sir A HISTOET OF THE CHRISTIAN CHUECH. MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN COMPANY HEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO ATLANTA BAN FRANCISCO THB MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA. LTD. TORONTO A HISTOEY OF THE CHEISTIAN CHUECH BY S. CHEETHAM, D.D. ABCHDEACON AKD CANON OF BOCHESTER; HONORARY FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; FELLOW AND EMEBITUS PBOFESSOB OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON. MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 1907 [All rightt reserved.'] Camtrrtrge: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAV, M.A. AT THE CMVKUSITY TO MY WIFE MY FAITHFUL HELPER AND CRITIC. 206692O PREFACE. THIS book is founded on many years' study of the period over which it extends. It was indeed soon after the death of Archdeacon Hard wick that I formed the project of completing his work, and imparted it to the late Mr Alexander Macmillan. Other occupations and failure of health prevented me from carrying out this design, as I had hoped, within a few years, but it has never been long absent from my mind and is now at last completed. My History of the Early Church, Archdeacon Hard wick's Histories of the Middle Age and of the Reformation, together with that of the Modern Period now published, form a complete History of the Christian Church, on a small scale indeed, but written with con- stant reference to original authorities, and including, it is hoped, all the more important events and movements which have made the Church what it now is. More than this could not be attempted in so brief a narrative, and the difficulty of deciding what to give and what to reject is of course great, especially in regard to the complex streams of thought which have pervaded the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The riii Preface. history is brought down, so far as the leading events are concerned, to our own time, but, with few exceptions, no reference is made to living persons. I have to acknowledge my obligations, for general guidance, to the historical works of Schrockh, Gieseler, Kurtz, Hase, Alzog, Krauss, Funk, D. K. Miiller, and, in the most recent portion, to F. Nippold's excellent Handbuch der Neuesten Kirchengeschichte. For the ac- count of the English Freethinkers I am indebted to Miss Beatrice A. Lees, History Tutor of Soraerville College, Oxford. The index is the work of my wife. And I have to express my gratitude to my old friend the Rev. G. C. Bell, late Master of Marlborough College, who has read the proofs and given me many valuable corrections and suggestions. S. CHEETHAM. BQCHESTBB, 16 Oct. 1907. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I. LAST STRUGGLES OF THE REFORMATION". 1. The Struggle in France 7 2. Switzerland and Piedmont . . . . . . 11 3. Hungary, Transylvania and Poland .... 13 4. The Thirty- Years' War 15 5. The Sequel of the Treaty of Westphalia ... . 22 6. The Struggle in England 27 7. In Scotland 43 8. In Ireland . 49 CHAPTER II. THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 1. Anglican Theology and Theologians .... 54 2. English Sects 65 3. Extension of the English Church ..... 68 CHAPTER III. THE ROMAN CHURCH. 1. General Characteristics 74 2. The Papacy 82 3. New Orders and Societies 93 4. Jansenism and Port-Royal 99 5. The Gallican Church and its Liberties , . . 106 6. Mysticism and Quietism 109 7. Missions . , 112 Contents. _ CHAPTER IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PROTESTANTISM. PAGE I I Q 1. Lutheran Orthodoxy 2. The Revival of Religious Life A. Pietism . 121 B. The Moravian Brotherhood 3. Mystics and Theosophists . 4 Literary Activity of the Reformed .... 5. The Arminians 6. Projects for Religious Unity 7. Protestant Missions 154 CHAPTER V. THE EASTERN CHURCH ... 159 CHAPTER VL THE AGE OF REASON. 1. English Free-thinking 167 2. Methodism and Evangelicalism 185 3. French Scepticism 194 4. German Enlightenment 199 5. The Popes and the Princes 218 CHAPTER VII. THE SHAKING OF THE NATIONS. 1. The French Revolution 233 2. Napoleon and the French Conquests .... 238 3. The Churches and the Revolution .... 245 4. Religious Romanticism ..... 247 5. Secta of the Revolutionary Period ... 251 Contents. xi CHAPTER VIII. THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING CHURCHES. PAGE 1. The Oxford Movement 255 2. Liberal Tendencies 271 3. Life of the Church 282 4. Church and State 286 5. Non- Anglican Religious Bodies ..... 292 6. Scotland 309 7. Ireland 319 8. North America 326 CHAPTER IX. THE PAPACY AND THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 1. The Pope's return to Rome 346 2. The Jesuits restored 347 3. Pope Leo XII 350 4. Pope Pius VIII. . 351 5. Pope Pius IX 353 6. Reforms in Piedmont 356 7. The Vatican Council 359 8. Old-Catholicism 367 9. Pope Leo XIII 372 CHAPTER X. FRANCE AND THE LATIN NATIONS. 1. The Roman Catholic Church in France . . . 375 2. Protestantism in France 391 3. Socialistic Movements 395 4. Belgium 397 5. Spain and Portugal 398 6. The South- American Republics 402 xii Contents. CHAPTER XL THE TEUTONIC AND SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS. I. The Roman-Catholic Church. PAGE 1. Church and State 407 2. Literature and Life ... ... 416 3. The Contest for Culture 423 IL Protestantism. 4. The Evangelical Union 427 6. Theology and Biblical Criticism 436 CHAPTER XII. THE EASTERN CHURCH. 1. In Turkey 453 2. In Greece 454 3. In Armenia 45 g 4. In Russia .... 4 57 6. In Poland .... 458 INTEODUCTION. THE ecclesiastical history of the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is the history of the development of principles brought into prominence in the Reformation of the sixteenth. We generally understand by the Re- formation a religious outburst which in the end separated from the spiritual dominion of the Papacy a large part of Europe, and set up the Bible alone as the highest authority in matters of faith, in place of ecclesiastical tradition ex- pounded by the See of Rome. And this is its most obvious aspect, but this great religious change was in fact but part of a wider movement which affected the whole political, moral, intellectual, and social life of Europe. During the Middle Ages, though there were not wanting indications that human thought desired to break the heavy bonds of tradition and authority, the Western branch of the Catholic Church was the only recognized form of religion from the British Isles to the Mediter- ranean, and from the frontier of Russia to the shores of the Atlantic. Every citizen of a state of Western Europe was, as a matter of course, in outward profession at least, a Christian and a Catholic. No Church stood alone ; from every Church the last court of appeal in spiritual matters was the Roman Curia. There were frequent differences between Church and State, but no one went the length of denying the right of the Church in any state to exercise spiritual jurisdiction unhindered by the secular power, unless, it might be, in certain cases agreed upon between the several authorities. When a large portion of Northern Europe rejected the authority of the Papal See and new religious communities c. $ 1 Introduction were formed, certain political problems of great importance presented themselves for solution Where the whole of a state with its ruler, adopted one of the new forms of faith, whether Lutheran or Calvinist, the matter was compara- tively simple. The Reforming leaders generally accepted the maxim, "cujus regio ejus religio," "lord of region, lord of religion"; they recognized the right of the sovereign to determine the form of religion in his own state. But there was often controversy and political strife as to the extent of the prince's power and the manner in which it should be exercised, and where a sovereign was converted from one form of faith to another serious perplexity, and often persecution, arose. But when a nation was not agreed on the subject of religion, how were the relations of dissident communities to be regulated? In a country, for instance, which was still mainly Roman Catholic, were communities of Pro- testants, whom the bulk of the population regarded as mere infidels, to be tolerated? In France, where the Protestants were strong and had able leaders, they were actually permitted to hold certain fortified towns, and formed a kind of state within a state. This however was an arrangement which could not long endure. It was put an end to by the vigorous policy of Richelieu, but Protestants continued to enjoy most of the rights of citizenship until the intolerant folly of Louis XIV. made their position intolerable and drove into exile a large number of the best citizens of France. In the Swiss Confederation the quarrels of Romanists and Protestants frequently broke out into open hostilities, and sometimes into hideous massacre. But nowhere were the political complications arising out of the change of religion so great as in the Empire. The Holy Roman Empire had been for many generations regarded as a kind of secular counterpart of the Papacy. It was before all things Catholic; all its component parts were Catholic. What was to be done when some of the Princes of the Empire, with their subjects, fell away from their ancient faith? Could a Protestant continue to be an Elector ? Supposing that an Elector who was actually a spiritual person ceased to hold his ecclesiastical office, could he still retain his temporal power? Was it consistent with allegiance to Introduction the Emperor for a Prince of the Empire to grant tolera- tion within his dominions to non-Catholics ? All these questions were imperfectly solved at the end of the sixteenth century, and were at last fought out in the terrible struggle of the Thirty-years' War, though even after that war was ended by the Peace of Westphalia there were still sporadic cases of persecution and op- pression. In England a large and powerful section of the people, commonly called Puritans, were discontented with the Elizabethan settlement which retained though with many reforms the old Church order and ritual, and during the war between King and Parliament managed to possess themselves of the status and the benefices of the Church, and to change the services of the Church in accordance with their own views. When, at the Restoration, this state of things came to an end, separatist congregations were formed, which were severely perse- cuted, and religious peace was not permanently established until the Toleration Act of 1689, which may be regarded as the end of the Reformation-struggle in England. In Scotland, the Presbyterian system established under Knox, after many conflicts, and after being more than once put down and restored, was finally adopted by the Scottish Parliament in 1690. In Ireland, the Reformed Church which had the support of the English Govern- ment, and was put into possession of all the benefices, obtained but a small number of adherents, while the great majority of the population clung to their old faith, and provided out of their poverty ior the continuance of their old worship. The massacre of Protestants in 164-1 is however a terrible blot on their history. To speak generally, we may say that the hostilities which were the consequence of the Reformation came to an end with the seventeenth century. While the political struggle was going on, theological controversy continued, and the recognized doctrines of various religious bodies were in some cases reformed and extended. As the Reforming leaders had no mind to give to others the liberty which they claimed for them- selves, of taking the Bible for a guide and teaching for doctrines the propositions which they believed they found there, they were willing to concede to a sovereign prince 12 Introduction the power of maintaining orthodoxy within his dominions. Otherwise they were helpless in the face of heterodoxy, however extravagant. The methods of Protestant theo- logians in the seventeenth century differed little from those of their Catholic predecessors. Their authorities were different ; citations of canons of councils, sentences of Fathers and Papal decrees dropped into the background or vanished altogether; only Scripture was regarded as of the first importance ; but their philosophy, and conse- quently the form of their theology, differed little from that prevalent before their time. But meanwhile there was quietly growing up a school of thought which was to subvert it The renewed study of the classics, and especially of Greek, brought with it a knowledge of ancient philosophy, with its characteristic desire to follow reason whithersoever it might lead, which was soon seen to be in contrast with the barren disputations which occupied the mediaeval divines. The revived philosophy found indeed no favour with the leading Protestant teachers, but it nevertheless gradually leavened the mass of ecclesiastical teaching. And when the first shock of the Reformation was dying away, philosophy received a new and vigorous impulse. Bacon taught that all true science must be derived from open-eyed investigation of the world around us; Descartes endeavoured to sweep away all preconceptions, and to accept no assumption but that of personal existence; and somewhat later Locke propounded his theory that all knowledge is derived from experience, and proclaimed that if Christianity was to be accepted it must be on reasonable grounds. In the eighteenth century these philosophies, or systems derived from them, became dominant, and were not found to be favourable to faith. And it was not only among Protestants that the prevalent philosophy influenced theology. The leading men of the Roman Church in the early days of the sixteenth century were much more moved by ancient philosophy than the Protestant divines, and their successors in the eighteenth could not withdraw themselves wholly from the influence of the " philosophes" of France and the "enlightened" of Germany. It was in the air, and they breathed, whether they would or not, the stimulating atmosphere. Many symptoms shewed Introduction that, however strictly the traditional formularies might be maintained, intellectual life in the Church had acquired a new and more liberal not to say sceptical tone. Before the end of the century by far the greater number of he brilliant men of letters who adorn it, both in France and Germany, were either hostile to Christianity, or regarded it merely as one perhaps the best of the various imperfect religions of the world. And the advance of liberal ways of thinking had also very important effects in the political world. As the spiritual powers claimed by the Pope and the hierarchy came to be brought in doubt, almost all the European powers sought to prevent the intrusion of the Papacy into their domestic affairs, and to increase their own authority and the independency of their clergy. This tendency shewed itself before the French Revolution. After that terrible explosion, in which an attempt was made to abolish Christianity altogether, there was a great reaction. Both in England and on the Continent it was felt by great numbers of tender and ardent spirits that the rationalistic teaching did not supply food for the soul, and that a system hallowed by the love and reverence of many generations could not lightly be set aside. There ensued everywhere a revival of Church feeling and Church practice in the midst of which we still live. But with this revival of a warmer and more earnest Christian feeling went a great extension of a freer and bolder criticism and interpretation of Holy Scripture, and it is one of the marked charac- teristics of the latter part of the nineteenth century that the leading principles of the critical school are accepted by many who are, beyond all doubt, true servants of Christ. When Erasmus in 1516 published a text of the Greek New Testament in which the passage relating to the Three Heavenly Witnesses was not found, because it appeared in no Greek manuscript known to him, he began the long series of those who have laboured to produce, usiug/all available testimony, a text which shall as nearly as possible represent the original. And when he subjoined to this text a translation in Classical Latin which in many places varied from the Vulgate, he became the forerunner of those who have endeavoured to interpret Introduction Pkytieal Science. the text on scholarly principles without dogmatic pre- possession. In this direction however human thought advanced but slowly. Theologians in general were favour- able neither to textual criticism nor to frank interpretation, and it was not until the eighteenth century that the general movement of thought rendered such studies ac- ceptable to the learned, while the thorough and scientific investigation and classification of manuscripts belongs almost wholly to the nineteenth. When Copernicus in the middle of the sixteenth century produced his modest work on the Revolutions of the Heavenly Bodies, his voice was little heard amid the strife of tongues. Yet in fact he had not only made an immense advance in physical science, but his demon- stration, that the phenomena of the heavens were best explained by the hypothesis that the earth moves round the sun, produced in the end an immense revolution in man's conception of the world and of his own station in it. Man was no longer in the centre of the universe, but the inhabitant of an insignificant orb moving in infinite space. This changed conception was one with which theology had to deal, and which for some generations it regarded with little favour. Even to the present day, to reconcile Science with Revelation, the scientific conception of man and his dwelling-place with that derived or thought to be derived from Scripture, is a task which occupies some of the ablest among the servants of the Church. CHAPTER I. LAST STRUGGLES OF THE REFORMATION. 1. THE STRUGGLE IN FRANCE. THE Calvinists in France, no less than elsewhere, struggled to maintain their freedom of worship, and the Edict of Nantes 2 did in effect constitute them a state within a state. They had their own fortified towns, their own seminaries, which soon became famous, and took in common such measures as they thought necessary for the protection of their rights and liberties. These measures, natural as they were in a people living in the midst of a bitterly hostile nation, soon drew on the Huguenots the suspicion of the government. In 1605, it required all the address of the Protestant Sully, the King's minister, to apologise for the precautions which his co-religionists thought it needful to take for the preservation of their fortresses and their liberties. During the minority of Louis XIII., however, they remained quiet and peaceable, until at length Louis himself gave the signal for disturbance, by attacking the civil and religious privileges of the Protestant province of Beam. The Assembly of Loudun remonstrated in vain. Two years later, the General Assembly at Rochelle divided their seven-hundred Churches into eight "circles," and drew up a kind of constitution, in which, " subject to the authority of the King," they provided for the raising of 1 Soulier, Hist, du Calvinisme en France (Paris, 1686) ; G. von Protestants de France (Eng. trans., Lond. 1853); E. Benoit, Hist, de Polenz, Gesch. d. Franz. Calvin- I'lZdit de Nantes (1693, 5 vols.); ismus (to 1629) ; W. S. Browning, Haag, La France Protestante. Hist, of the Huguenots; E. Smedley, Hist, of the Reformed Religion in France ; G. de Felice, Hist, des 2 See Hardwick's Reformation, p. 130. The Struggle in France revenue and the discipline of troops ; they set up, in fact, a government distinct from the supreme authority in the state. France was once more the scene of a religious war, which was terminated by the Peace of Montpellier. This treaty confirmed the Edict of Nantes, and left the Protes- tants in possession of all their privileges, but forbade them to unite for political purposes. Peace was, however, not long maintained; the Huguenots had many annoyances and injuries to endure, and the court was no longer influenced by the tolerant spirit of Henry IV. Above all, Richelieu, who in 1626 became almost absolute ruler of France, was bent upon making that country one great, united, and well-organised nation subject to an almost despotic king ; and to effect this, he was ready to trample under foot the independence, whether of provinces, nobles, or Protestants. War again broke out, and in 1627 the hopes of French Protestantism centred in La Rochelle 1 , which was besieged by the troops of the king; it held out with extraordinary gallantry (though very ill supported by the English 2 , who were nominally its allies) for more than a year, when it fell (Oct. 28, 1628) before the energy of Richelieu, who directed in person the operations of the siege, after its inhabitants had endured sufferings which have been compared to those of the people of Jerusalem in its last struggle with the Romans. But the war was not ended by the fall of the great fortress of the Huguenots ; the Due de Rohan, encouraged by Spain, continued the campaign in the South. He too was, however, compelled to submit, and conclude a Peace at Alais. The Protestants formed no longer an indepen- dent state in France, but by the "Edict of Grace" they were assured in the possession of all the religious privileges they had hitherto enjoyed 3 . They were no longer the powerful party they had been in the sixteenth century ; the great nobles who had once led them to victory, con- verted by Jesuits, drawn away by the temptations of the court, and perhaps disgusted by the democratic turbulence of their companions, had mostly gone over to the Roman ' See Barbel's Hist, de la Ro- chflle, ed. Denyg d'Aussy (1886 1891). 1 On this see S. B. Gardiner's Hist, of England, vols. v. and vi. 3 De Felice, 319 : Gieseler, HI. i. 550. The Struggle in France Catholic Church 1 , leaving behind them a society of religious citizens, distinguished by their loyalty to their king, their intelligence, and their manufacturing industry 8 . The Edict of Nantes still remained unrepealed, but the loss of the fortified towns which they had hitherto retained in their hands materially changed the position of the Protestant party in France. Richelieu, however, Cardinal as he was, set his mind much more on bringing about the political unity of the kingdom than on convert- ing heretics, and he led the Protestants to hope that, now that they could no longer be dealt with as a separate and often hostile power, they might trust their rights and privileges in the hands of the sovereign. Nor had the Protestants much reason to complain of the civil govern- ment when it was directed by Mazarin. Under his in- fluence, one of the first acts of the young King Louis XIV., when he came of age, was to declare the Edict of Nantes to be still in full force, and any Acts of a Parliamen b, or even of the King's Council, which contravened it, invalid. In the year 1659 Mazarin gave them the permission, which had been for many years withheld, to hold provincial synods. But the Catholic majority never relinquished the hope of bringing the Huguenots back into their Church, and when at the synod of Charenton the more rigorous Protestants refused to entertain a proposal to this end, the king took it very ill, and the thought thenceforth constantly rankled in his mind, that a large body of his subjects held his own Church to be in damnable error. In a state in which no assertion of independence was tolerated, this appeared mere obstinacy and self-will, and the king inclined more and more to give ear to the representations of the Catholics against the Protestants. The latter were consequently systematically oppressed ; the mixed tribunals which had been created for their benefit were abolished, and con- versions from Catholicism absolutely forbidden. The king in 1680 communicated to a synod of the Clergy the edict against conversions, the transgression of which was to be punished with the utmost rigour of the law. Other vexatious restrictions and withdrawals of privileges fol- lowed, and every pretext was seized to close or destroy 1 Gieseler, in. i. 549, note 7. 2 See Mazarin's testimony, in Gieseler, in. i. 551, note 10. 10 The Struggle in France Protestant places of worship. No Calvinist could hope for employment in the king's service. Girls of seven years old and boys of twelve might be taken from their parents on the pretext that they had become Catholic. Missionaries with sermons and missionaries with swords were actively employed. Troops were quartered on the unfortunate Protestants in the most unfair and oppressive manner. By such means thousands of " conversions " were brought about and the number of avowed Protestants very seriously diminished. Why, asked the Jesuits and the courtiers, should the Edict of Nantes be maintained when the number of those whom it concerned was so insignificant ? It was on this ostensible ground that its revocation was determined on 1 . The Edict for that purpose was registered by the Parliament of Paris on 22 October, 1685. The Reformed religion was not, as such, proscribed, but its assemblies for worship were forbidden, its churches de- stroyed, and even meetings in private houses declared illegal. Ministers of Reformed communities were banished, while emigration of the lay people was forbidden under the severest penalties. Nevertheless, in spite of all pre- cautions and penalties, France lost within a short time from the Revocation some five or six hundred thousand of her best, most industrious, and most skilful citizens, who were readily welcomed in Switzerland, in England, in Holland, in some countries of Germany, and in America, where they found the freedom in matters of religion for which they had sacrificed their homes 8 . The king and the Jesuits rejoiced that France was purged from the stain of tolerated heresy. But all trouble was not at an end when the Edict of Nantes was revoked. In the district of which the Cevennes mountains form the centre, in Languedoc, were found steadfast and courageous Evangelicals who made an obstinate resistance to the oppressors. Under the pressure of the most barbarous cruelty a kind of madness seized 1 J. Michelet, Louis XIV. r.t la Revocation de FlZdit de Nantes (Hut. de France, voL xin). 1 Weiss, Hist, det Rtfugits Pro- tettantt de France (trans. New York, 1854) ; Mrs H. F. Lee, The Huguenots in France and America (Camb. Mass. 1843); S. Smiles, The Uuguenott, their Settlements, Churches, and Industries, in Eng- land and Ireland; B. Lane Poole, Hist, of the Huguenots of the Dis- persion (Lond. 1880). Switzerland and Piedmont these unfortunate people ; prophets and miracle-workers arose among them and encouraged them in acts of violence; many Catholics were put to death and many churches burnt. In the guerilla warfare which was long maintained the king's troops were not unfrequently driven back. At last Louis XIV., involved in a disastrous war and anxious at all costs to have peace at home, sent to them the celebrated Marshal Villars, who by skilful strategy and offers of pardon to those who surrendered did at length bring the war of these " Camisards," as they were called from the smock-frocks which they wore, to an end 1 . Meantime, one of the most fertile and flourishing provinces of France had been desolated. 2. SWITZERLAND AND PIEDMONT. Switzerland 2 , surrounded as it was by Roman -Catholic powers, and itself divided in matters of religion, could scarcely escape attack in the anti-Evangelical reaction. It suffered in fact from the ill-will of the Spaniards, then powerful in Italy, the Austrians, and the Savoyards. The Orisons, though mainly Protestant, contained many Romanists, and in the Valteline the latter con- stituted the great majority. Their animosity against the Calvinists who dwelt among them was encouraged by emissaries from the neighbouring Milan, and at last broke out in a fearful massacre 3 . At the sound of a tocsin in the early dawn of morning the conspirators burst into the houses of the Protestants, murdering all whom they found 1 Authorities for the troubles in the Cevennes are M. Misson, Le Theatre Sacr6 des Cevennes (Loud. 1707); Cavalier, Memoirs of the Wars of the Cecennes (Lond. 1712) ; Le Camp des Enfants de Dieu and the Memoires de Monbonnoux, printed in the Bulletin de la Societe" de VHistoire du Protest. Franc.., 1867, p. 273, and 1873, p. 272; the Memoires de Rossel d'Aigaliers in the Bibliotheque Uuiverxelle, March May, 1866; C. J. de la Baume, Relation Hist, de la Revolte des Camisards, ed. Goiffon (Nismes, 1874). A. Court, Hist, des Troubles de Cevennes ; N. Peyrat, Hist, det Pasteurs du Desert (said to be in- accurate) ; Ch. Coquerel, Hist, des tiglises du Desert; J. C. K. Hof- mann, Geschichte des Aufruhrs in den Sevennen; Mrs Bray, Revolt of the Protestants of the Cevennes (Lond. 1870). 2 Hottinger, Helvetische K.-G., vol. iv. ; J. von Miiller, Schweiz. Geschichte, continued by Vuillemin x. 482 f. (Zurich, 1845). 8 [C. Waser] Das Veltlinische Blutbad (Zurich, 1621) ; De Porta, Hist. Eccl. Reformats Rh'rf!/-i/far*' War The Pope protested against these provisions, but in vain ; means had already been taken to deprive the Papal protestation of all force. Thus, at the cost of much blood and infinite misery, the religious dissensions of the Empire were closed. Protestants had still, in some parts, to endure oppression or annoyance; but they had acquired, within certain limits, a legally unassailable position, and sufficient means to enforce and defend their rights. The Counter-reforma- tion had failed. On the 24th Oct., 1648, three salvos ot cannon from the bastions of Mlinster announced the conclusion of the momentous treaty. It was not until the 2nd March in the following year that, ratifications having been ex- changed and the Emperor's fiat issued, the messengers of peace sped forth from Osnaburg. From the Lake of Constance to the Baltic Sea; through the desolated lands by the Rhine, in Saxony and in Bohemia, went forth the cry of peace; peace to a whole generation which had known no peace. The bells rang, the people streamed into the re-opened churches, and poured forth their gratitude in thanksgivings and songs of praise. 6. SEQUEL OF THE TREATY OF WESTPHALIA. It was hoped that the Treaty of Westphalia had provided a compromise under which Roman Catholics and Protestants should at any rate be free from per- secution on the part of the State, but this result was by no means always attained. During the negotiations which led to the treaty the Evangelical members of the Imperial Diet which met at Ratisbon had naturally been led^ to act together for their common interests, and in 1653 they formed themselves into a regularly organized body, called the Corpus Evangelicorum, to defend the rights conferred on Protestants by the new constitution. In opposition to this, the Roman- Catholic representatives in the Diet formed a union, the Corpus Catholicorum. Both these bodies continued to exist until the dissolution of the Empire in 1806. Sequel of the Treaty of Westphalia But there were forms of oppression against which such a body as the Corpus Evangelicorum was powerless. In the Protestant states the course of the Reformation had tended to throw great power in matters of religion into the hands of the temporal princes. In the German Lutheran churches the jurisdiction once exercised by the bishops was claimed by the territorial princes, and this was exercised through boards, called Consistories, under the control of the civil government, and even the Super- intendents became little more than officials of the state. The sovereign was recognized as chief bishop in his territory. This was called the Territorial system 1 . Such a power had never been conferred on the princes by any ecclesiastical authority; it simply fell into their hands because when its ancient holders were removed no one else took possession of it. The princes did not however claim the right to teach or to confer the grace of Holy Orders. The right of princes to be supreme heads in matters ecclesiastical as well as civil was vigorously maintained in the seventeenth century by Hugo Grotius and Thomas Hobbes ; but the man who did most to give it currency among Lutherans was Christian Thomasius. According to these teachers supremacy over the Church is inherent in the very conception of royalty. Thus the king became a pope with almost unlimited temporal power ; the tiara was added to the crown. Such a system, it is evident, gave abundant opportunity for oppression in matters of conscience, and so naturally called forth opposition. The leader of this was Christopher Matthew Pfaff a , Chancellor of the University of Tubingen, who was followed by the well-known historian J. L. Mosheim and many others. In his system called the collegial system. the Church stands to the State in precisely the same relation as other corporations (collegia) recognized by law. The state has the right to exercise a general superintendence over such corporations, and to take care that they make no enactments prejudicial to itself, to which end it has a right to require that all their canons and resolutions be submitted to it tor confirmation before 1 S. Pufendorf, De habitu Rel. Christ, ad Vitam Civilem (Bremen, 1687). 2 De Originibus Juris Eccleaias- tici (Tubingen, 1719). Sequel of the Treaty of Westphalia they are put in force a system which gives the state an indefinite power of restraint but none of initiation. It would leave the Church the power, in the first instance, of legislating for itself, while leaving to the state what was called the jus circa sacra. This system naturally involves the free holding of synods, consisting of persons chosen by the Church itself, for the purpose of legislation ; and with this is associated the right of appointing the officials through whom its decrees are to be carried into effect. This system was in fact never established in Germany ; almost everywhere the Church was governed by the territorial lord through consistories not chosen by itself but by the civil government. It was however in prac- tice mitigated by recognized custom, which prescribed that a consistory must include clerical as well as lay members, and that when any considerable change was contemplated other clergy should be taken into council and opinions obtained from theologians of repute. In Wiirtemberg the consistorial and the synodal system existed side by side, but the latter obtained little real authority or importance. In the Duchy of Cleves the reigning family was Roman Catholic, and did not claim direct authority over Protestant Churches, so that in this territory both the Lutheran and the Calvinistic bodies governed themselves through synods. When on the failure of the royal line in 1609 the duchy was divided between Brandenburg and the Palatinate, the former allowed the synodal constitution to remain unimpaired, although in the Brandenburg dominions generally the consistorial system was maintained. But that portion which fell to the Palatinate was less fortunate. On the accession of the Roman-Catholic house of Pialz-Neuburg an attempt was made to deprive the Protestants of their independence under a clause in the Treaty of Ryswick which provided that ecclesiastical institutions should re- main in the state into which they had been brought during the French occupation. Some alleviation was brought about by the intervention of Brandenburg (now become the kingdom of Prussia) in 1705, when the Elector Palatine promised complete freedom of religion to his subjects. This promise was however soon dis- Sequel of the Treaty of Westphalia regarded, nor were the remonstrances of the Protestant princes, or even those of the Emperor himself, productive of lasting benefit. The Protestants always found them- selves hampered and thwarted. In Electoral Saxony the Elector Frederick Augustus on becoming a candidate for the crown of Poland was convinced of the validity of the Papal claims, so that a Roman-Catholic prince became ruler of a people almost wholly Protestant, and of the early home of Lutheranism. Here however, through the zeal of the estates heartily supported by the people, the Protestant Church lost none of its rights. Saxony of course ceased to be the leader of the German Protestant powers and Brandenburg took its place. The influence of the court naturally tended to bring about conversions to Romanism, but non-Catholics were not unfairly dealt with. In Brunswick- Wolfenbuttel, Christina Elizabeth, grand- daughter of the reigning duke, not without reluctance, deserted the faith of her fathers to become the wife of Charles III. King of Spain (afterwards thje Emperor Charles VI.) and the mother of a lineage of emperors. A few years later the Duke Anton Ulrich himself, more than seventy years old, followed her, but without diminishing the privileges of his Protestant subjects. In Wurtemberg, when Charles Alexander, who had been converted to Romanism while in the Imperial service, became heir-apparent, the Wurtemberg assembly required of him a solemn engagement to maintain intact the existing constitution in matters of religion ; an engage- ment which he ratified on his actual accession to the throne, and which the Evangelical members of the Diet confirmed. In Hesse-Cassel also the landgrave William VIII., when he received convincing evidence that his son and heir had gone over to the Roman Church, convened the Council, and strongly insisted that the heir should take a solemn oath that, except for the services in one private chapel, he should do nothing to favour Romanism or to prejudice the Lutheran form of worship. In these cases the Roman Church gained nothing by the conversion of princes. The most signal instance in the eighteenth century of the persecution of Protestants by a Roman-Catholic ruler Sequel of the Treaty of Westphalia was that in Salzburg 1 , where however the Protestants had no definite rights under the Treaty except that of emigra- tion. From the days of the Hussites, and still more from the time of the Lutheran Reform, there had existed in Salzburg a considerable number of persons who at heart desired a simpler and purer worship than that which prevailed around them. They do not seem to have held any peculiar dogmas, but secretly read the Bible and Protestant books of devotion, while still attending the services of the Church. Such secret Protestants had occasionally been detected and banished both before and after the Thirty-years' War. These expulsions were comparatively unimportant, but in 1729 Count Firmian, who was Prince-Archbishop, began a more systematic and rigorous inquisition. A number of Jesuits were set to work, and when those whom they denounced were re- quired to give up their devotional books and to forswear their principles, disturbances arose in several places. These enabled the archbishop to deal with the Pro- testants as insurgents and to request the assistance of an armed force from the Emperor. The Evangelical party in the Diet in vain made counter-representations and insisted that the charges of rebellion should be investigated. The result was that on Oct. 31, 1731 an ordinance 8 was published which required, under severe penalties, all Protestants at once to quit the country. These unfortuuate people, to the number of about twenty- two thousand, were consequently driven out in inclement weather, selling their property for the pittance which it would bring under forced sale, and with very inadequate provision for their journey. Their hard case however excited great compassion. The King of Prussia (Frederick William I.) in particular settled a large portion of them about 17,000 in Prussian Lithuania and other districts of his kingdom. Others went to South Carolina 1 Schelhorn, De Relig. Evan, in Prop. Salitb. ortu etfatit (Leipzig, 1732); Clarus, Die Auswand. der Protett. gainnten Salzbiirger (Inns- bruck, 1864); Erdmann in Herzog, uii. 323 ff. This forced emigration of the Salzburgers supplied the framework for Goethe's Hermann 111 . Dorothea. 2 This violated the provisions of the Treaty of Westphalia, which gave three years to those who left their homes on account of religion to prepare for emigration. See the text in Giescler, m. i. 429. The Struggle in England America, where, with the support of the King of England, they formed a settlement called Ebenezer. A similar expulsion of Protestants from Berchtesgaden took place two years later. Several of these found homes in Berlin and in some of the Hanoverian towns, where they were valued as skilled artificers. The hereditary dominions of the house of Austria had not been included in the provisions of the Treaty of Westphalia, and in them Protestants had no legal toleration. The expulsion of the Salzburgers in 1731 caused some sympathetic agitation in the Austrian states. Here however the Protestants were not permitted to emigrate whither they would, but bodies of them were from time to time deported to Transylvania, where most of the inhabitants were already Protestant. It was not until the time of Joseph II. that the Austrian Protestants acquired the right to exist and to build for themselves places of worship. In Silesia the Reformation had made much progress, especially in Lower Silesia. Here the Treaty of West- phalia had expressly stipulated for freedom of religion, but it was not long before the Protestants found them- selves unequally dealt with. Most of their churches were taken from them and other measures were taken to their prejudice. Charles XII. of Sweden for a time put an end to this persecution by binding the Emperor in the Treaty of Altranstadt to restore the status given by the Treaty of Westphalia ; but oppression soon began anew, nor did it cease until by the Peace of Breslau the whole of Lower Silesia became Prussian. 6. THE STRUGGLE IN ENGLAND 1 . The Reformation of the Church of England had never wholly satisfied the nation. That those who still acknow- 1 On the reign of James I., be- sides the general histories of the Church of England by Fuller, Collier, Perry, Wakeman, and others, see S. B. Gardiner's Hist, of England, vols. i. iv., and his First two Stuarts and Puritan Revolution, 16031660. Earlier works are Camden's Annals of James I., Winwood's Memorials of State, Hacket's Life of Williams, and Harrington's Nugwer in Ireland passed into the hands of the English Parliamentary party. The commissioners who exercised urisdiction by its authority issued injunctions requiring ;he discontinuance of the use of the Prayer-Book and the adoption of the Directory for Public Worship. On the Restoration, the Duke of Ormonde 3 , a steady friend of the Church, became Lord Steward of the House- bold, and the principal adviser of the Crown in matters ecclesiastical. Etforts were made without effect by a considerable party to have the existing state of things, under which the benefices of the Church were held by Presbyterians, maintained. The King restored to the Anglo-Irish Church all its temporalities as they existed in 1641, and proceeded to fill the vacant sees. John Bramhall, an able man both as a theologian and a man of affairs, was made Primate, and shewed moderation and sound judgment in the exercise of his office. An Irish Act of Uniformity was passed in 1667, superseding that of 1560 which enjoined the use of Elizabeth's Prayer-Book. But the Church was little more than a skeleton, since the mass of the people in the South and West adhered to Rome, and in the North to some form of Protestant dissent. With the accession of James II. a cloud naturally came 1 Few points in English history have been more hotly debated than the genuineness and intention of the commission given to Glamorgan. The most probable opinion is that it was genuine, though irregular. See J. H. Bound in Academy, 8 Dec. 1883, and S. B. Gardiner in Eng. Hist. Review, n. 687 ff. > See p. 45. * T. Carte's Life of James, Duke of Ormonde, from 1610 to 1688 con- tains many valuable documents for this period. Ireland over the Anglo-Irish Church. Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, a Churchman, became Lord Lieutenant, but the real power was exercised by Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel, a Romanist, who in 1687 was placed at the head of the Irish administration, with the revived title of Lord Deputy. Such was the terror inspired by his name that many Protestants sold their possessions in Ireland and left the kingdom, while those who remained often found it difficult to obtain the protection of the law. After the victory of William at the Boyne the Church of Ireland was restored- to the position which she had occupied before the accession of James. Under William were enacted the penal statutes against Roman Catholics which remained as a proof of Orange ascendancy for many generations. This code "denied to the persecuted sect the power of educating their children at home, and at the same time... prohibited them from seeking education abroad. It disabled them from acquiring freehold property. It subjected their estates to an exceptional rule of suc- cession... with a view to break them into fragments It excluded them from the liberal and influential pro- fessions. It took from them the guardianship of their own children. It [enabled] the son of a Papist, on turning Protestant, to dispossess his father of the fee-simple of his estate. ... In the case of the Roman Catholic priesthood, persecution, legally at least, did not stop short of blood It would not be difficult to point to persecuting laws more sanguinary than these Spain, France, and Austria will supply signal examples. But it would be difficult to point to any more insulting to the best feelings of man or more degrading to religion 1 ." 1 Goldwiu Smith, Irish History and Irith Character, p. 126 f. 53 CH. I. Battle of the Boyne, 1690. CHAPTER II. THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 1. ANGLICAN THEOLOGY AND THEOLOGIANS. IN the days of James I. and his son the Reformation was still going on. Its aim was to remedy abuses which bad grown up in the Church without breaking with its history and its traditions ; to give to the Crown, acting within the limits of law, new powers of correction and control, without trenching on the inherent privileges of the spiritual body. The English leaders never pro- pounded a clear and definite theory of Church reform as the Roman Church did at Trent, or as Calvin did for the bodies which owned his sway. In England measures were devised to meet the emergencies which from time to time arose. But through all the clouds of prejudice and controversy, we can see that the idea present to the best spirits of the Reformation was to take the Church of Augustine and Becket and Warham as the representative in England of that great Society which is traceable through the ages to Apostolic times. They accepted the Bible, as the primitive Church had accepted it, as the test by which all Christian teaching must be tried, but not so as to exclude the authority of the Church Universal. They maintained the due succession of bishops, they put the Bible into the hands of the people in their mother tongue, and turned the Latin Offices, not without many changes, into the language which all understood. They defined their position on disputed points in Articles of Religion. But such matters as canons and tribunals were adjourned to a more convenient season, and even now remain in an unfinished condition which has been pro- ductive of difficulty and danger. Anglican Theology and Theologians During the sixteenth century Roman controversialists became much more powerful than they had been when Luther's theses first appeared. The Jesuits placed at the service of the Pope not only enthusiasm but learning and literary skill. Systems of theology appeared written in full view of the movements of the time. It was difficult for Protestants to find a match for the learning and subtlety of such men as Bellarmine. At the beginning of the seventeenth, century it had become evident that the Church of Rome lacked neither defenders nor arguments. On the other hand, Calvin was entirely uninfluenced by any respect for existing institutions, and his system had for many minds the charm of being unflinchingly logical. It had no hesitations or reservations. It won the favour of many able men in England, both among the clergy and the laity. These men steadily endeavoured to impose the Calvinistic theology in its severest form on Anglican teaching, and denounced any deviation from its tenets as disloyalty to Christian truth. In truth, this sombre teaching was so congenial to grave- and rigid minds in England and Scotland that it flourished in our island with a vigour which it soon lost in its native seats. When Whitgift put forth the Lambeth Articles in 1595 it came perilously near to making itself master in the English Church. Such were the forces which pressed upon and moulded English theologians of the seventeenth century. In the early stages of the Reformation men had acted and written somewhat hurriedly to meet immediate necessities. Now there came a period of wider knowledge and steadier judgment. The later years of Elizabeth, being settled and quiet compared with an earlier time, gave to the larger and more powerful minds time to think, to learn, to weigh and follow out arguments. It was seen that something more was needed than mere invectives against Roman corruptions and pretensions; "it was necessary to find some positive ground on which to rest the claim that England was better and more primitive than Rome." And " something was wanted as fervent, but more true, more noble, more Catholic than [the Calvinists'J devo- tion and self-discipline. The higher spirits of the time wanted to breathe more freely and in a purer air. Anglican Theology and Theologians They found what they wanted in the language, the ideas, the tone and temper of the best early Christian literature. That turned their thoughts from words to a Person. It raised them from the disputes of local cliques to the ideas which have made the Universal Church. It recalled them from arguments that revolved round a certain number of traditional formulae about justification, freewill, and faith, to a truer and worthier idea both of man and God, to the overwhelming revelation of the Word Incarnate and the result of it on the moral standard and behaviour of real and living men. It led them from a theology which ended in cross-grained and perverse conscientiousness, to a theology which ended in adoration, self-surrender, and blessing, and in the awe and joy of welcoming the Presence of the Eternal Beauty, the Eternal Sanctity, and the Eternal Love, the Sacrifice and Reconciliation of the World 1 ." Such were the influences which presided over the formation of the theology which has come to be known distinctively as Anglican. At the head of Anglican theology must be placed Richard Hooker*, to whom, more than to any other man, its characteristics are due. Where others had been content to meet particular assertions by special argu- ments, he goes back at once to the first principles from which the phenomena spring. If the Puritans held that no law was universally binding which was not found in Scripture, and that laws written in Scripture must abide for ever ; he points out that laws of God are found in the very constitution of the physical and moral world laws to which man cannot refuse obedience 3 . To discuss the (juestion rightly we must enter into " consideration of law in general, and of that law which giveth life to the rest, 1 B. W. Church, in Matter* in English Theology (ed. A. Barry, 1877), p. 89 f. 1 Life, by Isaac Walton, re- printed in Wordsworth's Eccles. Bioy. in. 433 ft., and the edition of Hooker's Works by J. Keble, whose Introduction, with the cor- rections of B. W. Church and F. Paget in the edition of 1888, is valuable. See also B. W. Church's essay prefixed to his edition of Eccl. Polity, Bk. i. (Oxford, 1876) ; A. Barry in Masters in English Theology (1877); F. D. Maurice, Moral and Metaphysical Philo- sophy, n. 189 ff. (ed. 1873) ; J. Hunt, Religious Thought in England, t. 56 ff. ; C. de K^musat, La Philo- sophie en Angleterre, i. 125 ff. ; Sidney Lee in Diet. Nat. Biog. xxvii. 287. Ecclesiastical Polity, Bk. i. Anglican Theology and Theologians namely, the law by which the Eternal Himself doth work." Even in Scripture itself some laws were given to men, as men ; some to men in particular circumstances, which " may perhaps be clean otherwise a while after." When he treats of the great question, so hotly disputed, of the Presence of Christ in the Eucharist, he bases his argu- ments on the fundamental truth of the Incarnation itself 1 . And in the doctrine so deduced he finds a large agreement of Christian men, so far as they consent to leave mysteries unexplained; "let disputes and questions, enemies to piety, abatements of true devotion... take their rest." He was the first to defend the organization and the worship of the Church in England in a strain worthy of so high a theme. And all this was set forth in a stately, measured, and yet flexible style, of which before him English theology had no example. It cannot be said that Hooker founded a school, but he gave to Anglican theology a tone which it has never lost. By the side of Hooker may be placed his friend, Richard Field 2 , who wrote a very learned and -able treatise, Of the Church, " to meet the assaults," he says, " of the Romanists rather than the Puritans." It does, however, more than any other work of that age, define the position of the Church of England as it was understood by her most orthodox and learned divines. Two points are especially noteworthy in it. Field does not hold episcopal succession to be of absolute necessity, for it may devolve on the presbyters remaining Catholic to perpetuate a Church ; and he was probably the first to note the agree- ment in many points of the Anglican with the Greek Church, and to urge the desirableness of intercommunion. Among the creative spirits of English theology we may place Lancelot Andrewes 3 . Only two years younger than Hooker, he survived him by more than a quarter of a century. Born in the reign of Mary, dying in that of Charles I., he links the age of the Tudors with that of the Stuarts. Like Bacon, his contemporary and friend, he i Eccl Pol., Bk. v. o. 51 ff. 8 Wood's Athena Oxon. n. 181 ff. (ed. Bliss) ; Memorials of R. Field, by N. Field (Loud. 1716) ; Life in Diet. Nat. Biog. xvm. 410 ff., by B. Hooper. 3 Life by H. Isaacson (1650), A. T. Eussell (1863); Clastic Preachers, ed. J. E. Kempe (1877), Lect. 3. Anglican Theology and Theologians loved to observe the works of Nature, their orders, qualities, and uses. But he was no naturalist ; he was, both by natural bent and by training, a theologian. When King James, not very wisely, published a defence of the oath of allegiance which had been imposed on Papists after Gunpowder Plot, and was in consequence attacked by Bellarmine, Andrewes defended his royal master with much vigour and learning. But his great fame, both in his lifetime and in after ages, was won as a preacher. " No sermons like his had yet been preached in the English Church. If the stupendous facts of the Christian Creed are true, no attention, no thought, is too great for them ; and their greatness, their connexion, their harmony, their infinite relations to the system of God's government and discipline of mankind, and to the hopes and certainties of human life, are here set forth with a breadth, a subtlety, a firmness of touch, a sense of their reality, a fervour and reverence of conviction, which have made the sermons worthy and fruitful subjects of study to English theo- logians. ... But the style is like the notes of the un- ceremonious discourse of a very animated and varied talker rather than the composition of a preacher. ... It is of the same kind as the style of much of Bacon's writings, especially his speeches. ... But students of English thought and literature are not deterred by the harsh fashion of Bacon's writings, and students of English theology will find under the quaint form of Andrewes' sermons enough to justify his reputation as a divine both in his own day and since 1 ." Merely as a preacher John Donne 2 must have a higher place than Andrewes; for while his matter is hardly inferior, he has a quickness of fancy, an aptness of illustration, and a felicity of language worthy of a con- temporary, perhaps a friend, of Shakspere. Few men have been so fitted by natural gifts and by the circum- stances of their life to win the attention of cultivated men of the world. Poet, lawyer, courtier, diplomatist, learned 1 B. W. Church, in Matten in Eng. Theol. p. 70 f. Life by Isaacs Walton, reprinted .uonne s worKs ; JUife by A. J e a Wordsworth 8 Eccl. Biography, in Diet. Nat. Biog. xv. 223 ff. m. 623; best edition by H. K. Causton (1855) ; Bketch by H. Al- ford, prefixed to his edition of Donne's Works ; Life by A. Jessopp Anglican Theology and Tlieologians theologian and well-bred gentleman, he presents an assemblage of qualities which no contemporary could rival. Having had in his youth to "blot out certain impressions of the Roman religion " which he had received from his mother and his tutors, he was well acquainted with the Roman controversy. He wrote his treatise Pseudo- Martyr, while still a layman, by command of the King, "wherein this conclusion is evicted, that those which are of the Roman religion in this kingdom may and ought to take the oath of allegiance." He was ordained, there is reason to think, on January 25, 1615, in his forty-second year, and from this time he poured forth a constant succession of sermons which, eloquent in themselves, were made more impressive by his striking presence and manner. " Such was thy carriage and thy gesture such As could divide the heart and conscience touch 1 ." He seems in fact, during the sixteen years which elapsed between his ordination and his death to have been the most popular preacher in England. Of Laud's political and administrative activity, which absorbed the greater part of his energy, some account has already been given 2 . But if he had been less occupied with practical matters he might have been notable as a theologian. With regard to matters of ritual, he was indignant with the dirt and dilapidation of many churches and the slovenliness of many services ; he hated dirt and disorder ; but with regard to dogmatic teaching his views were at any rate much more liberal than those of the Puritan. He was " the intellectual successor of the men of the new learning who had attempted, with the filing at their back, to reform the Church under the influence of constituted authorities and learned inquiry 8 ," and was not for placing human reason in bondage. In his controversy with Fisher the Jesuit he strove against the proposition 1 Jasper Mayne, quoted by Alford (Donne's Works, I. xviii.). 2 p. 31. Laud's life has been written by his contemporaries W. Prynne (scurrilous) and Peter Heylin (laudatory). Also by J. Parker Lawson (1829), C. W. Le Bas (1836), J. Baines (1855), A. C. Benson (1887), and S. B. Gardiner in Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxxn. 185 S. An Autobiography, collected from his Bemains, was published at Oxford in 1839. S. B. Gardiner, I.e., p. 188. 60 Anglican Theology and Theologians Oi. II. W. Chil- lingworth, 1602 1644. E. Ham- mond, 1605 1660. that " all points defined by the Church are fundamental," being anxious to recognize the fewest Articles possible as necessary for " soul-saving faith." The foundations of faith were to him the Scriptures and the Creeds ; doubt- ful points as to the meaning of these should be determined by a lawful and free General Council. The Church of England, he said, "would not be too busy with every particular school-point " ; men were not to be " forced to subscribe to curious particulars disputed in schools 1 ." The enmity which he brought on himself by his rigidity in ritual and order have caused one of the broadest-minded men of his time to be regarded as a narrow bigot. Next to Laud we may name his godson William Chillingworth 2 , a man who, driven to Rome by the desire of rest from the acrid controversies of his time, returned to the Church of his baptism when he found that even the Roman Church was turbulent and divided. He acquiesced in Laud's views of ritual without being an eager advocate of them. But his great distinction is his earnest advocacy of Protestantism which he did not regard as sectarian dogmatism as a means of salvation. " The Bible," he said, " the Bible only is the religion of Protestants*." From the Bible he believed that any honest man, who earnestly sought the help of the Holy Spirit, could learn the truth sufficiently to guide him to eternal life. Dogmatic Articles, such as the Protestantism of his day delighted in, he greatly distrusted. Among the other able men who supported Anglican views, a few may be specially mentioned. Henry Ham- mond 4 , who in time of trouble had steadfastly adhered to the royal cause while reproving the excesses of royalists, may be regarded as the founder in England of a new and better school of New Testament interpretation. 1 See Laud's Workt (Oxford, 1847 .), vi. 265; n. 31, 144, 402, 428, cited by Gardiner, D. N. B., p. 186. * Lt/! ^o C> 285 fl- and App ' Nos - Peace of Westphalia ; Pfister, v , Pascal's Letters, 1656 f. Peace of Clement IX., 1668. Contest renewed. Bull "Vineam Domini, " 1705. Port- Royal destroyed, 1709. QuesneVs ' Reflex- ions,' 1693. 104 Jansenism and Port-Royal CH. IIL Bu"Unt- genittu," 1713. "Appel- lants" per tecuted, 1725. Bull registered, 1730. Abbtde Paritdied 1727. XI himsolf declared that no cleric in Italy could have produced such a work. It soon fell, however, under uspicion of Jansenism ; the Jesuits were active against t and the matter was referred to Rome. After long deliberation, the Pope published the famous Bull Um- genitus, by which 101 passages extracted from the Moral Reflexions were condemned; among them, several which were in fact Scriptural, and some taken verbally from St Augustine and other Fathers. A large part of the French clergy and people, with De Noailles, now Arch- bishop of Paris, at their head, were opposed to its recep- tion ; the King attempted to force it upon them without success, and the thought of the continued resistance to bis will embittered his dying moments (1715). Under the Regent Orleans, who was indifferent alike to Pope and prelate, several bishops appealed against the papal decree to a future Council, whence their party received the name of "Appellants." In 1719, under the influence of the Abbe" Dubois, who was intriguing for a cardinal's hat, the Regency decided against the Appellants; and when Louis XV. (1725) took the government into his own hands under the guidance of Cardinal Fleury, deposition, imprisonment and exile were freely employed to compel the withdrawal of the appeal. The registration of the Bull by the Parliament of Paris, as a law of the Church and kingdom, was only obtained by the most violent exercise of the royal prerogative, a lit de justice, and was after all disavowed by that powerful body. Cardinal De Noailles had himself received the Bull in 1728, and the party of the Appellants was much weakened ; yet they might probably have held out against the persecution, had they not been discredited by the folly of some of their own body. One of the Appellants, a deacon named Francois de Paris, died in 1727, and was buried in the churchyard of St Me"dard at Paris 1 . Rumours were soon spread that miracles were wrought at his tomb; convulsions, which commonly accompany fanatical excitement in all ages, certainly seized some of those who visited the cemetery. 1 P. F. Matbien, Hitt. de* Mira- Medard (Paris, 1864). cule"t et de Convulsionnairet de St Jansenism and Port-Royal 105 It was closed by order of Government ; still the same effects were produced by particles of earth brought from the sacred precincts. The convulsionaries soon became ridiculous, and the party which had once been defended by the \vit of Pascal was now laughed out of Paris through the extravagance of a few obscure fanatics. Yet one more contest with Parliament arose out of the controversy. Archbishop Beaumont of Paris ordered his clergy to refuse the sacraments to any sick person who could not prove, by a certificate from his parish priest, that he accepted the Constitution Unigenitus, and the sacraments were accordingly refused to the Duke of Orleans. Complaint was made, by an appel comme d'abus, to the Parliament of Paris, and the Archbishop summoned to the bar (1752). In vain the King forbade the Parliament to interfere in spiritual matters, and even banished several of its members; those who remained still insisted on their privileges, and on their oath to maintain the rights of their countrymen. At last, Benedict XIV. closed the controversy by -a moderate Brief (1756), in which, without repealing former ordi- nances, he recommended that they should be put in force only against open and notorious opponents of the Bull. But the unwearied struggle of so many earnest and able men did not result merely in the folly and self- torture of the convulsionaries, nor in a factious opposition to ecclesiastical authority; in two ways the Jansenist movement produced lasting fruit. In the United Provinces, on their separation from Spain, the religious foundations had been transferred to the Protestant community or secularized. Still, many Romanists remained in those districts, and the Popes exercised their pastoral superintendence over them by means of vicars-apostolic. In process of time, a Chapter was formed, or rather continued, at Utrecht. During the religious troubles in the neighbouring country of France, many Jansenists, including the great leaders Arnauld and Quesnel, sought refuge from persecution on the kindly soil of Holland, and the Church there was consequently leavened with Jansenist sentiments. In 1723, the Chap- ter of Utrecht elected to their archbishopric Cornelius CH. HI. Sacra- ments refused to the Duke of Orleans, 1752. Benedict XIV.'s Brief, 1756. Jansenists in Hol- land. 106 Jansenism and Port-Royal Steenoven 1 , who was consecrated, in spite of the protest of Rome, by Dominic Varlet, bishop of Babylon "in partibus infidelium." On the death of Steenoven, Varlet consecrated his successor; and in 1742, by the restoration of the sees of Haarlem and Deventer, the episcopal succession in Holland was preserved from the danger of extinction. Archbishop Meindarts even held a Synod (1763) at Utrecht, and sent the Acts to Rome. The Jansenist Church of Holland, in spite of numerous attempts at union, continues to this day separate from the Roman see, and steadily refuses to accept the Bull Unigenitus. It professes, however, submission to the primacy of Rome ; every newly elected bishop applies to his Holiness for confirmation, and, on being rejected, appeals to a General Council. The Church also congratu- lates each successive Pope on his accession, and receives a kind of Bull of excommunication in return. But far more important than the creation of a small independent Church was the effect of the Jansenist con- troversy in France. The spirited writings by which all classes had been interested in theological subtleties had an effect not contemplated by the Jansenists themselves ; on the one hand, men of the world began to care little for the great truths which were for ever bandied about as party watchwords, or made the subject of humorous pamphlets ; while, on the other, the able resistance of the Port-Royalists and their friends to political oppression tended, more than any other movement of this period, to keep alive the recollection of constitutional rights under the splendid tyranny of Louis Quatorze and his successor. 5. THE GALLICAN CHURCH AND ITS LIBERTIES. The period from the middle of the seventeenth to that of the eighteenth century is the golden age of the Gallican Church*. France was then, for the first time, united, ) Dapac de Bellegarde, Hist, de Vlnjlitence de Religion en France I'EgliteAIetrop.d' Utrecht (Utrecht, pendant le IT"* Siecle (1824) ; 1784); C. W. F. Walch, Neueste Religioiugtschichte, vi. p. 82 ft. ; J. M. Neale, Hist, of the so-called F. Huet, Le Oallicanisme, in Revue des Deux Mondes, Jan. 1, 1855 ; Bonnem&re, La France sou* Louis Jansenist Church in Holland (1858). XIV. (1864). 1 [Picot], Essai Hittorique svr The Gallican Church and its Liberties 107 powerful, and exulting in its strength ; the troubles of the Reformation were over, a new generation of clergy sprang up under the fostering influence of the Court; arts and learning flourished as they never had done before; the stiff, quaint phrases of an older generation vanished, and religion was presented with a force and brilliancy of style which still command admiration wherever the French language is known. In such a nation, eager, enterprising, and proud of its new-found strength, it is not wonderful that the sentiment of independence extended itself to matters ecclesiastical ; indeed, a succession of French writers had already vindi- cated with much learning and ability the rights of national churches against the see of Rome. When Henry II. threatened to hold a national Council and to break with the Papacy, the jurist Charles du Moulin defended the King's proceedings in an able and learned work. Under Henry IV. arose a very distinguished champion of national rights, Pierre Pithou, whose well-known treatise gave a more definite shape to Gallican claims, claims which were supported wkh abundant learning by Pierre Dupuy ; and in the beginning of the seventeenth century, while Sarpi in Venice was defending national governments against the Pope, his friend Richer with equal ability and courage maintained the same cause in France, and, though driven from the Sorbonne, left behind him a " Richerism " which was long the plague of the ultramontane party in the Church. After Richer's death similar principles were maintained by De Marca, the learned Archbishop of Paris, and by Launoy. Under the powerful and self-willed Louis XIV. these theories of national liberty in spiritual matters received a practical development. Early in his reign the King shewed a disposition to humble the Papacy. It was an old claim of the French monarchy to receive the income of a bishopric during a vacancy, and to present to all simple benefices belonging to the see which fell vacant during that interval. This right, known as the Regale, which had long been exercised in the old provinces of the kingdom, Louis, in accordance with his usual policy, wished to extend to the four southern provinces, Guienne, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine". The French clergy in general submitted CH. in. Du Moulin, 1500 1566. Pithceus, 1539 1596. Puteanus, 1582 1651. Richer, 1559 1631. Louis XIV., 1643 1715. Regale. 108 The Gallican Church and its Liberties in silence, but two Jansenist bishops, the saintly Pavilion of Alais and Caulet of Pamiers, refused their assent, deem- ing the attempt of Louis an unjust invasion of the spiritual rights of the Church. On the death of the Bishop of Pamiers in 1680, the Chapter elected a bishop of similar sentiments, a step which brought them into collision with their metropolitan, the Archbishop of Toulouse. Pope Innocent XL supported the Chapter; the King, highly indignant, summoned an assembly of the Gallican clergy, which in 1682 produced the famous "Four Propositions," which embody the "Gallican Liberties 1 ." These are (1) Jesus Christ did not commit to St Peter a secular, but only a spiritual power. (2) The Apostolic See has full power in spiritual matters, subject only to the decree of the Council of Constance that a General Council is superior to the Pope. (3) The exercise of this power is to be regulated by the Canons enacted under the influ- ence of the Holy Spirit and hallowed by the veneration given to them by the whole world. (4) In the decision of matters of faith the Pope has the principal part ; yet so that his decision is not irreformable until it has received the assent of the Church at large. Bossuet, who took the lead in the Assembly, had no difficulty in shewing that these propositions were in harmony with Scripture and the ancient traditions of the Church, but they gave the highest offence at Rome; Innocent caused them to be burnt by the public exe- cutioner, and refused his Bull of confirmation to the prelates nominated by the French crown. This produced a highly inconvenient state of things; several French sees came to be occupied, so far as temporalities were con- cerned, by prelates who could neither ordain nor confirm, and as neither King nor people were prepared to declare France an independent patriarchate, it was necessary to seek reconciliation with Rome. This was at last brought about by the King tacitly allowing the bishops-designate to write, each for himself, a humble letter to the Pope, disclaiming the Four Propositions, and professing to regard them as null and void. Thus was the connexion 1 E. da Pin, Train de V Authority Gr6goire, Les Libertes de I'Eglise Eccl*ia*tique et...la Declaration Gallicane (1817). du Clerge de France en 1682 (1707) ; Mysticism and Quietism 109 with Rome renewed without open humiliation to the government of France. The able work in which Bossuet 1 defended the Propositions was suppressed, but the spirit which had been aroused was not. A certain freedom of thought with regard to the Papacy continued to dis- tinguish the French ecclesiastics. It was not, indeed, until after the Revolution that the French clergy in general exhibited that devotion to the Pope which has been designated Ultramontanism. While the negotiations about the Galilean Liberties were going on, the relations between the French Court and the Papacy were embittered by the absurd conduct of the high and mighty King of France with regard to the immunity of the French embassy in Rome 2 . 6. MYSTICISM AND QUIETISM. There have ever been found in the Church tender souls, who have taken refuge from the strife of theologians and the corruptions of the outward community in the immediate intuition of things divine; falling often into delusion and extravagance, yet almost always diffusing around them a fresh glow of beneficence and love. Such was the noble Castilian, St Theresa, who in visions and raptures felt the nearness of the divinity, and whose soul was pierced through and through by the darts of divine love. Such too was John of the Cross, by whose help she brought back the female order of the Carmelites to their old severity of discipline. In Spain, there continued to exist after St Theresa's days a sect of "Alombrados," or "enlightened," who have been called the Quakers of Catholicism ; and in the seven- teenth century, Mysticism received a remarkable develop- ment through the Spaniard Michael Molinos 8 . Born near Saragossa, he studied at Coimbra and Pampeluna, and came in 1669 to Rome, where he soon became famous as a Confessor and Director. Here he published his ' Spiritual Guide,' a book of mystical devotion, which was soon trans- 1 Defensio Declarationis quam... sanxit Clems Gallicanm (Luxem- burg [really Geneva], 1730). a See p. 89. 8 H. Heppe, Gesch. der Quietist- ischen Hystik (Berlin, 1875) ; J. Bi- gelow, Molinos the Quietist (New York, 1882). CH. m. Immunity of French Embassy. Mysticism. St Theresa, 1515 1582. John of the Cross, 1542 1591. Molinos, 1640 1697. 110 Mysticism and Quietism lated into several languages. He taught men to aspire to perfect stillness and quietness of human thought and feeling, to annihilate the sense of their own being so as to rest lovingly and entirely on God. This " Quietism " does not seem at once to have given offence, but rather to have received the approbation of several distinguished persons in the Church, including Pope Innocent XI. himself; when suddenly, at the request of Louis XIV., who was instigated by his confessor, the Jesuit Father la Chaise, Molinos was thrown into prison, his book examined, and sixty-eight passages in it condemned by the Pope. Molinos sub- missively abjured his errors, and died a prisoner in a Dominican convent a few years afterwards. It was thought by some that the fear of Spanish influence at the Court of Rome was a more powerful cause for Louis's persecution of Molinos than his zeal for orthodoxy. Meantime, Quietism had found several adherents in France, especially Madame de Guy on 1 , a lady of noble family, who, after an unhappy marriage, devoted herself in her widowhood to a contemplative life. Persecuted by the rulers of the Church in several cities, she came at last to Paris, where she found votaries even at Court. Her ecstatic fervour led her into expressions, in her devotional works, which were hardly compatible with orthodoxy ; her doctrine, that the soul entranced in the love of God is indifferent even to its own salvation, was especially startling, and the keen-sighted Bossuet sounded the alarm. Mainly through his influence Madame de Guyon was confined in a convent ; the Archbishop of Paris con- demned her writings, and a commission (1694-5) at- tempted in 34 Articles to distinguish between true and false mysticism. The offender, on subscribing these articles, and declaring solemnly that she had never intended to write anything against the doctrines of the Catholic Church, was allowed to retire to Blois, where she ended her strange life in 17 17. She had a disciple far greater than herself. Salignac 1 La Vie de Mad. Guyon par f.lle-meme [not wholly her own work] (Cologne, 1720), trans, by T. T. Allen (London, 1897) ; T. 0. Upham, Life etc. of Mad. Guyon (New York, 1847, revised ed., London, 1854, 1859) ; L. Guerrier, Mad. Guyon d'apres les Merits orig. (Orleans, 1881). See also St Gyres, Life of F6nelon. Mysticism and Quietism 111 de la Mothe Fe'nelon 1 had been attracted by her ecstatic reveries, and joined the ranks of hec friends. In 1695 he became Archbishop of Cambray. Bossuet in vain endeavoured to induce him to concur in the condemnation of Madame de Guyon and her works; the only effect of his urgency was, that Fenelon wrote a book "Maximes des Saints sur la Vie interieure," in which, without defending her views in all points, he sought to prove that her doctrine with regard to the pure love of God was in accordance with the principles held by many saints in all ages. This work, the most brilliant and popular defence of Quietism which had appeared, rekindled the controversy between its author and Bossuet ; at last, for the sake of the peace of the Church, the Holy See was appealed to for a decision. Innocent XII. caused the ' Maximes ' to be examined by a commission of ten theo- logians, who condemned the work in general terms, and specified twenty-three passages as dangerous and offensive. Fenelon received the news of this condemnation as he was preparing to ascend the pulpit of his own cathedral ; he gave an earnest of his future submission by preaching on the obedience that Christians owe to their superiors. Bossuet was victor in the theological combat. A Quietistic movement in the Netherlands found a leader in Antoinette Bourignon 2 of Ryssel, who taught a mysticism of a far less elevated character than that of Madame de Guyon, applying the terms of conjugal love with offensive freedom to the relations of the soul with its Maker. Believing herself to be the prophetess of a new dispensation, she was indifferent to the strife of Churches, and found eager adherents and opponents both among Romanists and Protestants. Very different from Madame Bourignon was the pure, simple-hearted mystic, John Scheffler of Breslau, better known as Angelus Silesius 8 . Born a Protestant, educated 1 Bausset, Hist, de Fenelon (Paris, 1808; improved edition, 1850); C. Butler, Life of Fenelon (1810) ; J. Matter, Le Mysticisme au France an temps de Fenelon (1866) ; Mrs Follen, Selections with Memoir of F. (Boston, U.S.A., 159) ; Mrs H. L. Lear, Fenelon, Abp of C (Lond. 1877) ; Paul Janet, Fe'nelon (Paris, 1892); Viscount St Gyres, Francois de F&nelon (Lond. 1901). 2 Life by P. Poiret, with her Works (Amsterdam, 1679 ff.). 3 F. Kern, J. Scheffler (Leipzig, 1866) ; A. Creblin, Angelus Silesius (Breslan, 1877). CH. III. Fenelon her dis- ciple, 1687, writes 'Max- imes,' 1697, book con- demned, 1699. Madame Bourig- non, 1616 1680. Angelus Silesius, 1624 1677. 112 Missions CH. IIL Abraham a St Clara, 1707. Roman Activity. Propa- ganda, Congrega- tion, 1622 College, 1627. India. Nobili, LflOSft as a physician, he became in middle life a priest of the Roman Church, retaining still the passion for immediate communing with God which he had acquired in the Protestant Church under the influence of Jacob Bohme. His longing for absorption in the Divinity results in a kind of Pantheism, the deep philosophy of which he sets forth in such sweet, simple, childlike guise, that he has won the veneration of many thoughtful persons in all communions. Like Scheffier in popular power, though of a widely different spirit, is the famous preacher of Vienna, Ulric Megerle, known as Father Abraham a St Clara, who clothed in humorous form his longing for greater earnest- ness and purity than his own degenerate age could shew. 7. MISSIONS. The revival of the Roman Church shewed itself in the increased activity of foreign missions 1 as well as in conquests nearer home. Jesuits and Mendicants engaged with equal ardour in the work, and a great institution in Rome became the centre of missionary enterprise. This was the Propaganda, or Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, a Board of prelates and learned men for the general direction and oversight of the Roman missions, with a College under its control for the training of missionaries, and a press for the printing of books in all languages. To the College of the Propaganda are sent promising youths from all parts of the world to be educated for the priesthood that they may serve in their own several countries. This native priesthood thoroughly imbued with Roman ideas has been the great support of Roman missions to the heathen. The great work of Francis Xavier in India belongs to the previous period 2 . It was taken up by Father Nobili, 1 J. A. Fabricius, Lux Exoriens, c. 33, where is also found a cata- logue of the principal works relat- ing to Roman Catholic Missions up to the date of publication, 1731. More recent information in M. B. A. Henrion, Hitt. GiniraU det Mittiont Catholiques ; F. E. Chas- ay, Hiit. de la Predication de PEvangile; E. J. Durand, Let Missions Catholiques Francoises. 2 Hardwick, Reformation,^. 403 ff. On Christianity in India, see La Croze, Hist, du Christ ianisme des Indes (La Haye, 1758) ; James Hough, Hist, of Christianity in India (Lond. 1839-45) ; J. W. Kaye, Christianity in India (Lond. 1859) ; J. C. Marsliman, Hut. of India, (Lond. 1867). Missions 113 who, with the permission of his superiors, adopted the dress and bearing of a Brahman, and avoided intercourse with low-caste people. In this way he ingratiated himself with the Brahmans, of whom seventy are said to have become his disciples, and these were followed by a great number of the lower castes. In all one hundred thousand natives are said to have been won over by Nobili, who was able to set forth his position and teaching in Sanscrit. But the system of accommodation, or compliance with the prejudices of converts, did not meet with general approval. The " Malabar Usages " were vehemently attacked and brought before Gregory XV. without any decisive result. At last, in 1704, Cardinal de Tournon, touching at Pondi- cherry on his way to China, issued a decree suppressing the pagan usages, and this was some years later (1746) confirmed by a Bull of Benedict XIV. In Cochin-China and Annam the Jesuit Alexander Rhodez was a devoted missionary. In Japan also the intrepid Xavier had planted a Christian Church 1 , which is said to have numbered some 200,000 members, when in 1587 a fearful storm of perse- cution burst upon it. The Jesuits were supposed to have been driven from the country, though some few did in fact remain under the protection of friendly chiefs. The Church was beginning to recover from its misfortunes and to enjoy peace when fresh persecution (1596) arose, and the policy of the Japanese government was changed by the accession of a new dynasty. Converts to Catholicism were thought to have pledged their allegiance to a foreign power and to have acted offensively in Shinto and Buddhist temples. Hence in 1624 Christianity was forbidden, and in 1638 the Portuguese and their religion were finally expelled from the country. From this time until 1853 Japan had no intercourse with Europe except through the Dutch factory at Deshima, and even the Dutch were not allowed to visit the mainland. Xavier died in sight of the great empire of China, the 1 Hardwick, Ref. 406. See W. Adams, Adventures in the Empire of Japan, in Purchas's Pilgrimes and Harris's Voyages ; Early Docu- ments on Japan, ed. by T. Hundall (Hakluyt Soc. 1850); E. Kaempfer, C. Hist, of Japan, trans, by Schenckzer (London, 1728) ; P. Crasset, Hist, de I'Eglise de Japan (1719) ; Adams, F. O., Hist, of Japan from the Earliest Period (London, 1874). 8 CH. HI. Cochin- China, 1624 ff. Japan. Persecu- tions, 1587, 1596 ff. Christian- ity put down, 1638. China. 114 CH. m. Bicci',1582 1610. from 1622. Verbiest, ma Seminary inPari$. Chinese Utages. Missions conversion of which he was eager to attempt. The real founder of Catholicism in China, Matthew Ricci, landed on its coasts in 1582 and died there in 1610 1 . Ricci knew how to unite heavenly doctrine with earthly science, and by his scientific attainments very much diminished the contempt which the Chinese felt for Europeans. Even among the mandarins he made himself acceptable, and by their advice adopted their silk costume. His great object was to establish himself in Pekin, where he hoped to convert the emperor. His perseverance triumphed over all difficulties, and he did succeed at any rate in gaining some influence with the sovereign, and in bringing into the net some distinguished members of Chinese society. The success of Ricci at Pekin naturally rendered the carrying on of the work less difficult in other parts of the country. His most distinguished successor was Adam Schall, a German, who began his work in 1622. He also, like Ricci, gained influence with the learned class in China by his scientific attainments, and was permitted to build churches. During the minority of the young emperor Khanghi the regency caused the missionaries to be im- prisoned, but when he himself assumed the government, the Jesuits came again into honour. Schall was succeeded by the Netherlander Ferdinand Verbiest, who rose greatly in Chinese estimation by instructing them in the forging of improved cannon ; while Father Gerbillon gained credit by his skilful negotiation of a treaty between China and Russia. The result of the proceedings of a few able and earnest men was that in the latter part of the seventeenth century there were said to be 20,000 Christians in China, and in 1692 the preaching of Christianity was permitted by law. The Catholic Church in China was largely supported, from the year 1663 onward, by the missionary seminary in Paris. But the contest about the "Chinese Usages" much interfered with the success of the mission. The principal worship of the Chinese is that of ancestors, and this the converts thought it impiety to discontinue. The Jesuits permitted them to retain their custom, as being analogous 1 Hard wick, Ref. 408. For Roman Soc. Jesu ap. Chinenses (Vienna, Missions in China see Trigaut, De 1668) ; J. B. Da Halde, General Chr. Exptd. apud Sinat ex Comm. History of China (Lond. 1736) ; !Zrctt(1625,often reprinted); Schall, E. B. Hue, Christianity in China, Relatio de Initio et Program Hits. etc. (Eng. trans., London, 1857). Missions 115 to prayers for the dead and invocation of saints, while the Dominicans utterly forbade it. And this was not all. The Chinese language supplied no adequate name for the One God, the Father Almighty, whom Christians worship, and the substitutes which the Jesuits employed, meaning properly "lord of heaven" or "chief ruler," seemed to their opponents inadequate. And other customs of minor importance were called in question. The controversy was referred to Rome for decision, and drew from Innocent X. (1645) and Alexander VII. judgments which can scarcely be reconciled. When the strife broke out afresh, Cle- ment XI. in great perplexity sent out as his legate Cardinal Thomas de Tournon with full powers to investi- gate and decide the matter on the spot. Following the decree of the Roman Propaganda (1704) he disallowed the Jesuit rendering of the word "God," and a great number of rites and ceremonies which they had permitted as conces- sions to Chinese prejudice. The result was that Tournon was arrested by order of the emperor, who was under Jesuit influence, and died at Macao (1710) perhaps not a natural death. Clement however (1715), and even more em- phatically Benedict XIV. (1745), condemned the mingling of Christian with pagan usages. Henceforward the Church in China was generally persecuted, though not exterminated. As its most active missions were those of the Jesuits, it was of course weakened by the abolition of that Order in 1773, and still further by the destruction of the Parisian Seminary in the French Revolution. In Thibet 1 , where Buddhism had become the dominant religion, the Roman missionaries met with a system not unlike their own celibate priests, monks, monasteries, rosaries, pilgrimages, and the like. The early efforts of the Jesuits had no result, but a Capuchin mission, with Orazio della Penna at its head, was somewhat more suc- cessful. The Dalai-Lama, the Buddhist Pope, the nominal ruler of Thibet both in spiritual and civil matters, gave the missionaries a house of residence in the capital, Lhassa, and some remains of Roman Catholicism are said to exist there even to this day. The east coast of Africa, where the colonists were for 1 E. K. Hue, Christianity in China, Tartary, and Thibet (from the French), London, 1857. 82 CH. III. Transla- tion of " God." Papal Judg- ments. T. de Tournon. Usages con- demned, 1715,1745. Thibet. Capu- chins, 1707. Missions in Africa, 1590 ft. 116 CH. in. Wett Indies and South America. LatCatat, 1474 1566. 1547. Clavfr, 1581? 1654. 1615. Uftt-40. Vieira, Hit ft, Guiana, 1560 f. Missions the most part Portuguese, was visited by Capuchin missionaries 1 , who preached in Mozambique, Monomotapa, and elsewhere. On the west coast also preachers of Christianity found their way into Congo and Angola; but the degraded condition of the natives and the very unhealthy climate were unfavourable to the permanent establishment of Churches. The attempts to Christianize the Isle of France and Bourbon, under the dominion of France, were somewhat more successful. In the West Indies and South America the barbarities of the Spaniards towards the unfortunate inhabitants made the name of "Christian" hateful, but it was nevertheless a Spaniard, Bartholomew de Las Casas s , whose noble labours brought some alleviation to their lot. Seven times he crossed the Atlantic in pursuit of his purpose, and did at last wring from the home government an edict which enacted that the natives were no longer to be reduced to slavery, while permitting the importation of negroes from the coast of Africa a permission which Las Casas afterwards bitterly deplored. In South America the Jesuits and Capuchins won some of their greatest triumphs. The warm-hearted Jesuit, Pedro Claver*, who called himself the slave of the negroes, did a wonderful work among them from the day when he landed at Carthagena to his death. In Father Sandoval he had a worthy yoke-fellow. A Dominican, Lewis Bertrand, also had some success in New Granada. On the west coast of South America the Jesuits founded the "Llanos-Missions," carried on mainly by German Fathers, and established themselves also on the higher branches of the Amazon. The apostles of Brazil early in the seventeenth century were also Jesuits, among them the famous Antonio Vieira, a Portuguese, the Las Casas of Brazil, who taught not only the knowledge of Christ, but arts and crafts, and contended against slavery. The Inquisition rewarded his zeal by two years' imprisonment. In Guiana too, where the Dominicans had begun a mission in 1560, the Jesuits extended their conquests after 1604, but a stop was put to their labours in 1762 by the French government. 1 Kfilb, Die Eeiten der Mitstondre nach Africa von 16 bit 18 Jahr- hundert (Regensburg, 1861). 2 A. Helps, Life of Lot Casas (Loud. 1868). F. X. Kraus, Lehrbuch, p. 509. Missions 117 The missionaries found themselves so much hindered by the evil conduct of the nominal Christians towards the original inhabitants of conquered countries, that in 1610 the Jesuits persuaded the Spanish government to place in their hands the entire administration, civil as well as religious, of the province of Paraguay, and to give them the right of excluding all other Europeans from the colony. Their success was complete. The natives were converted, and were thenceforth treated as children, occupied in agri- cultural and pastoral work and in the practices of devotion, while they were carefully secluded from all knowledge which their masters considered unwholesome for them. The spectacle of the prolonged childhood of grown men and women is not perhaps altogether pleasant, but it must be confessed that this Jesuit settlement is probably the only instance in which European colonization in America has made the native population better and happier 1 . In the peninsula of California also Christianity was first preached by the Jesuits from the year 1697, with enduring effect. Civilization was introduced together with Catholicism. When the Order of Jesuits was abol- ished the Dominicans and Franciscans continued their work, and it was by a Franciscan, Juniper Serva, that the town of San Francisco was founded. In Canada, French Jesuits began the work of founding a Church in 1611, and persevered under great difficulties, some of the most active among them being martyred by the Iroquois in the most barbarous fashion. In 1675 Louis XIV. caused a bishopric to be established at Quebec which received several excellent occupants and had many ad- herents among the Indian tribes. The laws of the English colonies in North America were extremely unfavourable to Roman Catholics, and in 1700 all Roman priests were forbidden to enter New York on pain of death. Only in Maryland, founded by Lord Baltimore, a Roman Catholic, was toleration given, at first through the personal influence of the founder, afterwards by law 2 . 1 Muratori, Christianesimo ...del (Amst. 1780); C. A. Washburn, Paraguay (Yen. 1743); Nic. del Hist, of Paraguay (Boston, U.S.A., Techo, Hist. Provincice Paraguaciee 1871). (Lige, 1673) ; Charlevoix, Hist, du 3 Dictionary of National Bio- Paraguay (Paris, 1765) ; Echavarry, graphy, vm. 271 f. Hist, du Paraguay sous les Jesuites CH. III. Paraguay, 1610 fl. Jesuit rule. Cali- fornia, 1697. 1776. Canada, 1611. 1649. See of Quebec, 1675. English Colonies. 1632. 1649. CHAPTER IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PROTESTANTISM. 1. LUTHERAN ORTHODOXY. IT had been hoped that the Formula of Concord 1 towards the end of the sixteenth century would put an end to the disputes between the disciples of Luther and Melancthon. But in fact these two names represent types of character and intellect which cannot regard serious questions in quite the same manner. The spirit which had led to endless disputations in the mediaeval schools, the desire to formulate exact conclusions on myste- rious points of theology, still led to infinite discussion. The relation of the Will of God to the will of man, the Two Natures in Christ Incarnate, the extent of the salvation by Christ, the manner in which the merits of Christ were to be appropriated by the individual believer these points, and many others, supplied abundant matter for the ex- ercise of subtle wits. Men believed that correct opinions on such points as these were essential to salvation, and they were not, for the most part, able to admit that some questions arising out of the Christian revelation are beyond the reach of human dialectic. The consequence was that controversy was too often conducted with little regard to Christian charity, and that mere correctness of belief came to be more regarded than the heartfelt faith or trust in God which had in earlier days animated the Reformers. How hot and uncharitable were the dis- putes of the early part of the seventeenth century may be 1 Hardwiok's Reformation, 163. See A. Tholuok, Der Geitt der Lutheritchen Theologen im 17 Jahr- hundert ; J. A. Dorner, Hist, of Protestant Theology, tr. by Bobson and Taylor (Edinb., 1871). Lutheran Orthodoxy 119 seen in the case of Kepler, the great astronomer. He, a stedfast adherent of old-fashioned Lutherism, was attacked, and debarred from a Wiirtemberg professor- ship, because he disputed the dominant views on the ubiquity of the Lord's Body and the Holy Eucharist 1 . It was naturally in Luther's own university of Witten- berg that his opinions were most zealously defended. There it was, nevertheless, that a work appeared which by the breadth of its views scandalized the dominant party. Samuel Huber, who after many wanderings had become a professor of theology in Wittenberg, put forth a statement of his faith, in which he maintained that God through His only-begotten Son had not chosen only a remnant for salvation, but willed to save all sinners, that is to say, all men, and that it was only those who refused to accept the Saviour who were condemned to eternal punishment. This of course presumed that man has the power of choosing or rejecting. He was com- pelled to leave the university. His tract gave occasion to his colleague -^gidius Hunnius to produce a statement of doctrine which was afterwards generally adopted by his party, to the effect that only those souls experience the working of the grace of God who hear the Word with a certain readiness and eagerness. It is possible for the unregenerate man to dispose himself for or against the power of the Word and the inward operation of grace ; nay, even a heathen may avoid sin and put away from him such things as oppose the entrance of the Spirit of God into his heart. Here was the theory of Melanc- thon without Melancthon's phrases 2 . Another controversy of this period recalls the spirit of the fifth rather than of the seventeenth century. Certain theologians of Giessen, especially Balthazar Mentzer, maintained that when the Son took our nature upon Him He " emptied Himself" (eavrbv eKevaxrev*) of His divine attributes; while the Tubingen theologians, par- ticularly Matthias Hafenreffer and Theodore Thumm, maintained that in the humiliation of the Son there was but a hiding or veiling (tcpv-fyis) of the Divine omniscience 1 Zockler's Gottes Zeugen im Reich der Natur, i. 164. 2 Gieseler, K.-G. in. ii. 325; Herzog, K.-G. n. 284. * Philippiaiis ii. 7. CH. IV. * v ' Kepler perse- cuted, 1611. Huber, Professor 1592-94. Hunnius "DeProvi- dentia," 1597. Kenotic Contro- versy. 1619 1624. 120 Lutheran Orthodoxy and omnipotence. This dispute assumed so much import- ance that in 1623 the Elector of Saxony summoned at Dresden a conference of the principal theologians of his dominions with a view to put an end to it. This assembly produced in the following year a "Trustworthy Judgment" of the points in dispute which in all essential points favoured the views of the Giessen party 1 . The Tubingen party published a rejoinder, but the dispute sank out of sight in the troubles and disturbances of the Thirty- Years' War, and was not revived in the changed times which followed it. More systematic treatises than those called forth by the heat of controversy were also produced. Leonard Hulfer, for instance, in the Compendium which he put forth in his lifetime, and the Common-Places which were published after his death, aimed at explaining or correcting Melancthon's theories where they deviated, or seemed to deviate, from Luther's. These books were then distinctly partisan, but as a clear statement and defence of the older Lutherism they retained a place in German theological teaching for several generations. But a work in every way superior to that of Hulfer was produced by John Gerhard 5 , theological professor at Jena from 1615 to 1637, under the then common title of Loci Communes. This is a complete system of dogmatic theology, which is not only more learned, more complete, more methodical, and more acute than its predecessors, but is distinguished by a fairness and candour which are too rare in men who traverse the hot ashes of controversy. It soon rose into the highest repute, and even as late as 1876 a new edition was completed. The most complete statement of the extreme Lutherism of the seventeenth century is found in Calovius's Systema Locorum Theologicorum. The excessive devotion to dogmatic minutiae tended to pervert the interpretation of Scripture 8 . A man who is mainly engaged in searching for texts to support a foregone conclusion can hardly be a candid interpreter. Scripture, which according to Luther's principles ought to 1 J. A. Dorner, Perton Chritti, ToL ii.; Gieseler, K.-G. ui. ii. 327; Herzog,tf.-G.ii.28o; Kurtz's Le/r- iuch, ed. Tschakert, 11. i. 248. * E. B. Fischer, Vita J. Gerhardi, (Gotha, 1723). * See G. W. Meyer's Getchichte der Exegue, voL 3. The Revival of Religious Life 121 have supplied the basis alike for doctrine and discipline, became rather the servant than the mistress of dogma. The allegorical method of interpretation, which had for so many centuries made it possible to draw from Scripture any desired conclusion, was indeed generally rejected by the divines of the seventeenth century, but it can hardly be said that their own drier comments led to more solid edification. The early Lutherists, engaged as they were in eagerly asserting the doctrine of justification by faith without the works of the law, did not contribute much to the theory of Christian morality 1 . It lay outside their region of thought. But Melancthon had vindicated against Luther the high claims of Aristotle to be regarded as an excellent moral teacher, and was himself one of the first among Lutherans to treat specially of morals. He conceded to the Greek moralists that they had rightly understood a great part of the moral law, but he held that without the Gospel they could not keep in view the true end for which man was made. At a later date George Calixtus, in the midst of the din of dogmatic controversy, turned his attention to ethical study. He at least saw the connexion between dogma and morals. For Calixtus it is not man, as man, that is to be treated of by Christian moralists, but man converted and born again, in whom the inward grace brings forth the outward fruit of a good life. He trod again, in fact, the path on which Melancthon had entered, but which had been since his time almost deserted. 2. THE REVIVAL OF RELIGIOUS LIFE. A. Pietism. In the period succeeding the Reformation the dry orthodoxy, producing little effect upon heart and life, which prevailed in Germany, naturally provoked a re- action. There was never a time in which some at least 1 See 0. B. Luthardt, Geschichte der Christl. Ethik, vol. 2. 8 P. J. Spener himself wrote a Wahrhaft. Erzdhlung of Pietism and the events connected with it (1G97). See also J. G. Walch's Die Streitigkeiten innerhalb der Lu- therischen Kirche (1733-36) ; H. Schmid, Geschichte des Pietismus (Nordlingen, 1863) ; A. Kitsohl, Ges. d. Pietism. (Bonn, 1884). CH. IV. Morality. Melanc- thoii's "Epitome Theol. Moral." 1538. Calixtus' " Theol. Moral." 1634. Orthodox dry ness. Pietism 2 . 122 The Revival of Religious Life were not conscious of the shortcomings of the system. " I have tried," said Balthazar Meisner 1 , " to preach to the people, and therefore to guide men to heartfelt piety and good works, which are unfortunately passed over by so many. I see that not the man who knows much and teaches much is a theologian, but the man who leads a holy and godly life." Among those who earnestly desired to lead men from controversy to piety was John Arndt 1 . After studying in Wittenberg, Strassburg, and Basel, and holding a pastor's place in Anhalt, he became in 1599 minister of St Martin's church in Brunswick. He died in 1621, leaving behind him the remembrance of a pure and unselfish life, and a book the influence of which spread over all Germany. This was his Four Books on True Christianity (1605), the purpose of which he declares to be to turn the minds of students and preachers from constant and generally unprofitable con- troversy, and the people from a mere dead and formal belief to faith that worketh by love. The central idea of the book is Christ in us the hope of glory, and salvation by mystical union with Him. Another who laid more stress on the love of Christ than on mere dogmatic correctness was I. Valentine Andrea 3 , grandson of Jacob Andrea who was known in the controversies of an earlier time*. It was in Calw, where he became Dean in 1620, that he began the career of practical piety which was so great a blessing to his country. His leading thought was to turn men's minds from the vain jangling of endless disputation, and to fix them on the encouragement of true religion in Christian households. This end was to be attained, he believed, mainly by winning the children through a teaching better adapted for their tender years than the almost wholly dogmatic catechisms which had for some years prevailed. His lot was cast in the miser- able time of the Thirty Years' War. His own town of Calw was burnt, and the land was everywhere desolate. At the end of the war in a district which had contained 1 Quoted by Herzog, K.-G., 289. 1 F. Arndt, Johann Arndt (Berlin 1838). * See his Autobiography, ed. in Latin by Rheinwald, 1849; P. W. H. Hossbach, J. V. Andrea und sein Zeitalter (1819). 4 See Hardwick's Reformation, 163. The Revival of Religious Life 123 more than a thousand clergy there were found little more than three hundred, and in the frightful calamities of the age many found it difficult to believe that God ruled the world. Andrea did his best to restore order and Christian teaching. A curious episode in his life is his supposed connexion with the Rosicrucians. In 1614 there appeared at Cassel an anonymous tract, with the title " The Fame of the laudable Order of Rosicrucians 1 ," professing to describe an order of sages and alchemists in possession of secret knowledge founded by one Christian Rosenkreuz, probably an altogether imaginary person. As Andrea was known to have already written, without publishing, several ironical sketches to ridicule pretenders to occult science, this treatise was at once attributed to him, prob- ably correctly. But he can never have anticipated the effect which was actually produced. It was taken seriously, and there arose a society of Rosier ucians, composed, no doubt, partly of impostors, partly of believers, which subsisted for several generations. But the name which is most conspicuous in the history of the religious revival in Germany is that of Philip Jacob Spener 2 , an Alsatian, who after a short experience as a pastor in Strassburg, became in 1666, still a young man, head of the Evangelical clergy in Frankfort-on-the- Main. Feeling strongly how little the ordinary preaching of his day, full of formal divisions and technical terms of theology, was adapted to win the hearts of the people, he set himself to preach rather in the spirit and the words of the Bible. He revived too the practice of cate- chising, which the preachers of that day had allowed to fall almost entirely into disuse. In 1670 he began to hold prayer-meetings (collegia pietatis) in his house, in which he expounded Scripture, and invited those who were present also to express their thoughts and to ask ques- tions. Afterwards he published his views as to the need of a reform of clerical education in the Lutheran Church in the book called Pia Desideria, which, first appearing 1 De Qaincey, The Rosicrucians 437 ff. and Freemasons ; H. Jennings, The 2 P. W. H. Hossbach, Leben Rosicrucians, their Rites and Myt- Spener's, 1827; Wildenhahn, Life teries (Lond. 1879); A. E. Waite, of Spener, tr. by G. A. Wenzel The Real History of ' the Rosicrucians (Philadelphia, 1881). (Lond. 1887); Gieseler, K.-Q. iii. 2, CH. IV. Rosicru- cians, 1614. Spener, 1(335 1705. "Pia De- sideria." 124 The Revival of Religious Life. IS sermons the preface to a volume of John Arndt's 1675), was frequently reprinted with large additions. tn this work he insisted most on the need of a new spirit in the clergy. Most clergymen, he said, regarded religion from a purely intellectual standpoint, and were content bo defend their dogmas against opponents, without greatly caring about their own spiritual life, and consequently without awaking spiritual life in those who heard them. He earnestly desired that the education of candidates for the ministry should be directed not merely to making them accurate in dogma and dexterous in polemics, but to instilling into them real and heartfelt piety. Without true piety a man might be a philosopher in things divine, but not in the true sense a theologian. But it was not only for the ministerial office that piety was required ; every member of a Christian community was bound, so far as in him lay, to help and edify the brethren. In the spirit of Luther, he insisted that all Christians are priests, although within the Church certain functions are reserved to those who are set apart to the sacred ministry. This work caused much excitement. The evils which it com- bated could not be denied, nor the need for some change. Many of the clergy adopted Spener's views and attempted to give effect to them. Prayer-meetings were introduced in many places, and generally gave great offence to the older theologians. Perhaps, as commonly happens, the new fervour may really have given rise to some disorder. Meantime, Spener's reputation continued to rise, and in 1686 he was called to Dresden as principal Court- chaplain. Here he found a wider sphere of influence, but also more opposition, for he was now in the very focus of Lutheran orthodoxy. His first care was the improvement of the teaching in the Saxon universities. In Leipzig things had come to such a pass that the theo- logical students attended lectures only on dogmatics, polemics, philosophy, and homiletics; no lectures on the exposition of Scripture had been given for several years. Spener procured a Government order that such lectures should be resumed an order which was very distasteful to the existing professors. Three young Leipzigers how- ever, one of whom was August Hermann Francke 1 , began 1 Kramer, August Hermann Francke (1880-82). The Revival of Religious Life 125 to give lectures in German on certain books of the Bible, with a view not to learned exposition but to the further- ing of spiritual religion. These meetings, which were attended not only by students but also by many towns- people, were very much disliked by the clergy of the place. It was thought that the true Christian doctrine was much maimed in them, while the rather gloomy aspect of some of the votaries and their abstinence from all amusements gave rise to ridicule. The name " Pietists," originally given in scorn, was in the end like that of Methodists in England adopted by the party to whom it was given. This feeling against them became so strong that in 1691 the three young masters had to leave Leipzig. Spener could do nothing for them, as his stern insistence on purity of life had by this time alienated the Elector. He consequently accepted in 1691 an invitation to Berlin. Meantime Christian Thomasius 1 , the ablest defender of Spenerism in Leipzig, finding his position there in- tolerable, had left the place (1690) and removed to Berlin, whence he passed on to Halle, where at his instance a university was founded by the Elector of Brandenburg. The Elector was the more ready to take this step as most of the Brandenburg candidates for the ministry had hitherto been educated at Leipzig or Wittenberg, where they acquired a vehement prejudice against the "Re- formed " or Calvinistic community. Better results might be hoped for from a theological faculty under Spener's influence. The chairs were accordingly filled by his nominees, among whom were Francke and Paul Anton, who had left Leipzig with him. Halle accordingly be- came the great stronghold of the Pietists, and the object of constant attacks from Leipzig and Wittenberg attacks which were all the more bitter as the number of students resorting thither was considerably diminished by the new foundation. Francke may be regarded as a second founder of Pietism. From the time when he was appointed pro- fessor in Halle his active spirit found occupation in ever-increasing work of beneficence. He was unwearied in preaching and in conducting meetings for spiritual edification, and also wrought upon great numbers of 1 Life by Wagner (1872), and Nicoladini (1887). CH. IV. Christian Thoma- sius, 1655 1728. University of Halle founded, 1694. Francke's work. 1692. 126 The Revival of Religious Life sympathetic souls by his religious publications. As a teacher of divinity he held fast the principle that Holy Scripture is the source of theology, and therefore gave much of his energy to promoting the study of the Bible. He also endeavoured to prepare the students for the pastoral work in which they were to pass their lives. Theology was to him only the fuller and ampler develop- ment of heartfelt Christianity, Christ was to him the end and aim of all religious teaching. And he was active in good works as well as in teaching. Schools for the poor and an orphanage were the enduring fruit of his zealous labours. He met with constant opposition in his philan- thropic schemes, but his earnest faith carried him onward to final success. It was scarcely to be expected that a school which insisted almost exclusively on practical experience in religion would produce great names in theoretic divinity, but it did produce in J. F. Buddeus one who gave to Lutheran doctrine a form better adapted to the wants of the age, and wrote the history of the Old Testament with great skill aud learning; and in J. A. Bengel one who, though time has overthrown his interpretation of the Apocalypse, produced a comment on the New Testa- ment which is even now unrivalled for its close adherence to the text and its admirable terseness of expression. He was also the first who attempted to separate the "families" of New Testament manuscripts. Spener's movement divided the religious world of Germany into Pietists and Orthodox. The Pietists were however, or at least intended to be, perfectly orthodox, but they attached less importance to the Lutheran stan- dards of orthodoxy than their opponents did. They held that only one who had been consciously converted and had come to know the blessedness of the knowledge of God in Christ could be a true teacher of Christian doctrine or a competent expositor of Holy Scripture. Many wondrous things, they believed, were hidden from eyes which had not been opened by the Spirit of God; and, possessed with this idea, they did no doubt unduly disparage the religious attainments of many who were true servants f Christ, but had never passed through the ecstatic crisis which they regarded as the entrance to the higher The Revival of Religious Life 127 life. They insisted so strongly on the necessity of faith working by love that their opponents reproached them with teaching salvation by good works; and their strict- ness of life, involving abstinence from balls, theatres, banquets, and entertainments of all kinds, did not con- ciliate those who were without their circle. Moreover, the opinion held by Spener and many of his followers, that a time would come when, the Jews being converted and the Papacy overthrown, Christ would reign for a thousand years on earth, was offensive to the orthodox, as having been condemned by the greatest of the early teachers of the Church. While the older preachers made the teaching of orthodoxy and the refutation of gainsayers their principal end and aim, from Pietist pulpits there was heard little besides the sinfulness of man, the need of repentance, and the merits of Christ. That tares were mingled with the wheat in the field of Pietism, that some Pietists held extravagant opinions and that others were little better than hypocrites, seems to admit of no doubt ; but also it cannot be doubted that they infused a new life into the Lutheran community at a time when the lamp of Christian life burned very low. B. The Moravian Brotherhood 1 . In the troubles which followed on the work of John Huss in Bohemia, a number of devout men from among the Hussites formed themselves into a brotherhood, which took definite shape in 1467 2 , with a view of living in absolute obedience to the precepts of Christ. Their prin- ciples led them to reject all distinction of rank, military service, and oaths. These levelling ideas were however a good deal modified about 1494 by Lucas of Prague, a leading man among them; and from this time their tenets spread, so that at the beginning of the sixteenth (Geneva 1831), translated into English; A. Gindely, Geschichte der Bdhmischen Briider (Prag, 1857); Gotl, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Briider (Frag, 1880). 2 Hardwick's Ch. Hist. Middle Age, p. 410. 1 D. Crantz, History of the [Moravian] Brethren, translated by La Troba (London, 1780); J. Holmes, Hist, of the United Bre- thren (London, 1825), and Missions of the United Brethren (1827) ; A. Bost, Hist, de I'MgKM des Freres de Boheme et de Moravie jusq^iCa 1741 CH. IV. Bohemian Brethren. 128 The Revival of Religions Life century more than three hundred communities belonged to the Unity of Bohemian Brethren, as they were called. The Brethren had many alternations of persecution and repose, but in the early part of the seventeenth century were reduced to extremity. Then arose their last and greatest bishop, Amos Comenius 1 , the great educational reformer. Driven from Bohemia with his flock in 1624, he settled in 1627 at Lissa in Poland, and when com- pelled to leave that place also (1654) he found refuge in Amsterdam, where he died. Comenius was more famous for his admirable educational work, in which he antici- pated much that was afterwards taken up by Rousseau and Pestalozzi, than for theology; but in this field also he was distinguished; he was the most eloquent preacher, the best writer of books of edification, and the ablest ruler that arose in the community, which after his death (1670) seems to have fallen to pieces. But there remained in Bohemia and Moravia scattered families who clung to the remembrance of the days gone by, and these at the beginning of the eighteenth century longed to renew the ancient unity. This longing was pro- moted by Christian David, a Moravian carpenter, who, born a Roman Catholic, had passed through Lutheranistn to the desire for a closer and purer brotherhood. Such a brotherhood he found in Gorlitz, the town of Behmen. From Gorlitz he several times visited the scattered com- munities in Moravia, and as he found among them a strong desire to emigrate, he undertook to search for a suitable place for their settlement in some Lutheran country. This he found on the estate of the young Count von Zinzendorf, in Saxony. Nicholas Lewis von Zinzendorf 2 was born in 1700 in Dresden, in a family much influenced by Spener, who was his godfather. At the age of ten he was placed in a school founded by Francke at Halle, where he shewed 1 The reputation of Comenius in matters of education was such that he was invited not only to England by the Parliament (1642), to Sweden, and to Transylvania, but even to America, to succeed Henry Dunster as President of Harvard College. See Laurie, The Life and Educational Works of Comenius (London, 1881). 2 Lives of Zinzendorf by Span- genberg (1773-75) ; Varnhagen von Ense (1846); Burkhardt (1866); Bovet (in French, Paris, 1860, in English, as The Banished Count, London, 1865). The Revival of Religious Life 129 much promise, and where a deep and sincere love of Christ became the great motive power of his life. From 1716 to 1719 he studied law in Wittenberg, and then like other young men of good family in those days he entered on his "grand tour," a tour which was destined to have great influence on his life. On it he made the acquaintance of men who widened his range of thought, as that of the Jansenist Cardinal de Noailles and of many Calvinists with whom he found a heartfelt sym- pathy. This experience led him to believe that in all com- munities was found the love of the sinner for his Saviour, and that in comparison with this dogmatic differences were of small importance. In 1722 he married a wife like-minded with himself, gave up his legal practice in Dresden, and devoted himself to a religious life, especially to aiding the fugitive Bohemian and Moravian Brethren. In the same year two families, under the guidance of Christian David, settled on his estate of Berth elsdorf, where they were joined in the course of the next seven years by about three hundred Brethren. A settlement was formed called Herrnhut (" Lord's-guard "), to which were admitted not only Bohemian and Moravian refugees, but Protest- ants from various districts in Germany. Zinzendorf hoped that they would all recognize his own principle, that the bond of Christian union was not so much identity of dogma as a common love for Christ. But even as early as 1725 differences arose on the Eucharist, on Grace, and on Disci- pline. Zinzendorf was however able to calm the excited spirits; in May 1727 statutes were agreed upon for the regulation of the society, and in August of the same year for the first time the whole body of Herrnhuters received the Holy Communion together. Zinzendorf and his friend Wattewille were chosen the first presidents of the society. Their rules of discipline were for the most part drawn from the Ratio Disciplinae of Comenius. From the time of the settlement at Herrnhut Zinzen- dorf was the ruler and inspirer of the community. He was a Lutheran of the school of Spener, and in 1736 the Herrnhuters joined the Lutheran Church of the country in which they found themselves. But this union by no means excluded diversities of opinion on dogma; the formation of different ways of teaching (rpoTroi ~ x c. CH. IV. 1722. Herrnhut. 1725. Statutes, 1727. 130 The Revival of Religious Life was expressly permitted. Unity in variety was to be :he end and aim of the brotherhood, not the founding of a new sect drawn together by common opinions. They wished to stand apart from the confessions of faith which divided men, not to insist specially on any one. Hence ;hey laid more stress on edification and social discipline :han on dogmatic teaching. Every morning and evening ihey assembled for prayer. The community was divided into groups ; there were " choirs " of unmarried men and unmarried women, of widows and widowers, of married persons; and there were again smaller bodies, called " bands," which admitted of greater intimacy among the members. When separate settlements were formed, each was ruled by a council of elders, while the government of the whole Unity of Brethren was in the hands of a conference of elders representing the several settlements. From time to time a synod was summoned by which the members of the council of elders were appointed. For the settlement of disputes between brethren a domestic tribunal was instituted. In continuation of an old custom of the Bohemian Brethren the judgment of God was sometimes sought by an appeal to the casting of lots. In doctrine the Augsburg Confession received a general approbation. Like the Bohemian Brethren the Moravians retained the names and offices of bishop, presbyter, and deacon. In 1735 David Nitschmann was consecrated bishop of the Moravian Church by Jablonski, with the assistance of Christian Sitkovius, these two being sur- vivors of the old episcopal succession. In 1737 Zinzendorf became himself bishop. The Moravian society was not long confined within the bounds of Herrnhut. Zinzendorf himself undertook several journeys as a missionary of Moravian principles, and was in many places successful. In Jena many students were attracted by his teaching. And besides propagating the opinions of the Brotherhood he gave to the Lutheran Church its first impulse to undertake missions to the heathen. In Copenhagen the effect of his visit was that in 1732 the first Moravian missionaries to the heathen set forth from that city. After 1736, when he received from the Saxon government a notice to quit the country, he could continue his work only in The Revival of Religious Life 131 places beyond its jurisdiction. The rulers however of his own land soon adopted a more favourable attitude to- wards him. The Brotherhood gradually spread in Saxony, Prussia, Denmark, Baden, Switzerland, and Russia. In 1735 the Moravians began their work in North America, in 1738 in England, the latter mainly through the labours of Peter Boehler, who had great influence on the religious development of John Wesley. The years from 1743 1750 were what the Moravians themselves have called a "time of sifting." Great ex- travagance was displayed, both in doctrine and worship. Hymns were sung to Jesus of a tasteless, sentimental, and even offensive kind ; the wounds of the Saviour, especially the wound in the side, became the objects of all kinds of far-fetched imagery. At the same time, under the influ- ence of Zinzendorf himself, a strange fantastic doctrine of the Holy Trinity was taught. It was to Christ alone that service and worship were due ; God the Father was virtually deposed ; even in the first petition of the Lord's Prayer it was to Christ alone that the mind was to be directed. And this change in doctrine and worship was accompanied by a transformation of the social life, the former simplicity giving place to comfort and even luxury. The society seemed coming to utter ruin, but the means taken to stay the evil were crowned with success. Mean- time, however, the attention of the outer world had been called to the excesses of the Brethren, who in consequence lost ground for the time in public opinion. They were attacked by several distinguished theologians, among whom Bengel, the well-known commentator, is the most important. When Zinzeudorf went so far as to declare that the Lutheran Church was irredeemably lost it is scarcely wonderful that Lutheran theologians resented it. But from the middle of the eighteenth century the Herrnhut Society purged itself from its former extrava- gances, Zinzendorf removing from the hymn-book even his own hymns when they sinned against soberness or good taste. He died in 1760, living still in the memories of those who had known him as a man of singularly im- pressive and commanding personality, devout, earnest, and warm-hearted, who gave his great endowments with a single mind to the furtherance of the Gospel of Christ. 92 Mystics and Theosophists He himself admitted that his natural disposition was ill- balanced, but with all his faults he Hid a great work. He stirred up the missionary spirit in Protestantism, and his society became a witness for real and heartfelt piety in the midst of rationalism and indifference. Many were trained in Moravian schools who did not belong to the Brotherhood, but became a leaven to the Church at large. This success was in a great measure due to Zinzendorfs successor, Spangenberg (d. 1792), who was more cautious and prudent than the Count, and brought the community to accept as their belief a moderate form of Lutheranism. 3. MYSTICS AND THEOSOPHISTS. Those of whom we have just spoken accepted the Lutheran standards and the Lutheran discipline. Pastors who adopted Pietistic views differed not at all in their status from their so-called orthodox brethren, and the Moravians held themselves to be Lutherans. But there were some earnest advocates of inward religion who cannot well be classed with any recognized religious community. Such was Valentine Weigel 1 , the beloved pastor of Zschoppau, in the diocese of Chemnitz. Quiet and re- served in his teaching and conversation he escaped attack, though not suspicion, during his lifetime, but after his death his writings came to be regarded as heretical. He taught that scholastic and formal theology contributed little or nothing to vital religion; every man, he held, contained within himself, by divine grace, all that was necessary for a saving know- ledge of God. It was the microcosm, himself, which man should study ; all knowledge was to be found in self-knowledge. Weigel's attractive mysticism found many followers. A greater mystic of the same school was Jacob Boehme, or Behmen 2 , the famous shoemaker of Gbrlitz, who in an inarticulate manner anticipated the Hegelisin 1 Hilliger, Fata et Scripta M. 1G54) ; E. Taylor, J. Boehme's Vol. Weigelii (Wittenberg, 1721) ; J. O. Opel, Vol. Weigel (Leipzig, 1864) ; A. Israel, Val. Weigeli Leben u. Scriftfn (Zschoppau, 1888). 9 C. Hotham, Ad Philosophiam Teutonicam (Lond., 1648) ; D. Ho- tham, Mysterium Magnum (Lond., Teutonic Philosophy (Lond., 1691); J. Pordage, Metaphysica Vera (Lond., 1698); J. Hamberger, Die Lehre des Deutschen Philosophen J. Boehme (Munich, 1844); H. Martensen, J. Boehme (Copenh., 1882; in German, Leipz., 1882). Mystics and Theosophists 133 of our own time. Interesting as are his philosophical theories, his theology is of more immediate importance in Church history. He too, like Weigel, set little store by the external institutions of Christianity. Humble as he was, he pronounced sharp sentence on what he thought mere formalism ; the various sects were but children of the great Harlot of the Apocalypse, and must be put an end to a consummation which he hoped to bring nearer by his own writings. Priests, who were but the elders of the community, were to be honoured so far forth as they ruled with love and gentleness, dealing with the lay-people as with children, but not as introducers of theological subtleties which were unprofitable and vain. But the central conception of his theology was that a divine and perfect universe underlies the gross and im- perfect creation which we see and handle. This divine universe was visible to unfallen man in a paradisaical glory, but when he fell he saw the outward world, as he saw his own body, destitute of that original glory, with only such light as the material sun can cast upon it. At the same time the image of the Holy Trinity in Unity, which was within him, was marred and obscured. He came, like the beasts, under the elemental influences of matter. Each man carries with him his own hell, the devouring flame of his own passions and lusts. And as this is within us, our Redeemer or Regenerator must also be within us. The promised Seed of the woman, the Eternal Word, the Son of God made man, must kill this life of the serpent in us. The Trinity in the soul of man must be restored; the Son must again be born in us; the Spirit, proceeding from the Father and the Son, must again sanctify us. So may we be rescued from our disordered condition and born again to our first state of inward peace and love. Only by faith in the Son of God can we attain this ; we can of our own selves do nothing ; but saving faith is faith in the Son within us, not in a mere distant Christ whom we know only by the hearing of the ear. Behmen's teaching, in spite of the uncouth form in which it was presented, found many followers in Germany, especially in Silesia, where a considerable body of'Silesian mystics " arose, mostly good, quiet laymen, indifferent to 134 Mystics and Theosophists CH. IV. EngHth Behmen- ittt. C.Ho- tliam, 1646. Jane Leade. W. Law, 1686 1761. H. Miiller, d. 1675. Sweden- borg, 1688 1772. ecclesiastical forms, shrinking from the coldness of every- day Christianity, from politics and from public office, studying the older mystics as well as the works of Behmen himself, delighting in mystical hymnody and in the society of men like-minded. And these men propagated Behmen's leading thoughts so that they influenced many who were unconscious of the source of the teaching which moved them. In England many followers of Behmen have been found from the middle of the seventeenth century to the present day. Several of his works were translated into English ; Charles Hotham expounded the " Teutonic Philosophy" in the school at Cambridge, and Henry More approved 1 . Jane Leade (1623 1704), the founder of the sect of Philadelphians, was deeply influenced by it. But by far the most important convert to Behmenism in England was William Law, the well-known author of the Serious Call. He not only prepared a complete edition of Behmen's works (published 1764), but expounded his views in a series of tracts* the clear and lively style of which is a great contrast to the obscurity and prolixity of Behmen himself and most of his followers. In England Behmen's theology, apart from his bewildered views on physical science, has had a considerable influence beyond the ranks of those who called themselves his disciples. A very different man from Behmen, though like him earnestly recommending " inwardness " in religion, was Heinrich Muller 3 , of Rostock, who inveighed against the four dumb idols, the font, the pulpit, the confessional, and the altar, which were to him simply marks of a worthless " outward " Christianity. The author of a peculiar mysticism was Emmanuel Swedenborg, or Swedberg 4 , who was born at Stockholm in 1 See the list of English works on Behmenism, p. 132, n. 2. 8 E.g. The Spirit of Prayer, 1749; The Way to Divine Know- ledge and The Spirit of Love, 1752. Law's Life has been written by R Tighe (1813) and J. H. Overton (1881). Herzog, Eirchen-Geschichte. ii. 290. 4 J. J. Garth Wilkinson, Emm. Swedenborg, a Biography (London, 1849) ; William White, Swedenborg, his Life and Writings (London, 1856); B. L. Tafel, Documents Concerning the Life and Writings of Em. Swedenborg (London, 1875 77) ; B. Worcester, Tkf Life and Mission of Emm. Swedenborg (Bos- ton, U.S.A., 1883). A Society formed in London in 1820 for the printing and publishing of Swedenborg's works has diffused the knowledge of his opinions. Mystics and Theosophists 1688. His father was a distinguished Swedish clergyman who became Bishop of Skara. Emmanuel says of himself that even before he was twelve years old he delighted in con- versing with clergymen about faith, insisting that the life of faith is love to our neighbour, and that God gives faith to everyone, though those only profit by it who practise love. In spite, however, of this early predilection the earlier portion of his life was passed as a member of the staff of the School of Mines, in which capacity he dis- tinguished himself and produced many scientific works of practical utility. He was more than fifty years of age when he received, as he believed, a special revelation. To use his own words, "I was called to a holy office by the Lord Himself, Who most mercifully appeared before me His servant in the year 1743, when he opened my sight towards the spiritual world and enabled me to converse with spirits and angels ; in which state I have continued to the present day. From that time I began to print and publish the various arcana that were seen by me, or re- vealed to me, concerning heaven and hell-, the state of man after death, the true worship of God, the spiritual sense of the Word, and many other important matters conducive to salvation and wisdom." He did in fact from the date mentioned pour forth a long series of voluminous works. It was revealed to him that the Church founded by the coming of the Lord in the flesh came to an end in the eighteenth century, and in 1757 he witnessed its Last Judgment in the world of spirits. Then began a new dispensation, the New Jerusalem, of which Swedenborg was the precursor and his works the doctrine. Like most of the ancient fathers, Swedenborg found a spiritual sense underlying the literal sense of Scripture, with the exception of certain books, as the Acts and Epistles, which are good and edifying but have no inner sense. The real inner spiritual sense was revealed to the new prophet. But it is not in Scripture alone that the divine is concealed under the earthly ; nature also is the product and the veil of the spiritual world. Inner evil is manifested in things hurtful and ugly, inner good in things useful and beautiful. All existence depends immediately upon God, so that if anything lost its con- nexion with Him it would instantly cease to be. The ami CH. IV. I good man is always in heaven, the bad man always in * ' ; hell ; it is only this mortal vesture of decay which pre- vents him from seeing his spiritual companions. When the veil of flesh is removed those who love God and man become conscious that they are in heaven, and the bad that they are in hell. There are three heavens and three orders of angels, those of love, of wisdom, and of obedience, all of whom began their existence as men. There are also three hells. There may be after death a short sojourn in the "world of spirits," where the good are healed of their infirmities and errors, and the evil are stripped of their seeming good. In theology proper Swedenborg seems to make no distinction between the Father and the Son ; Christ is the one God and the only object of worship ; from Him proceeds the Holy Spirit. Swedenborg made no attempt to establish a sect, though he seems to have expected that from his teaching a new Church would rise to take the place of the obsolete Christian Church. It was in London that his Arcana Ccelestia (in Latin, like all his works) was published (1749 1756), and it was in London that Robert Hind- marsh (in 1788) first formed a separate sect or body of Swedenborgians under the title of " the New Church signified by the New Jerusalem in the Revelation." An active diffuser of Swedenborg's principles was John j Clowes, Rector of St John's, Manchester, from 1769 1831, who translated the Arcana Ccelestia and many other of his works. There are many avowed Swedeu- borgians in England and America, and many including several English clergymen have accepted this teaching without joining their society. On the Continent Sweden- borgians are few and scattered. The same tendency to mysticism which in men like Jacob Bohme kindled a pure flame, gave rise when it encountered unstable or impure spirits to earthly fires. No impurity, but rather disordered reason, is to be attributed to Quirinus Kuhlmann 1 , a follower of Bohme, " a poet who became himself a poem." He traversed the world full of eager desire to overthrow the modern Baby- lon, Rome, to establish the kingdom of Messiah, and to 1 Schrockh's Xeuere K.-G., viii. 399; ix. 224. Mystics and Theosophists 137 make the princes of this world subject to Him. In Moscow he presented to the Patriarch a written account of his wild fancies, and in consequence was burnt at the stake. John George Gichtel 1 , also a disciple of Bohme, originally a lawyer in Ratisbon, gave up his business and gathered round him a party of those likeminded in Holland. His aim was to found a priesthood after the order of Melchisedek, who like the angels should not marry, but should devote their lives wholly to prayer, so to avert the wrath of God from the world lying in sin. His disciples, under the name of "Angel-brethren," still existed in Holland and Germany some generations after the founder's death. Daniel Mliller 2 looked upon Scrip- ture as allegory, and the sacred books of all religions as alike Divine. He regarded himself as called to deliver men from the yoke of the letter, and traversed North Germany proclaiming the downfall of the outward and visible Church. Although he died in the belief that God had deceived him, his followers, who rejected the historical Christ, and believed that Miiller would return to found His kingdom on earth, maintained their ground for some time after his death. The sect of " Hebrews," founded at Leyden about 1720 by one Verschooren 3 , held that it was the duty of all Christians to read the Scriptures in the original tongues, and that the merits of Christ; literally cleansed believers from all sin. In troubled times the Counts of Witgenstein gave refuge in their little territory in the Wetterau to men of every faith or no faith on the simple condition that the settlers should lead decent lives and obey the civil authorities. Socinians and enthusiasts jostled each other in this strange community. It was this society which produced the Bible of Berleburg, a translation with annotations and extracts full of a theosophic mysticism appended to the text, which obtained a wide circulation. It was here that Hochmann 4 , an uncalled preacher of repentance, whose pious heterodoxies brought him into 1 Lipsius in Ersch u. Gruber's Encyclop., vol. 66, s.v. Gichtel ; C. G. A. Harless, Life of J. G. G. appended to his Jacob Bohme (2nd ed., 1882). 2 Hase, K.-G. in. ii. 110. 3 Schrockh's Neuere K.-G. viii. 730. 4 C. W. F. Walch, Eeligions- Streitigkeiten, ii. 776 ff. ; Hagen- bach in Herzog's Real-Encyc. vi. 163. 138 Mystics and Tlieosophistx trouble and sometimes into prison, found rest from out- ward annoyance. The Philadelphian Society, also, which took its rise from an English disciple of Bohme, Jane Leade, found adherents in Berleburg. And the " Instru- ments of the Holy Ghost 1 ," believers in their own inspira- tion of the convulsionary kind, who had appeared in various parts of Germany, displayed their gifts here also. One of them, John Frederick Rock, though himself a convulsionary, had sufficient wisdom to attempt to moder- ate the extravagant displays of his brethren. One of the most extraordinary products of emotional religion set free from the restraints of reason and morality was the "Buttler Gang." Eva von Buttler 2 or Buttlar with two of her lovers formed, under pretence of piety, an extraordinary society in Eisenach, and when driven thence by public feeling and ecclesiastical censure, trans- ferred themselves to the Witgenstein territory. The three impostors sometimes gave themselves out to be Joseph, Mary, and Jesus ; sometimes even to be the Holy Trinity itself. They found adherents, with whom it seems certain that they practised the grossest immorality. Their con- duct was too bad for even the wide toleration of Witgen- stein ; the civil power interfered, and they had to leave the territory with the loss of the property which they had acquired. They fled to Paderborn, where the bishop caused them to be imprisoned. Nothing further is known of them after their release; they simply vanish from history. The Ronsdorf sect, too, is a monstrous birth of Pietism. Elias Eller 3 , a ribbon- weaver at Elberfeld, gave out to a circle of adherents that a certain girl, Anna, whom he seduced and afterwards married, was to be the mother of the Messiah, the apocalyptic woman clothed with the sun. When Elberfeld grew too hot to hold them Eller declared that town to be Babylon, and removed to Rons- dorf, then consisting of a few farmsteads, there to found the new Zion. There he built factories and shewed great power of organization ; there the Elector Palatine granted 1 M. Goebel in Herzog's Eeal- Encyc. vi. 700 ft. * Goebel, .., ii. 475 ff. * J. A. Engels, Gesch. d. religio- sen Schwarmerei im Herzoqthum Berg (Schwelm, 1826); G. H. Klippel in Herzog-Plitt, a.v. Eller. Literary Activity of the Reformed a legal status to his colony, and permitted him to build a church and appoint a preacher. The preacher appointed was Daniel Schleiermacher, grandfather of the well-known theologian and philosopher, Frederick Schleiermacher. Mother Anna, strange to say, though her only man-child lived but a year, retained the respect of the community to the end of her days. Eller survived her seven years, and then the apocalyptic expectations began to fade and gradually died out. Of a very different type was the sect which arose in Bruggeln 1 in canton Bern, which, if it began with de- lusion, continued with fraud. Here the brothers Kohler, whom in early days their parents had instructed to claim a power of divination, gave themselves out to be the two witnesses of the Apocalypse 2 , and predicted the day of Christ's second coming, which however was deferred by their intercessory prayers. They slandered the Church, lived in debauchery on the alms of their followers, and seduced the females among them. Jerome Kohler at last, accused of blasphemy and child-murder, was hanged, to the astonishment of his adherents, who believed that death could not touch him, and who even after his execu- tion believed that he gave spiritual signs of his presence with them. So tenacious of life is sensual superstition. 4. LITERAEY ACTIVITY OF THE REFORMED. The theological literature of the Reformed, or Calvin- istic, Churches does not suffer by comparison with that of the Lutherans 8 . They produced indeed, in our period, no treatise of the first rank on dogmatic theology. Calvin's Institutio is, from his point of view, so clear, so complete, so logical, that nothing better could be desired. It long held its own as the great text-book, the almost infallible guide, wherever Reformed congregations were found. But 1 Das Entdeckte Geheimniss d. Bosheit in d. Briiggler-Secte (Zurich, 1753) ; Ac.ta Historica Ecclesice, vol. 17, pp. 906, 1031. 2 xi. 3. 8 J. Basnage, Hist, de la Religion des Eglises Reformees (Kotterdam, 1725). Maimbourg's very preju- diced Hist, du Calvinisme (1G82) was sharply criticised by Bayle, Critique de VHist....de Maimbourg (1683). In the early part of the seventeenth century the word " Re- formed " was applied to the com- munities derived from Zwingli and Calvin, while the Lutherans were "Evangelical" or "Protestant." 140 Literary Activity of the Reformed on the other hand, they produced the most valuable con- tributions to Biblical criticism, exegesis and archaeology. Even from the first the method of Scripture interpretation followed by Zwingli, (Ecolampadius, Bucer, Calvin, and Beza was far more natural, more dependent on gram- matical and historical considerations than that of their contemporaries. But it was in the study of the Oriental languages and their application to Biblical exegesis that the Calvinistic theologians were especially distinguished. Among these may be mentioned especially Thomas Er- penius (van Erpe) 1 and James Golius, both professors in Leyden; Samuel Bochart, minister of the Reformed congre- gation in Caen ; and J. H. Hottinger, professor in Zurich. Here, too, may be mentioned Vitringa of Franeker, the famous investigator of the ancient history of the synagogue and commentator on Isaiah. The extraordinary family of the Buxtorfs did much to promote the study of Hebrew and Chaldee, though they were still so far under the influence of a worthless tradition as to contend for the primitive antiquity of the Hebrew vowel-points. Here they encountered a formidable opponent in Lewis Cappel 2 , a professor at Saumur, who not only contended that the vowel-points were an invention of the seventh century after Christ, but ventured to doubt whether the current Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible was absolutely pure from all corruption. In France also the family of Basnage supplied three famous names. Benjamin, the elder, though known rather as a practical teacher than a theologian, wrote an esteemed treatise on the Church ; his grandson Samuel wrote against Baronius treatises distinguished by learning, acuteness, and literary merit ; his relative James, driven from France by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, settled in Holland, where he was treated with great respect. His works are chiefly intended to shew the erroneousness of Bossuet's view of Church history. David Blondel, in a learned and able work, shewed decisively, against the Jesuit Torriano, the real character of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals; and when Du Perron wrote against King James I. of England a work in which he sought to prove 1 P. Scriverios, Manes Erpeniani troversie d. L. Capellus mit den (Lej-den, 1626). Buxtorfen (Leipzig, 1879). 8 G. Schnedermann, Die Con- Literary Activity of the Reformed 141 the absolute supremacy of the Pope, he wrote in refuta- tion of it a work on the authority of the Church the merit of which was generally recognised. He carefully examined and criticised the Sibylline books, which had been, he believed, a source of error in the Church. It is noteworthy that, following Jerome, he held that in primitive times the words " bishop " and " presbyter " were synony- mous. Samuel Bochart. who was for a time entertained at the court of Queen Christina of Sweden, distinguished himself by his researches in sacred geography and in the natural history of the animals mentioned in Scripture. Bochart's learning in these subjects has probably not been surpassed, though the investigations of scientific naturalists have no doubt invalidated some of his statements. A great man who entered the field of theology without being distinctively a theologian was the famous jurist, Hugo Grotius 1 . Master of the learning of his age, almost the founder of that system of international law which has done so much to facilitate the intercourse of nations, he brought to the consideration of theological problems a clear, cultivated, and well-balanced intellect, and a judg- ment practised and mature. His commentary on the Scriptures has been said to be written by a layman for laymen. It is brief and pointed, passing over dogmatic considerations in silence, and explaining the text in a style which had hitherto been applied to the Greek and Roman classics rather than to the sacred books. In this respect it is epoch-making. His manner of dealing with the Messianic prophecies without much regard to the common tradition brought upon him the suspicion of Socinianism, though in tact his theory of Satisfaction, if somewhat hard and juristic, is far removed from that of Socinus and his followers. As Grotius generally rejected the mystic or allegoric sense, he was said to find Christ nowhere in the Old Testament. Cocceius (John Kock) 2 found Him everywhere. Everywhere he finds behind the literal and historical meaning of the text a symbolical one of far deeper import. In every part of the Old Testa- 1 Levesque de Burigny, Life of Grotius (from the French, London, 1754); C. Butler, Life of H. G. (London, 1826). 2 M.Leydecker, Synopsis Controv. de Fcedere, etc. (Utrecht, 1690); A. Eitschl, Gesch. des Pietismus, i. 101 ff. The Arminians ment he discovers a type of Christ or a foreshadowing of the fortunes of His kingdom. In his theology he gave so great prominence to the covenants which God has made with man that it came to be called federal theology. In spite of the eager opposition of Gisbert Voet, in his day leader of the party in the Netherlands which adhered to the views of Calvin, this school took root and grew, and trained some of the greatest of the Dutch divines, as the well-known writer on the Divine economy, Hermann Witsius, and the excellent commentators, Vitringa, Lampe, and Venema. Among the disciples of Grotius we may reckon Philip van Limborch, the first among the Reformed who pro- duced a system of dogmatic theology on principles not in harmony with Calvin's ; and Jean le Clerc, who ranged over almost all fields of literature, and is a not unworthy successor of Grotius in the literal and historical exposition of Scripture. Here too we may reckon J. G. Wetstein, who, driven from Basel by the storm which was raised against him mainly because his research into the evidence for the text of the New Testament led him to prefer the reading 09 to Beds in 1 Tim. iii. 16, took refuge in Holland, where he ultimately became Le Clerc's successor in his professorship. Wetstein's Greek Testament gives not only a large collection of various readings, but also numerous quotations of parallel passages from the classics, the fathers, and the rabbis, which have been constantly drawn upon by commentators ever since. 5. THE ARMINIANS. In 1579 the seven northern Provinces of the Nether- lands formed themselves into a Confederation by the instrument known as the Utrecht Union, and after a long and gallant struggle compelled exhausted Spain to recog- nize them as an independent Power 1 . Scarcely had the young republic rested from outward enemies when it was torn by the quarrels of theologians. Various streams of doctrine flowed into the Nether- lands, derived from Erasmus, from Melancthon, and from Calvin ; but the doctrines of the latter had received a sort 1 J. L. Motley, The Rise of the Dutch Republic. The Arminians 143 of sanction in the " Belgic Confession," which was gener- ally accepted in the United Provinces 1 . It was not long, however, before it met with vigorous opponents. James van Harmin (Arminius) 2 , who became in 1603 Professor of Theology in Leydeu, found himself after long and earnest study unable to accept the rigid theories of unconditional Election and Reprobation which were held by the followers of Calvin. As his colleague, Francis Gomarus, vigorously defended the views of the Calvinists, "Arminians" and "Gomarists" soon spread themselves over the Republic 3 . On Arminius's death in 1609 Simon Epis- copius 4 succeeded both to his professorship and to the guid- ance of the more liberal party ; and in 1610 the Arminians presented to the Provinces of Holland and West-Friesland a declaration of their opinions in the shape of a " Remon- strance," whence they acquired the party-name of "Remon- strants." The distinctive tenets of Calvinism were summed up in five propositions : (1) God by an absolute decree has elected to salvation a very small number of men, without any regard to their faith or obedience ; (2) Christ suffered death for these elect only; (3) By Adam's fall his posterity lost their free-will, so that whatever they do is done by an unavoidable necessity ; (4) God, to save His elect, begets faith in them in such a way that they who have this grace cannot reject it, and the rest, being reprobate, cannot accept it ; (5) Such as have once received that grace can never fall from it finally or totally, whatever sins they may commit 8 . To these the Remonstrants opposed the following: (1) God by an unchangeable decree ordained to save all those in Christ who by the assistance of the Holy Ghost persevere in faith and obedience to the very end ; (2) Christ suffered death for all men, but with this condition, that none but true believers should have the benefit of the remission of sins; (3) Man cannot attain 1 Hardwick, Reformation, 148 ; in Niemeyer's Collectio, p. 360. 2 Gerard Brandt, Hist, of the Reformation in the Low Countries, trans, by J. Chamberlayne (Lond. 1720-23); Hist. Vita Arminii, ed. Mosheim (Brunswick, 1725). 3 Gieseler, in. ii. 333 ff. 4 Life, by Limborch (Amsterdam, 1701) ; Life and Death of J. Armi- nius and S. Episcopius (London, 1672); Hartsoeker and Limborch, Epistolce PrcBstantium Virorum (Amsterdam, 1660). 8 P. Heylin, Quinquarticular Hist, in Tracts, p. 523 (London, 1681). CH. IV. Arminius, 1560 1609. Gomarus. Episco- pius. Remon- strants. Five Articles, Calvin- istic. Arminian, 1610. The Arminians saving faith by the mere force of his own will, but must be regenerated and renewed by the working of the Holy Spirit; (4) The regenerate man can do no good thing without this grace preceding, stirring up, following, and co-operating ; but it is not irresistible ; (5) Those who have been grafted into Christ by faith have, by His grace, strength to resist the world, the flesh, and the devil, if they will avail themselves of it ; but it is a matter to be anxiously weighed, in the light of Scripture, whether they may not fall from grace, and embrace again this present world. From these Five Articles 1 the controversy was often called " Quinquarticular." In vain the civil power in the United Provinces en- deavoured to secure toleration for Arminian teachers. The extreme Calvinists of course resented equally the inter- ference of the State and the toleration of those opposed to them in doctrine. The quarrels of Remonstrants and Contraremonstrants agitated the whole republic, and became the more bitter because political was added to theological rancour ; for while the republican leaders, the venerable Oldenbarneveld and the theologian and states- man Grotius, took the part of the Remonstrants, the Stadtholder, Maurice, Prince of Orange, who was thought to be aiming at the sovereignty, sided with the more numerous and popular Calvinists. To put an end to the controversy, the States General convoked a synod. The States of Holland, in a letter to King James 2 , pointed out very clearly the inexpediency and futility of the course which it was proposed to pursue. "Is it to be expected," they ask his Majesty to consider, " that in those controversies in which the ancient fathers openly differ from each other, in which there is no agreement among the Reformers, nor even among the adherents of the Papacy, the ingenuity of our age can effect what hitherto no age has brought about ? Is it to be expected that controversies which pervade all Churches can be settled by a synod of the United Provinces ? How utterly did the Formula Concordise fail in Germany!" All the Reformed Churches, except Anhalt, were invited to send delegates. These foreigners, however, among whom one 1 Heylin, u. . 527; Gieseler, in. ii. 335, n. 11. 2 InGieseler,ni.ii.337,n.l4. This is of course Holland the province. The Arminians 145 Scotch and four English commissioners attended by desire of King James, were but few in comparison with the numbers of the Netherlanders 1 . Before the assembling of the Synod a coup d'ttat of the Prince of Orange cast Oldenbarneveld and Grotius into prison, and disconcerted the Remonstrant party. Scarcely any but Calvinists were returned as deputies, and the fate of the Remonstrants was decided beforehand. The Synod met at Dordrecht, or Dort, on November 13, 1618, and sat until the end of May in the following year 2 . The Remonstrants, pre- senting themselves as to a conference 3 , were introduced only as culprits to the assembly, and in spite of the vigour and eloquence with which Episcopius pleaded their cause, and contrary to the wishes of most of the foreign delegates, were declared incapable of any clerical or academical function until they should recant and return to the communion of the Church. In most of the provinces the Remonstrant preachers and professors, unless they consented to renounce all interference in Church matters, were banished the land 4 . On the death of Prince Maurice (1625), however, the republican party again rose to power, the Arminians were tolerated, and became a very learned and influential society. During the time of the exile of the Arminian ministers many of their flock, deprived of their accustomed teachers, formed prayer-meetings, " collegia," whence they received the name of " Collegian ts." They rejected the separate order of ministers, and, while carefully enforcing the strictest morality, seem to have been nearly indifferent about forms of doctrine. In spite of differences among its members this society maintained itself until the be- ginning of the 19th century 5 . Walter Balcanqual, Dean of Bo- ckester, 1624, appended to Hales's Golden Remains (London, 1659). Canons of Dort in Niemeyer, 690 ff. , and in the Sylloge Confessionum (Oxon.). 3 Hales, Letter of Nov. 6, 1618, p. 24. 4 Sententia Synodi de Eemon- strantibus, in Niemeyer, 724 ff.; Gieseler, in. ii. 342, n. 21. 5 Gieseler, in. ii. 345; Hase, K.-Q. m. i. 293. 1 The list of those who signed the Canons in Niemeyer's Collectio, p. 700. The French Protestants were prevented by Louis XIII. from sending deputies. Gieseler, in. ii. 339, n. 17. 2 The Acta Synodi Nationalis Dortrechti habitce, and also the Acta et Scripta Synodalia Dordra- cena Ministrorum Remonstrantium, were published in 1620. The most graphic account of the Synod is in the letters of John Hales and 10 140 The Arminians In the Remonstrant contest, though its real grounds lay far deeper, the main issue had been joined on the question whether God predestinates a certain number absolutely to life eternal, or a certain number whose faith He foresees (ex fide prcevisd) ; the latter being held by the Arminians. The decisions of the Synod of Dort, though rejected by several Reformed Churches 1 , became elsewhere a sort of standard of Calvinistic orthodoxy ; but the moral sense of man inevitably revolted against the hard dogmas of the sterner predestinarians. In 1634, Moses Amyrault, Professor at Saumur, ventured to maintain a theory on the subject of Grace, derived from the teaching of his predecessor, Cameron 2 . This theory, known as Hypothetic Universalism, taught that God had decreed to save all men through Jesus Christ hypothetically, on the condition of their believing ; to produce this faith in man, resistible grace was given to all, irresistible grace only to the elect. This seems but a futile attempt at reconciling opposing systems. Yet the opinion which Amyrault held, that even heathens might be saved by an implicit faith in the Christ not yet revealed to them in the flesh, shewed a far broader view of the extent of God's grace than had yet appeared in the Reformed Church. These doctrines were held to be allowable by the French Protestants in the Synods of Alengon and Charenton, but they long furnished matter for theological disputes; Blondel, Daille, and Claude de- fending them, while other eminent men, as Dumoulin and Spanheim, attacked them with equal vigour and learning 3 . The same Synods which admitted the views of Amy- rault condemned those of his colleague De la Place (Placaeus), who controverted the received opinions on Original Sin, maintaining that the sin of Adam was not imputed, except in case of actual sin 4 . Somewhat later, another Professor of Saumur, Claude Paion, raised another controversy, by maintaining that God's grace wrought mediately, through the motives and events of human life 1 Gieseler, in. ii. 347. 1 Schrockh, v. 352; De Felice, Hist, des Protestant* de France, p. 347 ft. ; C. E. Saigey, Moiie Amyrault (Straasburg, 1849). (Heseler, u. . 350, iin. 9 and 10. De F61ice, . *. 347. 4 Schrockh, v. 360; De Felice, 349. De la Place was one of the principal contributors to the once- famous Theses Theologica of Sau- mur. The Arminians 147 and the threats and promises of the Word of God 1 . This was condemned by several Synods, which asserted the immediate as well as the mediate influence of the Holy Spirit. These movements in theology occasioned the drawing up of a new formula of orthodoxy the last of this kind for the acceptance of the Swiss Churches 2 , in which the new views as to the vowel-points, the investigations of those who held the Septuagint and other ancient versions to be co-ordinate authorities with the Masoretic Hebrew, and the doctrines of Amyrault and Paion on grace, were alike condemned. But the change which came over theology in the seventeenth century was deeper and more fundamental than appears in the discussion of particular points, even of matters so important as the relation of Divine grace to the human will. In the period between the Synod of Dort and the English Revolution a new mode of thought appeared which it is not easy briefly to describe. In England the school of Bancroft and Laud began to pale before that of Tillotson and Burnet ; and a similar change also passed over continental theology. Up to the middle of the seventeenth century scholastic methods generally prevailed ; dogmatic expression was hardened, and theo- logians followed their calling with an acuteness which a chancery barrister might envy. But after this time a great change, in harmony with a parallel movement in philosophy, came over theology. It began to be doubted whether the propositions over which divines fought with such eager acrimony were, after all, of the essence of Christianity. Moral considerations, drawn from the nature of man and of human society, began to assume a far greater prominence. Principles were drawn more directly from Scripture, less from systems and the traditions of the schools ; and sometimes men of learning slid into indifference, and doubted whether in the endless war of sects truth were discoverable at all. The old weapons of controversy were dropped, and the combatants were perplexed to find themselves assailed from unexpected quarters and with unaccustomed arms. Arminianism Reformatorum, in Niemeyer's Col- lectio, p. 729. 1 Schrockh, vm. 722. 8 Formula consensus Eccl.Helvet. CH. IV. Helvetic Consensus, 1675. Real signifi- cance of Arminian- ism. 102 148 Projects for Religious Unify developed the humanism which had probably long been latent in the country of Erasmus. It was the moral side of Christianity on which it especially insisted. It aimed at abolishing or very much abbreviating the Articles of Faith and Systems of Doctrine in which the age of the Reformation was so extremely fertile. The excessive formulating of belief which prevailed in that age was seen to be an evil, and it seemed a more excellent way to limit the statement of the Christian Faith to a simple formula, such as the Apostles' Creed, which might be proved from Scripture. On abstract points, especially on the insoluble antinomies of fate and free-will, members of the same communion might differ without separating. The Arminians were in fact the apostles of toleration; they did not, like the Calvinists, attempt to annihilate their adversaries, nor did they, like them, attempt to shake off every shadow of State control. The result of their teaching was that for more than a genera- tion Holland became the great refuge of men especially of Frenchmen who held opinions obnoxious to the domi- nant party in their own country. 6. PROJECTS FOR RELIGIOUS UNITY. In the midst of controversy there are generally to be found men, more thoughtful than combative, who ask whether the battles which go on around them are not waged on mistaken issues and destined to lead to no good end 1 . Arminius himself, a man of gentle and amiable character, grieved over the divisions of his time, and would fain have persuaded men that all the points under discussion were not of equal importance 2 . Episcopius too, though he himself drew up a Confession of Faith, still contended that such documents were not to be regarded as standards of orthodoxy, and exalted the practical far above the speculative aspect of theology 3 . And in after- time there were not wanting excellent men who attempted to reconcile Roman Catholics with Protestants and 1 C. W. Hering, Gesch. d. Kirchl. Pacification der Evangel-Protest. Unioiuvertwhe seit der Reforma- Kirche Deutschlands (Ib. 1846). twn (Leipzig, 1836) ; C. G. Neu- 3 Gieseler, K.-G. in. ii. 334. decker, Lie Hauptversuche zur * Ibid, 344. Projects for Religions Unity 149 Lutherans with Calvinists. Among these reconcilers a conspicuous place is occupied by George Calixtus 1 . Born in 1586, he enlarged his knowledge of the various forms of religion by travels in England, France, and the Nether- lands, and became Professor in 1605 at Helmstadt, where for many years he exercised a dominant influence, and became a confidential adviser of the Dukes of Brunswick. Full of admiration for primitive Christianity, he thought that the controversies of his own time were generally on points which it was not necessary to decide categorically ; they were not of the essence of the faith. A man might be ignorant of all the modern Confessions of Faith, and yet be in the way of salvation if he sincerely believed all the articles of the Apostles' Creed. He distinguished primary or fundamental articles of faith from secondary or theological propositions. The Roman Catholics he would fain persuade to give up every article of belief which was not founded on Scripture and authorised by the Church of the first five centuries. So broad a theory in an age utterly unprepared for it naturally brought upon him condemnation from all quarters; Roman Catholics and Protestants alike attacked him. The former recognized in him a very keen critic of their modern corruptions, while the latter regarded him as at heart a Romanist. His system received the name of Syncretism, a name derived from a union of the warring parties in Crete against a common enemy 2 . A number of Roman Catholic and Protestant divines were invited by the King of Poland to meet in friendly conference at Thorn (1645), in the hope that better acquaintance might mitigate differences and increase agreement. Representatives of both the Lutheran and Calvinistic communities attended. The Calvinists proposed to the Lutherans to sink their differ- ences in presence of a common foe, but the Lutherans of that time were too bitterly opposed to their rivals to consent to even a temporary truce. At the desire of the "Great Elector," Frederick William of Brandenburg, 1 H. Schmid, Geschichte der Synkretistischen Slreitigkeiten (Er- langen, 1846); E. L. T. Henke, Georg Calixtus u. seine Zeit (Halle, 1853); W. Gass, Calixtus u. der Synkretismus (Breslau, 1846) ; W. C. Dowding, Life and Correspond- ence of G. Calixtus (Oxf. 1863). 2 See Plutarch, De Fraterno Amore, 490 u. CH. IV. " v Calixtus, 1586 1656. 150 Projects for Religious Unity Calixtus presented himself at the Conference as a mediating influence between the parties. The uncom- promising Lutherans, headed by Abraham Calovius, were by no means pleased with the arrival of Calixtus, whom they regarded as no true Lutheran, and his friendly attitude towards the Calvinistic theologians increased their suspicion. The Conference soon broke up, with no result except that of having increased the bitterness between the two Protestant parties. The Lutherans attacked Calixtus, whom they regarded as a traitor, with especial violence. From this time began a Sycretistic controversy which lasted several years, in which Calovius, who in 1650 became Professor in Wittenberg, bore a leading part. He was unquestionably a man of great dialectic ability, and his " System " is one of the most remarkable works of the seventeenth century ; but he was dominated by a burning zeal for Lutheran orthodoxy which occasioned outbreaks of unpardonable bitterness against all who deviated by a hair's-breadth from it. The theologians of Electoral Saxony even adopted as a standard of ortho- doxy a document drawn up by him, the " Consensus Kepetitus Fidei vere Lutheranae," with the special view of excluding the Syncretists from their number. The opposition, however, of the divines of Jena prevented this from being adopted as one of the standards of the Lutherans generally. Syncretism found considerable fa- vour among educated laymen, though little among theo- logians. But it foreshadowed much that was to come. King James I. of England, who had a real interest in ecclesiastical affairs, made an attempt to heal the divisions of Protestantism, and both in France and Ger- many his proposals were received with much favour. On his invitation the famous theologian Du Moulin 1 came to England to take counsel with the King; while in France Du Plessis Mornay, whose distinguished services gave him great weight with his co-religionists, joined in promoting the King's views. But nothing came of it. Ihe King wanted courage and energy to carry through 1 J. Quick, Synodicon, n. 105 Agnew, Protestant Exilet from (Lond. 161)2); W. Bates, Vitae France (2nd ed. Lond. 1871) ; Diet. Select. Virorum (16. 1681) ; D. C. A. Nat. Biogr. xxxra. 201 f. Projects for Religious Unity 151 such a scheme, while the one point on which he was firm episcopal government was not acceptable to the Continental Protestants. In 1631 a Synod of the French Reformed Church at Charenton 1 took a considerable step towards friendly relations with the Lutherans. Seeing that they accepted all the principal articles of the Augsburg Confession, they drew the inference that Lutherans who attended their services and lived decorously might be admitted, without any abjuration, to the Holy Communion. They were also permitted to marry members of the Reformed com- munity, and the children of such marriages might be presented for baptism. Lutherans, however, could be admitted as sponsors only on making a solemn promise to teach their godchildren only such articles of faith as were common to the two communities. This well-meant attempt, however, met the usual fate of those who in quarrels interpose. Suspicious Calvinists saw in forbear- ance towards Lutherans an attempt to curry favour with Gustavus Adolphus, then in the full tide of -victory. On the Roman Catholic side some thought that the con- clusions of Charenton prepared the way for reunion, while others accused the synod of disloyalty, as acting without permission of the Crown. In short, the recon- ciliation of the contending parties was brought no nearer by the moderate counsels of Charenton. A noteworthy man who laboured all his life to pro- mote the union of Anglicans, Lutherans, and Calvinists was John Durie 2 , a native of Edinburgh. Educated at Sedan under his cousin Andrew Melville, and at Leyden, where his father had settled, he was naturally acquainted with the state of continental Protestantism as few of his countrymen could be. In 1628 he was chaplain to the English merchants at Elbing, then in the hands of Gus- tavus Adolphus, who was sympathetic, and promised him letters to the Protestant princes of Germany. His hopes of help from this quarter were, however, cut short by the death of the King in 1632. For some fifty years he 1 De Felice, Hist, des Protestants de France, pp. 333 ff. ; Schiockh, Neuerc K.-G. v. 195. 2 Scott's Fasti, i. 5, 103, 147, vi. 843 ; Calderwood's History ; Knox's Life of Melville ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xvi. 261, CH. IV. Synod at Charen- ton, 1631. Durie, 1596 1680. Favoured by Gvstavus Adolphus. Projects for Religious travelled over a great part of the Continent, exhorting men to think more of their common faith in Christ and less of their differences in opinion, but he sadly confessed towards the end of his days, " the only fruit which I have reaped from all my toils is that I see the miserable condition of Christianity, and that I have no other comfort than the testimony of my conscience." His life had been an incessant round of journeyings, colloquies, correspondence, and publications. Among those who exerted themselves to bring back the Lutherans of Germany to obedience to Rome one of the most conspicuous was Bishop Christopher Rojas de Spinola 1 , who, beginning from the year 1676, under various names, quietly traversed various districts where he had reason to hope for a favourable reception from theologians, with a commission from the Emperor and probably the approval of the Pope. With the court of Hanover he had some success. In this country the leader among the clergy was Gerhard Wolter Molanus' 2 . a pupil of Calixtus, and devoted, like his master, to the discovery of real agreement amid apparent differences, while he was less cautious in dealing with opponents. He held union with Rome to be both possible and desirable , it was only necessary to agree on the essentials of the faith. Here he gave to Holy Scripture the first place, and to the traditional interpretations of the Church the second. These two points being granted, he thought that the parties might be convinced that neither side held damn- able heresy. Differences in non-essential points might be mutually tolerated until a future Council should have decided upon them. The Eucharist should be admin- istered to the laity in both kinds ; marriage of priests should be allowed; and no recantation of former errors should be required. The next step was that the famous Bossuet was brought into the discussion. The Electress Sophia of Hanover, the granddaughter of James I. of England, and mother of George I., had a sister Louisa who had been converted to Catholicism in France. This lady, when she heard of the negotiations between Spinola 1 Schrockh, N. K.-G. vii. 98 (I. ; Herzog's Real-Encycl. nv. 676; Gieseler, K.-G. iv. 181 fl. 3 J. von Einen, Das Lcben des Theologi G. W. Molani (1734). Projects for Religious Unity 153 and Molanus, persuaded her sister to admit Bossuet, with whom she was on very friendly terms, to the discussion. A secret correspondence then began between Molanus and Bossuet, in which after a short time the famous Leibnitz joined, but this, in spite of the ample concessions which Molanus was willing to make, in the end came to nothing. Bossuet would hear nothing of a union with Protestants unless they accepted the whole body of Roman doctrine, although he was willing to make the concessions which Molanus required as to communion, marriage of priests, and recantation. A few years later the corre- spondence between Bossuet and Leibnitz was renewed at the desire of Duke Anthony Ulrich of Brunswick-Wolfen- blittel, but again with no result except that Leibnitz was suspected of having been converted to Rome. At the beginning of the eighteenth century great hopes were entertained both by statesmen and by theo- logians that the divisions of Protestantism might be healed. This was especially the case in Prussia, where the ruling House was of the Reformed community, while the great majority of its subjects were Lutheran. In 1701 the sovereign, who had hitherto borne the title of Elector of Brandenburg, assumed the title of King of Prussia, and at his coronation caused two of his chaplains to be named bishops a step which was rightly believed to indicate a desire to draw nearer to the constitution of the English Church. Leibnitz, distinguished in theo- logy as well as philosophy, was anxious for union, and the Queen of Prussia, who had great influence, followed his counsels. But stumblingblocks were soon found in the way. There was indeed complete agreement everywhere as to the supremacy of Scripture in matters of faith, and salvation by Christ alone ; but the Reformed gave greater prominence than the Lutherans did to the doctrine of absolute predestination, while the latter insisted on a Real Presence in the Holy Eucharist and retained some of the ancient ceremonial and vestments. They also practised exorcism in Baptism. The matter was com- plicated by the publication, by a Reformed minister named Winkler, of a scheme of union which rested avowedly on the maxim that a territorial monarch was chief bishop within his dominions. This caused the Cn. IV. v 1691 1694. Leibnitz, 1699 1701. Prussian Kingdom, 1701. Bishops. 154 Protestant measures promoted by the King to be regarded with suspicion, and the scheme was opposed by so calm a judge as Leibnitz. The consequence was that the meeting for the promotion of mutual charity, which the King had contemplated, had to be abandoned. But hopes of union still lingered. Christopher Pfaff, chancellor of Tubingen and an eminent theologian, gave them vigorous expression in his pacific address to Protestants in the year 1720. He insisted that the different parties were in fact at one in the essentials of the faith, and severely blamed those who branded their opponents as heretics. Human passion and ambition occasioned, he thought, far more heated controversy than the sincere love of truth. Pfaff found a worthy supporter in Klemm, also a professor in Tu- bingen, whose book on the necessity for union among Protestants in matters of faith made a great impression both in Germany and elsewhere. His leading maxim was that union of Churches had been too much mixed up with union of pulpits ; and he naturally condemned the narrow views of sectarian partisans. A long literary controversy followed, but no practical result, though in later times the difference between Luther and Zwingli came to be thought unimportant compared with those between Evangelicals and Rationalists. 7. PROTESTANT MISSIONS 1 . In the sixteenth century the time for Protestant missions was not yet. The Protestant communities were rather in the position of beleaguered garrisons, and were too much occupied in defending themselves to send forth distant expeditions. Then in the seventeenth century came the Thirty Years' War, which exhausted Germany for some generations, and this was succeeded by a period of barren theological conflicts, which did not warm men's hearts towards those who were without. And it is 1 G. Plitt, Kurze Gesch. d. Luther. ptedia of Missions (New York, Mssionen (Erlangen, 1871); G. 1856); Charlotte M. Yonge, Pio- Warneck, Abriss einer Geschichte neers and Founders in the Mission derProt. Mitsionen (Berlin, 1898); Field (Lond. 1878); T. Christlieb, W. Grossel, Die Mission u. die Foreign Missions (Boston, U.S.A., Evany. Kirche im 17" Jahrhdt. 1880). (Gotha, 1897) ; Newcombe's Cyclo- Protestant Missions 155 remarkable that the first outburst of missionary zeal came not from any minister of religion, but from certain members of the law faculty at Liibeck. One of these, Peter Heiling 1 , made his way to Abyssinia about 1634, and translated the New Testament into Amharic, the language of that country. Somewhat later, in 1664, Ernest von Welz made a most stirring appeal to his Lutheran fellow-countrymen to found a missionary so- ciety", and to establish in every university a college Collegium de Propaganda Fide for the special training of missionaries. Welz's own zeal never flagged, and he himself chose the Dutch territory on the Guinea coast for the scene of his operations ; but there he soon died, and his efforts for the permanent establishment of mis- sionary organizations came to nothing. Spener and his friends in the Pietistic revival earnestly pressed upon their co-religionists the thought of their duty towards the heathen. Towards the end of the century the philo- sopher and statesman Leibnitz propounded an ambitious design to unite all Christian states and pi'inces in mis- sionary enterprise. Francke also, as we shall see 3 , was one of the first organizers of German missions, but it was not until a later period that mission-work enlisted the sympathy of a large body of supporters. When the power of Portugal declined the Dutch superseded them in most of their East Indian possessions, where they shewed a decided missionary spirit. One of the avowed aims of the Dutch East India Company, chartered in 1602, was the conversion of the heathen The history of the early Dutch mission is somewhat obscure, but we know that in Ceylon the Dutch governor admitted no one to any even the lowest position under government until he had signed the Helvetic Confession 4 . Baptism, however, was not refused to anyone who could repeat the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments. Thousands came to be baptized, so that by the end of the seventeenth century there are said to have been 300,000 Cingalese Christians, and in 1722 more than 400,000 1 J. H. Michaelis, Leben Pet. Hajling's (Halle, 1724). a Schaff's Encijc., p. 1529. * See p. 156. 4 Kurtz's Lehrbuch, ed. Tschac- kert, n. 271; Schaff's Encycl. 1529. Protestant Missions probably rather vague estimates. The same methods were followed in Java, where 100,000 are said to have been baptized. A missionary college founded in Leyden in 1622 collapsed after sending out no more than twelve students. The Dutch also undertook mission work in connexion with their commercial establishment in Brazil. Some Indians were baptized, and schools established, but the whole scheme was brought to an end by the aban- donment of the colony in 1667. Some good men were found among those who were employed by the Dutch, but it is to be feared that on the whole the Dutch method of offering temporal advantages to converts tended to produce nominal rather than genuine Christians. Denmark did not seriously enter the mission field before the eighteenth century. In 1705 (four years after the foundation of our S. P. G.) Ltitken, Court preacher at Copenhagen, who was in friendly relations with the German Pietists, was appointed by the Danish King, Frederick IV., to select men suitable for the work of missions to the heathen. Two young men, students of theology at Halle, Ziegenbalg and Pltitschau 1 , were re- Danish commended to him, and through him to the King. They Mitnmin were sent to the Danish settlement at Tranquebar in India, the King providing for their support. In 1714 a Danish Society for the Propagation of the Gospel was founded, but in spite of this the main direction of the mission was in the hands of the German Pietists at Halle, who were guided by August Hermann Francke. This excellent man seems to have received an impulse towards missions from Leibnitz, and wrote a remarkable tract, " The Lighthouse of Evangelical Missions," in which he urged the Prussian King, Frederick I., to take up the work of converting the heathen, especially the Chinese. He was eminently fitted by position and character to kindle among the students zeal for the spread of the Gospel, and to animate friends of the mission at home. Without him the Danish mission would perhaps have collapsed. He was the first to publish regular missionary reports, which he did from the year 1708 onwards. The missionaries seem to have been specially gifted for the 1 W. Germann, Ziegenbalg u. Pliitschau (Erlangen, 1867). Protestant Missions work in which they were engaged. Ziegenbalg soon learned to speak the most prevalent native language, Tamil, with perfect fluency, and made himself acquainted with the native literature. In 1708 he began a Tamil translation of the New Testament, which was completed in 1711. Pliitschau was an admirable colleague, but Ziegenbalg was always the leading spirit of the mission. They taught wherever men most did congregate, and succeeded in reaching both Brahmins and Pariahs. Be- ginning with the works of creation as evidence of the being of God, they proceeded to point out man's con- sciousness of sin and longing for a Redeemer, so naturally leading to the great fact of the Incarnation. As early as 1707 they appointed native Catechists, the first step towards a native ministry. Ziegenbalg died in 1719, when he was no more than 36 years of age, but he had begun a great work which did not die. Now it is to be observed that the number of converts made by these excellent missionaries is not to be compared with the numbers which are attributed to Xavier. They made converts at the rate of perhaps fifty in a year, while Xavier is said to have baptized his thousands. But those of the Germans were really instructed in the Christian religion, which can hardly be said of Xavier's ; and the work was permanent. The Tranquebar mission flourished, and in 1778 had received 15,743 converts 1 . It also gave an impulse to Christian work beyond the limits of the Danish settlements. Denmark also directed its attention to Lapland and Greenland. Thomas von Westen, a Norwegian preacher, thrice visited Lapland ; while Greenland owes its Chris- tianity to Hans Egede, a Norwegian educated at Copen- hagen, who, after learning the language of the country, landed in Greenland in 1721, with wife, children, and several companions in all forty-six persons. There he spent fifteen years, and by his earnest preaching and teaching established a Christian community which exists to this day. On his return to Copenhagen in 1736 he continued to serve the cause which he had at heart, and was named superintendent or bishop of the Greenland mission. He died in 1758. His son, Povel Egede, who i Schrockh, N. K.-G. vii. 484. 158 Protestant Missions succeeded his father in Greenland, completed in 1766 the translation of the New Testament into the language of Greenland which his father had begun, and also pro- duced a catechism and a prayer-book in the same tongue. Meanwhile the conversion of the Eskimo in Greenland had become an object of interest to the Moravian Brethren. Zinzendorf, the head of that society, visited Copenhagen in 1731, and was induced by what he saw there to carry out the thoughts which had been suggested to his mind by a previous visit to Halle. In January, 1731, two of the brethren, Matthew and Christian Storch, set out for Greenland, where their first convert was baptized in 1739, and where their successors are at work even to this day. In the early part of the eighteenth century the Brotherhood of Herrnhut was by far the most active missionary society among the Protestants 1 . The thought of the salvation of the heathen pressed constantly upon the heart of Zinzendorf and animated the society. Men ready to make ventures of faith were always to be found among the Moravians. They were not highly educated, and were consequently unfit to influence the Brahmins of India, but among uncultured people their humility and earnest love of Christ drew men to join their worship and society. They lived simply and frugally and laboured with their hands, many of them having been drawn from the artisan class. The first Moravian missionaries, Leonard Dober and David Nitzschmann, went out in 1732 to the island of St Thomas in the West Indies, and in the fifty years which followed missionaries were sent to most of the other West Indian Islands, to Surinam, the Guinea Coast, the Cape of Good Hope, the North- American Indians, and Labrador. In fact, during these years the Moravians sent out more missionaries to the heathen than all the other Protestant communities together. 1 J. Holmes, Sketch of the Mis- 1827) ; A. C. Thompson, Moravian tiont of the United Brethren (Loud. Mitsiont (New York, 1882). CHAPTER V. THE EASTERN CHURCH. THE Mohammedan conquests much curtailed the Eastern Church both in numbers and dignity, but by no means crushed it. The Patriarchs became the re- cognized heads of the faithful in their dioceses; much authority was given to them, and they were held respon- sible to the supreme government for the gopd behaviour of their people in civil as well as in religious matters. The position of an Eastern Patriarch under the Califs was in fact not very unlike that of the Jewish high-priest after the return from Captivity, under the Kings of Persia or Egypt. The relations between the Church of the East and Western Christendom have not been happy. In the sixteenth century communications passed between some of the Lutheran Reformers and the Patriarch of Con- stantinople without any permanent result 2 . Another attempt of a similar kind was made in the seventeenth century. Cyril Lucaris 3 , a native of Crete, then a Vene- tian possession, and influenced by Western ideas, entered 1 Paul Bycaut, Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches, A.C. 1678 (London, 1679); J. Mason Neale, Hist, of the Holy Eastern Church (Lond. 184750) ; A. P. Stanley, Lectures on the Eastern Church; A. H. Hore, Eighteen Centuries of the Orthodox Greek Church (Lond. 1899). 2 Hardwick's Reformation, 313 f. 8 T. Smith, De Graces Ecclesia Hodierno Statu (Lond. 1678), trans- lated by the author as An Account of the Greek Church under Cyrillus Lucaris, etc. (Ib. 1680), and Collec- tanea de Cyrillo Lucare (Ib. 1707) ; L. Aymon, Lettres Anecdotes de Cyrille Lucaris (Amst. 1718) ; A. Mettetal, Cyr. Lucar (Strass- burg, 1869) ; P. Trivier, Un Patri- arche de Constantinople (Paris, 1877). CH. V. The Church under the Califs 1 . East and West. Cyril Lucaris, 1572 1638. 160 Tlie Eastern Church CH. V. Patriarch of Alexan- dria, 1602. Constanti- nople, 1621. into communication with some of the Reformed ministers during a mission in Lithuania. When in 1602 he became Patriarch of Alexandria he was greatly troubled by the efforts of the Jesuits, under the protection of the French, to make converts among the Greeks, and again entered into communication with some of the Reformed through Cornelius de Haga, the Dutch ambassador at the Porte. Greek theology had undergone little or no change since the days of John of Damascus in the eighth century. Greek religion had tended more and more to become mere form and ceremony, and it was probably with a view of breathing new life into it, and making it more capable of resisting the attacks of Rome, that Cyril desired intercourse with the more active minds of the West. In 1616 he entered into correspondence with George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, and sent Metro- phanes Critopulus to Oxford for instruction in the principles of the English Church. Some years after (1628) he testified his goodwill towards England by his gift to Charles I. of the famous Alexandrine manuscript of the Bible in Greek, now in the British Museum. In 1621 Cyril became Patriarch of Constantinople, when the Jesuits attacked him with all the weapons of intrigue and bribery, and succeeded in bringing about his banish- ment to Rhodes. He was, however, soon permitted to return, and was supported by the ambassadors of England and Holland. When Cyril established a printing-press in Constantinople his enemies represented that this was intended to disseminate books hostile to the Koran, upon which the Grand Mufti, being consulted by the Vizier, gave the equitable judgment, that doctrines other than those of Mohammed were not of necessity blasphemies, and that as the Sultan permitted Christians to proclaim their doctrines by word of mouth, he must be taken to permit them to print and publish them. The Jesuits were shortly after expelled from the Turkish dominions (1628). But the Patriarch's troubles were by no means at an end. In 1629 a paper which he had written with a view of minimising the differences between the Greek Church and the Western Reformed communities was published in Latin by the Dutch ambassador, and excited great indignation among the Greeks. He was driven from his The Eastern Church 161 see and again restored, but at last, in 1638, was strangled by command of the Sultan, on the ground that he had conspired with the Cossacks against the Turkish govern- ment. The Eastern Patriarchs declared his remembrance accursed. But the influence of Cyril Lucaris was not annihilated by his tragic death. Greek theology was found to be so much affected by his teaching that in 1643 all the Patriarchs adopted a Confession of Faith, drawn up by Peter Mogilas, Archbishop of Kieff, intended specially to guard the Church against Protestant innovations. The Negus of Abyssinia 1 , where a Christianity strongly tinged with Judaism had maintained itself from early times, was moved by intercourse with the Portuguese to sever the connexion of his country with the Coptic Patriarch in Alexandria (1621) and to receive from Rome a Patriarch for itself. The discontent of the people, however, shewed itself in open revolt, the Jesuits were expelled from the country, and the submission to Rome broken off. The Maronites 2 in the Lebanon and in many districts of Syria retained their connexion with the See of Rome, which conceded to them the choice of their own Patriarch, the marriage of priests, the use of Syriac in the Liturgy, and the administration of the Cup to the laity. The Maronite college at Rome has produced (since 1584) a number of Oriental, especially Syriac, scholars. A papal legate appeared at a Maronite council held in 1596 at Kannobin, at which, according to his account, an almost complete agreement with Rome was attained ; but the Maronites retained their distinctive usages. To another council, held at Luweiza in 1736, the celebrated Maronite scholar, J. S. Assemani, was sent as legate, and had some success in the way of Romanizing. The Catechism of Trent, with its doctrine of transubstantiation, was intro- duced ; the Gregorian Calendar was adopted; the marriage of the clergy was confined to the lower orders ; the name of the Pope was introduced into the Liturgy. 1 Ludolf, Historia jEthiopica (Frankfort, 1681-94); La Croze, Hist, du Christiuiiisme d'fithiopie et d'Armenie (La Haye, 1739). 2 Schnurrer, De Ecclesia Maro- nitica (1810) ; Murad, Notice His- C. torique sur I'Origine de la Nation Maronite (1844); Kunstmann, Ue- ber die Maroniten in Tiibinger Quartalschrtft (1845); Hardwick, Middle Age, pp. 71, 370. 11 CH. V. Confession of Mogilas, 1643. Abyssinia. 1621. Maronites. Council in 1596 ; in 1736. 162 Tlie Eastern Church The relation of the ancient Armenian Church 1 to Rome was somewhat uncertain. The Armenian Patriarchs were often glad to seek help from Rome, and therefore paid much respect to the Pope, but without resigning their own doctrines and customs. The Armenians were, and are, a race of traders, and as such widely dispersed, but they notwithstanding clung to their own Church. It was not until the Propaganda, in the early part of the seventeenth century, began its work, that any considerable body of Armenians really adopted Roman doctrine and joined the Roman Church. In 1624 Archbishop Nicolas Torosowich, who was recognized as the ecclesiastical head of the numerous Armenian communities in South Russia, withdrew from the jurisdiction of the Armenian Patriarch in Etchmiadzin and made submission to the papal see. The Armenians in Poland did not give their adhesion until 1652, after which union with Rome was promoted by the foundation of a Roman college for the Armenians in Lemberg in 1664. The Patriarchs in Etchmiadzin, however, maintained friendly relations with Rome until the numerous conversions towards the end of the seven- teenth century put an end to them, and caused a lasting breach between the United and non-United Armenians. The attempts of the Roman Church to recoup itself by conquests in the East for its losses in the West were sometimes favoured by political circumstances. Thus in Poland, the mutual hatred of the Poles, recently the oppressors, and the Russians, recently the oppressed, was the principal reason why a large number of the Polish clergy, between 1590 and 1596, abandoned the Greek rite, entered into communion with the Latins, and acknow- ledged the supremacy of the Pope 2 . But any loss which the Greek Church sustained in Poland was more than made up to it by the splendid position which it acquired in Russia 3 . Already in 1588 1 G. di Serpo, Compendia Storico, dtc. (Venice, 1786) ; Chamick, Hist, of Armenia, tr. by Avdall (Calcutta, 1827); E. L. Cutts, Christians under the Crescent (London, 1877). 2 Hardwick's Reformation, 316. 1 A. N. Mouravieff, Hint, of tlie Church of Russia to 1721, tr. by Blackmore (Oxford, 1842) ; L. Bois- sard, L'glise de Russie (Paris, 1867); Schrockh, N. K.-G. ix. 156 ff.; Gieseler, K.-G. m. 2. 696 ff. ; Hase, K.-G m. 2. 940; [J. B. Mozley] in Christian Remembrancer, vol. x. p. 245. The Eastern Church 163 the Czar Feodor I., with the assent of the then Patriarch, Jeremiah II. of Constantinople, had raised Moscow to the rank of a Patriarchate, a " third Rome." And in Russia the State was deeply indebted to the Church. It was mainly through the Church that the kingdom was or- ganized after the Mongols were driven out ; it was mainly the Church which repelled the Polish invasion in the early years of the seventeenth century. And when the reigning House of Ruric came to an end, it was to the clergy that the people looked to supply their future sovereign. In 1613 the nobles assembled to make their election. After three days of fasting and prayer they chose to fill the vacant throne Michael, son of Archbishop Philaret and grandson of Roman, from whom the present reigning house of Romanoff is descended. The Czar Michael and the Patriarch Philaret ruled together pro- bably the only instance in all history of a father as head of the Church and a son as head of the State governing a kingdom. It was a great epoch in the history of Russia. The nation was delivered from the Mongols and the Poles ; the Church was freed from the Mussulmans and the Latins ; both were free to follow their natural course of development. One of the most extraordinary figures in all history is that of the Patriarch Nicon 1 , who in the seventeenth century attempted to reform the Russian Church. With the support of the Czar Alexis he set himself with in- domitable courage to root out the most crying evils in the Church and the priesthood. With a strong, often violent hand he waged war against the drunkenness which disgraced the clergy. The printing-press was set to work, Greek and Latin were taught in some of the schools. The harsh intonations of the Muscovites were superseded by the sweet chants of singers brought from Poland and Greece, who introduced that impressive music of men's voices which has become the glory of the Russian 1 Contemporary authorities : The Travels of Macarius in the Ylth cent. tr. from the Arabic by Belfour (Oriental Trans. Fund, 1827-36); W. Palmer, The Patriarch and the Czar : Replies of Nicon, Patriarch,