RUSSIA'S DECLINE
AND FALL
The Secret History of a
Great Debacle
BY
•RINCESS CATHERINE RADZIWILL
(CATHERINE KOLB-DANVIN)
GASSELL AND COMPANY, LTD
London, New York, Toronto and Melbourne
1916
PUBLISHERS' FOREWORD
In undertaking this book the author makes no
pretension to write a history of the war. She has
sought, rather, to place before the reader a record
of the feeHngs and impressions which agitated
Russian Society during the first year of the war —
for Russia the most anxious period of the whole
campaign. Into this recital the Princess has
focused sufficient of political events and of the
actual situation at the Front to supply a clearly
defined view of the period from July, 19 14, to the
last days of 1915.
In a communication to the publishers, the
author expressed the hope that the book may
" prove interesting from the psychological point of
view, especially if taken in connection with the
development of Russia after peace has been con-
cluded, and the new orientation that its politics
are bound to take in the immediate as well as in
the distant future. It is with this intention,''
she added, " that I am writing, and also because
I feel that it may help to explain some other momen-
tous events which I foresee, and of which it seems
to me that the dawn is at hand."
VI
Foreword
When it is stated that the MS. for this book
was delivered to the pubhshers at intervals extend-
ing from July, 1915, to January, 1916, the pre-
science displayed in the concluding sentence of the
preceding paragraph will be appreciated. This
insight is strikingly manifested throughout the
book, particularly in the social and political refer-
ences.
The inner workings against which Russia had
to fight at the very time that she was waging
material war against the German, the elements
which culminated later in revolution, the struggle
of aspiration with atrophy are given in their true
proportion, and the inexplicable peace into which
Russia was beguiled after setting her house in order
is made more intelligible.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. The Pivot of Circumstance .'
2. How Russia Mobilised .
3. Press ; Police; Panic.
4. The Horror of Tannenberg
5. Behind the Scenes
6. The German Advance .
7. Letters from the Galician Front
8. Przemysl
9. The Great Retreat
10. Pandemonium in Moscow
11. Apprehension in Petrograd .
12. Fall of Kovno
13. The Tsar takes Command
14. The Duma and the Crisis
PAGE
I
ID
27
41
54
66
82
97
114
131
141
154
166
178
vin
Contents
CHAl'TKR
15. M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy
16. The Truth about the Jews
17. A Wave of Reorganisation
18. The Moscow Congress .
19. The Treason of Bulgaria
20. Russia at Bay.
Index ....
PAGE
199
211
219
228
240
251
As this Hook is in great demand, it
is respectl'ully requested that it may be
returned to the Library as soon as read
in order to faeihtate other Subscribers
getting it witliout undue delay.
CHAPTER I.
The Pivot of Circumstance
The 28th of June, 1914, was a Sunday, a day when
newspapers in Russia are usually scarce of news, and weary
members of the staff are able to seek a few hours' repose
from their duties, which in summer are most tedious. I
was hoping to enjoy a quiet evening at home, when I was
startled by the telephone bell. My editor rung me up
to tell of the tragedy which had taken place that same
afternoon at Sarajevo, news of which had just reached him.
To say that I was stunned is saying little. I had known
intimately Count and Countess Chotek, the parents of the
unfortunate Duchess of Hohenberg. Fortune had trans-
formed Sophy Chotek from a lady-in-waiting on the haughty
Archduchess Isabella of Austria into the consort of the heir-
presumptive to the Habsburg monarchy. I had seen lier
as a small child, and later on as a girl just out of her 'teens,
in her mother's house in Brussels, where her father was
Austrian Minister. I had entirely lost sight of her in after
years ; yet at that moment the image of the bright and
happy child, with laughing blue eyes and golden hair, rose
up before me, whence my thoughts flew to her orphaned
children — to the brutally tragic ending of her many ambi-
tions on their behalf. No one could have for^sQen the strange
I 8
^ /. /...j.Ijlussia's -Pecline and Fall
'freak b! clestiny wHicK was to associate her name with one
of the greatest dramas history will ever have to record,
to which her assassination was to make a fitting pro-
logue. In Petersburg, where they looked upon Sophy
Chotek's husband as the head of the war party in Austria,
the news of his murder was received with horror. At the
same time there was a certain relief, inasmuch as everybody
thought it was going to put an end to a systematically
aggressive policy which had caused much apprehension
in Russia during the last Balkan crisis. In the month of
June, 1914, Russian society dreaded war above everything
else ; and was more intent upon avoiding a conflict than
upon any prospect of winning laurels. Strange as it may
seem now, it is an undoubted fact that at the time the
Emperor William was not half so much dreaded as the
Archduke Francis Ferdinand, who was supposed to be a
rabid Russophobe, whilst the Head of the Hohenzollern
dynasty was credited with much wisdom, as well as with
a sincere desire to uphold the peace he had succeeded in
preserving during the twenty-five years of his reign.
A year before the Sarajevo tragedy, the Tsar had visited
Berlin on the occasion of the marriage of the Princess
Victoria Louise of Prussia, the only daughter of the German
Emperor and Empress, with the only son and heir of the
Duke of Cumberland, and of the pretty Princess Thyra of
Denmark. King George of England and Queen Mary
also attended these nuptials, and this meeting of the three
most powerful sovereigns in Europe had been marked by
great cordiality. On his return to his own capital the Tsar
appeared to be quite delighted with the very warm welcome
he had received in BerUn, and more inclined than ever
before toward the establishment of more intimate relations
than those already existing between Russia and Germany.
WilHam II. had shown himself very wise during the world-
crisis at the period of the two Balkan wars. He had
given what appeared to be sincere proofs of his desire to
The Pivot of Circumstance 3
use his authority to remove the difficult situation which
circumstances, even more than the ill-will of men, had
created. His conduct in that respect won him the esteem
of Europe for the spirit of restraint which had characterised
his whole conduct.
Archduke Francis Ferdinand, on the contrary, was
credited with strongly warhke leanings, and was supposed
to be eager for military laurels.
For some considerable time his position had not been
very secure among the upper classes in Austria. Society/
could not forgive his marriage ; furthermore, it was dreaded
that, once he became master, he would raise his morganatic
wife to the throne as, at least, a Queen of Hungary— even,
perhaps, put on her head the Imperial crown of the Austrian
Empire, to which he stood the undoubted heir. A military
success, Francis Ferdinand firmly believed, would wipe
away all this feeling and make his social stability unassail-
able. He had never made a secret of his antipathy to
Russia, where the aggressive tone of Austrian policy
on the Balkan question was ascribed to the Archduke as
well as the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was
supposed in Petersburg that the accession to the throne
of Archduke Francis Ferdinand would mean a renewal
of anti-Russian activity on the part of those who con-
trolled foreign affairs at the Ball Platz : it was not remark-
able, therefore, that when the news of the abominable
crime that took his Hfe and that of his wife, the Duchess of
Hohenberg, reached Russia, a certain feehng of rehef was
mixed with detestation for the foul deed. Official Russia
began to breathe more freely than for some time at the
thought of the removal from the political scene of Europe
of such a dangerous element as the personal feelings of the
Archduke towards the Tsar's dominions.
The day following Francis Ferdinand's assassination,
one of the principal organs of the Russian press, com-
menting upon the event, expressed itself in the following
4 Russia's Decline and Fall
terms, which will convey better than words of mine the
general impression this stupendous event produced in
Russia : "In the presence of the catastrophes which have
accumulated upon the head of the unfortunate Emperor
Francis Joseph," it wrote, " Russia can only feel the deepest,
the most sincere regret and commiseration. But at the
same time it is impossible to allow our thoughts to rest
exclusively on the tragic position of the old monarch ;
we must also acknowledge that we find ourselves in the
presence of an event of the greatest political importance.
The heir of the Emperor Francis Joseph, who was considered
to be such an enemy of peace, and whose possible advent
to the throne was viewed with such apprehension by all
the partisans of civilisation and progress, and with such
joy by the upholders of mihtarism, has been killed. The
Archduke Francis Ferdinand of Esta, whose future accession
to the monarchy of the Habsburgs was generally supposed
to open for it a new era of war — ^war with Russia, war with
the rest of Europe — is dead. In his person has fallen —
unfortunately for us under a blow dealt by the hand of a
Slav — a prince who was suspected to carry in his breast
the spark that was to set fire to a general conflagration of
the whole world ; by his death has been removed from this
scene the only active pefsonaHty, the only real strong
character that the Austrian Empire possessed. Whilst
we are full of sympathy for the sorrow of the old man
who thus, for the second time, tragically loses the heir to
his Empire, we cannot close our eyes to the significance of
the event that has just taken place. Austria, at this
moment, when she is standing before the open graves of
the two victims of this dastardly crime, is also undergoing
a trial such as rarely occurs to a nation. The most elemen-
tary feelings of international courtesy forbid us to enlarge
to-day on this point. But what we can, and what we must
say, is that fate is putting at last before Austria the oppor-
tunity to redeem many of her past sins — sins of the last ten
The Pivot of Circumstance 5
years. The misfortune that has befallen her yesterday
brings to her the psychological moment to change the
course of her hitherto aggressive policy, and to soften the
spirit of mihtarism which has lately distinguished her whole
conduct.
" For the sake of the peace and of the prosperity of
Europe we allow ourselves to express the wish that this
fearful' drama, which has added another bloody page to the
history of the Habsburg dynasty, will mark the opening
of a new period in the existence of Austria, and that both
she and the rest of Europe will enter an era of peace and
security such as has not been enjoyed lately."
These words truly express the feehngs of Russian society
after the murder of the Archduke. Everybody deplored
it, but everybody beHeved that his death had removed the
greatest danger to the peace of Europe. No one gave a
single thought to the possibility that it might bring about
the dreaded storm. At the Russian Court the assassination
of Francis Ferdinand produced an impression of sincere
horror. The Tsar conveyed at once his condolences to
Francis Joseph, expressed his deepest sympathy with the
bereaved monarch, as well as his consternation and indigna-
tion at the crime. At the funeral service which was cele-
brated in the Roman Catholic Church of St. Catherine, in
Petersburg, for the repose of the souls of the murdered
Archduke and of his unfortunate consort, the Emperor
Nicholas was represented by one of his uncles, who, with
other members of the Imperial family, all donned Austrian
uniform. Indeed, it seemed at first as if this unexpected
catastrophe would draw the Romanoff and the Habsburg
dynasties into a closer union. It is quite certain that, at
the particular moment I am referring to, no one either at
the Russian Foreign Office or at the War Office, nor in the
select circles of Petersburg society, suspected that it would
prove just the one spark which was going to set ablaze a
general conflagration. '
6 Russia's Decline and Fall
Almost immediately after the Sarajevo tragedy, strikes
of unusual magnitude broke out in Petersburg, and com-
pletely absorbed the attention of the public. About 300,000
workmen left their employers in the lurch and stopped
working. They openly declared that by doing so they
wanted to protest against the aggressive policy which the
government had lately inaugurated in regard to Germany.
This point deserves to be particularly noticed if one wants
to form an exact and true opinion as to the poUtical situa-
tion in Russia at the beginning of this eventful month of
July, 19 14. Russia then did not desire war, and far
from wishing to assume a hostile attitude in regard to any
of her neighbours, and especially in regard to Germany, she
was sincerely desirous of getting into closer business and
industrial relations with the latter country. She was, indeed,
looking very much askance at every manifestation of French
Chauvinism, as well as at the visit of M. Poincar^ to Tsar-
skoye Selo. She feared the activity of the Southern Ally
might bring international complications. When an English
squadron, commanded by Rear- Admiral Beatty, had visited
Russian shores only a month before, it had an enthusiastic
reception, and an extraordinary enthusiasm had greeted
its appearance in Baltic waters. But when the French
President arrived a considerable coolness had been exhibited
on the part of the population of the capital ; and the man
in the street, who had been very much to the front during
the visit of the British Fleet, took absolutely no part in
the welcome extended to M. Poincare by official circles.
I go even further and say that the articles which the French
press published on that momentous occasion were viewed
with distinct disfavour. Whilst society, or at least that
part of it not Unked with Court circles, or in governmental
spheres, abstained carefully from any manifestations that
might have been construed as an acquiescence in a policy
that it condemned in petto, the workmen in the factories
declared loudly that the arrival of the French President
The Pivot of Circumstance 7
constituted a menace to a peace which was essential to the
country ; they at least meant to show the distrust it inspired
in them. They did so by going on strike, and inducing
other industrial centres in Russia to follow their example.
For three successive days processions of workmen paraded
the streets ; the newspapers had to cease publication owing
to the absence of compositors and printers ; the tramcars
stopped running, or were stormed by the crowds,* who
smashed the windows, and general disorders took place
everywhere in the capital. But as soon as the President
had sailed away things returned to the normal, and order
was immediately restored without the intervention of the
police, who — having been prevented by " superior orders"
to resort to extreme measures during the visit of M. Poin-
care — were preparing to interfere with energy against
strikers so soon as he had taken his leave. The police,
however, were spared that trouble, because the workmen
returned to their various factories a few hours later.
The strike gave rise to much comment, and many who
had not shared the enthusiasm which at one time had really
existed in Russia with regard to the French alHance,
found in the industrial upheaval a support for their oft-
expressed opinion that France, in order to satisfy her desire
for revenge against Prussia, was doing her best to draw-
Russia into a war with Germany. Moreover, said these
strikers, France wanted formidable increases to the forces
of the Russian Army and Navy, and consequently was
trying to lay upon Russian shoulders burdens which would
ultimately encumber very heavily her economic existence.
These people made too much, perhaps, of the protestation
of the Russian workmen ; certainly they talked about it
far too openly.
The German Ambassador, Count von Pourtales, an
amiable though not at all a far-seeing man, honestly believed
that all these protestations tended to prove that Russia
was rising up in arms against its government, and that we
8 Russia's Decline and Fall
were on the eve of a new revolution, certain to break out
should any international complications arise. If what I
have been told from reliable sources is true, it seems that
he wrote in that same sense to his government, thereby
encouraging it in an aggressive policy, directed not only
against France, but also against Russia.
When M. Poincare had started on his return journey
to France, no one in Petersburg yet suspected that we were
standing on the threshold of serious poHtical developments,
and all who, for some reason or other, had delayed departure
from the capital, prepared to leave it for a short or a long
holiday, according to circumstances. Journalists, whom
the visit of the President had kept busy, were beginning to
breathe again, and to dream of green fields and pastures,
and had almost forgotten the tragedy of Sarajevo. The
Austrian Government had not allowed the matter to rest,
but had been pursuing their own advantage with unflagging
energy, till, suddenly, in the midst of the general quietude,
there burst upon the world, Hke a thunderbolt, the news
that the Vienna cabinet had sent an ultimatum to
Serbia, to which she requested a reply within forty-eight
hours.
At first no one would believe the news ; then, when it
was estabHshed, no one woudd admit that it could possibly
be construed as a first step towards a general war of all the
great powers of the Continent. It seemed so utterly im-
possible to think that Germany, and especially the Emperor
WiUiam, could encourage the ministers of old, weak,
tottering Francis Joseph in such a mad course of action.
When it became known that the Serbian Government,
in its desire to preserve the peace of the world, had decided
to satisfy nearly all the demands which Austria had addressed
to her, no one doubted but that a conflict was safely evaded,
and the demands about to be settled in some way or other,
either directly between Vienna and Belgrade, or else
through the mediation of Europe, and especially of the
The Pivot of Circumstance 9
Emperor William of Germany, about whose pacific disposi-
tion no one at that time entertained the slightest fear,
would restore the equilibrium.
All these hopes were about to be dashed to the ground.
It soon became evident, even to the most optimistic, that
the whole incident of the Austrian ultimatum had been
carried through in order to find a pretext to enable Germany
to declare war upon both Russia and France. The Emperor
William suddenly appeared before the eyes of the startled
world in quite a new and different fight; and even those
who had steadily refused ^to believe in the danger that
others, more shrewd, had seen looming on the horizon, were
obliged to admit that it was imminent. People had hardly
realised that the only thing to do was to get ready to face
events unflinchingly, when the fury of Armageddon burst
forth.
CHAPTER 11.
How Russia Mobilised.
When all the signs that heralded the storm are remem-
bered, one can but wonder at the bHndness of the Russian
public. Whether it was due to the conviction, which
prevailed everywhere, that Germany would succeed in
putting an end to the vagaries of Austria, it is difficult to
judge ; but even when the famous ultimatum was sent to
Belgrade, people smilingly declared that it was very ridi-
culous of the cabinet at Vienna to venture on such a step.
It was known by Austrian diplomatists, said even well-
informed Russians, that the ultimatum could not lead to
anything, because Russia would put her foot down on any
attempt to crush Serbia, and would be backed by Ger-
many. On every side regrets were heard that the Emperor
William happened to be away on Norwegian seas, far from
the centre of events, but no serious person believed that war
was at hand ; and few at the Foreign Office thought a crisis,
to say nothing of war, was imminent. The general opti-
mism was so great- that it was only on the 24th of July
(July nth Russian calendar) that the Russian Ambassador
in Vienna, M. Schebeko, received orders to return to his
post — he had been absent on a hoHday, — and that M.
Sverbeew, his Berlin colleague, was told to hurry back to
the German capital, and see what could be done there to
bring Ball Platz to its senses.
On the other hand, the spirit of confidence which seemed
prevalent in the soul of M. Sazonov was not shared in
military circles, especially among the immediate surround-
10
How Russia Mobilised n
ings of the Grand Duke Nicholas. The latter had long been
the leader of the extreme Chauvinist party that clamoured
for war with Germany, the successes of which would do
away, in its opinion, with certain unpleasant remembrances
that still existed concerning the Japanese campaign. Not
one of the Chauvinists considered whether Russia had got
over the reverses in the Far East in 1904, or could face
another war, with the sHghtest chance of success, with a
much more dangerous foe. The War Party had tried with
all its might to cause the Russian Government, during the
two Balkan wars, to support by its influence and its arms
the Bulgarians and Serbs against Turkey. They were
at the bottom of the strong manifestations which took place
in 1912 and 1913 in Petersburg against Austria, the here-
ditary enemy of the Slavs in Turkey, and, indeed, throughout
the Balkan Peninsula. At the time, however, the head of
the Russian Cabinet was still M. Kokovtsov. With all
his faults and inexperience of diplomacy, M. Kokovtsov
possessed sufficient common sense, and knowledge of the
resources of his country, to apply all his energy to warding
off such a calamity as war. The consequences he realised,
if others did not, would be far more stupendous than could
be foreseen or expected. He was seconded by M. Sazonov,
who shared his opinion on that point. To these two is
owed the signing of the Bucharest treaty, after which the
world thought it could breathe freely ^igain.
In 1914 things were different. The President of the
Council, M. Kokovtsov, had been replaced by M. Goremykin,
full of the best intentions, but an old man of 76 was not
strong enough to show independence of character in
presence of people like the Grand Duke. He was overawed
by the explosions of frantic and entirely artificial enthusiasm
which roused unruly elements in the capital into manifesta-
tions which were both unreasonable and unhealthy, and
which were then certainly not in accord with the intentions
of the government.
12 Russia's Decline and Fall
The War Party failed totally to appreciate the magnitude
of the danger. It did not know, what all those behind the
scenes in Berlin were aware of, that the text of the Austrian
ultimatum was very well known at Wilhelmstrasse ;
that it had partly been written there, and that it was only
through the pressure exercised upon him by von Tschirsky,
the German Ambassador at the Vienna Court, that Count
Berchtold presented the ultimatum without softening its
tone, as he had first intended to do. When the Russian
Government became acquainted with its exact terms
it did nothing better than ask the Austrian Cabinet to grant
Serbia some extension of time for her reply, and at the same
time to suggest a conference on the whole matter. This
alone was an undignified act on the part of a strong country.
It ought to have known that a conference would be refused ;
both in Vienna and in Berlin they were determined to make
the ultimatum a pretext for drawing the sword, coute que
cotite. In that sense, the pistol shot which destroyed two
lives at Sarajevo proved the best friend the ambitious
and aggressive designs of the Emperor William could have
found. It furnished him with the pretext he required to
throw of£ his cloak of peacemaker, a garment which he had
worn from the day he succeeded to the throne of his grand-
father.
Had Russia possessed diplomats equal in wiHness to
the Teuton they would have been able at once to grasp
what the ultimatum launched by Count Berchtold really
meant. But Russian diplomacy shared the feeHngs of
the Russian nation. It believed in the straightforwardness
and the honesty of the people with whom it had to deal.
The Emperor Nicholas, though worried by the ever-increas-
ing insolence of Austria, really beHeved in the sincerity of
the friendship of his German cousin ; the telegrams which
had been officially published leave us no doubt upon the
point. When he telegraphed to WilHam II., teUing him
that he relied on his co-operation to bring the crisis to a
How Russia Mobilised 13
peaceful solution, he was acting in perfect good faith, and
he felt convinced that his appeal would meet with sympathy.
Still fresh in his memory was the warm welcome which he
had received in Berlin on the occasion of the marriage of
the Duchess of Brunswick ; and no one had ever told him,
as it would have been the duty of certain people to do, that
all protestations which were then made to him were but
empty phrases, only destined to lull any suspicions enter-
tained in Russian official circles as to the sincerity of
German friendship. Perhaps, also, they had been evoked out
of a feeling of momentary gratitude for the truly Imperial
presents which the Tsar had brought with him for the
youthful bride, the magnificence of which caused surprise
in Berhn court circles, where one was not used to such
splendour.
Instead, then, of taking the ultimatum as a direct chal-
lenge addressed to Russia, as it was meant to be, Russian
diplomacy believed there was some sincerity in the desire
of Germany to do away, once and for all, with that great
bugbear the Russo-French AlHance. Russia therefore
began to negotiate, and found herself so totally taken au
depourvu in the unexpected manner in which things were
rushed upon her, that she could not even operate through
the medium of responsible agents. By a stroke of ill-luck
all her ambassadors, with the exception of Count Bencken-
dorff — whom the season, then at its height, had kept iu'
London — were away on leave. And, moreover, M. Hartwig,
the Russian Minister at the Court of Belgrade, had died a
few days before, his difficult post devolving upon a charge-
d'affaires, whose ability could not compensate for the
increasing complications under which he had to labour,
and the rather false position in which he found himself,
owing to the fact that M. Hartwig had not seen fit to make
him aware of the things which he saw or suspected, or what
was his view of these premonitory signs of serious dangers
in the future. That these dangers were not sufficiently
14 Russia's Decline and Fall
appreciated by some people is proved by a telegram published
in the Russian Orange Book, dated July i3/26th, 1914,
and sent to the Foreign Office in Petersburg by the Russian
Charge d'Affaires in Paris. M. Sevastopoulo, the sender,
declared that the Director of the Political Department in
the French Foreign Office had told him that, in his opinion,
the German effort to induce the French Government to
act together with the Berlin Cabinet, for the purpose of
persuading Russia to come to an agreement with Austria,
was nothing but a diplomatic manoeuvre to influence
pubUc opinion in France, and to frighten the French into
persuading Petersburg to give in to Ball Platz. The cruel
irony of the situation Hes in the fact that at that date the
Austrian Army was already officially, and the German
Army unofficially, mobilised ; and that no one at
Wilhelmstrasse gave a thought to the possibility of a peaceful
solution of a crisis artificially provoked.
On the ii/24th of July a private meeting of the Council
of Ministers took place under the presidency of the Tsar at
Krasnoye Selo, when orders were sent to M. Sch^b^ko to
return immediately to Vienna. He was given special
instructions, couched in a very firm tone, by which it was
hoped the Austrian Government would become more reason-
able in its demands. The Grand Duke Nicholas at this
meeting expressed himself as being quite ready to fight the
united forces of Austria and Germany. A general who was
present, but whose name I prefer not to mention, exclaimed :
" Why say Austrian and German forces ? Surely we have
no quarrel with Germany, and there is no likelihood of
our going to war with her ! " I heard this same remark
more than once during those eventful days.
On that same day the Grand Duke Nicholas was ap-
pointed as Commander-in-Chief of the whole army ; and
the Emperor — at the instance of Grand Duke Nicholas
— ordered the mobiHsation of the 8th and the nth
Army Corps. The news, however, was not pubHshed, as
How Russia Mobilised 15
no one believed in the imminence of a serious danger.
Late on that same July evening journalists who visited the
Foreign Office in quest of news were told that the situation,
though serious, was not at all hopeless ; and that there
were good grounds for believing that, even yet, matters
might be arranged. The mobilisation was proceeded with
in a leisurely manner, and it was certainly far from people's
minds that Germany would imagine it was directed against
her, rather than for the sole purpose of protecting the
threatened existence of Serbia.
The duplicity which all along characterised the conduct
of the BerUn Cabinet is illustrated by the following incident :
Some men belonging to the nth Army Corps were
on leave at Riga. When they were called to rejoin the
colours, a German, who happened to see them start, asked
where they were going. One of the soldiers repHed : " To
my battaHon, on the German frontier." The battalion
in question was then stationed at Kamieniec Podolsk, a
small town on the borders of Gahcia. In the eyes of the
Russian peasant, both Prussia and Austria are Germany,
and the soldier in question expressed himself quite inno-
cently. Instantly a cry was raised in the German news-
papers, to which this reply was immediately communicated ;
and the incident was given to the public as a proof that
soldiers, at a time when no apparent conflict existed
between Berlin and Petersburg, were being sent in large
numbers to the German frontier, so as to be ready for
invasion. In reality nothing of the kind had ever taken
place, and the whole army was not even mobihsed. Any-
one acquainted with military matters ought to have known
that, if there had ever existed any intention to attack
Prussia, the authorities would never have mobihsed the
8th and nth Corps, which were stationed in the Southern
provinces close to Gahcia and the Bukovina. The troops
in Poland and in the vicinity of East Prussia most certainly
would have been called.
i6 Russia's Decline and Fall
Meanwhile Austria had not been idle. On the 25th of
July Francis Joseph had issued orders for a general mobilisa-
tion of his army and navy. News of this was received by
the Russian Foreign Office during the night from the
Russian General Consul in Prague, M. Kazanski, who got
to hear of it some considerable time before it became known
at the Russian Embassy in Vienna. Almost simultajieously
with the publication of the mobihsation order in Austria,
street demonstrations of a distinctly hostile character
against Russia took place in Berlin, and an angry crowd
collected in front of the Russian Embassy, whistling and
throwing stones at the windows, the police making no
attempt to restrain the mob.
All this opened the eyes of the Russian Qovernment,
but the desire of the Emperor to preserve peace was so
strong that he insisted on carrying patience to its utmost
limits. Meanwhile Austria had categorically refused to
show herself more lenient toward Serbia. Notwithstanding
the fact that the reply of the Belgrade Cabinet had been
couched in most moderate terms, and almost every point
granted, the Austrian Minister and his staff, acting on the
orders received from Vienna, left Belgrade.
It was only then that any step which might possibly
have been construed as an indication that Russia had made
up her mind to go to war took place in Petersburg. The
cadets of the military schools were promoted officers one
month earlier than would have been the case in the ordinary
way ; and the Guards, who, as usual, had been in camp at
Krasnoye Selo, where the summer manoeuvres generally
take place, were ordered to return to town. A friend of
mine, the correspondent of a French newspaper, who had
occasion on that same day to talk with M. Goremykin, the
President of the Council of Ministers, related to me how the
latter had told him that, during a cabinet consultation
that morning, the Emperor, who was present, had told them
that " for seven years he had endured the arrogance of
m
cr
How Russia Mobilised 17
Austria, but his patience was now exhausted." It seems
that it was also on this occasion that the Tsar asked the
War Minister, General Soukhomhnov, to tell him frankly
whether Russia was ready for war, to which the General
replied that, though he could not have answered in the
affirmative a year earlier, now he had no fear ; a struggle
was bound to end to the advantage of Russia. A few, very
few, privileged people learned that the mobihsation order
had been extended to eight Army Corps ; but by anyone
looking at things impartially it could hardly be construed
as a manifestation of spontaneous hostihty against either
Germany or Austria, if one takes into consideration that the
incidents I have just related occurred on the 27th of
July, whereas the Austrian general mobilisation order had
been promulgated on the 25th, two days earlier.
The 27th of July, nevertheless, passed more hopefully
than could have been expected. The Emperor William
terrupted his holiday in Norway, and returned to Berlin
o offer his mediation toward a peaceful solution of the
crisis. Wise folk declared that this step had been taken
too late. Still, everybody felt any humiliation would be
better than war. It was also at this date that people
connected with the Russian Foreign Office began to shake
their heads and to admit the situation was grave. Suddenly
the mob, which had been anything but warhke, owing to
the essentially cosmopoUtan character of . Petersburg,
became eager for a fray the importance of which it did not
in the least grasp. The intellectual classes, on the contrary,
grew daily more anxious, and the Liberal parties especially
did not hide their alarm. Apprehension increased con-
siderably when the news became official, late on the 28th
of July, that Austria had declared war on Serbia, in spite of
all the e^orts of Russia to induce her to reconsider her
decision. The next day the shelling of Belgrade began.
The Serbian Government and the Crown Prince, who was
fulfiUing the duties of Regent at the time, owing to the
i8 Russia's Decline and Fall
illness of his father, had moved the centre of government
to Nish on the 26th. The situation, indeed, even then
seemed absolutely dangerous ; nevertheless, the order for a
gcrieral Russian mobilisation was not yet signed by the
Emperor Nicholas, though certainly precautionary measures
had been taken, such as the order to put out the Ughts
along the Baltic coast at night, and the restriction of railway
traffic. Amid these anxieties came the thunderbolt of
Germany's refusal of Sir Edward Grey's offer to confer,
upon which such hopes had been based by the partisans of
peace.
Germany definitely threw off the mask on the 28th.
Up to this moment her conduct had been most mysterious.
Indeed, now the reasons which actuated her have been
disclosed, it is not easy to understand why she thought it
worth while to play such a game. Perhaps she wanted to
persuade her own people that their government had done
all in their power to avert the catastrophe. If that were
the object, the plan succeeded ; the whole of the German
nation became hypnotised by the enormous lie ; it lost
every sense of right and wrong, so artificially had its indig-
nation been roused. Berlin was enthusiastic for the war ;
but, in spite of street manifestations, Russia was not.
The Russians accepted it as a necessary evil, and with
courage and resignation. It was only among the working
class that loud murmurings were noticed. Indeed, some
workmen in the composing-room where the daily paper on
the staff of which I was working, the Petersburg Courier, was
printed, declared to me that if they were asked to join
their regiments they would never consent to shoot at the
enemy, but would discharge their rifles in the air. I must
hasten to add that this feeling existed only among a small
minority ; but still it was there, and if we compare it with
the exultation shown by German workers in responding
to the order of mobilisation, it is a symptom which deserves
to be noticed.
How Russia Mobilised 19
On the 29th of July the Tsar signed the order for a
general mobilisation ; the Emperor WiUiam did likewise
in BerHn, which made the situation almost hopeless. Never-
theless, the three days which followed upon these decisive
measures were employed by the diplomacy of the Powers,
except Germany and Austria, in efforts to find a peaceful
solution to the crisis. Sir Edward Grey in London, the
French Government in Paris, and in Russia, M. Sazonov —
who all through that trying time gave proofs of great tact
and a most conciliatory disposition — attempted to persuade
Berlin and Vienna that no one desired to provoke aggression,
and that if only the conflict which had been menaced by
Count Berchtold's ultimatum to Serbia were submitted to
an International Conference, some way out would be found.
The Russian Government, far from exciting the crowds,
as was afterwards maintained in BerHn, begged the Press
to preserve its calmness and not to rouse the feelings of the
mob. The Emperor, though determined to do nothing
which might compromise the dignity of Russia, yet made
every possible personal efi[ort to persuade William II.
to listen to reason, and was heard more than once to say
that he could not conceive how the German Emperor could
believe that Russia really nursed aggressive designs against
her German neighbour. The whole controversy only
concerned Austro- Russian relations, having absolutely
nothing to do with Prussia — so argued everyone in Russia,
where the prevailing thought was that Germany had allowed
herself unexpectedly and foolishly to be drawn into the
vortex.
We can now judge objectively of these events, and realise
that, though the incidents which brought about the war
had been raised by Austria, they were in reality brought
about by Germany. She beheved herself ready to embark
without risk upon the rash adventure which she considered
indispensable for her future greatness, and simply ordered
her ally to set a match to the vast conflagration. For
20 Russia's Decline and Fall
years Prussia had been preparing herself in secret for the
struggle ; had accumulated munitions to an extent which
was not suspected even by informed German civihans ;
had built railways, roads, canals ; had organised her com-
missariat and sanitary departments to perfectioi;! ; and,
unknown to everybody, had massed an enormous total of
troops on her two frontiers. She felt thoroughly ready to
attack her neighbours, and did not want to lose the advan-
tage of this readiness. It was just her fateful moment,
and she feared that she might not be able to hold the advan-
tage for long.
The German Cabinet did its best to pers ade the public
that both France and Russia were planning to attack
Germany in about two or three years' time, and that there-
fore it behoved them to prevent their neighbours doing so
by striking a decisive blow first. Unfortunately the lie
was believed, and even amongst those who had been the
enemies of war it obtained general credence.
On the 31st of July the German Ambassador in Peters-
burg, Count von Pourtales, presented an ultimatum to
Russia, requesting her to demobilise within twenty-four
hours. M. Sazonov told him with quiet nobility that it
was beneath the dignity of a great country like Russia
to give an answer to any request couched in such
arrogant language. On that same evening both the
city and Government of Petersburg were put under
martial law.
The man in the street also began to make himself heard.
The demonstrations which till then had taken place several
times a day on the Nevski Prospekt assumed a serious
character, in that men and women of mature age partici-
pated in them ; no longer were they confined to young
students or sociaHst workmen. The Slav committees, too,
feeling the gravity of the situation, and not wishing to add
to its complications, kept far more quiet than could have
been expected.
How Russia Mobilised 21
The text of the German ultimatum only became known
to the general pubUc in the course of the ist of August,
the government having purposely refrained from com-
municating it to the Press until just before the declaration
of war. But those who were in touch with the Foreign
Office became aware of it at midnight of the 31st, and most
of the great daily papers began to write leaders to appear
after the catastrophe had occurred. Everyone knew now
that war could no longer be avoided.
At seven o'clock in the evening of August ist, 1914,
Count Pourtales called on M. Sazonov and was immediately
received. Both men were profoundly moved, the Russian
Minister being certainly the more impassive. The German
Ambassador had so entirely lost his presence of mind now
that he was face to face with disaster, which he had honestly
tried to prevent, that he had not even noticed that he had
taken with him two texts of the declaration of war which
he was to present to the Russian Government, and he left
them both on M. Sazonov's table. ^ On that same evening,
at eleven o'clock, the German troops crossed the Russian
frontier at Kahsz in Poland. The news that war had been
declared was at once communicated to the Press by the
Russian Government, and at eight o'clock big placards
to this effect appeared in the windows of the offices of the
Novoie Vremia on the Nevski Prospekt. Immense crowds
assembled also in front of the Kazan Cathedral, where they
requested the clergy of that church to hold a service in the
open air, in order to invoke the help of God for the triumph
of Russian arms ; the attitude of the public was extremely
dignified and solemn. The soul of the nation had been pro-
foundly moved ; it felt that this was not the time to shout
or hurrah ; rather it was the hour to pray and to act. Till
two o'clock in the morning the town remained astir, and
the streets were thronged by anxious people exchanging
impressions oh the great event ; but when the first detach-
ments of troops for the front appeared on the Nevski no
22 Russia's Decline and Fall
one cheered ; those who saw them pass uncovered themselves
and made the sign of the Cross in silence.
I spent the evening at the office of the Petersburg Courier,
and returned home through the crowded streets at about
midnight, feeling quite crushed under the weight of the
terrible catastrophe which had fallen on civiHsation, and
the consequences of which were to strike so deeply into
my own heart by robbing me of the one whom I cherished
most on earth. To my surprise^ on getting home I found
waiting for me one of my friends, a German officer who had
been sta3^ng for the last few months in Petersburg. When
I expressed my astonishment, he replied that he had not
wanted to leave Russia before saying good-bye to me,
and that he was going the next morning in the same train
which was taking Count Pourtal^s and the staff of the
German Embassy to the frontier.
It was not the time for politeness or to spare each other's
feelings. Moreover, I felt entirely unnerved, and so
expressed myself rather more warmly than otherwise I
would perhaps have done. I bluntly told my German friend
that most probably his Emperor had gone mad, because
nothing short of insanity could explain the course he had
deemed it right to adopt.
" You are entirely mistaken," was his reply. " The
Emperor is as sane as you and I ; what has occurred to-day
is the result of a carefully studied plan, and you may rest
assured that what you call an adventure has left nothing
to chance. On the contrary, every step already taken,
and every one still to come, has been weighed and weighed
again and again, until our General Staff can tell to a nicety
all that is going to happen, as well as any possible develop-
ment of the military situation."
" You surely do not imagine," I exclaimed, " that you
can defeat us, alHed as we are with France, and probably
with England."
My friend smiled. " Look here," he went on, " argue.
How Russia Mobilised 23
if you like, that William 11. is mad, but his Ministers are
not mad, his Chancellor is not mad, the men at the head of
our Staff are not mad. Do you think that they would have
allowed him to engage in such a game if they did not feel
absolutely certain he would win it ? Don't forget that
the whole existence of Germany is at stake ; that this war
will decide, not only her future, but also her independence
as a nation. If she should be vanquished, then nothing
will be left to her. She will disappear as a factor in Euro-
pean politics. This war has been forced upon her, not so
much by the mobilisation of the Russian Army, as our public
will say, as by that natural law of evolution which nothing
created can escape. Germany must expand, must develop
herself, even more than she has done already, both com-
mercially and industrially, or else she will perish within a
short time. We have been pursued by the hatred of Europe
ever since 1870, and no one has ever forgiven us for having
won at the point of the sword our position as a great nation.
France as well as Russia has steadily prepared herself to
war against us ; England has repeatedly threatened us
with her navy. We have known this for years, and if we
have said nothing it was because we did not deem it wise
to notice what we could not prevent. But it would have
been criminal if we had not taken all possible measures to
be able to meet the danger which we felt hovering over our
heads. For some time we have been hoping that Russia,
made wiser by her experiences in the Far East, would
hesitate before playing into the hands of the French Chau-
\dnists, but lately we have come to the conviction that she,
too, was only waiting for an opportunity to fall upon us.
It was our duty to forestall her, to take her unawares, just
as she wished to take us unawares. I quite agree with
you that the pretext chosen does not hold water, but at
the same time I refuse to admit that we were not justified
in seizing it."
" And this is the way you can talk after enjoying
24 Russia's Decline and Fall
Russian hospitality for months ! " I exclaimed. " This is
how you distort truth, and invent things which have never
existed in order to excuse what history will fail to find
words strong enough to condemn later on ! Well, the only
thing I can hope for is that these sophisms will crumble
to pieces before long, because I refuse to admit that you
can be the winner in this struggle, which you have started." •
He smiled again an exasperating kind of smile that
made me wish to strangle him.
" I am sorry for you, my poor friend," he said, " sorry
for your illusions ; they are bound to be destroyed rather
than Germany cease to exist. I can quite well understand
your feelings, and I am full of pity for you. But at the
sariie time I think it is a duty to warn you, to open your
eyes to the reality of the situation. War at the present time
is entirely a scientific thing. Personal courage, which
formerly decided its fate, is of no value whatever against
all the wonderful appliances which we shall bring forward
within a short time. I will wilHngly admit that your soldiers
are all brave ; that their power of endurance has never
been equalled by any other army in the worjd ; but of what
avail before a cannon which kills at a distance of thirty-
five miles ; before heavy artillery which will pulverise the
strongest fortress in a few days ; before aeroplanes and
Zeppelins, and explosive bombs that kill people long before
their presence has been suspected ?
" The war which has begun to-day will be the triumph
of chemistry and engineering ; not of personal courage or
valour. And in those no nation in the whole world can
compete with German science and culture. People think
that we have prepared ourselves only from the military
point of view — this is where they make their mistake. We
have prepared ourselves scientifically and technically,
and to try to beat us there is just as impossible as it would
be for a hand-plough to work at the same pace as a steam
engine. Man can always be conquered by machinery.
How Russia Mobilised 25
Therefore, personally, I feel no anxiety as to the ultimate
issue of the war. No matter how many millions of men
you have at your disposal, they will be devoured by the iron
Minotaur born in Krupp's factories/*
"And you can tell me such things unmoved ? " I pro-
tested.
" Yes, because I would have you prepared for the worst.
Time will prove to you that I was right, and you may per-
haps think of me a year hence, when you and your country
will be weeping together over disasters your Emperor
would have been wiser to avoid by yielding to our wishes
before it was too late."
" What use would it have been for him to do so, even
if he had had so Httle dignity as to allow Russia to be
trampled under Austria's heel, when you say yourself that
it was a necessity for Germany to draw the sword against
us ? " I asked.
My friend replied nothing to this remark, but stood up
to say goodbye. When he held out his hand to me I
burst into tears. His words, though I did not believe them,
had struck deeply into my heart, and I wondered whether
we were really destined to be annihilated by the German
monster who had attacked us in such an unwarrantable
manner. I wondered also whether he knew more about
our army than he cared to say ! Strange misgivings began
to shake my former conviction that the war, terrible as I
knew it was bound to be, would still end in a complete
triumph of our arms. I held out my hand to my visitor,
nevertheless, feeling that, enemy though he had become,
still I owed it to our former friendship to part from him
with kind words and personal good wishes. He seemed to
read my thoughts, because as he pressed my fingers into his
own he said softly :
" Do not lose your courage — all will be well one day ;
but, remember, whatever successes your army may reap
in the beginning, this day twelvemonth wi}) see it entirely
26 Russia's Decline and Fall
crushed and defeated, and at our mercy. Now farewell,
and may God watch over you and those who are dear to
you ! "
He kissed my hand and was gone before I had time to
realise the full importance of his words. I was unfortunately
to recall them more than once as time brought one sorrow
after another to me, and to so many others, who, like me,
were destined to see their loved ones fall on the battlefield,
slain in all the vigour of their young manhood.
CHAPTER III.
Press ; Police ; Panic.
I DO not think that many people slept that night in
Petersburg ; scarcely one family but had a son, brother,
husband, father, relative or friend starting for the front.
This war had come so unexpectedly that no one had been
prepared for' it, which made the blow harder to bear. In
the first hours following upon the declaration of war, most
were inclined to look at things through black spectacles.
The remembrance of Russian reverses in the Far East
haunted the public mind, and this caused doubts as to
whether our army would be able to stand against the for-
midable forces of Germany and Austria. Consternation
was general, but there was considerable dignity in the whole
attitude of Russia on that eventful second day of August,
1914. The mobihsation went on quietly. Men going to
their barracks were with their wives or mothers, but lamen-
tations, of which Russian women of the lower classes are
so fond as a rule, were absent. Everybody had taken
up his or her particular share of the general burden with
resignation. The streets of the capital presented a strange
spectacle — quantities of troops everywhere and regiments
continually parading from the Winter Palace to the Moscow
railway station, singing religious hymns and patriotic
anthems. No panic could be observed anywhere ; even
the workmen who, a few days before, had been on strike
declared that they would stand by the government until
the enemy was beaten — a resolution to which, unfortunately,
they did not adhere, as events unfolded, but which at the
moment was undoubtedly sincere.
27
28 Russia's Decline and Fall
At eleven o'clock the Emperor came to Petersburg from
Pcterhof, where he was residing, accompanied by the
Empress and their four daughters, and they proceeded at
once to the Chapel of the Winter Palace, where the Metro-
politan Vladimir celebrated a religious service to invoke
blessings upon the Russian arms, after which a deacon read
out in loud voice the Imperial Manifesto announcing to the
nation that Germany had attacked us.
The church was full to overflowing with officers of high
rank and representatives of all the Guards' Regiments
stationed in the capital. All were in field uniform, which the
Sovereign also was wearing. In the hope of seeing the Tsar
appear on the historical balcony from which all matters of
importance that take place in the Imperial family are pro-
claimed to the population, an enormous crowd had assembled
on the square and began singing prayers intermingled with
national hymns. Flags were unfurled and ikons carried
by women and priests. When the guns of the fortress
announced that the Manifesto had been read, all crossed
reverently, as Russians generally do on all grave occasions ;
blessings, too, were invoked on the head of the Emperor,
and wishes uttered that he might come out victorious from
this new and bloody war.
Inside the palace the enthusiasm was greater ; Nicholas
II. spoke a few words that rang with an emotion he tried
vainly to subdue. His speech ended with the declaration
that, since he had been obHged to draw the sword, he would
not sheathe it until the last enemy had been driven out of
his dominions. There were some people who afterwards
said that this had been rather an imprudent assertion to
make, as one had to take into account that the distinguish-
ing feature of the German Army was the discipHne, skill,
and science of militarism. About two o'clock were thrown
open the great doors leading to the balcony facing the square
in front of the Winter Palace. The Tsar appeared, and
behind him stood the Empress, with the young Grand
Press ; Police ; Panic 29
Duchesses dressed in white. Nicholas II. saluted his people
and acknowledged their frenzied hurrahs. He spoke, but
no one could catch his words ; then he raised his hand in a
gesture of benediction, whereon the multitude fell on its
knees before him. The whole scene had a grandeur and
gravity about it which made it very solemn and impressive,
and one had the distinct feeling that the monarch and his
people were entirely in unison, and that, after so many years
of estrangement, Russia and the House of Romanoff had
at last become reconciled, and determined to work together
in order to resist the enemy.
The days which followed upon the declaration of war
went by peacefully ; trains carrying soldiers to the front
left continually, but the hour of departure was never made
public as the government very wisely wanted to prevent
scenes of enthusiasm, which it felt would have been out of
place at this initial stage of the campaign. So the troops
were generally taken at night to the different railway
stations, and embarked in silence, without anyone but the
near relatives of officers being allowed to see them depart.
The Red Cross, too, busied itself with the organisation of
sanitary detachments, which were also being dispatched
toward the German frontier, and with the arranging of
ambulances and hospitals in Petersburg, where, at this
early stage, it was intended to estabhsh a central organisa-
tion for dealing with the wounded — an intention found,
later on, to be impossible owing to the difficulty of transport
from the field of action. Everybody was busy in some
way, and everybody thought or believed that the cam-
paign would be finished in a few weeks ; therefore it behoved
everyone to help the government that all at once had
become popular. A great wave of patriotism was passing
over the country, and for once the different parties seemed
to be united in a common effort against the common foe.
In those trying days Russia showed a most dignified atti-
tude, and it is very much to be regretted that the government
30 Russia's Decline and Fall
and the Press did not emulate it, but seemed to excite
passions better left dormant.
The first discordant note in the general determination
to see the war to the bitter end came from the Novate
Vremia, the most Conservative and pro-government paper
in Russia. It imagined that it was contributing its share
to the public good by imploring its numerous readers to
hunt down the Germans. It is perfectly true that the
various tales which reached us concerning the attitude of
the population of Prussia toward our compatriots travelling
abroad when the war broke out were perfectly appaUing.
Everywhere Russians had been treated in the most shameful
way possible, and insulted in a way unworthy of a civilised
nation. But though this conduct called for reprisals, it was
quite wrong to make it a pretext for encouraging seeming
acts of brigandage. These only served our enemies, and it
gave them opportunity again to retaHate by showering all
kinds of ill-treatment on those Russians who, in the first
moments of hostilities, had not been able to make good
their escape from the realms of William II. All the solem-
nity, all the dignity of the war, was compromised by these
hysterical Press outbursts, and it is a thousand times to be
regretted that the government, instead of stopping these
rabid attacks, thought it right and proper to encourage
them.
The first example of this anti-German feeling was the
sacking of the German Embassy. I happened to be passing
through the Nevski Prospekt on that evening, and so can
relate the circumstances from personal observation. One
of the reporters of the Novoie Vremia appeared at the window
and read aloud the official bulletin announcing that the
Dowager Empress had been stopped at Berlin on her
return to Russia, and obliged to change her route ; her train
had been diverted to the Danish frontier by orders of the
German Emperor. The news excited indescribable fury
all over Russia ; but it would have been far better to allow
Press; Police; Panic 31
the country to digest it silently. All hope of that vanished
when one of the members of the staff of the Novate Vremia
suddenly shouted : " Let us go to the Embassy, and show
these people that we are not going to allow the mother of
our Sovereign to be insulted." The crowd collected on the
Nevski Prospekt took up these words, and soon one long
cry was heard all through the street : " The Embassy !
The Embassy ! " The mob surged in the direction of Moika
Street, and began to plunder the building with such alacrity
that in the space of half an hour nothing but its walls were
left standing. Everything of value in the Embassy was
thrown out and burnt in the street ; every window was
broken, every picture damaged, every curtain taken down
or rudely torn ; and the two gigantic gladiators, with their
horses, standing on the roof of the house were thrown into
the canal in front, whence the fire brigade had to drag them
out a few days later. The pillage was complete ; even the
dresses of the Countess von Pourtales, which, in the hurry
of her departure, had been forgotten, were torn into frag-
ments. The infuriated crowd invaded the house, searched
every corner, and finally murdered an official who had not
had time to make his escape.
The occurrence was a most regrettable one, which could
have been prevented by the police, had they wished to do
so, instead of encouraging the rioters by remaining passive.
The incident was most cleverly exploited by the German
Press, which found in it an easy means of persuading its
readers that Russia was really a barbarous nation that
merited punishment.
From that day ridiculous persecutions began against
everything or everybody who had anything to do with
Germany or who bore a German name. The attention of the
authorities, instead of being centralised on the commissariat
and different departments responsible for the safe conduct
of the war, was concentrated upon the task of. eliminating
everything German. It left spies, the real ones, severely
32 Russia's Decline and Fall
alone, for the simple reason that it was not clever enough to
discover them. It annoyed and worried peaceful people,
who were just as good patriots as any real Russian might
have been, but who happened to have some German rela-
tives, or who had forgotten to become Russian subjects
when they settled in the land long years before. Curious
things happened in that line. I saw an old lady
expelled from Russia because she was still a German sub-
ject, though she had left her native country forty years
before ; she was accompanied to the station by her son, an
officer in the Russian Army, who had his arm in a sling in
consequence of a wound received at the battle of Tannen-
berg. One may well ask where is the spirit of discernment
in such cases, especially if one takes into consideration that,
whilst these useless persecutions were going on, German
spies were openly sending reports on all that occurred in
the General Staff, and furnished the German Government
in detail with the plan of attack of the Russian Army,
the knowledge of which allowed General von Hindenburg
to inflict on us one defeat after another.
This spying system has done us the most harm in the
whole campaign. Had our enemies not possessed the extra-
ordinary sources of information which they had at their
disposal concerning our doings, is it likely that we would
have found ourselves thwarted at every step ? It would
then have been possible for us to take them by surprise,
vv, instead of being continually surprised by them. When
^?-^fiill /the incidents connected with the war become known
> tolthe general pubUc, it will be seen that, not only our Staff,
but also our commissariat and sanitary departments, found
themselves from the very first invaded by those eager to
furnish us with something that we wanted, and at the
same time more anxious to use their eyes' and ears in
order to obtain valuable information which was immediately
transmitted to Berlin.
One great reason, in my opinion, for the reverses in
Press ; Police ; Panic 33
Galicia, after the brilliantly successful storming of Lemberg,
and the capture of the fortress of Przemysl, has been the
cupidity of our officers, and especially the rapacity in our
commissariat department, where, instead of providing for
the welfare of the army, they only tried to make fortunes.
A curious feature in this anti-German agitation was the
intensity with which it took hold of the public to the
detriment of the war itself. The first month which followed
upon the outbreak people kept interesting themselves
in the movements of our troops. Then they left off doing
so, and their whole attention seemed to concentrate upon
the sayings and doings of those few unfortunate persons
beheved to have some kind of connection with Germany.
Russia seemed suddenly to have become rabid with spy-
mania, and Germany was made responsible for every foreign
or internal trouble. Petersburg absorbed itself in hunting
the German. This was a far too convenient episode for
people not to exploit it in order to hide their own mis-
deeds. A couple of days after the pillage of the German
Embassy a great friend of mine, since killed, who held an
important post in the army, happened to be in Petersburg
to report himself to his superiors. He called on me and we
began discussing the situation. As to our chances of
defeating the enemy, I was, of course, optimistically
enthusiastic. It seemed to my ignorant eyes that it would
be quite impossible for the armies of WilHam 11. , even when
backed by those of his tottering Austrian Ally, to be able to
hold their own against the might of our military resources,
in aUiance with those of France — England had not yet
entered the fray. To my intense surprise, my friend did
not seem to share my conviction that all was bound to go
well, and when I expressed the hope that the New Year
would find us resting after the physical and mental fatigues
of the war, he simply smiled and asked me whether I were
serious in supposing that the war could be over in a few
months.
34 , Russia's Decline and Fall
" Certainly I am serious," I replied. ** I do not think
for a single moment that anything can stop our army on
its march towards Berlin ; ^nd once Berlin is taken then
peace will quickly follow."
*' Once BerUn is taken," he repeated. ** But it is there
precisely that the difficulty lies ; I fear that Warsaw may
be in the hands of the Prussians sooner than Berlin in ours."
" Surely you are joking," was my remark. " They will
never be able to advance so far as Warsaw."
" They are already in Kalisz, my friend," he replied.
*' Yes, I know, but Kalisz is an open town ; moreover,
we had no troops to defend it, as it ought to have been.
But Warsaw is a different thing altogether. Warsaw is a
capital. It is the centre of government in the kingdom of
Poland. It has a large garrison and presents such an
important position fof us that we shall always defend it,
and defend it successfully, no matter what it costs. Be-
sides, taking Warsaw would mean that we have collapsed
in East Prussia as well as in Galicia, and this is not likely at
all. If once we take Lemberg, then we shall be the masters
of the situation, and I do not see what is to prevent us
taking Lemberg. Nearly the whole of the German Army
is on the Western frontier."
*' How mistaken you are ! " was the unexpected reply.
" You will allow me some knowledge in regard to mihtary
affairs. You know also that I was in Berlin for practically
two years, and studied hard in the offices of their Staif,
acquainting myself with the intricacies of the German
system. In Germany they have an incontestable advantage
over us in their efficiency of organisation, and the care
which they take never to allow any detail, however insigni-
ficant, to escape them. One may say Germany is a huge
machine, but still the best trained machine the world
has ever seen, and how can mere men fight a machine ?
Warfare, to the German, has absolutely nothing to do with
personal courage, or those dashing quahties formerly
Press ; Police ; Panic 35
considered indicative of the good soldier. Warfare is know-
ledge how to handle a mass of most complicated machinery
created in order to crush any who try to stand up against it.
Warfare consists, first, in the accumulation of munitions'
and commissariat, and then in the perfect training and
discipHne of armies. We possess none of these things.
Our army is brave and obedient, but not disciplined. Our
army lacks initiative ; it only knows how to obey bUndly,
and to die when told it must do so. A very beautiful but
quite unavailing heroism. A perfect knowledge of what
one ought to do under certain conditions, and how to face
certain responsibilities, would be far more to the point.
That is precisely what our officers lack and where our army
fails ; we are not, as the Germans are, imbued from our
school days with the spirit of scientific militarism, and this war
is going to be fought on scientific grounds, and with scientific
weapons, more than with personal courage or valour.''
" You think, then, that we are going to be beaten ? "
I asked, with dismay.
" I will not say that," he replied, " but I believe that
the fight will be far more stubborn and terrible than we
imagine. This war has been brought about by the German
Emperor and his advisers at a time when no one except
themselves wished for it. If they have decided on such a step
— of the gravity of which they, must have been aware — it is
because they believe that they have considerable chance
of success. Remember one thing: we are still a young
people, and we can suffer reverses and not be very greatly
the worse for them ; whereas Germany stakes her whole
existence, not only as a miHtary power, but as a Power.
Do you suppose she would have risked such an adventure
if she had not held most of the trump cards in her hand ?
It is childish to say that she has lost her senses ; far better
would it be to try to find out what are the resources upon
which she reUes to emerge triumphantly out of the gigantic
struggle. A careful study of what Krupp is doing in his
36 Russia's Decline and Fall
factories would be of more use to us than all the enthusiasm
we are tiying to kindle among our troops."
" What do you know ? " I asked.
" Know ? Not much beyond what everybody knows ;
but I suspect a great deal, and fear even more terrible things
than I suspect. Our Staff is inefficient in these matters,
and our Intelligence Department spends its energies upon
work that ought to be left to the police. It orders the
searching of inoffensive people's homes ; it tries to find
something criminal in newspaper articles ; it incriminates
a word of sympathy, often said thoughtlessly, but overheard
by a spy. Yet it forgets to watch over the actions of our
enemy ; it opens the doors of our military institutions to
all kinds of suspicious people, who, under the pretext of
offering goods to sell, simply gather information which,
nine times out of ten, intelligence officers themselves give
to them quite innocently, and without realising that it
might be of use to the enemy. The misfortune of Russia
is that, by nature, we are a straightforward people, un-
suspecting of evil in others."
** What has that got to do with the conduct of the war ? "
I asked.
" Everything and nothing," was the reply. *' If certain
of those in responsible positions knew they were vigilantly
watched there would be less corruption and more sense of
duty. Upon this country of ours, my dear friend, lies a
curse ; a curse which already has caused many of its mis-
fortunes, but which, it is hoped, this war will help to remove
by opening the eyes of some of our responsible parties.
That curse is the poUcing system, which has been exalted
into a means of repressive government. There is the
mistake. The police ought to preserve order among the
public ; it ought never to be given the power to control
the existence of that pubUc — especially if, as is the case with
us, it is so badly paid that it finds itself almost compelled to
seek for means of existence outside of its own resources."
Press; Police; Panic 37
" But what has the police to do with the conduct of
the war ? " I exclaimed.
" Far more than you think or suppose. Its system has
been erected into a kind of principle, and the spirit of it has
penetrated into our IntelHgence Department, which thinks
that by conforming to pohce methods it can rid Russia of all
its enemies. It therefore spends its time in reading reports
fabricated half the time by officials, who record in them their
own personal grudges against the victims whom they
denounce ; and, spending so much time in this way, the de-
partment ignores the very people whose presence constitutes
a danger to the general welfare. Germans understand this
perfectly well, and they succeed in getting their information
at first hand, and are doing it with impunity. We are
beginning this war in a very handicapped condition, and
though I hope, with you, that we will emerge triumphantly,
yet I feel certain that we shall have to submit to many
reverses, and that the task before us is by no means light.
" Another point to which I should like to draw your
attention is the way in which commanding offi&rs, nine
times out of ten, make their calculations on former impres-
sions and obsolete information, without verifying or com-
paring with the present state of things. Maps are consulted
not nearly so frequently as they should be, and the work
of reconnoitring the enemy's position is, more often than
could be wished, done by inexperienced officers, who trust
more to their personal judgment and personal courage
than to securing the calculated precision of detail which the
Germans never omit. I am sadly afraid in this war that
Russia will pit heroic but useless courage against murderous
instruments that will prove to be the stronger forces."
" I do hope that you are mistaken," I exclaimed ; "it
would be too terrible to think that."
" Ah, my friend, this war is going to surprise us in more
ways than one," said my visitor.
" I never expected you to take a despondent view of it,"
38 Russia's Decline and Fall
I replied. " Are you really so convinced of the superiority
of the German Army ? "
" Of its superiority as an army, and as a fighting instru-
ment, not at all," he said. " Our soldiers are better fighters,
and have far more endurance and strength of character
than the Germans ; and being more used to hardships of
every kind are also physically healthier. But whereas with
us nearly everything is left to chance, our adversaries apply
all their energies entirely to eliminate this factor from their
calculations. Their organisation is wonderful, and their
discipline, in the sense that no one ever ventures to question
the reason for which any order is given, is above all praise.
They have so dissected war that all its intricacies have become
as familiar to them as the human body is to an expert
surgeon. Their plans are based on calculations equal in
minuteness to those of an astronomer when measuring the
distance between two stars. Whether we shall be able to
cope with them technically is the whole question, and,
frankly speaking, I do not think we shall."
" Th^ you admit the possibility of a reverse ? "
" Yes, if our enemies drag on the campaign ; because,
in that case, and especially if there are reverses, the nation
will lose faith in its leaders, and the revolutionary elements
in it, partly by the failure of a government they have always
hated, and partly through the agency of German emissaries,
of whom there exist far more than the government suspects,
will come to the front once more and oblige the Emperor
to conclude peace. It is there that I see the greatest danger
for the future ; and unfortunately this danger is daily
increased by the foolish policy adopted by our Staff, to send
into exile in the interior of Russia all the Germans they can
lay their hands upon. It gives them just the chance they
want to poison the minds of the country people with their
words and criticisms. Far better to have sent them at
once across the frontier."
" You exaggerate, my friend," I remarked.
1
Press; Police; Panic 39
" I do not think so/' he insisted, " and as events go
on you will find my apprehensions justified. To come back
to the war, I feel certain it will be a long affair — which, how-
ever, will collapse very quickly in the end. A great source
of danger for the Russian Army Hes in the fact that its
Commander-in-Chief is the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicholaie-
vitch. It is always unwise to have at the head of the army
a prince of the blood royal, whose privileged position puts
him above any criticism and surrounds him with flattery."
'" You do not Hke him ? " I asked.
" I neither Hke nor disHke him. He may be a great
general, as so many people say, but so far he has given no
proofs that such is the case, and this war is far too serious
for us to indulge in the luxury of experiments. It seems he
is a great disciphnarian, and can treat with extreme severity
those who do not execute his orders ; but I question whether
he is made of that stuff which is capable of inflaming the
masses, ctnd inspiring an army to fight its way through every
obstacle. Considering the fact that technically we are far
inferior to the Germans,' it would be a distinct advantage
for us to have at our head a general like Skobelev, who
could lead his troops to victory, but showing them that
he was sharing their danger. The Grand Duke must never
expose his person to peril, because he is a member of the
Imperial Family. There are in war moments of crisis
when the knowledge that their leader has staked his life
inspires troops with a heroism which otherwise they would
never display. I repeat, we could win this campaign,
and we should do so, backed as we are by powerful and
strong Allies ; but the internal conditions to which the war
will give birth may oblige us to conclude peace before
either Russia or our friends abroad wish it ; and this
may bring about the fall, not only of the present system of
government, but even of the dynasty itself. I have told
you what I think, and I pray to God that I may be
mistaken."
40 Russia's Decline and Fall
He got up and as he took leave of me I felt as if were
departing a wicked fairy whose object had been to destroy
all the bright illusions which I had been cherishing. For
the first time since the beginning of the war I shuddered
at the possibility of reverses which no one save the friend
whose words I have just repeated had ever suggested in
my presence. And yet on that same day we heard that our
troops had occupied Insterburg in Eastern Prussia and,
according to the accounts published by the Press, were
marching victoriously on toward Berlin ; toward a victory,
the completeness of which not a soul in the whole of ^Russia
doubted at that time.
CHAPTER IV.
The Horror of Tannenberg.
During the first few days which followed the conversa-
tion related in the previous chapter, the painful impression
there expressed remained until removed by the continuance
of good news from the Front. The war had certainly begun
for us under very favourable conditions, and when the
German invasion of Belgium caused England to join in
the struggle, I began to share the feeUng which was general
in Russia, that the war would soon be over. We all beheved
that most of the German forces were gathered at the French
frontier and in Belgium, whilst Eastern Prussia was left
practically undefended, for it was toward Eastern Prussia
that our" activities were directed by the Grand Duke. He
attacked with a vigour that promised great things, and every-
body felt convinced that peace would be signed in Berhn
before Christmas.
A few days after the news of the invasion of Belgium
had reached us, a party of French reservists left Petersburg
for Odessa, whence a steamer was to cauy them to Marseilles
to join their regiments. Some friends of mine being among
them I went to the railway station to wish them God-speed,
and was rather unpleasantly impressed by the sight of a
tall dark woman, with strong, mascuhne features, who was
standing on a stool waving a tricolour flag, and shouting at
the top of her voice, "a Berlin a Berlin! " This reminded
me of the unfortunate war of 1870, when the streets of Paris
resounded with the same cry. It seemed an act of desecra-
tion to count upon it before the event had really happened.
41 i
42 Russia's Decline and Fall
1 was not the only one in whom the words of the dark
woman created this sensation, because an acquaintance of
mine, whom 1 happened to meet, also expressed himself in
the same way.
The last passenger with whom I shook hands was the
correspondent of the Havas Agency, M. Troubat, whom I
had met at a dinner party a few days before the declaration
of war, and who had spoken to me of his approaching
marriage. Alas ! he was to be one of the first victims of
the campaign ; he fell gloriously during one of the engage-
ments on the Mame. He was young, full of hfe, had done
very well in his profession, and looked forward to a brilliant
future, but the bullets of the enemy did not spare him.
We did not think of such sad things as death during
those first days of elation. Even the disastrous news
which telegrams brought us concerning the first atrocities
committed in Belgium left us indifferent. We thought
that they would afford us another powerful excuse to crush
German mihtarism completely out of existence, and we
began to behttle the Prussians : of course, we conceded,
they had had some successes in France, and their march
on Paris had been very cleverly carried through in order to
terrify the Parisians and the rest of Europe ; but had it
not been gloriously repulsed by the clever strategy of General
Joffre ? Besides, any temporary successes which they
might obtain would fail in the long run, and they would be
compelled to defend their own capital. I even heard some
responsible people seriously discuss the conditions of peace
we were going to impose, and express apprehension lest
our government might be too lenient.
In the meanwhile the Germans, whose strength was so
generally despised, had taken Liege after a few days' fight,
and also captured Namur. Vague rumours reached us
concerning a wonderful heavy gun which the Germans had
suddenly produced, the effects of which were quite astound-
ing ; but no one beheved in the existence of such a weapon.
The Horror of Tannenberg 43
With complete unanimity, too, Russians declared that
though it were impossible to help either France or Belgium,
our own troops would soon put everything right when they
reached BerHn and obhged the Emperor Wilham to fly from
his capital.
The Duma and the Council of State assembled to vote
the necessary credits for the war. Before the business
began they had been received in solemn audience in the
Winter Palace by the Emperor, who spoke of the necessity
of the country to remain united in the presence of the enemy,
and of his conviction that the representatives of the people
would help him without reserve in his heavy task. The
words of the sovereign were received with great enthu-
siasm, and for the first time, perhaps, since his accession to
the throne, Nicholas II. found himself popular with all
parties in Russia. Later on, when M. Sazonov and the
Prime Minister, M. Goremykin, explained to the Duma the
details of the negotiations which had led to the war, they
were applauded vigorously, and the Ambassadors of England
and France, who were present, received quite an ovation
from the Deputies and on arrival from the populace outside.
Already Insterburg had been occupied, and with word of
an engagement with the Prussian troops at Eydtkhunen
came the inspiring news that the French troops had entered
Mulhouse. This only added to the enthusiastic send-off
given to a considerable number of troops, including the
principal Guard regiments, who left Petersburg for German
and Austrian frontiers.
Three proclamations by the Grand Duke Nicholas
Nichol^ievitch, the Commander-in-Chief, addressed to the
Poles, the inhabitants of the Austrian provinces bordering
on our frontiers, and the Ruthenians of Galicia, were pub-
lished and caused astonishment in Petersburg. No one
could understand how it came about that the Grand Duke
- and not the Emperor had signed them. The first criticisms,
which I heard addressed to the government were uttered
44 Russia's Decline and Fall
on the subject of these proclamations, which were certainly
premature, seemed to have no object, and were bound, later,
to excite discontent in Poland. One heard, indeed, that
the Emperor was going to Moscow, whence he would issue
a manifesto announcing to the nation the occupation of
Gahcia, and the creation of a new Kingdom of Poland.
But this rumour existed only in the imagination, and though
the sovereign did visit Moscow he merely spoke on the war
in a general way. The English and French Ambassadors
accompanied the sovereign ; they both returned very
satisfied with their reception in the ancient city, and con-
vinced that the Romanoff dynasty was more popular than
ever in Russia.
Very early in the war it was felt by the more far-seeing
of Russian patriots that the officials in Petersburg were
depending too much on the anticipation that our soldiers
would defeat the Austrian forces, and also upon the active
sympathy of the people of Galicia and Bukovina, where, for
years, Russian propagandism had been active. It turned
out, however, that both these hopes were by no means so
near reahsation as the Press led us to believe. In the mean-
while Japan had joined the Allies and declared war on
Germany. Many in Petersburg thought some secret design
lay at the back of this step, but very soon the seizure of
Tsing Tau was to prove to Europe that when Japan had
sided with her European friends she had only done so in
order to cover the AlHes' planned attack on German China.
The news of the fall of Liege was kept secret as long
as possible by the Russian Censor ; we heard, indeed,
that the town was holding out and its circle of forts were
withstanding the enemy. Yet it was given out officially
that the Belgian Government and the Court had fled to
Antwerp ; but this the people in their optimism said meant
nothing at all — it was but a wise precaution !
• Suddenly, Hke a bombshell, the terrible news of the
battle of Tannenberg (August 26th) burst upon us.
The Horror of Tannenberg 45
The official communication spoke of two army corps
enveloped by the enemy and nearly annihilated by superi-
ority of numbers. A long Hst of killed and wounded added
to the horror of this first disclosure of a disaster the details
of which only became known much later. The crude facts
are that when our troops invaded Eastern Prussia and began
their triumphant march, the few Prussian regiments which
were there slowly retreated before them, apparently leaving
a free field. We all, and, what is more important, the Grand
Duke and his Staff too, thought that this retreat meant fear,
and a desire to concentrate the army still at the disposal
of the Emperor WilHam in Germany itself around Berlin,
in order to defend the capital.
In reahty, nothing of the kind was ever intended by the
German Staff. General von Hindenburg, who at that
critical moment was called upon to take the command of
the Prussian armies on the Russian frontier, determined to
allow our troops to proceed as far as the Mazurian country,
which is full of lakes and swamps of a most dangerous
kind, and there meet and destroy them. With diaboUcal
ability the Prussians built new roads and obUterated old
ones. These new roads were cunningly devised to lead any
who ventured upon them into the swamps. And some were
so constructed that they would collapse under the weight of
heavy artillery and baggage. When the first Russian
detachments appeared the Prussians retired as quickly
as they could, and then left their pursuers to their fate.
It is here that the incompetency of the Russian Staff
became evident and disastrous. Had the officers studied
their maps they would have seen that the " lie " of the
country they were going through was not the same as that
traced on the maps. This circumstance alone ought to
have put them on their guard. The InteUigence Depart-
ment, too, ought to have had knowledge of the work which
had been going on. Roads are not built in a day ; and quick
as were the enemy's pioneers they were at work for some
\
46 Russia's Decline and Fall
time, and, had proper precautions been taken, our leaders
ought most certainly to have suspected that the promptitude
with which the German forces retreated before us had a
sinister meaning. But no one thought of such things ;
everybody was persuaded that we were sweeping everything
before us on the road to Berhn, and that the Prussians had
been taken so unawares by the rapidity of our march that
their one thought was for their personal safety. When the
two army corps lead by General Samsonov marched into
this treacherous road, they believed that no resistance was
awaiting them ; all the more appalling therefore became
the catastrophe which followed. Our army was snared in
the swamp almost before it realised what was happening.
Regiment after regiment became engulfed in that black mud.
Men as well as horses were slowly sucked down into the
abyss. A few columns, amongst others the one led by the
heroic General Mrozowsky, Commander-in-Chief of the
Moscow Grenadiers, managed to struggle through the lakes
and fight their way through a strong detachment of German
infantry that tried to block the road before them and to
drive them back into the deadly swamp. But the majority
of the army perished. For a whole week they struggled
in a hopeless effort to disengage themselves, fighting against
death with admirable courage. The cries of agony of the
doomed creatures who were being slowly suffocated by an
implacable enemy, more merciless than any human one,
resounded through the countryside, and filled with horror
the souls of those who found themselves compelled to listen
without being able to help. So utterly terrible was the
whole tragedy that it is recorded that some Prussian
officers, whom their duty obUged to keep watch on this
scene, went mad during that time and could never after-
wards hear the name of Tannenberg mentioned without
shuddering. General von Hindenburg remained unmoved.
He had been told to dehver Eastern Prussia from its in
vaders ; he had done so, and did not care at what cost
The Horror of Tannenberg 47
At last, after seven days of this suffering, the Germans were
moved to some spark of mercy and, bringing up their big
guns, fired among the dying masses of Russians, to complete
the destruction which the dark waters of the Mazurian lakes
had begun.
For months people worked to remove the traces of the
charnel into which the whole region had been transformed.
Men were paid as much as fifteen or twenty marks per day
to remove the dead bodies, but even this large remuneration
did not tempt many, so horrible was the task. As for the
guns and the baggage, they are still buried in the swamps,
and probably will be for ever. When General Samsonov,
to whose carelessness the completeness of the disaster was
due, saw that all was lost he blew out his brains rather than
face his superiors. The hea.d of his staff. General Pestitch,
and all his colleagues perished together in the lake, as did,
too, the Commander of the Second Army Corps, General
Mart OS. Two crack cavalry regiments belonging to the
Guards lost nearly all their officers, but succeeded in getting
through and joining the headquarters of the army, abso-
lutely exhausted and unnerved. The result of this disas-
trous day was the almost complete annihilation of two army
corps, and the demoralisation of all the troops which had
taken part in the unexpected catastrophe.
When the news of the battle of Tannenberg reached
Petersburg, the government had not yet assumed its policy
of secrecy, but it was difficult to keep from the knowledge
of the public the fact that a setback of some kind had taken
place, especially in view of the circumstance that so many
of the fallen officers belonged to the best families in Russia,
and formed part of the jeunesse doree of Petersburg. The
majority of the public heard nothing concerning the details
of Tannenberg, and thought that a regular battle had taken
place there which had not turned to our advantage. The
dark truth was concealed.
The Press, obeying orders from the War Office, mini-
48 Hussia's Decline and Fall
mised the catastrophe by extolling the courage and heroism
displayed by our troops, and by trumpeting the firm inten-
tion of the authorities not to hide anything from the nation.
It gave lavish praise to the devotion of the officers and
soldiers who had perished in the performance of their duty,
and then the whole attention of the public was directed to
Galicia, where grave and most serious events were going on.
One newspaper, the Retsch, tried to explain the disaster
of Tannenberg in a plausible way, but in the article
the cruel ignorance in which Russia was kept as to
details connected with the conduct of the war became
apparent.
" If we analyse the communications of the Commander-
in-Chief," proceeds the article, " we come to the conclusion
that the excellent forces of the enemy to which he alludes
in his message are the reinforcements which, we were told
yesterday, had appeared in the neighbourhood of Osterode.
The attack which was made upon our troops took place
near the frontier of the Governments of Plock and of
Lomza, in the neighbourhood of Soldau and Meidenburg.
Our soldiers were surprised on their way by these fresh re-
serves which were thrown upon them, and by the fire of
their heavy artillery, which evidently had been brought
for that purpose from the fortresses of Thorn and of Grau-
denz. These reserves, to the strength and number of
which we owe our defeat, were probably composed of men
belonging to the Landwehr and the Landsturm, which
hitherto have been kept in the background in order to be
employed only when a total destruction of the German
Army by our forces was threatened.
" In general," went on the paper, " the sad events
which our Staff communicates to us cannot have any influ-
ence on the course of the war, nor on our operations in
Eastern Prussia ; they cannot weaken our army, and they
ought neither to influence our morale, nor make us doubt
the ultimate success of the campaign. In every war one
The Horror of Tannenberg 49
must expect to sustain some heavy losses, and though
the position of our troops has been for the moment com-
promised and weakened, it cannot be considered as having
become perilous in any way."
As a complement to this article may be quoted the
official communication emanating from the Grand Duke's
Staff. This shows in what manner it attempted to tell the
public about Tannenberg :
" Owing to strong reinforcements drawn by our enemy
from every side, facihtated by the network of railways
which they control, German forces threw themselves on
two of our army corps and subjected them to the strong
fire of their heavy artillery, inflicting great losses. Our
troops fought most heroically, and Generals Samsonov,
Martos, Pestitch, and several officers from the staff have
perished. The Commander-in-Chief believes most firmly
that God will help us in our most energetic measures to
remedy this sad occurrence."
It was following upon this disastrous battle of Tannen-
berg that the first signs of apprehension concerning the
future of the campaign began to be entertained by people
in certain circles not enthusiastic about the military talents
of the Grand Duke Nicholas. But even these sceptics did
not believe in the possibility of defeat. The extent of their
apprehension was that the campaign might prove unex-
pectedly long and tedious. Everyone rehed very much upon
our Allies, and especially on Lord Kitchener, who inspired
unbounded confidence and was admired by all. The
British Navy was looked upon as the principal element of
success which we had at our disposal, arid even the most
stubborn adversaries of the Government breathed more
freely when they heard that Russia, England and France
had bound themselves by a solemn compact not to conclude
a separate peace. This seemed to convey in itself a promise
of victory ; and, indeed, who could at this stage of the cam-
paign suppose that it would prove to be anything else than
E
50 Russia's Decline and Fall
that the definite defeat of German militarism was ultimately
assured ?
As I have related already, the whole attention of the
pubHc became concentrated upon Galicia, where the Grand
Duke had thrown the whole weight of our armies. He
guessed, quite rightly, that the vulnerable point of our enemies
lay in the weakness of the Austrian troops. The Austrians
had at first occupied certain portions of the so-called
Kingdom of Poland — the province of Lublin — and we had
considerable trouble to dislodge them ; but once on their
own ground they had broken down in what seemed an
almost incredible manner. Events proved, later on, that
the cause of this sudden collapse had been the utter inca-
.pacity of the officers, who, owing to the happy-go-lucky
way in which they considered everything, had failed to
grasp the determination with which Russia invaded Austrian
territory. Besides this, the German Staff still beHeved
that it could allow the Austrians to act independently,
and could trust them to bring into execution the plan
which had been settled by mutual agreement. The Austrians,
however, showed themselves miserable tacticians, and defeat
upon defeat followed, until Berlin, exasperated by the
succession of reverses which gave up the whole of Galicia
into Russian hands, insisted upon the Austrian troops being
led by Prussian officers. After this, things most unfor-
tunately changed for us ; we were obliged to evacuate
Galicia, and thus were stultified our enormous sacrifices
to conquer the region.
HostiHties against Austria were conceived upon a
considerable scale, and were executed with great talent
and knowledge by General Roussky, the commander of
the troops forming part of the Kiev army, who showed
singular perspicacity and great decision in all the operations
which he executed. The Austrians thought that by attack-
ing us with all their forces they would be able to prevent
QUr rqiobilisatipn being accomplished in time, and thus.
The Horror of Tannenberg 51
from the outset, secure a very real advantage. They
began by attacking and taking Lublin and Chelm, with the
evident intention to force our lines from the West to cross
the Bug, and thus attack from the rear the army which
we were concentrating around Warsaw, and in flank the
troops which we had sent into Eastern Prussia. To be able
to execute this movement, the Austrians developed their
forces on a front of more than 150 versts*, occupying and
leaning on the following points, which they had strongly
fortified : Zavilost, Janov, Bilgoraj, Tomaszov, and Belcez.
To accompHsh this very important operation it was
indispensable, however, to protect the right wing of the
Austrian Army from the possibility of an attack by the
Russian troops occupying the Kiev military district. In
order to do this, the intention of the Austrian commanders
had been to bring forward the second Austro-Hungarian
Army, composed of the third, eleventh and twelfth corps,
and five cavalry divisions. According to the reckonings
of the Austrian Staff, the mobilisation of the Austro-
Hungarian Army, as well as its concentration in South
Galicia, ought to have been accomplished on the fourteenth
day after the order for the general mobilisation had been
issued ; but two weeks after war had begun the Austrians had
not succeeded in gathering all their forces. This delay placed
our enemies in a worse strategical position than they had
imagined possible, and they found themselves compelled to
reinforce the troops which they had in South GaHcia by
bringing up part of their seventh, thirteenth and fourteenth
corps, amounting to twelve divisions of infantry, and a few
brigades of Landsturm and some cavalry and artillery —
approximately 220,000 to 230,000 men, — ^who were instructed
to cover the operations that had been entrusted to the main
body occupjdng Southern GaHcia. In the meanwhile
the Russian mobihsation had been effected far more quickly
than our adversaries had anticipated, and already, on the
* A verst is il6jf yards.
52 Russia's Decline and Fall
i6th of August, a bare fortnight following the declaration of
war by Austria upon Russia, the army forming part of the
Kiev military district had developed itself around Lutzk,
Dubno and Proskurov — that is, on a front extending to
something Hke 175 versts — and began steadily marching
toward the enemy's territory.
During seventeen days these troops, which formed the
left wing of our main army, covered a space of 220 versts,
or something like thirteen versts per day, fighting nearly
the whole of the time. If one takes into account that
troops on the march in peaceful times are not supposed to
cover more than fifteen versts in twenty-fouj hours, whilst
we managed to do thirteen, fighting and forcing all kinds of
obstacles, Russia may justly feel proud of the endurance
shown by our soldiers upon this occasion, where everything
depended on the promptitude of our movements.
The main forces of our enemy in South Galicia were
gathered together in a very strongly fortified position
at Kamenka and KaHsz, and extended upon a front of
more than no versts. We attacked this position, and after
a most desperate struggle, which lasted several days,
the Austrians were completely routed on September ist.
They lost something hke a hundred and thirty thousand
men, killed and wounded, whilst, in addition, two hundred
guns and vast quantities of ammunition were left in our
hands.
After this defeat, due to the clever strategy of General
Roussky, who was most ably seconded by General Broussi-
lofC, the commander of the Second Army engaged in Galicia,
the principal Austrian forces reassembled opposite Opol
and Belcez, but they did not succeed in estabUshing them-
selves on a wide front. We had crossed the frontier on the
19th of August, and fought all the time from that day to
the moment when at last we entered Lemberg. Our march
forward was very difficult, owing to the many small rivers,
alEuents of the Dniester, which had to be crossed, as well
The Horror of Tannenberg 53
as to the various fortified points that we had to take by-
storm ; but already, on the 20th of August (September 2nd),
our army found itself in sight of Lemberg, the forts of which
showed no resistance whatever, and on the 21st of August
(3rd of September), at eleven o'clock in the morning, the
town itself was taken by our troops after a short engagement.
The greatest success of the campaign had been achieved with
relatively very little loss, and the name of General Roussky
became famous all over Russia.
The brilliant success of the operations undertaken in
Galicia was considered to be ample compensation for the
disaster of Tannenberg, the real extent of which was never
known in the country at that time.
The Grand Duke Nicholas immediately telegraphed the
good news of Lemberg to the Emperor, asking the Tsar
to award the Cross of St. George, of the third class, a most
rare distinction, to General Roussky. All over Russia
solemn thanksgiving services were celebrated, and great
manifestations of joy as well as popular demonstrations
took place in Petersburg and in Moscow. People began
speaking of the invincible Russian armies and expected to
hear every day that we were on the road to Vienna, if not
in actual possession of that capital. In the general joy it
was entirely forgotten that Germany existed, and through
the glasses of a rose-coloured optimism she was seen
already conquered just as completely as her Austrian ally.
As for our reverses in Eastern Prussia, they had already sunk
into insignificance, the more so that, as a revenge for all the
horrors of Tannenberg, the Emperor had seen fit to change
the name of Petersburg into the truly Russian " Petrograd,''
and the government had forbidden German to be spoken
in the streets or to be taught in schools. Surely this was
enough to satisfy the most fervent patriot !
CHAPTER V.
• Behind the Scenes. *
After the victories in Galicia, the Russian public divided
itself into two camps. The optimists anticipated all the
triumphs which their ambition and patriotism longed for.
The other party, much smaller, but unquestionably better
informed, did not air its opinions too openly. These
people whispered into the ears of their friends that the
first battles had revealed a lamentable want of organisa-
tion on our side. The wounded, for instance, after a
rather sharp engagement fought near Gumbinnen, in
Eastern Prussia, had to be transported a distance of
120 versts in automobiles before being attended to, whilst
all the time an ambulance was stationed quite near to the
battlefield, and remained the whole time doing nothing.
The first plan of the Russian Staff had been to wait
for the enemy in our own territory, and the Red Cross,
in consequence, had an organisation of ambulances scat-
tered at about sixty versts from the frontier. When
everything was changed, and the Grand Duke decided to
take the offensive by invading Eastern Prussia, all the
necessary arrangements were made, but the medical
services received no orders to move, so remained where
they were. When men began to fall they found them-
selves utterly unprovided with even field dressings. Half
the casualties in the first engagements succumbed from
want of early care. This state of things was remedied
later, but the Red Cross, for which milhons were given
all over Russia, still remained badly organised.
54
Behind the Scenes 55
The different base hospitals, however, worked wonders,
and proved most useful. On the other hand, the Com-
missariat, which had proved so deficient during the 1904
campaign, was found above praise, and the soldiers, not-
withstanding what may have been written in German
papers concerning this subject, were well fed and well
clothed, and generally well attended to in regard to their
physical wants. If they collapsed as quickly as was the
case after the fights in the Carpathians and in Galicia,
this must not be attributed to the fact that they had
nothing to eat, but to the stopping of the distribution of
vodka to the troops. I know that in saying so I shall be
severely criticised, but I must maintain that the total
prohibition of spirits in the great war of 1914 was the
cause of the Russian army, not being able tq make a better
stand against the enemy, and especially explains the
large number of prisoners made by the Germans. It
must not be forgotten that the Russian was the largest
consumer of spirits in the whole of the world. The nation
was saturated with vodka. The Russian soldier was so
used to the stimulant that he felt entirely powerless when
deprived of it suddenly. Much has been written con-
cerning this general prohibition, which was issued on the
first day of the war, but I am certain that the German
officer who told me that it proved the best auxiUary Prussia
had found to help her in her progress in Poland, spoke
the truth. An excellent thing in itself, of course, the prohi-
bition was appHed — as so many other excellent things are
in Russia — in the worst manner imaginable. It would
have been far better to allow a moderate supply of spirits
to the army than to have left the soldiers cold and drenched
in the trenches during the whole of the severe winter,
without the possibihty of a nip of vodka to revive their
faculties, and to inspire them with courage. I have visited
prisoners' camps in Germany, and spoken with our Russian
soldiers interned there ; and whenever I have asked them
56 Russia's Decline and Fall
when and how they had fallen into the enemy's hands I
have received the reply that " I don't know ; I was so
tired that I don't remember anything." Now I feel con-
vinced that everyone who knows Russia, the Russian
character, and the Russian army, will agree with me when
I say that these same men would never have become so
Ump, no matter what hardships they had been compelled
to endure, if from time to time they had received a glass
of vodka to sustain them in their work. The Germans —
and this is another precaution which they know so well
how to take, and another proof of their extraordinary
organisation — though dealing most severely with every
case of drunkenness which came before their notice in the
army, yet were very careful after every heavy engage-
ment to distribute a rum-ration to the troops, before
allowing them to rest after the excitement of the battle,
or after a long stay in the trenches ; whereas our poor
soldiers were left to freeze in the cold for hours, and then
were only given cold food. At the risk of scandalising
all the adversaries of alcohol, I must nevertheless repeat
that I regret our High Command did not see its way to
follow the example of our enemies. However, this is a
digression.
Our Commissariat worked well, especially in the begin-
ning of the war. Afterwards things were not quite so easy,
especially during the retreat from Galicia. The accusa-
tion, made even in Russia, that the troops were left to
starve was utterly false. The soldier was well fed, and
was always properly clothed. Only — only the govern-
ment paid about five times, if not ten times, more than
it ought to have done for everything, thanks to the greed
of officials in the Commissariat department. These gentle-
men thought the war an excellent opportunity — indeed,
one which would never return — for thera to become rich
at once, without the least trouble. Those of high rank,
those in leading positions in this strange administration —
Behind the Scenes 57
everybody, down to the humblest clerk — managed to make
money out of every purchase for the army. I shall
give one instance among many as to how prices were in-
flated. An American company offered to the government
one million pairs of boots at the price of three dollars per
pair ; eight dollars each was paid. Consequently, on this
one transaction five million dollars remained in the pockets
of the intermediaries and the officials of the Commissariat
departments.
In Petrograd I have spoken with officers belonging to
this much abused department ; and a friend of mine, an
EngHshman, in whose words I have the most impHcit
confidence, told me he had observed the same thing. Many
hundreds of thousands of roubles have gone this way ;
never, indeed, was squandering of the public funds seen
on such a scale as during this ill-fated campaign.
With it all, however, the soldier was not left in want.
Boots with paper soles, such as were distributed to ^the
army in France in 1870, were not seen. Everything the
troops got was of good quality, and they never, save on
rare occasions, suffered from hunger. It is the cost to
the public exchequer that would certainly not stand investi-
gation.
The people to whom these facts were known were
therefore not sanguine as to the progress of the war. But,
of course, they never dared mention their apprehensions
publicly, as instantly they would have been branded as
bad patriots, if not as German agents.
This second party was averse to the Grand Duke
Nicholas being Commander-in-Chief, partly because they
very justly said that, in the case of reverses, it would be
most difficult to fix responsibility upon a member of the
Imperial Family, partly because they did not think he
possessed the necessary qualities and miHtary talents
essential to fight such tacticians as the Germans.
The second party was also in opposition to the govern-
5S Russia's Decline and Fall
msat^ wham i. ^^ — ^v. ^. emending its wiude time in look
ing about lor spies ^wtfeone these did not exist ; and of apply-
ing police methods where a strong and just sense of th
neoessities oi the mcan^at would have bem better. Tl:
fact is, that the Minister of the Interior, M. Makloko
was not ca^[>abie of guiding the chaziot of the State throuc
tronbloiis times, and that these wioe critical not t ^
his supporters dolled.
£vai in those earty days of the war the one thing which
the govonm^it dreaded was the oatfareak of a revohiUor
Thus obsessed, the govtaimiaaLt gave aU its attention i
crashing evny manifestation of disctmtent, and over
looked the necessity of making an intdligent stand again-
the aggression of the Aastro-Gemoan troops in Polanc
The Press was subjected to the closest survdUanoe; a
f<Hinidahte censcxship was e3c»dsed on private corre
>poiidaioe; detectives swarmed everyv^hane; (oivate 11:
was examined as it had never been before; and ever
individual sn^>ected ol Goman synqyathies, or of Mber.^
opinions, was immediatdy dispatched to some far-awa
ixovince, unless he or she ha^^psoed to have enough ii:
fluence to obtain the favour of bdng asked to go afanoa.
till after the cessation of hostilities.
There is a proverb that " If yon scratch the Russia:
you win hnd a Tartar " ; it would be irM;«e to the p<Hiv
to say of the official class that if you scratch a Russia:
ytXL find a detective. Take, fcK* instance, what was don.
in Gahda after our victories in that region. Instead ox
trying to win the sympatibjes of the populati(Hi, ^pedaUy
the Rutl. who had always been inclined in our
favour, owu^ to the similarity of religion, we at once set
to wcHk to restrain freedcHn, and to make the pecqile fad.:
our yoke in every possible way. The result was that
when, after ten months, we found oursdves obliged to
evacuate Lemberg, the town wekxHned our oionies with
an enthusiasm that ^wke volumes, and not one word of
Behind the Scenes 59
regret was expressed at our departure, even by those
who, before the war, had been our most fervent partisans,
mce more our detestable government compromised all
le heroism displayed by our vahant army, and this at a
:me when it ought to have worked together with it in
rder to enhance our prestige abroad.
These facts were recognised by those to whom I have
referred as the second party. They also regretted that
the war was not seized as the psychological opportunity
to introduce a hberal system of government. Great Britain
had never been very much hked before, except by a small
circle of Anglomaniacs, but after August 4th it became
popular all at once throughout Russia. The great hope
of the second party was that the Tsar would not let sUp
this chance of endowing Russia with the blessings of a
constitutional form of government, under which people
might have hberty of speech, and Siberia might become a
place for colonists rather than for poHtical exiles.
The short-sighted party, on the contrary, preached
reactionism, saying loudly that after the war that phantom
of representative government, the Duma of the Empire,
ought to be dispensed with, and Russia return to her former
system of autocracy.
Betsveen these two parties the government lost its
head, and in watching them forgot to think about the far
more serious question of controlling the operations of the
General Staff.
The Grand Duke Nicholas, therefore, soon became
omnipotent, as practically the whole responsibility, not
only for the conduct of the campaign, but also for the
government of Russia, was given into his hands. The
mihtary authorities alone ruled, and did not rule welL
The Tsar himself, with a deplorable weakness of
character, had allowed his uncle to usurp the supreme
command. Nicholas Nicholaievitch is not a bad man,
although he is brutal. He is sincerely anxious to put
6o Russia's Decline and Fall
down every kind of abuse, and would be the- first to prose- f
cute anyone whom he found guilty of wrongdoing. But
he is unintelligent, exceedingly vain, and perhaps over-
rates his powers. It is quite certain that, with a little
forethought, the humiliating disasters of GaUcia could
have been avoided, but he felt so sure of the position which
he occupied that he did not admit for a single moment
the possibihty of a reverse. In consequence he neglected
to take the most elementary precautions. Determined
to conquer at all cost, he hurled his army into the Car-
pathian passes with a recklessness that cost hundreds of
thousands of lives. These would have been spared had
he fortified himself in Galicia, and there awaited the on-
slaught of the enemy. But the General Staff had made
up its mind to take Vienna, with the result that we had
to resign ourselves to the loss of Lemberg.
These events, however, were far off at the time about
which I am writing, in September, 19 14, when we were ,
all rejoicing at the conquest of Galicia. After we had
occupied its capital, and taken the fortress of Jaroslau,
there only remained Przemysl in possession of Austria,
which, however, as we were well aware, was bound before
long to surrender to our arms.
All these successes made us lose sight of what was
going on in Eastern Prussia. We forgot that there, and
not in the Galician plains, the ultimate fate of the cam-
paign would be decided. During these days we heard very
little, if anything at all, as to the doings of our armies,
especially in Eastern Prussia, where we had kept some
positions, notwithstanding the disaster inflicted upon us
at Tannenberg ; General Rennenkampf, who had won
such laurels during the Japanese campaign, behaved very
well at that period. The Prussians had intended to sur-
round him unawares so as to oblige him to surrender.
They had disembarked troops at Memel, and entered
Russian territory from that point. Rennenkampf, however, i
Behind the Scenes 6i
had got an excellent service of patrols, and, warned in
time, succeeded in escaping the enemy, retreating in
good order, and fighting the whole time, until he reached
the Niemen, where he fortified himself with his back to
that river, and to the two fortresses of Kovno and Grodno.
Nevertheless, and though he had certainly saved the army
entrusted to his care, intrigues obliged him to abandon
his command a few weeks later, and retire into private
life in Petrograd.
Jt was about this period that I had to leave Russia,
and settle in Sweden for the time being, as my activity
as a correspondent of an American paper had aroused the
suspicions of the government, who told me I had better
send my war telegrams from abroad. We came to Stock-
holm, but as people were continually coming and going
between that town and the Russian capital, it was not
difficult for me to keep in touch with my Russian friends,
and to learn all that was going on in my native land. In
spite of the close censorship, communications passed, as
is always possible, and I was perhaps better informed as
to what was taking place in Petrograd than many persons
living there.
During that month of October, 19 14, no very out-
standing incident occurred either in Galicia or in Prussia.
In the former place we had entirely installed ourselves,
and even a Russian bank — the Russo-Asiatic — had thought
it opportune to open an agency in Lemberg. A Governor-
General, Count George Bobrinsky, had been placed at the
head of the newly conquered province, and had assumed
his difficult functions. He was a very nice man, and a
thorough gentleman, and I suppose that he did not find
his position exactly a pleasant one during the nine months
or so that he held it. With him a number of priests of
the Greek Church arrived, and set briskly to work con-
verting the inhabitants to the orthodox faith — another of
those mistakes which were to exasperate the population
62 Russia's Decline and Fall
against its new masters. Everybody in ofifice considered /
that Galicia had become an integral part of the Russian
Empire, and made drastic changes, which would have
been better delayed until the future was more clearly 4
defined. Meanwhile the Germans were progressing in
Belgium, and, to the general consternation, Antwerp, which
was deemed to be impregnable, fell before the guns which
the Krupp factory had been building in great secrecy for
the last six years or so, and which made possible practically
all the successes obtained at this stage of the war by the
troops 6f William II.
The fall of Antwerp made an immense impression in
Russia, and strengthened considerably the party who
believed that peace ought to be concluded before ever
anyone could say that we were definitely vanquished.
For the first time since the declaration of hostilities there
was a certain agitation amongst the workmen in Petrograd,
for which the revolutionary committees were responsible.
Rumours — subsequently proved untrue — ^were put into
circulation in the capital that we had been seriously de-
feated somewhere in Eastern Prussia, and that a large
number of troops — some said three army corps — had found
themselves compelled to capitulate to General von Hinden-
burg, who since the battle of Tannenberg had become a
popular hero in Germany.
All these things contributed to the universal nervous-
ness, and unfortunately the official news given so sparingly
to the public left the feeling that something was being
concealed — a fatal thing for the existence of any govern-
ment. Contrary to the hopes entertained by the Germans,
we remained firm in our positions, and did not relinquish
the siege of Przemysl ; indeed, we concentrated more
troops there. In France, and in Belgium too, not-
withstanding the terrible destruction and havoc made
by the German armies, the Allies remained^firm in their
positions.
Behind the Scenes 63
The war now began to assume an utterly uncivilised
character, and all the different conventions signed at
Geneva and at The Hague seemed to be ignored entirely
by William II. and by his generals. The destruction of
the famous Hbrary of Louvain, and the burning of Rheims
Cathedral and the Cloth Hall of Ypres, only added to the
general indignation against the modem Huns/who respected
nothing, and massacred women and children with an in-
difference and a cruelty unsurpassed since the days of
Attila and his savage hordes.
Meanwhile Turkey, long a centre of German intrigue,
declared war on Russia. We found ourselves therefore
confronted with another enemy, and one that, owing to
the great number of Mohammedans living under our rule,
might cause us considerable embarrassment. In Poland,
the Germans, after having failed to reach Warsaw, retired
in good order, but attacked us in Eastern Prussia, where
we still retained the positions occupied immediately after
the battle of Tannenberg. General von Hindenburg suc-
ceeded in drawing our main forces to the little town of
Vloclavek, where his reserves, numbering something like
800,000 men, crushed our army almost entirely. As in
the Galician retirement, which occurred when our troops
were quite worn out by the very trying campaign they
had gone through, this retreat became disorderly from the
fact that the commissariat bases believed to be in that
part of Poland did not exist. In consequence the troops
had to go days without food. Otherwise" our soldiers bore
themselves in this battle, as in all others, with considerable
courage and great valour. The misfortune was that our
Staff did not appreciate the tactics of modem warfare,
but still held on to old and superseded traditions. For
instance, on his arrival from Petrograd a person, whom
I happened to know very well, told me that his wounded
son, an officer in the artillery, complained that ammunition
was so scarce that it was no wonder we could not stand
64 Russia's Decline and Fall
the German attacks. It was so badly distributed that
the shells suitable for the heavy guns were sent to batteries
of light artillery, and vice versa. Already at that time —
November, 19 14 — though few knew the truth, this lack of
ammunition was seriously hampering the campaign.
The Grand Duke began to be blamed in military circles,
just as General Kouropatkin had been blamed during the
Manchurian campaign, and though the loyal sentiments
of the soldiers to the Sovereign did not yet waver, still
the army showed signs of dissatisfaction. The soldiers
were heard to say that when peace was proclaimed they
would fight the government, because it had not sufficiently
equipped the army for the war into which Russia had
been thrust. The Commander-in-Chief heard these rumours,
but kept a discreet silence, though he wrote to Petrograd
asking that a more rigorous watch than ever should be
kept over the state of public feeling in the capital, and,
further, asked the Emperor to pay a visit to the front.
This visit took place, the first Nicholas II. had made
to the front, and, from a certain point of view, was suc-
cessful, as most certainly the presence of the Tsar amongst
his troops gave them great satisfaction, and added un-
questionably to his popularity. But Nicholas II. himself
was so terribly impressed by all the sad things which met
his eye that he nearly broke down. He asked the Grand
Duke whether he were really sure as to the ultimate issue
of the war, whereupon the latter became insolent, and
told the Sovereign that he guaranteed a complete victory
for Russian arms. The Emperor . subsided into silence,
but was observed to look very sad after his return to
Tsarskoye Selo. His kind nature, sensitive in the extreme,
must have suffered terribly from the scenes he had been
compelled to look upon, and he could not help some feeling
of discouragement at the manner in which the war seemed
to drag on, without any decisive result.
This state of mind of the Sovereign became known in
Behind the Scenes 65
Petrograd, and — even so early as this in the war — sugges-
tions were made that pubHc opinion might be prepared
to consider the possibiHty of the conclusion of an honour-
able peace.
Several deputies of the Duma of the Empire assembled
to discuss the situation in a house belonging to one of their
friends in the neighbourhood of the capital. They all
belonged to the Liberal, though not to the Radical'party,
and certainly were not revolutionaries. The police arrested
five just as they had reached their meeting-place ; they
were tried and convicted of crimes which they had not
committed, and a few months later were sentenced to life-
long banishment in Siberia. Though an appeal was made
to the Imperial mercy on their behalf, the Sovereign,
acting on the advice of the military authorities, refused
to pardon them, and in the month of May the five men
were sent into exile like common felons. At the same time
new persecutions were instituted against the Jews. A
young Jewish tailor, who had been called to join his regi-
ment, was rather badly wounded in Poland, and was
invalided home, minus one arm. No sooner had he reached
Petrograd than he was expelled from the capital by the
police, under the pretext that as he could no longer follow
his trade he must return to his country of origin, the south
of Russia. Such things, happening every day, were causing
considerable friction at a time when wisdom called for
their avoidance. These untoward events made Russian
patriots despair of ever seeing their country truly free —
or truly great ! ^
CHAPTER VI.
The German Advance.
When war broke out, the famous Bourtzeff, the Social-
istic journaHst who had revealed to the world so many
of the secrets of the Russian secret poHce, and without
whom the machinations of the famous Azef^ would never
have been disclosed, found that his patriotic feeUngs would
not allow him to remain quietly abroad whilst his Father-
land was in danger. In spite of a previous declaration
never to return to Russia, he therefore applied to the
government for permission to do so, and to enter the army
as a volunteer. Permission was granted, and he was
even given a special pass to cross the frontier. Yet on
reaching Raumo, on the Finnish coast, he was instantly
arrested, taken under a strong escort to Petrograd, and
confined in the fortress. Immediately this breach of
faith became known a great wave of indignation swept
over the country, and the Ministry was most violently
attacked for having captured him by subterfuge. Secret
meetings of the leaders of the Radical and SociaUst parties
took place ever5.'where, and though some of them came to
the knowledge of the police, yet the majority remained
undiscovered. Leaflets too were printed and abundantly
distributed throughout Russia, calling upon the country
to unite in a common effort to overthrow a regime capable
of such treachery. Strong efforts were made by influential
persons to get Bourtzeff released, but proved useless, and
in the following January he was tried in Petrograd on
the charge of high treason, which was supposed to be
The German Advance 67
contained in newspaper articles he had written whilst
abroad. This trial w^as a farce, and Bourtzeff was sentenced
to lifelong deportation, being taken to Siberia in irons,
sharing thus the fate of the five SociaHst members of the
Duma to whom I have already referred. The incident
was more harmful than the loss of a dozen battles.
Our affairs, though successful in Galicia, were not going
so well in Eastern Prussia or in Poland. General von
Hindenburg, who seemed determined not to leave us any
respite, inflicted a severe defeat near Thorn, for which he
was promoted to the rank of Field-Marshal. We committed
the initial mistake of scattering our troops and never
meeting the enemy in sufficient force. Whilst the Prus-
sicins never approached us save^in considerable numbers,
we allowed as few as two or three corps to accept their
challenge, and consequently were seriously defeated. For
instance, in Poland, during the November battles, the
1st, 3rd and 5th army corps were hurled against over
four hundred thousand men, co^imanded by von Hinden-
burg in person, and, naturally, were badly beaten. Later on
formidable forces were dispatched to Galicia, but it was
too late, as the morale of our soldiers was broken by these
repeated defeats, and they had lost that certainty of past
victories which gives confidence for the future.
A general, retired, of great talent, during a visit that
he paid to Headquarters by special invitation of the Com-
mander-in-Chief, ventured to bring to the notice of the
Grand Duke Nicholas the fact which I have just men-
tioned — that the German troops were strongly massing
in Poland. The Grand Duke remained for some time
silent, then said with a shade of regret in his voice : " You
may be right, but then we never knew the Germans had
entered the kingdom of Poland in such numbers." This
avowal is in itself a condemnation of the Russian military
"intelligence system. Few of the movements of the Prussian
I armies were known to us, whilst every step we took was
68 Russia's Decline and Fall
immediately reported to General von Hindenburg by spies
who were everywhere, even in the offices of our Staff and
at Headquarters. The untrustworthiness of the informa-
tion regarding the doings of the enemy was never more
apparent than during this winter campaign in Poland,
where we were reported to be victorious. The Germans,
after having pretended they wanted to take Warsaw, had
retired toward their own frontier and left the Polish capital
alone. In reality the intention to seize that town had
never existed, and the whole thing had been a bhnd to
divert our attention from their real plan, to take Lodz,
the greatest industrial centre of the whole region, and to
secure the coal mines which were scattered all along the
frontier. The possession of these points would have
afforded the invaders an excellent and most valuable
base for their winter operations. Warsaw was not to be
touched until the following summer, when the German
Staff were satisfied its capture would be comparatively
easy.
The possession of Lodz was of definite advantage to
the enemy, the more so that munitions and provisions of
every kind had " been accumulated within its walls, and
when its fall became known in Petrograd people began
to shake their heads and say that they really could not
see where the victories which the Russian military authori-
ties announced every day with such pomp came in, because
all the while we lost ground and our enemies got farther
into the interior of the country. Yet our Staff persisted
in saying that all was going well, and that whenever we
retreated it was purely from strategical reasons ; we still
were going straight to Berlin, and had never been driven
out of Eastern Pnissia. If Poland were invaded, well it j
was very unfortunate, but what did it signify in view of
our glorious successes elsewhere ?
In Poland people did not seem to share this opinion,
and thought that it mattered a great deal. A Warsaw
The German Advance 69
banker with whom I was in correspondence wrote to me
on this subject in the following terms :
" We are living here as if on a volcano, and are going
through very hard times. Trade and industry are at a
standstill, and if this state of things lasts much longer
everybody will be ruined by this ferocious and merciless
war. For the present all our factories are shut, with the
exception of those that the Germans are running for their
own benefit, thousands of workmen are unemployed,
banks are without money, and even the peasants find
themselves compelled to fly from their homes without
knowing where to go. The whole social order is crumbHng
to pieces, and the only comfort that we can find in this
deplorable state of things is the thought that this awful
war cannot surely last much longer, and after then the
World will be at peace for all time."
This letter, written by a clever and shrewd man, who,
being on the spot, was able to form for himself a sound
opinion concerning the situation created by the war, shows
the state of mind which existed at that time in Poland.
On the other hand. Southern Russians, who did not feel
so keenly the miseries caused by the war, were still deluded.
Another friend of mine, who happened to spend some time
in Kharkov, a great commercial • and industrial centre,
sent me also about that time a missive in sharp contrast
to the one I have just quoted.
"You cannot picture to yourself how entirely our
population sympathises with our splendid troops, how it
sacrifices everything to further the war, and how^ it hates
the Germans. Under such conditions we can continue
this war for years and years, and the utter destruction
of the Prussians is absolutely certain, only a matter of
time."
These two letters show the state of feeling existing in
both Petrograd and Moscow, not only as to the war itself,
but more particularly still on what would follow after the
70 Russia's Decline and Fall
war, and of the influence which the war was bound to
have on the future development as well as on the political
life of the country once it was over. As the months went
on, bringing one no nearer to a solution, people began to
get more and more anxious, and to be dubious concerning
the policy of the government. Distrust of the people in
whose hands reposed the conduct of the campaign increased
every day ; this, indeed, is what a deputy belonging to the
moderate party of the Duma wrote to me on this subject :
" The recent events in Poland have not surprised us,
and the only regret is that the Staff still preserves its
methods of secrecy, and does not make a clean breast of
our losses. I think the government mistaken in deciding
that grave news would have unfavourably impressed the
masses. The Russian is patriotic, and love for his native
soil is far more developed in the moujik than he is given
credit for. Just remember what happened in 1812 when
Napoleon entered Moscow, and lodged himself in the
KremHn. The very fact of this humihation roused the
feeUngs of the whole nation, and ultimately drove the
conqueror out. At present, when it is quite impossible
to prevent people from communicating with each other,
the better course for the government would have been to
tell the truth. This would at least have stopped the lies
that are daily put into circulation, and rid the nation of
the dominant idea that things are so bad the authorities
fear to reveal them. This is what the man in the street
thinks, and the workman who, owing to his position, is
perhaps the best judge of what the government has done
in the matter of our national defence, does not scruple to
say that, if we are beaten, the fault lies at the door of our
authorities. These workmen, who have adherents and
alUes scattered in every industrial centre in Russia, are
preparing themselves to demand, not only from the Grand
Duke Nicholas and his advisers, but also from the Emperor
himself, a full account as to what has been done to defend
The German Advance 71
us against our enemies. The military authorities, in
whose hands the government of the country virtually lies
at present, imagine that by giving free scope to the
activity of political detectives, they will be able to repress
every revolutionary movement in Russia. What an
error ! On the contrary, the measures employed con-
siderably hasten that movement. When people come to
reahse that neither their homes nor their private lives are
free from the interference of the police, that their corre-
spondence is read, their actions shadowed ; and that they
are in danger any minute of being unlawfully transported to
Siberia ; that even the most devoted and faithful servants
of the Grown have become exasperated, then surely we
must consider whether the hour has not struck when it
would be to the general advantage to change the existing
state of things. When quiet, peaceful, earnest people, who
all their" days have been strong Conservatives and admirers
of autocracy, come to that conclusion, then, beUeve me, a
revolution is not far off. The present state of feeling in
Petrograd is that the war itself is ecHpsed by terror as to
its possible consequences and influence on the future of
the national existence, apart from the extreme autocrat
party, all of whom hold some official appointment or other ;
respect for the person of the Emperor is fast disappearing,
while respect for the authorities in power never existed.
Religion does not enter into the calculations of the masses,
and perhaps the only thing which inspires with admiration
that class of persons to whom I have just been referring
is the steady progress made by the German armies, and
their spirit of organisation. This sentiment is so real that
a friend, referring to certain revolutionary movements in
Moscow^ about which there had been uneasiness in official
circles, said : * You will see the day come when our Tsar is
compelled to ask the German Emperor to help him to keep
the crown which revolution is wresting from him.' Unfor-
tunately this is a bitter truth. The government is trying
72 Russia's' Decline and Fall
to incite public opinion against the German residents in
Russia. This is a terribly mischievous step, because a
multitude which has once tasted of plunder so©n loses all
discrimination, and will end by sacking the homes of the
Russians — a very definite fear for the near future. When
that day arrives no one in Russia will have the least interest
in her fate ; and perhaps few of the nations of Europe will
betray much cfoncern."
When the news arrived that we had again been defeated
in Eastern Prussia, and the Grand Puke declared in his
official communication to the public and to the Press that
only '* for strategical reasons " had we been obliged to
evacuate the province, one began to wonder when these
strategical reasons would cease to be used as a pretext
for constant defeats. This time the battle which had been
fought near the frontier appeared to have been of unusual
magnitude, the enemy attacked us with great fury, and
our sixth army, under General Count Sievers — which held
the roads leading into Poland — was routed.
During this battle, and the retreat which followed upon
it, our troops did such wonders that no matter what hap-
pened later their defeat was more glorious than any victory
would have been, and even the Germans found themselves
compelled to express the admiration which the resistance
of their foes inspired. For instance, the little town of
Johannisburg was held by the 57th Russian Division,
which for three days defended it under artillery fire which
an eye-witness affirmed surpassed anything ever seen in
warfare. The German reports declared that the troops
fled in disorder, but to show how utterly false was this
assertion it will be enough to relate that, when at last the
small town had to be abandoned, the greatest order pre-
vailed, every man even taking his personal baggage. A
group of soldiers volunteered to carry away untouched the
colours of the different regiments engaged in the battle.
When they found themselves closely pursued by the enemy
The German Advance 73
a soldier proposed tearing the flags from their standards,
and hiding them in the men's clothing, to which an old
non-commissioned officer, turning to the soldier, retorted :
" Surely these children are strong enough to bring back
our flags to those who entrusted them with their care ! "
These words were greeted by loud hurrahs, and the flags
were saved. The 56th Division repulsed with the bayonet
all the attempts of the enemy to capture the two impor-
tant positions of Spullen and Henskischken, and it was
only when the heavy German guns, which had been brought
over from Thorn, began their murderous fire, that they
were abandoned, leaving half the division killed. They
carried away, however, with but few exceptions, all their
wounded. It is to be noticed that during this murderous
battle, which lasted nine days, we lost scarcely any baggage,
and would have been able to take away all our guns had
it not been for the sudden change in the weather. It had
been yery cold till a south wind caused enormous masses
of snow to melt, transforming the roads and passes into
vast lakes, where men and horses had to wade, sometimes up
to the neck, followed by the devastating fire of enemy
artillery. In the churchyard of Kybarty, a small village
not far from Insterburg, the Germans found one of our
batteries which had been abandoned because every horse
and man in charge of it had been killed. And when at
last the Russian army succeeded in getting across the
frontier, it was neither demoralised nor discouraged, but,
on the contrary, eager to avenge itself for its momentary
defeat. It is quite certain that if at that moment the
Commander-in-Chief had sent some reinforcements to
Count Sievers the latter would have been able to resume
the offensive, so determined were his soldiers to give a
lesson to " these German dogs," as they called them.
But it was decided in Headquarters that it would be useless
wasting precious lives to try to stop the German torrent,
and that the best plan was to rally the troops under the
74 Russia's Decline and Fall
walls of Warsaw, so as to defend that city in case of need.
The bulk of the army had already been sent on to the
Galician front to attempt to force the chain of the Car-
pathians, and march on Vienna by that road.
This battle, which the Germans fondly hoped would
decide the fate of the campaign and induce Russia to seek
for peace, turned out to be only a small incident amidst
all the other deeds of bravery which will mark this war.
The Prussian troops who took part in it were quite astounded
at the endurance displayed by their opponents, even after
renewed attacks had been met. When the battle was over
the Emperor William, who had watched it from afar, was
driven in his automobile to Lyck, on the Russian frontier.
Lyck had been the scene of more than one struggle ; few
houses remained standing, so awful had been the artillery
fire. As the Sovereign entered it he was, of course, greeted
by immense acclamations. The National Anthem was
followed by the hymn which is so dear to German hearts, and
which in its arrogance is so characteristic of the folk —
Deutschland ! Deutschland iiher Alles. A Russian officer
who had been taken prisqner, and who was compelled to
witness this scene, could not help murmuring : " No, not
above everything ! " A German captain who understood
Russian overheard him, and replied, " Yes, you are right :
not above the courage displayed by your army in this
battle."
The success obtained by Marshal von Hindenburg was
certainly great, but it is to be questioned whether it deserved
to be called decisive. The German press made much of
it, and declared that, on that account. Eastern Prussia was
freed from the invaders. But if we look at things im-
partially we shall find, first of all, that the Russians never
had the whole of that province in their possession, and
that the points which they occupied were very close to
the frontier, so that the retreat over which such a fuss
was made covered barely a few miles. We had to protect
The German Advance 75
Warsaw, and sooner or later we should have had to evacuate
the positions in which we were entrenched. It is a
thousand pities that the Staff did not realise this at once,
and concentrate the army commanded by Count Sievers
around Warsaw, or else send him reinforcements strong
enough to enable him to resist the attack which was hurled
at him. The . initial mistake of the whole campaign,
speedily recognised with great joy in Berlin, was in not
having adhered to the original plan of at once sending the
whole of the Russian forces into Eastern Prussia, with
orders to break through at all costs towards Berlin. Instead
of this, the report issued by the German Staf£, that most
of the army of our adversaries had been dispatched to
France, was' fully believed, and consequently only a few
divisions from Russia would be sufficient to clear the way
to the Prussian capital. Thus deceived, they determined
on a simultaneous march on Konigsberg, and an attempt
to force the Carpathian passes, so as to arrive in Vienna
as soon as in Berlin.
A wonderful plan indeed ; but no sane person with the
sUghtest knowledge of German resources would ever have
attempted to execute it. To cross the Carpathians in
mid-winter was in itself an act of folly ; but to imagine
that it would be possible to do so without sufficient artillery
was criminal. It cost us hundreds of thousands of men ;
it demoralised and weakened the spirit of the army ; it
wore out our resources ; and, what is even worse, it con-
vinced our enemy of our ignorance of the elementary prin-
ciples of warfare. The strategy of the Grand Duke Nicholas
was absolutely marvellous, but quite Utopian, consequently
the blood of our children was uselessly spilt.
Another expensive mistake for which the General Staff
was responsible was the inefficiency of its Intelligence
Department. Certain facts stand out lamentably in com-
parison with the exactitude with which the Germans were
kept informed. For instance, it was firmly believed by
7"
Russia's Decline and Fall
our Staff that the troops of Field-Marshal von Hindenburg
consisted either of Landwehr men or else of quite young
recruits. In reality some of the best Prussian battalions —
the famous Pomeranian Grenadiers and RoOn's Fusiliers —
had been brought quietly into Eastern Prussia.
The secret of the whole thing lies in the fact that, when
the war began, the Grand Duke, his Staff, the public — and,
in short, everybody — had m.ade up their minds that we were
to emerge victorious out of the struggle, and that the war
was to be a matter of a few weeks. When we had to resign
ourselves to a long campaign we failed by not holding on
to one plan, well prepared in its every detail, and followed
with patience and perseverance. I have been told by a
Russian officer of high rank that, had this been the case,
we would have caused considerable annoyance and no
httle trouble to our enemies.
Above everything there was the deplorable lack of
ammunition which handicapped us. The terrible conflict
which we have just gone through has been essentially an
artillery light — a scientific affair, where personal courage
has but a small part, especially on the side of our enemies,
who resorted to all kinds of abominable treacheries. We
kept military attaches in Berlin, and certainly we spent
as much money on our Intelligence Department as the
Prussians did, and yet we were never informed property
as to what was going on in their camp. Need I repeat
that the reason of it lies in the deplorable habit which
prevails in Russia of giving one's whole attention to the
poUtical opinions of one's own people, instead of being
alive to what is going on abroad ? During this war almost
all the population of Poland is being kept in a state of
perpetual surveillance by an army of spies, yet the Staff
was never informed of the fact that Marshal von Hinden-
burg was slowly drawing around us a ring of steel.
Nevertheless I must repeat, this Mazurian battle, as
the Germans called it, did not exercise any real influence
The German Advance 77
on the campaign, and in Petrograd itself it produced but a
very slight impression, counterbalanced as it was by suc-
cesses which at the same time we obtained in the Caucasus
against the Turks. What caused more uneasiness was
the evacuation of Czernowitz in the Bukowina, where we
were supposed to have taken a firm stand. More intently
still was public attention concentrated on what was going
on in the Carpathians, and even the atrocities committed
by the German armies in Belgium and the heroic resistance
of the French to furious German attacks passed almost
unnoticed.. Great hopes, by the way, had been set upon
France as upon the common plan which was supposed to
have been formed between the Grand Duke Nicholas and
General Joffre, and according to which their two armies
were to meet in Berlin. The failure of this plan, for it
was openly acknowledged to have failed, caused some ill-
natured people to say that the French AlHance had plunged
us into the war.
As the war went on, England became more popular ;
the noble manner in which the British in public, and espe-
cially the upper classes, had responded to the appeal of
the AlUes filled Russia with admiration. One felt especially
surprised to find that every political strife was laid aside,
and that all political parties helped each other in this hour
when Britain's high sense of honour had not allowed her
to remain unmoved in presence of the German treachery
in regard to Belgium. Russian politicians frankly ow^ned
that such a thing would have been impossible in their own
land. One or two organs of the Russian Press drew the
attention of their readers to an article in The Times in
which it was said that very probably the Russians would
find themselves with their hands full for some time, and
that consequently it was the duty of their AUies to lighten
their task by doing all that was in their power to deal a
decisive blow at the common enemy on the Eastern front,
so as to draw attention away from the West. This noble
78 Russia's Decline and Fall
appeal touched excessively the hearts of the Russian
people, and added to the sympathy and respect which it
already felt for the British nation.
In the meanwhile, and at the very moment when
Marshal von Hindenburg believed that he had entirely
prevented us from attempting another offensive movement
in Poland, a relatively small detachment of Russian troops
unexpectedly crossed the Vistula, and succeeded in obHging
the enemy to retire beyond the Hne directly threatening
Warsaw.
Concerning this offensive movement, I received a letter
from an officer who took part in it. It will give better
than I can an idea of the bravery with which our
soldiers fought, and their spirit of obedience and self-
sacrifice.
" We were quartered in the little village of U .
We had heard that an offensive movement was planned
against the Prussian lines, but no one knew anything
positive concerning it, till one morning at four o'clock we
were wakened by our orderlies, who asked us to get up
quickly, and drink some tea as orders had just arrived
that we were to come out at seven o'clock. Of course we
dressed in a hurry, and a few minutes later another orderly
came and told us that all the officers were to assemble at
the head of their men outside the camp, where we had
been detained for a few days awaiting the decision of the
Staf^.
" We began to march at once, and instead of going
toward the village of B we were sent in quite an oppo-
site direction. We had to march along a very dirty road,
and through several small hamlets, whence all the inhabi-
tants had fled, until we reached the high road that took
us to a spot where we found the Staff assembled. It was
only there that our colonel received his orders, which were
to go as far as the village of W , situated on the very
The German Advance 79
borders of the Vistula, and to cross the river immediately
without waiting for further reinforcements.
" We started at once, and covered about ten versts
without any incident, but when we were almost one verst
and a half's distance from the Vistula the enemy noticed
our approach and began shelling us. When we reached
the village of P our commander ordered us to leave
our baggage and field kitchen which had followed us all
the time, and allowed us to take a few moments' rest, so
as to get a meal of some kind. I had hardly got a piece
of bread and some bacon, out of my knapsack when a shell,
which luckily did not explode, dropped quite close to the
barn where we had found cover. Directly after our hasty
meal the captain ordered us out, and we resumed our
march, choosing by-roads this time, as the tremendous
fire which had been opened against us by the enemy made
the highway impossible'. After some time the Germans
noticed what we were doing, and directed their guns toward
us. We were then going in a parallel line with the river,
and were immediately ordered to lie down, which we did,
until an orderly sent by the colonel of an infantry
regiment came to tell us that we had better go round
another way, where we could be protected by our own
artillery.
" We started once more, this time very carefully, so
as not to be observed. The enemy kept sheljing us con-
tinually, but our guns replied, and in their turn bombarded
the German trenches most violently. » A murderous fire
followed us all the way, the shells used to fly all around
us in a manner which at first was most unpleasant, but to
which we got used afterwards. I remember seeing one
of these bombs coming straight towards us, and had hardly
cautioned a non-commissioned officer who was walking
before me, when the awful object fell about ten paces
from us ; luckily it did not explode. At last we reached
the river, and immediately began to unload our pontoons,
8o Russia's Decline and Fall
and to assemble them. The enemy went on shelUng us,
but nevertheless we contrived to fulfil our task, and set
ourselves to cross the Vistula under the fire of the Germans.
Thanks to the clever manner in which the pontoons were
managed by a few non-commissioned officers, we succeeded
in landing a part of the infantry, after which we started
back to fetch more troops.
" This time we were not so lucky, and when w^ had
reached the middle of the river the enemy hit one' of our
pontoons, which nearly overturned. It was then that one
of the most heroic deeds of the day took place ; a soldier
wounded in both legs, as well as in the chest, contrived to
seize the oars with his right hand, and to bring our
skiff safely to its destination. When it got there it was
found that not one of the men on board was without
wounds. ,
" It was decided to wait until the evening before attempt-
ing to send more troops across the river. At about six
o'clock the enemy's fire grew less, and at last left off alto-
gether, and we heard later that our artillery had succeeded
in silencing the batteries of our adversaries, whom wc
could see from our side of the Vistula moving into safer
quarters. When night had quite fallen we got a few more
regiments across, and this went on until seven in the morn-
ing, when the Germans once more opened fire on us, but
this time from a farther distance, so that we were enabled
to build a large ferry which considerably helped us in our
task.
" It is impossible to praise sufficiently the cool courage
displayed by our soldiers, who amidst a truly hellish fire
never lost their presence of mind, but went on with their
work as if nothing extraordinary were going on around
them. Not a single man wavered ; not one showed thf
least nervousness or anxiety, and yet we had amongst us
young boys who had never been in a battle before. With
such people one can attempt anything, and, boast as the
The German Advance 8i
Germans will, the day when they will get the better of us
is still far off. A few days later we heard that our com-
mander had asked for six Crosses of St. George to be dis-
tributed to the men who had been in charge of the pontoons
that had brought the first detachments of troops across
the Vistula."
What my correspondent omitted to write was that he
had been one of those to whord this much coveted distinc-
tion had been awarded.
CHAPTER VII.
Letters from the Galician Front.
The letter quoted in the previous chapter is one among
hundreds in my possession that testify to the determina-
tion and courage of our Russian soldiers. In this war
heroism was quite a usual thing ; and if one had wanted
to honour all the men who distinguished themselves by
deeds of valour, sufficient crosses of St. George could not
be found to go round — as other letters show :
" On the 27th of April the division of General Seliwanov
was ordered to take the offensive against the Austrians.
The aim of this movement was to occupy a Hne of hills
extending south of the village of Korniewka, and the
high road between Nedzwisk and Gorodnya. In that same
direction, but more to the right, General S 's column
was advancing, and from the left that of General P .
" The division marched off ; on the right flank the
infantry regiment No. 3, the infantry regiment No. 4 in
the centre, and on the left flank the infantry regiment
No. 2. Regiment No. i was left behind as a reserve, and
both flanks were covered by half squadrons from a Cuiras-
sier Regiment.
" When the third infantry regiment passed before
Hill 341 the Austrians opened fire at first from their guns,
and then from their rifles. What no one afterwards could
understand was why they remained silent for so long,
because our men had already arrived within 1,200 paces
of .their trenches, and our infantry could only advance
very slowly, owing to the wet condition of the ground and
82
Letters from the Galician Front Ss
the heavy rain. One column had even to stop, as its
right flank was uncovered, and we had to wait until more
troops had joined us and the second battahon arrived to
lengthen the advancing line. The Austrians suddenly
ceased firing, and rushed out of their trenches to meet us
in a hand-to-hand fight. This did not bring success to
their side, so they had very quickly to get under cover
again, but we also had heavy losses. While the enemy
was retiring, a battery of machine guns under the com-
mand of Captain opened fire upon its trenches, and
under its cover our men got up once more, and covered
some five hundred paces of ground, going straight for the
Austrians. The machine-gun battery also came forward,
and tried the whole time to keep pace with us, following
especially the movements of the third battalion until the
enemy was obliged to retire before our advancing forces.
Our men, feeling themselves supported by the machine
guns, which never stopped mowing down the Austrians,
went along quite cheerfully, and prepared themselves to
attack the trenches in which the latter were awaiting them,
when suddenly the position changed. A fresh battahon
of German infantry took up its position on our right side
so as to surround us entirely, and subjected us to constant
shelling. Our soldiers began to get nervous, fearing that
we were being trapped. The officers, however, kept their
presence of mind and shouted to their men not to give in
nor to turn back. Captain M , who was in command
of the eighth company, jumped into a ditch where his
men had hidden themselves, and seizing the rifle of a fallen
soldier lifted it above his head, and exclaiming, ' Com-
rades, now is the time to follow me,' boldly threw himself
forward. About a hundred men followed him, storming
the barbed wire covering the Austrian trenches. Captain
K— — also led his company, but fell wounded almost
immediately. Very soon the whole regiment became
involved in the attack, and tried to take possession of the
84 Russia's DecUne and Fall
trenches, which were defended with unusual courage by
German troops, whilst the Austrians either fled or gave
themselves up without offering ^ any resistance. Captain
S , in charge of the seventh company, took three officers
and io8 soldiers prisoners, whilst the third company seized
half a battahon of Austrian infantry. The Germans were
at last obHged to abandon their positions, and at about
seven o'clock in the evening our regiments stormed the
village of O , and at once began fortifjH^ng this position.
" This was principally due to the exertions of the third
infantry regiment. The fourth, which had to bear almost
the whole brunt of the attack, had began to advance toward
the enemy's trenches at about six o'clock in the morning.
The ninth and the twelfth companies were leading the
way. When they got quite close to the Austrians their
commanders took the lead, and shouted to their men
to attack with the bayonet. The enemy were routed, but in
the fury of the attack the first and third battalions were
separated from each other, and compelled to face the
enemy alone. The eighth and seventh companies came
to the rescue, but a most severe artillery fire laid low about
half the detachment. Towards evening the regiment had
joined their comrades and taken up its position in the east
side of the village of O .
" The second infantry regiment had begun its advance
against the enemy in the night. This was a regiment
whose motto was ' Forward, and forward,' and during
this memorable attack it remained faithful to it. When
the scouts sent out returned with the report that the
Austrians were retiring from the villages of R and
K , the colonel went forward himself with one battahon
and occupied them. In the early morning he called to-
gether the whole regiment, and led it toward the village
of D , which he had been ordered to storm. Being told
that a considerable force of cavalry was approaching to
bar the way, he turned toward his men with the remark.
Letters from the Galician Front 85
' Surely, children, you are going to show them that it is
no use playing this kind of game with us ! ' The soldiers
responded to his appeal by an energetic rifle fire, and at
last the Austrians had to retire, but the communications
with the column of General P had been cut by the
enemy and could not be re-estabhshed. The regiment
found itself thrown upon its own resources and harried
by an adversary that was fast being reinforced. Its posi-
tion became the more critical as nothing was heard of the
first and second battalion — the reason became known
later on : all the orderlies sent with reports to the colonel
had been killed whilst on their way. In this emergency
a mountain battery appeared on the scene, and began
shelling the Austrian troops, so as to prevent their advance.
This interference saved the second infantry regiment,
but nearly all the officers in chatge of this battery were
either killed or wounded. In the meantime scouts had
brought news that the enemy had fortified himself in a
strong position near the village of S , whence it would
be most difficult to dislodge him. This circumstance
obHged our troops to change their front, and give up their
attempt to join the rest of the division at O by storm-
ing the Austrian trenches. They had to take another
road, entailing a long and difficult march, which the men,
though nearly exhausted, accomplished in a very short time.
" What made this offensive on our part so wonderful
was the courage and intrepidity which our officers dis-
played. In some companies all the officers were killed,
and the sergeant-majors had to take their places, and in
the first infantry regiment, which had been kept in reserve
and which later on had to advance under a murderous fire,
three battalions ended in being led by a sub-lieutenant, who
alone escaped."
By this letter alone it can be seen that the soldiers
and the officers at the front were all real heroes, and bore
86 Russia's Decline and Fall
themselves like heroes. If only the Staff and High Com-
mand had been as zealous in mihtary matters, instead of
dissipating their energies upon political repression, things
might have been different.
As an example I am going to quote a secret circular
dated January 12th (25th), 1915, which was sent to thc^
Head of the Staff of the sixth army, and which ran : —
" I have the honour to bring to your knowledge a letter
from the general on duty attached to the person of his
Imperial Highness the Commander-in-Chief, the contents
of which I want you to notice particularly, and which is
registered under No.' 263, According to information
received from our political agents, the Jews in the kingdom
of Poland, together with agitators belonging to different
political parties, are disseminating among the troops
proclamations to the effect that when the war is over
they ought to use pressure to induce the government to
change its course, and to allow liberal ideas to be heard.
These proclamations are sent in parcels containing clothing
or other presents for the soldiers, and packed most care-
fully, so as not to be noticed at first sight, in the Uning of
the clothes or some such places. The Commander-in-Chief
directs me to ask you to use all the means in your power
to put an end to such dangerous activities. — (Signed)
Colonel PosocHOV, for the Quartermaster-General."
According to information which I have every reason
to believe true, the proclamations alluded to had never
been distributed among the troops, and had only been
put into circulation in Petrograd and Moscow among
the garrison left in those towns. But the orders of the
Grand Duke precipitated an advent of detectives among
the army at the Front, which only caused exasperation,
and gave rise to serious discontent on the part of the men
at a time w^hen they were risking their lives every day for
their Fatherland.
Letters from the Galician Front 87
A clever Russian writer once said that the " most
singular thing about Russian autocracy is that it feels
continually frightened at something or of somebody."
The assertion contains a good deal of truth. The mistake
of our government has always been in not trusting the
loyalty of the nation, and not giving liberty in the mani-
festation of its patriotism, by making restrictions whereby
the lives of many people became a burden ; hence the
persecutions against the Jews, the Poles and the Finns,
and the Germans of the Baltic provinces ; hence this
perpetual anxiety as to any wish for constitutional govern-
ment that has haunted the sleep of all the Ministers and
advisers of the Tsars. The famous autocracy which has
long ruled Russia has in reality been the tyranny of officials
and detectives who have substituted their authority for
that of the reigning monarch, and by their misdeeds in
his name have made him unpopular among his own subjects.
Alexander III. understood very well this dark spot
in the administration of the country over which he ruled,
and as long as he ' lived \ he kept the supreme authority
in his own hands. He was a strong character and a good
man at the same time ; highly principled, and not to be
influenced by old women's tales, or even by the representa-
tions of his Ministers when he thought these did not agree
with what he considered to be the welfare of Russia. Un-
fortunately, his reign was a short one, and his successor,
far from adhering to the resolution to which his father
kept firmly all his life, of not allowing any member of the
Imperial family to come to the front — ^in any circumstances
whatever — practically delivered all the responsibihty of
affairs of State to his uncle the Grand Duke Nicholas, who,
whilst professing to be the guardian of the principles of
autocracy, thought about them mainly only so far as they
affected his personal position and influence.
This at least was what was generally beUeved in Petro-
grad, and it is impossible to pass in silence the feeUngs
88 Russia's Decline and Fall
of antipathy which the personality of the Commander-in-
Chief excited everywhere.
First of all, the Grand Duke was not popular in the
army. It is said that the soldiers Hked him, but they had
been trained to like every member of the Imperial family
simply on account of his position as such. The officers
frankly detested the uncle of the Tsar, and made no secret
of it. Terrible stories went about as to the manner in
which he ill-treated his subordinates, making them respon-
sible for his own mistakes. From the very outset of the
campaign friction had arisen between him and leaders of
the army. When General Roussky, who alone could boast
of definite successes in .the course of the campaign, because
it was he who had taken Lemberg and conquered Galicia,
tried to remonstrate with the Commander-in-Chief as to
the folly of attempting to force the passes of the Carpathians
in mid-winter, he was rudely told to mind his own business,
and afterwards advised to ask to be relieved from his
command on the ground of ill-health. When, later, after
the disastrous end of the GaHcian campaign, and the re-
capture of Lemberg and Przemysl by the Austro-German
troops, the War Minister, General Soukhomlinov, went
to the Tsar and told him frankly the truth concerning the
military situation, the Grand Duke sent an ultimatum to
his Imperial nephew, and declared that either he or the
general would have to go. The Sovereign, believing
in the popularity of Nicholas Nicholaievitch, did not dare
risk the departure of the latter, and the War Minister was
sacrificed to the great detriment of the army for which
he had cared, and over whose welfare he had watched with
unceasing energy and attention for about five years.
But I am anticipating, and in February, 1915, everyone
thought that General Soukhomlinov would remain at the
head of the War Office until the end of the campaign ; the
possibility of ministerial changes was not considered.
One began at this period to think less about our share i
le
4
Letters from the Galician Front 89
the war as a whole, and more about what was taking place
at the Western front, where the British and French armies
were fighting so bravely. The public became absorbed
by events in Belgium, and the repeated outrages upon
humanity and mankind committed by the German troops.
The destruction of so many relics of the past, including
works of art, landmarks in the history of Europe, had
aroused not only the deepest indignation, but also a furious
hatred against the perpetrators of these infamies, and
Russia began to feel that in fighting Germany she was
also fighting for the cause of civilisation, of justice and of
truth. These sentiments ought to have been exploited
by her leaders, but blunders were also committed in that
direction ; and the only thing which the Government
did was harshly to forbid people talking German in the
street under penalty of several months' imprisonment.
As a contrast, the Emperor William caused it to be known
that he wished his subjects to study Russian, so as to be
able to talk with the people of the country whom he openly
avowed his intention to conquer. I leave it to the reader
to judge which of the two parties showed the greater
intelligence.
In March, 19 15, the German papers were full of the
story of the invasion of Memel by Russian troops, who,
it was said, had committed terrible atrocities in that town,
which they had entirely looted, after ha\dng murdered
many of its inhabitants. Awful tales were told, but what
really occurred savoured simply of the convivial, and the
" awful " details proved to be a fabrication on the part
of the Prussians foi* the disparagement of their adversaries.
In Petrograd lived a certain Colonel R , who at one
time had been a very well-known society man, through
the popularity and excellent connections of his wife. Lately,
however, the couple had parted, because Madame R
had found herself unable to submit any longer to the
drunken habits and behaviour of her husband. When the
90 Russia's Decline and Fall
war broke out, the latter went to his estates situated in
the government of Witebsk, where he raised a corps of
volunteers wilUng to go and fight the Germans. On*
evening, being rather the worse for drink, he declared that,
no matter what was going to happen, he meant to take a
Prussian town. It was just after the great battle in thc^
Mazurian region, and public opinion was very much excited.
Colonel R provided horses for about half a squadron
of his friends, and they started for Memel. They entered
the town without firing a single shot, and set themselves
most conscientiously to plundering all the shops and all
the houses where they could effect an entrance, after which
they retired in a worse state than they had arrived, and
with the satisfaction of having absorbed an immense
quantity of spirits of every kind. When the news of this
escapade reached the ears of the Commander-in-Chief
he was furious, and it was only with considerable difficulty
that he was restrained from court-marti ailing the hero of
this disgraceful adventure. The Germans instantly laid
the responsibility for this at the door of the Russian Govern-
ment, and had long articles published in all their papers
in which the cruelty and lack of conscience of the Russians
in thus invading a peaceful little town without any garrison
to defend it were explained in full, along with an adjura-
tion to the German people to stand Uke one man in order
to fight such lawless brutes. What they had done them-
selves in Belgium and elsewhere was most conveniently
forgotten.
All this has led me far from the campaigns in Galicia
and in the region of the Carpathian mountains. We had
sent enormous forces there, where they were set the colossal
task of forcing a way through the snowy passes. For
about two months the most terrible battles were fought
in that region, and the loss of life on both sides surpassed
everything known in the annals of warfare. Our troops
had to fight under the most unfavourable conditions, and
Letters from the Galician Front 91
displayed a courage which even won the admiration of
the Austrians. At first it was thought that we could
easily fight through, with the help of the strong force of
artillery provided for that purpose, but it soon became
evident that it was impossible to move the guns quickly
enough, owing to the deep snow. The horses had to be
unharnessed, the guns dragged along by men who dropped
under the heavy burden and were often left .to perish.
The Austro-German forces had fortified themselves at
every step and corner, and on all sides the Russians were
met by a murderous fire, and compelled finally to abandon
any attempt to make headway. A heavy snowstorm
enabled a small Russian force to elude the vigilance of
the enemy, and to clear the Dukla pass, one of the most
dangerous of the Carpathians ; but the rest of the army
could not follow, and finally they were fobhged to sur-
render, after having broken- their rifles and burned their
flag to prevent it from falHng into the hands of the enemy.
Some of our regiments covered themselves with immortal
glory all through those dreadful days when they could get
no rest, and for long hours were exposed to the shell fire
of their opponents.
The battle lasted two months, and was just as fierce
on the last day as on the first, never varying in its intensity
or stubbornness. The Russians did wonders, the Germans
also gave proofs of remarkable courage, and the Austrians,
who in the plains of Galicia had fled in whole regiments
from the field of battle, suddenly retrieved themselves and
fought with considerable intrepidity. Commanding all
the roads leading through the mountains, the troops of
the Central Empires could with advantage rain shells on
the advancing Russian masses. On the other hand, our
own soldiers, driven to despair by this incessant fire day
and night, strengthened themselves for a supreme effort,
and attempted to force the Uszoka pass. It was then
that some soldiers desired to speak to General Lissowzky,
92 Russia's Decline and Fall
who was in command of the advancing column, and who
later on was himself to be severely wounded. When he
asked what they wanted, they declared that they had
come to crave permission to try to get the gims through
by harnessing themselves to them. When the General
repHed that this was impossible, " Oh, Uttle father," they
exclaimed, "it is not harder than getting through our-
selves." The heroic offer could not be accepted, as it
would have exposed to certain death those who vohmteered
for this piece of self-sacrifice, and the General was in want
of men even more than of guns. One of the fiercest engage-
ments of this long battle took place in Harcos, and there
it happened that we left the greatest number of dead
and wounded. The enemy, however, also suffered severely,
and the prisoners we took were all entirely exhausted
by the terrible hardships they had gone through. These
prisoners agreed in saying that the extraordinary energy
which we had displayed had considerably surprised the
German Staff, who had not beheved it possible that we
could attack with such force the positions which they
had fortified so carefully, and the impregnabihty of
which was accentuated by the rigours of an arctic winter.
The hero of these Carpathian battles was General
Seliwanov, who had made himself most popular with
his troops, and had inspired them with great confidence.
It was certainly due to his efforts that we managed at
last to retire in good order from the perilous position in
which we had found ourselves.
One remark I would fain make in regard to this retreat.
The; Germans have laughed at us for pretending that we
were victorious, whilst constanth^ obhged to abandon
positions which we had either taken or occupied at first.
But they forgot that every time we had to retrace our
steps we did so in perfect order, and immediately assumed
a new offensive. The great aim and ambition of the enemy
to divide our armies and cut their communication so as
Letters from the Galieian Front 93
to oblige them to surrender was never attained, and even
when we found ourselves compelled to evacuate Przemysl,
and later on Lemberg — the- possession of which had been
the cause of so much rejoicing in Russia — there was no
panic, but, on the contrary, great coolness and sagacity.
We were defeated, but never routed, and even the German
Staff had to reconcile itself to that fact.
When the Grand Duke at last owned that the desperate
attempt he had made to effect a passage for his troops
through the Carpathian passes had failed, a considerable
amount of irritation was felt in Petrograd, where the
general opinion was that it would have been better not
to engage our best soldiers in an enterprise of doubtful
success at that season, but to have waited till spring.
All this time one began to feel anxious as to what was
going on in Poland, where several attempts to dislodge
the Germans had been repulsed, particularly in the region
about the Bzura river. One felt especially displeased
with the manner in which the official communiques were
worded, and at the utter inefficiency also displayed in this
region by the Intelligence Department, an inefficiency of
which the Grand Duke and his Staff seemed to be quite
unconscious. For instance, in a dispatch dated February
nth, 1915, occurred the following curious phrase : *' The
German concentration in Eastern Prussia was disclosed
on February 4th, but the extent of this concentration
could only be estabHshed some days later. Not being
able, owing to the lack of railways, to assemble adequate
forces with the necessary rapidity on the East Prussia
front, we decided to withdraw from Eastern Prussia to
the frontier, and continue further towards the Niemen
and the Bobr."
This explanation was severely commented upon. How
was it, people naturally asked, that with an army of
spies we could not be acquainted with such an important
fact as the large concentration of enemy forces close to
94 Russia's Decline and Fall
us ? It could not have been achieved in a day, therefore
we must have been singularly badly informed by our
scouts not to have ascertained what was being done and
made our dispositions accordingly. Then again, how did
it come about that, after the vast sums, which had been
spent to enlarge our network of railways all over Poland,
they were found to be so inadequate that we could not even
bring together in three days sufficient troops to meet the
onslaught of the adversary ? If we were so utterly unpre-
pared for war, we ought to have kept this more in mind
when parleying with Austria, at the back of whom we
knew was the most formidable military force in the world.
As if to give more weight to these criticisms, which,
especially in Moscow, were expressed quite openly, the
news arrived that the Germans by a masterful surprise
movement had invaded the Baltic provinces, and were
advancing towards Libau, which they took a few days
later.
The murmurs heard on all sides became louder and
louder, and even some strictly censored newspapers ven-
tured to ask what was wrong with our miUtary administra-
tion, and "where were the successes promised when the war
broke out. The friends of the government repUed to
these questions that we had conquered Galicia and were
installed in Lemberg, but nevertheless everybody felt that
even the possession of Lemberg was not sufficient to com-
pensate us for our heavy reverses in Eastern Prussia and
in the Carpathians.
The pinch of the war was also beginning to be felt in
the increased cost of living. In Petrograd especially pro-
visions became scarce and most expensive. Street riots
took place in the workmen's quarters of the town, near
the Poutiloff factory, which was always more or less a
centre of revolutionary propaganda. The police inter-
fered and soon put an end to the disturbance ; but a few
butchers' shops had been plundered. This constituted a
Letters from the Galician Front 95
precedent which, unfortunately, was to be exploited later
on by the enemies of order, who began an agitatio;i that
gradually extended over the whole country, and culminated
in the terrible excesses which took place in Moscow, Kiev,
and other towns, where, under the pretext of chastising
the Germans, the mob completely wrecked shops and
houses belonging to Russians.
Petrograd at that particular moment became the
centre of a secret agitation affecting almost all the popula-
tion, who remained outwardly silent for fear of punishment.
The reactionary party began looking for someone upon
whom the responsibility for our failures could rest, as
the Grand Duke Commander-in-Chief could not be blamed.
Thus began the idea that we had been betrayed, as the
French army had been in Metz in 1870, by someone on
the Stafi, who kept the enemy informed as to our inten-
tions and movements, enabling them to attack us where
we were most vulnerable.
Several people were arrested and taken to the fortress,
to be sent afterwards to Siberia, and denunciations — before
which those practised in Venice at the time when its
Republic was ruled by the famous Council of Ten would
have paled— began to pour in from all sides. It became
a kind of sport for unprincipled people to satisfy grudges
against this or that person by denouncing them to the
mihtary authorities as German spies. Instead of proceed-
ing to find out the truth concerning these charges, the
authorities simply arrested the persons complained about,
locked them up at once, and left them to estabhsh th-eir
innocence later.
For all that, the revolutionary agitation which had
already manifested itself after the first weeks following
upon the declaration of the war, increased in intensity,
and extended to persons who, until that time, had never
thought about politics. The number of wounded who
were brought every day to the capital began painfully to
96 Russia's Decline and Fall
impress even the man in the street, for whom the arrival
of the trains bringing these victims to Petrograd had at
first afforded a kind of sad occupation. All the news
from the provinces spoke of hospitals full to overflowing,
and of misery defying description. The soldiers returning
from the battle fronts, when talking with their friends and
relatives, also told tales of horror that made one's hair
stand on end ; and the enormous number of women in
mourning one met in the street added to the general gloom.
The Red Cross worked incessantly, and the higher classes
of society, including the Empress and her daughters and
the other members of the Imperial family, were unwearied
in their efforts to alleviate the prevalent suffering. Not-
withstanding, privation and discontent threatened to sweep
away the existing order of things. Russia was standing
on the brink ; she was preparing herself for the Revolu-
tion which those who understood the inner hfe of the
country had prophesied would be the immediate conse-
quence of the war.
Amid this anxiety the news reached Petrograd of a
real and great success, the first for many months. Przemj^sl,
that fortress which we had been besieging since September
of the previous year — Przemysl, the stronghold of Galicia,
which had been declared by the Austrians to be absolutely
impregnable — Przemysl had fallen into our hands !
CHAPTER VIIL
Przemysl.
Immense joy spread all over Russia when the news
arrived that Przemysl had fallen (March 21st, 1915). For
months we had been besieging it ; for months the Germans
had gone on repeating that this famous fortress could
hold out ; it was so well armed that there was no possi-
bihty of Russia getting in. General Sehwanov, who was
in command of the investing army, believed himself that
Przemysl would hold out for three or four months longer
than it actually did. And indeed such might have been
the case had General Kousmanek been possessed of more
determination, and especially had he been able to keep
his Staff and the officers of the garrison in order.
During the whole of the siege they had denied them-
selves nothing, lived upon the fat of the land, and recoiled
at the prospect of having to endure privations, f^s soon
as food began to get scarce, therefore, they insisted upon
an unconditional surrender, not troubling in the least
about the fate of the soldiers composing the garrison of
the ill-fated fortress.
The Austrians on this occasion, as on so many others
during the campaign, lacked backbone. When Przemysl
was first invested, its commander, expecting every day
to be relieved, told his Staff that he had made up his mind
to hold out to the last man and to the last round of ammuni-
tion. He never troubled, however, about the maintenance
of order in the town, and he took absolutely no steps to
regulate the distribution of provisions, allowing the citizens
97 H
gS Russia's Decline and Fall
absolute liberty in that respect. As a result the Jews
bought up everything, and later on retailed food to the
inhabitants at famine prices. The officers used to take
their meals in the best restaurants in the city, whilst their
men had to put up with bad food ; but it was the civihan
population that suffered the most, especially the poorer
classes, who had to endure continual hunger. Nevertheless
a more stubborn resistance might certainly have been
offered. Knowing this, the Russians were delighted when
the Austrian stronghold capitulated, because the very
fact that it did so seemed to indicate that the resistance
of the army of Francis Joseph was broken, and the end
of the war therefore approaching.
I remember a relative of mine writing me on that sub-
ject, that " a nation capable of surrendering a fortress of
the importance of Przemysl, so wonderfully fortified and
still well provisioned and armed, was not worthy of exist-
ence, and /that the indifference with which the place was
given up indicated a total absence of a sense of right and
wrong, which in its turn pointed to Austria's imminent
political downfall." Subsequent events were to prove
how utterly my correspondent had been mistaken in his
appreciations.
It is related that when General Kousmanek sent an
officer to General Seliwanov to offer the surrender of the
town, he had a long fist of the conditions which he requested
the enemy to grant. The first was that all the officers
were to be allowed to return to Austria on parole, with
their swords and baggage. The Russian Commander,
indignant at this proposal, said ironically, " It is not usual
in such cases to allow officers to escape free whilst their -
soldiers are interned." Kousmanek's representative did
not understand the raillery hidden under the remark, and
hastened to say, "Oh, but they would give their word
of honour not to resume active service ; you surely do
not fear this." To which Seliwanov simply replied,
Przemysl 99
" Oh, no, I have no fear on that point, I know that your
officers are not so eager to fight," and then resuming the
principal subject of the conversation he declared that
the only thing he would accept was an unconditional
surrender, leaving it to the Grand Duke to decide what
was to be done with the garrison.
The Grand Duke Nicholas showed himself generous ;
he gave orders to return their swords to General Kousmanek
and his Staff, whom he had conveyed with great politeness
to Kiev, where they were lodged in the house formerly
occupied by the Governor-General and treated with the
utmost courtesy. Very soon, however, their want of tact
and general indifference to their position excited consider-
able indignation among the inhabitants of the town.
Kousmanek and his officers seemed perfectly unconcerned,
frequented the music-halls and restaurants of the place,
and appeared to have the one aim of amusing themselves
as much as they could. This callousness produced a
deplorable impression, especially when it came to the
knowledge of the Russian miUtary authorities that some
Austrian officers had tortured Russian soldiers who had
fallen in their hands. Hearing this, the Grand Duke
gave orders for the swords of Kousmanek and of the other
members of his Staff to be taken away from them, and
soon after this they were sent to Nijni Novgorod, on the
Volg^,, where the absence of the Polish element deprived
them of some of the enjoyments which their residence in
the South had procured.
In Petrograd immense manifestations of enthusiasm
took place when the fall of Przemysl became known. The
Slavonic committees organised street processions, during
which the crowds gave way to their feelings of joy and of
loyalty. The Sovereign sent to General Seliwanov the
order of St. George of the third class, together with his
warmest congratulations, and for a few days the General
became a national hero. According to the official com-
100
Russia's Decline and Fall
munication, the number of prisoners that fell into our
hands after the capitulation of the fortress amounted to
126,000 officers and men, together with guns, ammunition,
and provisions of every kind. The Austrians, however,
had taken the precaution to destroy the forts by blowing
them up by dynamite, but nevertheless the victory was
a brilliant one, and inspired the Allies with the greatest
hopes as to the future of the campaign.
The road to Cracow seemed now to be open for the
Russian troops, and to this day it remains a mystery why
that city was not attacked at that particular moment,
for it would have been difficult for the Germans to make
a good defence, as General von Mackensen had not yet
begun the famous offensive movement that was to lead
him not only towards Przemysl, but also to Lemberg and
farther on.
The assurance of swift victory with which the surrender
of the Austrian stronghold inspired the Russian Staff was
such that it was deemed expedient for the Emperor him-
self to take possession of his new conquest. The Sovereign
had already been several times to the front, and indeed
had travelled a great deal all over Russia in order to inspect
troops and hospitals. He had even been so far as the
Caucasus to bid good luck to his soldiers there, and as he
happened to find himself at the Headquarters of the Grand
Duke Nicholas when the news that Przemysl had capitu-
lated arrived, it was instantly decided that Nicholas H.
should start for Galicia, so as to see for himself all the
good things which his soldiers had done, and the addition
to his vast dominions their bravery had brought to him.
To say that this journey was a pleasure to the poor
Galicians would be trespassing considerably on the domain
of truth. In Lemberg especially the arrival of the Tsar
caused much annoyance and trouble to the unfortunate
inhabitants, as they had to submit to all kinds of incon-
venience from the authorities, who were afraid of some
Przemysl ici
attempt on Nicliolas 11. Drastic orders were issued to
the effect that all the windows of the houses in the streets
through which the Sovereign was to pass were to remain
closed, whilst numbers of people, particularly among the
Jewish population, were simply sent away from their
homes for the time being, some being transported even to
Siberia. Nevertheless, the Ruthenians, who from time
immemorial had hoped for the annexation of their province
to the realm of the Romanoffs, organised great demonstra-
tions of loyalty. Deputations without number waited upon
the Tsar, and expressed to him their joy at seeing him
amongst his faithful subjects of Galicia. The ^Russian
Bishop, sent from Petrograd by the Synod, met Nicholas II.
with a speech, in which he spoke of the glory that had
fallen to his share when he delivered the Ruthenians from
the Austrian yoke. Two days were spent in Lemberg,
whither for the occasion several Grand Dukes had also
repaired, and the two sisters of the Tsar — the Grand
Duchesses Xenia and Olga — who drove together with
him through the conquered city. The Sovereign, accom-
panied by the Commander-in-Chief, then repaired to
Przemysl, where he was welcomed by the Governor-General
of Galicia, Count Bobrinsky, and by a large number of
officers. The fortress was shown to him in detail, and the
fact of its having passed into the possession of Russia
was extolled in several enthusiastic speeches. Nicholas II.,
in the few words which he addressed to the garrison, alluded
to the importance of the fact, and expressed his ^reat
satisfaction at having been able to make the acquaintance
of his Galician subjects. When he returned to Tsarskoye
Selo, he signed in Brody, the former frontier town which
had divided Austria from Russia, a rescript addressed to
the Grand Duke Nicholas, in which he thanked him for
all his efforts, and expressed his gratitude for the brilliant
results obtained by his perseverance, adding that he was
sending him as a sign of his approval a sword of St. George
jpa;;;, R^ and Fall
with the handle set in diamonds, and the inscription,
" To the conqueror of GaHcia." Two months Jater GaUcia
was once more in the possession of Austria.,
It was after the return of the Emperor to Tsarskoyc
Selo that I received from a friend in Petrograd the follow-
ing letter :
" The Imperial journey to Lemberg and Przemysl has
not been viewed with equal satisfaction by everybody.
There are people who think that it was a little imprudent
to treat the conquest of Galicia as a foregone conclusion.
It would have been better in the opinion of those persons
to have awaited a little in case Dame Fortune did not
allow us to retain possession of either Przemysl or Lvoff.
The fact is that there are rather disquieting rumours going
about concerning our armies. It seems that ammunition
is getting scarce, and the soldiers are getting tired. One
has been wondering why, too, after the fall of Przemysl
we did not push forward and try at least to seize Cracow ;
instead we seemed to have remained quiet and done nothing
in some places, while attempting impossible things in
others. It seems that General Ivanov suggested to the
Grand Duke the opportunity of a raid forward that might,
if nothing else, at least have frightened pubHc opinion in
Vienna. But the Commander-in-Chief, it seems, nurses
great plans of destruction which he means to put intu
execution when the hour for them strikes, if it ever does.
" It is, of course, impossible to know exactly what
really goes on at Headquarters, but if we are to believe
some rumours, for which no one will become respon-
sible, things are not quite as lovely as we are told and as
they would hke us to beHeve, owing to disagreements
between the personages in command ; and whilst the Grand
Duke professes absolute certainty of winning a great victory
within two or three months, and speaks of the conquest
of Galicia in the same tone he would employ if referring
Przemysl 103
to that of Siberia by Ermak, some of his subordinates do
not seem to be so sanguine, and complaints are heard con-
cerning the spirits of the troops, at least in some regiments.
" It seems that when it was wished to bring into action
the new guns which had been sent to us via Siberia, the
men who were put in charge of them refused to handle
them, saying that they had never seen such things before,
and did not know what they were to do with them. As
practically and to all purposes these guns are in no way
different from those in use already, one cannot very well
see where lies the objection.
" The real fact is that the army is getting just a little
sick of being always compelled to retire, and of being
sent to fight under impossible conditions. The attack on
the Carpathians was judged very severely by the soldiers
themselves, who said, before even they started, that they
were being dispatched to certain death, because no one
could hope to get through these mountains in winter.
The morale of our men has been shaken, and this explains
perhaps better than anything else the large number of
prisoners which the Germans had made. The soldiers
are put to far more work than they can perform, and half
of them have their nervous system completely shattered ;
one does not remain with impunity for months under
such a fire as that which the Germans keep pouring upon
us. And then the army thinks, rightly or wrongly, that
there is not enough care exercised as to its safety, that
many regiments are uselessly exposed, and we are insuffi-
ciently fortified, in spite of all assurances to the contrary.
" In this as in everything else in Russia there has been
negligence. Formerly the people did not notice when
such was the case, but at present civilisation has made
such progress, and instruction too, that the soldier knows
very well when a mistake is made, and does not judge it
leniently. There is, unfortunately,* little unity in our
High Command, owing principally to the fact that the
104 Russia's Decline and Fall
Grand Duke does not allow any of his decisions to be dis-
cussed, and this often, produces discouragement more than
anything else. It is all very well to talk about the joy
with which people go to their death, but no one likes to
die, and it is not inspiriting to know that there is far
more chance of being killed than there would be if things
were properly managed. Altogether, I should not be
surprised if something very unpleasant were soon to occur,
the more so as, in spite of what people say — that Germany
has done all she could for her ally Austria, and that she
cannot help her any longer, requiring all her strength to
be able to stand against the French and British armies —
I cannot bring myself to believe that she will not at the
moment when we least expect it suddenly come forward
with some such surprise as the one which she prepared
for us at Tannenberg. No, the more I think about all
this the more I regret that the Emperor was induced to
go either to Lemberg or to Przemysl, on the principle
that it is sometimes easier to take something than to keep
it afterwards, and I am by no means certain that the peace
treaty will leave us in possession of these two places."
In sharp contrast to this pessimistic letter stands
another which reached me about the same time, and which
constitutes a curious example of the diversity of opinion
that divided the society of Petrograd all through the
anxious period of war.
" You will have read in our papers all about the journey
of the Emperor in GaHcia. Nothing could, have been
wiser than the visit which he paid to his new dominions.
Certain busybodies, always eager to prophesy bad things,
had expressed the fear that he would not meet with a
good reception from the inhabitants of Lemberg, which
is supposed to be a very Austrian town. Events proved
that all these apprehensions were wrong. The enthusiasm
with which the population met our Sovereign defies descrip-
Przemysl 105
tion. The women were weeping, and the children kept
throwing flowers on the Imperial automobile all the time.
An old Ruthenian peasant, who had formerly been living
at Volhynia, asked to be presented to the monarch. Kneel-
ing before him, he kissed his feet, saying that now he could
die, since God had granted him the happiness of knowing
that his children were henceforth Russians. Everybody
expressed delight that Austrian rule had at last come to
an end. The Emperor seemed quite touched by all these
proofs of affection, which evidently he had not expected,
and said that as soon as the war was over he intended to
come back to Galicia, together with the Empress and the
heir to the throne.
" The Grand Duke, too, was radiant, and well he might
be, because it is to his determination and courage that
we owe the conquest of Galicia. As for the troops, nothing
can give you an idea of their joy when the Emperor thanked
them for their devotion to him and to Russia. Old soldiers
wept loudly ; no one who was present at the ovations
given to the monarch in Przemysl will ever forget them.
The dynasty has never been so popular as at present, and
certainly this war will do away with the last remnants
of revolutionary ideas that have survived the events of
1905. Autocracy has proved its strength, and will hence-
forth be as much liked in Russia as formerly it was hated.
We are now looking forward to the next move, but no one
doubts for one single instant that long before the autumn
we shall have reached Vienna and Berlm, after which one
may begin talking about peace. But practically our army
has won the war."
A few days later, in fact less than a week after the
Emperor Nicholas had visited Przemysl, disturbances
broke out in Moscow, to which at first one did not attach
particular importance, but which soon assumed rather
wide proportions. They began by a manifestation of the
io6 Russia's Decline and Fall
lower classes against the increased cost of living ; prices
grew daily more and more exorbitant. On the i8th of
April a great crowd assembled on Preobragensky Square,
and loudly expressed its dissatisfaction with the civil and
military authorities, who, it was asserted, might have
taken measures to bring provisions to the town, and to
prevent the butchers and bakers raising prices out of all
proportion. This demonstration was quickly suppressed
by the poHce, and the streets cleared, but on the 21st and
22nd of April, after sunset, the riots were renewed, this
time with much more violence than had been the case
at first. Hooligans invaded Presnaya, one of the principal
trading centres of Moscow, and, singing revolutionary
hymns, proceeded to break shop windows, and to throw
stones at the poUce when the latter attempted to disperse
them. Troops had to be called out, and the crowds only
retired when made to understand that fire would be opened
against them if they resisted. On the next day the Prefect
of the town issued a proclamation, in which he promised
to do everything that lay within his means to put an end
to the exactions of tradespeople who were seeking to
exploit the people, but at the same time he begged the
population of the old capital not to allow itself to become
involved in excesses that would only give grounds to our
adversaries for saying that we were so thoroughly de-
moraUsed that sooner or later the war would end for us
in a general defeat. He implored all reasonable people
to help him to maintain order, and added that if it were
once more disturbed he would not hesitate to resort to
the most energetic measures to re-establish it. At the
same time he forbade people assembling in public, under
severe penalties, and gave directions for all house doors
to be closed from six o'clock p.m. until six in the morning.
The population seemed to accept his orders, but, as will
be seen later on, the disturbances about which I am speak-
ing were but the prelude to far graver and more important
Przemysl 107
events that were to follow each other in quick succession
within a very short time.
It is, said that one of the reasons for this outbreak on
the part of the Moscow population was the new interior
loan for one milliard roubles which was announced just
about that time. This colossal sum caused Muscovite
trading circles to think deeply as to the financial future
of the country. It was all very well to appeal to the
patriotism of the nation, and to hope that it would open
purses ; but there was a limit to everything, and if the
war were going to last much longer, no one could help
wondering where the money was to come from to carry
it on. A loan amounting to one milliard was an unheard
of thing, and where was the guarantee that it would prove
to be the last, even if it came to be covered, a fact about
which many persons were sceptical ? Before the war the
country had been on the road to unusual prosperity ;
trade and industry had made gigantic progress. Now
factories were at a standstill, some of their best workmen
had either been expelled as belonging to the German
nationaHty, or else were serving their country at the front ;
the fields remained uncultivated, and no one had the
money to go on living on the same scale as formerly.
Petrograd might forget all these things, or at least not
speak about them, but Moscow had always shown more
independence, and Moscow seemed bent upon making
itself heard at this moment of national crisis.
In spite of these symptoms of discontent, the govern-
ment did not feel any alarm as to the general situation.
The great subject was the advance of the German armies
in Courland, where they seemed to have settled just as
well as in Poland, and where they undoubtedly were re-
ceived with a certain amount of sympathy by the people,
who had never become entirely reconciled to Russian
dominion. Apprehension was felt in official circles that
Marshal von Hindenburg, whose army had seized Libau
io8 Russia's Decline and Fail
and was threatening Riga, projected an attack on Petro-
grad itself, so as to strike a great blow at the prestige of
Rvssian arms. This unexpressed but very real fear caused
the Grand Duke Nicholas to draw some troops from the
Gahcian frontier, and thus to uncover the defensive Hne
that had been established beyond the Dniester and the
Bug, which perhaps was the very thing that the German
Staff had desired, in view of the offensive movement that
it meant to start against Galicia to recover that province —
an idea to which no one had given even a thought in
Petrograd.
In the meanwhile the resistance of the Austro-German
troops in the Carpathians had at last been crowned with
success, and after weeks of continual fighting our forces
found themselves completely routed, and compelled to
give up their attempt to force the awful mountain passes.
They were driven into the plains, where the united armies
of General von Mackensen and the Archduke Frederick
began an offensive movement which no one had expected,,
and for which the Russian Staff was totally unprepared.
What had happened was this. The Germans, indignant
at the want of courage and the ignorance displayed by
the Austrian army and Austrian Staff, had insisted upon
the conduct of military operations being entrusted to a
German General, and Vienna had had to consent to hand
over the further direction of the campaign to General von
Mackensen, to whom, was deputed the difficult task, not
only of freeing Galicia from the invader, but also of break-
ing the Russian lines, and of trying to bring the Russian
advance to a standstill.
This was perhaps not so difficult as it seemed at first
sight. Our army was already considerably demoralised
by its terrible experiences in the Carpathians, and was
weakened by the magnitude of its losses. Moreover, the
soldier began to feel some anxiety as to the fate of his
family left at home, from whom he received no news
Przemysl 109
whatever. The new men who were drawn in masses every
day to fill up the gaps caused by those who had succumbed,
arrived with less enthusiasm, and if they still marched
wilhngly, did so less joyfully. The initial mistake was
in trying to persuade the army as well as the* nation that
the war would be over in a few weeks, and by keeping up
their spirits with news of imaginary victories.
At the same time rumours began to go about that our
French Allies had sustained most serious reverses. Whence
these rumours originated no one could tell ; a Prussian
source is not at all improbable. But it is quite certain
that our armies conceived the feeling that Germany was
victorious in the West. This was most unfortunate, as
it shattered the faith of our soldiers in our French AlUes,
and caused them to inquire what was the use of going on
when our Allies were already completely annihilated and
at the mercy of the common enemy.
If our Staff had had any common sense, it would have
ended this gossip — for this, after all, wg^ what it
amounted to — by giving out a true and full account of the
doings of our Allies, whether to our advantage or disadvan-
tage, and thus proving that it did not fear the truth to
be known. Instead of adopting this rational course, a
stringent order was issued to the army not to indulge in
any kind of conversation concerning the war. The result
was that everybody talked about it in secret, and that
the wildest tales were set going, and, what is worse, believed
in most implicitly. One must not forget that the Russian
moujik — indeed, the army is composed of moujiks —
is inclined to listen to every fairy tale that is told to him.
One can therefore imagine the commentaries that resulted
from this order of the Commander-in-Chief. Almost every
single man in the army got to think, and, worse than that,
to believe, that not only we, but also our Allies, were beaten
at every step and at every turn.
There was nothing more ridiculous than this attempt
no Russia's Decline and Fall
to suppress the truth, a course adopted by the miUtary
authorities, by order of the Grand Duke ; it only did harm
to the mihtary situation by discrediting the Staff, even
among those who had at first considered that everything
which emanated from Headquarters was as it ought to
be. For instance, when Courland was invaded, all the
communications on this subject represented this military
operation as absolutely unimportant, and as being entirely
outside of the attacking powers of the German army. One
tried to picture it as being merely a foraging expedition
that had been attempted in order to get hold of the potato
crop of the Baltic provinces, but certainly not as an indica-
tion that the enemy meant seriously to establish himself
in that part of the world, or to use it as a base for future
movements. The telegram sent from Headquarters indi-
cated that the German army had been so weakened by
its terrible losses in Poland, as well as in the Carpathians,
that it was entirely incapable of attempting any new
offensive movement, such as a regular invasion of Courland
and the Baltic provinces. In Libau everything likely to
be of use to the enemy had been removed or damaged, so
that the possession of that port would only be an embarrass-
ment to the German army.
In the same spirit was couched an official communica-
tion which was sent to the Press when General von Mackei
sen began his famous offensive movement in the GaHci*
plains.
" The demonstrations which the Germans have latel
attempted to make against us," said this communicatioij
" have been of a rather naive character. Near to oi
positions of Rawa, on a front of ten versts, the Germ?
sent into our trenches on the loth of April last something
like 18,000 shells ; not far from PiUtze one could noti<
from our trenches on clear days how several battalioi
of the enemy were assembling and gathering together,
as to induce us to believe that they had received reinfon
Przemysl iii
merits, and whenever they could do so they cried out to
us that soon they would oust us from our positions. As
for the Austrians, they resorted to every kind of stupid
trick to persuade us that they were feehng perfectly happy
and contented. In their trenches near Pilitze they used
to give concerts, and to keep cheering continually, and
shouting hurrah, no one knew why or wherefore. At
the same time they used to simulate attacks by rushing
out of their trenches, but as soon as a few of their men had
fallen under our fire they hastened to get back under cover
as quickly as they could. Some more serious demonstra-
tions were made by the Prussians in the neighbourhood
of Serafina and Ednorotze, and their losses on those two
occasions amounted to several thousands of men. In
the attack against Serafina all the four regiments com-
posing the German detachment quartered near that place
took part, but were repulsed by our advanced fines, without
any outside help from our main troops, because it was at
once observed that it was not serious, and was only an
attempt to frighten us.
" The offensive Prussian movement in the direction of
Schawli consisted of their occupying, after some slight
engagement, the railway line of Libau Remny, between
the stations of Mouravievo and Radziviliski. The real
intentions of our enemy will probably become known
before long; to judge them approximately at present it
is necessary and most interesting to refer to the com-
munications of the German General Staff concerning the
so-called victorious advance of their armies in the north-
west of Russia at the beginning of the campaign. One
must notice that at that time all the serious battles which
took place were referred to as being only engagements
devoid of any importance, whilst at present every shot that is
fired is described as having a decisive meaning for the future
of the war, which is a distinct proof that the security as
to its isstie which existed at first has entirely disappeared."
112 Russia's Decline and Fall
One does not know which is the more to be admired, the
stupidity of the man who wrote this marvellous descrip-
tion, or his own naivet6 in supposing that anyone would
believe it.
And whilst the Grand Duke was hoping to keep the
knowledge of the real truth from the faithful subjects of
his Imperial nephew, the armies of the Archduke Frederick
and of General von MackenSen were pursuing their triumphal
march in Western Galicia. After a resistance, during
which all the best qualities of endurance that had always
been one of the characteristics of the Russian soldier were
manifested, the enemy at last forced our strong position
behind the River Dunajec. We were compelled to effect
a prompt retirement for fear of being cut from our com-
munications with the main staff of General Ivanov. During
that retreat the second as well as the right Russian armies
suffered considerably, so that they could no longer attempt
an offensive movement of any kind. Not only were the
Russian positions on the line of the Dunajec stormed by
the enemy, but they (the Russians) were constrained to
begin a hasty withdrawal of their principal forces from
Galicia. A few days more brought the Germans in sight
of Przemysl.
General Ivanov asked the Grand Duke's orders, adding
at the same time that he hardly thought that he could
defend the fortress in its present dilapidated condition
and with the insufficient number of troops at his disposal.
Then appeared clearly the great mistake which had been
made, when in order to meet the German attack in Cour-
land our stand in Galicia had been weakened by a with-
drawal of troops, of which the enemy had very quickly
known how to take advantage. Trusting to St. Nicholas,
his own and Russia's patron saint, the Grand Duke caused
it to be said that he considered the offensive movement
of General von Mackensen to be devoid of any serious
importance, but at the same time he advised General
Przemysl 113
Ivanov that he had better avoid being besieged in Przemysl,
and that he ought to gather all his forces in order to defend
and retain Lemberg. The General understood what he
meant, and by a very clever movement led his army away
from Przemysl, whence he succeeded in carrying away
all his artillery, ammunition, and baggage. Very soon
General von Mackensen forced the last Russian line of
resistance on the River Stryio, not, however, without
having lost an Qnormous number of men, and having been
compelled to renew several times his murderous attacks.
The amount of ammunition used by the Prussians was
tremendous, and the only wonder is that our troops could
stand even for an hour the terrible shelHng to which they
were exposed. But at last, their resistance was broken
up, and this last battle decided the fate of Przemysl ;
General Ivanov retired toward a very strong line of defence
near Grodek, and fell back upon it, hoping to be able to
maintain himself there until help should reach him ; and
le started hastily to prepare behind it another line, where
one could effect a further retreat should this prove neces-
sary, a line which was, however, never completed, owing
to the rapidity of General von Mackensen's movements.
The fate of Przemysl was sealed, and on the third of June
the German and Austrian armies entered it in triumph.
The Russian occupation of the Galician stronghold had
lasted about three months.
CHAPTER IX.
The Great Retreat.
Strangely enough, the<^J[oss of Przemysl affected the
Russian pubUc less than one would have thought, and most
certainly far less than the reverses in the Carpathians.
The Grand Duke had so constantly found it necessary
unflinchingly to send troops to their death in the endeavour
to win a vital point that one was pleasantly surprised to
find that for once he had decided that it would have been
a useless sacrifice to defend a half dismantled fortress,
the holding of which would have interfered with our new
plan to stay the enemy advancing on Lemberg.
Other things also engrossed the attention of the country.
There was the coming over of Italy to the Alliance. Then
the Anglo-French attack on the Dardanelles also arrived
most opportunely to divert people's thoughts from what
was taking place in the Galician fields.
The entrance of Italy into the ranks of the Allies was,
of course, an important event (May 23, 1915) and in
Russian governmental spheres it created a great impres-
sion, and was hailed with excessive joy, but the nation
did not seem to attach much importance to it. The Russian
people were still too ignorant to realise what it really
meant ; and besides, all its attention was riveted upon
England. Great Britain was popular not only in high
spheres, but also in the hut of the moujik and among the
army. The feeling of strong confidence in the fighting
powers of the British Empire caused our pubHc to watch
with unusual interest the operations that were being con-
ducted in the Dardanelles, and this interest eclipsed that
114
The Great Retreat 115
of the entrance of Italy into the conflict, as well as the
significance of the steadfast march forward of the armies
commanded by General von Mackensen.
The latter, however, most ably seconded by one of his
lieutenants. General von Linsingen, with unusual deter-
mination set about the task of pursuing the advantages
which he had already obtained, when he had obliged our
army to evacuate Przemysl, and without giving them any
rest, proceeded on his way toward Lemberg, driving back
our troops steadily but continually, leaving them abso-
lutely no time to breathe, far less to settle and fortify
themselves anywhere. General Ivanov had believed he
could hold the line behind which he had retreated on the
San River, but an immense German force which was thrown
against his positions compelled him to seek safer quarters.
The great aim of the Germans was to break the resistance
of our army, and to prevent them from holding together
in one compact mass. This aim was not reached, because
no more orderly retreat was ever executed than that of
the Russians from Galicia. Nevertheless, the hne of our
retiring troops was broken in the valley of the lower San,
south of Jaroslau, and it could not be closed up again.
The Austrians threw in powerful forces, and helped General
von Mackensen to carry on his offensive, attacking the
several army corps which we had concentrated on the
small river Lioubatchevka, where a fierce battle raged
'or three days without stopping. On the 14th of June the
Russians, completely worn out, had to evacuate their
ositions, and the Germans got through on the north-west
aide of the town of Lioubatchev. This did not, however,
)revent us from establishing ourselves anew beyond the
ver Tanew, where we were reinforced by fresh regiments,
d together with them renewed a violent fight with our
The latter entered upon a new offensive movement,
hich'had for its object ihe occupation of the region and
wn of Rawa Russka, an important railway junction.
ii6 Russia's Decline and Fall
and it threw numerous forces into this enterprise. Finally,
the Russians had once more to start retreating, which did
not prevent the Grand Duke from declaring in his tele-
grams that the battle which had just been fought had
turned out to the disadvantage of the enemy. On the
20th June the right wing of our army was entireh^ cut off
from our main forces, and thrown across the Russian
frontier. All the troops still left in Galicia gathered to-
gether by a wonderful manoeuvre in the region of Lemberg,
and the Austro-Germans prepared themselves for a fierce
attack on Lemberg, occupying in the meanwhile wath
their advanced guard the region of Zolkiev, some seventeen
miles north from that city on the Rawa Russka Railway,
and thus threatened* entirely to envelop our lines. It
was therefore decided that it was better to evacuate Lem-
berg than to be seriously exposed to danger, and on the
22nd of June the Russians came out of the old Galician
capital which they had held for ten months, and which
they had declared that they would defend to their last
drop of blood.
The road from Lemberg to Zloczow was vital to the
German army if they wanted to pursue the retreating
Russians. With such heroic courage, however, did the
troops under General Ivanov defend this highway that
even after a week's strenuous fighting the Prussians were
unable to gain possession. The Dniester Hne also re-
mained in our hands, and against it all the efforts of General
von Mackensen were concentrated, in order to snatch it
from us. At last Gnila Lipa was taken by storm, and
several other important strategical points were seized by
the Germans. There remained nothing but to admit
the defeat, and this even the Grand Duke found himself
constrained to do. The German officers who were engaged
in this gigantic battle could not restrain their admiration
for the courage displayed by the Russian troops. As one
of them said to a friend of mine, " It would be disgraceful
The Great Retreat 117
on our part if we did not recognise the truth, and own that
the Russians fought Hke heroes, with an utter indifference
to death."
The difficulties which our brave soldiers encountered
were enhanced by the fact that their defence was not
sustained by artillery. The fact was that we had lost so
many guns, and had so few shells and ammunition left,
that orders were given to economise. The artillery was
the first to leave the field of battle, and the men had mostly
to fight with the bayonet, and this against an enemy who
'kept pouring on them a most terrible fire. They were told
to accomplish an almost impossible task, and they obeyed
these commands with a spirit of self-sacrifice which hardly
any other army in the world — with perhaps one exception,
the British — would have displayed. The offensive move-
ment of the Austro-German armies, which, unfortunately
for us, had been crowned with such success, had been
foreseen by most of our military critics, and even the
Russki Inwalid, the organ of the War Office, in an article
written in May, had warned the public that a gigantic
offensive operation would probably be very shortly entered
upon by the united Austro-German forces from Cracow.
All the attention of the Russian Commander-in-Chief
ought, therefore, to have been directed toward that danger,
and every possible means taken to avert it, or at least to
cause a diversion that would have lessened its effect.
Instead of this, the Grand Duke c,aused a circular to be
written and dispatched to the generals in possession of
responsible commands, in which, with singular lack of
foresight, he required them to pay instant heed to the
soldiers of Jewish nationality serving under their orders,
bidding them take care to dispatch them immediately
anto the interior of the Empire. At a time when
every regiment ought to have been reinforced, men who
for the most part *had admirably performed their duty
were taken away from them, and of course were not
ii8 Russia's Decline and Fall
replaced. Such were the famous tactics of the Commander-
in-Chief.
Russia had remained unmoved after the battle of
Tannenberg ; it had not wavered in its faith when Marshal
von Hindenburg had driven its armies out of East Prussia ;
it had not lost its confidence in its recuperative powers
when its soldiers had been repulsed in their attempts to
force the Carpathian passes. It had even accepted the
surrender of Przemysl, that fortress which it had been
told was indispensable to the further carrying on of the
campaign ; but it rose up in indignation when it heard
that Galicia had been evacuated, and that Lemberg was
once more in Austrian hands. It had set its teeth together
and hoped against hope, trusted when there was no one
to trust, made up its mind to a defeat due to unforeseen
circumstances or to the numerical superiority of the enemy.
It refused to bow down before a catastrophe which resulted
from utter carelessness. The lack of shells and ammuni-
tion was condemned even by hitherto loyal organs of the
Press as a national crime, and when one heard that the
famous loan of one milliard roubles, which was issued
about that time, and which the big banks almost entirely
covered — the public not having taken kindly to it — was
not sufficient 'to meet the habiUties entailed by the war,
and that it was intended to apply to Russia's AlHes to
furnish the necessary money to pursue the struggle,
then indignation got the upper hand of fear. The pubHc
demanded an explanation as to where all the cash had
really "gone, and how it was that, after milUards had been
expended, we found ourselves without shells, guns, or ammu-
nition, and that our soldiers had been driven to employ
the bayonet as sole means of defence against an enemy
who seemed to have unlimited explosives at its disposal.
Riots broke out all over Russia — in Kiev, Odessa,
KharkoflE, even in distant Samara — and were repressed
with excessive vigour, but not subdued. In the Poutiloff
The Great Retreat , 119
factory, in Petrograd, on the 19th, 20th and 21st of June,
most serious disturbances took place, under the pretext
that the salaries paid to the workmen were totally inade-
quate to the exorbitant cost of living, consequent on the
war. Other factories joined the movement, and the men
refused to go on making the shells and explosives ordered
by the government. Revolutionary literature was once
more circulated, and numerous cries of " Down with the
war ! " were heard for the first time in Petrograd. Troops
had to be called out to put an end to the disorders, and
numerous arrests took place. A military ring was estab-
lished around the Poutiloft factory, so as to prevent the
workmen communicating with the outside world, but the
soldiers, instead of interfering with them, sympathised
with their movement. For the first time symptoms of
dissatisfaction came to be noticed in the army.
In Petrograd, as well as in Moscow, the different poli-
tical parties held meetings, during which the internal
condition of the country as a consequence of the war was
discussed. Even the semi-governmental party, which
went by the name of Octobrists, declared themselves in
favour of a prompt reunion of the Duma and the Council
of State, and for the constitution of a responsible Cabinet,
composed of members belonging to the principal political
parties represented in those two assemblies. In Petrograd
a number of deputies met under the presidency of M.
Rodsianko, the President of the Duma of the Empire,
and there it was established that everyone with feelings
of patriotism believed that the country stood on the brink
of a catastrophe which was inevitable unless the whole
system of government were changed. The present Ministers
had failed in their duty, and had applied all their energies
to the suppression of every liberal movement having for
its aim the regeneration of the country. The result was
that the army had neither artillery nor ammunition ;
that millions of lives had been uselessly sacrificed ; that
120 Russia's Decline and Fall
half of the troops sent to meet the enemy were untrained,
and represented no fighting power whatever ; that corrup-
tion had invaded every department ; and that everywhere,
not excepting the administration of the Red Cross, malversa-
tions without number had taken place. The fact that the
only authority virtually existing in the country was the
mihtary only added to the general confusion, and gave
rise to the most crying abuses. The only people who
were allowed to exercise any influence in governmental
spheres were the detectives, of whom the number had
multiplied in an alarming fashion. These were the people
to whom the Grand Duke listened ; these were the men on
whose reports he relied, and according to whose opinions
he acted. A government responsible to the nation would
alone be able to remedy all these evils, and in this opinion
the deputies who had assembled under the presidency of
M. Rodsianko agreed. At the same time none among them
believed such a government could be established, unless
the working classes entered into the fray, and gave their
help to their representatives. But how was this to be
done, considering the fact that the legislative chambers
had been prorogued for an indefinite period ?
Whilst these deliberations were going on, most terrible
riots again broke out in' Moscow. The news of this was
at first suppressed by the censor, acting upon orders re-
ceived from the Minister of the Interior, but it became
nevertheless impossible to keep the knowledge of these
disturbances from the inhabitants of the capital, where
all kinds of rumours began to circulate, until at last the
Grand Duke, upon whom all such things depended, was
persuaded to issue an official statement of the events that
had dishonoured the ancient Russian capital.
I am going to reproduce it here, as it is necessary my
readers should become acquainted with all the circum-
stances attending the interior commotions which shook
Russia as a consequence of the war, and because I might
The Great Retreat 121
be accused of exaggeration were I to say, in my own words,
all that I know concerning this first manifestation of a
people's fury, which marked the beginning of a new era
in Russian national life. I must add that most certainly
the riots that took place would never have been so acute
had not the government excited the worst passions of the
mob by allowing it to give way to an artificial kind of
hatred against the Germans, which the authorities them-
selves had fanned and encouraged.
*' On the 9th and loth of June " (so runs the official
communication) " street disturbances broke out in Moscow,
brought about by unbalanced rumours.
" The riots started on the 8th of June, when a crowd
of women, numbering something like 3,000, assembled on
the Tverskoy square. They were mostly wives of soldiers
now at the front, to whom the committee of the Empress,
the Moscow section of which was presided over by tbe
Grand Duchess EUzabeth Feodorovna, distributed needle-
work, so as to enable them to get a living. That com-
mittee held its sittings in the house formerly occupied by
the Governor-General on the Tverskoy street. The women
kept screaming that the lady in charge of the needlework
department, Madame Madgaroff, had told them that she
had received a communication from the commissariat of
the army saying that no further needlework could be
given by the committee to the women. They complained
that Madame Madgaroff was a German, and that she
turned into ridicule their patriotic feelings. They said
also that Madame Madgaroff had told them to seek work at
two Moscow firms (Mandl's and Reitz') who, she had ascer-
tained, were wilHng to give them some. The women refused.
*' A commissioner of police came out to reason with
them ; they told him their grievances, and asked him to
pass them on to the newly-appointed Commander of Moscow,
Prince Youssoupoff . The commissioner, desirous to keep
122 Russia's Decline and Fall
the women quiet, wrote a petition for them addressed to
the Prince, which they took to his house.
" There they sent a deputation to Prince Youssoupoff , '
and, in a state of extreme agitation, awaited his answer.
The deputation returned saying that the Commander of
Moscow had told them he would examine the details of
the affair and give them his reply on the next day.
" The inquiries which were made by the orders of the
Prince established the following facts : The orders for
needlework given by the commissariat of the army ap-
proached their completion in May, and on the 14th of
that month a formal notice was. given by the Empress's
committee, acquainting the pubUc with that fact, and the
women were perfectly aware that the commissariat of the
army did not see its way to give new orders. Nevertheless,
when they came on June 8th to give up the work which
they had had in hand, they demanded more, which was
refused. This exasperated them, and they began to get
riotous and to break windows. The president of the com-
mittee succeeded in quieting them for a time, with great
trouble ; soon afterwards they were again in an uproar,
and this state of things lasted the whole day. It turned
out that Madame Madgaroff was not a German, but a
Russian, belonging to the Orthodox Church, and the widow
of a former public prosecutor of Moscow, and that she
could not in any way have offended the patriotic feelings
of the women.
" On that same day there occurred at the Prochorov
Cotton Manufactory several cases of acute internal inflam-
mation among the workmen. About thirty-eight of them
fell ill. Immediately it was said that the Germans had
poisoned the well which suppHed the drinking water con-
sumed on the premises. A deputation from the workmen
asked to see the managing director of the manufactory,
and demanded the cause of the strange epidemic that had
made its appearance among them, threatening to go on
The Great Retreat 123
strike unless the matter were satisfactorily explained. To
pacify them he caused the water from the well to be
analysed, and, of course, nothing calculated to harm any-
one could be discovered. The workmen declared them-
selves satisfied, but somehow the rumour that all the wells
of the city had been poisoned by the Germans spread
throughout the factories of Moscow.
" In two quarters of the town, at Kogewnik and Danilov,
these rumours were readily believed and the men stopped
working. A procession carrying the national colours
marched 'to all the factories in the neighbourhood, com-
pelHng the men to join in the strike. At the same time
they insisted on the managing directors of the establish-
ments where they were employed dismissing all the Germans
who were still among them.
"In the Bromley Factory, situated beyond Moskwa,
a crowd of men demanded with threats that two directors
and an engineer should be instantly dismissed, under the
pretext that one of them was a German, and the other
two Austrians. One had some trouble to explain to the
enraged workmen that the persons in question were
Tcheques, and when they had grasped the fact the work-
men went away, without creating any further disturbance.
" On the 9th of June people in the town were saying
everywhere that the Germans meant to kill the Russians,
and that the latter were going, as a punishment, to plunder
their houses and belongings. Shopmen, justly alarmied,
began closing their windows and putting up the shutters,
but this availed them very Uttle, because, beginning from
that morning, for more than forty-eight hours, Moscow
became the centre of the most terrible scenes of plunder,
of destruction, and of fire, which no efEort of the authorities
could stop.
" In two places, the factories of Zindel and Schrader,
events assumed a most serious character. The quarters
occupied by the few Germans who were still employed
124 Russia's Decline and Fall
there were entirely plundered, and their owners roughly
handled by the infuriated crowd.
" From that moment, and as if this had been the signal
for a general riot, the most regrettable incidents took
place.
"On the loth of June, at about ten o'clock in the
morning, a crowd assembled near the Borowitzky gate ; it
carried the national colouis, and a portrait of the Sovereign.
Suddenly someone began singing the hymn, ' Boge Tsara
chrani,' others ' Long live the Emperor ! Long live the
Russian army ! ' to the sounds of which the mob, now
much more numerous, marched to the Red Square and
stopped before the monument of Minime and Pogarsky.
" At the same time another crowd that was much
more violent rushed to the bazaar where are the principal
shops of Moscow, and at once began plundering them
without the least discrimination, throwing out of the
windows all the goods it could not destroy at once or put
into its pockets.
" The news that the town was being pillaged quickly
got. about, and everywhere enormous crowds gathered,
and joined the rioters. All the shops and stores suspected
of belonging to Germans in the Kitay Gorod were sacked,
after which the mob divided itself into two groups : one of
them repaired to the Lioubanka Street, whilst the other
rushed to the Kouznetsky Most, where it entirely destroyed,
not only the contents, but the buildings themselves, in-
cluding the shops of Einem, Mandel, the Zindel Company,
and the Karawan one. In the Miasnitzkaya Street all
the shops with German names met the same fate, including
the feather store of Strauss, which was broken into, and
its contents scattered about, so that tin a short time the
whole of the Miasnitzkaya Street was strewn with feathers
that flew about in all directions. The thoroughfare was
Uttered with books, papers, broken fragments of furniture,
and machinery.
The Great Retreat 125
" The store of Einem was barricaded with iron shutters,
but these were soon broken open by the crowds. A fire
burst out in the store whilst the pillage was going on.
The crowd started at once putting it out, even calling on
the fire brigade to help, and then, leaving the firemen in
possession, went on further, destroying everything in its
way. The fire was quickly put out, after which the mob
returned and resumed its interrupted work of destruction.
The curtains in the windows of that store were taken
down, and torn into small shreds, which the people used
as pocket-handkerchiefs.
" The Kouznetsky Most presented a terrible picture
of destruction. There the great furniture store, a photo-
graphic studio, and a musical instniment emporium had
been entirely sacked, from the second storey of which
large pianos and pianolas had been thrown into the street.
The whole length of the Kouznetsky Most was so blocked
with debris of all kinds that it was next to impossible to
cross it. The mob also pillaged the German shops, or
those which were believed to belong to Germans, in the
different quarters of the town, such as the Arbat, the
NegHnoy, the Ordinka, the Marossienka, and a part of the
Stretienka. Indeed, in the beginning of the riot the mob
simply destroyed all that fell into its hands, but did not
steal anything.
" This restraint can be explained by the circumstance
that, when the outbreak started, the crowds obeyed the
orders which were given to them by their leaders, who
had an exact list of the different German or Austrian
places it was intended to sack. The leaders went into each
house, and asked proofs that it did not belong to a German.
When these were forthcoming, they went out quietly,
and told their followers to pass on, which is why the mob
showed great care at first in sparing all the establishments
belonging to Russians, and subjects of states not at war
with us. But this took place only in the beginning of the
126 Russia's Decline and Fall
disturbances. Later on, even their leaders lost all control
over the infuriated masses, further inflamed by the loot
of the wine-shops which the city contained. Toward
evening these masses of intoxicated people, among whom
were many women and even children, not only sacked the
town indiscriminately, but also set fire to it, wherever it
could. One met everywhere women and young girls
carrying about incendiary materials. One could also see
decently dressed people dragging along all that they could
lay their hands upon in the way of furs, clothes, and other
CO vet able things. At last the crowd pillaged wherever
it could, and wherever it went, and everything that stood
in its way, so Russian shops and stores, and those of neutrals,
or natives of Allied countries, suffered just as severely as
German.
" Altogether during those two days there were more
than eighty fires in different parts of the town. The fire
continued until the loth of June. At one moment the
heat was so intense that the fire brigade was baffled.
Several houses and flats occupied by Germans in different
parts of the town were also set alight, and entirely burnt
down. This sort of thing went on during the whole of
the 9th and loth of June.
" The municipal council met in a hurried sitting and
discussed the serious state of affairs. The Commander-in-
Chief of the town. Prince Youssoupoff, attended this meet-
ing, together with the former Prefect, General Adrianoff.
The Council requested the authorities to put an end to
the riots, and also begged to have a guard placed- near
all the stores where spirits were kept, so as to prevent
the mob from getting them. Full liberty of the Press to
report all that had taken place was also desired. On the
nth of June the authorities took measures to put an end
to the disturbances, and succeeded in doing so. Troops
were called out, and patrols of Cossacks went about in all
directions of the town. The mob was threatened with
The Great Retreat 127
severe punishment if it persisted in its excesses, and
numerous arrests were made. In some places the troops
fired upon the crowds. By order of the Commander-in-
Chief the different banking estabHshments in the town
were kept closed until further notice.
" According to information which the authorities of
the town were able to gather together, it seems that during
these two days 475 stores and shops were looted, and 217
private dwelHngs. So far as it was possible to ascertain,
the damage exceeded the sum of forty millions of roubles ;
details have not yet come to hand concerning 122 more
stores and 50 private dwellings. Among the properties
destroyed, 133 belong to German or Austrian subjects ;
579 to Russian subjects, or persons belonging to AUied
countries ; and 90 to people with absolutely Russian
names. A great number of firms found themselves obliged
to close entirely. The insurance companies held an extra-
ordinary meeting to decide whether or not they were
responsible for the destruction caused by the riots. This
question, so far, has not been settled. It is reckoned that
i the damage done by fire alone surpasses twenty millions
of roubles.
" On that same day, the nth of June, the Commander-
in-Chief in Moscow caused the following notice to be put
up in the streets : * The disturbances which have taken
place during the two last days in Moscow have spread to
several neighbouring towns, where riots have also occurred.
I hereby declare to the population that I forbid the holding
f)f any meeting whatsoever, and that, should any attempt
to disturb the peace again take place, I shall suppress it
with the greatest energy, and punish most severely those
guilty of it.'
" A proclamation to the same effect was published by
the newly appointed military Prefect, General Klimovitch."
I shall presently speak of the impression produced in
128 Russia's Decline and Fall
Petrograd by these sad events. They were but the pre-
lude to a vast revolutionary movement which will very
soon make itself felt everywhere more acutely than in
Moscow. Sensible people wondered how the government
that suppressed instantly_any private meeting of a poU-
tical party did not interfere earlier. It was surely a case
for the military authorities to make the population of
Moscow reahse that martial law existed. Unfortunately,
the Grand Duke was busy with other things. The sup-
pressing of some newspaper or the other seemed to him
to be of more importance than sending troops to protect
private property against an exasperated mob. He was
perhaps secretly glad at this proof of the animosity inspired
by Germans everywhere in Russia, and failed to realise
that the scenes which had been enacted in Moscow were
but the prelude to graver events that might oblige him
to give his consent to the conclusion of a peace the country
had begun to clamour for at last.
Whilst Moscow was being sacked, the General StafE
was busy preparing a decree ordering 70,000 Jews in Cour-
land to leave that province within twenty-four hours, and
go into exile without being allowed to take any of their
property with them. The decree also withdrew all the
ambulances which Jews had opened at the beginning of
the war for our disabled and wounded soldiers.
In Petrograd, however, public opinion began to agitate
against the government in an alarming manner, and some
people bolder than the others succeeded in acquainting
the Emperor with the feelings of discontent that were
everywhere obvious. The Ministers were made the object
of most violent attacks, even from their former partisans,
and at last M. Maklokov, who had been in charge of home
affairs for nearly five years and who was considered to
be a tool of the Grand Duke Nicholas, was obliged to retire.
The position of M. Sazonov was also reported to be shaky,
and finally it was said that M. Goremykin would soon be
The Great Retreat
29
superseded as President of the Cabinet by a younger and
more energetic personality.
The Emperor, who happened to be at the front when
the events I have just related took place, called together
a meeting of the Cabinet, to which all the Ministers were
summoned, and at which the Grand Duke Nicholas was
also invited to be present. The miUtary situation was
discussed in full, together with the symptoms of discontent
that had lately appeared in the country. One of the
results of this conference was the resignation of the War
Minister, General Soukhomlinov, who was made the scape-
goat for other people's mistakes. The old warrior had
tried to tell the truth when it was too late, and when
already his influence and popularity had been wrecked
3y the march of events. The last thing which he told the
Tsar when taking leave of him was that the summoning'
of the Duma and of the Council of State was a necessity,
because the responsibility for what was to happen further
ought not to rest upon the Sovereign alone. The news
from the seat of war was daily becoming more alarming.
The Austro-German armies had crossed the Dniester, and
were advancing into Poland as quickly as possible. We
had been obhged to retire behind the Bug, and most pro-
bably Warsaw was going to be seriously threatened. It
required the efforts of the whole nation to fight with the
enemies from outside as well as from inside, who were work-
ing for the destruction of the Imperial power and prestige,
and the patriotism of the two Legislative Assemblies was
required to face the storm that was sweeping over Russia.
The departure of General Soukhomlinov wak very
much regretted by the Liberal parties, who had held him
n high esteem. He had been the victim of circumstances.
[An honest man, who had scorned to enrich himself as
oaany others would have done in his place, he had held
limself aloof from all the intrigues and the low tripotages
jthat took place in the War Office, and he had always
T
I30 Russia's Decline and Fall
behaved like a gentleman. His successor was an unknown
quantity, and was, moreover, known to be a favourite of
the Grand Duke, which last fact was sufficient in itself to
make him unpopular.
A few days before General SoukhomUnov had handed
in his resignation the Emperor had appointed a new
Minister for Home Affairs — Prince Nicholas Sherbatov.
This choice caused considerable surprise, as he was a man
of distinctly Liberal sympathies, who till then had never
been named as a possible candidate for a ministerial chair,
owing to his well-known independence of character. His
was the difficult task of trying to put an end to the growing
discontent that had been agitating the whole of Russia
ever since the truth had become known in its entirety of
the appalling disaster that had overtaken our troops in
Galicia.
CHAPTER X.
Pandemonium in Moscow.
It will add interest to the previous chapter to give
"some extracts from letters which were brought to me at
the time of these riots by friends who came to Sweden
from Petrograd. Owing to their official positions or their
political activities they were able to judge of events in
Russia.
This is what a member of the Duma wrote to me :
" You will have been shocked beyond words to read
in the papers the description of the sad events that have
transformed Moscow into a kind of pandemonium, where
the thirst to kill and to destroy was the only apparent
aim of an exasperated multitude. No one in official spheres
has been able to find out on whom rests the real respon-
sibility for these excesses. When one thinks that the
town is overflowing with spies and detectives, it seems
almost incredible that the authorities were not aware of
what was going to happen. The most probable thing is
.that they knew all about it, but thought that it would be
a good thing if the feeHngs of the multitude were allowed
to get the upper hand, and an anti-German riot arose,
which would in a certain sense justify the anti-German
measures our government had taken, or was going- to
take, by making them appear as a concession to the patriotic
feeHngs of the nation. The fact is the government is in
a mess, and would like to divert the attention of the public
from the utter incapacity which it has displayed in the
matter of fictional defence. The Moscow riots might
131
132 Russia's Decline and Fall
have been stopped at once if only the troops had been
called out, or even if the police had interfered ; instead,
a friend of mine, whom I know to be incapable of exaggera-
tion, and who happened to be in the street whilst the
plundering was going on, saw with his own eyes a gorodovoy
[policeman] help the crowds to throw a piano out of the
window in the Lioubianka Street. All the spirit stores
were broken open, and the mob that since the beginning
of the war had such difficulty in getting drink, in no time
became totally intoxicated, in which condition^ it went
on for two days looting everything and destroying and
burning what could not be carried away. The authorities
simply did nothing, though Prince Youssoupoff promised
action. It was only on the third day that, on the receipt
of orders from Petrograd, the Commander of the town
issued a proclamation, in which he threatened the popula-
tion with severe punishment. Troops were then called to -
disperse the crowds, and in several places they fired upon ;'
the populace, kiUing and wounding a number of people. .
The inhabitants of the town were forbidden to leave their :<
houses after ten o'clock at night without special permis- •
sion, an idiotic measure, because it only annoyed peaceful
people. Doctors were allowed to go their rounds, pro-
vided they had some papers of identity about them ; but
when medicine was wanted during the night from the^
chemist, no one except a doctor could get it. People
wishing to leave the town by a late train had to ask per-
mission to do so, and were required to present a railway
ticket as a proof that they really meant to travel. This
led immediately to the establishment of a secret agency
that provided tickets for a consideration to those who for
one reason or another wanted to be out after ten o'clock.
" Except for these restrictions nothing effective was
done to prevent the recurrence of the scenes the traces
of which are everywhere to be seen in all the principal
streets ; the houses with their broken windows and blackened
Pandemonium in Moscow
133
walls stand as a memento of the fury of a mad crowd which
more than anything wanted an outlet for its rage.
" The news which filters through from the front shows
a general discontent among the army. All the wounded
soldiers who are brought back from the advanced positions
tell the same tale of sufferings unreHeved, and hves use-
lessly sacrificed. Without knowing it, they repeated the
words of Hamlet, * Something is rotten in the state of
Denmark.' The War Office is the most blamed and con-
demned for the general disorder that exists in all its depart-
ments ; but it seems to me, as well as to all impartial
people, that it would be wrong to make it solely responsible.
During the time that he had been in charge General Souk-
homlinov had done all that lay within his means to regulate
matters, but he had the corruption of his subordinates to
fight against. Nothing could be bought for the needs of
the army without certain persons in each department
making large personal profits out of every transaction. I
know firms abroad who at different times offered the
government shells and ammunition at most reasonable
prices, and who could not do any business, because the
* baksheesh ' which they tendered was not sufficient for
our lords of the War Office. The consequence was that
double their real value was paid for things of inferior
quahty. The regulations made it impossible for General
Soukhomhnov to make any contracts direct with army
purveyors, as such contracts are always entrusted to a
commission, which has the casting vote. The result is
that during the recent Galician battles our soldiers were
told to defend themselves with the bayonet, as no ammuni-
tion could be distributed to them. A singular thing is
that many members of the commission have coincidentally
become much more wealthy. All this was revealed sud-
denly, and the shock caused by these revelations has been
terrible. Can you wonder, therefore, that its effects have
brought about unrest, especially in view of the fact that
11
134
Russia's Decline and Fall
the government seems to give its attention to trifles tlu-
discussion of which only enrages the public ? For instance,
the other day a long decree was published in the Official
Gazette announcing that a new uniform had been instituted
for the members of the Red Cross, and giving a minute
description of it. Naturally, the people thought and said
that this was hardly an opportune time for such an innova- .
tion, and that it would have been better to have bought
more shells and better guns. ^
" The resignation of M. Maklokov has, of course, been i
commented upon everywhere ; personally, I do not think \
it was due to the riots of Moscow. His position had been \
insecure, as he was reproached for not doing anything ;
except sending people into exile for no reason but that
their faces did not appeal to his sympathies. The choice
of his successor was rather a surprise. You know him, so
I will not say much about him. He is a gentleman by i
birth, an aristocrat by education, and a Liberal by opinions ; |
at least, he was one until now, but people change when |
they find themselves in a responsible position, and it is |
yet a question whether he will allow himself to be sub- t|
merged in the sea of bureaucratism in which he has been (^
plunged. The interview which he gave to the representa- -.^^
tives of the Press had been very favourably commented ,j
upon, and his promise to call the Duma and the Council a
of State in an extraordinary session has been hailed with J
joy by all parties. It is certain that this measure is de- J
manded everywhere, but I question whether it is quite j
wise to execute it if the government does not mean to I
change its policy. It is not to be doubted that the Chambers |;
will find many subjects of complaint both against the i
Home Ofiice and the War Office, and their criticisms may ^
lead very far. The Sovereign, who would now have a -
chance to become popular if he would only take seriously ,'
in hand the grave question of ^the national defence, is,
unfortunately, completely subjugated by the Grand Duke %
Pandemonium in Moscow 135
Nicholas ; and the Grand Duke himself, with all his qualities,
is a man who will never own when he is in the wrong, and
who beheves in nothing but sheer force. If we were wise,
and the government decided to do what the nation
requires, we should give up for the present the attempt to
make a stand against ,the Austro-German armies ; we
should entrench ourselves in the kingdom of Poland and,
if need be, behind the Niemen and its line of fortresses,
and we should await there the enemy's attack, working
toward the reorganisation of our troops and the making
of ammunition in sufficient quantity. Unfortunately, this
is the very thing which we will not do, and this change
in the High Command only adds to the general confusion.
" You may perhaps smile at what I am going to tell
you, but if Germany is going to be beaten it will be entirely
due to England and to its rational manner of leading the
war. England will be the saviour of the world and of its
civilisation, because England is the only nation strong
enough to go on with its task, without making any parti-
cular person responsible for the general mistakes. Britain
has determination, money, men ; and its patriotism is an
intelligent one. More than that, all its poUtical parties,
in moments of crisis like the present, lay aside their differ-
ences and work together for the common good. With us,
whenever anything untoward occurs, we hasten to dismiss
the first person upon whom we can fix the responsibility
for the mishap. The fact is that we are not yet advanced
enough to admit that we have been at fault, and, besides,
our poHtical life is entirely corrupted by the detestable
habit we ]^a.ve of mixing the police in everything we do.
Our government till now has entirely been in the hands
of more or less educated detectives. In England it has
always remained in the control of gentlemen ; there lies
the difference, and I assure you it is a very real one.
" You will say that this is a pessimistic letter : it cannot
be otherwise ; indeed, the whole of Russia is pessimistic
136 Russia's Decline and Fall
at the present moment. We know that we stand on the
brink of a revolution, and when the war is over the loyalty
of the army will disappear. Till now all the revolutionary
attempts which have been made in our country have
proceeded from what we call the Intelligentsia ; in future
the workmen will take the lead — they are admirably orga-
nised, and understand far more about pohtical hfe than
they are given credit for ; the army also, who, to its detri-
ment, having seen the disorder which reigns in high places,
will try to avenge its wrongs.
" Taking all these symptoms into consideration, it can
safely be assumed that Russia, during the next ten or fifteen
^^ears, will be a very nice country not to live in."
This was the impression produced by the developments
which the war had brought about in the pubHc and the
national existence of Russia on a man of high intelUgence,
who, though a Liberal in many of his views, had neverthe-
less constantly been the supporter of a Conservative form
of government. His opinions were also shared by the
extreme Radicals, who for once put aside their Anarchist
leanings, and tried to examine the situation from the purely
patriotic side. One of them communicated with me his
appreciations in the following terms : —
*' The Moscow riots have pained me most deeply. They
have, in a certain sense, sounded the knell of our hopes to
see a Radical government established at last in Russia,
and our whole party will be made responsible for excesses
which it has neither inspired nor wished for, and, on the
contrary, severely censured. Though we are the first to
admit the lamentable mistakes and errors of government
made by spies who have ruled over us for so long, we would
not have liked an outbreak of lawlessness, such as we had
the other day, to cause the overthrow of the government.
What we have seen in Moscow was a real revolution, and
nothing else ; and, unfortunately, those who were guilty
Pandemonium in Moscow 137
of it were given the opportunity, by the indifference and
I passive attitude of the authorities, to reahse their own
strength — the most dangerous thing which could have
occurred. The fact is that our government has become
unhinged, and, in its fear of pubhcity being given to its
mistakes, loses sight of the very things that ought to be
kept in mind. The indignation against the Grand Duke,
in consequence of our reverses in Galicia, increases with
every day. No one dreams of accusing SoukhomHnov of
this disaster, as everybody is aware that he has been made
the scapegoat for other people's sins. He was rarely
allowed to give an opinion during the whole course of the
campaign. Whenever he ventured to speak he was imme-
diately silenced with the remark that it was the Staif
alone who was responsible for the conduct of the war, and
that his duty consisted in providing men and ammunition.
" The men Soukhomlinov could find, but ammunition
could not be got so easily. We lost a considerable number
of guns and ammunition in Eastern Prussia as well as in
the Carpathians, where, contrary to all common sense, we
sent out troops at a time of the year when, even without
any resistance on the part of the enemy, they could hardly
have struggled through with so enormous a quantity of
baggage. In Galicia, instead of fortifying ourselves, we
began at once to Russify the country ; we brought to it
priests, monks and nuns, detectives and officials, but we
never gave a thought to the necessity of estabHshing our-
selves there on a strong mihtary basis, which would have
allowed us to withstand any attack from our foes. The
government affirmed that Lemberg's fortifications had
been strengthened considerably after the town had fallen
into our hands, but with the exception of a few ditches
that had been dug here and there nothing was done, though
I believe large sums of money were given for that purpose.
The usual Russian carelessness once more came to the
front, and we fully beHeved that, since we had been able to
138 Russia's Decline and Fall
occupy Galicia, a miracle of St. Nicholas would allow us
to keep it. The awakening has been most unpleasant,
and it is not to be wondered at if people are beginning
to question whether all the sacrifices which have been
required from the nation will ever be atoned for, and, too,
they are asking how long this war — which we were told
was going to be short and victorious — is still going to last.
" In the meanwhile the Staff goes on publishing tele-
grams which are no longer beUeved, and the whole country
is slowly rising to a state of agitation which is bound to
end in serious trouble. The consciousness of the coming
danger has decided my friends to refrain from any criti-
cisms as to the conduct of the campaign, and induced
them to give their entire support to the government,
provided the latter decides at last to listen to the voice
of public opinion, and to call to its help the representatives
of the nation, whose patriotism and energy would be a
considerable asset to its authority. Let us hope that it
will see that in this way only can the mistakes that have
already been made be avoided in the future.
" I feel convinced that the Emperor, were he only
properly informed as to the desires and wishes of the nation,
would be the first to make an appeal to its patriotism,
and to ask it to Hghten the responsibihty of the momentous
decisions that he will very soon be called upon to take.
Ah ! if only we understood in Russia the true meaning
of that word patriotism as England does, our chances
of retrieving ourselves would be much greater. Remember
what I tell you : it is England who will win the war ; England
who will save civilisation and Europe from the yoke of
militarism ; England alone who will have the decisive
voice in the conclusion of the peace which must some day
or other be concluded ; and it is to be hoped that her
AlHes will be wise enough to leave her a free field as to its
conditions, as well as to the moment when it ought to be
made. Great Britain has statesmen and diplomats worthy
Pandemonium in Moscow 139
of the name, and an experience of pariiamentary and
political life that no other nation in the wodd has yet been
able to acquire. If the British Empire were not on our
side, I should be the first to tell my country that we ought
to conclude peace at any price, and this as soon as
possible — to-day rather than to-morrow."
I have quoted these two letters, as it seems to me that
they give a better idea than is otherwise to be obtained
of the different opinions which, at this stage of the war,
were dividing the public mind in Russia. These letters
are also curious in the manner in which they both say the
same thing, namely, that of all our AUies it was in England
that we had greatest confidence. And following in that
line I shall go further than they did, and say that it was
the fact of Britain having joined us that more than any-
thing else convinced the majority of the Russian public
of the justice of our cause.
Nevertheless, in those first days of July, 19 15, the
situation, from the mihtary as well as from the inner
political side, was anything but pleasant. There was no
cohesion, no unity in our government. We had been
compelled to abandon the conquests which had been
acquired at the price of heavy sacrifices of Ufe and money,
and over the possession of which the whole of Russia had
rejoiced ; we were threatened by a cruel and crafty enemy
on our own territory ; we had seen some of our richest
and most prosperous provinces devastated ; we had lost
milHons of men, a good deal of our prestige, and even more
of our confidence in an ultimate victory. The government
was discredited ; the General Staff despised when not
abused ; revolution and discontent were brewing every-
where. Can it be wondered at, therefore, that those who
had the opportunity of watching this decay of our national
prosperity looked with anxious and despondent eyes
toward the future ?
140 Russia's Decline and Fall
It was precisely at this moment that two memorable
incidents came to give some light to what otherwise was
a very dark position. The English and French forces
seemed at last to be making some progress in the north
of France, and the whole of the British Empire was rising
like one man — called out of its apparent apathy by the
eloquent voice of Mr. Lloyd George — and beginning to
work at the making of munitions with an energy that
extended to all classes of the nation. The energy with
which Britain set to work to supply the new calls which
the War Office made upon her, and also to help her other
AlUes, came as the most welcome news to cheer people in
Russia. One heard from all sides that at last one could
hope the Germans would get what they deserved, and that
the whole current of the war would change. Great Britain's
popularity increased with every day, and perhaps the
greatest service which she rendered to us in those critical
times was to rouse and fire anew our confidence in an
ultimate victory, which had been so rudely shaken by the
fall of Lemberg and the abandonment of Gahcia.
The other event was also an important one. The
Tsar — who, whatever has been said about him, was the
most sincere patriot that Russia possessed — instead of
giving way to nervousness, and feehng that the ground
was falling under his feet, called together a meeting of
the Cabinet, and heard all that his Ministers had to tell
him, forbearing to reproach them, or the Commander-in-
Chief, for defeats which must have been the more painful
to him because he had been deluded the whole time by
false reports. An Imperial Rescript addressed to the Prime
Minister, M. Goremykin, gave him directions to call to-
gether the Duma as well as the Council of State in extra-
ordinary session for the next month.
The Sovereign had of his own accord met his people,
and asked them to stand by his side in that hour of national
danger and peril.
CHAPTER XL
* Apprehension in Petrograd.
During the first week of July, 1915, the position of our
armies was the following one. We had been compelled
to retire behind the Vistula, north of the PoHsh town of
Sandomir, and were contemplating a movement to extend
our front beyond that river ; faihng which, the orders
of the Grand Duke were to entrench behind the Narew
and evacuate Warsaw. This last-mentioned resolution
was not taken without considerable hesitation. The Com-
mander-in-Chief understood very well the terrible impres-
sion it was bound to produce all over Russia, coming as
it would after his repeated assurances that the Polish
capital would be defended at all costs. But the total
absence of ammunition, which had at last to be acknow-
ledged, made it quite impossible to hold the town against
so formidable an enemy. The lack of this most necessary
means of defence had been persistently denied by the
Grand Duke ; whether he really was not aware of it him-
self, or whether he wished to screen his subordinates, it is
difficult to say, but the fact is that he refused to admit it.
At the same time he could not hide from the general public
the knowledge of the retreat of his armies before the terrible
thrusts of the united forces of General von Mackensen and
the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand. The necessity to keep
united the armies of General Ivanov in the south and
General Beliaev in the north had much to do with the
determination to start upon a strategical retreat, which,
whilst abandoning to the Germans the whole kingdom of
Poland, together with a part of Lithuania^ would at the
141
142 Russia's Decline and Fall
same time spare and keep intact the principal forces which
Russia still possessed, and on which, later, it could rely to
take the offensive, the thought of which had never been
abandoned by the Russian Staff. But it must not be
supposed for a single instant that the sacrifice thus involved
was not a heavy one. For the Sovereign it must have
been uncommonly painful. Warsaw was considered the
third town in the Russian Empire ; it was the capital of
the king4om of Poland — always counted as one of the
most precious gems in the Russian crown — and it commanded
some of the most fertile provinces. Such a blow no one
had expected, and it was but natural that the people who
ought to have prevented a calamity of this magnitude
should have been bitterly reproached on all sides. A
storm of abuse was launched at the head of the Grand
Duke Nicholas and of his subordinates, especially of General
Januschkievitch, who, as head of the Staff, ought to have
been better informed as to the real conditions. The govern-
ment found itself in a most difficult position, because it
could not be denied that great mistakes had been made
through the maladministration of the War Office. But
as an excuse it must be said that at first our Allies also
had not been able to keep pace in the important matter
of armaments and ammunition ; not one of the Allies had
been prepared for such a prodigal expenditure of shells.
Germany, on the contrary, had been quite ready. I do
not hold a brief for the Grand Duke Nicholas, whose mis-
takes I am quite ready to admit, but this much must in
all fairness be said in his favour ; he had, Uke all strong
characters, the quaUties of his defects, and the courage
and stubbornness with which he made up his mind to
retreat before the storm of the German invasion deserve
the highest praise. A weaker man would never have found
himself able to face the torrent of abuse which described
his action as something not very far from treason ; a less
self-opinionated nature would have been troubled as to
Apprehension in Petrograd 143
the right course to pursue, and dismayed at the advice
^ which he received from all sides. The Grand Duke re-
mained absolutely indifferent to praise as well as to blame,
and without lamenting over spilt milk or over the injustice
of a fate which, perhaps, in his conscience, he knew he had
not entirely deserved, he resolutely ordered a retreat for
which later events justified him, but which at first sight
appeared one gigantic mistake.
Even Nicholas Nicholaievitch's worst enemies were
obliged to own that, once it had been entered upon, this
retreat was performed in a masterly manner. No efforts
» of the German armies were able to break or to interfere
with the execution of this manoeuvre. The soldiers did
not like it, which perhaps was salutary for them, because
their demoralised spirit got excited under its apparent
shame, and they swore that, if only the opportunity were
granted to them, they would wipe out its memory, and in
their turn rout their formidable enemy. They thought
, it hard to abandon towns and fortresses which they had
defended for so many months, and without contesting
jL every step of Germany's march forward through Russian
territory. The remembrance of 1812, when a similar
: thing had occurred, was not powerful enough to do away
^ with this feeling of self-humiliation which moved the
army. They wondered whether such an absolute surrender
could be justified. Murmurs arose and reached the Grand
Duke, but they did not induce him to depart from his
course of action. He knew that the only hope left was
to prevent the occurrence of a Russian Sedan. In the
'f absence of ammunition and material it was far better to
leave the Germans a free field than to run such a risk. '
To give an idea of the scarcity of ammunition it will
be sufficient to state that in some places, where the Prussian
pressure was the most intense, each soldier was given out
only seven cartridges, and told to use them sparingly.
Bayonet fights became the rule, and our men had some-
144 Russia's Decline and Fall
times to lie for days in their trenches without any means
of replying to the murderous fire that was being poured
upon them from their enemy's heavy guns. In spite of
the desperate situation, not one Russian soldier ever thought
of complaining, or of surrendering until absolutely forced
to do so. During all this trying time the conduct of the
Russian soldier remained absolutely heroic, and deserves
to go down as such to posterity in any authoritative history
of the war.
For a long time General Ivanov hoped he would be
able to hold the line of Grodek, in GaUcia, and stop
von Mackensen's march forward, but at last he had to
succumb to the number of the troops which attacked the
Russian defences of the Dniester. He tried at least to cover
his retreat as far as he could, and not to expose his army
to a rear attack while retiring to its new lines of defence on
the other side of the Vistula. He had been promised
ammunition in sufficient quantity to be able to organise
a strong resistance in this region, so he proceeded to evacuate
Lemberg and the country around it, whilst a numerous
detachment was told to hold up the enemy in the region
of Rawa Ruska, Zolkiew, and further down on the east
of the Gahcian capital. Later on he had to withstand an
attack from the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand, on the banks
of Gnila-Lipa River, where some of the most bloody en-
counters of the Gahcian campaign took f)lace ; and though
it became impossible for us to hold our positions against
overwhelming forces, yet it is certain that the delay which
our resistance occasioned to the enemy in his advance
saved the garrison of Warsaw, and allowed the evacuation
to be effected in complete order, not to mention the
removal of all that it contained in the way of mihtary
stores and provisions.
All this, of course, was not known among the pubHc,
who only saw the great fact of a general retreat. In Petro-
grad the excitement assumed such proportions that the
Apprehension in Petrograd 145
military authorities deemed it necessary to issue proclama-
tions to the population, in which the latter was warned
not to attach undue importance to the alarmist rumours
current. In this appeal to the good sense of the inhabitants
of the capital they declared that the news pubHshed ofh-
cially by the General Staff was absolutely rehable, that
no fatal catastrophe could occur, so far as it was possible
for human eyes to foresee, but that some time must neces-
sarily elapse before the Russian armies could once more
assume the offensive, in- view of the terrible losses they
had suffered — losses which had been far heavier than
those of any of their Allies. This proclamation, whilst
it did not allay the fears which had seized hold of Petro-
grad, nevertheless inspired confidence for the future, and
people began once more to speak about the possibility of
stopping the progress of the German troops. The one fact
which occasioned the most anxiety, however, was the
enemy's advance in the region of Riga, as well as over the
whole of Courland. Its population was known to have
strong German sympathies — a fact that contributed to
the general anxiety as to this phase of the campaign.
This anxiety was not shared by the Staff, who for some
reason never believed in the possibility of Riga faUing into
the Kaiser's hands.
With Poland this was quite different. It had to be
sacrificed, hard as the thing appeared, especially in view
of the generous intentions of the Tsar in regard to his
Polish subjects, which he had allowed to be published at
the beginning of the war. For something like one year
one had hoped with certaint}^ to be able to drive the Germans
out of sight of the walls of Warsav/, and indeed their efforts
to take the town had been baffled already on two occasions.
This time, however, they were to be more successful, because
it had to be admitted that, without sufficient ammunition,
there was no possibiUty of holding it, or to offer resistance
to the forces of a stronger and better equipped adversary.
K
146 Russia's Decline and Fall
This want of ammunition has been the great cause of
our failure in the 'earher stages of the war — a culpab]<
negligence of the War Office in this direction. No one
there had been prepared for a campaign of such long dura-
tion, and owing to the indolence which is so distinctive
of the Slav nature, no one had ever given a thought, to
the necessity of being provided for prolonged fighting.
None of the factories for munitions had been properly
worked, and the production was much below what the
government expected. Disorder was found almost every-
where — want of cohesion and method, besides carelessness
in work. Means of transport was also either defective
or absent, and, to add to it all, people seemed to have lost
their heads.
The Germans were perfectly well aware of all these
flaws in the vast machine of the Russian military and
civil organisation. They meant to strike a decisive blow
at the might of Russia before she had time to rally from
the first surprise of a series of unexpected reverses that
would have been more than sufficient to discourage any-
body not possessed with that confidence in their own
strength which has always distinguished the Russian
nation. They fully believed that after the fall of Warsaw,
and the line of fortresses extending from Ivangorod to
Brest Litowsk, they would be able, without resistance, to
march on Petrograd, where they would dictate peace on
their terms before the advent of the next*winter. These
hopes were doomed, because not only did the passage through
Galicia into Poland prove much longer and much more
difficult than they had counted upon, but the obstacles to
their march were also greater than their spies had been
led to believe. The Russians' retreat was performed as
slowly as possible, but for all that it did not give their
enemies a single chance to engage them in a decisive battle,
which might have decided the whole fate of the campaign.
Looked upon from that point of view the retreat was
Apprehension in Petrograd 1*47
indeed a wonderful performance, and certainly stands to
^' the credit of the Grand Duke Nicholas and his generals.
The Germans, however, at this stage of the campaign,
. had unHmited faith in their abihty to bring hostihties to
a victorious and prompt issue. The threat of destroying
everything behind them which the Russian generals de-
clared they were ordered to do did not affect them seriously,
and they were more disposed to laugh at it than anything
else. Followed as they were by detachments of sappers
and engineers who repaired the damaged railway lines as
► they went along, they did not fear famine, owing to their
i ability to send the necessary provisions to meet the daily
i wants of their armies. They reckoned, moreover, on
i finding considerable sympathy in Poland, where they had
I been told that violent anti-Russian feelings existed. In
I this they were misled ; their march in Poland was not at
! ' all triumphant ; they discovered that, far from being
S" received as saviours, they were considered to be usurpers,
iy and treated accordingly.
I The encircling movement with which the Germans
!k advanced on Warsaw was an exceptionally brilliant one.
I At one time it was believed in Petrograd that General
L von Mackensen, in conjunction with the Archduke Joseph
^^ Ferdinand, meant to surround the Russian army, and
bring it to battle between the Vistula and the Bug. But
this turned out to be an erroneous idea, and, looking back
\. on what took place at this stage, of the campaign, it seems
that neither of the two adversaries really cared for an
encounter ; each preferred to husband his strength for a
'Muture and far more important struggle elsewhere than
in the Polish plains.
The originator of the grandiose plan of seizing the
' capital of Poland, simultaneously with an offensive march
' forward through Courland toward Riga and Petrograd,
was von Hindenburg, and it was executed according
. to his instructions with decided ability. The Germans
148 Russia's Decline and Fall
advanced in close column toward Warsaw and the fortresses
which defended it, Ivangorod and Novo Georgiewsk. For
some time Ossowetz had been in a state of siege, and had
defended itself the whole time with uncommon energy
and determination. In the case of other Russian strong-
holds, only after every available means of defence had
been used, all resources exhausted, and the position had
assumed an untenable aspect, had they surrendered. But
at Novo Georgiewsk and Kovno — the commanders of
which were ultimately court-martialled, and sentenced
to heavy penalties — it had been thought better to spare
the lives of the garrisons rather than expose them to certain
death. From a miUtary point of view their conduct was
of course indefensible, and they had to suffer accordingly,
but it is to be doubted whether any further lengthening
of an almost hopeless resistance would have improved the
tragic outlook.
What rendered the defence of Warsaw unusually difficult
was the enormous forces concentrated by the Germans
on the Narew front, which guarded the main line of the
Petrograd railway. This decided the fate of the unfortu-
nate city, which the Russians proceeded to evacuate, with-
drawing from it not only the garrison, but also the civil
administrations, hospitals, post and telegraph offices.
The banks had left some time before, the Treasury too.
The post office closed its doors on July 25th, after which
the town was cut off from all communications with the
outside world, and had to rely for news on such as was
brought from the outposts, where the march of the German
armies was watched with great attention.
During the night of the ist and 2nd of August the
invading troops of the Kaiser crossed the Vistula on two-
pontoon bridges, in the vicinity of Maciejowice, a small '
village outside Warsaw, and within a few days they had ,
four divisions on the other side of the river, forcing the ,
Russians to retire toward GarwoHn. The celebrated
Apprehension in Petrograd 149
phalanx of von Mackensen was obliged in one place to
yield ground to our troops, who, however, could not hold
what they had won, and obeying the orders they had
received from Headquarters, withdrew toward Brest
Litowsk. At last, on the 4th of August, 1915, the world
was informed that the army commanded by Prince Leopold
of Bavaria had entered Warsaw, and on that same day
the mighty fortress of Ivangorod had fallen into German
hands.
The impression produced throughout Russia by the
news of this double disaster is indescribable ; every Russian
citizen resented it as a personal affront. But the blow
was borne with quiet dignity deserving of the greatest
admiration. The Press behaved in a similar manner. In
a leader on the subject, the Retsch, the organ of the Liberal
party, wrote :
" The news of the fall of Warsaw is anything but
a surprise. Already well-informed people knew that
the strategical difficulties required from us this heavy
sacrifice, and in the last few days the fact came to the
knowledge of the general public ; nevertheless, the news
that this event has at last taken place has produced a
deep impression everywhere, and will cause intense pain
to every right-minded patriot. Who can remain indif-
ferent to the serious trials which our beloved Fatherland
is undergoing at the present moment ?
" But bitter as our feelings are, and in spite of the
fact that we were prepared for the surrender of Warsaw,
we still have no fear as to the ultimate result of the struggle.
The more successes our enemy obtains over us, the clearer
it becomes that there can be but one end to this terrible,
to this awful war, and that is a final and definite victory
over Germany, who has proved herself to be a menace
and a danger to the whole of the civihsed world.
" For the third time since the beginning of the cam-
150 Russia's Decline and Fall
paign tilt (.rrmans have attacked Warsaw. Twice our
heroic -Idiris have obliged them to withdraw. This
time they used the advantages which their material supe-
riority in ammunition and armaments gave to them, and
ii wtjuld have been sheer madness, in view of our inferiority
in these respects, to have exposed our troops to merci-
less fire. So long as our armies remain intact and full of
courage, we can afford to look with calmness toward the
future. It only depends on ourselves to put an end to
the inferiority of our armaments. We ought, therefore,
to work persistently in that direction to repair our mis-
takes and our defects, and to give to our brave defenders
and to our whole army ammunition in sufficient quantity
to allow it to maintain its former reputation, and all the
renown for bravery which it has already earned — and
deserves.
" The fall of Warsaw ought only to strengthen our
resolution to prove to the world that we know where our
duty lies, and that we mean to perform it without flinching."
The occupation of the town, in spite of the pompous
assertions of the German Press, took place in an atmosphere
of terror on the part of the population. It knew that it
had got to submit, and that, in order to escape heavy fines
and general discomfort, it had better take quietly the
misfortune that had fallen upon it. Vague fears about
being treated in the same way as Louvain and other Belgian
towns pervaded unfortunate Warsaw. The inhabitants
were completely terrorised by the sight of the German
helmets, and with the exception of a few excitable spirits
in sympathy with Prussian ways, they looked forward
with the utmost anxiety toward a future which they all
dreaded, but from which they could not escape.
When the first detachment of Bavarian soldiers entered
the PoHsh capital they were received in absolute silence,
and with a certain amount of curiosity. One wondered
Apprehension in Petrograd 151
what was going to happen next. To the general surprise,
the conquerors began at once organising themselves as if
they were in their own country, and tried to restore the
town to some of its former animation and activity. They
opened the theatres, cafes, and restaurants, and during
these first days were most lenient toward the Poles. Prince
Leopold of Bavaria made a solemn entry into the streets
of Warsaw, and held a review in front of the Orthodox
Cathedral, much to the disgust of the few Russians left
in the town. But though troops kept pouring into it, they
did not make a lengthened stay, merely passing through
on their way toward the battle region on the Vistula.
The Russian army tried for a few days to keep Praga,
the suburb facing Warsaw on the other side of the Vistula.
Our rearguard made a desperate resistance, and shelled
the old castle of the PoHsh kings, which is one of the curiosi-
ties of their former capital. The aim was to gain time
for the main forces to retire without being cut up. The
Germans allowed them to do so with what seemed an
amazing indifference. The chief endeavour of the enemy
was to isolate the fortress of Novo Georgiewsk, which,
after Ivangorod, was the most important stronghold on
the Vistula, and defended the whole country around. It
was supposed to be full of ammunition and war material,
which the Russians, in their retreat, had not been able
to take away with them or to destroy, and the Kaiser
had, from the first, said that its possession was indispen-
sable to the firm establishment of his troops in Poland.
The garrison defended itself desperately, but had at last
to capitulate, owing to the weakness of its' commander,
whose feelings of humanity made him forget his military
obligations. Before the surrender a detachment of officers
belonging to the flying corps undertook to carry the colours
of different regiments quartered in the fortress, together
with all the documents, plans, and money still left, to the
Russian Headquarters. They started one dark night
152 Russia's Decline and Fall
with their precious burden, succeeded in escaping the
vigilance of the Prussian sentinels, and made their way
through the clouds toward their destination, which they
reached safely. The next day the Germans entered the
citadel, masters of one of our most important points of
defence in the whole region.
Before even the enemy occupied Novo Georgiewsk he
had continued his movement forward in Lithuania, and
had attacked Kovno with fury. Apart from its great
strategical importance, Kovno was the key to the road
toward Petrograd, and also an important railway junction
on the line leading from the East Prussian frontier toward
the Russian capital. Moreover, it barred the way to the
Niemen, the possession of which would have been most
advantageous to the invaders. Who wonders, therefore,
that they made up their minds to capture the place with
all speed ? They turned against it all the heavy siege
artillery which they had brought over from Konigsberg
for the purpose. It was thought for a moment in Petro-
grad that we would attempt to defend the fortress at all
costs ; and, indeed, rumour had it that orders to do so
had been issued by the Tsar himself, who could not recon-
cile himself to thi^ abandonment of every point where
the advance of the German troops could have been stayed,
even if only for a short time. But the Grand Duke either
did not believe that this could be done, or else was in-
fluenced by the Chief of his Staff, who was one of his great
favourites. General Januschkievitch, and, in spite of the
instructions which were issued from Tsarskoye Selo, adhered
to his original plan of abandoning the whole country to
the enemy, who was simply sweeping everything before
him. Nicholas Nicholaievkch refused to send reinforce-
ments to Kovno. On the contrary, he withdrew the
troops which we had there, leaving the smallest possible
garrison in the town, and hurried the retreating movement
of his armies towards Brest Litowsk and the Pinsk marshes.
Apprehension in Petrograd 153
It is stated that this decision was one of the causes of his
ultimate removal to the Caucasus.
This settled the fate of unfortunate Kovno, which fell
on the 17th of August, just thirteen days after Warsaw.
On the 19th Novo Georgiewsk was captured, and on the
24th the stronghold of Ossowetz, which for nearly ten
months had withstood the German attacks, succumbed
at last. The phalanx of von Mackensen had swept every-
thing before it, and coufd start with renewed vigour on
the road leading to Brest Litowsk, the most important
of all the Russian fortresses that had been erected to defend
the country against a German invasion — the calamity
which had overtaken it in spite of all precautions.
CHAPTER XII.
Fall of Kovno.
The loss of Kovno, strange as it may appear, produced
in Petrograd a far deeper impression than the fall of Warsaw.
Important as the latter undoubtedly was from the political
point of view, it lay far more within thejimits of proba-
biUty to see the Polish capital taken by the enemy, who,
ever since the beginning of the war, had lain almost at its
doors, than to admit the possibility of one of the greatest
and strongest Russian fortresses being stormed by the
German troops. Besides, Kovno was in Russia, and its
possession by the Kaiser meant a good deal more to every
Russian patriot than any Polish territory. Apart from
sentimental reasons, Kovno represented an immense
quantity of war material, guns, ammunition, and provi-
sions of every kind, which had accumulated within its
walls from the beginning of the campaign. It was bitter
to see all this captured, and even more so to find that we
had not been given a chance to defend it. The evacuation
of the fortress began late in June, when, by order of the
Grand Duke, a certain quantity of guns had been with-
drawn. In July some of the advance forts which defended
the entrance to the stronghold had fallen into the hands
of the Germans, but it was only on the 6th of August that
a serious attack was started, and on the 8th heavy siege
artillery opened a murderous fire against our positions.
Eight forts in succession were stormed between that date
and the 15th of August, and the cannonade surpassed in
intensity anything ever experienced before. The firing
154
Fall of Kovno 155
was heard farther than Vilna, and carried terror into the
hearts of the unfortunate inhabitants of the country sur-
rounding the besieged town. On the i6th of August the
German infantry had been able to advance as far as the
hne of the permanent fortifications which defended the
immediate approach to the fortress, taking by assault
.trenches and positions which, when not held by a small
number of men — many of them wounded, — were already
abandoned. The whole day of tjie 17th of August passed
in one attack on the eastern side of the Niemen ; the
bridge was destroyed by German shells, the forts on the
north flank were burned down, and in the evening the
entire southern side fell into the hands of the enemy.
The town itself, with its last line of fortifications, then
had to capitulate, together with the 20,000 men still left
of its once strong garrison.
It was this capitulation which was so bitterly resented
by Russian society. It produced a disastrous impression
in Petrograd, and shook the last remnants of the Grand
Duke's former popularity. A letter received from the
Russian capital, which bore the date August 20th, ex-
pressed itself in the following terms upon this subject :
" I do not know what impression the fall of Kovno
may have produced abroad. Here the consternation
surpasses everything I have ever seen before, and even
after the disasters of Mukden and Tsu Shima, at the time
of the Japanese war, there was not such a general depres-
sion as now pervades the whole atmosphere of Petrograd.
The pessimists, who prophesied that no good could ever
result from the Grand Duke being in supreme military
command, rejoice to see their prognostications verified,
but even they forbear from indulging in the usual ' I told
you so ' dear to the human heart. The situation is felt
to be far too serious for vain boasting. The one thing
which dominates is the knowledge that not only we have
156 Russia's Decline and Fall
been beaten, but also that we did not defend ourselves as
we ought to have done. It is most difficult to persuade
a whole nation as bitterly disappointed as Russia has been
that strategical reasons require us to retire and avoid the
chance of an encounter face to face with our enemy. One
must be a soldier to judge of such things, and laymen can
only feel the disgrace of this surrender of our positions.
One cannot understand how it happens that our army,
which, according to what we have been told, was plentifully
supplied with all that it required, found itself suddenly
without the means of defence. The nation does not dif-
ferentiate between a retreat executed in perfect order,
as ours has been, and a flight. It easily mistakes the one
for the other, and its intelligence fails to grasp how it
comes about that, after we have been assured all along
that our territory was secured against any invasion of the
enemy by a hne of fortresses so strong that no army in
the world could possibly take them, this Hne, the erection
of which had cost so much money, was suddenly pronounced
to be worth nothing at all — to constitute, indeed, a danger
for our troops had they remained. The impression that
lies have been told is possessing the mind of the public,
which begins to say definitely that somebody has been
guilty of systematic deceit. It is a thousand pities, because
once the confidence of the nation in its leaders is shaken
it will not respond with the one-time readiness to future
appeals to its spirit of self-sacrifice and devotion. The
great danger of such a frame of mind is too serious not to
engrpss the attention of all those who look farther than
the present day.
" It is now that the mistake made from the very begin-
ning of confiding the supreme command to a member of
the Imperial Family becomes apparent in all its nakedness.
It would have been easy to punish any Commander-in-
Chief of lesser birth, but with a Grand Duke this could
not be thought of. A certain portion of Petrograd society
Fall of Kovno 157
is clamouring for the dismissal of the Grand Duke Nicholas,
and curious stories are related concerning his growing un-
popularity among the army, his tyrannical character and
general recklessness ; but either these stories do not reach
Tsarskoye Selo, or the Sovereign is afraid of deposing a
relative quite capable of resisting his authority. This
at least is what one hears from all sides, though, personally,
I do not beheve any of these stories. Ruthless as the
Grand Duke may be, he would not dream of opposing
the Emperor or faihng in the performance of any Royal
command. I am satisfied that the story of his refusal
to defend Kovno has been invented by busybodies anxious
to appear to know everything. The retreat was a neces-
sity in consequence of the lack of ammunition. Had we
stopped to meet the Prussians and their big guns, we should
simply have sacrificed the bulk of our army to no purpose.
Besides, the conditions of modern warfare have quite
done away with the old tradition of strong fortresses. It
is too little reaHsed that not one of them can resist the
murderous fire of the fat and lean Berthas with which the
Prussians are provided. And so mankind is bound to
be impressed by events of such magnitude as the loss of
Ivangorod and of Kovno, which most probably will be
followed by the fall of the other fortresses on the Vistula
and beyond it. In military circles they are quite con-
vinced that Brest Litowsk, too, will fall, after which arises
the question whether the Germans will be able to cope
with the difficulty of the Pinsk Marshes and to cross that,
most dangerous region. My private opinion is that they
will not succeed in this part of their devilish programme.
It is August already, and in another three weeks the autumn
rains will start, which, even in the best of cases, must con-
siderably delay them, and turn their attention to their
winter quarters in preference to everything else.
" I also fail to see the reason for the panic which seems
to have got hold of the population of Petrograd ; in these
158 Russia's Decline and Fall
days of aircraft and railways one is apt to forget the dis-
tances which make our country such a wonderful place.
It is easy for newspaper reporters to say that within a
few days the enemy will be at the gates of our capital.
In reality such a thing is out of the range of human possi-
bility if we take into account the difficulty of moving a
whole army, with its baggage and artillery, in an unknown
country, where the roads are full of obstacles of a nature
this enemy does not even suspect. Certainly the situation
is serious, but not desperate. The Germans are far from
having won the war, which will turn out to be a question
of patience and endurance. Strong as they are, their
number will diminish sooner than ,that of the Allies, and
this day twelve months we shall see whether they stand
as well as they do at the present moment. If only we
remain quiet in regard to matters of home poHtics, I quite
believe that we shall teach the Germans a lesson they will
be compelled to take to heart, whether they wish it or not."
My correspondent saw perhaps clearer than most
people the unfortunate turn which the campaign had
taken during that summer of 1915. If one had been
assured that ammunition would be forthcoming in the
near future, one might have looked at things with more
equanimity. Unfortunately, such was far from being the
case. On the contrary, one dreaded that, despite the
promises of the government, the indifference of officials
would allow the important matter of the armaments to
remain in a condition of shocking and culpable
neglect. People clamoured for the day when the Duma
would meet again, and all kinds of things were foreseen
in connection with that impending event. Rumours of a
revolution went about, which were further strengthened
by unrestrained gossip.
On the 2 1st of August the railway Hne of Wlodawa-
Brest Litowsk was in the hands of the Germans, who began
Fall of Kovno 159
with their usual thoroughness to mass their armies around
Brest Litowsk, the most important point of defence upon
which the Grand Duke had reckoned in his continual
retreat. It must not be forgotten, when reviewing the
events of that memorable month of August, 1915, that
the principal aim of the German Staff was to cut the com-
munications between the different Russian armies, espe-'
cially of the groups which were still gathered about the
Niemen, and which constituted, even without sufficient
ammunition, a formidable source of danger to the enemy,
who advanced toward Vilna as hurriedly as circumstances
allowed, hoping to enter this town even before they had
captured Brest Litowsk, and thus cut off our troops
from their base. But all their efforts to surround us,
or to oblige us to accept the battle which they hoped would
end in our defeat, were useless. The Grand Duke began
to reproach himself for not having insisted that he must
have ammunition enough to cope with the enterprising
adversary. With great courage he accepted blame which
was not his alone, and determined to save the army at all
costs. A retreat, painful though it might be, would not
rob the troops of their courage and affect their morale
in a dangerous manner, as would a lost battle. No matter
at what cost, the army had to be saved. This point esta-
blished, the Grand Duke acted in accordance with it,
and so, in spite of a storm of indignation, and even of
ridicule, he brought the Russian army beyond the reach
of the German artillery, there to entrench and prepare
itself for the day when once more it would take the offen-
sive.
The Austrians, who were sent forward to attack the
advance works of the fortification that guarded the entrance
to Brest Litowsk, were commanded nominally by^ their
own officers, in reality by Germ_ans. They started a desperate
assault during the early hours of the 25th of August against
the line of forts which stretched from the village of Wyssokie
i6o Russia's Decline and Fall
Litowsk, where stood the splendid castle of the Countess
Potocka, up to the town of Brest itself. For a whole
day they fought without intermission, and thousands
of men perished in trenches that had to be carried with
the bayonet. The Russians retired towards the Bug,
defending their ground inch by inch, burning the town,
blowing up the railway station, the post office (buildings
that might prove of some utility to the enemy), and the
barracks which had been occupied by their troops. After
nearly twenty-four hours of uninterrupted struggle, and
as the last line of fortifications was about to be stormed,
the Prussians, who up to that time had remained passive
spectators of the battle which had been raging, sent one
of their reserve corps to the assistance of the Austrians,
and it was this corps which was the first to enter the still
burning ruins of what had once been the flourishing town
of Brest Litowsk. The railway Une had already been
occupied by the Germans a few days, and they started
at once to repair it, so as to assure their line of communica-
tion with Warsaw and with Eastern Prussia in the
north and west, and with Kowal in the south.
In spite of their clamorous joy at this new success,
it remains to be proved whether later on it would have
been of real advantage to them. The whole population
of Brest, which was mostly Jewish, did not take kindly
to the invaders, or to the new regulations which the latter
introduced into the happy-go-lucky Lithuanian town. In
Warsaw they had received some sympathy of a kind, but
in Brest it Was different. First of all, most of the inhabi-
tants had fled, and those who remained were utterly ruined,
and could not be of much use to their conquerors. Pro-
\'isions also were lacking. The factories were devoid of
machinery, and the whole place presented an aspect of
desolation. The Germans were in possession of the fortress
which they had coveted for such a long time ; they found
nothing but ruin. This is the plain and unvarnished truth.
Fall of Kovno i6i
The great successes of the Prussians were only obtained
because they met with absolutely no resistance. Had the
Russians possessed as much ammunition as their enemies,
it is a question whether the Germans could have advanced
into the interior of Poland and Lithuania as easily as they
did. This was a fact to which they were very careful
not to draw the attention of the world. On the contrary,
they hastened to issue a notice which they hoped would
excite German enthusiasm, so as to prepare the nation
for the further sacrifices which its government perfectly
well knew it would have to ask from it within a very short
time. This notice is so typical of German Hes that it
deserves to be reproduced here, if only to point out the
numerous inaccuracies with which it abounds :
" The strength of the Russian armies which opposed
us," begins this extraordinary official communique, " can-
not be estimated as less than 1,400,000 men. Of this num-
ber 1,100,000 have fallen into our hands and are prisoners,
whilst at least 300,000 men have been killed or are com-
pletely disabled. Probably the numbers are even higher than
stated, if we take into account that, in order to save what
was left of their artillery, the Russians covered the retreat
of the latter with their infantry, which must, in conse-
quence, have suffered enormously.
" We can therefore assume with absolute certainty
that once for all our enemy has been entirely annihilated,
and if he can still bring into the field some troops to oppose
us, this can only be explained by the fact that a few divi-
sions were left in the south of Russia, against the possi-
bility of an attack from Turkey. But these are composed
of only half-trained men, gathered together from all parts
of Russia, who are absolutely incapable of holding the
field against us. We have driven our enemy out of Galicia,
Poland, Courland, and Lithuania ; we have broken through
his lines, and no fewer than twelve fortresses, of which
i62 Russia's Decline and Fall
four are large and modern, have been captured by us ;
with them has fallen the last line of defence which Russia
possessed against us."
It is amusing to enter into the details of this document,
and to ask those who had composed it how they could
explain the fact that, according to their own account, they
had killed and taken prisoners more men than the number
which they had indicated themselves as having opposed
them. Among the many wonderful things which the
Germans have performed, this is surely one of the most
remarkable achievements.
We would also ask the Germans how it happened that
this destroyed Russian army revived suddenly from the
dead, and succeeded in preventing the famous Marshal
von Hindenburg himself from taking Riga, which he had
declared he could capture whenever he liked. Why, too,
was the important fortress of Dunaburg^ — or Dwinsk, to
give it its Russian name — at Christmas, 19 15, still in posses-
sion of the Tsar, in spite of the repeated assurances of the
German military authorities that its capture was but a
matter of a few hours. The Prussian Staff is no longer so.
eager to talk to us about the annihilation of the Russian
armies as it was in August, 1915.
It was fondly expected at Berlin, and among the native
German population, that the capture of Brest Litowsk
would open the way to Southern Russia, and that Kiev
would be the next town to fall into the hands of von
Mackensen and of Prince Leopold of Bavaria, who sud-
denly had been entrusted with the leadership of the German
vanguard. In reahty the conquest of the old Lithuanian
town had no such results, and proved rather a source
of embarrassment than anything else to the further suc-
cesses of the Kaiser's soldiers. It must not be forgotten
that the aim of the Germans was to strike ten-or into the
hearts of their adversaries, and that a good deal of their
Fall of Kovno 163
triumphs lay in the rapidity of their march forward. To
capture Petrograd, Kiev, Odessa, the territories surround-
ing the Black Sea, the Germans would have to be very
much more advanced before the winter interfered with
further progress. And winter, or rather autumn with its
rains, was almost at hand. As far as Brest Litowsk the
road had been relatively easy to follow, owing to the absence
of serious resistance on the part of the Russians ; but after
Brest matters would prove very different, because this
town lies on the confines of the Pripet Marshes — far more
formidable enemies than an army of soldiers would be.
The marshes form the middle of the great triangular tract
of woodland which has its apex at Brest Litowsk itself,
and which is based on the middle course of the Dnieper,
between Mohileff and Kiev. The Pripet River rises between
Wlodawa and Kowal, in Volhynia, and flows into the
Dnieper above Kiev after a winding course of something
hke 450 miles, and it is this river which forms the main
artery of an intricate system of narrow and muddy streams
which give to the whole region a most peculiar character,
such, for instance, as the Styr — which is defended by the
fortr-ess of Luck — the Stochad and the Touriya. These
streams have led to the formation of vast swamps which,
together with the wooded condition of the region, make
it a most extraordinary patch of country, in which it is
next to impossible for anyone not a native to pick his
way. At all seasons it is difficult of access, and in many
parts practically impassable in autumn or in spring, when
the floods cause the rivers to overflow to as much as ten
miles across. Pinsk, where the Pripet becomes navigable,
is the largest town in the region, though but a small and
poor one. It has, however, four main strategic railway
lines which run from west to east, and one running from
north to south. Of these the Germans seized two, but
even this did not profit them much, because the swamps
would not allow them to proceed with anything like the
i64 Russia's Decline and Fail
necessary rapidity, which had proved such an advantage in
their march from Warsaw to Brest Litowsk. In fact,
they never even attempted to overcome the obstacles
which nature itself had put in their way, and after the
capture of Brest they did not make the slightest effort
to follow up their first successes by capturing Kiev. They
concentrated their whole attention on Vilna, which they
ultimately took before the autumn had settled upon the
region.
What seemed at first sight rather wonderful was the
fact that von Mackensen, who had led the Prussian advance
towards Lithuania, suddenly disappeared from the scene,
and was no longer heard of, save for the fact that he was
supposed to be somewhere in Volhynia. Events proved,
later on, that whilst he- had been beheved to remain in-
active, he had, on the contrary, moved with the greatest
secrecy toward the Serbian frontier, where he was to join
Ferdinand of Coburg, whose treachery at that time was
still unsuspected. The chief attention of the Russian
Staff, at this period of the war, was concentrated on the
northern region, as some people seemed to fear that the
main object of the Prussian effort was directed against
Courland, Riga, and Petrograd, though no serious person
gave the sHghtest consideration to an advance on Petro-
grad, so impossible did it seem. On the contrary, the
capture of Riga might have been effected at that moment,
and it is still an object of surprise that Marshal von Hinden-
burg did not make the attempt, because its fall was con-
sidered to be merely a question of days. The command
over the Russian northern armies had been entrusted to
General Roussky, the ablest general that Russia had
been able to put into the field. He had stormed Galicia,
and taken its capital, Lemberg, by a short and unexpected
attack. People seemed to beHeve that some surprise was
in store for us in Courland, and the apprehension that
such might be the case was so strong that one ceased to
Fall of Kovno 165
think much about events in Lithuania, where the Kaiser's
troops were still winning one success after another. Vilna
was taken, and the capture of this old town, the former
capital of Lithuania, made an important base for the
Prussians, besides giving them the command of perhaps
the most important railway line in Russia. Then Grodno
fell, and the whole line of fortresses destined to protect
Russia against a foreign invasion, with the sole exception
of Dwinsk, was thus in possession of the enemy. It was
certainly a great success, but it was not one of the decisive
victories which decide the fate of a campaign. In spite
of the boastings of the German General Staff, it had not
been able to add to its record of glorious military deeds
any victory Hke the surrender of Sedan or Metz. The'
Allies, not excepting the Russians, had proved to be of
much tougher stuff than had been suspected, and at the
very moment when the Kaiser and his satellites were
boasting of their triumphs the tide was turning, and the
whole campaign was to undergo a complete change which
was not to be altogether to the advantage of arrogant
Prussia.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Tsar Takes Command.
In Petrograd, the news of the German advance, which
at first had considerably frightened the timorous part
of the population, began to be viewed with more equani-
mity, after the discovery that it seemed to have come to
a standstill after the occupation of Brest Litowsk. The
fact also that the threatened attack on Riga seemed for
the moment to have been abandoned helped to raise the
courage of those who had already prophesied all kinds of
worse misfortunes than those which had overtaken us.
Public attention appeared entirely concentrated on the
debates of the Duma, which had met in conditions of
such gravity that every word uttered within its walls
was bound to have a great influence on the whole country.
The different parties, though showing intense patriotism,
did not forbear from expressing their opinion concerning
the conduct of the government in terms which could not
leave any doubt as to the feelings with which it was viewed
in the country.
In a later chapter I shall return to the details of the
discussions which took place in the Legislative Assembly —
discussions that at last grew so sharp that the Assembly
had to be prorogued by the Sovereign, acting on the advice
of the Prime Minister, M. Goremykin. At present I must
still go on with the tale of the German advance into the
interior of 'Russia, and of the consequences that resulted
from it. After the capture of Brest the Prussians turned
their attention to Grodno, which also succumbed within
i66
The Tsar Takes Command 167
a few days. Vilna, being an open town, presented abso-
lutely no obstacle to the enemy, and was a considerable
advantage strategically, owing to its command of the
railway which linked the communications of all Western
Russia with the capital. The town was, moreover, rich,
and though the Russians, in evacuating it, had carried
away with them all they could, even the church bells,
the conquerors found, nevertheless, considerable booty.
Vilna, as we have said, constituted for them an excellent
base, and they were not slow to avail themselves of
it. The Prussians' first care was to organise the
town after their own fashion, to introduce Prussian ways,
and to appoint a military governor responsible to his
superiors. The garrison which was left in this ancient
capital of Lithuania was also stronger than the one which
the Germans generally stationed in their conquered cities.
They felt that, in a place where, in spite of the large pro-
portion of Poles and Jews, the population was not at all
friendly towards them, it would not do to expose themselves
to any surprise, whether from outside or in the place itself,
and so they apphed themselves to win the friendship of
the inhabitants of the town as well as of its surroundings.
The people were not oppressed, the Germans paid for
what they requisitioned, and treated with courtesy the
landowners of the numerous properties which abounded
in the neighbourhood, and which they refrained from
destroying, save in cases where it appeared advisable to
do so. Vilna afforded them an excellent point of observa-
tion, owing to its communications with the rest of the
Russian Empire.
Even after Vilna fell some of the remaining population
kept in touch with the army of the Grand Duke Nicholas.
Of this the German Staff was perfectly aware. The reign
of terror which the Prussians had established in Belgium
was spared to the Russian provinces, perhaps because
the Germans never meant to retain them in their hands,
i68 Russia's Decline and Fall
and perhaps also because they realised the danger that
barbarous treatment might result in their not being able
to obtain anything in the way of provisions. The Russian
military authorities obhged the populations of the pro-
\'inces which they evacuated to fly before the enemy, and
to destroy everything they could' not take away with
them. This policy, which was but an imitation of what
had taken place in 1812, was no longer appropriate to
the needs of the moment, and was only an added burden.
The idea was to embarrass the Prussians, but it proved a
mistake. Their railway service was mechanically excel-
lent, and as they progressed they were followed by their
commissariat, which suppUed everything for the mainten-
ance of the enormous number of men as they proceeded
on their way. On the other hand, the refugees were com-
pelled to abandon all that they had possessed in the way
of worldly goods. These two factors brought about such
misery in Russia as will take very many years — perhaps
a centurj^ — to heal. The destitution entailed an expense
of which it is impossible at present to estimate the extent.
The enormous sums which were expended by pubHc as
well as by private charity seemed to be but a drop in the
vast ocean of suffering caused by the exodus of a whole
nation. The money thus scattered with a generosity to
which no parallel can be found in the history of Russia
might have been better employed, because, finally, it was
its own citizens, and not the Germans, that the Russian
government was punishing and condemning to want and
poverty by forcing them to follow the retreating J^rmy on
its march. The destruction surpassed description, and
one cannot help questioning what was the use of it.
We can understand that everything of possible value
to the enemy should be removed, but one fails to grasp
the reason for this wholesale burning of entire villages,
where a peaceful population had been hving for hundreds
of years.
The Tsar Takes Command 169
This imposed migration added to the panic that had
seized hold of the Russian nation. The refugees, as they
dragged themselves along that road which was leading
them towards a Calvary they could not even see from afar,
carried with them tales of horror, amplified by the imagina-
tion, which were meant to terrify the people into whose
ears they were poured. When the ignorant Russian
peasants of these central provinces, out of the reach of
the enemy, saw their own firesides invaded by motley
compatriots, whose distress was pitiful in the extreme,
the}^ fully believed that the end of Russia had come.
The effect of this panic was felt in Petrograd, and a
good many of the reproaches levelled at the Grand Duke
Nicholas proceeded from the masses, beUeving it was all
due to his mistakes. The vigorous agitation started
against him after the fall of Kovno grew in inten-
sity after the fall of Grodno and Vilna. During a private
meeting of the Progressive party that took place in the
capital, on the eve of the assembhng of the Dutna, a member,
when speaking about the difficulties of the situation,
parodied the famous words of the Roman Emperor, and,
in pathetic but pointed tones, addressed the Commander-
in-Chief, " Varus, where are our legions ? " — a question
which, by the way, was not at atll exact, because the
legions were there, and though he had lost our fortresses,
Nicholas Nicholaievitch had at least succeeded in saving
our armies. But this service which he had rendered his
Fatherland was passed by. In their rage the public was
only too glad to find a scapegoat.
The Grand Duke bore himself with remarkable dignity
all through this tr3dng time, and he did an almost unpre-
cedented thing in Russia : he absolved his subordinates
from blame, not allowing them to suffer for his own errors.
History will judge him certainly with more leniency than
his contemporaries have done.
In Petrograd a considerable party was working against
170
Russia's Decline and Fall
him, on which topic the correspondent whose letters I
have already quoted wrote to me :
*' A curious characteristic of the frame of mind in
which the majority of influential persons in the capital
find themselves just now is the indifference displayed in
regard to the fate of unfortunate Lithuania. Following
the terrible outcry which was raised after the fall of Kovno,
one would have expected to see the indignation of the
public rise to an unheard-of pitch when Grodno and Vilna
were taken from us. But nothing of the kind occurred.
People simply shrugged their shoulders, and expressed
their regret at the thought that we would be compelled to
fight to take back what has been wrested from us ; but
the idea that this taking back may present some consider-
able difiiculty does not seem to trouble them.
" All the talk one hears in Petrograd concerns the
regrettable want of ammunition, the newly discovered
abuses in the War Office, especially in the Commissariat
Department, and the incapacity of the Staff. One is so
eager to pour invectives on the heads of the Grand Duke
and of his immediate subordinates, that one loses sight
of the principal features of a situation which is anything
but pleasant, and considerably dangerous. One is well
aware of the amount of unnecessary talk in which Petro-
grad likes to indulge at all times ; one does not wonder
therefore that on the present occasion neither words nor
reproaches are spared. Of course, we were not prepared
for war, but the question arises whether we would ever
have been prepared under the existing system of com-
missions, entrusted apparently with the task of watching
over the expenses of national defence, but in reality
doing httle else but filHng their pockets. In the good
old times of MiUoutine it was the War Minister alone who
had in his charge all the expenditure of his department.
At present his hands are tied, and not one button can be
The Tsar Takes Command 171
bought until the Commission which has the control of
the funds has approved of the purchase. All the members
of this famous Commission with but few exceptions are
open to the persuasions of what in Turkey one calls ' bak-
sheesh,' and in our enUghtened Russia, ' Na Tchay.'
They see no wrong in receiving handsome cheques from
the different firms to whom they give orders, or whose
offers of service they accept ; it is indeed to their interest
to drag on the war. As a result the firms who would have
conscientiously delivered ammunition were set aside, and
large sums on account of future orders were handed over
to others that were not so entirely conscientious.
" The result of this state. of things is apparent, but it is
the system that is the cause of it, not this or that indivi-
dual. General SoukhomUnov has been accused of all
kinds of horrors, and suspicion has even hovered around
the name of the Grand Duke, and yet neither the one
nor the other could have done anything at the eleventh
hour to bring our armaments up to date when the enemy
had already declared war upon us. Certainly the War
Minister ought to have known better than to think that
we were ready for the struggle, and he ought not to have
trusted so entirely to others ; but we must not forget that
everybody believed that Germany would be crushed in
six weeks, and that we would be in BerHn awaiting the
advent of our French AlUes. This initial and capital
mistake was at the root of the whole trouble, and
the Press is also seriously to blame by its absolute trust
in the perfection of our military preparations. Souk-
homUnov may have been foolishly led into error, but most
certainly he has never been dishonest ; he retires from
office not richer and perhaps even poorer than when he
entered it. On the other hand, it is undeniable that he
has displayed far too much weakness and leniency toward
his subordinates. He is by nature a kind-hearted man,
and he has shown it to a degree that was almost criminal ;
172 Russia's Decline and Fall
he ought to have looked into things far more carefully.
On the other hand, \he army under his guidance is cer-
tainly far more efficient than it was at the time of the
Japanese war. The General Staff and the War Office,
instead of working hand in hand, have always been at
daggers drawn, and it is an open secret that for some time
General SoukhomHnov and General Januschkievitch have
not been upon speaking terms with each other. The
Grand Duke swears by Januschkievitch, who thinks him-
self a military genius. There was a violent scene at Head-
quarters when the Grand Duke refused to submit to the
suggestion to change the Head of the Staff. Januschkie-
vitch, however, as you know already, has been removed
and appointed to the Caucasus, where probably he will
quarrel with Count Vorontzow. People wonder here what
the Grand Duke will do now the clerical party — which is
very powerful at Tsarskoye Selo — has been urging the
Emperor to remove his Imperial cousin from the post
of Commander-in-Chief ; but no one thinks that the
monarch will summon sufficient energy for so decisive a
step.
" As regards the all-important question of ammunition,
however, I really think that things are improving. Th^
commission appointed by the Duma has been doing wonders,
and all the factories in the Empire are being set to work
at top speed. On the other hand, the Siberian railway is
at last bringing to us guns and rifles and shells, and other
necessities from America and Japan. It is quite certain
that a few months hence we shall be able to attempt an
offensive against the German armies. But then it will
be winter, when nothing very serious can be done. Spring,
however, is sure to see great things, and perhaps we shall
be able to teach the Kaiser a lesson which he will not
forget in a hurry. You must not lose sight of the fact
that each of his so-called great victories have been obtained
through entering an open door. His quick advance in
The Tsar Takes Command 173
Poland and Lithuania was due to our having left him a free
field. With the exception of Tannenberg, which was
more a trap than anything else, he has not won any battle
decisive enough to enable him to dictate to us his condi-
tions. The greatest endurance is what will tell in the
long run in this struggle, and the Junkers will never display
the same patience and stubborn determination as our
ignorant moujiks, who die cheerfully and courageously,
and with that strong faith which still exists in the country,
though it is dead everywhere else."
As events proved later, my correspondent was not
such a bad judge of the circumstances -under which Russia
"^s fighting against the united armies of Francis Joseph
and WilHam II. Curiously as it may strike the reader, it
nevertheless is a fact that after what certainly were great
reverses, or at least what would have been great reverses
under other, conditions, the chances of Russia winning the
war increased instead of diminished. For one thing, all
the energies which had lain dormant in the nation were
roused and prompted the doing of something towards
that final victory which was the sole aim of the people.
It was a great pity that the government did not
succeed at this critical period in inspiring the public with
confidence, and that it applied itself to crush every inde-
pendent manifestation of opinion either in the Press or
in society. M. Goremykin, indeed, was now too old. No
one would deny that he had long experience, but it had
been bought under quite difterenl conditions, and he had
never accommodated himself to modern circumstances.
He still adhered to the usages of his youth and middle
age, and dominated his colleagues rather than discussed
with them ; he allowed not the slightest independence.
As the leader of government in a semi-autocratic country
as Russia still was, he lacked knowledge of the altered
conditions, and could not realise that the crisis it was going
through was far too serious and far too grave to be ignored
174 Russia's Decline and Fall
or arrogantly crushed. A younger and more energetic
man would never have tolerated excesses Hke those which
took place in Moscow, and, instead of exciting the evil
passions of the crowds, would have attempted to keep
them under control.
This was precisely the thing which M. Goremykin
never ^ould realise, and his administration, though it tried
hard to be just and Liberal, renewed all the ancient modes
of tyranny for which the Russian government had always
been noted.
Whilst the Germans were advancing into Lithuania
and Russian society watched events with terror ; whilst
one fortress after another fell into the hands of our
unwearied adversary ; whilst the Duma was giving vent
to its indignation and its apprehensions concerning the
future fate of the campaign, what was the Emperor doing ?
No man certainly in his vast realm suffered more than
he must have done at that time. The keen sense of duty
which always distinguished Nicholas IL, the feehngs
of responsibility which from the very first day of his reign
weighed so heavily upon him, must at this most trying
juncture have added sorrow upon sorrow. He had paid
several visits to the front, and done his best to cheer the
soldiers with his presence. But at the headquarters of
the army, where, Sovereign though he was, he found him-
self subordinate to the Grand Duke, who alone issued the
orders on all questions relating to the military situation,
the Emperor was far too conscientious to mix himself,
up with matters which he did not understand thoroughly,
and he was careful not to embarrass his cousin. The
anomaly of his position, however, had been noticed by
the troops, who began to murmur at his self-effacement.
A personage, whose name it is useless to mention here,
but who was in the confidence of the reigning Empress,
and exercised a considerable influence over her mind, and
who for reasons of his own hated Nicholas Nicholaievitch,
The Tsar Takes Command 175
set himself to the task of rectifying this state of affairs.
The Emperor was told that the whole nation wished for
the removal of the Grand Duke, who had not proved worthy
of the confidence that had been reposed in him at the
outset of the campaign, and that it was supremely neces-
saay to relieve him of the Supreme Command. To find
someone to replace the Grand Duke Nicholas was a con-
siderable difficulty, because the only military personality
whose capabilities would have made him an eligible candi-
date. General Roussky, was not high enough in rank to
step into a position that had been filled by a member of
the Imperial House. At this stage, Gregory Rasputin —
the much talked about vagrant monk, who had free entry
to the Imperial Palace on account of the protection with
which he was honoured by the Empress Alexandra — sought
Nicholas II., and told him that the nation required their
Tsar, and no one else, to take command of the army in
the field.
For a few weeks the monarch hesitated. The question
was an excessively grave one. His action would be com-
mented upon both at home and abroad ; in one sense it
would be an avowal of defeat, whilst in another it might
prove an incentive and add to the enthusiasm of the
soldiers. It was at all events a hazardous step to take,
and no one felt this more than Nicholas TI. At last he
yielded to the prayers of his wife and the advice of
several persons in whom he had great confidence. The
Emperor, without warning his cousin, sent him an Imperial
Rescript thanking him for his valuable and precious ser-
vices, and appointing him his Viceroy in the Caucasus,
in place of Count Vorontzow, who for some time had begged
to be reheved from his duties, which neither his advanced
age (he was close on eighty) nor the state of his health allowed
him to perform to his satisfaction.
According to rumours in Petrograd at that time, it
was only twenty-four hours before the publication of the
176 Russia's Decline and Fall
Imperial order concerning him that the Grand Duke Nicholas
heard authentically that it was contemplated to remove
him from his command.
^ On the 4th September, 1915, the Tsar, who had been
spending a few days in Tsarskoye Selo, reached once more
the Headquarters of the army. On the next day the
news was published that he had decided to assume the
command over his forces at the front. A religious service
was celebrated in the field, to call the blessings of the
Almighty on the new Chief of the brave Russian armies,
and one of the most momentous events of the whole cam-
paign passed off as unostentatiously as if it had been an
everyday occurrence.
The conduct of the Grand Duke Nicholas was admirably
dignified. He issued an address to the soldiers whom
he had led through many difficulties for more than twelve
months ; and after thanking them for their courage and
their devotion to duty during all that trying time, he
expressed the hope that, now they were deemed worthy
of the honour of being commanded by their Sovereign
in person, they woujd continue to show the same fine
qualities they had shown before. He did not complain ;
did not say one word that might have led the public to
think that he felt hurt at the blow which had thus fallen,
and which must have appeared doubly painful to him
after the triumphs which had been his when he accom-
panied the Emperor during the Tsar's visit to Gahcia.
Now Galicia was again an Austrian province, and not only
had the victorious Russian armies been driven away from
it, but they had been compelled to abandon Poland and
Lithuania and the proud fortresses which were to have
proved, impregnable. The contrast was bitter indeed, and
a stronger man than the Grand Duke might have felt it
in all its acuteness ; but he remained impassive, and this
proud and disdainful attitude won for him a certain sullen
respect which his individuahty had never inspired before.
The Tsar Takes Command 177
On the 6th August the Grand Duke left the Head-
quarters for his new destination. An Imperial train was
to take him straight to Tiflis, and the Emperor himself
came to wish him good-bye. Uncle and nephew exchanged
greetings which to the spectators seemed to be as warm
and as sincere as they had ever been. When at last the
engine began to ghde away from the Httle field-station,
the commanding figure of Nicholas Nicholaievitch could
be seen standing at the open door of the railway-car with
his hand raised at the salute. His Sovereign, who also
saluted from the platform, waited until the train had
carried out of sight the man who, all powerful a few hours
before, was now sent away into an exile which he accepted
without a murmur.
M
CHAPTER XIV.
The Duma and the Crisis.
I HAVE not yet, in the sad story of our retreat from
Galicia and Poland, referred to the internal condition of
Russia during that anxious time. Nor have I related any-
thing concerning the debates of the Duma. In spite of
the severe criticisms which were directed against the
Cabinet and the administration by the leaders of the
different parties in the Legislative Assembly, the general
tone of the speeches was marked by the deepest patriotism,
an4 pointed to a sincere desire to second the Sovereign
in the difficult and responsible task which lay upon his
shoulders. It was a great pity that M. Goremykin deceived
himself as to what lay at the bottom of these debates ;
he interpreted wrongly the expressions of dismay at the
mistakes committed by the War Office and the administra-
tion in general. Had he met the deputies half way, it is
certain that a great deal more might have been done in
the question of the national defence than was actually
performed. It is even more to be regretted that his
timorous character induced him to advise the Emperor
to prorogue the Duma at the very time it might have
been useful, and its patriotism of avail to sustain the
country in the hour of its trial. However, this is a point
for later reference.
The DumaJ^and the Council of State assembled on
the 1st of August, at the date which had been assigned
for their meeting in the Imperial Rescript addressed to
M. Gortoykin. A few days before, nearly all the deputies
178
The Duma and the Crisis 179
had arrived at Petrograd, where they held party meetings
to decide as to the course of action which they meant to
follow. A ministerial declaration was, of course, expected,
and it became a question as to how it was to be received.
It must not be forgotten that at this particular moment
the indignation against the government had reached its
maximum. The country had learned that it had not been
prepared for the terrible war which had been forced upon
it ; that it lacked guns, rifles, shells, and ammunition ;
and that it might have had all these things had it not
been for the carelessness and the greed of certain people
who had enriched themselves at the expense of their
Fatherland, and had not hesitated to waste its resources un-
scrupulously and uselessly. It was therefore but natural
that an echo of this indignation should be heard among
the deputies assembled together to express their opinion
concerning the measures to be taken in order to stop, if
possible, the progress of the enemy.
The Duma was opened by its President, M. Rodsianko,
who read the Imperial Ukase calling it together, after
which he addressed the Assembly. His exordium did not
disguise the gravity of the situation :
" It is exactly one year to-day since the opening of
this terrible war, which has already claimed so many
victims. This war is without parallel in history, and in
order to obtain a complete victory over the enemy the
country will have to exert all its strength and to remain
united, no matter what happens in the dark future that
lies before us.
" In those days of anxiety and peril our mighty Sovereign
has decided to fulfil the wishes of the nation, and — desirous
of hearing the voice of Russia — has called together the
Imperial Duma. With a firm faith in the strength of his
beloved subjects, His Majesty expects unity from all the
public and official spheres, from Russian industry, and
i8o Russia's Decline and Fall
from the faithful sons of our dear Fatherland, no matter
what may be their social condition. This ought to be
our first aim, and it is the one which must inspire all our
actions. The Imperial Duma will therefore begin its
labours in full comprehension of what its Sovereign expects
it to perform in these momentous times.
" You are requested to tell the government your opinion
and the absolute truth — a truth which is indispensable in
order td get at the root of things. And all your speeches,
even if they occasion some discussion, ought to lead to
the setting aside of the difficulties under which Russia is
labouring at present.
" I feel convinced that, even during the most heated
discussions, none will forget that not far from us, on the
battlefields on which so much Russian blood has flowed,
stands a threatening and formidable foe, which the Russian
army, our army, confronts with its usual courage, and with
quiet determination awaits the moment when it will be
able to march forward. For a whole year it has stood
under the fire and the shells of our enemies, and it has
held high the flag of our national honour without flinching
for one single instant, and it is your duty now to approve
its bravery and to send it from here a token of your grati-
tude and admiration.'*
The speech continued with friendly words addressed
to Russia's Allies, which were warmly received, after
which M. Rodsianko proceeded to explain to the assembly
the different points that ought to engage its attention,
and ended by affirming in the most solemn accents that
Russia would and ought to fight to the end. He finished
his speech by calhng upon the Duma to acclaim General
Roussky, who happened to be sitting in one of the galleries
reserved for spectators, and so do honour not only to
him, but to the whole Russian army. The cheer which
was given was taken up by all, and its echoes resounded
The Duma and the Crisis i8i
through the old palace which had witnessed in a
distant past the pomps and grandeur of the Court of
Catherine 11.
After the introductory words of the President, the
Prime Minister, M. Gor^mykin, ascended the tribune of
the Duma. His speech was much colder than that of
M. Rodsianko, and began by the deHvery of a message of
greeting from the Emperor to the Assembly. It was
one of those official communications which could not
appeal to the feelings of anyone.
The Prime Minister was succeeded by the newly ap-
pointed Minister of War, General Polivanow, who made
for the first time his appearance before the representa-
tives of the nation. He had been called upon to replace
General Soukhomlinov, and was known to be a personal
enemy of his predecessor, a fact that added to the un-
pleasantness of his personal situation, as his every step
would be construed by ill-natured persons as being a direct
disavowal of all that had been done before he had assumed
the task of repairing the mistakes of the War Office. He
was a high-principled man, and had felt cruelly the
horrors of the war he was expected to help to bring to a
successful close, his only son having fallen on one of the
battlefields of Eastern Prussia. He therefore could under-
stand and reaUse in all its bitterness the agony of Russia,
and perhaps for that very reason much was expected
from him.
When he appeared before the Duma he was greeted with
wild cheers, and was listened to with grave attention. His
speech was delivered with military precision and in simple,
unsophisticated language that went at once to the heart.
*' It is exactly one hundred years ago," he began, '' by
the sacrifices and efforts of the Russian nation, and with
the help of Russian blood which flowed freely on many
battlefields, that the independence of Germany and of the
i82 Russia's Decline and Fall
small states which composed it at that time was assured,
and that the German princes were able to escape from
under the iron heel of the great Napoleon. And to-day
we begin the second year of a war in which these same
states fell on us without the slightest provocation.
*' Our enemy, Germany, who has succeeded in raising
against us the forces of Austria-Hungary and of Turkey,
is a formidable enemy, more so because for forty-two years
Prussia had been preparing for war.
" The results obtained after twelve months' campaign
against that enemy can be summed up in a few simple
words. Victory belonged 'in turn to us and to him, and
at the present moment it is certainly on the side of the
German.
" The geographical character of our frontiers, with
German and Austrian territory on either side at several
points, has been all along a weakness to our activity
in regions where it exists, and has considerably hampered
any strategic movements we wanted to make. We must
remember this in justice to our army, as we rejoice at their
victories, and sorrow when they suffer defeat. But at
the same time there is one feehng which never changes
among us all — that is, the absolute conviction which we
have that this war ought to be continued until we have
won it."
The Minister then, after a long tribute to the tenacity
and heroism of the Russian armies on each of the battle-
fronts, brought his speech round to the question of muni-
tions. " The Germans," he said, " have ranged against
us artillery many times more powerful than ever used in
any previous war, and spent it with unlimited prodigality.
It has, indeed, only been by our soldiers' indomitable courage
that we overcame so often the enemy's superiority in
ammunition — at an awful expense in men.
" The War Office intends to submit to you a Bill calling
The Duma and the Crisis 183
out the second contingent of our reserves. These will
give us something Hke eight milHons of men to be called
up as occasion demands. From what we have been able
to observe, we have formed the opinion that the agri-
cultural position of Russia has not suffered materially in
the twelve months' war — a fact both of national importance
and encouragement.
" The most important and the most difficult question
in regard to the continuation of this war is that of muni-
tions. If victory depends entirely upon this, as it seems
to do, then it is indispensable we also should learn to
develop this particular branch of industry. The position
of France and England stands very much better than ours
does in this matter.
** We must not lose time, but make use of all the powers
the nation has at its disposal to strengthen and execute
our programme of national defence. This is what our
Sovereign expects of all his faithful subjects, the sons of
our beloved Fatherland."
The speech of General Polivanow produced an excellent
impression on the Duma, already favourably disposed
toward the orator. He was heartily cheered when he
went back to his seat, and even the Socialist members
refrained from their customary and systematic opposition.
Everybody felt that he had been frankly straightforward,
and that he had not attempted to minimise the dangers
of a situation which caused such general anxiety all over
Russia. He was followed by the Naval Minister, Admiral
Grigorovitch, who, however, failed to arouse sympathy
among the Assembly, partly because no one gave a thought
to the possibility of our navy playing an important part
in the war. After he had come to the end of the tedious
story which he unfolded at still more tedious length, M.
Sazonov tried to convey to the Duma the diplomatic
situation ; his remarks, however, were nothing but plati-
184 Russia's Decline and Fall
tudes. Our Minister for Foreign Affairs, notwithstanding
his invariably strong common sense, had not the gift of
eloquence, and had never been popular either in the country
or in the Duma, where he had been accused more than
once of lacking determination, and of trying to please
the world and his wife ! Even the few words which he
spoke concerning Japan passed without exciting any
attention. The Duma did not even Hsten to M. Bark
when he introduced the financial programme. The deputies
were impatient to begin the discussions ; every member
was eager to express his personal opinion on the com-
plicated situation. The smell of powder was in the air,
but the expected explosion did not take place on the
opening day.
The first to ascend the tribune after the ministerial
speeches was a representative of the extreme Right, M.
Markoff, who began by reproaching the other parties for
their desire to obtain from the Sovereign the appointment
of a Cabinet responsible to the people. Two curious points
in this speech of M. Markoft were his comment that Jews
ought in any case to be expelled from all the large towns,
where they were only allowed to exist on sufferance, and
the strong manner in which he expressed himself concern-
ing the necessity of exiling Germans into the far-away
provinces of .the Empire, as their presence anywhere near
the seat of war constituted a pubHc danger. His words
expressed the programme of the extreme Right. The
Nationalists had asked Count Bobrinsky, a man enjoying
the respect of all the parties represented in the Duma, to
speak in their name on this momentous occasion. He did
so in a strong but gentlemanly speech, which appealed
even to those who did not share his poHtical opinions and
convictions. His discourse was considered to have been
one of the best ever heard within the walls of the Duma.
His first .words stirred his listeners and gained their sym-
pathies :
The Duma and the Crisis 185
" I will not speak as a member of a political party,"
he began, " because at the present moment no one in this
Assembly belongs to a party ; 'all have one idea — that of
defeating the cruel, resolute, and strong foe with whom
we find ourselves confronted, of sweeping him out of our
territory, and of destroying him entirely. There may
exist differences of opinion as to how we are going to do
it, but even in their presence I shall repeat what not long
ago I told my political adversary, M. Struwe — that when
it becomes necessary for us to stand face to face with out
enemy, we shall forget all party differences in order to
become patriots. Our army has shown itself worthy of
its past renown and fame, and it is our duty to provide it
with all that it requires to make our victory sure.
" The country needs internal reforms," he continued,
" but these reforms will only become possible when peace
has been restored to the world and to our belaved Russia.
At present we expect the Government to tell us the whole
truth concerning the armaments of our army and of our
fleet. The Duma ought in its turn to examine with sceptical
eyes, no longer bHnded, all the documents and the details
put at its disposal, and not to refrain from criticising the
Ministers where necessary. They must determine that
former mistakes shall be repaired, and give the country
their confidence. This responsibility, heavy as it is, we
mean to assume. We have no intention of making the
position of the government harder than it is already, but
at the same time we mean to exact from it the fulfilment
of the duties which it has assumed. It has a great deal
of power, and this power ought to be exercised for the
common good of the Whole nation. ^
*' Perhaps it is not the time to speak of the abuses,
the omissions, and the faults committed in the past by
those members of the government whose place perhaps
ought to be in the criminal dock ; but we request the govern-
ment to prove to us that it has decided to get rid of the
i86 Russia's Decline and Fall
old pernicious routine which has so continually hampered
its good intentions."
Count Bobrinsky ended his speech by moving a resolu-
tion which was accepted not only by the NationaUst party,
but also by the Centre and the Octobrists, tiie sense of
which was that the Duma had made up its mind not to
end the war before the Complete defeat of its enemies ;
that in concert with its Allies it would go on with the
struggle until that aim had been accomplished ; and that
at the same time it was convinced that the best means to
bring it about was a perfect union of all the political parties
in the country and common action with the government.
The leader of the Centre, M. Lvoff, spoke in the same
terms as Count Bobrinsky ; but M. Savitch, in the name
of the Octobrists, sharply criticised the government.
'* There has never yet existed in Russia," he said, " an
administration that has taken to heart the interests of the
country ; our War Office has never been prepared for any
war — as the loss of the Japanese conflict testified, as also
the Russo-Turkish war of 1877, ^^^ earlier still the Crimean
campaign, proved. This lamentable state of things is
due to the lack of intelligent people at the War Office.
The third Duma tried to attract the attention of the Cabinet
to the bad organisation of the artillery department, but
no notice was taken. The Duma, ever since it has existed,
has done its duty in that respect, but the government has
done absolutely nothing at all. Worse, indeed, as I would
like to remind you gentlemen. A few years ago we were
asked to vote credits for the construction of new cruisers,
torpedo boats, and submarines. For reasons which are
too long to enter into here, and which are well known to
you, the Duma refused the credits required for the cruisers,
but not only granted those she was requested to vote for
the torpedo boats and the submarines, but insisted that
these should be built immediatelv. The government did
^^.
The Duma and the Crisis 187
exactly the opposite to what the Duma wished. The
cruisers were constructed, and nothing was done to increase
our submarine fleet. And this is not an isolated case ;
such things have happened continually.
" This discord between the Legislative Assembly and
the government, and the latter's disregard for public
opinion, is the principal cause of the small respect which
it inspires, and one of the reasons for its weakness on the
subject of internal reforms. Rightly or wrongly, the
nation has come to the conviction that the government
can do nothing well, and facts justify it.
*' I feel certain that we shall win the war. We have
lost many precious months, but I am of the opinion that
within a short time our many mistakes will have been
repaired. Our natural resources are inexhaustible ; the
enthusiasm and spirit of self-sacrifice of our population
know no Hmit. And the Duma means to give every help
to the government. We must retrieve the past. The
spilt blood of our brave army calls out for vengeance."
The speech of M. Savitch was freely discussed in the
lobbies later on. No one believed that the Octobrist
leader would have come out with such sharp criticisms
of the government, and one wondered what reply M.
Goremykin would make. A PoHsh deputy spoke of the
necessity of pursuing the war until the bitter end, and of
the attachment of the PoHsh population to its Russian
masters — an assertion which was not believed by anybody.
He was listened to with scant attention„/as the Duma was
awaiting with impatience for the appearance at its tribune
of the members belonging to the Opposition.
The first speaker who voiced the feelings of the parties
determined to claim constitutional government from the
Sovereign was M. Efremov, one of the best speakers in
the whole Duma. He began his speech under the strain
of a deep emotion, and such an impression was made that
i88 Russia's Decline and Fall
it weakened the effect of the words of the leader of the
Progressives, M. MiHoukov, who followed, and who for
once was ecHpsed by his colleague.
" In this hour of a great national trial," began M.
Efremov, " all our thought ought to be concentrated upon
our army. Its sufferings, its patience, and its spirit of
endurance deserve- our utmost respect and admiration.
Russia knows that in the long run she is bound to emerge
victorious out of this war, but this very conviction ought
to give us all courage to look the truth in the face. In
spite of the many warnings which it received from the
Duma, the government has left the question of our arma-
ments and of our artillery in the hands of utterly incom-
petent people. The former Minister of War, General
Soukhomlinov, and his secretary, General Wernander,
when called upon in the secret sitting of the Duma, which
took place last January, to give an account of what was
going on at the theatre of hostilities, declared to us that
in the matter of ammunition our army was absolutely
well provided for. The country says that it is time this
systematic deception should cease. Russia has paid
dearly enough ; she has the right to know the truth. Our
army also ought to learn that we, the representatives
of the nation, understand very well that the army is
not to blame for our reverses. We send it our warmest
sympathy in the hour of its trial. The Russian soldier
has surprised and startled the whole world by his courage
and the quiet resolution with which he has faced all the
perils which he has been called upon to undergo. But
this fact entails upon us all the obUgation to search for the
reasons of the defeats the army has had to put up with.
It is the whole system which is at fault. What we require
is peace /inside the country, respect for individual Hberty
and individual opinions, the right of every Russian citizen
to think and to act freely. To surmount the present
The Duma and the Crisis 189
difficulties, what is required is a strong government. We
have all come here with the determination to emerge
victorious out of the struggle with Germany. We are,
however, aware that without the help of the nation, this
will be impossible, and it is just as impossible to appeal
to the nation unless the government gives up its old system
of repression of every manifestation of public opinion.
The changes which have taken place recently in the com-
position of the Ministry do not give us any grounds for
hoping that the government understands its duties in that
respect. These changes have not given us the security
which we consider indispensable, and they have not assured
us of the possibility that in the future public opinion will
be able to make itself heard. The critical condition in
'Vhich Russia finds itself placed to-day is entirely due to
its antiquated system of government. Bureaucracy must
go, so that, in the presence of the enemy who has invaded
such a considerable portion of our Fatherland, all Russian
hearts may be filled with one thought : the wish to see
our great and holy Russia prosper and triumph over its
arrogant foes. With this thought in our hearts we do
not fear any German, and we defy them to conquer us."
The feehng of the Duma, it will therefore be seen, was
tempestuous. Its strong resentment at the ineptitude
of those who wielded governing power found expression
in no uncertain measure. Yet the voice of the Duma was
not the voice of anarchy, but the voice of a body which,
recognising failure, was determined to wrest success from
chaos, and more determined than ever to cry no shameful
or premature peace.
CHAPTER XV.
M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy.
It would seem as if the speech of M. Efremov, as out-
lined in the previous chapter, sounded the last word in
the terrible indictment with which the Duma charged
those in authority. The remaining speeches were neither
so bitter nor so recriminatory. That is not to say, how-
ever, that they were less to be noticed. If anything, they
were more laden with portent for Russia, inasmuch as
they voiced the bitter discontent which for years had
been the canker eating at the root of the Romanoff dynasty,
and again and again emphasised that the only hope for
Russia, according to the speakers, lay in the overthrow
of bureaucracy, and the establishment of constitutional
government not unlike that enjoyed by the British Empire.
M. Milioukov, the spokesman of the Progressive party
was the first to lead the thoughts of the Duma into these
new channels.
" Gentlemen," he began, "it is for the third time
since the beginning of the war that we are gathered to-
gether in this place, and events have proved that the
patriotic apprehensions which the representatives of the
nation expressed in the past have, unfortunately, been
justified by facts. All that has been carefully hidden
from us has at last come to light, and the reassuring words
with which the government has tried to quieten former
anxieties have turned out only to have been empty and
misleading words. The time has come when the country
refuses to be soothed by words. It sees in us its repre-
190
M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy 191
sentatives the official executors of its wishes and desires,
and it has sent us here with a very distinct and definite
mission — that of telHng the truth to the government, of
finding out all that there is to find out concerning the
conduct of this government, and of doing all that it has
failed to do.
" The country refuses to believe that our vaHant army
has been defeated. We also know that, far from our
material resources being exhausted, they are, on the con-
trary, so considerable that the day will yet come when
we and the whole world shall find ourselves wondering at
their extent. Our Allies also have not lost any of their
strength, of their courage, or of their faith in themselves
as well as in us. The one conclusion to which we have
all come is that the nation is not afraid of hearing and of
knowing the truth.
"The whole influence of the Duma for twelve months
has been directed toward the organisation of all the living
forces of the country in one common effort, and if the feel-
ings of the different classes of Russian society in regard
to this war are quite different from what they were during
the conflict with Japan, it is due in great part to the Duma.
The false political system under which we exist is why
the peace of the country has always been troubled, and
another reason, so far as internal affairs are concerned,
is the policy pursued by the government in regard to the
different nationalities of which the Empire is composed.
Notwithstanding the Imperial Manifesto concerning liberty
of conscience, every religious community, exclusive of the
official Orthodox Church, has been persecuted by the
authorities."
The speaker then reminded his listeners of the fate of
the five Socialist deputies who, though recognised as
innocent of treason, were still condemned to perpetual
exile.
192 Russia's Decline and Fall
** We can quite well understand," he went on, " the
need to preserve military secrets, but there is. a great differ-
ence between doing that and the operations of the censor.
His department shows every day its deplorable inexperi-
ence in the matters entrusted to its care. All this secrecy
only gives rise to the most ridiculous and pernicious rumours.
According to what we are told by people who Ought to
know, all the old abuses against which public opinion has
continually rebelled still exist."
These words were received with loud applause, and
cries, " It is true, quite true ! "
" The saddest side to this sad business," continued
Milioukov, " is that we cannot have any assurance that
the blunders and the tragic experiences of the past will
not be repeated in the future. We cannot be sure that
the present Ministry will win the confidence of the nation,
without which it is impossible for them to work together
in perfect accord ; not one single man in the Cabinet is
known and respected by the country. In spite of all,
however, the feelings of the country are the same to-day
as they were twelve months ago. It knows that there is
only the choice of two things : on one side, a peace bring-
ing with it the assurance that nothing will trouble it again,
and that the equilibrium of Europe will not be disturbed
any more ; on the other, a German peace, such as Germans
would like to impose upon us — the estabHshment of Teuton
tyranny all over the world. In this war li^s all our past
and all our future — a future in which we are determined
shall not be repeated the tragedy of to-day."
The closing words of the Progressive leader were drownec
in loud cheers. He was not, however, the last one to speal
on that first day, when, according to the established custom,
each of the parties represented in the House had the righi
to be heard before a general debate on the situation tool
place. M. Kerensky, of the extreme Radical group, fol-
M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy. 193
lowed M. Milioukov. He characterised the conduct of the
government as most mischievous for the welfare of the
country.
"It is with the greatest emotion that I am speaking
to-day after twelve months of war," he exclaimed. *' We
stand now in the same position as on the first day of the
fight. It is imperative that we start afresh, but we do so
under psychological, poHtical, and economic conditions
far worse than they were at that time. Nothing has been
done either for the union of Russian peoples or bringing
Russia into closer touch with other European nationalities.
Are you not aware that when this war has come to an end
we shall find ourselves face to face with thousands of Jews
full of indignation and rage against us — a people who
will hate us because of the treatment and falseness of our
government towards them ? I solemnly declare here that
I have personally inquired into the accusation the govern-
ment made that the Jews of the httle town of Kouga fired
at our troops, and I am bound to say that it was an entirely
false one. Such a thing has never occurred, and, taking
into account the local conditions of that spot, it could not
have occurred.
" What, too, has the government done with the sincere
enthusiasm which was manifested by the Poles at the
beginning of the war ? If we really wish to emerge in a
healthy condition from the crisis of these times, we ought
to insist on the truth, and the whole truth, being made
known to us, as well as to the mass of the nation who
have to carry on their shoulders the whole weight of our
national defence. The country ought to know that at
the present moment it finds itself in a most awful condi-
tion, from which the only possibility of emerging lies in
every one of us, without a single exception, setting to work
to repair the errors and mistakes under which Russia is
suffering.
N
194 Russia's Decline and Fall
" I protest with the utmost energy against the re-
proaches which have been levelled at the working classes
and at the labour party, said to have been induced to go
on strike before the war by money received for doing so
from the German government. I call upon those who
have dared to repeat such a calumny to contradict it
immediately, or else never to show their faces amongst us
any more.
"If we examine carefully all that has taken place
during this last year, we niust come to the conclusion that
the people. in power during that time cannot be allowed
to remain in office. We must insist that we, the Radical
party, should be granted immediate faciHties to examine
freely all the social and the poHtical questions connected
with the war. In order to get out of the mire in which
we have sunk it is indispensable that all the means of
defence which we have should be put at the disposal and
under the control of the whole nation. The granting of
a general amnesty for political offences cannot be put of£
for one single day ; if you wish for a return of the former
enthusiasm which you have crushed, you must make this
attempt to conciliate the nation. It is impossible to delay
granting those first elementary demands for political
liberty which are addressed to you from all sides. We
hold the opinion that a country whose hands are tied
and whose eyes are bhndfolded cannot defend itself.
For this reason individual liberty and equality, an un-
censored Press, the right to hold public meetings, are
things which must be granted with no further delay. The
peasants must obtain the landed rights that have been
refused to them until now, and the workmen must be
liberated. ..."
At this moment a voice coming from the Right shouted,
" Enough, enough I "
** You cry ' enough ' because you do not wish to see the
M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy 195
country saved," continued M. Kerensky ; " but in Germany,
in England, as well as in France, the government has lost
its prejudices against the working classes, and has recog-
nised their right to be represented wherever the vital in-
terests of the country are at stake. You must not forget
that the first need of the present moment is not to make
new laws, but to create a new order of things, and to
organise a strong and a healthy government. When a
nation finds itself in the position in which we stand to-day,
it must know how to deal with problems with a firm hand.
Here we have not heard one single thing which would
popularise pubhc opinion in our country. It is not suffi-
cient that those who have been guilty of these mistakes
have been set aside, if those who succeed them hesitate
before they use the resources which the country offered.
Therefore we must decHne to take upon us the responsi-
bility for anything that may happen further unless we
know everything that we ought to know, because half-
measures will only hasten your ruin and ours. They will
only create illusions and deceive those who will not reaHse
their futiHty and their emptiness.
" In this critical moment I call upon Russia to take
its salvation into its own hands, and to fight for the right
to rule itself."
This fiery speech, in spite of its eloquence, excited
Httle sympathy in the Duma. The majority felt that it
would have been better merely to mention the abuses
without sounding a cry of revolt. This discourse raised
keen resentment in the minds of the extreme Right. That
Right was despised not only by its colleagues, but also
by the Intelligensia in Russia; but the timorous members
of the Opposition felt that it was better to give it a long
rope to hang itself, rather than to attack it in the passionate
manner which Radicals and Sociahsts, as M. Kerensky,
had thought fit to adopt in the Duma. The general feeling
196 Russia's Decline and Fall
which existed among the moderate elements of the
Assembly was that, before attacking them, one ought to
give the new Ministers a chance to show what they meant
to do in regard to national defence, and also whether they
meant to be a responsible Ministry, not taking refuge behind
the Sovereign when it became difficult to parry incon-
venient questions.
Had M. Goremykin possessed the slightest savoir /aire,
to use the French expression, he would have taken
advantage of the favourable attitude of the Duma, and
obtained its help in the many matters connected with the
needs of the army. Unfortunately, he was too old, and
understood too little the moral psychology of the country
and of its representatives to realise that criticism did not
mean hostility, and that a discussion, violent though it
might be, offered no serious danger to the solidarity of an
Empire which no one, so far, not even the Socialists, had
dreamt of attacking. Had he been wise, he ought to have
allowed people to speak, and then to ask for their co-opera-
tion in the great task Russia had to face. But M. Goremy-
kin had the idea that a government can do no wrong,
and in its own strength can cope with any upheaval of
public opinion. Unfortunately for Russia, he succeeded
in imbuing the Emperor with the same thought, and,
posing as a strong man, he simply developed the bitter
antipathies of his opponents, thus sowing the seeds of a
revolt that, sooner or later, was bound to burst forth.
When he was forced to part with his two favourites,
M. Maklakov the Minister of the Interior, aild M. Scheglo-
witov the Minister of Justice, he replaced the one by M.
Khvostov, an honest man who was sure, sooner or later,
to display his unfitness for the difficult position in which
he had been placed ; and the other by Prince Nicholas
Scherbatov, a perfect gentleman who had interested
himself for years in the economic conditions of Russia,
and been a member of the Zemstvo of the government
M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy 197
of Poltava, where he owned a large territorial property,
but who had no real idea of how the Ministry of the Interior
ought to be managed. He was at first sympathetically
received by the Duma, but when he spoke. for the first
time he fell into a blunder which at once deprived him
of the support of many who otherwise would have stood
by him. The discussion concerned religious toleration,
and the manner in which the government systematically
persecuted all dissenters, notwithstanding the promise of
the Emperor to allow them to be free from molestation.
Prince Scherbatov, in speaking for the government, threw
prudence to the winds, and allowed himself to say that
though personally he was extremely tolerant in all matters
of religion, he felt compelled to add that he considered that
the Baptists, of whom there are a considerable number
in Russia, were very dangerous people who ought to be
persecuted and suppressed by every means. As proof of
his affirmation he declared that once he had seen in a
Baptist religious paper, published in London, a portrait
of the German Emperor, which clearly showed that this
sect was closely connected with Germany. The stupidity
of this utterance sealed the fate of Prince Scherbatov, for
no one supported him or took his part in the whole Duma.
Being otherwise very conscientious, he could not work
amicably with M. Goremykin, who found him far too
liberal, and too desirous to respect the privileges of the
Legislative Assembly. When the question of proroguing
the Chambers came under consideration, the Prince strongly
opposed this measure, declaring that it might open the
door to a period of social unrest, such as was highly un-
desirable during the war. This opinion the President of
the Council and others among his colleagues did not share,
and a heated discussion on the subject took place in the
presence of the Emperor, to whom M. Goremykin had
repaired, in order to confer on the political situation.
On the one hand, even the veteran felt thaj it would
198 Russia's Decline and Fall
prove a source of strength to the government if it were
to rely on the fidehty and co-operation of the members
of the Duma ; on the other, and this was the real reason
for the prorogation, some other unpleasant disclosures
concerning the administration of the War Office had come
to light by the energy of General Polivanow, and it was
feared that, if these should come to be pubUcly discussed
in Parliament, the effect produced might endanger the
very existence of the government, and at the least expose
it to still severer criticism. This was undesirable, in view
of the wishes of the Sovereign not to part with M. Gore-
mykin while the war lasted. He was sure of the honesty
of the aged Minister, and of his absolute devotion to a
dynasty he had served for nearly sixty years, and in the
troubled times Russia was going through Nicholas II.
did not care to face the unknown, or to have to work with
anyone with whom he could not discuss so freely as with
M. Goremykin many sore points that had robbed him of
his sleep and added many years to his age.
Under these circumstances the prorogation of the
Duma became a necessity — perhaps a mistaken one, but
a necessity all the same — when looking at things from
the particular viewpoint I have just mentioned. Prince
Scherbatov was of a different opinion, and though he put
his name at the bottom of the decree, he did so only under
protest, and because he could not very well refuse. Soon
afterwards his resignation was accepted by the Sovereign,
and M. Goremykin was left free to rule Russia according
to his own ideas, which were not those popular with the
country.
CHAPTER XVI.
The Truth about the Jews.
If any of my readers feel that I have dealt at undue
length with the debates of the Duma I ask forgiveness,
but I am trying to convey a description of the feehngs
of Russian society during the war, rather than a history
of the war, which I am not competent enough to write
from the military point of view. It is indispensable,
therefore, to show first what was thought in Russia in
war time ; and, secondly, the extent of the effort which
was being made by the whole nation at this critical period
of its existence.
The difficulties under which Russia laboured were
far greater than she was ever given credit for, and they^
far surpassed those of her Allies. At the same time, the
patriotism of the whole Russian nation never wavered,
and its faith in its own resources and in the vaHance of
its army was never shaken, not even when several of the
richest provinces fell into tlie hands of the enemy.
Though Russia did not and could not countenance
many things which were done by her government, yet
this did not interfere either with her patriotism or with
her determination to do all that she could in order to win
the war. The nation wanted to hear the truth ; but,
unfortunately, the government would not understand the
motives which lay at the bottom of this general desire
to become aware of the worst. It feared the just criticisms
which undoubtedly would have assailed its conduct had
it been revealed in its nakedness before the eyes of the
199
200 Russia's Decline and Fall
general public, and it did not wish the army to become
cognisant of the real facts. This secrecy in all matters
of vital interest to the Russian nation was bound to end one
day in a catastrophe of some kind, and this baseless
dread of free discussion only increased the difficulties
of the situation. It would have been relatively easy,
nay, almost natural and justifiable, to raise the standard
of revolt against the Cabinet, but patriotism held it
back. At the time when the first Duma of the Empire
was dissolved, every deputy expressed his indignation
at that unwarrantable measure ; yet when the present
one was prorogued, at a moment when it was in reaUty
more than necessary that the government should have
sought its co-operation in setting everybody to work for
it, no one among its members attempted to rebel. The
country, through its representatives, submitted to what
was firmly believed to be a tyrannous as well as a mistaken
measure ; and though the Ministers were criticised, yet
they were not opposed. Russia, from the point of view
whicii I have just now mentioned, certainly gave an admir-
able example of patriotism to the world.
I do not believe that the extent of her inferiority in
regard to Germany in the matter of her armaments has
ever been thoroughly known abroad — not even, at first,
by her AlHes. One thus fails to appreciate the magnitude
of the effort she made in order to overcome the obstacles.
Whilst the German Press was doing its best to represent
her as demoralised, broken, and unable to offer any serious
resistance to the Teuton hordes, she was in reahty gather-
ing her strength and allowing her enemies to laugh at her
until the moment when, with renewed vigour and fully
armed, she would be able to lead once more her own brave
soldiers — to death, perhaps, but certainly to victory.
The sentiments expressed in the Duma were those
which animated the whole of Russia. What the nation
claimed, and what the Duma claimed for it, was, in the
The Truth about the Jews 201
words of the Progressive deputy, M. Roditschev, " The
right for every Russian to become a Russian citizen."
The root of all the evil which had fallen upon the Russia
of Peter the Great and of Catherine was that a Russian
man was not a Russian citizen, and this perhaps explains
the ocean of suffering and of misery in which so many
innocent people were to find the death of their hopes and
of their expectations to be allowed to work for the defence
of their beloved Russia. Taking these facts into con-
sideration, it is not surprising that in an incredibly short
time many of the errors of the past were repaired, and
that the Russian army received at last the ammunition
which it required to allow the struggle to be renewed.
The first day of the debates of the Duma had thrown
sufficient light in regard to the deficiencies of the War
Office. There were other questions just as important
waiting to be thrashed out, so as to remove the various
shadows that might have darkened the real intentions of
Russia. The Jewish question had always been acute,
and it was generally recognised that the time had come
when the difference of rights which existed between the
Israeli tish subjects of the Tsar and those belonging to the
Christian faith should at last be put an end to. Unfortu-
nately, ever since the war had broken out the military as
well as the civil authorities looked on all Jews with sus-
picion, and considered them as dangers to the State.
Terrible cases of cruelty had been committed in regard
to Hebrews, and this notwithstanding the fact that Jews
without number had volunteered to join the ranks, with-
out being obliged to do so, and were fighting the German
invader side by side with Russians. The more tolerant
parties had, therefore, resolved to claim pubUcly for their
Jewish brethren equahty of treatment and of rights, and
the end of a persecution which denied to them not only
the. right of citizenship, but even that of existence. During
the second sitting of the Duma a member belonging to
202 Russia's Decline and Fall
the Jewish community, Deputy Friedmann, made the
following remarks concerning the position in which his
co-religionists had been placed ever since the beginning
of the war :
" Gentlemen," he said, " before proceeding to disclose
a number of painful facts, I must ask you to notice that,
in spite of the hardships connected with their position
and the many injustices from. which they are the continual
victims, the Jews in Russia have known how to perform
their duties as Russian citizens, and during the year which
has now gone they have offered themselves freely to fight
for our Fatherland. They have not availed themselves
of the privilege conferred by the law which exempts the
only sons of parents from becoming soldiers. The news-
papers, since the war broke out, have pubHshed numerous
cases of Jews volunteering as common soldiers, notwith-
standing the fact that they have the right to enter the
army as officers. They knew very well that this would
never be allowed, and they preferred fighting as privates
to not fighting at all. Jewish youths who were studying
abroad returned to Russia, and of their own* free will joined
the ranks, or else enlisted in the armies of our Allies.
Numerous Jewish students have fallen during the battles
in Belgium and under the walls of Li^ge and Namur.
The Jews have built hospitals, have given large sums of
money, and have taken their part in every effort to help
the army. Many Jews have been awarded war medals
and decorations. And yet how have their efforts and
their patriotism been rewarded ? I am going to read to
you a letter which I have received from a Jewish youth
who had emigrated to the United States. This is what
he says : * I loved my country better than my life and
liberty which I was enjoying in America, so I decided to
return to Russia, and landed at Archangel. I was accepted
in the army, and lost my left arm at the shoulder. I was
The Truth about the Jews 203
sent to Courland. I had scarcely reached Riga when the
first sight which met my eyes was that of my father and
mother and other members of my family at the railway
station, waiting for a train that was to carry them away
to an unknown destination. They had been expelled
that same day by order of the military authorities. I
want to tell you that I do not regret the loss of my arm
so much as that of my dignity as a human being, which I
enjoyed when I was in America.'
" Such are the people whom the government persecutes
and whose patriotism it doubts. Instead of appreciating
the feelings which caused Jews to come forward and shed
their blood on the numerous battlefields, our authorities
sought to render their lot even more unbearable than it
had been formerly. Jews and Jewesses whose sons,
husbands, and fathers were falling and fighting for our
Fatherland were driven from their dwellings, cast upon
a merciless world helpless and miserable to seek their
living. A soldier called Alexander Rogoff, who had been
shot through both eyes, was not allowed to remain in
hospital at Kharkov. Another one called Godlewski,
who had lost one of his legs and was in a hospital at Rostov,
was to be sent to KaHsz, whence he came, though his
wounds were not even healed, KaHsz being already then
in German hands ; and it was with the greatest trouble
that he was allowed to remain where he was. An apothe-
cary, who had been dangerously wounded in the chest,
had orders to leave Petrograd before he was cured, but,
owing to the efforts of some influential people, permission
was granted for him to remain for two months in the
capital, on the understanding that no further delay would
be tolerated. You must and you will agree with me that
such things are a shame to all, for the whole of the Russian
nation, if one did not know that it is innocent, and that
the blame rests on the authorities alone. It is true that
a circular from the Minister of the Interior has been sent
204 Russia's Decline and Fall
out authorising the families of Jews who had joined the
army to remain in their former places of residence ; but
this circular does not apply to the Jews who have been
wounded, and the latter may be and are mercilessly ex-
pelled when they attempt to return to their own homes.
While speaking about injustices, I must also draw atten-
tion to the fact that the Jewish Press has been suppressed,
and this deprives thousands of Jews who cannot read
Russian of the possibility of learning what is going on at
the front where their children are fighting. Such facts
speak for themselves. A false report has been put into
circulation in Poland that the Jews had sent all their
money to Germany, and placed it at the disposal of the
German government. They have been accused of spying
on our armies, of betraying those for whom their sons
were dying every day.
" Not only from the kingdom of Poland, but from all
other provinces of our Empire, Jews were exiled to the
depths of Siberia, or to northern provinces where it was
next to impossible for them to exist. Out of the Httle town
of Mogilnitze five thousand people were turned adrift in
one day. Their road lay through Kalwaria to Warsaw.
But they were not permitted to travel by it, and had to
trudge through cross-roads on the way to Lublin, without
being allowed to carry away with them a single possession.
Most of them had to walk the whole distance. When
they reached Lublin the Jewish committee in that town
had prepared them some food and a place where they
could rest. But they were not allowed even this respite
or permitted to take the food which had been offered to
them. A misfortune happened to one of these families.
One of their children, a little girl of six years old, fell from
the cart in which she was sitting and was killed on the
spot. Her parents were forbidden to pick her up and
bury her. I have seen Jews from Kovno, people who
the day before had been rich and prosperous, now reduced
The Truth about the Jews 205
to absolute beggary. I have seen, among these homeless
people, ladies and young girls who had been for months
working side by side with Russians in the hospitals and in
Red Cross work. They were rich, they had given thousands
of roubles for the needs of the wounded and the other
sufferers from the war, and now they were lying on the
ground by the railway line with only the scantiest of cloth-
ing. I have seen soldiers who had lost their limbs, and
others who were decorated with the Cross of St. George,
brutally driven away by policemen out of their native
towns, to which their miUtary commanders had sent them.
I have seen all this and many things besides. Others
than myself have seen them too ; friends of mine wit-
nessed wounded soldiers coming home w^ho had to see their
wives and children cast out. Jews were sent away in
open trucks Hke cattle, and labelled ' 450 Jews,' as if they
were less than human beings. Governors of some pro-
vinces where these Jews were sent refused to receive them ;
I have seen with my own eyes in Vilna trains in which
Jews were locked up left for four days at the station of
Novo Wileyskaya. They contained Jews who had been
sent from Kovno to Poltava ; there the governor abso-
lutely refused to allow them to remain, and sent them
back to Kovno, whence they were again dispatched to
Poltava. Just think of this. At a time when we urgently
required every available railway truck for taking ammuni-
tion to the front, when from every side were heard com-
plaints concerning the scarcity of transport conveyances,
the government used those available for the purpose of
taking unfortunate Jews from one place of exile to another.
At one station alone over no cars remained full of these
Jews. Another cruelty was that hostages were taken not
amongst the enemy, but amongst the Jewish people,
whose life was to answer for the good behaviour of their
co-religionists. This happened at Radom, Kielce, Tomga,
Kovno, Riga, LubHn, and many other places. These
2o6 Russia's Decline and Fall
hostages were kept under severe surveillance, and to this
day there are in Poltava Jewish prisoners taken in the
governments of Kielce and Radom. The Hebrew popula-
tion of the province of Kovno were given the chance to
return to their homes, provided they consented to give
hostages who would pay the penalty for any misdemeanour
which might be committed. When this reached my know-
ledge, I sent — in my position as deputy for the government
of Kovno — a letter to the President of the Council of
Ministers, in which I told him that the Kovno Jews pre-
ferred death and exile to the shame of complying with a
request that sullied their honour, and that they would
go on fulfiUing their duties as Russian citizens in the future
just as well as they had done in the past. The offer made
to them to return to their homes under dishonourable
conditions was only another insult added to those which
they had already suffered. I received no reply to my
letter, unless one can consider as such the concession made
the other day to Jews to settle on the Finnish coast. When
I have told you all this I have not mentioned half of the
sufferings which the Jews have had to endure in our country.
There have been cases where Jewish women have been
outraged, Jewish property plundered, and Jewish houses
destroyed, and all this has taken place under the eyes of
the authorities. I am not going to bring forward further
isolated cases which have come to my knowledge from
absolutely trustworthy sources, but I shall mention them
in the next secret sitting of the Duma, and bring all docu-
mentary evidence to establish that they have actually
taken place. For instance, I have in my possession a
certificate from the military governor of the town of Lublin
that the Jews there have always been most correct in their
behaviour toward the authorities, an'd that they have
upon every possible occasion shown themselves abso-
lutely loyal. This certificate was given to the President
of the Jewish ReHef Committee to be presented in case of
The Truth about the Jews
207
necessity, because no law allows the unjust and unjustifiable
exile of thousands of human beings whose only crime
consists in belonging to a persecuted race. If the govern-
ment wants to return to the times of Ferdinand and Isabella
of Spain, then I say now that we have already surpassed
them by far. No Jewish blood was ever spilt for the
defence of the Spanish kingdom, whilst for the sake of
our country Jews in thousands have shed their blood.
The entire Jewish race has been accused of treason, but
its whole conduct since the beginning of this war has given
the lie to such an accusation. The Jews, however, know
very well who has spread this calumny against them and
against their honour " — and the speaker pointed to the
place whefe sat the Ministers. "It is the government
that persecuted the Jews ; it is not the Russian nation nor
the Russian people, and it is from the latter that the whole
Jewish population of our Empire hopes one day to obtain
the same rights as every other Russian citizen.
"It is also before the whole of Russia," went on M.
Friedmann, " and before the whole civilised world that
I solemnly deny the calumnies which have been showered
upon my co-religionists. And those who try to disseminate
them are people who have themselves infringed human
and Divine laws which they ought to have respected.
" You have all read," continued the speaker, " and,
indeed, it has been related all over Russia, that *in the
village of Kouga one of our detachments had suffered in
consequence of the treasonable denunciation of its Jewish
inhabitants. One of our colleagues, the Deputy Kerensky,
went there at once to inquire into this so-called incident.
He found that no such thing had happened, and that
there did not exist in the whole place a single cellar where
German soldiers could have been concealed, as had been
related. The only cellar which could be found in the
village certainly did belong to a Jew, but its length was
four yards, its width three yards, and it was lower than a
2o8 Russia's Decline and Fall
man's ordinary height. No useful number of soldiers
could possibly have been concealed there. It was proved
further that the defeat which we sustained in this place
occurred on the 28th of May, and that on the 27th all its
Jewish population had left with the consent of the military
authorities — a consent which, of course, would not have
been given had they been guilty of crime. We are per-
fectly well aware that the facts which I have just men-
tioned are known to the government, and, notwithstanding
this, it has not contradicted this untruth ; on the contrary,
it continues to spread the fiction at every opportunity.
Among all our sufferings, and amidst all that we have lost
in the last twelve months, what strikes us most painfully
is the moral wrong which is done to us by those who ought
to know better, who must be aware that we are being
maligned knowingly and wickedly by the very people
whose duty it ought to be to defend us. A few months
ago, in a small town on the German frontier, when the
approach of the enemy was momentarily expected, the
Jewish population, assembled in its synagogue, was praying
to God. An old Rabbi ended his suppHcation with the
words : * O Lord, save this town, and take our souls for it,'
then suddenly fell back and expired. Such were the
feelings of this venerable man ; such have always been
the feeUngs of the Jewish nation. I now appeal to you,
gentlemen, to encourage us in the fulfilment of our duties.
I do not know whether the Duma will listen to this prayer,
but should it do so it will show itself inspired by a political
wisdom which the government seems to lack.*'
The speech of Deputy Friedmann had an echo all
over Russia, where the facts which he disclosed were for
the most part unknown. Upon its Usteners also it pro-
duced a deep impression, but the official Press passed it
by in silence, and the government did not vouchsafe any
reply. Nevertheless, public opinion, in commenting upon
The Truth about the Jews
209
it, showed itself unusually severe in the criticisms which
it addressed to M. Gor6mykin and his colleagues. It was
generally recognised that the authorities would have done
far better to have occupied themselves with more important
matters of the national defence than the supposed treason
of the Jewish population. Even the most ferocious Anti-
Semites declared that this was not the time to persecute
anybody.
It is to be noted, however, that after M. Friedmann's
speech the subject of the distress of the Hebrew population
of the Empire was not renewed by him, at least during
the short session of the Duma. The attention of the
Assembly was entirely absorbed by the appointment of the
Commission which was to be entrusted with the compli-
cated matter of the supply of ammunition to the army,
and on the second day of the session the question was
raised and the most animated discussion followed. But
the Radical party brought forward again this terrible
question of the treatment of the Jews, and its indictment
of the authorities on the subject was even more shocking
than that of M. Friedmann. Awful facts were disclosed,
such, for instance, as the manner in which the Hebrew
population of the government of Radom was expelled.
The order for them to leave was communicated to the
victims at eleven o'clock at night, and they were threatened
that any who had not gone by daylight would be killed.
On a dark night the miserable wretches started for the
nearest town of Ilga, which was situated at a distance of
about thirty miles. The old, the sick, and the infirm had
to be carried. In the government of Kovno alone the
number of Jews expelled reached 150,000 ; in that of
Grodno 66,000, and in the kingdom of Poland it exceeded
200,000 ; and under what conditions did they have to
leave house and home ? They were packed in third or
fourth class carriages, and kept there for days and some-
times weeks. In one carriage alone sixteen people were
o
210 Russia's Decline and Fall
ill with scarlet fever, others were attacked by typhus,
some died after a short time, but the poHcemen who accom-
panied the train did not allow the bodies to be taken out
to be buried. All these facts were told publicly in the
Duma, together with many others just as scandalous. Is
it to be wondered at that, in the presence of such injustice,
the members belonging to the Opposition parties declared
that they would do all that was humanly possible to induce
the Sovereign to hsten to the demands of public opinion,
and to institute a responsible Ministry from which the
nation would have the right to ask explanations concern-
ing such deeds as dishonoured it and them in the eyes of
Europe and the whole of the civiUsed world ?
CHAPTER XVII.
A Wave of Reorganisation.
In giving the reader some idea of the fiery speeches
which distinguished the short-Hved session of the Duma,,
my intention has been to show their extreme seriousness
in the sense that the country had awakened at last to
its necessities, and meant earnestly to help the govern-
ment ; and, secondly, the absolute unimportance of the
speeches from the point of view ascribed to them in the
German press, though, indeed, Russia was very sick of its
government.
On the other hand, the Romanoffs had never been so
popular as they became after the outbreak of war. The
Russian has strong common sense, and he could not fail
to appreciate the terrible burden which Nicholas 11. carried
on his shoulders all through that anxious time. This, his
kindness, and the many proofs of his soHcitude for his
army and his people won for him a national devotion.
From the moment that he decided to assume the duties
of Commander-in-Chief of his armies the tide of fortune
and of war turned, and the German advance was stayed.
Our Staft, left to its own initiative, worked better. The
army knew where it stood. It had been told at last that
it was not expected to take the offensive again until suffi-
cient ammunition was available. It learned that every
effort would be made to render the second winter campaign
less terrible. The troops appreciated this, and felt grateful
to the monarch who thus frankly told them the truth, and
that he confidently reUed on their devotion and their
211
212 Russia's Decline and Fall
spirit of self-sacrifice. It was his conviction, he said, that,
no matter what the fury of the enemy might be, it was
bound in the long run to collapse before the bravery of
Russia's defenders and of Russia's Allies.
When the Germans assumed that our country was
standing on the threshold of ruin, they were vastly mis-
taken. The country was going through the most terrible
crisis that it had ever known, but it was undergoing it
cheerfully, with faith and with hope in its heart, and its
Sovereign had no appearance of being on the point of
losing his throne as a consequence of the military reverses
which had fallen upon him. His government, despised
and hated as it was, could rely on the support of the nation,
because the nation knew very well that the moment had
^ot come when it might indulge in any manifestation of
direct hostility, whatever it might do later on, when the
war, with its attendant miseries and misfortunes, was ended
with honour. The debates in the Duma certainly proved
that the Ministers did not enjoy the confidence of the
nation, but then in my country Ministers are thought
very little of ; it is only the Tsar who counts. An attack
against the government does not mean in Russia what it
would do in England or in France, where the Ministry is
answerable to Pariiament for its errors. The only thing
that would matter would be an attack on the person of -the
Tsar, as in the case of Alexander II., the victim of Sophy
Perovska and Ryssakof£.
Notwithstanding the heavy reverses which attended
the first period of the war, not one voice in Russia was
raised against Nicholas II., even when he made up his
mind to prorogue the Duma. Indeed, as the campaign
progressed, he became known to the nation at large, and
the revelation drew him into closer contact with his people.
To the army he became a living personality instead of
the dreaded master he had always been represented. When
his soldiers saw him bend over their sick beds, trying to
A Wave of Reorganisation 213
cheer the wounded with his words of sympathy, they grew
to love him really as the " Little Father " they had before
called him, more from habit than from anything else.
The best proof of the truth of this assertion can be found
in the perfect calm with which both the change in the
commandership of the army and the prorogation of the
Duma were received. Before these events happened,
people had prophesied a multitude of misfortunes, should
they ever be thought of, far less executed. But none of
the things occurred. . The country submitted to the will
of its monarch ; and the members of the Duma, when they
returned to their homes all over the Empire, never said
a word which might have revealed their rebelHous feelings
against the supreme authority. The committee appointed
for the more effective mobilisation of industry and re-
sources was composed of several members of both Houses
of Legislature, and worked indefatigably. All the factories,
great or small, were told to abandon private orders, and
to confine themselves entirely and solely to the task of
supplying the government and the army. The railways
were compelled to accept only war materials and absolute
necessaries for the existence of the population. Every
attempt to strike was severely dealt with.
Only once in Petrograd a strike assumed a threatening
attitude, and it was speedily quelled by the energetic
measures of General Roussky. He issued a proclamation
declaring that he relied on the wiUingness and on the
good sense of the population of the capital not to disturb
the pubHc order, and to give the enemy no insight into
internal dissensions at a time when there ought to be a
strongly united Russia, determined to submit to any
hardships or sacrifices provided the enemy was driven
beyond its frontiers. For about six months this warning
was repeated from time to time, always accompanied by
the expression of a resolute will to enforce the decisions
adopted by the Emperor with the concurrence of the whole
214 Russia's Decline and Fall
nation. Workmen were told by General Roussky that
they had better beware of those who tried to influence
them against complying with the orders of the govern-
ment, as he was quite resolved to have them obeyed and
respected. His determined attitude soon made itself
felt, and when Christmas arrived the Russian army was
at last supplied with all the ammunition which it required,
in quantities which exceeded, said competent people,
that of the Germans. The spring was going, no doubt, to
bring with it great events.
The debates of the Duma did not sound the knell of
the monarchy, as our enemies joyfully asserted, but it
certainly is true that they struck a heavy blow at the
system of government which had prevailed from time
immemorial in Russia, and had paved the way for the
institution of a really constitutional form of administra-
tipn in which the responsibility of the Sovereign would be
shared by his advisers, and himself delivered from the
reproach of having taken measures or of having done
things about which he knew nothing and understood very
Httle.
One of the first things was to open new hospitals and
to accelerate the transport of the wounded from the front.
There the members of the Duma rendered great service,
and considerably helped the Red Cross by their experience
and by their knowledge of localities. Relief committees
were also organised to help the hundreds of thousands of
refugees who had been compelled to flee before the invaders,
and had lost all that they possessed in the world. In
these two directions— the Red Cross and relief of distress —
the Empress and her daughters worked indefatigably.
Russia, though sorrowing for its defeats, did not weep over
them.
The Press, too, modified its dpinions more, than once
so as to Siave the government further embarrassment.
Though it blamed vigorously the policy pursued by
A Wave of Reorganisation 215
M. Gor^mykin, yet it remained, on the whole, tolerant of his
Hne of conduct. A curious thing, however, occurred in
that respect. The Novote Vremia, which had always been
considered as the organ of the government and of the
extreme Right, and which had never lost an opportunity
to attack the Liberal daiUes, such as the Retsch and the
Courier of Petrograd, suddenly published one of the most
violent attacks on the administration that had ever ap-
peared in a Russian newspaper. This attack was so re-
markable and so unexpected that, in view of future events,
I think it advisable to reproduce it here :
" Count Bobrinsky, who, not only among his own
party, but everywhere in the counti'y, enjoys the reputa-
tion of being an unusually sincere and honest man, spoke
to-day in the Duma : * I believe that the government
does not realise its responsibilities in these painful and
difficult times.' His wojds were warmly applauded by
nearly the whole House, and if the country had been able
to do so it would undoubtedly have joined its cheers to
those of the deputies. It is time for the government to
act seriously. Who does not suffer from the thought that
at present this is not the case ?
" Our country is a wonderfully rich one, with inex-
haustible resources and strength. Our population exceeds
two hundred millions. And what a population ! One
ready for any sacrifices, that does not mind any sufferings,
that never loses its courage in the presence of the heaviest
defeats. We have got everything : the wish to win the
war, the simple heroism of our soldiers, patience and courage,
together with an unbounded love for our Fatherland.
There is only one thing which we lack, and that is a govern-
ment capable of tackUng a grave situation. In the present
terrible times in Russia, heroes on the Ministerial benches
are wanted just as much as in the trenches. We require
Ministers capable of understanding that they must give
2i6 Russia's Decline and Fall
to Russia something new. New words must be heard,
new deeds must be done, out of which may spring a new
era for our beloved country."
This article produced a deep impression, and more than
one person declared that it had been inspired by a states-
man, now retired, who bore an undying grudge against
M. Gor^mykin. True or not, the article passed apparently
unnoticed by the censor, and also by the Ministry of the
Interior, generally so unforgiving in all cases where per-
sonaUties of Ministers were attacked. Abroad, it was
interpreted in a way which produced an unfortunate
impression. In reahty, this unwarranted attack was
caused by a purely mercenary desire on the part of the
Novoie Vremig. to have removed certain restrictions con-
nected with questions of transport.
In the meanwhile the Commission which had been
appointed to inquire into the needs of the army and the
making of munitions, dependent on co-operation of private
industry, had been formed, and its first sitting in the
Winter Palace was honoured by the presence of the Sove-
reign. The Commission sat for some days. It was fol-
lowed by a Congress of all the Russian municipalities which
met at Moscow, and at which some remarkable speeches
were heard; these would not have been out of place in
the EngUsh House of Commons, and proved that Russia
was getting used to parliamentary affairs. But before the
last-mentioned Congress had assembled M. Gor^mykin
had undertaken a journey to the Headquarters of the
army, where the Emperor was at that time, and advised
him (as we have already said) to prorogue the Duma on
the pretext that, after it had voted the financial and other
Bills, it had nothing more to do.
None of the Ministers shared M. Goremykin's opinion.
Indeed, two amongst them, Prince Scherbatov, whose
advice counted for very little, and M. Krivochein^, whose
A Wave of Reorganisation 217
judgments were always very much thought of, and who
enjoyed a great authority all over the country, as well as
a considerable reputation as a moderate and far-seeing
statesman, refused to associate themselves with the measure,
and went so far as to threaten to resign if the Prime Minister
did not reconsider his decision. Their protestations, how-
ever, as we know, availed nothing, because, when M. Gore-
mykin had once made up his mind, it was not easy to bring
him round to another opinion. He considered the Duma
as a mischievous institution, and he dreaded the eSect
which its debates might have on those who read them
without knowing what lay behind. He used all his per-
'Sonal influence with the Tsar, and at last persuaded him
to decree the prorogation from the 3rd (i6th) of September
until the following November.
In Petrograd rumours to the effect that such a measure
was in contemplation had been in vogue for some time.
On the very eve of the day when the Emperor's Ukase
was pubUshed, the Press had pleaded for the Duma to
continue. The Novoie Vremia, in one of its leaders, de-
clared that it could not bring itself to beUeve in the possi-
biUty of such a thing taking place at a time when the
hopes of the whole nation were centred in the Duma. All
these warnings proved absolutely unavaiHng .to M. Gor6-
mykin, and the Duma was sent home.
In the meanwhile what was the army doing ? German
rumours declared that it was demoralised and destroyed,
whilst even among the AUies of Russia serious misgivings
were felt as to its safety. The army was trying to regain
its strength, and had succeeded so far in avoiding a decisive
battle for which the lack of ammunition rendered all its
courage unavailing. The new Chief of the Staff, General
Alexiev, an old and experienced officer, proceeded with
as much caution as General Januschkievitch, his prede-
cessor, had shown carelessness and disregard for lives
which he had squandered. In his report to the Emperor,
2i8 Russia's Decline and Fall
after the latter had assumed the supreme command, he
drew the monarch's attention to the necessity of giving
some rest to the exhausted troops, and they were sent
into positions where it was certain the Germans could not
follow for some time to come. The Emperor started on
a journey all along the front, accompanied for the first
time by the young heir to the throne, whom it was
deemed advisable to present to the army. The journey
was made very simply, and never did the honest, straight-
forward nature of the Sovereign show to better advantage
than in those days when he reviewed his soldiers and accom-
panied them himself to the very Hne of battle. The presence
of their beloved Tsar was the best reward which his faithful
soldiers could have expected, and it is certain that, from
the day when he had decided to appeal personally to them,
the progress of the German hordes came to an end, at least
in that region surrounding Riga to which they had attached
so much importance, and which they had boasted they
could take whenever they pleased.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Moscow Congress.
The Congress met in Mosqow, immediately after the
prorogation of the Duma, to discuss the various points
connected with the national defence of the country, and
was the first of its kind which had taken place in Russia.
It was composed of members of all the Zemstvos, or local
administrative Assemblies, and of representatives of all
the municipahties of the Empire. It had no poHtical
tendencies ; one of its most influential members, indeed,
when questioned on the subject by a journaHst, repHed
that the Congress had not assembled to waste time by
talking poHtics, but to see what could b^ done to put
matters on a sound basis throughout the country in order
that victory could be absolutely assured. It was true
that a few deputies from the Caucasus had declared that
they meant to claim an immediate appeal to the nation
on behalf of Labour, but the majority of the Congress
disavowed politics.
The Assembly was opened by Prince LvofC, the leader
of one of the Liberal parties of the Duma, who spoke of
how, from the very beginning of the war, when it became
eyident that Russia was faced with difficulties which the
government unaided would be unable to tackle, the
members of the various Zemstvos set to work to aid in
the struggle. " You have surely not forgotten how,"
continued the Prince, " during the early days of the cam-
paign, we came forward, timidly and modestly at first,
with our offers to take part in the task of succouring the
219
220 Russia's Decline and Fall
sick and wounded. If you compare these efforts with
all that is now accomplished, you will find that we have
made considerable progress in the matter of public activity.
We began by working in the hospitals, and to-day our
services are accepted everywhere — in the trenches as well
as in the ambulances, in the commissariat and railway
departments, at the War Office and in the Artillery Com-
mission we have identified ourselves with our brave army.
This war has becoijtie essentially a popular one, a national
one, such as we have never fought since we became an
independent and great nation. The eyes of all Russia
are sympathetically turned toward the front, where our
vaUant troops are struggling and dying with such
heroism.
" When I say this, I have particularly in my mind our
retreat of the other day. This retreat is not that of a
vanquished army. It is a retreat such as the world has
never yet seen. It is an immense sacrifice which only
a people like the Russians could perform, and such as
could only h^e been possible in a country Hke Russia.
It is not only the army who is fighting the terrible foe, it
is Russia itself. This war has changed all the conditions
of our existence : it has put an end to all differences of race
and of creed ; it has made new laws. Life and its exigen-
cies are more powerful law-makers than those written by
human hands. It makes laws of its own, and seeks their
fulfilment in the hearts of men — in their intelligence, in
their feelings of mercy and kindness. Insensibly we find
that we have begun to live a new existence, such as we
had not considered possible, and that we are confronted
by social problems difficult to solve. The war has brought
new-found energy to us all, but we ought not to blind
ourselves to the fact that increased responsibihties will be
imposed upon us. We must not lose faith in our own
strength nor in our beloved land. The heavy trials which
have fallen on Russia do not frighten or discourage her.
The Moscow Congress 221
We have been compelled to retreat, have been beaten,
and we are well aware of it ; but Russia is not thinking
of peace, and she will never conclude peace until she has
routed her enemies so completely that nothing will be left
to them except an appeal to her mercy.
" This conviction, however, ought not to make us
forget that the whole future of our country depends not
only on the issue of the war, but also on the after effects.
Our native land not only requires the re-establishment
of its former peaceful existence, but also its reorganisation.
From the throne we have heard words exhorting us to
remain united in the hour of trial, and the whole of Russia
has responded to them. Now we are more than ever
convinced of this fact. Like a ray of light in a dark place,
the debates in the Duma have led us to the only possible
path which Russia can take if she wants to follow the
historical traditions that have made her strong and great
in the past. Under these circumstances we cannot close
our eyes to the fact that the earnest wish of the nation
to be allowed to work hand in hand with the government
has not been granted, but it has neither been crushed nor
defeated. On the contrary, it has found itself strengthened
by apparent failure.
" We must give proofs that we are possessed of in-
domitable courage, and remember that it is not the govern-
ment that is leading this war, but the country. If the
government wants to separate itself from the nation, then
the Duma must be allowed to take her part in the general
burden. For this reason we must make every possible
'effort to induce those in whose hands the decision rests
to call the Duma together again, and to permit it to resume
its useful labours."
When he had finished his speech Prince LvofC called
upon the special delegate of the Zemstvos, who at the
same time was also a member of the Duma, M. Demidov,
222 Russia's Decline and Fall
to describe what he had seen in the trenches of Lithuania
and Courland, whence he had just returned. M. Demidov
related his experiences at some lengtl), and expressed his
firm conviction that, notwithstanding our defeats, our
army would win the war. But in order to secure this
victory a vigorous effort was necessary on the part of the
whole , nation to furnish the troops with badly needed
armaments and ammunition.
A few other speeches were made, all in the same vein,
and then the framing of sevefal resolutions embodying
the wishes and the opinions of the Congress was proceeded
with. A deputy belonging to the Progressive party pro-
posed an address to the Sovereign in which all that was
going on in the country would be recited. The Congress
agreed to his proposal, and decided that such an address
should be presented to the Emperor by a commission
of ten.
After this the Congress proceeded to nominate a com-
mission to care for the host of refugees who were already
beginning to invade the whole of the Empire, and to control
the factories where munitions were being prepared. Fifty
members of the different municipal councils in Russia
were included in this commission. Further, it was decided
to proceed before the winter season to the building of new
provisional hospitals, a measure which was urgently re-
quired, as the difficulty of dealing with the numbers of
wounded who were being sent back from the front was
increasing every day. After a few more remarks the
Congress was brought to a close ; but when its delegates
asked for an audience with the vSovereign to lay before
him the address it had been decided to present to him,
Nicholas II. refused to see or hear them.
I have mentioned the speech of Prince Lvoff, as it was
indicative of the real feelings of the country. This feeling
was officially stifled after the prorogation of the Duma,
.and the Press was prosecuted for every attempt that it
The Moscow Congress 223
made to give publicity to the complaints which privately
were poured into every ear willing to listen. The govern-
ment seemed determined to silence every expression of
discontent or even of uneasiness concerning the future
and the fate of the war. But — and this certainly must be
put to its credit — it encouraged unofficially all those who
found themselves desirous or ready to contribute their
share to the national defence.
The fact was that the government was in a dilemma.
On the one hand, it knew very well that it could not fulfil
its duty in regard to the country without availing itself
of the help of those vital forces of the nation which alone
could strengthen and reconcile Russia to the terrible sacri-
fices it was expected to make. On the other hand, the
government considered it a real danger to allow people to
talk about what was going on in the country, and especially
about what was taking place in the army. The stupid
hallucination that no defeat was ever to be acknowledged
was still guiding M. Goremykin and his colleagues, and
they could not be brought to realise that this absence of
news often gave rise to the most foolish and the most
absurd rumours, and exaggerated into disasters what
sometimes were nothing but small reverses.
The prorogation of the Duma did not, however, put
an end to the poHtical agitation in the country. On the
contrary, the different parties whose members had not
left Petrograd held party sittings, where it was decided
to strengthen what was called the Progressive Block, a
party composed of the moderate elements of the Right,
who did not approve of the reactionary policy inaugurated
by M. Goremykin, Liberals, Progressives, Nationahsts, and
several other small parties of the Duma. These- all deter-
mined to unite their forces and to form a strong opposition
to every governmental attempt to rule independently the
Houses of Legislature. Before the prorogation the Pro-
i^ressives had already tried to impress the Puma; bujt
224 Russia's Decline and Fall
partly because it was not fully organised and partly because
the government had not treated it Seriously, it had failed
to make any headway in the Assembly, notwithstanding
the fact that it had among its members men like M. Kono-
walov, who had been for some time Vice-President of the
Duma, and who enjoyed a great reputation among the
financial and commercial circles of Moscow. M. Efremov
also, whose vast experience in matters of internal adminis-
tration had earned him a considerable authority in the
whole country, was of the party. Now, however, when
the prorogation of the Duma had put an end to open
political discussions, and when it became necessary to
organise in view of the future, the Progressive party acquired
quite an exceptional importance ; it was the only one
that framed a political programme, which it did not hesi-
tate to present to the government, calling upon it to recog-
nise the party if it wanted to recover the popularity and
the authority which it had lost everywhere and over every-
body in Russia.
This programme, which very probably will one day
be adopted in its broad lines, even if its details are not
considered acceptable, comprised the following points :
(i) An amnesty for past political offences, and the
recovery of the civil rights which condemnation had for-
feited.
(2) The return to their former homes of all the people
exiled without trial to Siberia, or other far-away provinces
for political or rehgious motives.
(3) A complete abandonment of every kind of rehgious
persecution, and the return to the order of things esta-
bhshed by the. Emperor's Ukase of the 17th of April, 1905,
concerning liberty of conscience, which latterly had been
ignored by the government.
(4) Immediate autonomy to Poland.
(5) The abrogation of the laws concerning the Jews,
with equal hberties to those enjoyed by all Russian citizens.
The Moscow Congress 225
(6) A policy of conciliation in regard to Finland.
(7) Permission for the Press in Little Russia to exist
under the same conditions as everywhere else in the Empire.
(8) The quashing of all the prosecutions begun against
different members of the labour party, and the right of
that party to organise and hold meetings.
(9) Common action by the government and the country
to bring about the necessary reforms required by the
nation. (After which was given the list of reforms advo-
cated ; it is far too long to be reproduced here.)
It must be admitted that this programme offered
nothing that might not have been accepted by the govern-
ment had it only wished to effect a reconciliation with
the Duma. Though no one believes it, I am inclined to think
that M. Gor^mykin, if properly managed and not rubbed
the wrong way by his enemies and detractors, might have
shown himself more conciHatory than people expected.
While all this was going on there was, both in Petrograd
and the provinces, a constant increase in the cost of living.
People were suffering everywhere, and more perhaps in
the capital than anywhere else, from the impossibility of
procuring either for love or for money, bread, sugar, meat,
and those things without which it was almost impossible
to exist. It is not that there was any shortage of them
in Russia. On the contrary, provisions could have been
found in plenty, but the means of transport failed. The
administration of the railway system was abominable,
all the wagons or trucks were occupied either with ammuni-
tion to be forwarded to the front, or with wounded being
brought back to base hospitals, or again with Jews being
taken ftom one end of the empire to the other. No one
had any thought for provisions, and prices rose to such an
alarming extent that the people rebelled, and women
of the lower classes broke the windows of the bakers and
butchers, and plundered the shops. Then arose another
trouble, the absence of small change. All the copper and
P
226 Russia's Decline and Fall
silver pieces in general use disappeared in a quite wonderful
manner, no one seemed to be able to change a five-rouble
note. The government tried to remedy this state of things
by creating paper money in the form of stamps ranging
in values of five, ten, and fifteen copecks. These the
Imperial bank accepted as money, but the cab drivers
and small traders did not take so kindly to this innovation,
and unpleasant scenes took place which had to be repressed.
All these circumstances put together created great dis-
content, which did not improve the general conditions in
the Russian Empire.
But in the army matters were different. Soldiers
began to receiye rifles, guns, and ammunition, and an
offensive on a small scale even took place in Volhynia,
where our troops defeated the Germans on the opposite
side of the Styr, and entrenched themselves in new posi-
tions, which they held with great courage for several
months. Engagements of more or less importance used
to take place daily in those regions, and were claimed as
victories by each side.
The Germans had begun at that time their movement
southward, which sent the army commanded by Marshal
von Mackensen down to Serbia, and they had no longer
the large forces which they had been able to mass against
us before the fall of Vilna. They also had to stick to the
positions which they had contrived to defend against the
Russian rearguards, but the latter nevertheless advanced
a few miles toward Galicia. The town of Minsk, which
had already been considered as lost, was successfully de-
livered from a German attack. The enemy retired in
good order towards Pinsk, but they did not attempt to
cross the marshes.
Their whole efforts seemed then to be concentrated
on the Riga sector. This town had .been evacuated, and
all its factories closed and dismantled by order of the
government. Very few of its inhabitants had remained,
The Moscow. Congress 227
and it appeared quite a dead city, which was considered
as doomed. To the general surprise, the Germans did not
seem to make any effort to advance, notwithstanding their
eariier boasting. The Russians had entrenched them-
selves near Dwinsk so thoroughly that even Marshal von
Hindenburg did not care to expose his troops to the dangers
of an attack which might not have proVed successful.
The two adversaries remained in the same positions watch-
ing each other, and trying vainly to guess each other's
intentions. In the meanwhile, winter was approaching,
the first frosts had taken place, and the first snow had
fallen, much earlier than usual, as if Providence had inter-
vened in favour of our army, because the fierceness of a
Russian winter is much harder to bear for those who are
not used to it.
Such, then, was the general situation ; the discourage-
ment which at one time had weighed so heavily upon the
spirits of Russian society was beginning to give way to
a more hopeful, more contented frame of mind. The troops,
too, were also getting over the effects of the defeats which
had caused them so much anger and so much despair.
Ammunition was coming plentifully at last, together with
other war materials, warm clothing, and numerous re-
quisites which the army had not had before. The soldiers
were already beginning to talk about the defeats which
they were going to inflict upon their adversaries, and
somehow a hopeful feeling was beginning to find its way
amidst all the sadness which had fallen Hke a heavy cloud
over the whole of Russia. The nation had made up its
mind to another winter's campaign, was even longing
for it, as it was to be the precursor of a summer in which
Russia would begin to reap the fruit of all the sacrifices
which had been borne so bravely and so manfully. It
was at this precise moment that a new misfortune arrived —
Bulgaria turned traitor, and, forgetting all that Russia
had done for it, passed over to the enemy.
CHAPTER XIX.
«
The Treason of Bulgaria.
The fact that Bulgaria threw in her lot at last with
Germany was not viewed in Russia with great surprise.
Public opinion had expected that something of the kind
would happen ever since King Ferdinand had begun to
exhibit his German sympathies and to turn a deaf ear
to the advice which the Allies had tried to give him. Rela-
tions between the cabinets of Petrograd and of Sofia had
been strained by the Balkan wars, when Serbia had won
in Russia the sympathies which, by her conduct, Bulgaria
had lost.
M. Sazonov hoped against hope that wisdom would
prevail among the Bulgarian politicians, and that even
if the King were determined to throw in his lot with that
of the German States and with Austria-Hungary, the
secular enemy of the Slav cause, his advisers and ministers
would not allow him to embark on such a suicidal policy.
Unfortunately these hopes proved entirely false, partly
on account of the weak diplomacy of the Russian repre-
sentative at the court of Sofia, M. Savinsky, who was
anything but a statesman, and who instead of giving his
whole attention to the difficult political situation of Bulgaria
preferred spending his time playing tennis and flirting
with fair ladies. He had been a great favourite in his
circle at Petrograd, where he had taken himself much too
seriously, and at Stockholm, previous to his appointment
in Sofia, he had been greatly petted by society. He was
absolutely no match for King Ferdinand, who did not
228
The Treason of Bulgaria 229
even consider it a triumph to hoodwink him. By the
disquieting reports which M. Savinsky sent to his immediate
chiefs, he lured them on to a false security that allowed
the crafty Coburger to commit treason the rnoment he
thought he could do so without risk.
It would be difficult to find a more mismanaged affair
than the Balkan crisis. Bulgaria ought to have been
persuaded into accepting the conditions offered to her,
instead of being merely irritated. Action should have
been taken instead of letting things drift until it became
impossible to improve them, or to remedy the decisions
"taken by the unscrupulous ruler of an unscrupulous people.
But the Russian Foreign Office always kept a latent feeUng
of kindness for Bulgaria, and never quite reaHsed that
all its efforts to win her as an ally had not only failed, but
had had the opposite influence. Bulgaria did not care
any longer for Russia ; it is to be doubted whether she
had ever cared for her at all. Bulgaria was ambitious ;
Bulgaria had dreams about Constantinople, which she
considered as her future possession, and knowing that
Russia would prove a serious rival for her in that direc-
tion, she aspired to hberate herself from any obHgations
in regard to her old patron, whom she began to hate as
events unfolded themselves in the Near East, with a hatred
the more ferocious that it was absolutely unjustified.
Russian influence, which in spite of official opinion in
Petrograd had never been firmly estabUshed in Bulgaria,
and which, in his brief day of power. Prince Alexander of
Battenberg had attempted to shake off, was quite dead
when the Great War began ; the Turk had far more chance
to be Hstened to at Sofia than M. Sazonov.
Nevertheless, there existed still in Petrograd enthu-
siastic though weak-minded people who could not recon-
cile themselves to the accompHshed facts of Bulgaria's
misdeeds. It was partly due to this fooHsh faction that
a considerable portion of Russian society f^lt that we
230 Russia's Decline and Fall
ought not to draw the sword agaiilst those Slav brethren,
or hratouschki, whom, earher, we had deUvered from the
Turkish yoke.
To many, .therefore, the treason of Bulgaria, bound as
she ought to have been by the closest ties of gratitudej
came as a shock ; but the majority, who had seen it coming j
declared that, after all, it was a thousand times preferabU
to have an avowed foe than to run the risk of being betrayed";
by a false friend.
This, however, was poor consolation in the face of the
fact that the alliance of Bulgaria with Germany and with
Turkey would assure the direct communication of these
two powers with each other, and thus add considerably
to the already numerous difficulties with which the Allies
were finding themselves confronted in the Balkans. Some
people said that it would perhaps have been more judicious
on the part of Russia not to have issued its ultimatum to
King Ferdinand until he had thrown off his mask and
spontaneously announced his intentions of becoming
untrue to all the promises which he had made. All the
same, considering the dignity of a great country like Russia,
it could hardly have been expected that she would remain
quiet under provocations which were as insolent as they
were disgraceful.
King Ferdinand acted throughout with that hypocrisy
in which he had always shown himself a master. He
began by saying that he had done all that lay within his
power to remain upon good terms with the Russian govern-
ment, but that the bulk of the Bulgarian nation, being
opposed to Russia, were not going to continue to be bullied
by the latter country, as had b^en the case lately. He
therefore found himself compelled to submit to the wishes
of his people. He also considerately added that he was
convinced the Central Powers would be victorious, and
so he could not pursue any other policy, an avowal which
had at least the merit of being perfectly frank, a thing
The Treason of Bulgaria 231
that must have astonished Ferdinand himself, so httle
used was he to tell the truth.
It was about this time that an event happened which,
though it took place abroad, caused considerable per-
turbation in Petrograd, and some apprehensions through-
out Russia in general — the resignation of M. Delcasse.
He had made a considerable number of friends in the
Russian capital, where all had learned to appreciate his
tact and great politicar knowledge, and had looked up to
him to direct French foreign affairs till the end of the war.
His resignation was as sudden as it was unexpected. We
knew too well that it would be wrongly interpreted abroad
by the enemies of the Allies, and represented to have
been caused by his despair at the turn the war was taking.
The resignation was sincerely deplored in . Petrograd,
Rome and London, and urgent representations were made
to him to reconsider his decision, but they all proved use-
less, and he persisted in his determination. Perhaps he
had a far more earnest motive than was suspected by
the general public. M. Delcasse was a stronger and cleverer
man than he was given credit for. He had guessed that
when the time came for peace terms to be discussed it
would be indispensable that it should be done by men
who had not been absolute partisans in the war, and that
for many reasons he would have far greater chances then
of being heard than if he had remained in office the whole
of the war. This at least is what was believed by some
persons who knew him well, and I will quote here a letter
which I received very soon after his departure from the
Ouai d'Orsay, and which was written by a man of standing
in Paris, who was one of the best informed in France as
to politics and political men in that country.
" You will have been astonished," he wrote to me,
" at the decision of our friend Delcasse to bid good-bye
to poUtical Hfe and to the cares of office at a period of
232 Russia's Decline and Fall
crisis such as the present. To his friends he said that ;J
his health had become indifferent ; to his enemies he
said nothing, and allowed them to make what deductions
they pleased. He seems, however, to be as well as ever,
and certainly has lost none of his interest in political
matters. I had a long talk with him the other day, and
I believe I can make a pretty good guess as to what has
occurred and to what is actually passing in his mind. The
war will prove a much longer affair than could ever have
been supposed in the first moments of enthusiasm which
followed upon its declaration. We have at last under-
stood that it is hot so easy to reach Berlin as we had fondly
imagined, and that even our friends the Cossacks will
take some time over it. It would have been impossible
for any ministry in this beautiful and splendid France
of ours to live until the end of the present struggle. Delcasse,
whose ambitions are as great as ever, but whose patriotism
is stronger even than his ambitions, understands all this
perfectly, and, feeling himself able to render further ser-
vices to his country, wants to reserve his activity for the
moment when it will be time to claim compensation for
the past, and to sow seeds for the future in the shape of
a treaty of peace capable of reconciling us to the sacrifices
which we have made, the money which we have spent,
and the blood which we have spilt. I think events will
prove that this supposition of mine is correct, and that
you will yet see our friend resume his activity and become
of valuable help to those who will be called upon to write
their names at the bottom of the most important treaty
of peace the world will ever have seen."
My correspondent was perhaps not so badly informed,
but, of course, his point of view could not be shared by
the world at large, who could only judge of events on the
surface, and the departure of M. Delcasse was deplored
sincerely in Petrograd.
The Treason of Bulgaria 233
In Russia, too, changes took place at about the same
time. Weak, amiable, and inexperienced Prince Scher-
batov, who, with the best intentions in the world, had only
succeeded in making himself ridiculous, returned to private
life a sadder and perhaps a wiser man. He left behind
him the reputation of having throughout behaved as a
gentleman, which is more than can be said of some Russian
functionaries, and though he was not regretted his departure
was deplored by some people who said that very probably
Russia would gain nothing by change in the conduct of
her home affairs.
The Prince's successor was a man reputed as a violent
reactionary^ M. Khvdstov, the namesake of the Minister
of Justice, to whom, however, he was not related. For-
merly he had been governor at Nijni Novgorod, where
he was known as a supporter of poHce methods, averse
to every manifestation of public opinion, an enemy of the
liberty of the Press. He was a typical Tchinownik, a term
used for a public functionary who believes that the very
fact of his being in power allows him to despise others
and to make all his subordinates feel the weight of his fist.
By what means M. Khvostov had contrived to draw upon
himself the protection of M. Gor^mykin has not yet been
ascertained, but that he had succeeded in becoming one
of the favourites of the old statesman was a fact of which
the world was soon to become cognisant. The appoint-
ment of M. Khvostov had one peculiarity about it ; he
was the first member of the Duma who had been called
upon to occupy a public office, and therefore his nomina-
tion as Minister of the Interior was of great significance,
the more so that he at once declared his intention of not
resigning his membership of the Duma, but of keeping
in touch with his colleagues. This announcement miti-
gated a little of the consternation caused by the news
that he had been entrusted with the delicate office of
Minister of the Interior, which had always been considered
234 Russia's Decline and Fall
to be the most important post in the government. Wise
people shook their heads, and declared that the appoint-
ment boded no good to the Liberal elements in the country,
and that probably M. Khvostov would use his kn6wledg(
of the ins and outs of the Duma to preach the necessity
of dispensing with its services. Contrary to expectations,
he showed great tact, considerable incHnation to consult
competent people upon various questions, and, in an
interview which he had with a group of newspaper repre-
sentatives, he impressed them most favourably. Indeed,
M. Khvostov contrived to dissipate a good many of the
prejudices which existed against him, and to give the
idea that he ought to be allowed a chance of proving what
he could do. He had expressed himself as desirous of
seeing the Duma, resume its sittings, and this, of course,
was sure to win him some sympathies even from his oppo-
nents ; it remained to be seen whether his conduct was
to prove the truth of the time-honoured proverb about
new brooms.
There was, however, one phrase in the communication
M. Khvostov made to the Press which was considered
most ominous. In speaking about the resolutions passed
in Moscow during the Congress to which I have already
alluded, he declared they were the result of extreme nervous-
ness on the part of those who had voted them, and who
lacked a sufhciently deep understanding of the gravity
and seriousness of the situation. After all, too, he argued
these resolutions had no real importance, because neither
the Zemstvos nor the municipal councils possessed the
power which alone counted, that is physical and material
power. These words could not fail to raise considerable
apprehensions as to the intentions of the new Minister.
Perhaps the actuating motive for such opinions would
have been examined more carefully if the news arriving
from Serbia and from the Balkans had not absorbed public
attention to the exclusion of every other subject. The
The Treason of Bulgaria 235
heroic defence of the brave Serbian army excited the pity
and the admiration of the whole of Russia. Between the
Austrians on the one side and the Bulgarians on the other,
and the steadfast attack and advance of the German
army led by von Mackensen, the position of the unfortunate
Serbians was desperate indeed, and one could only wonder
by what miracle they could still hold out.
The Greek question also was causing trouble and
anxiety, and altogether the position in the Balkans seemed
to have assumed a most grave character, one of the worst
features being the possibilities of new surprises every day
coming from the most unexpected quarters. With a man
like King Ferdinand treason was a matter of indifference,
and he could with perfect equanimity try to win the friend-
ship of those whom he had reviled a few days before. A
man who knew him well, and who happened to have been
at Sofia while negotiations were still going on between
the Bulgarian government and Serbia, wrote to me as
follows on his return :
"My journey has been a most interesting one, but I
am not at all sorry it has come to an end. Bulgaria is not
a nice country to live in at the present moment. One
has all the time the feeling that one is allowed to exist
on sufferance, and that the inhabitants of this land look
upon one with the eyes of a crocodile about to swallow the
victim he has been watching for a long time. King
Ferdinand is surely meditating some hig^coup from which
he probably hopes to obtain at last supremacy over the
whole of the Balkan Peninsula, aa ambition he has had
ever since his acceptance of the Bulgarian throne. It
was a tremendous mistake not to oblige Serbia to concede
everything her neighbour asked from her, rather than
furnish Bulgaria with a pretext for joining the ranks of
her enemies. The idea that it would have been useless
because Ferdinand would always have remained the tool
236 Russia's Decline and Fall
of Austria was a perfectly foolish one. First of all, Ferdi-
nand has never been the tool of anybody, or of anything,
save perhaps of his own ambition. He has absolutely no
sympathies for Austria, or for Francis Joseph, who more
than once has humiliated him, and made him feel that
they had nothing in common. He hates Russia just as
much, and tolerates Germany and its Kaiser simply because
it seems to him that from that quarter he may expect
the most. The great strength of the man consists in his
knowledge of his own importance at this moment of crisis,
when his going over to one side or to the other means so
much to those with whom he chooses to throw in his lot.
His uncommon cuteness makes him realise that where
two quarrel then is the opportunity for a third party to
take what he considers his own, and to get what he wants :
Ferdinand certainly does not belong to the people who
miss their opportunities. He has been preparing himself
all along for the part he means to play now, and he has
contrived to assure himself of the co-operation of many
influential persons in Bulgaria, who from quite different
motives from his own would hke to get rid of Russian
influence and Russia's constant interference in the affairs
of their country and of the Balkan Peninsula. Being
perfectly aware that it is highly improbable that Russia
will be allowed to take Constantinople, he would like to
be the one personage indicated to supplant the Sultan
on that throne of ancient Byzantium which he has coveted
ever since he set foot on Bulgarian soil.
" With quite an artistic touch King Ferdinand has
slowly fomented an intense distrust against Russia amongst
his subjects, and persuaded them that Russia, instead
of having their interests at heart, is aspiring to put one
of her Grand Dukes in the Palace of Sofia, and to make
Bulgaria a Russian province. The idea, of course, is a
most distasteful one, and Ferdinand has found in it one
of his best pretexts for persuading his ignorant anc}
The Treason of Bulgaria
237
unsuspicious people that it would be to their advantage to
join the Central Powers in their struggle against the AlHes.
His excellent argument for enforcing his opinions has
been to put into prison all those who ventured to question
them or to challenge their sincerity. Sofia swarms with
spies, who keep the government informed of all the persons
whose influence might be exercised against the king and
his schemes. I can assure you that though King Ferdinand
received me, and asked me to dinner, and showed himself
most gracious toward me — in memory of the past, I sup-
pose — yet I was not at all sure when I went to bed that I
might not be wakened during the night by gendarmes come
to arrest me, and I heaved a deep sigh of relief when I
had crossed the Bulgarian frontier. Nothing that can
happen in that land of surprises will astonish me, and
even if Ferdinand decided to pass over to the enemy, and
to put his army at the disposal of Germany, this would
not mean at all that he could not change his mind at the
eleventh hour, because after he had started on the war
path he might, if the allurement proved sufficiently strong
to tempt him, invoke that conscience of which he has
made such profitable use, and explain to his subjects that
he had convinced himself the AlHes were in the right. No
man alive has ever practised better than he has done the
art of forgetting his resolutions of the day before in favour
of his sympathies of the next."
There was certainly a good deal in what my corre-
spondent wrote, and it is most likely that if the Russian
Foreign Office had been a little more tactful, Bulgaria's
neutrality might have been secured. M. Sazonov, how-
ever, was far too honest to promise what he did not intend
or mean to grant. Rather than compromise himself by
negotiations which might have been interpreted in a false
fight, he preferred to send the ultimatum to the Bulgarian
government which resulted in the rupture of diplomatic
238 Russia's Decline and Fall
relations between Petrograd and Sofia. Very soon after-
wards the Tsar announced to his faithful subjects that
the Bulgaria which we had created and delivered from
the Turkish yoke had turned traitor to us, and joined thf^
ranks of our enemies.
The great question which followed upon this announce-
ment was how to get to the help of Serbia before the lattc r
country had been entirely annihilated, by the combined
Austrian and German armies. The formidable von Mac
kensen, who had been sent down to the Balkans in the
greatest haste and secrecy, had set to work with his usual
thoroughness, and very soon the Serbians, driven back
everywhere, had to fly to the Albanian mountains, whilst
King Peter and the Crown Prince Alexander were com-
pelled to abandon Nish, which was stormed by the Bulgarian
troops, and to seek a refuge in Montenegro.
Whilst these events were taking place, the Allies were
landing as many men as they could at Salonica, but were j
confronted by new difficulties coming from Greece. The j
war was beginning once more to assume a character more |
favourable to our enemies than it had done for the last |
three months, and it was also getting more and more ;
agonising, owing to the suspense which it entailed on all
those who were immediately concerned. For Russians ]
the fact of having to fight against Slav brethren was in- '
expressibly bitter and painful. It added a new horror
to all those already experienced ; but hard as it was to
draw the sword to punish people with whom one had
believed most sincerely that one would always remain
on brotherly and affectionate terms, awful as it seemed
to find that one's own familiar friend had turned false,
the moral disaster did not destroy the confidence whicl;^
Russia felt as to the ultimate issue of the war. That w
had to be won, even if the struggle lasted ten years, ev ^
it extended to a whole century. The German tyrant ^^
to be crushed, German arrogance had to be destroyed. ^^ ^
The Treason of Bulgaria 239
At this moment retired from public life M. Krivocheine,
one of the foremost political men in Russia, a real and
great statesman, who during the ten years he had remained
in office had won for himself universal respect and esteem.
It was thought that M. Krivocheine had retired for the
same reasons that had induced M. Delcasse to give up
his post, or possibly because he could not reconcile him-
self to the views which the President of the Council of
Ministers had expressed and meant to carry through.
His departure, which at any time would have produced
considerable sensation, startled the whole of Russia, and
caused it to wonder whether there did not lie behind it
some grave motive which it was not deemed expedient
for the public to learn. Probably nothing of the kind
existed, but it was a thousand pities that such a supposi-
tion had arisen.
CHAPTER XX
Russia at Bay
A CAREFULLY fostered German legend circulated in Russia,
where it was believed by the credulous and not wholly
rejected by more responsible people, was that the Prussians
captured at Kovno, Grodno, and Novo Georgiewsk an
incredible amount of war material. It is true that quite
a number of guns and rifles were scattered about in all
these places, but they were mostly out-of-date types which
had filled the arsenals, but which were not fit for modern
use. Everything that was valuable in the way of ammuni-
tion and guns was either removed or destroyed. Had
the Russians possessed all that their enemies declared
had been captured they would have been able to make a
good resistance, and certainly would not have allowed
their adversaries so easily to storm the strongholds.
It has now been proved that the great successes of the
German armies during the first twelve months of the
campaign were mostly due to the sad but certain fact
that the Russian troops found themselves not only ham-
pered but seriously endangered in their movements by
this deplorable want of war materials, and especially of
shells and small ammunition. In Galicia and in Poland
batteries had to remain silent for weeks whilst the enemy
fired at them iminterruptedly with heavy artillery. The
soldiers in the trenches used to lie down and bite the earth
in their despair at finding themselves compelled to remain
where they were, without means to reply to the murderous
attacks to which they were subjected.
240
Russia at Bay 241
In the month of July things changed very quickly.
The country at last understood what was expected and
required from it, and set to its task with joy and alacrity.
Every factory in the empire was working, and the Siberian
railway line having been mobilised, and ordered to refuse
private goods, used all its resources to bring over guns,
shells, and rifles from Japan, and from America via Vladivos-
tock. The Russian workmen, to encourage the soldiers,
used to write of their own accord on each case of ammuni-
tion they sent off, " Don't spare them, we are making
more for you." In an incredibly short time our troops
found themselves not only suppHed with what they re-
quired for the moment, but also cheered by the prospect
of never again having to suffer from the evils to which
they, as well as pubHc opinion, ascribed the reverses which
had thro\vn the whole of Russia into mourning.
The Emperor was taking his share in the general burden,
and since he had assumed the command over the whole
of the army did not spare himself in his efforts of encourage-
ment- He inspected the front everywhere, and went
about from one place to another, not allowing a single
spot where he knew his soldiers were standing, face to
face with their adversary to escape his attention. After
a stay of a few days on the Galician border he started
for Riga and Reval, against which the German efforts
had been particularly directed ever since the fall of Grodno.
He arrived in Reval on the loth of November, 19 15, accom-
panied by his small son, whose presence at his side seemed
to afford him great pleasure. He at once drove to inspect
the fortifications of the town and its citadel, after which
he proceeded to the harbour, and received the English
and Russian naval officers composing the crews of the
submarines anchored there. To the British sailors he
expressed his pleasure at being able to greet them, and
[thanked them for their splendid services, and decorated
k'vo English submarine commanders with the Cross of
242 Russia's Decline and Fall
St. George. After a hasty lunch taken in the Imperial
train which had brought the Sovereign and his suite to
the station, the Tsar went to the big Russo-Baltic factory,
the largest works of their kind in Russia, and having
examined the work which was being done there, talked
with the workmen, inquired from them the details of
what they were doing, and thanked them in his name
and that of the army for their services. A long visit to
all the different hospitals of the town ended the day, and
the monarch left the same evening for Riga.
In the old Baltic capital Nicholas II. was received by
the commander of the fortress and garrison, General Radko
Dmitriev, who during the whole Galician campaign ''had
behaved like a hero. This brave officer -was a Bulgarian
who had distinguished himself by his courage during the
two Balkan wars, and had entered the Russian service
immediately after the second, not caring to remain in
Sofia, where his Russian sympathies had gained the enmity
of King Ferdinand. The Emperor reviewed the several
army corps entrusted with the defence of Riga, who re-
ceived him with an indescribable enthusiasm. Among
the troops massed for the purpose was one of the Siberian
detachments whose courage had become traditional in
the whole army. Having called the officers to him,
Nicholas II. addressed them :
" I am glad to see here the valiant representatives of
my famous Siberian regiments, which have distinguished
themselves so much during the two campaigns. I feel
happy to have been enabled to come here with the heir
to the throne to thank you for your faithful services and
the heroic conduct of your regiments. Tell them that
I send them my best greetings and hopes that they will
vanquish our formidable foes."
After tremendous hurrahs and cheers from all sides
the Sovereign was driven to the principal hospitals, where
Russia at Bay 243
he spoke with the wounded and medical attendants, and
everywhere expressed his conviction that better days were
to dawn for Russia. He left Riga about midnight, and
after a short stay at Witebsk, where he inspected a
division just returned from the front and a brigade of
artillery, he proceeded nearer the advanced lines held by
our troops.
The visit of the Emperor to Riga produced a great
impression everywhere. People had been so convinced
that it was but a question of days for this town to fall
into German hands, that the fact that it had been found
possible for the Tsar to go there could not fail to reassure
those timorous souls. The feeling of insecurity which
for months had pervaded the whole atmosphere of the
Baltic provinces was dissipated, and though the fact that
von Hindenburg still held several points in Courland
could not be denied, yet it seemed a great thing that he
had not been able to make any progress in the direction
of Riga, the possession of which always had been coveted
by Germany. Pubhc life, which had been almost extinct
in the Baltic capital, began to revive, and people came
back to the homes which they had left in a hurry under
the impression that the Prussian advanced patrols were
within sight. Security returned with a hope that things
might turn out better than had been expected. In that
sense the Imperial visit did a great amount of good,
and it was certainly a most happy thought which had
prompted it.
The serious sense of duty that was always such a
remarkable feature in the character of Nicholas II. induced
him to do a still more magnificent thing. In spite of the
protestations of his entourage and of the personal danger
hich such an enterprise presented, he determined to
go to where actual fighting was in progress, and to cheer
s brave troops in the hour of their trial ; accompanied
his son, he paid a visit to the Headquarters of the
m
244 Russia's Decline and Fall
armies comnjanded by Generals Broussiloff, Scherbascheff,
and Levitsky, the last being stationed in trenches in
the neighbourhood of Tarnopol, the only Galician town
still left in our possession. General Broussiloff's troops
were first inspected. The Emperor, who was accom-
panied by the Commander-in-Chief of the combined
Southern armies, General Ivanov, then took his seat in a
motor car, and proceeded direct to the front, where an
artillery engagement had been going on the whole day.
It was getting dusk when the car reached its destination
and a division was about to start to relieve one in the!
trenches. • ^
The scene defies description. The roar of the big
guns quite close was deafening ; in the sky above the
Imperial carriage aeroplanes were flying, scrutinising the
horizon, to see whether the enemy had by chance become
aware of the fact that the Tsar himself was amidst hi^
troops. ]
Nicholas II., dressed in the grey overcoat usually
worn by privates in the army, slowly passed along the
line of the division, walking with measured steps and
holding his little boy by the hand. Not an eye was dry
in the ranks as all these men gathered in loyal affection
around their Sovereign unheeding the thunder of the guns.
It was quite dark before the monarch returned to his
automobile and continued his dangerous journey.
The next day it was the turn of the armies of Generals
Scherbascheff and Levitsky to be honoured with the
presence of their Sovereign. He found a part of the troops
just returned from the front, where they had had a long
and anxious time in the trenches, which they had defended
successfully against the attack of an Austrian corps. The
men, worn out as they were, in their dirty and bloody
uniforms, drew themselves up proudly, and greeted the
Emperor with the National Anthem, which spontaneously
they began to sing when they saw him appear. The Tsai^
Russia at Bay 245
was profoundly moved, and for a few minutes could not
speak, so intensely did he feel the solemnity of the moment.
At last he made a sign with his hand to enforce attention,
arid then addressed himself to the men who stood trembling
with excitement before him.
" I am happy," he said, "to be able to see you here
to-day, and together with my son to thank through you
all my brave army. The whole of Russia rejoices together
with me at your successes, and prays to God to give you
His help in defeating our arrogant foes. I feel proud to
stand at your head. Transmit to your comrades my
greetings and riiy heartfelt thanks for their courage and
their devotion to their duties, and let me thank you also
for your heroic conduct of to-day and on every other
occasion."
The enthusiasm of the troops surpassed anything
which had been seen before. The army felt at last that
j its Supreme Chief shared its anxieties, labours, and fatigues.
Since the days of Peter the Great no representative of
the House of Romanoff had been so popular as the present
.Monarch of All the Russias became after his visit to the
front.
The Imperial train carried the Emperor farther south
to Odessa and the Rumanian frontier, where he reviewed
the army corps stationed there previous to their march
down towards Sevastopol and the Black Sea. Great
importance was attached to this tour, not only in Russia,
but also in Europe, where our Allies welcomed it with
that effusion which they have never failed to show us on
any important occasion, and where the German and Austrian
Press attempted to represent it as the last effort of a monarch
who knew that everything was lost for him as well as for
^ his people.
After this visit of the Tsar to the front, matters there
!^^ vent on improving every day. We fortified ourselves
igti
246 Russia's Decline and Fall
all along the line of Dwinsk, which the Germans did not
dare to attack. The fact was that they had been com-
pelled to send a large contingent of their troops to thr
Western front, and had not a sufficient quantity of men
to risk any serious offensive against us. In the hope ol
hiding this fact from us, von Hindenburg, always astute,
proceeded to execute a series of manoeuvres intended to
deceive us. He sent large detachments to a certain point
during the day, and under cover of the darkness brought
them back to the place whence they had started, makini;
them repeat the performance twenty-four hours latei
thus hoping that we would be induced to believe that i^
was always fresh regiments he was pushing forward. At
first the ruse succeeded, then it was discovered, and inspired '
our men with renewed ardour by its proof of the weakness
of their enemy.
Next the Prussians proceeded to build a formidable
line of entrenchments all along the frontier, and started
with a feverish activity to strengthen the fortresses which I
they had captured, and to bring heavy artillery to them
from Eastern Prussia. The German plan at this stage ^
of the campaign appeared to be to estabUsh themselves |
firmly in the provinces which they had conquered. PubHc
schools and the University of Warsaw were opened again,
and a German civil administration was substituted for
the military regime under which Poland had been Jiving
for the last fifteen months. In Lithuania, too, every
effort was made to restore some kind* of order, and the
population was invited to co-operate in the general work
of reconstruction. Judging by what was being done, it -
seemed to be the intentions of the German General Staff
to fortify the whole line of strongholds upon which Russia ]
had built such hopes before the war, and which circumstances
had compelled her to evacuate, and then to await quietly
the turn which events might take. In Russia attention
seemed to be concentrated on the defence of Dwinsk and
Russia at Bay . 247
of Riga, the fall of which would have left the road to Petro-
grad open to the invaders.
The second winter of the campaign found, therefore,
the two enemies in close touch with each other, but neither
daring apparently to open the attack against his adversary.
The Russians,- however, had one immense advantage over
the Germans. They could afford to give their men a well-
earned rest, and to await with confidence the advent of
spring, when it might become possible to begin an offensive
movement. This long-hoped-for movement would have
one great chance of success ; it would be started by fresh
troops, eager to fight and to win ; whilst, owing to the
constant shifting from one place to another to which the
Prussians were continually condemned, their soldiers must
get discouraged and worn out by the terrible hardships
of a service in which there was no rest except when they
happened to be wounded.
The fifteen months' campaign had established the fact
beyond doubt that, though the armies of the Kaiser had
certainly obtained considerable successes, they had not
achieved the great and decisive victories which alone
could have allowed them to impose their conditions of
peace upon the world. Neither Paris nor Petrograd had
fallen, the British Fleet was not destroyed, India and
Egypt still remained British, and in the face of such
facts the Germans' task was far from complete. Frightful
and bloody struggles still awaited them in the future,
when it would become a critical question whether Germany
could hold out, not only against the material forces of
their opponents, but also against the universal detestation
which they inspired. All the calculation on which the
Prussian High Command had based their plans had turned
out to be false, and they had been obliged to abandon
their march on Paris, and had found themselves face to
face with a resistance which completely upset all their
^ splendid intentions to conquer the whole of Europe.
?^
248 Russia's Decline and Fall
This fact alone constituted a moral as well as a material
triumph for the Allies, which was very well understood
by them, and by which they would know how to profit
in the future. It had, in spite of all that they could say
or affirm, considerably harmed German prestige, and
shattered the reputation for being invincible which they
had enjoyed ever since Sadowa and Sedan. The war had
actually turned out to be a deception for them, while we,
seeing our resources daily increase, and our feelings of
security strengthened, were beginning to think that the ^
wished-for end was not so far distant after all, and that
we were getting nearer to the moment when the vanquished
Prussian Eagle would plead for the mercy which he had
refused to others.
Russia, whom her enemies represented as discouraged
and helpless, was at Christmas time of the year 1915 stronger,
better disciplined and organised than she had ever been
at any previous stage of the campaign. Her soldiers
were hardened by the twelve months' struggle they had
gone through ; her officers had acquired the experience
which they had lacked ; her commissariat department
was at last working very well ; her supply of ammunition
promised to be inexhaustible, and was already more than
plentiful ; her Red Cross arrangements had been placed
on a footing which left nothing to be desired. These
were all conditions that allowed Russia to look with con-
fidence toward the future, and this was precisely what
the whole country did. All parties, the Radical and Socialist
not excepted, shared this optimism.
The famous BourtzefE, who had been pardoned a few
months before, and who about Christmas time arrived at
Petrograd to see his friends after his exile in the wilds of
Siberia, when asked what he thought of the situation, said :
" I believe, believe absolutely, that we shall win. I
feel convinced that Russia will emerge out of her present
Russia at Bay 249
trials regenerated and stronger than she has ever been,
and I think also that our victory will at the same time
be the victory of democracy. It seems especially to me
that we cannot lose this war because we are fighting side
b]^ side with England and France, and I am full of the
deepest admiration for all the heroism displayed by our
AUies. Now that I have spent some time in the interior
of Russia I can boldly say what I think about the spirit
which prevails there. All that I have heard concerning
our army proves to me that the whole country relies upon
it to secure a complete triumph over our enemies.
" It would be a terrible thing if the war ended without
having brought about the annihilation of Germany, and
if the terrible sacrifices which we have made were to prove
useless. German agents at present are trying to work
in favour of a separate peace with one or other of the
belligerents. I think that such a peace would be a criminal,
I senseless, and base treason on the part of the one who
I would consent to conclude it. If Russia allowed herself
to entertain such an idea she would pay dearly for it later
: on, because all that it could bring to her would be the
triumph of the reactionary ideas which have already done
so much harm."
Such was the opinion — expressed in the last days of
1915 — of a man whom certainly no one could accuse of
being in the employ of the government, and who enjoyed
an immense authority over the whole of the advanced
parties in Russia. It disposes at once of the calumny
set in circulation by the German Press that neither the
Liberals nor the Radicals cared for the continuation of
the war, and would have liked to conclude peace at any
price.
Russia was united — and Russia was at bay. The
divided counsels that had . wrought such terrible havoc
i^ by weakening military decisions and depri\ing the army
m
250 Russia's Decline and Fall
of ammunition existed no longer. The people had shown
the army that the soul of Russia was with them ; they had
shown the enemy that, despite traitors, they were out to
win ; they would show the world that though the past
had been punctuated with disaster and retreat, henceforth
they were fighting as one, a nation with its back to the
wall, determined to avert annihilation, eager to do its
part in securing peace to a blood-drenched and slaughter-
weary world:
INDEX
DRIANOFF, General, 126
lexander, Crown Prince of Serbia,
238
lexander of Battenberg, Prince, 229
lexander III., wise policy of, 87
lexandra. Empress, and Rasputin,
175
Red Cross activities of, 96, 214
Jexeiv, General, caution of, 217
.ntwerp, Belgian Government re-
moved to, 44
fall of, 62
-ustria, assassination of heir to
throne of, i
declares war on Serbia, 17
Germans as Army commanders, 50,
108, 159
mobilisation of, 14, 16
ultimatum to Serbia, 8
.ustrians, a succession of reverses, 50
surrender Przemysl, 97 et seq.
tardy mobilisation of, 51
lALKANS, the, disquieting news
from, 234. 235
laltic provinces, German invasion of,
94
laptists, the. Prince Scherbatov on,
197
lark, M., introduces financial pro-
gramme, 184
iavarians enter Warsaw, 149, 150
;eatty, Rear-Admiral, squadron visits
Russia, 6
►elgium, enemy invasion of, 41
German atrocities in, 42
telgrade, Austrian Minister demands
his passports, 16
bombardment of, 17
ieliaev. General, 141
(enckendorff. Count, 13
►erchtold. Count, 12
lerlin, anti- Russian riots at, 16
lobrinsky, Count George, 61
addresses the Duma, 184
welcomes Tsar at Przemysl, 10 1
g^snia and Herzegovina, annexation
Bourtzeff, M., arrest and trial of, 66
in Petrograd after his release, 248
views on the war situation, 248, 249
Brest Litowsk, enemy assault on, and
fall of, 159, 160
Prussians enter burning town, 160
von Mackensen's march on, 149, 152
British Fleet, enthusiastic welcome in
Russia, 6
Broussiloff, General, 52
troops inspected by Tsar, 244
Bucharest, Treaty of, 11
Bug, the, Russian retirement towards,
160
Bulgaria and Constantinople, 229, 236
negotiations with Serbia, 235
treason of, 227, 228 et seq.
ultimatum from Russia, 230, 237
CARPATHIANS, the, a costly attempt
to force the passes, 75, 90 et seq.
Chelm, Austrians in, 51
Chotek, Count and Countess, i
Constantinople coveted by Bulgaria,
229, 236
Courland, German advance in, 107
German sympathies of population,
145
Jews expelled from, 128
overrun by enemy, 145
Czernowitz, evacuation of, 77
DARDANELLES, the, Anglo-French
attack on, 115
Delcass6, M., resignation of, 231
Demidov, M., at Moscow Congress, 221
Detectives among the Army at the
Front, 86
Dmitriev, Gen. Radko, receives the
Tsar, 242
Dniester, the, crossed by enemy, 129
Duma, the, a secret sitting of, 188
and the internal situation, ij8 et seq.
appoints Munitions Commission, 209,
216
members arrested and exiled, 65
prorogation of, 166, 178, 198, 212,
21
m
251
252
Index
Dunaburg (Dwinsk), fortress of, 162
Dunajec, the, Russian positions
stormed, 112
Dwinsk (Dunaburg), a waiting game
at, 227
fortress of, 162
EASTERN PRUSSIA, battle of Tan-
nenberg, . 44 et seq.
German victories in, 72 et seq.
Russian invasion of, 45
transporting the wounded, 54
Efremov, M., 224
impressive speech by, 187
Elizabeth Feodorovna, Grand Duchess,
121
England enters the War, 41
increasing munitions output of, 140
Russian admiration for, 77, 114
" the saviour of the world," 135, 138
Eydtkhunen, engagement at, 43
FRANCIS FERDINAND. Archduke,
assassination of, i
Austrian Society and, 3
Francis Joseph, Emperor, assassina-
tion of his heir, i
Ferdinand of Bulgaria, King, character
sketch of, 235-6
his German sympathies. 228
hypocrisy of, 230
Ferdinand of Coburg, 164
Finnish coast, Jewish settlement on,
206
Frederick, Archduke, an unexpected
offensive movement, 108
Friedmann, Deputy, on the Jewish
question, 202 et seq.
GALICIA, a Russian bank in Lem-
berg, 61
again in enemy hands, 102
letters from the Front, 82 et seq.
Mackensen's offensive movement
in, no
orderly Russian retreat from, 115
Russian evacuation of, 50
Tsar's visit to, 100
Galicia, South, Austrian defeat in, 52
George V., King, in Berlin, 2
George, Mr. Lloyd, 140
German advance on Warsaw, 147
atrocities, 77, 89
capture of Kovno, 153 et seq.
command of Austrian troops, 50,
108, 159
German communique, a typical, i(
joy at fall of Brest Litowsk, 160
kulttir, 63
tribute to Russian troops, 116
troops cross Russian frontier, 21
Germany, Bulgaria in alliance witl
230
espionage system of, 32, 68
her preparedness for war, 142
unofficial mobilisation of, 14
Gnila-Lipa River, 144
Godlewski, Private, 203
Gor^mykin, M., 11, 16
addresses the|Duma, 43, 181
advises prorogation of Duma, 161
178, 198, 216
an Imperial Rescript to, 140, 178
friction with Prince Scherbatov, ic
incapacity of, 173, 196
self-deception <pf, 178
Great War, Russia's lack of ammuD
tion, 64, 76, 118, 137, 141, 14
146, 157, 179, 240
Greece, attitude of, causes anxiet;
235. 238
Grey, Sir Edward, 19
his offer refused, 18
Grigorovitch, Admiral, 183
Grodno, fall of, 165, 166
Jews expelled from, 209
Gumbinnen, battle of, 54
HARTWIG, M., death of, 13
Hindenburg, General von, astutene
of, 246
commands Prussian armies, 45
plans to seize Warsaw, 147
popularity in Germany, 62
promoted to rank of Field-Marshi
67
success at Vloclavek, 63
vain boast of, 162
Hohenberg, Duchess of, assassinatic
of, I
INSTERBURG in Russian occup
tion, 40
Italy enters the War, 114
Ivangorod, fortress of, 148, 151
Ivanov, General, 102, 141
accompanies Tsar on a visit to tl
Front, 244
evacuates Lemberg, 144
evacuates Przemysl, 112
Index
253
nUSCHKIEVITCH, General. 142,
152, 172
m joins the Allies, 44
»slau, fortress taken, 60
t vvs, a false accusation against, 193
alleged dissemination of proclama-
tions by, 86
id the conquerors of Brest, 160
viled from Courland, 128
HI Przemvsl, 98
M. MarkofE and, 184
persecution of, 65, 201 et seq.
[offre. General, 77
[ohannisburg, gallant defence of, 72
[oseph Ferdinand, Archduke, attack
on banks of Gnila-Lipa River,
144
KAZANSKI, M., 16
Kerensky, M., investigates a charge
against Jews, 207
outlines a policy, 193
Kharkov, a Jewish patient expelled
from hospital, 203
riots in, 118
Khvostov, M., 196
interview with Press representa-
tives, 234
succeeds Prince Scherbatov, 233
Kielec, Jews as hostages at, 205
Kiev, rioting in, 95, 118
Kitchener, Lord, Russian admiration
of, 49
Klimovitch, General, 127
Kokovtsov, M., II
Konowalov, M., 224
Kouga, Jewish inhabitants of, 207
Kouropatkin, General, and the Man-
churian campaign, 64
Kousmanek, General, 97
Grand Duke Nicholas's generosity
to, 99
offers to surrender Przemysl, 98
sent to Nijni Novgorod, 99
Kovno attacked by enemy, 152
commander court-martialled, 148
expulsion of Jews frgm, 204, 209
fall of, 153, 154 et seq.
Jews as hostages, 205
Krasnoye Selo, a Council of Ministers
at, 14
Krivocheine, M., 216
retirement of, 239
feKybarty churchyard, an abandoned
I battery in, 73
LEMBERG, enemy advance and occu-
pation of, 115, 116
evacuation of, 58, 93, 144
retaken by enemy, 60
Russian success at, 52, 53
thanksgiving services at fall of, 53
Tsar's arrival at, 100
Leopold of Bavaria, Prince enters
Warsaw, 151
Levitsky, General, Tsar visits troops
on battlefield, 244
Libau, fall of, 94
Li^ge taken by enemy, 42, 43
Linsingen, Gen. von, 115
Lioubatchevka, battle of, 115
Lissowzky, General, heroic offer to,
91, 92
Lithuania, enemy take former capital
of, 165
fall of Brest Litowsk, 160
order restored in, 246
partial abandonment of, 141
Lodz, fall of, 68
Lomga, Jews as hostages at, 205
Lou vain, the library destroyed, 63
Lublin, a certificate from military
governor of, 206
Austrians in, 50, 51
Jews as hostages, 205
Luck, fortress of, 163
Lvoff, Prince, 186
speech at Moscow Congress, 219
Lyck visited by the Kaiser, 74
MACKENSEN, General von, an un-
expected offensive movement, 108
disappearance of, 164
sent to Serbia, 226, 238
Madgaroff, Madame, 121, 122
Maklokov, M., 58
resignation of, 128, 196
Markoff, M., and the Jews, 184
Martos, General, death of, 47
Mazurian lakes, a cunning German
scheme, 45
Memel, " invasion " of, 89
Milioukov, M., 188
addresses the Duma, 190
Minsk, safety of, ensured, 226
Mogilnitze, Jews exiled from, 204
Moscow, a Congress at, 216, 2ig et seq.
rioting in, 95, 105, 106, 120, 131
Tsar's visit to, 44
Mrozowsky, General, 46
Mulhouse, French troops in, 43
IVl
254
Index
NAMUR. fall of. 42
Nicholas, Grand Duke, 11
a resented order of, 86
appointed Viceroy in the Caucasus,
Commander-in-Chief, 14, 39
dignified conduct of, 176
frank admission of, 67
good news for the Tsar, 53
growing omnipotence of, 59
increasing popularity of, 57, 6^, 87,
103, 137, 142, 153, 169
masterly retreat of, 143, 146
orders to evacuate Warsaw, 141
proclamations of, 43
superseded in command, 175
thanks the troops, 176
Utopian plans of, 75
Nicholas II., Tsar of Russia, 28
and M. Gor6mykin, 197, 198, 216
and the Grand Duke Nicholas, 88
anomalous position of, 174
at Lemberg, 100
attends sitting of Munitions Com-
mission, 216
becomes acquainted of national dis-
content, 128, 175
condolences to Francis Joseph, 5
congratulates and decorates Gen.
Seliwanov, 99
convenes a Cabinet meeting, 129
dangerous journey of, 243
decorates English submarine com-
manders, 241
enthusiasm of his troops, 244
his keen sense of duty, 174, 243
Imperial rescripts of, loi, 140, 178,
217
in Berlin, 2
instructions regarding Kovno, 152
meets his people, 140
national devotion to, 21 1-2 13
popularity of, 43, 245
prorogues Duma, 166, 178, 198, 212,
217
refuses to receive delegates from
Moscow Congress, 222
takes command, 175
telegram to the Kaiser, 12
visits Przemysl, loi
visits to the Front, 64, 174, 218, 241,
243
withdraws troops from Kovno, 152
Nish stormed by Bulgarians, 238
Novo Georgiewsk, capitulation of, 151
capture of, 148, 153
Novo Georgiewbk, commander (
martialled, 148, 151
fortress of, 148
regimental colours removed, is!
Novoie Vremia, the, 30
attacks the government, 215
protests against prorogation o
Duma, 217
ODESSA, riots in, 118
Tsar's visit to, 245
Olga, Grand Duchess, loi
Ossowetz, siege of, 148
taken by enemy, 153
PARIS, Germans abandon march on
247
Pestitch, General, death of, 47
Peter, King of Serbia, 238
Petersburg, early days of War u
Germaii Embassy wrecked, 31
impressive religious service at
name changed to Petrograd, 5
strikes in, 6, 7
under martial law, 20
{See also Petrograd)
Petrograd (Petersburg), 53
agitation against Grand Duke in
157. 169
and the fall of Kovno, 154 et seq.
apprehension in, 144
Delcasse's resignation, 231, 233
heated debates in the Duma, 166
178 et seq.
increased cost of living in, 225
Progressive Block party and it
programme, 223, 224
rejoicings at fall of Przemysl, 99
rioting in, 94, 119
vodka, prohibition of, 55
Pinsk. 163
Poincare, M., visits Tsarskoye SeloT (
Poland, German plans in, 246
Jews expelled from, 209
Russian abandonment of, 141, 14-
winter campaign in, 68
Poles, the, Kerensky on, 193
Polivanow, General, disclosures by igi
replaces Soukhomlinov, 181
Poltava, Jewish prisoners at, 200
Potocka, Countess, castle of, 160
Pourtalds, Count von, 7
interview with M. Sazonov, 21
presents ultimatum to Russia, 20
Praga, struggle for, 151
Pripet Marshes, 163
Index
ipet River, 163
zemysl, capitulation of, 97 et seq.
in enemy hands, 113
siege of, 62
welcome to Tsar in, loi
\DOM, expulsion of Jews from, 209
Jews as hostages at, 205
isputin, Gregory, 175
sd Cross, Russian, activities of, 29,
96, 214
Empress of Russia and, 96, 214
lack of organisation in early days
of War, 54
fugees, Russian, 168, 169
^nnenkampf. General, 60
retirement of, 61
itsch, the. on fall of Warsaw, 1 49
Bval, Tsar in, 241
leims Cathedral, 63
iga, Jews as hostages at, 205
Tsar's visit to, 242
von Hindenburg's boast, 162
iga region, enemy advance in, 145
oditschev, M., 201
odsianko, M., 119
opens the Duma, 179, 180
ogoff, Alexander, 203
ostov, a Jew in hospital at, 203
outsky/ General, acclaimed by the
Duma, 180
and the Grand Duke Nicholas, 88
awarded Cross of St. George, 53
in command of Russian northern
armies, 164
quells a strike, 213
strategy of, 50, 52
umanian frontier visited by Tsar, 245
ussia and Bulgaria, 229
ahd the death of Francis Ferdi-
nand, 3
anti-German agitation in, 30 et seq.
at bay, 240 et seq.
autocracy and its evils, 87
Chauvinist party in, n
corruption in, 36, 56, 120, 133, 170,
171, 179
flight of populations and unneces-
sary destruction, i68
German language forbidden in, 53,
89
her position in December, 1915, 248
how she mobilised, i^ et seq.
■ncreased cost of living in, 57, 225
e^> efficiency of Intelligence Depart-
1 ment, 36, 37, 45, 75, 76. 93. 186 '
255
Russia, lack of ammunition, 64, 76,
118, 137. 141. 143. 146. 157. 179.
240
members of Duma arrested and
exiled, 65
persecution of Jews in, 65, 86. 128,
184, 193, 20 1 et seq.
police system of, 36, 65, 71
religious intolerance in, 197
riots in, 30, 94, 95, 105, 116, 118,
119, 120
spy-mania in, 33
strikes in, 6, 7
terrible losses of, 46, 47, 145
ultimatum to Bulgaria, 230, 237
Russian army, excellence of Com-
missariat, 55, 56
heroism of, 144
medical service of, 54
sinister rumours of, 217
Ruthenians.. mistaken Russian policy
towards, 58
welcome the Tsar, loi
SALONICA, AlUed landing at, 238
Samara, riots in, 118
Samsonov, General, in a trap, 46
suicide of, 47
Sarajevo, tragedy of, i
Savinsky, M., outwitted by King
Ferdinand, 228
Sazonov, M., 10, 11, 19
addresses the Duma, 43
criticises the Government, 186
dignified reply to Count Pourtales, j
20
on the diplomatic situation, 183
shattered hopes of, 228, 237
Sch6b6ko, M., 10
ordered to return to Vienna, 14
Scheglowitov, M., resignation of, 196
Scherbaschefif, General, troops visited
by Tsar, 244
Scherbatov, Prince Nicholas, 130, 196,
216
resignation accepted, 198
retirement of, 233
unfortunate utterance of, 197
Seliwanov, General, 82, 97
decorated, 99
ironical reply to Kousmanek, 98
popularity of, 92, 99
Serbia, Bulgaria's negotiations with,
235
Mackensen's move on, 226, 238
ultimatum from Austria, 8
OVl
256
Index
Serbians, desperate position of, 835
flight of, 238
Sevastopoulo, M., 14
Siberia, Jews exiled to, 204
Siberiai| officers addressed by Tsar,
242
Sievers, General Count, 72
Sofia, espionage in, 237
Soukhomlinov, General, 17
a victim of circumstances, 129, 133,
137. 171
and the Grand Duke Nicholas, 88
attends secret meeting of the Duma,
i88
resignation of, 129
Struwe, M., 185
Sverb6ew, M., 10
TANNENBERG, battle of. 44 et seq.
official communique on, 49
terrible Russian losses at, 46, 47
Thorn, Russian defeat at, 67
Triple Entente, the, a solemn compact,
49
Troubat, M., death of, 42
Tschirsky von, 1 2
Tsing Tau, seizure of, 44
Turkey declares war, 63
VICTORIA LOUISE OF PRUSSIA.
Princess, marriage of, 2
Vilna, enemy capture of, 164, 165
booty in, 167
Vistula, the, crossed by Russians, 78
Vloclavek, Russian disaster at, 63 ,
Vodka, prohibition of, 55
Volhynia, successful offensive in, 226.
Vorontzow, Count, 172
resignation of, 175
WARSAW, difficulties of defence of,
148
evacuation and fall of, 142, 144,
148, 149
University reopened, 246
Wernander, General, 188
William II., German Emperor, mar-
riage of his daughter, 2
telegram irom Tsar Nicholas, 12
watches the fray, 74
Witebsk, Tsar at, 243
XENIA, Grand Duchess, loi
YOUSSOUPOFF, Prince. 121. 122,
126, 132 1
Ypres, the Cloth Hall. 63
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