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 ucATioN Act 
 
 1 ■ AND AFTER 
 
 rtV 
 
 H. HENSLEY HENSON B,0. 
 
 mnrjiuHN di co. 
 
 one SHILUf^G
 
 r%'^t r\ 
 
 H- 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT 
 AND AFTER
 
 BY THE SAME AUTHOR 
 
 LIGHT AND LEAVEN : Historical and Social 
 Sermons. By the Rev. H. Hensley Henson, B.D., 
 Fellow of All Souls' ; Incumbent of St. Mary's 
 Hospital, Ilford. Crown 8vo, 6s, 
 
 " These able discourses have a wider interest than usually attaches to 
 pulpit literature. They are not wanting in such expositions of Scripture 
 or admonitions to a good life as form the basis of all similar pieces. But 
 they are also rich in instruction in the early history of the Church in 
 Britain, they are often opposite to matters of ecclesiastical controversy 
 that are still prominently debated by divines, and they have a certain 
 economic interest as traversing the teaching of the Christian Socialists. 
 They are always reasonable as well as \igorous, and they are none the 
 less impressive because they regard the needs of a life on this side of a 
 hereafter.' — Scotsman. 
 
 ' ' Masculine and sensible utterances. The book is able and courageous, 
 and can be recommended to the special notice of ' the clergy and 
 ministers of all denominations.' " — Glasgcnu Herald. 
 
 APOSTOLIC CHRISTIANITY: As Illustrated 
 
 by the Epistles of St. Paul to the Corinthians. By 
 H. Hensley Henson, B.D., Fellow of All Souls', 
 Oxford. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 " A worthy contribution towards some solution of the great religious 
 problems of the present day." — Scotsman. 
 
 "The book is earnest, rapid; the preface is golden." — Birmingham 
 Gazette. 
 
 "A very striking work." — Literature. 
 
 " The book is vigorous and suggestive, with many trenchant criticisms 
 upon the theology of the present day." — Times. 
 
 " A very vigorous and interesting little volume." — Saturday Rer'iruf. 
 
 "An extremely able book, and one much needed at the present time." 
 —Church Gazette. 
 
 DISCIPLINE AND LAW. By H. Hensley 
 
 Henson, B.D., Fellow of All Souls', Oxford; 
 Incumbent of St. Mary's Hospital, Ilford; Chaplain 
 to the Bishop of St. Albans. Fcap. 8vo, 2S. 6d. 
 
 "An admirable Lenten manual, and well worth securing." — Church 
 Review. 
 
 "The addresses are full of helpful and suggestive thoughts."— C/;«r<rA 
 Beils. 
 
 " They are thoroughly practical." — Record. 
 
 " An admirable little volume of Lent addresses. We warmly com- 
 mend the general drift of Mr. Henson's book as setting forth the strength 
 and truth of Christian principles of morals." — Guardian.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT 
 AND AFTER 
 
 AN APPEAL ADDRESSED, WITH ALL 
 POSSIBLE RESPECT, TO THE NON- 
 CONFORMISTS, FELLOW-GUARDIANS 
 WITH ENGLISH CHURCHMEN OF 
 THE NATIONAL CHRISTIANITY 
 
 BY 
 
 H. HENSLEY BENSON, B.D. 
 
 CANON OF WESTMINSTER *■-»- 
 
 METHUEN & CO. 
 
 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 1903
 
 \\G 
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT 
 AND AFTER 
 
 I 
 
 IT is with the utmost anxiety and mis- 
 giving that I yield to the wishes ex- 
 pressed by many persons, and set my hand 
 to a brief statement of the considerations 
 which led me, on the last Sunday of last year, 
 to address myself to the Nonconformists from 
 the pulpit of Westminster Abbey, in an 
 earnest appeal for their help and goodwill 
 in working the Education Act, which, after 
 protracted discussion, in Parliament and out, 
 has been added to the Statute Book. 
 
 As a general rule, I think the clergy are 
 well advised in abstaining from direct inter- 
 vention in political discussion, for experience 
 tends to show that they rarely indulge in the 
 perilously exciting conflicts of politics without 
 injury to their own reputation, and, what is 
 still more serious, to the high interests which 
 
 3951)92
 
 6 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 they officially champion and sincerely desire 
 to serve. In truth, the clergy of all Christian 
 churches are ill adapted for political contro- 
 versy. Their training predisposes them 
 towards abstract views of practical questions : 
 their professional work is apt to develop a 
 dictatorial temper and a rhetorical, not to say 
 also a denunciatory, habit of speech ; and these 
 are little likely to facilitate that reasonable 
 and mutually conciliatory attitude of mind, 
 apart from which political discussion is apt to 
 degenerate into invective and even insult. 
 It is, moreover, more probable than not that 
 the rhetorical habit of speech, inevitably 
 contracted by the popular preacher, reacts 
 unfavourably on his methods of thinking. 
 He speaks strongly because he thinks loosely. 
 His oratory resembles an impressionist 
 picture, in which striking effects are gained 
 by a frank neglect of accuracy in detail and 
 an almost total absence of outline. Selden s 
 famous formula, " Chain up the clergy on both 
 sides," is not as unreasonable as it is unkind, 
 and he wrote the sober truth when he objected 
 to the plea of religion in the political arena as 
 generally excluding that of reason. "If men 
 would say they took arms for anything but
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 7 
 
 religion, they might be beaten out of it by- 
 reason ; out of that they never can, for they 
 will not believe you whatever you say." 
 
 But though clerical interventions in politics 
 are thus undesirable, yet there are occasions 
 on which they would seem to be all but 
 unavoidable ; and such an occasion was pro- 
 vided by the introduction of the Education 
 Bill of 1902. For education from the 
 Christian, and a fortiori from the Christian 
 minister's standpoint, is inseparably bound 
 up with religion, and, though much difference 
 of opinion may exist among Christians and 
 clergymen as to the best method of combining 
 religious and secular instruction in a scheme 
 of edui^ation, yet none, so far as I know or 
 am able to conceive, exists or can exist as 
 to the necessity of their combination. The 
 official teachers of religion must be, beyond 
 others, interested in the educational policy of 
 the nation ; their opinion on that subject might 
 seem to be worth having, and their inter- 
 vention in educational discussions might not 
 unfairly be considered a duty of patriotism. 
 Moreover, in the actual circumstances of the 
 country, the intervention of the clergy was 
 inevitable ; for, as a matter of fact, half the
 
 8 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 elementary schools were managed mainly by 
 the parish clergy, and historically had grown 
 up as an integral part of the parochial 
 organisation ; and this fact, while it un- 
 doubtedly authorised their ^ciivQ intervention 
 in the educational controversy, did no less 
 justify that of the Nonconformists and others 
 to whom the intimate connection of the parish 
 clergy with the national education was, for 
 whatever reasons, distasteful. Still, though 
 it is impossible to blame the active part taken 
 by the clergy, as well Anglican as Noncon- 
 formist, in the recent political discussions, 
 yet it is well to remember the inherent dis- 
 advantages which attach to clerical action, 
 and to discount accordingly the unhappy 
 vehemence which has marked much that has 
 been spoken and written by clergymen during 
 the last few months. Myself a clergyman, 
 it will be sufficiently apparent that I feel no 
 small embarrassment in making yet one more 
 clerical excursion into the political field. If 
 I may be forgiven an insistence on merely 
 personal matters, I will confess that my 
 resolution to avoid any share in the discus- 
 sion of the Education Bill has not been 
 exactly carried into effect. It had been my
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 9 
 
 intention, after delivering myself privately of 
 my views to a prominent Ministerialist, who 
 happened to be also my personal friend, to 
 avoid the subject altogether ; but on two 
 occasions I was driven most reluctantly to 
 speak, and as the points then raised are 
 intimately connected with my present con- 
 tention, I shall not scruple to recall my words. 
 It will be remembered that the appearance 
 of the Bill provoked a considerable outburst 
 of indignation among the Nonconformists, 
 and the project was announced and very 
 largely applauded that, in the event of the 
 Bill passing, an organised refusal to pay the 
 school rate should be set on foot. This 
 project seemed to me then, as it seems to me 
 now, wholly unfortunate and indefensible. 
 I thought it my duty to preach in S. 
 Margaret's a sermon on "Good Citizenship," 
 which was published in the Christian World 
 Pulpit and extensively commented upon. 
 My text was the famous exhortation of S. 
 Peter, " Be subject to every ordinance of man 
 for the Lord's sake : whether it be to the 
 king as supreme ; or unto governors, as sent 
 by him for vengeance on evil-doers, and for 
 praise of them that do well" (i Pet. ii. 13,
 
 10 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 14). At the risk of being tiresome, I shall 
 reproduce here some portion of my discourse ; 
 for it seems to me more than ever necessary 
 now to repeat a plea for the Christian 
 obligation of good citizenship. Incidentally 
 I shall defend myself, if defence be necessary, 
 against the charge of postponing my protest 
 against the anti-rate movement until protest 
 was too late. I n January 1 903 I am but renew- 
 ing the plea which I advanced in April 1902. 
 S. Peter, I said, lays down a principle 
 of Christian action, binding as such on 
 Christian folk always, though extremely 
 difficult of application sometimes. S. Peter's 
 phrase seems to me to be included in the 
 larger thought of S. Paul. "Wherefore ye 
 must needs be in subjection, not only because 
 of the wrath, but also for conscience sake." 
 Civil order expresses the ordinance of God, 
 for, as S. Paul reminds the Corinthians, 
 " God is not a God of confusion, but of 
 peace"; and submission to the State must, in 
 a Christian mind, take shape as a religious 
 duty, and discipleship approve itself as the 
 very principle of good citizenship, because it 
 adds to the legitimate demands of the State, 
 those, namely, that are ministerial to the end
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER ii 
 
 of righteous order, a Divine right. This 
 doctrine of the State went always hand in 
 hand with a severe and lofty doctrine of the 
 conscience. "We must obey God rather 
 than men " is as true a summary of apostolic 
 teaching as " Be subject to every ordinance 
 of man for the Lord's sake." Under the 
 political conditions of their time, the only 
 possible method of reconciling these diverse 
 but complementary truths was found in the 
 now generally despised doctrine of non- 
 resistance, and in the acceptance of martyr- 
 dom. A martyr is, precisely, a non-resisting 
 rebel against laws which he cannot con- 
 scientiously obey. Ideally, he is a champion 
 of order ; for the authority which speaks to 
 him in his conscience is that of the Original 
 Author of that moral law, which, ideally, 
 is expressed in the statutes and ordinances 
 of the State, and which imparts to them all 
 the inherent binding force they have. But 
 we do not live in an ideal world. Actually 
 the correspondence between the State and 
 that Divine Economy which it represents, 
 and in a measure illustrates, is very defective 
 at best, and not rarely it seems utterly 
 obscured. Then the contradiction becomes
 
 12 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 manifest. The ideally best citizens are the 
 actually worst ; and the calendar of Christen- 
 dom gains its martyrs. Nor may we omit 
 the possible aberration on the other side. 
 Conscience is a great word, which has been 
 inscribed on strange banners. If it stands, 
 as surely it ought to stand, for the most 
 venerable thing wc know, yet it stands also, 
 as we daily perceive, for much that is only 
 venerable on false pretences. Ideal condi- 
 tions at least as readily fail us on the side of 
 the individual as on the side of the State. 
 
 Political conditions having altogether 
 changed, what is the practical worth of the 
 apostolic teaching? The apostles certainly 
 never contemplated the circumstances under 
 which the Christian citizen of a modern 
 civilised state commonly lives. In his own 
 person he combines the characters of 
 sovereign and subject ; for, in a real and 
 intelligible sense, he is the author of the laws 
 he is required to obey, and himself de- 
 termines the policies he is called upon to 
 support. Perhaps it will be answered that, 
 as a matter of fact, he may be one of a 
 minority, and in that capacity be compelled 
 to accept laws and policies which he
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl^ER 13 
 
 conscientiously disapproves ; that, in fact, 
 save for the milder manners and long-stand- 
 ing traditions of tolerance which in a modern 
 community would prevent a recurrence of 
 physical barbarities such as the Christian 
 martyrs were required to face, the position 
 of a Christian citizen in the minority is not 
 essentially different from that of an apostolic 
 Christian required to accept claims on the 
 part of the Roman State which wounded his 
 conscience ; that under such circumstances 
 he would be in some sense worse placed 
 than the victims of the Caesars, since in 
 political theory he would be himself re- 
 sponsible for the wrongs he resented. It 
 cannot be justly denied that there is an 
 element of truth in all this. The out-voted 
 citizen may be placed in a hard case ; and it 
 is not inconceivable that in a democratic 
 community the old hardships, though not 
 the old tragic accompaniments, should be 
 renewed. In that case the counsel of S. 
 Peter might apply to the circumstances of 
 a modern Christian without modification : 
 "Be subject to every ordinance of man for the 
 Lord's sake." Obey the law, pay the taxes, 
 yes, and the rates, not because you approve
 
 14 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 a given statute or policy, but because, as a 
 Christian man, you must be a good citizen, 
 must in your own person strengthen and 
 not enfeeble the coherence of the State, must 
 uphold order and resist the most distant 
 approaches of anarchy. The fact that you 
 have, what the apostolic Christian had not, a 
 constitutional right to resist the passage of a 
 law you dislike, adds greatly to the obligation 
 to obey that law, when, in spite of your 
 constitutional efforts, it has been passed. 
 You cannot be less bound to " subject your- 
 self to every ordinance of man for the Lord's 
 sake " than were your apostolic fellow- 
 believers, because you have a larger liberty 
 of political action than they, and a much 
 smaller measure of possible oppression. 
 
 But you say, " What of my conscience ? 
 Must I not obey my conscience? It goes 
 against my conscience to obey this statute 
 or pay this rate." God forbid that I should 
 by one syllable throw discredit on that plea. 
 If it be, indeed, a matter of conscience for 
 Christian men to disobey the State, there is 
 nothing more to be said. A sentence from 
 Newman's famous Tract says all that we could 
 even wish to say. " Black event as it would
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 15 
 
 be for the country, yet (as far as they are 
 concerned) we could not wish them a more 
 blessed termination of their course than the 
 spoiling of their goods and martyrdom." I 
 repeat, if it be indeed a matter of conscience, 
 there is nothing more to be said. But it 
 cannot be disrespectful, nor do I think it 
 unreasonable, to press on Christian men, 
 disposed to adopt an attitude of conscientious 
 disobedience to the law of their own country, 
 that the step they meditate is a very grave 
 step indeed from the Christian point of view ; 
 that the language of lawlessness sounds ex- 
 tremely ill from the lips of Christian men, 
 and, most of all, of Christian teachers ; that, 
 in truth, reason and piety alike require that, 
 before they take so formidable a responsibility 
 and draw the sword of political violence (dis- 
 obedience to the law is political violence) in 
 the name of conscience, they should make 
 quite sure that it is conscience that inspires 
 them, and not some lower power masquerad- 
 ing under that high name — partisan zeal 
 (shall I say ?), or sectarian passion, or even 
 an undue eagerness to serve a cause at the 
 expense of a principle. And since it is 
 known to you all that in saying all this
 
 i6 THE EDUCATION ACT— AM) AFi'Ell 
 
 I am not amusing myself with mere specu- 
 lative contingencies, little likely to take shape 
 in the region of actual experience, since it 
 is notorious that Christian men and Christian 
 teachers, men on divers accounts well re- 
 garded by their countrymen, and not without 
 influence on the public opinion of their time, 
 have been, during the last few days, affirm- 
 ing with the utmost emphasis and the utmost 
 publicity and apparent display of conviction, 
 their determination to set aside the apostolic 
 rule of Christian good citizenship in the event 
 of the passing of the Education Bill into law, 
 and to do this in the name of loyalty to 
 conscience, I will not refrain from adding 
 one more consideration, which, even at the 
 eleventh hour, may possibly induce them to 
 take the matter yet again into their thought, 
 before finally adopting an attitude so in- 
 exorable. I would ask them to let their 
 minds travel over the civilised world at this 
 moment, and take account of the course of 
 events in most if not in all the countries 
 which are included in that description. Let 
 them take notice of the social exasperation 
 breaking out already in disturbance and crime 
 in many places not many hours' distant from
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 17 
 
 our shores ; and then let them reflect whether 
 this is a time for vveakenincr further the sense 
 of order among the people, — whether, indeed, 
 they can justify it to their reason, their 
 patriotism, or their religion, to go on using 
 language which could not be more vehement, 
 and could hardly be more minatory, if they 
 were confronted by some gross violation of 
 admitted moral principle, rather than by a 
 modest political project, which only proposes 
 to alter the existing system (which they 
 certainly have not found intolerable hitherto) 
 in order to bring it, in some important par- 
 ticulars, into line with well-known and often- 
 expressed wishes of their own. So much I 
 will venture to say, I trust, without offence. 
 If, on consideration, they find that it is 
 matter of conscience to play the game of 
 lawlessness, I at least have nothing to say. 
 I can only stand aside and watch the develop- 
 ment of this amazing campaign with deep 
 and melancholy wonder. 
 
 II 
 
 To the actual character of the new 
 Education Act I shall immediately recur,
 
 1 8 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 but first I must complete my confession. 
 The other occasion on which I broke my 
 pledge of total abstinence from political dis- 
 cussion was in November, when the Kenyon- 
 Slaney Amendment had just been adopted, 
 and there were signs that an opposition, 
 which seemed to me both irrational and 
 inexpedient, would run great lengths among 
 the Anglican clergy. It is not necessary to 
 recur again to so recent an episode, especially 
 as the Kenyon-Slaney Amendment now forms 
 part of the Act, and, by general admission, a 
 very important part. 
 
 I pass on to make some observations on 
 the Act with a view of showing that, how- 
 ever disappointing it may be, and unaccept- 
 able as a final settlement of the educational 
 dispute, yet it secures a considerable im- 
 provement of the existing system, and, if 
 honestly and considerately worked, may very 
 well form the basis of a completer and more 
 satisfactory measure. For obvious reasons, I 
 confine myself to that part of the Act which 
 deals with elementary education, and I 
 shall write with the utmost frankness, con- 
 vinced that nothing else can now be of any 
 service, and well assured in my own mind
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER ^"19 
 
 that the motive of my writing is a single- 
 minded wish to unite all Christians in the 
 cause of Christian education. 
 
 Let me propitiate the resentful suspicions 
 of those whom I address, by admitting that 
 in my opinion they are well justified in 
 refusing to accept this Act as a final settle- 
 ment. I agree with them in thinking that 
 a religious qualification for half the head- 
 masterships in the country not only runs 
 counter to the accepted principles of the 
 modern State, but also is likely to injure 
 religion itself. Sincerity is the vital essence 
 of genuine religion, and every form of 
 religious test is unfavourable to sincerity. I 
 dislike tests on the threshold of doctrine ; 
 the real securities are of another kind. 
 Theology would, in my judgment, gain and 
 not lose by the removal of the ecclesiastical 
 conditions which attach to the principal 
 theological professorships in Oxford and 
 Cambridge. I am sure subscription to our 
 Thirty-nine Articles did not minister to 
 Anglican sincerity, and the policy of the 
 Clerical Subscription Act might be extended 
 with excellent effect. Moreover, I aorree 
 with the contention that the maintenance of
 
 20 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AI-'l^ER 
 
 the Anglican schools as such, without regard 
 to the denominational strength of the 
 Anglican Church, implies the continuance of 
 a hardship. 
 
 That hardship did not spring from any 
 policy of intolerance on the part of the 
 Anglican clergy, but from causes which lie 
 on the surface of the national history, and 
 imply blame to nobody. It is mere matter 
 of fact that the State was very slow to under- 
 take responsibility for the education of the 
 people, that for long the national Church 
 was regarded as the proper instrument for 
 that task, that under the direct encourage- 
 ment of the State the voluntary schools grew 
 up all over the country. The parochial 
 system covering the whole land, and the 
 theory of national obligation inseparable 
 from an established Church, facilitated the 
 development of a system of schools, which 
 did not indeed meet the rapidly developing 
 needs of the nation, but was so far national 
 as to be, from a merely denominational stand- 
 point, altogether excessive. The task of 
 statesmanship — a task which yet awaits per- 
 formance — was to reduce this system within 
 the limits of the denomination ; or, to state
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 21 
 
 the same thing in other words, the Church of 
 England has inherited an educational pro- 
 vision greatly in excess of her domestic 
 requirements, and her retention of it implies 
 a measure of hardship for non-Anglicans. 
 The total abolition of the denominational 
 schools might have remedied one grievance 
 by creating another, and though that 
 abolition would appear to be the goal towards 
 which we are, for good or for ill, moving, yet 
 it cannot be an irrational course to avoid for 
 the present so drastic a procedure, and rather 
 to take the middle way of mitigating the dis- 
 advantages of the existing situation. This, 
 I apprehend, is no untrue description of the 
 policy of the Government, and it obviously 
 admits of an easy misunderstanding. For 
 the Education Act will be said to create 
 what, in truth, it but coritinues, and to endorse 
 what it only tolerates. This, indeed, is the 
 course which has been generally pursued by 
 the opponents of the measure, and it 
 explains the extreme violence of their denun- 
 ciations, and the great difficulty which plain 
 men have in understanding where their 
 grievance lies. An example lies before me 
 in some observations on my recent Appeal
 
 22 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 to Nonconformists which appear in The 
 Tottenham Outlook, the monthly magazine 
 of the High Cross Congregational Church, 
 over the signature of the Rev. E. Cornwall 
 Jones, the pastor. I refer to Mr. Jones's 
 words because they not only illustrate my 
 present point, but are evidently inspired by a 
 very just and friendly spirit. After quoting 
 my sermon in the Abbey, he proceeds — 
 
 *' I do not find myself in sympathy with 
 the general reception given to this Christian 
 appeal of Canon Henson. I feel sure that 
 the Canon does not think so meanly of us 
 as to suppose that we are going to tamely 
 submit to the indignities inflicted oft Non- 
 conformist citizens by this unfortunate Bill. 
 We shall certainly never rest until the new 
 disabilities are swept from the Statute Book, 
 and the teaching profession, in all its grades, 
 is open to every efficient boy and girl in our 
 schools, without a religious test. We shall 
 use every legal weapon left us to restore our 
 lost constitutional rights as citizens." 
 
 Of course I concede without reserve the 
 reasonableness of the proposed course, and 
 I sympathise with the avowed object ; but 
 surely Mr. Jones is not fair to the Act in
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 23 
 
 the expressions I have italicised. It may 
 reasonably be asked, What indignities are 
 inflicted ? and what new disabilities created ? 
 So far as the actual point mentioned, the 
 religious test as a condition of appointment 
 in schools, the Act limits what was universal 
 by restricting it to the case of head- 
 teachers. The language of clause vii. is 
 plain enough — 
 
 " In public elementary schools maintained 
 but not provided by the local education 
 authority, assistant teachers and pupil 
 teachers may be appointed, if it is thought 
 fit, without reference to religious creed and 
 denomination, and in any case in which 
 there are more candidates for the post of 
 pupil teacher than there are places to be 
 filled, the appointment shall be made by 
 the local education authority, and they shall 
 determine the respective qualifications of the 
 candidates by examination or otherwise." 
 
 This is clearly not the infliction of an 
 indignity or the creation of a new disability, 
 but the mitigation of a system which might 
 involve both indignity and disability. So 
 with regard to the serious grievance under 
 which Nonconformists have suffered on
 
 24 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFITR 
 
 account of the fact that the training 
 colleges are mainly Anglican, it seems 
 sufficiently evident that the Act, so far 
 as it changes anything, does so for the 
 benefit of Nonconformists. The Cowper- 
 Temple Clause is enacted for all "schools, 
 colleges, or hostels " provided by the County 
 Council, and day or evening scholars attend- 
 ing denominational colleges are expressly 
 exempted from denominational requirements. 
 Now this may not go as far as equity de- 
 mands, but it is all in the direction of making 
 more equitable the existing system. Similarly, 
 the Act alters the management of the de- 
 nominational schools with a view to mini- 
 mising any risk of unfair treatment of 
 teachers or scholars which might arise from 
 denominational bigotry. It is possible to 
 say that the Act imposes a religious test 
 in the case of head - teachers, closes the 
 majority of training colleges against Non- 
 conformists, and vests the manag^ement of 
 half the elementary schools in denomina- 
 tional boards, but this is an unfair and 
 invidious description of an Act which 
 merely continues so much of an existing 
 system, which it only alters to improve.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 25 
 
 The severe denunciations of the Act by 
 Nonconformist speakers and writers have 
 brought back to my memory a type of 
 criticism of the Old Testament which used 
 to be very common in the East End fifteen 
 years ago. The method was simple enough. 
 The regulations of the Mosaic law as to 
 slaves, etc., were quoted as evidences of the 
 intrinsic cruelty of a system alleged to be 
 Divine. It never occurred to the critics 
 to consider the actual situation which those 
 regulations were designed to meet. Thus 
 viewed, of course, they were at once seen 
 in their true character as ameliorations of 
 current barbarities. 
 
 The point of view is always of decisive 
 importance. I venture to suggest that Dr. 
 Clifford and others of his way of thinking 
 have taken a wrong point of view, and this 
 explains their use of language which seems 
 almost grotesquely violent. "The people of 
 this country," says the Doctor,^ "are placed 
 by this Act at the mercy of the priests ; " 
 and yet the only changes this Act effects 
 are in the direction of reducing the position 
 of the clergy in the educational system of 
 
 ^ The New Liberal Revieiu^ January 1903, p. 785.
 
 26 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 the country. Dr. Guinness Rogers takes a 
 different and a juster view. " It may," he 
 says, "be safely predicted that even that 
 which has been conceded will materially alter 
 the character of the schools, which will no 
 longer be the schools of the parson, to be 
 used simply as an appendage to the Church, 
 with its teachers as the humble instruments 
 of the rector." ^ I do not accept this descrip- 
 tion of the Church school as it now exists, 
 but that need not affect my agreement with 
 the general estimate of the tendency of the 
 Act. 
 
 Ill 
 
 I pass now to a subject which must be 
 considered, which yet is exceptionally difficult 
 for me to write about without using language 
 of resentment, which would certainly not 
 assist the conciliatory purpose which I 
 desire to serve. I refer to the extreme 
 hostility and suspicion which mark the 
 references to the Anglican clergy in the 
 speeches, letters, and pamphlets of Non- 
 conformist opponents of the Education Act. 
 
 ^ Nineteenth Century and After, January 1903, p. 22.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 27 
 
 I will confess frankly that this feature of 
 recent controversy has distressed, perplexed, 
 and alarmed me more than anything else. 
 It distresses me because, if it really represents 
 the settled opinion of Nonconformists about 
 us, then, indeed, I have given my heart to a 
 futile dream in believing that some working 
 harmony between them and ourselves is within 
 the range of possibility. It perplexes me 
 because it seems irrational to suppose that 
 so violent a sentiment could have behind it 
 no authority in actual facts ; and yet my own 
 knowledge of my clerical brethren, and the 
 anxious efforts I have made for years past 
 to gauge the relations between Noncon- 
 formists and ourselves, give no support what- 
 ever to the view that there has been any 
 general abuse of power in the Church schools. 
 " Ignorance," observed Robert Hall, the great 
 Baptist preacher,^ "gives a sort of eternity to 
 prejudice and perpetuity to error." He had 
 in mind the services rendered by popular 
 ignorance to the power of Romish supersti- 
 tion : I am sure his words may as truly be 
 applied to the case of sectarian prejudice. 
 It alarms me because such violent insult 
 
 ^ Works, vol. i. p. 204. London, 1834.
 
 28 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 tends to provoke reprisals, and when once 
 controversy proceeds in an atmosphere of 
 heated resentment, then everything is pos- 
 sible — everything, I mean, which is, in the 
 words of Holy Writ, " earthly, sensual, 
 devilish." At the risk of being misunder- 
 stood, I will venture to entreat Noncon- 
 formists to consider the mischiefs which 
 arise from the insulting character of the 
 references to the Anglican clergy in which 
 they have recently indulged. It may 
 perhaps be the case that the true explana- 
 tion of this unhappy vehemence of hatred 
 is to be sought in panic. The silly and 
 wicked intolerance of some unauthorised 
 manuals and catechisms, published by a few 
 Anglican clergymen, of no position or personal 
 importance, are possibly regarded with an 
 attention ludicrously out of proportion to 
 their real significance. If anything could 
 bring home to the authors of those publica- 
 tions the criminal folly of their action, it would 
 be the spectacle of the mischief they have 
 worked. I think it possible that many 
 Nonconformists really believe that these 
 absurd catechisms and manuals are used in 
 the Church schools, or at least give the tone
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 29 
 
 to the religious teaching. How else am I 
 to explain such a statement as that which I 
 notice in a short letter signed J. S. Green- 
 wood, which appears in the Daily News 
 of December ■;}^o, 1902? 
 
 " That Act," observes this writer, "requires 
 that I shall pay for the teaching of transub- 
 stantiation, the confession of girls of tender 
 years to a priest, and other dogmas." I do 
 not myself believe that such "dogmas" are 
 taught now in any elementary school, but I 
 will concede the possibility that there may be 
 a few schools here and there in the country, 
 or in connection with some strong Ritualist 
 church in the town, where doctrines which 
 are certainly not Anglican are, by an abuse 
 of power on the part of the local clergy, 
 taught to the children : even so, how does 
 the new Act affect the position ? The 
 famous Kenyon - Slaney Amendment now 
 forms part of clause vii. and reads thus : — 
 
 " Religious instruction given in a public 
 elementary school not provided by the local 
 education authority, shall, as regards its 
 character, be in accordance with the pro- 
 visions (if any) of the trust deed relating 
 thereto, and shall be under the control of
 
 30 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 the managers : Provided that nothing in this 
 subsection shall affect any provision in a 
 trust deed for reference to the bishop or 
 superior ecclesiastical or other denomina- 
 tional authority so far as such provision gives 
 to the bishop or authority the power of 
 deciding whether the character of the 
 religious instruction is or is not in accord- 
 ance with the provisions of the trust deed." 
 
 The effect of this provision must be fatal 
 to any such practices as those which Mr. 
 Greenwood names : why, then, does he 
 name them ? I repeat that my personal 
 conviction is that, even as matters stand 
 now, there have been no such abuses of 
 power as Mr. Greenwood assumes ; but if 
 it were otherwise, under the new Act, when 
 not the clergyman, but six managers, of 
 whom at least two are appointed on non- 
 denominational grounds, have control of the 
 religious instruction, it is quite impossible 
 that such scandals could continue. Charity 
 suggests that Mr. Greenwood is deceived by 
 panic. I take the case of a better-known 
 Nonconformist. Mr. R. W. Perks, M.P., 
 has earned a reputation both inside and 
 outside Parliament ; his business capacity is
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 31 
 
 everywhere the object of admiration ; his 
 energy is astonishing ; and his zeal for 
 Methodist interests may well secure for 
 him the gratitude of his co-religionists. 
 Such a man might be expected to weigh 
 his words. Yet he does not scruple to pen 
 and publish the following paragraph, of which 
 it is not excessive to say that it breathes 
 insult to the English clergy in every line. I 
 have already indicated sufficiently what I 
 think of the advice it tenders to the 
 Methodists : — 
 
 " I attach no importance to the immoral 
 doctrine that because the State decrees a 
 tax therefore it is the duty of a citizen to 
 pay it. History records abundant instances 
 of the sacred right of tax-payers to refuse to 
 pay an unjust or wicked tax. It is true they 
 have to suffer the penalty which the law, until 
 repealed, inflicts. I give some instances. 
 Ought a Dissenting sailor, who, returning 
 home from sea, finds that his little girl has 
 been caned in a sectarian school because she 
 refused to bow down to an image of the 
 Virgin Mary, to pay the tax ? Should 
 Methodist parents, whose children are taught 
 to repeat ' Hail Mary ! ' and worship a
 
 32 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFPER 
 
 crucifix erected in a national elementary 
 public school, pay the rate ? Should Non- 
 conformists pay whose children are told that 
 dissent is schism, that schism is sin, and that 
 if they go to a Nonconformist chapel they 
 will go to hell ? Who can doubt the answer ? 
 Methodists who would willingly pay, until 
 forced by the law to do so, such a rate would 
 be craven cowards, and deserve to lose the 
 religious liberty which their fathers by 
 suffering and sacrifice won for them."^ 
 
 Earlier in his letter Mr. Perks affirms that 
 "the only protection which Nonconformist 
 children who are forced by law into the 
 schools can have, is an ineffectual and sham 
 conscience clause which the parents dare 
 not claim." 
 
 I would ask any fair-minded Noncon- 
 formist to consider the estimate of the 
 Anglican clergy which this language implies, 
 and to reflect on the effect it cannot fail to 
 have both on the Methodists, to whom it is 
 addressed, and on the clergy, whom it so 
 cruelly wounds. Are, then, the parish clergy 
 the bullies, fanatics, and law-breaking despots 
 whom Mr. Perks so suggestively describes 
 
 * The Methodist Times ^ January i, 1903.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 33 
 
 by the means of hypothetical questions and 
 indirect imputations ? Has he ever known 
 of a little girl being caned in a Church school 
 for refusing to bow down to an image of 
 the Virgin Mary ? If he has, why did he 
 not reveal the infamy in Parliament ? if he 
 has not, why does he hurl a cruel slander 
 at innocent men, who happen also to be 
 Christian ministers ? Mr. Perks is, I 
 believe, skilled in the law. He knows the 
 rules of evidence. He can hardly be 
 ignorant of the law of libel. I wonder 
 whether in the course of his reading he has 
 ever come across the passage in which 
 Ammianus Marcellinus describes the care 
 with which the famous Julian, afterwards 
 known to history as "the Apostate," was 
 wont to administer justice.^ The historian 
 relates that Numerius, the Rector of Nar- 
 bonne, was accused of peculation, and that 
 Julian heard the case himself. The accused 
 defended himself with vigour and success, 
 whereupon the prosecuting advocate, Del- 
 phidius, who docunientoru7n inopia seems to 
 have depended on his powers of invective, 
 exclaimed, " Can any criminal ever be con- 
 
 ' Ammianus Marcellinus^ xviii. i, 4. 
 3
 
 34 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AITER 
 
 demned, great Caesar, if it is sufficient for 
 him to deny his crimes ? " Julian replied 
 with the effective counter question, "Can 
 any one ever be found innocent, if accusation 
 is enough to condemn him ? " The Apostate 
 was juster than the latest critics of the 
 English Church, 
 
 Where the clergy are concerned, even 
 formal accusation is hardly considered a re- 
 quisite preliminary to a hostile verdict. The 
 wildest improbabilities which jealousy can 
 imagine and ignorance credit will serve the 
 turn. I do not doubt that among the fifteen 
 thousand incumbents of parishes in this 
 country there may be a few men who are 
 capable of the wickedness familiarly spoken 
 of by Nonconformist orators and writers as 
 if it were the common quality of the English 
 clergy, and, on sufficient evidence, I would 
 believe that they were actually guilty of it, 
 but this sustained habit of insulting sugges- 
 tion revolts my sense of equity, and fills me 
 with sadness. It is not only very wrong 
 in itself, but, at the present juncture, it is 
 peculiarly unfortunate. Many reasons have 
 induced thoughtful and fair-minded Anglicans 
 in recent years to turn their attention to the
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 35 
 
 non-Episcopalian churches, with an earnest 
 desire to understand their distinctive claims, 
 and to draw closer to them in spiritual 
 fellowship. Gradually but surely they have 
 been familiarising their minds with the 
 thought of surrendering that exclusive ec- 
 clesiastical claim, which is being disproved 
 by historical science at one end of Christian 
 history and by the demonstrations of the 
 Holy Spirit at the other. There is a new 
 sense among us of the importance of external 
 unity ; a new hopefulness on the subject, a 
 new readiness to make great sacrifices in the 
 cause of religious peace. And then, like 
 a sudden tempest, this outbreak of fierce 
 calumny comes upon us. We find ourselves 
 held up to public obloquy on a thousand 
 platforms, denounced with frenzied fervour 
 from a thousand pulpits. Be the new Act 
 as unsatisfactory as you will, there is as- 
 suredly nothing in its modest provisions to 
 justify such violence. We are what we 
 were. The political events of the last 
 session have not altered us. We were no 
 more tyrants, fanatics, etc., then, when we 
 fraternised with you, than we are to-day, 
 when you denounce us as latter-day Inquisi-
 
 36 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 tors. In truth we are treated as the Scots 
 treated the youthful Charles ii. That help- 
 less prince was not only required to pledge 
 himself to the Covenant, but also to sign 
 a declaration acknowledging his father's 
 bloodguiltiness and his mother's idolatry. 
 So in our case. It is not enough that the 
 Anoflican should recognise the fact that the 
 Church of England can no longer rightly or 
 reasonably claim the old educational mono- 
 poly, that the development of society has 
 rendered imperative large surrenders of 
 privilege, that we must make our count with 
 a system of genuine civic equality, but he 
 must be required to endorse the crudest 
 insults to his Church which sectarian envy 
 can coin or political cunning adopt and use. 
 It cannot be wise, it certainly is not Chris- 
 tian, to accumulate in the road of reunion 
 the superfluous stumbling-blocks of wounded 
 feelings and injured self-respect. If I write 
 with emotion on this subject, it is because 
 the cause of Christian unity seems to me 
 of such transcendent importance, and because 
 the hindrance to it arising from the present 
 campaign of calumny is so manifest and so 
 grave.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 37 
 
 IV 
 
 Christian unity — the drawing together into 
 some genuine and operative combination of 
 the disorganised forces of Christianity in the 
 country — is, as 1 can frame to myself any 
 forecast of the future, the one essential 
 condition of any solution of this obstinate 
 educational problem which shall avert from 
 the nation the supreme calamity of secular 
 schools, pure and simple. This is the point 
 on which I would insist with all possible 
 emphasis ; on this I would mainly rest my 
 appeal to Nonconformists. There can be 
 no question in the mind of any one who, like 
 myself, has been at once near the centre of 
 political conflict and personally outside the 
 actual controversy, that the extraordinary 
 and unexpected bitterness of the Noncon- 
 formist opposition to the Education Act has 
 given a marked impetus to the movement 
 for merely secular State schools. It is not 
 the vigour of the Nonconformist objection 
 to a measure which, as I have freely ad- 
 mitted, does not satisfy their legitimate 
 expectations of what the final settlement of 
 
 3951)32
 
 38 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 the education question ought to be, but the 
 bitterness that does this. I suppose no 
 rational man with the sHghtest knowledge 
 of the history of the question, or the least 
 acquaintance with our political methods 
 and traditions, ever dreamed that this or 
 any other measure dealing with large, com- 
 plex, and much-agitated issues, would escape 
 hostile criticism and protracted resistance. 
 These are the common incidents of our 
 political system, and they commonly leave 
 no bitterness behind them when the conflict 
 has reached its natural termination in the 
 triumph, with whatever modifications, of the 
 purpose of the majority, as represented in 
 Parliament. But it is a new thing in our 
 politics that the minority should manifest the 
 virulence of feeling which has shocked us 
 recently, and should receive their inevitable 
 defeat with threats of lawlessness and de- 
 clarations of immitigable resentment. There 
 has, no doubt, been much excessive and 
 unreasonable language among that small 
 knot of extreme Anglicans who dislike the 
 new Act scarcely less than the Nonconform- 
 ists, but the objects of denunciation have in 
 their case been religious allies and political
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 39 
 
 friends, a circumstance which has perhaps 
 added some piquancy to their vehemence, 
 but has cleansed it from the worst taint of 
 religious bigotry. 
 
 On all hands one may hear politicians 
 speaking with a new tolerance of a policy 
 which a year ago seemed to be almost 
 universally condemned. If, they say, the 
 sentiments with which the Nonconformists 
 regard Anglicans are thus bitterly hostile, 
 it really becomes chimerical to suppose that 
 any effective agreement in religion can be 
 reached. Better cut the Gordian knot at 
 once, secularise the State schools, and grant 
 facilities to the denominations for the religious 
 instruction of the children of their members. 
 This solution of the problem is no longer 
 merely advocated by that rapidly diminish- 
 ing number of the older Nonconformists, 
 mainly Independents, who have inherited a 
 theory of the relations of Church and State 
 which regards with religious horror any 
 performance on the part of the latter of 
 functions which seem properly to belong 
 to the former, but also by many who might 
 be thought to be the natural champions of 
 religious education.
 
 40 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 Mr. Lathbury/ for example, who may be 
 taken as the very able exponent of extreme 
 High Church opinions, definitely advocates 
 an agitation with the avowed object of 
 getting "universal State schools with de- 
 nominational religious instruction set up in 
 place of" the system created by the new 
 Act. He thinks the Anglican clergy will 
 not be slow to accept his advice. "They 
 will prefer State schools into which they can 
 enter of right, to Church schools in which 
 they will at best be tolerated visitors." 
 Yes ; but this entrance of right into the 
 State schools is purchased by the loss of 
 all the children who are not specifically 
 certified to be Anglican, That considera- 
 tion does not apparently concern Mr. Lath- 
 bury in the least. Neither does it concern 
 the Nonconformist advocates of the same 
 project. Facilities for the religious training 
 of their own children they are invited to 
 accept in exchange for a system of general 
 religious teaching. In truth, it is sufficiently 
 notorious that the denominational facilities 
 are seriously demanded only by Anglicans, 
 Roman Catholics, and Jews : Noncon- 
 
 ^ Nineteenth Century and After, January 1903.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 41 
 
 formists have hitherto been well satisfied 
 with the religious teaching given in the 
 Board schools, and if that were abolished, 
 they are very ill - organised for providing 
 any other, nor, indeed, are they very likely 
 to make the attempt. 
 
 It may be objected that I am assuming that 
 the State schools, of which Mr. Lathbury 
 speaks, will be secular schools, pure and 
 simple. I answer that the only possible 
 condition of their being anything else is the 
 harmony of English Christians, and their 
 readiness to unite in framing and working a 
 religious compromise, similar to that which 
 has obtained, with great advantage to the 
 nation, in the best Board schools. The 
 unhappy exasperation between Anglicans 
 and Nonconformists (which has been worked 
 up so quickly to an intractable bitterness on 
 the side of the latter, and will assuredly, 
 unless it be stayed, provoke a correspond- 
 ing bitterness on the side of the former) 
 endangers the possibility of getting any 
 form of Christianity included in the State 
 schools of the future. 
 
 What is the goal towards which Non- 
 conformists are tending-? Is it the ""oal of
 
 42 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl^ER 
 
 a merely secular system? If so, I con- 
 gratulate them on their brighter prospects 
 of success, and for one, without pleasure 
 and without hope, take my place among 
 their opponents. It is merely confusing the 
 issue to speak of " denominational facilities." 
 Where they are needed, they are refused ; 
 where alone they are given, they are not 
 needed. What I mean is this. The real prob- 
 lem of religious education is not that raised 
 by the presence in our elementary schools 
 of the children of religious parents, whether 
 Anglican or Nonconformist. Such children 
 will be cared for elsewhere than in school. 
 Dr. Clifford writes justly enough about such — 
 " There are three parties to the educa- 
 tion of the child. First come the parents 
 and all the strong and tenacious forces of 
 the home ; next the State, dealing with the 
 child as a citizen who will have to continue 
 the State's existence, bear its burdens, dis- 
 charge its duties, and realise its ideal ; and 
 then we have the specifically religious 
 societies or churches. These three are one 
 in aim, but different in function and promise. 
 The first is initial, most potent, and abiding. 
 The second trains the brain, the ha7id, and the
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl^ER 43 
 
 conscience for business and for the discharge 
 of the duties of citizenship. The third is 
 concerned with man in his highest relation- 
 ships, his reception of God and revelation, 
 and the cuhure of the spiritual life. Into 
 the sphere of the first neither State nor 
 Church should enter without express invita- 
 tion ; and though the provinces of the 
 second and third touch each other, it is of 
 the utmost importance that each should 
 keep within its own boundaries, and on no 
 account interfere with the other," 
 
 I confess to being not a little suspicious 
 of these clear-cut divisions. Human nature 
 is, after all, indivisibly one, and does not 
 really admit of treatment in sections. S. 
 Paul was nearer the facts when he urged 
 a Christianity which ignored conventional 
 spheres of secular and spiritual. "Whether 
 therefore ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye 
 do, do all to the glory of God." But in 
 practice, no doubt, some division is neces- 
 sary; and Dr. Clifford is speaking practically, 
 and, so far, he speaks truly of what we may 
 call normal education. The home, the State, 
 the Church do combine in the process ; and 
 their distinctive contributions are separately
 
 44 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 rendered, for the most part. But the ele- 
 mentary schools mainly exist for the children 
 whose education is not normal. " Law," 
 says the apostle, "is not made for a 
 righteous man." In like manner we may 
 say that a compulsory system of education 
 is not made for the good citizen, but for the 
 bad. I think it would inflict a measure of 
 hardship on many religious folk of the artisan 
 class, both Anglican and Nonconformist, if 
 the teaching of Christianity were totally 
 excluded from the schools to which they 
 were compelled to send their children ; but 
 if such were the law, freely enacted in a free 
 State, there would be no injustice in the 
 hardship, and I know no reason why there 
 should necessarily be any permanent injury 
 to the children. For the home and the 
 Church would suffice for the provision of 
 moral and religious teaching. But what of 
 the children whose parents are not religious 
 in any sense, who have homes which are no 
 homes, and whom the churches are quite 
 unable to attract or hold? Dr. Clifford's 
 analysis of the factors in education excludes 
 their case altoorether. 
 
 Dr. Fairbairn is a writer of a very different
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 45 
 
 order and rank of mind to Dr. Clifford, and 
 he writes also with a wealth of knowledge 
 and a distinction of style which would always 
 secure attention to his opinions. There is 
 much in his recent pamphlet with which I 
 cordially agree, though I should demur to 
 some of his inferences from English history, 
 and I do not share his aversion to the 
 principle of religious establishment ; but, after 
 carefully reading his words, I cannot avoid 
 the conclusion that he, not less than Dr. 
 Clifford, has left out of his view the mass of 
 homeless and churchless children, who, as I 
 see the facts, are the principal factor in the 
 problem of national education.^ 
 
 "The most hopeless task," he says, "man 
 can attempt is to make a child religious by 
 the doctrines and atmosphere of the school, 
 if the atmosphere of the home be irreligious 
 or antipathetic. ... It is in the home and 
 the society which surrounds it that the 
 atmosphere and the ideals really formative 
 of the man and his character most potently 
 live. If the home in which the child draws 
 daily breath, which feeds, clothes, and shapes 
 him by the invisible hands of unconscious 
 
 * Education : National or Dettominatiomil^ p. 25, 26.
 
 46 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 influence, be bad or alien in mind, it is vain 
 to think that a few hours in a school, whose 
 managers and masters he hears daily criticised, 
 especially as regards the atmosphere they 
 would create, will make him good. The very 
 contrivances used to secure isolation or 
 denominational security and sanctity will turn 
 the school into a mischievous rather than a 
 beneficent agency. And what is the signifi- 
 cance of this obvious but apparently forgotten 
 fact? Simply this, that the Church must 
 seek to influence the school through the home, 
 and the home through the environing society, 
 before it can hope to generate the sort of 
 atmosphere that will really form religion in 
 the child. In other words, there are two 
 possible policies : one of isolation or denomi- 
 national control, under laws and safeguards 
 enacted and guaranteed by the State ; or one 
 of incorporation with the home and the 
 community, or the participation of the school 
 in the life, the beliefs, and the ideals of the 
 religion as inspired by the Church, and 
 possessed by the people." 
 
 I should be extremely sorry to misinterpret 
 one to whom, in common with all English 
 teachers of religion, I owe so much, but, after
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 47 
 
 reading this paragraph carefully several times, 
 I cannot discover any appreciation on Dr. 
 Fairbairn's part of the actual conditions under 
 which the problem of education must in the 
 large towns be solved. He does not realise 
 the circumstances of the children who have 
 no homes in any true sense, and no church. 
 He under-rates the place which the State 
 school has in the scheme of such children's 
 lives. I think he does not sufficiently 
 distinguish between making such children 
 religious, and creating in them the elements 
 of a morality which is essentially Christian ; 
 and I think he shows no adequate conscious- 
 ness of the grave civic peril implied in leaving 
 those children with nothing in the school 
 system which can make up, in however slight 
 a measure, for the absence of religion and even 
 of morality in their "homes." I repeat, it is 
 these morally poverty-stricken children who 
 ought to be considered. For they are the 
 most important class of all, when we come to 
 consider a compulsory system of education. 
 To begin with, it is entirely on their account 
 that the system is compulsory. Self-respect- 
 ing parents — and such religious parents are 
 without exception — do not need the coercion
 
 48 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AI<TER 
 
 of the State to make them send their children 
 to school, any more than they need that 
 coercion to make them feed and clothe them. 
 It is the mass of irreligious parents, who have 
 no self-respect, who regard their children 
 either as mere nuisances, or as potential 
 sources of revenue by precocious mendicancy, 
 who neglect them in every respect except in 
 so far as neglect brings punishment — it is 
 these that need the stimulus of coercion in 
 the matter of sendino- their children to school. 
 Their children must find in the schools, to 
 which the school-attendance officers drive 
 them, all the education, in the good sense, 
 which they will receive. The school-teacher 
 is to them parent and clergyman as well. Dr. 
 Clifford's account of the function of the State 
 is sufficient proof of the crucial importance in 
 their case of religious teaching in the school. 
 The State "trains the brain, the hand, and 
 the conscience for business and for the dis- 
 charge of the duties of citizenship." What 
 traininor of the conscience is that which 
 excludes the knowledore of God.-* What 
 
 o 
 
 notion of duty is that which the children of 
 the slums shall form from an "education" 
 which ignores morality and the sanctions
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 49 
 
 of morality ? Let no one suppose that the 
 number of these children is small among us. 
 Exact statistics are, perhaps, inaccessible, but 
 there are facts enough to make us anxious. 
 The Report of the Royal Commission ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the Elementary 
 Education Acts, issued in 1888, has some 
 very important and suggestive observations 
 connected with this point : ^ — 
 
 " Many children would have no other 
 opportunity of being taught the elementary 
 doctrines of Christianity, as they do not 
 attend Sunday schools, and their parents, 
 in the opinion of a number of witnesses, 
 are quite unable to teach them. The Rev. 
 R. B. Burgess, a clergyman of Birmingham, 
 stated that a recent census of children 
 attending Sunday schools in that town 
 showed that there were 26,000 whose names 
 were on the roll of some day school who 
 attended no Sunday school. It is possible 
 that some of these children may be taught 
 religion elsewhere ; it is probable that many 
 of them would not be, in which case they 
 would grow up without knowledge of God 
 and His law. 
 
 1 P. 124.
 
 50 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFfER 
 
 ' ' The clerk of the School Board of Liverpool 
 expressed his conviction that the ministers of 
 all denominations would be quite inadequate 
 to deal with the instruction of that vast and 
 growing population, and that to forbid re- 
 ligious instruction during the regular hours 
 of school would be most disastrous. 
 
 "We (i.e. the Commissioners) give two 
 
 cases of large classes of our population : the 
 
 first case (and no unfrequent one) is where 
 
 both parents, being poor, are engrossed from 
 
 morning to night by daily work, and having 
 
 had themselves but little instruction, and not 
 
 possessing a very strong sense of religion, 
 
 are neither physically nor morally able to 
 
 give their children religious teaching out of 
 
 school hours or on Sunday. They are anxious, 
 
 as our evidence tells is often found to be the 
 
 case with such parents, that their children 
 
 should be religiously educated ; the only day 
 
 school near them is by the hypothesis secular ; 
 
 there is no Sunday school, or it belongs to a 
 
 church they dislike, or it only supplies room 
 
 for a small portion of the children of the 
 
 district ; so their children must grow up, 
 
 against the parents' wishes, with no religious 
 
 instruction. Worse still is the plight of the
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFFER 51 
 
 second case we will describe, that of the 
 children of the dissolute, criminal, drunken, 
 or grossly negligent parent ; they have still 
 less chance of hearing; of religion at home. 
 Even if there be room in the Sunday school, 
 and their parents allow them to attend it, 
 their very condition will make their admit- 
 tance difficult. Our Education Law has 
 closed to a great extent the ragged schools, 
 which would have sought them out and given 
 them the most suitable religious teaching. 
 Their only opportunity, therefore, except in 
 special cases, of having a knowledge of God 
 and of Christianity, would be in the day 
 school, where the State obliges them to spend 
 all their school life ; but from this a secular 
 system, if adopted, or a secular School Board 
 in the cases where it now exists amongst us, 
 shuts out the Bible, prayer, hymns, and all 
 religious training. Therefore, these child- 
 ren also must in all probability grow up 
 knowing nothing of religion. These two 
 typical cases represent vast numbers, 
 especially in our large cities, and all our 
 evidence has gone to show that the present 
 staff of ministers of all churches and de- 
 nominations, as well as the many various
 
 52 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 existing religious associations and societies, 
 are much too few in number, in proportion to 
 the population, to supply the religious train- 
 ing for these children. For the mass, there- 
 fore, of the children above described, we 
 must put on record our opinion that if they 
 do not receive religious instruction and 
 training from the teachers in the public 
 elementary schools, they will receive none, 
 and that is a matter of the gravest concern 
 to the State." 
 
 The views of the Commissioners do 
 certainly receive support from the evidence 
 of denominational statistics, and from the 
 still weightier testimony of personal observa- 
 tion. Let any religious man, disposed to 
 think kindly of these specious schemes of 
 bald secularism obscured by " denominational 
 facilities," devote a week to visiting the 
 poorer districts of London. Even in S. 
 Margaret's parish, almost under the shadow 
 of the incomparable Abbey, there are di- 
 lapidated houses into which as many as four 
 or even five families are crowded under 
 circumstances which make home life, in any 
 worthy sense, altogether impossible. We do 
 what we can ; my devoted colleagues are
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 53 
 
 constantly on the watch to seize every 
 opportunity which may come their way ; but 
 even so, though we have a mere handful of 
 poor people to take thought for, we cannot 
 succeed in getting the poorest children to 
 attend Sunday school with any such degree 
 of regularity as would be indispensable if 
 they seriously depended on the Sunday 
 school for their religious training. Happily 
 that is now given in the elementary schools, 
 to which the children are compelled to go. 
 I refer to my own parish because there the 
 facts are in a very small compass, and can be 
 vouched for ; but it is everywhere the same, 
 save that in most parishes, for obvious reasons, 
 the close oversisfht which can be maintained 
 in a population of a few hundreds is altogether 
 impossible where the clergy are swamped by 
 numbers. Let the inquirer pursue his quest 
 in South London, with its unbroken stretch 
 of poverty extending all the length of the 
 southern bank of the Thames from Battersea 
 to Deptford ; let him move eastwards into the 
 diocese of S. Albans, where nearly a million 
 Londoners are crowded into metropolitan 
 Essex ; and then, with the vastness of the 
 multitude of spiritually necessitous children
 
 54 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 and the impotence of the denominations 
 before his mind, let him reconsider the 
 whole question of religion in the State 
 schools. Assuming that London in 1903 
 is no more irreligious than Birmingham in 
 1888, there cannot be less than a quarter of 
 a million children in it who attend the 
 elementary schools and belong to no Sunday 
 schools whatever. Add to these the number 
 who attend Sunday schools where the 
 teaching is so incompetent and the discipline 
 so bad that they take no benefit from their 
 attendance — and he would be a bold man 
 who should limit this description to a small 
 proportion of the Sunday schools — and how 
 enormously important the religious teaching 
 of the day schools is seen to be ! It is that 
 or nothing for the multitudes of the poorer 
 children. 
 
 V 
 
 Now, if this be indeed the state of the 
 case, then it is sufficiently apparent that the 
 question which really merits principal at- 
 tention is not how to secure denominational 
 teaching for denominational children, but
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 55 
 
 how to secure Christian teaching in any form 
 for derelict children. And this condition of 
 such teaching emerges quite decisively from 
 the facts — that the teaching, whatever it is, 
 must be given in the State schools by the 
 official staffs of teachers. Without coercion 
 the children cannot be secured ; w^ithout the 
 help of the school teachers the churches are 
 helpless. When we advance to the thorny 
 question of the nature of the religious teach- 
 ing to be given in the State schools, I am 
 free to confess that personally I feel so 
 strongly the value of denominational en- 
 thusiasm and fellowship, that almost any 
 measure of anachronism and illogicality of 
 system would seem to me unimportant 
 beside the civic advantage of brineinor into 
 the educational service of the State the 
 moral vicjour and orranised relig-ious life of 
 Christian churches. But it would be affecta- 
 tion to deny that there are cogent reasons 
 for thinking that denominational schools, as 
 such, are litde likely to be a permanent 
 feature of the national system of education. 
 The disappearance of those schools will, I 
 think, be on many grounds very regrettable, 
 and must bring a definite moral impoverish-
 
 56 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 ment in its train ; none the less that dis- 
 appearance draws quickly on, and the new 
 Education Act has, perhaps, as Mr. Lath- 
 bury says, done much to hasten the process. 
 Assuming, therefore, that the State schools 
 of the future will not be denominational, the 
 question of their character, whether religious 
 or secular, really turns on the point, whether 
 or not Anglicans and Nonconformists can 
 come to some agreement. It may be taken 
 for granted that any such agreement would 
 be what is somewhat unfortunately styled 
 "undenominational," and that fact alone will 
 appear a sufficient condemnation of it in the 
 eyes of many people. We have become 
 very familiar during the last year with 
 brilliant, acute, impassioned, elaborate ex- 
 posures and denunciations of " undenomina- 
 tionalism." Of course, here as everywhere 
 else, it is the standpoint that really matters. 
 Regard " undenominationalism " as a new 
 version of Christianity designed to replace 
 all other versions, with no better claim on 
 any one's acceptance than that it teaches 
 nothing which any one really cares about, 
 and all the scornful invective is abundantly 
 merited.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 57 
 
 Canon Moberly's severe language may be 
 acquiesced in as not too severe for such a 
 monstrous product of State craft and in- 
 differentism : ^ "The fact is, that undenomi- 
 nationalism, so far from being really un- 
 sectarian in character, is itself an instance of 
 the sectarian spirit in Its most exclusive and 
 aggressive form. It is really itself of the 
 nature of an attempt at a new denomination, 
 more latitudinarian and rationalistic in basis, 
 more illiberal and persecuting in method, 
 than any that before exists. It sins so 
 flagrandy against the first principles of 
 liberalism, as actually to attempt the sup- 
 pression by force of the liberty of every 
 denomination other than itself And the 
 people are, for the moment, so infatuated 
 with the music of soft phrases as to applaud 
 the attempt, and believe it to be a triumph of 
 large-hearted liberality." But is this a fair 
 account of what ordinary Englishmen mean 
 by " undenominationalism " ? Are they, in- 
 deed, dreaming of "a new denomination" 
 State-made for State purposes ? Or are they 
 rather drawing a distinction, which is at least 
 as ancient as the Epistle to the Corinthians, 
 ^ Undenofninationahsm, p. 8.
 
 58 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 between things essential and things in- 
 different, and asking that the religious in- 
 struction in the public elementary schools 
 should be limited to the former? And does 
 the attempt to secure this involve the " frantic 
 unwisdom" which Canon Moberly denounces ? 
 Is there not fundamental agreement among 
 orthodox Christians which is patient of an 
 endless variety of beliefs and practices which 
 are not fundamental ? " Whilst differinof 
 widely in our views concerning religious 
 truth " — say the Commissioners in the Re- 
 port which has been already quoted ^ — "we 
 are persuaded that the only safe foundation 
 on which to construct a theory of morals, or 
 to secure high moral conduct, is the religion 
 which our Lord Jesus Christ has taught the 
 world. As we look to the Bible for in- 
 struction concerning morals, and take its 
 words for the declaration of what is morality, 
 so we look to the same inspired source for 
 the sanctions by which men may be led to 
 practise what is there taught, and for in- 
 struction concerning the help by which they 
 may be enabled to do what they have learned 
 to be right." That may fairly be described 
 1 P. 113.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 59 
 
 as an undenominational confession of faith, 
 and it was subscribed, among others, by 
 Cardinal Manning, the Bishop of London 
 (Dr. Temple), Dr. J. H. Rigg, and Mr. S. G. 
 Rathbone. The Christian religion is, after 
 all, something more than a convenient phrase : 
 it does imply certain fundamental beliefs about 
 God and man, which carry with them certain 
 inevitable applications in conduct, and stamp 
 on all who genuinely accept them a common 
 character. It is surely an unfortunate and 
 dangerous exaggeration so to emphasise the 
 historic differences of Christians as to seem 
 to deny this fundamental agreement. No 
 doubt those differences are formidable enough, 
 and cannot be ignored. We may admit the 
 peril of treating them too lightly, because we 
 know how strong is the desire to escape from 
 the mischiefs they cause ; and where our 
 wishes are eager and decisive, there is always 
 the risk that, unknown to ourselves, they may 
 give law to our thoughts. But, allowing all 
 this, can it be denied that more commonly 
 than not Christian people have erred by 
 over-rating rather than by under-rating the 
 importance of their differences ? And is it 
 not in the main a prudent as well as a
 
 6o THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 charitable course to seek for the underlying 
 agreement and bring it into prominence, 
 rather than to emphasise continuously the 
 superficial disagreement ? And if this can 
 ever be rightly done, is it not reasonable 
 to think that the elementary school is, of 
 all spheres, the very best for the purpose? 
 Such considerations lead us directly to that 
 " undenominationalism " which has been so 
 fiercely attacked and so contemptuously de- 
 scribed. No sane man means by the 
 barbarous word anything so ridiculous as 
 " the caput morhmm of all the sects " which 
 Canon Beeching justly ridicules,^ or as the 
 " new denomination " or even as the " positive 
 and coercive principle " which Canon Moberly 
 erects as the nine-pins for his logic to bowl 
 over. It would minister to peace and clear- 
 ness of thought if the cumbrous phrase, now 
 so heavily charged with irritating and mis- 
 leading associations, were banished from the 
 vocabulary of political discussion, and some 
 such substitute as "fundamental," or "ele- 
 mentary," or "essential," were adopted in 
 its place. It is certainly true that there 
 are some differences between Christians, so 
 
 * Religio Laid, p. 249.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 6i 
 
 considerable in themselves, or at least so 
 stereotyped and embittered by historical 
 conditions, as to come near to compromising 
 the fundamental agreement apart from which 
 Christianity, in any coherent sense, is incon- 
 ceivable. Such, I suppose, is the most famous 
 of all differences, that which parts the Roman 
 Catholic from the Protestant. It is difficult 
 to imagine an arrangement by which common 
 religious instruction should be given to the 
 equal satisfaction of both, although, even in 
 this extreme case, the worst difficulty is of 
 quite modern origin : before the new spirit 
 of Vaticanism had changed the temper of the 
 Roman Church, there was possible, and did 
 not rarely exist, all kinds of co-operation 
 with Protestants, which are now prohibited or 
 severely discountenanced. One of the most 
 lamentable traits of the nineteenth century 
 has been the resuscitation of fanaticism within 
 the churches, and notably within the Church 
 of Rome. Statesmanship must assuredly 
 recognise and make provision for the new 
 inexorableness of denominational claim on 
 the part of the modern Roman Church. 
 Whatever arrangement may be agreed upon 
 for the State schools, it will not satisfy
 
 62 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl'ER 
 
 Christians in whose minds distinctive de- 
 nominational beliefs have usurped the place 
 of fundamental Christian truths. Equity will 
 always demand, and statesmanship will not 
 wisely refuse, facilities for denominational 
 instruction by denominational teachers within 
 the fabrics of the State schools, and as an 
 optional appendix to their system. But how 
 far will this concession carry us ? Does any 
 large section of English Christians — the 
 Roman Catholics apart — repudiate the notion 
 of fundamental Christian teaching as some- 
 thing separable from distinctive "over- 
 beliefs " of the denominations ? I do not 
 forget that for many years condemnations of 
 the religious teaching permitted in the Board 
 schools have been the commonplaces of 
 Anglican discussions of national education ; 
 and I do not doubt that to some extent those 
 condemnations indicate a theory of Chris- 
 tianity which is properly identical with that 
 of the Roman Church. But, in the main, 
 I am persuaded that Anglican dislike of 
 " Board-school religion" has proceeded from 
 two causes. On the one hand, Anglicans 
 have suspected its character ; on the other 
 hand, they have had no confidence in its
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 63 
 
 quantity or permanence. Nor can these 
 suspicions be fairly said to be irrational. 
 My friend Canon Beeching has drawn a very 
 grave indictment against the "undenomi- 
 national " system of the Board schools, 
 which the champions of those schools would 
 do well to consider. Without altogether 
 agreeing with what he says about "undenomi- 
 nationalism," which I think he, like Canon 
 Moberly, misunderstands, I associate myself 
 absolutely with his criticism of the practical 
 working of the Act of 1870, in respect of 
 religious instruction. I quote his words : ^ — 
 " The syllabuses of religious instruction 
 furnished by all School Boards to the Royal 
 Commission of 1888, and printed in the 
 Appendix to the Final Report, are far from 
 pleasant reading for those who still wish to 
 think of England as a Christian country. 
 The syllabuses of the greater Boards are 
 generally unexceptionable from the point of 
 view of the Bible history and the moral 
 lessons to be based on it ; but neither in 
 them nor in the specimen examination 
 papers annexed is there any express recog- 
 nition of the fundamental articles of the 
 
 ^ Religio Laid', p. 253.
 
 64 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 Christian faith. All one can hope is that 
 the actual teaching goes beyond the syllabus, 
 as it must if the teachers are themselves 
 Christians ; and we are generally assured 
 that it does. Of the lesser Board schools 
 many follow the lead of the greater Boards, 
 but in many more we come upon evidence of 
 every sort of anti-church and anti-religious pre- 
 judice. Exclusive of Wales, which depends 
 largely upon Sunday schools, I counted 496 
 School Boards which returned themselves 
 in 1888 as having no syllabus of religious 
 instruction at all. There is no salvation, I 
 willingly admit, in a syllabus ; for it is quite 
 possible for a child's religious training to be 
 in inverse ratio to its Bible knowledge ; but 
 that the absence of a syllabus in the case of 
 these Board schools does not arise from any 
 religious motive, is proved by the special 
 resolution of the Board upon the religious 
 question recorded in the Government return 
 Generally it is to the effect that the Bible 
 shall be read for half an hour at the opening 
 of the school 'without note or comment,' an 
 ordinance worthy of Laputa, but eclipsed by 
 one School Board, which orders further, that 
 the Ten Commandments shall be taught
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 65 
 
 'without comment.' Sometimes the Bible 
 may be read ' with comment,' and then the 
 nature of the permitted comment is usually- 
 specified ; in some cases the teacher is 
 allowed to explain the meaning of words 
 only ; in others the explanation may extend 
 to history, geography, and grammar ; in 
 others he may draw moral lessons." 
 
 It cannot, I think, be fairly maintained 
 that such a system as is here described ought 
 to be accepted by any Christian as offering a 
 satisfactory instruction in the fundamentals of 
 Christianity ; and when it has to be added 
 that this meagre and slipshod provision was 
 not secured by the statute, but depended 
 on the triennial decision of the handful 
 of School-board electors who, under the 
 grotesque arrangement known as "the 
 cumulative vote," could choose the citizens 
 who should determine for the district the 
 vitally important issue whether any religious 
 teaching was to be given in the schools or 
 not, I think every just man will allow that 
 there was more in the Anglican objection 
 than " sacerdotalist " fanaticism or profes- 
 sional lust of power. I desire to come to 
 close quarters with Nonconformists here. 
 5
 
 66 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl'ER 
 
 If their advocacy of " undenominationalism " 
 implies, as I am ready to believe it does 
 imply, a serious desire to provide for the 
 national education a basis of fundamental 
 Christian doctrine, so that the children shall 
 take with them from the State schools those 
 moral and intellectual predispositions which 
 are historically and properly Christian, and 
 shall, to that extent, be competent to sustain 
 in the community the great Christian tradi- 
 tion, which is confessedly its saving "salt," 
 then they, not less than we, cannot be 
 indifferent to the conditions under which 
 that fundamental Christian truth is taught, 
 and the securities by which it is maintained. 
 Satisfy us that the "undenominationalism " 
 you desire is fundamental Christian truth, 
 and that it is so built into the national system 
 of education as to be an integral element of 
 it, and you will have removed the main part 
 of our objections. If the denominational 
 schools are to have no place in the final 
 settlement of the education question, then, at 
 least, some better pledges for the quality and 
 permanence of religious teaching in the State 
 schools must be found than those of the Act 
 of 1870. In truth, " undenominationalism "
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl'ER 67 
 
 (the hideous word cannot be avoided if I am 
 to make myself clear) has never had a fair 
 chance ; for hitherto its practical application 
 has not been the avowed interest of many, 
 perhaps of most, of the sincere Christians in 
 the country. The Church of England has 
 disliked it, and watched it with waxing 
 suspicion ; the Wesleyans have had their 
 own schools, and the Roman Catholics. It 
 has never been fairly treated even in the 
 Statute which introduced it into the national 
 education, for there was nothing to preserve 
 it from the neglect which will always tend to 
 overtake any element in a complicated system 
 which is left outside the protection of the 
 law. It has hitherto been looked upon as 
 an inevitable but unwelcome concession to 
 the obstinate prejudices of Christian folk, 
 and the time has been looked forward to by 
 many "educationists" when it shall quietly 
 fall out of a system in which it is truly an 
 anomaly. It has never been seriously valued 
 for its own sake, guarded in its application, 
 watched with a friendly wish to see it an 
 efficient thing. 
 
 There is no good reason for thinking that 
 the mass of Anglicans have any strong or
 
 68 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 definite distaste of such religious teaching 
 as omits the distinctive Anglican doctrines. 
 The alleged religious grievance of the 
 Anglican parents in School-board districts is 
 more loudly heard from the lips of politicians 
 than from those of the parents themselves. 
 I incline to think it about as reasonable in 
 theory and as trivial in experience as the 
 similar Nonconformist grievance in Church- 
 school districts. The average parent has 
 no very keen feeling for denominational 
 doctrines, but he has a genuine respect for 
 religion, and dislikes the notion of an educa- 
 tion which is not quite frankly Christian. If 
 the clergy on both sides, actuated by the 
 best of motives, had not worked up a little 
 feeling on the subject, we should have heard 
 little enough of these grievances. One of 
 the worst effects of religious division has 
 been the perverted zeal with which good 
 men have with excellent intentions laboured 
 to make the parents suspect the worst of 
 what ought to be the best element in the 
 school system. And it seems to be obvious 
 that unless better relations can be established, 
 so that these obstinate suspicions could be 
 replaced by a juster and more kindly feeling.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 69 
 
 there really is no reasonable probability that 
 we can escape what I cannot help calling the 
 supreme disaster of secular schools pure and 
 simple. There is no inherent impossibility 
 in finding a common platform of fundamental 
 Christianity on which the mass of English 
 Christians might meet, in drawing up a 
 simple and sufficient syllabus of religious 
 teaching which would outrage no legitimate 
 denominational preferences, and yet would 
 be of the greatest service to the children. 
 The Free Church Catechism is an evidence 
 of the ease with which it can be done, if there 
 be goodwill to do it. That Catechism was 
 drawn up by representative Congregation- 
 alists, Wesleyan Methodists, Baptists, Primit- 
 ive Methodists, Presbyterians, members of 
 the Methodist New Connexion, Bible 
 Christians. As far as I can judge, after 
 careful and repeated study of its contents, 
 there is no reason why Anglicans also should 
 not accept it. On the first Sunday of the 
 Session of Parliament which witnessed the 
 introduction and passage of the Education 
 Bill, I ventured to assert in S. Margaret's, 
 that if that Free Church Catechism were 
 honestly taught in the State schools, there
 
 70 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 would be no reason left for the effort to 
 maintain, as it were in opposition, a rival set 
 of denominational schools. Many Anglican 
 clergy, less well disposed towards the " Free 
 Churches " than I am, hold the same view. 
 Let any fair-minded Nonconformist read 
 through the Catechism in the Prayer-Book, 
 and then the " Free Church Catechism," and 
 then ask himself whether there is not some- 
 thing absurd in the notion that Anglicans 
 and Nonconformists are so far apart as the 
 furious controversy of the last few months 
 would appear to show. Put aside from both 
 the Catechisms the denominational " over- 
 beliefs " as to the Sacraments in the one 
 case and the relations of Church and State 
 in the other, and what remains is completely 
 harmonious. And that common element 
 includes all that serious Anglicans believe to 
 be of essential importance, or at least all that 
 they think could reasonably be taught in the 
 State schools of the future, and it includes 
 nothing that serious Nonconformists dislike 
 or dispute. A writer in the Times (January 
 8, 1903) did well to recall to our recollection 
 the conciliatory views which quite recently 
 have found expression from the lips of Non-
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 71 
 
 conformist leaders. "When," he says, "I 
 hear the wild terms in which the situation 
 is discussed from the Nonconformist side, I 
 often recall a quiet conference of religious 
 and educational leaders which met in a Swiss 
 mountain village in the summer of 1895. 
 They met to consider an ' educational con- 
 cordat,' and they stated their views in a clear 
 atmosphere, and without regard to the 
 present conflict of parties. Two of the most 
 prominent Nonconformist representatives at 
 that conference were the Rev. Hugh Price 
 Hughes, whom, unhappily, we have lost, and 
 Mr. Percy Bunting. It is curious to see how 
 completely, in what they then said, they dis- 
 pose of the very points which their own 
 party are now pressing forward. Mr. 
 Hughes, in explaining his historic plan for 
 a compact between Anglicans and Non- 
 conformists respecting religious teaching in 
 elementary schools, said : ' If they (Church- 
 men) consented to reduce their teaching to 
 the Christianity of the Apostles' Creed, we 
 might agree to level up the Board schools to 
 the same point, and every public elementary 
 school might thus be able to teach definite 
 historic Christianity.' Equally instructive is
 
 72 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFFER 
 
 Mr. Hughes' proposed method of treating 
 minorities : ' As to the case of Atheists, 
 Agnostics, Jews, Theosophists, Unitarians, 
 etc, it must be remembered that the immense 
 majority of Englishmen accept the Christian 
 religion, and desire that their children should 
 be taught its principles, and in this rough- 
 and-tumble world small minorities must not 
 be allowed to rule majorities.'" 
 
 But, while such a compact as Mr. Hughes 
 laboured for is perfectly practicable in itself, 
 it can never be hoped for while such embittered 
 relations exist between Anglicans and Non- 
 conformists as have been created or discovered 
 during the last year. I am quite sure that 
 among Churchmen there is a genuine and 
 growing desire to get into harmony and 
 co-operation with Nonconformists. I am 
 quite sure that no trace of bitterness, such as 
 that which has recently marked the speeches 
 and pamphlets of the leading Nonconformist 
 controversialists, can be found in those of the 
 Anglican leaders. On both sides we may 
 dismiss with the contempt it deserves, the 
 scurrilous "religious" and political press. 
 It is to the leaders of Nonconformity, and to 
 the great multitude of good Christians who
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 73 
 
 follow them, that I appeal, and my appeal is 
 shortly this. The new Act is not final, it 
 only paves the way for a final settlement, 
 which — as (dv as one can forecast the future — 
 will be eftected by the political party to which 
 you are mostly attached. That final settle- 
 ment will either take a definitely Christian 
 character or a definitely non-Christian. 
 Denominational facilities will probably in 
 either case be conceded ; but these cannot 
 really affect the main question. The masses 
 oi the morally destitute children oi the country 
 must receive such knowledge oi Christianity 
 as they can get in and from the State schools. 
 If these are merely secular, those masses will 
 be as destitute of the elements of Christian 
 morality as if they had been brought up in a 
 heathen land. T/uv will oain nothincr from 
 the iact that select groups of better-to-do 
 children are taught their denominational 
 doctrines in appointed classrooms. If the 
 fundamental truths of Christianity are shut 
 out from the educational scheme of the State 
 schools, which are to them home, school, and 
 church in one. they will have no opportunity 
 of learning them. This being the case, I 
 subniit that charity and patriotism combine
 
 74 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 to point out the line of duty. There are 
 strong and, I fear, waxing forces within the 
 nation which are moving in the direction 
 of mere secularism. The triumph of those 
 forces would inevitably bring with it the 
 moral impoverishment of our people, and 
 ultimately draw upon us the shipwreck of 
 society. Of all barriers to mere secularism 
 the most effective is that provided by State 
 schools which are in tendency, tone, method, 
 and system definitely Christian, not in any 
 perverted ecclesiastical sense, but in the sense 
 that the basis of doctrine and discipline in 
 them is the gospel of Jesus Christ. There- 
 fore, as Christians and as patriots, we must 
 direct our action towards such a final settle- 
 ment of our educational difficulty as shall 
 secure (with whatever protection for dis- 
 sentient minorities) definite Christian teaching 
 in the State schools. But the only chance of 
 success lies in the laying aside of suspicion 
 and hatred, and the steady co-operation of 
 Anglicans and Nonconformists. The new 
 Act, whatever faults it may possess, has at 
 least this considerable merit, that it does make 
 possible a measure of common action in school 
 government which has never previously
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 75 
 
 existed. Look upon that Act as preliminary 
 to the great political achievement of the future 
 which is to be the first-fruits of harmony 
 between English Christians, as giving us time 
 and opportunity for mutual understanding, 
 for cleansing our minds of old, obstinate 
 antipathies, for discovering our essential 
 agreement, for finding a way of escape from 
 our historical traditions of antagonism. Join 
 us in working it in an honest and friendly 
 spirit, with the purpose to make it so succeed 
 as to facilitate a complete restoration of 
 harmony when the time for final action comes. 
 Close your ears to the exasperating voices of 
 sectarian resentment and political partisanship. 
 These echo old quarrels which had best be 
 forgotten, and serve the interest of ambitions 
 which had best be renounced. Listen rather 
 to those deeper and more constant voices 
 which speak from the heart of a Christendom 
 which is weary of strife, and which utter a 
 hope which brightens like the day-dawn. 
 
 " Happily for the Christian World " — wrote 
 
 Robert Hall in 1818^ — "there probably 
 
 never was a time when, in the solution of 
 
 this question (What is Christianity ?), so much 
 
 ^ IVoris, vol. ii. p. 46S. London, 1834.
 
 ^e THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 unanimity was witnessed among the pro- 
 fessors of serious piety as at the present. 
 Systems of religion fundamentally erroneous 
 are falling fast into decay, while the sub- 
 ordinate points of difference, which do not 
 affect the primary verities of Christianity nor 
 the ground of hope, are either consigned to 
 oblivion or are the subjects of temperate and 
 amicable controversy. In consequence of their 
 subsiding to their proper level, the former 
 appear in their just and natural magnitude. 
 Hence " (he continues) " in the present state of 
 the Church, externally considered, the evil 
 most to be deplored is the unnatural distance 
 at which Christians stand from each other." 
 It is manifest enough that in your case at 
 this present the way of peace is more than 
 commonly difficult. Such natural resentment 
 as you may feel — as defeated minorities are 
 apt to feel — links itself but too easily with 
 old exasperating memories, and kindles into 
 new life old ardours of conflict. The disputes 
 of Christians have always served the ends of 
 politicians, and in this case also it is plain 
 enough that there are those who would divert 
 to political ends the unhappy difference which 
 has broken out between us. Already I
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl^ER -jj 
 
 observe that you are counselled to make this 
 educational controversy the instrument for 
 forcing into the field of political conflict the 
 most delicate and momentous of all domestic 
 questions — Disestablishment. That question 
 cuts deeper into the national life than any 
 other ; to force it forward in an atmosphere 
 of bitterness and universal mistrust is to court 
 the greatest calamity in the world. I do not 
 mean Disestablishment itself, though, when I 
 try to realise all that it would involve to 
 Church and State, I think it would break my 
 heart to witness it ; but I mean Disestablish- 
 ment secured as the prize of internecine 
 conflict between Christians, carried through 
 by those evil forces of calumny and class 
 prejudice and sectarian rancour which are 
 the most facile and the most fatal of all 
 political passions. I do not ask you to 
 abandon a political doctrine which seems to 
 me not only unsound in itself but also alien 
 to the deepest thought of our time, — I admit 
 frankly the legitimacy of the policy of Dis- 
 establishment, while I distrust its wisdom 
 and dread its triumph, — but I do ask you 
 to consider whether the essential condition 
 of carrying that policy into effect without
 
 78 THE P:DUCATI0N ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 consequences to the national life which no 
 Christian man and no good citizen can 
 contemplate without fear, be not a good 
 understanding between us, a mutual confidence 
 strong enough to mitigate the inevitable 
 resentment and to disallow the worst 
 suspicion.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 I print here without alteration the sermon 
 to which reference is made above, and 
 which, indeed, has been the occasion of 
 my writing. It was preached in West- 
 minster Abbey on Holy Innocents' Day, 
 1902, which was also the last Sunday 
 in the year. 
 
 Then Herod, when he saw that he was mocked of 
 the wise men, was exceeding wroth, and sent forth, and 
 slew all the male children that were in bethlehem, 
 and in all the borders thereof, from two years old and 
 under, according to the time which he had carefully 
 learned of the wise men. then was fulfilled that 
 
 WHICH WAS SPOKEN BY JEREMIAH THE PROPHET.— MaTT. ii. 
 16, 17. 
 
 PERHAPS there is no festival of the Church 
 which perplexes the modern Christian more 
 than Innocents' Day. This perplexity seems to be 
 reflected in the history of the collect. The collect 
 is a much-transformed version of an ancient prayer 
 in the Sacramentary of Gelasius. In the Prayer- 
 Books of Edward VI. and Elizabeth it was closely 
 translated, and ran thus : — 
 
 " Almighty God, whose praise this day the young 
 79
 
 So THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AtTER 
 
 Innocents, Thy witnesses, have confessed and 
 showed forth, not in speaking, but in dying : 
 Mortify and kill all vices in us, that in our con- 
 versation our life may express Thy faith, which 
 with our tongues we do confess : through Jesus 
 Christ our Lord." At the Restoration the collect 
 received its present form, by no means, as I 
 venture to think, with advantage. The reference 
 to the Innocents was made less prominent, 
 and a quotation from the 8th Psalm was 
 introduced, while the petition was elaborated. 
 After the established manner of collect -com- 
 position, the petition is suggested by the reference ; 
 but, necessarily, the suggestion was more than 
 commonly vague, for the miserable fate of young 
 infants, even when connected with Christ's advent, 
 could not easily illustrate any virtue or contribute 
 any example. The blunt antithesis of the older 
 version had at least the merit of simplicity; 
 whereas the collect now connects " constancy of 
 faith even unto death" with an episode which, 
 whatever importance of another kind it may have 
 possessed, had certainly nothing to do with either 
 constancy or faith. This disadvantage of arti- 
 ficialit}' has always attached to the collect, but to 
 the more sensitive intellectual conscience of modem 
 believers there is a further difficulty, in the critical 
 suspicion which rests on the record to which the 
 massacre of the Innocents belongs. It would, to 
 my thinking, be disingenuous to deny the really 
 formidable difficulties which the modern student
 
 THE EDUCATION An^— ANP AFTER Si 
 
 must encounter when he endeavours to reconcile 
 the narrative of the Nativity in the First Gospel 
 with that in the Fhird, and botli the one and the 
 other until the rest of the cvangpclic records. I 
 think Dr. Percy Gardner is not justified by the 
 facts when he sa\-s shortly thAt " it is impossible to 
 suppose that Herod would have ordered a general 
 massacre o( children, when, accordinc:^ to the stoiy, 
 it was the easiest thing in the world to disco\-er 
 the child who was really dangerous," ^ for the well- 
 authenticated histor>- o( that king describe5 him in 
 his last years as monstrously and irrationally 
 suspicious and cruel. " There is probably " — 
 observes the greatest of living historians, Theodor 
 Mommsen — " no royal house o( any age in which 
 bloody feuds raged in an equal degree between 
 parents and children, between husbands and wives, 
 and between brothers and sisters ; the Emperor 
 Augustus and his governors in SjTia turned away 
 with horror from the share in the work o( murder 
 which was suggested to them. Not the least 
 revolting trait in this picture of horrors is the utter 
 want of object in most o( the executions, ordained 
 as a rule upon groundless suspicion, and the 
 despairing remorse of the perj-^ctrator, which con- 
 stantly followed." '^ A monarch o( whom all this 
 can be said is certainly capable of any barbarity, 
 however gross and wanton. It is, moreover, certain 
 that he left behind him the memor>- o( an extremely 
 
 ' E^/^'^ra/i^ EtsiK^-r.s.,7, p. aj6. 
 
 • Ptvtimts »/ (Jk4 AVw<#« Effuf^itf^ vol. ii. p. iSo. 
 
 6
 
 82 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 ruthless tyrant. In the curious apocryphal book 
 known as The Assumption of Moses ^ written — we 
 are assured by the learned editor, Dr. Charles — 
 during the early life of our Lord, or possibly 
 contemporaneously with His public ministry, 
 there is a reference to Herod which may serve 
 to show the character he bore in the age which 
 had knowledge of him. He is there de- 
 scribed as "an insolent king," "a man bold and 
 shameless," who "will cut off the chief men [of 
 the Jews] with the sword and will destroy them in 
 secret places, so that no one may know where 
 their bodies are ; " and it is added, " he will slay 
 the old and the young, and he will not spare." ^ 
 
 There appears to me, therefore, no difficulty in 
 believing that the tyrant ordered the slaughter of 
 a score of infants — there would not have been more 
 in Bethlehem and the adjacent hamlets — if his 
 gloomy and ferocious temper had been roused by 
 some rumour of political danger in the alleged 
 birth there of the King of Israel. 
 
 It is perhaps worth while to emphasise the 
 fewness of the victims of Herod's cruelty, for the 
 current opinion is still affected by the ecclesiastical 
 tradition, which exaggerated their number beyond 
 all limits of possibility. " The sword being thus 
 made sharp by Herod's commission," — so runs 
 Jeremy Taylor's account of the event, — " killed 
 fourteen thousand pretty babes ; as the Greeks in 
 their Calendar and the Abyssines of Ethiopia do 
 * Tht Asiumption of Moses, edited by Charles, pp. 21, 22.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AxND AFTER 83 
 
 commemorate in their offices of liturgy. For 
 Herod, crafty and malicious, that is, perfectly 
 tyrant, had caused all the children to be gathered 
 together ; which the credulous mothers (supposing 
 it had been to take account of their age and 
 number, in order to some taxing), hindered not, 
 but unwittingly suffered themselves and their 
 babes to be betrayed to an irremediable butchery." 
 The excellent bishop continues in this strain, 
 depicting, with all the resources of his eloquence, 
 " this great weeping, when fourteen thousand 
 mothers in one day saw their pretty babes 
 pouring forth their blood into that bosom whence, 
 not long before, they had sucked milk."^ All 
 this is mere rhetoric ; for, as Dr. Edersheim 
 points out, " considering the population of 
 Bethlehem, the number of the slaughtered babes 
 could only have been small — probably twenty 
 at most." 2 
 
 It is, I think, not superfluous to emphasise the 
 petty scale of the atrocity, for the popular exaggera- 
 tion confers on the sacred narrative an aspect of 
 improbability which does not properly attach to 
 it. But, after all, the difficulty belongs, not to this 
 particular episode, but to the whole narrative 
 which includes it, and that difficulty seems to me 
 really serious. Let mc observe, in passing, that 
 there is nothing about which a religious man's 
 conscience ought to be more sensitive than the 
 
 ' Works, vol. ii. p. 126. 
 
 ' Life attd Times of Jesus, vol. i. p. 214,
 
 84 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 language of his prayers. The merest suspicion of 
 unreahty is disturbing; to acquiesce in unreality, 
 even where the actual point at issue is apparently 
 unimportant, implies a departure from sincerity, 
 and every conscious departure from sincerity has 
 the promise of the worst spiritual treason. Of 
 course every public liturgy tends to be archaic ; in 
 it are preserved phrases which have partially lost 
 meaning, notions which no more command assent, 
 references which are no longer valid. How far this 
 must be acquiesced in will be a question hard to 
 decide ; but surely the principle which determines 
 the decision must not be any other than that 
 of devotional sincerity. So far from resenting 
 as an unworthy and unpalatable impatience of 
 harmless and venerable forms that anxious and 
 questioning spirit of our time which brings all 
 things to the test, and will accept no substitute for 
 truth, we ought to welcome it as the very temper 
 of Christianity. It was a Christian apostle, 
 writing to Christians, who laid down the bold and 
 salutary rule : " Prove all things : hold fast that 
 which is good." Assuming, however, the truth of 
 the record, what do we mean when we say in the 
 Collect that, in Herod's massacre. Almighty God 
 "made infants to glorify Him by their deaths"? 
 The evangelist, if the question had been proposed 
 to him, might have pointed — as indeed he does 
 point — to the fulfilment of prophecy, " Then was 
 fulfilled that which was spoken by Jeremiah the 
 prophet." But the prophecy which he quotes from
 
 THE EDUCATIOxX ACT— AND AFTER 85 
 
 the 31st chapter of the canonical book of Jeremiah 
 has no reference to the massacre of the Innocents 
 by Herod, but to the restoration of the Jews then 
 suffering under the Chaldseans. The promise is 
 that Rachel's " children shall come again to their 
 own border." So far from commending his nar- 
 rative to our acceptance, the frequent reference to 
 the prophets, ill understood and wrongly applied, 
 is regarded by the modern student as not the least 
 suspicious circumstance about the author of S. 
 Matthew's Gospel. The pious Churchman will 
 be attracted by the pathetic reflections which 
 Keble uttered in his verses for this festival. The 
 unconscious babes were " baptized in blood for 
 Jesus' sake," and, as such, stood at the head of 
 the countless host who have endured the suffering 
 of death in His cause; and as such we may believe 
 that He regarded them, and for their sake looked 
 with solemn affection upon all children. 
 
 " Mindful of these, the first-fruits sweet 
 Borne by the suffering Church her Lord to greet ; 
 Bless'd Jesus ever loved to trace 
 The 'innocent brightness' of an infant's face." 
 
 This exercise of pious fancy, legitimate enough 
 for purposes of edification, perhaps, does not help 
 us much when we seek to put some adequate 
 meaning into the Collect for Innocents' Day. 
 How did the unconscious infants glorify God by 
 their deaths ? Perhaps the answer may be found 
 in two considerations. 
 
 I. The criminal violence of the cruel king.
 
 86 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 terror - driven into savagery by his conscience- 
 pointed jealousy, was after all defeated, and only 
 remains on record to show the futility of human 
 resistance to the purpose of God. Herod's victims 
 live in the memory of mankind as so many 
 evidences of Herod's failure to frustrate the 
 redemptive mission of Christ. His crime became 
 ministerial to God's glory. The Innocents, who 
 fell before his sword, gave the first example of that 
 passive resistance which was destined to become 
 one of the most potent factors in Christian history. 
 This festival brings home to us with greater force 
 even than Christmas Day itself the wondrous 
 paradox of the Incarnation. The Son of God is 
 not only neglected and outcast, but pursued by the 
 persecutor's sword, when He, " for us men, and for 
 our salvation, comes down from heaven, and is 
 incarnate." 
 
 2. But there is another sense in which the 
 Innocents "glorified God by their deaths." They 
 illustrated one aspect of the Incarnation, and (in a 
 measure) prophesied one of its most blessed con- 
 sequences. Dr. Hort, in his delightful lectures on 
 the Ante-Nicene Fathers, dwells on the " compre- 
 hensiveness" of the Christianity which S. Irenaeus, 
 the greatest of the company, set forward against 
 the Gnostic perversions. I borrow from his pages 
 a quotation which will serve to explain the point 
 which I desire to make. S. Irenaeus is insisting 
 on the genuineness which marked every aspect 
 and incident of the Incarnation of God in Christ.
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 87 
 
 "For He came to save all through Himself: all, I 
 mean, who through Him are born anew unto God, 
 infants and little children, and boys and youths, 
 and elders. Accordingly He came through every 
 age, with infants becoming an infant, hallowing 
 infants ; among little children a little child, 
 hallowing those of that very age, at the same time 
 making Himself to them an example of dutifulness, 
 and righteousness, and subjection ; among young 
 men a young man, becoming an example to young 
 men, and hallowing them to the Lord. So also an 
 elder among elders, that He might be a perfect 
 Teacher in all things, not only as regards the 
 setting forth of the truth, but also as regards age, 
 at the same time hallowing also the elders, 
 becoming likewise an example to them. Lastly, 
 He came even unto death, that He might be the 
 first begotten from the dead. Himself holding 
 the primacy in all things, the Author of life, 
 before all things, and having precedence of all 
 things." ^ 
 
 The historic Incarnation implied the recognition, 
 interpretation, and consecration of humanity in all 
 its normal aspects and activities. Infancy and 
 childhood belong to the Incarnate as truly as 
 manhood. Christ takes those stages of human 
 development, and makes them also ministerial to 
 His mission of divine self-discovery. The dis- 
 tinctive character of the child is hallowed to be the 
 agent of Revelation, and, as such, is intrusted to 
 ' Hort, The Aute-Nicene Fathers, p. 72,
 
 88 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 the reverent consideration of the Church. The 
 Incarnate approaches us not merely as "the Teacher 
 sent from God ;" not merely as the " Righteous One," 
 whose holy example challenges our imitation ; not 
 merely as the Victim of the world's sin, who for 
 our sakes died on Calvary ; not merely as the 
 Conqueror of the Grave ; but also as the Infant of 
 Bethlehem and the Boy of Nazareth. And this 
 aspect of His incarnate life has been printed on 
 the memory and bound upon the conscience of 
 the Church by that gospel of Christ's birth and 
 childhood, in which the slaughter of the Innocents 
 is the most tragic feature. Thus these babes were 
 the unconscious ministers of a great purpose of 
 blessing. Christ's words with respect to " the man 
 blind from his birth" might be applied to these first 
 victims of His crusade of mercy. They did not 
 sin, or their parents, that they suffered so cruel a 
 fortune, but they died "that the works of God might 
 be made manifest." They illustrate the work- 
 ing of that mysterious, persistent, all -prevailing 
 Providence, which, going to work in a world dis- 
 ordered and undone, having to work upon the 
 sin-tangled mass of human action, accepts both 
 and bends them to its own service, transforming 
 the fruits and agencies of malediction into the 
 springs and potencies of blessing. 
 
 All this on the assumption, which our Liturgy 
 unfalteringly makes, that the record of the massacre 
 at Bethlehem is properly record of fact. But let 
 the opposite assumption — which cannot be thought
 
 THE EDUCATIOxN ACT— AND AFTER 89 
 
 improbable in itself, and which I know no sound 
 reason for branding as religiously inadmissible — 
 be made, and even so our commemoration to-day 
 need not be destitute of worthy and edifying sig- 
 nificance. Read the narrative, if you will, as 
 indicating not what actually happened, but as 
 what the men of the first century thought might 
 well have happened, and the moral it points is 
 hardly less inspiring, and not a whit less true. We 
 see as in a mirror the unveiled countenance of that 
 " hard pagan world " to which the Incarnate came. 
 Commonly the veils of distance, of culture, of 
 educational associations, perhaps of unconscious 
 prejudice, lie thickly over the facts of ancient 
 civilisation, and we imagine them other than they 
 were. Here is an exhibition of the brutal callous- 
 ness which marked the treatment of infancy and 
 childhood. Herod's alleged atrocity was, as I 
 have shown, thoroughly accordant with the accus- 
 tomed habit of his government. Herod, in spite of 
 his terrible family history, was not altogether an 
 unworthy representative of ancient kingship, and 
 his court was a famous centre of classical culture. 
 We do no injustice to the society of the time if we 
 take this record of the Innocents as a witness to 
 the chronic contempt of infant life which then ruled 
 in men's minds. And this witness, delivered in 
 the heart of the tradition of Christendom as to the 
 advent of Jesus Christ, suggests and even compels 
 the reflection, how blessed an influence that advent 
 has had on the fortunes of children. It provokes
 
 90 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl'EH 
 
 the inquiry, why that influence has been wielded : 
 and it leads directly to the answer, which, indeed, 
 leaps to the eyes of the student of historic Chris- 
 tianity, that the element in Christ's religion which 
 has induced this high reverence for children, out 
 of which so much happiness has flowed, is precisely 
 that belief in the Incarnation which has ruled the 
 thought and guided the action of Christians from 
 the first. Matthew Arnold's fine insight did not 
 fail him when he fastened on Christ as the Child, 
 and pictured Him in that guise as winning the 
 world. Faith was victorious over the old, inbred 
 evils of society while men 
 
 " Could see the Mother with her Child, 
 Whose tender, winning arts 
 Have to His little arms beguiled 
 So many wounded hearts ! " 
 
 The Mother with the Crowned Child in her arms 
 is no unfit symbol of the religion of Jesus. These 
 tender and fragile forms are set forward in the 
 gospel of the Incarnation as the commissioned 
 envoys of the Eternal. Before them in their 
 weakness perforce must bend the strength and 
 wisdom of manhood, for they carry the authority 
 of those spiritual graces of love and innocence by 
 which alone manhood is strong and wise; they 
 make the appeal of weakness and sacrifice, to which 
 all that is pure and God-like in manhood goes out 
 in homage. If you want a test by which to gauge 
 the Christianity of a nation, to discover the fidelity 
 of a church, nay, to bring to light the character
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 91 
 
 of a man, you have it here. How are women and 
 children regarded and treated? What is their 
 place in the scale of political and social interests ? 
 What is the tone and habit of society with respect 
 to them ? The year which is now all but ended 
 has been very full of discussions about children. 
 It will take rank as a year of decisive importance 
 in the educational history of this country. Will 
 you grant me your indulgence, if on the last 
 Sunday in the year I claim your attention for 
 a few observations on that vexed and solemn 
 question of our national education ? I was one of 
 those who indulged the hope (which, even now, I 
 cannot bring myself to surrender) that the time 
 had arrived when men of goodwill in every section 
 of the Christian Church might lay aside merely 
 denominational ambitions, and combine in a settled 
 and deliberate policy of Christian education in the 
 State schools. In spite of all the acrimonious con- 
 troversy of the last few months, I will not believe 
 that the great experiment in national education, to 
 which by the new Act we are now committed, is 
 destined to be compromised and obstructed in 
 advance by sectarian reluctance to see it succeed. 
 Let me deprecate the view, very natural in poli- 
 ticians and very weightily supported, that we of 
 the Church have, in this controversy, magnified a 
 detail at the expense of the main interest. The 
 principle at stake in the recent educational dis- 
 cussions has been religious. Two conceptions 
 of national education have been in conflict : the
 
 92 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 Christian conception, represented, however un- 
 worthily, by the Denominational schools ; and the 
 secular conception, hardly recognised anywhere as 
 yet, but properly latent in the system created by 
 the Act of 1870. The other questions were of 
 greater immediate importance, but they raised no 
 point of principle, and were not much disputed 
 among educational authorities. And if this be the 
 case, then, to any one who can lift his eyes above 
 the immediate political issues, it is the religious 
 question which is of supreme importance. I said 
 this at the beginning of the year, I say it again at 
 the end. 
 
 You must forgive my persistence, but in this 
 cause persistence is my duty. Far be it from me 
 to profane this famous pulpit by any partisan plea. 
 It needs no saying that I hold no brief for any 
 party, political or religious ; but, standing in this 
 place, as in duty bound, on the last Sunday of a 
 year in many respects unusually important in our 
 national life, I cannot escape the responsibility 
 of appealing to my fellow-citizens on an issue of 
 the utmost national gravity. I venture with the 
 greatest deference to address myself to the Noncon- 
 formists, for whom — as they know well — I have a 
 sincere affection and respect, and whose religious 
 fellowship I desire and work for. Upon them now 
 mainly depends the issue whether the new Act is 
 to be the beginning of a stable and equitable re- 
 organisation of our popular education on a basis of 
 definite Christianity, or whether it is to inaugurate
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 93 
 
 a period of acute sectarian conflict, out of which 
 the only possible escape will be the adoption of 
 a secular system pure and simple. The Act is 
 evidently not the final settlement for which some 
 of us dared to hope a year ago. It is a transitional 
 measure, paving the way for something else. In 
 determining what that ultimate solution of the 
 problem will be — whether Christianity is to be the 
 basis of our national education, or the absence of 
 Christianity — the principal share will belong to the 
 Nonconformists. The decision is in their hands, 
 for without their aid the Church of England is 
 not strong enough to resist the waxing forces of 
 secularism. This is my apology for appealing 
 publicly and most earnestly to them. The new 
 Education Act, whatever defects it may have, 
 does — if it is fairly and considerately worked 
 — make possible the establishment of a modus 
 Vivendi^ by which, on the one hand, undoubted 
 Nonconformist grievances shall be greatly miti- 
 gated or altogether removed, and, on the other 
 hand, the strong convictions of English Churchmen 
 shall not be wounded. I ask you to accept this 
 Act provisionally, and to join us in working it 
 honestly. Trust us so far as to give us the chance 
 of working with you in this matter. Let the faults 
 of the Act come out in the working of it, and let 
 us unite in righting them when actual experience 
 has shown what they are. Don't pledge yourselves 
 in advance to a course of unconstitutional violence, 
 and suffer yourselves to be hurried into an attitude
 
 94 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 
 
 of un-Christian hostility, but meet us in the same 
 spirit of justice and conciliation in which we desire 
 to meet you. I entreat you to rise above the lower 
 considerations of sect and party, and to think only 
 of those sacred interests of the children of England, 
 which we, who call ourselves Christ's disciples, are 
 bound to guard. It is not for the children of 
 Churchmen and Nonconformists that I ask you 
 to take thought. They will be taught the faith 
 of Jesus elsewhere than in the State schools — 
 at home, in Sunday school, in church or chapel. 
 My plea is not for them, for whom it seems to me 
 the politicians, lay and clerical, exclusively think ; 
 but I plead for those multitudes of children, derelict 
 on the ocean of life, cursed from their cradles with 
 drunken or vicious parents, hindered and polluted 
 by the thousand circumstances of daily life, who 
 must find whatsoever knowledge of God and duty 
 which they shall have in the schools to which the 
 merciful severity of the law drives them. In face 
 of their sore spiritual necessity, which the com- 
 bined efforts of all the Christians in England will 
 barely suffice to meet, I beseech you look well to 
 your action now. See to it that you are not 
 hurried by the force of political passion into taking 
 steps which shall hasten the supreme disaster of 
 a merely secular system of popular education. 
 I have been led to speak on a subject which 
 necessarily is now paramount in our minds. The 
 solemn pageant in Canterbury Cathedral yester- 
 day afternoon reminds us of one whose name will
 
 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFTER 95 
 
 be inseparably linked with the cause of Christian 
 education. You will permit me to dedicate the 
 last sentences of a sermon, already, I fear, unduly 
 protracted, to his honoured memory. National 
 education was the first and the last cause to which 
 that long career of public service was devoted. 
 That must be a very obtuse or a very prejudiced 
 mind which does not feel the moral greatness of a 
 devotion so sustained and so sincere. Henceforth 
 the cause of religious education in the State schools 
 will be associated in the recollection of Englishmen 
 with one whose piety and whose patriotism were, 
 by universal admission, more than commonly 
 robust and genuine. "He being dead yet speaketh." 
 His memory will defend the cause for which he 
 contended so long and so well. The strong con- 
 viction of such a man with such a record ought to 
 weigh with his countrymen, ought to prohibit the 
 cheap invective of partisanship, ought to make 
 even political opponents slow to adopt an attitude 
 of irreconcilable hostility. Immunity from error 
 indeed is not secured even to the best and the 
 wisest of men, but at least we may be sure that 
 the gravest risks attend opposition to any course 
 which can command the deliberate allegiance and 
 lifelong exertions of men like Frederick Temple. 
 I pray God that in the evil days which are surely 
 coming upon us — days of waxing strain and stress 
 in human life, of growing bitterness between classes, 
 of breaking loyalties, and failing hearts — England 
 may never wholly lack among her rulers in Church
 
 96 THE EDUCATION ACT— AND AFl^ER 
 
 and State men like him whom we have lost, men 
 of God in a God-forgetting world, strong, simple, 
 and sincere, before whom shams stand discovered, 
 and in whom the fear of God has left no room for 
 the fear of man. 
 
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 34 
 
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 Fiction 
 
 35 
 
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 36 
 
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 37 
 
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 38 
 
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 Fiction 
 
 39 
 
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 Novels in a new and most charming style of binding. 
 Andrew Balfour. 
 
 To ARMS I 
 
 Jane Barlow. 
 
 A Crep.l of Irish sii.imi s. 
 
 E. F. Benson. 
 
 TIIF. VlNTACi;. 
 
 J. Bloundelle-Burton. 
 
 IN Till! Day Ml- AiAii.-,! I V. 
 
 . Mrs. Caffyn (lota). 
 
 ANNIl MAUI.rAl-RIK. 
 
 Mrs. W. K. Cliftord. 
 
 A FLASH OF .SUMMI K. 
 
 L. Cope Comford. 
 
 Sons of AnvuRsiTV. 
 
 Menie Muriel Dowie. 
 
 Tiiu Crook of niu Uuul.ii. 
 
 Mrs. Dudeney. 
 
 THE THIRD n.cH'K. 
 
 Sara Jeannette Duncan. 
 
 A VOVACiU OF C' IN'-' 1 Ml. IN. 
 
 O. Manville Fenn. 
 
 THIS STAR Ca;-i I ;-. 
 
 Jane H. Findlater. 
 
 RACHHT.. 
 
 Jane H. and Mary Findlater. 
 Tales that ai;i. lh i. 
 
 J. S. Fletcher. 
 
 THP. Paths of r in li 1 pi m. 
 
 Mary Qaunt. 
 
 KIKKHAM'S l'IM>. 
 
 Robert Hicbena. 
 
 I BYIiWAYS.
 
 40 
 
 Messrs. Methuen's Catalogue 
 
 Emily Lawless. 
 
 HHRRISH. 
 
 Maiuxho. 
 
 W. E. Norris. 
 
 Matthew Austin. 
 
 Mrs. Oliphant. 
 
 Sir Robhrt's Forium;. 
 
 Mary A. Owen. 
 
 Till! DAUGHTER OI' ALOUEnE. 
 
 Mary L. PenderecL 
 
 AN KNCLISHMAN. 
 
 Morley Roberts. 
 The Plunder liks. 
 
 R. N. Stephens. 
 AN Enemy to the Kinc;. 
 
 Mrs. Walford. 
 
 Successors to the Titi.i;. 
 
 Percy White. 
 A Passionate Pilgrim. 
 
 The Icelander's Sword. By S. Baring-Gould. 
 Two Little Children and Cuing. By Edith E. 
 
 Cuthell. 
 Toddleben's Hero. By M. M. Bbkc. 
 Only a Guard-Room Uoc. By Edith E. Cuthell. 
 The Doctor op the Juliet. By Harry Colling- 
 
 wood. 
 Master Rockafellar's Voyage. By W. Clark 
 
 RusseU. 
 
 S3oohs for :fi3oss anO Girls 
 
 Crown 8vo. y. 6d. 
 
 Syd Belton : Or, the Boy who would not co to Sea 
 
 By G. Manville Fenn. 
 THE RED GrA-NCE. By Mrs. Molesworth. 
 The Secret of Madame de Monluc. By the 
 
 Author of '.Mdle. Mori.' 
 Dumps. By Mrs. Parr. 
 A GIRL OF THE People. By L. T. Meade. 
 Hepsy Gipsy. By U. T. Meade, ar. Cd. 
 i THE HONOURABLE MISS. By L. T. Meade. 
 
 Zhz IRovcIfst 
 
 Messrs. Methuen are issuing under the above general title a Monthly Series 
 of Novels by popular authors at the price of Sixpence. Each number is as long as 
 the average Si.\ Shilling Novel. The first numbers of ' The Novelist ' are as 
 follows : — 
 
 I. Dead Men Tell no; Tales. By E. w. 
 
 Hornunt^. 
 
 II. Jennie Baxter, Journalist. By Robert 
 
 Barr. 
 
 III. The INCA'S Treasure. By Ernest Glanville. 
 
 IV. A SON OF the State. By AV. Pett Ridge. 
 V. Furze Bloom. By S. BaririK-Gould. 
 
 VI. Hunter's Cruise. By C. Gleig. 
 VII. The Gay Deceivers. By Arthur Moore. 
 Vin. Prisoners OF War. By A. Boyson Weekes. 
 
 IX. Onto/ print. 
 X. Veldt and LAAger: Tales of the Transvaal. 
 
 By E. S. Valentine. 
 XI. THE Nigger knights. By F. Norreys 
 
 Connel. 
 XII. A Marriage at Sea. By W. Clark Russell. 
 
 XIII. The Pomp of the Lavilettes. By 
 
 Gilbert Parker. 
 
 XIV. A Man of Mark. Bv Anthony Hope. 
 XV. The CARISSI.MA. By Lucas Malet. 
 
 XVI. THE LADY'S Walk. By Mrs. Oliphant. 
 XVII. Derrick Vaugh,VN. By Edna Lyall.. 
 XVIII, In the Midst of alarms. By Robert 
 Barr. 
 
 XIX. His Grace. By W. e. Norris. 
 XX. Dodo. By E. F. Benson. 
 X.\I. CHEAP Jack ZiTA. By S. Barinc-Gonld. 
 XXII. WHEN VALMOND came TO PO.NTIAC. By 
 Gilbert Parker. 
 
 XXIII. The HUMAN BOY. By Eden PliiUpotts. 
 
 XXIV. The CHRONICLES OFCOUNT A.NIONIO. 
 
 By Anthony Hope. 
 XXV. By Stroke of Sword. By Andrew 
 Balfour. 
 XXVI. Kitty alone. By S. Barine-Gould. 
 XXVII. Giles INGILBY. By W. E. Norris. 
 XXV'III. URITH. By S. Baring-Crfiuld. 
 XXIX. THE TOWN Traveller. By Gcorfre 
 
 Gissing. 
 XXX. Mr. SMITH. By Mrs. -Walford. 
 XX.XI. A CHANGE OF AIR. By Anthony Hope 
 X.XXIL THE KLOOF BRIDE. By Ernest Glanville. 
 X.WIH. ANGEL. By B. M. Croker. 
 XXXIV. A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION. By Lucas 
 Malet. 
 .XXXV. THE BAB-k-S GRANDMOTHER. By Mrs. 
 L. B. Walford. 
 XXXVI. The Countess TEKLA. By Robert Barr 
 
 Mctbuen'6 Sii'pcnng Xlbrarg 
 
 The MATAI3ELE CAMPAIGN. By Major-General 
 
 Baden-Powell. 
 The Downfall of Prempeh. By Major-General 
 
 Baden-Powell. 
 My Danish sweetheart. By W. Clark Russell. 
 IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA. By S. Baring- 
 
 Gould. 
 
 Peggy of the Bartons. By B. M. Croker. 
 THE GREEN Graves of Balgowrie. By Jane 
 
 H. Findlater. 
 THE Stolen Bacillus. BvH.G. Wells. 
 Matthew Austin. By W. E. Norris. 
 THE Conquest of London. By Dorothea 
 
 Gerard. 
 
 A Voyage of Consolation. By Sara J. Duncan. 
 The Mutable Many. By Robert Barr. 
 Ben Hur. By General Lew W.illace. 
 
 Sir Robert's Fortune. By Mrs. Oliphant. 
 
 A i 
 
 THE Fair God. By General Lew Wallace. 
 
 Clarissa Furiosa. By W. E. Norris. 
 
 CranfoRD. By Mrs. GaskelL 
 
 Noemi. By S. Baring-Gould. 
 
 The Throne of David. By J. H. Ingraham. 
 
 Across the salt seas. By J. Bloundelle 
 
 Burton. 
 THE MILL ON the FLOSS. By George Eliot. 
 Peter Simple. By Captain Marryat. 
 Mary Barton. By Mrs. G.iskelL 
 Pride and Prejudice. By J-ine Austen. 
 NORTH AND South. By Mrs. GaskelL 
 Jacob Faithful. By Captain Marryat 
 Shirley. By Charlotte Bronte. 
 Fairy Tales Re- Told. By S. Baring Gould. 
 The True History of Joshua Davidson. 
 
 Mrs. Lynn Linlou. 
 
 By
 
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