m % HD A2R'I 1921ZI ]ONvsoi^ "^/^iiJMNajwv^ "^^Aavaani^ "^(^Aavaani^ '^i:?i]ONVSoi^ ^aaMsamv^ %jnv3J0^ \WEUNIVERS//i DC CO ^OFCAIIFO;?^ ^^WEUNIVERy/^ vvlOSANC[l^;> o ^ SO ^lOSANGEl£r^ <1^130NVS01^ '^MmHM^ ^lUBRARYOc. ^. "^/saaAiNrt-juv^ ^lOSANCElfj> "^ o -n «-< =0 c? -< %a]AIN(13WV^ ^^;QFCAllFOI?x;, >\;OFCAIIFO%. aWEUNIVERS/a ^(^Aavaaii-^- ^^Aavnani^ o -< ^tUBRARYQr ^OFCAUFOft)^ ^WEUNIVERS/A %OJnVDJO>' &Aavaani^ ^^Aavaan-^- . A>:lOSANCEl£r> r« o = 3 "%WAiNnm^ AVlOSANCElfTx 5 ^^ ^^ 6 C? ^tUBRARYQ^ -s^tUBRARYQ^ ^ii- dicalist Committee ( France), Michel Relenque. "We have charged the Syndicalist Union of Italy with the task of securing the connections between all these elements and take the initiative to communication and organization of a con- 37 ference and an energetic propaganda on the basis of this mani- festo in the respective countries. "Adopted by the Secretariat of the Constituent Bureau." The discussion on the Syndicalist conference can be sum- marized partly in the following fashion, as the following con- siderations are but the natural results of that situation. The fact that these Syndicalist conferences were held immediately gives birth to the two questions : Which Theory Is Right? (1) What was wrong with the R. T. U. I. Congress (from an I. W. W. standpoint) that the Syndicalists should separate themselves from the other elements in the Congress? (2) If these two groups are divided on fundamental differ- ences, what measure of right and wrong can be applied (from a revolutionary standpoint) to the dispute by the workers through- out the world? Either the Communist political theory or the industrial theory is right. Between the two there must be a selection. In my opinion the industrialist theory is all the more strength- ened by the mere fact that such a great number of Syndicalist delegates have gone to Russia; have looked into the very heart of the situation there: studied the Russian revolution closely, and yet they combat, in Moscow itself, the very theory that dominates the Russian revolution in its present stage, viz., the Communist political theory. If the Russian revolution is the criterion on which the Communists base their theory, then they have punctured their own arguments by not having in Russia a single fact which could be used to refute the industrial theory. Therefore it is worth noting that the industrialist theory is ar- gued for as vehemently in Moscow as in capitalist countries, which proves that no revolutionary economic organization can ever accept domination by a political party regardless of what revolutionary disguise it is parading under. I have the happy memory of being told by scores and scores of workers during may stay in Russia, many of them former members of the I. W. W. in England and America, and too, practically all of them in Russia since the first days of the revolution that the I. W. W. posi- tion has proven itself correct to them by their experiences in Russia. I have devoted more attention to the minority conferences than might seem necessary, but I have gone into this phase not because there was anything of importance attached to the results, but only to give the members of the I. W. W. an idea of the tendencies that prevailed in the Congress, and having this in their minds they can more easily interpret the final re- 88 suits of the Red International Congress, And also, to show that the opposition to the domination of the political sect was em- phatic and not confined to myself. Every revolutionaiy Syndic- calist organization demanded an independent economic Inter- national. They didn't get it. That much I think has been proven already, even if nothing more were said. I have pointed out that the split between the two factions was a decided one. The mi- nority conferences, therefore, were not without their good func- tion of indicating the inerasable line of demarcation that separ- ated the two groups. Besides, I think that it has laid the founda- tion for an honest-to-goodness International because we now know where everybody else stands in the revolutionary labor movement regarding political parties. ^'Resolutions and Decisions" I now pass on to a discussion of "Resolutions and Decisions," adopted at the First Congress of the Red Inteniational. They are remarably few for such an important enteiprise as an Inter- national of Revolutionary Unions. Indeed, it seems to me, that the whole set of resolutions are nothing but silly tirades against the leaders of Amsterdam and the leaders of the various con- servative trade unions in the different countries. But if it re- veals nothing of importance for the foundation of an economic International it at least gives a good conception of the motives of the authors of each resolution. Even a supei'ficial study of these "Resolutions and Decisions" will show that but one thought dominates every printed sentence: Poiver. "Oust the Amster- dam leaders," "Throw out the Gomperses, the Jouhauxs, the Thomases, capture their unions and bring them to Moscow. Turn them over to us, ive ivill then lead yoii to victory," as though the elimination of some particular leaders were the only prob- lem confronting the workers. It is the old moss-eaten philosophy of leadership again. To get a good idea of the psychology that dominated the Communists who control the Red International, the Manifesto of the Congress to the workers of the world is as good a meas- uring stick as any. This manifesto, coming as it did from a Congress of International revolutionary labor unions, would cer- tainly be expected by everybody to contain an important message to the world's workers. But what does it say? It starts out about "the criminal war" and touches on every wrong under the sun that is suffered by the working class, preparing the reader seemingly for a solution to the whole problem. It then asks in the middle of the article : "What is to be done?" Apparently all the author could think of or at least all I could find is embodied in the following extracts: 39 "What are doing the leaders of Amsterdam?" . . "Let the indignant cry of the proletariat call out one single watchword: Do2vn tuith the yellow Aimsterdam International!" , . . "Get rid of the yellotv treacherous leaders selling the cause of the working class." "A new epoch of glorious struggles has begun, when the proletariat becomes worthy of better leaders than the scabs of Amsterdam." (Get this!) — "The new leaders will know how to defend the proletarian trenches and will take the offensive." Not a word here that indicates anything but a change of leaders. Of course, the question of throwing out the yellow leaders of the "yellow unions" suggests new leaders, and who would even imagine that any Communist would be so immodest as to offer himself to lead the workers to economic freedom? I ask this question for the benefit of those who perhaps have never appreciated the leadership qualities that exist in, and are peculiar to Moscow. Yes, Moscow has leaders for any kind of unions, from those unions that don't exist, to those about to be formed. In short, a full equipment for the business of leader- ship exists in Moscow, and only waits for the necessary organiza- tions to which these self-proved leaders can attach themselves. And, naturally, in all other Theses, Resolutions or Decisions, this dominating idea "leadership" is the basis of all discussion. It is repeated over and over again in every article, until reading such "theses" becomes a monotonous study of repeated phrases. Every member of the I. W. W. should get a copy of these "Res- olutions and Decisions" if possible. It is a study in the dilapi- dated dogma of pure leadership, but splashed over with a brand new coat of red paint. There were only three matters adopted in the Congress that are worthy of any consideration here: "The Question of Tactics," "Resolution on the Question of Relations between the Red Labor Union International and the Communist Internation- al," and the "Constitution." There were other things considered, but dealing as they did with superannuated topics are impor- tant to nobody but the author, who perhaps, got a kick out of exercising his peculiar talent for ambiguity. It is not my inten- tion to get comical over a serious subject, yet one must counter- act such bloodthirsty tirades with a relaxed mind, otherwise he will take the question of conservative labor leaders so seriously as to be drawn into an argument as to whether they should be dynamited or run into a machine gun trap. Our sole consideration here is the machinery that was set up to create and operate the Red International (from an I. W. W. standpoint) . 40 Relations with Communist International The "Resolutions on the Relations with the Communist In- ternational" are somewhat misleading because they say nothing about the actual relations of these two bodies. But in the "Con- stitution of the Red International of Labor Unions" this point is settled. This being the case, I will only reprint them here with the request to the membership to carefully study the last para- graph about "Contact between Red Labor Unions and the Com- munists Parties." "RESOLUTION on the Question of Relations between the Red Labor Union International and the Communist International. "(On the report of Comrades Rosmer and Tom Mann.) "Whereas, the struggle between labor and capital in all capitalist countries has assumed, as a result of the world war and crisis, an exceptionally acute, implacable and decisive char- acter, "Whereas, in the process of this everyday struggle the labor- ing masses realize ever more clearly the necessity of eliminat- ing the bourgeoisie from administration of industry and conse- quently from political power, "Whereas, the above result can be obtained solely by estab- lishing of the dictatorship of the proletariat and a Communist system, "Whereas, in the struggle to preserve the bourgeois dicta- torship, all the capitalist ruling classes have already succeeded in consolidating and concentrating to a high degree their national and international organizations, political as well as economic, in a solid front of all the bourgeois forces, both defensive and offensive, against the onrush of the proletariat, "Whereas, the logic of the modern class struggle demands the greater consolidation of the proletarian forces and the rev- olutionary struggle and consequently means that there must be the closest contact and organic connection between the different forms of the revolutionary labor movement and primarily be- tween the Third Communist International and the Red Labor Union International, it is also desirable that every effort should be made, in the national field, towards the establishment of sim- ilar relations between the Communist parties and the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions; "Therefore the Congress resolves: "1. To take all steps for uniting together in the most ener- getic manner all the labor unions in one united fighting organ- ization with one direct international center — the Red Interna- tional of Labor Unions. 41 "2. To establish the closest possible contact with the Third Communist International as the vanguard of the revolutionary labor movement in all the parts of the world on the basis of joint representation at both Executive Committees, joint confer- ences, etc. 3. That the above connection should have an organic and business character and be expressed in the joint preparation of pre-revolutionary action and in the concerted manner in which it could be carried out on a national and international scale. "4. That it is imperative for every country to strive towards uniting the revolutionary labor union organizations and the es- tablishment of the closests contact between the red labor unions and the Communist parties for the carrying out of the decisons of both congresses." There was a resolution on the Italian question, the discus- sion of which took up two days' sessions. The gist of the affair is that the leaders of the General Confederation of Labor in Italy (this is the conservative union that belongs to Amsterdam and not to be confused with the Syndicalist union) had at one time promised to join the Red International but have still remained on the outside. The resolution on the so-called Italian question was therefore a condemnation of the leaders in the Italian con- servative unions for their seeming duplicity. According to the time taken this should rank as the most important question. It took just twice as long to settle this quarrel as it did the other resolutions. Resolutions on Organizations The "Resolutions on Organizations" were the issue on which the opposing factions in the Congress indulged in the most heated debate. This resolution comprises the "boring from within" theoiy, a policy by which the Communists have such fond hopes of capturing the conservative labor unions. The whole philosophy of "boring from within" has sprung from one desire: leadership and power. Take away the idea of controlling all labor unions from a center in Moscow and the whole theory falls as flat as a pan^- cake. And, too, it is from this philosophy of leadership that the extreme antagonism towards the Syndicalists and the I. W. W. springs. Losovsky indicates this clearly in his theses on "Tac- tics" when he says: "On the other hand toe find in Syndicalism the principle of independence and neidTulity towards all political parties, including the political party of the proletariat." This, I think, explains everything about "boring from with- in." The theses on "Tactics" give no other impression than that the main function of "boring from within" is to oust the old lead- ers. Says Losovsky in paragraph 24, "Theses on Tactics," speak- ing of English labor unions : 42 "The problem under such conditions is not to wrest individ- ual prominent members from the mass of workers, from the unions in order to create certain extra-union organizations, but to see to it that all the most conscious, revolutionary active ele- ments should work organically in the very thick of the laboring masses; in the factories and shops, in the lowest nuclei of the unions, striving to secure responsible, leading positions in the labor union movement from top to bottom" It is a waste of time and space to attempt a detailed exami- nation of the boring from within theory, its promulgators have advanced it evidently with their Russian viewpoint, and besides, know little about the conditions in America, or any other country for that matter. But, measuring it from the standpoint of cap- turing the leadership in the conservative unions, its reasons for existence are easily seen. I have searched everything published on this subject by the Communist tacticians and I have yet to find a comprehensive plan that would define a complete program for this theory. The following from the theses on "Organiza- tion" by Losovsky, comes the nearest to saying something on this subject that exists as far as I know: "IV. The Conquest of the Old Trade Unions "12. The counter-revolutionary part played, at the present time, by the trade union bureaucracy; the strangling of the revolutionary movement of the working class awakened in cer- tain sections of the revolutionary proletariat in all countries the thought of leaving the unions and the creation of new, purely revolutionary unions. This is the origin of the watchwords 'de- stroy the unions' and 'out of the unions', which met with rather favorable reception among that section of the revolutionary ele- ments who were rather despairing and in a pessimistic mood, having lost confidence in the masses. This policy of breaking off from the unions by the revolutionary elements, thanks to which the great masses are abandoned to the influence of the working class, plays into the hands of the counter-revolutionaiy bureaucracy and must be resolutely and categorically rejected. Not to destroy, but to conquer the unions, i. e., the great mass of workers who are still in the old trade unions, this should be our rallying point in the development of the revolutionary struggle. "13. Meeting half way the slogan 'out of the unions,* the trade union bureaucracy of all countries began to expel the leading elements of the revolutionary trade union movement. This rendered still more acute the pessimistic mood and strength- ened the slogan "out of the unions.' But it would be a great error on the part of the supporters of the Red International if, being drawn into this provocation, they were to abandon the 43 trade union movement and confine themselves in minute revolu- tionary unions. "The workers expelled from the union should not be dis- integrated. They must remain organized on the same plane as they were before the exclusion acting always as a definite, legal part of the union which had expelled them. By no means should they play into the hands of the trade union bureaucracy and facilitate it in the struggle against the ever-increasing revolution- ary spirit of the masses. "14. Our policy with respect to old trade unions should take into consideration that, at the actual moment, they embrace many millions of workers. The task of the revolutionary elements in the trade unions does not consist in wresting from the unions the best and class conscious workers in order to create small organizations. Their task should be to revolutionize the unions, to transform them into a weapon of social revolution by means of the everyday struggle in favor of all the revolutionary demands put forward by the workers within the old trade unions. Every kind of organizing work should develop along the lines of fight- ing the treachery and slackness of the trade union bureaucracy in the struggle for the every-day interests of the workers. To conquer the unions means to conquer the masses, and these can only be conquered by a systematically obstinate work, setting against the policy of class collaboration that of our steady rev- olutionary line of action. The slogan 'out of the unions' prevents us from conquering the masses to our cause and retards the ad- vance of the social revolution. "15. It would be similarly erroneous to consider the organ- ization of trade unions as an aim in itself. They are but only the means to an end. By rejecting the motto "out of the unions' we must resolutely declare ourselves against the fetish of organ- ization and the watchword 'Unity at any cost and under all cir- cumstances.' The conquest of the unions does not imply the seizure of the union cash book or of its property, but the con- quest of its members. The difference is easily forgotten and the union is often confused with its office, its cash and its officials. This 'trade union machinery* standpoint should encounter a res- olute opposition on the part of the revolutionary class conscious unions. The revolutionary trade unions are against the split. They stand for unity, but they do not fear the split, this should be brought home to everyone of us." The most striking feature about the above is the vagueness with which it treats this "pet subject," and being vague, it is but natural that inconsistency would abound. It is a master- piece of childish dribble. It tells the workers to leave the "yel- low leaders" of Amsterdam but stay with the "yellow leaders" of the various countries, seemingly unaware of the fact that sup- 44 port of the national leaders certainly does not weaken Amster- dam. I leave it to the members of the I. W. W. to solve this riddle and arrive at an understanding as to where this "boring" is going to start and where it will end. It is like boring a tunnel without knowing where the tunnel will end. Having, I think, established that the Red International was completely dominated by the Third International, it is to the point to call attention here to pragraph 45 of the Theses on Organization, under the section headed: "Conditions of Affilia- tion to the Red International." It is the "joker," clumsily dis- guised that has for its purpose the delivery of the world's labor movement into the hands of the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International via the international disciplinarians of the Red International. 45. "An international organization is only then properly es- tablished when its decisions are carried out by corresponding organizations in all countries. The experience of international organizations before, and especially during the war, shows that many organizations do not consider the decisions adopted by in- ternational congresses as binding on the national organizations. But the Red International cannot endorse their standpoint and therefore establishes the necessity of international proletarian discipline, i. e., that separate national organizations must abide by the decisions of the International Congresses and confer- ences." One could go on without end in criticizing the "Resolutions and Decisions" for their lack of an intelligible plan for an Inter- national organization. However, it is useless to dissect every- thing, the ambiguity of the whole program is its chief strength, because it has a tendency to confuse the great majority of the workers, maintaining an ideological attitude towards the Russian revolution, confuse this wonderful achievement with a political party. I will only deal with one thing more, "The Constitution of the Red International of the Labor Unions." To save space I will omit the introduction to this resolution, and commence with "Aims and Purpose." "II. Aims and Purpose "The Red International of Labor has for its aims: "(1) To organize the large working mass in the whole world for the overthrow of capitalism, the emancipation of the toilers from oppression and exploitation and the establishment of the socialist commonwealth. 45 "(2) To carry on a wide agitation and propaganda of the principles of revolutionary class struggle, social revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat and revolutionary mass action for the purpose of overthrowing the capitalist system and the bour- geois state. "(3) To fight against the corruptive ulcer gnawing at the vitals of the world labor union movement, of compromising with the bourgeoisie, against the ideas of class co-operation and social peace and the absurd hopes for a peaceable transition from cap- italism to socialism. "(4) To unite the revolutionary class elements of the world labor union movement and carry on decisive battle against the International Bureau of Labor attached to the League of Nations and against the Amsterdam International Federation of Trade Unions, which by their program and tactics are but the bulwark of the world bourgeoisie. "(5) To co-ordinate and regulate the struggle of the working class in all countries and organize international demonstrations each time, when the situation demands them. "(6) To take the initiative of international campaigns about prominent events of class struggle, to open subscription lists for the benefit of strikers in great social conflicts, etc." I don't think comment is necessary on the above other than to ask, what particular set of aims in any way clarifies the subject about which the matter is printed? To say that the "Aims and Puii)oses" are "to organize the working class in the whole world . . the emancipation of the toilers from oppression and exploitation" doesn't mean anything, because the yellow So- cialists and Amsterdamers also recommend this same vague proc- ess Organize? Sure! But how? And by what logical process are the workers to get control of the industries? We don't want to leave anything to the imagination on this point. The fact of the matter is that this clause is another instance of studied and methodical nonsense. But if the author had written what was in his heart, too much would have been uncovered. Conditions of Membership Under the rules of "Membership" the doors and w'indows of the next Red International Congress are thrown wide open for another avalanche of Communist delegates representing their millions of phantom workers. But, of course, it could not be that the framer of this clause had this very thing in mind! 46 ''Membership "Any revolutionary economic class organization is eligible to membership in the Red International of Labor Unions if it accepts the following conditions: "(1) Endorsement of the principles of revolutionary class struggle. "(2) Application of these principles in its daily struggle with capitalism and the bourgeois state. "(3) Recognition of the necessity of the overthrow of capit- alism through the social revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat for the transition period. "(4) Recognition and application of the decisions of the Con- stituent Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions. "(6) The rupture with the Amsterdam yellow International. "(7) United action with all the revolutionary organizations and the Communist party of the country in all defensive and offensive activities against the bourgeoisie." Article IV, ''International Congress" This article is the "joker," and two interesting paragraphs that are particularly valuable to those Communists who, to de- termine the amount of the workers they will represent, need only a lead pencil that will write out the figures. The whole Syndicalist movement has perhaps 3,000,000 members, which would net them about 18 votes, a liberal estimate using article IV as a basis. The German Communist minority could match this alone, not to mention the potentialities of the American, French, English, Italian and a score of other countries. And, too, the usual "joker" is found in the next paragraph to that which fixes representation. It is morally certain that the conservative labor unions in the various countries will never join the Red Inter- national, and hence arises the necessity for a Communist minor- ity. Here are the two paragraphs commented on above. "Every national organization of trade or industrial unions less than 10,000 members, receives one consultative voice on the congress; national organizations having from 10,000 to 25,000 members send one delegate with a deciding vote ; from 25,000 to 100,000 members — two delegates with deciding votes; from 100,000 to 250,000 — four delegates with deciding votes; from 250,000 to 500,000— six delegates, and for each additional 500,000 members one delegate with a deciding vote is added. Interna- tional revolutionary class organizations by trades or industries have the right to two deciding votes each. 47 Organized minorities in countries have the same represent- ation, but all organizations of a given country affiliated with the Red International of Labor Unions make up a single delegation, inside of which the votes are divided proportionally to the mem- bership of the respective organizations. Organized minorities and fractions have representation on the congress only in the case, when the general labor union" (by this is meant the con- servative unions) "organization of that country is not affiliated with the Red International of Labor Unions." The Central Council By Article V, "Organs of the Red International of Labor Unions" on the Central Council the Russians are forever pro- vided with four delegates, other countries two, and some one. I say forever because this particular Red International will never meet outside of Russia. However, this doesn't matter, as the Central Council as such will in the future carry on a paper ex- istence. The real body is the Executive Bureau, which is elected by the Central Council, and the Central Council having made these provisions disbands until the next Congress. This Central Council, always assured of a Communist majority, will, of course, always elect safe and sane comrades to the Executive Bureau, etc., etc., and our attention attracted thus to this exalted center, it takes no mental effort to see that the powers controlling this particular body will be no other than the General Headquarters of the Third International. I quote this article : "V. Organs of the Red International of Labor Unions "The Red International of Labor Unions has two organs: the Central Council and the Executive Bureau. "Central Council. The Central Council is composed as fol- lows: England, United States, GeiTnany, Italy, Spain, Czecho- slovakia, Poland and France have two representatives each; Russia has four; all other countries having more than 25,000 have one representative with a deciding vote; countries having less than 25,000 have one representative with a consulting voice, international organizations by trades or industries have one rep- resentative with a consulting voice. "The Central Council directs all the work of the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions from congress to congress; takes all decisions necessitated by the circumstances; represents the Red International of Labor Unions before the whole world ; acts in its name,, gathers in its hands all the materials and documents re- lated to the international labor movement; manages all funds in- cluding the International Fund of Militant Solidarity; publishes papers and magazines in different languages; in short, is the 48 organ invested with the power to direct the work between the world congresses. "The Central Council meets at least twice a year, dealing mostly with the clearing of questions of principles, and leaving all current work to the Executive Bureau." The present composition of the Executive Bureau and the methods used to place Andreytchine there are conclusive proof as to what element will always make up this body. And to- gether with this is the fact that the Red International will be personified in these seven men. They will be the Red Inter- national. And with the plan of central control of all organiza- tions that belong to the R. T. U. I., which is so plainly insisted upon in the adopted "Resolutions and Decisions," it is plain to see that this particular group will sit securely alone and run the Red International to suit themselves. And it can be depended on that this bureau will have the machinery of the next congress well oiled for future political travels. The Executive Bureau The Executive Bureau consists of seven members, elected by the Central Council, including two members of the country where the Headquarters of the Red International of Labor Unions is located. "The Executive Bureau directs all the current affairs of the Red International of Labor Unions. It regulates the work of the departments and sections; publishes the official organs of the Red International of Labor Unions; represents the Red International of Labor Unions and the Central Council wherever and whenever it is necessary; and prepares all the questions for the sessions of the Central Council. The Executive Bureau meets at least once a week." Provision for Funds The provision for funds made in the Constitution I am going to leave to the conclusions of any mathematical genius that chances to read this report. The only thing I can make out of it is that the labor bodies who have a membership will supply the treasury. The Communist minorities will be dead- heads, but, having all the votes, will spend all the money to wreck the very organizations that supply it. A bright future for an International of Labor Unions to face! 49 "Article VII. Funds "The funds of the Red International are composed of regular dues paid by the national organizations affiliated with it and of special contributions. The quota of the pajnuents is estabUshed as follows: at least 1 per cent of the total income of the organ- izations which receive into their central treasury 50 per cent or more of the membership dues: at least 2 per cent from those organizations receiving into their central treasury 25 to 50 per cent of the membership dues; at least 3 per cent from those organizations receiving from 10 to 25 per cent of the member- ship dues and at least 5 per cent from those organizations re- ceiving less than 10 per cent of the membership dues. Until the creation of the necessary fund all financial means will be fur- nished by the general labor organization of the country where the headquarters of the Red International of Labor Unions is lo- cated." I will finish with the subject of "Relations with the Com- munist International/' by saying that this is a very clumsy decoy, and only meant for superficial examination. As a matter of fact, the Communists knew all along that they would control the Red International, but now try with the aid of this clause to "dummy up" on the Syndicalist organizations. But such transparent shams have fooled no one. This clause serves nicely as the official alibi of the Communists. With it they expect to prove that the Red International is independent of the Third International. But the question is: Whom could they prove it to? *'X. Relations with the Communist International. "To establish close and unbreakable connections between the Red International of Labor Unions and the Third Com- munist International, the Central Council: "(1) Sends three representatives to the Executive Committee of the Communist International with deciding votes and vice versa. "(2) Organizes joint sessions with the Executive Committee of the Communist International for the discussion of the most important issues of the inteiTiational labor movement, and for the organization of common action. "(3) Issues, when it is warranted by the events, joint appeals with the Communist International." This ends the discussions on the "Resolutions and Decisions," and having nothing more of importance to consider in connec- tion with the Red International, I will make a few remarks on the "International Congress of Seamen." 50 World Congress of Seamen Besides bearing credentials for the Red International, I also bore credentials for a World's Congress of Seamen, which was scheduled to take place in Petrograd on August 1st. This con- gress never materialized, but a so-called conference was arranged for and held in Moscow on August 12, 1921. According to the reasons advanced by Losovsky, the intended congress was an- nulled because in the light of the situation it was a wrong policy to organize a separate Seamen's International from the Red Inter- national. Together with this point of view there were few sea- men's delegates present, and they represented but a small frac- tion of the workers in this industry. Delegates representing sea- men were present only from four countries : Australia, Argentina, Germany and America. I made no objection to turning the in- tended congress into a conference for that reason. However, the German and Argentine delegates objected rather strongly against the new arrangement. Nothing came out of the conference worth covering here. German Syndicalist Congress Leaving Moscow I arrived in Berlin, where, having an en- forced stay ahead of me, I accepted an invitation to attend the congress of the German Syndicalists (F. A. U. D.) in a fraternal capacity. Prior to the opening of this congress other delegates (who had represented various countries at the Red Interna- tional) arrived and informal discussions were entered into re- garding the international situation. Discussions in these con- ferences indicated an unanimous opinion that the Congress of the Red International was not at all satisfactory to the Syndicalist organizations, but opinion was divided as to what action to take. It was considered advisable to allow the general situation to clear up by waiting until the many organizations represented in Moscow could decide on the reports of their delegates. This, of course, would take some time. When I left Germany for home the situa- tion, as it appeared to me, was as follows : That practically none of the Syndicalist organizations of Europe will affiliate with the Red International and that these organizations are still very anxious to, in some way, establish connections with other revolutionary organizations. All that is needed is initiative by some organization and the necessary pre- liminary business for the establishment of an Economic Inter- national can be easily arranged. And I think that if the I. W. W. sponsored such a move it would get immediate responses. The foreign delegates who attended the German Congress, including myself, agreed that the Holland delegates would act as the secretary of a temporary bureau, which would function as an information bureau, and keep the various revolutionary 51 organizations in touch with the situation. This ended my par^ ticipation in anything pertaining to the labor movement in Europe, excepting a short talk to the German Syndicalist con- gress, which was printed in Industrial Solidarity. Proof of Domination I will add here some material that I think is conclusive proof that the Red International was dominated by the Third Inter- national. It is in the form of two documents dealing with the same subject. One of the documents was adopted as a part of a resolution by the Third International, the other was adopted in the same capacity at the first Congress of the Red Inter- national. Both these documents were written in the original, without doubt, by the same individual, but as they appear in the congresses mentioned above, one has been slightly altered by changing a few words or shows a reconstruction of a sen- tence. It is obvious that the one that was adopted by the Third International Congress is the original. It makes little difference who was the author, but it makes a world of difference what motive and influence caused it to appear embodied in a resolu- tion that was adopted at the First Congress of the Red Inter- national, after being adopted at the Third Congress of the Com- munist International. The two documents are displayed below in parallel form, so that the reader can examine the selected paragraphs. The one on the left is that adopted by the Communist Congress and the other by the Red International Congress. You will, of course, see that the two documents are the same by comparing one para- graph with the one directly opposite. PROGRAM OF ACTION FROM THESES AND RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT THE THIRD WORLD CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, PAGES 69 TO 72, RUSSIAN EDITION. PROGRAM OF ACTION FROM THE RESOLUTIONS AND DECI- SIONS ADOPTED BY THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF REVOLUTIONARY TRADE AND INDUSTRIAL UNIONS, PAGES 38 TO 44, AMERICAN EDITION. Paragraph 3, pages 69 and 70.) The last year of the struggle has shown with a particular vividness the inability of strictly trade union organizations. The fact of the work- ers in one concern belonging to several unions produces a weakening effect on the struggle. It is neces- sary . . . and this should be the starting point of a tenacious strug- gle (Paragraph 46, page 38.) The last years of the struggle have shown with a peculiar vividness the inability for strictly trade union organizations to meet the situation. The fact that the workers in one con- cern belong to different craft unions weakens their efficiency in the strug- gle. It is necessary . . . and this should be the starting point of an implacable struggle . . . 52 (Paragraph 4, page 70.) Each factory and each mill should become a citadel of the revolution. Old forms of communication between rank and file members of the union and the union itself such as money collectors, representatives, proxies and others should be substituted by the formation of factory committees. (Paragraph 47, page 39.) Each factory and each shop should become a citadel of the revolution. Old forms of communication between rank and file members and the union itself such as money collectors, rep- resentatives, proxies and others are insufficient; it is necessary to strive towards the building up of the union on the basis of shop committees. (Paragraph 5, page 70.) The first question to be put before the workers and the factory commit- tee ... is the maintenance of the workers discharged on account of unemployment at the expense of the enterprise. It should not be per- mitted that workers should be throvsoi out into the streets without the enterprise being in the least con- cerned . . . The owner must be com- pelled to pay full wages to the un- employed. (Paragraph 48, page 39.) The first question to be put before the workers in the shop committee. . . is the maintenance of the workers discharged on account of unemploy- ment, at the expense of the bosses of the given branch of industry. Workers should not be permitted to be thrown out on the streets with- out the employers being in the least concerned . . . The owner must be compelled to pay full wages to the unemployed. (Paragraph 6, page 70.) The closing down of enterprises and curtailing of the workers' hours are at present time the most efficient weapon for the cleaning of the con- cera from unreliable elements with the help of which the bourgeoisie is compelling the workers to accept the reduction of wages, increasing of the working day and the abolition of col- lective bargaining. The lock-out is taking more and more definitely a form of direct action on the part of the employers. (Paragraph 49, page 39.) The closing down of concerns and shortening of the working hours are the most efficient means with the help of which the bourgeoisie com- pels the workers to accept lower wages, longer hours, and the aboli- tion of collective bargaining. Lock- outs take a more and more definite form of direct action on the part of the employers against the organ- ized workers. (Paragraph 7, page 70.) One of the ways of struggling against such closing of concerns for the purpose of a reduction of wages and standard of life should be the taking hold by the workers of the factories and mills and proceeding with production by themselves de- spite the owners' will. (Paragraph 50, page 40.) One of the ways of battling against the closing of concerns for the pui-pose of the reduction of wages and lowering of the standard of life, should be the taking over of the factories and mills by the work- ers and the proceeding with produc- tion by themselves despite the own- ers' will. (Paragraph 9, page 71.) In the case of such tendencies of reducing wages taken up by capit- alists of an economic crisis in the country, the task of the revolutionary trade unions should consist in their endeavors to prevent the reduction in wages by turn in each separate con- cern, in order not to be defeated in parts. (Paragraph 53, page 41.) When the tactics of wage reduc- tion are resorted to by the capitalist class during an economic crisis, the problem of the revolutionary trade unions consist in defeating wage reduction in capitalist industries, in order not to be defeated piecemeal. 53 (Paragraph 11, page 71.) The belief in the absolute value of collective stipulations propagated by the opportunists of all countries must be met with a resolute and keen resistance from the part of the revolutionary trade union movement. The collective stipulation, etc., etc. (Paragraph 54, page 41.) The belief in the sanctity of col- lective bargaining propagated by the opportunists of all countries must be met with a resolute and decided re- sistance on the part of the revolu- tionary trade union movement. Col- lective bargaining, etc., etc. (Paragraph 13, page 71.) These militant organizations not only struggle against the attacks of the employers and the strikebreaking organizations, but take the initiative by stopping all the freight and prod- ucts. (Paragraph 56, page 42.) These militant organizations should not only resist the attacks of the employers and the strikebreaking or- ganizations, but take the initiative by stopping all freight and goods, etc., etc. I have gone through everything that I think is necessary in connection with the Red International. This report could have been made much longer by studied detail, but it would be of little use here. I think, too, that the reader will finish this report with the impression that I have dealt more with the Communist control phase than with the other matter. How- ever, this is not a fault, but, as I see it, it was really the whole issue of the Congress of the Red International. What particular words or clauses are in the "Resolutions or Decisions" are im- portant only in consideration of this control. And the question of control having been settled, it is obvious (especially with Communists) that these "Resolutions and Decisions" would make little difference in the policy pursued. But in this case (the Red International) it seems as though the Communists were so bent on camouflaging their position as to manufacture a set of resolutions that are wholly devoid of any meaning at all. For that reason I have commented very little on them, feeling that the membership would see the inherent weakness of everything adopted. The narrative of the conditions in Russia I am going to leave to a separate report, which I soon hope to present to the membership of the I. W. W. This is all I have to offer as a report and I leave it to the judgment of the members of the I. W. W., confident that they will give it the careful consideration it deserves. With best wishes, I remain your for Industrial Freedom, George Williams. Chicago, 111., Dec. 12, 1921. 54 STATEMENT BY GENERAL EXECUTIVE BOARD Chicago, III, December 10, 1921. The General Executive Board of the Industrial Workers of the World recommends that this organization do not affiliate in any manner with the Red Trade Union International. The Board has reached this decision after careful examina- tion of the constitution and resolutions adopted by the first con- gress at Moscow; the preliminary report and numerous other documents transmitted by Fellow Worker George Williams, the only authorized delegate sent from the I. W. W. to this congress. The Board regards affiliation by the Industrial Workers of the World with this so-called International as not only undesir- able but absolutely impossible for the following reasons: FIRST THE CONGRESS EXPRESSLY CONDEMNED THE POLICY AND TACTICS OF THE I. W. W. In a "Resolution on the Question of Tactics," paragraph 26, appears the following: "The Industrial Workers of the World, an independ- ent organization in America, is too weak to take the place of the old labor unions. The I. W. W. have a purely anarchistic prejudice against politics and political action, being divided into siipporters and opponents of such a cardinal question as proletarian dictatorship. . . . There- fore the question of creating revolutionary cells and groups inside the American Federation of Labor and the inde- pendent unions is of vital importance. There is no other way by which one could gain the working mass in America, than to lead a systematic struggle within the unions." In Resolution VII, "On tLe Organization Question," the con- gress explicitly declares for the policy of "boring from within" the reactionary trade unions and condemns all efforts to construct new and scientific revolutionary organizations. Under section V. of this resolution ("Problems of Organization in the Principal Countries") the work of the I. W. W. in England is described in the following tenns (paragraph 18) : "In England, irrespective of a powerful labor movement, which is undergoing a radical change, there are attempts at creating new organizations of the I. W. W., or One Big Union type. Such attempts should be absolutely and sharply condemned ... To wrest out tens of thousands of revolu- tionary workers and form new independent organizations is 55 a crime against the working class of England and the whole world. Hence all the organizations which are in accord with the Red Trade Union International must concentrate all their efforts for the purpose of winning over the unions one by- one, consolidate their ranks, not wasting time on the selected few, 'the top,' which are not in touch with the masses." Unless we are prepared to admit that the British administra- tion of the I. W. W. is "a crime against the working class of Eng- land and the whole world," we are certainly precluded from affili- ating with the people who say so. The next paragraph (19), referring to America, lays down as law a policy utterly opposed to that which has guided the I. W. W. from its beginning. It is as follows : "In the United States of America, where we have the reactionary American Federation of Labor, some independ- ent unions, the I. W. W. and others, the principle of stay- ing within the old unions is prevailing here, too. The mem- bers of the I. W. W. should join their respective trade unions and spread their propaganda among them, explaining the working class problems. The longer they keep themselves aloof from the American Federation of Labor, the greater will be the sufferings and the harder will be the process of advancement of the unorganized workers there. The independent unions, which favor the Red Labor Union International should co-ordinate their activities, and come to an understanding with those labor councils which offi- cially belong to the American Federation of Labor, but agree with our tactics. Co-ordination and unity of action among the local organizations of the American Federation of Labor and the I. W. W. favoring the Red International should also be established." SECOND: THE RED TRADE UNION INTERNATIONAL IS POLITICAL IN CHARACTER AND DOMINATED BY PO- LITICIANS. IT IS IN FACT THE COMMUNIST PARTY, THINLY DISGUISED. The evidence of this is so abundant in the official travis- actions of the congress, not to speak of the character of its per- sonnel as described in Fellow Worker Williams' report, that we need but quote, first, the constitution. Article III. ("On Condi- tions of Membership") says: "Any revolutionary economic class organization is elig- ible to membership in the Red International of Labor Unions if it accepts the following conditions . . . Section 7. United action with all the revolutionary organizations and the Com- munist Party of the country in all defensive activities against the bourgeoisie." 56 And Resolution III. ("On the Question of Relation Between the Red Labor Union International and the Conununist Inter- national") in which the congress resolves: "(2) To establish the closest possible contact with the Third Communist International as the vanguard of the rev- olutionary labor movement in all the par^;s of the world on the basis of joint representation at both executive commit- tees, joint conferences, etc. (3) That the above connection should have an organic and business character and be expreissed in the joint prep- aration of pre-revolutionary action on a national and inter- national scale. (4) That it is imperative for every country to strive towards uniting the revolutionary labor union organiza- tions and the establishment of the closest contact between the red labor unions and the Communist parties for the carrying out of the decisions of both congresses." Turning again to the constitution, we find (Article X — "Relations with the Communistic International" — Section 1) that three representatives from the R. T. U. I. will sit with deciding votes on the executive committee of the Third (political) Inter- national, and vice versa. Until our resolution refusing alliances with any political party is repealed, any connection between such an organization and the I. W. W. is not to be thought of. THIRD : IT IS THE ANNOUNCED INTENTION OF THE CLIQUE WHICH CREATED AND WHICH CONTROLS THE R. T. U. I. TO "LIQUIDATE" ALL LABOR ORGANIZATIONS EVERYWHERE THAT REFUSE TO SUBMIT TO THEIR AUTOCRATIC DISCIPLINE. Throughout the published resolutions are indiscriminate de- nunciations of this labor organization and that, in all the coun- tries to which the influence of the R. T. U. I. extends. Com- mands are given with an air of papal infallibility. But the would-be dictators of the world's revolutionary proletariat go further than merely passing resolutions. They send their pro- pagandists, plentifully supplied with money, to attempt the dis- ruption of such labor unions as refuse to submit unconditionally to their sovereign decrees. Of this fact we have ample and con- vincing evidence. FOURTH : IT IS THE PURPOSE OF THE R. T. U. I. TO "LIQUIDATE"— I. E., DESTROY, THE I. W. W. We have already shown that this congress adopted resolu- tions disapproving the I. W. W. position and in effect advising 57 it tr give up its separate existence and send its members on the wilJ. goose chase of trying to "capture the trade unions." We now submit from a document of the congress, entitled, "Summary of Report on Trade Union Policy in the United States" (prepared by Joseph Dixon) what amounts to a plan of action to be followed by R. T. U. I. adherents: "In the meantime the active revolutionists are in the One Big Union, and the Industrial Workers of the World and similar organizations. While their numbers are not large, they dominate the minds of the revolutionists who are in the trade unions, giving them an attitude of hopeless- ness towards these trade unions and rendering them inactive therein. Some way must be found to liquidate these 'ideal' unions and release the revolutionary energies among the masses; the idea is more important than the actual struc- ture and membership involved. It must be recognized that this can be done only gradually. The first steps will prob- ably be removal of the present prohibition of revolutionists holding office in trade unions; conceding the jurisdictions of the well-organized industries like mining to the established unions; and when this process has well begun, the consoli- dation of the remaining structures of the 'ideal' unions and their concentration on unorganized fields, especially the un- skilled, and possibly a system of minority committees within the larger movement functioning, not to break it up, but to strengthen it and make it more aggressive, to give it rev- olutionary leadership." And after referring to the "bankruptcy of the 'ideal' un- ions" and reiterating the old stuff about working inside the ob- solete craft unions, the document concludes with the following suggestions for subtly and gradually undermining the revolu« tionary morale of the I. W. W. members, preparatory to their final "liquidation": "First we must recognize that the I. W. W. and the 0. B. U. cannot be forced or cajoled into immediately abandoning their present policy; convincing them is about as hard. They have a religiously fanatic devotion to their organizations. It would probably be even harder to get them to unite; although upon that point representatives of the two organizations should speak. The most practical immediate step which promises success in winning their support will probably take the form of an agreement on their part, already agreed to in principle by a Communist minority, that efforts to invade the fields of coal mining, railroads and needle trades, with dual organizations, will be abandoned; and instead o^ prohibiting their members from participation in trade union administration and activi- 58 ties, they will be directed to work within the trade unions in good faith, not to disrupt them but to strengthen them and develop their best tendencies." The G. E. B. does not expect the I. W. W. will care to be party to a carefully conceived plot for its own destruction. FIFTH: THE MOSCOW CONGRESS WAS NOT GENU- INELY REPRESENTATIVE OF THE INTERNATIONAL REV- OLUTIONARY LABOR MOVEMENT. It was a packed congress. Delegates were seated with votes who represent non-existent organizations. The makeup of the body was arranged so as to assure absolute control by the Communist Party. For evidence of this fact, especially as re- gards the American delegation, we refer to the preliminary report of Fellow Worker Williams. SIXTH: EVEN IF IT WERE PERMITTED TO ASSOCI- ATE OUR ACTVITIES WITH ANY POLITICAL GROUP, THE L W. W. WOULD FIND IT IMPOSSIBLE TO CO-OPERATE WITH THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA. These "Communists," many of whom were members of the reformist Socialist Party until they were thrown out after un- successfully trying to gain control of it, have seemed to make the I. W. W. the especial target of their attack — probably be- cause the I. W. W. refused to be interested in their phrase- mongering and "underground" nonsense. They have wormed their way into our organization with no other motive than to rule or ruin. Their press incessantly attacks the I. W. W. posi- tion. They have even used the distress of the Russian famine victims for the purpose of their propaganda. Their speakers supposedly touring the country to solicit funds for relief (a project which the I. W. W. heartily supported) have abused their humanitarian mission by taking the opportunity to spread C. P. propaganda and to disparage the I. W. W. They are plentifully supplied with funds — which do not come from the pockets of the working class — with which to carry out the ne- farious project above exposed to sabotage and destroy Revolu- tionary Industrial Unionism as exemplified by our organization. They are promoting a "unity" conference ol independent un- ions, which has no other object than to supplant the I. W. W. Infatuated with their own egotism and their fancied role of saviours of the working class, they are ready to use any means, no matter how underhanded and dishonest, to destroy wherever they cannot dominate. The G. E. B. reaffirms the internationalism of the I. W. W. The conception of our organization is world wide in its scope. In fact as well as in name we aim to be the Industrial Workers of the World. We extend the hand of solidarity to revolution- 59 ary, class conscious workers of every land. We invite them to examine our program, Preamble and plan of organization, and see if they do not establish a scientific basis for a revolutionary unionism in their respective countries. We welcome proposals for international affiliation that are not in conflict with our principles and policy, and do not call upon us to sacrifice our autonomy. In concluding this report, the General Executive Board calls upon all members of the I. W. W., to whom the organization's name and integrity are dear, to rally to its support. It is being attacked not only by the capitalist class, but by professed revo- lutionists, some of whom carry its membership card. They have plentiful funds to prosecute their schemes of disruption. The I. W. W. has none to combat them except what its members supply. They have not failed in their revolutionary duty before; they will not do so now! And the I. W. W. will live and march on toward its goal of working-class emancipation when the very names of its detractors are forgotten. Yours for Industrial Communism, The General Executive Board of the Industrial Workers of the World. John Grady, General Secretary-Treasurer. Robert E. Daly, Chairman. Calvin Green. Alex. Kohler. Martin Carlson. Albert Bare. Walter Smith. John Jackson. THE PREAMBLE OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take posses- sion of the earth and the machinery of production, and abolish the wage system. We find that the centering of management of the indus- tries into fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with the ever growing power of the employ- ing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the be- lief that the working class have interests in common with their employers. These conditions can be changed and the interest of the working class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all industries if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury to all. Instead of the conservative motto, "A fair day's wage for a fair day's work," we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, "Abolition of the wage system." It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organ- ized, not only for the every-day struggle with capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are form- ing the structure of the new society within the shell of the old. LW.W. 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