RUSSIA'S DECLINE AND FALL The Secret History of a Great Debacle BY •RINCESS CATHERINE RADZIWILL (CATHERINE KOLB-DANVIN) GASSELL AND COMPANY, LTD London, New York, Toronto and Melbourne 1916 PUBLISHERS' FOREWORD In undertaking this book the author makes no pretension to write a history of the war. She has sought, rather, to place before the reader a record of the feeHngs and impressions which agitated Russian Society during the first year of the war — for Russia the most anxious period of the whole campaign. Into this recital the Princess has focused sufficient of political events and of the actual situation at the Front to supply a clearly defined view of the period from July, 19 14, to the last days of 1915. In a communication to the publishers, the author expressed the hope that the book may " prove interesting from the psychological point of view, especially if taken in connection with the development of Russia after peace has been con- cluded, and the new orientation that its politics are bound to take in the immediate as well as in the distant future. It is with this intention,'' she added, " that I am writing, and also because I feel that it may help to explain some other momen- tous events which I foresee, and of which it seems to me that the dawn is at hand." VI Foreword When it is stated that the MS. for this book was delivered to the pubhshers at intervals extend- ing from July, 1915, to January, 1916, the pre- science displayed in the concluding sentence of the preceding paragraph will be appreciated. This insight is strikingly manifested throughout the book, particularly in the social and political refer- ences. The inner workings against which Russia had to fight at the very time that she was waging material war against the German, the elements which culminated later in revolution, the struggle of aspiration with atrophy are given in their true proportion, and the inexplicable peace into which Russia was beguiled after setting her house in order is made more intelligible. CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. The Pivot of Circumstance .' 2. How Russia Mobilised . 3. Press ; Police; Panic. 4. The Horror of Tannenberg 5. Behind the Scenes 6. The German Advance . 7. Letters from the Galician Front 8. Przemysl 9. The Great Retreat 10. Pandemonium in Moscow 11. Apprehension in Petrograd . 12. Fall of Kovno 13. The Tsar takes Command 14. The Duma and the Crisis PAGE I ID 27 41 54 66 82 97 114 131 141 154 166 178 vin Contents CHAl'TKR 15. M. Kerensky Outlines a Policy 16. The Truth about the Jews 17. A Wave of Reorganisation 18. The Moscow Congress . 19. The Treason of Bulgaria 20. Russia at Bay. Index .... PAGE 199 211 219 228 240 251 As this Hook is in great demand, it is respectl'ully requested that it may be returned to the Library as soon as read in order to faeihtate other Subscribers getting it witliout undue delay. CHAPTER I. The Pivot of Circumstance The 28th of June, 1914, was a Sunday, a day when newspapers in Russia are usually scarce of news, and weary members of the staff are able to seek a few hours' repose from their duties, which in summer are most tedious. I was hoping to enjoy a quiet evening at home, when I was startled by the telephone bell. My editor rung me up to tell of the tragedy which had taken place that same afternoon at Sarajevo, news of which had just reached him. To say that I was stunned is saying little. I had known intimately Count and Countess Chotek, the parents of the unfortunate Duchess of Hohenberg. Fortune had trans- formed Sophy Chotek from a lady-in-waiting on the haughty Archduchess Isabella of Austria into the consort of the heir- presumptive to the Habsburg monarchy. I had seen lier as a small child, and later on as a girl just out of her 'teens, in her mother's house in Brussels, where her father was Austrian Minister. I had entirely lost sight of her in after years ; yet at that moment the image of the bright and happy child, with laughing blue eyes and golden hair, rose up before me, whence my thoughts flew to her orphaned children — to the brutally tragic ending of her many ambi- tions on their behalf. No one could have for^sQen the strange I 8 ^ /. /...j.Ijlussia's -Pecline and Fall 'freak b! clestiny wHicK was to associate her name with one of the greatest dramas history will ever have to record, to which her assassination was to make a fitting pro- logue. In Petersburg, where they looked upon Sophy Chotek's husband as the head of the war party in Austria, the news of his murder was received with horror. At the same time there was a certain relief, inasmuch as everybody thought it was going to put an end to a systematically aggressive policy which had caused much apprehension in Russia during the last Balkan crisis. In the month of June, 1914, Russian society dreaded war above everything else ; and was more intent upon avoiding a conflict than upon any prospect of winning laurels. Strange as it may seem now, it is an undoubted fact that at the time the Emperor William was not half so much dreaded as the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, who was supposed to be a rabid Russophobe, whilst the Head of the Hohenzollern dynasty was credited with much wisdom, as well as with a sincere desire to uphold the peace he had succeeded in preserving during the twenty-five years of his reign. A year before the Sarajevo tragedy, the Tsar had visited Berlin on the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Victoria Louise of Prussia, the only daughter of the German Emperor and Empress, with the only son and heir of the Duke of Cumberland, and of the pretty Princess Thyra of Denmark. King George of England and Queen Mary also attended these nuptials, and this meeting of the three most powerful sovereigns in Europe had been marked by great cordiality. On his return to his own capital the Tsar appeared to be quite delighted with the very warm welcome he had received in BerUn, and more inclined than ever before toward the establishment of more intimate relations than those already existing between Russia and Germany. WilHam II. had shown himself very wise during the world- crisis at the period of the two Balkan wars. He had given what appeared to be sincere proofs of his desire to The Pivot of Circumstance 3 use his authority to remove the difficult situation which circumstances, even more than the ill-will of men, had created. His conduct in that respect won him the esteem of Europe for the spirit of restraint which had characterised his whole conduct. Archduke Francis Ferdinand, on the contrary, was credited with strongly warhke leanings, and was supposed to be eager for military laurels. For some considerable time his position had not been very secure among the upper classes in Austria. Society/ could not forgive his marriage ; furthermore, it was dreaded that, once he became master, he would raise his morganatic wife to the throne as, at least, a Queen of Hungary— even, perhaps, put on her head the Imperial crown of the Austrian Empire, to which he stood the undoubted heir. A military success, Francis Ferdinand firmly believed, would wipe away all this feeling and make his social stability unassail- able. He had never made a secret of his antipathy to Russia, where the aggressive tone of Austrian policy on the Balkan question was ascribed to the Archduke as well as the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was supposed in Petersburg that the accession to the throne of Archduke Francis Ferdinand would mean a renewal of anti-Russian activity on the part of those who con- trolled foreign affairs at the Ball Platz : it was not remark- able, therefore, that when the news of the abominable crime that took his Hfe and that of his wife, the Duchess of Hohenberg, reached Russia, a certain feehng of rehef was mixed with detestation for the foul deed. Official Russia began to breathe more freely than for some time at the thought of the removal from the political scene of Europe of such a dangerous element as the personal feelings of the Archduke towards the Tsar's dominions. The day following Francis Ferdinand's assassination, one of the principal organs of the Russian press, com- menting upon the event, expressed itself in the following 4 Russia's Decline and Fall terms, which will convey better than words of mine the general impression this stupendous event produced in Russia : "In the presence of the catastrophes which have accumulated upon the head of the unfortunate Emperor Francis Joseph," it wrote, " Russia can only feel the deepest, the most sincere regret and commiseration. But at the same time it is impossible to allow our thoughts to rest exclusively on the tragic position of the old monarch ; we must also acknowledge that we find ourselves in the presence of an event of the greatest political importance. The heir of the Emperor Francis Joseph, who was considered to be such an enemy of peace, and whose possible advent to the throne was viewed with such apprehension by all the partisans of civilisation and progress, and with such joy by the upholders of mihtarism, has been killed. The Archduke Francis Ferdinand of Esta, whose future accession to the monarchy of the Habsburgs was generally supposed to open for it a new era of war — ^war with Russia, war with the rest of Europe — is dead. In his person has fallen — unfortunately for us under a blow dealt by the hand of a Slav — a prince who was suspected to carry in his breast the spark that was to set fire to a general conflagration of the whole world ; by his death has been removed from this scene the only active pefsonaHty, the only real strong character that the Austrian Empire possessed. Whilst we are full of sympathy for the sorrow of the old man who thus, for the second time, tragically loses the heir to his Empire, we cannot close our eyes to the significance of the event that has just taken place. Austria, at this moment, when she is standing before the open graves of the two victims of this dastardly crime, is also undergoing a trial such as rarely occurs to a nation. The most elemen- tary feelings of international courtesy forbid us to enlarge to-day on this point. But what we can, and what we must say, is that fate is putting at last before Austria the oppor- tunity to redeem many of her past sins — sins of the last ten The Pivot of Circumstance 5 years. The misfortune that has befallen her yesterday brings to her the psychological moment to change the course of her hitherto aggressive policy, and to soften the spirit of mihtarism which has lately distinguished her whole conduct. " For the sake of the peace and of the prosperity of Europe we allow ourselves to express the wish that this fearful' drama, which has added another bloody page to the history of the Habsburg dynasty, will mark the opening of a new period in the existence of Austria, and that both she and the rest of Europe will enter an era of peace and security such as has not been enjoyed lately." These words truly express the feehngs of Russian society after the murder of the Archduke. Everybody deplored it, but everybody beHeved that his death had removed the greatest danger to the peace of Europe. No one gave a single thought to the possibility that it might bring about the dreaded storm. At the Russian Court the assassination of Francis Ferdinand produced an impression of sincere horror. The Tsar conveyed at once his condolences to Francis Joseph, expressed his deepest sympathy with the bereaved monarch, as well as his consternation and indigna- tion at the crime. At the funeral service which was cele- brated in the Roman Catholic Church of St. Catherine, in Petersburg, for the repose of the souls of the murdered Archduke and of his unfortunate consort, the Emperor Nicholas was represented by one of his uncles, who, with other members of the Imperial family, all donned Austrian uniform. Indeed, it seemed at first as if this unexpected catastrophe would draw the Romanoff and the Habsburg dynasties into a closer union. It is quite certain that, at the particular moment I am referring to, no one either at the Russian Foreign Office or at the War Office, nor in the select circles of Petersburg society, suspected that it would prove just the one spark which was going to set ablaze a general conflagration. ' 6 Russia's Decline and Fall Almost immediately after the Sarajevo tragedy, strikes of unusual magnitude broke out in Petersburg, and com- pletely absorbed the attention of the public. About 300,000 workmen left their employers in the lurch and stopped working. They openly declared that by doing so they wanted to protest against the aggressive policy which the government had lately inaugurated in regard to Germany. This point deserves to be particularly noticed if one wants to form an exact and true opinion as to the poUtical situa- tion in Russia at the beginning of this eventful month of July, 19 14. Russia then did not desire war, and far from wishing to assume a hostile attitude in regard to any of her neighbours, and especially in regard to Germany, she was sincerely desirous of getting into closer business and industrial relations with the latter country. She was, indeed, looking very much askance at every manifestation of French Chauvinism, as well as at the visit of M. Poincar^ to Tsar- skoye Selo. She feared the activity of the Southern Ally might bring international complications. When an English squadron, commanded by Rear- Admiral Beatty, had visited Russian shores only a month before, it had an enthusiastic reception, and an extraordinary enthusiasm had greeted its appearance in Baltic waters. But when the French President arrived a considerable coolness had been exhibited on the part of the population of the capital ; and the man in the street, who had been very much to the front during the visit of the British Fleet, took absolutely no part in the welcome extended to M. Poincare by official circles. I go even further and say that the articles which the French press published on that momentous occasion were viewed with distinct disfavour. Whilst society, or at least that part of it not Unked with Court circles, or in governmental spheres, abstained carefully from any manifestations that might have been construed as an acquiescence in a policy that it condemned in petto, the workmen in the factories declared loudly that the arrival of the French President The Pivot of Circumstance 7 constituted a menace to a peace which was essential to the country ; they at least meant to show the distrust it inspired in them. They did so by going on strike, and inducing other industrial centres in Russia to follow their example. For three successive days processions of workmen paraded the streets ; the newspapers had to cease publication owing to the absence of compositors and printers ; the tramcars stopped running, or were stormed by the crowds,* who smashed the windows, and general disorders took place everywhere in the capital. But as soon as the President had sailed away things returned to the normal, and order was immediately restored without the intervention of the police, who — having been prevented by " superior orders" to resort to extreme measures during the visit of M. Poin- care — were preparing to interfere with energy against strikers so soon as he had taken his leave. The police, however, were spared that trouble, because the workmen returned to their various factories a few hours later. The strike gave rise to much comment, and many who had not shared the enthusiasm which at one time had really existed in Russia with regard to the French alHance, found in the industrial upheaval a support for their oft- expressed opinion that France, in order to satisfy her desire for revenge against Prussia, was doing her best to draw- Russia into a war with Germany. Moreover, said these strikers, France wanted formidable increases to the forces of the Russian Army and Navy, and consequently was trying to lay upon Russian shoulders burdens which would ultimately encumber very heavily her economic existence. These people made too much, perhaps, of the protestation of the Russian workmen ; certainly they talked about it far too openly. The German Ambassador, Count von Pourtales, an amiable though not at all a far-seeing man, honestly believed that all these protestations tended to prove that Russia was rising up in arms against its government, and that we 8 Russia's Decline and Fall were on the eve of a new revolution, certain to break out should any international complications arise. If what I have been told from reliable sources is true, it seems that he wrote in that same sense to his government, thereby encouraging it in an aggressive policy, directed not only against France, but also against Russia. When M. Poincare had started on his return journey to France, no one in Petersburg yet suspected that we were standing on the threshold of serious poHtical developments, and all who, for some reason or other, had delayed departure from the capital, prepared to leave it for a short or a long holiday, according to circumstances. Journalists, whom the visit of the President had kept busy, were beginning to breathe again, and to dream of green fields and pastures, and had almost forgotten the tragedy of Sarajevo. The Austrian Government had not allowed the matter to rest, but had been pursuing their own advantage with unflagging energy, till, suddenly, in the midst of the general quietude, there burst upon the world, Hke a thunderbolt, the news that the Vienna cabinet had sent an ultimatum to Serbia, to which she requested a reply within forty-eight hours. At first no one would believe the news ; then, when it was estabHshed, no one woudd admit that it could possibly be construed as a first step towards a general war of all the great powers of the Continent. It seemed so utterly im- possible to think that Germany, and especially the Emperor WiUiam, could encourage the ministers of old, weak, tottering Francis Joseph in such a mad course of action. When it became known that the Serbian Government, in its desire to preserve the peace of the world, had decided to satisfy nearly all the demands which Austria had addressed to her, no one doubted but that a conflict was safely evaded, and the demands about to be settled in some way or other, either directly between Vienna and Belgrade, or else through the mediation of Europe, and especially of the The Pivot of Circumstance 9 Emperor William of Germany, about whose pacific disposi- tion no one at that time entertained the slightest fear, would restore the equilibrium. All these hopes were about to be dashed to the ground. It soon became evident, even to the most optimistic, that the whole incident of the Austrian ultimatum had been carried through in order to find a pretext to enable Germany to declare war upon both Russia and France. The Emperor William suddenly appeared before the eyes of the startled world in quite a new and different fight; and even those who had steadily refused ^to believe in the danger that others, more shrewd, had seen looming on the horizon, were obliged to admit that it was imminent. People had hardly realised that the only thing to do was to get ready to face events unflinchingly, when the fury of Armageddon burst forth. CHAPTER 11. How Russia Mobilised. When all the signs that heralded the storm are remem- bered, one can but wonder at the bHndness of the Russian public. Whether it was due to the conviction, which prevailed everywhere, that Germany would succeed in putting an end to the vagaries of Austria, it is difficult to judge ; but even when the famous ultimatum was sent to Belgrade, people smilingly declared that it was very ridi- culous of the cabinet at Vienna to venture on such a step. It was known by Austrian diplomatists, said even well- informed Russians, that the ultimatum could not lead to anything, because Russia would put her foot down on any attempt to crush Serbia, and would be backed by Ger- many. On every side regrets were heard that the Emperor William happened to be away on Norwegian seas, far from the centre of events, but no serious person believed that war was at hand ; and few at the Foreign Office thought a crisis, to say nothing of war, was imminent. The general opti- mism was so great- that it was only on the 24th of July (July nth Russian calendar) that the Russian Ambassador in Vienna, M. Schebeko, received orders to return to his post — he had been absent on a hoHday, — and that M. Sverbeew, his Berlin colleague, was told to hurry back to the German capital, and see what could be done there to bring Ball Platz to its senses. On the other hand, the spirit of confidence which seemed prevalent in the soul of M. Sazonov was not shared in military circles, especially among the immediate surround- 10 How Russia Mobilised n ings of the Grand Duke Nicholas. The latter had long been the leader of the extreme Chauvinist party that clamoured for war with Germany, the successes of which would do away, in its opinion, with certain unpleasant remembrances that still existed concerning the Japanese campaign. Not one of the Chauvinists considered whether Russia had got over the reverses in the Far East in 1904, or could face another war, with the sHghtest chance of success, with a much more dangerous foe. The War Party had tried with all its might to cause the Russian Government, during the two Balkan wars, to support by its influence and its arms the Bulgarians and Serbs against Turkey. They were at the bottom of the strong manifestations which took place in 1912 and 1913 in Petersburg against Austria, the here- ditary enemy of the Slavs in Turkey, and, indeed, throughout the Balkan Peninsula. At the time, however, the head of the Russian Cabinet was still M. Kokovtsov. With all his faults and inexperience of diplomacy, M. Kokovtsov possessed sufficient common sense, and knowledge of the resources of his country, to apply all his energy to warding off such a calamity as war. The consequences he realised, if others did not, would be far more stupendous than could be foreseen or expected. He was seconded by M. Sazonov, who shared his opinion on that point. To these two is owed the signing of the Bucharest treaty, after which the world thought it could breathe freely ^igain. In 1914 things were different. The President of the Council, M. Kokovtsov, had been replaced by M. Goremykin, full of the best intentions, but an old man of 76 was not strong enough to show independence of character in presence of people like the Grand Duke. He was overawed by the explosions of frantic and entirely artificial enthusiasm which roused unruly elements in the capital into manifesta- tions which were both unreasonable and unhealthy, and which were then certainly not in accord with the intentions of the government. 12 Russia's Decline and Fall The War Party failed totally to appreciate the magnitude of the danger. It did not know, what all those behind the scenes in Berlin were aware of, that the text of the Austrian ultimatum was very well known at Wilhelmstrasse ; that it had partly been written there, and that it was only through the pressure exercised upon him by von Tschirsky, the German Ambassador at the Vienna Court, that Count Berchtold presented the ultimatum without softening its tone, as he had first intended to do. When the Russian Government became acquainted with its exact terms it did nothing better than ask the Austrian Cabinet to grant Serbia some extension of time for her reply, and at the same time to suggest a conference on the whole matter. This alone was an undignified act on the part of a strong country. It ought to have known that a conference would be refused ; both in Vienna and in Berlin they were determined to make the ultimatum a pretext for drawing the sword, coute que cotite. In that sense, the pistol shot which destroyed two lives at Sarajevo proved the best friend the ambitious and aggressive designs of the Emperor William could have found. It furnished him with the pretext he required to throw of£ his cloak of peacemaker, a garment which he had worn from the day he succeeded to the throne of his grand- father. Had Russia possessed diplomats equal in wiHness to the Teuton they would have been able at once to grasp what the ultimatum launched by Count Berchtold really meant. But Russian diplomacy shared the feeHngs of the Russian nation. It believed in the straightforwardness and the honesty of the people with whom it had to deal. The Emperor Nicholas, though worried by the ever-increas- ing insolence of Austria, really beHeved in the sincerity of the friendship of his German cousin ; the telegrams which had been officially published leave us no doubt upon the point. When he telegraphed to WilHam II., teUing him that he relied on his co-operation to bring the crisis to a How Russia Mobilised 13 peaceful solution, he was acting in perfect good faith, and he felt convinced that his appeal would meet with sympathy. Still fresh in his memory was the warm welcome which he had received in Berlin on the occasion of the marriage of the Duchess of Brunswick ; and no one had ever told him, as it would have been the duty of certain people to do, that all protestations which were then made to him were but empty phrases, only destined to lull any suspicions enter- tained in Russian official circles as to the sincerity of German friendship. Perhaps, also, they had been evoked out of a feeling of momentary gratitude for the truly Imperial presents which the Tsar had brought with him for the youthful bride, the magnificence of which caused surprise in Berhn court circles, where one was not used to such splendour. Instead, then, of taking the ultimatum as a direct chal- lenge addressed to Russia, as it was meant to be, Russian diplomacy believed there was some sincerity in the desire of Germany to do away, once and for all, with that great bugbear the Russo-French AlHance. Russia therefore began to negotiate, and found herself so totally taken au depourvu in the unexpected manner in which things were rushed upon her, that she could not even operate through the medium of responsible agents. By a stroke of ill-luck all her ambassadors, with the exception of Count Bencken- dorff — whom the season, then at its height, had kept iu' London — were away on leave. And, moreover, M. Hartwig, the Russian Minister at the Court of Belgrade, had died a few days before, his difficult post devolving upon a charge- d'affaires, whose ability could not compensate for the increasing complications under which he had to labour, and the rather false position in which he found himself, owing to the fact that M. Hartwig had not seen fit to make him aware of the things which he saw or suspected, or what was his view of these premonitory signs of serious dangers in the future. That these dangers were not sufficiently 14 Russia's Decline and Fall appreciated by some people is proved by a telegram published in the Russian Orange Book, dated July i3/26th, 1914, and sent to the Foreign Office in Petersburg by the Russian Charge d'Affaires in Paris. M. Sevastopoulo, the sender, declared that the Director of the Political Department in the French Foreign Office had told him that, in his opinion, the German effort to induce the French Government to act together with the Berlin Cabinet, for the purpose of persuading Russia to come to an agreement with Austria, was nothing but a diplomatic manoeuvre to influence pubUc opinion in France, and to frighten the French into persuading Petersburg to give in to Ball Platz. The cruel irony of the situation Hes in the fact that at that date the Austrian Army was already officially, and the German Army unofficially, mobilised ; and that no one at Wilhelmstrasse gave a thought to the possibility of a peaceful solution of a crisis artificially provoked. On the ii/24th of July a private meeting of the Council of Ministers took place under the presidency of the Tsar at Krasnoye Selo, when orders were sent to M. Sch^b^ko to return immediately to Vienna. He was given special instructions, couched in a very firm tone, by which it was hoped the Austrian Government would become more reason- able in its demands. The Grand Duke Nicholas at this meeting expressed himself as being quite ready to fight the united forces of Austria and Germany. A general who was present, but whose name I prefer not to mention, exclaimed : " Why say Austrian and German forces ? Surely we have no quarrel with Germany, and there is no likelihood of our going to war with her ! " I heard this same remark more than once during those eventful days. On that same day the Grand Duke Nicholas was ap- pointed as Commander-in-Chief of the whole army ; and the Emperor — at the instance of Grand Duke Nicholas — ordered the mobiHsation of the 8th and the nth Army Corps. The news, however, was not pubHshed, as How Russia Mobilised 15 no one believed in the imminence of a serious danger. Late on that same July evening journalists who visited the Foreign Office in quest of news were told that the situation, though serious, was not at all hopeless ; and that there were good grounds for believing that, even yet, matters might be arranged. The mobilisation was proceeded with in a leisurely manner, and it was certainly far from people's minds that Germany would imagine it was directed against her, rather than for the sole purpose of protecting the threatened existence of Serbia. The duplicity which all along characterised the conduct of the BerUn Cabinet is illustrated by the following incident : Some men belonging to the nth Army Corps were on leave at Riga. When they were called to rejoin the colours, a German, who happened to see them start, asked where they were going. One of the soldiers repHed : " To my battaHon, on the German frontier." The battalion in question was then stationed at Kamieniec Podolsk, a small town on the borders of Gahcia. In the eyes of the Russian peasant, both Prussia and Austria are Germany, and the soldier in question expressed himself quite inno- cently. Instantly a cry was raised in the German news- papers, to which this reply was immediately communicated ; and the incident was given to the public as a proof that soldiers, at a time when no apparent conflict existed between Berlin and Petersburg, were being sent in large numbers to the German frontier, so as to be ready for invasion. In reality nothing of the kind had ever taken place, and the whole army was not even mobihsed. Any- one acquainted with military matters ought to have known that, if there had ever existed any intention to attack Prussia, the authorities would never have mobihsed the 8th and nth Corps, which were stationed in the Southern provinces close to Gahcia and the Bukovina. The troops in Poland and in the vicinity of East Prussia most certainly would have been called. i6 Russia's Decline and Fall Meanwhile Austria had not been idle. On the 25th of July Francis Joseph had issued orders for a general mobilisa- tion of his army and navy. News of this was received by the Russian Foreign Office during the night from the Russian General Consul in Prague, M. Kazanski, who got to hear of it some considerable time before it became known at the Russian Embassy in Vienna. Almost simultajieously with the publication of the mobihsation order in Austria, street demonstrations of a distinctly hostile character against Russia took place in Berlin, and an angry crowd collected in front of the Russian Embassy, whistling and throwing stones at the windows, the police making no attempt to restrain the mob. All this opened the eyes of the Russian Qovernment, but the desire of the Emperor to preserve peace was so strong that he insisted on carrying patience to its utmost limits. Meanwhile Austria had categorically refused to show herself more lenient toward Serbia. Notwithstanding the fact that the reply of the Belgrade Cabinet had been couched in most moderate terms, and almost every point granted, the Austrian Minister and his staff, acting on the orders received from Vienna, left Belgrade. It was only then that any step which might possibly have been construed as an indication that Russia had made up her mind to go to war took place in Petersburg. The cadets of the military schools were promoted officers one month earlier than would have been the case in the ordinary way ; and the Guards, who, as usual, had been in camp at Krasnoye Selo, where the summer manoeuvres generally take place, were ordered to return to town. A friend of mine, the correspondent of a French newspaper, who had occasion on that same day to talk with M. Goremykin, the President of the Council of Ministers, related to me how the latter had told him that, during a cabinet consultation that morning, the Emperor, who was present, had told them that " for seven years he had endured the arrogance of m cr How Russia Mobilised 17 Austria, but his patience was now exhausted." It seems that it was also on this occasion that the Tsar asked the War Minister, General Soukhomhnov, to tell him frankly whether Russia was ready for war, to which the General replied that, though he could not have answered in the affirmative a year earlier, now he had no fear ; a struggle was bound to end to the advantage of Russia. A few, very few, privileged people learned that the mobihsation order had been extended to eight Army Corps ; but by anyone looking at things impartially it could hardly be construed as a manifestation of spontaneous hostihty against either Germany or Austria, if one takes into consideration that the incidents I have just related occurred on the 27th of July, whereas the Austrian general mobilisation order had been promulgated on the 25th, two days earlier. The 27th of July, nevertheless, passed more hopefully than could have been expected. The Emperor William terrupted his holiday in Norway, and returned to Berlin o offer his mediation toward a peaceful solution of the crisis. Wise folk declared that this step had been taken too late. Still, everybody felt any humiliation would be better than war. It was also at this date that people connected with the Russian Foreign Office began to shake their heads and to admit the situation was grave. Suddenly the mob, which had been anything but warhke, owing to the essentially cosmopoUtan character of . Petersburg, became eager for a fray the importance of which it did not in the least grasp. The intellectual classes, on the contrary, grew daily more anxious, and the Liberal parties especially did not hide their alarm. Apprehension increased con- siderably when the news became official, late on the 28th of July, that Austria had declared war on Serbia, in spite of all the e^orts of Russia to induce her to reconsider her decision. The next day the shelling of Belgrade began. The Serbian Government and the Crown Prince, who was fulfiUing the duties of Regent at the time, owing to the i8 Russia's Decline and Fall illness of his father, had moved the centre of government to Nish on the 26th. The situation, indeed, even then seemed absolutely dangerous ; nevertheless, the order for a gcrieral Russian mobilisation was not yet signed by the Emperor Nicholas, though certainly precautionary measures had been taken, such as the order to put out the Ughts along the Baltic coast at night, and the restriction of railway traffic. Amid these anxieties came the thunderbolt of Germany's refusal of Sir Edward Grey's offer to confer, upon which such hopes had been based by the partisans of peace. Germany definitely threw off the mask on the 28th. Up to this moment her conduct had been most mysterious. Indeed, now the reasons which actuated her have been disclosed, it is not easy to understand why she thought it worth while to play such a game. Perhaps she wanted to persuade her own people that their government had done all in their power to avert the catastrophe. If that were the object, the plan succeeded ; the whole of the German nation became hypnotised by the enormous lie ; it lost every sense of right and wrong, so artificially had its indig- nation been roused. Berlin was enthusiastic for the war ; but, in spite of street manifestations, Russia was not. The Russians accepted it as a necessary evil, and with courage and resignation. It was only among the working class that loud murmurings were noticed. Indeed, some workmen in the composing-room where the daily paper on the staff of which I was working, the Petersburg Courier, was printed, declared to me that if they were asked to join their regiments they would never consent to shoot at the enemy, but would discharge their rifles in the air. I must hasten to add that this feeling existed only among a small minority ; but still it was there, and if we compare it with the exultation shown by German workers in responding to the order of mobilisation, it is a symptom which deserves to be noticed. How Russia Mobilised 19 On the 29th of July the Tsar signed the order for a general mobilisation ; the Emperor WiUiam did likewise in BerHn, which made the situation almost hopeless. Never- theless, the three days which followed upon these decisive measures were employed by the diplomacy of the Powers, except Germany and Austria, in efforts to find a peaceful solution to the crisis. Sir Edward Grey in London, the French Government in Paris, and in Russia, M. Sazonov — who all through that trying time gave proofs of great tact and a most conciliatory disposition — attempted to persuade Berlin and Vienna that no one desired to provoke aggression, and that if only the conflict which had been menaced by Count Berchtold's ultimatum to Serbia were submitted to an International Conference, some way out would be found. The Russian Government, far from exciting the crowds, as was afterwards maintained in BerHn, begged the Press to preserve its calmness and not to rouse the feelings of the mob. The Emperor, though determined to do nothing which might compromise the dignity of Russia, yet made every possible personal efi[ort to persuade William II. to listen to reason, and was heard more than once to say that he could not conceive how the German Emperor could believe that Russia really nursed aggressive designs against her German neighbour. The whole controversy only concerned Austro- Russian relations, having absolutely nothing to do with Prussia — so argued everyone in Russia, where the prevailing thought was that Germany had allowed herself unexpectedly and foolishly to be drawn into the vortex. We can now judge objectively of these events, and realise that, though the incidents which brought about the war had been raised by Austria, they were in reality brought about by Germany. She beheved herself ready to embark without risk upon the rash adventure which she considered indispensable for her future greatness, and simply ordered her ally to set a match to the vast conflagration. For 20 Russia's Decline and Fall years Prussia had been preparing herself in secret for the struggle ; had accumulated munitions to an extent which was not suspected even by informed German civihans ; had built railways, roads, canals ; had organised her com- missariat and sanitary departments to perfectioi;! ; and, unknown to everybody, had massed an enormous total of troops on her two frontiers. She felt thoroughly ready to attack her neighbours, and did not want to lose the advan- tage of this readiness. It was just her fateful moment, and she feared that she might not be able to hold the advan- tage for long. The German Cabinet did its best to pers ade the public that both France and Russia were planning to attack Germany in about two or three years' time, and that there- fore it behoved them to prevent their neighbours doing so by striking a decisive blow first. Unfortunately the lie was believed, and even amongst those who had been the enemies of war it obtained general credence. On the 31st of July the German Ambassador in Peters- burg, Count von Pourtales, presented an ultimatum to Russia, requesting her to demobilise within twenty-four hours. M. Sazonov told him with quiet nobility that it was beneath the dignity of a great country like Russia to give an answer to any request couched in such arrogant language. On that same evening both the city and Government of Petersburg were put under martial law. The man in the street also began to make himself heard. The demonstrations which till then had taken place several times a day on the Nevski Prospekt assumed a serious character, in that men and women of mature age partici- pated in them ; no longer were they confined to young students or sociaHst workmen. The Slav committees, too, feeling the gravity of the situation, and not wishing to add to its complications, kept far more quiet than could have been expected. How Russia Mobilised 21 The text of the German ultimatum only became known to the general pubUc in the course of the ist of August, the government having purposely refrained from com- municating it to the Press until just before the declaration of war. But those who were in touch with the Foreign Office became aware of it at midnight of the 31st, and most of the great daily papers began to write leaders to appear after the catastrophe had occurred. Everyone knew now that war could no longer be avoided. At seven o'clock in the evening of August ist, 1914, Count Pourtales called on M. Sazonov and was immediately received. Both men were profoundly moved, the Russian Minister being certainly the more impassive. The German Ambassador had so entirely lost his presence of mind now that he was face to face with disaster, which he had honestly tried to prevent, that he had not even noticed that he had taken with him two texts of the declaration of war which he was to present to the Russian Government, and he left them both on M. Sazonov's table. ^ On that same evening, at eleven o'clock, the German troops crossed the Russian frontier at Kahsz in Poland. The news that war had been declared was at once communicated to the Press by the Russian Government, and at eight o'clock big placards to this effect appeared in the windows of the offices of the Novoie Vremia on the Nevski Prospekt. Immense crowds assembled also in front of the Kazan Cathedral, where they requested the clergy of that church to hold a service in the open air, in order to invoke the help of God for the triumph of Russian arms ; the attitude of the public was extremely dignified and solemn. The soul of the nation had been pro- foundly moved ; it felt that this was not the time to shout or hurrah ; rather it was the hour to pray and to act. Till two o'clock in the morning the town remained astir, and the streets were thronged by anxious people exchanging impressions oh the great event ; but when the first detach- ments of troops for the front appeared on the Nevski no 22 Russia's Decline and Fall one cheered ; those who saw them pass uncovered themselves and made the sign of the Cross in silence. I spent the evening at the office of the Petersburg Courier, and returned home through the crowded streets at about midnight, feeling quite crushed under the weight of the terrible catastrophe which had fallen on civiHsation, and the consequences of which were to strike so deeply into my own heart by robbing me of the one whom I cherished most on earth. To my surprise^ on getting home I found waiting for me one of my friends, a German officer who had been sta3^ng for the last few months in Petersburg. When I expressed my astonishment, he replied that he had not wanted to leave Russia before saying good-bye to me, and that he was going the next morning in the same train which was taking Count Pourtal^s and the staff of the German Embassy to the frontier. It was not the time for politeness or to spare each other's feelings. Moreover, I felt entirely unnerved, and so expressed myself rather more warmly than otherwise I would perhaps have done. I bluntly told my German friend that most probably his Emperor had gone mad, because nothing short of insanity could explain the course he had deemed it right to adopt. " You are entirely mistaken," was his reply. " The Emperor is as sane as you and I ; what has occurred to-day is the result of a carefully studied plan, and you may rest assured that what you call an adventure has left nothing to chance. On the contrary, every step already taken, and every one still to come, has been weighed and weighed again and again, until our General Staff can tell to a nicety all that is going to happen, as well as any possible develop- ment of the military situation." " You surely do not imagine," I exclaimed, " that you can defeat us, alHed as we are with France, and probably with England." My friend smiled. " Look here," he went on, " argue. How Russia Mobilised 23 if you like, that William 11. is mad, but his Ministers are not mad, his Chancellor is not mad, the men at the head of our Staff are not mad. Do you think that they would have allowed him to engage in such a game if they did not feel absolutely certain he would win it ? Don't forget that the whole existence of Germany is at stake ; that this war will decide, not only her future, but also her independence as a nation. If she should be vanquished, then nothing will be left to her. She will disappear as a factor in Euro- pean politics. This war has been forced upon her, not so much by the mobilisation of the Russian Army, as our public will say, as by that natural law of evolution which nothing created can escape. Germany must expand, must develop herself, even more than she has done already, both com- mercially and industrially, or else she will perish within a short time. We have been pursued by the hatred of Europe ever since 1870, and no one has ever forgiven us for having won at the point of the sword our position as a great nation. France as well as Russia has steadily prepared herself to war against us ; England has repeatedly threatened us with her navy. We have known this for years, and if we have said nothing it was because we did not deem it wise to notice what we could not prevent. But it would have been criminal if we had not taken all possible measures to be able to meet the danger which we felt hovering over our heads. For some time we have been hoping that Russia, made wiser by her experiences in the Far East, would hesitate before playing into the hands of the French Chau- \dnists, but lately we have come to the conviction that she, too, was only waiting for an opportunity to fall upon us. It was our duty to forestall her, to take her unawares, just as she wished to take us unawares. I quite agree with you that the pretext chosen does not hold water, but at the same time I refuse to admit that we were not justified in seizing it." " And this is the way you can talk after enjoying 24 Russia's Decline and Fall Russian hospitality for months ! " I exclaimed. " This is how you distort truth, and invent things which have never existed in order to excuse what history will fail to find words strong enough to condemn later on ! Well, the only thing I can hope for is that these sophisms will crumble to pieces before long, because I refuse to admit that you can be the winner in this struggle, which you have started." • He smiled again an exasperating kind of smile that made me wish to strangle him. " I am sorry for you, my poor friend," he said, " sorry for your illusions ; they are bound to be destroyed rather than Germany cease to exist. I can quite well understand your feelings, and I am full of pity for you. But at the sariie time I think it is a duty to warn you, to open your eyes to the reality of the situation. War at the present time is entirely a scientific thing. Personal courage, which formerly decided its fate, is of no value whatever against all the wonderful appliances which we shall bring forward within a short time. I will wilHngly admit that your soldiers are all brave ; that their power of endurance has never been equalled by any other army in the worjd ; but of what avail before a cannon which kills at a distance of thirty- five miles ; before heavy artillery which will pulverise the strongest fortress in a few days ; before aeroplanes and Zeppelins, and explosive bombs that kill people long before their presence has been suspected ? " The war which has begun to-day will be the triumph of chemistry and engineering ; not of personal courage or valour. And in those no nation in the whole world can compete with German science and culture. People think that we have prepared ourselves only from the military point of view — this is where they make their mistake. We have prepared ourselves scientifically and technically, and to try to beat us there is just as impossible as it would be for a hand-plough to work at the same pace as a steam engine. Man can always be conquered by machinery. How Russia Mobilised 25 Therefore, personally, I feel no anxiety as to the ultimate issue of the war. No matter how many millions of men you have at your disposal, they will be devoured by the iron Minotaur born in Krupp's factories/* "And you can tell me such things unmoved ? " I pro- tested. " Yes, because I would have you prepared for the worst. Time will prove to you that I was right, and you may per- haps think of me a year hence, when you and your country will be weeping together over disasters your Emperor would have been wiser to avoid by yielding to our wishes before it was too late." " What use would it have been for him to do so, even if he had had so Httle dignity as to allow Russia to be trampled under Austria's heel, when you say yourself that it was a necessity for Germany to draw the sword against us ? " I asked. My friend replied nothing to this remark, but stood up to say goodbye. When he held out his hand to me I burst into tears. His words, though I did not believe them, had struck deeply into my heart, and I wondered whether we were really destined to be annihilated by the German monster who had attacked us in such an unwarrantable manner. I wondered also whether he knew more about our army than he cared to say ! Strange misgivings began to shake my former conviction that the war, terrible as I knew it was bound to be, would still end in a complete triumph of our arms. I held out my hand to my visitor, nevertheless, feeling that, enemy though he had become, still I owed it to our former friendship to part from him with kind words and personal good wishes. He seemed to read my thoughts, because as he pressed my fingers into his own he said softly : " Do not lose your courage — all will be well one day ; but, remember, whatever successes your army may reap in the beginning, this day twelvemonth wi}) see it entirely 26 Russia's Decline and Fall crushed and defeated, and at our mercy. Now farewell, and may God watch over you and those who are dear to you ! " He kissed my hand and was gone before I had time to realise the full importance of his words. I was unfortunately to recall them more than once as time brought one sorrow after another to me, and to so many others, who, like me, were destined to see their loved ones fall on the battlefield, slain in all the vigour of their young manhood. CHAPTER III. Press ; Police ; Panic. I DO not think that many people slept that night in Petersburg ; scarcely one family but had a son, brother, husband, father, relative or friend starting for the front. This war had come so unexpectedly that no one had been prepared for' it, which made the blow harder to bear. In the first hours following upon the declaration of war, most were inclined to look at things through black spectacles. The remembrance of Russian reverses in the Far East haunted the public mind, and this caused doubts as to whether our army would be able to stand against the for- midable forces of Germany and Austria. Consternation was general, but there was considerable dignity in the whole attitude of Russia on that eventful second day of August, 1914. The mobihsation went on quietly. Men going to their barracks were with their wives or mothers, but lamen- tations, of which Russian women of the lower classes are so fond as a rule, were absent. Everybody had taken up his or her particular share of the general burden with resignation. The streets of the capital presented a strange spectacle — quantities of troops everywhere and regiments continually parading from the Winter Palace to the Moscow railway station, singing religious hymns and patriotic anthems. No panic could be observed anywhere ; even the workmen who, a few days before, had been on strike declared that they would stand by the government until the enemy was beaten — a resolution to which, unfortunately, they did not adhere, as events unfolded, but which at the moment was undoubtedly sincere. 27 28 Russia's Decline and Fall At eleven o'clock the Emperor came to Petersburg from Pcterhof, where he was residing, accompanied by the Empress and their four daughters, and they proceeded at once to the Chapel of the Winter Palace, where the Metro- politan Vladimir celebrated a religious service to invoke blessings upon the Russian arms, after which a deacon read out in loud voice the Imperial Manifesto announcing to the nation that Germany had attacked us. The church was full to overflowing with officers of high rank and representatives of all the Guards' Regiments stationed in the capital. All were in field uniform, which the Sovereign also was wearing. In the hope of seeing the Tsar appear on the historical balcony from which all matters of importance that take place in the Imperial family are pro- claimed to the population, an enormous crowd had assembled on the square and began singing prayers intermingled with national hymns. Flags were unfurled and ikons carried by women and priests. When the guns of the fortress announced that the Manifesto had been read, all crossed reverently, as Russians generally do on all grave occasions ; blessings, too, were invoked on the head of the Emperor, and wishes uttered that he might come out victorious from this new and bloody war. Inside the palace the enthusiasm was greater ; Nicholas II. spoke a few words that rang with an emotion he tried vainly to subdue. His speech ended with the declaration that, since he had been obHged to draw the sword, he would not sheathe it until the last enemy had been driven out of his dominions. There were some people who afterwards said that this had been rather an imprudent assertion to make, as one had to take into account that the distinguish- ing feature of the German Army was the discipHne, skill, and science of militarism. About two o'clock were thrown open the great doors leading to the balcony facing the square in front of the Winter Palace. The Tsar appeared, and behind him stood the Empress, with the young Grand Press ; Police ; Panic 29 Duchesses dressed in white. Nicholas II. saluted his people and acknowledged their frenzied hurrahs. He spoke, but no one could catch his words ; then he raised his hand in a gesture of benediction, whereon the multitude fell on its knees before him. The whole scene had a grandeur and gravity about it which made it very solemn and impressive, and one had the distinct feeling that the monarch and his people were entirely in unison, and that, after so many years of estrangement, Russia and the House of Romanoff had at last become reconciled, and determined to work together in order to resist the enemy. The days which followed upon the declaration of war went by peacefully ; trains carrying soldiers to the front left continually, but the hour of departure was never made public as the government very wisely wanted to prevent scenes of enthusiasm, which it felt would have been out of place at this initial stage of the campaign. So the troops were generally taken at night to the different railway stations, and embarked in silence, without anyone but the near relatives of officers being allowed to see them depart. The Red Cross, too, busied itself with the organisation of sanitary detachments, which were also being dispatched toward the German frontier, and with the arranging of ambulances and hospitals in Petersburg, where, at this early stage, it was intended to estabhsh a central organisa- tion for dealing with the wounded — an intention found, later on, to be impossible owing to the difficulty of transport from the field of action. Everybody was busy in some way, and everybody thought or believed that the cam- paign would be finished in a few weeks ; therefore it behoved everyone to help the government that all at once had become popular. A great wave of patriotism was passing over the country, and for once the different parties seemed to be united in a common effort against the common foe. In those trying days Russia showed a most dignified atti- tude, and it is very much to be regretted that the government 30 Russia's Decline and Fall and the Press did not emulate it, but seemed to excite passions better left dormant. The first discordant note in the general determination to see the war to the bitter end came from the Novate Vremia, the most Conservative and pro-government paper in Russia. It imagined that it was contributing its share to the public good by imploring its numerous readers to hunt down the Germans. It is perfectly true that the various tales which reached us concerning the attitude of the population of Prussia toward our compatriots travelling abroad when the war broke out were perfectly appaUing. Everywhere Russians had been treated in the most shameful way possible, and insulted in a way unworthy of a civilised nation. But though this conduct called for reprisals, it was quite wrong to make it a pretext for encouraging seeming acts of brigandage. These only served our enemies, and it gave them opportunity again to retaHate by showering all kinds of ill-treatment on those Russians who, in the first moments of hostilities, had not been able to make good their escape from the realms of William II. All the solem- nity, all the dignity of the war, was compromised by these hysterical Press outbursts, and it is a thousand times to be regretted that the government, instead of stopping these rabid attacks, thought it right and proper to encourage them. The first example of this anti-German feeling was the sacking of the German Embassy. I happened to be passing through the Nevski Prospekt on that evening, and so can relate the circumstances from personal observation. One of the reporters of the Novoie Vremia appeared at the window and read aloud the official bulletin announcing that the Dowager Empress had been stopped at Berlin on her return to Russia, and obliged to change her route ; her train had been diverted to the Danish frontier by orders of the German Emperor. The news excited indescribable fury all over Russia ; but it would have been far better to allow Press; Police; Panic 31 the country to digest it silently. All hope of that vanished when one of the members of the staff of the Novate Vremia suddenly shouted : " Let us go to the Embassy, and show these people that we are not going to allow the mother of our Sovereign to be insulted." The crowd collected on the Nevski Prospekt took up these words, and soon one long cry was heard all through the street : " The Embassy ! The Embassy ! " The mob surged in the direction of Moika Street, and began to plunder the building with such alacrity that in the space of half an hour nothing but its walls were left standing. Everything of value in the Embassy was thrown out and burnt in the street ; every window was broken, every picture damaged, every curtain taken down or rudely torn ; and the two gigantic gladiators, with their horses, standing on the roof of the house were thrown into the canal in front, whence the fire brigade had to drag them out a few days later. The pillage was complete ; even the dresses of the Countess von Pourtales, which, in the hurry of her departure, had been forgotten, were torn into frag- ments. The infuriated crowd invaded the house, searched every corner, and finally murdered an official who had not had time to make his escape. The occurrence was a most regrettable one, which could have been prevented by the police, had they wished to do so, instead of encouraging the rioters by remaining passive. The incident was most cleverly exploited by the German Press, which found in it an easy means of persuading its readers that Russia was really a barbarous nation that merited punishment. From that day ridiculous persecutions began against everything or everybody who had anything to do with Germany or who bore a German name. The attention of the authorities, instead of being centralised on the commissariat and different departments responsible for the safe conduct of the war, was concentrated upon the task of. eliminating everything German. It left spies, the real ones, severely 32 Russia's Decline and Fall alone, for the simple reason that it was not clever enough to discover them. It annoyed and worried peaceful people, who were just as good patriots as any real Russian might have been, but who happened to have some German rela- tives, or who had forgotten to become Russian subjects when they settled in the land long years before. Curious things happened in that line. I saw an old lady expelled from Russia because she was still a German sub- ject, though she had left her native country forty years before ; she was accompanied to the station by her son, an officer in the Russian Army, who had his arm in a sling in consequence of a wound received at the battle of Tannen- berg. One may well ask where is the spirit of discernment in such cases, especially if one takes into consideration that, whilst these useless persecutions were going on, German spies were openly sending reports on all that occurred in the General Staff, and furnished the German Government in detail with the plan of attack of the Russian Army, the knowledge of which allowed General von Hindenburg to inflict on us one defeat after another. This spying system has done us the most harm in the whole campaign. Had our enemies not possessed the extra- ordinary sources of information which they had at their disposal concerning our doings, is it likely that we would have found ourselves thwarted at every step ? It would then have been possible for us to take them by surprise, vv, instead of being continually surprised by them. When ^?-^fiill /the incidents connected with the war become known > tolthe general pubUc, it will be seen that, not only our Staff, but also our commissariat and sanitary departments, found themselves from the very first invaded by those eager to furnish us with something that we wanted, and at the same time more anxious to use their eyes' and ears in order to obtain valuable information which was immediately transmitted to Berlin. One great reason, in my opinion, for the reverses in Press ; Police ; Panic 33 Galicia, after the brilliantly successful storming of Lemberg, and the capture of the fortress of Przemysl, has been the cupidity of our officers, and especially the rapacity in our commissariat department, where, instead of providing for the welfare of the army, they only tried to make fortunes. A curious feature in this anti-German agitation was the intensity with which it took hold of the public to the detriment of the war itself. The first month which followed upon the outbreak people kept interesting themselves in the movements of our troops. Then they left off doing so, and their whole attention seemed to concentrate upon the sayings and doings of those few unfortunate persons beheved to have some kind of connection with Germany. Russia seemed suddenly to have become rabid with spy- mania, and Germany was made responsible for every foreign or internal trouble. Petersburg absorbed itself in hunting the German. This was a far too convenient episode for people not to exploit it in order to hide their own mis- deeds. A couple of days after the pillage of the German Embassy a great friend of mine, since killed, who held an important post in the army, happened to be in Petersburg to report himself to his superiors. He called on me and we began discussing the situation. As to our chances of defeating the enemy, I was, of course, optimistically enthusiastic. It seemed to my ignorant eyes that it would be quite impossible for the armies of WilHam 11. , even when backed by those of his tottering Austrian Ally, to be able to hold their own against the might of our military resources, in aUiance with those of France — England had not yet entered the fray. To my intense surprise, my friend did not seem to share my conviction that all was bound to go well, and when I expressed the hope that the New Year would find us resting after the physical and mental fatigues of the war, he simply smiled and asked me whether I were serious in supposing that the war could be over in a few months. 34 , Russia's Decline and Fall " Certainly I am serious," I replied. ** I do not think for a single moment that anything can stop our army on its march towards Berlin ; ^nd once Berlin is taken then peace will quickly follow." *' Once BerUn is taken," he repeated. ** But it is there precisely that the difficulty lies ; I fear that Warsaw may be in the hands of the Prussians sooner than Berlin in ours." " Surely you are joking," was my remark. " They will never be able to advance so far as Warsaw." " They are already in Kalisz, my friend," he replied. *' Yes, I know, but Kalisz is an open town ; moreover, we had no troops to defend it, as it ought to have been. But Warsaw is a different thing altogether. Warsaw is a capital. It is the centre of government in the kingdom of Poland. It has a large garrison and presents such an important position fof us that we shall always defend it, and defend it successfully, no matter what it costs. Be- sides, taking Warsaw would mean that we have collapsed in East Prussia as well as in Galicia, and this is not likely at all. If once we take Lemberg, then we shall be the masters of the situation, and I do not see what is to prevent us taking Lemberg. Nearly the whole of the German Army is on the Western frontier." *' How mistaken you are ! " was the unexpected reply. " You will allow me some knowledge in regard to mihtary affairs. You know also that I was in Berlin for practically two years, and studied hard in the offices of their Staif, acquainting myself with the intricacies of the German system. In Germany they have an incontestable advantage over us in their efficiency of organisation, and the care which they take never to allow any detail, however insigni- ficant, to escape them. One may say Germany is a huge machine, but still the best trained machine the world has ever seen, and how can mere men fight a machine ? Warfare, to the German, has absolutely nothing to do with personal courage, or those dashing quahties formerly Press ; Police ; Panic 35 considered indicative of the good soldier. Warfare is know- ledge how to handle a mass of most complicated machinery created in order to crush any who try to stand up against it. Warfare consists, first, in the accumulation of munitions' and commissariat, and then in the perfect training and discipHne of armies. We possess none of these things. Our army is brave and obedient, but not disciplined. Our army lacks initiative ; it only knows how to obey bUndly, and to die when told it must do so. A very beautiful but quite unavailing heroism. A perfect knowledge of what one ought to do under certain conditions, and how to face certain responsibilities, would be far more to the point. That is precisely what our officers lack and where our army fails ; we are not, as the Germans are, imbued from our school days with the spirit of scientific militarism, and this war is going to be fought on scientific grounds, and with scientific weapons, more than with personal courage or valour.'' " You think, then, that we are going to be beaten ? " I asked, with dismay. " I will not say that," he replied, " but I believe that the fight will be far more stubborn and terrible than we imagine. This war has been brought about by the German Emperor and his advisers at a time when no one except themselves wished for it. If they have decided on such a step — of the gravity of which they, must have been aware — it is because they believe that they have considerable chance of success. Remember one thing: we are still a young people, and we can suffer reverses and not be very greatly the worse for them ; whereas Germany stakes her whole existence, not only as a miHtary power, but as a Power. Do you suppose she would have risked such an adventure if she had not held most of the trump cards in her hand ? It is childish to say that she has lost her senses ; far better would it be to try to find out what are the resources upon which she reUes to emerge triumphantly out of the gigantic struggle. A careful study of what Krupp is doing in his 36 Russia's Decline and Fall factories would be of more use to us than all the enthusiasm we are tiying to kindle among our troops." " What do you know ? " I asked. " Know ? Not much beyond what everybody knows ; but I suspect a great deal, and fear even more terrible things than I suspect. Our Staff is inefficient in these matters, and our Intelligence Department spends its energies upon work that ought to be left to the police. It orders the searching of inoffensive people's homes ; it tries to find something criminal in newspaper articles ; it incriminates a word of sympathy, often said thoughtlessly, but overheard by a spy. Yet it forgets to watch over the actions of our enemy ; it opens the doors of our military institutions to all kinds of suspicious people, who, under the pretext of offering goods to sell, simply gather information which, nine times out of ten, intelligence officers themselves give to them quite innocently, and without realising that it might be of use to the enemy. The misfortune of Russia is that, by nature, we are a straightforward people, un- suspecting of evil in others." ** What has that got to do with the conduct of the war ? " I asked. " Everything and nothing," was the reply. *' If certain of those in responsible positions knew they were vigilantly watched there would be less corruption and more sense of duty. Upon this country of ours, my dear friend, lies a curse ; a curse which already has caused many of its mis- fortunes, but which, it is hoped, this war will help to remove by opening the eyes of some of our responsible parties. That curse is the poUcing system, which has been exalted into a means of repressive government. There is the mistake. The police ought to preserve order among the public ; it ought never to be given the power to control the existence of that pubUc — especially if, as is the case with us, it is so badly paid that it finds itself almost compelled to seek for means of existence outside of its own resources." Press; Police; Panic 37 " But what has the police to do with the conduct of the war ? " I exclaimed. " Far more than you think or suppose. Its system has been erected into a kind of principle, and the spirit of it has penetrated into our IntelHgence Department, which thinks that by conforming to pohce methods it can rid Russia of all its enemies. It therefore spends its time in reading reports fabricated half the time by officials, who record in them their own personal grudges against the victims whom they denounce ; and, spending so much time in this way, the de- partment ignores the very people whose presence constitutes a danger to the general welfare. Germans understand this perfectly well, and they succeed in getting their information at first hand, and are doing it with impunity. We are beginning this war in a very handicapped condition, and though I hope, with you, that we will emerge triumphantly, yet I feel certain that we shall have to submit to many reverses, and that the task before us is by no means light. " Another point to which I should like to draw your attention is the way in which commanding offi&rs, nine times out of ten, make their calculations on former impres- sions and obsolete information, without verifying or com- paring with the present state of things. Maps are consulted not nearly so frequently as they should be, and the work of reconnoitring the enemy's position is, more often than could be wished, done by inexperienced officers, who trust more to their personal judgment and personal courage than to securing the calculated precision of detail which the Germans never omit. I am sadly afraid in this war that Russia will pit heroic but useless courage against murderous instruments that will prove to be the stronger forces." " I do hope that you are mistaken," I exclaimed ; "it would be too terrible to think that." " Ah, my friend, this war is going to surprise us in more ways than one," said my visitor. " I never expected you to take a despondent view of it," 38 Russia's Decline and Fall I replied. " Are you really so convinced of the superiority of the German Army ? " " Of its superiority as an army, and as a fighting instru- ment, not at all," he said. " Our soldiers are better fighters, and have far more endurance and strength of character than the Germans ; and being more used to hardships of every kind are also physically healthier. But whereas with us nearly everything is left to chance, our adversaries apply all their energies entirely to eliminate this factor from their calculations. Their organisation is wonderful, and their discipline, in the sense that no one ever ventures to question the reason for which any order is given, is above all praise. They have so dissected war that all its intricacies have become as familiar to them as the human body is to an expert surgeon. Their plans are based on calculations equal in minuteness to those of an astronomer when measuring the distance between two stars. Whether we shall be able to cope with them technically is the whole question, and, frankly speaking, I do not think we shall." " Th^ you admit the possibility of a reverse ? " " Yes, if our enemies drag on the campaign ; because, in that case, and especially if there are reverses, the nation will lose faith in its leaders, and the revolutionary elements in it, partly by the failure of a government they have always hated, and partly through the agency of German emissaries, of whom there exist far more than the government suspects, will come to the front once more and oblige the Emperor to conclude peace. It is there that I see the greatest danger for the future ; and unfortunately this danger is daily increased by the foolish policy adopted by our Staff, to send into exile in the interior of Russia all the Germans they can lay their hands upon. It gives them just the chance they want to poison the minds of the country people with their words and criticisms. Far better to have sent them at once across the frontier." " You exaggerate, my friend," I remarked. 1 Press; Police; Panic 39 " I do not think so/' he insisted, " and as events go on you will find my apprehensions justified. To come back to the war, I feel certain it will be a long affair — which, how- ever, will collapse very quickly in the end. A great source of danger for the Russian Army Hes in the fact that its Commander-in-Chief is the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicholaie- vitch. It is always unwise to have at the head of the army a prince of the blood royal, whose privileged position puts him above any criticism and surrounds him with flattery." '" You do not Hke him ? " I asked. " I neither Hke nor disHke him. He may be a great general, as so many people say, but so far he has given no proofs that such is the case, and this war is far too serious for us to indulge in the luxury of experiments. It seems he is a great disciphnarian, and can treat with extreme severity those who do not execute his orders ; but I question whether he is made of that stuff which is capable of inflaming the masses, ctnd inspiring an army to fight its way through every obstacle. Considering the fact that technically we are far inferior to the Germans,' it would be a distinct advantage for us to have at our head a general like Skobelev, who could lead his troops to victory, but showing them that he was sharing their danger. The Grand Duke must never expose his person to peril, because he is a member of the Imperial Family. There are in war moments of crisis when the knowledge that their leader has staked his life inspires troops with a heroism which otherwise they would never display. I repeat, we could win this campaign, and we should do so, backed as we are by powerful and strong Allies ; but the internal conditions to which the war will give birth may oblige us to conclude peace before either Russia or our friends abroad wish it ; and this may bring about the fall, not only of the present system of government, but even of the dynasty itself. I have told you what I think, and I pray to God that I may be mistaken." 40 Russia's Decline and Fall He got up and as he took leave of me I felt as if were departing a wicked fairy whose object had been to destroy all the bright illusions which I had been cherishing. For the first time since the beginning of the war I shuddered at the possibility of reverses which no one save the friend whose words I have just repeated had ever suggested in my presence. And yet on that same day we heard that our troops had occupied Insterburg in Eastern Prussia and, according to the accounts published by the Press, were marching victoriously on toward Berlin ; toward a victory, the completeness of which not a soul in the whole of ^Russia doubted at that time. CHAPTER IV. The Horror of Tannenberg. During the first few days which followed the conversa- tion related in the previous chapter, the painful impression there expressed remained until removed by the continuance of good news from the Front. The war had certainly begun for us under very favourable conditions, and when the German invasion of Belgium caused England to join in the struggle, I began to share the feeUng which was general in Russia, that the war would soon be over. We all beheved that most of the German forces were gathered at the French frontier and in Belgium, whilst Eastern Prussia was left practically undefended, for it was toward Eastern Prussia that our" activities were directed by the Grand Duke. He attacked with a vigour that promised great things, and every- body felt convinced that peace would be signed in Berhn before Christmas. A few days after the news of the invasion of Belgium had reached us, a party of French reservists left Petersburg for Odessa, whence a steamer was to cauy them to Marseilles to join their regiments. Some friends of mine being among them I went to the railway station to wish them God-speed, and was rather unpleasantly impressed by the sight of a tall dark woman, with strong, mascuhne features, who was standing on a stool waving a tricolour flag, and shouting at the top of her voice, "a Berlin a Berlin! " This reminded me of the unfortunate war of 1870, when the streets of Paris resounded with the same cry. It seemed an act of desecra- tion to count upon it before the event had really happened. 41 i 42 Russia's Decline and Fall 1 was not the only one in whom the words of the dark woman created this sensation, because an acquaintance of mine, whom 1 happened to meet, also expressed himself in the same way. The last passenger with whom I shook hands was the correspondent of the Havas Agency, M. Troubat, whom I had met at a dinner party a few days before the declaration of war, and who had spoken to me of his approaching marriage. Alas ! he was to be one of the first victims of the campaign ; he fell gloriously during one of the engage- ments on the Mame. He was young, full of hfe, had done very well in his profession, and looked forward to a brilliant future, but the bullets of the enemy did not spare him. We did not think of such sad things as death during those first days of elation. Even the disastrous news which telegrams brought us concerning the first atrocities committed in Belgium left us indifferent. We thought that they would afford us another powerful excuse to crush German mihtarism completely out of existence, and we began to behttle the Prussians : of course, we conceded, they had had some successes in France, and their march on Paris had been very cleverly carried through in order to terrify the Parisians and the rest of Europe ; but had it not been gloriously repulsed by the clever strategy of General Joffre ? Besides, any temporary successes which they might obtain would fail in the long run, and they would be compelled to defend their own capital. I even heard some responsible people seriously discuss the conditions of peace we were going to impose, and express apprehension lest our government might be too lenient. In the meanwhile the Germans, whose strength was so generally despised, had taken Liege after a few days' fight, and also captured Namur. Vague rumours reached us concerning a wonderful heavy gun which the Germans had suddenly produced, the effects of which were quite astound- ing ; but no one beheved in the existence of such a weapon. The Horror of Tannenberg 43 With complete unanimity, too, Russians declared that though it were impossible to help either France or Belgium, our own troops would soon put everything right when they reached BerHn and obhged the Emperor Wilham to fly from his capital. The Duma and the Council of State assembled to vote the necessary credits for the war. Before the business began they had been received in solemn audience in the Winter Palace by the Emperor, who spoke of the necessity of the country to remain united in the presence of the enemy, and of his conviction that the representatives of the people would help him without reserve in his heavy task. The words of the sovereign were received with great enthu- siasm, and for the first time, perhaps, since his accession to the throne, Nicholas II. found himself popular with all parties in Russia. Later on, when M. Sazonov and the Prime Minister, M. Goremykin, explained to the Duma the details of the negotiations which had led to the war, they were applauded vigorously, and the Ambassadors of England and France, who were present, received quite an ovation from the Deputies and on arrival from the populace outside. Already Insterburg had been occupied, and with word of an engagement with the Prussian troops at Eydtkhunen came the inspiring news that the French troops had entered Mulhouse. This only added to the enthusiastic send-off given to a considerable number of troops, including the principal Guard regiments, who left Petersburg for German and Austrian frontiers. Three proclamations by the Grand Duke Nicholas Nichol^ievitch, the Commander-in-Chief, addressed to the Poles, the inhabitants of the Austrian provinces bordering on our frontiers, and the Ruthenians of Galicia, were pub- lished and caused astonishment in Petersburg. No one could understand how it came about that the Grand Duke - and not the Emperor had signed them. The first criticisms, which I heard addressed to the government were uttered 44 Russia's Decline and Fall on the subject of these proclamations, which were certainly premature, seemed to have no object, and were bound, later, to excite discontent in Poland. One heard, indeed, that the Emperor was going to Moscow, whence he would issue a manifesto announcing to the nation the occupation of Gahcia, and the creation of a new Kingdom of Poland. But this rumour existed only in the imagination, and though the sovereign did visit Moscow he merely spoke on the war in a general way. The English and French Ambassadors accompanied the sovereign ; they both returned very satisfied with their reception in the ancient city, and con- vinced that the Romanoff dynasty was more popular than ever in Russia. Very early in the war it was felt by the more far-seeing of Russian patriots that the officials in Petersburg were depending too much on the anticipation that our soldiers would defeat the Austrian forces, and also upon the active sympathy of the people of Galicia and Bukovina, where, for years, Russian propagandism had been active. It turned out, however, that both these hopes were by no means so near reahsation as the Press led us to believe. In the mean- while Japan had joined the Allies and declared war on Germany. Many in Petersburg thought some secret design lay at the back of this step, but very soon the seizure of Tsing Tau was to prove to Europe that when Japan had sided with her European friends she had only done so in order to cover the AlHes' planned attack on German China. The news of the fall of Liege was kept secret as long as possible by the Russian Censor ; we heard, indeed, that the town was holding out and its circle of forts were withstanding the enemy. Yet it was given out officially that the Belgian Government and the Court had fled to Antwerp ; but this the people in their optimism said meant nothing at all — it was but a wise precaution ! • Suddenly, Hke a bombshell, the terrible news of the battle of Tannenberg (August 26th) burst upon us. The Horror of Tannenberg 45 The official communication spoke of two army corps enveloped by the enemy and nearly annihilated by superi- ority of numbers. A long Hst of killed and wounded added to the horror of this first disclosure of a disaster the details of which only became known much later. The crude facts are that when our troops invaded Eastern Prussia and began their triumphant march, the few Prussian regiments which were there slowly retreated before them, apparently leaving a free field. We all, and, what is more important, the Grand Duke and his Staff too, thought that this retreat meant fear, and a desire to concentrate the army still at the disposal of the Emperor WilHam in Germany itself around Berlin, in order to defend the capital. In reahty, nothing of the kind was ever intended by the German Staff. General von Hindenburg, who at that critical moment was called upon to take the command of the Prussian armies on the Russian frontier, determined to allow our troops to proceed as far as the Mazurian country, which is full of lakes and swamps of a most dangerous kind, and there meet and destroy them. With diaboUcal ability the Prussians built new roads and obUterated old ones. These new roads were cunningly devised to lead any who ventured upon them into the swamps. And some were so constructed that they would collapse under the weight of heavy artillery and baggage. When the first Russian detachments appeared the Prussians retired as quickly as they could, and then left their pursuers to their fate. It is here that the incompetency of the Russian Staff became evident and disastrous. Had the officers studied their maps they would have seen that the " lie " of the country they were going through was not the same as that traced on the maps. This circumstance alone ought to have put them on their guard. The InteUigence Depart- ment, too, ought to have had knowledge of the work which had been going on. Roads are not built in a day ; and quick as were the enemy's pioneers they were at work for some \ 46 Russia's Decline and Fall time, and, had proper precautions been taken, our leaders ought most certainly to have suspected that the promptitude with which the German forces retreated before us had a sinister meaning. But no one thought of such things ; everybody was persuaded that we were sweeping everything before us on the road to Berhn, and that the Prussians had been taken so unawares by the rapidity of our march that their one thought was for their personal safety. When the two army corps lead by General Samsonov marched into this treacherous road, they believed that no resistance was awaiting them ; all the more appalling therefore became the catastrophe which followed. Our army was snared in the swamp almost before it realised what was happening. Regiment after regiment became engulfed in that black mud. Men as well as horses were slowly sucked down into the abyss. A few columns, amongst others the one led by the heroic General Mrozowsky, Commander-in-Chief of the Moscow Grenadiers, managed to struggle through the lakes and fight their way through a strong detachment of German infantry that tried to block the road before them and to drive them back into the deadly swamp. But the majority of the army perished. For a whole week they struggled in a hopeless effort to disengage themselves, fighting against death with admirable courage. The cries of agony of the doomed creatures who were being slowly suffocated by an implacable enemy, more merciless than any human one, resounded through the countryside, and filled with horror the souls of those who found themselves compelled to listen without being able to help. So utterly terrible was the whole tragedy that it is recorded that some Prussian officers, whom their duty obUged to keep watch on this scene, went mad during that time and could never after- wards hear the name of Tannenberg mentioned without shuddering. General von Hindenburg remained unmoved. He had been told to dehver Eastern Prussia from its in vaders ; he had done so, and did not care at what cost The Horror of Tannenberg 47 At last, after seven days of this suffering, the Germans were moved to some spark of mercy and, bringing up their big guns, fired among the dying masses of Russians, to complete the destruction which the dark waters of the Mazurian lakes had begun. For months people worked to remove the traces of the charnel into which the whole region had been transformed. Men were paid as much as fifteen or twenty marks per day to remove the dead bodies, but even this large remuneration did not tempt many, so horrible was the task. As for the guns and the baggage, they are still buried in the swamps, and probably will be for ever. When General Samsonov, to whose carelessness the completeness of the disaster was due, saw that all was lost he blew out his brains rather than face his superiors. The hea.d of his staff. General Pestitch, and all his colleagues perished together in the lake, as did, too, the Commander of the Second Army Corps, General Mart OS. Two crack cavalry regiments belonging to the Guards lost nearly all their officers, but succeeded in getting through and joining the headquarters of the army, abso- lutely exhausted and unnerved. The result of this disas- trous day was the almost complete annihilation of two army corps, and the demoralisation of all the troops which had taken part in the unexpected catastrophe. When the news of the battle of Tannenberg reached Petersburg, the government had not yet assumed its policy of secrecy, but it was difficult to keep from the knowledge of the public the fact that a setback of some kind had taken place, especially in view of the circumstance that so many of the fallen officers belonged to the best families in Russia, and formed part of the jeunesse doree of Petersburg. The majority of the public heard nothing concerning the details of Tannenberg, and thought that a regular battle had taken place there which had not turned to our advantage. The dark truth was concealed. The Press, obeying orders from the War Office, mini- 48 Hussia's Decline and Fall mised the catastrophe by extolling the courage and heroism displayed by our troops, and by trumpeting the firm inten- tion of the authorities not to hide anything from the nation. It gave lavish praise to the devotion of the officers and soldiers who had perished in the performance of their duty, and then the whole attention of the public was directed to Galicia, where grave and most serious events were going on. One newspaper, the Retsch, tried to explain the disaster of Tannenberg in a plausible way, but in the article the cruel ignorance in which Russia was kept as to details connected with the conduct of the war became apparent. " If we analyse the communications of the Commander- in-Chief," proceeds the article, " we come to the conclusion that the excellent forces of the enemy to which he alludes in his message are the reinforcements which, we were told yesterday, had appeared in the neighbourhood of Osterode. The attack which was made upon our troops took place near the frontier of the Governments of Plock and of Lomza, in the neighbourhood of Soldau and Meidenburg. Our soldiers were surprised on their way by these fresh re- serves which were thrown upon them, and by the fire of their heavy artillery, which evidently had been brought for that purpose from the fortresses of Thorn and of Grau- denz. These reserves, to the strength and number of which we owe our defeat, were probably composed of men belonging to the Landwehr and the Landsturm, which hitherto have been kept in the background in order to be employed only when a total destruction of the German Army by our forces was threatened. " In general," went on the paper, " the sad events which our Staff communicates to us cannot have any influ- ence on the course of the war, nor on our operations in Eastern Prussia ; they cannot weaken our army, and they ought neither to influence our morale, nor make us doubt the ultimate success of the campaign. In every war one The Horror of Tannenberg 49 must expect to sustain some heavy losses, and though the position of our troops has been for the moment com- promised and weakened, it cannot be considered as having become perilous in any way." As a complement to this article may be quoted the official communication emanating from the Grand Duke's Staff. This shows in what manner it attempted to tell the public about Tannenberg : " Owing to strong reinforcements drawn by our enemy from every side, facihtated by the network of railways which they control, German forces threw themselves on two of our army corps and subjected them to the strong fire of their heavy artillery, inflicting great losses. Our troops fought most heroically, and Generals Samsonov, Martos, Pestitch, and several officers from the staff have perished. The Commander-in-Chief believes most firmly that God will help us in our most energetic measures to remedy this sad occurrence." It was following upon this disastrous battle of Tannen- berg that the first signs of apprehension concerning the future of the campaign began to be entertained by people in certain circles not enthusiastic about the military talents of the Grand Duke Nicholas. But even these sceptics did not believe in the possibility of defeat. The extent of their apprehension was that the campaign might prove unex- pectedly long and tedious. Everyone rehed very much upon our Allies, and especially on Lord Kitchener, who inspired unbounded confidence and was admired by all. The British Navy was looked upon as the principal element of success which we had at our disposal, arid even the most stubborn adversaries of the Government breathed more freely when they heard that Russia, England and France had bound themselves by a solemn compact not to conclude a separate peace. This seemed to convey in itself a promise of victory ; and, indeed, who could at this stage of the cam- paign suppose that it would prove to be anything else than E 50 Russia's Decline and Fall that the definite defeat of German militarism was ultimately assured ? As I have related already, the whole attention of the pubHc became concentrated upon Galicia, where the Grand Duke had thrown the whole weight of our armies. He guessed, quite rightly, that the vulnerable point of our enemies lay in the weakness of the Austrian troops. The Austrians had at first occupied certain portions of the so-called Kingdom of Poland — the province of Lublin — and we had considerable trouble to dislodge them ; but once on their own ground they had broken down in what seemed an almost incredible manner. Events proved, later on, that the cause of this sudden collapse had been the utter inca- .pacity of the officers, who, owing to the happy-go-lucky way in which they considered everything, had failed to grasp the determination with which Russia invaded Austrian territory. Besides this, the German Staff still beHeved that it could allow the Austrians to act independently, and could trust them to bring into execution the plan which had been settled by mutual agreement. The Austrians, however, showed themselves miserable tacticians, and defeat upon defeat followed, until Berlin, exasperated by the succession of reverses which gave up the whole of Galicia into Russian hands, insisted upon the Austrian troops being led by Prussian officers. After this, things most unfor- tunately changed for us ; we were obliged to evacuate Galicia, and thus were stultified our enormous sacrifices to conquer the region. HostiHties against Austria were conceived upon a considerable scale, and were executed with great talent and knowledge by General Roussky, the commander of the troops forming part of the Kiev army, who showed singular perspicacity and great decision in all the operations which he executed. The Austrians thought that by attack- ing us with all their forces they would be able to prevent QUr rqiobilisatipn being accomplished in time, and thus. The Horror of Tannenberg 51 from the outset, secure a very real advantage. They began by attacking and taking Lublin and Chelm, with the evident intention to force our lines from the West to cross the Bug, and thus attack from the rear the army which we were concentrating around Warsaw, and in flank the troops which we had sent into Eastern Prussia. To be able to execute this movement, the Austrians developed their forces on a front of more than 150 versts*, occupying and leaning on the following points, which they had strongly fortified : Zavilost, Janov, Bilgoraj, Tomaszov, and Belcez. To accompHsh this very important operation it was indispensable, however, to protect the right wing of the Austrian Army from the possibility of an attack by the Russian troops occupying the Kiev military district. In order to do this, the intention of the Austrian commanders had been to bring forward the second Austro-Hungarian Army, composed of the third, eleventh and twelfth corps, and five cavalry divisions. According to the reckonings of the Austrian Staff, the mobilisation of the Austro- Hungarian Army, as well as its concentration in South Galicia, ought to have been accomplished on the fourteenth day after the order for the general mobilisation had been issued ; but two weeks after war had begun the Austrians had not succeeded in gathering all their forces. This delay placed our enemies in a worse strategical position than they had imagined possible, and they found themselves compelled to reinforce the troops which they had in South GaHcia by bringing up part of their seventh, thirteenth and fourteenth corps, amounting to twelve divisions of infantry, and a few brigades of Landsturm and some cavalry and artillery — approximately 220,000 to 230,000 men, — ^who were instructed to cover the operations that had been entrusted to the main body occupjdng Southern GaHcia. In the meanwhile the Russian mobihsation had been effected far more quickly than our adversaries had anticipated, and already, on the * A verst is il6jf yards. 52 Russia's Decline and Fall i6th of August, a bare fortnight following the declaration of war by Austria upon Russia, the army forming part of the Kiev military district had developed itself around Lutzk, Dubno and Proskurov — that is, on a front extending to something Hke 175 versts — and began steadily marching toward the enemy's territory. During seventeen days these troops, which formed the left wing of our main army, covered a space of 220 versts, or something like thirteen versts per day, fighting nearly the whole of the time. If one takes into account that troops on the march in peaceful times are not supposed to cover more than fifteen versts in twenty-fouj hours, whilst we managed to do thirteen, fighting and forcing all kinds of obstacles, Russia may justly feel proud of the endurance shown by our soldiers upon this occasion, where everything depended on the promptitude of our movements. The main forces of our enemy in South Galicia were gathered together in a very strongly fortified position at Kamenka and KaHsz, and extended upon a front of more than no versts. We attacked this position, and after a most desperate struggle, which lasted several days, the Austrians were completely routed on September ist. They lost something hke a hundred and thirty thousand men, killed and wounded, whilst, in addition, two hundred guns and vast quantities of ammunition were left in our hands. After this defeat, due to the clever strategy of General Roussky, who was most ably seconded by General Broussi- lofC, the commander of the Second Army engaged in Galicia, the principal Austrian forces reassembled opposite Opol and Belcez, but they did not succeed in estabUshing them- selves on a wide front. We had crossed the frontier on the 19th of August, and fought all the time from that day to the moment when at last we entered Lemberg. Our march forward was very difficult, owing to the many small rivers, alEuents of the Dniester, which had to be crossed, as well The Horror of Tannenberg 53 as to the various fortified points that we had to take by- storm ; but already, on the 20th of August (September 2nd), our army found itself in sight of Lemberg, the forts of which showed no resistance whatever, and on the 21st of August (3rd of September), at eleven o'clock in the morning, the town itself was taken by our troops after a short engagement. The greatest success of the campaign had been achieved with relatively very little loss, and the name of General Roussky became famous all over Russia. The brilliant success of the operations undertaken in Galicia was considered to be ample compensation for the disaster of Tannenberg, the real extent of which was never known in the country at that time. The Grand Duke Nicholas immediately telegraphed the good news of Lemberg to the Emperor, asking the Tsar to award the Cross of St. George, of the third class, a most rare distinction, to General Roussky. All over Russia solemn thanksgiving services were celebrated, and great manifestations of joy as well as popular demonstrations took place in Petersburg and in Moscow. People began speaking of the invincible Russian armies and expected to hear every day that we were on the road to Vienna, if not in actual possession of that capital. In the general joy it was entirely forgotten that Germany existed, and through the glasses of a rose-coloured optimism she was seen already conquered just as completely as her Austrian ally. As for our reverses in Eastern Prussia, they had already sunk into insignificance, the more so that, as a revenge for all the horrors of Tannenberg, the Emperor had seen fit to change the name of Petersburg into the truly Russian " Petrograd,'' and the government had forbidden German to be spoken in the streets or to be taught in schools. Surely this was enough to satisfy the most fervent patriot ! CHAPTER V. • Behind the Scenes. * After the victories in Galicia, the Russian public divided itself into two camps. The optimists anticipated all the triumphs which their ambition and patriotism longed for. The other party, much smaller, but unquestionably better informed, did not air its opinions too openly. These people whispered into the ears of their friends that the first battles had revealed a lamentable want of organisa- tion on our side. The wounded, for instance, after a rather sharp engagement fought near Gumbinnen, in Eastern Prussia, had to be transported a distance of 120 versts in automobiles before being attended to, whilst all the time an ambulance was stationed quite near to the battlefield, and remained the whole time doing nothing. The first plan of the Russian Staff had been to wait for the enemy in our own territory, and the Red Cross, in consequence, had an organisation of ambulances scat- tered at about sixty versts from the frontier. When everything was changed, and the Grand Duke decided to take the offensive by invading Eastern Prussia, all the necessary arrangements were made, but the medical services received no orders to move, so remained where they were. When men began to fall they found them- selves utterly unprovided with even field dressings. Half the casualties in the first engagements succumbed from want of early care. This state of things was remedied later, but the Red Cross, for which milhons were given all over Russia, still remained badly organised. 54 Behind the Scenes 55 The different base hospitals, however, worked wonders, and proved most useful. On the other hand, the Com- missariat, which had proved so deficient during the 1904 campaign, was found above praise, and the soldiers, not- withstanding what may have been written in German papers concerning this subject, were well fed and well clothed, and generally well attended to in regard to their physical wants. If they collapsed as quickly as was the case after the fights in the Carpathians and in Galicia, this must not be attributed to the fact that they had nothing to eat, but to the stopping of the distribution of vodka to the troops. I know that in saying so I shall be severely criticised, but I must maintain that the total prohibition of spirits in the great war of 1914 was the cause of the Russian army, not being able tq make a better stand against the enemy, and especially explains the large number of prisoners made by the Germans. It must not be forgotten that the Russian was the largest consumer of spirits in the whole of the world. The nation was saturated with vodka. The Russian soldier was so used to the stimulant that he felt entirely powerless when deprived of it suddenly. Much has been written con- cerning this general prohibition, which was issued on the first day of the war, but I am certain that the German officer who told me that it proved the best auxiUary Prussia had found to help her in her progress in Poland, spoke the truth. An excellent thing in itself, of course, the prohi- bition was appHed — as so many other excellent things are in Russia — in the worst manner imaginable. It would have been far better to allow a moderate supply of spirits to the army than to have left the soldiers cold and drenched in the trenches during the whole of the severe winter, without the possibihty of a nip of vodka to revive their faculties, and to inspire them with courage. I have visited prisoners' camps in Germany, and spoken with our Russian soldiers interned there ; and whenever I have asked them 56 Russia's Decline and Fall when and how they had fallen into the enemy's hands I have received the reply that " I don't know ; I was so tired that I don't remember anything." Now I feel con- vinced that everyone who knows Russia, the Russian character, and the Russian army, will agree with me when I say that these same men would never have become so Ump, no matter what hardships they had been compelled to endure, if from time to time they had received a glass of vodka to sustain them in their work. The Germans — and this is another precaution which they know so well how to take, and another proof of their extraordinary organisation — though dealing most severely with every case of drunkenness which came before their notice in the army, yet were very careful after every heavy engage- ment to distribute a rum-ration to the troops, before allowing them to rest after the excitement of the battle, or after a long stay in the trenches ; whereas our poor soldiers were left to freeze in the cold for hours, and then were only given cold food. At the risk of scandalising all the adversaries of alcohol, I must nevertheless repeat that I regret our High Command did not see its way to follow the example of our enemies. However, this is a digression. Our Commissariat worked well, especially in the begin- ning of the war. Afterwards things were not quite so easy, especially during the retreat from Galicia. The accusa- tion, made even in Russia, that the troops were left to starve was utterly false. The soldier was well fed, and was always properly clothed. Only — only the govern- ment paid about five times, if not ten times, more than it ought to have done for everything, thanks to the greed of officials in the Commissariat department. These gentle- men thought the war an excellent opportunity — indeed, one which would never return — for thera to become rich at once, without the least trouble. Those of high rank, those in leading positions in this strange administration — Behind the Scenes 57 everybody, down to the humblest clerk — managed to make money out of every purchase for the army. I shall give one instance among many as to how prices were in- flated. An American company offered to the government one million pairs of boots at the price of three dollars per pair ; eight dollars each was paid. Consequently, on this one transaction five million dollars remained in the pockets of the intermediaries and the officials of the Commissariat departments. In Petrograd I have spoken with officers belonging to this much abused department ; and a friend of mine, an EngHshman, in whose words I have the most impHcit confidence, told me he had observed the same thing. Many hundreds of thousands of roubles have gone this way ; never, indeed, was squandering of the public funds seen on such a scale as during this ill-fated campaign. With it all, however, the soldier was not left in want. Boots with paper soles, such as were distributed to ^the army in France in 1870, were not seen. Everything the troops got was of good quality, and they never, save on rare occasions, suffered from hunger. It is the cost to the public exchequer that would certainly not stand investi- gation. The people to whom these facts were known were therefore not sanguine as to the progress of the war. But, of course, they never dared mention their apprehensions publicly, as instantly they would have been branded as bad patriots, if not as German agents. This second party was averse to the Grand Duke Nicholas being Commander-in-Chief, partly because they very justly said that, in the case of reverses, it would be most difficult to fix responsibility upon a member of the Imperial Family, partly because they did not think he possessed the necessary qualities and miHtary talents essential to fight such tacticians as the Germans. The second party was also in opposition to the govern- 5S Russia's Decline and Fall msat^ wham i. ^^ — ^v. ^. emending its wiude time in look ing about lor spies ^wtfeone these did not exist ; and of apply- ing police methods where a strong and just sense of th neoessities oi the mcan^at would have bem better. Tl: fact is, that the Minister of the Interior, M. Makloko was not ca^[>abie of guiding the chaziot of the State throuc tronbloiis times, and that these wioe critical not t ^ his supporters dolled. £vai in those earty days of the war the one thing which the govonm^it dreaded was the oatfareak of a revohiUor Thus obsessed, the govtaimiaaLt gave aU its attention i crashing evny manifestation of disctmtent, and over looked the necessity of making an intdligent stand again- the aggression of the Aastro-Gemoan troops in Polanc The Press was subjected to the closest survdUanoe; a fpoiidaioe; detectives swarmed everyv^hane; (oivate 11: was examined as it had never been before; and ever individual sn^>ected ol Goman synqyathies, or of Mber.^ opinions, was immediatdy dispatched to some far-awa ixovince, unless he or she ha^^psoed to have enough ii: fluence to obtain the favour of bdng asked to go afanoa. till after the cessation of hostilities. There is a proverb that " If yon scratch the Russia: you win hnd a Tartar " ; it would be irM;«e to the p