building of Solomon's Temple, the Pentateuch was de- posited by the side of the Ark of the Covenant (Deut. XXXI. 24 — 26.), to be consulted by the Israelites ; and after the erec- tion of that sacred edifice, it was deposited in the treasury, to- gether with all the succeeding productions of the inspired writers.* On the subsequent destruction of the temple by Nebuchadnezzar, the autographs of the sacred books are sup- posed to have perished: but some learned men have con- jectured that they were preserved, because it does not appear that Nebuchadnezzar evinced any particular enmity against the Jewish religion ; and in the account of the sacred things carried to Babylon (II. Kings XXV. II. Chron. XXXVI. Jer. LIL), no mention is made of the sacred books. However this may be, it is a fact, that copies of these autographs were car- *That the Law was placed by the side of the Ark of the Covenant, and not in it, rests on clear evidence. The Hebrew expression in Deut. XXXI. 26, is : n1»T n''"l3 im n^P ln^^ Qnp^ "YeshallplaceltCthe Law) by the side of the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord." This interpreta- tion is supported by the Greek and Samaritan texts. THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 393 ried to Babylon ; for we find the prophet Daniel quoting the Law, (Dan. IX. ii. 13.) and also expressly mentioning the prophecies of Jeremiah (IX. 2.), which he could not have done, if he had never seen them. We are further informed that, on the finishing of the temple in the sixth year of Darius, the Jewish worship was fully re-established according as it is written in the book of Moses (Ezra VI. 18.); which would have been impracticable, if the Jews had not had copies of the Law then among them. But what still more clearly proves that they must have had transcripts of their sacred writings during, as well as subsequent to, the Babylonian captivity, is the fact, that when the people requested Ezra to produce the law of Moses (Nehem. VIII. i.), they did not entreat him to get it dictated anew to them; but that he would bring forth the book of the Law of Moses, which the Lord had commanded to Israel. Further, long before the time of Jesus Christ, another edition of the Pentateuch was in the hands of the Samaritans, which has been preserved to our time ; and though it differs in some instances from the text of the Hebrew Pentateuch, yet upon the whole it accurately agrees with the Jewish copies. And in the year 286 or 285 before the Christian Era, the Pentateuch was trans- lated into the Greek language; and this version, whatever errors may now be detected in it, was so executed as to show that the text, from which it was made, agreed with the text which we now have. History of the Hebrew Text from the Time of Jesus Christ to the Age of the Masorites. As the Jews were dispersed through various countries, to whose inhabitants Greek was vernacular, they gradually ac- quired the knowledge of this language, and even cultivated Greek literature : it cannot therefore excite surprise, that the Septuagint version should be so generally used, as to cause the Hebrew original to be almost entirely neglected. Hence the Septuagint was read in the synagogues : it appears to have been exclusively followed by the Alexandrian Jew, Philo, and it was most frequently, though not solely, consulted by Josephus, who was well acquainted with Hebrew. In the second century, both Jews and Christians applied themselves sedulously to the study of the Hebrew Scriptures. Besides the Peschito or Old Syriac version (if indeed this was not executed at the close of the first century), which was made from the Hebrew for the Syrian Christians, three Greek Ver- sions were undertaken and completed ; one for the Jews by 394 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Aquila, an apostate from Christianity to Judaism, and two by Theodotion and Symmachus. The Hebrew text, as it existed in the East from the year 200 to the end of the fifth century, is presented to us by Origen in his Hexapla, by Jonathan in his Targum or Para- phrase on the Prophets, and by the rabbins in the Gemaras or Commentaries on the Mishna or Traditionary Expositions of the Hebrew Scriptures. The variants are scarcely more numerous or more important than in the versions of the second century. But the discrepancies, which were observed in the Hebrew manuscripts in the second or at least in the third century, excited the attention of the Jews, who began to collate copies, and to collect various readings ; which, being distributed into several classes, appear in the Jerusalem Talmud about the year 280. The state of the Hebrew text, in the west of Europe, dur- ing the fifth century, is exhibited to us in the Latin version made by Jerome from the original Hebrew, and in his com- mentaries on the Scriptures. From a careful examination of these two sources, several important facts have been collected, particularly that (i.) The Old Testament contained the same books which are at present found in our copies. (2.) The form of the Hebrew letters was the same which we now have, as is evident from Jerome's frequently taking notice of the similar letters, beth and caph, resh and daleth, mem and samech, &c. (3.) The modern vowel-points, accents, and other diacritic signs were utterly unknown to Jerome. Some words were of doubtful meaning to him, because they were destitute of vowels. (4.) The divisions of chapters and verses did not exist in any Hebrew MSS.; but it seems that both the Hebrew original and the Septuagint Greek version were divided into larger sections, which differ from those in our copies* because Jerome, in his commentary on Amos VI. 9., says that what is the beginning of another chapter in the Hebrew, is in the Septuagint the end of the pre- ceding. (5.) The Hebrew MS. used by Jerome for the most part agrees with the Masoretic text, though there are a few unim- porant various readings. the hebrew text of the old testament. 395 History of the Hebrew Text from the Age of the Masorites to the Invention of the Art of Printing. I. After the destruction of Jerusalem, and the consequent dispersion of the Jews into various countries of the Roman empire, some of those who were settled in the East applied themselves to the cultivation of literature, and opened various schools, in which they taught the Scriptures. One of the most distinguished of these academies was that established at Tiberias, in Palestine, which Jerome mentions as existing in the fifth century. The doctors of this school, early in the sixth century, agreed to revise the sacred text, and issue an accurate edition of it ; for which purpose they collected all the scattered critical and grammatical observations they could obtain, which appeared likely to contribute towards fixing both the reading and interpretation of Scripture, into one book, which they called HIIDD {UaSORaU), that is tradition^ because it consisted of remarks which they had received from others. Some rabbinical authors pretend that, when God gave the law to Moses on Mount Sinai, he taught him, first, its true meaning, and, secondly, its true interpretation ; and that both these were handed down by oral tradition, from generation to generation, until at length they were committed to writing. The former of these, viz., the true reading, is the subject of the Masora; the latter or true interpretation is that of the Mishna and Gemara, of which an account is given in a subse- quent chapter of the present volume. The Masoretic notes and criticisms relate to the books, verses, words, letters, vowel points, and accents. The Masor- ites, or Masorets, as the inventors of this system were called, were the first who distinguished the books and sections of books into verses. They marked the number of all the verses of each book and section, and placed the amount at the end of each in numeral letters, or in some symbolical word formed out of them ; and they also marked the middle verse of each book. Further, they noted the verses where something was supposed to be forgotten ; the words which they believed to be changed ; the letters which they deemed to be superfluous ; the repetitions of the same verses ; the different reading of the words which are redundant or defective ; the number of times that the same word is found at the beginning, middle, or end of a verse ; the different significations of the same word ; the agreement or conjunction of one word with another ; what 396 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. occurs in the Hebrew Bible letters are pronounced, and what are inverted, together with such as hang perpendicular, and they took the number of each, for the Jews cherish the sacred books with such reverence, that they make a scruple of changing the situation of a letter which is evidently misplaced ; supposing that some mystery has occasioned the alteration. They have likewise reckoned which is the middle of the Pentateuch, which is the middle clause of each book, and how many times each letter of the alphabet occurs in all the Hebrew Scriptures. The following table from Walton, will give an idea of their laborious minuteness in these researches : Times. 41517 41696 13580 20175 22725 21882 22972 22147 32148 59343 Such is the celebrated Masorah of the Jews. At first, it did not accompany the text ; afterwards the greatest part of it was written in the margin. In order to bring it within the margin, it became necessary to abridge the work itself. This abridgement was called the little Masora, Masora parva ; but, being found too short, a more copious abridgment was in- serted, which was distinguished by the appellation of t\i& great Masora, Masora magna. The omitted parts were added at the end of the text, and called the final Masora, Masora finalis. The age when the Masorites lived has been much con- troverted. Some ascribe the Masoretic notes to Moses ; others attribute them to Ezra, and the members of the great syna- gogue, and their successors after the restoration of the temple worship on the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. Usher places the Masorites before the time of Jerome ; Cappel, at the end of the fifth century ; Marsh is of opinion that they cannot be dated higher than the fourth or fifth cen- tury ; Walton, Basnage, Jahn, and others, refer them to the rabbins of Tiberias in the sixth century, and suppose that they commenced the Masora, which was augmented and continued at different times, by various authors ; so that it was Times. s ^ Aleph occurs in the Hebrew Bible 42377 7 Lamed ^Beth 38218 "Q Mem ^ Gimel 29537 I Nun n Daleth 32530 Samech HHe 47554 y Ain 1 Vau 76922 D Pe ] Zain 22867 ^ Tsaddi n Cheth 23447 p Koph JOTeth 1 1052 -) Resh 1 Yod 66420 Si^Shin ^ Caph 48253 riTau THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 397 not the work of one man, or of one age. In proof of this opinion, which we think the most probable, we may remark that the notes which relate to the variations in the pointing of particular words, must have been made after the introduction of the points, and consequently after the Talmud ; other notes must have been made before the Talmud was finished, because it is from these notes that it speaks of the points over the letters, and of the variations in their size and position. Hence it is evident, that the whole was not the work of the Masorites of Tiberias ; further, no good reason can be assigned to prove the Masora the work of Ezra, or his contemporaries ; much appears to show that it was not ; for, in the first place, most of the notes relate to the vowel points, which, we have seen, were not introduced until upwards of fifteen hundred years after his time, and the remarks made about the shape and position of the letters are unworthy of an inspired writer, being more adapted to the superstition of the rabbins, than to the gravity of a divine teacher. Secondly^ No one can suppose that the prophets collected various readings of their own prophecies, though we find this has been done, and makes part of what is called the Masora. Thirdly^ The rabbins have never scrupled to abridge, alter or reject any part of these notes, and to intermix their own observations, or those of others, which is a proof that they did not believe them to be the work of the prophets ; for in that case they would possess equal authority with the text, and should be treated with the same regard. Lastly^ Since all that is useful in the Masora appears to have been written since Ezra's time, it is impossible to ascribe to him what is useless and trifling ; and from these different reasons it may be concluded that no part of the Masora was written by Ezra. And even though we were to admit that he began it, that would not lead us to receive the present system in the manner the Jews do, because, since we cannot now distinguish what he wrote, and since we find many things in it plainly unworthy of an inspired writer, we may justly refuse it the credit due to inspiration, unless his part were actually separated from what is the work of others. On the whole, then, it appears that what is called the Masora is entitled to no greater reverence or attention than may be claimed by any other human compilation. Concerning the value of the Masoretic system of notation, the learned are greatly divided in opinion. Some have highly commended the undertaking, and have considered the work of the Masorites as a monument of stupendous labor, and un- 398 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. wearied assiduity, and as an admirable invention for delivering the sacred text from a multitude of equivocations and per- plexities to which it was liable, and for putting a stop to the unbounded licentiousness and rashness of transcribers and critics, who often made alterations in the text on their own private authority. Others, however, have altogether censured the design, suspecting that the Masorites corrupted the purity of the text by substituting, for the ancient and true reading of their forefathers, another reading, more favorable to their prejudices, and more opposite to Christianity, whose testi- monies and proofs they were desirous of weakening as much as possible. Without adopting either of these extremes. Marsh observes, that " the text itself, as regulated by the learned Jews of Tiberias, was probably the result of a collation of manuscripts. But as those Hebrew critics were cautious of too many corrections into the text, they noted in the margins of their manuscripts, or in their critical collections, such various readings, derived from other manuscripts, either by themselves or by their predecessors, as appeared to be worthy of atten- tion. This is the real origin of those marginal or Masoretic readings which we find in many editions of the Hebrew Bible But the propensity of the later Jews to seek mystical meanings in the plainest facts, gradually induced the belief that both textual and marginal readings proceeded from the sacred writers themselves ; and that the latter were transmitted to posterity by oral tradition, as conveying some mysterious application of the written words. They were regarded therefore as mate- rials, not of criticism, but of interpretation^ The same critic elsewhere remarks, that notwithstanding all the care of the Masorites to preserve the sacred text without variations, " if their success has not been complete, either in establishing or preserving the Hebrew text, they have been guilty only of the fault which is common to every human effort." In the period between the sixth and the tenth centuries, the Jews had two celebrated academies, one at Babylon in the East, and another at Tiberias in the West; where their litera- ture was cultivated, and the Scriptures were very frequently transcribed. Hence arose two recensions or editions of the Hebrew Scriptures, which were collated in the eighth or ninth century. The differences or various readings observed in them were noted, and have been transmitted to our time under the appellation of the Oriental and Occidental, or Eastern and Western Readings. They are variously computed at 210, THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 399 2i6, and 220, and are printed by Walton in the Appen- dix to his splendid edition of the Polyglott Bible. It is worthy of remark, that not one of these various readings is found in the Septuagint : they do not relate to vowel points or accents, nor do any of them affect the sense. Our printed editions vary from the Eastern readings in fifty-five places. History of the Hebrew Text from the Invention of THE Art of Printing to Our Own Times. Shortly after the invention of the art of printing, the Hebrew Scriptures were committed to the press ; at first in de- tached portions, and afterwards the entire Bible. We excerpt here from Home (1. c.) the principal editions of Hebrew Scriptures. Editiones Principes. Psalterium Hebraicum, cum commentario KiMCHll. Anno 237 (1477)- 4to. The first printed Hebrew book. It is of extreme rarity, and is printed (probably at Bologna) with a square Hebrew type, approaching that of the German Jews. The text is without points, except in the four first psalms, which are clumsily pointed. The commentary of Rabbi Kimchi is sub- joined to each verse of the text in the rabbinical character, and is much more complete than in the subsequent editions, as it contains all those passages which were afterwards omitted, as being hostile to Christianity. Prof. Jahn states that it is incorrectly printed, and that the matres lectionis are introduced or omitted at the pleasure of the editors, Biblia Hebraica, cum punctis. Soncino, 1488, folio. The first edition of the entire Hebrew Bible ever printed. It is at present of such extreme rarity, that only nine or ten copies of it are known to be in existence. One of these is in the library of Exeter College, Oxford. Editiones Primari^, or Those Which Have Been Adopted as the Bases of Subsequent Impressions. Biblia Hebraica, Svo. Brixiae, 1494. This edition was conducted by Gerson, the son of Rabbi Moses. It is also of extreme rarity, and is printed in long lines, except part of the Psalms, which is in two columns. The identical copy of this edition, from which Luther made his German translation, is said to be preserved in the Royal Library at Berlin. This edition was the basis of: i. — The 400 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Hebrew Text of the Complutensian Polyglott ; 2. — Bomberg's first Rabbinical Bible, Venice, 15 18, in 4 vols, folio ; 3. — Daniel, Bomberg's 4to. Hebrew Bible, Venice, 1518; 4. — His second Hebrew Bible, 4to. Venice, 1521 ; and, 5. — Sebastian Munster's Hebrew Bible, Basil, 1536, in 2 vols. 4to. Another primary edition is the Biblia Hebraica Bomberg- iana II. folio, Venice, 1525, 1526, folio. This was edited by Rabbi Jacob Ben Chajim, who had the reputation of being profoundly learned in the Masora, and other branches of Jewish erudition. He pointed the text according to the Masoretic system. This edition is the basis of all the modern pointed copies. Editions of the Hebrew Bible, with Rabbinical Com- mentaries. Besides the Biblia Rabbinica I. et II. just mentioned, we may notice in this class the three following editions, viz : Biblia Hebraica cum utraque Masora, Targum, necnon commentariis Rabbinorum, studio et cum prsefatione R. Jacob F. Chajim, Venetiis, 1 547-1 549, 4 tomis in 2 vols, folio. This is the second of Rabbi Jacob Ben Chajim's editions ; and, according to M. Brunet, is preferable to the preceding, as well as to another edition executed in 1568, also from the press of Daniel Bomberg. Biblia Hebraea, cum utraque Masora et Targum, item cum commentariis Rabbinorum, studio Johannis Buxtorfii, patris ; adjecta est ejusdem Tiberias, sive commentarius Masoreticus. Basileae, 1618, 1619, 1620, 4 tomis in 2 vols, folio. This great work was executed at the expense of Louis Kcenig, an opulent bookseller at Basle. On account of the additional matter which it contains, it is held in great esteem by Hebrew scholars, many of whom prefer it to the Hebrew Bibles printed by Bomberg. Buxtorf's Biblia Rabbinica con- tains the commentaries of the celebrated Jewish Rabbins, Jarchi, Aben Ezra, Kimchi, Levi Ben Gerson, and Saadias Haggaon. An appendix is subjoined, containing, besides the Jerusalem Targum, the great Masora, corrected and amended by Buxtorf and the various lections of the Rabbis Ben Ascher and Ben Naphtali. Buxtorf also annexed the points to the Chaldee paraphrase. The Tiberias, published by Buxtorf in 1620, was intended to illustrate the Masora and other additions to his great Bible. Biblia Hebraica Magna Rabbinica. Amstelodami 1724-27, 4 vols, folio. THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 401 " This is unquestionably the most copious and most valu- able of all the Rabbinical Bibles, and was edited by Moses Ben Simeon, of Frankfort. It is founded upon the Bomberg editions, and contains not only their contents, but also those of Buxtorf, with additional remarks by the editor." Principal Editions of the Hebrew Bible, including THOSE with Critical Notes and Apparatus. The first edition of the Hebrew Bible, printed by Bomberg, and edited by Felix Pratensis (Venice, 15 18), contains the various lections of the Eastern and Western recensions, which are also to be found in Buxtorf's Biblia Rabbinica. Biblia Hebraica, cum Latina Versione Sebastiani MUNSTERI. Basileae, 1534, 1535, 2 vols, folio. The Hebrew type of this edition resembles the characters of the German Jews. The Latin version of Munster is placed by the side of the Hebrew text. Though the editor has not indicated what manuscripts he used, he is supposed to have formed his text upon the edition printed at Brescia in 1494, or the still more early one of 1488. His prolegomena contain much useful critical matter, and his notes are subjoined to each chapter. This is the first edition of the Hebrew Bible printed in Germany. Hebraicorum Bibliorum Veteris Testament! Latina Inter- pretatio, opera olim Xantis Pagnini, Lucensis : nunc verd Benedicti Ariae Montani, Hispalensis, Francisci Raphelengii, Alnetani, Guidonis et Nicolai Fabriciorum Boderianorum fca- trum coUato studio, ad Hebraicam dictionem diligentissime expensa. Christ. Plantinus Antwerpiae excudebat, 1571. Folio. This is the first edition executed by Plantin, and is re- puted to be the most correct. The Hebrew text is the same as that printed in the Antwerp, or Spanish Polyglott ; and the interlineary Latin version is that of Pagninus, corrected by B. Arias Montanus. The Latin words correspond with the Hebrew above them ; and the Hebrew roots are placed in the margin to assist the reader. The order of the books of the Old Testament agrees with that of the Latin Bibles, and not with that of the Jews. The New Testament in Greek, also with an interlineary Latin version, printed in 1572, is added to this edition. Biblia Hebraica: eorundem Latina Interpretatio Xantis Pagnini, Lucensis, recenter Benedicti Ariae Montani, Hispa- lensis et quorundam aliorum coUato studio, ad Hebraicam dictionem diligentissime expensa. Accesserunt et huic edition! z 402 THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Libri Graec^ scripti, qui vocantur Apocryphi, cum interlineari interpretatione Latina ex Bibliis Complutensibus petita. Ant- werpiae, ex officina Christophori Plantini. 1584. Folio. This is the second edition printed by Plantin ; and it has the New Testament in Greek, also with an interlineary version and a separate title. Biblia Sacra Hebraea correcta, et collata cum antiquissimis exemplaribus manuscriptis et hactenus impressis. Amstelo- dami. Typis et sumtibus Josephi Athiae. 1661, 1667, 8vo. An extremely rare edition of a most beautifully executed Hebrew Bible. The impression of 1667 is said to be the most correct. Biblia Hebraica, cum notis Hebraicis et Lemmatibus Latinis, ex recensione Dan. Ern. JABLONSKI, cum ejus Praefatione Latina. Berolini, 1699, large 8vo. De Rossi considers this to be one of the most correct and important editions of the Hebrew Bible ever printed. It is extremely scarce. Jablonski published another edition of the Hebrew Bible in 1712, at Berlin, without points, in large i2mo., and subjoined to it Leusden's Catalogue of 2294 select verses, containing all the words occurring in the Old Testa- ment. There is also a Berlin edition of the Hebrew Bible without points, in 171 1, 24mo., from the press of Jablonski, who has prefixed a short preface. It was begun under the editorial care of S. G. Starcke, and finished, on his death, by Jablonski. Biblia Hebraica, edente Everardo Van der Hooght. Amstelodami et Ultrajecti, 8vo. 2 vols. 1705. A work of singular beauty and rarity. The Hebrew text is printed after Athias' second edition, with marginal notes pointing out the contents of each section. The characters, especially the vowel points, are uncommonly clear and dis- tinct. At the end. Van der Hooght has given the various lections occuring in the editions of Bomberg, Plantin, Athias, and others. Biblia Hebraica cum notis criticis, et Versione Latina ad notas criticas facta. Accedunt Libri Graeci, qui Deutero- canonici vocantur, in tres Classes distribute Autore Carolo Fran- cisco Houbigant. Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1753, 4 vols, folio. The text of this edition is that of Van der Hooght, without points ; and in the margin of the Pentateuch, Houbigant has added various lections from the Samaritan Pentateuch. He collated twelve manuscripts, of which, however, he is said not to have made all the use he might have done. Houbigant has THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 403 also printed a new Latin version of his own, expressive of such a text as his critical emendations appeared to justify and recommend. The book is most beautifully printed. Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum, cum variis Lectionibus. Edidit Benjaminus Kennicott, S. T. P. Oxonii, 1776, 1780, 2 vols, folio. This splendid work was preceded by two dissertations on the state of the Hebrew text, published in 1753 and 1759, the object of which was to show the necessity of the same exten- sive collation of Hebrew manuscripts of the Old Testament as had already been undertaken for the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament. The utility of the proposed collation being generally admitted, a very liberal subscription was made to defray the expense of the collation, amounting on the whole to nearly ten thousand pounds, and the name of his Majesty King George HI. headed the list of subscribers. Various persons were employed both at home and abroad ; but of the foreign literati, the principal was Professor Bruns, of the University of Helmstadt, who not only collated Hebrew manu- scripts in Germany, but went for that purpose into Italy and Switzerland. The business of collation continued from 1760 to 1769, inclusive, during which period Kennicott pub- lished annually an account of the progress which was made. More than six hundred Hebrew manuscripts, and sixteen manuscripts of the Samaritan Pentateuch, were discovered in different libraries in England and on the Continent, many of which were wholly collated, and others consulted in important passages. Several years necessarily elapsed, after the collations were finished, before the materials could be arranged and digested for publication. The variations, contained in nearly seven hundred bundles of papers, being at length digested (including the collations made by Professor Bruns), and the whole, when put together, being corrected by the original collations, and then fairly tr,anscribed into thirty folio volumes, the work was put to press in 1773. In 1776 the first volume of Kennicott's Hebrew Bible was delivered to the public, and in 1780 the second volume. It was printed at the Claren- don Press ; and the University of Oxford has the honor of having produced the first critical edition upon a large scale, both of the Greek Testament and of the Hebrew Bible. " The text of Kennicott's edition was printed from that of Van der Hooght, with which the Hebrew manuscripts, by Kennicott's direction, were all collated. But, as variations in the points were disregarded in the collation, the points were 404 THE SAMARITAN CODEX. not added in the text. The various readings, as in the critical editions of the Greek Testament, were printed at the bottom of the page, with references to the correspondent readings of the text. In the Pentateuch, the deviations of the Samaritan text were printed in a column parallel to the Hebrew ; and the variations observable in the Samaritan manuscripts, which differ from each other as well as the Hebrew, are likewise noted, with references to the Samaritan printed text. To this collation of manuscripts was added a collation of the most distinguished editions of the Hebrew Bible, in the same manner as Wetstein has noted the variations observable in the prin- cipal editions of the Greek Testament. Nor did Kennicott confine his collation to manuscripts and editions. He further considered, that as the quotations from the Greek Testament in the works of ecclesiastical writers afford another source of various readings, so the quotations from the Hebrew Bible in the works of Jewish writers are likewise subjects of critical inquiry. For this purpose he had recourse to the most distin- guished among the rabbinical writings, but particularly to the Talmud, the text of which is as ancient as the third century. In the quotation of his authorities he designates them by numbers, from i to 692, including manuscripts, editions, and rabbinical writings, which numbers are explained in the Dis- sertatio Generalis, annexed to the second volume." To Kennicott's Hebrew Bible, M. de Rossi published an important supplement at Parma (i 784-1 787), in four volumes 4to. of Varies Lectiones Veteris Testamenti. This work and Kennicott's edition form one complete set of collations. Of the immense mass of various readings which the collations of Kennicott and M. de Rossi exhibit, multitudes are in- significant, consisting frequently of the omission or addition of a single letter in a word, as a vau, &c. Closely allied in history with the Hebrew text is the Samaritan Codex. When the ten tribes seceded from the central government under Roboam, and set up an independent government under Jeroboam at Samaria, they were always regarded by those who had remained faithful to Solomon's issue in the kingdom of Juda, as prevaricators. Many fierce and bloody wars were waged between the two kingdoms, till the Assyrians overthrew the kingdom of Israel, and took her sons captive (721 B. C). To inhabit the land of Israel thus made desolate, the Assyrian monarchs sent thither colonists from the provinces of Babylon, from Cutha, Ava, Chamath, Sepharvaim. The remnants of THE SAMARITAN CODEX. 406 Jews that had been left in the land blended with these foreign colonists, and thus a mongrel race was formed that was termed Samaritans, from the name of the chief city of their land. Samaria, Heb. Shomeron, was thus called because it was built on a hill purchased from one Shomer. At first they brought with them their heterodox idolatry, which ignored Jahve. It would be dangerous to allow such a people to entrench them- selves so close to Juda, and carry on the false worship of the Assyrian gods, so Jahve sent upon them lions to ravage their land, to show that they must recognize him. Moved by this scourge, Assarhaddon, [Assur-ah-iddin] the Assyrian monarch, sent to them one of Israel's priests, that had been taken captive, to teach them the religion of Jahve. The polytheism of the Assy- rians admitted of any number of gods, and it was thought by them that the punishment had come upon the colonists simply be- cause they ignored the god of the land. That is, they believed that the land had a particular deity, who was to be united in worship to the other particular deities which they worshipped. The knowledge that the captive priest gave them of Jahve did not, in effect, exclude the worship of their own deities. They recognized Jahve only as a particular god of the land, and though they built temples to him, his worship was held in an inferior rank, for they chose as Jahve's priests the lowest of the people. They neglected the supreme and exclusive charac- ter of Jahve's worship, and must have considered such de- mands by Jahve as a jealous exclusiveness, which they could not sanction. So that, at the same time that they maintained a sort of worship of Jahve, every nation worshipped its own particular deity. For the men of Babylon made Soccoth Benoth, and the Cuthites made Nerghal, and the men of Chamath made Asima, and the men of Ava made Nibhaz and Thartack, and they that were of Sepharvaim burnt their children in fire to Adramelech and Anamelech, the gods of Sepharvaim (IV. Kings XVII. 30, 31). Such was the origin and religion of the Samaritans. They have a copy of the Pentateuch, in which the Hebrew words are inscribed in Samaritan characters. The date of this is uncertain, but it certainly must go back to the time of the captive priest, sent thither to instruct them. He could not well do this without a copy of the Law. It is not improbable that its date would go back even further, to the founding of the kingdom of Israel under Jeroboam. Although the Samaritan Pentateuch was known to and cited by Eusebius, Cyril of Alexandria, Procopius of Gaza, 406 THE SAMARITAN CODEX. Diodorus of Tarsus, Jerome, Syncellus, and other ancient Fathers, yet it afterwards fell into oblivion for upwards of a thousand years, so that its very existence began to be ques- tioned. Joseph Scaliger was the first who excited the atten- tion of learned men to this valuable relic of antiquity ; and M. Peiresc procured a copy from Egypt, which, together with the ship that brought it, was unfortunately captured by pirates. More successful was Usher, who procured six copies from the East ; and from another copy, purchased by Pietro della Valle for M. de Sancy (then ambassador from France to Constantinople, and afterwards Archbishop of St. Maloes), Father Morinus printed the Samaritan Pentateuch, for the first time, in the Paris Polyglott. This was afterwards reprinted in the London Polyglott by Walton, who corrected it from three manuscripts which had formerly belonged to Usher. Variations of the Samaritan Pentateuch from the Hebrew. The celebrated critic, Le Clerc, has instituted a minute comparison of the Samaritan Pentateuch with the Hebrew text ; and has, with much accuracy and labor, collected those pas- sages in which he is of opinion that the former is more or less correct than the latter. For instance : I. — The Samaritan text appears to be more correct than the Hebrew, in Gen. H. 4, VH. 2, XIX. 19, XX. 2, XXHI. 16, XXIV. 14, XLIX. 10, II, L. 26; Exod. I. 2, IV. 2. 2. — It is expressed more conformably to analogy, in Gen. XXXI. 39, XXXV. 26, XXXVII. 17, XLI. 34, 43, XLVII. 3 ; Deut. XXXII. 5. 3. — // has glosses and additions in Gen. XXIX. 15, XXX. 36, XLI. 16; Exod. VII. 18, VIII. 23, IX. 5, XXL 20, XXII. 5, XXIIL 10, XXXII. 9; Lev. L 10, XVII. 4; Deut. V. 21. 4. — It appears to have been altered by a critical hand, in Gen. 11. 2, IV. 10, IX. 5, X. 19, XI. 21, XVIII. 3, XIX. 12, XX. 16, XXIV. 38, 55, XXXV. 7, XXXVI. 6, XLI. 50; Exod. I. 5, XIII. 6, XV. 5 ; Numb. XXII. 32. 5. — It is more full than the Hebrew text, in Gen. V. 8, XI. 31, XIX. 9, XXVII. 34. XXXIX. 4, XLIII. 25 ; Exod. XII. 40, XL. 17 ; Numb. IV. 14 ; Deut. XX. 16. 6. — // is defective in Gen. XX. 16, and XXV. 14. It agrees with the Septuagint version in Gen. IV. 8, XIX. 12, XX. 16, XXIII. 2, XXIV. 55, 62, XXVI. 18, XXIX. 27, XXXV. 29, XXXIX. 8, XLI. 16, 43. XLIII. 26, XLIX. 26; Exod. VIII. 3, and in various other passages. THE SAMARITAN CODEX. 407 7. — // sometint'^s varies from the Septuagint, as in Gen. I. 7, V. 29, VIII. 3, 7, XLIX. 22 ; Num. XXII. 4. The differences between the Samaritan and Hebrew Penta- teuchs may be accounted for by the usual sources of various readings, viz., the negligence of copyists, introduction of glosses from the margin into the text, the confounding of similar letters, the transposition of letters, the addition of ex- planatory words, &c. The Samaritan Pentateuch, however, is of great use and authority in establishing correct readings ; in many instances it agrees remarkably with the Greek Septua- gint, and it contains numerous and excellent various lections, which are in every respect preferable to the received Masoretic readings, and are further confirmed by the agreement of other ancient versions. The most material variations between the Samaritan Pen- tateuch and the Hebrew, which affect the authority of the former, occur, first, in the prolongation of the patriarchal generations ; and, secondly, in the alteration of Ebal into Garizim (Deut. XXVII.), in order to support their separation from the Jews. With regard to the charge of altering the Pentateuch, it has been shown by Kennicott, from a consideration of the character of the Samaritans, their known reverence for the Law, our Lord's silence on the subject in his memorable con- versation with the woman of Samaria, and from various other topics ; that what almost all biblical critics have hitherto con- sidered as a wilful corruption by the Samaritans, is in all probability the true reading, and that the corruption is to be charged on the Jews themselves. In judging, therefore, of the genuineness of a reading, we are not to declare absolutely for one of these Pentateuchs against the other, but to prefer the true readings in both. " One ancient copy," Kennicott remarks, with equal truth and justice, " has been received from the Jews, and we are truly thankful for it ; another ancient copy is offered by the Samaritans ; let us thankfully accept that likewise. Both have been often transcribed ; both, there- fore, may contain errors. They differ in many instances, therefore the errors must be many. Let the two parties be heard without prejudice ; let their evidences be weighed with impartiality ; and let the genuine words of Moses be ascertained by their joint assistance. Let the variations of all the manu- scripts on each side be carefully collected, and then critically examined by the context and the ancient versions. If the Samaritan copy should be found in some places to correct the 408 VERSIONS OF THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. Hebrew, yet will the Hebrew copy in other places correct the Samaritan. Each copy, therefore, is invaluable; each copy, therefore, demands our pious veneration, and attentive study. The Pentateuch will never be understood perfectly, till we admit the authority of both."* Versions of the Samaritan Pentateuch. Of the Samaritan Pentateuch two versions are extant ; one in the proper Samaritan dialect, which is usually termed the Samaritan Version, and another in Arabic. We here reproduce on the opposite page a specimen of the Samaritan Codex, and its Samaritan translation from Walton's Polyglott. The passage is from Genesis, I. 1-14. The Samaritan Version was made in Samaritan characters, from the Hebraeo-Samaritan text into the Samaritan dialect, which is intermediate between the Hebrew and the Aramaean languages. This version is of great antiquity, having been made at least before the time of Origen, that is, early in the second century. The author of the Samaritan version is un- known, but he has in general adhered very closely and faith- fully to the original text ; so that this version is almost ex- actly the counterpart of the original Hebrew-Samaritan Codex with all its various readings. This shows, in a degree really surprising, how very carefully and accurately the Hebrew Pentateuch has been copied and preserved by the Samaritans, from the ancient times in which their version was made. After the rise of protestantism, the adherents of the new sect made a fierce attack on the Latin Vulgate. They, at the same time, greatly extolled the original languages of Holy Scripture, and strove to maintain that the Hebrew text had persevered unchanged from the beginning. To counteract this movement, some Catholics depreciated the Hebrew text far below its merits. It is undoubtedly true that both opin- ions are extreme. The Hebrew text, like all other old docu- ments, has suffered much from various causes, and in the text are many uncertain readings. In fact, as it is older than the other texts of Scripture, its vicissitudes have been greater, and the resulting corruption greater ; but we stoutly deny that it is so vitiated, that it is no longer an authentic text of Scrip- ture. Justin, (martyr) Origen, Chrysostom, the pseudo Atha- nasius, Tertullian, Jerome and others accused the Jews of corrupting the Scriptures.f ♦Kennicott, Diss. II. pp. 20-165. fS. Justin, c. Try ph. 71, 72, etc. (M. 6, 644); S. Iren. c. haer. III. 21; IV. 13 (M. 7, 946, 1004); Origen. Ep. ad Afric. 9; in lerem. horn. 16. 10 (M. 12, 65 GENESIS. RITANUS. VERSIO SAMARITANA. 1, 10 II n P4 '^m }ii'^^'mJch^°s'^miii''^t*^'^!dJcm'^'KZA'^ii}A^ **p *iyV^«iW^*^^2A^*'^53^^* ja^*^2^*^3[2yV'5(>^i^ii: n 2''=S'avm'=;k2'ij2wyt^:2tya[V'^^iiy*f^^v»'=iyvm 2A^ "^ :iii5'=y*5t^?t^«5tv'=Syv2v5[a*5[v'=>i^'=y3r^iii^i2 t:^^tiii2*:i^232*:i232ja •a^v'^vV(Tr*3[v^4 2 A %li V ^ ♦ ^^t i^i2* ^a* ^ A^ :j w^ p*y */7r'^ 2* '^/tt^v *3ti7r iii^^\V^l2^*!2im^ert^';^*[rt^m*mZ/f*'^:i^A^< "^'^ l2^ nooic:ftntque lufigm thtl m2*^m ^^♦^iij^ar'ixnTa'p^3ii/2^*^v^A*2V3[^^liitfi "]^w.4^wi'0''^,e^i«^fXj par f scicmaqujeCt) feminantem (0 progermmantpm gcrniea (i) jilantam (Ocajus fruftificatio in icipfj cftC/) orbc ccsli TfiXT.ETVEll.SAM Tianflatio Latina. CAP. I U Pmd>Ho crcavit De m ccelum & terram. Ter- ra auiem ercm. inank i hcum unumy& (tppareat arida,: &faSitmeliita. Ef vocavptpeiis arid'am^ icrram-^ &'ii^mregiitioni tqiiarii^T^ayitmma : iiit!>jtepe^.^iiod bmu 'fet. Etjmtpeusyger- minet te^a-^pbdm vi- rmem, (b)faciedtem fe- men-y <^ arborem fhtt- lifcram't facicntem fru- ^im fecundum jpeciem fuamycujus femen fit in. ea fuper terram : & fa- Cmm eftita^VTodux'itqm [j terra herbam virenie (c) facientem femenfecundii (jpeciem fua:&(d)arbori Uci:rftefm6iu(e)hAbcnti \ctKcn in femtipfayfccu/i- diim (pedemfuam: Et zi- dit Deus quod bonu e[J'eti Etfaciumeftvcjpereyfa- ij ciumq-y eft mane, dies ter- tins. Et dixit Deusy{/a>it j. luminana in(f)firmamn- to cceH, ut tuceant jypc, Id. [X 410 VERSIONS OF THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. Martianay, Nicolas of Lyra, Paul of Burgos, Salmeron, Melchior Canus, Morini and others also have laid this accusa- tion upon them.* Jerome, in another place, stoutly defends the integrity of the Hebrew text. Augustine, Sixtus of Sienna, Bellarmine, Genebrard, Mariana, Richard Simon and others have also de- fended its integrity.f In studying the question, we are led to the following con- clusions: I. — They err greatly who believe that any extensive corruption was wrought in the Hebrew text in hatred of the Messiah. That such corruption could not have been wrought before the time of the Christ is self-evident. There was lack- ing the motive for such movement, and, moreover, had it been done in hatred of the Messiah, he would have charged them with this great crime. That such corruption were wrought after the advent of Christ is disproven first, from the impossi- bility of the work. There were many codices scattered abroad through the world, several of which were in possession of those who would not conspire in such undertaking. No system would suffice to reach them all. And, moreover, some of the sublimest of the messianic prophecies never arrive, in their translations, at the grandeur that they have in the original. We believe, also, that the Providence of God would not permit that code to be essentially corrupted, in which he had first covenanted with the chosen people. But it is not our mind to deny that an occasional corruption has been wilfully fastened upon the Hebrew text. Hatred of the Messiah is bound up in the heart of the Jew. Now, as they were the chief cus- todians of the Hebrew text, it is quite probable that, wherever the reading or the sense was doubtful, they would incline to that reading or interpretation which was less favorable to the Messiah. Again, some certain texts may have been deliber- ately corrupted in some codices, whence the corruption spread, sqq.; 13, 449 sqq.); S. Chrys. in Matth. horn. 5, 2 (M. 57); Ps. Athan. Synops. SS. 78 (in textu latino tantum; M. 28, 438); TertuU. de cultu fem. I. 3 (M. 1, 1308); S. Hier. in Gal. 3, 10 (M. 26, 357). *Raym. Mart. Pug. fid. II. 3, 9 p. 277; Lyran. et Paulus Burg, in Os. 9; Salmer. Proleg. 4; Cani Loci theol. II. 13; Morin. Exercit. bibl. I. 1, 2 p. 7 sqq. eorum et aliorum multorum testimonia recitat. fS. Hier. in Is. 6, 9 (M. 24, 99); S. Aug. De Civ. D. XV. 13 (M. 41, 452); Bellarm. De verbo Dei II. 2; Sim. de Muis Triplex assertio pro veritate hebraica. 0pp. II. p. 131 sqq.; Genebrard in Ps. 21, 19; Sixt. Sen. Biblioth. s. VIII. haer. 18; loan. Mariana Pro Vulgata c. 7; Rich. Sim. Hist. crit. du V. T. III. 18; Marchini De divin. et canonic, libr. sacr. I. 6; Lamy Introd. in SS. I. p. 83 sqq.; Reinke Beitraege VII. p. 292 sqq., etc. etc. THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 411 and gradually invaded them all. This we admit, but it is in so small a part that it does not rob the great text of its value. We reserve for the exegesis of the text to specify the places where such corruption has prevailed. The corruption of one passage, or the attempt to obscure the sense of a passage, would have sufficed to bring upon the Jews the accusations spoken of in the Fathers. Moreover, it is not clear that the Fathers charged them with changing the Hebrew text, but rather with obscuring the sense, so that they rejected the Septuagint. Justin, it is true (1. c), accuses them of deliberate mutilations, but an examination of the passages does not substantiate his charge. The rejection by the Jews of the deuterocanonical books might also have been taken by the Fathers as a corruption of Scripture. We believe, therefore, that the way of truth lies in a middle course. We admit that some passages of the Hebrew text are corrupted, but we defend that in the main it is authen- tic, and of the greatest value for him who would arrive at the deeper sense of the message of the Old Law. Chapter XVHI. The Greek Text of the New Testament. We have before spoken of the evidence of the Providence of God in bringing about a state of peace in the civilized world, preceding the advent of Christ. It is also attributable to this benign Providence that one universal tongue was the medium of thought in this vast extent of the habitable globe. When, therefore, the Apostles entered upon the execution of the mandate of Christ to teach all nations, they adopted the Greek language which was the great medium of thought among the nations. After the Macedonians had subjugated the whole of Greece, and extended their dominion into Asia and Africa, the refined and elegant Attic began to decline ; and all the dialects being by degrees mixed together, there arose a certain peculiar lan- guage, called the Common, and also the Hellenic ; but more especially, since the empire of the Macedonians was the chief cause of its introduction into the general use from the time of Alexander onwards, it was called the (later) Macedonic. This dialect was composed from almost all the dialects of Greece, together with very many foreign words borrowed from the Persians, Syrians, Hebrews, and other nations, who became connected with the Macedonian people after the age of 412 THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Alexander. Now, of this Macedonian dialect, the dialect of Alexandria (which was the language of all the inhabitants of that city, as well of the learned as of the Jews,) was a degene- rate progeny far more corrupt than the common Macedonian dialect. This last-mentioned common dialect, being the cur- rent Greek spoken throughout Western Asia, was made use of by the writers of the Greek Testament. In consequence of the peculiarities of the Hebrew phraseology being discernible, it has by some philologers been termed Hebraic-Greek, and (from the Jews having acquired the Greek language, rather by practice than by grammar, among the Greeks, in whose coun- tries they resided in large communities,) Hellenistic-Greek. The propriety of this appellation was severely contested to- wards the close of the seventeenth and in the early part of the eighteenth century ; and numerous publications were written on both sides of the question, with considerable asperity, which, together with the controversy, are now almost forgotten. The dispute, however interesting to the philological antiqua- rian, is, after all, a mere " strife of words : " and as the appella- tions of Helle?iistic or Hebraic-Greek, and of Macedonian-Greek, are sufficiently correct for the purpose of characterizing the language of the New Testament, one or other of them is now generally adopted. Of this Hebraic style, the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark exhibit strong vestiges." The Epistles of St. James and Jude are somewhat better, but even these are full of Hebraisms, and betray in other respects a certain Hebrew tone. St. Luke has, in several passages, written pure and classic Greek, of which the four first verses of his Gospel may be given as an instance : in the sequel, where he describes the actions of Christ, he has very harsh Hebraisms, yet the style is more agreeable than that of St. Matthew or St. Mark. In the Acts of the Apostles he is not free from Hebraisms, which he seems to have never studiously avoided ; but his periods are more classically turned, and sometimes possess beauty devoid of art. St. John has numerous, though not un- couth, Hebraisms both in his Gospel and Epistles; but he has written in a smooth and flowing language, and surpasses all the Jewish writers in the excellence of narrative. St. Paul again is entirely different from them all ; his style is indeed neglected and full of Hebraisms, but he has avoided the con- cise and verse-like construction of the Hebrew language, and has, upon the whole, a considerable share of the roundness of Grecian composition. It is evident that he was as perfectly THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 413 acquainted with the Greek manner of expression as with the Hebrew ; and he has introduced them alternately, as either the one or the other suggested itself the first, or was the best ap- proved." This diversity of style and idiom in the sacred writers of the New Testament affords an intrinsic and irresistible evi- dence for the authenticity of the books which pass under their names. If their style had been uniformly the same, there would be good reason for suspecting that they had all com- bined together when they wrote ; or, else, that having previ- ously concerted what they should teach, one of them had com- mitted to writing their system of doctrine. In ordinary cases, when there is a difference of style in a work professing to be the production of one author, we have reason to believe that it was written by several persons. In like manner, and for the very same reason, when books, which pass under the names of several authors, are written in different styles, we are author- ized to conclude that they were not composed by one person. Further, if the New Testament had been written with classic purity, if it had presented to us the language of Iso- crates, Demosthenes, Xenophon, or Plutarch, there would have been just grounds for suspicion of forgery ; and it might with propriety have been objected, that it was impossible for Hebrews, who professed to be men of no learning, to have written in so pure and excellent a style, and, consequently, that the books which were ascribed to them must have been the invention of some impostor. The diversity of style, there- fore, which is observable in them, so far from being any objec- tion to the authenticity of the New Testament, is in reality a strong argument for the truth and sincerity of the sacred writers, and of the authenticity of their writings. " Very many of the Greek words found in the New Testament, are not such as were adopted by men of education, and the higher and more polished ranks of life, but such as were in use with the common people. Now this shows that the writers became acquainted with the language, in consequence of an actual intercourse with those who spoke it, rather than from any study of books ; and that intercourse must have been very much confined to the middling or even lower classes ; since the words and phrases most frequently used by them passed current only among the vulgar. There are undoubtedly many plain intimations given throughout these books, that their writers were of this lower class, and that their associates were frequently of the same description ; but the character of the 414 THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. style is the strongest confirmation possible that their condi- tions were not higher than what they have ascribed to them- selves." In fact, the vulgarisms, foreign idioms, and other dis- advantages and defects, which some critics imagine that they have discovered in the Hebraic Greek of the New Testament, " are assigned by the inspired writers as the reasons of God's preference of it, whose thoughts are not our thoughts, nor his ways our ways. Paul argues, that the success of the preachers of the Gospel, in spite of the absence of those accomplish- ments in language, then so highly valued, was an evidence of the divine power and energy with which their ministry was accompanied. He did not address them, he tells us (I. Cor. I. 17.) with the wisdom of words, — with artificial periods and a studied elocution, — lest the cross of Christ should be made of none effect ; — lest to human eloquence that success should be ascribed, which ought to be attributed to the divinity of the doctrine and the agency of the spirit, in the miracles wrought in support of it. There is hardly any sentiment which he is at greater pains to enforce. He used none of the enticing or per- suasive words of mans wisdom. Wherefore ? — ' That their faith might not stand in the wisdom of man, but in the power of God.' (I. Cor. n. 4, 5.) Should I ask what was the reason why our Lord Jesus Christ chose for the instruments of that most amazing revolution in the religious systems of mankind, men perfectly illiterate and taken out of the lowest class of the people ? Your answer to this will serve equally for an answer to that other question, Why did the Holy Spirit choose to deliver such important truths in the barbarous idiom of a few obscure Galilaeans, and not in the politer and more harmonious strains of Grecian eloquence ? I repeat it, the answer to both questions is the same — That it might appear, beyond contra- diction, that the excellency of the power was of God, and not of man." As a large proportion of the phrases and constructions of the New Testament is pure Greek, that is to say, of the same degree of purity as the Greek which was spoken in Macedonia, and that in which Polybius and Appian wrote their histories ; the language of the New Testament will derive considerable illustration from consulting the works of classic writers, and especially from diligently collating the Septuagint version of the Old Testament. In consequence of the Macedonian Greek being composed of almost all the dialects of Greece (as well as of very many foreign words), the New Testament contains examples of the THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 415 various DIALECTS occurring in the Greek language, and es- pecially of the Attic. To these, some have added the poetic dialect, chiefly, it should seem, because there are a few passages cited by St. Paul from the ancient Greek poets, in Acts XVII. 28, I. Cor. XV. 33, and Tit. I. 12. But the sacred writers of the New Testament, being Jews, were consequently acquainted with the Hebrew idioms, and also with the common, as well as with the appropriated or acquired senses of the words of that language. Hence, when they used a Greek word, as corres- pondent to a Hebrew one of like signification, they employed it as the Hebrew word was used, either in a common or appropriated sense, as occasion required. The whole arrange- ment of their periods " is regulated according to the Hebrew verses (not those in Hebrew poetry, but such as are found in the historical books), which are constructed in a manner directly opposite to the roundness of Grecian language, and for want of variety have an endless repetition of the same par- ticles." These particular idioms are termed HEBRAISMS, and their nature and classes have been treated at considerable length by various writers. — (Home, op. cit.) Concerning the materials used in ancient writing Montfau- con, has ably written in his Palaeographia Graeca (Paris 1708). " Stone, wood, tablets covered with wax, the bark of trees, the dressed skins of animals, the reed papyrus, paper made of cotton or linen, are the chief materials on which writing has been impressed at different periods and stages of civilization. The most ancient manuscripts of the New Testament now existing are composed of vellum or parchment {fnembrana), the term vellum being strictly applied to the delicate skins of very young calves ; and parchment (which seems to be a cor- ruption of f^^r/^/^r^^^w^rw^, a name first given to skins pre- pared by some improved process for Eumenes, king of Per- gamus, about B. C. 150) to the integuments of sheep or goats. In judging of the date of a manuscript written on skins, atten- tion must be paid to the quality of the material, the oldest being almost invariably described on the thinnest and whitest vellum that could be procured ; while manuscripts of later ages, being usually composed of parchment, are thick, discoloured, and coarsely grained. Thus the Codex Friderico-Augustanus of the fourth century is made of the finest skins of antelopes, the leaves being so large, that a single animal would furnish only two (Tischendorf, Prolegomena, § i). Its contemporary, the far-famed Codex Vaticanus, challenges universal admiration for the beauty of its vellum ; every visitor at the British 416 THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Museum can observe the excellence of that of the Codex Alexandrinus of the fifth century ; that of the Codex Claro- montanus of the sixth century is no less remarkable ; the material of those purple-dyed fragments of the Gospels which Tischendorf denominates N, also of the sixth century, is so subtle and delicate that some persons have mistaken the leaves preserved in England (Brit. Mus. Cotton, Titus) for Egyptian papyrus. Paper made of cotton {charta bombycina, called also charta Damascena from its place of manufacture) may have been fabricated in the ninth or tenth century, and linen paper [charta proper) as early as the twelfth ; but they were seldom used for Biblical manuscripts earlier than the thirteenth, and had not entirely displaced parchment at the era of the invention of printing, about a. d. 1450. Cotton paper is for the most part easily distinguished from linen by its roughness and coarse fibre, some of the early linen paper, both glazed and unglazed, is of a very fine texture, though perhaps a little too stout and crisp for convenient use. Lost portions of parchment or vellum manuscripts are often sup- plied in paper by some later hand ; and the Codex Leices- trensis of the fourteenth century is unique in this respect, being composed of a mixture of inferior vellum and worse paper, regularly arranged in the proportion of two parchment to three paper leaves, recurring alternately throughout the whole volume." " Although parchment was in occasional, if not familiar use at the period when the New Testament was written (ra /StySXia, /laXto-ra ra? /Aeft/8/3ava9, II. Tim. IV. 13), yet the the cheaper and more perishable papyrus of Egypt was chiefly employed for ordinary purposes, and was probably what is ment by x^prrj^ in II. John V. 12. This vegetable production had been long used for literary purposes in the time of Hero- dotus (b. C. 440), and that not only in Egypt (Herod. Hist. II. 100) but elsewhere, for he expressly states that the lonians, for lack of byblus, had been compelled to have recourse to the skins of goats and sheep (v. 58). We find a minute, if not a very clear description of the mode of preparing the papyrus for the scribe in the works of the elder Pliny (Hist. Nat. I^ XIII. C. II, 12). Its frail and brittle quality has no doubt caused us the loss of some of the choicest treasures of ancient literature ; the papyri which yet survive in the museums of Europe owe their preservation to the accidental circumstance of having been buried in the tombs of Thebes, or beneath the wreck of Herculaneum. As we before intimated, no exist- THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 417 ing manuscript of the New Testament is written on papyrus, nor can the earliest we possess on vellum be dated higher than the middle of the fourth century." " We have some grounds for suspecting that papyrus was not over plentiful even in the best time of the Roman domin- ion ; and it may be readily imagined that vellum (especially that fine sort by praiseworthy custom required for copies of Holy Scripture) could never have been otherwise than scarce and dear. Hence arose at a very early period of the Christian era, the practice and almost the necessity of erasing ancient writing from skins, in order to make room for works in which the living generation felt more interest. This process of de- struction, however, was seldom so fully carried out, but that the strokes of the elder hand might still be traced, more or less completely, under the more modern writing. Such manu- scripts are called codices rescripti or palimpsests {7ra\ifji-\jrr)a-Ta), and several of the most precious monuments of sacred learning are of this description. The Codex Ephraemi at Paris con- tains large fragments both of the Old and the New Testament under the later Greek works of St. Ephraem the Syrian : and the Codex Nitriensis, recently disinterred from a monastery in the Egyptian desert and brought to the British Museum, com- prises a portion of St. Luke's Gospel, nearly obliterated, and covered over by a Syriac treatise of Severus of Antioch against Grammaticus, comparatively of no value whatever. It will be easily believed that the collating or transcribing of palimpsests has cost much toil and patience to those whose loving zeal has led them to the attempt : and after all their true readings will be sometimes (not often) rather uncertain, even though chemi- cal mixtures (such as prussiate of potash or the tinctura Giobertind) have recently been applied, with much success, to restore the faded lines and letters of these venerable records." " We need say but little of a practice which St. Jerome and others speak of as prevalent towards the end of the fourth century, that of dyeing the vellum purple, and of stamping rather than writing the letters in silver and gold. The Cotton fragment of the Gospels, is one of the few remain- ing copies of this kind, and it is not unlikely that the great Dublin palimpsest of St. Matthew owes its pres- ent wretched discoloration to some such dye. We care for them only as they serve to indicate the reverence paid to the Scriptures by men of old. The style, however, of the pictures, illustrations, arabesques and initial ornaments that prevail in later copies from the eighth century downwards, AA 418 THE GREEK TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. whose colors and gilding are sometimes as fresh and bright as if laid on but yesterday, will not only interest the student by tending to throw light on mediaeval art and habits and modes of thought, but will often fix the date of the books which contain them with a precision otherwise quite beyond our reach." " The ink used in the most ancient manuscripts has unfor- tunately for the most part turned red or brown, very pale, or peeled off, or eaten through the vellum ; so that in many cases (as in the Codex Vaticanus itself) a later hand has ruthlessly retraced the letter, and given a false semblance of coarseness or carelessness to the original writing. In such instances a few passages will usually remain untouched, just as the first scribe left them, and from the study of these a right no- tion can be formed of the primitive condition of the rest. From the seventh century downwards it is said that the in- gredients of ink have but little changed. The base has been soot, or lamp black made of burnt shavings of ivory, mixed with wine-lees or gum, and subsequently sepia or alum. Vitriol and gall-nuts are now added, the mineral serving to fix the vegetable ingredients. In many manuscripts of about the twelfth century (e. g. Gonville and Caius MS., 59 of the Gospels) we observe what seems to be, and very well may be, the Indian ink of commerce, still preserving a beautiful jet black on the inner and smoother side of the parchment, and washed out rather than erased, whenever corrections were desired. The coloured inks (red, green, blue or purple) are often quite brilliant to this day ; the four red lines which stand at the head of each column of the first page of the Codex Alexandrinus are far more legible than the portions in black ink below them, yet are undoubtedly written by the same hand." " While papyrus (%a/3T779) remained in common use, the chief instrument employed was probably a reed {KdXafioJONJlMOl ^loY^JMCDJMA^BoY<^M•*^^cA^MT^^A^c^Y^^^^ oYKex^BOMMeee^Y'^^^^^^^'^^ eNTQic ^irr6ioic^.Y"^^^^'^'^^4*J'^^'^^" exXBONJeAeoMeMTOic^rreioic MeTXTCONlAXMTT^ACOM^Y'^^^^ XJOMl2;o^^ToCAeToY^^Y^4^'OY 6KSYC"T^^2M^TrACMK^l6K^e6YAO>^ IV16CHCA6MYJJ ht n p p c TO jM eM p i<*.i^7: AfMOA^oroc oyToc nro K"A.ixcD p V c A.-rp-;6 y e re ' >J e TO 6 y Ad ^ m hre ro*j«~ 2:aJHA^J^^o<:}>^I^c;K^lTQ -twr**^»fv^r--». tcD c € N T H c/ica:«-;>V<4>Ai . M €M o^ n A:f i e y oht o hAK Ayrua iti^x^i H c oy-roc j^Xe'e V«4 e I c M XT nry > J^ y M>rfM X P T:y r rt ODproc I* t^J A r iXkT'^C ni c nre y ecu c I r^ i^ i xy toy oy kf Ah e'Ke i m oc'r6.M ^f TV r.H C ^rn<^ p^r7^yxpc /fisiTPJ» TO A-X K © C I M O M 6 cfc> CU -p^ 72;€inXNi~i ^A-taorobnOM j^ A ro KO c M p c zs i .Ky Toy €: r€>J € "TO KT A^ 1 9 Ko'c M oo TX Y iw I >. hi A ©e M K X I Q 1 1 /^ o?i A y TO M p y ri ^ f e_^Ax e p cjoo^Ae € A>< K.XN xyroN € Acb»<€ r^ Xy TO ipe^oy o f AM T^e K-isfAe y re>4 e c^i ^nro I c h re Tne'y oy ci iM ^^JC ^Ke T JoyA'ee*^ ^ eA hUM aTO^jC;A>p^o1c^ 446 THE UNCIAL CODICES. of its own, beyond question tend very powerfully to confirm. Each column contains about forty-two lines, each line from sixteen to eighteen letters, of a size somewhat less than in the Codex Alexandrinus, with no intervals between the words, a space of the breadth of half a letter being left at the end of a sentence, and a little more at the conclusion of a paragraph. It has been doubted whether any of the stops zrQ prima manu, and (contrary to the judgment of Birch and others) the breath- ings and accents are now generally allowed to have been added by the second hand. This hand, apparently of about the eighth century, retraced, with as much care as such an opera- tion would permit, the faint lines of the original writing (the ink whereof was perhaps never quite black), the remains of which can even now be seen by a keen-sighted reader by the side of the more modern strokes ; anxious at the same time to represent a critical revision of the text, the writer left un- touched such words or letters as he wished to reject. In these places, where no breathings or accents and scarcely any stops have ever been detected, we have an opportunity of seeing the manuscript in its primitive condition ; before it had been tam- pered with by the later scribe. There are occasional breaks in the continuity of the writing, every descent in the genealogies of our Lord (Matt. I., Luke III.), each of the beatitudes (Matt, v.), and of the parables in Matt. XIII. , forming a separate paragraph ; but such a case will oftentimes not occur for sev- eral consecutive pages. The writer's plan was to proceed steadily with a book until it was finished : then to break off from the column he was writing, and to begin the next book on the very next column. Thus only one column perfectly blank is found in the whole volume, that which follows iv\a^, which contained writ- ten and printed books, the greater part liturgical with varied liturgical apparatus. He had collected all the extant frag- ments of the Codex shortly after my first eastern journey. I took them all to my room and then I fully realized how great a treasure I held in my hands, and I praised and thanked God, the author of so great a benefit to the Church, to letters, and to myself. I spent the first night in transcribing the Epistle THE UNCIAL CODICES. 451 of Barnabas, for to sleep at such a time seemed unlawful, "quippe dormire nefas videbatur." The day following I ar- ranged with the monks, that if the superiors at Cairo should so order, they would send the Codex thither to me to be trans- cribed. Setting out on the appointed day with the kind letters of the monk Cyrill, the learned librarian of the monastery, I reached Cairo the thirteenth day of February, where, through the favor of Agathangelus, the venerable prior of the cloister, the enterprise so prospered, that, a thing seemingly incredible, a messenger traversed the deserts of Arabia and Egypt twice, within nine days, and I received from the hands of the Super- iors the ancient parchments, on the twenty-fourth day of the same month. As had been agreed upon, the transcription of the whole Codex was undertaken without delay, and with the help of two natives, one a doctor of medicine, the other a pharmacist, it was finished within two months. Although I revised, letter by letter the work of my asso- ciates, and also that which I transcribed with my own hand, I plainly perceived that the method of the old correctors was greatly defective, and that the Codex needed a revision, in order that I might confidently undertake an accurate edition of it. In the meantime, I proposed to the venerable brethren of Sinai that they should send the Codex through me, as a pledge of their special affection to Alexander II., the ornament and defender of the orthodox faith. They heartily approved of my proposition. But now Constantius, the Archbishop, who had formerly been patriarch, died. The administrator of the college in the interim, an eminent man, had, by unanimous vote, been chosen to succeed the deceased prelate, but had not yet been conse- crated. At this juncture a certain one, who arrogated to him- self authority, opposed me, but the venerable college con- ceded what I greatly urged, that I might bring the Codex to St. Petersburg to prepare from it a correct edition. It was only loaned me for a time, till the Archbishop should ratify in the name of the college its perpetual transfer. On this con- dition the Codex was delivered to me at Cairo, on the 28th of September, 1859. Recalling the pleasant memory of this affair, I am moved to gratitude towards the venerable brethren for their benevo- lence, and trust in me, and I commend them for the nobility of mind and liberality with which they promoted the cause of Christian learning." 452 THE UNCIAL CODICES. Tischendorf arrived in St. Petersburg in November, where he was received with great respect by the Emperor. The Codex was exposed to public view in the imperial library for two weeks. By the aid of the Emperor, type was cast by which the great Codex was faithfully reproduced. The labor expended in this edition can scarely be realized. In i86i the great work was accomplished, and on the nth of September of that year the splendid edition was presented to the Empe- ror. In 1863, Tischendorf published an edition of the New Testament for popular use, in which he has reproduced the exact form of the original Codex in modern Greek characters. " The Codex Sinaiticus, as we learn from Tischendorf's Notitia, consists of 345^ leaves of beautiful vellum, of which 199 contain portions of the Septuagint version. 147^2 leaves contain the whole New Testament, Barnabas' Epistle, and por- tions of Hermas' Shepherd. Each page comprises four columns, with 48 lines in each column, of continuous, noble, simple uncials. The poetical books of the Old Testament, however, being written in crrixoi^ admit of only two columns on a page. The order of the sacred books is remarkable, though not unpre- cedented. St. Paul's Epistles precede the Acts, and among them, that to the Hebrews follows II. Thess., standing on the same page with it. Breathings and accents there are none ; the apostrophus, and a single point for punctuation, are entirely absent for pages together, yet occasionally are rather thickly studded, not only in places where a later hand has been unusu- ally busy. Even the words very usually abridged (except ^cr, K(T., Lcr, x"^") "^^^ which are constant) are here written in full, as TraTTjp, BaveiS ; the practice varies for vio N c XKe Y CI HCDcnenoiH M e H CI> N 1 H X M 1 M-l T>KM H cxKe-yoM eNK h\ O R XC I \e I XN XCA X€YTON nXJ'A^AKU. EXMOKITeceXOM^ X KF » »^ ^ ^ CAXTpT OM eN 6 YXf ecTcu* TCU OCJ H € TKe7>x g I KCK Kl'i^^O YC KN rxp o e c H M cu N n-jr KXTXNXXICKON H e XH ejH CXNOlrtcpi nxTOYNiec exoMeNeYCixn^H tioNei[OY4>xrer YKe xoyci m ex-y CIXN OITHCKHHH xxTfCYONTeccDN rXfeiccbepeTxu- OJNTOAI MXnepi XMXfTIACeiCTXX n XXI xTOYA^r X i € |> e cx> cTo YT<^ M jx CCJL>M XTXKXTXKXI €TX|€TcUTHCnX pen ROXHC AlOKAIICl'NXXn xc H A I XTO Y » X I oy XI MXTOCTONXX** TocrxpeiPHKeN-y M H cexN cuoYJ^onr MHceerKXTXxei TAc H M xcxerki ki K c e M o 1 R o H e o*f < OYcbORHeHCOMAI Tin OIHCeiMOiKH e|>ajrTOC M N H MONey€T€j^ HroYM€Ma3NY"^ OITI NecexAxH-x YNexep: o xn pocXY TOM £2* THCnXf eM BOXH*^ TONONCIXICMOH XYnnoY^^^f ^ '^ T^" OYrxpexoMeH*** ACM e M OYCXH n- A I NXAXXTH N M*X xoycAM eniZHT"T i^ I xYToyxM x^p- MeNoycixNArN* cecjD CXI An XNT-*^ jco e CD Toy re ct i h KxpnoNxeiKecuN OM 0>vOroYNT<^»^ Tcuo N OM XTlATT^ TH CAee yno 1 1 >vci^ KOINCUNfXCMIi €ni\KNexNecee To I xyrxi c FiKfaYci A^ICeYXFeCTlTAlo e c n € I eeceero i c hk M6NOICyMCjDH KAiyneiKeTeAy^'*^ Ayroirxf/^rpYnNoy c\ NYneprcuN^y XCUNYMCDNOJCK TON KnOACJjCOH T6 Ci N AM eTAXA|'^f - TO YTO n O I CJDCI N KAl MHCTeNA:zc5" TecAAYciTe\ec TAPYMINTOYTO nroceyxeceep^ GAJnkpOTl KAAH N CYNI AHClN€XO M e N e N n AC I N KA. ACUCe€AONT6CA N AcTf ed>eceAJ n epiCCOT6.)>CUCAe n Af AKAACUTOyro n O I H C AJ I N ATAX'I ON ArTOKAXACTA BCD Yjs^ IN O AeecTH ceifHHi- O KN APArCJD N €KN* KPCUHTONnOlM* N ATCO N n p O B AT-" TONMerANeHAI HATIAIAOHKH^AI CDNIOYTONKNH MCUN I N K ATApTI CAlYMACeNHAN . Ti AFA e CD e I cTOn-i HCAITOeeAHMA AYTo Y^^'y^ ^ O I N e N H M I NTO^T ApecTON€NCJDni»^ AYTOYA I Ki Yxyco h A^oiKeicrroYCAfcij N KCTCUN AlCUNClJ AMHN nApKKAACDAeyMAf AAeA'd^OIANexe c e € TO Y AO ro YTH «^ n ApAK AH CeCJDCKAMtJf /s^iABpAxecuNen* CTIAAYHIN re I N CDC KereroH AAeAcboNHMcUN Ti M o e e OH xnoK* AY^^^ONNieeoy 6AMTAXlONepXHi\i, ceeo^oHAiYMAf AC n ACAce Ai n >nm TACTOyC H TOY H ^ NOyCYMCUNKAJ n ANTACTOYCATI-T AcnxzoNTAiY'^A- O I An OTH CI TAAIK* H X AF I CM CTAH AH YLU N YH CD N^»-»^^^>^ n p«c 'BpAi-Y i TO So tn arral hrikor. i nf|v Tov aaXsu ^ OpiSVOV {J.£ta0£ * I' . (JIV txy TCETCOIT) jievov ha, pitvTj Ta jxTj aaX£U0(X£va hio ^aaiXeiav aaa XeuTov rapaXajji. ^avovTsa sxojjir ;^a(jtv Bt, Tfjff Xaxpsu 0|Ji£v euapecToa "CO 00 [xsTa £uXa ^ia(T xat S£ourf xat * •yap Ga tjijlov itup xaxavaX'.axov- TQ 9iXaB£Xcpia yi£ vexo TYjv 91X0 ' |£vtav yiY] cTciXftT' ■• OaveaOE ^ta xau '01(7 7ap eXaOov th veer f£vL(7avT£a a'YYsXoua p.i[xvTfiax£(70at roT" Se(j|j.iov ^,)(7 mT SsSejievoi Tttv y-axouxou{jL£vcr JIT] 7e eyxaTaXet 7:0 o(7Te Gappo\»** Tacf Y][i,aa Xe^eiv yr; ejjiot ^oiQOca- * ov ^o^TjOriacjJiai Tt T:0'-7]a£t {JLOttt» |XV;f)[JlOV£U£T£ tgT T)Y0V|JL£VOV UJJLgT Uy.IV TOV XoYov Toy 6t> ov avaSe QpouvTsa TYJV ex ^a(7(.v T7)(7 avaaxpo TC'.aTlV ia /a e/Oea xai (nj jxepov auxocT v; elcr xou(7 aiovaa Xaic7 xat, ^evai<7 jJiTfj TCapacpepeaCe xa Xov -yap xapixt ^e ^aio.uaOe xi^v xap Biav ou ^pb[i,oC(7u^ evoia oux. ocpe XifjGTfiCTav 01 Tuept Tcaxouvxea ^ exojxev GuoriaaxTj piov £^ 01) 9aY£r oux e^ouaiv e^ou ciav 01 XTj axTiviq Xaxpeuovxea ov Y*P eia9£p£xat. ^o «v TO at{i.a nepi . apLo-pTiaa eia Ta a. ryta Sia to\> apx^e peoa XQUT0V Ta <7Q{4aTa xafaxat eTat e?(.> tYjo" Tta 'peji^oXTjcj Sio xat ia Iva ayi affT) Sia Tou (.Btou ai[jLaT0(7 TOV Xad" elw TT|(7 TUuXYja TQ6 ' vuv elepx^jxe Ga Tcpoo" auTov e|o TY^cr TCapepL^oXYja TOV oveiSia^ov autOU 9£pCVT£(7 ov Y^p ^x^\t.zv o Be p.£vou(7av tto Xiv aXXa ttjv jxeX Xouaav ETCt^YiTOv jxev St auTou ava9£po * l^ev Guaiav aive CEoa SiaTtavTOSJ" TO 0G) TOUTecrxtv xapTCOv xetXeov QJJLOXOYOUVXOV xo ovojxaxi auxou TYiG S£ £U7i:ouaa y; xotvoviaa [jly) ETCiXavGaveaGE TotauTttia Yap Gucjt 'iOLiG euapecTiTai TUEiGEaGe Toia tjyou |ji£voia iipiov xai uTuetxexe au ' Toi Yo^P aYpuTTvou ^ civ-iJTuep Tov^l^u J/OV UJJLOV OCX Xo YO'' aTCoSoCTov Tea iva pteTa xapaij TOUTO TCOtOdlV xat jjLYj ffTeva^o" Te(7 aXugtTeXea YOp OpilV TOUXO T:poa£iJX£(7G£ tc£ • pi "yjiJiov OTt, xaXiQ"' ^* Ga Yap on xaXT)v ^ <7UVtST)aiV £^0 {jLev ev -aaiv xa Xoc GeXovTea a vaaTp£9e(7Gai Tcepiaaoxepocr ht TrapaxaXw touto TcotYjaa', Iva Tax£i ov ttTCoxaTacxa Go iipiiv t Be G(7 XYja eipYjviqa- avaYaYov ex ve xpov xov rroijie va xov TCpo^axo" xov jxEYav £v at jxaxt StaGYjXTjT at tOVtOU'TOV XV 7) JJIOV tV XttTapTt I7at iJjjLaa £v Trav "tt aYaGo eia to- tuoi 7] cat TO OeXTjpia auTou auTo Tcot " ov ev Yj^jLtv TO eu ap£(7T0v evoTticT auTOu Sta tu JQ o T^ So|a et<7 TOUd' ato., vac; TOV atovo~ ajJLiqv- TrapaxaXo Be u|j.a7 aS^.90t ave/e cGe TOU XoYcu TTja. rapaxXiqaeocr xat ** Sta ppax*6)v ei^e (7TtXa iipitv YetVO0'X6Te:.T0V aBeX90v Yjpcov ** TipioGeov aitoXe Xujjievov pi£0 ou eav Ta^tov epx"0 '* (jGe otj;o}xat iJ[jLacr". acTraaaoGat 7i:av Ta(7 Tovff T^You^e voua iJixov xat ^avTacj T0U(7 aYto\«?. ao"7:a^ovTat ujjiaa ot aTCO x-qc tTaXta,5r, Yj X*?'-'^ l^-^'^a ^av TOV iJji.ov^* TCpoff ' e^patouff 454 THE UNCIAL CODICES. The vellum of the manuscript is very thin and smooth. Ac- cording to Tischendorf it was made of the skins of antelopes or asses. The fleshy side of the skin, being softer, has not preserved the writing so plainly as the other side. Every skin was folded so as to form eight pages. Many corrections of later hands appear in the Codex. Historical data are wanting to determine its age. From internal evidence Tischendorf refers it to the fourth century, and his judgment is acquiesced in by nearly all critics. Tischen- dorf exalts its value above that of any other Codex in the world, but perhaps the highest tribute compatible with truth would be that it ranks next in excellence to the Vatican Codex. The Codex contains all the books of the New Testament ; and adds Pastor and Barnabas' Epistle. The Old Testament is mutilated so that nearly all the historical books are wanting. The Codex is preserved in the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg. The Codex Alexandrinus, or Alexandrian manuscript, which is noted by the letter A in Wetstein's, Griesbach's, and Scholz's critical editions of the New Testament, consists of four folio volumes ; the three first contain the whole of the Old Testament, together with some apocryphal books, and the fourth comprises the New Testament, the First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians, and the apocryphal Psalms ascribed to Solomon. In the New Testament there is wanting the beginning as far as Matt. XXV. 6. o vvfi(j)Loa\aia minora, or Ammonian sections, accompanied with the references to the Canons of Eusebius. Woide's arguments have been objected to by Spohn. Some of the principal arguments advanced by those who refer this manuscript to the fourth or fifth centuries, are the following : The Epistles of Saint Paul are not divided into chapters like the Gospels, though this division took place so early as 396, when to each chapter was prefixed a super- scription. The Codex Alexandrinus has the Epistles of Clement of Rome ; but these were forbidden to be read in the churches by the Council of Laodicea, in 364, and that of Carthage, in 419. Hence Schulze has inferred, that it was written before the year 364 ; and he produces a new argument for its an- tiquity, deduced from the last of the fourteen hymns found in it after the psalms, which is superscribed vfjivo<; €co0LvoKiai IMO M CD -AlATOVca>MATOCT"dyxV'-' J ' - '!■' '■• t ; '' e8C7;6r6Me'co4i(Y'MAC(3Ti*fC!i?. ' i :rcuc5KMeKpcbfjert:peoHTf- -m), - I NAKApr i.od>opHcU>i^en^ru>dcuf'j/i n U'rerXpliMhHcM fMGAFK) < inijf/ TAr FAOHMA'rArcbMAMAprrid)Mi rAAiAToyfiOMoyeMej'rerror)! > >i.'n ^j' eMTOicMeAecm»m e KTTO KA ^1 lod) 0|> >1cA iT^cboA HA^r€*v*^ '' '/ w yw ^i A e KATu j>r riciw Kf ew AnoTdyNdMoyrn^y0iAMiAa\»v ^t^ CMUJKATeiXOMeOA'M » ' cu creAoyAeVfiH HM^ce*^istft)K*or/ri>/f/ aaaatAmamAp TANdYi^^Pisia)-|.-^:;i jf i ! i eiMHAiAMo'MJoy , r.;»f ^iy.n a iortr-c/ -^j THE UNCIAL CODICES. 461 in form, and are much like those in the Cod. Bezae, which in many points Cod. Claromontanus strongly resembles." Codex D of the Gospels and Acts, called Codex Bezae GraecO-Latinus, belongs to the University Library at Cambridge. It was presented to the University in 1581 by Theodore Beza, for whom and his master Calvin, the heads of that learned body then cherished a veneration which already boded ill for the peace of the English Church. Between the Gospels and the Acts, the Catholic Epistles once stood, of which only a few verses remain in the Latin version (IIL John V. 11-15), followed by the words " epistulae Johanis IH. ex- plicit, incipit actus apostolorum," as if St. Jude's Epistle were displaced or wanting. There are not a few hiatus, both in the Greek and Latin texts. Beza related to the University of Cambridge in 1581, that he obtained the volume in 1562 from the monastery of St. Irenaeus, at Lyons (" oriente ibi civili bello "), where it had long lain buried (" postquam ibi in pulvere diu jacuisset "). This great city, it must be remembered, was sacked in that very year by the infamous Des Adrets, whom it suited to espouse for a while the cause of the Huguenots ; and we can hardly doubt that someone who had shared in the plunder of the abbey conveyed this portion of it to Beza, whose influence at that juncture was paramount among the French Reformed. Patrick Young, the librarian of Charles L, who first collated Cod. A, and published from it the Epistles of Clement in 1633, had also the honor of being the first to completely examine Cod. D. An unusually full collation was made for Walton's Polyglott by Usher, who devoted to these studies the doleful leisure of his latter years. But a manuscript replete as this is with variations from the sacred text,jbeyond all other example, could be adequately represented only by being published in full ; a design entrusted by the University of Cambridge to Dr. Thomas Kipling, afterwards Dean of Peterborough, whose "Codex Theodori Bezae Cantabrigiensis," 1793, 2 vol. fol. (in type imitating the original handwriting much more closely than in Codices A, C, and the rest), is believed to be a faithful transcript of the text. The Codex Bezae is a quarto volume, 10 inches high by 8 broad; of 414 leaves (whereof 11 are more or less mutilated, and 9 by later hands), with one column on a page, the Greek text and its Latin version being parallel, the Greek on the left, or verso of each leaf, and the Latin on the right, opposite to it, on the recto of the next. Notwithstanding the 462 THE UNCIAL CODICES. Alexandrine forms that abound in it more than in any other copy, and which have been held to prove the Egyptian origin of Codd. A,B.C, the fact of its having a Latin version sufficiently attests its Western origin. The vellum is not quite equal in fineness to that of a few others. There are thirty-three lines in every page, and these of unequal length, as this manuscript is arranged in crrCxot, being the earliest in date that is so. The Latin is placed in the same line, and as nearly as possible in the same order, as the corresponding Greek. The characters are of the same size as in C, smaller than in A, B, but betray a later age than any of these, although the Latin, as well as the Greek, is written continuously, excepting that in the titles and subscriptions of the several books (as in Codd. D, H, of St. Paul) the words are separated. The following judgment has been passed upon the Codex by Westcott and Hort : That it is substantially a Western text of the second century, with certain additions of the fourth century : That notwithstanding a vast number of errors, it is valuable in the reconstruction of the original text: And that it gives a more faithful representation of the manner in which the Gospel and Acts were read in the third century, and, probably, in the second, than any other existing Greek Codex. Codex Basiliensis E contains the four Gospels, excepting Luke in. 4-15; XXIV. 47-53, and was written about the middle of the eighth century. Three leaves, on which are Luke I. 69— II. 4; XII. 58— XIII. 12; XV. 5-20, are in a smaller and late hand, above the obliterated fragments of a homily as old as the main body of the manuscript. This copy is one of the best of the second-rate uncials, and might well have been published at length. It was given to a religious house in Basle by Cardinal John de Ragusio, who was sent on a mission to the Greeks by the Council of Basle (143 1), and probably brought it from Constantinople. Erasmus overlooked it for later books, when preparing his Greek Testament at Basle ; indeed, it was not brought into the Public Library there before 1559. A collation was sent to Mill by John Battier, Greek professor at Basle. Mill named it B. i, and truly declared it to be "probatse fidei et bonae notae." Bengel (who obtained a few extracts from it) calls it Basil, a, but its first real collator was Wetstein, whose native town it adorns. Since his time, Tischendorf in 1843, Professor Miiller of Basle and Tregelles in 1846, have independently collated it throughout. THE UNCIAL CODICES. 463 Codex Boreeli F, now in the Public Library at Utrecht, once belonged to John Boreel [d. 1629], Dutch ambassador at the court of King James I. Wetstein obtained some readings from it in 1730, as far as Luke XL, but stated that he knew not where it then was. In 1830, Professor Heringa of Utrecht discovered it in private hands at Arnheim, and procured it for his University Library, where, in 1850, Tregelles found it, though with some dififilculty, the leaves being torn and all loose in a box. He made a facsimile of it. Tischendorf had looked through it in 1841. In 1843, after Heringa's death, H. E. Vinke published that scholar's Disputatio de Codice Boreeliano, which includes a full and exact collation of the text. It con- tains the Four Gospels, with many defects, some of which have been caused since the collation was made which Wetstein published ; hence the Codex must still sometimes be cited on his authority as F"'. In fact, there are but 204 leaves and a few fragments remaining, written with two columns of about 19 lines each on a page, in a tall, oblong, upright form. It is referred by Tischendorf to the ninth, by Tregelles to the tenth century. In St. Luke there are no less than 24 gaps. In Wetstein's collation it began Matth. VII. 6, but now IX. i. Other hiatus are Matth. XII. 1-44; XIII. 55— XIV. 9; XV. 20-31 ; XX. 18— XXI. 5 ; Mark I. 43— II. 8 ; II. 23— III. 5 ; XL 6-26 ; XIV. 54— XV. 5 ; XV. 39— XVI. 19 ; John III. 5-14 ; IV. 23-38 ; V. 18-38 ; VI. 39-63 ; VII. 28— VIII. 10 ; X. 32— XI, 3 ; XL 40— XII. 3 ; XII. 14-25 ; it ends John XIII. 34. Codex Coislin. F* i is that great copy of the Septuagint Octateuch, the glory of the Coislin Library, first made known by Montfaucon (Biblioth. Coislin. 171 5), and illustrated by a facsimile in Silvestre's Pal6ogr. Univ. No. 65. It contains 227 leaves in two columns, 13 inches by 9; the fine, massive uncials of the sixth or seventh century are much like Cod. A's in general appearance. In the margin prima manu Wetstein found Acts IX. 24, 25, and so inserted this as Cod. F in his list of MSS. of the Acts. In 1842 Tischendorf observed 19 other passages of the New Testament, which he published in his Monumenta sacra inedita (p. 400, &c.) with a facsimile. The texts are Matth. V. 48 ; XII. 48 ; XXVII. 25 ; Luke I. 42 ; II. 24 ; XXIII. 21 ; John V. 35 ; VI. 53, 55 ; Acts IV. 33, 34; X. 13, 15; XXII. 22; I. Cor. VII. 39; XL 29; II. Cor. III. 13; IX. 7; XI. 33; Gal. IV. 21, 22; Col. II. 16, 17; Hebr. X. 26. Cod. Harleian. G, 5684, or Wolfii A, and Codex H, called Cod. Wolfii B. These two copies were brought from 464 THE UNCIAL CODICES. the East by Andrew Erasmus Seidel. They were purchased by La Croze,andbyhimpresented to J. C.Wolff, who published loose extracts from them both in his Anecdola Grcsca (Vol. III. 1723), and actually mutilated them in 172 1 in order to send pieces to Bentley, among whose papers, in Trinity College Library (B. XVII. 20), Tregelles found the fragments in 1845 {Account of the Printed Text, p. 160). Subsequently Cod. G came with the rest of the Harleian collection into the British Museum ; Cod. H, which had long been missing, was brought to light in the Public Library of Hamburgh, through Petersen the librarian, in 1838. Codd. G, H, have now been thoroughly collated, both by Tischendorf and Tregelles. Cod. G appears to be of the tenth, Cod. H, of the ninth century. The latter is of higher critical value. Besides the mutilated fragments at Trinity College (Math. V. 29-31; 39-43 of Cod. G; Luke I. 3-6; 13-15 of Cod. H), many parts of both have perished, viz: in Cod. G, 372 verses; Matth. I. i— VI. 6; VII. 25— VIII. 9; VIII. 23— IX. 2 ; XXVIII. 18— Mark I. 13 ; XIV. 19-25 ; Luke I. 1-13; V. 4— VII. 3 ; VIII. 46— IX. 5 ; XIL 27-51; XXIV. 41-53; John XVIII. 5-19; XIX. 4-27 (of which one later hand supplies Matth. XXVIII. 18— Mark I. 8; John XVIII. 5-19; another Luke XII. 27-51); in Cod. H, 679 verses; Matth. I. I— XV. 30; XXV. 33— XXVI. 3 ; Mark I. 32— II. 4; XV. 44— XVI. 14; Luke V. 18-32 ; VI. 8-22 ; X. 2-19; John IX. 30— X. 25; XVIII. 2-18; XX. 12-25. Codex I, Cod. Tischendorf. II. at St. Petersburg, con- sists of palimpsest fragments found by Tischendorf in 1853 " in the dust of an Eastern library," and published in his new series of Monumenta sacra, Vol. I. 1855. On twenty-eight vellum leaves (eight of them on four double leaves), Georgian writing is above the partially obliterated Greek, which is for the most part very hard to read. They compose fragments of no less than seven different manuscripts ; the first two, of the fifth century, are as old as Codd. A, C, (the first having scarcely any capital letters, and those very slightly larger than the rest) ; the third fragment seems of the sixth century, the fourth scarcely less ancient. The fifth fragment, containing portions of the Acts and St. Paul's Epistles (I. Cor. XV. 53 ; XVI. 9 ; Tit. I. 1-13 ; Acts XXVIII. 8-17), is as old as the third, if not as the first. The sixth and seventh fragments are of the seventh century, viz. {Frag. 5, of two leaves) Acts II. 6-17; XXVI. 7-t8 ; {Frag. 7, of one leaf) Acts XIII. 39-46. In all seven are 255 verses. All except Frag. 6 are in two columns, of from twenty-nine to eighteen lines each, and unaccentuated. THE UNCIAL CODICES. 465 Frag. 6 has but one column on a page, with some accents. The first five fragments, so far as they extend, must be placed in the first rank as critical authorities. Tischendorf gives us six facsimiles of them in the Monumenta sacra, a seventh in Anecdota sacra et prof ana, 1855- Cod. Cyprius K, or No. 63 of the Imperial Library at Paris, shares only with Codd. M, S, U, the advantage of being a complete uncial copy of the Four Gospels. It was brought into the Colbert Library from Cyprus in 1673. Mill inserted its readings from Simon. It was re-examined by Scholz. The independent collations of Tischendorf and Tregelles have now done all that can be needed for this copy. It is an oblong 4to., in compressed uncials, of about the middle of the ninth century, having one column of about twenty-one lines on each page, but the handwriting is irregular, and varies much in size. Cod. Regius L, No. 62 in the Imperial Library at Paris, is by far the most remarkable document of its age and class. It contains the Four Gospels, except the following passages : Matth. IV. 22— V. 14 ; XXVIII. 17-20 ; Mark X. 16-30 ; XV. 2-20; John XXI. 15-25. It was written about the eighth century and consists of 257 leaves 4to., of thick vellum, nearly six and a half inches square, with two columns of twenty-five lines each on a page, regularly marked, as we so often see, by the stylus and ruler. Wetstein collated Cod. L but loosely; Griesbach, who set a very high value on it, studied it with peculiar care ; Tischendorf published it in full in his Monu- menta sacra inedita, 1S36. Cod. Campianus M, No. 48 in the Imperial Library at Paris, contains the Four Gospels complete in a small 4to. form, written in very elegant and minute uncials of the end of the ninth century, with two columns of twenty-four lines each on a page. It has breathings, accents pretty fairly given, and a musical notation in red, so frequent in Church manuscripts of the age. Its readings are very good. Codex Purpureus N. Only twelve leaves of this beau- tiful copy remain, and its former possessor must have divided them in order to obtain a better price from three purchasers than from one ; four leaves being now in the British Museum (Cotton C. XV.), six in the Vatican (No. 3785), two at Vienna (Lambec. 2). These latter two are found at the end of a frag- ment of Genesis in a different hand. The London fragments (Matth. XXVI. 57-65; XXVII. 26-34; John XIV. 2-10; XV. 15-22) were collated by Wet- stein on his first visit to England in 171 5, and marked in his DD 466 THE UNCIAL CODICES. Greek Testament by the letter J. Scrivener transcribed them in 1845, ^^d announced that they contained fifty-seven various readings, of which Wetstein had given but five. The Vienna fragment (Luke XXIV. 13-21, 39-49) had long been known by the descriptions of Lambeccius ; Wetstein had called it N ; Treschow, in 1773, and Alter, in 1787, had given imperfect collations of it. Scholz first noticed the Vatican leaves (Matth. XIX. 6-13 ; XX. 6-22 ; XX. 29— XXI. 19), denoted them by r, and used some readings extracted by Gaetano Marini. It was reserved ior Tischendori {Monumenta sacra inedita, 1846) to publish them all in full, and to determine by actual inspec- tion that they were portions of the same manuscript, of the date of about the end of the sixth century. This book is written on the thinnest vellum, dyed purple, and the silver letters (which have turned quite black) were impressed in some way on it, but are too varied in shape and in size, to admit the supposition of moveable type being used, as some have thought to be the case in the Codex Argenteus of the Gothic Gospels. The abridgements @C, XC, &c., are in gold, and some changes have been made by an ancient second hand. Codex P. Guelpherbytanus A and ) These are two Codex Q B. f palimpsests, discov- ered by F. A. Knittel, Archdeacon of Wolfenbiittel, in the Ducal Library of that city, which (together with some frag- ments Ulphilas' Gothic version) lie under the more modern writings of Isidore of Seville. He published the whole in 1762, so far, at least, as he could read them, though Tregelles believed more might be deciphered, and Tischendorf, with his unconquerable energy, re-edited the Greek portion in Vol. III. of his Monumenta sacra inedita (i860). Codex P contains, on 43 leaves, 3 1 fragments of 486 verses, taken from all the four Evangelists; Codex Q, on 13 leaves, 12 fragments of 235 verses from Luke and John ; but all can be traced only with great difficulty. A few portions, once written in vermillion, have quite departed, but Tischendorf has made material additions to Knittel's labors, both in extent and accuracy. He assigns P to the sixth, Q to the fifth century. Codex Vaticanus S., 354, contains the four Gospels entire, and is the earliest dated manuscript of the Greek Testament. This is a folio of 234 leaves, written in large oblong or com- pressed uncials. Its subscription affirms that it was written in 949. Codex Borgianus T. i, now in the Propaganda at Rome^ contains 13 or more 4to leaves of Luke and John, with a THE UNCIAL CODICES. 467 Thebaic or Sahidic version at their side, but on the opposite and left page. Each page consists of two columns ; a single point indicates a break in the sense, but there are no other divisions. The fragment contains Luke XXII. 20 — XXIII. 20; John VI. 28—67; VII. 6— VIII. 32. Giorgi refers it to the fourth century ; Tischendorf, to the fifth. Codex Nanianus U. i, so called from a former possessor, is now in the Library of St. Mark, Venice. It contains the four Gospels entire, carefully and luxuriously written in two columns of 21 lines each on the 4to page. Its date is not before the tenth century, although the "letters are in general an imita- tion of those used before the introduction of compressed uncials ; but they do not belong to the age when full and round writing was customary or natural, so that the stiffness and want of ease is manifest." Tischendorf in 1843 ^"<^ Tre- gelles in 1846 collated Cod. U, thoroughly and independently, and compared their work at Leipsic for the purpose of mutual correction. Codex Mosquensis V, of the Holy Synod, is known al- most exclusively from Matthaei's Greek Testament : he states, no doubt most truly, that he collated it " bis diligentissim^" and gives a facsimile of it, assigning it to the eighth century. Judging from Matthaei's plate, it is hard to say why others have dated it in the ninth. Codex Monacensis X in the University Library at Munich is a valuable folio manuscript of the end of the ninth or early in the tenth century, containing the Four Gospels with serious defects, and a commentary (chiefly from Chrysos- tom) surrounding and interspersed with the text of all but St. Mark, in early cursive letters, not unlike (in Tischendorf 's judg- ment) the celebrated Oxford Plato dated 895. The very ele- gant uncials of Cod. X " are small and upright ; though some of them are compressed, they seem as if they were partial imitations of those used in very early copies." Codex Barberini Y, 225 at Rome (in the Library founded by Cardinal Barberini in the 17th century) contains on six large leaves the 137 verses John XVI. 3 — XIX. 41, of about the eighth century. Tischendorf obtained access to it in 1843 for a few hours, after some difficulty with the Prince Barberini, and published it in his first instalment of Monumenta sacra inedita, 1846. Codex Dublinensis rescriptus, Z, one of the chief palimpsests extant, contains 290 verses of St. Matthew's Gospel in 22 fragments. It was discovered in 1787 by Dr. 468 THE UNCIAL CODICES. John Barrett, Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, under some cursive writing of the loth century or later, consisting of Chrysostom de Sacerdotio, extracts from Epiphanius, &c. In the same volume are portions of Isaiah and of Gregory Nazian- zen, in erased uncial letters, but not so ancient as the frag- ment of St, Matthew, All the 32 leaves of this Gospel that remain were engraved in copper-plate /ac-stmt/e at the expense of Trinity College and published by Barrett in 1801, furnished with Prolegomena, and the contents of each fac- simile plate in modern Greek characters, on the opposite page. Codex r, Tischendorfian IV. was brought by Tischen- dorf from an " eastern monastery " (he usually describes the locality of his manuscripts in general terms), and was bought for the Bodleian Library in 1855. It consists of 158 leaves in large quarto, with one column (of 24 not very straight or regular lines) on a page, in uncials of the ninth century, leaning slightly back, but otherwise much re- sembling Cod. K. in style. St. Luke's Gospel is complete ; the last ten leaves are hurt by damp, though still legible. In St. Mark, only 105 verses are wanting (III. 3$ — VI. 20) ; about 531 verses of the other Gospels survive. Tischendorf, and Tregelles by his leave, have independently collated this copy, of which Tischendorf gives a facsimile in his Anecdota sacra et prof ana, 1855. Codex Sangallensis A. was first inspected by Gerbert (1773), named by Scholz (N. T. 1830), and made fully known to us by the admirable edition in lithographed facsimile of every page, by H. Ch. M. Rettig, published at Zurich, 1836, with copious and satisfactory Prolegomena. It is preserved and was probably transcribed a thousand years since in the great monastery of St. Gall in the North-east of Switzerland. It is rudely written on 197 leaves of coarse vellum 4to, 10 inches by 8^ in size, with from 20 to 26 (usually 21) lines on each page, in a very peculiar hand, with an interlinear Latin version. It contains the four Gospels complete except John XIX. 17 — 25. Rettig thinks he has traced several different scribes and inks employed on it, which might happen easily enough in the Scriptorium of a monastery ; but, if so, their style of writing is very nearly the same, and they, doubtless, copied from the same archetype, about the same time. He has produced more convincing arguments to show that Cod. A is part of the same book as the Codex Boernerianus, G of St. Paul's Epistles. Not only do they exactly resemble each other THE UNCIAL CODICES. 469 in theirwhole arrangement and appearance,but marginal notes by the first hand are found in each, of precisely the same character. Codex © Tischendorf I. was brought from the East by Tischendorf in 1845, published by him in his Monumenta sacra inedit. 1846, and deposited in the University Library at Leipsic. It consists of but four leaves (all imperfect) 4to, of very thin vellum, almost too brittle to be touched, so that each leaf is kept separately in glass. It contains about 40 verses ; viz., Matth. XIII. 46 — 55 (in mere shreds); and XIV. 4 — 14. Codex Zacynthius H is a palimpsest in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society in London, which, under an Evangelistarium written on coarse vellum in or about the 1 3th century, contains large portions of St. Luke, down to Chap. XI. 33, in full well-formed uncials, but surrounded by, and often interwoven with large extracts from the Fathers, in a hand so cramped and, as regards the round letters, so oblong, that it cannot be earlier than the eighth century. This volume, which once belonged to " II Principe Comuto, Zante," was pre- sented to the Bible Society in 182 1 by General Macaulay, who brought it from Zante. Codex Laudianus E, 35 is one of the most precious trea- sures preserved in the Bodleian at Oxford. It is a Latin- Greek copy, with two columns on a page, the Latin version holding the post of honor on the left. It is written in very short ctCxol, consisting of from one to three words each, the Latin words always standing opposite to the corresponding Greek. This peculiar arrangement points decisively to the West of Europe as its country, notwithstanding the abundance of Alexandrian forms has led some to refer it to Egypt. The very large, bold, thick, rude uncials, without break in the words or accents, lead us up to the end of the sixth century as its date. The Latin is not of Jerome's or the Vulgate version; but is made to correspond closely with the Greek, even in its interpolations and rarest various readings. This manuscript contains only the Acts of the Apostles, and exhibits a remark- able modification of the text. That the book was once in Sar- dinia, appears from an edict of Flavius Pancratius, crvv Oeeo airo €7rapxv 8ov^ (rapBiviwi, appended (as also is the Apostles' Creed in Latin, and some other matter) in a later hand. This manuscript, with many others, was presented to the University of Oxford in the year 1636, by its Chancellor, Laud. Thomas Hearne, the celebrated antiquary, published a full edition of it in 171 5, which is now very scarce, and is known to be far from accurate. 470 THE UNCIAL CODICES. Codex Mutinensis H, 196, of the Acts, in the Grand Ducal Library at Modena, is an uncial copy of about the ninth century, defective in Act. I. i — V. 28; IX. 39 — X. 19; XIII. 36 — XIV. 3 (all supplied by a recent hand of the fifteenth cen- tury); and in XXVII. 4 — XXVIII. 31 (supplied in uncials of about the eleventh century). The Epistles are in cursive letters of the twelfth century, indicated in the Catholic Epistles by h, in the Pauline by 179. Scholz first collated it ; then Tischendorf in 1843, and Tregelles in 1846. They afterwards compared their collations for mutual correction. Codex Sangermanensis E, is another Greek-Latin manuscript, and takes its name from the Abbey of St. Germain des Pr^s near Paris. Towards the end of the last century the Abbey (which at the Revolution had been turned into a salt- petre manufactory) was burnt down, and many of its books lost. In 1895 Matthaei found this copy, as might have been anticipated, at St. Petersburg, where it is now deposited. The volume is a large 4to, the Latin and Greek in parallel columns on the same page, the Greek standing to the left. Its uncials are coarse, large and thick, not unlike those in Codex E of the Acts, but of later shape, with breathings and accents primd tnanu, of about the tenth century. Mill obtained some ex- tracts from it, and noted its obvious connection with Codex Claromontanus. Wetstein thoroughly collated it; and not only he but Sabatier and Griesbach perceived that it was, at least in the Greek, nothing better than a mere transcript of Codex Claromontanus, made by some ignorant person about the loth century. Codex Augiensis F, in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge (B, 17. i), is another Greek-Latin manuscript on 136 leaves of good vellum 4to (the signatures proving that seven more are lost), 9 inches by 7^, with the two languages in parallel columns of 28 lines on each page, the Greek being always inside, the Latin next the edge of the book. It is called from the monastery of Augia Dives or Major (Reichenau, or rich meadow), on a fertile island in the lower part of Lake Constance, to which it long appertained, and where it may even have been written, a thousand years since. Codex Boernerianus G, so called from a former pos- sessor, now in the Royal Library at Dresden. In the i6th century it belonged to Paul Junius of Leyden : it was bought at the book-sale of Peter Francius, Professor at Amsterdam, in 1705, by C. F. Boerner, a Professor at Leipsic, who lent it to Kuster to enrich his edition of Mill (171 1), and subsequently THE UNCIAL CODICES. 471 to Bentley. The latter so earnestly wished to purchase it as a companion to Cod. F, that though he received it in 17 19, it could not be recovered from him for five years, during which period he was constantly offering high sums for it. A copy, but not in Bentley 's hand, had been already made (Trin.Coll. B. 17. 2). Cod. G was published in full by Matthaei in 1791, in common type, with two facsimile pages ; his edition is believed to be very accurate; Anger, Tischendorf, Tregelles, Bottiger and others who have examined it have only expressly indicated two errors. Rettig has abundantly proved that, as it is exactly of the same size, so it once formed part of the same volume with Cod. A : they must date towards the end of the ninth century, and may very possibly have been written in the monastery of St. Gall (where A still remains) by some of the Irish monks who flocked to those parts. That Cod. G has been in such hands appears from some very curious Irish lines at the foot of one of Matthaei's plates, which after having long perplexed learned men, have recently been translated by Reeves. Codex Coislin. H., 202 is a very precious fragment of 14 leaves, 12 of which are in the Imperial Library at Paris, two having found their way to St. Petersburg after the hasty re- moval of the manuscripts from the Abbey of St. Germain de Pres, when Cod. E disappeared. The leaves at Paris contain I. Cor. X. 22—29; XI. 9—16; I. Tim. III. 7—13 ; Tit. I. i— 3;I. 15— II. 5; III. 13— 15; Hebr. II. II— 16; III. 13— 18; IV. 12 — 15 ; those at St. Petersburg, Gal. I. 4 — 10; II. 9 — 14; in all 56 verses. They are in 4to, with large square uncials of about 16 lines on a page, and date from the 6th century. Breathings and accents are added by a later hand, which re- touched this copy. These leaves, which comprise one of our best authorities for stichometrical writing, were used in 1218 to bind another book on Mount Athos, and thence came into the library of Coislin, Bishop of Metz. Codex Ruber M is peculiar for the beautifully bright red color of the ink, the elegance of the small uncial characters, and the excellency and critical value of the text. Two folio leaves containing Hebr. I. i — IV. 3 ; XII. 20 — XIII. 25, once belonged to UfTenbach, then to J. C. Wolff, who bequeathed them to the Public Library (Johanneum) of Hamburg. To the same manuscript belong fragments of two leaves used in binding Cod. Harleian. 5613 in the British Museum, and seen at once by Griesbach, who first collated them, to be portions of the Hamburg fragment. Each page in both contains two 472 THE COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. columns. There are forty-five lines on each page in the Ham- burg fragment ; thirty-eight in the London leaves. The latter comprise I. Cor. XV. 52— II. Cor. I. 15 ; II. Cor. X. 13— XII. 5 ; reckoning both fragments, there are 196 verses in all. Henke, in 1800, edited the Hamburg portion ; Tregelles collat- ed it twice, and Tischendorf, in 1855, published the text of both in full in his Anecdota Sacra et Prof ana. CoDEX Vaticanus B, 2066, OF THE APOCALYPSE, is an uncial copy of about the beginning of the eighth century, and the volume also contains, in the same hand, homilies of Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa, &c. It was first known from a notice and facsimile in Blanchini's Evangeliarium Quadruplex (1748), Vol. II. p. 525. This Codex contains the whole of the Apocalypse, and is of considerable importance, and it much confirms the readings of the older Codices A and C. We have only noticed the principal uncial Codices; we have not space to review the vast number of the minuscule Greek Codices, which are designated by critics with Arabic numerals. They date from the tenth century, and though in- ferior in critical value to the uncials, yet deserve study in textual criticism. In the fifteenth century the art of printing was invented, and the first book printed was a Latin Bible printed in Ger- many about the year 1452. In 1477 appeared a printed edition of Psalms in Hebrew, with Kimchi's Commentary. The most ancient edition of the entire Hebrew Scriptures was printed at Soncino in 1488. The first printed edition of the New Testament in Greek is that contained in The COMPLUTENSIAN Polyglott (6 Vol. folio) is the muni- ficent design of Francis Ximenes de Cisneros [1437 — 15 17]. Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and Regent of Castile (1506 — 17). This truly eminent person, entered the Franciscan order in 1482. He carried the ascetic habit of his profession to the throne of Toledo and the palace of his sovereign. Becoming in 1492 Confessor to Queen Isabella the Catholic, and Primate three years later, he devoted to pure charity or to public pur- poses the revenues of his See. He founded the Uni- versity at Alcala de Henares in New Castile, where he had gone to school, and defrayed the cost of an expedition which as Regent he led to Oran against the Moors. In 1502 he con- ceived the plan of the first Polyglott Bible, to celebrate the birth of him who afterwards became the Emperor Charles V. THE COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOTT. 473 He gathered in his University of Alcala {Complutum) as many manuscripts as he could procure, with men he deemed equal to the task, of whom James Lopez de Stunica (subsequently known for his controversy with Erasmus) was the principal ; others being M.. Antonio of Lebrixa, Demetrius Ducas of Crete, and Ferdinand of Valladolid (" Pintianus "). The whole outlay of Cardinal Ximenes on the Polyglott is stated to have exceeded 50,000 ducats or about ;^23,ooo, a vast sum in those days. The first volume printed, Tom. V., contained the New Testament in two parallel columns, Greek and Latin, the latter that modification of the Vulgate then current : the colophon on the last page of the Apocalypse states that it was com- pleted January 10, 15 14, the printer being Arnald William de Brocario. Tom VL, comprising a Lexicon, indices, &c. bears date March 17, 15 15; Tom. L — IV. of the Old Testament complete, bear the date November 8, 15 17, in which year the Cardinal died, full of honors and good deeds. This event must have retarted the publication of the whole, since Pope Leo's license was not granted until March 22, 1520, and Erasmus did not see the book before 1522. As but six hundred copies were printed, this Polyglott must from the first have been scarce and dear, and is not always met with in Public Libraries. The deuterocanonical books, like the New Testament, are of course given only in two languages ; in the Old Testament the Latin Vulgate holds the chief place in the middle, between the Hebrew and the Septuagint Greek. The Greek type in the other volumes is of the common character, with the usual breathings and accents ; in the fifth, or New Testament volume, it is quite different, being modelled after the fashion of manuscripts of about the thirteenth century, very bold and elegant, without breathings, and accentuated according to a system defended and explained in a bilingual preface tt/jo? tou? ivr€v^ofjL€vovi\oTifiovfi€vo^ 'A/cv\a9 (Origen, Comment, on Genesis, I. 16), and, on the other hand, in places censured, as hovXevayv Ti ''E^paiKy Xe|et (Origen ad A/ricanum, § 2). His method is, at times, the reductio ad absurdum of a literal rendering; and yet where he is most useless as an exegete, he may be an im- portant witness on questions as to the form of the Hebrew text which lay before him. Jerome, in his Epistle to Pammachius (§11, Vol. I. 316), comparing Aquila with the LXX, writes as follows : " Aquila autem proselytus et contentiosus interpres, qui non solum verba sed ETYMOLOGIAS quoque verborum transferre conatus est, jure projicitur a nobis. Quis enim yxo frumento et vino et oleo possit vel legere vel intelligere ij^eO/^a, oTrapiaixov, arCk- TTvoTTjTa, quod nos possumus dicere, /usionem, pomationem,que, et splendentiam ? Aut quia Hebraei non solum habent apdpa sed et TrpoapOpa ille KaKo^rfKo)^ et SYLLABAS interpretatur et litteras, dicitque avv rov ovpavov koI crvv rrjv fyfjv, quod Graeca et Latina lingua non recipit." But elsewhere he compares him favorably with the LXX, describing him as a translator who " non contentiosus, ut quidam putant, sed studiosius verbum interpretatur ad verbum" {£/>. ad Damasum, § 12, Vol. L 167). The former passage aptly indicates the two leading principles EE 482 THE VERSION OF SYMMACHUS. of Aquila, which were to give a Greek or quasi-Greek equiva- lent for every fragment of the original, and to maintain a rigid consistency by rendering each root with its real or apparent derivatives by one and the same root in Greek ; new forms being freely coined as the occasion demanded, and the Greek idiom being sacrificed to the Hebrew. The peculiar etymo- logical rendering of pp, in Ex. XXXIV. 29, which, through the Vulgate, gave rise to the popular representation of Moses with horns on his forehead, is found to have originated with Aquila: " Unde et in Exodo juxta Hebraicum et Aquilae editionem legimus, Et Moyses nesciebat quia CORNUTA ERAT species vultus ejus, qui vere dicere poterat, In te inimicos meos cornu ventiloT Aquila has been accused by Epiphanius of changing the Messianic testimonies. Not enough of his work remains to examine if this charge be true. Jerome declares in an Epistle to Marcella, that he had examined his work with especial attention to this charge, and had found instead many things most favorable to Christian faith. I am disposed to believe, however, that at times he drew some passages to the Jewish position. The second Greek version which deserves special mention is that of Symmachus. Eusebius relates that Symmachus was an Ebionite, and that in certain of his writings which were still extant, he alleged arguments from St. Matthew's Gospel in support of his heresy. Jerome likewise, in his commentary on Habacuc (III. 13, Vol. VI. 656), describes Symmachus and Theodotion as Ebonites : " Theodotio autem, vere quasi pauper et Ebionita, sed et Symmachus ejusdem dogmatis, pauperem sensum secuti Judaice transtulerunt ;" and in his preface to Job he speaks of them as *' judaizantes haeretici, qui multa mysteria Salvatoris subdola interpretatione celarunt, et tamen in 'E|a7r\ot9 habentur apud ecclesias et explanantur ab ecclesiasticis viris " (Vol. IX. Col. 1 142). " Epiphanius," writes Montfaucon, " conspecto Hexa- plorum ordine, ubi Symmachus ante Theodotionem positus secundum locum in Graecis editionibus occupabat, putavit Symmachum prius Theodotione editionem suam concinnasse." He assigns the version of Symmachus, perhaps rightly, to the reign of Severus (A. D. 193-21 1) — the Chronicon Paschale specifies the ninth year of this reign — but his account of the author is at variance with the statements of Eusebius and Jerome. Symmachus (he tells us) was a Samaritan, who, from THE VERSION OF THEODOTION. 483 disappointed ambition, became a proselyte to Judaism, and set to work to compose his Greek version of the Scriptures with a specific anti-Samaritan bias. The version of Symmachus was distinguished by the purity of its Greek and its freedom from Hebraisms. Jerome (fol- lowing Eusebius) several times remarks : " Symmachus more suo apertius," or " manifestius "; and he praises him as an in- terpreter, " qui non solet verborum KaKo^r/Xiav sed intelli- gentiae ordinem sequi " {Comment, on Amos, III. ii. Vol. VI. 258). In his preface to Lib. II. of the Chronic. Euseb. (Vol. VIII. 223-4), he writes: "Quamobrem Aquila et Symmachus et Theodotio incitati diversum paene opus in eodem opere prodiderunt ; alio nitente verbum de verbo exprimere, alio sensum potius sequi, tertio non multum. a veteribus discrepare." Jerome not only commends Symmachus as above, but frequently adopts his renderings, as may be shown by a comparison of their versions. Symmachus shows his command over the Greek language by his use of compounds, where the Hebrew can only represent the same ideas by a combination of separate words ; and no less by his free use of particles to bring out subtle distinctions of relation which the Hebrew cannot adequately express. In like manner, his rendering of the name of Eve by Zwo'yovo^ preserves the word-play in Gen. III. 20; but other names are less happily rendered. Another marked characteristic of Symmachus is his ten- dency to adopt more or less paraphrastic and inaccurate renderings under the influence of dogmatic prepossession. This is especially discernible where he endeavors to avoid anthropomorphisms. The last column of Origen's Hexapla contained the ver- sion of Theodotion. St. Epiphanius states that Theodotion was of Pontus, of the sect of the Marcionites, which he aban- doned to embrace Judaism. St. Irenaeus afifirms that he was an Ephesian, who became a proselyte to Judaism. His epoch is very probably the second half of the second century. Jerome writes of Theodotion : " Qui utique post adventum Christi incredulus fuit, licet eum quidam dicant Ebionitam, qui altero genere Judaeus est " ; but elsewhere he seems to adopt the tradition of his Ebionism. Montfaucon argues from his rendering of Dan. IX. 26 that he was a Jew. His aim as a translator being (again in the words of Jerome) " non multum a veteribus discrepare," not so much to make a new translation as to revise the old, correcting its errors and supplying its 484 THE HEXAPLA OF ORIGEN. defects, it not unnaturally came to pass that Origen made free use of his version in constructing the Hexaplar recension of the LXX ; and that, in the case of the Book of Daniel, even the recension of Origen was popularly discarded in favor of Theodotion's version in its entirety. His style does not present such marked peculiarities as those of Aquila and Symmachus. Suffice it to notice that he is more addicted to transliteration than they or the LXX ; and that, on account of the number of the words which he thus leaves untranslated, he has been regarded as an ignorant interpreter. The charge, however, cannot be sustained. Besides the aforesaid versions, three others were in exist- ence of which but little is known. They are designated as Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh, from the position which they occupied in Origen's Hexapla. It is probable that they did not contain all the books. The old writers so differ in describ- ing where they were found that nothing definite can be known of them. Of the seventh no trace remains, and we only know of its existence from the fact that Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. VI. i6) declares, that Origen added it to the other in the edition of the Psalms, thereby making the edition Enneapla. The great use which had been made of the Septuagint by the Jews previously to their rejection of it, and the constant use of it by the Christians, naturally caused a multiplication of copies, in which numerous errors became introduced, in the course of time, from the negligence or inaccuracy of transcribers, and from glosses or marginal notes, which had been added for the explanation of difficult words, being suffered to creep into the text. In order to remedy this growing evil, Origen, in the early part of the third century, undertook the laborious task of collating the Greek text, then in use, with the original Hebrew, and with other Greek translations then extant, and from the whole to produce a new recension or revisal. Twenty- eight years were devoted to the preparation of this arduous work, in the course of which he collected manuscripts from every possible quarter, aided (it is said) by the pecuniary liberality of Ambrose, an opulent man, whom he had converted from the Valentinian heresy, and with the assistance of seven copyists and several persons skilled in calligraphy, or the art of beautiful writing. Origen commenced his labor at Csesarea, A. D. 231, and, it appears, finished his Polyglott at Tyre, but in what year is not precisely known. This noble critical work is designated by various names among ancient writers, as Tetrapla, Hexapla, Octapla, and Enneapla, THE HEXAPLA OF ORIGEN. 485 The Tetrapla contained the four Greek versions of Aquila, Symmachus, the Septuagint, and Theodotion, disposed in four columns ; to these he added two columns more, containing the Hebrew text in its original characters, and also in Greek letters. These six columns, according to Epiphanius, formed the Hex- apla. Having subsequently discovered two other Greek ver- sions of some parts of the Scriptures, usually called the fifth and sixth, he added them to the preceding, inserting them in their respective places, and thus composed the Octapla ; and a separate translation of the Psalms, usually called the seventh version, being afterwards added, the entire work has by some been termed the Enneapla. This appellation, however, was never generally adopted. But, as the two editions generally made by Origen generally bore the name of the Tetrapla, and Hexapla, Bauer, after Montfaucon, is of opinion that Origen edited only the Tetrapla and Hexapla ; and this appears to be the real fact. The accompanying plates will give some concept of Origen's great work. Aquila's version is placed next to the Greek translitera- tion of the Hebrew text ; that of Symmachus occupies the fourth column ; the Septuagint, the fifth ; and Theodotion's, the sixth. The other three anonymous translations, not con- taining the entire books of the Old Testament, were placed in the three last columns of the Enneapla. Where the same words occurred in all the other Greek versions, without being particularly specified, Origen designated them by A or AG, AoiTTot, the rest ; — Ot T, or the three, denoted Aquila, Sym- machus, and Theodotion ; — Ot A, or the four, signified Aquila, Symmachus, the Septuagint, and Theodotion ; and 11, Havrei, all the interpreters. Where any passages appeared in the Septuagint, that were not found in the Hebrew, he designated them by an obelus -^ with two bold points (:) also annexed. This mark was a so used to denote words not extant in the Hebrew, but added by the Septuagint translators, either for the sake of elegance, or for the purpose of illustrating the sense. To passages wanting in the copies of the Septuagint, and supplied by himself from the other Greek versions, he prefixed an asterisk '^- with two bold points (:) also annexed, in order that his additions might be immediately perceived. These supplementary passages, we are informed by Jerome, were for the most part taken from Theodotion's translation ; not unfre- quently from that of Aquila ; sometimes, though rarely, from 486 THE HEXAPLA OF ORIGEN. SPECIMINA TETRAFLORUM, HEXAPLORUM. 'AKYAA2. Kai fi€Ta Tai inra i0So/id8ai koi i^rJKOvTa 8vo l^oXo0p€V$rj(T€Tai^\€lfXfiiuO9 I. TETKAPLA. 2YMMAX02. Kai fXiTci rdts. i^SofidSas ras inr^ KalA^riKOVTa Svo iKKCTrrjcriTai xpiarTo^ KOI ov\ {mdp^ii avTw. II HDXAPLA,^ TO *EBPAIKON. isj^yn n^iB> nun pwt5rri»N. nwa niy pip:. " 03TO prv nnpW TO 'EBPAIKON 'EAAHNIKOIS TPAMMA2I. 'oV^ad aTjvi6 de(Tov /3«;(t ovavaKa fir)r)» aiSi x^tVPtod cX ofifiaPa ovKoKed pcuTOV luiSrjxffi. 'A. tcaV Tovto hfVTtpov cTrdieiT* itifH^vmert boKpfVi^ T^ 6vp$piv. kv rm ifjcnvpio-fi^ tov ')(^iiixdppov. PSAL. cix. 3. O'. €< yaarpos npo ia>(r(f>6pov \ 0. 1 €K firiTpa^ ano irpcot (croi Sp660 MODERN .ENGLISH VERSIONS OF SCRIPTURE. knowledge. The general tendency of varied superficial know- ledge is to make people irreligious. Broad, deep, true knowledge would lead to God, but the great number never attain this. The knowledge obtained by many is just sufficient to destroy reverence, generate intellectual pride, and make the man intolerant of all restraint. Even the man of the humblest intellectual attainments imbibes the superficial philosophy of those with whom he comes in contact, and loses some of his faith and his reverence. I am speaking especially of America, and I endorse heartily the following description of American thought by Wendell Phillips : " The most objectionable feature of our national character is self-conceit, — an undue appreciation of ourselves, an exaggerated estimate of our achievements, of our inven. tions, of our contributions to popular comfort, and of our place, in fact, in the great procession of the ages. We seem to imagine that, whether knowledge will die with us or not, it certainly began with us. We have a pitying estimate, a tender compassion, for the narrowness, ignorance and darkness of bygone ages. We seem to ourselves not only to monopolize, but to have begun the era of light. In other words, we are all running over with a fourth-day-of-July spirit of self-content. I am often reminded of the German, whom the English poet, Coleridge, met at Frankfort. He always took off his hat with profound respect when he ventured to speak of himself. It seems to me, the American people might be painted in the chronic attitude of taking off its hat to itself." The only thing that is valuable in human life is the service that comes to the Creator out of it, and certainly the so-called spread of enlightenment has not augmented this. It is not to be said that religion thrives in ignorance, and hates the light, but she hates that false light which travesties her real nature. It would be better that a people should be ignorant of this shoddy education, and well taught the truths of God and his law, where full, deep knowledge is unattainable. " Shallow draughts of knowledge intoxicate the brain, but drinking largely sobers us again." Now the Church, with a wisdom greater than man's, wisely regulated the reading of the Bible by the masses. Many things in the Bible are hard to understand, and the man of little knowledge would often wrest these to his own destruc- tion. Large use was always made in the Catholic Church of the Scriptures of God. They were explained to the people, and those portions which they could understand, mainly the THE ANGLO-SAXON VERSIONS. 561 Gospels and the Psalms, were put into their hands, but the Church never misunderstood Christ, that she should convert the world by placing the text of the Bible in the vulgar tongue in the hands of the people. The Church has yielded to the exigencies of the times to prevent greater evil, and has made more concessions in this regard than is good for man. I believe to-day that the indiscriminate reading of the Bible in the vernacular is not for the best interests of man. Hence we see that in England some parts of Scripture, which were adapted to the people's use, were translated centuries before the whole Bible was translated. It is very doubtful whether the entire Scriptures have ever been translated into Anglo-Saxon. We have no traditionary account of a complete version, and all the biblical MSS. in Anglo-Saxon now in existence contain but select portions of the sacred volume. The poems on sacred subjects usually attributed to Caedmon, afford the first feeble indications of an attempt being made by the Saxons to convey the truths of Scripture in their vernacular tongue. Caedmon lived in the seventh century; he was a monk in the monastery of Streoneshalch in Northumbria. His poems have been strung together so as to form a sort of metrical paraphrase on some of the historical books of Scripture. He commences with the fall of the angels, the creation and fall of man, and proceeds to the history of the deluge, carrying on his narrative to the history of the children of Israel, and their wanderings in the desert. He also touches on the history of Nebuchadnezzar and of Daniel. The authenticity of this work has been doubted, some writers being of opinion that it was written by different writers at different periods ; the striking similarity between some of the poems and certain passages in Milton's Paradise Lost has been repeatedly noticed. Two editions have been printed ; the first by Francis Junius at Amsterdam in 1655, and the second, with an English translation and notes, by Mr. Thorpe, in London, in 1832. The literal versions of such portions of the Scripture as have been translated into Anglo-Saxon have chiefly been trans- mitted to us in the form of interlineations of Latin MSS. A Latin Psalter, said to have been sent by Pope Gregory to Augustine, is still preserved among the Cottonian MSS., and contains an Anglo-Saxon interlinear version, of which the date is unknown. Aldhelm, bishop of Sherborne, and Guthlac, the first Anglo-Saxon anchorite, translated the Psalms soon after the commencement of the eighth century, but their MSS. are jj 562 THE ANGLO-SAXON VERSIONS. lost, and nothing is known with certainty respecting them. The same may be said concerning the portions of Scripture reported to have been translated by the Venerable Bede. At the time of his death, this renowned historian was engaged in a translation of the Gospel of St. John, and almost with his latest breath he dictated to his amanuensis the closing verse of the Gospel. Alfred the Great also took part in the trans- lation of the Scriptures. He translated the commandments in the twentieth chapter of Exodus, and part of the three fol- lowing chapters, which he affixed to his code of laws. He likewise kept a "hand-boc," in which he daily entered extracts from various authors, but more especially verses of Scripture translated by himself from Latin into Anglo-Saxon. There are three different versions of the Four Gospels at present known to be in existence. The most ancient of these is the famous Northumbrian Gloss, or Durham Book, preserved among the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum. This MS. is one of the finest specimens extant of Saxon writing. The Vulgate Latin text of the Four Gospels was written by Ead- frid, bishop of Lindisfarne, about A. D. 680 ; his successor in the See adorned the book with curious illuminations, and with bosses of gold and precious stones ; and a priest named Aldred added an interlinear gloss or version, probably about the year 900. The second Anglo-Saxon version of the Gospels belongs to the tenth century, and was written by Farmen and Owen at Harewood, or Harwood, over Jerome's Latin of the Four Gos- pels. The Latin text was written about the same period as that of the Durham Book, having been made during the seventh century. This valuable MS. is in the Bodleian Lib- rary, and is called the Rushworth Gloss, from the name of one of its former proprietors. The other translation of the Gospels was made by an unknown hand, apparently not long before the Norman conquest, and is thought to have been translated from the Latin version which was in use before Jerome's time. Two editions of the Anglo-Saxon Psalter have been pub- lished. The first appeared in 1640; it was printed in London under the care of Spelman, from an ancient MS. by an un- known translator, and collated with other MSS. of equal an- tiquity. This version was undoubtedly made from the Latin Vulgate, which interlines with the Anglo-Saxon. A splendid edition of the Psalms was published in 1835 at Oxford: the MS. which forms the text formerly belonged to the Due de Berri, the brother of Charles V., king of France, and was pre- served in the Royal Library at Paris. Mr. Thorpe, the editor FORMATIVE PERIOD OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 663 attributed this MS. to the eleventh century ; and by some it is supposed to be a transcript of the version executed by Aid- helm, bishop of Sherborne, in the early part of the eighth cen- tury. It is, however, rather a paraphrase than a version, and is written, partly in prose, and partly in metre. A partial interlinear translation ef a Latin version of Pro- verbs, made in the tenth century, is preserved among the Cot- tonian MSS. in the British Museum. To the same century belong the celebrated translations of .^Ifric, Archbishop of Canterbury : they consist of the Heptateuch, or first seven books of the Bible, and the book of Job. An edition of this version was published by Mr. Thwaits, at Oxford, in 1699, from an unique MS. belonging to the Bodleian Library ; the book of Job was printed from a transcript of a MS. in the Cottonian Library. ^Ifric in some portions of his version ad- heres literally to the text ; but in some parts he appears to aim at producing a condensation, or abridgment, rather than a translation of the events related by the inspired historian. Like the other Anglo-Saxon fragments, his translation was made from the Latin version. A few MSS. of the Psalms, written shortly before, or about the time of the Norman Conquest are extant, and show the gradual decline of the Anglo-Saxon language. The history of the language may still farther be traced in three MSS. yet in existence, which were made after the arrival of the Normans. They are MSS. of the same translation, and two of them are attributed to the reign of Henry the Second : but the language in which they are written is no longer pure Anglo-Saxon ; it has merged into what is designated the Anglo-Norman. The exact period of the transmutation of Saxon into Eng- lish has been disputed, but it seems most reasonable to believe that the process was gradual. A fragment of the Saxon Chronicle, published by Lye, and concluding with the year 1079, exhibits the language in the first stage of its transition state, no great deviation having then been made from Anglo- Saxon. But in the continuation of the same chronicle, from 1 135 to 1140 A. D., the commencement of those changes may be distinctly traced, which subsequently formed the distinctive peculiarities of the English language. The principal change introduced about this period was the gradual substitution of particles and auxiliary words for the terminal inflections of the Anglo-Saxon. The English has happily retained the facility of its parent language in compounding words, the only diffe- rence in this respect being, that, in the formation of its com- 564 EARLY ENGLISH VERSIONS OF SCRIPTURE. pound terms, the Anglo-Saxon drew only from its own re- sources, whereas the English has had recourse to the Latin, the Greek, the French, the Italian, and other languages. It has been remarked by a distinguished foreigner, that "everywhere the principle of utility and application dom- inates in England, and constitutes at once the physiognomy and the force of its civilization." This principle is certainly legible in its language, which although possessed of remarkable facility in the adaptation of foreign terms and even idioms to its own use, is at the same time free from the trammels with which the other languages of its class are encumbered. In the gender of nouns, for instance, we meet with no perplexity or anomaly, every noun being masculine, feminine, or neuter, ac- cording to the nature of the object or idea it represents ; and as the adjectives are all indeclinable, their concordance with the noun is at once effected without the apparently useless trouble of altering the final letters. This perfect freedom from useless encumbrance adds greatly to the ease and vigor of ex- pression. After the gradual disappearance of the Anglo-Saxon and evolution of the English language, the Anglo-Saxon versions became useless from the alteration in the language, and until the fourteenth century the efforts made to produce a new trans- lation were few and feeble. An ecclesiastic named Orm, or Ormin, supposed from his dialect to have been a native of the North of England, composed a metrical paraphrase of the Gospels and Acts, in lines of fifteen syllables, during the latter part of the twelfth century. This work is entitled the Ormu- lum, from the name of its author, and is preserved in the Bod- leian Library. A more extensive metrical paraphrase, com- prising the Old and New Testaments, is to be found amongst other poetry of a religious nature in a work entitled Sowle-hele (Soul's health), belonging to the Bodleian Library : it is usually ascribed to the end of the twelfth century. Another metrical version, probably of the same date, is preserved in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge : it comprises only the first two books of the Old Testament, and is written in the dialect then spoken in the north of England. In the same College, a metri- cal version of the Psalms, apparently written about the year 1300, has been deposited: this version adheres to the Latin Psalter, corrected by Jerome, as closely as the nature of the composition will admit. Several other MSS. of the old Eng- lish Psalter, preserved in the British Museum and the Bodleian Library, are supposed to be exemplars of the same version, wiclif's version. 565 with the orthography altered in conformity with the state of the language at the periods in which they were written. A translation of the Psalms from the same text (the corrected Latin of Jerome), was executed by Richard Rolle, of Hampole, near Doncaster, during the early part of the fourteenth century. This version is remarkable as being the first portion of the Scriptures ever translated into English prose. Rolle, or Ham- pole as he is more generally called, also wrote a paraphrase in verse of a part of Job. Two other versions of the Psalms, be- longing to the same period, are likewise extant. In Bene't College, Cambridge, there is a version of Mark, Luke, and the Pauline Epistles, but the translator and the date are unknown ; and in the British Museum there is a translation of the Gospels appointed to be read on Sundays, written in the northern dialect. A version has been commonly ascribed to John de Trevisa, vicar of Berkeley in Gloucestershire, who flourished toward the close of the fourteenth century ; but he only translated a few detached passages, which he introduced in certain parts of his writings. Some texts translated by him were painted on the walls of the chapel belonging to Berkeley Castle. During the years from 1378 to 1380, John Wiclif trans- lated the entire Scripture from the Latin Vulgate.* Although Wiclif's version of the English Bible was the earliest in point of execution, yet, as the art of printing was unknown during the age in which it was produced, it was among the latest of the English versions in being committed to the press. The first printed edition was published in 1731, by Mr. Lewis. This edition, which was preceded by a history of the English biblical translations, by the editor, included only the New Testament. The same version of the New Testament was re-edited in 18 10 by H. H. Baber, with prolego- *John Wiclif was born in York in 1334. He studied at Oxford, and by- intrigues afterwards obtained the position of master in Balliol College from which post the friars had been ousted. The friars appealed to the Pope, and he restored them. Wiclif then raised his voice against Rome and the tem- poral power. The Archbishop of Canterbury summoned Wiclif to defend himself be- fore a Council held at London in 1377. The powerful Duke of Lancaster defended him, and he was absolved by the Council. Wiclif was in grace with the State because he advocated the giving of church property to the State, He was again summoned to a Council at Lambeth, and escaped condemnation. The bishops of England, servile to the State, winked at heresy. Those were the days of the Schism at Rome between Urban VI. and the antipope. Clement VII. The time was apt for the theories of Wiclif. He preached much, and his writings were spread through the realm. la 1383 the Arch 666 tyndale's version. mena. It was again published with extreme accuracy in 1841, as a portion of the English Hexapla, the best MSS. having been most carefully collated for this purpose by George Offor, Esq.^ a MS. then in the possession of the Duke of Sussex was used as the basis of this edition. Another edition was published by Pickering in 1848: it is printed from a contemporary MS. written about A. D. 1380, formerly in the monastery of Sion, and now preserved in the collection of Lea Wilson, F. S. A. The Old Testament of Wiclif's version remained in MS. till within the last few years ; but a complete edition of both Testa- ments was published at Oxford, in 1850, under the editorship of J. Forshall and Sir F. Madden. The first printed edition of portions of the English protestant Bible was that of William Tyndale, an apostate priest, hanged and burnt at Vilvoorde near Brussels in 1537. Tyndale fled from England, and went to Hamburg, where in 1524, he printed an English version of the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, consisting of thirty-one leaves. From Hamburg he proceeded to Cologne, where he arrived in the end of April or in the beginning of May 1525, accom- panied by his amanuensis, William Roye. Here he completed the New Testament, which was printed in quarto by Peter Quentel. A fragment of this, which was not discovered until the year 1834, is in the library of the Honorable Thomas Gren- ville, in England. It comprises " The Prologge" in part of the Gospel of St. Matthew. From Cologne, Tyndale proceeded to Worms, where, in the same year, he completed what has hitherto been usually termed his first edition of the New Testament. It was printed by P. Schoyffer in i8mo. A copy of this New Testament, wanting only the title page, (the only copy in this state now known) is in possession of the Baptist Museum at Bristol. From this edition the London reprint bishop of Canterbury condemned, in a Council held at London,24 propositions of Wiclif , in which among other errors he denied the real presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist ; affirmed that priest or bishop in state of mortal sin could not baptise, consecrate or ordain ; declared that confession was useless to a contrite man ; denied that Christ instituted the Mass ; declared that, if the Pope were in sin, he had no authority over the faithful ; that it was against the Scriptures for the ecclesiastics to have property ; and declared that after Urban VI. the primacy of Peter had failed, and the nations should be free in the government of the national church. Wiclif died at Lutter- worth in 1384. The opinions of Wiclif invaded Bohemia and gave rise to the heresy of John Huss. The remarkable success of these heresiarchs is due to the fact that they extend the power of the state,and jQatter the pride and independence of the human heart. tyndale's version. 567 of 1836 was executed. In this undertaking Tyndale was as- sisted by John Fryth, who was afterwards burnt in Smithfield, and by John Roye, already mentioned, who suffered death in Portugal, on a charge of heresy. Le Long calls this edition of Tyndale's New Testament, printed in 1526, "The New Testa- ment translated into English, from the German Version of Luther." Many copies of this translation having found their way into England, in order to prevent their dispersion among the people, and the more effectually to enforce the prohibition published in all the dioceses against reading them, Tonstal, Bishop of London, purchased all the remaining copies of this edition, and all which he could collect from private hands, and committed them to the flames at St. Paul's cross. The first impression of Tyndale's translation (as it is usually termed), being thus disposed of, a surreptitious edition of it was printed at Antwerp in 1526. Of this no copy has yet been identified in any collection. A second surreptitious edition appeared also at Antwerp in 1527, and a third in 1538-39. In 1529 Sir Thomas More published a dialogue in which he convicts Tyndale of having mistranslated two words of great importance, viz., the words priests and church, calling the first seniors, and the second congregation. He also charges him with changing commonly the term grace into favor, confession into knowledge, penance into re- pentance, and a contrite heart into a troubled heart. The Bishop of London had, indeed, in a sermon, declared, that he had found in it no less than 2000 errors, or mistranslations ; and Sir Thomas More discovered about 1000 texts falsely translated. In 1530, a royal proclamation was issued, by the advice of the prelates and priests, and of the universities, for totally suppressing the translation of the Scripture, corrupted by William Tyndale. The proclamation set forth, that it was not necessary to have the Scriptures in the English tongue, and in the hands of the common people ; that the distribution of them, as to allowing or denying it, depended on the discre- tion of their superiors; and that, considering the malignity of the time, an English translation of the Bible would rather occasion the continuance or increase of errors, than any bene- fit to their souls. However the proclamation announced the king's intention, if the present translation were abandoned, at a proper season to provide that the Holy Scriptures should be by great, learned, and Catholic persons, translated into the English tongue, if it should then seem convenient. In the mean time, Tyndale was busily employed. In 1530, he printed 668 coverdale's version. at Marburg in Hesse (as it is supposed) his own second edition of the New Testament. He was also occupied in translating into English the five books of Moses, in which he was assisted by Miles Coverdale. The books of Genesis and Deuteronomy appeared also at Marburg in separate books. In 1 53 1 he published the Pentateuch, with a general preface and a second edition of the book of Genesis. This was printed at various places and by various printers ; its rarity is almost equal to that of the New Testament of 1525. The only perfect copy of it known to exist, is now in the library of the Right Hon. Thomas Grenville. The same yearTyndale published his translation of the Prophet Jonah, with a long prologue. As Tyndale was ignorant of Hebrew, he made us of Luther's version in his translation of the Old Testament. This first English translation of the entire Bible was made from the Latin and German, and dedicated to King Henry VHL by Myles CovERDALE. It bore the following title: " The Bible, that is, the Holy Scripture of the Olde and New Testament faithfully and truly translated out of the Douche and Latyn into Englishe. M. D. XXXV. folio." Soon after this Bible was finished, in 1536, Lord Crom- well, keeper of the privy seal, and the king's vicar-general and vice-regent in ecclesiastical matters, published injunc- tions to the clergy by the King's authority, the seventh of which required that every parson, or proprietary of any parish church within the realm, should, before the first of August, provide a book of the whole Bible either in Latin or English, and lay it in the choir, for every man that would, to look and read therein ; and should discour- age no man from reading any part of the Bible either in Latin or English, but rather comfort, exhort, and admonish every man to read it, as the very word of God, and the spiritual food of a man's soul, &c. In 1537 appeared Matthew's Bible, under the following title : " The Byble, which is all the Holy Scripture : In whych are contayned the Olde and Newe Testament, truely and purely translated into Englysh. By Thomas MATTHEW." It was edited by Coverdale, though it bears the name of Thomas Matthew, and it was published with the royal license, which was granted in consequence of Cranmer's applica- tion to Lord Cromwell. The Old Testament is Tyndalc's to the end of the second book of Chronicles ; it then becomes cranmer's version. 569 a mere copy of Coverdale's Bible, with a few corrections, and continues so to the end of the Apocryphal Books, which last are inserted from Coverdale's Bible. The New Testament is wholly a transcript of Tyndale's version, as contained in his last published edition of the New Testament. In the year 1538, an injunction was published by Cromwell, as vicar-gen- eral of the kingdom, ordaining the clery to provide, before a certain festival, one book of the whole Bible, of the largest volume, in English, and to set it up in some convenient place within their churches, where their parishioners might most commodiously resort to it. A royal declaration was also pub- lished, which the curates were to read in their several churches, informing the people, that it had pleased the king's majesty to permit and command the Bible, being translated into their mother-tongue, to be sincerely taught by them, and to be openly laid forth in every parish church. In 1538, an edition in 4to. of the New Testament, in English, with Erasmus's Latin translation, was printed, with the king's license, by Redman. In this year it was resolved to revise Matthew's Bible, and to print a correct edition of it. With this view Grafton went to France, where the workmen were more skilful, and the paper was both better and cheaper than in England, and obtained permission from Francis I., at the request of King Henry VIII., to print his Bible at Paris. But, the Inquisition interposed, and issued an order, dated December 17, 1538, summoning the French printers, their English employers, and Coverdale, the corrector of the work, and prohibiting them to proceed ; and the impression, con- sisting of 25(X) copies, was seized, confiscated, and condemned to the flames. Some chests, however, of these books escaped the fire, and the English proprietors, who had fled on the first alarm, returned to Paris as soon as it subsided, and not only recovered some of these copies, but brought with them to London the presses, types, and printers, and resuming the work, finished it in the following year. As soon as the papal power was abolished in England, and the king's supremacy settled by parliament in 1534, Cran- mer was very assiduous in promoting the translation of the Holy Scripture into the vulgar tongue ; well knowing how much the progress of the reformation depended upon this measure. Accordingly, he moved in convocation, that a peti- tion should be presented to the king for leave to procure a new translation of the Bible. This motion was vigorously opposed by Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and his party ; 570 taverner's correction. but Cranmer prevailed. The arguments for a new translation, urged by Cranmer, and enforced by Queen Anne Boleyn, who had then great interest in the king's affections, were so much considered by him, that, notwithstanding the opposition, public and private, on the part of Gardiner and his adherents, Henry gave orders for setting about it immediately. In April, 1539, Grafton and Whitchurch printed the Bible, under the follow- ing title : " The Byble in Englyshe> that is to saye, the contents of all the holy scripture bothe of y* olde and newe testament, truly translated after the veryte of the Hebrue and Greke textes by y' dylygent studye of diuerse excellent learned men, expert in the forsayde tonges. Printed by Rychard Grafton & Edward Whitchurch. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum." From its containing a prologue or preface by Cranmer, as well as from its size, it is commonly called " Cranmer's Great Bible." A magnificent and probably unique copy of it, on vellum (bound in three volumes), which formerly belonged to Henry VHI., is preserved in the Library of the British Museum. In 1539 Richard Taverner endeavored to revise in some measure the very corrupt Bible of Matthew. His correction was a further corruption. After the death of Cromwell, King Henry was brought to see that in truth the English translations were erroneous and heretical, and although the wily Cranmer strove to defeat such project. Parliament forbade Tyndale's version, and the King soon afterward prohibited, by royal proclamation, the having and reading of Wiclif's, Tyndale's and Coverdale's versions, and forbade the use of any other than that made by Parliament. Edward VI. revoked this decree. In November, 1539, the king, at the intercession of Cran- mer, appointed Lord Cromwell to take special care that no person within the realm should attempt to print any English Bible for five years, but such as should be admitted by Lord Cromwell ; and assigns this reason for the prohibition, that the Bible should be considered and perused in one translation, in order to avoid the manifold inconveniences to which human frailty might be subject from a diversity of translations, and the ill use that might be made of it. In the year 1540, two privileged editions of the Bible, which had been printed in the preceding year, issued from the press of Edward Whit- church. Lewis mentions three other impressions of the " Great Bible," which appeared in the course of this year ; two printed by Whitchurch, and one by Peyt and Redman. THE GENEVA VERSION. 571 Cranmer wrote a preface for the editions of the year 1540, from which we learn the opinions and practice of those times. In May of this year, the curates and parishioners of every parish were required by royal proclamation, to provide them- selves with the Bible of the largest volume before the feast of All Saints, under the penalty of 40s. for every month during which they should be without it. During the course of this reign, that is, in less than seven years and six months, eleven impressions of the whole English Bible were published, and six of the English New Testament ; besides an English translation of the whole New Testament, paraphrased by Erasmus. The Bibles were reprinted, accord- ing to the preceding editions, whether Tyndale's, Coverdale's, Matthew's, Cranmer's or Taverner's ; that is, with a different text, and different notes. But it is doubted by the writer of the preface to King James's translation, whether there were any translation, or correction of a translation, in the course of this reign. In 1557 William Whittingham published at Geneva the New Testament under the following title : " The Newe Testament of our Lord lesus Christ, conferred diligently with the Greke and best approued translations. With the arguments as well before the chapters, as for euery Boke & Epistle, also diuersities of readings, and most profit- able annotations of all harde places : whereunto is added a copious Table. At Geneva. Printed by Conrad Badius. 1560. 8vo." It is the first in the English language which contains the distinction of verses by numerical figures. When Queen Elizabeth passed through London from the Tower to her coronation, a pageant was erected in Cheapside, representing Time coming out of a cave, and leading a person clothed in white silk, who represented Truth, his daughter. Truth had the English Bible in her hand, on which was written " Verbum veritatis." Truth addressed the queen, and presented her with the book. She kissed it, held it in her hand, laid it on her breast, greatly thanking the city for their present, and added, that she would often and diligently read it. We could say verily that this Bible was much like Eliza- beth, false and unholy. In 1560 a translation of the entire Bible appeared at Geneva under the following title: "The Bible: that is, the Holy Scriptures, conteyned in the Olde and Newe Testament. Translated according to the 572 THE bishops' bible. Ebrue and Greke, and conferred with the best translations in divers languages, with most profitable annotations upon all the harde places, and other things of great importance, as may appeare in the Epistle to the Reader. At Geneva. Printed by Rouland Hall. MDLX. 4to." A second edition of this translation appeared in folio at London, in 1561 ; a third in quarto, at Geneva, in 1563; a fourth, at Geneva, in 1569. It was reprinted at London in 1575, by Thomas Vautrollier; in 1576, by Christopher Barker, in folio, and also in quarto, and many times consequently by him and by other printers. The translators are commonly said to have been Miles Coverdale, pseudo bishop of Exeter, Anthony Gilby, and William Whittingham. Besides the translation, the editors of the Geneva Bible noted in the margin the diversities of speech and reading, especially accord- ing to the Hebrew ; then inserted in the text, with another kind of letter, every word that seemed to be necessary for ex- plaining any particular sentence ; in the division of the verses, they followed the Hebrew examples, and added the number to each verse ; they also noted the principal matters, and the arguments, both for each book and each chapter ; they set over the head of every page some remarkable word or sentence, for helping the memory; they introduced brief annotations for ascertaining the text, and explaining obscure words ; they set forth with figures certain places in the books of Moses, of Kings, and Ezekiel, which could not be made intelligible by any other description ; they added maps of divers places and countries mentioned in the Old and New Testament ; and they annexed two tables, one for the interpretation of Hebrew names, and the other containing all the chief matters of the whole Bible. Of this translation, numerous editions were printed in folio, 4to., or 8vo., between the years 1560 and 1616. This version is sometimes called the " Breeches Bible," be- cause the translators rendered the Hl^l^H o^ Genesis IIL 7, by "breeches." ' In the year 1598, the Bible, proposed by the pseudo Arch- bishop Parker three years before, was completed. In this edi- tion, distinct portions of the Bible, at least fourteen in number, were allotted to select men of learning and ability, appointed, as Fuller says, by the Queen's commission ; but it still remains uncertain who, and whether one or more, revised the rest of the New Testament. Eight of the persons employed were pseudo bishops ; whence the book was called the " Bishops' Bible," and the " Great English Bible." In a letter addressed KING JAMES' VERSION. 573 by Parker to Queen Elizabeth, on the publication of this edition of the Bible, we meet with the following account of what had been attempted in it : — " Amonge divers observations which have bin regarded in this recognition, one was, not to make yt vary much from that translation which was commonlye used by publicke order, except wher eyther the verytie of the Hebrue and Greke moved alteration ; or wher the Text was, by sum negligence, mutilated from the originall ; so that I trust your loving subjected shall se good cause, in your Majesties dayes, to thanke God, and to rejoyce to see this His Treasor of His Holy Worde so set oute, as may be proved (so far as mortall man's knowledge can attaine to, or as far forth as God hath hitherto revealed) to be faithfully handeled in the vulgar Tonge." This translation was used in the churches for forty years ; though the Geneva Bible was more read in private houses. The Bishops' Bible did not satisfy the bishops, and soon after King James ascended the throne, in 1602, he was moved to give orders for a new version. Fifty-four learned men were appointed to this important labor: but, before it was commenced, seven of the persons nominated were either dead or had declined the task ; for the list, as given us by Fuller, comprises only forty-seven names. They were divided into six classes. Ten were to meet at Westminister, and to translate from the Pentateuch to the end of the second book of Kings. Eight, assembled at Cambridge, were to finish the rest of the Historical Books and the Hagiographa. At Oxford, seven were to undertake the four greater prophets, with the Lamentations of Jeremiah, and the twelve minor prophets. The four Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, and the Apocalyse, were assigned to another com- pany of eight, also at Oxford : and the Epistles of St. Paul, together with the remaining Canonical Epistles, were allotted to another company of seven, at Westminister. Lastly, another company at Cambridge were to translate the remaining books, including the Prayer of Manasseh. Of this Home testifies as follows : " Each book passed the scrutiny of all the translators suc- cessively. In the first instance, each individual translated every book which was allotted to his division. Secondly, the readings to be adopted were agreed upon by the whole of that company assembled together, at which meeting each translator must have been solely occupied by his own version. The book, thus finished, was sent to each of the other companies to be 574 KING JAMES' VERSION. examined ; and at these meetings it probably was, as Selden informs us, that " one read the translation, the rest holding in their hands some Bible, either of the learned tongues, or French, Spanish, Italian, &c. If they found any fault, they spoke ; if not, he read on." Further, the translators were em- powered to call to their assistance any learned men, whose studies enabled them to be serviceable, when an urgent occasion of difficulty presented itself. The translation was commenced in the spring of 1607, and the completion of it occupied almost three years. At the expiration of that time, three copies of the whole Bible, thus translated and revised, were sent to London, — one from Oxford, one from Cambridge, and a third from Westminister. Here a committee of six, two being deputed by the companies at Oxford, two by those at Cambridge, and two by those at Westminister, reviewed and polished the whole work : which was finally revised by Dr. Smith (afterwards bishop of Gloucester), who wrote the preface, and by Dr. Bilson, bishop of Winchester. This translation of the Bible was first published in folio in 1611 : the expense at- tending it was wholly defrayed by Robert Barker, patentee of the office of King's printer. After the publication of the present authorized translation, all the other versions gradually fell into disuse, with the excep- tion of the Psalms, and the Epistles and Gospels in the Book of Common Prayer, which were still continued, the former according to the translation of Cranmer's Bible, and the latter according to that of the Bishops' Bible, until the final revision of the Liturgy, in 1661 ; at which time the Epistles and Gospels were taken from the present version, but the Psalms are still retained according to the translation of Cranmer's Bible." King James' version possessed considerable literary excel- lence, and were it purged from doctrinal incorrectness, would be valuable for English readers. It often reproduces the sense of the original tongues better than any other modern version. King James' version has very recently been revised by British and American scholars, but it is certain that this revision has robbed the English text of much of its excellence. Rev. Daniel R. Goodwin, a protestant divine, has ably shown the abortion of the revision of the New Testament. (Notes on the Late Revision of the New Testament Version : New York, 1883.) THE RHEIMS-DOUAY VERSION. 575 In the year 1582, William (afterward Cardinal) Allen, Gregory Martin and Richard Bristow made a translation of the New Testament at the English Catholic college of Rheims, under the following title : The New Testament of lesvs Christ, translated faithfvlly into English out of the authentical Latin, according to the best corrected copies of the same, diligently conferred with the Greeke, and other editions in diuers languages : Vvith Argvments of bookes and chapters, Annotations, and other necessarie helpes, for the better vnderstanding of the text, and specially for the discouerie of the Corrvptions of diuers late translations, and for cleering the Controversies in religion, of these daies : In the English College of Rhemes. Printed at Rhemes by lohn Fogny. 1582. 4to. Thomas Worthington affixed the notes to the text. From the place of its origin it was called the Rheims version. After the college was removed to Douay, the same scholars trans- lated the Old Testament under the title : The Holie Bible faithfvlly translated into English ovt of the Avthentical Latin. Diligently conferred with the Hebrew, Greeke, and other Editions in diuers languages. With Argv- ments of the Bookes, and Chapters : Annotations : Tables : and other helpes for better vnderstanding of the text : for dis- couerie of corrvptions in some late translations : and for clear- ing Controversies in Religion. By the English College of Doway by Lavrence Kellam. 1609-10. 2 vols. 4to. These being united form the Rheims-Douay Bible, the *' editio princeps" of all English Catholic versions. In 1750 it was revised by Dr. Challoner, and this revision is the one usually in use. The Rheims-Douay version is not of high critical worth. As it agrees with the Vulgate in nearly everything, it enjoys, in a certain sense, the doctrinal immunity from error of the Vul- gate. This can not be said of any other existing English translation. But it also largely contains the imperfections of the Vulgate. The work of making a new translation has often been spoken of, but owing to the vastness of the enterprise, has never been put into effect. Catholic scholars recognize the need, and let us hope that ere long some ripe and good scholar may take it up and finish it. This work can not be done as a business enterprise. To execute it well, will require the true student, and the sustained study and labor of a lifetime. The annexed plates exhibit specimens of the early English translations. ENGLISH. SPECIMEN, FEOM St. JOHN, Chap. i. r. 1 to 12. Wici-ip, 1380. • IN the bigrnnyng^ was the word and the word was at god, and god was the word, 2 this was in the bigynnynge at god, 3 alle thingis weren made bi hym : and withouten hym was made no thing, that thing that was made * in him was liif, and the liif was the lijt of men, * and the lijt schyneth in derknessist and derknessis comprehendiden not it. 6 A man was sente fro god to whom the name was Ion, ' this man cam in to witnes- synge, that he schulde here witnessynge of the li3t, that alle men schulden bileue bi hym, 8 he was not the lijt, but that he schulde here witnessynge of the lijt, 9 ther was a verri li3t : whiche li5t- neth eche man that cometh in to this world, •<• he was in the world, and the world was made bi him i and the world knewe hym not. " he cam in to his owne thingis : S hise resceyueden hym not: '* but hou many euer resceiueden hym : he 3af to hem power to be made the sones of god, to hem that bileueden in his name. Ttndai-e, 1534. I IN the beginnynge was the worde, and the worde was with God : and the worde was God. 2 The same was in the beginnynge with God. 3 All thinges were made by it, and with out it, was made nothinge, that was made. * In it was lyfe, and the lyfe was the lyght of men, * and the lyght shyneth in the darcknes, but the darcknes comprehended it not. * There was a man sent from God, whose name was lohn. ^ The same cam as a witnes to beare witnes of the lyght, that all men through him myght believe. 8 He was not that lyght : but to beare witnes of the lyght. 9 That was a true lyght, which lyghteth all men that come into the worlde. 'O He was in the worlde, and the worlde was made by him: and yet the worlde knewe him not. II He cam iamonge his (awne) and his awne re- ceaved him not. i* But as meny as receaved him, to them he gave power to be the sonnes of God in that they beleved on his name. CoVEBBiJLE, 1535. IN the begynnynge was the worde, and the worde was with God, and God was y* worde. The same was in the begynnynge with God. All thinges were made by the same, and without the same was made nothings that was made. In him was the life, and the life was the light of men ; and the light shyneth in the darknesse, and the darkness compre- hended it not. There was sent from God a man, whose name was Ihon. The same came for a wit- nesse, to beare wytnesse of y* light, that thorow him they all might beleue. He was not that light, but that he might beare witnesse of y* light. That was the true light, which lighteth all men, that come in to this worlde. He was in the worlde, i the worlde was made by him, and y* worlde knewe him not. He came in to his awne, and his awne receaued him not. But as many as re- ceaued him, to them gaue he power to be the children of God : euen soch as beleue in his name. Matthew, 1537. IN the beginninge was the worde, and the worde was with God : and the worde was God. The same was in the beginnynge wyth God. All thinges were made by it, and wythout it, was made no- thynge that 'was made. In it was lyfe, and the lyfe was the lyght of men, and the lyght shyneth in y* darck- nes but the darcknes com- prehended it not. There was a man sent from God, whose name was John. The same cam as a witnes to beare wytnes of the lyght, that all men through him myght beleue. He was not that lyght : but to beare witnes of the lyght. That was a true lyght wnych lyghteth all me that come into the worlde. Ho was in the worlde, and the worlde was made by hym : and yet the worlde knewe nym not. He cam amonge hys awne, and hys awne receaued hym not. But as many as re- ceaued hym, to them he gaue power to be the sonnes of God in that they beleued on hys name : Cbanmsb, 1539. 1 IN the begynnynge was the worde, and the worde was wyth God : and God was the wordfe. 2 The same was in the begynnyng with God. 3 All thynges were made by it, and without it, was made nothynge that was made. * In it was lyfe, and the lyfe was the lyght of men, * and the lyght shyn- eth in darcknes, and the darcknes comprehended it not. 6 There was sent from God a man, whose name was lohn. 7 The same cam as a wytnes to beare wytnes of the lyght, that all men through hym myght beleue. 8 He was not that lyght : but was sent to beare wytnes of the lyght. 9 That lyght was the true lyght, whych lyghteth euery man that cometh into the worlde. "> He was in the worlde, and the worlde was made by hym : and the worlde knewe hym not. " He cam amonge hys awne, and hys awne re- ceaued him not. >2 £ut as many as receaued hym to them gaue he power, to be the sonnes of God : euen them that beleued on hys name. Geneva, 1557. 1 IN the beginnyng was the word, and the worde was with God, and that worde was God. 2 The same was in the begynnyng with God. 3 Althinges were made by it, and without it was made nothing that was made. < In it was lyfe, and the Ivfe was the light of men. ^ ^nd the light shineth in darkenes, and the darknes comprehended it not. 6 There was a man sent from God, whose name was lohn. 7 The same came for a wytnes, to bearie wytnes of the light, that all men through hym might beleue. 8 He was not that light, but was sent to beare wytnes of the light. 9 That was that true lyght, which lyghteth all men that come into the worlde. '0 He was in the worlde, and the worlde was made by hym: and the worlde knewe him not. ■! He came among his owne, and his owne receaued him not. 12 But as many as receaued hym, to them he gaue power to be the sonnes of God, euen to them that beleue in his Bishops, 1568. I IN the begynnyng was the worde, and the worde was with God : and that worde was God. 2 The same was in the begynnyng with God. 3 All thynges were made by it : and without it, was made nothyng that was made. ■* In it was lyfe, and the lyfe was the lyght of men. ^ And the lyght shyneth in darkenesse : and the darkenesse compre- hended it not. 6 There was a man sent from God whose name was John : 7 The same came for a witnesse, to beare witnesse of the lyght, that all men through hym myght beleue. 8 He was not that lyght : but was sent to beare wit- nesse, of the lyght. 9 That [lyght} was the true lyght, which lyghteth every man that.commeth into the worlde. 10 He was in the worlde, and the worlde was made by hym, and the worlde knewe hym not. II He came among his ov?ne, and his owne receaued hym not. 12 But as many as receaued hym, to them gave he power to be the sonnes of God, euen them that be leued on his name. Rreims, 1582. I IN the beginning was the Word, and the Wobd was with God, and God was the WoBD. 2 This was in the beginning with God. 3 Al things were made by him : and without him was made nothing. That which was made, < in him was life, and the life was the light of men : ^ and the light shineth in darkenesse, and the darkenesse did not com- prehend it. * There was a man sent from God, whose name was lohn. 1 This man came for testimonie : to giue testimonie of the light, that al might beleeue through him. 8 He was not the light, but to giue testimonie of the light. 9 It was the true light, which lighteneth euesy man that commeth into this world. 10 He was in the world, and the world was made by him, and the world knew him not. II He came into his owne, and his owne received him not 12 But as many as re- ceiued him, he gaue them power to be made the sonnes of God, to those that beleeue in his name. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS, 577 Chapter XXXII. Biblical Hermeneutics. In the acquisition of all knowledge, man should order all its different branches to one grand scope : namely, to develop the powers of the soul, and make the being of man godlike. Now in that cultivation of the soul, the science of Holy Scrip- ture is most immediate to the end of all study. The other departments of human knowledge contain but the faint and broken accents of nature ; the Holy Scriptures contain the clear voice of God from Heaven. Hence there should also be this order in the human knowable, that all the sciences should be subservient to the study of God in the Holy Code. Man should study the different sciences with the view of coming closer to the Creator through the consideration of his works. The man, then, who essays to interpret the word of God, should bring to his task the possession of vast and varied knowledge, that truth may beget truth, and the message of the Creator may be received in its fulness, in the mind made re- ceptive by careful preparation. The student of Scripture takes up the grandest and sublimest system of philosophy, the truest and best system of ethics, and the grand basis of dog- matic truth. The human mind is limited, the compass of its cognitions is never vast, and it would be presumption in it to undertake to find the sense of the Holy Code without much laborious preparation. A man with some happy faculty of expression may treat of many themes of human knowledge without great mental application. He may be able to spend his time in visiting and social converse, and yet be able to treat indifferently well the aforesaid themes ; but if a man would draw anything more than pious generalities out of the Scrip- tures, he must study. In the words of Jerome : " Agricolae, caementarii, fabri, metallorum lignorumve caesores, lanarii quoque et fullones, et ceteri, qui variam supellectilem et vilia opuscula fabricantur, absque doctore, esse non possunt quod cupiunt. Quod medi- corum est, Promittunt medici ; tractant fabrilia fabri. Sola Scripturarum ars, quam sibi omnes passim vindicant : Scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim. Hanc garrula anus, hanc delirus senex, banc sophista verbosus, hanc universi praesumunt, lacerant, docent, antequam discant. Alii adducto supercilio grandia verba trutinantes inter mulier- KK 678 BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. culas de sacris Uteris philosophantur. Alii discunt, proh dolor, a feminis, quod viros doceant : et ne parum hoc sit, quadam facilitate verborum, imo audacia edisserunt aliis, quod ipsi non intelligunt Puerilia sunt haec et circulatorum ludo similia, docere quod ignores, imo, ut cum stomacho loquar, ne hoc quidem scire, quod nescias." (St. Hier. ad Paulin. Ep. 53,6, 7, Migne, P. L. 22, 544.) The student of Scripture should study everything, and order the fund of knowledge thus acquired to obtain the greatest of all acquisitions, the science of God. He should study natural science to see the design of the Creator in his works, and the evidences of his wisdom in Nature's laws ; and also to defend the truths of God against the puny and inflated sophists, who speak in the name of science. He should study philosophy that by the possession of the truths of one order, the mind may expand and rise by the right laws from one order of truth to another, in its upward course towards the Infinite Truth. He should study the languages, for the resources of human thought is shut up in the different languages of the races of man. No man can well come at the thought of the world through the knowledge of any one tongue. He should study the tongues in which the Holy men of God spoke, for the fulness and the clearness of the thought remains in the original tongue in which it was first delivered. It will not suffice to say : Jerome translated the Hebrew for me, and as I can not equal Jerome's knowledge of Scripture, I shall desist from fruitless toil. Neither Jerome nor any other man, put into the translation the fulness and the clearness of the original. Only he who draws directly from the original fount, can open up the full sense of the Sacred Text. He should study dogmatic theology, that he may be guided by the analogy of faith in all interpretations. It may be safely stated that no man ever became an able interpreter of Scripture, who was not a profound dogmatic theologian. He should study archaeology, that he may know the cus- toms and modes of life of ancient people ; for a knowledge of these will throw light on certain expressions of such people. He should study textual criticism, that he may be able to judge of the sense of various readings, and intelligently handle the different codices. Finally, he should read and ponder much upon the Holy Code, for it does not reveal its depths of truths to the casual reader. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 579 Some writers at this point formulate rules of criticism. I believe, however, that the science is not promoted by these rules. A mind well stored with knowledge, acting with judg- ment and prudence, and with a teachableness of heart will naturally move in the lines which these rules endeavor to systematize. The use of these data is ordered to find the Sense OF Scripture. When we speak of the sense of a writing, we mean not the mere signification of the words. The signification of a word is the power that it has from its own nature, and the institution and use of man to convey a determinate idea. Hence one term can have many significations. But the sense of a word is the actual value that the term has in a particular predica- tion ; and the sense in a right ordered proposition can be but one. The old writers divided the sense of Scripture into various species. Many of these species serve no practical purpose. They arose out of that general drift of the ancients to seek always something mystic in the Scriptures, and to multiply divisions in every science. Setting aside then the systems of the ancients, we shall found our classification of the senses of Scripture, on the nature of the text itself. The first and greatest of the senses of Scripture is the Literal Sense. The literal sense is that, which results immediately from the ordinary force of the words, as when I say : " The Word was made flesh." This is sometimes called the historical sense. It is the basic sense in all Scripture, and in all the expressions of the creations of mind. The older writers included under one head both the literal and the metaphorical sense. We reject this mode of division, and place as a distinct species the Metaphorical Sense. The metaphorical sense of Scripture is a deviation from the ordinary application of words, in which we predicate concepts of objects, not proper to them in their essential nature, but founded in some wide general similarity. Thus we speak of the " arm of the Lord " not to predicate the corporal member of God, but to assert of him the power of action. We include under the heading of metaphorical sense of Scripture, all figurative sense, whether it consist in simile, parable, personification, allegory, synecdoche, metonymy, apostrophe, irony, hyperbole, or other figure. The main office of figurative speech in Scripture is to heighten the force of the 680 BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. enunciation, to give clearness to abstract ideas, and to express ideas with something of the fulness and vividness of the ob- jects of sense. The state of a man perplexed by many thoughts, could scarcely be better expressed than by saying : " I scarcely understand my own intent ; But silkworm like, so long within have wrought, That I am lost in my own web of thought." Some of the figures of the Scripture are very bold. It is a bold figure to represent God as walking in the Garden of Eden, or to bid the Apostles salute no man in the way, or to bid a man hate his father and mother, brother and sister. The allegory is a common form of Scriptural figure. It is a form of expression in which the real subject is not men- tioned but described by a consistent, intelligible statement, and the subject is left to be inferred by the aptly suggestive like- ness. A fine allegory is in Isaiah V. i — 2. " My beloved hath a vineyard in a very fruitful hill ; and he fenced it, and gathered out the stones thereof, and planted it with the choicest vine, and built a tower in the midst of it, and also made a wine-press therein ; and he looked that it should bring forth grapes, and it brought forth wild grapes." The parable was much used by the Lord. This figure of speech is properly a species of allegory, in which a religious truth is exhibited by means of facts from nature and human life. The statements are not historically true, but are offered as a means of conveying a higher general truth. But the pro- positions are always true to nature ; the laws of the nature of the different beings introduced, are strictly observed, and the events are such as might have taken place. The Prodigal Son, The Sower, The Ten Virgins, Lazarus and Dives, are good examples of this form of expression. The knowledge of the sense of Scripture, has been much obscured by the addition of what is called the sensus conse- quens. Such is the nature of the human mind, that it evolves truth from truth by logical process. The truths which are by logi- cal deduction drawn from other truths of Scripture, are by some writers classed under the sensus consequens. Since God endowed man with the reasoning faculty, it is natural and right for him to proceed in syllogistic process from truth to truth. And if the fundamental position be the sense of the Holy Ghost, and the logical process be legitimate, the conclu- sion will be equally the sense of the Holy Ghost, and reducible BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. 581 to the species of the fundamental position. While, therefore, we justify the process, we see no need of multiplying entia by placing this division of the sense of Scripture. As the infinite knowledge of God comprehends all future things and events, he alone can order a being or event to pre- figure some future being or event. This prefiguring of future beings, actions, and events is called the typical or spiritual sense of Scripture. It is evident that it can only be properly verified in inspired writings, for no other being can thus com- prehend and describe the future. The typical sense is therefore verified when some being, action, or event which has its own proper mode of being, is taken to signify some future ens. Therefore the typical sense is founded upon the literal sense. It leaves to the sentence its proper literal sense, and is formed upon it by applying the great leading concept of the present reality to future being. It is evident that it differs from the metaphorical sense, though it comes close to allegory. But it is distinguishable from allegory in this, that it imports as its basis some real existing being, whereas allegory is the application of an imaginary ens to signify present or future truth. Thus the ten virgins can not be called a type of the kingdom of Heaven, but an allegor- ical description of the different religious conditions of human life, in its journey towards eternity. The typical sense is also different in nature from the sense of the symbolic actions of prophetic vision. The Vision of Ezechiel, I. 4 — 28, for example, was not a type of the Almighty, but a symbol of some of his attributes. Thus also the Woman seen by John in the Apocalypse, XII., is not a type of the Church, but the life of the militant Church there portrayed by symbolic vision. The type is properly built on some ens in rerum natura; the symbol is only a creation of the mind. Usage has determined that the ens adumbrating the future verity should be called the type, while the future verity thus prefigured is called the ANTITYPE. The old writers here again induce useless divisions, dividing types into prophetic, which relate to Christ, anagogic which regard man's supernatural destiny, and tropologic, which con- tain laws of morality. These divisions serve no useful purpose. The existence of types in the Scripture is self-evident from the reading of the Holy Books. Adam is called a type of Christ, TUTTo? Toi /LteWovTo?, Rom. V. 14; the sacrifice of Melchisedech is a type of the Eucharist ; Sara and Hagar are 682 BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. types of the Old and New Testaments, Gal. IV. 24; the Paschal Lamb was a type of the Crucifixion, Exod. XII. 46, compared with Jo. XIX. 36; the Brazen Serpent was a type of the Vicarious Atonement, Num. XXI. 9 ; the Manna was a type of the Eucharist, Exod. XVI. 15, compared with Jo. VI. 49 — 50; Israel in the Exodus was a type of Christianity, ravra he TxrmKo.'i avve^aivev eK€ivoL- © fc' t^ e y paraHe/es^ W / 4^ ? V ■> w 1 k ow rase cLonriBazc -z=^ ^ ^ / D K <. 1 lioTin£/ ^^ 2t^ i^ 6 J. '? A L m hiiow ^ 3 y ?2 M M n e/nv VVWVN —^ fc;:^ y 2 N N s verrow M - •i7 *^ ^\ D - X c (••••• » ••••.• o V o o p nattb niui mill att, ;;jf 7? & n p s • serpent -K ^^ A ]: g coin? Z! ^ 9 V P ^ Ql *r IfGUcke^ *P ^ -I P K S jarduv W^ ^ \A^ ^ 51 5 b bourse (?) bras offhant iin pJiJi . ]i4J 6 ^ y^ K -h r T T Noms Inscriplioa de la Stele doMesa irS'^'avJC. Pheniciea des Monnaies ei des Inscriptions Tnscripiion de Siioe (vcrsk VIR' S-svantJC) Ancien Hebreu des Moniuaies et des Gemmes SanuaitHin. Hebreu des Inscriplioas Hebreu Ecriture carree ^l^fv \^ ^ Y V :k>i kW^y. ^f/^ ^ K ^ ^a5i e^ ^-9^ 4 9^ y a t2tX 3 GkCmeL 77 1 f\ 1 -A -^77 ^ J J)alet/o A^ A^A A ^7i-T i" 1 r T M ^^ ^11^ <^ ^^TT ^ TCn n Var r Y ^^-i 1 WfA «rf Ml 1 Zcuh ^ ^Z!^/1 ,?=» 2 -2^ (-2:) '^ \f T letk WW ^if^ ^ ^ Mti'^B ^'^ n^ n TbOl y^^ 6 (d^ to lad f^ ^nsi/v a- ^/^/ v^ 1 1 > Caph ry ^yi7 ^ J^i^ :j:i ::i:y 1^ Lcamd/ u 4441 ^ /VjlL ZZ UK h Menv yy yy^ y yi":)::} y::i >>D dD Niunu V yy) ^ 43::^^ h^ J ) i ^cunec/v ^^ t^^ ^^ ^ vc? Jut o o^ o t^ d O^-^^iO C^ 'c^ ^;^ J? Pe /y 017 9 ^^ :n::r J^ jq B Isadd 1^^ \\\ cy-i ^7^f A)^ y V)^ (^opfu nf f I7t /? f i^r T? P ? Res(Ji> i^ ^^i A ^^^ ^1 ^^ 1 Schxn WW UJ u\^ ^ w W>^60 Co u/ vv 2; Thap' K //X>< X f xY v/l 5^7^ n 602 APPENDIX. land of great culture and civilization in the remotest times. The Lawgiver of Israel was taught by them. Their institutions were wise, and their laws were just. Moreover, it was the nursery of the Hebrew people, and the sojourn in Egypt stamped a cer- tain characteristic on the religious and civil life of Israel. But the key to Egypt's lore had been lost, and the message of the hieroglyphs was locked in mystery. M. Brugsch Bey, estimates the number of these hieroglyphs to be more than three thousand. M. Champollion, after a successful study of the Coptic tongue, entered upon the great task of unraveling the Egyp- tian mystery. In 1799, the French lieutenant of artillery, M. Bouchard, while establishing the Fort St. Julian at Rosetta in Egypt, discovered what has since become famous as the Rosetta stone. This stone is of Egyptian basalt, about ten feet in height by three and a half in width. It is mutilated about the angles. The stone is at present in the British Museum. It was translated by Birch in Records of the Past, Vol. IV. The Rosetta stone bears an inscription in three columns. The first column is hieroglyphic, the second demotic, the third Greek. The inscription contains a decree of the priests of Egypt, in honor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, directing that a statue be erected in his honor in the temples, and that he should re- ceive divine honors. At the same time in the Isle of Philae, near Assouan, in Upper Egppt, a smaller inscription in hiero- glyphics and Greek had been found, which aided Champollion in his decipherment. It was the usage of the Egyptians to write the name of the royal personages on Cartouches. In the Greek column of the bilingual monument of Philae, the name of Cleopatra was engraven in Greek, in the Greek column of the Rosetta stone, the name of Ptolemy existed in similar mode of writing. Champollion also observed that correspond- ing to these two names were two cartouches in the hiero- glyphs, and he drew the conclusion that the signs in these cartouches corresponded to the Greek letters. This illation was confirmed by the fact, that there are five letters in KAEOnATPA and HTOAEMAIOS which are identical. The five letters corresponded to five signs which are identical in the cartouches. The annexed plate reproduces the cartouches of Cleopatra and Ptolemy with Champollion's system of interpretation. We are indebted for this plate to M. Vigouroux in La Bible et les Decouvertes Modernes. APPENDIX. 603 I -KAEOHATPA nr a 3 k 5 6 7 i \ . 9 . 10 II t^ Triangle K, tS^ Lion. L s.D e. '% |.^ Roseau A. Corde O. Rectangle P. Algle A. Main T. Bouche R. Aigle A. /0,U.^2»0 Deterniinatifs des noms de femmes. If {UnU nTOA£MAIOZ i ' s i ni 1 !. @ Rectangle P. 2. £ZX Demi-cercle T. l.ifl Corde , O. i. .S^ Lion L. 5. dZZ Coudee M. 6,7 *J U Double roseau AI. Dossier 8. P 1. — Cartouche de la reine Cleopatre. 2. — Cartouche du roi Ftolemee. 604 APPENDIX. Starting from this position, he compared the two car- touches. Conjecturing that the triangle in the cartouche of Cleopatra represented the letter K, he found that the second figure was that of a lion which corresponded to the fourth figure in the cartouche of Ptolemy. He thence concluded that it was a phonetic sign for L, which also is the first letter of the name of lion in Coptic, Tv&^&tO; By similar method with the other signs he proceeded as far as the sixth hiero- glyph, the Eagle. This does not occur in the other cartouche, but as it occurs again in Cleopatra in the ninth place, the illa- tion was plain that it represented A. Some difficulty was ex- perienced by Champollion with the seventh hieroglyph of the cartouche of Cleopatra. To justify his theory, it ought to correspond to the T of the cartouche of Ptolemy. But while the hieroglyph of Cleopatra was a hand, the corresponding one in the cartouche of Ptolemy was a semicircle. Concerning this he came to the conclusion, which has since been confirmed by experience, that the letter T was represented by both, the semicircle and the hand, there being perhaps some slight modification in its sound in different positions. Champollion applied his theory successfully to the car- touche of Alexander, and then to other monuments, till he was able to publish in 1824 his Precis du Syst^me Hiero- glyphique. Before his death he had found the keys of 260 hieroglyphics. Others have made use of his discovery to com- pare the hieroglyphics and the hieratic and demotic characters, and to open up the literary resources of the valley of Nile. Distinguished scholars have worked upon the theory of Champollion. Lenormant, Nestor 1* Hote, Salvolini, Rosellini, Ungarelli, Leemans, Osburn, Birch, Hincks, Lepsius, de Rouge, de Saulcy, Mariette, Chabos, Deveria, de Horrack, Lef^bure, Pierret, Grebaut, Brugsch, Diimichen, Louth, Eisel- hor, Ebers, Stern, Pleyte, Lieblein, Goodwin, and Lepage- Renouf have perfected Champollion's system so that the lan- guage of the hieroglyphs is as open as the works of Cicero and Livy. A discovery of considerable importance was accomplished in 1869 by M. Clermont-Ganneau, the dragoman of the French Consulate at Jerusalem. It is at present in the Louvre at Paris. It is called the Moabitic stone or the Stela of Mesa. It was originally a Monolithic block of black basalt, dotted with bright spots. M. de Vogue declares that the Stela of Mesa has no equal among the antiquities of the Hebrews. The annexed plate shows the restored stone. APPENDIX. 605 606 APPENDIX. On account of the hardness of the stone, the inscription on the face of this famous stone was not deeply engraven. It contains thirty-four lines of Moabitic writing, a form of speech having close affinity with the Hebrew of the Bible. The writing is in the Phenician characters used by the ancient Samaritans and Hebrews. The Stela is one metre in heighth and about sixty centi- metres in breadth. Its anterior face is without writing. The date of its writing is about nine hundred years before Christ ; and since that time up to the time of its discovery it has lain at the base of a little hill near Dhiban, a little east of the Dead Sea. When the Bedouins became aware that the stone possessed value, and was to be taken from their countr}% they broke it in pieces. Luckily a reproduction of the inscription had been made by M. Ganneau, before the stone was broken. He was able to gather about twenty of the pieces, and he has restored the stone with these and a plaster-cast. The clearer portions of the inscription are those parts which were engraved on the plaster-cast. The restoration is faithful, as it was made from the facsimile made of the stone before it was broken. The Stela of Mesa is the most ancient known monument of alphabetical writing. King Mesa, the author of the inscription, according to II. (IV.) Kings III. 4, "was a possessor of sheep, and rendered unto the King of Israel, a hundred thousand lambs and a hundred thousand rams, with the wool." After the death of Achab, Mesa rebelled against the King of Israel. He made war upon the Ammonites, Idumeans, and the Israelites, and took several cities of Israel. These victories are the theme of the famous inscription. He says naught of his subsequent defeat and the destruc- tion of his kingdom by the allied armies of Jehoram of Israel, and Jehoshaphat of Judah. Mesa being reduced to the last extremity, offered his eldest son as a holocaust to the god Chamos. At this spectacle, the Israelites were filled with horror, and returned with great booty to their own country. The Stela recounts only the victories of Mesa. As the stone is mutilated, a part of its data will never be known, but in its mutilated state it is of great worth to bibli- cal exegesis.