r V LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF <■ -^I I ■'RNIA bAu .-l£GO 1 J xu HO 1% C(. 1""' , ^,, „ CALlFORNIf. /^'N "' '.^ SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE VARIOUS COUNTRIES A SERIES OF ESSAYS PUBLISHED UNDER THE SANCTION OF THE -^DDEN CLUB. Edited by J. W. PROBYN. ^^ LOXDOX : CASSELL FETTER & GAL PIN. LA bellp: sauvage yard, ludgate hill, e.c. [All Rights Reserved.] CON TE N TS. I. — The Tenure of Land in Ireland. By the Rt. Hon. M. Longfield i Late Judge of the Landed Estates Court in Ireland. II.— The Land Laws of England. By C. Wren HosKYNS, Esq 8i III. — The Tenure of Land in India. By Sir George Campbell, K.C.S.I., M.P 125 Chief Commissioner of the Central Provinces of India. IV. — The Land System of Belgium and Holland, By M. Emile de Laveleye 197 v.— The Agrarian Legislation of Prussia during the Present Century. By R. B. D. Morier, Esq. C.B. 243 VI. — The Land .System ok Fr.a.nce. By T. E. Cliffe Leslie, Esq. 287 VIT.- The Russian Agrarian 1,egisl.a.tion of 1861. By Dr. Julius Faucher 309 Member of the Prussian Landtag. VIII. — Farm Land and Land Laws of the United States. By C. M. Fisher, Esq 347 Coiinsellor-at-Law, United States if America. IX. — The Law and Custom of Primogenitl'ri:. By the Hon. George C. Brodrick , • • 367 PREFACE. Both the first and second editions of the Cobden Club Volume, entitled " Systems of Land Tenure in Various Countries " (1870), having been exhausted, the Committee of the Club now issue this new edition of the Work in a less expensive form. It is hoped by this means to satisfy more completely the demand which has arisen for the Volume, and to place it, as much as possible, within the reach of all classes. Each Essay has been revised by the original writer, with the exception of that on the " Farm Land and Land Laws of the United States," the author of which has died since the preceding editions of the Work were published. The present Volume also contains an Essay on the " Law and Custom of Primogeniture," by the Hon. George C. Brodrick, which originally appeared in the Second Series (1871-1872) of the Cobden Club Essays. All these Papers having been written by men VIU PREFACE. thoroughly acquainted with the Land Laws of the diffe- rent countries of which they treat, the Committee of the Cobden Club feels sure that it is doing good service in re-publishing, in a more popular form, a volume which throws light on the important questions of Land Laws and Land Tenure. J. W. PROBYN. April, 1876. SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE IV VARIOUS COUNTRIES. I. THE TENURE OF LAND IN IRELAND. By the Rt. Hon. M. Longfield. Chapter I. The laws which govern the relation between landlord and tenant are not very different in England and Ireland ; but there are some differences in their pedigrees, and in some col- lateral circumstances, which have made them produce very different effects. I shall mention a few of those circumstances.. In both countries the law is based upon the feudal system, . which gave the landlord a certain superiority over his tenants. But the feudal relation, with its reciprocal rights and duties, never existed in Ireland. Here the landlord never led his tenants to battle ; if they fought in the same field, it was on different sides. They had no traditions of common victories or common defeats. The relations that existed between them were hostile. According to the old feudal law, the lordship could not be transferred without the consent of the tenant, lest an enemy might be made his feudal superior : but in a great part of Ireland a sudden and violent transfer of the lordship was made to persons whom the tenants only knew as their victorious enemies. The feudal law of distress was increased in force, to make it a more powerful instrument for extracting rent from a reluctant or impoverished tenantry. The old laws, which were unduly favourable to the landlord, were generally retained, as if they had been unalterable laws of nature ; but they were at once altered when they appeared to afford a temporary protection to the tenant. B 2 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. Take the case of a disputed account between the landlord and tenant. The former maintains that a year's rent is due to him ; the latter insists that he owes nothing. Do they come before a court of justice on equal terms, to have this question tried ? On the contrary, the landlord, as the feudal superior, takes the law into his own hands, and without making any proof of his demand, he sends his bailiffs to seize the goods of the tenant. The landlord was not obliged to apply to any officer of the law, or to give any security to pay damages if his demand should prove to be unfounded. But it was otherwise with the tenant ; if he saw his goods distrained by this summary process, he could not get them back without a troublesome replevin, which he could only get by giving security to pay the sum demanded. To dis- courage him from contesting the landlord's rights, he was compelled by an Act of Parliament to pay double costs if he failed. Still, at common law the distress, or goods distrained, could not be sold ; and a tenant, ruined and driven to despair, might submit to the loss, and still refuse to pay ; but an Act of Parliament was passed to enable the landlord to sell the goods, and pay himself. Still, he could not seize the tenant's crops while they were growing, as by the common law crops while they were grow- ing were considered as a part of the soil and freehold, and could not be diste"ained. But here Parliament again intervened, and passed a law to enable the landlord to distrain the crops while they were still growing, so that as soon as the corn appeared above the ground he might send his keepers to take possession, and cut and carry it away when it was rij^e. If the tenant removed his goods to avoid a distress, an Act of Parhament intervened to visit liim and the friends who assisted him with a penalty, although the landlord himself may liave been at the same moment hiding his own goods to evade an execution. In the same manner Acts of Parliament were passed to give the landlord the power of evicting his tenant for non-pay- ment of rent, and of recovering possession of the land in cases in which he was not entitled to this remedy either by the terms of his contract or by the rules of the common law. Those laws were injurious by leading the landlord to rely more on the extraordinary i)owers given to him by law, than on the character of the tenant or the liberal terms on which he set IKELAND.] IN VARIOUS COTNTRIKS. 3 his land ; but I refer to them now as co-operatmg with other circumstances to lead the poor Irish farmer to the opinion that the laws were framed entirely in the interests of the landlord class. Here one important difterencc between English and Irish law must be noticed. In Ireland there were no poor laws. The poor man, reduced to destitution by sickness or want of employment, had no legal claim to a maintenance out of the property of the country. I allude elsewhere to other effects of the poor laws ; but the point which I now notice is, that, notwithstanding all the abuses attending on the administration of the poor laws in England, they had this effect, that the poor man could not shut his eyes to the fact that the laws were m some part framed in his interests, and that for the relief of his class a large sum was levied every year from the wealth and successful industry of the community- Another circumstance tended to diminish the respect of the people for the law of the land. Religion did not, and could not, lend its aid to the authority of the law. The great mass of the agricultural population was Roman Catholic ; and the Roman Catholic priest, their minister and instructor, was in some respects under the ban of the law. He could scarcely be an effectual teacher of the doctrine that it is a moral duty to obey the law of the land, when he himself was obliged to violate it almost daily in the discharge of his most sacred functions. Of all laws, those which are framed for the protection of property are the most likely to be disregarded by the poor man. The man who never possessed any property can scarcely feel the duty of respecting it. He must be taught that duty, either by arguments, which do not bring conviction to all men, or by some authority which he respects. But the Roman Catholic priest had no property of his own, and he generally belonged to a family which did not possess much property. He had therefore no sympathy with the landlords, who, in general, did not belong to his flock. Religion, which ought to be the great bond of union between men of every race and every class, was in Ireland an additional source of disunion. Under such circumstances, it was not surprising that the Irish farmer was generally discontented with his position, although the landlords did not give him much cause of com- plaint. As a class, the Irish landlords were not greedy nor 4 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. oppressive. They did not plunder their tenants, but they neglected them. For some time after the Act of Settlement, leases were granted more readily and for longer terms in Ireland than in England. Fee-farm grants, leases for lives renewable for ever, and leases for terms exceeding one hundred years in duration, covered no small portion of the soil of Ireland. But those long leases, at moderate rents, did not produce a contented tenantry ; they only created a race of middlemen. The descendants of the men who granted those long leases had the mortification of finding that they were deriving a very small income from their estates in proportion to the value of the land, and yet that the occupying tenants were as poor as if they had rigidly demanded the utmost penny that the land could yield. It was felt to be bad management to grant such leases ; and leases for three lives, or twenty-one years, or thirty-one years, were more usually granted in the latter half of the eighteenth century. The leases for lives were in some measure caused by the law which existed up to the Reform Bill. Freeholders alone could vote at an election for Members of Parliament ; and this state of the law was inju- rious to agriculture by leading to a very inconvenient tenure. It was almost absurd that the duration of a farmer's interest should be made to depend upon such an accident as the longer or shorter duration of a stranger's life. Although leases for lives were very common, their duration appears not to have been understood. It was very common in settlements to insert powers of granting leases for three lives, or thirty-one years, as if those leases were of about equal average duration ; although in reality the average duration of the freehold was about double that of the chattel interest. In computing the compensation due to a landlord tor renewal fines, it was assumed that a life to be named by the tenant would expire in seven years ; and this gave the landlord, as compensation, more than five times what he had lost by the tenant's neglect. In the early part of this century a great rise took place in the value of land, as the French war and the depreciation of the currency raised the price of agricultural produce. The tenants who had previously obtained leases became rich. The landlords who had not granted leases obtained a great acces- sion to their income. The landlords who had granted leases Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 5 found themselves poorer, inasmuch as their nominal income remained the same, while its purchasing power was diminished. This increased the desire of the tenantry to obtain leases, while it made the landlords less disposed to grant long leases. In i8i6, and the three following years, land fell again in value ; and the tenants who had got leases or farms during the high times were unable to pay their rents. In many cases they ran away and abandoned their farms ; in other cases they put their landlords to the delay and costs of an ejectment ; in other cases they were permitted to remain in occupation at a reduced rent. The landlords then perceived that a lease was a one-sided agreement. It prevented the landlord from obtaining the benefit of a rise in prices ; but it did not prevent him from suffering if they fell. Still, leases were frequently granted from political motives. The tenants, as a matter of course, voted as their landlords directed them ; and the landlord increased his political influ- ence by granting freehold leases to a numerous tenantry. This condition of affairs was changed by the agitation that preceded the Act for granting Catholic emancipation ; and first in the county of Waterford, and afterwards in a still more remarkable instance in Clare, the tenants voted against their landlords' wishes ; and the latter had no longer any political inducement to grant leases to their tenantry ; indeed, political motives rather acted in the opposite direction. Although it became less usual to grant leases, the tenant was generally left undisturbed in possession at the old rent. Nothing was more common than to find a yearly tenant holding land at a rent fixed by a lease which had long since expired. No general change in the value of land took place of sufficient magnitude to cause a readjustment of rents. But in the year 1846 the potato crop throughout Ireland generally failed ; a foil greater than had ever taken place on any former occasion took place in the value of land. The tenant found that the possession of a farm could not secure him against starvation. Landlords were compelled to submit to a considerable temporary abatement. In 1851 the reaction commenced ; landlords added to the rent by degrees the sums that had been taken oft" during the famine ; and in .some cases they added a little more. Frequent small additions to the rent are very annoying to the tenant, who on each occa- sion has to calculate whether it is more prudent to submit 6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. to this increase, or to incur the inconvenience and expense of giving up his farm and looking out for another. Another circumstance occurred about this time. The En- cumbered Estates Court was estabhshed in 1849, and many estates were sold subject only to existing leases and legal rights. The new landlords were more active, and effected more improvements in the land than their encumbered pre- decessors ; but they were less indulgent to their tenants ; old traditions of liberality were disregarded, and the new landlords were more disposed to exact the full value of the land. They also sometimes introduced changes which, although to the advantage of the country and of the tenantry, were looked upon with suspicion, on account of their evident advantage to the landlords. The tenants did not like any interference with their customs, even when it was obviously for their interests. On the whole, however, the condition of the Irish farmers steadily improved. The value of land increased faster than the rents. Never were they more prosperous than at the present moment. The marketable value of the interests ^^hich the occupying tenants have in their farms is about fifty millions sterling, exclusive of their stock in cattle, machinery, and agricultural produce, which is worth as much more. But at the same time they never were more discontented. The reason of this is partly that they fear that their present prosperity is insecure, and partly that they hope to seize upon something more. Their wealth is as safe as that of any other class, so far as it depends upon their capital, or their skill and industry ; but it depends upon the will of the landlords, so far as it is a consequence of their holding land at less than the competition value. They are too dependent upon their land- lords. It is not convenient that the prosperity of one class of men should depend upon the liberality of another class. Besides, in many cases the tenants hope by agitation and outrage to acquire more than they at present possess. They have great political power, and are able to reward the agi- tators who inflame their passions or their cupidity. They are taught to believe that it is in their power to acquire the absolute ownership of the land which they have hired for a limited period. Their well-founded complaints are mixed up with the most unreasonable demands ; and by skilful sophistry and metaphorical language they are almost led to believe that murder may be justified when it is committed from motives of iKiu.ANu.i IN VARIOUS i;()UN JRIl.S. 7 avarkx' or revenge. ]]efore we endeavour to draw a distinction between the just and unjust demands of those who call them- selves the tenants' friends, a (juestion may be asked, " Will outrages against life and jiroperty cease when everything that justice requires shall be conceded?'' I do not think the question very important, because the claims of justice should be allowed, even if no beneficial results were expected. But the question itself cannot be answered by a direct " Yes " or " No." When- ever any just measure is passed, all discontent is not at once allayed. All that ought to be expected is to reduce the number of the malcontents, and to diminish the vehemence of those who remain dissatisfied. The friends of law and order are strengthened by an increase of their numbers, and by the removal of many of the topics on which their adversaries are accustomed to rely. In this manner a succession of just measures may produce such an overwhelming majority in favour of the law as to reduce the discontented to silence. I do not expect such a result in Ireland to follow imme- diately from any legislation, until the people are taught to look upon murder with horror. If all the land in Ireland was divided in fee-simple among the peasantry, the number of murders would not be diminished. The difference would only be in the heading of the sensation paragraphs in news- papers. Instead of an " agrarian outrage," it would be called a '' domestic tragedy." The same feeling that prompts a man to murder his landlord, to ])revent or revenge some real or imaginary wrong, would lead him to resort to the same remedy against a sister who claimed her fortune at an inconvenient time, or a brother who did iiot agree with his views respecting the partition of the estate. Good consequences may be confidently expected from just legislation, although those consequences may not appear so quickly as sanguine people often expect. It is not certain that the discontented farmer thinks that all his demands are just and reasonable, or that he expects them to be conceded. A farmer is generally disposed to make a bargain, and to begin l)y asking for a good deal more than he expects to get. SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. CHAPTER II. The opinions Of English and Irish economists generally are different on the subject of absenteeism. The Irish, who feel it, think it a great evil. The English, who do not feel it, think that it does no harm to the countr}'. It does not, how- ever, follow that the Irish are right, for they may perhaps have fallen into the mistake of attributing to absenteeism evils which co-exist with it, but are not caused by it. For a short time the defenders of absenteeism had the arguments of logic on their side. The complainants made a mistake in the form of their complaint. The mercantile system was in full vogue. Money was thought to be sjnony- mous with wealth. Ever)*- transaction which brought money into the country was supposed to increase its wealth, and every cause that led to the exportation of money was held to impoverish it. With this belief, nothing was more natural than to complain of the rents remitted to England to absentee land- lords, and to calculate how much it amounted to in the course of half a century. It was no matter to be surprised at that Ireland was poor, when so much money was annually sent away without any return. The kingdom was in the same condition as if it paid a tribute to England equal to the amount of rent paid to the absentees. The answer made to such complaints was, that no money was sent out of Ireland to the absentees. Commodities, chiefly cattle and corn, were exported ; these were paid for by bills, and the produce of those bills applied to the payment of rent to the absentees. Even if money was sent here to pay for the cattle, and that money paid to the absentees, it would come to the same thing in the end. The rent is still substantially paid, not in money, but in that agricultural produce by means of which the money was procured. As to the wealth sent out without return, that is treated as a matter of no consequence. No one has any cause of complaint. A hundred pounds worth of corn is sent to E.ngland, the produce of that corn is paid to the landlord. He buys a hogsliead of French wine, which is consumed by himself and his family. How arc the Irish Irelano.] in various countriks. 9 people worse off than if that hogshead of wine was consumed by the same persons in Ireland ? It might perhaps be admitted that Ireland would not suffer much by the absence of any landlord who, if he was present, would do nothing with his income except buying French wine. But in fact a landlord does not in general spend so much as half his income in the purchase of foreign goods. The greater part of his income is employed either in paying for services, or in the purchase of goods produced in the immediate neighbour- hood. It makes a great difference to the producer whether his market is close at hand, or whether he must send his goods to a distance to seek for a customer ; and this difference will be the greatest when the goods which he produces are bulky in proportion to their value, and when the roads and other means of communication are bad. It may perhaps be said, " Let him produce such goods as may be readily exported, as he ought to know that he must seek a distant market." But in a poor and ignorant agricultural community the producer has no choice. He can produce certain things, and nothing else ; and it would be a dull mockery to tell the family of a poor peasant, who can find no convenient market for his eggs, and butter, and poultry, and honey, and the services of his children, that he ought to employ himself in making clocks and watches, or brushes, or gloves, or cloth, or paper. He earns his bread from day to day by the only business that he understands, however imperfectly, and he never saw any one employed in any other pursuit, and he has no means of getting into any other industry. Let us abandon the argument derived from the balance of trade, and examine the effect of absenteeism upon the small village of C. All the property in tlie neighbourhood, to the amount of ^20,000 a year, belongs to absentees. There is not a gentleman's house or garden near it. There is very little traffic, and the roads are bad. The post arrives and departs at inconvenient hours, as there is not sufficient correspondence to induce the Post-Office authorities to incur any expense in improving the postal service. There are no public conveyances, as there is not traffic enough to support them. The shops are few and ill-supplied, goods are sold at a high price, and yet for want of sufficient custom the i)rofit of the shopkeepers is very small. The district cannot support a market, and the people are obliged to travel a considerable distance for their supplies. lO SYSTEMS OK LAND TENURK [Longfield. The peasant finds it impossible to obtain any price for butter, eggs, poultry, and other small rural produce. They cannot be sold in the neighbourhood, and the expense of carriage to a distance consumes nearly the entire value. There are no means of education. One medical practitioner, with very little skill, has the monoply of an immense territory, from which he obtains a scanty subsistance, as the gentry who are alile to give him fees are absentees. Agriculture is in a very backward state. The implements are of the worst kind. The cattle are of the most unprofitable breeds. No improvements in either cattle or implements have been introduced within living memory. There are no gentlemen of wealth and education to know what is done in other countries, to make experiments, to instruct the people, and to introduce improvements. I am writing about the state of things in the beginning of this centuiy. The following extracts are taken from a report on the state of the King's County, presented by Sir C. Coote to the Royal Dublin Society, in the year 1801 : — '•' Baro.w or (iKSHir.L. " Every acre of this barony being the estate of Lord D., it is almost entirely inhabited by farmers. They use the old Irish plough and harrow, and none of the improved kind are yet amongst them." " In this barony there is not a single town, and only two villages, those of Killagh and Gcshill, but no market held in either, though each has a patent for one." " The roads throughout this barony are shamefully bad, and at times almost impassable. Deprived of a resident gentry, this district is in a lamentable state of neglect." " Farms run from fifty to three hundred acres ; farm-houses have only the appearance of warmth ; and if we except Dean D.'s, Mr. V.'s, and Mr. W.'s, they have nothing of neatness to recommend them. The tenent is obliged to repair : the old leases were for thirty-one years, or three lives, few of which now exist ; those of later date do not exceed twenty-one years, and non-alienation is insisted on." " There is no want of bidders to every farm out of lease ; and the highest gets the preference." '* Where such short leases only are granted, little real improvement can be expected ; the tenent is discouraged from it, lest he should have his rent raised in his next tenure to the value of his improvements, which he Ireland.] IN VARIOUS t'OUNTRlKS. 11 is fairly apprised of, the highest bidder having ahvays the preference. When the peasantry become more civiHsed, perhaps this rigorous mode will be abandoned, and real solvent tenants may be granted encouragement proportionate to their abilities and industry." I may add that the owner of this estate was not an encum- bered proprietor. He died without issue, and worth nearly a million sterling, and some of the leases which he granted were impeached by his successor. .Sir C. Coote's account of the Barony of Geshill is the natural description of a large jiroperty owned by absentees. The object was to give an account of the agriculture of the county ; and he did not refer to those inconveniences which a resident only can feel. Let us suppose that some of the proprietors return to reside in the district which I have described ; and consider the results which are likely to follow. A better description of agricultural implements is introduced. The common cart of the country, with its wheels of solid wood without spokes, which only turn with the axle, gradually disappears. It draws only two hundred- weight, and is replaced by a cart with spoke wheels, which will draw from ten to twenty hundred. The improvement is intro- duced by a resident gentleman who is acquainted with the superior vehicle. He employs carpenters to make them; and these men and their apprentices are again employed by the farmers in the neighbourhood, who quickly perceive the benefit of an improvement which they see in actual operation, at the same time that the means of making the improvement are ])laced within their reach. The same thing occurs with respect to ploughs and other agricultural implements. The farmer is generally unwilling to alter his practice in submission to any theory or to any arguments. He will not adopt an improve- ment unless he sees it in actual successful operation. In the same manner the resident landlord is the means of introducing an improved breed of cattle, a better rotation of crops, and that improved cultivation which he has witnessed in other parts of the country. He is the living mode of communi- cation between the ignorant backward district and the more improved and more civilised i)arts of the kingdom. The resident gentlemen attend to the state of the roads, and insist that they shall be well made and duly repaired. They support by their advice and subscriptions schools, dispensaries, and 12 SYSTEMS OF LAND TEXURK [Loncfield, various institutions of utility or charity. They assist in the preservation of the peace and the local administration ot justice. The increase of correspondence caused by a number of wealthy residents leads to imnroved postal communication. The traffic and travelling of themselves and their families, their friends and their tradesmen, lead to the establishment of public conveyances, which formerly could not have been run without a loss. All the residents enjoy the advantages of these conveyances. The custom of the resident landlords is a great assistance to the shopkeepers in the neighbourhood, and enables them to keep a better selection of goods, and to sell them at a lower price, and yet a greater profit to themselves. The resident gentry must have houses, offices, and gardens, which become part of the wealth of the country, and require masons, carpenters, and workmen of a superior description to make them and keep them in repair. I need not proceed further to enumerate the advantages which may be confidently expected from the residence of the landed gentry on their estates. They are certainly not met by the argument that the rents of absentees are not remitted in gold and silver, but in bills purchased by the sale of Irish commodities. We are not to consider merely the effects of absenteeism in the abstract, but its effects upon a poor ignorant country such as Ireland was. It can hardly be doubted that the whole social system must suffer from the absence of one important class. A great gap is made by the want of men with knowledge, wealth, or leisure for anything more than the supply of their immediate pressing wants. The cases I have supposed of the utility of a resident gentry, and the inconvenience of their absence, could readily be supported by reference to facts. The causes of absenteeism are partly the superior advantages which England by nature possesses over Ireland. Its civilisation is older and more advanced. It is a larger country, with a finer climate, much richer in its mineral productions, and is more conveniently and centrally situated. The most convenient way for an Irishman to go to any part of Europe is to pass through England. Ireland will always bear to England a relation like that of a provincial town to the metropolis. But this does not entirely at count for the extent to which absenteeism existed. The chief cause is to be found in the confiscations and grants which took place in the time of Cromwell, and confirmed by the settlement made in the reign of Charles II. 13y those Ireland] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 13 grants large estates fell into tlie hands of Englishmen who would not, for ten times their value, have left their native country to dwell in such a barbarous and disturbed country as Ireland was. Accordingly they remained in England, and set their newly-acquired estates in large tracts to tenants who undertook to manage the land and pay the rent. The leases were generally made at moderate rents, and sometimes for very long interests. The laws relating to land made it easier for men to set than to sell their estates ; and from this cause the estates remained in the same families, and absenteeism con- tinued to prevail. It is, however, diminishing. In his Political Anatomy of Ireland, Sir William Petty computed the absenteeism of Ireland to extend to one-fourth of the real and personal property of the kingdom. Lists of absentees, with their names and the value of their estates, were published in 1729, and again in 1769. Many of the estates mentioned there have since been sold, and purchased by men who reside in Ireland ; and in many other cases where the estates remained in the same families, the present representatives reside in Ireland for a con- siderable portion of the year. It may be answered that, although those particular estates are no longer held by absen- tees, there may be other estates now possessed by absentees, which were then held by residents. I do not, however, believe that this has occurred to any considerable extent. Especially it rarely happens that the purchaser of an Irish estate becomes an absentee. Of the estates sold in the Encumbered Estates Court, a very small proportion was bought by Englishmen or Scotchmen, and even in those cases the purchasers frequently came to reside in Ireland. But not only has absenteeism diminished, but even when it exists it is less injurious now than it was formerly. This is the result of several causes. The roads are no longer dependent upon the great proprietors for their existence or repairs. The ratepayers now are permitted to take an active share in this part of the county business, and county surveyors are officially appointed to see that all contracts for the formation and repairs of roads and bridges are duly performed. The poor laws now compel the absentees to contribute their fair proportion to the support of the destitute poor. The dispensaries are supported by a compulsory rate, and no longer depend upon tlie casual subscripions of the resident gentr)-. A large Parliamentary 14 SYSTEMS OF LAND TEXURK [Longfield. grant gives equal independence to the education of the poor. The appointment of stipendiary magistrates gives assistance to the residents, and suppHes the places of the absentees. The penny postage and the cheap newspaper press bring informa- tion to every part of Ireland. Steam has almost made a bridge across the channel, and railways are now made to places that were formerly inaccessible. Thus in the Barony of Geshill, in which there was such a want of good roads in the beginning of this century, there is now a railway station ; and it is easier now for a man to travel from Geshill to Dublin than it was then to go from one part of the barony to another. Besides the changes just mentioned, another cause tends to mitigate the mischievous eftects of absenteeism. The wealth of Ireland not derived from the rents of land has considerably increased. Taking round numbers, we may say that in the course of two centuries the population has increased five-fold, the rental has increased fifteen-fold, and the general wealth of the country has increased fifty-fold. It is probable that the marketable value of the interests which the occupying tenants have in their farms is about fifty millions sterling. But absenteeism is still an evil, although not so great as it was ; and it may be asked, " Can anything be done to mitigate or prevent it ? '' Legislation is slowly moving in this direction. One great truth is gradually dawning on the public mind, that every matter of public importance (not of private interest) should be undertaken by the state, and not be permitted to depend upon the casual contributions of benevolent individuals. Whatever ought to be given to the poor, beyond what they can obtain by their own exertions, ought not to depend upon the accident of their living in a rich and liberal neighbourhood. Several of the changes which I have noticed in our legislation follow at once from this principle. Nothing would more tend to diminish absenteeism than free trade in land, and the absence of all restrictions that im- pede its transfer. There is a natural tendency in propert}' to move towards its owner, or in the owner to move towards his property. Thus, in the case of a great Irish railway, it was thought expedient, soon after it was formed, to compare the interests of the Isnglish and Irish proprietors. It was then found that, although the two classes were equal in number, the English ])roi)rictors held two-thirds of the stock. Some years afterwards the same comparison was made, and it was found Ireland.] IX VARIOUS COUNTKIKS. 1 5 that the proportions in the meantime liad been reversed, and that the Irish i)roprietors held twice as much stock as tlie P^nglish. l"he change has since gradually gone on in the same direction. But there is a much greater tendency in land than in railway shares to belong to the residents of the country in which the property is situated. A railway share is merely a right to receive a certain proportion of the profits made by the company. What those profits are can only be known from the accounts, which are equally accessible to the nearest and the most distant proprietors. But land is something different ; it is more than a mere income, and an intimate acquaintance with it is neces- sary in order to know its value, present and prospective. No person has any special desire for a particular railway share ; but when any land is to be sold, it frequently happens that there are several persons who know its value well, and to whom that land is more desiralile than any property of ecjual value in any part of the kingdom. Such persons must be residents in the neighbourhood, or at no very great distance, and they are therefore the most likely to purchase it. The principal laws that prevent that frequent transfer of land which would })ut an end to absenteeism, are the law of ])rimogeniture, the heavy stamp duties on conveyance, the law which permits proi)erty to be settled on unborn persons, and the general comi)lications permitted in the titles to real pro- perty. Something has been done to facilitate the transfer of land by the creation of the Landed Estates Court ; but it is an inconvenient anomaly, and exhibits the imperfection of the law, that a lawsuit shoukl be thought the best and the most expeditious mode of selling an estate. The Record of 'I'iUe ■Act has been passed to facilitate further the transfer of' land ; but it has not been very effective, and as long as settlements are permitted, the transfer of land cannot be free from difficulty. l6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. CHAPTER III. A VERY injurious custom prevalent in Ireland, and encouraged by the law, was the permitting an accumulation of arrears of rent to remain due by the tenantry. In many districts in the south and west, every tenant was in the condition of an uncer- tificated bankrupt, whose debts amount to more than he can ever hope to pay. It is difficult to conceive anything more calculated to destroy the energies of a tenant than the consciousness that no amount of skill, industry, or economy can improve his position, while idleness and prodigality can hardly make it worse. This is the state of a tenant who holds his land at a rent rather higher than he can afford to pay, and who finds that each year adds to the amount of arrears due to his landlord. If any lucky accident should increase his fortune, or add to the value of his farm, it is a gain to his landlord, but no benefit to himself; while a bad crop, whatever be the cause of it, only makes an addition to the bad debts due to his landlord, but is no concern to himself. As long as he owes more than he can pay, he is equally in his landlord's power, whether the arrears amount to fifty or to five hundred i)ounds. The landlord, if he wishes it, may seize all his goods, and evict him from his farm. His only hope lies in the forbearance of his landlord, //'a law which prevented two men from making a bargain just in itself, useful to the public, and pro- fitable to both parties. I hold some land in fee. I am too old and infirm to cultivate it. In a few years my son will be old enough to undertake the management of it. I wish to set it for a term of seven years ; and, on account of the shortness of the lease, to accept a lower rent than if I were granting a longer term. This exactly suits my neighbour, to whom a moderate rent is a greater object than a long lease; but the law of fixity of tenure would step in, and say that I must either hold on my land at a loss, or part with the possession for ever, and that he must either do without a farm, or pay a sum for a fee-farm tenure beyond v.-hat he could afford. The result would probably be, that he would be obliged to remain idle for want of a farm, and that my farm would remain nearly unprofitable for want of a tenant, and the wealth of the country would be proportionally diminished. In general there is no mode of getting land so convenient to a good farmer with a competent capital as getting his land for a moderate term at a rent settled by mutual agreement. The term should not be too long, as the landlord would naturally and reasonably require a higher rent. A belief prevails very generally that land has a tendency to rise in value, irrespective 48 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. of any improvements made upon it, or that money will fall in value, so that in the next century land will be worth a higher rent. The advantage of that rise will belong to the person who will then have the disposition of the land. This at present belongs to the owner in fee simple in possession, and if he is asked to part Avith it, he will require an increase of rent, or some present payment as an equivalent. This would be incon- venient to the tenant, who expects to make ten per cent, compound interest on his capital. To him it would be a loss to expend any of this profitable capital in the purchase of an expectation to be realised at the end of a century. It is not material whether this belief in the probability of a rise in the value of land be well founded Or not, it is sufficient that it exists and must have its influence upon all contracts. It certainly cannot be disproved, and it has the experience of several centuries to support it. I have assumed that fixity of tenure is to be founded on a valuation, because I see no other mode in which it can be established. If the landlord and tenant can fix the rent by agreement, there would be danger that the land would be set in many instances at far more than its real. value, with an under- standing (not supported by any promise, and not capable of being enforced by law) that the entire rent would never be demanded. This, as far as the public is concerned, is the worst tenure by which a tenant can hold his land. If the fixity of tenure is to be on the existing rents, it in many cases would be unjust to liberal landlords who often set their lands at less than the fair value ; and also in the case of land held by leases still unexpired and made in the last century or earlier ; while to the harsh landlord, who sets his land for the highest rent that is offered, it would be no injury, but it would be no boon to his tenantry. But the settlement of rent by valuation appears just only to persons who do not know what a valuation of land is, and always must be. The value certainly is, that rent which a solvent tenant will be ready to offer for the farm on a lease of moderate duration. When a landlord wishes to set his land, the jjroposals made by persons willing to become tenants settle the value of the land beyond the possibility of dispute. The solvent tenant will take care not to offer a rent which the profits of the land will not enable him to pay. He is under the strongest inducements to discover the real value of the Ireland] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 49 land. He may consult an experienced valuator if he thinks proper ; but he rarely takes this step, as he generally knows the value of the land better than any one whom he could consult. He often talks the matter over with his friends, to know their opinions, and then to form his own judgment. The profes- sional valuator forms a more rapid judgment ; and unless he is living in the immediate neighbourhood of the land, his judgment is not worth much, A serious difference of value between two fields is often caused by circumstances which the most careful examination would fail to detect. The tenant does not merely look to the soil, and to the condition of the roads, the fences, and the buildings : he knows what treatment the land has received for several years — the nature and quality of the crops — whether cattle appeared to thrive well on the land — what rent was usually paid for that and other similar land in the neighbourhood — and whether the tenants who paid such rents were prosperous or the reverse. Many other inquiries, which I need not enumerate, he makes before he determines what rent he will bind himself to pay. When men are competent to make their own bargain, it is unjust to compel them to submit to the opinion of a third person. In the year 1865, I made the following observations, and I have seen no reason to alter my opinion since I made them : — " Many other things are to be considered, but I have said enough to show how utterly inadequate to the occasion is the cursory inspection that is made by a professional valuator. All that he often does is to find out what is the rent actually paid for the adjacent farms, and whether the farm he is valuing is better or worse than those ; and then to make an abatement or increase on the result so obtained, according to the purpose for which the valuation was made. If the valuation is made for the purpose of taxation, it is generally made low, for then there is less likelihood of an appeal. If the owner gets it valued for the purpose of a sale, the valuation is apt to be high — as more likely to suit the interests or wishes or feelings of the employer. "The following cases are fair specimens of the discrepancies which are to be found in different valuations made of the same property." "Since I wrote the above, the estate of John Campbell Jones was offered for sale ; and the following are the differences 50 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. between the valuations made by a civil engineer and by the Ordnance valuation of the same lots : — Killiewingan. Engineer 120 o o Tenement valuation . . . 5700 No. 5. Valuator . . . . . 8 10 o Tenement valuation ... 250 Ratheline. Valuator " 29 17 7 Tenement valuation ... 800 Fox and Calf Ibland. Valuator 40 o o Tenement valuation ... 300 Lot 9. Valuator 10 o o Tenement valuation ... 160 Lot 10. Valuator 843 Tenement valuation ... 140 " In the estate of Rutledge the following are two of the valuations : — Cregganrae. Valuator . . . . . 53 i 7 Tenement valuation . . . 17 10 o Ballykit. Valuator 226 13 7 Tenement valuation . . . 131 12 o" I have given those examples, not as the most remarkable that could be found, but because they were the most striking cases that came before me within a few days after I had made Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 5 1 the above remarks. I believe that, in those cases, both the valuations which I have contrasted were intended to be fair, and were made by skilful valuators. It may be asked, " Is there no mode of valuing a farm ? must the tenant make a mere guess at what he is to offer?" No-; the landlord and the intending tenant have means of knowing the value of the land which no other person is likely to possess and to employ. They both know the past history of the farm, and of all the farms in the neighbourhood ; what rent was paid for them ; in what manner they were cultivated ; and whether the tenants appeared to thrive on them, or the con- trary. No man has such an interest in discovering the exact value as the person who proposes to become a tenant, and as his object is to make a profit by his occupation as farmer, it is not to be supposed that he will give more for the land than he can pay, reserving a reasonable profit to himself The injustice of setting aside a voluntary contract, and sub- stituting a valuation, is not manifest at first sight, for the words appear fair. Why, it is said, should any tenant be required to pay more than the fair value for his farm ? But every one who has any experience knows that nothing can be more uncertain and undetermined than the valuation of land. It is not un- common to see two valuators differing enormously in their estimates, and yet neither suffering in reputation as if he had made a discreditable mistake. It is probable the value as fixed by any tenant-right measure would be less than half the rent which a solvent tenant would be willing to pay. All future valuations would be still more uncertain ; for as soon as the possession of land ceased to be a subject of con- tract by mutual agreement, the valuators would have no average market-value to refer to, and would forrn their estimates on the wildest principles.* This, however, would not be a matter of much importance, as I have shown that between rent and pur^ chase of tenant right every new tenant will be obliged to pay the full value of the land, no matter what changes may be made in the law. In the form of tenant right, which I have ventured to suggest as possible to be introduced and maintained in Ireland^ • * It is highly probable that, in the excited state of feeling that would be raised by an alteration of the law, no valuator would venture to express an. opinion of the value of the land that was not in accordance with the tenant's wishes. 52 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. I have therefore taken care that it should be self-working, and not depend upon any valuation of the land to be made by any third person. Some reason should be given for making land an exception to the ordinary rules of commerce, and fixing the price by law, instead of letting it be arranged by mutual agreement between the buyer and the seller, the landlord and the tenant. The reason formerly assigned was, that the possession of land was a question of life or death to the tenant ; that he had no other resource to preserve himself and his family from starvation, and that therefore he was obliged to submit to any terms which an avaricious landlord might impose. That the parties to the contract stood on such unequal ground as to make it necessary for the law to interfere to protect the weaker party. It could not be pretended that this argument was ever applicable except to the case of small pauper tenants, and now the introduction of poor laws, and the increased demand for labour, put it out of any man's power to say that he is obliged to offer an exorbitant rent for a farm in order to save himself from destitution. The argument never had any bearing on the case of those tenants who hold the greatest part of Ireland, who have capitals of two or three hundred pounds and upwards, and who are farmers, not from necessity, but from choice, because they find the occupation of a farmer more profitable or more suitable to their taste or education than any other employment. Cn the profits to be expected from their industry and capital it maybe necessary to make this remark. It is often said that agricul- ture is the most honourable, the most healthy, and the most delightful of all occupations. If this be the case, it follows from an elementary law of political economy that it must also be the least profitable. It will require greater profits to induce men to enter into any business that is less wholesome, less creditable, or less agreeable. It should ever be remembered that it is a dishonest act for a man to make a contract which he does not believe that he can fulfil. The man who has obtained possession of a farm by promising a rent which he cannot afford to pay has committed a dishonest act. He has done wrong to the landlord, from whom he has obtained possession of the land on false pretences, and he has done wrong to the competitors for the farm whom he has outbid, and he has no just claim to have a law made to IRKLANU.] IN VARIOL'S COUNTRIES. 53 reduce his rent, and give him an advantage over his more honest competitors. I should not have thought it necessary to point out the unreasonable injustice of the claim made for fixity of tenure on a rent to be settled by valuators, were it not for the mischief that is caused by the expectation of the measure. It not only iliverts attention from more practicable means of improving the condition of the people, but it increases the desire (already too strong) to obtain, and to retain, possession of land, no matter how incapable the possessor may be of cultivating the property. There is a hope that the interest, which is now worth little or nothing, will be converted by law into a valuable estate. This hope vanishes if possession is transferred to another. The eviction from a farm is felt not as a loss of the interest which the tenant had, but as a loss of the interest which he hoped to acquire by a change in the law. In many cases a failing farmer, who could dispose of his farni for a sum that would enable him to emigrate or to set up himself or his family in some profitable business, is tempted to hold on to his farm, by the belief that the approaching law of tenant right will give him an interest that he can dispose of for a much larger sum. In some districts the agitation on the subject has fixed it like an axiom not to be controverted in the peasant's mind, that the possession of land, on whatever terms it is acquired, is a property which it is unjust to take from him without paying him large compensation. The relation between landlord and tenant is made the constant subject of violent declamation. His imaginary rights are assumed as if they were too clear for argument ; and indeed this is necessary, for they will not bear argument. A landlord has twenty acres of land in his possession. A peasant offers him twenty pounds a year for the land. His offer is accepted. He is put into possession of the land, but neglects to pay the rent, and finally he is evicted, owing perhaps three years' arrears of rent, which he never pays. He is considered an injured man, the victim of landlord oppres- sion. No questions are asked about the merits of the case. The mere fact that he has been deprived of his farm is suf- ficient to excite the sympathies of the population, who will assist him to take revenge, or to escape, after he has gratified his revenge by murdering the tenant who succeeds, or his land- lord, or his agent, or any member of any of their families. 54 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfielo. Others will take the part of justifying the murderer, or blackening the character of the deceased. They will go through the form of saying that it is not right to commit murder, but they will exaggerate the provocation which the murderer received; they Avill rake up charges true or false against the deceased, and will at the same time classify as murders of greater enormity many acts of oppression never perpetrated, but which the populace will readily credit. In many cases the landlord is deterred from enforcing his rights; and it is sometimes argued that it is therefore no injustice to deprive him of them by law. The landlord, it is said, will suffer no substantial injury by being deprived of a right which he can never venture to enforce. This is like putting a price upon the landlord's head. It is to announce that everything will be conceded to the tenants, provided they will shoot so many landlords as may keep them for some time in subjection to the Whiteboy code. Success acquired by such means would not produce the expected fruits. Riches acquired by fraud and outrage are not long enjoyed, for the qualities by which they are acquired are inconsistent with the qualities which are necessary to retain them. Anything that would retard the advance of the country in civilisation, and still more, anything that would make it go l)ack, would do an injury to the tenant far beyond the value of anything that he could gain by an alteration in the conditions of his tenure. The fee-simple proprietor of a hundred acres of land two centuries ago was not so well clothed, so well lodged, so well taught, or so well fed, as the tenant of the same lands who at the present time pays a fair rent for his farm. This change is chiefly caused by the greater civilisation of Ireland. A very small part is caused by any improvements placed upon the land by the tenants. Not more than ten per cent, of the present value of the land is OAving to such improvements. TTie general question, how much of the improvements made in the country is due to tenants, and how much to land- lords, or to possessors, whose tenure is substantially equivalent to a fee? appears to be immaterial. When once the tenant has received possession, his ecjuitable rights depend upon the con- tract which he has made, and u])on the condition of the land when he obtained possession. It is no concern of his how Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 55 that condition was caused. It may have been improved by the landlord, or by a previous tenant, who may have received compensation from the landlord; or the previous tenant may have wasted the land, or have run away owing large arrears of rent, or have had his lease unjustly broken without compensa- tion for his improvements. With all this the new tenant has nothing to do; he does not inherit the claims or the liabilities of his predecessors. On the whole, it would appear that the tenants would have no just cause of complaint if, ist, Such leasing powers should be given to all landlords that no fair lease should be broken ; 2ndly, That when a tenant by lease has improved his farm, he should be entitled to a fair compensation ; 3rdly, That when a yearly tenant has improved his farm, or purchased the interest of an out-going tenant, he should be entitled to the seven years' purchase tenant right on terms to be settled by an arbitrator ; 4thly, That when there is no written contract, the tenancy should be deemed to terminate on the ist of November, and the tenant be entitled to a year's notice to quit. As to evictions, the tenant can protect himself by refusing to take a farm without security that he shall enjoy it for a reasonable time. I have made no allusion to a difference in race, as creating any reason for a difference in legislation between England and Ireland. When the Celt becomes the absolute owner of land, he is just as willing as the Saxon to become a landlord, and to insist upon all a landlord's rights, which he then seems to think very reasonable. It is only when he becomes a tenant that his peculiarity is said to appear in a dislike to fulfil his engage- ments, and in a wish to hold his land at a lower rent and for a longer temi than he is entitled to by his contract. I suppose the Saxon farmer would have the same desire. It is impossible to frame laws to suit the feelings of people who dislike to pa their debts, or to fulfil their engagements and to respect the rights of property, and in general to act as men are required to do in every civilised conmiunity. There is no valid foundation for this charge against the Irish Celt. England had the power of making laws for Ireland at a time when selfishness reigned supreme in the councils of every state; and Ireland, as the weaker country, suffered some injustice from her stronger sister. But times are altered. No man now would think of doing an injustice to Ireland for the sake of any supposed 56 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [LoxJcrrELD. benefit to England. The two countries are now parts of one united kingdom. All grievances have been swept away, although the memory of them still remains, and will be kept alive by the exertions of those who have an interest in fo- menting discontent. But a just policy will eventually bear its fruit; and if the laws are framed for the good of all without reference to party interests, and are impartially and firmly administered, it will probably be found that the Celt is as quiet and amenable to law, and as willing to be honest and true to his engagements, as if he belonged to any other race. But even the best laws will be of little service unless the people are disposed to act justly and reasonably. The landlord should not strive to be the master of his tenant. He should set the land at a reasonable rent and on fair conditions, and not hope to keep the tenant in subjection, by exacting a rent which he cannot pay, or inserting covenants which he cannot fulfil. Even when leases are granted they are often stufted mth covenants which would ruin the tenant if he obeyed them strictly. But some change is also required in the tenant. He should not enter into any contract which he is unwilling to fulfil. It is no excuse for him to say that he cannot get land on any other terms, and that he must be a farmer as every other business is overcrowded with competitors. Such an excuse is contradictory to itself, for if he cannot get a farm except by offering more than it is worth, it shows that farming is subject to as keen a competition as other trades. If he cannot get a farm on reasonable terms he should take to some other business, or emigrate. He may think that this is a great hardship, but it is a hardship that is not caused either by the law or by the landlord. If two men desire to get the same farm, one of them must do without it ; and if the competitors are honest, and will not offer too much, the one who succeeds will be better off, and the one who fails will not be worse off, than at present. The same rule that I suggest as to his rent should apply to all the conditions of his tenure. Instead of first taking a farm and then complaining of the conditions, he should refuse to take any farm except on such terms as he considers just and reasonable. A man who is to have a voice in the government of the country should not make any contract which would make him dependent on the liberality or forbearance of any other man. Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 57 CHAPTER VIII. It is frequently said that in Ireland the landlord erects no buildings, and makes no improvements on the land ; that everything is left to the tenant, who builds and improves at the risk of having the improvements made by his labour and capital seized by the landlord, or made an occasion of raising the rent ; and that this was not a very unusual course for the landlord to take. At no time was it a matter of every-day occurrence for a landlord to seize his tenant's improvements before he had enjoyed them for a remunerative period. Improving tenants without leases would not be so foolish as thus to lay out their capital without a confident expectation, founded on the pre- vailing customs, that the landlord would not take advantage of their confidence in his honour. Cases of inconsiderate and unjust harshness could never have been very frequent, and they are now exceedingly rare. The real grievance was, not that the tenant frequently lost the value of his improvements, but that his liability to this loss generally prevented him from making those improvements which would have been profitable to himself and useful to the country. It is true that if any man searches for cases of grievances suffered by tenants, he will have plenty of stories told to him : many of them will be utterly false, and many of them will have a slight foundation of truth, distorted by the most monstrous exaggerations. When names, dates, and facts are not stated, it is impossible to expose and detect the falsehood. " One story is good until another is told." I am told that a tenant held a farm at a rent of ;^40, that he built a house at an expense of ;!^ioo, and then was ejected without any compensation as soon as he owed one year's rent. Such a story may lead to the murder of half-a-dozen landlords, or to the robbery of the entire class, when the propagator describes the look of inextinguishable hatred with which the narrator mentioned it to him. I do not believe in the possi- bility of such a case pure and simple. An ejectment is not a 58 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfikld. sudden irreversible process. The proceedings take some time to bring them to a termination ; and, even after they are con- cluded, the law allows the tenant six calendar months to pay his rent and redeem the land. This period is reckoned not from the judgment in ejectment, but from the actual dispos- session of the tenant by the execution of the Jiahere. The story, therefore, is that the tenant was rich enough to build a house and to cultivate his farm, which generally requires a capital equal to five years' rent, but that he could not get money to pay half a year's rent, and had no friends or credit to enable him to borrow money to pay his rent. A tenant is not evicted for non-payment of rent until after he has become hopelessly insolvent. I should expect that on investigation it would be found, ■either that the story was totally false, or that it was subject to one or more of the following qualifications. The tenant did not build the house at his own expense ; the landlord supplied the roof and timber-work, and gave other aid. The tenant was in the enjoyment of the house a sufficient length of time to recompense liim for the portion of the outlay that he had incurred. The landlord at various times forgave him large arrears of rent in consideration of his outlay on the house. The tenant ran out and wasted the land, and owed considerably more than a year's rent at the time of the eviction. I suggest those ([ualifications to show with what reserve such a story should be received until it is fully investigated, especially when it is told by a person evidently anxious to make a case against Irish landlords. I do not deny that, among the infinite number of cases occurring between landlord and tenant, many may be found in which the landlord acted harshly and oppressively to an honest tenant, as well as cases in which the kindness of a generous landlord has met with a very ill-requital. But I believe that such cases are exceptions to the general rule, which is, that an honest and industrious tenant will meet witlVkind and generous treatment, and that a good and liberal landlord will find or make good tenants. But to state all the exceptions to this rule of which one hears on one side, without qualification or investi- gation, is not a good way of forming a correct opinion of the true state of the Irish land question. The cases in which landlords seized u])on real improvements made by their tenants, without giving them compensation, are very few, and Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 59 the landlords would sufter nothing by a law which would make such injustice impossible. As to evictions of solvent tenants, I believe them to be more rare in Ireland than in England. To a superficial observer, the contrar)' might at first appear to be the case, for the following reason. In England, if the interest of a tenant is determined by a notice to quit, or by the expiration of his lease, and the refusal of the landlord to permit him to remain in possession, he gives up the farm, and nothing more is said about it. He merely complies with the conditions on which he obtained possession. But in Ireland he generally resists, and puts his landlord to the expense and delay of an ejectment, and has the newspapers filled with abuse of the landlord and articles on landlordism and evictions. Thus in Ireland nearly every case of removal of a tenant makes a noise, and is brought before the public, and therefore they appear to be more numerous than in England, where they pass without notice. 'While I was writing this, I read in the newspaper a report of an action for a libel brought by a farmer. • His complaint was that he was falsely accused of shooting foxes ; and, on account of this false and unproved charge, he Avas deprived by a noble duke, his landlord, of two farms, one of which he had held for sixteen and the other for twenty-one years. The eviction by the landlord was not made a matter of comment, and would have passed unnoticed, only that it was the special damage for which the action was brought. If a tenant was evicted on such grounds in Ireland, the circumstance would certainly be brought before the public, and probably before Parliament. If there are a hundred men wishing for farms, and there are only fifty farms to be let, then fifty men must do without farms, and take to some other occupation. Whatever adds to the dithculty of evicting a tenant, adds to the difticulty of obtaining a farm, and thus makes the eviction a greater calamity when it occurs. It is very much against the interests of a landlord to eject a good solvent tenant who is willing to pay him a fair rent. He will find it difficult to procure a tenant with skill and capital to take the vacant farm, and to put himself in the power of an oppressive and unreasonable landlord. If a careful inquiry was made into the nature of the pro- vocations which are supposed to have led to the late crop of 6o SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Lonci ielu. agrarian outrages, a judgment might be formed of the fre- quency of landlord oppression. It would not be unreasonable to assume that all the worst instances would be included among those cases which have led to such extremity of revenge. It may be generally said that four circumstances should combine to make a tenant an effectual improver. He must have, first, a sufficient motive ; secondly, skill ; thirdly, energy ; fourthly, capital. And it is not an uncommon mistake, when some obvious improvement is neglected, to attribute the neglect solely to the want of some one of those circumstances, without taking the rest into consideration. The landlord frequently is without the capital that is neces- sary for important improvements on his estate ; for he must pay money for everything (in addition to his family and personal expenses), and the return for his expenditure comes in very slowly. But it is different with the tenant, who seldom wants capital to make some small improvements yielding a quick re- turn. In some cases it might be thought that no capital was necessary, as when a small farmer reclaims land by removing the stones, all the work being done by himself and his family. Some would say that his labour was equivalent to capital, but this would not be strictly correct. The produce of his labour did not support him during the progress of the work. The store of food which he possessed, or the money with which he purchased it, was the capital which he expended in the pro- secution of the work. Without such capital, or credit to supply its place, he must have abandoned the improvement, and supported himself by working for daily wages. Thus the tenant is seldom prevented from making im- provements by want of caj)ital. He may be j)revented from undertaking something grand, but if his land is in a very wild, unimproved state, there must be some reason other than want of capiial for his permitting it to remain so. For this neglected state of the land a different reason is given by the landlords and the tenants' friends. One says that the cause is that the tenant has not a sufficient estate in the land, and Arthur Young's exaggerated assertion is quoted as if it was strictly true. But excuses for not doing a thing are always to be viewed with great suspicion, especially when they take the form of requiring some great boon as a preliminary to exertion . I have known many cases in which the occupier held in Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUXTRIKS. 6l l^erpetuity or for very long terms, in which the agriculture was as defective and the land as much neglected as if it had been held by tenants-at-\vill. A good interest given to the tenant is a good thing, but it removes only one impediment to improve- ment, namely, want of motive ; but two impediments may yet remain — sloth and ignorance. Bishop Berkeley, indignant at the neglected appearance of the country, the houses full of dirt, and the land covered with weeds, rejected this excuse of want of a sufficiently long estate in the tenant, and remarked that things were left undone which would be remunerative if done by tenants even with the shortest leases, and that the Irish proprietors who occupied land which they held in fee were as slovenly and negligent as any tenants- at-will. He thus arrived unfairly at the conclusion that the cause of the neglected state of the land was Irish sloth. He did not see that there was a third cause which might be the operative one, namely, ignorance. The Irish tenant acted according to his limited knowledge. He had no example to guide him to a better agriculture. Even if a resident gentleman improved his demesne, and made it more productive, the farmer saw clearly that he could not follow the example. The improvement seldom yielded a fair return for the outlay. Works were undertaken with a mixed view to ornament and utility. This was better for the country than if the same money had been spent in idle dissipation ; but they conveyed no useful instruction to the farmer. It may be fairly doubted whether any improvement of land yields the average return that may be expected from invested capital. Thus I do not say that no drainage pays ; but if all the drainage in Ireland was taken with the mistakes made by inadequate or superfluous drains, or drains badly made, or too deep, or too shallow, or two expensively, or works otherwise unskilfully executed, it is probable that half the works do not yield a return of five per cent, on the outlay. But a farmer will not undertake an expensive improvement unless he is reasonably certain, not only that his landlord will not seize upon the fruits, but that there will be some fruits for himself to enjoy. Thus the want of agricultural knowledge is a serious obstacle to improvements. There are some improvements which give a return in com- fort and enjoyment, rather than in profit. A dwelling-house is of this class. In general a man does not willingly live in a 62 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield worse house than that to which he has been accustomed ; but he seldom desires one much better. It is very much a matter of habit. The starving occupier of a fetid, squaUd hovel would wish for strong drink and tobacco, better and more abundant food, good clothes and less work ; but the last of his desires would be a larger and cleaner house. He would scarcely accept it willingly on the terms of his keeping it clean and in good repair. This has tended to discourage the landlords from building good houses for their tenants. They found that the tenants did not value them, and were often unwilling to keep them in repair, although it was generally found that after some experi- ence they felt and appreciated the advantage of the decency and cleanliness which at first they disliked as cold and trouble- some. Partly by the landlords, and partly by the teriants, comfortable farm-houses have been built, and improvement in this respect is still making progress. In a few instances, houses have been built by tenants relying on the honour of their landlords; and very few would object to a law that would entitle a tenant to compensation who built a house suitable to his farm. In many arguments on the compensation that a tenant should receive for his improvements, a calculation is made of the compensation or enjoyment that would be sufficient if the improvement was made in the most successful manner, and with the greatest skill and economy. This is hardly fair. Every improvement is to a certain extent tentative, and the enjoyment or compensation should be such as to remunerate a tenant of average skill and good fortune. It is frequently said that drainage will repay the first outlay with interest in seven years. I do not assert that such a thing never happens, but I am sure that it could not be truly said of one-tenth of the drains that have been made in the United Kingdom. It requires less skill to reclaim than to improve. The former is done either by carrying off surface water or by re- moving stones. These works are done by the cotter and his family. They yield a very moderate return, but the results are obvious to the most unskilful, and hence it happens that they are often executed by tenants with very precarious interests, while more profitable works, requiring more skill and foresight, are left undone by tenants with much longer leases. If sloth Ireland.] JN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 63 was very prevalent, the sterile land would not have been re- claimed ; if want of tenure was the only cause, the good land would have been more generally improved. It was want of skill that confined the efforts of the most ■ energetic to those works which required no skill to accomplish or to appreciate them. Arthur Young describes the effects of letting land on profitable leases to persons without skill or energy : They are, however, sometimes resident on a part of the land they hire, where it is natural to suppose they would w'ork some im- provements ; it is, however, very rarely the case. I have in different parts of the kingdom seen farms fallen in after leases of three lives of the duration of fifty, sixty, and even seventy years, in which the residence of the principal tenant was not to be distinguished from the cottared fields surrounding it." He attributes this to the idle, drunken habits of the small country gentlemen : " Living upon the spot, surrounded by their little under-tenants, they prove the most oppressive species of tyrant that ever lent assistance to the destruction of a country. Not satisfied with screwing up the rent to the uttermost farthing, they are rapacious and relentless in the collection of it." " If long leases at low rents and profit incomes given would have improved it, Ireland had long ago been a garden." Such were the results of long leases given to persons ignorant of agricul- ture, and without efficient covenants to prevent them from subletting. If they had been possessed of sufficient skill, they would have found it more profitable to cultivate than to sublet. CHAPTER IX. Many think that the wealth of Ireland may be increased by the cultivation of new crops, or the employment of new instruments, which they accordingly recommend with great zeal. They are not aware of the difficulty of introducing improvements in agri- culture, nor how little profit the persons who adopt them should expect. Nevertheless, several improvements in both crops and instruments have made their way in Ireland in the present century. Improved carts and ploughs have almost superseded 64 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. the old-fashioned car and plough which were in general use seventy years ago. Through a great part of Ireland the threshing machine is used instead of the flails, and the scythe instead of the sickle. The American rake and the tedding machine are used in making hay, and even reaping and mowing machines may sometimes be seen in use. But the use of new machines proceeds more slowly in agriculture than in manufactures. It is less necessary to the individual, as it does not diminish the price of agricultural produce, and therefore the farmer may, without loss, continue to cultivate his land in the manner to which he has been accustomed. But the chief impediment is, that the operations of agri- culture are periodic, and not continuous, and the division of labour does not produce a division of trades. The same loom may be employed every day in the year ; and if one loom did its work at half the cost of another, no weaver could hold his ground who used the inferior loom. But a machine of great efficiency in sowing turnip seed may make its way very slowly. The farmer would have occasion to use it only two or three days in the year, and the advantage of its use during those few days is all that is obtained to pay the interest of the first cost of the machine, and the expense of finding a place to hold it during the long time that it is unemployed. This latter item is not unimportant in the case of a small farm. Besides, sow- ing turnip seed is only a small part of the business of a farmer, and he may till with profit, although he does not perform this particular operation in the cheapest and most efficient manner. The same observations apply, with greater or less force, to all the operations of the farm. Similar causes impede the introduction of new crops, or new modes of cultivation. The work that is done only at intervals of a year is not easily learned. When once it has taken root this difficulty is diminished, for the difference be- tween the earliest and latest periods of performing any opera- tion extends the time during which the business may be learned by observation or by actual work. Thus, if you introduce the cultivation of flax into a district into which it was not known before : it is necessary to steep it : you superintend this operation, and give the most precise in- structions to your workmen. The work is done, they are employed during the rest of the year on other business, and Irkland.] IX VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 65 wlien the season for the same operation comes round again they will be found as ignorant as they were the preceding year. Still some new crops have been introduced with advantage during the present century. Seventy years ago, turnips and mangolds were unknown to the working farmer, and even clover and artificial grasses were seldom sown except by a gentleman farmer. The manner in which the cultivation of flax has been almost confined to one province of Ireland shows very strongly the difficulty of introducing the general cultivation of a new crop. It is not unknown in the other provinces, but it is generally profitable only in Ulster. This is not caused by any peculiarity of soil or climate. The crop is equally good in other parts ; but it is not ecjually profitable, and missionaries go about in vain recommending its cultivation. Some say that a large profit may be expected ; others say that they have tried it, and found it unprofitable. A short sketch of flax culture may show the cause of this disagreement, and how the true state of the case may be discovered. I give an account of the culture as it existed at the begin- ning of this century, and of some of the changes that have since been made : — 1. Having prepared the land as if for oats, but with a finer tilth, the seed is sown rather thickly in order that the flax may be drawn up without sending out side branches. 2. When the flax is fit, which is generally before the seeds are ripe, it is pulled up instead of being cut like corn. This is not an operation of much difllculty. 3. It is then carried to a dub, or flax-pond, to be steeped. This is necessary to detach the outside fibre, which is the valuable product of the flax, from the inside woody part, which is worthless. This is an operation of some nicety. If it is overdone, the tiuality of the flax may be injured. If it is under- done, the fibre will be wasted in the subsequent operations. The duration of the steeping must depend upon the tempera- ture. _ The experienced tlax cultivator forms his judgment by the sight, and smell, and taste. _ 4. It is then taken out of the dub. and carted to a field, where it is spread and dried. The spreading may be done by men, women, or children. The taking out of the dub and spreading are not operations of much difliculty; but a practised hand will do the work better and more cheapl}- tlian a novice. F 66 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Loncfield. 5. When the flax is sufficiently dried, it is gathered, and bound in sheaves, and put into stocks, and sometimes into stacks or ricks, Hke corn. 6. The next operation is scutching, or beating the flax with a heavy wooden mallet. The steeping dissolved and destroyed the glutinous matter w^hich fastened the wood to the fibre ; but it is still enclosed by the fibre, and the scutching is necessary to break into small parts the wood, which has been made very brittle by the steeping and drying, in order that it may more readily escape between the threads of the fibre. The scutching should break the wood as much as it can be done without injury to the fibre. 7. The next operation is cloving. The cloves are made of two small boards, or a board and piece of iron ; they move on a hinge or pivot, and meet each other edgeways. The operator takes a handful of flax, and places the part near his right hand between the cloves ; he then presses the upper clove on the flax with his left hand, and with his right pulls the flax through. This operation, repeated several times, forces the broken wood between the fibres, and rubs it away from the flax, which remains in the clover's hands. Some of the fibre is necessarily broken in this operation, and is detached along with the broken wood. This is called tow, which is an inferior product. The quantity of waste depends upon the skill of the clover, and the efiiciency of the preceding operations, as well as upon the quality of the flax. Cloving is often performed with great skill by women. 8. The next operation is hackling. This requires more skill and more expensive instruments than any of the preceding operations. It is frequently performed by women. The hackle is a board about six inches by four inches. On one'of the longer sides there is a handle. One face of the board is covered with a numljer of sharp steel spikes from three to five inches long, according to the fineness of the hackle. The hackler takes a bunch of the fibre in hand and swings it gently on the spikes of the hackle, and draws it through the spikes. This is repeated several times to disentangle the fibres, and to reduce them to parallel threads, and to remove the small particles of wood which, after the cloving, still remain adhering to the fibre. An awkward person may seriously injure his hand on the spikes, or by injudicious force may break the fibre, and tear some of it away, producing worthless tow instead Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 67 of valuable thread. Sometimes it is passed through several hackles increasing successively in fineness. It is then made up into suitable hanks or parcels. 9. The next operation is spinning, which I need not describe. After being spun on the spinning-wheel (in the last century the distaff and spindle were often used), it is reeled off, and made into hanks of thread or yarn. 10. The next operation is weaving, which I need not describe. 11. The next operation is bleaching, which formerly con- sisted in washing the linen well, and spreading it on the grass, frequently watering it until it became white under the influence of the sun and air. The Ulster small farmer performed all these operations with the aid of his f^imily. This domestic manufacture was carried on during the spare hours for which the farm found no employment. As generally happens in such cases, the pro- duce was sold at a price which gave the workers a very small remuneration. The work cost them nothing, I may say less than nothing, as it saved the femily from those evil habits which idleness seldom fails to engender. The above short sketch may give an idea of the difficulties which prevented the introduction of the culture and manu- facture into the other provinces. It could only be extended from neighbour to neighbour, and when the continuity was broken by mountains, and by the fertile plains of Leinster, in which flax could not be profitably cultivated, the rest of the island was deprived of the best means of acquiring the necessary skill. .Some changes have been made in the manufacture which may facilitate the extension of flax culture. The manufacture and the agriculture are becoming more distinct. In the first place, the process of bleaching is no longer carried on by the farmer. Mere grass bleaching has disappeared, and the chemical processes can be more cheaply conducted in large estabUshments. Still, on this point, Ulster has some advan- tages in the possession of bleach greens, in which, in conse- quence of the scale in which their business is done, linen can be bleached more cheaply than in the other provinces. Flax is now almost always sent to scutch-mills instead of being scutched at home by the farmers. The spinning has also become a separate manufacture, and only a small portion 68 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. is spun in the cottage of the grower. The power-loom has reduced the profits of the hand-loom weaver; and even when the hand-loom is used, the trade is carried on under a new system. Intermediate men, called drapers, purchase yarn, and give it out to weavers, who work for wages. The draper, by his capital and skill in buying yarn and selling linen, can undersell the wea\-er who Avorks on his own account. The customer gets his goods cheaper, although an additional profit is received. The manufacture has outrun the agriculture. There is not enough of flax grown in Ulster to supply the manufacturers. It will not be easy to introduce the hand-loom to extensive use in the other provinces. The wages of the weaver are low; in some parts of the year they are less than those of the ordi- nary agricultural labourer. In Ulster, where the business is learned in the family, he remains in the trade from habit, not- Avithstanding the competition of the power-loom; but in the other provinces there is little inducement to go out of the way to learn a business in which the wages are so low. The same friction that prevents its departure from Ulster tends to prevent its establishment in Munster. On the whole, the changes are favourable to the other pro- vinces, but Ulster retains some advantage in the skill acquired by long experience, and in the possession of those establish- ments in which flax is prepared or manufactured. It remains to be seen whether flax can be successfully cultivated in the south and west of Ireland. Some say that it can, others say that it cannot; and the accounts are usually furnished in such a manner as not to give the information that might settle the dispute. They ought to state the extent and value of the land, the quantity and price of the seed, the number of men, women, and children employed on each operation, and for Avhat number of days, and the wages paid to each. The quantity of flax at the commencement and end of each operation should be stated, and the quantity in the final state in which it is sold, and the price received for it. If this is done, it will be seen at once why one loses and another gains. It will be seen what pro- cesses are carried on at too great expense or too much waste of material. Flax is an exhausting crop, and does not enter conveniently into any course of rotation. It is most suitable for small farmers, as it finds employment for their families. Any person Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES, 69 who watches the operations before the scutching, that is, before it becomes a manuflicturc, will probably come to the conclusion that if he paid even moderate wages to the workers, he would not find it easy to make any profit out of a field of flax. The cultivation of madder, and of sugar-beet, has been recommended, and they may be tried by any one who can afford the experiment; but it is easier to learn how to improve the cultivation of the known crops than how to raise a new crop profitabl}'. If the produce of the soil could be doubled, it would not diminish the discontent of the Irish tenantry. Their complaint is, not that the land is unproductive, but that it is not theirs. It is a dispute for property, and at present any increase in the productive powers of the land would only embitter the contest by enhancing the value of the prize. As the evils presented themselves to my mind, I could not forbear from considering whether any remedies could be found. I considered that the following principles should be kept in view: — I St. There should be no injustice nor confiscation of property. 2nd. There should be no interference with freedom of con- tract, and the law should do nothing to encourage those modes of dealing which are least beneficial to the nation. An appa- rently immaterial law in constant operation may have an important effect in moulding the habits of the people. It is even possible that the relation between landlord and tenant may have been influenced by the fact that a stamp is necessary for a lease, but no stamp is required on a notice to quit. 3rd. The landlord, subject to all express or implied con- tracts, and to all equities arising from past transactions, is entitled to the present value of the land, and to all increase in its value which does not arise from the acts of the tenants. Independent of the injustice, it would be impolitic to deprive the landlord of all interest in his estate, and to remove him from his natural ])osition as the guide and friend and assistant of the tenant in the management of his farm. It would produce extensive absenteeism, by converting the landlords into mere receivers of fixed rents, without any interests in their estates. They would be an idle, useless, unhappy body of men, without any incentive to work, or any special duty or occupation. 4th. Although the tenant should not get his landlord's yo SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Loncfield. property for nothing, he ought not to be deprived of any- thing for which he paid with the concurrence of the landlord, although he may have trusted to the rules of natural equity, instead of complying with all the formalities required by a highly artificial state of the law. Lastly, although men aannot be compelled to perform duties of imperfect obligation, they ought not to be permitted by any contract or promises to put the performance of those duties out of their power. Thus no settlement or incumbrance should prevent the landlord while in the enjoyment of his estate from dealing in a liberal spirit with his tenantry. Every landlord ought to have it in his power to give either a par- liamentary tenant right, or a lease of forty-one years at a reasonable rent, and to make an agreement to compensate a tenant for his improvements. It may be thought by many that in suggesting forty-one years I have named too long a term, and that a lease of twenty- one years would give a tenant sufficient enjoyment to compen- sate him for any improvement, except buildings, that he might make on his farm. To this it may be answered that, generally, the Irish tenant is not of this opinion, and that a lease of twenty-one years would not induce him to improve. That a lease for forty-one years is much shorter than a lease for three lives, which is commonly permitted by marriage settlements, and that it is not the length of the lease at its commencement, but the length of the term when the tenant is about to improve that is the operative inducement. A prudent tenant will not make any change immediately on his obtaining possession of his farm. He will wait until experience has made him inti- mately acquainted with its wants and capabilities. If all leases were granted for terms of twenty-one years, the unexpired terms would be of the average length of only ten and a half years, and if they were granted for terms of forty-one years, the average unexpired terms would be six months less than twenty- one years. With such an extension of leasing powers to the landlord, and with a right to the tenant to get compensation for his im- provements, and a parliamentary tenant right whenever he has fairly earned it, the cliief grievances would be remedied without any violent interference with the rights of property. But if a man voluntarily enters into a contract to take land with a precarious tenure, he has no right to demand to have it IiiHi.ANi).] IX VARIOUS COUNTRIES, "JX made permanent until he has done something to earn an enlargement of his estate. To accede to such a demand might do a serious injur}^, not to himself indeed, but to his class. If the rights arising from mere occupation are made too strong, men who have land in their possession will be very careful not to let a new occupier get possession, and the poor will be relegated to densely-packed villages. The owner of land may be disposed to give a labourer the occupation of a com- fortable cottage and garden. This will be a great benefit to the labourer at a very slight loss or inconveinence to the landowner ; but it is essential that the occupation should be precarious, so as to prevent the labourer from making that occupation a source of great discomfort to the landlord. If the labourer neglects his work, or has ill-conducted children, or liarbours persons of bad character, or even keeps pigs and j)oultry, frequently trespassing on the landlord's property, it will be necessary to resume possession from him. There may be many other cases, which I need not enumerate here. Call the landlord's conduct capricious, arbitrar\', tyrannical, or by any other epithet of abuse, it is necessary that he should have the power of removing the cottier on a reasonable notice, or he will not put any cottier in possession of any land. The option in future will not be between a fixed and a precarious occupa- tion, but between a precarious tenure and nothing. The same loss to the labourer will ensue if the landlord cannot obtain possession without expense at law, or being held up to })ublic odium as a tyrant and oppressor. He will con- sider all the consecjuences which are likely to result from the reception of a cottier tenant, and if eithei' law or custom makes those consequences grievous to him, he will be so much the less willing to give accommodation to the labourer. 72 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. CHAPTER X. Property in land (lifters in its origin from property in any commodity produced by human labour. The product of labour naturally belongs to the labourer who produced it. If he works for wages, his emplo3'er is entitled to the product as assignee of the labourer. The substance of the contract is, that the employer pays a certain present sum as wages in exchange for the future uncertain product of the labour. But the same argument does not apply to land, which is not the product of labour, but is the gift of the Creator of the world to mankind. Every argument used to give an ethical foundation for the exclusive right of property in land has a latent fallacy. It omits a portion of the value which ought not to be left out of consideration. I shall call attention to one or two of them. First comes the argument founded on the rights of labour. Land, it is said, is worthless until it is cleared and cultivated, and it properly belongs to the man who has improved it, or brought it into cultivation. There would be some force in this argument if land was worth nothing beyond the value of the labour laid out upon it ; but if this is not the case, the argument is subject to this objection, that it permits one man to improve another man's estate, and then hold it as his own. This is what is called improving a man out of his property. Here is some land very convenient and suitable as a site for building ; it belongs to no person as private property, and therefore I, as a member of the community, am a part owner of it. Another person takes possession and builds a valuable house on it, and then claims the land as exclusive property on account of his buildings and improvements ; am not I thereby improved out of my estate ? I was a part owner once, and now I have no interest whatever in it. Land of very indifferent quality in the neighbourhood of a tOAvn frequently is sold or let for a large sum as a site for building, before a single penny has been laid out in reclaiming it. Although it is of no present use, still its capacity for being built on gives it a present value. In this case the original value can be estimated, and in fact it is often separated from the additional value which the land Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 73 derives from the buildings placed on it. It is the ground-rent which a tenant would be willing to pay on condition of getting a grant of the land in perpetuity. But without any reference to building-land, it is easy to find large quantities of land in Ireland of which the value can- not be attributed to any labour expended on them. Indeed, some of the land is probably of less value than if it had been left in a state of nature ; and yet it is private property. It might at first appear as if the argument against the right to property in land, as founded on labour, applied equally to the case of manufactured articles. The raw material did belong to the community, which is deprived of it by the individual who manufactures it, and converts it into his own exclusive property. This objection would be valid if the raw material was in limited (luantities ; and if the labourer, for the purpose of the manu- facture, seized upon a greater proportion than his share would be as a member of the general community. But this never happens. As a matter of fact, the value as well as the right of property in a manufactured article is derived from the labour employed in producing it ; and the title could generally be shown through the most important stages. It is equally certain that neither the title to property in land nor the chief part of its value is founded upon labour. It was in general claimed as property before any labour was laid out on it. The right arising from the first discovery is sometimes alluded to as a possible foundation for the right of property in land. But this must refer to the right of the whole community, and not to the right of any private individual. When once a party lands upon an island, the whole island is substantially discovered. They all know the land is there, although they have not actually walked over every foot of it. But suppose the case of a discovery made by an individual. A party of men and women discover an uninhabited island, and take pos- session of it. Good water for drinking is scarce, and different I)ersons go in various directions. One man, either by superior intelligence or better fortune, discovers a well which yields an am])le supply. This does not give him a right to exclude the rest of the party. They must possess the same natural right which they had before the discovery, to use the well if they can find it. The right of the first discoverer is merely to keep his secret, or to sell it to the community for the best price which he can obtain for it. 74 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. The case bears some analogy to the patent laws, and there- fore I may allude to an argument which is sometimes used in their defence. A man invents some process, and it is said that if the public makes use of this process he is deprived of the fruits of his industry and inventive talent. But this assumes the very point in dispute : it assumes that one of the natural fruits of a discovery is the right to prohibit every other person from doing the same thing. This is not a well-founded as- sumption. His natural right is only to use it himself The first man who broke a cocoa-nut and found the inside eatable would have a right to eat it himself, but he would have no right to insist that no other man in" the world should ever eat any other cocoa-nut without his permission. The fact of possession is sometimes given as the origin of private property in land. The man who gets first under the shade of a tree has a right to remain there undisturbed. He cannot be removed without a breach of the peace ; and this right seems to be acknowledged by the inferior animals. It is sometimes added, that the mere fact of taking possession is of itself an act of labour, and therefore that the right of property thereby conferred is within the general rule, that labour creates a right to property. To this it may be replied, that this right, if it existed, would only last as long as the possession in which it originated. It could not extend over a large estate, nor be transferred to another person. As to the acknowledgment of the right by the lower animals, even if we were disposed to learn ethics from their example, there is great reason to doubt the fact. It probably exists only so far as the beast in possession has suf- ficient strength to make it inconvenient for any other beast to disturb him. When it is said that the mere taking of possession is an act of labour, it should be noticed that even if it deserves the name of labour, it is not of that sort which can confer a title to pro- perty. The only labour which can give a title to property is that labour which has created the value of the property that it claims. The foundation of the right to pro])crty in land is not ethical but political. Its origin is expediency. In order that it may be cultivated to the most advantage, it is necessary that the cultivator should be secured in the enjoyment of the fruits of his intended industry. For this purpose it is necessary that Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 75 the person who is permitted to use the land should be permitted to enjoy it for a certain length of time, to make it his interest to cultivate it in the most productive manner. This period varies with the increase of foresight and agricultural knowledge. It is easy to conceive a state of things in which men did not look beyond the passing year. They sowed and they reaped without any knowledge or care whether the land is left in a better or worse condition. But the inconvenience of a frequent repartition of land is quickly perceived, and this is best avoided by permitting land to be held in absolute ownership, subject to such taxes and regulations as the State shall from time to time think it reasonable to impose. It seems just that land should be charged Avith the duty of maintaining the poor, so that no man should be destitute on account of the existence of private property in land. Those who are able to support themselves owe that power to that general wealth and civilisation which could not have existed without the establishment of private property in land ; and those who are not able to support themselves, receive from the poor-rates a better subsistence than they could extract from their share of the land of the couritry if undivided and unreclaimed. But the rights of the present owners do not depend upon the truth of any theory respecting the origin of proprietorial rights. It is a rule of natural justice that says that, if I encourage a stranger to buy from a wrongful owner property that is really mine, I cannot justly press my own claims against the purchaser. This is the case with land in every settled country. The present owners either themselves j^urchased the land, or derive their rights under those who purchased it with the sanction of the community, represented by the authority of the State. In many cases, the State itself received part of the purchase money from stamp-duties on the purchase deeds. In this manner, the title of the landlord appears to be perfect as well against the nation at large as against everv member of it. But there is one person in particular who cannot claim the land without the most shameless dishonesty ; and that is the tenant who has obtained a temporary possession of the land by means of a contract with the landlord. I wish for a farm. I see one that suits me. I apply to the person in possession, who claims to be the owner, and I agree 76 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield. to take a lease of it for twenty-one years, or as tenant from year to year at a rent of ^50 a year, and to give him back the farm when the lease expires. Nothing can be clearer than that I can claim no right to that land beyond what is given to me by the lease. It either belongs to the landlord who bought, or to the nation at large, but certainly not to me. If it belongs to the landlord, I can claim nothing but my bargain, viz., possession for twenty-one years. If it belongs to the community at large, my right is still less. It would be strange that I should claim more than my bargain, because I made the bargain with the wrongful owner. I have put the case of a tenant obtaining the possession of land by a contract with the landlord, and on that possession, on that contract, resting his claim to hold the land for a larger period or at a smaller rent. But there are other cases in which the tenant has done something more, and in which he has some equitable rights, which, although they are rather vague, are yet, I think, capable of being ascertained, settled, and conceded by carefully-considered legislation. The two chief cases are — first, where the tenant has made such per- manent improvements on the land as were necessary for its efficient cultivation, or for his decent and wholesome habita- tion ; secondly, where the tenant has to the reasonable know- ledge of the landlord paid the outgoing tenant money for his interest in the farm. In the former case, it must be supposed that the tenant made the improvements, or erected the buildings, in the belief that he would be ])ermitted to enjoy them. It is incredible that any man should build a house if he was assured that another should enjoy all the benefit, either by turning him out, or by charging him rent for it. The same argument applies to the case of a purchase of a precarious interest. The land- lord who permits the purchase of a mere tenancy-at-will must be considered as encouraging the belief that the purchaser thereby acquires a substantial interest in the land. A third case in which the tenant seems to be entitled to something more than the law gives him, is where he has made a reasonable bargain with the apparent owner of the land. There is a common-sense distinction between a purchaser and a tenant which the law does not sufiiciently recognise. The man who buys an estate, and the man who takes a farm in order to earn his bread by its cultivation, are treated by law in Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 77 the same manner, and are subject to the complicated laws of real property. These laws are troublesome and inconvenient so far as they affect purchasers, but are oppressive and unjust where they disturb the title of a tenant. It may be said that it is not easy to distinguish between a tenant and a purchaser. A man takes a lease of land for a thousand years at a rent of a penny an acre. Is he not to be considered a purchaser, although he takes the land for a limited term and is subject to a rent ? Add a penny to his rent, and take a year away from his term, he is still a purchaser. Con- tinue this process, and you may have him paying a rent of ^4 2S. 6d. an acre, and with a term of only ten years. He is then clearly a tenant. At what step in the process did his position change from a purchaser to a tenant ? Such an argument has no practical force. It must be met by drawing an arbitrary line at some reasonable point. Say that a tenant, whose rent is not less than three-fourths of the value, and whose term does not exceed forty-one years, shall not be disturbed in consequence of any settlement or incumbrance affecting his landlord's interest. It is inconsistent with justice that a man should hold land at a certain rent, and for a certain term, without any claim e.xcept that he took the land for a different term and for a different rent. A man takes a farm to-day, and demands that a law shall be made which would enable him to sell his lease next day for several hundred pounds. This is to give him a property which he did not purchase or earn, merely because he threatens to commit murder if he is kept to his engagements. However, no demand founded in justice ought to be re- fused, merely on account of the improper manner in which it is demanded. I must not refuse to pay a creditor because he I)resents his account or demands payment in an uncivil manner. I have made these observations on the origin of property in land in order to show that the State retains the power of modifying it from time in accordance -with the general interests of the community. This right of private i)roperty in land is a political not a natural institution. "Ncun propria: telluris herum, natura neque ilium. Nee me, nee quenquam statuit.'' What justice reciuires is that changes in the law should not be directed against any particular persons, but that all who are in similar circumstances should be treated in the same manner. A land-tax of ten per cent, would not be unjust if it was thought 78 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Longfield, necessary for the security of the kingdom ; and there would be as little injustice in a law which modified the rights of property for the same object, even although the result should be equiva- lent to a tax by causing some diminution in the value of the property. It is sometimes supposed that a change in the law would be unjust to purchasers under the Landed Estates Court. I see no grounds for that opinion. The Act of Parliament which constituted the Court did not give a guarantee against future legislation. To do that is beyond the power of Parliament. What the conveyance of the judges gives is the perfect right to the land, subject only to the adverse rights mentioned in the deed, and to such obligations as may afterwards be imposed, either by the purchaser or by the authority of Parliament. It may almost be said that the latter comes within the former case, as the House of Commons is the lawful representative of the purchaser. It could hardly be contended that the purchaser with a parliamentary title should be exempt from all Acts passed for the relief of the poor, or that the area of poor-law taxation should not be altered, and yet such changes might have the effect of giving his poorer tenants a substantial interest in his estate. What the purchaser has a right to insist on is, that no law shall be specially directed against him, and that no rights shall be set up which were in existence at the time of his purchase, but were omitted from the deed of conveyance. But in common with all the subjects of the realm, he must take subject to all regulations that may be made by lawful authority, whether they increase or diminish the value of his property. The purchaser, by the fact of his })urchases, places himself in a new relation to a certain number of persons, which imposes on him some very important duties, and it is for the State to determine whether those duties shall be enforced by law or trusted to his own conscience for their fulfilment. The following changes might be made in the law of real property, and they do not violate any natural or political right. First, the law of primogeniture should be abolished, and all the children of the same parents, and their descendants should have equal rights to the land of their direct or collateral ancestor. Under the influence of this new law absenteeism would quickly disappear. Some of the children of an Ireland.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 79 absentee -woukl sell the estate which descended on them, and for which, not having seen it, they could entertain no special afifection. No lease nor agreement between landlord and tenant should be liable to any stamp duty. No settlement or encumbrance should prevent the owner of land in possession from having the following power : — First, he may make any lease for any term not exceeding forty-one years at a rent not less than three-fourths of the full value, or competition rent. Second, he may take a fine on granting a lease. Third, he may agree that the tenant shall be entitled to tenant right as above defined. Fourth, he may agree with his tenant to give him compensation for improvements. If a lease is made for a shorter term than forty-one years, the landlord should not be permitted to distrain for rent. If a lease is made for a shorter term than forty-one years, and without tenant right, all poor-rate and county-cess should be borne by the landlord. No proceedings should be taken to recover any arrear of rent which accrued more than a year before the commence- ment of the proceeding. In the absence of a written agreement, the tenancy should determine on the first of November, and require a year's notice to quit. The arbitrator should have power to award parliamentary tenant right to any tenant who had fairly earned it by his outlay. The tenant should be entitled to the trees he planted, without the necessity of rttgistering them. II. THE LAND-LAWS OF Ex\GLAND. Ey C. Wren Hoskyns, Esq. More than a generation has passed away since a late Professor of Geology, in addressing the Royal Agricultural Society at their first country-meeting held at Oxford, arrested the atten- tion of his landed and farming auditory by the remark, that the perfect model of a plough, and of a ship, still furnished to the world of science matter of unsatisfied inquiry and speculation. The speaker cited these familiar instances — and he could hardly have made a more skilful choice — to illustrate the pro- position that some of the deepest scientific problems underlie our commonest uses, problems that seem never to wear out or to grow old by time, but reappear from age to age, linking the old world and the new, by questions that equally defy the decision of authority and the conquest of-science. In the interval that has elapsed since the words were uttered, in all the confidence of knowledge that continues to mark each " ignorant present time " of the world's history, it will be admitted that the advances made by the " audax lapeti genus " in the forms that plough both land and ocean, have given to them a force little intended, or even dreamt of, by the speaker ; yet the challenge still remains, that seemed almost antiquated then, and perhaps the words conveying it are but the formula for an equally pregnant future. Why it is that the most enduring questions should seem to link themselves often Avith what is most familiar to our daily practice, is a matter of inquiry beyond the present purpose ; but there are few ex- perienced minds whose thoughts do not bear testimony to the existence of what may be termed standing difficulties in common things, G 82 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyxs. One of these, holding a place anterior to most — if not in point of time, yet certainly in importance — connected as it is with the history of our common inheritance, is that of the Laws of the Soil, the individual right to use, to hold, to dispose of it, by gift or sale, to others — to transmit it by descent or will to the next generation — and, resulting out of all these, its general distribution amongst the various classes and members of the community. Old as the subject is — for it must be nearly coeval with man's social existence — and worn as much by modem treat- ment as by mere age, yet it can hardly be denied that it comes to us little simplified, if not rather complicated by time and the usage it has found among the various families of our race, who have, in truth, exhibited few differences more characteristic, more ethnologically marked, than those arising out of national habits in reference to the soil. The grazier, the sportsman, even that picturesque terror of our childhood, now rarely seen — the encamped gipsy — has each his ancient prototype in tribes and races having this feature in common, that to each of them the earth presented simply so much space to move in, and to use as suited their temporary wants or convenience. ' No law of meinn and tuum was 'written upon the waste, or grew out of it, for those to whom not even a fixed habitation had yet suggested the idea of " j)roperty " in the land. But as soon as tillage comes upon the scene, even in its earliest and rudest form, a very different claim to that implied in the mere surface use begins to develop itself. It needs no abstract description : we have it in the familiar shape before our eyes in the settlements of our own race in America and Australasia, v/here, in the dealings with some of the non- cultivating native races, the idea of purchase — as a contract of permanent and exclusive right, of irredeemable alienation — was almost as unintelligible on one side as its violation was on the other. It can hardly with reason be doubted that the laws of the soil, including the first idea of permanent proprietary right (for even the hunter of the prairie claims a temporary sole posses- sion), owed their very birth to tillage. Land docs not become soil till cultivation has made it so : the process, when accom- plished, is as much a manuflicture as the implement that efiected it — as the plough-beam shaped from the timber, or the England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. S^ coulter from the smelted iron. If it could only be carried away after the conver.sion, it would have spared the world some ingenious arguments on both sides of the question of exclusive property. Had the agricultural fact been kept in view, that a seed-bed (always excepting the one primeval example on the banks of Father Nile) is as strictly an artificial production of labour as any that is wrought by man's hand upon Nature's materials, the political economist might perhaps have had a lighter task. The claim of him who before he can reap any return must invest a long expenditure in time, and seed, and labour, and tools, might vindicate a year's possession, and a freshly-earned one year by year (and the four or six- course farmer perhaps could urge a still more protracted suit), against that ideal claim of his brother man which has been quaintly described as " the right that belongs to all to take that which belongs to none.'""^ But the more complicated question lies waiting for us yet one stage further, namely, when the phenomenon begins to be witnessed of the severance of owner- ship from occupation ; when the fact stands patent of a process having taken place which has enabled the occupier to transfer the right he held to another^ either wholly — by sale or gift, and the still more potential act of transmission by heritage, or by will — or partially, by lease, or other temporary assignment. In every fully-peopled country a long unwritten history has been acted out, of the gradual acquisition of such rights over the soil ; and in most of them there has come, in the natural course of events, a time when the unlanded portion of the growing community have begun to inquire into the cause of their own exclusion, and the " title " of those who have been before them in the race and have got possession. The student of early Roman history is struck by the reiterated occurrence of those mysterious struggles between the * The words of Locke are as follow : — ' ' Though the earth, and all inferior creatures, be common to all men, yet every man hath a property in his own person ; this nobody has a right to but himself. The labour of his body and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatever, then, he re- moves out of the state that Nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with and joined to it sometliing that is his own, and thereby makes it Ills property. It being by him removed from the common state Nature hath placed it in, it hath by this labour something annexed to it that excludes the common right of other men. For, this labour being the unquestionable pro- perty of tlie labourer, no man but he can have a right to what that is once joined to ; at least, when there is enough and as good left in common for others." 84 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. richer and poorer citizens, which appear never to reach final settlement; marking the growth and predominating power of a landed caste, whose domains — extending around the city for miles — gave, in a population so dense and concentrated as that of Rome, a special severity to the Agrarian question, by leaving for the increasing numbers of the State only the more distant and worthless portions of the unappropriated " public land." So, in the Greek States, " every accession to the number of citizens was followed by a call for a fresh division of the public land; and as this involved the sacrifice of many encroachments that had grown into vested interests, it was regarded with horror by the old citizens as an act of revolu- tionary violence. For though the land was the undoubted property of the State, and although the occupiers of it were to the State mere tenants at will, yet it is in human nature that a long possession should give a feeling of ownership, the more so, as while the State's claim lay dormant, the possessor was to all appearance the proprietor ; and the land would thus be repeatedly passing by regular sale from one occupier to another."* The same tale which finds such fiiltering expression in those nations that had historians, has worked out its silent but not less actual history in every culti\-ating nation of the world. Increase of population ; decrease of public land ; the vehe- ment claim of participation on the one hand, the fierce and jealous tenacity of prescriptive rights on the other. Probably in no other country of Europe so much as in our own — partly owing to its island character, and partly to the succession of distinct races that has gone to form its people and its laws — have the incidents of the land and the institutions connected with it been more truly, in every sense, a history. The forced introduction by the Norman kings of the most oppressive incidents of feudalism, without its better features, broke in upon an ancient landed system which had been growing up for centuries, disjointedly but steadily, in Saxon England, having its roots in the imperishable ijrinciples of Roman jurisprudence, that had prevailed here for nearly four centuries, and of which it has been truly said that it " was * Arnold, " Hist, of Rome,'' vol, i. Dr. Arnold shows lh;it the law of real property in] Rome was more advanced than the feudal system in many im- portant features. The propriet(;r of land was the absolute owner during his life-time, and could bestow it absolutely at his death. E.n<;land.] in various COUNTRIES. 85 never permanently lost in any country in which it was once established." * Under the subsequent rule of such men as Egbert, Alfred, Athelstan, and Cnute, there are surviving proofs that the laws and distribution of land had reached a stage of advancement that embodied, with the remains of that Roman polity which " had graven itself in our land," t some of the most sterling elements of the Old Saxon character and institutions. We must not forget that it is from the pens of Norman writers that most of the ideas we entertain of our native English forefathers at the time of the Conquest have been derived ; but ample traces that have escaped the distorting profile of the historian, tend to show that whatever the com- parison may seem to us between the personal habits of the conquering and of the conquered race in other points, it would be far from the truth to suppose that the English of the eleventh century had much, if anything, to learn from their Norman invaders, in the laws of the soil. '•' Norman literature before the Conquest is worthless ; their law-courts have nothing to match the splendid series of Anglo-Saxon charters.":}: There is much that is primitive and simple to be met with, but (apart from the personal habits of the age) nothing of barbarism in the land institutions of Saxon England, unless, indeed, an excessive love for it, and an almost exaggerated deference for its possession may be so classed. In an age when freedom was the exceptional condition, the ownership of land was the mark of a free man, and ample territory the inseparable appa- nage of rank. The modern Conveyancer's broad separation between "real " and "personal'' estate was strongly marked in the practices of Saxon life, but with far better reason, when the rareness and insignificance of other forms of property gave * Creasy, " History of England." During the intervening centuries, from A.l). 82, when .^gricola reduced tlie island, to A.n. 463, when the Legions were withdrawn, the judicial tribunals of the Province of Hritain were fashioned on the Roman models. The corporations invented by Roman Jurists were the origin of our municipal institutions by which England has always been dis- tinguished. Papinian, the celebrated Roman jurist under Septimius Severus, presided in the Forum Eboraci (York) ; Ulpian and Paulus are considered by Selden to have occupied the functions of " Assessores " in the tribunals of Roman Britain. t Pearson, "England in the Early and Middle Ages," vol. i., chap. ii. " It is scarcely too much to say," writes Mr. Pearson (p. 51), " that we owe a vantage-ground of si.\ centuries of inherited Law and Culture to our Roman conquerors." t I'earson. Vol. i., p. 401. 86 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. truth and meaning to the distmction. No amount of gold or "chattel" property conferred the franchise: land alone was recognised as the source of all personal privilege, and the basis of civil rank. " There is no trace of such a qualifica- tion as constituted citizenship at Athens or Rome ; among our Saxon forefathers the exclusive idea of the city had no sway." * In this they only inherited the national character of their Con- tinental ancestors pictured by the Roman annalist with such expressive brevity. "It is well known that the German race inhabit not cities, nor care even to join house to house. They dwell independently and apart, as the stream, the meadow, or the grove may guide their choice." t Centuries have not obliterated these features in their descendants to this day ; the love of land, its estimation above all other forms of property, and its political preponderance. It long held, and still in a measure holds, with us, the dangerous prerogative of being its own lawgiver, a power hardly to be trusted to any human hands, without check or counterweight ; for even just and conscientious purpose is not always gifted with that reflex capacity which can see in the claims of others the exact portraiture of the same " rights " it defends as a natural duty for itself. The characteristics of the English land system before the Conquest are worth careful notice, not only as being the earliest contributions to the history of the land in this country, but as embracing original types of national law and custom, from which it would be difficult to say how large a share of that unwritten code known to our familiar use as " Common Law" is deri\-ed. If the materials are not as abundant as those of later time, they are yet so hand-marked as to make up for want of detail by the significance of a few broad out- lines. In the first place, it embraced (though with some variations in different parts of the country) those three im- ])ortant rights which together may be said to form the very test of land freedom, i. The right of alienation, or transfer ])y sale or gift. 2. The power of disposal by will. 3. That of transmission by inheritance. This is the more observable, at that early period of our national life, because under the Feudal rule which succeeded the Conquest, the two first were * Kemble, " Saxons in England." t Tacitus, " De Mor. Germ.," c. .\vi. The passage is as characteristic of the writer as of the people lie describes. England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 87 virtually abrogated, and the third completely changed from its original character, so as to subserve only the feudal rule of succession. In the next place, there existed in a very distinct form that remarkable reservation of public right which found ex- l)ression in the word " Folc-land," or land of the people, and embodied "the principle of a direct ownership by the com- munity, not in theory only, but to some extent in practice : l)rivate property in its more perfect form obtained only over those portions which were granted to individuals by charter, and hence were called ' boc-land ' " * (book-land). This dis- tinction seems almost identical with the "publica terra" and " privatus ager" of the Romans, and marks, with other evidence, the extent to which the principles of Roman law still sub- sisted. " It was only with the consent of his Witan that the king could make grants of the public domains of the Folc-land. The theory that the sovereign is the paramount proprietor of all land, was utterly alien to Saxon ideas and. institutions. Such state domains, like the ager publicus of the Romans, might be held by individuals as tenants of the Commonwealth, till it was formally made over as private pro- perty." t But still, after such appropriation, and accompany- ing every private estate, all land remained subject to three inevitable public charges (" Trinoda necessitas") — i. Military service in (but not always confined to) defensive war. 2. The repair of bridges, and 3, of royal fortresses. The land-owning class consisted of the Eorls, or larger owners, who held under the crown, and the Ceorls, a much more numerous but independent class. | " They are the root," says Hallam, " of a noble plant ; the free socage tenants, or English yeomanry, whose independence stamped with peculiar features both our constitution and our national character." § The limits of land were defined with scrupulous accuracy, and * See Mr. C. Neate's " Lecture on the History and Conditions of Landed Property," p. 19. ■j- Creasy, "Hist, of England." "The feebleness of the resistance of so brave a people as the English at the Rattle of Hastings is attributed by Mr. Kemble to the discontent and depression of the middle class at the gradual absorption of all the public lands by the great owners of that day." X The Eorl and Ccorl (words whose terminal sound often coupled them in a sort of civil apposition) nearly corresponded to the Squire and Yeoman of a later day. The Thegnes were of a higher order, equivalent to our landed nobility. § ''Middle Ages," ii. 386. 88 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE THoskyns. a Register of deeds and decisions, including mortgages, was kept in the superior courts.* The form of alienation, or transfer, was very simple ; but its efficacy was secured by publicity. " Before the Conquest, grants of land were enrolled in the Shire-book, after proclamation made, in public Shire- mote, for any to come in that could claim the lands conveyed; and this was as irreversible as the modern Fine with pro- clamations, or Recovery." t It might almost shame a reader of our Blue-books on " Sale and Transfer of Land," to find a "Registry of Title," and, what was then almost its equivalent, a " Register of Assurances " existing in the ancient English county courts, while the age of Christendom was yet written in three figures. The power of disposition by Will appears to have been unrestricted, extending even to oral declaration if formally made in the presence of a sufficient number of witnesses, t of whom eight or ten were usually required ; and all wills had to * Kelham's " Domesday Book," p. 242, note i. f Gurdon on "Courts Baron." + Hallam's "Middle Ages," ii., p. 393. He gives a very ancient and characteristic Saxon instrument, published by Hickes, recording a suit in a county court. " It is made known by this writing that in the Shire-gemot (county court), held at Agelnothestane (Aylston, :n Herefordshire), in the reign of Cnute, there sat Athelstan the bishop, and Ranig the alderman, and Edwin his son, and Leofwin, Wulfig's son ; and Thurkil the White, and Tofig, came there on the king's lousiness ; and there were Bryning the sheriff, and Athelweard of Frome, and Leofwin of Frome, and Goodric of Stoke, and all the Thegns of Hereford- shire. Then came to the mote I'klwin, son of Enneawne, and sued his mother for some lands, called Weolintun and Cyrdeslca. Then the bishop asked, who would answer for his mother. Then answered Thurkil the White, and said that he would, if he knew the facts, which he did not. Then were seen in the mote three Thegns, that belonged to I'Vligly (Fawley, five miles from Aylston), Leofwin of Frome, /Egelwig the Red, and Thinsig .Sta'gthman : and they went to her, and inquired what she had to say about the lands which her son claimed. Slie said that she had no land that belonged to him, and fell into a noble passion against her son, and calling for Leofleda her kinswoman, the wife of Thurkil, thus spake to her before them: ' This is Leofleda my kinswoman, to whom I give my lands, money, clotlies, and whatever I possess after tity life •' and this said, she then s]5ake to the Thegns : ' Behave like Thegns, and bear my message to all the good men in the mote, and tell them to whom I have given my lands, and all my possessions, and nothing to my son ; ' and bade them to be witnesses to this. And thus they did, rode to the moie, and told all the good men what she had enjoined them. Then Thurkil the White addressed the mote, and requested all the Thegns to let his wife have the lands which her kinswoman had given lier ; anil thus they did, and Thurkil rode to the church of St. Ethelbert, with the leave and witness of all the people, and had this inserted in a bonk in the church^ A Nuncujjative Will i.i recorded also in the Domesday of Worcestershire. Consuetudines, Gale, vol. iii., p. 768. England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 89 be established in the county court. The right of hereditary succession extended — in accordance with the custom of Gavel- kind — to all the children,* differing in this respect from that introduced after the Concjucst, which has ever since prevailed in this countr}-. To the ante-Norman Englishman the claim of primogeniture seems to have been unknown. t A jjractice curiously the converse of it existed, however, in some districts, under the name of " Borough-English," by which the youngest son succeeded to the inheritance ; + the reason assigned for this preference being that the elder sons would be more surely provided for during the father's lifetime ; a ground that may stand comparison with some of the arguments used for our law of succession of the eldest. It may also be noticed that, upon the death of the son with- out issue, the father inherited. " liy our common law he is absolutely and in every case excluded,'' writes Mr. Hallam, in the year 1829, just before this principle was restored to our law, after an interval of eight centuries, thus leaving only one of the ancient English land-institutions unredeemed from feudal change. § Several features of the Saxon land laws, the relation of lord and " vassal," || the obligation of military service, and the reverting of some lands to the State on the failure of male heirs, have led to the belief that an inchoate form of feudalism existed in England before the Norman invasion ; and the question has been contested by high authority on both sides. Some negative evidence for the assertion is found in the fact that no new Code of LaAV appears to have ever been pro- mulgated by the Conqueror, who had sworn at his coronation to observe the laws of his new subjects. But the question is chiefly of antiquarian interest. A sovereign who not only employed his own justiciaries, using a foreign language not understood by the people, but provided the land itself with * Females were sometimes excluded. t Willuim the Conqueror's charter to London provides (as for a point on Nvhich there might be apprehension) that tlie children of an Intestate sliall inherit equally. As late as Hen. I. the eldest son only inherited tlie principal Fief ; Boc-land went to the family equally. X This practice has lasted down to historical times in this country ; and seems to have been transplanted from England to Brittany. S iiee Freeman's " Conquest," vol. i., p. 597 ; note, on the use of the word " English." 11 This word is used by Asserius, a contemporary of Alfred. "Middle Ages," vol. ii., p. 413. 90 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. nav occmers, could afford — and would be not unlikely — to omit the ceremony of a new code. But the opposite opinion seems to be now generally received; and it is strongly supported by the facts of the land having been transferable inter vivos, devisable by will, and the inheritance equally shared by the children, features all so opposed to the principles of feudal tenure, that they render tlie question, for the present purpose, unimportant. These and most other free and distinctive features of the native land laws were swept away and entirely abolished at the Conquest. "William's grants made no distinction of public and private land, and were all made by his own sole will as absolute sovereign, unshared by any Council, and to be held directly and solely of himself as feudal lord. "He formally established the doctrine of the universal supremacy of the Crown, and he exacted the solemn acknowledgment of it by all the land- owiiers of England, at the great assembly which he convened at Salisbury in 1086."'* But he did much more than this. The same system which on the Continent formed a kind of social network of alternate sub-infeudation, shared by the nobles, took the shape in England of an oppressive tyranny of one sole monarch, felt chiefly in the exasperating incidents of "relief" and "ward- ship" which the Norman kings in succession inflicted upon their English subjects t in place of the free and systematised land-institutions which they had before enjoyed from the time of the great Alfred, and which found their attestation, with their death-blow, in the terrible record of " Domesday Book." That extraordinary work, which, as it sprang from the fiat of the Conqueror, has been attributed to his genius and power, seems, however, to have owed the possibility of its production — accomplished as it was in the course of a few months by the commissioners who compiled it X — to the organisation which they found ready to their hand in every county and hundred of the kingdom ; an organisation framed upon the accurate * Creasy, " Hist, of England." Freeman's " Conquest of England." t Hallam seems to be of opinion that several of the most oppressive incidents formed no parts of the system, but were invented as well as introduced by the " rapacious Norman tyrants." (" Mid. Ages," ii., 415.) J The orders for it were given by the court held at (Gloucester, Christmas, A.ii. 1085, and the returns were brought to the court at Winchester, at Easter following. The same commissioners did not act for all ICngland. They pro- ceeded by summoning before them the sheriffs, lords of manors, parish priests, bailiffs, &c., to give an exact account of the land, whether wood, pasture, or tillage, &c. In some cases the live-stock were enumerated. England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 9 1 definitions of land in Anglo-Saxon charters, and county court Registries, both based on ancient principles of public right and record (of which the county court was the local centre), and justifying the bitter regrets with which the nation, after it had bowed to the exactions of its Norman rulers for a hundred and fifty years, down to the reign of Henry III., still looked back to its ancient land freedom, under the never-forgotten title of " The Laws of Ed\v-ard the Confessor." " It is remarkable," says Hallam, " that although the feudal system established in England upon the Conquest broke in very much upon our ancient Saxon liberties, though it was attended with harsher servitude than in any other country, yet it has been treated with more favour by English than French writers." The explanation of the paradox is to be found in the concurrent histoiy of two things that would seem incompatible : one, the grandest code of personal and civil liberty ; the other, the most complicate and technical system of real property law ever exemplified in one and the same country. As the Conqueror had constituted himself sole lord of the land, and denied to his nobles all that participation which on the Continent made each lord a petty sovereign and tyrant, the barons of F.ngland were gradually drawn into sympathy with the demands of the people, as Magna Charta soon nobly attested ; and from that time the real sting of feudalism ceased to be personally felt by the English commonalty. But as all law proceedings, and all clerkly learning, were in a foreign tongue — the Norman-French — none of the learned class was willing, and no layman was able, to draw comparisons in favour of the ancient landed liberties, against the system in which they were now taught, and to which all their learning and all their prejudices leaned.' And thus, while in matters affecting the general liberty of the realm, the commonalty profited by the power, and shared many of the privileges, of the nobles — wrung from William's successors, and strengthened by repeated con- firmations of the Great Charter — the evil seed of landed feudalism planted by his hand, and screened by its language from popular intelligence, produced its evil fruit ; and the tyranny of "relief" and "wardship" continued, through suc- cessive centuries, to generate a systematic growth of "legal legerdemain " to escape their burdens — a complete science of fiction and evasion — which still, unhappily, characterises the laws that govern real property in this country. 92 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. But as " virtue cannot so inoculate our old stock but we shall relish of it," the vestiges of English liberty and the perse- verance of English resistance contrived to retain a large portion of the land under the modified and freer tenure called " com- mon socage," in which, though the feudal bond existed, its exactions were pecuniary, instead of personal and military. This form of tenure was preferable in so far as it altered the character, though without getting rid of that feudal de]:)endence whose essential element was an aiduring personal relation wJiicJi no time released or affected as bet^vecn the lord and his heirs on the one side, and the tenant and his successors on the other. The power of alienation was, however, withheld, and the primo- genitary succession substituted, though not so universally, for that of equal inheritance. Indeed, that mode of land-succession was the keystone of feudal tenure ; for the power of alienation during life by the tenant in tail, though nominally forbidden, was in the smaller fiefs connived at, on the condition that the lord was not deprived of his rights. Provided there was an eldest son to succeed to the duties antl services of the fief, it did not greatly matter whose eldest son it was ; and the practice grew up of bespeaking the acceptance by the lord of the new tenant, during the life of the old one who wished to retire. This practice did not extend to the tenants of the crown (/// capite), but it became sufficiently general to lead to the enact- ment of two important and well-known statutes passed in the reign of Edward I. : one [de Donis eonditionalibus) which pro- hibited the collusive alienation of " estates tail," by which the lords had been deprived of their forfeitures on the failure of heirs; the other [Quia Emptores), passed five years after- wards, which, while appearing to legalise alienation, reclaimed the right of the superior lord against the attempts of the tenant to substitute himself as lord to the new ])urchascr, and re- imposcd on the land the same rights of lordship to which it had been subject in the hands of the vendor. These two statutes for nearly two centuries crushed the growing effort to emancipate land from its feudal fetters, at least by open alienation ; and had the further mischievous effect of making the position of the unfortunate tenant in agriculture more insecure than ever, as no leasing power of one tenant-in-tail was binding on liis successor. Thence, all good farming betook itself to the monastic houses, whose Mortmain lands became the fixed asvlum of agricultural knowledge and England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 93 improvement. Certainty of tenure out of doors, and the classical writers on husbandry studied and transcribed within, told powerfully upon the soil, and were draining and redeeming into cultivation the fens and marshes of Lincoln, and Somerset, and Sussex, while elsewhere the pressure of feudal exaction upon the fee-simple proprietor, and the insecurity of the farm- ing tenant, even under lease, reduced cultivation to its most precarious and servile condition, and dwarfed the agricultural growth of the kingdom. The remedy for the effects of these statutes was gradually found in a practice which drew from the machinery of the law the instrument of its own evasion by means of what was called a "Common Recovery." This ingenious but surreptitious mode of transfer seems to have owed its invention to the churchmen, in order to evade the statute against Mortmain appended to the re-issue of the Ch-eat Charter in the ninth year of Henry III., and consisted in the artifice of inducing liberal or superstitious landowners to become defendants in collusive lawsuits, in which the ecclesiastical plaintiffs sued for and recovered the lands as their own, no defence being made to their claim ; and these mockeries of law, as well as justice, received the sanction of the courts, equally to the disgrace of the clergy who instituted and the judges who allowed them. But of all the manifold inventions which grew up under the pressure of feudalism, the most fertile of ambiguity was that by which the ownership of land, while nominally vested in the hands of several proprietors, was secretly transferred to the "use" of another person, who was thus enabled to enjoy the beneficiary ownership without being liable to forfeiture, or the onerous charges of relief and wardship. Down to the time of Henry VHI. this practice had so increased that, by its means, a considerable part of the kingdom had contrived to get rid of some of the worst inconveniences of feudal tenure.* One evasion generates another ; and the adoption of " Uses " was out-manoeuvred in its turn by a statute passed in the twenty-seventh year of that reign, by which the beneficiary owner of the " use " was drawn from his retreat, by the two * In the courts of Common Law the "use" was a nonentity ; and so it escaped the Mortmain Statutes. But the Chancellors (wlx) were almost in- variably ecclesiastics), acting upon the fiduciary principle introduced into Roman jurisprudence (to escape the harshness of the \'oconian law v.c. 584), gave it validity, as binding on the conscience (" fidei commissa ''); and on the same principle, ''■ Ccstuique Trust''' afterwards succeeded to " Ccstinque Use." 94 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. ' estates being thrown into one, that is, by investing the owner of the Use with the " legal estate." And henceforward the machinery that had been employed in the creation of the Use was adopted for the transfer of land by Deed 7iut one, leaving the widow, the helpless daughters, and the other sons destitute. Its condemnation is pronounced by nothing more strikingly than by the practice of the primogeni- tary class, for no well-drawn settlement ever omits to make provision for the widow and the younger children. It is the unfortunate peculiarity of laws governing the dis- tribution of land, that their effect upon the life and welfare of the community, unlike those causes which directly touch the personal freedom or convenience of individuals, is often obscure, lying remote from their consequences ; like that class of poisons wliich, received into the circulation, enter the tissues of the body without detection, to be recognised only in the concrete form of diseased structure. The evils are slow of cure that reacli men thus indirectly, and have to wait upon opinion. Such is the character of this law. It passes innocu- ously through the upper stratum of large proprietors, where the absence of family entail — its almost universal substitute — is extremely rare ; where it alights, when it does so, is generally * Mr. W. I.. Newman on the I^and Laws. Knglanu.J in various COUNTRIES. 105 upon those small and unpretending acreages, whose owners have found it possible to marry without a settlement and die without a will, a class of proprietors upon whose surviving families it works the greatest hardship, and who are often as ignorant of its existence as they are innocent of primogenitary intention. The instances of singular hardship among such intestates cited by Mr. Locke'.King in his repeated introduction of the Bill to the House of Commons, have been sometimes met by the trite reply that " extreme cases make bad law." The converse is the truth here ; it is the bad law, and only the law, that makes the extreme cases ; and its extinction would obviate a scandal to our landed system which rarely, if ever, arises under the operation of the custom of primogeniture as arising by deed or will. It may be hoped that the majority ultimately obtained in the House of Commons, in favour of the Bill which Mr. Locke King has so consistently kept before the Legislature indicates a change of view not confined to the mere narrow issue involved in the clauses of the Bill. The popular arguments which enter into the debate have often obscured the far more important question that is involved, forming, as this law does, the basis of the obsolete distinction expressed in the words " real " and " personal," a distinction more correctly indicated by the terms movable and immovable, which have passed from the Roman law into other European systems. But if the " limited ownership " resulting from our system of entail be unfavourable to the investment of capital by the proprietor, it is yet commonly thought that under the security of a Lease there is nothing to prevent it on -the part of the occupying Tenant. Most well-drawn settlements contain leasing powers extending to twenty-one years ; and it is often said that the freedom of contract between the owner and occupier leaves the parties at liberty to make what arrangements they please. But even here one of the worst vestiges of feudal law meets us again. By the statute of Gloucester (6 Edw. L) the maxim was established, Quicquid plantatiir solo, solo cedit, which took away all claim of the tenant over every addition he had annexed to or incorporated with the land the moment that his interest, whether yearly or by lease, expired. Under the mis- applied name of " Waste," he was even forbidden to erect any building upon land where there was none before, or to convert Io6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. one kind of edifice into another, even of improved value to the estate. Exceptions were soon made, after the passing of the statute, in favour of Trade, and Lord Holt is reported to have said that trade fixtures were even recoverable by Common Law.* But the statute has always operated with full severity against the tenant in agriculture, whose property is thus confis- cated in any engine or machine annexed to the soil, though for the express puq^oses of the farm, and without which it could not be profitably occupied. It would be difficult to conceive a law more injurious to the very party in whose favour it was made ; and probably there is none in the whole range of land legislation by which Ihe proprietor has suffered more loss than by this. The temptation to outlay upon land by the occupier, even under short leases, is always disproportionately great — far beyond what the tenure seems to justify ; and, generally speaking, no one knows so well as himself what is required. A law the very opposite to that above referred to, and en- couraging a regular system of valuation for addition and im- provement by the tenant, would be the most salutary for the interests of all parties, and would have added millions sterling to the landed wealth of the country. It would hardly be too much to say of this statute that it has lain like a cankerworm at the root of the whole question of landlord and tenant, where- ever that question indicates adverse instead of united interests. It is obvious almost to a truism that, next to the occupation of the owner himself, the occupation that most rcsanhlcs oivnership must, by the imperative laws of the soil, and equally of human instinct, be the most profitable to both parties by the un- interrupted progress of improvement and addition to the land. The expense of keeping up a high state of cultivation is small, compared with that of restoring it ; and the national loss is almost incalculable which the "beggaring out" of farms has occasioned under the influence of the motives brought into action by this law. No tenant, even under lease, would lay out money in improvements which he must leave behind him, on the estate of another, unless he felt sure of such increased profits during his term as would repay him ; anil therefore it is that under short leases and yearly tenancies the land is rarely cultivated to its full extent. Moderation of charge in case of * Elwes V. M:iwe, 2 Smith L. C. and Notes. See also the Judgment of I-ord Hardwicke in Lawton v. Lawton, and of Lord Kcnyon in Ponton v. Kobart, 2 East 90. England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIKS. 107 actual change of tenancy would be generally insured by the fact that every addition made by the occupier is far more valuable /;/ siiu than after removal. The recommendation of the Real Property Committee of the Law Amendment Society was strongly in favour of an alteration of the law in this particular. The words of their report on this point state : — " That the law with respect to things affixed to the freehold is different, and more beneficial to the tenant as regards the annexations made for the purposes of trade, than those made for the purposes of agriculture ; an outgoing tenant being per- mitted in many cases to remove the former when erected by himself, but not the latter." The practical eftect of what may be called the feudal law of Fixtures, as still subsisting, is that the parties to the supposed contract meet each other scarcely upon fair and equal terms. A lease even for twenty-one years underlain by a law that con- fiscates to the lessor whatever is left unremoved or (to adopt the infelicitous expression of common use) unexhausted upon the land by the lessee is somewhat deceptive in operation, be- cause it includes in the term those years near its effluxion during which productive outlay has to be withdrawn, and the " mill works half time ;" and of necessity restricts all invest- ment to that which can be withdrawn widiin the term. The evidence of one of the witnesses (Mr. Owen, a Berkshire land agent) given before Mr. Pusey's committee on Agricultural Customs put this matter in a true light : — • "I am convinced of this, that wlicre landlords cannot make improve- ments, there are so many cases where the tenant has the means of making them, that he could make them very much to his advantage, and very much to the landlord's advantage ; because I consider that, under the present system in our country of letting farms, farms are what we call ' beggared out.' There is not a farm that I have re-let, but every tenant who his quitted has taken everything out of the farm that he possibly could. If a system could be laid downi where that never could be allowed to be done, and any outlay that the tenant had made upon that property, whether they were improvements by building or manure, he should have the certainty of being repaid for them, I think the benefit would be immense, both to the landlord, and the tenant, and the public." Under the existing system operating over the greater part of the land in this kingdom, it is a difficult matter to say who there really is possessing such an interest in the soil as to enable or even justify the full amount of profitable investment. The ostensible Io8 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskvns. owner, usually a tenant for life, cannot make it for the reasons before noticed ; the remainder-man cannot make it, because he is not in possession. The " tenant-farmer " cannot do it, because he, at best, is only a holder for a term of years, which every year brings nearer to its conclusion. The whole system of landed settlement is founded upon laws and habits uncon- nected with the needs of modern agriculture. To an occupier, whether of lands or tenements, life-tenure is the one which offers the highest inducement to make every necessary outlay and improvement. The uncertainty of life is one which each individual construes favourably to himself, under the influence of that useful feeling, which has been said, with as much truth as poetry, to make " all men think all men mortal but themselves." But to the owner who is not the occupier, the case is exactly reversed : here the calculation of life operates for the avoidance of all that diminishes the aimual return; and even necessary repairs are apt to be postponed. On the other hand, a lease for years, even though the term may exceed the probable duration of the life of the lessee, is always looked upon in reference to its effluxion ; the average "expectation" (to use a technical expression) of a 21 years' lease is only \o\ years. Now, by the system procured in agricultural tenure both these principles of action are violated. The occupier, holding for a period which the law recognises only as a chattel interest, is dissociated from that desire of improvement common in the case of a life interest ; and the \\it-oivner, uninterested in the vccupation, fmds his account to lie in a direction equally negative to permanent investment. Such is the formal position of the parties. The varieties of circumstance and locality modify it greatly ; and the ordinary amount of capital employed in farming, where drainage and other improvements are not required, enables the system to work smoothly enough to hide the defects of the machinery. But where heavy outlay is required — as where embankments, arterial and other drainage, inclosure, expensive irrigation, road-making, and other permanent additions are needed — the want of a capitalist soon discloses itself It would be impossible, under such circumstances, to undertake any work of heavy and pro- tracted outlay where the annual returns did not, as in a farm, meet, if not far exceed, the current outlay. Government drainage-grants and land-improvement companies thus rose England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. IO9 up in evidence that life-tenure forbids the employment of capital upon settled estates. The immediate benefit conferred by the machinery of these grants is no proof of the political wisdom of the system. The work is done ; but the relief, like that known to medical science under the name of local remedy, is followed by a recurring " local liability." The power to follow up the en- larged business growing out of the loaned investment will, in most cases, devolve upon the tenant. That a public company, itself borrowing public money, should have to be invoked to help a landowner to carry on the business of his own estate offers a singular commentary upon the state of English land- law to a person uninformed of the cause. Wherever a series of supplementary devices is needed to meet a law at variance with the time, it indicates the under-current of another law struggling against worn-out barriers that will not long be able to with- stand it. In no other country is there known to exist any parallel to the system of land tenancy prevailing so commonly in England, by which the relations between the owner and occupier are comprehended in the expressive phrase, " a good understand- ing." It has been construed severely by some as a compact of selfish interests ; politics and game on one side, undisturbed tenure and rent on the other, and stigmatised as a sorry substitute for Leases. More favourable critics have seen and eulogised in it the evidence of a mutual trust rarely exampled, and equally honourable to both parties in the unwritten contract. It scarcely merits either the blame or the praise. Leases were common upon most Englisli estates down to the period of the War at the close of the last century, when tlie extraordinary and rapid rise in the prices of produce and value of land took place, and continued to advance throughout the war, causing a complete disruption of all previous calculations. The collapse that occurred at the close of the war in 1815, followed by the extreme uncertainty which marked the Corn Law period of the next thirty years, sustained the interruption, though from an opposite cause. Yearly tenancy thus became, for more than half a century, the almost inevitable alternative of a period when agricultural prices, and political apprehensions, alike uncertain, scarcely allowed of any but provisional terms ; and tenants as well as o\vners were willing to stand loose from permanent engagements, not knowing what a year might bring no SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. forth ; believing that no skill or foresight could reduce future prospects to calculation, for the fixed and unelastic terms of a Lease. The Com Law question is gone; but the "good under- standing " survives the causes that gave it origin. It has, however, this defect, that as it offers no banking security, it increases the dependence of the English as compared with the Scotch tenant, and the analogy which in this respect exists between his own holding and that of the owner who has to play the banker's part. In both, the nature of the tenure discourages the outlay of private capital by those who possess it, and prevents the employment of loaned capital by those who would borrow it. The effect of this upon the condition of the Labourer will be presently noticed. In Scotland, the predominance of leases, though not of earlier date, has been more systematic, and was preserved with less interruption during the period affected by the circumstances above named than in England. Several distinct causes have conduced to this : the difference resulting from a climate less favourable to speculative excess in the growth of grain, and less influenced therefore by a system of legislation based on the market value of that produce ; a more diffused education, giving clearer views of the practical value of leases, coupled with their available use, and recognition by bankers, as security for advances of capital to the leaseholder ; the power to heirs of entail (under the Montgomery Act) to charge ^^the estates for their own improvement — all these causes combined have pro- duced a very characteristic difference in the land system of our northern neighbours, and a more commercial and business-like independence in the general economy of landed and farm management. In Ireland the land (question has a history of its own — a history that presents the most deplorable and, in some respects, the strangest issues tliat ever in any country have darkened the ];)roblem of the vicarial occui)ation of land. It is too much forgotten that this relation of man with man is one for which nature has made no provision. No appeal lies to any innate sense, as in that of the parental, filial, or fraternal instinct, in aid of the tie, conjunctive or disjunctive, as the case may prove, that unites — or confronts — the interests of men under the factitious relation of proprietor and occupier. It is one that bows to no sentiment, nor tolerates even the unsound ring of a faulty metaphor. "We pull in the same England.] IX VARIOUS COUNTRIES. Ill boat," said an English landlord to his tenant, when rents hung quivering upon the Corn Law Debates. *' Yes, but in opposite directions," was the cynical retort. There was a vein of truth in the reply that is ever at hand to show itself on the surface when occasion calls. " The land laws of Ireland," it is often remarked, " are the same as those of England ; " where large estates have made large farms, and large farms have in their turn produced a gigantic manufacture of machines and labour- saving implements, unknown to former times or other countries, itself reacting upon a system whose broad-scale cultivation is finally quoted, perhaps too exclusively, as the perfection of agriculture. It is true that the laws are the same. But there is an old adage of authority, that "indifferent laws well administered are better than good laws badly administered." If England has exemplified the first category, in the sister island has been seen the worst of both. By the presence of the wealthy English proprietor amongst his tenants ; by the example — sometimes the warning — of his own experimental farm ; by the introduction of the last "new and improved" machine, and the best blood ; by the intelligent and kindly intercourse (not confined to the " stumpy courtesies of males ") pervading the estate as from a central focus ; by his heavy bills for farm repairs, constantly occasioning some visita- tion of his own, be the mason and carpenter never so alert, or the steward never so ubiquitous : by these mere commonplaces of an English landlord's life, what laws, however awkward and rusty, could fail to move lightly on well-oiled hinges ? What does the tenant, in such a case, think or care about the '' land laws ? " What are they to him more than the night-wind that whistles through the keyhole of his well-warmed dwelling erected • — like everything else upon the farm, except the very corn-ricks — by his landlord, and at a cost whose yearly interest, exclusive of repairs, is a running item, " written off" by the hand of Time, in the silent partnership that meets his own investment in the soil. Now take away all this ; substitute, one cannot say its " opposite," but the picture of its mere abse?ice, in every particular ; open the Pandora's box, and let out all the ills that iollow the " curse of absenteeism " — the rack-rent, the often unfurnished farm, with its lean kine, and fossil implements, the dismal dirty cabin — and let the same wind blow upon the scene, 112 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. upon "this picture and on that." Would it be possible, out of the same bare elements, to create a greater contrast ? under the " same laws " to produce more opposite effects ? But a contrast no less striking lies in this, that whilst in England the aggregation of land under the influence of entails has tended to create large farms ; on the other hand, it has been under these very laws that the worst evils that have ever been associated with small holdings of land, as seen in the cottier system of Ireland, have grown up, and led to results that reached their climax in the Encumbered Estates Courts and the Potato Famine : whilst no such results have been ever exemplified or heard of in those countries, and they are many, whose laws are favourable instead of adverse to the distribution of the soil. Yet that which looks so like a paradox, is as due to the simple laws of cause and eftect as anything can be which the history of land teaches. The solution lies in the well-known fact that men treat what is their own in one way, and what is another man's in another way ; that what is a man's own teaches him care and econofny, while in dealing with that which is another's he learns indif- ference and waste. Let Ireland, on the one hand, and Belgium (or Prussia, since the introduction of Stein's system), on the other, be taken as illustrations. In the former were to be seen immense estates held, and let at second-hand, by " middle men ; " and let and sublet again, like a sporadic growth generating its kind, till it reached, if it ^/c/ reach, its unit in the potato-patch. In the latter, the law which facilitates and cheapens purchase, to the small equally with the large buyer, beginning at the small end, so to speak, sets at work the self-interest, and care, and prudence of every individual who can buy, no matter what the quantity. The result shows itself in the conduct and character of a whole people. In each case, the land reflects like a mirror the motives set to work upon it. Take away the indi- vidual sense of property, and the opposite result is seen, Arthur Young's often-quoted words underlie the whole ques- tion. Those who attribute the results experienced in Ireland to national character, find in Ireland examples which contra- dict the judgment, even were it not nullified by the impos- sibility of distinguishing between cause and effect. In his speech on the second reading of the Irish Church Bill, the Bishop of Lichfield (late Bishop of New Zealand) said England.] FN VARIOUS COUNTRIIiS. II3 "In New Zealand, Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Irishmen live together upon the best terms. The qualities of each particular class become blended with each other to the improvement of all. No dissension as to tenant right can arise, because c^^cry tenant has the right of purchasing the land he holds at a fixed price. Under these circumstances the tenants, instead of l)eing lazy and drunken, strain every nerve in order to save the money which will enable them to become the proprietors of the land they occupy. In this way it happens that the most irregular people of the Irish race become steady and industrious, acquiring property, and losing all their wandering habits, until it becomes almost impossible to distinguish between the comparative value of the character of Irish and Scotch elements. "Of their loyalty to the Crown I can speak from my own observation, for the only regiment that is employed in keeping order in New Zealand is Her Majesty's Koyal Irish." But if this be true in New Zealand, it is not less exemplified at home, where the impartial pen of the Times' correspondent in Ireland has exhibited instances of estates as well managed by resident proprietors, and in some cases by intelligent agents, and a tenantry as satisfied, prosperous, and attached as in any part of England. The description given of the Bessborough tenantry might be taken as an exemplar of small farming. Where the same ameliorating causes are present the same results are found to follow ; but these are exceptions, and will continue to be so wherever the English land laws prevail unmodified by the hand of the resident proprietor, and the resources presented in a wealthy manufacturing country where the displaced agricultural population can find employment in the towns. It is not under such modifying conditions that our land laws work out their natural consequences. What we have to consider when examining a system are its absolute elements and structure, not the dress it may be made to wear under special circumstances, or in the lap of customs invented and adapted to relieve its pressure. Ireland has furnished the test and criterion of the naked action of laws, writing of which Lord St. Leonards, the most professional, not to say technical, apologist they have ever had, acknowledges that "no young state ought ever to be entangled in the complication of our law of real property." Such an acknowledgment from -such a quarter leaves little unsaid ; it would be difficult to frame a heavier indictment. Our colonies have, one and all, wisely shrunk from their imposition; the United States rejected and repealed them as soon as they were free to choose, and there is now not a country of the civilised world in which they survive. Ireland alone — not a colony, not a dependency, but I 114 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. an integral part of the United Kingdom — is involved in the unwelcome partnership of laws which we inflict upon ourselves in the teeth of our own Commissioners' Reports and the testimony of our greatest lawyers and economists. "Committees and commissions," writes Mr. Booth, in answer to the Real Property Commissioners,* "composed of men of capacity and expe- rience of all parties, have, over and over and over again, patiently and ably investigated the causes of the distresses, difficulties, and misfortunes peculiar to Ireland, and there has been an almost general concurrence of opinion in their numerous reports, as also in the writings of other able men, including those in the periodical press of the whole kingdom, that the system of Transfer of Land requires simplification and amendment. The whole subject has, in short, been so exhausted in these publications, that it is scarcely possible to suggest an idea upon it which has not been clearly expressed before. " Simple absolute ownership of land is the condition most favourable to its improvement ; but, nearly up to the present time, such ownership has been very limited in Ireland. The land has been almost wholly held by tenants for life, often liable to the payment of heavy annual charges for incumbrances, or by men holding under such circumstances of tenure as deprived them of that stimulus to the expenditure of labour and capital which accompanies a full ownership of land. The personal interest of the absolute owner is, that his land shall become as valuable in every respect as he can make it ; that of the mere life annuitant, or of the man having any other limited interest in it, is merely that his own rent shall be as high as can be obtained. l\Ii!lions of the public money have been lavishly squan- dered in the vai/i endeavour to put down evils which would have had no existence under a better state of the lazvs of property ; disturbances and insur- rections, with all their attendant misfortunes and crimes, have, until very recently, for a century past existed in Ireland as a chronic disease, clearly traceable to the anomalous state of ownership and tenure of land. " So many difficulties beset the man who has any dealings with land, that some persons erroneously believe they were contrived expressly to deter men from becoming the owners of real property. There could not have arisen such universal dissatisfaction witli the existing laws, or such general appnjbation of tliat most salutary measure, the Encumbered Estates Act, unless the evils of the ordinary system had become almost intolerable. "The people of Ireland of the inferior classes are very shrewd and intel- ligent. I have often heard men of that class make use of a common saying, 'A pennyworth of land, a pound's worth of law.' Since the passing of the I'.ncumbered Estates Act, another expression has become common : ' It was the best thing ever done for Ireland.' "There can be no doubt that Ireland, by means of its existing Registry of deeds, its complete Ordnance survey, and uniform public valuation, and thj machinery formed under the Encumbered Estates Act, possesses obvious facilities for the introduction of some permanent system to facilitate the sale and transfer of land." The Encumbered Estates Act did all that a temporary * "Report of the Commissioners for Registration of Title," p, 411. Coin< munication from Mr. W. Booth, C.B. (Ordnance Office), Dublin. England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. II5 remedy could do for a permanent disease ; but it " scotched the snake, not killed it." It probed the wound and showed where the mischief lay. It even created wealth in Ireland, and a taste of prosperity which has flushed the cry for a constitu- tional cure, for land laws that shall not drift the country again into the renewed need of such a measure. The treatment of the Irish land disease will hardly be found out by ignoring its cause, lest the discovery should present us with the home motto, " Physician, cure thyself." Nor will the cure be hastened by indulging the selfish nation- ality that expects from another people the race-cliaracteristics that do not belong to them. It may be startling to the English experience that prefers tenancy to ownership, or to the Scotch intelligence that has brought leasehold to a science, to find their panacea imperfectly appreciated by a people whose native attachment is to the land more than to forms of tenure, or even length of lease. But statesmanship embraces all nationalities ; and if the utmost freedom of land purchase — which all authorities on the Avealth of nations have pronounced to be one of the first of national benefits — contain, as proved in other countries, the permanent cure for agrarian difficulty, the day may be nearer than it is thought ; and near it is, if there be truth in the maxim that a complete diagnosis is half a cure — when the long- running issue of Ireland's greatest trouble shall be dried up. But the malady of centuries' growth is not cured in a year. Hitherto the points of view from which the history of our land laws has been considered have comprehended only the interests of the Owner and the Occupier, whose individual and relative positions it has been attempted to trace. The two classes that remain — the Labourer, and that large portion of the public who have no direct participation in the ownership or tenancy of land — seem to fall under a different field of inquiry. It is true, we commonly hear our agricultural system spoken of as comprehending the Landlord, the Tenant, and the Labourer, and so in a certain sense it does ; but no one who considers the position of the labourer in English agri- culture will assert that he has any fixed personal tie within the structure — that he stands to it in any relation but that of an auxiliary, more or less in demand at different seasons of the year, subject to the precarious vicissitudes of that demand, no n6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. longer indeed, as in former times, adscripfus glebce — free to go and come as he pleases, but without part or parcel in the land he helps to cultivate, or any certain abode upon it, near it, or in connection with it, for himself or for his family. This is no overdrawn picture : neither are the facts stated due to any surviving hardship of feudal habits which modern legislation has forgotten to correct. On the contrary, the labourer Avas, till recent times, the recognised inmate of the farmer's house ; and still farther back than this, the bond that tied him to the soil, the badge of his servitude, was yet the link which connected his life and social state with that of his employer, who was usually the Owner of the land he tilled. Time has changed all this; and, for most other classes, for the better. But the same English reign that awarded to the labourer his freedom, marks the origin of our Poor Law system — an ominous association ; and his present disconnection from all that is known as the " progress of society," constitutes not only the reproach of our agricultural advancement, but an acknowledged blot upon our social system. It would be a libel upon any class of the generation to which we belong to charge upon it the isolated phenomenon which the agricultural labourer presents in the midst of the growing wealth, and the growing poverty, that are separating the modern life of this country into the problem of two gigantic masses widening from each other, and both rapidly augmenting : " Constantly increasing rates, constantly increas- ing pauperism, millions of money spent, yet without satisfaction, and — infinitely worse — millions of human beings whose very name implies a degradation even in their own eyes as recipients of parochial relief," * on the one side ; and on the other, on a scale never before exemplified, " the most conclusive evidence that the production of wealth in this country is so vast and so rapidly augmenting, that it is idle to say poverty exists because enough wealth is not produced."! An anomaly within this wider anomaly is presented in the farm labourer; for while in every other feature of i)rogress — in machinery, in skill, in ajiplied science, and in scale of profit — the business to which his labour belongs has advanced at a ratio never before witnessed, his position has been, except in a few favoured districts, nearly stationary. Mr. Caird's tour, in * Speech of the President of the Poor Law Roard, December 20, 1868. t Fawcett, " Economic Position of the British Labourer," p. 6. England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRItS. 1 17 1850, through the counties of England, established that "while in the purely agricultural counties the rent of land and the rent of a labourer's cottage had risen, since the tour of Arthur Young, 100 per cent., the price of butter loo per cent., and of meat, 70 per cent., the rise in the labourer's wages was but 14 per cent." Over the south and west of England, the descrip- tion given by Mr. Fawcett of those whose daily toil is on the land, is still applicable. " Theirs is a life of incessant toil for wages too scanty to give them a sufficient supply even of the first necessaries of life. No hope cheers their monotonous career : a life of constant labour brings them no other prospect than that when their strength is exhausted they must crave as suppliant mendicants a pittance from parish relief. Many classes of labourers have still to work as long, and for as little remuneration as they received in past times ; and one out of every twenty inhabitants of England is sunk so deep in pauper- ism, that he has to be supported by parochial relief"* Comparisons are sometimes drawn between the agricultural labourer in England and in other countries ; but little reliance can be placed upon parallels made by travellers from hasty generalisation, mostly in accordance with foregone conclusions, and which contradict each other : the true and honest com- parison in all countries is that which arises in measuring the relative advance of class with class at home. And here the state of the agricultural labourer presents itself as that of one thrown out of participation by the very system which his toil helps to build. The manual labour of an arable farm forms at least a third of the entire cost of production ; nothing is more common than to hear the complaint of the great costliness of this element in the year's accounts. In his useful little essay Mr. Bailey Denton remarks, " The only way to justify an increase of the labourer's wages will be by rendering the value of the labour greater than it now is."t Yet its energy and power are wasted, almost without a thought, even in the mere element of distance — which has been aptly compared to the day's march of a soldier — between the toiler and his work ; coupled with a neglect of his comfort, of his spirit, and of his intelligence, that diminishes its value as much as the waste of physical power. But effects do not arise without causes, and the condition • Fawcett, "Economic Position of the British Labourer," p. 6. t " The Agricultural labourer," by J. Bailey Denton, Esq. Il8 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskyns. of the labourer will derive no permanent change from the mere suggestions of philanthropy. It must be studied in conjunc- tion with the system of which it is a part. The law of Parish Settlement swept away cottages, and the Union Chargeability Act has done nothing to restore them. Whose interest is it, under our universal system of tenancy, to provide the labourer with a home that may connect him with his work ? The farm- ing tenant cannot do so ; the land is not his to build on, nor the permanent interest his, to care to sprinkle the land with dwellings that might furnish hands for acres to those who come after, or even, it may be, for next year ; for who can tell what change to himself a year may bring forth ? And the landlord cannot do it ; for what, under our system, is his interest ? He lets his land for the return that another man's capital and skill can make of it, by any means not forbidden in the agreement or lease. It is the tenant's natural endeavour— it is his business — to make the most he can, and within a certain time ; and if he could cultivate his farm entirely by machinery, with- out employing a single labourer upon it, it would be worth his while to purchase a saving so economical to himself, placed as he is in the position of an occupier to whose point of view each cottage is a standing threat upon the rates, subject to the whole of which he rents his farm. Under our land-tenure system — that of the life owner under settlement, and the yearly tenant farming the land for the largest profit that can be made from it, by the most compendious machinery, with the least outlay of manual labour — the interest of the labourer in the soil, his rela- tion to it, or to either of the other parties, is one of strange definition. He is not his landlord's workman, and he is not his employer's tenant ; the man who employs cannot house, and the man who could house does not employ him. Dependence has its advantages, and independence its charms ; but his lot is so cast as to derive the minimum of benefit from either. The improvement of his i)resent condition by education belongs to a great and solemn question of the day : but educa- tion which quickens the sense of hardship, also happily tends to emancij)ate the subject of it ; and an educated farm-labourer becomes, in too many cases, a farm-labourer no longer. When we are considering how to improve the nest, it hardly helps the inquiry to show how the birds may learn to fly out of it. The question as to his cottage accommodation becomes, under our system, one of those detached problems that fall into the waste- England.] JN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. lig basket of pure philanthropy. Whence he comes in the morning to his work, or whither he goes in the evening when he has done it, provided he has done it, his employer, who has no cottage to give him nor means of building one, may vainly inquire ; and if it presses lightly upon him, still more remotely does it touch the landlord, who is ill prepared to spend the portions of his younger children in making questionable additions to the inheritance of his eldest, by erecting a class of buildings that have the worst reputation of all as an invest- ment ; thereupon the Government is invoked to lend the public money — through "land improvement companies" em- powered by Act of Parliament to furnish gentlemen's estates with Cottages, and to help " Tenant for life '' out of the dilemma between younger children and philanthropy ; and public capital is invited to join an indirect scheme for keeping public capital out of the land-market. Dr. Hunter, the medical officer of the Privy Council, inquires, " whether all land which requires labour ought not to be held liable to the obligation of containing a certain 'pro- portion of labourers' dwellings ; " * and so we go on putting legislative props under this decaying branch, and under that ; the last thought that occurs being that of examining what it is that ails the circulation — what is the matter at the root — whether the defect be not in the system itself, which has been instrumental in bringing the condition of the farm labourer to be preached at as a standing subject for charity, philanthropy, state grants, and emigration, as if it was an isolated effect without a cause } The question has been brought so frequently of late before the public, the facts have been so fully and forcibly stated, of the housing, and condition, and prospects, of the agricultural labourer, that it is useless to repeat the de- scription. The point we have here to consider is its connection with the landed system of which it forms a part, a part thrown out, indeed, like the slag from the working of the furnace, and yet a part. The striking defect of the system is that of his entire separation from all interest and share in the results of his own labour. "The worst-paid workmen in this country," says Mr. Fawcett, "are so thoroughly reckless that they seldom show any foresight for the future ; and even higher wages effect no permanent improvement in the condition of the poor. They * Seventh Report. I20 SYSTEMS OF LAND TINURE [Hoskvns. do not save their increased earnings, but spend their money either in drink or luxurious living. That this should be the case can be a matter of no surprise whatever. There is no effect of ignorance more certain than an almost entire absence of foresight ; and the life of a hired labourer can exert no influence whatever towards cultivating any of the habits of prudence. . . . How much more powerfully would pru- dence be stimulated, if a definite prospect were held out, that a labourer might, in the course of time, by means of his saving, secure a small landed property ! The value of such an acqui- sition is not to be estimated by the amount of Avealth with which it enriches him. It makes him, in fact, a different man ; it raises him from the position of a mere labourer, and calls forth all those active qualities of mind which are sure to be exerted when a man has the consciousness that he is working on his own account." The last point, and the most important of all, is the effect of our land laws on the whole of that class who have no parti- cipation in the soil, who look upon its ownership from a dis- tance as a thing that has long grown out of the reach of the great bulk of the community by its costliness of purchase, and the still more discouraging prospect of its continuing costliness /o hold; who see it gathering year by year into larger territorial acreages, beyond the reach, as beyond the prudence of moderate or small investments, and are jauntily assured that henceforward in this country land is to be regarded as the " pleasure-ground " of the rich, and that whatever political economy may say about the " distribution of wealth," it is neither profitable nor desirable that land, at least, should be owned in any but the largest quantities— estates that will support their lawyer and their land-agent without sensible diminution of the rental. Of the actual inducement offered by our present system of transfer to buy small quantities of land, the two following Tables will furnish some idea.*' The first is that of purchases over, and the second of purchases at or under ;j^i,ooo, during a period of four years : — ■ * "List of Purchaser's Expenses, furnislied by Mr. George Sweet, Barrister (Conveyancer) to the Commission for Registration of Title," p. 381. England] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. Table I. Purchase Purchaser's Expenses, Table II. Money. irrespective of -' btamp Duty, &c. £ jC ^- (i- Purchase i,8oo 24 o lo ^^^"^y- 4,667 54 5 4 £ 2,300 52 o 4 1,000 1,260 17 2 8 956 2,662 39 o o 746 1,340 40 9 2 600 1,695 21 10 o 500 1,835 32 o 10 230 1,248 46 12 2 225 1,895 54 8 o TOO 2,274 72 4 6 ;^22,976 ^453 13 10 ^4,357 irchaser's Expenses, irrespective of Stamp Duty, &c. £ s. d. 46 12 23 48 19 12 6 31 10 15 6 8 39 13 3 15 7 23 14 3 ^244 14 8 These Tables show an average of 2\ per cent., or five times the ad valorem stamp duty, which alone is a heavy tax. But an average gives no evidence of the burthen in individual cases. Thus in Table 2, taken alone, the average expense of the purchaser is nearly 6, and in the last case 2-}^ per cent. ! The vendor's expenses would be in every case much higher. It is not to be wondered at that under such discourage- ment attending the mere initiatory step, and irrespective of all the after circumstances attending the ownership of land, it should gradually cease to enter into the thoughts of the great bulk of small investors, and come to be looked upon as the expensive plaything only of the largest fortunes. It is beyond the power of calculation to estimate the effect, upon a saving and industrious community, of this denial of the most natural and preferred of all forms of investment — the purchase of land. We see the alternative, in speculations of the wildest and most wasteful character entered upon by the public, where thousands of small capitals which, employed upon the land under the influence of the auri sacra fames that vents itself upon useless or deceptive schemes, would set to work tens of thousands of agricultural labourers. It would be 122 SYSTEMS OF 'LAND TENURE £Hoskyks- difficult to paint a folly more cruel and ; suicidal than that which, by home-made obstruction, intercepts the inward flow of capital, and drives it from our shores in pursuit of objects far more illusory and worthless than the conversion of the most impracticable moor that ever was turned into arable land. Even in the wildest home investment there lies that which belongs to the birthright of the labourer. To him first, and to the home consumer secondly, there arises benefit upon schemes of land restoration and improvement that might have remained for centuries neglected, if the returns of the capitalist had been the only point of calculation. Every cause that interferes with the transfer — with the free circulation -^of land is laden with this heavy responsibility, one that operates in the same or a like degree upon no other form that wealth can take. The mischief of artificial laws lies not only in the evil they set up, but in the good they prevent, by interfering with those primary natural laws whose salutary action they intercept. It ought to be superfluous to say that what is best for every country, is that wealth, whatever form it takes, should exist in both large and small, and every intermediate proportion without hindrance from factitious rules and theories. It is not true that a preponderance of small or of large estates is an evil ; but it is true that exceptional laws directed to produce either extreme, are an evil, not only by their direct operation, but by their collateral and resulting disturbance. There is not a class of society unaffected by the laws that govern the land. It is the original Source of all wealth, and of the whole machinery of human action. An error in the laws that govern it involves consequences that interpenetrate the social action of the whole community : to indulge theories in favour of small estates or large estates in land is mere folly ; when the trodden experience of life ought sufficiently to demonstrate that the mere tendency of a " law " to produce either extreme is its condemnation. The comparison of large and small holdings in land may be useful in so far as it brings into practical view their relative advantages, and limits, both in mode of culture and speciality of produce, their adaptation to peculiarities of soil and climate, and to the varying genius of race (for the difference of national aptitude and bent are evident and unquestionable) ; but, as a matter of contro.versy, it is unpractical and inconclusive, since England.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 23 no result of argument can bring it within the proper sphere of legislation, or under any human tribunal. The laws have no such office, and custom will take care of itself. All that legislation can do is to remove every obstruction to the whole- some operation of that spontaneous action which regulates its distribution by laws as inflexible as those that govern the tides. The Anglo- Danish monarch might have reversed the throne set for him on the sea-shore, and with equal wisdom have apostro- phised the littleness of human power when it attempts to govern the laws that govern the land. The real property laws of this country, from the period immediately succeeding the Conquest down to the present time, presents a history consistent with itself in one particular, that of a perpetual struggle of rival interests. The parties to the conflict have differed in successive periods ; the feudal sovereign, the baron, the churchman, the lawyer, and the land- owner have each entered into the strife in turn, each as the pressure of adverse power or of selfish interest impelled them. The result of all these struggles was the system bequeathed two centuries ago, and under which, with but slight modifica- tion, the business of the country is still carried on. But in those struggles there are two voices that were never heard — two interests little thought of — those of the PoHtical Economist and the Agriculturist. Can it be wondered at, if the state of those laws be found productive of results injurious to the best practices of the one, and violating the first principles of the other ? There is in the history of this country no instance to be found in which the ripened and intelligent desire of the community, clearly and repeatedly expressed through the most public, the most able, the most learned channels, upon a subject which has received prolonged and exhaustive investi- gation by a succession of Royal Commissions — has waited so long and so patiently upon the hand of legislation as that which has asked for the reform of our law of Real Property, especially as affecting the acquisition and transfer of land. Whether the subject be looked at from the point of view of the Jurist as a question of law-reform, in the restoration of simple and inex- pensive, instead of complicated and costly procedure, or from that of the Agriculturist in respect of the influence that this branch of the law exercises over our most important home- industry, or from that of the Political Economist pleading for 124 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Hoskvns. the rights of the community in the distribution of pubUc wealth — the cry is still the same, " Free the land ; " release it from the shackles in which time, and custom, and interests — long passed away — have entangled it, obstructing its adaptation to the uses of modern life, and presenting it as an anachronism upon the face of our institutions. It is almost idle to expect — from those whose professional education and whose daily practice have been engaged upon the traditional forms and technical framework of a system which comes to their hands sanctioned by the usages and stamped by the learning of centuries — from them to expect the initiative of that emancipation of land which the necessities of modern life, agricultural and commercial, demand, from restrictions imposed during historical periods, when those interests had no representative in the State. The land has parted with protection in the disposal of its produce, and confronts the rivalry of the world. In that rivalry it encounters the laws which govern the productive powers of other States, laws resting upon the diffusion, not the concentra- tion of land, or the contraction of its resources. The testimony of a host of witnesses who have communi- cated their views, personally or by writing, to the Royal Com- missions that have sat from time to time during the last/^r/y years, and of writers, professional and otherwise, whose very pamphlets, if collected, would form an encyclopsedia of real- property law reform, might be cited to show that the rendering effectual the Registry of title, based upon an authorised map on the approved cadastral scale, and free of stamp-duty for the first five years — restriction of Entail to lives in being at the date of the Settlement, or death of the Testator — the assimila- tion of the law of landed Intestacy to that applying to personalty, the fusion of Legal and Equitable estates, and the assimilation of the law of agricultural to that of trade Fixtures, would do more to advance the interests of those concerned in the land, and those dependent on them, than all the cumbrous mechanism which the law now lavishes upon forms that operate by withdrawing from each present owner in turn that fertilising power and action which experience has shown to be the best protection of the Future. 125 III. THE TENURE OF LAND IN INDIA. By Sir George Campbell, K.C.S. I., M.P. CONTENTS. PAGE Tenures previous to British Rule 125 Property in land— Feudalism — Revenue-free holdings — The land revenue — The village community — The cultivators — -The middlemen — -The transfer of land. The Bengal System 144 Early management — The settlement of 1793 — Subsequent history — The result of the system. The System of the North-West Provinces .... 155 Acquisition and management — Regulation VII. of 1822 — The thirty years' settlement — The result of the system. The Punjab 165 Tenures — Peculiarities of management — The result. The Ryotwar Systems of Madras and Bombay . . . 167 The Madras system — The Bombay system — Recent measures in Madras. Recent Legislation and Settlements 175 Difficulties to be adjusted — Act X. of 1859 — The landlord and tenant question — The great Rent Case — Revision of settlement in the North- West Provinces — The tenant question in the Punjab. The Land Question in Oude 184 The Central Provinces 190 Summary of Tenures 194 Grants of Waste Lands in Fee-simple 194 TENURES PREVIOUS TO BRITISH RULE. It is sometimes said that India is composed of so many dif- ferent countries that we can never speak of it as a whole. I do not think that is the case in the full sense in which the statement is made. Probably, six or eight hundred years ago, in the European countries which had been conquered 126 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE LCampbell. and ruled first by the Romans and then by the Germanic peoples, there was a greater similarity of institutions and manners than in modern days. Similarly it has happened that, however different may have been the aborigines of different provinces of India, they have been covered by successive waves, first of Hindoo populations, and then of Mahommedan conquerors, and so have been assimilated in perhaps a greater degree than ever were European countries. We have no historical record of the advances of the Hindoo peoples, but more still remains, in the ethnography and institu- tions of the country, to show that they may be divided into at least two classes, the earlier Brahminical Hindoos, and the later tribes of more democratic character and more nearly allied to the Germans, who preceded the Mahommedans in the rule of the country. After all that has passed, the institutions of these Hindoo races still survive in almost every Indian village. The Mahommedan conquest and dominion was more com- plete and more centralised than that of any power which has ruled in Europe since the Romans. Twice have Mahommedan empires ruled over the whole of India, with little exception. In the interval between these two universal empires the country was not lost to the Mahommedans, but was for the most part divided among several Mahommedan dynasties, very similar to one another in character. The last great Mahommedan empire, which welded all India into one country, was in its zenith no longer ago than the beginning of the last century. Its rule was highly centralised, and from Peshawar to Cape Comorin on the one side, and to Chittagong on the other, much of its official system, and almost all its official language, survive to the present day. My view, then, is that, although the present circumstances of the various provinces of India infinitely vary, their institu- tions may be traced to very similar sources. We may say that very varied forms have been built up on various plans, but that the materials are in the main the same. I would first try to explain the conditions of landed tenures which we found in existence, and then would exhibit the different phases which they have assumed in different provinces under British administration. The long-disputed question, whether private property in land existed in India before the British rule, is one which can never be satisfactorily settled, because it is, like many disputed India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES.' ' 1 27 matters, principally a question of the meaning to be applied to words. Those who deny the existence of this property mean property in one sense ; those who affirm its existence mean property in another sense. We are too apt to forget that pro- perty in land, as a transferable mercantile commodity absolutely owned and passing from hand to hand like any chattel, is not an ancient institution, but a modern development, reached only in a few very advanced countries. In the greater part of the world the right of cultivating particular portions of the earth is rather a privilege than a property ; a privilege first of a whole people, then of a particular tribe or a particular village com- munity, and, finally, of particular individuals of the community. In this last stage the land is partitioned off to these individuals as a matter of mutual convenience, but not in unconditional property; it long remains subject to certain conditions and to reversionary interests of- the community, which prevent its uncontrolled alienation, and attach to it certain common rights and common burdens. A still more important distinction is this, that in countries which have been conquered by immigrant races from prede- cessors who had already cultivated the soil (that is, in almost all the countries of the old world), the dominant arms-bearers generally cannot cultivate the whole of the land themselves, and do not attempt to cultivate through others on the modern capitalist farmer and labourer system; they willingly leave in actual possession of the greater part of the soil the people who cultivated it and who are attached to it by many bonds. Hence we have a very widely-prevailing distinction between the privi- lege of levying the customary rent and the privilege of occupy- ing the soil. In India the rent was generally levied by the State or the immediate assignees and representatives of the State ; but, nevertheless, there was frequently to be found in the village communities a privilege or property in the occu- pation and management of the soil, which constituted as strong a form of property as can anywhere be found short of our modern form of landed property. I do not here refer to the disputed question of the right of occupancy as between land- lord and ryot, which is the latest phase of Indian land ques- tions, but to the rights of some of those whom we now put in the proprietory class. I cannot imagine a more distinct privilege-property than that of some of the strong Jat villages in the Punjab territories, many^of which were rather tributary 128 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. republics than subjects or tenants. In the sense, then, of the right of holding the land subject to the payment of customary rents, I think that private property in land has existed in many parts of India from time immemorial. The feudal system I believe to be no invention of the middle ages, but the almost necessary result of the hereditary character of Indo-Germanic institutions, when the tribes take the position of dominant conquerors. They form, in fact, a hereditary army, with that gradation of fealty from the com- mander-in-chief to the private soldier, which is essential to military operations. Accordingly we find that among all the tribes of Indo-Germanic blood Avhich have conquered and ruled Indian provinces, the tendency is to estabHsh a feudal system extremely similar to that which prevailed in Europe. In Rajpootana the system is still in full force. The Mahrattas and Sikhs had both established a similar system. In my early days it existed in great perfection in some parts of the Cis- Sutlej Sikh States. But the Mahommedan system is quite non- hereditary — I may say, anti-hereditary. The genius of their centralised government was entirely opposed to the feudal system ; and wherever they have completely ruled, they have swept it away. Hence it has only survived in those Rajpoot States which were indulgently permitted to retain a self-governed position as tributaries, and among some border tribes never thoroughly subdued. It had been but partially redeveloped in the Hindoo States which had a brief independent existence between the fall of the Mahommedan and the rise of British power. Rajpootana then not being British territory, and the surviving Mahratta and Sikh Jaghardeers being in most instances rather rulers than subjects, it may be said that, notwithstanding the feudal genius of the people, the feudal system does not prevail in our territories. There are a good many tributary chiefs and sub-holders under them in the wilder parts of the country, and several gradations of tenure may still be found in some provinces; but no great province is organised on a regular feudal system. There are, however, numerous grants of the revenue due from particular tracts or plots of land, and to these revenue- free holdings only do tlie Mahommedans apply the term " milk," or property. They are very frequently granted by the ruler for the time being in terms importing perpetuity; but being almost always assigned for some particular purpose — India] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. I 29 the support of a particular religious institution — for a par- ticular service of some kind — or for the livelihood of a particular family — they may be considered as being proi)erty entailed and inalienable. In practice they were always re- sumable at the pleasure of the ruler of the day ; and under native rule there was a continual process of resuming old grants and granting new ones. In the confusion attend- ing the downfall of dynasties, many grants of this kind were made by subordinates of insufficient authority ; many were set up l)y fraud and usurpation ; and the known tender- ness of British rule for anything bearing the appearance of property, as well as our foreign ignorance, greatly encouraged such claims and usurpations in the provinces which first came into our hands. The sifting of these grants, and distinguishing the good from the bad, and those made for purposes still sub- sisting from those for services no longer rendered, is a process which always requires early attention. We have treated them under very liberal lules. Renouncing the arbitrary de facto powers of native princes, we have recognised, as valid and binding, all grants made by any authority which was at the time competent to make them, and have given the grantees a complete and certain tenure, instead of the precarious tenure at the pleasure of the prince for the time being. All incom- plete tenures having some show of long possession or other equitable claim, we have treated very tenderly, either maintain- ing them, or giving them terms of very easy compromise. We have not only professed this indulgent treatment, but we have embodied these lenient rules in public laws, and have opened the courts of justice to all who wish to appeal to them from the decisions of the executive officers. Altogether, so far, nothing could be more equitable and indulgent than the treatment of the whole subject. But it unfortunately happened that in some of our older provinces, the investigations necessary to apply the rules were long delayed — the most fraudulent and un- founded tenures acquired a certain prescription of possession— and when the incj^uiry was at last made, there was a good deal of bitterness and outcry, which led to still more indulgent compromises. 1 believe that these investigations have now been entirely or almost completed in every province, and that the whole matter is finally set at rest. The permanent revenue-free holdings thus created, though large in the aggregate, are in most districts very inferior in J 130 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. extent to the lands which remain subject to the pubUc revenue, and may therefore be put aside as exceptional. In the course of the general investigation of titles, which forms part of what we call a settlement, it is determined whether the grant-holders have a complete title to the land, or are only entitled to the public rent or revenue. In very many cases — in almost all the larger holdings — they are but revenue receivers, while the land is actually held by others whose privileges are similar to those held under Government. In other cases, especially in the smaller holdings, the grantee either held the land before it was made revenue-free, or has in some manner obtained possession of it. In that case he is the complete owner, A large proportion of the grants are, as I have said, held for specific trusts ; but many (too many, in my opinion) have evaded such obligations. These latter are now freely alienable, and they constitute the only complete landed property in the English sense which exists in India. Having disposed of the revenue-free tenures once for all, I return to the normal condition of land in India; that is, when it pays rent or revenue to the State, but is occupied and man- aged by individuals. The whole question whether we consider the State to have been the superior proprietor, may be nar- rowed to the question whether we are to call the State receipts revenue or rent ; and that again may be got over by showing what the dues of the State really are, and leaving it to every man to give them what name he chooses. The original form of the due received by the State from the land was certainly a share of the produce, A\'hen the crop is reaped the State is entitled to a proportion of the grain, regu- lated according to the custom of the locality. That is a very old institution. In very ancient times the proportions were less than in modern times — one-tenth or one-eight — and I am unable to say whether the subsetiuent enhancement of the State share is chiefly owing to greater demand for land to feed a larger population, and consequent natural increase of rent, or whether it is rather owing to enhancement of taxation on the part of successive contjuerors. But this is certain, that in modern times, and indeed for centuries past, the share taken has been so large as to be no mere tax, but substantially to absorb the rent. It has amounted, in fact, to a customary rent raised to the highest point to which it can be raised without causing the people to emigrate or rebel, and so defeating its own end. It India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 131 seems to me that the distinction between a tax and a rent is merely a matter of amount ; and that if a land tax is so high as to absorb the rent, it becomes in fact rent. In this view the State in India may be considered to have been the superior proprietor, in the same sense as any other proprietor who is entitled to receive customary rents, but does not cultivate or manage the land. In no part of India, and under no form of government, did the vState undertake these latter functions, or any others analogous to those of an English landlord. Except in the assignment of waste land to be cultivated on the customary tenure, there never was any system of interference with the immediate possession of the soil ; no letting it by competition to the highest bidder, or anything of that kind. Those in possession of the village area were left in possession, and were allowed to manage their own affairs, subject only to the State right to receive its dues before the crops were carried from the ground. The State, then, generally took very nearly if not quite a full rent; but, so far as my knowledge goes, there was seldom in India any systematic attempt on a large scale to go beyond this point, by chaining the people to the soil, and so exacting from them a customary rent larger than the real rent, as was the case in Europe when free trade in tenants was put a stop to by the system of serfage. The people have never been adscripti glebcB. I cannot say whether this is due to the large population and cheap labour, rendering anything like agricul- tural slavery unprofitable, or to equitable laws. The Hindoo system was one of small States, or when there have been large feudal organisations the territory was divided among different chiefs. I should judge that in a country abounding in great open plains, and where personal property is in small compass and light, it would have been scarcely possible to prevent the escape of a dissatisfied ryot to another jurisdiction. To the present day we have sometimes complaints that a tenant has decamped in the night without paying his rent, and carried his house with him. Under the more centralised Mahommedan rule, the equitable Mahommedan laws did not permit any excessive tyranny of the great and rich over the poor. And so it has happened that under all governments, notwithstanding many hardships, the people have always in India enjoyed a great amount of individual freedom. 132 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Cam 1 deli,. To this extent only it may be said that, in the times imme- diately preceding our rule, the Government rent was not un- frequently driven beyond a full rent — viz., that the settled ryots, the ancient inhabitants attached to the soil by the bonds of affection, habit, and property, were sometimes made to pay heavier rates than the mere temporary sojourners who were induced to come from elsewhere, and to take up, on excep- tionally favourable terms, the lands left uncultivated for want of hands, at times when the country had been depopulated by wars and famines. The old inhabitants no doubt had the first choice of the best land, but still I believe that the result of the system was, that in hard times grasping rulers took from them both the fullest rent, and anything more that they could be induced to pay, rather than abandon their household gods, and the wells and other improvements which they had made. It must not be supposed that the customary rent consisted of a uniform share of the produce levied equally on all crops and under all circumstances. On the contrary, the system was to a remarkable degree adapted to the circumstances, with much regard to principles which we should call political economy. Not only did the share taken vary in different parts of the country, but it also varied in respect of different kinds of crops, and different modes of cultivation. For instance, crops raised by artificial irrigation (not supplied from Govern- ment works), usually rendered a smaller proportion than those raised without irrigation, because in the former case a larger proportion was due to the labour and capital of the cultivator. The more valuable products, as sugar-cane, cotton, vegetables, &c., paid money rates according to the measurement of the land — the produce not being divided. The proportion of grain crops taken as rent or revenue may be said in modern times to have varied from one-fourth to one-half, one-fourth being a decidedly light assessment- — one-half the heaviest. One-third and two-fifths were, I should say, the most common rates. The grain only was divided, the cultivator usually retaining the straw. In ordinary agricultural villages he also had free grazing for his cattle on the village common, but in parts of the country where a large proportion of the land was given to grazing, a cess per head was levied on the cattle. I am not aware that the rent was in any ])art of India paid in labour as in Europe ; but, in addition to the proper rent, it was a common arrangement that the villagers furnished a India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 133 regulated number of unpaid labourers for the service of the rajah. These labourers were men of the servile classes, who received a small but exactly regulated proportion of the grain from the threshing-floor as their remuneration for this and other labour. When the labour was not exacted, its value was charged to the village, and formed a regular item in the accounts. Most frequently the grain is not actually taken in kind, but, being weighed at the threshing-floor, the value of the Government share is charged at the market rate, and paid in cash. ., Another mode is to estimate the produce of the crops on the ground before they are cut, and to charge the value of the proportions derived from the estimate ; but in this case, allow- ance being made for over-estimate and the risk which the farmer runs, the proportion is calculated at a lower rate than when the grain is actually divided ; for instance, if the division rate is one-third, the estimate rate will be one-fourth. In each locality, then, there is a regular and exact scale of rates and charges established by long practice. I know no mode by which these rates can be altered in a constitutional manner : to made a radical alteration of this kind would be a revolutionary measure such as would only be effected by a very strong Government ; perhaps by a conqueror making new arrangements for the first time. But in another way native governments generally contrive to squeeze their subjects a little more — viz., by the system of cesses, dues, and benevolences so well known in Europe. These are generally not taken in an altogether uncertain manner ; there is much system in all these arrangements, and the various cesses are, for the most part, regularly entered in the revenue accounts and uniformly levied ; the peculiarity, however, being that a rate once made for a temporary purpose very soon acquires, in the ruler's eyes, the sanction of custom, and is continued long after the necessity for it has ceased. Thus, then, a native revenue account ex- hibits, besides the main rent, a succession of small charges — perquisites of various officials — perquisites of the rajah's wife — contributions to the marriage expenses of the rajah's son — and so on. Previous to our rule the Government share of the crop had been in some parts of the country commuted into money rates, classified according to the most prominent descriptions of soil. 134 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. and the nature of the crops grown. These money rates were equally subject to the extra cesses which I have mentioned. Besides the Government dues made up of the aggregate of the assessment on each individual, there were frequently charges upon the whole village, such as the value of forced labour already mentioned — benevolences levied in the lump — fines and compensations for value of property plundered in the village limits — and such like ; and these charges were par- titioned among the individual members of the community,, according to fractional shares or other form of account, repre- senting the interests of each. The village is the well-known unit of all revenue arrange- ments, and it may be said of all landed tenures, in India. I use the word not to signify a village in our sense, but rather the area of land occupied by a community who generally reside together in a village. In the plain and thickly-populated country it may be said that all the land cultivated and unculti- vated iDclongs to one village or another. The country is, in fact, partitioned off into villages ; the village boundaries are known (if they are not the subject of feuds), and where one village ends another begins. When I speak of a village " community," I use this latter word in our ordinary English sense, and not to signify the actual holding of property in common. Nothing can be a greater mistake than to attribute to the Indian village system any of the features of communism. It is true that in early times, before communities have settled down to fixed cultiva- tion, the land is held to a great degree in common for grazing purposes, private property being in cattle, not in land ; and even after it has been distributed for the purposes of culti- vation, the custom of periodically adjusting inequalities by redistribution has not unfrequently subsisted to a much later time. But even in this latter case the land was never equally distributed, but was only re-parted according to the recognised ancestral shares, casual inequalities and usurpations being re- dressed. As communities became more and more fixed and settled, this practice of redistribution dies out ; and it may be said that in modern communities, in civilised parts of the country, it no longer exists. Encroachments may, of course, be resisted and redressed, but inccjualities founded on possession of long standing are redressed by redistribution of the burdens, not by redistribution of the land. India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. f35 The bond which keeps together a village community is, then, rather municipal than a community of property. The cultivated land is held by individuals, and the common in- terest in common property is scarcely greater than that wliich exists among the commoners of an English manor. The waste land and grazing ground is held in common, certain common receipts are brought to a common fund, certain common charges are charged against the same fund, and dis- tributed in a cess on individuals according to their holdings. There is a system of municipal management, and the com- munity claims to exercise a certain limited control over its members, and to have a reversionary right to the land of members who cease to cultivate or fail to pay ; but beyond this there is complete individual freedom. The Indian village is best known in England by the descriptions which have been given by Elphinstone and others of the Deccan village ; but, in my view, that is a somewhat decayed form of the true village of the stronger Hindoo tribes, and we must look for the strongest and most perfect village form in the more complete and more democratic communities, such as we find in the Punjab territory. It is these which I have cited as exhibiting the strongest form of Peasant property. A Jat village community consists of a body of freemen of one caste, and who traditionally derive from a common ancestor — clansmen, in fact. A village may be divided into two or three parts, held by different castes or tribes, but I describe a simple village. Every man has his share, which is generally in the Punjab expressed in plough lands. A plough land is not a uniform quantity of land, but a share in the particular village. There may be sixty-four or a hundred and twenty-eight, or any other number of shares ; one man has two ploughs, another a plough and a half, another half a plough, and each holds land representing his share. The community is managed by a council of elders, who rule it so long as they retain the confidence of the people, and who conduct all negotiations with the Government. In such a village, then, the body of the cultivators consider themselves to be proprietors. They are united, and very strong ; they certainly exercise rights of property ; and no one would dream of attempting to disturb them. Most republics have been in some degree served by some inferior race, and in these Indian communities a smaller body 136 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. of the servile tribes is almost invariably attached to the village ; not slaves, but servile labourers. They may cultivate small portions of Icind, but they have no part in the village manage- ment, and would not, I think, be considered to have rights of property. Again, persons of better condition, but not members of the proprietary tribe, may have settled in the village and obtained land. The Government dues being such as to leave scarcely any margin between rent and revenue, we almost always find that all these people pay the same rates as the original proprietors. It may be that they are not admitted to a voice in the management, or to share in certain common receipts or perquisites levied by the headmen ; but the distinc- tion between an original proprietor and a cultivator long settled in the community, and in a great degree adopted into it, frequently became very shadowy in native times.* Where we have strong communities, there is little difficulty in dealing with the community. But more frequently we have phases of land tenure which are much more doubtful. In some provinces, where the Indo-German tribes have not fully pene- trated, the village constitutions perhaps never were so complete as those which I have described. Aly impression is that the ancient Brahminical institutions were by no means so demo- cratic. Both in Lower Bengal and in Cashmere the villages have much less cohesion. Again, in great parts of the country, war, desolation, and famine have, during the last century, obliterated many com- munities, and their place on the land has been taken by casual cultivators, hanging loosely together, and who can claim no ancient rights in the soil. A still more common phase is the following : — The older proprietary tribes have been exhausted by prosperity, promo- tion, military service, misfortune, and the many vicissitudes of Indian history ; they have ceased to hold their original position. But a small remnant partially occupies the place where once they were dominant ; and the land which they have ceased to till has been occupied by others. This has frequently happened to Rajpoot communities in the north-west provinces, and to other tribes in the south of India. The reduced rej)resentatives of the old tribe will generally be found to assert claims which * For fiicility of reference, I give in this Paper a short account of the in- difjenous village communities, &c. ; but some years ago I published details on the subject. Modern India, chap. iii. — (J. C. India.] IN VARIOUS C0UMK1K.S. 137 the Others do not always admit. The Government officers take their dues from the old inhabitants and new comers indifferently, and looking to revenue will not permit the former to keep others out of that which they cannot cultivate themselves. The old families may or may not furnish the headman through whom the Government collects its dues ; they may or may not receive some of the old perquisites for duties which they may or may not perform. But I think I may say that the relation l)etwecn the old and the new occupants never, under native rule, takes the form of landlord and tenant. There is no such thing as an old family letting the lands to tenants at its pleasure, and making its profit of the rents. Wherever they have the management, it is as headmen accounting to the Government for their collections. And wherever they have certain dues, it is in the shape of perquisites, not of rent. In all cases in which there was not a democratic body electing their own headmen, there was a headman whose func- tions were pardy those of a Government officer, and i)artly those of the head of a quasi-municipality. This headman was called the Mokaddum in the more northern and eastern pro- vinces ; Potail in western and central India and in the Maratta Deccan ; and Gauda in some other parts of the south. The office was semi-hereditary, as almost all Hindoo offices are — that is, the fittest member of the late official's family succeeds, with the sanction of the ruling power, some preference being given to seniority combined with approvetl litness. The Potail accounted for the revenue collections, receiving the perquisites and percentages which were the accustomed dues of the office. Then there was an accountant, who held on a similar tenure, and sometimes combined with it the functions of village banker ; and there were other officers, each jjaid by the established perquisites. The whole constitute the form of community described by authors who have written of the Deccan and other provinces similarly situated. What, if any, were the rights of the cultivators of compara- tively recent settlement who do not come within the category of village proprietors, is a question which has been raised into great importance of recent years, since there has been discus- sion of the relative rights of landlords and tenants, but to which no definite answer can be given. It is and must remain a mere matter of opinion whether the facts establish a claim to consideration or not. There was no law to determine such 138 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. rights, and no standard by which they could be measured. It is certain that, as a rule, such cultivators were not dispossessed so long as they wished to hold their fields ; but it may equally be asserted that if any individual for any reason were dispos- sessed, there was little chance of any remedy available to him. We have no details of the social arrangements of any former period when India was so settled and so w^ell cultivated that cultivators had difficulty in obtaining land in one place or other. During the prosperous period of the Mahommedan empire the cultivators were no doubt in some sort protected. All the Mahommedan Regulations aim at that object. But during the century of anarchy which preceded our settled dominion, there was for them only the protection which cir- cumstances afforded. In fact, the depopulation and reduction of cultivated area, resulting from a long anarchy, had almost everywhere occasioned a demand for cultivators, which, as soon as peace was restored in any province, rendered the position of the ryot in some respects favourable. Instead of being obliged to compete for land, he found that there was a competition for ryots. A ruler's strength and wealth, under a system of customary rents, depended on the number of his r}'ots and the extent of their cultivation ; and a man not embar- rassed by local ties could generally make favourable terms. As no one was evicted, the question of compensation for improvements never arose. It is not, however, altogether lost to sight. Wherever there is a question between the represen- tatives of a declining body still claiming to be owners of the land, but not fully occupying it, and strangers holding it on terms not yet admitted to be permanent, the making of an improvement which cannot be removed — the building of a well, or even the planting of a tree — is always regarded with jealousy, as an act involving ownership, or, at least, permanent occupancy. The Indian law does not, as with us, give to the proprietor everything that is put upon the land ; it remains the property of the man who put it there. An Indian proprietor, therefore, does not claim a right to benefit by another man's improvement; he objects to his making the improvement, as involving a property inseparable from the soil. I have had such complaints in modem days. If an improvement of a solid immovable kind be made, I think the right of occupancy would be admitted. Pnil unless a well be built or a grove planted, the ordinary agricultural recjuirements are so few as to India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 39 give rise to little question of compensation. The house is built of mud, which is of no value, and the wood used for the roof is taken away by an outgoing ryot. The principal expenditure in the way of improvement is in bringing jungle into cultivation, and many of the recently-settled ryots had established that claim to permanency. The general result seems to be that there was no definite law giving a right of occupancy to non-proprietary cultivators, and that the equitable claims of these men varied infinitely in degree. But there was in the general language of the country a distinction between ryots settled as permanent inhabitants of and cultivators in a village who had given pledges by building and clearing and establishing themselves, and had accepted a share of common obligations, and those other ryots who were avowedly mere temporary sojourners, or who, without sojourning at all, came from some other village to cultivate patches of land. The former were called " Khoodkasht," or " own cultivating," "Chapper bund," or "house tied, "and sometimes "Mooroossee," or " hereditary ;" while the latter were called " Pye-kasht," a term implying that they come and go at pleasure. The sentiment and feeling of the country was certainly in favour of the moral claim of the former class to hold the land as long as they cultivated and paid their rent. Some think that our Govern- ment might be justified in treating these men as tenants-at-will, and turning them over to landlords in that character ; some think that they could not with justice be so treated. The latter was the view taken in the early days of our rule ; the other is that held by those who in these days favour the idea of capitalist landlords. But either party would, I think, admit that in most parts of the country there was nothing to prevent the Govern- ment from recognising the position of the ryots and improving their status, if it was minded so to do, at the time of the first settlementof rights, and before incompatible rights were conferred on others. In small native states the ruler very fretjuently collects his dues direct from the cultivators, with the assistance of the established headmen and accountants. The alternative mode of management is to farm out the right of receiving the State dues to mercantile speculators. In disturbed times, again, when it was not easy to collect dues in detail, it sometimes happened that the ruling power for the time being compromised with the villagers by agreeing to take from them a lump sum in 140 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. lieu of all claims, and the villagers themselves allocated the burden according to holdings. In these various ways were the land revenues collected by native rulers. But it is well known that, in some of the greater dominions, persons were found intermediate between the villagers and the Government, whose position had become more or less hereditary, and whose claims and treatment have given rise to much discussion. We must, then, examine the origin of these hereditary middlemen. First, however, we should be clear about the meaning in which we use the words " zemeendar," and " ryot." ''Zemeendar" is a Persian word, signifying literally " land- holder."' It has been, however, variously applied to different classes connected with the land. The Mahommedans seem originally to have used it very much as we use the term " native," applying it to the people of the land. But eventually they applied it to the holders of the tributary tenures not brought under complete subjection. Under the Moguls the semi-independent territories are always called the Zemeendarees. Great Rajpoot chiefs and others were known as " Zemeendars." In Bengal and other districts the term came to be applied to the great middlemen, who rose to power in the decline of the empire ; and the name may have had some weight in bringing about the policy which made them proprietors. But a little farther north we find the same name applied to the small village proprietors ; and farther north again, in the Punjab, the term is universally applied to simple peasants. I have often asked a man on the road-side, " Who are you ? " and got for answer, ^' Oh, a poor man — a Zemeendar !" And as the Jats are the great cultivating tribe in the Punjab, the terms have come to be used as synonymous ; and a man will often tell you he is a Zemeendar by Caste, meaning a Jat. I shall try to use the word as much as possible in its ordinary English acceptation of a holder between the State and the actual cultivator. "Ryot" is a word which is much more misused. It is Arabic, but no doubt comes through the Persian. It means " jjrotected one," "subject," or "commoner," as distinguished from "Races," or "noble." In a native mouth, to the present day, it is used in this sense, and not in that of " tenant." Not only all classes of cultivators, those who claim the strongest rights equally with those who claim none, but also weavers, India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. I4I carpenters, and labourers, call themselves ryots. To simplify matters I shall apply tlie term to cultivators of the land, pro- prietary or non-proprietary, as distinguished from the holder intermediate between the ryot and the State. It is very important to note the meaning of this word, because the persons on whom very strong rights are conferred by the early regu- lations or by subsequent laws, are officially called " ryots," and by merely translating the word " tenants," it is assumed that rights were arbitrarily bestowed on persons holding the position of English tenants. In the ancient Braminical accounts of Hindoo institutions as they ought to be, we find mention of district officers who seem to have filled much the same position in larger areas which the village headmen fill in villages. They were lords of one thousand, of one hundred, or of ten villages, and were apparently hereditary officers. I do not know whether the Marattas derive similar offices direct from earlier times, or whether they have been re-invented by the Maratta Bramins, but we certainly found in Maratta countries an established system of " Deshmooks " — officers exercising a jurisdiction in considerable tracts — and " Deshpandyas" — district ac- countants for similar areas. A proprietary character has^ however, never been attributed to these men, and they have been for the most part pensioned oft". In the days when the Mahommedan rule was vigorous, there Avas little intermediate tenure between the State and the people ; but in proportion as the central power declined, smaller authorities rose. In the long period of anarchy there was, under a nominal imperial rule, a partial return in many parts of the country to native rule and to the Hindoo system of petty chiefship. Out of these it may be said that the larger modern Zemeendarees have sprung. I would trace them to the following principal origins : — First. Old tributary rajas, who have been gradually reduced to the position of subjects, but have never lost the management of their ancient territories, which they hold rather as native rulers than as proprietors. These are chiefly found in outlying border districts and jungly semi-civilised countries. Second. Native leaders, sometimes leading men of Hindoo clans, sometimes mere adventurers, who have risen to power as guerilla plunderers, levying black mail, and eventually coming to terms with the Government, have established themselves^ 142 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. under the titles of Zemeendars, Polygars, Sec, in the control of tracts of country for which they pay a revenue or tribute, uncertain under a weak power, but which becomes a regular land revenue when a strong power is established. This is a very common origin of many of the most considerable modeiTi families, both in the north and in the south. To our ideas there is a wide gulf between a robber and a landlord, but not so in native view. It is wonderful how much, in times such as those of the last century, the robber, the raja, and the Zemeendar run into one another. Third. The officers whose business it is to collect and account for the revenue have frequently, in disturbed times, gained such a footing that their rendering of an account becomes almost nominal, and practically they pay the sum which the ruling power is willing to accept, and make the most of their charges. Fourth. I have alluded to mercantile contracts for the dues payable by the ryots, held by persons in the position of farmers-general. To a weak Government this system is very tempting, and in the decadence of the Mogul empire enter- prising bankers and otherspeculators, taking contracts of this kind, exercised great authority, and handed it down to their successors. There are infinite varieties of the phases which the matter may assume, one of these characters passing into the other, so that a Zemeendar may have sprung partly from one and partly from another of these sources. The tendency of everything Hindoo is to become here- ditary. The son becomes, by the mere fact of his birth, the partner of his father, and so a family interest is established in everything. Thus contracts and other holdings passed from father to son, and when we found them well established, the holders have passed into the category of Zemeendars. Where there is a recognised chiefship or office, it is under- stood that, as it cannot be divided, one man must hold it. Great Zemeendarees have therefore generally descended to that member of the family who was best fitted, and of whom the superior power api)roved. There was something corresi)onding to primogeniture, modified by circumstances. With the usual tendency of Hindoo institutions to a feudal character, we constantly find that, under great Zemeendars, sub-holders have si)rung up, sub-chiefs of the original raja, or the original robber ; inferior officers, sub-contractors ; and India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 43 these, acquiring permanence in a manner similar to their chiefs, have sometimes survived when the chief has fallen, or are sometimes found holding under him. Whatever the character of these various classes of here- ditary or semi-hereditary middlemen, one thing may broadly be said of them all, that they were the representatives of the governing powers, the delegates of the Government, receiving the dues of Government. The status of the cultivators was not altered. \\'liere there were strong village proprietors they held the same position under the Zemeendar; where their position was not so strong the Zemeendar exercised the functions which the Government officers would have exercised. This only may be said, that a small ruler may exercise a more minute interference than a great ruler. But still the relation was between governor and governed, or at most between payer and payee of the customary rent ; there was nothing like our relation of landlord and tenant. Under native rule the rights in the land, whatever they may be, are not bought and sold in the market. As regards the occupancy of the peasants, the rent which gives the real value going to the Government, and the claim of the peasant being rather a privilege, deriving its value from sentiment, affection, and habit, than a property capable of being estimated in money, there was little room for mercantile dealings. Nor was there any margin of profit which admitted of systematic sub-letting. Transfer from one hand to another did occur, but the com- munities claimed a right of veto, and would not permit the entrance by purchase of a stranger disagreeable to them. The general feeling prevented a man from alienating his land for ever. Hence, if the occupant was unable to cultivate his land or to pay the revenue, when he did not simply run away, the ordinary form of alienation was, not by selling or letting, but by mortgaging, if the term can properly be applied to the transaction. The mortgagee, or depositary, undertook to dis- charge what was due upon the land, and obtained the use of it, while the original owner retained an almost indefinite right of reclaiming it on repaying the mortgagee. Nothing has been more difficult to settle than the' adverse claims of persons long in possession, and of others claiming to be very ancient mort- gagors. As respects the superior tenures, they were so entirely of a personal and official character that they were in no degree transferable by ordinary sale. 144 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. It may be said, then, of all landed tenures in India previous to our rule, that they were practically not transferable by sale ; and that only certain classes of the better-defined claims were to some extent transferable by mortgage. The seizure and sale of land for private debt was wholly and utterly unknown — such an idea had never entered into the native imagination. thp: bengal system. Bengal proper was the first considerable province which came under British Administration. The later northern tribes had scarcely penetrated into that countrj^, and the village institutions were not of that democratic, independent, self- supporting character which gives facilities for dealing direct with the people. The servants of the East India Company were then quite without experience of civil administration. Middlemen, more or less hereditary, Zemeendars, Choudrees, Talookdars, &c., were found in existence, and it was natural that foreigners attempting so new a task should avail them- selves of the services of these men. No proprietary character was then attributed to them. It was quite understood that they were liable to be displaced for inefficiency or mis- conduct, and, in fact, they frequently were displaced. There was no well-estabhshed rule of inheritance. But still if a man did well, another of the family was generally permitted to succeed him. In the course of the various experiments which were made, these men may sometimes have had contracts for the revenue ; but their recognised position was that of men bound to account to the British Government for their col- lections; and, in the Regulations of 1793, it is stated that up to that time their right was to take a perquisite of ten per cent, on the revenue ; or, as it is expressed, they were bound to pay into the Treasury ten-elevenths of their collections. It would be foreign to the purpose of this paper to attempt to trace the various systems of land administration which were tried from the assumption of the Deewanee of Bengal and Bahar * to the time of the Permanent Settlement. All our modem history dates from the Regulations of 1793, establishing * The imperial grant was of the Deewanee of Fiengal, Bahar, and Orissa ; but Orissa was in the possession of the Nagporc Marattas, and we only acquired it from them in the beginning of the present century. India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. I45 the latter measure and the code of laws which accompanied it. The circumstances and character of the Permanent Settlement of Bengal have been a good deal misapprehended.* It has been supposed that we were very new to and ignorant of Indian administration ; that the British administrators mistook tax-collectors for landed proprietors, and by the laws then passed conferred upon them absolute property in the soil to the entire exclusion of the rights and claims of the inferior holders. Such views of the matter are very wide of the truth. British officers had administered Bengal for a whole generation. Circumstances make men, and in the papers of a much earlier period I have been greatly struck by the breadth of view and public spirit of many of the local administrators of those early days. At the time of the Permanent Settlement Lord Corn- wallis was surrounded by men of ripe experience and knowledge. The preambles to the Bengal Regulations sufficiently attest that these men quite understood and did not over-estimate the real position of the Zemeendars, who were made proprietors, not in recognition of a right, but in pursuance of a deliberate policy. The unsatisfactory result of the systems of administra- tion already tried had led to the belief that what was most wanted was permanence and security of tenure, and a grand experiment was made in that direction. I pass over here the sin against posterity (and so far I think that there was a financial mistake) which was committed in fixing the revenue demand for ever, instead of for a long period. As respects the tenure of the land, it seems to me that there was not so much error as is generally supposed. The Government having found the uncertainty of tenure of the Zemeendars and others to be attended with much evil, made the Zemeendars in one sense proprietors. As between the Government and the Zemeendars the claims of the former were strictly limited, and the Ze- meendars became proprietors, instead of mere revenue officers ; but they were by no means made sole and absolute proprietors. As one of the English lawyers on the bench of the High Court at Calcutta said of the original enactment in his judgment on the great Rent Case (decided in 1865), "This Regulation I must confess to have been under a misapprehension myself, and to have to some extent taken part in misleading others on this point, when I published " Modem India." At that time I had no official connection with Bengal proper, and adopted the popular view. I have since spent some years of my life in dealing officially and judicially with the land tenures of Bengal, and give the present statement in correction of that which I previously made. — G. C. K 146 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. teems with provisions quite incompatible with any notion of the Zemeendar being absolute proprietor." These provisions may be said in brief to have given, so far as the theory of the law goes, to all under-holders down to the ryots, the same security of tenure as against the Zemeendar, which the Zemeen- dar had as against the Government. Sub-holders of Talookas and other divisions, under the Zemeendars, were recognised and protected in their holding, subject to the payment of the established dues. As respects the ryots, the main pro- visions were these : All extra cesses and exactions were abolished, and the Zemeendars were required to specify, in writing, the original rent payable by each ryot at the per- gunnah, or established rates. If any dispute arose regarding the rates to be so entered, the question was to be " determined in the Dewany-Adawhit {Civil Court) of the Zillah in which the lands were situated, according to the rates established in the pergumiah for lands of the same description and quality as those respecting 7vhich the dispute arose." It was farther provided that no Zemeendar should have power to cancel the pottahs. (or specifications of rent) except on the ground that they had been obtained by collusion, at rates below the established rates ; and that the resident ryots should always be entitled to renewed pottahs at those rates. Even on a sale for arrear of revenue (which cancelled all superior rights), the purchaser was to have no power to evict any resident ryot unless he refused a pottah at the established pergunnah rate. Thus, in fact, fixity of tenure and fixity of rent rates were secured to the ryots by law. In Bengal proper, the proportion of the produce had very generally been converted into money rates, and thus these fixed rates were, in fact, fixed rents. Provision was at the same time made for the maintenance both of the Canoon- goes, or district registrars, and of Patwarees, or official village accountants, an object of whose appointment was declared to be " to prevent oppression of the persons paying rent." In addition to these specific provisions there was the general provision, often (quoted, reserving a power of future interference in behalf of the inferior holders. "The Governor- General in Council will, whenever he may deem it proper, enact such regulations as he may think necessary for the pro- tection of the dependent talookdars, ryots, and other cultivators of the soil." As the early Regulations were construed by the judicial India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. I47 tribunals, the law was settled to be that, under the general provisions in favour of sub-holders, every man, whether ryot or of any other class, who had held for twelve years before the permanent settlement (that being the Indian term of prescrip- tion) at a uniform rent, was entitled to hold for ever at that rent, whether it was or was not below the established rates ; other, resident ryots were entitled to hold at the established rates, but if holding below the customary rate, could be enhanced up to that point. The Zemeendars were authorised to appropriate to their own use the difference between the sum which they engaged to pay the (iovernment and the established rates, "which formed the unalterable due of the Government according to the ancient and established usage of the country." They were, more- over, encouraged to exert themselves to bring the waste lands into cultivation, and to induce the ryots to cultivate more valuable articles of produce, by the assurance that all that was thus added to the rent-roll should be their own. The whole of the waste lands were thrown into the holdings of the Zemeendars without additional charge, except in the case of some remote parts of the country, uncultivated and unpopulated, where there were none to claim the land or pay revenue for it. So far as I can judge, I should say that the recognition of the position of the Bengal Zemeendars was not more than would have been to some extent done in modern days in any part of India in which the Ryotwar system, pure and simple, was not adopted. There was a time when their claims might have been more rigorously scrutinised, and in Bahar (which, though attached to Bengal, is quite a Hindostanee province) the claims of the chiefs prevailed over those of village holders to a much greater degree than would have been the case when the present north-west provinces were settled. But in Bengal proper, where the village system had so little cohesion, I doubt whether at any period of our administration we should have quite set aside the Zemeendars. They not only had a certain position and certain claims when we assumed the administration, but we had ourselves dealt with them and used them for ui)wards of a generation. To set them aside altogether would have been a very strong measure. In fact, the settlement was by no means made with the great Zemeendars exclusively : when holders of smaller degree were thought to have stronger claims, it was made with them. There 148 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. were many such small holders ; and in one or two of the eastern districts of Bengal the mere cultivators were found to have the best claim, and the settlement is, for the most part, to all intents and purposes ryotwar. As respects revenue, the Zemeendars were subjected to immediate terms very much harder than those which are now accorded. The Government demand was fixed at ten-elevenths of the then rent-roll. On the whole, my impression is that (perpetuity of revenue apart) the principles of the permanent settlement of Bengal •were in the main good and sound, and that the ground for ^subsequent complaints is to be found not so much in those 4)rinciples as in the failure properly to carry them out, and in the ideas which afterwards arose from a misinterpretation of ■them. The original intention of the framers of the Permanent Settlement was to record all rights. The Canoongoes and Patwarees were to register all holdings, all transfers, all rent- rolls, and all receipts and payments ; and every five years there was to be filed in the public oflices a complete register of all land tenures. But the task was a difticult one : there was delay in carrying it out. English ideas of the rights of a land- lord, and of the advantage of non-interference, began more and more to prevail in Bengal. The executive more and more abnegated the functions of recording rights and protecting the inferior holders, and left everything to the judicial tribunals. The Patwarees fell into disuse, or became the mere servants of the Zemeendars : the Canoongoes were abolished. No record of the rights of the ryots and inferior holders was ever made, and even the quinquennial register of superior rights, which was maintained for a time, fell into disuse, \Vhen a regular police was established, the Zemeendars were in practice freed from any effective responsibility for tlie suppression of crime or other administrative functions. They became in every .sense mere rent-receivers. The Bengal principle of non-inter- ference on the part of Government was pushed to the })oint which may be said to have culminated in the recent famine, when the authorities so long refused to interfere, not because the Zemeendars did anything for the people, but because, according to the Bengal theory, they ought to do so. At the same time that j}roperty in land was recognised by the Regulations of 1793, it was made freely transferable by sale, India.] IN VARtOl'S COUNTRIES. 1 49 and in every respect put on the footing of property. The original code declared the custom of descent to a single heir, existing in certain large estates, to have been an invention of the Mahommedans for revenue purposes, and abolished it, laying down that the descent of all estates was to be regulated by the ordinary Hindoo and Mahommedan laws, applicable to any other property. But a subsequent regulation modified this provision, and permitted the rule of primogeniture in some jungle and other districts, where it was well established. To this day I believe that it is not very clear what estates do and what do not descend to a single heir ; but the matter is not so important, because the courts have recognised the power of Hindoos to make wills. The Hindoo laws say nothing of wills, and it is very doubtful whether they should have been admitted ; but the courts, acting on English precedents, having once admitted them, this curious result has followed, that, in the absence of any provisions to limit them, the power of a Hindoo in Bengal to tie up his property by will seems to be almost unlimited. A creditor has the most summary power of selling all the landefl rights of his debtor in satisfaction of debts of any kind. And it was part of the system that, permanent rights of property being once recognised, and the revenue being so fixed that the (iovernment could no longer demand any increase, the reserved rent of Government must be paid with unfailing regularity. Failing payment on the appointed day, the estate is put up to auction, and knocked down to the highest bidder, with a clear and complete title against all comers. In the first years after the settlement this i)rovision was very operative, and a large proportion of the newly-created proprietors were sold out. Subsecjuently the Zemeendars have learned punctuality ; but .sales for debt are always constant. It may be said, tlien, that from the very first an encumbered estates court has been sitting in permanence in every district. It has been epigrammatically said that Lord Cornwallis designed to make Knglish landlords in Bengal, and only succeeded in making Irish landlords. This, however, hardly expresses the truth. He certainly sanguinely hoped that security of tenure would induce the Zemeendars to perform duties in the way of improvements in which they have entirely failed ; but it has been shown that nothing was farther from the thoughts of Lord Cornwallis and his advisers than to create 150 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURK [Camj'bell. absolute landlords after the English pattern. The design was rather to create something like what model Irish landlords ought to be. The theory and intention of the Cornwallis administration was to do for Bengal exactly what James I. did for Ireland — to secure all parties, great landholders and culti- vators alike, in their rights according to their degree. The subsequent sales of the rights conferred on the Zemeendars, and the failure to record the inferior rights, produced in practice in Bengal something of the same state of things which resulted in Ireland from Cromwell's confiscation of the rights conferred by James, followed as it was by the de facto restora- tion of the Irish cultivators to their holdings. In Bengal, as in Ireland, the cultivators were protected by custom and public opinion rather than by an efficient administration of the law. The landholders were men who did nothing for the land, but only received (generally through middlemen) the customary rents from the cultivators who tilled old fields or cleared new ones. Still there were not in Bengal the differences of race and i)olitics which have embittered the social state in Ireland ; and religious differences do not lead to the same bad blood. Hindoo and Mahommedan generally live in an amity which Roman Catholic and Protestant may well imitate. So far, then, Bengal has been in a much better state than Ireland. The margin of profit left to the Zemeendars was at first so narrow, and habits were still so native, that it is scarcely sur- prising that for many years there were complaints of the illegal levy of the cesses and imposts so universal under native rule, and of exactions from the ryots, still poor and abject. But as, with peace and prosperity and the rise of prices, the condition of the ryots has improved, the rates levied by the Zemeendars have scarcely increased in an equal degree. The Bengallee was not a very pushing landlord ; he was generally content to take what he can claim according to the custom, with such additions as his agents can (juietly manage ; and for the rest he was satisfied with the enormous increase of income which the, as it were si)ontaneous, increase of cultivation had given him. On the whole, then, the relation of Zemeendar and ryot had not been unfriendly till English ideas were brought into play. The Zemeendar scarcely ever sought to take into his own hands more land than his old "seer" or demesne. Popu- lation had not yet reached the point when there is a severe struggle among cultivators for land ; and there was no such India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 151 thing as any desire to evict tenants. Many of the ryots in Bengal proper came at last to be tolerably well off, sitting at pretty easy rents, which gave them some margin of profit and attached a certain value to their holdings. In order to prevent the fraudulent or improvident disposal of the assets from which the revenue was to be paid, the Zemeendars were at first prohibited from giving leases of any parts of their estates for terms exceeding ten years ; but some years later this restriction was withdrawn. In Bahar, where there are many large estates which descend undivided, they are let in portions for short terms of years to mercantile specu- lators, who make the most of the ryot — an arrangement almost imiversal under such circumstances. The mercantile class of those parts are a pushing set of men, but having no permanent interest in the soil, the practice has all the disadvantages of the middleman system. The ryots have not even the advantage of a landlord who has some interest in keeping them alive ; and in that part of the country they are much more rack-rented than in Lower Bengal. In Bengal proper, where there is less of the mercantile spirit, the custom has sprung up of giving sub-leases in per- petuity for a consideration. The great estates have thus been split up by a system of sub-infeudation ; and it may be said that practically most of the land in Bengal is now in the hands of permanent landowners of moderate calibre. Many ryots and other small holders, even when they cannot prove a title from the permanent settlement, have obtained perpetuities by payment of a fine. And so it happens that, under the shadow of the permanent settlement, a very widespread system of per- petuities of all grades has sprung up. Perpetuities are always transferable, and the inferior like the superior tenures can be summarily sold for arrears of rent. Where there is a mere right of occupancy at the customary rates, the sanction of the superior holder is ordinarily required to a transfer by sale ; but in some districts the Zemeendars interfered so little, and were so glad to have the security for their rents aftbrded by saleable tenures, that the ryots' tenures have become by custom entirely transferable, and the state of things is very similar to that prevailing in the north of Ireland. The Hindoo laws and customs divide property among all the sons or other agnates. Failing sons, a widow succeeds on 152 SYSTEMS OF l.AND TENURK [Camibell. a veiy limited tenure ; and, in Bengal, daughters and other female relations also succeed after the widow, when there are no sons. The Mahommedan law of inheritance is extremely complicated, and creates a great complication of shares. The result of the operation of these laws for several generations has been the creation of a very large number of interests, present and contingent, in almost every estate. The law gives to every shareholder the right of partitioning off his share ; but where there is no survey and no record, and no machinery in the hands of the executive Government, the attempt to divide through the courts an estate not in possession of the parties, but held by ryots, and of which the parties themselves scarcely know more than the rent-roll, is in practice attended Avith enormous difficulties. The process is seldom attempted in Bengal, and still seldomer brought to a successful issue. Thus, then, almost all estates are held in undivided shares by several or many people — and many others have reversionary rights. It is very singular how many of the higher classes of Hindoos die childless, and how many widows' life tenures result. The tenure of Hindoo widows is peculiar in the extreme. They have no power to administer for useful purposes, so as to give leases, &c., beyond their own lives, but under Bramin-made laws they can do many things in favour of Bramins, and for superstitious purposes. They are constantly in the hands of Bramins, and constantly trying to make away witli the estates for the benefit of their own relations, or of their Bramin friends, to the prejudice of the husbands' heirs. Altogether the tenure is a most noxious one, and gives rise to half the litigation iri Bengal. When we have, then, concurrently, a system of inheritance leading to constant subdivision of rights, without division of tenures ; a vast system of sub-infeudation in every form and degree, and'on every condition, at the unrestrained pleasure of the parties ; and then perplexing and injurious widow holdings- coming as constant faults to disturb the c-ourse of every tenure ; all this overlaid on a system originally complicated and un- recorded, it may be supposed that there is an ample field for litigation in the courts. To this it must be added that our judicial system has encouraged to the utmost the worst techni- calities of law, and a i)ractice under which witnesses have been numbered rather than weighed. To such an extent has the habit of playing at law been carried, that it has become the India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 55 common practice to purchase and hold land in any fictitious name rather than a man's own. The most respectable man feels that if he has not need to cheat any one at present, he may some day have occasion to do so, and it is the custom of the country ; so he puts his estate in the name of his wife's grandmother under a secret tmst. If he is pressed by creditors or opposing suitors, it is not his ; if his wife's grandmother plays him false, he brings a suit to declare the trust. To any one who should follow any land suit, taken at random from the files of our courts, in its inception, origin, and progress through many appeals to a final decree, and then should observe how the attempt to carry out the decree breeds half a dozen new suits, the wonder must be how any people can tolerate such a state of things. It is, however, remarkable how the world adapts itself to circumstances. The apparent evils are miti- gated by two considerations ; first, the litigation of nearly a century has produced a certain record of rights in the shape of recorded decisions, which give a certain solid basis for future proceedings ; and second, litigation is to a Bengallee what alcohol and stock-jobbing together are to our countrymen, and opium and the opium trade to the Chinese — it is his stimulant, and his form of gambling ; and in some sense he likes it. Every Bengallee, high and low, treasures as his Lares and Penates an endless assortment of decrees of court and other processes, which he unfolds to every one who will listen to him. The grand difficulty in purchasing land in Bengal is to make a title. A purchaser can never be sure that some one will not start up and declare the seller to have been a mere man of straw. In truth, too often a litigious person buys from a man of straw a nominal property which is not in his pos- session. The only safe title is a purchase under a sale for arrear of revenue. Notwithstanding all drawbacks, the desire to possess landed rights is so great, and so much money has accumulated during a hundred years of peace, for which there is great want of means of safe investment, that land has come to bear a very high price indeed. The profits of the superior holders are now very high, and the prices paid are such as to yield but a small rate of interest on the money invested. It would be sufficient subject for a separate treatise to discover why it is that evils attending joint holdings much 154 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. subdivided (without corresponding facility of partition and transfer), which are so evident in all tenures above those of the cultivators, are not so marked as respects the holdings of the cultivating ryots. Their tenure is simpler ; being at the bottom, there are seldom complications under them ; they are on better terms with one another, and less skilled in law. They, too, have generally had a good deal of litigation ; but if they can only settle their rights, as between them and their landlords, they sometimes settle their own family affairs out of court. Up to this time the process of absorbing the waste has been going on, and there has not been complaint of the too minute division of farms, and the impossibility, of supporting life upon them. A large proportion of the holdings are cer- tainly very small ; but, except in time of general failure of crops and universal famine, the people support themselves without poor laws, and do not trouble us. We really know w^onderfully little of the social arrangements of the lower classes. They are independent, and that is enough for us. I think I may say, once for all, that the Irish form of difficulty — over population and insufficiency of land — has not yet troubled us. But the population is certainly much increasing, and this phase of the question may not be far off. I have alluded to the failure of the Bengal Zemeendars to perform the duties of landlords. In fact, to expect of them the duties of an English landlord, to build, and plant, and introduce improved agriculture and improved machinery, if it ever was expected, was a mere chimera, and not reasonably to be looked for under the circumstances. Those are not the functions of a native landlord. If a man encourages and pro- tects the ryots who break up his waste and till his lands, and deals faithfully and equitably by them, he is considered to do his duty. If he further acts the part of a capitalist money-lender, and advances money and seed, to be repaid with interest at harvest time, he does something more ; and if the interest exacted is not too exorbitant, he is a model land- lord. In the very large estates the intervention of middlemen renders it impossible for the landlord to perform these func- tions, and he does not do so. In moderate estates he might do so, but in Bengal the complications of existing and contingent titles are so great that few have the power, if they have the will, and they are generally little disposed to do much. The virtues of a Bengallee landlord are rather negative than positive., India.] IiN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 55 Perhaps the ryots might fare worse than under the King Log sort of rule which prevailed till we taught the Zemeendars the rights of property. In India, as in Ireland and many other countries, the tenure of land affects the happiness and determines the content or discontent of the people more than all other laws and adminis- trative acts put together, and a main test of the success of the. land system is to be found in the political feelings of the people. The advocates of the Bengal system of management are wont to quote the quiet and loyalty of the people of Bengal during the mutiny as a proof of the excellence of their system. It is impossible to compare a country far from the scene of the military outbreak, and inhabited by an unwarlike people utterly alien to the Sepoys (whom they personally detest), with countries which were the immediate scenes of the mutiny and the home of the Sepoys ; but still, no doubt, those days, when the British power seemed to be for a time almost in abeyance, afforded great opportunity for the outbreak of discontent in any part of India. The population of Eastern Bengal is chiefly Mahommedan, and there are many of those reformed Mahom- medans whom a little persistent persecution may make our enemies. Although Bahar was much disturbed, Bengal cer- tainly remained perfectly quiet throughout the mutiny; and when, towards the end of the crisis, a Sepoy party stationed in . Eastern Bengal threw off their allegiance, they were even actively opposed by the people. Without, then, admitting that the system is in all respects good, I think it may be said that the people were not, at that time, seriously discontented with our rule. I reserve to a subsequent part of this paper a notice of recent legislation affecting the tenure of the land. THE SYSTEM OF THE NORTH-WEST PROVINCES. For some years subsequent to 1793 the views which had led to the permanent settlement of Bengal still prevailed. A part of the Madras presidency was permanently settled with great Zemeendars. Under that administration, however, ryot- war principles having eventually prevailed, the rights of the ryots under these Zemeendars were secured by record and the active intervention of the Government. The permanent 156 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Cami-beu.. settlement was also extended to the Benares province, but there, too, in consequence of its being attached to the north- west provinces, where a different system prevailed, a record of inferior rights has been made. In the early years of the present century the obligations towards us of our ally, the Nawab of Oude, were settled by a partition of his country, half being retained by the Nawab, and half made over to the British Government. About the same time a considerable territory in the same part of India, which had been overrun by the Marattas, was acquired by their repulse. We thus obtained the command of the upper Gangetic valley, or rather plain — the proper Hindoostan ; and the territories so acquired are those known as the north-west provinces. Soon after their acquisition the Government proclaimed its intention of making a permanent settlement on the Bengal pattern — a declaration which is still referred to as an embarrass- ing pledge. But other counsels soon prevailed. Great doubts were thrown on the advantage of the permanent settlement system ; the settlement of the north-west provinces on the same system was first postponed, and then altogether abandoned. Thus it has happened that, while in the lower provinces of Bengal and Bahar the system has been, as I have explained, exaggerated and intensified in one direction, the northern pro- vinces have fallen into a different groove, and the land policy has taken quite another direction. The doubts and differences of opinion which prevailed led to a succession of short temporary and provisional settlements of the new territories, without any minute investigation of rights. Short leases were given to the parties most easily accessible ; and where there seemed to be none possessed of any hereditary or quasi-proprietary claims, the villages were let to farmers. Wherever there was any appearance of rights they were ruthlessly sold when the revenue fell into arrears, and great abuses resulted, to the \nof\t of our subordinate oflficials and their confederates, who acquired much of the land which they brought to sale. A special commission subsequently inquired into and partially redressed these abuses, but it was felt that some more settled system was necessary. This state of things led to the famous Regulation VII. of 1822, which is the basis of all subsequent land arrangements in all parts of Northern India. The .system of fixing the land revenue in Lnuia.] in various COUNTRIES. 157 perpetuity was abandoned, settlements for long periods being substituted ; but private property in the land was none the less to be as fully acknowledged as in Bengal. The landowners were, in fact, to have long leases, with a right of renewal at a revaluation at the end of the leases. Their rights were to be freely transferable, and completely regulated by law. No class was to be arbitrarily invested with these rights, but an exact survey and complete inquiry was to be made ; the parties best entitled to proprietary rights were to be ascertained, and with them the Government revenue was to be settled ; while at the same time all inferior rights of every description were also to be fully ascertained, described, and recorded. A very im- portant provision was this, that where two or more parties, superior and inferior, were found to be possessed of concurrent rights in the same land, the Government ofticers were em- powered either to settle directly with the superior, and to make a sub-settlement between the superior and inferior holders, or to pension off one party with a percentage (in compensation for the rights which he had heretofore exercised), and to make the settlement with the other. The ryots were to be divided into old setded ryots having a right of occupancy so long as they paid a fair rent, and ryots who had acquired no such rights ; but the tests by which this right was to be determined, and the standards by which the rent was to be fixed from time to time, were not defined with such accuracy as might have been desired. There was, however, to be a general record of tiie rules and customs of every village available for future reference. Minute calculations were to be made of the value of agricultural produce, and of the share of that produce to which Government was entitled, and from these calculations money rates were to be deduced, from which, after due allowance for the expenses and profits of the proprietors, the Government revenue was to be calculated and fixed. I think that one error to some extent pervades these ex- cellent provisions, and has embarrassed all the operations founded on them — I mean the assumption that distinct pro- prietary rights everywhere exist, which we have only to ascer- tain and record. The fact is, that, as I have before tried to ^how, such rights exist in a strong form only in certain parts of the country ; in others they are but inchoate and rudimen- tary ; in others they have fallen into decay and almost into 158 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. abeyance ; in some they hardly exist at all. The consequence was that the function of the settlement officers has been to a great degree not only to ascertain rights, but also to create a class of rights which did not exist before, or, at any rate, to give them a form and substance which they did not before possess. Great scope was thus left for individual discretion ; and in the absence of distinct provision for the cases in which that which did not exist could not be ascertained, individual prejudices were carried a long way in one direction or other. Much difference of opinion, and many official battles have resulted. I think it would have been better if the Government had boldly recognised the fact that to arrive at complete private property a great creation of rights was indispensable, and had distinctly determined on whom and in what degree those rights were to be conferred, what was to be given to great Zemeendars, what to village headmen, and what to the ryots, instead of leaving those questions to be fought out by the local officers in every case. As it is, there has generally been (as in most matters in which Englishmen are concerned) an aristocratic party and a party of the people ; a party which would give as much as possible to the rich and gentlemanlike natives, the descendants of ancient rajas or sons of modern farmers-general, and trust to them to rule the people ; another, which, considering that it is our function to protect the people from the tyranny of native rulers, would give as much as possible to the people, and restrict the aristocracy to their actual rights. Either course is possible under the law, for by putting the people to the proof, and giving them no more than they can prove a right to, all the rest falls to the aristocrats ; by putting the aristocrats to the proof, and giving them no more than they can prove a title to, there is ample room to give the people very large rights. On one point all administrators in all the provinces which have been administered by the Bengal Civil Service (the name is applied to the whole service, which comprises the separate Bengal and north-Avestern branches), or by officers associated with them under the Government of India, have agreed — viz., that under no circumstances whatever will the Govern- ment deal direct with the individual ryots, as in Madras and Bombay. If there is no intermediate proprietor or office holder of some kind who can be taken as such, and the villagers have not a complete constitution enabling them to deal with the India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 159 Government in a body through their representatives for a lump sum to be paid jointly, a proprietor must be found or created. To this day in Bengal the estates which have in any way lapsed as Government property are sold to the highest bidder, rather than settled with the ryots under a system which Bengal officers do not accept as admissible. They cannot get rid of the small tenures of Eastern Bengal, but will allow no others where they can help it. In the north-west provinces every village is settled in the lump with some one. For some years the proceedings under Reg. VII. of 1822 did not progress satisfactorily. It turned out that the ma- chinery at the disposal of Government was quite inadequate to the vastness of the work which had been undertaken ; and the attempt to obtain reliable revenue rates by a calculation of the value of produce and cost of production was found to be fallacious and impossible. In 1833 the requisite machinery was supplied by the employment of natives in posts hitherto confined to Europeans ; and it was determined to calculate the revenue of each village in the gross, with reference to actual past receipts, and to allow the parties interested to dis- tribute it under the superintendence of the settlement officers. An energetic settlement school sprung up ; and in the course of the following eight or nine years the whole of the north-west provinces, yielding an annual revenue of some ^4,000,000, was settled, and all rights and holdings of every kind were voluminously recorded in great detail. This settlement was mainly carried out under the superin- tendence of Mr. Robert Mertins Bird, Mr. Thomason being one of his most active subordinates ; but as it afterwards fell to Mr. Thomason, during a long incumbency as Lieutenant-Governor, to administer the system, it is popularly associated with his name. The battle between the officers who supported the claims of the aristocracy and those who took the more popular view- raged with intensity in the course of the settlement. Neither one nor the other entirely prevailed ; but it is not to be denied that the party which looked with disfavour on aristocratic claims had eventually more support of authority than the other. Many large Zemeendars were maintained in their })osition ; but in many cases, where they had hitherto held from Government, village proprietors were found to have claims to a sub-settlement l6o SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. under them ; and in some instances they were altogether set aside with an allowance, and the settlement was made with the sub-proprietors, under the provision for such cases which I have mentioned. The supporters of the aristocracy assert that in some places village claims which had been long ago overridden and trodden out, during the troublous times which preceded our rule, were arbitrarily revived, to the prejudice of the great landlords, who had exercised complete authority. On the whole subject of this settlement it must, however, be understood that the settlement officers and the Government under Avhom they acted had no arbitrary powers ; the civil courts were open to all, to contest and bring to a judicial decision the justice of their awards ; and by the higher classes especially that remedy was freely resorted to. The proprietary rights having been determined, the principle followed was to take two thirds of the then rental as Govern- ment revenue, leaving to the proprietors the remaining third and all future increase during the term of the settlement, which was fixed at thirty years. A proprietor objecting to the assess- ment fixed may decline the engagement, in which case the village is let to a farmer, and he has a small percentage — a good check on over assessment. The waste lands were demar- cated with the village boundaries, and included in the settle- ment. The survey was most minute. Every field, however small, was measured and mapped, with the name of the occupant and the rent. Perhaps the part of the settlement which was least guided by any uniform rules was that which distinguished between hereditary occupancy ryots and tenants-at-will. The fact is that there was no contest on the point. The ryots hardly un- derstood the distinction, the (juestion of eviction never having been raised ; and the Zemeenders did not press any claim to evict so long as they got their rents. It was thus left to the settlement officers to do very much as they liked on this point. A practice sprang up — it is not clear how — to consider that all cultivating ryots who had been in uninterrupted possession for twelve years, without special contract, should be taken to have a right of occupancy ; and in most districts that rule was fol- lowed. No doubt, as matter of prescription, the holding of a tenant-at-will or from year to year is not averse to his landlord, and so far there was no legal justification for the rule. But in India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES 1 61 the absence of any other rule, and in the absence of contest, the rule was probably as good as any other which could have l)een suggested, and had some support from the analogy of judicial decisions in the case of the Bengal ryots. If the ( "lOvernment, when conferring such great benefits upon those who were made proprietors, had in so many words established by law this rule in favour of the ryots, there would have been no complaint ; but since the rights of the proprietors have been established, and are taken for granted, it has in recent days been said that the settlement officers gave occupancy rights to ryots who had no sufficient title. Nothing was declared as to the power of the Zemeendars to raise the rents of occupancy ryots for any cause during the term of the settlement. The power to realise rent by sum- mary proceedings before the collector was restricted to the recorded rent heretofore payable ; but it was eventually decided in the civil courts that a Zemeendar was entitled, on showing that causes independent of the exertions of the ryot had raised the value of the land, to obtain by regular suit an increase of rent. The course of procedure was, however, difficult, the right hardly known ; and I think it may be said that in practice the occupancy ryots held at unvaried rents, till the introduction of the new rent law, to which I shall come presently. The result of the settlement of proprietary rights in the north-west provinces was to create a great variety of land holders of many different classes. I have said that many large Zemeendars retained great estates. In some parts of the country the settlement was made with cultivating village communities ; but as the proper villages of this class are prin- cipally in the territory about Delhi, since transferred to the Punjab, I may leave them till I come to that province. In the greater part of the north-west provinces the settlement was most frequently made with small landholders and village pro- prietors, a class intermediate between the great Zemeendars and the true cultivating communities. The countr)' is chiefly that in which the Rajpoots were at one time predominant; and a large proportion of the villages were of that class, to which I have before referred, where the original Rajpoot com- munity or other similar body was considerably reduced in numbers, and did not cultivate the whole village, but still maintained a position of greater or less superiority over the L 1 62 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. ordinary ryots by whom they were surrounded. The proprie- tary rights of these families or groups of famihes were very generally recognised. The system is that they cultivate the lands in their own possession, and collect on common account the rents payable by the other ryots. The common receipts are applied to the payment of the revenue, and any deficiency is supplied by a rate on the lands of the proprietors. Where a small family holds, and the rents of the ryots exceed the revenue and expenses, the surplus is similarly divided according to shares. In the many villages where neither great Zemeendars nor old proprietary families established claims, it being necessary to find some proprietors, a good headman or solvent farmer, or some other person of some sort, was established as proprietor. The facility of sale and transfer afforded by the establish- ment of saleable property and authentic register of rights, vnth the frequency of compulsor}' sales through the civil courts, have brought into possession of many landed properties men of the mercantile and capitalist classes. These men are in Northern India very enterprising, and some of them have really done much to plant ryots and develop the resources of the country in the native way. The normal tenure of the north-west provinces may be said, then, to be that of moderate proprietors, of fair position and character, with many ryots under them who possess a right of occupancy at a fair rent. The security of tenure resulting from the settlement gave a great impulse to agriculture ; there was peace and prosperity ; the country flourished ; property in land acquired a high value ; and for a long period the settle- ment of the north-west provinces was held out as the perfection of Indian management. In a great degree these praises were well deser\'ed ; yet there are some drawbacks. The immense records, pushed on rapidly to comjiletion, were sometimes found to contain a good many errors, and required some revision and correction. Con- siderable inequalities no doubt occurred in the assessment of the revenue. The main drawbacks are, however, I think, the following : — The establishment of ])roperty gave facility for obtaining credit, while the facility of resort to sale of landed rights in satisfaction of debts, and the strictness of the collectors' demands, rendered alienations very frequent. Those who India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 63 most suffered in this way were the somewhat imprcvidert classes — the old Rajpoot and such-like families — who vve'e constantly sold out. If there was often economic gain in this process, there was political weakness, for the old proprietors — the most martial class in the country — remained on the land in great numbers, reduced to the position of needy and dis- contented cultivators, holding under those whom they con- temned as mere shopkeepers, and who were only kept in their position by the strength of British power. Then, as the old headmen and others, who had been made proprietors of so many villages on account of their merits and prominence, died out, their properties often fell to people who had not their capacity ; and they have been much subdivided under the laws of inheritance. The tendency in many of the small estates which at first seemed all that could be desired is, 1 think, to the gradual creation of a small proprietary class, above cultivating themselves, and not efficient as landlords. Finally, as land became valuable and competition arose, it was found that the position of the ryots had not been suffi- ciendy defined. The north-west provinces were the principal scene of the mutiny. The Sepoys were almost all Hindostanees. For several months the British power was, it may be said, absolutely and wholly extinct throughout the length and breadth of these provinces. Anarchy, of course, resulted ; it could not have been otherwise. To expect that a grateful people would keep the country for us under such circumstances, when they had seen their British masters slaughtered and driven away, would be too much. The old robber tribes resorted again to robbery; the strong took advantage of the weak ; old feuds were fought out ; eveiy man's hand was against his neighbour. The judicial records containing obnoxious decrees were in some instances burnt. Yet I can speak with some authority when I say that there was nothing like a general popular war against ourselves ; for I marched the whole length of the provinces as civil commis- sioner with the first column which came down after the fall of Delhi, and can say that there was not a symptom of popular resistance or hostility. With the exception of opposition from one or two considerable chiefs and Zemeendars, we everywhere walked into the villages and met the people as if nothing had happened. The moment our military power was re-established, they quieted down as a matter of course. While, then, thi 164 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. paper is designed rather to state facts than to offer opinions, I cannot but testify, as matter of fact, to the want of foun- dation for the suggestion at one time put forward in some quarters, that the events of the mutiny showed the unsound- ness of the settlement system of Northern India. On every occasion of great calamity there is a disposition to say that whatever is, is wrong, and it was so on this occasion. It has been sometimes said in the public prints that the people took the opportunity of rushing back to allegiance to their old masters, the great Zemeendars ; but no particulars of places or circumstances are given, and the statement is quite without foundation. Putting aside Oude, which had only been a few months annexed, and to which I shall presently come, I venture to say that great Zemeendars, who had long ceased to exercise their functions, nowhere regained authority. It is true that, in this time of anarchy, good Zemeendars of large means and considerable power were able to main- tain a nearer approach to order than existed elsewhere ; but, on the other hand, several men of that class took the opportunity ol rebelling. What did very generally happen was this, that the ousted village Zemeendars, the families and communities of the arm-bearing castes, who had been recognised at the settlement but had been sold out (prin- cipally by the civil courts), took the opportunity of driving away the unmilitary purchasers, and resuming what they still considered to be theirs. This it was which was mistaken for a voluntary return of the people to the dominion of their ancient chiefs. While, then, I have said that the north-west settlement is not, in all respects, the piece of absolute perfection which it was at one time represented to be, on the other hand I say that nothing occurred in the mutiny to give the slightest ground for suggesting that it had failed or was founded on wrong principles. It was only made apparent that the sub- sequent action of the courts, in too summarily alienating. the rights of the village proprietors who had been properly recog- nised at the settlement, was a source of political weakness ; and that lesson is one which has been borne in mind. ltiDiA.2 IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 65 THE PUNJAB. Much of the Cis-Sutlej Sikh country, and the Jullunder Doab, were annexed in 1846, and the Punjab became British tenitory in 1849. To these were added the Delhi territory, and the whole form the present Punjab Government. The Punjab was settled on precisely the same principles as the north-west provinces. Lord Lawrence was bred a settlement officer under Mr. Bird, and the system was fully introduced. The differences caused by local circumstances are chiefly the following : — Although tliere are found in the Punjab, as in all pro- vinces settled under Reg. VI L of 1822, a considerable variety of tenures, the majority are the complete village communities which I have described in the first part of this paper. These, then, may be taken as the normal Punjab type, on which the Punjab system is founded. The proprietary rights of the communities are fully acknowledged, and the settlement is made with them, each village undertaking the payment, through its re[)resentative council of elders, of the revenue assessed upon it, which again is distributed upon the indivi- dual members, in proportion to the land held and cultivated by them. Thus we recognise the i)roprietary right of the mass of the freemen — constituting, 1 should say, in most cases an actual majority of the population, and certainly almost the whole strength of the country. Practically, the settlement made with a community is very nearly ryotwar, with the difference that (iovernment deals with the united body, and not directly with each individual separately. Most of the Punjab people are far better cultivators and much more provident than the Rajpoots and similar tribes, and the Government officers have been more considerate ; hence the sale of rights, in consequence of the non-payment of revenue, is almost unknown. The revenue is i)aid with extreme punctuality. Another most important distinction, as compared with the north-west provinces, is this, that in the first instance the unlimited interference of civil courts administering technical law on the principle of "fiat justitia ruat ccelum " was not per- mitted. In those days it was considered tliat in the new countries, called non-regulation, the ruling authorities had, in 1 66 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. the absence of specific law restraining them, something of the old despotic power of the rulers to whom they succeeded. There were no independent judicial tribunals. The executive officers were vested with judicial powers ; and there was at most only an appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober. It was distinctly laid down as the rule of the country that landed property was not liable, as a matter of course, to summary sale in satisfaction of simple debts, such sales being only permitted with the special sanction of the higher authorities ; and that was only accorded on a full consideration of the circumstances of the tenure andiof the case, v/hen it was con- sidered that the course was both just and expedient. These conditions being made fully known, no injustice was done to those who chose to lend money on such security as they could get. There was also in all cases of sale of individual rights, a right of pre-emption in the other members of the same village community. A large Sepoy army was quartered in the Punjab in 1857 ; and all the regiments which were not disarmed in time and guarded almost as prisoners broke into mutiny and rebellion. It may be admitted that the Punjab people had no love for the Sepoys. But still most of the European troops having marched to Delhi, an almost complete opportunity was afforded to a warlike and independent people only a few years con- quered. It is impossible to suppose that if there had been discontent it must not have then burst forth. Yet it is well known that the people not only did not rebel, but gave us the most active assistance. We put arms in their hands ; they fought the rebel Sepoys ; the villagers hunted them down ; troops hastily organised in the Punjab largely contributed to take Delhi. It may then very confidently be asserted that the system j^ursued in the Punjab had given satisfaction to the people. It is constantly said, as matter of theory, by those who follow other systems, that the joint responsibility which the system of joint engagements involves must be bad ; that it is a system which makes the good pay for the bad, the provident for the improvident. But, in fact, this is not so. The assess- ments are calculated to give, and do in fact give, much value to the land ; if a man breaks down, others are always found most ready to take his land and pay up his arrears ; it is generally not even necessary absolutely to transfer the land of India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 67 the defaulter (although this may be done) ; the feeling of the country is rather in favour of transfer in the way of native mortgage, which gives the defaulter a sufficient period to recover his inheritance, on paying the amount advanced, if he can obtain the means by military service or otherwise. The theory of the northern settlement system gives every share- holder the right to have his land and his liabilities partitioned, if he likes to incur the necessarj' expense ; but the privileges and advantages of membership of these communities are such that the shaieholders seldom seek to carry the division farther than the partition of cultivated lands, which is the;essence of the system. In course of time we shall probably come to entirely sepaiate properties ; but there is no need to hurry the process.* Even if it be conceded that there might be some economical objection to the system of joint tenure, the main point is this, that by the indigenous system of joint engagements the Govern- ment is enabled at once to deal with the body of the cultivators, and to acknowledge and enlarge their rights, to the satisfaction of the people and advantage of the administration. It can do this without incurring the much more serious evils and draw- backs which have always been found to attend the attempt of a great foreign Government to deal separately with each petty holder, till, at least, many years and much experience have enabled it to do so in a way which is impossible in the first generation under our rule. I will not delay to enter into farther details ; but I believe . it must be admitted on all hands that in practice the Punjab system has been eminently successful. No one can have passed through the country without feeling that. THE RYOTWAR SYSTEMS OF MADRAS AND BOMBAY. The system known as the " ryotwar " is that of dealing separately with each ryot without joint responsibihty. It has been mentioned that a part of the Madras territory was per- * The most curious proof that the natives do] not necessarily prefer the separate to the joint system is found in the fact, pubUshed in some of the official papers of the Madras Presidency, that in that country villages were found which for half a century had submitted to the farce of a Government assessment on each individual, but had year by year lumped the individual assessments together, and redivided the total in their own way among the members of the community. l68 .SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. maneiitly settled with the great Zemeendars. In another part, on the western coast, there are peculiar tenures nearly amount- ing to complete property; but my space will not admit of going into details ; and, in treating of Madras, I shall keep to the normal system of the greater part of the Madras territory, the ryotwar. As soon as the orders for adopting the Bengal system were relaxed, the Madras authorities returned to their own system of management. They considered the Zemeendars and Polygars to be no better than robbers and tyrants, from whom we had delivered the people. Most of these men had been swept away in the wars of our early days, and those who remained were put aside. The Madras authorities not only dealt direct with the people, but, insisting on strict economic justice in every individual case, they rejected the old system of joint village responsibility. It is singular how much Englishmen, educated in the same way, and dealing with very similar institutions, have fallen into different grooves when separated in different localities in a foreign country. Perhaps no two sets of men bred in different planets could have diverged more widely than Bengal and Madras civilians on the land question. The fact seems to be that the country to which the rule of India has fallen is that of all the countries of Europe in which there is least that is analogous to Oriental institutions. And Enghshmen, set down amid scenes entirely new to them, are very amenable to local influences. Local schools being once established, men isolated, and coming little into personal contact with those following other systems, maintain their own views with a persistence and intolerance which we do not find when men are brought more together. It has been said that the different schools of Bengal civilians agree in this, that under no circumstances shall the Government (leal direct with the individual ryots. The Madras civilians, on the other hand, have made it the root and foundation ot their faith that under no circumstances shall the Government deal with the land in any other way. Much of the country was really in that state which suggested the ryotwar system, there being none who could claim the character of proprietors, unless they had been created, as would have been the case in Bengal or the north-west. But it is abundantly clear, from the descriptions of the early administrators, that in some parts India. J I X VARIOUS COUN'IRIKS. I 69 of the south there were village communities just as completely constituted as those of the Punjab, and well accustomed to pay the revenue in the lump, and manage their own affairs. The system was rejected as unjust and inexpedient ; and, by the force of the Government, the communities were generally dissolved into the individual units, each man being separately assessed for the land which he held; although in some instances the villages maintained their system in spite of the Government. In the early years of vigorous ryotwar management, a measurement and classification was made, in native fashion, of the whole lands of the country ; every field was recorded, with the Government dues payable for it. Every ryot in possession is secured so long as he pays the revenue so assessed. He may give up any field if he likes, and may take any unoccupied field. For long, a certain distinction was drawn between the meerasdars or hereditary and proprietary ryots, who had more fixed and positive rights, and the simple ryots, whose tenure was rather one of permission to hold than an acknowledged property ; but, by a system of levelling up, this distinction may be said to have been eventually effaced in the ryotwar countries, and the ryots' holdings have become complete property so long as the revenue is paid. A very important difference between a ryotwar system and the others which have been desciibed is this, that in the ryotwar provinces all the waste and unoccupied lands are considered to be Government property, and, being separately assessed in fields or survey plots, are available to the first comer, native of the village or stranger, who chooses to take them upon the prescribed teniis. Whether the settlement be made with the Bengal Zemeendar or with the Punjab village community, the lump sum assessed includes all the lands of each village area, cultivated and uncultivated; andthe proprietors may make their own arrangements for cultivating the waste without increase of revenue, except when there is a new settlement. In Madras and Bombay it is not so ; there for every new field cultivated the Government has an additional revenue. Where, as is still the case in some i)arts of Madras, the revenue is payable in the old native fashion (a proportion of the grain crop, varying rates tor different kinds of crops, and so on), the Government also benefits by the increase of jjrices and spread of valuable products. The advantages and disadvantages of the ryotwar system have been made very apparent in Madras. There is no tyranny 17° SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. of grasping proprietors over poor r^'ots. The revenue is adjusted according to circumstances. When peace brought down war prices, it somewhat fell oft"; since the expenditure of British capital, and other recent circumstances, have enhanced prices and increased resources, it has greatly risen. But too much was attempted in the first instance. The survey was very rough, and the rates were certainly too high ; so that there has not, till quite recently, been any sufficient margin to enable the ryots generally to attain an easy and independent position. The survey and assessment have not been revised, as was necessary. In the greater part of the presidency there is still nothing more recent than the days of Sir Thomas Monro. The assessment once fixed was never altered ; and it has frequently happened that the best fields remained uncultivated, as being too highly assessed. The chief evil is this, that it is impossible to work a most complicated system, and to collect from many hundreds of thousands of ryots a revenue, expressed in a mul- titude of items, withuot the intervention of a host of native subordinates. The revenue could never be exactly collected ; the grant of remissions to individuals who can show some excuse for non-payment is still a recognised part of the system ; and as it is totally impossible that the collector can really master every such case, many abuses necessarily result. In Bombay, when the territoiy was acquired from the Marattas, Mountstuart Elphinstone was altogether in favoiu: of the village system ; but eventually the Madras pattern of ryotwar management was that more generally adopted. Subsequently, when the successful settlement of the north-western provinces liad called attention to these matters, a knot of able and energetic Bombay ofiicers devised an improved ryotwar system, which has been very successfully carried out. A new and exact survey and valuation is made by much improved methods. The land is permanently marked out by substantial boundary marks in convenient fields or small blocks, and the revenue is systematically assessed on each in money, and fixed for a period of thirty years. The rates are extremely low — many people say too low — but that is now generally considered to be a fault on the right side ; and although there was at first a disposition to rush from old lands to lightly-assessed new ones, and to take up more than a man could properly cultivate, I believe that, the great demand for cotton and consequent flow of money largely aiding, there has been a very great increase of substantial and India.J IX VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 171 pemianent cultivation and a great development of agricultural enterprise. A man may still give up each field at his pleasure, or take any new one that is unoccupied ; but all land in possession is declared to be complete and absolute property, and has acquired such a value that it is now seldom surrendered. The rates being so low, the revenue is punctually exacted, and the tenures are held liable for its payment. I believe that, sufficient pains being taken, and a sufficient machinery employed, and circumstances favouring, the ryotwar system has really been worked out to a very successful issue in Bombay, and that the revenue has been benefited as well as the people.* The mode of assessment was originally too artificial and minute; but I suppose that in practice the great object has been to make a reasonable assessment in some way, at rates so low that minor inequalities are comparatively immaterial. The Bombay territory is small : the officers employed were zealous and energetic ; and the object aimed at has been eff'ected. It must, however, be understood that the thing has not been done without something of the same lump system to which objection is taken as regards the practice of Northern India. The unit is not the village, but a smaller unit ; still that unit is to some degree arbitrary and artificial. The assessment is not imposed on each actual petty field, but on an artificial field, often ten or twelve acres or more. When there are several holders in this block, a certain joint responsibility is imposed. If one culti- vator surrenders his portion, he who remains must take the whole or give up the whole. And he is not permitted to subdivide it again for revenue purposes. Subject to the undivided responsibility for each revenue block, there is no prohibition of subdivision by inheritance, &c., as among the people themselves ; but there being much facility for taking up new land on the one hand, and great demand for labour for railways, manufactories, &c., on the other, I under- stand that the tendency has been rather to consolidation, and not to subdivision of farms, taking the countrj' generally. I am told that there has not been much sub-letting, and that the evils sometimes said to attend small properties have not yet been largely experienced in Bombay. * I am compelled to be brief as regards Bombay and Madras, but I have given fuller details of the systems there followed in " Modern India," chap. vii. — G. C. 172 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURF. [Camit.ki.i.. My visits to Bombay districts have impressed me very favourably. I can say that all that we can hear from the people of the adjoining villages of the central provinces goes to show that the Bombay system is extremely popular. And the highest authorities connected with the Bombay Administration assure me that the social results are so far altogether good. The success of the Bombay system led to measures for a similar revision and reconstruction of the ryotwar system in Madras ; but the same successful result has not yet been obtained. The reasons of this failure are not clear ; this only is certain, that the territory is larger, and the task heavier than in Bombay. Madras men used to say that it would be very easy to give as much satisfaction if the revenue were as com- pletely sacrificed as it had been in Bombay ; but since the Bombay revenue has been recouped, that argument can hardly hold. I suspect that a dislike servilely to follow the Bombay, or any other pattern, has something to do with it. And I should rather think, from the papers I have seen, that the Madras officers have fallen into the same error which at first rendered Reg. VII. of 1822 inoperative, that is, they attempt too minute calculations of produce, and too scientific deductions of rates, as the basis of their settlements, instead of cutting the knot by a rough and ready assessment at rates so low as to be safe, some inequalities notwithstanding. I have not been in the Madras territories since 1864, and Madras revenue affairs have always been a kind of sacred mystery to the outside world, the whole system is so full of native complications, and all the reports so bristle with hopelessly unintelligible technicalities. The popularised settlement reports which have been elsewhere so much in vogue, have not been generally imitated in Madras. The official documents are such that I, an expert of many pro- vinces, shrink from them : an ordinary Englishman might as well attempt to read an arrow-headed inscription. The Madras authorities used to be loud in praise of their own system, but of late years they seem to have run to the other extreme of pessimism. After years of discussing and minuting, a resolution intended to inaugurate a new survey and settlement was recorded by the Madras Government, on 14th August, 1855. According to this document everything was bad. With little exception, no part of the presidency had been in British possession for less than half a century, yet it stood alone among British provinces, India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 73 as that in which there had been no proper survey and settlement. The old survey was wholly detective, a mere measurement and valuation ^ made in haste by ])ersons wholly ignorant of any correct methods of measuring, and under no effective control. There were no maps and no permanent boundaries. The records, such as they were, had been imperfectly preserved, and in many instances had been grossly tampered with. There were many districts in which there had been no pretence of measurement, and where at that day " the land revenue demand is based merely on the unchecked statement of the Curnum, who has thus vast opportunity both of making exactions on the ryots, and in collusion with them of defrauding Government." The general result of the system was stated to be that not only was the revenue injuriously affected, but the poorer and less influential classes suffered for the benefit of the wealthy ; to all, both rich and poor, property was rendered uncertain, and they were placed in dependence on grasping and unscrupulous men, and diverted from the pursuits of honest industry. The moral of this dreadfully black picture was that the Supreme Government must give the money necessary for a new survey and settlement ; but still there was too much truth in it ; and the new settlement was resolved on. Elaborate details regarding the system to be followed are to be found in the papers. The Madras Government wished to settle the revenue at money rates, calculated on the average prices of produce, which were to be revised every seven or ten years ; but the Government at home decided that it would be better to fix low money rates once for all, and to make the settlement at these rates for thirty years. When I visited the Madras presidency in 1S59, Sir C. Trevelyan being Governor, the settlement was being actively discussed, and it was apparently in train to be fully carried out. In 1864 I could not find that anything substantial had been done, and since that time I had been unable to learn any- thing tangible regarding the progress of the settlement. On applying for information, I have now received, as the latest intelligence, a paper which seems to put things in a very un- favourable light. It is a report made in the present year, 1869, to the Board of Revenue by an officer specially deputed to inquire into the matter, and himself formerly deputy director ot settlements. The Board simply request the director of settle- ments to favour them with his views, and I suppose that it is a 174 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. tolerably reliable document. It appears that, excepting the districts where a new system of irrigation rendered a resettle- ment indispensable, scarcely any settlements have yet been completed. A conference, it is stated, was held on settlement subjects in Sir Charles Trevelyan's time, in 1859, but, says the report, "The result of the conference was never officially notified ; for Sir Charles Trevelyan soon after left the country, and from that day to this the Settlement Department has continued to work without any specific instructions, on a sort of semi-organised footing, doing a little here and there,- in an uncertain and unconnected manner." That is a very extraor- dinary statement. The report goes on to say, that as things are managed the system still works badly, " The bulk of the people are paupers. They can just pay their cess in a good year, and fail altogether when the season is bad. Remissions have to be made perhaps every third year in most districts. There is a bad year in some one district or group of districts every year." It is stated that the Government have gradually abolished a vast number of vexatious and petty native items of assess- ment, but that there are still nineteen different systems in the nineteen districts, and many anomalies ; e.g., " A man grows tobacco in his garden, and is charged eighteen rupees an acre ; while his neighbour grows millet, and is charged three rupees an acre. Single crop lands are charged double crop rates, and double crop lands single crop rates. Two or more rates of assessment are imposed on different parts of the same field. Certain lands in this village are charged eight rupees, and pre- cisely similar lands in a neighbouring village, four rupees an acre." These and many other anomalies are said to exist ; but it is asked. Are the advantages of a new settlement worth the outlay of a million sterling on establishment and working expenses, and a certain loss of revenue which it will take time to recoup ? In fact, says the reporter, two millions must be spared to carry out the settlement, or the system must be abandoned. I believe that, notwithstanding the pessimism of the reports which I have quoted, there has been of late years a considerable increase of prosperity and wealth in Madras. Still the failure to put the great interests connected with the land on a proper footing seems very bad. That is no consequence of the ryot- war system ; on the contrary, the adoption of that system is India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 175 just what renders a minute survey and valuation much more indispensably necessary than in provinces where we deal with the people in a body, or through intermediate proprietors, and leave them to settle their own affairs. The omission to carry out a proper system can only be considered to be an administrative failure. RECENT LEGISLATION AND SETTLEMENTS. I have explained the very good footing on which the Bengal ryots of the time of the permanent settlement were put by the laws of that day, record only being wanting ; but I have scarcely alluded to the ryots who came into land subsequent to the settlement. In truth, till recent legislation dealt with the whole subject, their position was very obscure and doubtful. The Regulations giving the Zemeendars power to deal with the waste land would have enabled them to introduce, in so much of their estates, an English contract system ; to have retained the complete and absolute property in their own hands — to have built and improved, and let the improved lands to tenants. But, in fact, they did nothing of the sort. Exactly the same thing happened which has happened in Ireland — that is to say, the Zemeendars and those holding under them per- mitted ryots to reclaim the land, settle themselves, put up houses, and do all that was required for agricultural purposes, on the understanding that when it was reclaimed they were to pay the usual rents. There was, however, this material difference from the state of things in Ireland, that no circumstances arose leading the Zemeendars to think of attempting to evict tenants. And the mass of the old tenants not being liable to eviction, those who came in subsequently, on similar customary terms, probably considered that they also were not to be evicted so long as they paid their rents. In course of time, indeed, the distinction between the old and new ryots would necessarily become very difficult to trace ; it became hard to say who had held from before the settlement, and who had come in subsequently, the apparent tenure being precisely the same. At any rate, the question of occupancy rights was not raised between the Zemeendars and ryots, both parties being content that things should remain as they were. Under a legal system where the greatest force is given to custom, it was at least doubtful 176 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. whether it might not be held that, according to the custom and understanding of the country, any man who occupied land as a resident ryot, and invested his labour and money in it, ipso facto acquired a right of occupancy subject to the customary rent. The old Regulations, in fact, seem hardly to contemplate any other than the ordinary native method of managing these things ; and there are in them expressions which would seem to imply that no more is to be taken from any class of ryots, old or new, than the customary rates of the neighbourhood. Special contracts would probably override these general pro- visions ; but it is certain that in the whole course of litigation, from 1793 to 1859, there was no case in which any ryot's rent had been raised by the agency of the courts, on any other ground than that it was below the customary rates of the neighbourhood, and should be raised to that standard. The logical inference would be that as there was no mode ot raising the general established rates of a locality all round, and individual holdings could not be raised beyond those rates, they must have remained unaltered all along. The fact, however, is not exactly so. Zemeendars, like other native rulers, have a good deal of irregular power ; as prices rose and expenses increased, they had some equitable claim to an in- crease of rent. Cesses and extra items were added to the rent- roll : then on special ocovsions new measurements were made, and claims of one kind and another were sometimes compro- mised by an agreement to add something to the previous rates. Thus in an irregular way, but more or less by mutual consent, the old Pergunnah rates were changed into very various local rates, and the tendency was always towards increase ; there being in this respect little distinction between ancient and modern ryots, except in the case of the formally acknowledged holders of perpetuities at a quit rent. Once the body of the ryots had submitted to any increase, individuals could be made to pay the local rates thus established. Still there was no general system of rapid enhancement, and, as I have already said, the increase of rents did not keep pace with the increased value of the land. A few years ago it was found that the increase of knowledge and of the mercantile spirit were bringing about a state of things when it would be no longer safe to rely on the undefined customs which were daily becoming more varied and indistinct, India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 77 and that a revision of the Bengal rent laws was necessary'. In the north-west provinces, also, it was felt that the settlement proceedings had left the rights and liabilities of the ryots in a somewhat inaccurate state. And it was determined to pass a new law applicable to both provinces. This was the famous Act X. of 1859, by which the respective rights of landlords and ryots are now regulated. The first provisions are applicable to the permanently settled provinces only, and do little more than confirm the rights of tlie old ryots conferred on them by the original laws. Ryots who have held from the time of the permanent settlement at fixed rates of rent which had never been changed are entitled to hold at those rents for ever. The effect is that those of the ancient ryots who have clung to their rights and submitted to no increase keep them still ; but those who have, as matter of fact, submitted to any increase, just or unjust, fall down into a lower class, to be presently mentioned. Then, to get over the want of record and the difficulty ot impossibility of proving an ancient invariable holding, it was provided that when any ryot can prove that his rent has not been changed for twenty years, it shall be presumed that the land has been held at the same rate from the time of the per- manent settlement, unless the Zemeendar shows to the contrary. This is by no means giving perpetuity to all ryots of twenty years' standing, but is a mere adjustment of the burden of proof.. There has been a great disposition to be very strict in the proof required of the twenty years' holding at a fixed rent. It has not been thought enough that some sort of proof should be given, and it should be accepted if uncontradicted by evidence on the other side. Very specific and exact proof has been required, which is not always forthcoming, the provision not having been anticipated, and there being no official record. This deficiency has often been met in native method by forging the receipts which were wanting. The result, I fear, is that it very much depends on the idiosyncrasy of the individual judge, whether claims to hold at a fixed rent are admitted wholesale or rejected wholesale ; and there is a painful uncertainty as to every tenure which has not passed the ordeal of the courts. These, however, are judicial difficulties ; the general equity of the law is so far not disputed. The provision which has since led to much discussion, and to a cry that the rights of landlQ ds have been confiscated, is the next, which declares a 178 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. right of occupancy at a fair rent (subject to enhancement from time to time) to belong to every ryot who has held land for a period of twelve years and upwards, with two important exceptions. First, the law is not to alfect the terms of any wTitten contract, so that a man holding a terminable lease, which reserves a right of re-entr}-, does not benefit by the pro- vision. And second, it does not apply to the "seer" or demesne lands of the proprietors. Lands which have once borne that character, although let for the time, can be resumed at any time. Tenants having a right of occupancy are liable to enhance- ment of rent on the following grounds, and on these only : — That the land is found by measurement to be in excess of the quantity paid for. That the rate of rent is below the prevailing rates paid by the same class of rj'ots for similar lands in the places adjacent. That the value of the produce or the productive powers of the land have been increased otherwise than by the agency or at the expense of the ryot. Facilities were given to the Zemeendars to put in force claims under these provisions in special revenue courts of easy access. The following incidents of the occupancy tenures are established by law or by judicial decisions. So long as the ryot pays the rent he may do what he likes with the land (pro- vided he does not absolutely destroy it) ; and may sublet it temporarily. It also descends by inheritance, and there is no actual restriction upon subdivision as regards the rights of the heirs among themselves. But the Zemeendar is not bound to recognise any subdivision; so long as he does not accept separate tenants he is entitled to hold the whole tenure liable for the whole rent, and can sell the tenure or eject the ryots when any part of the rent is in arreai\ The question whether the tenures are or are not saleable is left to be deteiinined by the custom of each district or locality. The right of occupancy having been secured to so large a body of the tenants, there is no provision for compensation for improvements ; but an outgoing tenant is entitled to carry away everything which he has placed on the land if he can remove it, and generally either sells or removes the woodwork in his house, and anything else not actually sunk in the soil. It has been asserted that the twelve years' rule of occupancy India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 79 is an arbitrary rule, borne out by no native law or custom ; and there is some truth in that statement. But then very much was to be said for the still wider rule which would have given every resident ryot a right of occupancy, as his due under the custom and an implied contract. In fact, the law, as originally drawn for Bengal, gave all resident ryots the right to hold at the prevailing rates. It was, however, pointed out by the authorities of the north-west provinces, that in modern times, since the cessation of the external pressure which in troubled times made every man necessarily reside in a village as a member of a community united for many purposes, the distinc- tion between resident and non-resident ryots could hardly be maintained, and they suggested their own twelve years' rule, which was adopted accordingly, as a compromise of a doubtful question. Be the abstract merits of the occupancy question what they may, the consideration which I think takes away all ground of complaint is that the law declaring the occupancy right of the mass of ryots was passed without the slightest opposition on the part of the Zemeendars ; it may almost be said, with their tacit consent. Modern Indian laws are not passed as mere edicts ; they are published and fully discussed in an open legislative council, the proceedings of which are reported day by day. The Bengallee Zemeendars are a highly educated class, with English newspapers and abundant organs ; they are the last people to submit without complaint to any infringe- ment of their rights. But on this occasion they did not com- plain. It is true that the twelve years' limit was, I believe, put in somewhat hurriedly towards the latter stages of the bill ; but then it was, as I have said, substituted for a much wider rule, which had been long published. The fact is, that to native ideas the rule was one to which it did not occur to them to object. Native Zemeendars generally prefer fixed ryots to those who may run away any day. At the same time that the twelve years' rule was introduced, there was also inserted the third of the grounds for enhance- ment of rent which I have mentioned ; one previously unknown in Bengal, and not practically operative in the north-west pro- vinces, which gave the Zemeendars a right to enhance on the ground of increase in the value of the produce or in the produc- tive powers of the land. That was a great gain to them. In the north-west provinces, where no class of r\ots have a right to hold at fixed rents, and the right of occupancy was already l8o SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. secured, the result of this provision is that the Rent Act, taken as a whole, benefits the Zemeendars, and renders the rj-ots much more subject to enhancement of rent than before. In Bengal, the settlement in favour of the ryots of a doubtful right of occupancy is counterbalanced by the new rule of enhance- ment. But the Zemeendars did not show a disposition to press it much ; and so far as the natives, superior and inferior, were concerned, the new law might have worked quietly enough in Bengal. A storm, however, soon after arose from an unexpected quarter. The oldest and perhaps the most successful European industrial enterprise in India is that of the Bengal indigo planters. They used generally to buy the indigo plant from the ryots, and to manufacture the indigo themselves. For facility of obtaining indigo, they had acquired possession of considerable estates, generally as sub-holders or middlemen, under the Zemeendars. Holding thus towards the ryots a double relation as landlords and merchants, the landlord in- fluence was brought to bear on the cultivation and delivery of the plant. And, as so often happens in India, the matter came to be regulated rather by custom than by proper mercantile principles. The planters did not attempt to make profit by the rents ; the ryots were allowed to sit at the old easy rents ; but they were required to deliver a tale of indigo plant, and the price paid was fixed by custom and not by competition. As was shown when a Commission investigated the matter, the planters had adopted some high-handed ways, in the absence of sufficient Government authority in the interior of Bengal ; but, after all, natives will bear a great deal in that way, so long as they are in the main tolerably well off; and through the planters much European money circulated among them. It was when the increase of prices of all produce and general rise of values made it apparent that the old customary prices paid for the indigo plant were very unprofitable, that there arose serious discontent, terminating in a sort of rebellion against the indigo planters. 'J'he whole matter was inquired into by a Commission, and it was made evident that the old state of things could not continue, and that if the planters wanted indigo, they must pay market value for the plant. They then said, " We have let you sit at easy rents because you gave us indigo ; but since you object to give indigo on the old terms, we will raise your rents.'' So far the planters had India.] I\ VARIOUS COUNTRIES. iSl entirely right on their side ; and if they had on the one hand offered a reasonably increased price for the indigo plant, and on the other claimed a reasonable increase of rent, the matter might probably have been settled. In fact, however, the planters who tried the question did not at first take this mode- rate course. They rather sought to conquer the ryots and to bring them to their own terms with respect to indigo, by demanding an extravagant and penal increase of rent. They proposed to treble and quadruple the rents all round at one blow. The case came before the Chief Justice, Sir Barnes Peacock, who decided that the ryots were bound to pay a fair rent in the sense of the highest rent obtainable, and that, an increase of the value of produce being shown, there was no limit to the increase demandable but the net profit of the cultivator or rack-rent. Entering into a calculation of the value of produce and costs of production, and deducting the one from the other, he found that the difference left a profit greater than the rent claimed by the planter, and accordingly decreed the full claim. The ryots, however, still declined either to grow indigo on the old terms or to pay the rents so greatly increased, and the case eventually came before the full High Court of fifteen judges, who decided by fourteen to one (the Chief Justice still maintaining his opinion) that as the landlord could only enhance for a certain cause, he could only enhance in the same degree or in the same proportion in which the cause operated. It being shown that the value of agricultural produce has increased in a certain proportion since the last adjustment of rent, the rent will be increased in the same proportion ; e.g., if prices have risen fifty per cent, the rent will also be raised fifty per cent. That is the final decision in what is called the Great Rent Case. I believe that under this decision things have settled down quietly enough. The planters are enabled considerably to raise their rents, they have been obliged to pay higher for the indigo plant, and things go on upon a better footing than before. The native Zemeendars have to some extent followed the example of claiming enhanced rents ; but I do not think that in Bengal they have yet done so to an excessive degree. The thirty years' settlement of the north-western provinces having expired, a new settlement has been for some time 1 82 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. in progress. It has been determined to follow in all new settlements a more moderate rule of assessment than in former days. Instead of taking two-thirds of the rent, the Government is now to take only half of the present rents, leaving the other half to the landholder for his expenses and profits, besides future increase. There are several cesses for roads, schools, &:c., to be paid out of the landholders' portion ; but still the profit left to him is very large. The increase of rental since the last settlement being counterbalanced by the lower rate of assessment, I believe that the Government will not profit very largely by the revision. Of late years there had been a re-action of opinion in favour of permanent settlement of the land revenue, and orders were sent out by the Secretary of State that in every estate where the land might be considered to be sufficiently cultivated (the proportion of untilled land not being in excess of that required for grazing and other reasonable purposes) the assessment should be declared to be perpetual. It is evident, however, that a permanent assessment on the basis of half present assets is a much more liberal arrangement than any hitherto made, and that as the land revenue forms in India so large a proportion of the total revenue of the country, if it is stereotyped we must seek for other sources of income. There is much reason to suppose that the value of money and produce are rapidly altering, and that great changes are likely to occur in the next few years. An opinion has also spnmg up that the resources of the country are as yet insufticiently developed, and that it is for the Government, as superior land- lord, to do much in the way of irrigation works and similar improvements, about which there will be difficulty if it is debarred from increase of land revenue. Hence I think there has again been some re-action of feeling. Orders have been issued that where there is a probability of irrigation works being under- taken we are not to commit ourselves to jjermanency of the land revenue. Altogether the question seems to be still in an msettled state. It is to be noted that the recent orders for permanent settle- ments in the north-western provinces contain no provisions for extending the benefit of permanency to the inferior class pos- sessed of acknowledged rights in the land (the old occupancy ryots) such as were contained in Lord Cornwallis's Regula- tions, and are repeated (as regards the old permanently settled India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 183 provinces) in Act X. of 1859. As matters now stand they would still remain subject to constant increase of rent. The first settlements in the Punjab were made for shorter terms than those adopted in older provinces, and a revised setdement has been for some time in progress here. The proceedings have led to one of those lamentable official battles which so much interfere with progess. I have mentioned that the normal tenure of the Punjab is that under which the same persons, as members of village communities, are proprietors and cultivators at the same time. Still there are also in parts a good many non-cultivating land- holders of the same classes as those of the north-west provinces, and many cultivators holding under them. The distinction between hereditary or occupancy ryots and tenants-at-will had certainly been very loosely made in the first settlements (as was also the case in the north-west provinces), there being little or no contest at a time when the distinction between revenue and rent rates were hardly known to the people ; and the land- holders were sometimes ready enough to let others share the burden of the fixed money revenue then for the first time imposed on them. Some settlement officers had followed the old north-west practice of considering all who had held for twelve years to have a right of occupancy ; but the more correct rule afterwards laid down by Sir J. Lawrence was " to consider the nature quite as much as the length of occupancy, and to pay entire regard to local customs and the opinions of the agriculturists." In the original settlement very large numbers of inferior holders were recorded as having right of occupancy. Act X. of 1S59 has never been extended to the Punjab, so that its provisions do not settle the matter. Soon after the commencement of the new settlement opera- tions the officer at the head of the department represented that the old setdement was very frequently wrong in attributing occupancy rights to mere tenants-at-will ; that many of these men themselves admitted this to be so ; and he asked if he might re-open the matter and correct the erroneous entries. Beyond an order enjoining on him extreme caution in his inquiries, no definite instructions were issued. Unhappily this question of the rights of the cultivators was then the subject of hot controversy in several parts of India, and the dispute was taken up by opposing parties among the Punjab officials. The highest authorities differed, and nothing was settled. 184 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [CAMmsLL. Meantime the settlement conimissioner, being liimself very strongly of the party which denied the rights of ryots, went on in his own way, and very many thousands of the occupancy ryots of the old settlement were put down as tenants-at-will under the new settlement. An independent chief court has now been established in the Punjab, and some of the proceedings of the settlement commissioner coming before the court were declared to be not warranted by law. All parties were then agreed as to the necessity of legislation of some sort. After much discussion a new Land Act was passed for the Punjab last year, the provisions of which, as regards the disputed point, are these : — Every person entered in the records of settlements previously completed and sanctioned, as having a right of occupancy, shall be presumed to have such right, unless it shall be proved by regular suit brought by the landlord — 1. That he has admitted before a settlement officer that he has no such right ; or, 2. That within thirty years tenants of the same class, in the same or adjacent villages, have ordinarily been ejected at the will of the landlord. Revised rent-laws have also been passed in Madras and Bombay, settling all doubts which had there arisen. During recent years much attention has been paid to the land affairs of new provinces, which I shall separately notice. THE LAND QUESTION IN OUDE. The partition of the Oude territory at the beginning of the century has been mentioned. The division, in a plain country with no natural boundaries, was purely political. The people of the country left to the Nawab-Vizier were almost absolutely identical with those of the districts taken by the British, in race, language, and institutions, being Hindoostanees of the regular Hindoostanee type. The first use made by the Nawab of the power which a strong British contingent gave him was to bring to complete obedience the subjects who were left to him, and to put down most of the Jagheerdars and 'J'alookdars. But under his suc- cessors, the interference of P>ritish forces in their internal affairs being no longer jK^rmitted, a very different state of things grew up. A great degree of anarchy prevailed ; local chiefs India.j in \aric)Ls countries. 185 constantly set the Government at defiance, and from the death of Nawab Saabat Allee to the time of the annexation of Oude, these men acquired more and more power. This is the period of the rise of the modern Talookdars. Some of them are members of old leading families, and a few of these are in some sense chiefs of clans; many others are mere modem revenue collectors or contractors who have obtained a hold over the districts entrusted to them. In all cases the power has gone to the strongest or most astute in each family, not to the man who had the most legitimate claims by seniority. Take as an example the family of the present leader of the Talookdars, known to the English public as " chief of the barons of Oude," Maharajah Sir Man Sing, K.S.I. They are not Oude men at all. The uncle of the present Maharajah, a native of the old British province of Bahar, and a Bramin by caste, was a trooper in one of the Company's regiments of regular cavalry. Being quartered at Lucknow, he entered the Oude service, and rose to high office. He introduced his brother, the father of the Maharajah. Up to the time of an- nexation the family rose higher and higher in the Oude ad- ministration, and acquired a great estate. The eldest son has held great places, but is notorious for having almost ruined by tyranny the districts beyond the Gogra, and has been prudently kept in the background since British rule. Another son is a man of literary tastes, who does not care for politics ; and the family is now represented by the youngest son, the present Maharajah, an extremely clever person, thoroughly versed in political affairs. I have no doubt that the example of the British districts by which they were surrounded had much to do with the disposi- tion shown by the Talookdars to acquire, by fair means or foul, not only the rule over, but something like proprietary right in as many villages as possible. Certain it is that a continual pro- cess of absorption of the independent villages into the Talookas, and suppression of those men who would have been con- sidered village proprietors under the north-west system, went on up to the time of annexation ; so that at last the greater part of Oude was held by the large Talookdars, corresponding to the Zemeendars of Bengal. Not only were the Talookdars constantly in arms against the Government, but the Talookas were also torn by intestine feuds. If we look to the succession of the great chiefships, we 1 86 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. shall generally find that the ruler for the time had murdered his uncle and supplanted his cousins, and that the cousins or cousins' sons formed an opposition, ready to supplant him on the first opportunity. The outs constantly harassed the ins by predatory attacks. When I was magistrate of a British border district, I had repeated remonstrances, through the British resi- dent, regarding the atrocities of a man who was represented as a common robber and dacoit of the vilest description, sheltered by British subjects ; and after some blood had been spilt in an attempt of my police to capture him, I was quietly told that I need not trouble myself any longer, as he had made terms v/ith his Government, and was installed as Talookdar. The rj'ots, too, were often almost necessarily involved on the side of one faction or other, and were plundered and oppressed when the opposite faction triumphed. The British border was sometimes full of them. Yet they seemed seldom to care to settle there : they only encamped, and were generally ready to return on a favourable opportunity. The fact is that the system had its compensations for them ; the exercise of des- potic power by the superior implies the possession of the sacred right of rebellion by the inferior; and if they were ill- used by one man they generally soon found the means of paying him off by adhering to some opposition chief ; so that either party would at last make some sort of terms with them. The general result, however, of the state of anarchy which prevailed was that all tenures and all rights had been very much shaken and shuffled in the generation preceding our rule ; and under a nominal Government at Lucknow the country was in a great degree held by semi-independent Talookdars, rather tributary than subject. Both the official reports and the Anglo-Indian newspapers were constantly full of the tyrannies and oppressions of the Talookdars. Colonel Sleeman, the British resident, made an official tour through the country, and wrote a book full of their misdeeds. It was solely and wholly on the ground of the inability of the native Government to control them and protect the people that, in the year 1856, under orders issued contrary to the opinion of Lord Dalhousie, we dethroned the represen- tative of the family who had been our oldest allies, and for a hundred years thoroughly faithful to us, and annexed the country. Under these circumstances, it is scarcely surprising that the India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 187 first orders issued on the annexation gave somewhat scant justice to the Talookdars, who had caused all the mischief. They amounted in brief to this : that our officers should deal primarily with the village communities, leaving the Talookdars to prove their right to superior tenures, if they had any. In practice, however, these orders could not be fully carried out. The Talookdars had too complete a hold of much of their possessions to leave it possible to ignore them altogether. Many of their more recent acquisitions were taken from them and restored to village proprietors; but they still remained possessed of great estates, and had not been deprived of their forts, guns, and followers when the mutiny broke out, in the year immediately following the annexation. Oude was, as is well known, one of the chief scenes of the mutiny. It was almost exclusively held by Sepoy troops, very many of whom were natives of the country ; and when they rose the small British force was besieged in the Residency. The Talookdars did not behave excessively ill. Some of them assisted our fugitive officers to escape, and for a time they generally temporised, and did not take a very decided part. From the time, however, when the attempted relief by Havelock and Outram failed, and the relievers were shut up along with the original besieged, the great body of the Talookdars identified themselves with the Sepoy cause, went into full rebellion, and took part in the siege of the Residency. As soon as the military strength of the rebellion was completely broken. Lord Canning came out with his famous proclamation, confiscating all the lands of Oude. As there has been so much discussion on this subject, I may state that, being then in immediate communication with Lord Canning, he showed me the original draft of the proclamation in his own handwriting, and I then had it from his own lips (before the proclamation was published) that his object was not really to confiscate finally the rights of the Talookdars, but to get rid of all the engagements into which we had entered after annexa- tion, and to obtain a "tabula rasa"' which would enable him to restore the great landowners, and redress the injustice which he thought they had suffered, on condition -of their full and com- plete allegiance. In fact, the step was taken m pursuance of a policy the opposite of that which had before prevailed, and in order to clear the ground for the new system. The ad\ice which I ventured to tender to Lord Canning 1 88 SYSTEMS OF I.AXD TENURE [CAMrnELL. was, that it v/ould be better to avoid the appearance of extreme seventy on the one hand, and the extreme of concession to those who had rebelled on the other ; that it would be enough to assure the Talookdars that bygones should be bygones — that their property and reasonable claims should be respected — that the whole question of landed rights should be again gone into, and that any injustice of which they could fairly complain should be redressed. But the Governor-General had taken his course. The proclamation was accordingly issued, and the Talookdars were immediately informed that on their submission they should have re-grants of all that they had held before the annexation. They were at first very suspicious and incredulous about the extreme goodness of the terms offered ; but they had no choice but to come in or go off to the hills as fugitives ; they almost all came in, and received English grants of all the villages which they had in any shape or in any way brought under their dominion before the annexa- tion of the country. Thus Lord Canning did in Oude precisely what Queen Elizabeth did in Ireland, when the surrender of the Irish chiefs was accepted and their possessions were re-granted on English titles. Soon after the pacification of the country, a revenue settle- ment was undertaken, and then there arose the question whether any inferior rights were to be recognised in subordina- tion to those of the Talookdars, just as the same question arose when a settlement of Ireland was made under James I. The advocates of the extreme landlord theory at first said that the confiscation swept away everything, and that the Talook- dars had now complete and absolute titles, to the exclusion of every one else. But it was shown that Lord Canning had reserved subordinate rights, i)roved to have been in active existence at the time of annexation, and any such which can be made out are maintained. Views unfavourable to rights of ryots were then held by many, and Sir Barnes Peacock's decision in favour of the land- lord had just come out. As respects the ryots, then, it was at first said that the old hereditary ryots had a bare right of occupancy, but that there was no limit to the rent which might be demanded, save the highest rack-rent of the day. A little later, the Chief Commissioner declared that he had been misled by the prejudices of his education in the north-west India.J in various COUNTRIES. 189 provinces, and that, correcting himself, he now said that there was no such thing as a right of occupancy ; he therefore directed that no distinction should be made in the records between tenants-at-will and any other class of ryots, except in case of leases under voluntary contract. Of these orders the Governor-General, Sir John Lawrence, disapproved, and there was a special inquiry on the subject. It turned out that most of the ryots did not care to claim fixity of tenure. Even the grant of proprietary rights under our system, accompanied by fixed burdens punctually exacted, are scarcely ever appreciated in the earliest years of our rule ; and perhaps, seeing how often the first possessors of such dan- gerous rights have been sold out and reduced far below their original position, the natives are not so far wrong as we suppose. It is, then, hardly surprising that most of the Oude ryots, who had so long looked on the free right of rebelling and running away as their best safeguard, did not much like anything which seemed to bind them down, and wholly re- jected the leases which it was sometimes attempted to thrust upon them. There was also no standard of law and right ; and though the ryots said that a Talookdar ought not to turn them out, when asked whether he formerly had the power to do so. they said, "Of course he had — the man in power could do any- thing." The general result of the inquiry was that neither the rj'ots proved a right to stay in, nor did the Talookdars prove a right to turn them out ; but the Talookdars being taken as prima facie owners under the grants, and the onus of proof being thrown upon the ryots, it may be said that the ryots generally failed of the proof necessary to give them any legal status. All depends on the way the burden of proof is i)ut. Eventually a compromise was effected, under which a coni- paratively small number of the highest class of ryots, the descendants of old proprietors and dominant families, have been admitted to a right of occupancy at rates (to be fixed from time to time) slightly below the full rack-rents of the day, while all the other ryots become tenants-at-will. Thus the Oude Talookdars are much more complete owners of the soil than any superior landholders in any other province — infinitely more so than those of Bengal ever were. Since the Oude inquiry it has been said that the result conclusively proves the whole system of ryots' rights hitherto obtaining in so many provinces to have been a mistake — that 1 90 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. ryots' rights are a fiction of the British imagination, and that the less they are fostered the better. It may, I think, be admitted that wherever the strong com- munities of the Punjab type are not found, if the burden of proving a legal title be thrown wholly on the ryots, in countries where there are no laws, and before custom has had time to crystallise into shape under British rule, most of them would fail to prove any titles. Even putting out of view the disturb- ance of all titles in Oude in the half-century between our annexation of the first half and that of the second half of the territory, I believe that if, in the first years of our rule, the ryots of the districts of the north-west provinces had been subjected to the same ordeal as the Oude ryots, the result would not have been \ery different. But it by no means follows, that when landed rights are to be created or enlarged, it may not be equitable to give some share of that which is to be given to the ryots ; or that, if time be allowed before the question is raised, it will not be found that native feeling and custom have given them a position which ought to be recognised. It may be, in fact, that without any formal declaration they would crystallise into copyholders, as did English villeins. The Oude system is still on its trial. The Talookdars were taken under the special protection of Lord Canning. They have had a remarkably light assessment of the revenue, and every advantage. English newspapers have been started as their organs with every sort of enlightened ideas. As many virtues have been attributed to them as fonnerly were vices. As usual, the truth will probably be found to be somewhere midway. But already we hear of their free use of the power of raising rents without restriction which has been conferred on them, and even of the service of notices of ejectment in large numbers ; and, on the other hand, of combinations of ryots to resist these proceedings. Class questions seem to be prema- turely arising which have not been reached in other provinces in several generations. And it has been necessary for the Government to come to the assistance of the aristocratic system, by lending the Talookdars money, not to improve their estates, but to stave off their creditors. THE CENTRAL PROVINCES. Till a recent period, the British territories in India have India.] IN VARIO'vJS COUXTRIliS. 191 been completely separated from one another, the mass of native States in the centre dividing them into very unequal portions. The great sub-Himalayan plain, running upwards of fifteen hundred miles from the Bay of Bengal to the Affghan hills, contains one hundred and twenty millions of British subjects, and comprises the four administrations of Bengal, the north-west provinces, Oude, and the Punjab. Madras occupies the south of the Peninsula, with thirty millions of inhabitants, and Bombay, the west, with fifteen millions. The annexation of the Nagpore territories, in the very centre of India, and the assignment to British use of the Nizam's Berar territory, gave us a link uniting the different British provinces, and taking a little here and a little there, the centre provinces were formed. The oldest portion of these provinces is what was called the Saugor and Nerbudda territory, a large country on either side of the Nerbudda, and extending from Bundlecund and the north-west provinces on one side, to the Nagpore limits on the other. This territory, taken from the Marattas in the last great Maratta war, but not in population a Maratta country, had been long under a separate commissioner, but was for a time attached to the north-west provinces. Then there was the Nagpore territory, principally occupied by a Maratta-speaking popula- tion. And there were thrown in, on the west, some minor districts adjoining the Bombay territory, on the east some out- lying districts of Bengal, the river Godavery transferred from Madras, and the great wild semi-independent territory between the Godavery and the Bengal frontiers. Contrasts of administration heretofore veiled by distance have been brought into prominence by this arrangement of a territory uniting all the others. It seemed strange that salt coming to the central provinces from one quarter should be charged one rate of duty, and from another quarter three times that rate. And the Bombay officers, who had been unable to see any trace of proprietary rights above those of the ryots, in the lands of Candeish and similar districts, looked with wonder on a system which, in adjacent villages, inhabited by the same races, under the same native institutions, found or created proprietors of a higher degree. Yet in respect of land tenure the system of the central provinces is in some sense intermediate. The Saugor and Nerbudda territories contained some trace of the north-west form of village proprietary, and something of more southern institutions. The system followed had been to 192 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [CAMrBELU acknowledge no proprietary rights, but to farm out the villages for terms to farmers, who were as much as possible selected from the local headmen or from persons having local claims and influence. The holdings of the farmers were allowed to descend in the semi-hereditary manner of Indian offices, a good and efficient member of a deceased farmer's family being put in his place ; and it was understood that good farmers would have a renewal of lease on resettlement. Still, property not being admitted, the Civil Courts could not interfere. Private trans- fers were occasionally sanctioned ; but if a man broke down, the tenure was not sold ; the Government officer selected some other good man to put in his place ; and the subdivision of interests in the farms, or other dealings with them in a way Avhich might be prejudicial to efficient management, or dangerous to the security of the revenue, was not permitted. The rents to be paid by the ryots were adjusted by the Government officers, and the farmers had no power to raise them or to turn out the ryots, although they benefited by the increase of cultivation during the terms of their leases. This system had its advantages. The ryots were com- pletely protected, and the Government officers were able to secure efficient men in the grade between themselves and the ryots, instead of being subject to the inconveniences resulting from the introduction of inefficient or grasping men, and divided, limited, or complicated tenures, by the action of the laws of inheritance and the Civil Courts ; while at the same time a confidence in the regular and considerate action of the Government as superior landlord gave a substantial security of tenure, which was an incitement to improvement in the native fashion. The result was that the north-west authorities found the villages in possession of semi-hereditary farmers, a, few of whom were really of the same class who had been recognised as village proprietors in the north-west ; while many more, with no original claims to the character of pro- prietors, had old hereditary connection with the villages ; and a good many, owing to failures and changes, were farmers of more recent introduction. The north-west authorities, in ])ursuance of the ideas pre- vailing in that part of India, considered that full property must be established ; but in consideration of the peculiar circum- stances of this territory, and the exceptionally favourable position which had been enjoyed by the ryots for upwards India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. I93 of forty years, a reasonable compromise was made in the orders issued for a regular settlement. The rules to be followed were these : — Wherever a real proprietary right could be shown by any of the persons hitherto called farmers, they were to be recognised as proprietors, and the ryots were to be treated exactly as in the north-west provinces. But in other cases the old hereditary ryots were to be maintained in their former position, being treated as a sort of sub-proprietors of their holdings, subject to rent-rates somewhat in excess of revenue rates, which could not be altered during the term of settlement ; while the farmers were made village proprietors with the right of collecting from the ryots, and having as their profit both the difference between the rent-rates of the old ryots and the revenue-rates, and all that they could make by raising the rent of recent ryots, and promoting the cultivation of the was'.e lands attached to the village areas. It may be mentioned, too, that in this settlement a com- promise has been made between the northern system ot including all waste in the settled areas, and the Madras- Bombay system, of charging additional revenue for all waste brought into cultivation. There is a great excess of uncul- tivated land in all this country. Liberal areas of waste have been assigned to each village, and included in the settlement, so as to give room for the extension of the cultivation, and by way of compromise of indefinite claims to grazing, wood,. and water; while all beyond these areas has been reserved as Government property to be afterwards dealt with. The best forest lands are preserved for the growth and supply- of timber. It was found that in none of the districts received from different quarters had the Government made pledges which precluded the adoption of a similar system ; and the rules above mentioned as originally laid down for the Nerbudda territories were applied to the whole of the central pro- vinces. It may be mentioned that in Orissa (which was ceded by the Marattas in the beginning of the present century, and most of which has never been permanently settled) the tenure is almost identical with that which has been described in the central provinces. The ancient " Thanee " ryots were secured by tides held direct from Government, under an old thirty N 194 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Campbell. year settlement ; while they paid through hereditary farmers called " Surberakers," or managers. The Bengal revenue authorities made a strong effort to break down the ryots on the expiry of the settlement, and to reduce them to the level of ordinary ryots under the farmers turned into proprietors — but the matter was brought to the notice of the .Government, and they have been confirmed at the old rent for another thirty years. SUMMARY OF TENURES. The present distribution of tenures in the different provinces may then be stated to be (speaking generally) as follows : — Oude being at one extreme with an aristocratic system, which gives the land to nobles ; Madras and Bombay at the other, with a system which gives the land to the people. Oude. — Great Zemeendars, almost complete owners, Avith few subordinate rights. North-west Provinces. — Moderate proprietors ; the old ryots have fixity of tenure at a fair rent. Punjab. — Very small and very numerous proprietors ; old ryots have also a measure of fixity of tenure at fair rent. Bengal. — Great Zemeendars, whose rights are limited. Nu- merous sub-proprietors of several grades under them. Ancient ryots who have both fixity of tenure and fixity of rent. Other old ryots who have fixity of tenure at fair rent, variable from time to time. Central Provinces. — -Moderate proprietors. Ancient ryots who are sub-proprietors of their holdings at rents fixed for the term of each settlement. Other old ryots have fixity of tenure at a fair rent. Madras and Bojnbay. — The ryots are complete proprietors of the soil, subject only to payment of revenue. GRANTS OF WASTE LANDS IN FEE-SIMPLE. An account of Indian land tenures would not be complete without noticing the system of granting waste lands in fee- simple at a low ])rice, which has been recently adopted. There was formerly a liberal system of clearance leases, under which jungle tracts were freely given to enterprising individuals, on condition of clearance ; nothing being paid the first few years — then very light rates — and finally, ordinary India.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 195 revenue rates. Thus the progress of the country and the progress of the revenue is secured at the same time, and in dealing with natives and native products, the system is probably the best that can be adopted. But when there seemed to be a prospect that some of the tracts of country and ranges of hills, hitherto almost waste, might be turned to account for the cultivation of new and valuable products introduced by Europeans, and possibly might be made to some degree the seats of European colonies, it was felt that these objects were amply sufficient to outweigh the remote prospect of deriving any considerable land revenue from such lands ; and it was deemed that a fee-simple tenure cheaply accessible would be more suitable to European settlers, and more agreeable to them than conditional grants, the terms of which it might be difficult to enforce. It was, therefore, decided that all the uncultivated and unassessed lands in the Himalayas, in the tea districts of Assam and Cachar, in the coffee districts of the Neilgherries and the south-western ghats in Central India, and elsewhere, should be offered to all who chose to take them at a low upset price, ranging from two shillings an acre in most districts to sixpence an acre in some parts of Central India. The original orders were loosely drawn, and left a door to some abuse. Most of the waste land in India has been waste because, owing to inaccessibility, want of population, or unhealthiness, it has hitherto been unprofitable to cultivate it. But there were a few valuable small tracts in the settled country, or in the immediate neighbourhood of Hill Stations, which were rather untilled than waste, having been reserved for •grazing, or firewood, or because nothing had been settled as to the disposal of the land. The original orders contained a proviso that when there were more than two applicants for the same land, it should be put up to auction ; but some of the local authorities seem to have considered that such applications must be made at the identically same time, and that once an application had been received, the door might be shut to all others. Hence, in some few instances, easily accessible lands were given to the first comers at the upset price, when they would have fetched many times that price in an open market. Lord Halifax, therefore, ordered that all land applied for should be put up to the highest bidder at or above the upset price, and some lands, given away without compliance with the 196 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE. [Campbell. terms of the original rules, were resumed and sold for vastly larger prices. The legality of this last proceeding has been unsuccessfully contested in the courts. And there has been a good deal of complaint, not without some show of reason, that it is hard that the industry of the man who has discovered a good plot of land should be lost by permitting a richer man to outbid him. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the really valuable waste lands are for the most part very limited. And the facili- ties offered have been such as to lead to some symptoms of the practice of land-jobbing so well known in the colonies. Low as is the upset price, purchasers have been allowed to take possession on payment of a small percentage, leaving the rest secured on the land, to be paid up afterwards. In some in- stances great tracts, which the purchasers had never seen, have been secured on a mere deposit of a nominal sum towards expenses of measurement. People have been said to get into the way in order to be paid for getting out of it. And more frequently the object has been to get up one of the tea, or other companies, lately so much in vogue, and to sell, at a great price, the land taken up on a very trifling payment. Since the company mania has collapsed, much of the land has been thrown back on the hands of Government, by parties wlio are unable to fulfil the terms of the purchase. On the whole, then, I do not think it can be fairly said that the Indian Government has failed to offer the waste lands to European settlers on sufficiently favourable terms. The boTia fide tea and coffee estates are held in fee-simple on payment of a very small price. 197 IV. THE LAND SYSTEM OF BELGIUM AND HOLLAND. By Emile de Laveleye. CONTENTS. § I. The question stated. § 2. On the natural disadvantages under which Flanders labours, and the remedies devised by its inhabitants. § 3. Improved husbandry of very ancient date in Flanders. § 4. The cultivators themselves the best market for the produce of agricul- ture. § 5. The morcellement of land in Belgium. § 6. Peasant property raises loans on better terms than large property in Belgium. § 7. La petite culture in Flanders creates its own capital. § 8. Peasant property does not exclude the employment of machinery, even of the most costly description. § 9. Peasant property only capable of putting the worst soils into culti- vation. § 10. Peasant property favours the increase of all the elements of agricul- tural wealth. § II. Distinctive features of Flemish husbandry. § 12. On the labour employed in farming in Belgium. § 13. The subdivision of land in Flanders not attended with any excessive increase of population. § 14. A true proposition and false conclusion by Arthur Young. § 15. Spade i*. Plough. § 16. Leases in Belgium. § 17. The Bekleni-regt oi Groningen and the Aforamento of Portugal. § 18. The Flemish tenant right [Pachters-regt). § 19. The condition of the cultivators of the soil in Belgium. § 20. The obstacle to the well-being of the peasantry of Belgium is not the number of small proprietors, but the number of small tenants. § ax. The farmers of Holland better off than those of Belgium. 4 22. Latifundia perdidere Italiam. § 23. Free-trade in Land. 198 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleve. § 24. If the subdivision of property is favourable to the production of wealth, it is much more so to the maintenance of social order. § 25. The inevitable progress of ideas of equality must put property in peril in countries in which it is held by a small number of families. Appendix on the Afcraynento in Portugal. § I. I DO not propose to give here an account of the state of agriculture in Belgium and Holland, having done so else- where;* what I seek is to point out facts relative to both countries, calculated to throw some light upon the following question : What is the agrarian constitution (/>., the system of ownership and tenure of land) most conducive to the progress of agriculture and to the welfare of mankind ? A preliminary observation is requisite. Thirty years ago economists were in the habit of considering only the production of wealth, paying hardly any attention to its distribution, which they thought to be regulated by inexorable natural laws ; the system which yielded the largest produce being, of course, thought the best. But modern improvements in machinery- having doubled, nay, trebled, the production without adding to the welfare of all those who seemed to be entitled to it by their industry, endeavours are now made to devise means of better distributing the produce ; and there are tliose who think that of two systems of agrarian organisation, the one which leads to the more equitable distribution of the produce is the one to be preferred. For example, let us suppose a certain area of land to yield a produce of 1,000, distributed thus : — I landlord . . , . . 200 parts. I tenant ..... 100 „ 14 labourers, at the rate of 50 . 700 „ 1,000 parts. Suppose, on the other hand, the same area of land, worked by 16 small owners, to yield Init 960, and so give 60 to each of them. I should, for my part, consider this second organisation superior to the first. Neither extreme poverty nor extreme opulence is the thing to be desired. Pauperism and divitism alike are the parents of vice in private and revolution in public life. • .See my books, " L'Economic Rurale de la Belgique," and " L'Economie Ruralc de la Nderlandc. ' Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1 99 § 2. In England, a contrast is often drawn between Flanders and Ireland, and the former is said to enjoy agricultural ad- vantages not possessed by Ireland, such as great markets, a better climate, abundance of manure, more manufactures. This is a point on which some light should be thrown. Flanders does enjoy certain advantages, but they are equally accessible to the Irish, derived, as they are, from human industry; whereas the advantages possessed by Ireland, coming, as they do, from nature, are not within the reach of the Flemish. Let us look, first, at climate and soil. The climate of Ireland is damper and less warm in summer, but less cold in winter. In Flanders, it rains 175 days in a year; in Ireland, 220 days. On this account, the Irish climate is more favour- able to the growth of grass, forage, and roots, but less so to the ripening of cereals ; yet the Fleming would be but too happy had he such a climate, cereals being but of secondary import- ance with him, and often used as food for his cattle. He seeks only abundance of food for his cows, knowing that the value of live stock goes on increasing, while that of cereals remains stationary. Butter, flax, colza, and chicory are the staple articles of his wealth, and the climate of Ireland is at least as well suited to the production of these as that of Flanders. As for the soil of Ireland, it produces excellent pasture spontaneously, whilst that of Flanders hardly permits of the natural growth of heather and furze. It is the worst soil in all Europe ; sterile sand, like that of La Campine and of Branden- burg. A few miles from Antwerp, land sells for 20 francs (i6s.) an acre, and those who buy it for the purpose of culti- vation get ruined. Having been fertilised by ten centuries of laborious husbandry, the soil of Flanders does not yield a single crop without being manured, a fact unique in Europe. If in a Flemish farm of twenty-five acres there were but five or six acres of Irish soil, forming good natural pasture, it would be worth one-third more. Not a blade of grass grows in Flanders without manure. Irish soil might be bought to fertilise the soil of the Fleming. The ideal, the dream of the Flemish farmer — is a few acres of good grass. In Ireland, nature supplies grass in abundance. But it may be said that Flanders is well supplied with manure. Doubtless it is ; but it is got only by returning to the earth all that has been taken from it. The Flemish farmer scrupulously collects every atom of sewage from the towns ; he 200 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [I-aveleve. guards liis manure like a treasure, putting a roof over it to prevent the rain and sunshine from spoihng it. He gathers mud from rivers and canals, the excretions of animals along the high roads, and their bones for conversion into phosphate. With cows' urine gathered in tanks he waters turnips which would not come up without it ; and he spends incredible sums in the purchase of guano and artificial manures. True, it may be said, he must have money for that, and the Irishman has none. But where does the Fleming's money come from ? From his flax, col/a, hops, and chicory ; crops which he sells at the rate of from 600 to 1,500 francs (;^24 to jQdo) per hectare ; and why cannot the Irishman go and do likewise ? The Irishman, it may be answered, must grow food for himself. But so does the Fleming ; for, in fact, apart from the special crops referred to, he grows enough to support a population relatively twice as large as that of Ireland. It has indeed been argued that the special crops for which Flanders is famous would be out of the question save for access to markets which are not within the reach of the Irishman.* But this argument seems to me to have small validity. Tlie chief market for the agricultural produce of Belgium is England. And is London nearer to Ostend and Antwerp than Dublin and Cork are to Liverpool and Manchester? Friesland and Holland send cattle and butter to England, and Galicia ships oxen by way of Vigo, across that dangerous Bay of Biscay ; why cannot Ireland do the same? Flanders exports prepared chicory to Germany, to Holland, to all parts of the world, and chicory roots as far as Warsaw ; hops to Paris, London, and Scotland ; flax to France, England, and even to Ireland itself; tobacco to America; colza and poppy-seed oils to the very south of France ; while, on the other hand, it imports corn from Hungary by land, and from Iowa or Wisconsin by lake, canal, railway, and ocean shi[)ping. It is plain, therefore, that jjroduce worth three or four times as much might well be exported from Ireland to England. But there are manufacturers in Flanders, it is said, and none in Ireland, or only in Ulster. Now, on this point it is important to draw a distinction. Flanders possesses undoubtedly a number of small local industries, but they are the consequences, not the cause, of her good husbandry ; and any country possessing the latter would be in possession of the former. The great industries of * See Lord Dufferin on " Irisli Tenure," p. 167, Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 20I Belgium are situated in the Walloon country, not in Flanders, Complete proof of this is afforded by the following table :— Stationary Engines. Horse-power. West Flanders East Flanders Hainaut Liege 16,094 n\ ■.■■3{ 3. "4] 12,984 ) Thus the two industrial provinces of the Walloon country have seven times as much steam-power as Flanders. Then, again, Flanders has but one great centre of manufacture. Ghent, with 120,000 inhabitants; whilst Belfast has a population of over 150,000, and is increasing much more rapidly than the capital of Flanders. On the whole, for carrying farming to a high pitch of per- fection, Ireland enjoys far greater advantages than Flanders, the land being much superior, the climate equally favourable to the growth of valuable crops, and the same markets being at hand. Unfortunately, the Irish farmer has not the same agri- cultural traditions as the Fleming. And, of course, these wholesome traditions, being the work of centuries, cannot be acquired in a day. In every country, the progress of husbandry is slow at first, on the one hand, because the peasant has received little education ; and on the other, because the pro- cesses resorted to elsewhere cannot be simply copied in agriculture as they are in manufactures ; they must be modified in accordance with the nature of the soil and the climate, and that is an ar/. The knowledge and practice of that art in Flanders is of very ancient date, and it may not be thought out of place to say something of its early history. § 3. The most ancient historical records tend to show that the cultivation of the soil was always in a high state of perfec- tion in Flanders. As far back as the time of the Romans, inscriptions on tumuli prove that the inhabitants of the borders of the Scheldt used to resort to England for marl to improve their infertile soil. From one of Eginhard's letters, it appears that in the ninth century flax and vines were grown at the same time that cloth was manufactured in the environs of Ghent. 202 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleve. Numerous documents in the Middle Ages, such as registers of monasteries, donations, and leases, reveal the existence of processes of farming almost as elaborate as those in use at the present day ; manure in abundance, fields carefully enclosed with magnificent hedgerows, alternate crops, forage and roots for cattle.* Rural manufactures arose from the progress of husbandry ; linen and woollen fabrics were woven, which ere long became famous. The weavers first lived in the open country, and subsequently flocked into towns ; and exportation led to the development of urban manufactures and the growth of a great urban population. It was wealth originating in the good cultivation of the country which created cities, such as Ghent, Bruges, Ypre's, Louvain, Brussels, and Antwerp. In turn, the wealth of the cities fostered the progress of agriculture and rural civilisation. One fact alone is sufficient to show the degree of advance- ment the Flemish villages of the Middle Ages had reached. As far back as the year 1400, dramatic performances took place in the villages, the pieces being written, got up, and performed exclusively by persons belonging to the country.t Most of the villages had their Socict'es dc Rhetoriqiic, forming so many focuses of intellectual life. In the sixteenth century, these societies adopted most of the ideas of the Reformation, and on this account were suppressed by the Spaniards. Industry was killed by war and persecution ; and agriculture and civilisation were arrested and even thrown back. Happily, the traditions of the past were too deep to be extirpated, and to them Flanders is indebted for her present wealth. The question arises, can arts of such ancient birth in Flanders be diffused throughout such a country without the same early traditions and training? It is a problem fraught with difficulties. Something, doubtless, might be done in the way of agTicultural instruction, were all persons in an influential position, such as magistrates, landowners, clergymen, to exert themselves for its diffusion, and themselves to supi)ly i)ractical examples of it. But examples of more weight with small farmers would be the spectacle of some of the latter class enriching themselves by an improved system of husbandry. * Vide the Author's " I-xonomie Riiralc de la Belgique," chap. i. and Appendix No. i. + Vide Mr. Vanderstraeten's Essay in the "Annales de la .SociCtd historique d'Yprfcs," vol. iv. Belgium.] IN' VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 20$ Were two or three intelligent farmers in each district in Ireland, having become landowners or hereditary tenants, to borrow from Flemish agriculture such processes as are applicable to the soil and climate of Ireland, a complete transformation of Irish farming might ensue. In the Belgian province of Hainaut, the example of a single farmer adopting the Flemish rotation was sufficient to bring about the suppression of the fallow throughout the whole region.* Could nothing be done to produce agricultural progress in the same way in Ireland ?t § 4. One most important fact in considering land systems, is that the country itself and not the town is naturally the chief market for agricultural produce. It is a great eiTor to suppose that agriculture, in order to thrive, must have a market in great cities for its productions. The cultivators, on the contrary, may constitute a market for themselves. Let them produce plenty of corn, animals of various kinds, milk, butter, cheese, and vegetables, and interchange their produce, and they will be well kd, to begin. But furthermore, they will have the means of supporting a number of artificers ; they may thus be well housed, furnished, and clothed, without any external market. For this, however, they must be proprietors of the soil they cultivate, and have all its fruits for themselves. If they are but tenants who have a rent to pay and no permanent interest in the soil, they certainly require a market to make money. In a country whose cultivators are all tenants, an external market for their produce is indispensable ; it is not so in a country of freeholders : all the latter requires is that agriculture should be carried on with the energy and intelli- gence which the diffusion of property is sure to arouse in a people. The province of Groningen was the best cultivated of Holland before ever it exported any of its products to Eng- land, and yet there are no large towns in it ; but, thanks to its peculiar system of hereditary leases, the farmers could keep almost the entire produce of their labour to themselves. Suppose that by the stroke of a magic wand, the whole of the tenant farmers of Flanders were to become possessed of the fee-simple of their lands, what would be the result ? They * " Economic Rurale de la Belgique," p. 148. + I have hardly ever met with an answer to the important question: Does the Irish sm»l\ proprietor exhaust his land as much as the small tenant ? 204 SVSTEMS OF LAND TENURE LLaveleye. would then themselves consume the milk, butter, and meat which they are now obliged to sell, and in consequence have to dispense with animal food and to resort almost exclusively to vegetables for their support ; then they would no longer have to send what they do to an English market. Would they be the worse off for that ? Look at Switzerland. In proportion to her population, she has more horned cattle than Flanders; i.e., 35 head to every 100 inhabitants, against 24 in Flanders. Yet while the latter exports butter, oxen, rabbits, &c., to France and England, Switzerland actually irnports butter, cattle, corn, &c. The con- sequence is that Switzerland consumes twice as much animal food as Flanders; viz., 22 kilos, of meat, 12 kilos, of cheese, 5 of butter, and 182 of milk per head per annum. Of the Swiss, indeed, we may say what Caesar said of the ancient Britons — Lade et came vivunt. How is it that the Swiss peasant is much more substantially fed than the Flemish ? Because the former is nearly always an owner of the soil, while the latter is but too often only an occupier. The Swiss has not for his market the insatiable stomach of the London market, which the poor Fleming con- tributes to feed ; he has a better one than that, namely, his own. Thus, Switzerland and Groningen prove that agriculture does not stand in need of a large foreign market to make progress. A peasant proprietary is the best of all markets.* § 5. On the I St of January, 1865, there were in West Flanders, on an area of 323,466 hectares, 89,297 proprietors, and 693,904 "parcels" of land; in East Flanders, 155,381 proprietors and 845,220 parcels, towns and villages included; in the entire kingdom of Belgium there were 1,069,327 owners and 6,207,512 parcels. In 1846, the enumeration showed 758,512 i)roprietors and 5,500,000 i)arcels of land. Thus it appears that the number of landowners and of parcels has con- siderably increased. In Belgium I have never heard a complaint of the present state of things, nor any expression of alarm for the future, such * Is another proof needed ? No vines arc better cared for than those of the Canton of Vaud, being the agricultural wonder of the Lake of Geneva. Is ihe wine grown there exported hke champagne, claret, or port? Not at all ; the Vaudois drink it themselves. That is still better. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 205 as one used to hear in France before economists of eminence, such as de Lavergne, Wolovvski, and Passy, had undertaken the labour of demonstrating the chimerical nature of the fears that the soil would be crumbled to bits. As regards Belgium, and more especially Flanders, foreigners should not be misled by the great number oi parcels. The parcels enumerated are cadastral parcels for the purposes of the survey ; and very often the surface of the soil shows not the least trace of any such divisions. Not only do many parcels often belong to one and the same proprietor, but a single estate or form of ten or twelve hectares generally consists of many of them. The land is divided into farms of different sizes in pro- portion to the capitals of the cultivators ; for example, fifty hectares to four horses, twenty-five to two, twelve for one horse, five or six hectares to a family without beasts of burden, and a little plot for a labourer. When large farms are subdivided it is done on economical grounds — viz., because they fetch higher prices when sold in lots — they are hardly ever divided in con- sequence of the law of succession. The peasant attaches too much value to the proper outline of a field to break it into pieces ; he would rather sell it altogether. Hitherto, the consequence of the progressive subdivision of land in Flanders has only been to raise at once the rental, the gross produce, and the value of the soil ; at the same time that the number of landowners has increased, the condition of the cultivators has improved. In Flanders you do not find the land subdivided in the way it is in Ireland, according to Lord Dufierin, who has shown the evils of the kind of subdivision practised there;* from his description it appears that in Ireland, at the death of any holder, and often during his lifetime, the children divide the land among themselves, each of them building a cottage on it ; or, if the tenant has no children, he sublets his land to several small farmers, and allows them to settle on it, not- withstanding the stipulations of the lease. Such breaking-up of the land must lead to the most wretched kind of forming, and to pauperism on the part of the tenants. As long as the Irish farmer has no better understanding than that, of his own interest and of the requirements of a sound economical system, no agricultural policy, neither fixity of tenure nor even owner- ship of fee-simple could improve his condition. Although the " Vide Lord Dufferin on " Irish Tenure," chap. iii. 206 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. population of Flanders is twice as dense as that of Ireland, a Flemish peasant would never think of dividing the fami he cultivates among his children ; and the idea of allowing a stranger to settle and build a house on it, and farm a portion of it, would appear altogether monstrous to him. On the contrary, he will submit to extraordinary sacrifices to give his farm the size and typical shape it should have. How is it that the Fleming and the Irishman hold such different points of view? I think it is partly due to the difference of race, and partly to circumstances. The Celt being more sociable, thinks most of the requirements of members of his family, whilst the Teuton thinks more of the requirements of the soil and of good cultivation. Nowhere to my knowledge does the Celt show himself a cultivator of the first order ; it is to the German, the Fleming, the Englishman that agriculture is indebted for its greatest improvements. The Celt has in several countries subdivided the soil for the sake of his family, without regard to the requirements of national husbandry. Throughout Germany,* law and custom alike have always been opposed to the division of farms. In Upper Bavaria this is carried so far that almost all the land is iri the hands of wealthy peasants, keeping up a kind of entail by always bequeathing the whole of their property to one of their children, a small pittance being given to the others. But sup- posing the Irishman to become the absolute owner of his farm, v/ould he learn and comply with the requirements of the land ? A Flemish farmer's son always wants to have a good farm of his own ; he would not put up with a hovel improvised on a potato field. Could the Irishman but be brought to practise agriculture as an art, and not as a mere means of bringing a subsistence from the soil, he would soon abandon the miserable system of subdivision which he has adhered to so long. But how is this taste for agriculture as an art to be imi)arted to him ? To extinguish the influence of instincts or tendencies, whether inherent in the race or the historical product of centuries, would it suffice to introduce an agrarian constitution in Ireland similar to that of J'landers, or, better still, tliat of Switzerland ? These are questions which I confess myself not in a position to answer; but they are questions which those who have the Irish land question to solve ought to face, when con- sidering the land system of Flanders. * Vide W. Roscher, " Nationaliikonomik des Ackerbaues," p. 229. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 207 I think it useful to subjoin a tabulated statement, giving an idea of the number of farms {exploitations) and their relative sizes. These results date as far back as 1846, no returns having been published since : — Proportionate Number of Farms of FROM Provinces. — 5 ti i \ I ;-t I Z \ •a c rt rt c u a 1 S ! 8 ii s ^ ^ t. u M \r, \ ^ X > <-c < s m •^ S 1 m 1 10 " Antwerp . . . 43 MS 8-62 26-90 IO-38J 4 '97 2-26 I -18 1-52 0-14 0-05 Brabant .... .34-11 17-2436-20 6-iS 2-30 I -IS 0-17, 1-42 0-S3 0-17 Flanders, West . S7-42 7-35119-24 6-27^ 2-66 2-10 172 2-72 0-53, 0'02 Planders, East 44-68 10-0831-50 7-63' 277 1-38 o-8i I -02 0.12 o-oi Hainaut . . . .S.3-46 11-9923-92 4-83' 2-06 1-09 0-66 1-32 0-561 o-ii Liege .... 4.572 13-81,25-76 7-10 2-91 I-.3.S 073 1-40 0-91 0-26 Limbourg . . . 30-41 II -97,32-62 13-34, 5-&4 2-50 1-13 1-78 0-47 0-14 Luxembourg . 18.92 12-75:41-88 12-67 5-28 275 1-48 2-78 I- 10' 0-93 Namur .... 33-«7 18-9732-92 6-26 2-40 1-19 0-76 1-60 1-44 0-77 Average of Kingdom 43 '24 12-302S-99 7-46 3*04 1-59 0-98 1-64 0-58 017 § 6. It has often been asserted that the peasant properties of Flanders are burdened with debts, and that loans on them are raised at ruinous rates of interest. The following table shows that the truth lies in the opposite direction. In the remarkable return of the Census of 1846, the Government published an instructive table, showing which are the provinces of Belgium where loans are raised at highest rates of interest (page 240). Thus while in East Flanders no more than five per cent, of the loans are raised on usurious interest, in the province of Luxembourg as much as eighty-two per cent, of the loans bear interest at five per cent, and upwards. Were a statement drawn up of the debts \\\\h which land property is burdened in the various parts of Europe, it would be seen that large estates are generally more encumbered than small ones. 2o8 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Lavelevb. Proportion of Capital bearing interest at the rate of 5 per cent, and up- wards to the aggregate Loans. Antwerp Flanders, West Flanders, East Brabant . Limbourg Hainaut . Liege Namur . Luxembourg . 15 per cent. Small farms ' "i 23 ,, 5 Middle-size \ 33 per cent. farms ( 40 \[ 71 per cent. Large farms i ) 76 " i ( 82 In England the mortgages are reported to amount to fifty- eight per cent, of the vakie of the land ; in France only ten per cent., according to Messrs. Passy and Wolowsky. In Prussia the eastern provinces with their large estates show greater indebtedness than those of the west with their small farms.* In Lombardy, the total landed debt amounts to twenty-five per cent, of the value of the land, and in the pro- vince of Sondria, where the farms are small, they represent no more than one-and-a-half per cent, of that value. § 7. Every one knows La Fontaine's story of Perette going to the market to buy eggs ; the eggs are hatched into chickens ; the chickens produce a pig and then a calf, and the calf be- comes a cow. This dream of Perette's is daily realised by the Flemish small farmer. We are often told that agriculture stands in need of capital ; that institutions in aid of agricultural credit are wanting : I reply, good husbandry itself creates the capital needed. In agriculture, the capital most needed is live stock, to furnish the manure by which rich harvests are secured. The Flemish small farmer picks up grass and manure along the roads. He raises rabbits, and with the money they fetch he buys first a goat, then a pig, next a calf, by which he gets a cow producing calves in her turn. But of course he must find food for them, and this he does by staking all on fodder and roots ; and in this way the farmer grows rich, and so does the * Fitfe the excellent work by President Adolphe Lette : " Die Vertheilung Grundeigenthutns." Belgium] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 209 land. The institution in Flanders in aid of agricultural credit is the manure-merchant, who has founded it in the best of forms ; for money lent may be spent in a public-house, but a loan of manure must be laid out on the land. The poor labourer goes with his wheelbarrow to the dealer in the village to buy a sack or two of guano, undertaking to pay for it after the harvest. The dealer trusts him, and gives him credit, having a lien on the crop produced by the aid of his manure. In November he gets his money : the produce has been doubled, and the land improved. The small fanner does as the labourer does ; each opens an account with the manure-dealer, who is the best of all bankers. The large farmers of Hainaut and Namur do not buy manure, fancying they would ruin themselves by doing so. The Flemish small farmers invest from fifteen to twenty millions of francs in guano every year, and quite as much in other kinds of manure. Where does large farming make such advances ? § 8. The chief objection made to la petite culture is, how- ever, that it does not admit of the use of machinery, being reduced, as it is alleged, to the employment of the most primitive implements of husbandry, and never raising itself above the first stage of cultivation in that respect. This has been put forward as an incontestable axiom, baffling refutation, and I believe is so regarded in England. To disprove this, I need not point out that to Flanders are due the best forms of the spade, the harrow, the cart, and the plough — -Brabant ploughs having for a long time been imported from Flanders into England. It may be said that these are primitive and not very costly implements. I need only reply. Look at what is going on in Flanders at the present day. The most costly agricultural machine in general use in England is the locomotive steam threshing-machine. Well, this machine is to be found everywhere in Flanders. Some farmers will club together to purchase one, and use it in turn ; or else a villager, often the miller, buys one, and goes round threshing for the small farmers, on their own ground, at so much per day, and per hundred kilos of corn. The same thing takes place with the steam-plough as soon as the use of it becomes retrumerative. To keep hops in good condition, very expensive machines o 2IO SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. are required to press it. At Poperinghe, in the centre of the hop country, the conwmne has purchased the machines, and the farmers pay a fixed rate for having their hops pressed — which is at once an advantage to them and a source of revenue to the town. The example of Flanders proves, therefore, that the division of land forms no obstacle to mechanical economy in farming. Moreover, the subdivision of the soil is perfectly compatible with the methods of la grande culture itself ; the operations of husbandry may all be on a great scale, while the land is held in shares by a number of persons, like shares in a railway. I see no practical impossibility in such a solution of the problem how to combine the land system of Flanders with all the improvements of the age. § 9. It is often asserted that poor lands can be brought into cultivation only by large and wealthy owners. This is exactly the reverse of the truth — at least as regards the most intractable soils. In Belgium there are lands so sterile by nature that one- half of all the capital sunk in them is either lost or yields hardly any returns — so that it is not in the interest of any capitalist to work them. In La Campine, all those who have attempted to set up large farms, were they ever so well managed, have ruined themselves, or, at any rate, lost money by it. It is the small cultivator only who, spade in hand, can fertilise the waste, and perform prodigies which nothing but his love of the land could enable him to accomplish. His day's Avork he counts for nothing ; he spares no exertion, and shuns no trouble ; and by doing double the work, he produces double the result he would do if he worked for hire. Thus he has made fertile farms of the dunes and quicksands which border our dangerous coast. Penetrating into the interior of these dunes in the neighbourhood of Nieuport, you observe little cottages with a few acres of rye and potatoes around them. Their owners succeed in keeping a few cows, which the children take out to graze wherever a blade of salt grass can be found. With the manure of their cattle they mix seaweed and whatever animal matter the sea throws up, and thus they raise crops of first-rate potatoes and vegetables. I.a Veluwe — the Campine of Holland — has been reclaimed in like manner inch by inch Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 211 by the peasantry. I have elsewhere given an account of the rise of one of these sand villages within recent years.* In Savoy, in Switzerland, in Lombardy, in all mountainous countries, land has been reclaimed by la petite culture^ which large landowners could not have broached without loss. In those highlands man makes the very soil. He builds terraces along steep inclines, lining them with blocks of stone, and then carrying earth to them on his back, in which he plants a mulberry or walnut-tree, or a vine, or raises a little corn or maize.t Whoever, after paying for the labour, should take a lease of the ground thus created would not get one half per cent, from his outlay, and therefore a capitalist will never do it. But the small cultivator does it ; and thus the mountain and the rock become transformed. So, too, under la petite culture, even when aided not by proprietorship, but only the kind of tenure to which the name of emphyteusis has been given, and which corresponds to a long lease, the most ungrateful land has been reclaimed in Flanders. The tenant, being secure of the future, builds a house, clears the ground, manures and fertilises the rebellious soil ; and though he will not reap the same benefit from it that a peasant proprietor would, he reaps much more than either a large farmer or a large proprietor would. § ID. Notwithstanding all the arguments of the most dis- tinguished economists in England, especially j\Ir. John Stuart Mill, to the contrary, peasant property in land seems still to be regarded there as synonymous with wretched cultivation, and large estates with rich and improved farming. The reason is obvious ; the English are accustomed to compare the farming of their own country with that of Ireland. In fact, however, both England and Ireland are exceptions, one on the right, the other on the wrong side. In England there exists a class of well-to-do and intelligent tenant-farmers such as are not to be found anywhere else. In Ireland, on the contrary, there is no peasant property, but only large estates in combination v.ith small tenure, often with a middleman between the landlord and the cultivator — of all agrarian systems the most wretched. A.dded to this, many centuries of oppression and misgovern- ment made the Irish people more improvident than the inhabitants of any other country in the civilised world : thus, * Vide "Economic Rurale de la N€erlande," p. 212. t Vide my " Economie Rurale de la Suisse et de la Lombardie," p. 71. 212 SYSTEMS OP LAND TENURE [Laveleye. what with a land system of the worst kind, and the general condition of the country, the case of Ireland is surely an exceptional one. All over the continent of Europe there is more live stock kept, more capital owned, more produce and income yielded by small farms than large estates. Look at Flanders, for an example. The soil is detestable, as we have seen; and it is unhappily a country where a multitude of small farms are held by tenants, as in Ireland ; but happily the peasant proprietor exists by the side of the small tenant. The working capital of a farm, which in England is estimated at from ;^io to ^12, amounts here to 500 francs (;/j2o). The gross produce may be taken at 600 francs (^^24) per hectare. As regards live stock, there were to be found in 1846, 55 heads of horned cattle, 12 horses, and 8 sheep on every 100 hectares superlicial area. For England (not including Ireland and Scotland) M. de Lavergne gives the following averages for the same year : — 33 heads of horned cattle, 6 horses, and 200 sheep per 100 hectares. Bringing these figures down to the common standard of heads of great cattle,* we find 64 heads in England and 68 in Flanders ; the land of Flanders being at the same time worse than any in England. The average rent of land in Flanders is 100 francs (^4) per hectare, and the value or selling price varies from 3,500 to 4,000 francs (^'140 to ^£"160). Rents and selling prices have doubled since 1830. These results are not equalled in any other part of Europe. § II. The fact that the Flemish husbandman derives such abundant produce from a soil naturally so i)Oor, is due to the following reasons, viz.: — 1. The perfection of both plough and spade work. 2. Each field has the perfection of shaj)c given to it, to facilitate cultivation and drainage. 3. Most careful husbanding of manure. None is wasted either in town or country, and all farmers, down to the poorest tenants and labourers, purchase manure from the dealers. 4. The great variety of crops, especially of industrial plants, e.g., colza, flax, tobacco, hops, chicory, ike, yielding large returns and admitting of exportation to the most distant countries. * In reducing sheep to great cattle, we have adopted the proportion of 8 : r, instead of the usual one of 10 : r, tiie Englisli sheep being exceptionally superior as regards flesh and wool. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIKS. 213 5. Second, or " stolen," crops, such as turnips and carrots, after the cereals, of English clover, spurry, &c., whereby the cultivated area is in effect increased one-third. 6. Abundance of food for cattle. Although the soil is not favourable to permanent meadows, yet, taking the second crops into account, one-half of the available superficies is devoted to the keeping of live stock. Hence the rise of rents, although the price of corn has hardly increased. 7. House feeding of the cattle, by which the cows give both more milk and more manure. 8. Minute weeding.* Many of these agricultural practices are possibly only where there is a large agricultural population ; for which, on the other hand, work is found at the same time by these very practices. § 12. The following table shows the amount of labour employed in the cultivation of the soil in Belgium. Provinces, Antwerp Brabant . Flanders, \V. Flanders, E. Hainaut . Liege . . Limbourg . Luxembourg Namur . s; c I .ii c c o c o 3 -i \ 70 47 50 38 52 64 130 237 68 ■A-ggregate of Kingdom 68 25 26 27 23 26 22 17 37 37 26 e- is 3-C Zi 74 84 83 64 78 86 57 56 60 I 57 70 I 57 64 69 55 , 61 77 71 50 j 57 65 103 67 46 58 51 42 20 30 19 J-^ " ki Ih ^■0 1 !i E-o ■sx. m Z, 17 476 18 3-46 13 3-86 14 2-76 23 314 4 "49 672 "•35 7-42 61 I 65 97 I 19 1 4-55 o i 47,935 83,130 78,498 88,305 105,977 55,347 32,170 36,244 44,944 C X '" 3 ^ rt 106,080 183,522 149,668 203,561 157,071 76,290 69,158 69,537 68,714 572,550 1,083,601 * Comprising the farmers themselves, the farm labourers, and labourers proper. t licing the proportion of women of the three preceding classes to 100 men. '^'".s ^'"- p'»-'t^viinjii ui ^^uiiicii 01 mc liirec preceding ' Holders " includes both freehold and tenant-farmer * I'iJe my "Economic Rurale de la Belgique." The reader will pardon my referring him to a previous work of mine for particulars which need not be 214 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleve. This table is taken from tlie official statistics published by the Belgian Government in 1S50. Those pubUshed in i86i relate to the year 1S56, and are less detailed. In the follow- ing table I have given the data relative to the two Flanders, Namur, Luxembourg, and the entire kingdom, as derived from those statistics. Although the two tables are drawn up on different statistical plans, the returns are about the same, and tlierefore the data may be considered the more trustworthy. Owners, tenants, ) managers, and di-> rectors of farms .) Gardeners, kitchen-") gardeners, horti- j culturists, arbori- I culturists, silk- | worm rearers, vint- ners . vmt- Shepherds, graziers, "^ herdsmen . . . j Field liav.ds and ^ day labouters, farm- ' servants of both C sexes J \Yood - cutlers and"^ otlier wood labour- (_ | ers, gamekeepers, and others . . . Flanders, West. Males. I Females 32,617 28,132 1,727 304 546 63.957 139,139 673 137 99,278 67,958 Flanders, East. Males. 79,207 I 1,478 432 63,174 980 Females. 35,812 360 31,802 145,271 Luxembourg. Males. 19,223 62 532 14,445 580 Females. 4,671 46 7,227 67,975 34.842 ",947 repeated liere. Even in the writings of the best foreign authors errors occur witli regard to Belgium. Thus Mr. Stuart Mill, in his " l^rinciples of Political Economy, " cjuotes a passage from MacCulloch in which liainaut and the two Flanders arc alluded to as being circumstanced alike — whereas, in fact, their conditions arc different in every respect. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 215 Namur. Entire Kingdom. Males, Females. Males. Females. Total, Landowners and te- ^ nants, farmers and f managers of es- T tates ) Gardeners, kitchen-" gardeners, horti- culturists, arbori- culturists, silk- r worm rearers, vint- ners J Shepherds, graziers, '^ drovers , . . . ) Field hands and "^ day labourers, farm- f servants of both C sexes J other wood labour- / ers, gamekeepers C and others . . .J 15,226 308 627 28,621 1,059 982 S 11,347 2 300,473 8,681 4,811 388,312 6,757 122,630 1,462 396 228,115 298 423,103 10,323 5.207 616,427 7,05s 45,841 12,836 709,214 352,901 1,062,115 § 13. It has often been argued from the example of Ireland that the subdivision of land must tend to produce an excessive increase of the population. Arthur Young prophesied that the subdivision of the soil would convert France into a rabbit- warren. Now the fact is, that in no other country, not actually in a state of decadency, is the increase of the population slower than in France. The same may be said of Flanders, where the population increases at a rate much inferior to that of the rest of the kingdom — viz. : — Population in Proportional 1846. 1866. Increase. Flanders, West , . , Flanders, East . , . Entire Kingdom . . 643,004 793,264 4,337,196 659,938 824,175 4,984,351 2-6 per cent. 3 '8 per cent. 15 •! per cent. Yet in Flanders the soil is greatly subdivided, as shown by figures given above (§ 5). 2l6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleyk. § 14. To prove the superiority of large farming, Arthur Young made the following calculation : — To cultivate a district of 4,000 hectares, divided into farms of a single plough, 666 men and 1,000 horses would be re- quired ; whereas in farms of three ploughs apiece the same district would require only 545 men and 681 horses; being a saving of 121 men and 319 horses, capable of other useful employment in the production of manufactured articles. There- fore the district with large farms will be better provided for than the one with small holdings, and consequently large farm- ing is preferable to small farming. Young's calculation is perfectly correct so far as it goes ; nevertheless only one thing is necessary to overthrow his con- clusion — namely, that the smaller farms should yield more pro- duce, and more valuable produce, than the large ones ; and this is precisely the case all over the Continent of Europe, without a single exception that I know of, wherever la petite and la grande J>roJ>riete diXQ seen in competition. "At the present day," says M. Hippolyte Passy,* "on the same area and under equal circumstances, the largest clear produce is yielded by small farming, which, besides, by increasing the country population, opens a safe market to the products of manufacturing industry." Which are the richest and most productive provinces of France? Precisely those in which the small landowners are in the majority, especially Flanders and Alsace. In this respect I need but refer the reader to the works of M. Leonce de Lavergne. In the eastern provinces of Prussia (Prussia proper and Posen) there are hardly any but large estates, worked by the owners themselves. In Westphalia and the Rhenish provinces there are to be found peasant proprietors and small farmers. The eastern provinces are inferior to those of the west, even with respect to live stock, as appears from the following table : — There are to every square mile in the — I'rovinci'.s. Metres of i u i ■. . Road. Inhabitants. Heads of Large Cattle. Posen ..... Prussia .... Westphalia .... Rhineland .... 5,000 > 4,000 > 14,000 ) 17,000 ) 3,000 6,000 2,980 { 3.569 ( 4,024 * Vide " Mdmoire dc l'Acad6mie des Sciences morales et politiques dans la Stance du 4 Janvier, 1845." Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 21 J In the western provinces agricultural wages are double what they are in the eastern ones ; and while in the latter there are nine inhabitants to every house, there are but five and a half in the former. As regards Saxony, Dr. Engel's well-known statistics have shown that small farms keep twice as much live stock as large ones.* As to Italy, Mr. Kay expresses himself as follows in his "Notes of a Traveller": — "In 1836, Tuscany contained 130,190 landed estates. In the dominions of the Pope, from the frontier of the Neapolitan to that of the Tuscan state, the whole country is reckoned to be divided into about 600 landed estates. Compare the husbandry of Tuscany, the perfect system of drainage, for instance, in the straits of the Arno, by drains between every two beds of land, all connected with a main drain — being our own lately introduced furrow, till draining, but connected here with the irrigation as well as the draining of land — -compare the clean state of the growing crops, the variety and succession of green crops for feeding cattle in the house all the year round, the attention to collecting manure, the garden-like cultivation of the whole face of the country — compare this with the desert waste of the Roman Maremma, or with the Papal country, of soil and productiveness as good as that of the Vale of the Arno, the country about Foligno and Perugia — compare the well-clothed busy people, the smart country girls at work about their cows' food, or their silkworm leaves, with the ragged, sallow, indolent population lounging about their doors in the Papal dominions, starving, and with nothing to do on the great estates ; nay, comi)are the agricul- tural industry in this land of small farms with the best of our large farms districts, with Tweedside or East Lothian, and snap your finger at the wisdom of our St. Johns and all the host of our bookmakers on agriculture, who bleat after each other that small farms are incompatible with a high and perfect state of cultivation." In Lombardy, in the province of Como, where la petite culture prevails, the value of the cattle per hectare in cultivation is 161 francs; whilst in the province of Mantua, with its large farms and fine pasture land, it is but 94 francs. f * Vide " Zeitschrift des Statistichen Bureau's des K. Siichsischen Ministe- ruims des Innern," No. i, February, 1857. + Vide my " Etudes d'Economie Rurale en Lombardie," p. II 2, and Zacini's excellent book, " La I'roprieta fondiaria in Lombardia." 2lS SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. In Portugal there are in the large-farming province of Alemtego but 329,277 inhabitants on an area of 2.454,062 hectares, with an annual production — exclusive of cattle — worth 54,762,500 francs, or 2272 francs per hectare. On the con- trary, in the small-farming province of Minho, there are on an area of 749,994 hectares, 914,400 inhabitants, producing — exclusive of cattle — 37,756,250 francs per annum, or 50*34 francs per hectare, being more than twice the production of Alemtego.* In Spain, compare Estremadura, the Castiles, or even Andalusia, with the kingdom of Valencia, and with Lower Catalonia. Where small farming prevails, the land is a garden ; where the estates are large, a desert. In Belgium, the small-farm provinces, the Flanders, own more cattle, yield more produce, are more carefully cultivated, and have more agricultural capital than those in which large estates are predominant, as will be seen from the subjoined table. Here I have compared East Flanders with Namur ; and it is to be noticed that in the former province the land is much poorer than in the latter. hectare ectarcs Namur. Flanders, E. "Heads of cattle per 100 hectares . "Working capital per hectare Produce per hectare . Rent per hectare Average selling price of land per Number of Inhabitants per loo h 35 francs 250 300 50 „ 1,804 138 68 francs 450 ,, 600 ,. 93 „ 3.218 263 * With reference to Portugal, see the excellent work, " Coinpcndio de Economia rural," by Senhor A. Rebello da Silva, Colonial Minister of Portugal in 1870 ; and J. Forrester's '' Portugal and its Capabilities,'' in which we find the following passages : — "The Minho is justly termed the garden of Portugal." " Tlie Alemtego is the largest, and perhaps naturally the richest, province of Portugal. Once the granary of Portugal, it is now the worst cultivated and most thinly populated of the entire kingdom. The reason of this change may be traced to the following fact. The fecundity of this province has been pro- verbial from the remotest times ; and jjcople of substance relinquishing the North, came here, and united many small farms in a few extensive estates, which have descended from father to son undivided, undiminished, and through mismanagement and neglect are at this moment so many waste lands in the possession of proprietors who themselves have not the means of cultivating them, and who will not allow others to do so. Hence, there being no employ- ment for agricultural labourers, the Transteganos have dispersed themselves Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 219 § 15. Let US carry out the parallel drawn by Arthur Young, between the results of small and large farming, by placing spade and plough side by side before us. Throughout Flanders, and especially in the Waes country, the spade is often used to prepare the soil before sowing. To dig up one hectare with the spade, at the rate of 5 ares per diem, 20 days are required, and an outlay of 30 francs ; whilst the same work done with the plough Avould cost no more than 6 or 7 francs, perhaps less. Thus, spade-work costs five times as much as plough-work, which is an enormous balance in favour of the latter. Yet the Fleming persists in calling the spade a gold mine {De Spa is de Gotidmym der Boeren) ; and in Lombardy they have a proverb to the same effect : Se Varatro ha il vomero di fcrro^la vanga ha la pwita doro. (If the plough has a plough- share of iron, the spade has a point of gold.) How is this to be accounted for ? Is it routine or miscalculation "^ Neither ; the peasant only means to say that a large increase in the returns is well worth a larger outlay. In Lombardy, it has been computed that in two fields of the same quality, and manured in the same way, one being worked with the spade and the other with the plough, the returns of the former were to those of the latter as 66 to 28. Assume the produce to be but double, it will make up for twice the excess of expense. In Flanders, this difference is not very considerable for cereals ; but the Fleming does not grow corn alone. In the same year in which corn conies up in the rotation he has a second crop {nxolte derobee), which of itself is worth three or four times the excess of 25 francs in the cost of spade-work ; and if after this he lifts such crops as flax, chicory, tobacco, and colza, returning from 600 to 1,200 francs per hectare, the excess in the preliminary outlay dwindles down to a mere nothing. Young, and most English writers on agriculture after him, reason just as if no other crops were grown than cereals ; a mistake with respect to the nature and objects of la petite culture which vitiates all their conclusions. I am fully aware that these second crops may be derived also from the plough, and so they are indeed by many Flemish over the other provinces, leaving the feudal lords in full possession of their land, their pride, and their poverty " (p, 102;. Of the south of Portugal it may also be said, Latifundia perdidcrc Lusitaniam. 2 20 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [LAVEt-EVE. farmers , but then, in the first place, the land is better prepared by the spade for receiving the seed ; and secondly, to weed and to gather crops of this kind much more labour is required, and therefore a larger population by whom the spade-work too may be done. All these things go hand in hand, there being an intimate connection between such economic factors as large population, minute labour, rich produce, small rural industries, like flax-steeping and peeling, preparation of chicory, tobacco, and hops, oil-pressing, &c. It is a system which must be looked at as a whole ; and it is one by which a country, one might say by nature incapable of cultivation, has become the garden of Europe. I'hus the example of Flanders shows that, as far as the production of wealth and even the clear produce are concerned, the spade ought to get a verdict in an action against the plough. 1 admit at once that it would be well for the spadesman, could he have his work done for him by horses and steam engines, that his work is harder and his returns smaller than is good for man. But would he be happier, wealthier, better, under a land system under which he would be a labourer for hire without prospect of elevation ? Especially would he be so on the barren sands of Flanders. § i6. The system of tenure usual in Belgium is a lease. In the Middle Ages there also existed the form of tenure known by the name of metayage, of which, however, traces are now to be found only in some of the polders along the coast of the German Ocean. The cultivation of land by the intervention of a bailiff or steward, so common in Eastern Europe, is a rare exception in Belgium. The leases are, as a rule, very short — nine years at most ; very seldom indeed for so much as eighteen years. On the other hand, yearly tenancy and tenure-at-will are also very exceptional. All who devote attention to agriculture, even the agricultural societies, though consisting almost exclusively of landowners, admit that the leases are too short. The tenant is not encouraged to improve; and if he does make improvements, he can hardly be said to reap the benefit of them. The land- lords will not grant longer leases, because they want, in the first place, to keep a hold upon their tenants ; and secondly, to raise the rents when the leases expire. It may be said that throughout Belgium such increases of rent take place regularly and i)erio(li('ally. Belgil'.m.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 221 The following table gives an idea of this continuous increase of rents since 1830 : — 1 ) NCREASE OF ReNTS FROM Rent PER Hectare. 1 1830 1835 1840 1846 1850 Provinces. to to to to to 1830. 1856. 1866. 1 1833. 1840. 1846. 1850. 1856. t Per cent. Percent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Fr. c. Fr. c. Fr. c. Antwerp . 7 06 IO-22 6-32 8-33 15 -.38 47-50 75 92 Brabant 7-62 12-48 5-05 2-41 17-65 66-27 100 135 Flanders, \V. 8-IO 693 5-20 4-05 16-90 60-00 83 102 Flanders, E. 13-96 11-39 285 21-84 71-40 106 130 Hainaut 8-94 15-58 7-48 1-05 14-58 69-79 IIO 135 Liege . . 7-5^ 14-72 8-11 741 16-09 62-35 lOI 124 Limbourg . 1028 13-02 1-90 1 7 00 46-80 62 90 Luxembourg 5-14 7-73 4-17 3-03 14-71 28-78 39 44 Namur . . Average of Kingdom . 9-87 15-35 7-66 10 -OD 16-36 36-77 64 77 9-10 1274 5 -90 2-94 17-14 57-25 82 102 Since 1856, rents have risen even more in proportion than during the preceding period. It may thus be affirmed that, since 1830, the value of land and the rents have doubled. This is a further proof of the proposition so clearly set forth by Mr. Mill, that while the rate of profit and of interest has a down- ward tendency in a progressing community, rent, on the contrary, tends to rise incessantly. Thus, the landowners actually reap all the benefit resulting from the progress made by the entire community in various directions. Part of this progressive increase in rent may be traced to improvements made by the farmers in the cultivation of the soil. By raising the rent, the landlord lays hold for himself of this advance in the value of the land produced by those who cultivate it. The increase of the revenue the landlord derives from his land is not the result of improvements executed by himself; and the fact adverted to is a general one, which may be met with everywhere. In whatever cases landlords have actually made improvements, they have got the interest of the outlay in the shape of an additional augmentation of their revenue. For these reasons, I think that the increase of rent, being due to the progress of society at large, and not to the exertions of the landowners, ought not in justice to benefit the latter alone. It would be but fair to divide this benefit. For a portion of it the tenant should come in ; and this he would get 222 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. if he had a longer lease. Another part of it should fall to the share of the community at large, in the shape of an increase of the land-tax. At the present day, the land tax (ivipot fonder) in Belgium amounts to about 19 million francs (^760,000). It ought to increase in some proportion to the augmentation of rent, so, however, as not to affect the revenue, which is the reward of improvements ; but some portion of that general advance of rents, which is the result of the general progress of the country, ought to be laid under contribution. All this applies with equal force to the British Isles, but subject to some important restrictions, because, in the first place, English and Irish landlords do not put on the screw of a continual increase of rent with anything like the harshness habitual with Belgian landowners. In the second place, the local rates in England are high, and are rising progressively. Thirdly, rents have been raised in England much less in proportion than they are in Belgium. Nevertheless, as regards the increase of rent, the land system of Belgium is not so bad as that of England. In both countries part of the clear profit of civilisation is sublimated, so to speak, and deposited in the shape of increased rent in the landlord's exchequer, even though he be an absentee or a do-nothing. But where there are a great many landowners a large proportion of its inhabitants must come in for a share in the increased rent. If, on the contrary, they are few in number, they monopolise the whole of the social benefit. In the former case the working of the economic law of increasing rent will be harsher than in the latter ; yet it will be acquiesced in when many benefit by it, while it must sooner or later arouse opposition where it tends to enrich a few families only. The system of rack-renting, which is so much censured in England, is generally practised in Flanders ; nevertheless, the tenant bears with it in all meekness, notwithstanding the sufferings it entails on him. In the United Kingdom the landlord would scruple to shear his tenants as they are shorn in Flanders, yet he does not escape reproach ; and this is easily explained by the fact that, for one landowner in England there are a hundred in Flanders. Still, on the whole, the system of tenure of land in Flanders is anything but worthy of imitation. There are too many tenant-farmers, and too few peasant-proprietors ; the leases are excessively short, and the rents excessively high. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 223 Arthur Young has said : " Give a farmer a nine years' lease of a garden and he will make a desert of it.'" It is to the honour of the small farmers of Flanders, and oi la petite culture, that they have falsified this maxim. § 17. Among the various systems of tenure of land in the Belgian and Dutch Low Countries, there is none more interest- ing to the student of agriculture than the Beklcm-rcgi, in the province of Groningen. This is a kind of hereditary lease, something like fixity of tenure. The landlord can never raise the tenant's annual rent. The tenant, on the contrary (called the Bcklemde-?neyer), may bequeath his right of occupation, dispose of it, moitgage it, provided only he does not diminish the value of the land. The Beklem-regt is indivisible, and can be held only by one person. Whenever it changes hands the landlord is entitled to a fee called propinen, which amounts to one or two years' rent, and is fixed beforehand. This system dates from the Middle Ages, and is still constantly practised in Groningen, even on lands recently reclaimed, on polders, and on lands put in cultivation in the turf-bOg region. It arises in the following manner : — Some landowners being in want of money, and not wishing to mortgage their lands, give hereditary leases of them for a sum of money, thus remaining nominally proprietors ; they never part with the fee-simple. Moreover, when the land is sold, the fee-simple and the Beklem-regt are disposed of separately, and a higher price is thus realised. All Dutch economists are alive to the advantages of the Beklem-regt, of which the principal ones are as follows : — I St. It gives the tenant absolute security for the future, thus encouraging him to make improvements. 2nd. The tenant purchasing the right of occupation has less to pay for it than he would for the fee-simple, and yet acquires the same security. The higher the rent, the less money he pays. In Ireland, on the contrary, no real right is obtained by purchasing the goodwill or tenant right, and the new tenant must pay the same rent as others. In Groningen, an hereditary right of occupation is acquired, and the rent to be paid is moderate and invariable. 3rd. The Beklem-regt, being indivisible, prevents compul- sory or injurious subdivision. If the division is beneficial, the landlord consents to it in consideration of a share in the profits to be gained by it. 2 24 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. 4th. The Beklevi-regt precludes the immoderate increase of the population, because, on the one hand, it limits the number of farms, and on the other, because the farmer himself being in good circumstances, his sons are not likely to allow themselves to fall into distress. 5th. By this mode of tenure a number of well-to-do quasi- proprietors are made to reside in the country, cultivating the land with capital and science, whereas if the landlords were to hold the land themselves they would go and live in the towns, and let their estates to tenants at ruinous rents. Thus, instead of tenants with the fear of losing their holdings always before their eyes, and ground down by ever- increasing rents, this system, derived from the Middle Ages, has created a class of semi-proprietors, independent, proud, simple, but withal eager for enlightenment, appreciating the advantages of education, practising husbandry not by blind routine and as a mean occupation, but as a noble profession by which they acquire wealth, influence, and the consideration of their fellow- men ; a class ready to submit to any sacrifice to drain their lands, improve their farm-buildings and implements, and look- ing for their well-being to their own energy and foresight alone. Systems of tenure of land similar to the Beklcm-regt used to exist in the Channel Islands and in Brittany, by the name of domame congcahle, in Lombardy by the name of coniratto di livel/o, and in Portugal by that o{ aforavicnio.'^' As long as the hereditary /^;/^;/A- cultivate the land for themselves, the Bekloii- regt is attended only with beneficial effects ; but as soon as they sub-let it becomes subject to the drawbacks of common leases, with the difterence that in that case the sub-tenant must pay a double rent— viz., the fixed one to the landlord, and a variable one to the hereditary tenant. Could \\\e. goodwill m Ireland be converted into Beklem-regl or a/ont!?!€/ito, the country might perhaps be saved by it. But then the Irish peasants would, in the first place, have to respect the indivisibility of their leaseholds and of the fiirms for which these are granted. Moreover they would have to pay to the landlords themselves, not to the outgoing tenants, the price of the hereditary leases for which they would come in. One must add, however, that it would in all probability be very difficult to make them understand and appreciate this mode of tenure. Even in the provinces adjoining Groningen, where the whole- • Vide the note on a/oramerifo at the end of this essay. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 225 some effects of this system are seen and appreciated, it is not adopted. Lawyers, inspired with the ideas of uniformity and simpHfi- cation of the French Revolution, are moreover opposed to a system which formerly used to prevail in a great part of Europe. It has likewise disappeared in many countries by degenerating from its original form, or by reason of being coupled with imjjroper regulations. In Lombardy the contratto di livdlo, enforcing certain payments in kind, prevented the hereditary former from growing such crops as he liked, and thus formed an obstacle to progress in husbandry. Instead ot trj'ing to do away with this system, it should be preserved, and even brought into general use, with improvements in its form. § 18. The Flemish Fachters-regt, or farmer's right, consists in the liability of the incoming tenant to pay the outgoing one for the value of the straw and manure on the land, besides the manure in stock, and the manure and crops on the ground ; being a compensation for unexhausted iniprovements, but given on a more systematic plan than in England. The existence of this custom in Flanders dates as far back as the Middle Ages, which is another instance of the progress the country had achieved, even in those remote days. At present the Pcichters-regt varies according to districts, and the differences seem to coincide with the areas occupied of old by the various German tribes. In the neighbourhood of Ypres and Courtrai, not more than one-third of the value of the manure from which a crop has already been raised, is given ; near Ghent, the indemnity amounts to one-half of that value ; and in the Waes country a fixed rate of twenty-one francs is paid per hectare for the manure sunk in the two foregoing years. The total amount of compensation varies according to the state of cultivation of the land and the time of taking possession of it. In the southern districts, where the leases commence in October, the Fachters-regt applies only to the half-exhausted manure and the manure kept in tanks, and does not exceed 70 or 80 francs per hectare on an average ; whilst in the neigh- bourhood of Ghent, where the farmers take possession at Ghristmas, or on the ist ot March, the indemnity is paid for the croi)s in the ground as well as the manure, and amounts p 226 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. to 400 or 500 francs for every hectare sown with corn (emblave).'' In Mr. Caird's " Letters on Enghsh Agriculture " it is stated that in the counties of Surrey and Essex an inventory is usually drawn up, similar to the Flemish p/izy, which is an inventory of unexhausted improvements. However, Mr. Caird is not very much in favour of a custom which, in his opinion, is attended with the following two drawbacks : — I St. Costly valuations, lawsuits, and law expenses, 2nd. The compensation for the inventory exhausts the resources of the incoming tenant. Neither of these two drawbacks exists in Flanders, and neither ought to exist in England. The inventory is drawn up by experts, and frequently by the notary of the locality, at a trifling expense, and litigious proceedings hardly ever arise from this. Where the crop in the ground is to be valued, as in the neighbourhood of Ghent, the operation is indeed attended with some difficulties ; but where the new-comer takes pos- session in October, as in the environs of Courtrai, nothing need be valued except the farmyard manure (of which the cubic volume may be readily ascertained), and the half-exhausted manure ; and the inventory is taken with the greatest facility. As regards the alleged diminution of the incoming tenant's resources, this charge is groundless ; on the contrary, the prizy increases his capital. He pays for manure on the sjDOt, which he would otherwise have to procure from some remote quarter. It is owing to the prizy that the outgoing farmer does not neglect the land even in the last year of his tenure, and the incoming tenant finds it in perfect condition, instead of its being exhausted and overgrown with weeds. No outlay is less regretted by the Flemish farmer than the one for the inventory. His saying is, Hoe hooger hoe beter, the higher the better.t In Flanders all agricultural authorities agree that the Pachters-regt is indispensable to good culture. They go so flir as to demand, in the interest of rural economy, that the local customs relative to this right be systematised and regulated by * In an interesting manual for valuers of indemnities to be paid to outgoing tenants, entitled " Het I'achters-regt ; door L. Dclaruc en van Bockel," I find valuations of compensations for lands sown with barley, colza, and wheat, amounting to from 400 to 500 francs per hectare ; of which upwards of 300 francs arc for manure. t I need hardly add that nothing of all this applies to the Ulster tenant right as described by Lord Dufferin on "Irish Tenure," p. 116. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 227 law. In fact, the land in Flanders is naturally so excessively- poor that if the outgoing tenant neglects it during the last two years of his occupation the farm is ruined, and a great expenditure becomes necessary to put it into its proper condition again. The Flemish Pachters-regt deserves to be introduced every- where, for the following reasons : — 1 . It is equitable, compensating, as it does, the farmer for his improvements and good cultivation. 2. It prevents the exhaustion of the land during the last two or three years of the lease. 3. It furnishes the incoming farmer with manure, which it is his interest to have. Both the Flemish and the Chinese properly think that there is no better investment to be made than in manure. § 20. Those who cultivate the soil are either landowners, tenants, or labourers. Let us now examine the condition of each of these three classes in Flanders. If the cultivator of the land is the owner of it at the same time, his condition is a happy one in Belgium, as everywhere else, unless the plot he holds is insufficient to support him, in which case he has to eke out his existence by becoming also a tenant or labourer. But as a rule the peasant-proprietor is well off. In the first place, he may consume the entire produce of his land, which being very large, especially in Flanders, his essential wants are amply satisfied ; secondly, he is independent, having no apprehensions for the future ; he need not fear being ejected from his farm, or having to pay more, in proportion as he improves the land by his labour. Yet the mode of living of the little landowner, who Avorks as a peasant, difters very little from that of the tenant-farmer. His food is about the same, except that he eats bacon more frequently, killing a pig or two for his own use, and that he drinks more beer. His clothes, habits, and dwelling also resemble those of the other class, save that they denote rather easier circumstances. He lays money by to purchase land and give his farm a better outline ; and it is owing to the com- petition of peasant-proprietors in the land-market that the value of real property is rising so rapidly. What remains to be desired is not that the peasant-proprietor should add to or refine his wants, for the progress of civilisation 228 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. is not co-extensive with that of epicureanism,* but that he should pay more attention to his own intellectual improvement, and to this a portion of his annual savings might very well be devoted. The situation of the small Flemish tenant-fanners is, it must be owned, rather a sad one. Owing to the shortness of their leases, they are incessantly exposed to having their rents raised or their farms taken from them. Enjoying no security as to the future, they live in perpetual anxiety. So much does this fear of having their rents raised tell upon their minds, that they are afraid to answer any question about farming, fancying that an increase of rent would be the inevitable consequence. Rack-rents leave the small farmer barely enough to subsist on. I do not think his working capital returns three per cent., and he works himself like a labourer. However, he is always properly clothed, and on Sundays he dresses just like a bourgeois. His wife and daughters, who work barefooted during the week, are stylishly dressed on Sunday, wearing crinolines, ornaments, and flowers in their hair. It ought to be added that suitable farm-buildings are almost always erected by the landlord, and remarkably well kept by the tennnt ; this is quite a traditional custom in Flanders, and has been so for many ages. Every one is alive to and respects the requirements of good farming. The properties cultivated by the proprietors themselves, although in a minority, form a kind of model or type, and every one does his best to imitate them. They are looked upon as standards from which the peasants would be ashamed to depart very far. Their influence in this respect has been very forcibly pointed out by ]\Ir. Clifie Leslie in a remarkable article on " The Farms and Peasantry of Belgium," t in which he says : " As Falstafl" could boast of being not only witty himself, but the cause of wit in other men, the peasant-proprietor may boast that he is not only a good farmer himself, but the cause of good farming in other men." Nothing gives a more charming idea of country life than the little farmhouses of Flanders, especially in the Pays de * In my opinion it is a great mistake to consider the refinement of wants and luxury in jjrivatc life as a criterion of civilisation. In tlie best days of anci(-nt (jreece, private comfort was all but unknown. In ancient India and Judx-a, the men, whose minds conceived the ideas on which our moral life is based, lived in quite a primitive way. f Vide Eraser s Alagazitie of December, 1867, and T. Cliffe Leslie's valuable book, " Land Systems in Ireland, England, and the Continent." Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 229 Waes. With an orchard in front, where the cows graze in the shadow of the apple-trees, surrounded by well-kept hedges, the walls whitewashed, doors and window-frames painted in green, rtowers behind the windows, the most perfect order everywhere, no manure lying about, the whole presents an appearance of neatness, and even of ease and comfort. The reason why these small farmers are ground down by rack-rents is that there are too many of them. On loo hectares, or one square kilometre (0-386 square mile), there are in West Flanders, 200, in East Flanders, 270 inhabitants, against 76 in France, and 136 in Lombardy. The peasants of Flanders unfortunately will not leave their own province, and their intense competition for farms raises the rents in a manner ruinous to themselves. Above the small farmers there is a class of small proprietors, who profit without scruple by this competition. Having just enough to support themselves, they do not trouble themselves about the condition of the farmer or anything else, being anxious to maintain " their position in the world," as they term it. No parallel can be drawn between the Belgian and the English landowner. The latter, I believe, acts upon considera- tions unknown on the Continent, and no inference can there- fore be drawn from so exceptional a case. Not that the English landlord is intus et in cute better than other men \ but he is subject to a higher public opinion, and being a much wealthier man, he is not tempted to screw the last farthing out of his tenant. Hence the condition of the English tenant-farmer is a happier one than that of the Flemish. As a rule, peasant property is an excellent thing wherever the proprietor is himself the cultivator ; but where it exists side by side with leasehold farming in an over-populated country, the tenant-farmer is placed in a worse condition than if the estates were large. But it is most important to bear in mind, in comparing the condition of the agricultural population in Flanders and England, that the small Flemish farmer who cultivates his land with his own hands corresponds, not to the English tenant-former, but to the English farm-labourer. Now our small farmer, though hardly better fed than the English agricultural labourer, has a decided advantage over the latter ; he doubtless has the cares and responsibility his superior position entails, but on the other hand he acquires from it 230 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye, habits of providence and self-control, and the exercise of his intellectual faculties. Let us next glance at the condition of the agricultural labourer in Flanders. His wages are very low, ranging from ifr. IOC. to ifr. 50c. per day, without board. In the Walloon country, in which are all the large centres of industry, the wages are about double of this, owing to the mines and manu- factories competing with the land in the labour-market. Some facts connected with this are almost incredible. In the environs of Liege, an agricultural labourer earns 2^ francs a day, while near Hasselt, at a distance of no more than four leagues, he earns but one franc ; the country is Flemish, and he is pre- vented by the difference of language from going to a Walloon district, in which he might earn much higher pay. For breakfast the Flemish labourer has bread and butter, with chicory, coffee, and milk ; for dinner, potatoes, vegetables, and bread ; at 4 p.m., bread and butter again, and for supper the same fare as for dinner ; ver}'- seldom a little bacon, and as for butchers' meat— four or five times in a year. Those who live with the farmers get pork more frequently. On the other hand, the farm-labourer is generally well housed. For himself and his family he always has a house, with at least two, more frecjuently four, rooms, generally kept in good condition, and having an acre or half an acre of land belonging to it, where the man grows vegetables, potatoes, and rye ; and there is besides a goat which gives milk to the household. Number of Families for every 100 Houses in the RURAL DISTRICTS of 1846. 1856. Flanders, West . . . .' Flanders, East .... The Entire Kincjdom 103 104 104 lOI 102 104 'J'hus, the number of houses in Flanders has increased as comjjared with the rural population, who have by this means found better accommodation. No remarks need be made on the beneficial effects- of a good home on a man's morality and self-respect. This aijplies to the country as well as to towns, and accounts for the fact that the Flemish population, badly fed and little educated as it Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 23 1 is, yet presents all the outward appearance of well-being and civilisation. It may be affirmed that in normal years no pauperism is to be found in the rural districts of Flanders, and beggars are very rare. The labourers and small artisans live poorly; yet having nearly all of them a little plot of land to work, they are at any rate kept from starving. At the time machinery sup- planted hand-spinning, a severe crisis took place indeed ; but the last traces of it have now disappeared. A stranger visiting Flanders should guard against rashly drawing unfavourable inferences from certain facts arising from custom. A Walloon, for instance, seeing women working in the fields barefooted, is apt to consider it as a proof of extreme destitution. He is, however, in error — it is the custom of the country, A well-to-do farmer's daughters, who are stylishly dressed on Sundays, will work barefooted during the week. The same observation applies to the rye-bread, which the country people eat, as a rule, simply because they have done so for centuries, although they can often afford to eat wheaten bread ; which, by the way, is coming into more general use at present. § 20. In my work on the rural economy of Belgium, I made some reflections on the indifferent condition of the Flemish peasants, from which inferences adverse to peasant proprietorship have been drawn. These conclusions are erroneous. The evil arises from the fact that there are too few small proprietors and too many small tenants among the peasantry of Flanders. If you want to find a district in Belgium where the peasants are well off, you must go to Lower Luxembourg. There the land is divided out into a multitude of peasant properties, almost the whole of which are cultivated by the owners them- selves. Each of these manages his own farm, and under the shadow of his fruit-trees enjoys in security what he earns by the sweat of his brow. This is a kind of rural opulence, due not to the possession of large capitals, but to the abundance oi rural produce. No one is rich enough to live in idleness ; none so poor as to suffer from want. The peasant there is also more enlightened than in Flanders, and more independent. The situation is nearly the same as that of the Canton of Grisons, in Switzerland. 232 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. A few figures will indicate the contrast between Flanders and Luxembourg ; in each of the two provinces I shall select a normal district. Flanders. District of St. Nicholas, in the Pays de Waes. Farm-labourer's wages, i franc 10 centimes per day. . n J 1 J f by owners, 6,ss6 hectares. Area of land worked < , ^ ^ ?o 1 ( by tenants, 31,689 hectares, Luxembourg. Bouillon and Paliseul district. Farm-labourer's wages, 2 francs per day. Area of land worked I ^^ °^^'^^^',^' ^°'^99 hectares. ( by tenants, 1,563 hectares. Thus, in Lower Luxembourg the labourer's wages are double what they are in Flanders, although most articles of food, espe- cially meat and potatoes, are cheaper in the former province. § 21. The farmers of Holland lead a comfortable, well-to- do, and cheerful life. They are well housed and excellently clothed. They have china ware and plate on their sideboards, tons of gold at their notaries', public securities in their safes, and in their stables excellent horses. Their wives are bedecked with splendid corals and gold. They do not work themselves to death. On the ice in winter, at the kermesses in summer, they enjoy themselves with the zest of men whose minds are free from care. The Belgian farmer, we have shown, is neither as rich as his Dutch neighbour, nor can he enjoy himself in the same way. One reason is that in Holland the townspeople have at all times invested their savings in public securities, and generally left landed i)roperty alone, which has thus remained entirely in the hands of the peasants. In Belgium, on the contrary, the nobility have retained large landed property, and capitalists have eagerly bought estates. Hence a good number of the peasants have become mere tenants. To meet with the ideal of rural life, you must look for it in Groningen or in Upper Bavaria. § 22. Pliny's saying, Latifundia pcrdidcre Italiani, has sounded like a warning voice across centuries. The latifimdia of the Roman aristocracy first devoured the small estates, then the small ])roprietors, and, when the Barbarians made their appearance, the emjjire had become a solitude. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 233 The Esiados of the grandees of Spain have also destroyed the small landowners, whose place has been taken by bandits, smugglers, beggars, and monks. Tiberius Gracchus was the only Roman who understood the economic situation of his country. Had the laws proposed by him been adopted, the decline of the Republic might perhaps have been prevented. It is the glory of England to have remained free from the consequences usually attending the large-property system. Great Britain possesses a class of landowners and tenants alive to the requirements of agriculture ; and her gigantic commerce has provided employment for the small freeholders whose lands have been swallowed up. But on the Continent the case is vastly different ; and the reason of this is to be found in the facts noticed with reference to Belgium. Here large farms are, as a rule, not so well cultivated as small ones, and this is easily accounted for. To work a farm of 200 hectares with as much capital as Plemish small farmers do, 100,000 francs {^4,000) would be required. Now, a man who commands such a sum will not become a farmer ; he will either go and live in a town, become a functionary, or employ his capital in business ; hence the working capital of large farms is, as a rule, insuflicient, and therefore the returns from these are smaller, and they let at less rent. Thus an additional stimulus is given to subdivision. This being the case in Belgium, it must a fortiori be so in countries in which husbandry is more behindhand. In Eastern Europe — e.g., in Hungary, Poland, and Prussia— large estates are farmed by the proprietors themselves, in the absence of tenants of sufficient capital. Even in England, would not the land be more carefully cultivated were there a number of peasant proprietors ? * and, supposing there were 200,000 small farmers more than there are now, might there not be 500,000 fewer paupers less to be supported ? I only put the question, not feeling myself com- petent to decide it. § 23. Free trade in land. — I borrow this title from an in- teresting work published by Mx. W, Eowler, M.P. In our western world it seems to me necessary that there should be * See the excellent article on the "Channel Islands," by M. Zincke, in the Fortnightly Review, istjan., 1876; 234 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. no obstacle to land changing hands, in order that it may be distributed in conformity with the laws of political economy, and become the property of those who can turn it to the best account. To this end, the first requisite is that all those restrictions should be done away with by which landed property is rendered immovable in the possession of certain families ; for example, primogeniture, entails, &c. In the second place, every one ought to be able to purchase a lot of land without heavy expenses, and with perfect security. If the purchase of an estate involves law-suits, risks of title, or considerable costs, then the rich only can indulge in the luxury. The continuance anywhere of so intolerable a state of things can only be accounted for by the fact that it is the interest of lawyers and of the wealthy to maintain it ; the former for the sake of the legal business it creates, the latter because it keeps the land market to themselves. As regards the transfer of land and the law of mortgage, Belgium may be considered a model country. The following is a synopsis of the laws in force in this respect : — Since the passing of the Act of December i6, 1852, modify- ing the then existing law, the sale of land takes place by a deed executed before a notary, or else by one under a private seal recognised in law. Deeds under private seal used to give rise to irregularities, and to serious dangers whenever the authenticity of the signature was contested. By the following compulsory forms of law the purchaser obtains perfect security with regard to mortgages. His notary is bound to obtain a certificate {etat ncgatif) from the Registrar or Keeper (Con- servateur) of Mortgages, showing that there are no outstanding charges against either the seller or the former owners. The notary is personally responsible for neglect to take this pre- caution, and the Registrar of Mortgages would also be liable to an action for damages were he to omit to give notice of any incumbrances. If there be any incumbrances of this kind, they may be deducted from the selling i)rice, and in that case the purcliaser assumes the seller's liability ■ or else the pur- chaser may pay off the creditor, who then gives him a discharge of the deljt. The law of 1851 has done away entirely with JiypotJieques tacitcs oil li'galcs. All unregistered mortgages are invalid against the purchasers of an estate. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 235 Along witli the certificate against incumbrances an etat des inutatio7is must be obtained by the notary — i.e., a statement of all the changes of hands the property has undergone since a fixed date prior to the sale, and establishing the title of the vendor. The notary must moreover take the precaution to obtain an extract from the matrice cadastralc, or otherwise a copy of the official survey. Notice is given of every transfer ot landed property to the ad/ninistmteu?' du cadastre by the offices. of registration and succession duties, as well as by his own surveyors, who make periodical circuits, and ascertain, de visic, what modifications the land has undergone. A good surveyor knows the " parcels " of his district just as well as a shepherd does his sheep. The notary draws up the deed of sale, which is signed by the parties, two witnesses, and himself The minute or original of the deed is brought to the office of the Registrar {receneiir de rcnrcgistreinent), who puts an abstract or summary of it on his register. By this formality the purchase and its date are fully authenticated ; but the primary object of it is to secure the Government duty, which amounts to 4 per cent, plus 30 centimes additlofuiels, altogether to 5fr. 20 c. per cent, of the selling price. After this the deed undergoes transcription. It is then no longer the minute that is lodged with the registrar of mortgages, but a duplicate duly executed. The registrar transcribes it in full ; this transcription establishes the legal transfer of the property as far as third parties are concerned. Under the Code Civil, transcription was not required to validate a transfer. Under the present law, the purchaser who has been the first to have his deed transcribed is the legal proprietor. The tran- scription is subject to a duty of ifr. 30c. per cent., with some centimes additionnels. The notary's fees vary according to the value of the property transferred. The essential features of the process may be summed up as follows :— I St. A deed of transfer is executed before a public officer (the notary), who is responsible for its proper legal form. The original remains in the notary's hands, and forms the title-deed ; and thus individuals are secured against the loss of their title. 2nd. This document is transcribed on a public register, with a statement of the mortgages, if any, on the estate trans ferred. An extract from this register may be had for a few 236 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. francs, and thus any one may readily ascertain to whom an estate belongs, by what right it does so, and what incumbrances, if any, there are on it ; and all this without any uncertainty or obscurity. 3rd. The official survey contains a plan of each township {commune), with the parcels, their areas, annual values, and peculiarities marked on it ; and in every comymme in the king- dom there is to be found a copy of the plan of its territory, which may be referred to by the inhabitants, and from which they may claim an extract. In Belgium the transfer duties (which are very high, about seven per cent, of the selling price) are levied on the property sold ; but this tax is a bad one, impeding free trade in land. In Prussia, where the same legislation exists, the tax amounts to no more than one and a half per cent., and the notary's fees are very low. If the Government requires the amount ot the tax, it had better impose it on land directly, by increasing the land-tax. It falls on the owners of land in either case, but in the latter there would be the compensatory advantages arising from unimpeded sale of their land. In other respects the system is perfect. The cadastre, or official survey, ascertains the areas, boundaries, and properties of estates ; the notary puts the deed of transfer into its proper legal shape, and the transcription on a public register fixes the date of the transfer and publishes it to the world. There is, in short, absolute authenticity combined with full publicity, being just the two things needful. It is the duty of the State to make these formalities compulsory, a public and not merely a private interest being at stake. It is of the highest public interest, in the first place, that landed property should easily get into those hands by which it can be turned to the best account \ secondly, that the title to property in land should be secure and incontestable ; and, thirdly, that there should be no legal obstacles to the sub- division of land when the natural economy tends to it, so that the number of small landowners should not be artificially reduced by imperfection in the law. The Belgian system is only an improvement on that of the French law, wliich has been successively adopted by almost all continental countries, on account of its conspicuous usefulness. As long as I<^nglai:id does not introduce security, publicity, facility of exchange, in f\we,f /re trade into everything connected Belgium,] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 237 with property in land, there will ever be an insuperable obstacle to the establishment of an agrarian system in keeping with the wants of modern society. A reform in this particular branch of English law is, in my opinion, the most urgent of all. § 24. We have seen that much larger gross returns are everywhere obtained from the land by small than by large farming. Tliis is certainly a great, but not tlie greatest, boon accruing from it. The larger the number of landowners is in a country, the more free and independent citizens there are interested in the maintenance of pubhc order. Property is the essential com- ])lement of liberty. Without property man is not truly free. VVhatever rights the political constitution may confer upon him, so long as he is a tenant he remains a dependent being. A free man politically, he is socially but a bondsman. In Belgium most tenant-farmers enjoy both the municipal and parliamentary franchise. But this right, so far from raising them in the social scale, is but a source of mortification and humiliation to them, for they are forced to vote according to the dictate of the landlord, instead of following the dictates of their own inclinations and convictions. How can they feel any attachment to a constitution which, in conferring a new right, really at the same time rivets a new chain on them ? The electoral franchise is but a mockery and a snare to the culti- vator without either proprietorship or a long lease. It may be thought a matter for surprise that, in Flanders, feelings hostile to social order nevertheless do not manifest themselves, and that agrarian outrages are never perpetrated as in Ireland, although I think it certain that, in consequence of excessive competitions, the Flemish farmer is much more ground down by his landlord than the Irish tenant. The fact that in Flanders, as in all countries in which landed property is distributed among a large number of owners, the ideas called socialist* in the bad sense of the word do not obtain influence, is to be accounted for as follows : — The Flemish tenant, although ground down by the constant rise of rents, lives among his equals, peasants like himself who * I think it is to be regretted that a disparaging meaning should attach to this word. Are not those who devote themselves to social science, socialists ? When, in 1848, I'roudhon was asked in the Committee of Inquiry, " What is socialism ?" he replied, " A general desire for improvement." " Then we are all of us socialists," remarked the chairman of the Committee. 538 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleye. have tenants whom they use just as the large landowner does his. His father, his brother, perhaps the man himself, possesses something like an acre of land, which he lets at as high a rent as he can get. In the public-house peasant proprietors will boast of the high rents they get for their lands, just as they might boast of having sold their pigs or potatoes very dear. Letting at as high a rent as possible comes thus to seem to him to be quite a matter of course, and he never dreams of finding fault with either the landowners as a class or with property in land. His mind is not likely to dwell on the notion of a caste of domineering landlords, of " bloodthirsty tyrants," fattening on the sweat of impoverished tenants, and doing no work themselves ; for those who drive the hardest bargains are not the great landowners, but his own fellows. Thus the distribution of a number of small properties among the peasantry forms a kind of rampart and safeguard for the holders of large estates ; and peasant property may, without exaggeration, be called the lightning conductor that averts from society dangers which might otherwise lead to violent catastrophes. The concentration of land in large estates among a small number of families is a sort of provocation of levelling legis- lative measures. The position of England, so enviable in many respects, seems to me to be in this respect full of danger for the future.* § 25. The idea that all men are equal, placed at the head of all modern constitutions, and announced as an axiom throughout the world, is a new idea, the wholesome or baneful effects of which it is as yet impossible to foretell. The gospel proclaimed the equality and fraternity of all men : but it was to Christians a heavenly ideal, which they did not feel called upon to realise in this world. The Reformation, the United States Constitution, and the French Revolution, made of it a terrestrial ideal, of which the consequences must be logically followed up ; it only remains to be seen to what extent these consequences are to be carried. Tocqueville, in his book on Democracy, has admirably shown the effect of the equalitarian principle in politics ; but he has not pointed out with equal clearness the economic con- * Vide Mr. Cliffc Leslie's remarkable Article on the Land System of England, in Fraser^s Magazine, February, 1867. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 239 sequences it is likely to entail ; and these precisely absorb, at the present day, the attention of all those who can see and understand. The idea that all men have equal rights, though proclaimed everywhere, has not yet taken root enough to become a living and earnest conviction, resolute on action. To the upper strata of society this idea is like a vague threat hanging over them; to the lower ones, like a light of hope in a distant future ; but being incessantly repeated at workmen's con- gresses and meetings, it is likely to diffuse itself through all classes, especially those whose interest it is to believe it to be true. Now suppose this idea universally and ardently embraced in a country in which the larger part of the land is in few hands, what sentiment is it likely to give birth to among the masses ? They will say : " If we are equal, how is it that a caste has perpetual possession of the land, and that we are perpetually doomed to support this caste by the produce of our labour ? Has God made the land only that a privileged few shall enjoy it? Property is said to be the creature of labour. How is it, then, that we ever behold idleness and opulence on one side, and labour and destitution on the other? According to the laws of nature, he who works ought to reap the fruits of the earth, whilst he who lives in idleness should suffer hunger ; but does the perfection of social laws consist in keeping the drone in abundance and the bees in distress?" I will not carry the argument further ; it will be readily understood. This was precisely the language held by the peasants who revolted in Germany when Luther spoke of evangelical equality to the feudal society of the sixteenth century. These ideas may be drowned in blood, as they were on that occasion, as they were in France at the time of the Jacqueries ; but they will always revive and redouble the danger to society in countries where inequality appears like an institution conspicuous to the sight of all. It is a grave symptom of the emergency that the upper classes themselves no longer remain inaccessible to these ideas. A distinguished member of the British Parliament, to whom I pointed out that certain measures proposed for Ireland looked remarkably like " confiscation," replied to me, " No doubt they do ; but why should they not ? Is it not just that every one should have his turn ?" And really, if but a few are 240 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Laveleve. chosen to sit down to the feast of Ufe, why should these guests be ahvays the same? This is in its crudity the idea which invohmtarily rises in the mind. It is all very well for lawyers and economists to prove its absurdity, but one and the same argument produces a different effect on the man who is seated at table and the man who waits upon him ; what may seem absurd to the man who has the good side of the present regime may appear perfectly right and proper to him who has come in for the bad side. Travelling in Andalusia this year (1869), I hghted upon peasants harvesting the crops on the lands of Spanish grandees, which they had shared among themselves. " Why," said they, " should these large estates remain almost uncultivated in the hands of people who have neither created nor improved them, but are ruining them by spending elsewhere the net produce they yield ?" I am convinced that were land more divided in those districts of Andalusia, where ideas of communion prevail at the present day, these would no longer find any adherents. In Belgium, socialism, though spreading among the working classes in manufacturing districts, does not penetrate into the country, Avhere the small landowners block up its way. Therefore I think the following propositions may be laid down as self-evident truths : — There are no measures more conservative, or more conducive to the maintenance of order in society, than those which facilitate the acquirement of pro- perty in land by those who cultivate it ; there are none fraught with more danger for the future than those which concentrate the ownership of the soil in the hands of a small number of families. Belgium.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 24I APPENDIX. ON THE AFORAMENTO IN PORTUGAL. In the following note are collected some highly interesting particulars of this mode of tenure, for which I am indebted to a Portuguese economist, Mr. Venancio Deslandes. The aforametito is very much like the Beklem-regt, in Groningen, i.e., an hereditary lease by which the right of occupation is granted indefinitely in consideration of an annual vent fixed once for all, which the landlord can never iitcrecuse. This right passes on to the heirs, who, however, cannot subdivide the estate, the aforamento being essentially indivisible ; therefore one of the heirs must take it as his share, and indemnify the others. Where this cannot be done, and the heirs do not agree, the aforamento is sold, and the purchaser then holds it subject to the same conditions as the seller. If there be no next of kin and no legatee, the aforamento expires, and the landlord re-enters into possession. Again, if the hereditary tenant allows the land to deteriorate so as to reduce its value to one-fifth over and above the capitalised rent, the land- lord resumes the right of possession without any compensation to the tenant. Besides the yearly rent, the landlord was formerly entitled to levy a duty, whenever the land changed hands, which was called liictiwsa, if the change took place in consequence of a death, and landeinium, if in consequence of a sale. The new civil code in force since July, 1867, which in many instances betrays, like its French prototype, a hostility to every- thing pertaining to the ancient regime, has done away with these dues as feudal charges. Another and severer blow has been dealt to the afoi-amento system, by the new code prohibiting a holder from bequeathing the sole right of occupation to the one of his children he might designate. The division of all property into equal shares being made compulsory, and the afora- mento being indivisible, a conflict arises between the two principles. The aforamento is then sold, and taken from the family who had held it per haps for centuries. The aforamento dates from the earliest times of the Portuguese monarchy. It was introduced by monastic orders, especially the Benedic- tines, on the lands they owned, and since then has gradually become general throughout Portugal north of the Tajo. Even down to this day, contracts of this kind are made between private parties ; and if townships let common lands to the inhabitants, this is often done by aforamento. Private persons let land at fixed rents, and in consideration of the fixity of tenure they grant, the payment of a certain sum of money is stipulated for, which represents the price of perpetual enjoyment by the tenant without increase of rent ; by submitting to an immediate sacrifice he gains Q 242 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE. [Laveleye. perfect security for the future. The people used to have, and have even at this day, a great predilection for this kind of contract ; both farmers and landlords agree in appreciating the great advantages it offers. These are especially evident in the province of Minho, so celebrated for the perfection of its husbandry, the well-being of its inhabitants, and the magnificent appearance of the country. There all lands are held by aforamento, and by this system of hereditary tenure its prosperity is accounted for. I met with aforamento very frequently in the environs of Lisbon, especially in the magnificent country adjoining the Cintra Road. Unfortunately legislation, prompted by French ideas, has declared war against this excellent system of tenure, with a view to carry out what is called the liberation of the land, i.e., the reconstitution of absolute property, and the adoption of the common kind of lease. This is an error ; for every institution is good which is calculated to give security of possession to him who cultivates the land. 243 V. THE AGRARIAN LEGISLATION OF PRUSSIA DURING THE PRESENT CENTURY. By R. B. D. Moriek, C.B. In treating of the agrarian legislation of Prussia during the present century, it is important to guard against a prevalent misconception, to the effect that this legislation is something " sui generis," and different in kind from that of any other European State. The contrary is the case — legislation similar to that we are about to describe has in some form or other marked the history of every German State during the last sixty years, and analogous legislation has marked our own history, and we may add that of every other State of Teutonic origin. For every Teutonic community has been evolved out of a germ identical in its rudimental construction with that of every other, and therefore containing within itself the laws of a similar growth. The history of this growth is recorded in the history of the occupation of land ; for, in contradistinction to the citizens of the antique world, the Teutonic race is essentially a race of landfolk. I. The original Teutonic community is an association of free- men, a " Gemeinde," a commonalty or commons (not common people in contradistinction to uncommon people, that is, a privileged class, but a body of men having property in common), amongst whom the private right of property in land is correla- tive to the public duty of military service and participation in the judicial and other political acts of the community. These public duties are of a comparatively simple kind ; the agricul- tural relations of the community, on the other hand, are of a comparatively complicated kind. The district, or ]\Iark {i.e., the geographical area marked out and appropriated by the com- munity), consists of three distinct parts ; hrst. the Common 244 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. Mark (the Folcland of the Anglo-Saxons), o\vned jointly by the community ; secondly, the Arable Mark (Feldmark), cut out of the Common Mark, and apportioned in equal lots to the mem- bers of the community (the Anglo-Saxon Boc land) ; and, lastly, the Mark of the tozvnship (Dorf, thorp, villa), also divided into equal lots, and individually appropriated. The individual marksman, therefore, stands in a threefold relation to the land occupied by the Gemeinde. He is a joint proprietor of the common land ; he is an allottee in the arable mark, and he is a householder in the township. In the first case he owns "de indiviso," and his rights are strictly controlled by those of his co-marksmen. His cattle grazes on the common pasture, under the charge of the common herdsman ; he hews wood in the forest, under the control of a communal officer. In the Arable Mark he has a distinct inheritance, and can call a certain number of square roods his own ; but he must cultivate his lot in concert with his associates, and the com- munity at large determines on the mode of its cultivation. The whole Mark is divided into as many parts or Fields (" Fluren," " Campi ") as the rotation of crops and the alternation between fallow and plough requires. Usually into three such " common- able" Fields, each Field lying fallow once in three years, the community having rights of pasturage on the fallow as well as on the stubbles of the land under the plough.* To obviate the possibility of the individual allottee finding himself every third year without any land under cultivation, which would be the case if the lots lay in undivided blocks, each lot is dis- tributed in single parcels over the three Fields of the arable mark, a subdivision which renders cultivation in common still more necessar)'. In the Common Mark, therefore, and in the Arable Mark, the individual is everywhere controlled by his peers, and by the minute customs and usages of the community ; he is contained by and tethered to the association. In his dwelling-house and * It is these common rights of pasturage on the Arable Mark which it is of importance to note, for it was from these rights, and not from the right of pasturage on the common pasture, that mediajval agriculture derived its dis- tinctive character. The obligatory cultivation on the "Three Field system," the common temporary enclosure of the commonable Field (not of the individual parcel), whilst the crop is growing, the removal of that enclosure after harvest, the prohibition against permanent and individual enclosures, are all of them results which flowed from the common right of pasture on \\\q fallow axi<\ ■tuliblfs. Glkmanv.J in various COUNTRiKS. 245 its appurtenances the reverse is the case. Here he is absolute lord and master. His fenced-in court-house or manor (curtis, hof, mansus, manoir, manor) is in the fullest sense his " own ' (eigen). Over his family, over the dependents ("Hiirige" — " liti ") and slaves (servi) domiciled within it he can dispose as seems good to him. To them he is a lawgiver and a law-en- forcer. Within his pale (septum) neither public nor communal officer can enter otherwise than with his sanction. It lies out- side the community, and constitutes an " immunity " — " im- munity " and " community " thus come to be opposed to each other. " Immunitas est quod non communitas, immunis quod non communis." In the eleventh century this is still the rule applicable universally to the homestead of every freeman. " Omnis domus, omnis area pacem infra septa sua habeat fir- mam. NuUus invadat, nuUus effringat, nullus infra positos temere inquirere, aut violenter opprimere prsesumat. Si fugiens aliquis septum intraverit securus inibi sit."* In the familiar saying, " Every Englishman's house is his castle," we have a distant echo from those far-off times. These two distinct aspects of the early Teutonic freeman as a " lord " and a " commoner " united in the same person — the one when within the pale of his homestead, the other when standing outside that pale in the economy of the Mark — should not be lost sight of. In them are reflected the two salient cha- racteristics of the Teutonic race, its spirit of individuality, and its spirit of association ; and as the action and reaction upon each other of these two laws have determined the social and political history of the race, so, as the secjuel will show, they have in an especial manner affected and determined its agricul- tural history. Lastly, we should note a strange peculiarity apparently dating back to this period— viz., that the personal "status" of the oc- cupant communicates itself to the walls of his domicile, and, as it were, adheres to them, sometimes reacting back upon the new occupant, and determining ///V status. The occupier privi- leges the manor occupied by him, and the manor thus privileged invests the later occupier with those privileges. In the same way the servile tenement renders the occupier servile. This is the first period of the Teutonic community. Its characteristic features are, tha'. there are two distinct communi- * Juramentum pacis circa an. 1085, quoted in v. Maurer's '' Einleitung zur Geschichte der Mark, Hof, Dorf und Stadt Verfassung," p. 241. 246 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. ties — an agricultural community and a political community — inseparably identified with each other, the rights conferred by the one being con-elative to the duties imposed by the other. We may describe it as the period of land-ownership and equal possession, in which the freeman is a "miles ' in virtue of being a land-^7<:w^r.* II. The second period can be described as the period of land tenure, and of unequal possession, in which the feudal tenant is not a " miles " in virtue of being a Isiwd-owner, but a \3.r\A'/iolder in virtue of being a " miles." The transition from the one state to the other is necessarily influenced by a great variety of circumstances in the different communities ; but there are certain features connected with this transition common to all the communities. 1. Intertribal wars, the consequent subjugation of other communities, the appropriation of the land in the common marks of those communities, the unequal division of the lands so appropriated according to the amount of fighting work done by the associates, are among the earliest and most effective causes which break up the original equality of property, and lead to the accumulation of wealth in a few hands. The fines paid as blood-money (Wergeld) in accord- ance with a criminal system entirely based on fines, appears as another important cause leading to the same results. 2. The cessation of the political independence of the in- dividual community, without, however, as yet a cessation of the political functions of the members of the community. This process takes place in two ways, first, by the gradual colonisation of the Common Mark by communities sent forth from the original townships, in which case each new township receives an Arable Mark cut out from the Common Mark, but * For the liistory of the constitution of the Mark we refer our readers to the numerous works of I^udwig George von Maurer. It would be impossible to cite our authorities for the statements made in the text in detail, for we have given the barest outline of a vast amount of learned investigation. The main features of the constitution of the Mark may be considered as having been now fairly won back to the domain of history, thanks to the labours of Maurer and many others, over the entire area of the primitive Teutonic settlements in Germany and Scandinavia. It may seem pedantic, in treating of legislation in the nineteenth century, to go back to the institutions of the first century, but the agricultural features of the early Teutonic community have so indelibly engraved themselves on the entire subseciucnt liistory of Teutonic agriculture, especially in Germany (as any one who has seen the map of a (jerman Gemeinde can testify), that we have found it impossible to dispense with this introduction. Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 247 the common mark itself continues to be owned " de indiviso " by all the townships ; secondly, by the agglomeration of a number of marks into a loose kind of confederacy, which, by degrees, assumes a greater consistency, and becomes in time a national unity. In both cases the several communities retain in their own hands the management of the affairs of their own township, but national affairs are transacted in general assembHes. In both cases, however — and this is a point which it is of import- ance to note — a sort of embryo suzerainty or 'over-lordship is claimed, in the one case by one or other of the more important marks of which the confederacy is composed ; in the other case by the original or mother township (Mutter Dorf), as it was termed, over the daughter townships. 3. The establishment of permanent executive organs, and the gradual hereditariness of the executive office. Hitherto, the assembly of the community has been all in all. In case of war, it elected a chief, a king or Herzog, whose attributes were purely military, and ceased when peace was concluded. When the assembly sat as a court to try civil or criminal cases, it likewise elected its president. From the eariest times, however, in both cases, the choice appears to have been limited to a certain number of families, who, in some especial manner, represented the blood of the tribe, and little by little, though the forms of election continue, office becomes practically hereditary. How this rule obtained in the case of the Anglo- Saxon and Frankish kings is well known ; but it is necessary to note that this tendency is universal throughout the Teutonic Kosmos, and applies to all its institutions. Thus, as the king of the nation is " de jure " elective " de facto " hereditary, so also is the president of the court of the township, the judge or Schu/t/ieiss, he who apportions unto a man his debt or guilt — i.e., who fixes and exacts the Wergeld. This is a matter of extreme importance, as it is to the hereditariness of this office and its identification with one particular manor in each township, so that whosoever owns the manor exercises the office, and who- ever exercises the office owns the manor, that we apparently owe the origin of the manorial rights which aftenvards become the key-stone of the entire land system in feudal times, and to this day affect in an important manner the agrarian relations of many important coim tries in Europe, England included. Our space does not admit of our entering upon this subject here. 248 SYSTEMS O" LAND TENURE [Mor:er, and it must therefore suffice to say that from the earliest times known to us — and we are now speaking of times antecedent to the estabhshment of the feudal system — we note in every Teutonic township one manor (Hof), which thus becomes par excellence the manor, raised above its fellows. This manor, afterwards variously described as the " Salhof," " Frohnhof," " Curtis dominicalis," " curtis judicialis," " curia publica quae dicitur Frohnhof/' receives dues and services from the other manors in the township, even whef-e these manors are the allodial property of free}nc}i. That these dues and services were of the nature of public charges, and at a time when all payments were made in kind represented the emoluments of the principal executive officer of the township seems now established beyond a doubt.* The foregoing indications will suffice to point out the pre- disposing causes in the pure Teutonic society which led when that society came to conquer the Roman world to the estab- lishment of the feudal system, a system made up of Teutonic and Roman elements — viz., on the one hand of the Teutonic idea of the correlation between possession of land and military service, of the Teutonic tendency to change public office into private right, and to transmit such rights by inheritance; lastly, of the Teutonic peculiarity of regarding " unfree " service ren- dered personally to the sovereign as in its nature honourable,, though involving political disabilities (Thaneship, Dienst- mannschaft, Horigkeit, Ministerialitat);f and, on the other hand, of the ideas of the Roman law regarding " beneficial uses," the difference between "possession" and "dominium," as well as the Roman practice connected with the agricultural colonisation of the provinces. The ai:)plication of the feudalX system in Germany was necessarily a much slower process than in the Roman Provinces, where it was, as it were, called into life by the exigencies of conquest. In the one case, the raw material that it had to work up consisted of free allodial % i)roprietors, who deemed * Confer Landau Der Salhof, do. Die Territorien. t Confer Freeman's account of Thaneship in his " History of the Norman Conquest." X The etymology of alodium and feodum throws great light on the entire question of "ownership'' versus "tenure." The syllable vd, in old High German ot, in Anglo-Saxon ead, signifying "possession," " wt-altli," " treasure," is common to both. Allod, alodium, or, in its earliest form, alodis and alaudes, is that which is altogether my possession, or possession in all its fulness. [Compare /Clcinod, a jewel, i.e., a small possession, or rather a possession Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUN'I'UIL'.S. 249 themselves the equals of the king, and whose personal status was legally higher than that of his proudest Dienstmannen ; in the latter case it consisted principally of conquered Romans and Provincials, who were glad to get back their lands on any terms. In Germany, therefore, it was an economical necessity rather than a political convulsion which brought about the change. As population increased, more and more townships were settled on the common lands, the proportion between pastoral as compared with agricultural wealth decreased ; and the ordinary freeman was gradually reduced to little more than what his lot in the arable mark brought him in. Simul- taneously with this diminution of his means rose the cost of his equipment for the field, and the strain put upon his resources by having to maintain himself during the long summer and winter campaigns which were now the rule. Soldiering under Charlemagne against the Saracens in Spain, or the Huns on the Danube, was different work from an autumn raid across the Rhine, after the harvest was got in. Accordingly, as early as Dagobert's time, we find the possession of five allotments to be the minimum qualification required for a fully-armed " miles." Hence, partly by his poverty — partly by the pressure, often amounting to force, brought to bear upon him by the lords who Avished to increase their demesne lands, the free owner was little by little reduced to the condition of an unfree holder. dear to me, the diminutive being used to express endearment, as in the exactly analogous case of jewel, French joyiu, i.e., gaudicuhim,^ a little joy.] Feodum, if derived from Old High German fihu (modern German, Vieh), cattle, and od, possession, meant originally possession in cattle. The early Teuton's land — i.e., his lot in the Arable Mark and in the township, is altogether his own : it is possession in all its fulness. When he becomes acquainted with Roman "beneficial'' possession, as distinct from "dominium," he expresses it by a distinction drawn between the land itself and the wealth which is on the land, and derived from the land, but separable from it — viz., cattle (which, as in the English word chattel, becomes in time synonymous with movable as distinct from immovable property). Thus the idea of usufruct comes to be translated by the idea cattle posicssion. This original conception oi feodum remains the same, even if with Diez we have to consider /(W//»z as derived directly from Pro : /t'«, Italian ^(?, i.e.. Old High German, fhu, and look upon the d as inserted for the sake of euphony, as in ladico for laico, instead of seeing in it a remnant of the Old High German tt. The idea of allodial ownership was lost in England from the moment the whole of the soil can\e to be regarded as a demesne of the Crown, the only ;illodial owner left being the sovereign. For the etymologies in this Note wc are indebted to Professor Max Miiller. 250 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. By " commending " himself (" comendatio," "traditio") to a superior lord, that is, by surrendering the " Dominium directum" of his " allodium" and receiving back its "dominium utile," the freeman lost his personal rights, but obtained in return protection against the State — i.e., against the public claims that could be made upon him in virtue of his being a full member of the political community. According to the nature of his tenure, he had to render military service (no longer as a national duty but as a personal debt) to his superior, and in return was maintained by his lord when in the field : or, if his tenure was a purely agricultural one — and it is with these we are concerned — he was exempt from military service, and only rendered agricultural service. In this way, as generation followed upon generation, the small free allodial owners disappeared, and were replaced by unfree holders. But the memory of their first estate long lived amongst the traditions of the German peasantry, and it required centuries before the free communities, who, out of dire necessity, had, by an act of their own, surrendered their liberties into the hands of the lords of the manor, sank to the level of the servile class settled upon their demesnes proper by the lords of the soil. The glimpses we obtain of the Bauer in the 12th and 13th centuries* exhibit him to us as still a jovial, high-handed fellow, who holds his own with the folk from the castle, and is quick at retort both with his cudgel and his tongue. In the peasant's war which followed on the Reformation, he made a desperate attempt to recover his lost liberties ; and in the record of grievances upon the basis of which he was ready to treat, he showed how accurate was his recollection of the past, and how well he knew the points on which the territorial lords had robbed him of his just rights. The Thirty Years' War gave the final blow. With exceptions here and there the tillers of the soil became a half servile caste, and were more and more estranged from the rest of the com- munity, until, with the humanitarian revival at the close of last centur)', they became to philanthropists objects of the same kind of interest and inquiry which negroes have been to the same class of persons in our day. Before we leave^this second period, we must allow ourselves a general observation, which is of importance both as regards this period and the next. * Cfr. Freitag " Neue Bilder aus dem Leben des deutschen Volks," cap. " Aus dem Leben des deutschen Bauers." Gbrmanv.] in various COUNTRIF..5. 25 1 We described the earliest fonifi of the Teutonic community as the union between an agricultural and a political com- munity. The second period is marked by the divorce between these two bodies. This divorce is accomplished when the power of the king has fully established itself, the result as regards Germany of the conquest of the Roman provinces, and the foundation of the Frankish monarchy. Instead of the self- administered marks of a former age, the ancient " Gaue " now become " Gau Grafschaften " — i.e., counties governed by the '' comites " of the king with a hierarchy of subordinate officials, ''Vice comites," "Centgrafen" (Counts of the Hundred), &c. For a short while there is a real revival of the Roman Empire, and the structure which the genius of Charlemange builds up and superposes over the Teutonic as well as over the Latin foundations of his monarchy, simple as are its classic outlines, contains all the appurtenances required for the government of a great centralised commonwealth. After his death the structure, it is true, remains standing, and its external outlines can still be descried, but, shooting upward from the ground and sidewards from every nook and crevice, the vigorous Teutonic vegetation, whose luxurious growth even the original architect had scarcely been able to restrain, spreads over the building and produces that marvellous but not un- picturesque monstrosity known as the Holy Roman Empire. The Teutonising of the Roman forms of administration was effected by a process precisely similar to that which had obtained in regard to the executive offices in the old free community. It was the same inveterate Teutonic tendency to treat public office as private property, and therefore as something that could be transmitted by inheritance, a hereditament, which ruled in the one case and the other. Thus as the office of king and Herzog, from being elective had become hereditary, so the Gau Graf, from being a prefect named by the Emperor to exercise royal prerogatives in his name, becomes a hereditary subregulus ; the royal authority is decentralised, and the royal prerogative adscripted to the glebe, or rather identified with the person who is lord of the glebe. In the same way that the great territorial lords gradually possess themselves of the rights of the Gau Graf and transmit them to their posterity as part of their real estate, the lesser lords possess themselves of the attributes of the Cent-Graf,and so on down to the ownersof/'//(? manor in the township. Now each of these offices, from the highest to the 252 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURK [Morier. lowest, represents a jurisdiction, and each of these jurisdictions therefore comes to be identified with the possession of real estate. Consequently in the frightful chaos which resulted out of the feudal system, we have nevertheless got a clue which enables us to unravel many difficulties. The idea of dominion, the rights of the "dominus" (Frohnherr, lord), are made up of public and private ingredients, but in inverse proportions to what they were in the first period. It is the turning topsy- turvy of the ancient principle. Then private rights imposed public duties ; now public duties breed private rights. When the system has once been firmly established, it is easy to note the different relation in which the community, the larger community of the mark as well as the smaller community of the township, comes to be placed in towards its executive othcers. For a long period after the community has, by the consolidation of the kingly authority, ceased to be a political community in the sense of an independent and international unit, it continues in the assembly of the hundred to administer its own affairs, and to sit as a civil and criminal court. During this intermediate stage the sovereign authority is still as it were emanating from below, and therefore the only jurisdiction to which freemen have to submit is to that of their own peers. The president of the court is one of themselves, and in so far as he exercises executive authority, it is authority delegated by them. With the establishment of the feudal system, the sovereign authority begins to flow from the contrary direction : it comes now from above, and no longer from below ; it is delegated by the king, and no longer by the commons. The owner of the manor now no longer exercises his functions as " primus inter pares ;" he has obtained a jurisdiction over his former peers, and has become invested with a " dominium." From hence- forth the township is administered partly as a political unit, partly as a private demesne, from the manor house. Public and private rights, jmblic and private dues, get mixed up in inextricable confusion. The divorce between the agricultural and the political com- munity even in regard to local affairs (except in the most limited sense) is complete ; but the point which it is important to note is, that the agricultural community in Germany remains intact. The " Bauern Gemcinde " of the 19th century is in its essential ])oints themicrocosmicre])roduction of the " Landes Gemeinde" of the 1st century, apart from the political rights and the culti- 1 Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 253 vation in common. It is a corporation of free, allodial owners who are allottees in an arable mark, and co-partners in common lands. It is an administrative unit, managing its own private affairs, like any other body corporate, with some slight remnants of a jurisdiction which in Prussia is still exercised under the surveillance of the manor. It is at this point that the agricultural history of England and Germany part asunder. In England the agricultural community, though traces of it are to be found much later than is generally supposed, traces which may even to this day be deciphered, from a very early period ceases to be conterminous with the self-governing body. Not the agricultural, but the ecclesiastical community, the parish, becomes with us the administrative unit, and the lord of the manor, except in regard of the freeholders who make up the court baron, finds himself face to face, not with a compact association and a recognised corporation, but with isolated individuals. III. We have now arrived at the third and last period. It is that with which we have to deal in treating of the agrarian legislation of Prussia during the present century. It is marked by the demolition of the feudal edifice, and the removal of the materials of which it was built. // can be described as the return to free oivnership with unequal possession. The three principal incidents of the process can be classed as follows : — 1. Abolition of villeinage in so far as it affects the personal " status " of the villein. 2. Abolition of villein and other feudal tenures, and substitution in lieu thereof of allodial ownership. 3. Removal from the land thus allodially owned of all charges, whether of a public or private character, derived from the feudal forms of tenure and from the feudal organisation of society. The three great efforts made by the legislation of Prussia in 1807, in 1811, and 1850, respectively correspond to these three incidents. From this it will be abundantly manifest that a similar process of legislation has marked the history of every State in which the feudal system has been established. In England personal villeinage dies out at a comparatively early date, we hardly know how, so noiselessly does it disappear. 2 54 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. In the same noiseless way villein tenure loses its servile incidents and assumes the form of copyhold tenure, which tenure can by 15 and 16 Vict. c. 51 be commuted into free- hold tenure at the instance of the lord of the manor or of the copyholder. By the statute 12 Car. II. c. 24 all forms of free- hold tenure were practically reduced to the simple one of tenure by common socage.* It is not in any way our purpose, by calling attention to these analogies, to detract from the merits of the so-called Stein Hardenberg legislation. Those merits are of a trans- cendent kind, but it is to the accidents that accompanied the legislation, to the scale on which the measures were framed, to the spirit in which they were carried out, and not to the novelty of the legislation, that those merits belong.t * For all practical purposes tenure by common socage is as good as allodial ownership, and therefore the statute of Charles II., taken in combination with the statutes of the present reign, enabling the transmutation of copyhold into freehold tenures, must be considered as the English equivalent of what we have described as the second main incident of the Prussian agrarian legislation. For the purpose, however, of strict accuracy, it should be noted that in England, and in England alone, the feudal structure of society still exists on the statute book, with the further exceptional circumstance that the sovereign is lord paramount, and therefore, strictly speaking, the only real landowner, all his subjects being only tenants. Hence the inveterate use of the terms freehold tenure, and freeholder, when the idea intended to be conveyed is that of allodial ownership. t We have felt it the more necessary to insist upon these points because, in a celebrated passage of a celebrated speech, Mr. Bright gives the received erroneous English account of the Prussian legislation in question. We most heartily sympathise with the object which Mr. Bright has in view, viz., the numerical increase of the landowning class in Ireland. No one can have lived abroad during the last twenty years without convincing himself that, in the present transition state of society, it is of vital importance that its one permanent con- servative force, viz. , landownership, should be so distributed as to e.\ercise its steadying and restraining influence over a large area instead of a small area, over all classes instead of over one class. It is therefore with the greater regret that we notice the inaccuracy in question ; but where so important a precedent is invoked on so important a matter, and by so great an authority, it appears to us of leal moment that it should be correctly stated. Mr. Bright is reported to have said : " If in this country fifty years ago, as in Prussia, there had arisen statesmen who would have taken one-third or one- half the land from the landowners of Ireland, and made it over to their tenants, I believe that the Irish landowner, great as would have been the injustice of which he might have complained, would, in all probability, have been richer and happier than he has been." Now what the statesmen did in Prussia fifty, or rather sixty, years ago, was just the reverse. They took half or a third of the land possessed by the tenants of Prussia, and handed it over in full possession to the landlords of Prussia. The land occupied by these tenants was land on which, except in case of devastation and in virtue of a judgment passed by a Court of Law, the lord of the manor had no right of re-entry. What the law of 1811 did was to force Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 255 The Legislation of 1807. In order to estimate what were the changes practically- effected by the decree of 9th October, 1807, it is necessary to realise what was the state of things which that decree was intended to supersede. At the period in question the entire land of Prussia (then, it must be remembered, consisting of the few provinces left to the King of Prussia by the peace of Tilsit) was distributed amongst three classes of society, carefully kept asunder, not by usage only, but by strict legal enactment — nobles, peasants, and burghers. In other words, it was held by knight's tenure, villein tenure, and a sort of civil tenure which had grown up out of the privileges of town municipalities. These classes were distinct castes — their personal status was reflected in the land held by them, and conversely the land held determined the status of the holder. The noble could follow no avocations but those of his caste. He could administer his estate, and serve the king either in a civil or military capacity. He could not occupy himself with trades or industries. He could acquire nobles' land, and therewith manorial rights over land held under villein tenure ; but he could not acquire burgher land or the " dominium utile" — i.e.^ the possession of peasant land. The burgher had a monopoly of trades and industries, which, with some very limited exceptions, such as the business of wheelwrights and smiths, were confined to the towns, and the lord of the manor to sell his manorial overlordship to the copyholder for one-half, or one- third, of the copyhold. By this process he was put in possession of more land than he was possessed of before. What he was deprived of was labour. The tenant lost one-half or one-third of the land he possessed before, but obtained the " dominium directum," as well as the '' dominium utile," over the remaining half or two-thirds ; what was, however, much more important, he got back the free use of his own labour. The landlord sold labour and bought land ; the tenant sold land and bought labour. All the essential features of the transaction would have remained the same even if the " dominium directum" of the landlord had not been passed over to the peasant, for an overlordship of this kind deprived of its material contents would have been a mere meaningless form, like ihe dominium eminens of the Crown in England. There was no injustice done of the kind supposed by Mr. Bright, any more than the Act 15 and 16 Vict. c. 51 creates an injustice by compelling the lord of the manor to sell his copyhold rights to the copyholder. The only differ- ence between the two transactions consists in the payment, in the one case being made in money, and in having, in the other, been made in land. One- half and one-third was a rough-and-ready calculation by which, in all proba- bility, the lords of the manor, in some cases, got more than their share, the peasants less, and vice versO. 256 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. could not be exercised in the country. He could not acquire nobles' land or peasants' land. The military profession was closed to him as well as the higher civil employments. The condition of the peasant differed widely in the different provinces, and in the different parts of the same province. It was a mirror in which almost every phase of mediaeval history was reflected. There was this feature, however, common to all peasant holdings — that they were not isolated farms, but united in a "commonalty," and that these "commonalties" stood under the jurisdiction of the manor. The rural area of Prussia was consequently divided into two kinds of districts. The Gutsbezirk, or manorial district proper, consisting of the demesne lands, cultivated by the manorial proprietor, and in which he exercised the functions of a police magistrate directly ; and the township of the peasant com- munity, with its arable mark and its common mark, in which a Schulze (contracted from Schultheiss),* usually an hereditary office, or one inseparable from a particular Hof, exercised the police authority in the name of and under the supervision and control of the lord of the manor. The community likewise managed its private affairs like any other corporation, but also under the guardianship of the manor. The different communities held by different kinds of tenure — varying in an ascending scale from those in which the allottees were in a state of personal villeinage with unlimited services to those in which they were free settlers, who, though under the jurisdiction of the manor, and paying dues to it in virtue of that jurisdiction, were yet owners of their lots. These distinctions generally may be traced to the original difference in the nature of the land held, adverted to in the first part of this essay. In the one case, the communities had originally been slave communities, settled upon the demesne lands proper of large proprietors, and had gradually emerged to the compara- tively higher level of villeinage — or they were communities of freemen or dependents, " liti," settled in the same way, who had gradually sunk to a state of villeinage. In the other case, they were originally the allodial owners of the land held by them who had surrendered their rights of full ownership to the manorial lords on distinct stipulations, or they had retained the ownership of their land, and were only subject to the jurisdic- tion of the manor. * See supra, p. 284. Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUxNTRIES. 257 But there was another distinct class peculiar to Prussia, who owed their origin to the fact that the German race was in these parts a conquering race, and settled upon territory taken from another race. These were the free colonists colonised " more Teutonico," principally on the demesne land of the Crown. Contractors, termed " locatores," obtained grants of land, and brought with them, chiefly from Holland, communities of agri- culturists, who, according to the old system of the mark, received their individual lots and likewise rights of co- proprietorship in a certain amount of common lands. The contractor received a larger grant, free of services and dues, and was infeofifed in the office of Schulze. The colonists received their grants for ever, and were only bound to pay fixed and moderate dues in kind or money. These tenures may be considered as ready-made copyholds. The " tenants " were to all intents and purposes freeholders, with only a kind of shadowy " dominium directum " in the background. The status of villeinage differed according as the villein was Leibeigen {i.e., as his lord had rights of property in his body), or only " erbunterthanig," i.e., in a state of hereditary subjection to the manor, "adscripti glebae." In its worst form the villein could be held to unlimited service, and could be deprived of his holding, and located in another. At his death, the whole or the largest portion of his personal estate fell to the lord. His children could not marry without the lord's consent, and could be kept an unlimited number of years as personal servants (Gesinde) in the service of the manor. He could receive corporal punishment to heighten his productive power, and to enforce respect, but his life was protected. This extreme form was, however, the exception to the rule. It occurred mostly in the more remote provinces.* The milder form differed from the former in the services to be performed and the dues to be paid, being limited by local custom, and in a greater freedom in the disposal of the holding. The villein knew what work he and his team would have to perform in the course of the year, the number of years * Stringent legislative enactments had been passed by Frederick the Great, regulating the personal "status" of the villein, and limiting the rights of his lord ; but usage was stronger than law, and the greatest diversity in the "status " of the villein in the different parts of the monarchy is a characteristic feature of the agricultural system of Prussia at the commencement of the century. R 258 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. his children would have to serve in the household of the lord, the tax he would have to pay on their marriage, the amount of the mortuary dues which at his death the lord would have a right to. He could also buy his freedom at a fixed price, and, with the permission of his lord, dispose of his holding. The free peasant differed from the villein in having no personal dues to pay, and in his services and dues being usually recorded in writing in the grants made to him, and therefore bearing the character of a legal contract. He could not, how- ever, acquire by purchase or inheritance other than peasant land, nor could he change his position by changing his country life for a city life ; nor could he in the country exercise any trade or calling but that of agriculture. The land cultivated by the peasant therefore was divided into two principal categories : I. That in which he had rights of property ; ,2. That in which he had only rights of usufruction. In both cases services were rendered, and dues were paid kind or money to the manor. But in the first case these services and dues may be considered as having had a public, in the latter case a private, origin. As regards the land in which the peasant had only rights of usufruction, it was divided into two principal categories : 1. Land in which the peasant had hereditar}'- rights of usufruction, and could transmit his holding to his descendants and his collaterals, according to the common law of inheritance ; 2. Land in which the occupier was only a tenant for life, or for a term of years, or at will. In neither case, however, could the landlord re-enter on this land. The lords of the manor had been deprived of this right,* if it ever existed, by various edicts of the former * No point connected vvkli the mcrliajval history of land tenure presents more difficulties than this question of what the manorial right of Overlordship really amounted to, and wliether or not it invested the lord with a right to possess himself with the tenant's land. Wherever in the Teutonic Kosmos we meet with a manor and dependent "mansi," we are encountered by this difficulty and by the difference between the "terra tenentium " and the "dominium villenagium," tenant land and dcmcsncVxnA. If the description of the origin of manorial rights given in the early part of this essay is correct, it would follow that what in feudal language are called '' tenants " were (except in the case of servile townships settled on the lord's "allodium") originally allodial owners, whose dues and services to the manor were of the nature of public taxes, which could not invest the lord with rights of property over the lands of the proprietors. It is, however, certain that with the estab- Germanv.] IX VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 259 Hohenzollern kings. Frederick the Great imposed a fine of a hundred ducats on any landlord who appropriated to his own use any land held by his peasants. At last a general law was passed on the subject. (AUgemeines Land Recht II. 7, §§ 14—16.) The manors were respectively held by the Crown, by cor- porations, lay and ecclesiastical, and by individual nobles. But whoever was the occupant, the functions of the manor in the body politic remained the same. The term implied a house with farm buildings {the manor in the community, the other manors having sunk to mansi, "messuages"): demesne lands cultivated by the labour of the peasants under its jurisdiction : rights of various kinds over the persons of these peasants and the lands occupied by them : correlative duties in the way of maintaining paupers, furnishing wood for the building and repair of the peasants' farm-buildings, in some cases furnishing the stock of the farm, the building and endowing schools, the repairing of churches, &c., and, lastly, a police magistracy, and a court of first instance in civil and criminal matters, the so- called " Patrimonial Gerichtsbarkeit " (courtleet and customary court). It did not imply the right of re-entry on the lands occupied by the peasants. The judicial functions were not exercised by the lord of the manor in person, but by his steward, who required to be a properly-trained lawyer. Where the manor was the property of the Crown, or of a corporation, the rights of the manor were exercised by a bailiff". lishment of the feudal system this original character was lost sight of, and that the lords universally claimed the right to possess themselves of tenant land. Two forces came to the assistance of the tenant in his resistance to this encroachment — • 1. Wherever the royal authority was gaining the upper hand, the Crown sided with the tenants against the lords. A statute of William the Conqueror, quoted in the work of I'rofessor Nasse later on referred to (we have no means of verifying the quotation), affords in this respect a remarkable analogy to the edicts of Frederick the Great and his predecessors alluded to in the te.xt. It forbids the lords " removere colonos a terris dummodo servitia persolvent; " and it adds that if '' domini terrarum non procurent idoneos cultores ad terras suas cclendas justiciarii hoc faciant." This clearly refers to tenants' land. On the other hand, Bracton defines "demesne land " ((/fw/w/ww villenagium) as ' ' item dicitur quod quis tempestive et intempestive resumere possit pro voluntate sua et revocare." 2. The Law Courts were the second force which came to the aid of the tenants ; and here again Germany furnishes cases exactly analogous to the celebrated decisions in the reign of Edward III. and Edward IV., by which "customary tenure " was created, and the tenant obtained an action of trespass against the lord. 26o SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. Each manor had its own usages and customs, which amounted to a kind of microscopic customary law. The manors situated on the demesne lands of the Crown were immeasurably in advance of those in private hands, both as to the position of the peasants and as to economical results. Justice would not be done to the intricacy of these relations, did we not add that besides the rights above described, there were innumerable cross rights, servitudes, and easements, be- tween the lords and the peasants (such as rights of pasturage by the lords on the common lands of the peasants, similar rights enjoyed by the peasants in the forests of the lords, &c.), as well as between the peasants of the same community " inter se," and between peasant communities belonging to different manors, and so on ad infinitum. Lastly, the entire burdens of the State, as far as they rested on real estate, were borne by the peasant land. Chaotic as this picture appears to us, it must not be supposed that chaos reigned in the monarchy of Frederick the Great, On the contrary, nothing could be more regular than the work- ing of the wheels within wheels of this wonderful machinery — nothing more remarkable than the ledger-like beauty with which the productive forces of the country were inventoried, and the debtor and creditor account of its agricultural resources kept. The Hohenzollerns had brought with them from Niiremberg business habits, which have not a little contributed to the greatness of the Prussian monarchy, and Frederick the Great in this, as in other respects, showed himself the repre- sentative man of his race. He was a strong advocate of the feudal system, such as he understood it, not from any mediaeval turn of mind, but because it supplied him with a machinery which, in his hands, could be made to produce great results. The political power of the Prussian nobility had long since been broken. They were docile instruments in the hands of the Crown. Sufficiently numerous to supply the army with its officers, and therefore really rendering knights' service in return for knights' fees, yet not so numerous but that an indefatigable administrator like Frederick II. could thoroughly acquaint himself with the resources and capabilities of each of them, they represented so many responsible centres of administration, whom the king made accountable, not only for the public taxes and charges, but equally for the cultivation and agricultural economy of the monarchy. Gkkmany.] in various COUNTRIES. 26 1 Frederick the Great knew exactly what every acre of land, what every pair of hands, and what every yoke of oxen in his dominions were capable of producing, and he took care not only that they should produce it, but that they should be main- tained in a state in which they should continue capable of producing it. He also knew the economical value of justice between man and man, and therefore, despite the tremendous strain put upon the peasant class during his reign, and the scrupulous maintenance of the manorial system, the peasants felt that the great king was their friend ; and their material condition was undoubtedly raised under his reign. But this very improvement only served to hasten the changes which had become unavoidable. Under the weak sovereign who succeeded Frederick, it was seen that the feudal system had long since been dead — that it had only been galvanised into apparent vitality by the genius of one man, and that the process of decomposition was only the more rapid for the temporary interruption. The Battle of Jena and the Peace of Tilsit sealed the fate of the institution. The edict of October 9, 1807, was its death-warrant. Let us look with our own eyes at this great landmark in the history of a great people. " We, Frederick William, by the grace of God, &c. &c. Be it known unto all men that, " Whereas, owing to the universal character of the prevailing misery, it would surpass our means to relieve each person individually, and, even if we could, the objects we have at heart would not be fulfilled (loquitur the mediaeval Father of his people) ; " And, " Whereas, it is not only conformable to the everlasting dictates of justice, but likewise to the principles of a sound national economy, to remove all hindrances in the way of the individual attaining to that measure of material well-being which his capacities may enable him to attain (loquitur Adam Smith); " And, " Whereas, the existing restrictions, partly on the possession and enjoyment of landed property, partly in connection with the personal condition of the agricultural population, in an especial manner obstruct our benevolent intentions, and exercise 262 SYSl'EMS OF LAND TENURE . [Morier. a baneful influence, the one by diminishing the value of landed property and impairing the credit of the landed proprietor, the other by diminishing the value of labour ; we are minded that both shall be restrained within the limits which the public welfare requires, and therefore we decree and ordain as follows : " Free Exchange of Real Property. " § I. Every inhabitant of our dominions is, as far as the State is concerned, henceforth free to acquire and own landed property of every kind and description. The noble, therefore, can acquire not only noble land but burgher and peasant land, and the burgher and the peasant can acquire not only burgher and peasant land, i.e., land not noble, but likewise noble land.* Every such transfer of real estate must, however, continue, as before, to be notified to the authorities. " Freedom m regard to Choice of Occupation. "§ 2. Every noble, without derogation to his rank, is henceforth free to exercise the trades and callings of the burgher — the burgher may become peasant, the peasant burgher, " In how far Rights of Pre-emption still exist. " § 3. (This paragraph is technical, and does not alter the principle of the measure.) " Division of Property. " § 4. All owners of real property, in its nature saleable, can, after due notice to the provincial authority, sell the same piecemeal and in detail as well as in block. Co-proprietors can in the same way divide amongst them property owned in common. " Free power of Granting Leases. " § 5. Every proprietor, whether or not his property forms part of a fief or of any otlier kind of entailed jjroperty, is free to grant leases of any duration so long as the moneys received in payment of such leaseholds are used to pay off mortgages, * §§ 6 and 7 restrict this right, which was only fully established by the " Edict for the better Cultivation of the Land," on the 14th September, 1811. Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 263 and in the case of an entailed property, are capitalised for the benefit of the estate. " Extinction and Consolidation of Peasant Holdings. "§ 6. When a landed proprietor is of opinion that he cannot restore to their former condition or keep up the several peasant establishments on his property, he may, if the holdings have not got the character of hereditary tenures {i.e., Anglic^, if they are not of the nature of copyhold or perpetual leaseholds), after the particular case has been inquired into by the Govern- ment of the province, and with the sanction of that Govern- ment, consolidate such holdings into one large peasant holding, or incorporate them with demesne land. "Special instructions as to the cases in which this process shall be permitted will be sent to the provincial Governments. " § 7. U, on the other hand, the tenures are of a hereditary kind, no change whatever can be effected without the previous acquisition by purchase, or in some other legal manner of the rights of the actual possessors. Such cases likewise require the formalities specified in § 6 {i.e.., the previous sanction of the Government). " j^acilities for Mortgagifig Entailed Estates to pay Losses occasioned by War. "§ 8. (The provisions of this paragraoh are of a temporary kind). " Of the cutting o^ of Entails. " § 9. Every entailed estate, whatever the nature of that entail, can be freed from the entail by the consent of the family. ^^ Abolition of Villeinage. "§ 10. From the day of the publication of this edict no new relations of villeinage, either by birth, marriage, or acqui- sition of a villein holding can be created. "§ II. From the same date all peasants holding by here- ditary tenures cease, they and their wives and their children, to be villeins. "§ 12. From Martinmas, 1810, every remaining form of villeinage in all our dominions shall cease, and from that date 264 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Moribr. there shall be none but freemen in our dominions, such as is already the case in our domains in all our provinces.* It is to be understood, however, that these freemen remain sub- ject to all obligations flowing from the possession of land or from particular contracts to which, as freemen, they can be subjected. " So Given at Memel, 9th October, 1807. " Friederich Wilhelm, schrotter, Stein, schrotter ii." Such, with a few abbreviations and some unimportant omis- sions, is the text of the measure by which Prussia thoughtfully and deliberately stepped out of the mediaeval past into the modern present. Not the least interesting feature of the measure is its (' affiliation with the teaching of Adam Smith and its impregnation with the spirit of the Kantian philosophy. The three persons more immediately concerned with the framing of the measure — Schon, Schrotter, and Auerswald— had all of them been students at Konigsberg and pupils of Kraus, the great expounder of Adam Smith at that university, and one of that brilliant professorial body who, under the inspiration of Kant, were callmg attention to the fact that man was a rational being, and that reason might be profitably consulted even in matters of State. It is this, we conceive, which has left so indelible a mark upon the Stein and Hardenberg legislation. At a moment of universal chaos, when the old landmarks had been overthrown by the breaking up of the waters of the deep, when Europe was torn asunder by the wild passions evoked by the French Revolution, when to one party to be a reformer was to be a sans culotte^ to the other party to maintain authority was to trample on the rights of man, a body of statesmen were found cahii enough to take reason as their guide, and bold enough, in the teeth of the violent oi:)position of the privileged classes, to legislate / common to cultivation by individuals, or, to use two old English terms, from " champion country " to " severall." To the student of English history, the word which corresponds to this change is " enclosure," the true significance of which has, however, not always been seized by either English or foreign writers on the subject.* The great " enclosing " movement in the sixteenth century is usually described as if it had merely had for its object to turn arable land into pasture. Its importance as a joint effort on the part of the lords of the manor to withdraw their demesne lands from the " communion " of the township has been overlooked. That this object was in itself highly desirable, and the conditio sine qua non of any improvements in agriculture is undeniable ; it was an organic change through which every Teutonic com- munity had necessarily to pass. The evils which attended the process in England at the time referred to arose from the fact that instead of being effected by impartial legislation, as has been the case in Prussia during the present century, the change was forcibly brought about by the one-sided action of the landlords. Any one acquainted with the practical difiiculties experienced in Germany in making analogous separations, will readily comprehend all the injustice which one-sided action in * An invaluable contribution to the history of this complicated subject has been made this year by Professor Nasse of Bonn, in a pajier entitled " Ueber die Miltelalterliche Feldgemeinschaft und die Einhegungcn des Sechszehuten Jahrhundorts in England," to which we refer any of our readers who may doubt the conclusions we have come to in the following pages. 28o SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morihr. such a process on the part of the stronger must have implied. In the most favourable case, the withdrawal of, say, one-third,* or one-half of the land from the "commonable" arable land of a township, such half or third portion, be it remembered, con- sisting, in many cases, of small parcels intermixed with those of the commoners, must have rendered the further common culti- vation impossible, and thereby compelled the freeholders and copyholders to part with their land and their common rights on any terms. That in less favourable cases the lords of the manor did not look very closely into the rights of their tenants, but interpreted the customs of their respective manors in the sense that suited them best, and that instead of an equitable repartition of land between the two classes, the result was a general consolidation of tenants' land with demesne land, and the creation of large enclosed farms, with the consequent wholesale destruction of agricultural communities or tovvnships,f is well known to every reader of history. That the result of the newly-acquired liberty of agricultural operations was to in- crease sheep farming is equally well knov/n ; but the two facts are usually brought into immediate connexion with each other, without reference being made to the primary fact which governs the two, viz., not the enclosure of arable land as such, but of " commonable " arable land. The immense increase in stock, apparently without any diminution in the amount of corn grown (for during the period when the clamour against the enclosures was hottest, the price of corn remained uniformly low), was the result of the natural improvement in agriculture, caused by the change from " champion " to " severall," which enabled more produce of all kinds to be got out of the land with less labour. We have called attention to this great crisis in English * In a majority of cases the tenants' land in a manor was much in excess of the demesne land. t Cf. lien. VII. 4, cap. 19, "an acte against the pulling down of tounes. Foune" is here used in its original sense, viz., as the equivalent not of a walled city, hut of a yirwc^rf-in village — '"villa," "villata." "Tun," which is the same word as the German "Zaun," means y^/ir*?. The "tun- skip " or township was therefore the enclosure within which the tenements of the community, with their garden lots, &c., were permanently fenced off from, the unenclosed commonalile mark. For the arable mark, as such, was unen- closed — the "Fields," " flurcn," "cami^i," being only temporarily fenced in whilst the grain-crops were growing and until they were harvested. Hence it was the permanent enclosing of the several lots held in the open unenclosed arable mark which constituted withdrawal from the community, and which, where it was done, on a large scale, necessarily led to the break up of the "com- munion " of the township. Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 28 1 agriculture during the sixteenth century — ist, because we believe that it affords the correct analogy to the Prussian agri- cultural crisis in the nineteenth century; and, 2nd, because the matter not only possesses great historical interest, but is still of practical importance ; for the change we have been describing was by no means completed in the sixteenth century. Down to the present century, very large portions of England were still cultivated in common, on the old Three Field System,* and the work of enclosure is not done yet. Now, speaking with all diffidence, we cannot but believe that legislators called upon to frame Enclosure Acts might find their task made easier to them by a knowledge of the principles and practice which during the last sixty years have been applied to similar legislation, not in Prussia only, but in every State of Germany. England is the only Teutonic community (we believe we might say, the only civilized community now existing) in which the bulk of the land under cultivation is not in the hands of sfnall proprietors. Clearly, therefore, England represents the exception, and not the rule ; and no exception can be understood without a knowledge of the rule. Three great countries — England, X>ance,t and Germany- began their political life from a similar agricultural basis. In each of them the great conflict between immunity and com- munity, between demesne land and tenant land, between the manor and the peasant, has had to be fought out. In England the manor won ; the peasant lost. In France the peasant won ; the manor lost. In Germany the game has been drawn, and the stakes have been divided. Each system can be defended and passionately pleaded for. Each has much to be said for and against it. We have not been able to do more than call attention to the general analogies of the question, hoping that some abler pen than ours may be tempted to take up the subject, and examine the land history of the United Kingdom in connexion with the land history of kindred nations. Should our hope be realised, we shall feel that in an infini- * Cf. A Review of the Reports to the Board of .-\griculture from the Midland department of England, by Mr. Marshall, York, 1815. t Of course we do not class France as a Teutonic country, though its land institutions were of distinct Teutonic origin. It is probable that the Celto- Uomanic elements which so soon overpowered the Teutonic elements of French society contributed to the solution of the conflict in the way peculiar to France. 282 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. tesimal degree we shall have fulfilled our duty as members of the Cobden Club, and at least trimmed the lamp of international knowledge. Considering the object for which this volume of essays has been written, it may seem incumbent upon us before we come to a close to estimate how far the precedent afforded by Prussia is available for the purposes of Irish legislation. We confess ourselves, however, unequal to a task whicli would presuppose a far different acquaintance with the agri- cultural relations of Ireland than any we possess. All we can do is to hazard a review of the Irish land question from the standing ground which we can conceive a man, penetrated with the wisdom of the principles upon which the legislation of Prussia is founded, might occupy. 1. The first thing which such a man would do would be to point out the impossibility of directly applying that legislation to the present state of Ireland. Turning as it does upon what the Germans call the "constitutional" difference between " demesne " land and " tenants' " land, in the mediaeval accep- tation of those terms, it could be applied directly only where that difference existed. 2. He would express in no measured terms his condemnation of a system of tenancy-at-will. Here we can speak ex cathedra, there being a remarkable paper extant in which Stein expresses his opinion on uncertain tenures. 3. He would probably set aside primogeniture, entails, and strict settlements. On large estates held by corporations he would look with no friendly eye. The " dead hand " fills hini with peculiar horror. He everywhere wishes to see the living- hand grasping the living soil. 4. He would insist on every rood of Irish land having a parliamentary title, and being transferable by a cheap and simple system of registration. His land and mortgage register deposited in each township with its accurate map of the dis- trict would play an important part in his system. 5. When he came to examine the popular cry {ov Jixify of tenure, he would, we are inclined to think, reject it absolutely. He would declare that it must lead to one of two things, cither to the stereotyping of the system of double ownership, against which the whole legislation of Prussia is an emphatic protest, or to the eventual undivided ownership of the present tenants, Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIKS. 283 i.e., to the dispossession " en bloc " of the present proprietors. In the first case all the evils of double ownership would be aggravated by the pecuUar tendencies of Irish agriculture. The tenant not having the passion for his land or the pride in it which ownership alone can give, would sublet and subdivide. The landlord, knowing that, the rent due to him being a first charge upon the estate, his interests, limited as they were, were safe, would look on with indifference, and not interfere. In a word, the landlord would be divorced from the soil without the tenant being married to it, and the evils of an illicit union would be the natural result. But the experience of Prussia would have taught our imaginary critic that where a variable rent is changed into a fixed rent charge, even where the possi- bility exists of a periodical revision, and of an increase at some future period in the amount of the rent-charge, the almost certain consequence is the redemption of the rent-charge by a payment of capital, and he believes that this result would inevitably follow in Ireland. For supposing the periodical revision were to take place every twenty or thirty years, M^hat landlord would hesitate to sell this reversionary right, and what tenant would hesitate to buy it by any sacrifice in order thus to enter into full proprietary rights ? But the dispossession of the present proprietors and the substitution of the actual tenants as the sole proprietary class, would mean economically the withdrawal from the soil of the class having the largest capital and enjoying the largest credit ; and the reproduction in another shape of the present evil of a class monopoly in the ownership of land. One object of Prussian legislation was that every class should participate in the rights and duties which flow from property in land, and this object would be equally defeated whichever was the monopolising class. 6. Having rejected fixity of tenure and tenancy-at-will, he would look to leases as the "tertium quid." He would require written contracts, in a form established by law, but varying according to the modes of cultivation in the various districts. In the absence of such written contract, the presumption of the law would be in favour of the lease enjoined by tlie legal contract of the district, the landlord having a right of eviction if he could prove that the tenant had refused the legal contract. . 7. He would next examme the question of improvements effected by tenants, and would establish Boards of Arbitration, 284 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Morier. on the model of the Prussian General Commissions, but with juries composed equally of landowners and tenants to decide questions of fact. These boards should determine what the value of such improvements amounted to in each case. This amount would constitute a first charge upon the estate, and be registered as such in the Land and Mortgage Register. It would be left to the landlord and tenant to determine in what way the debt should be extinguished ; but a limit of time within which the charge should be liquidated might be fixed. Where the value of the improvements approached or exceeded that of the fee-simple of the land, it would be a question left to the parties, assisted by the Board of Arbitration, to decide whether the landlord should buy up the tenant's right, or the tenant the landlord's. 8. He would not be inclined to look with favour on Ulster tenant right, at least where that right miplied a payment for the " good-will," in excess of the value of the improvements made by the tenant or his predecessors, as he would consider this another form of double ownership. The Board of Arbitra- tion would carefully discriminate between the value of improve- ments and the value of the good-will " per se ; " and would treat the former in the way already suggested, whilst it would consider the latter as a servitude on the estate, to be redeemed in the manner most favourable to the landlord. 9. Having done his utmost to place the relations of land- lords and tenants on a satisfactory footing, and having removed all difficulties in the way of free alienation, he would next occupy himself with the creation of farmer proprietors, i.e., of a middle-class proprietary. Remembering the colonisation of waste lands by Frederick the (ireat, he would see what was to be done in the way of diminishing competition for land already under cultivation, by organised settlements on uncultivated lands, keeping in view the fact that land, which it does not pay to reclaim for the object of rent, will yield sufficient returns when tilled as property. He would, in the next place, by means of rent-banks, and on the Prussian system of amortisa- tion, facilitate every transaction by which a landlord might desire to sell his property to his tenants ; the rent-bank advancing the capital sum to the landlord, and recouping itself out of a percentage added to the rent. By means of the same machinery the State, acting through the bank, would buy up all the land that came into the market, and sell it to Germany.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 285 ocaipiers. The object of the State not being to make money, but to create proprietors without loss to itself, the principle of competition would not be allowed to act in these sales. Two conditions would have to be laid down : 1st, that the farm should be of sufficient size fully to maintain the proprietor and his family, according to the highest scale of comfort known in the district ; 2nd, that the intended proprietor should possess the necessary capital to work it. Where these conditions were fulfilled, the actual occupier would have the right of pre- emption. Where they were not fulfilled, he would have to be bought out, and the farm would be given to the candidate who fulfilled the conditions. Where several such candidates pre- sented themselves with equal claims, the choice of the candi- date would be decided by lot. On entering into possession, the future proprietor would have to sign a bond, by which he engaged, until he had paid up in full, neither to let nor sublet, to keep the farm-buildings in repair, &c. On his failure to fulfil these engagements, the bank would have a right to evict him on repayment of the rates already paid by him. 10. All these objects, he believes, would be attainable by using the credit of the State, and without any cost to the tax- payers. Any spare sums of money derived from church property, or other sources, he would employ in establishing agricultural schools and model-farms in every part of the island, and in imparting an elementary knowledge of agricul- tural science to the national schoolmasters. Such, we believe, is the kind of programme which our imaginary legislator, arguing from a general kind of Prussian analogy, and with only a general knowledge of the Irish Land Question, might recommend. It must not be forgotten, however, that being, under the hypothesis of the case, a foreigner, he is, on the one hand, unacquainted with the political difiiculties of the question, and, on the other hand, possessed of that belief in the omni- potent and beneficent action of the State, which it would not be easy to impart to an Englishman. 287 VL THE LAND SYSTEM OF FRANCE. By T. E. Cliffe Leslie. The object of this essay is to describe the Land System ot France in respect of the distribution of landed property in that country, with the rural organisation in which it results, and to examine its causes and effects. In considering its causes, laws and customs relating to property {including succession and transfer), and to tenure, of necessity form prominent objects of incjuiry ; but their operation is so bound up with that of economical causes and conditions, that we should miss in place of obtaining clearness by separating what may be termed the legal from the economical class of subjects of discussion. It ought, too, to be premised that although political causes, in that narrow sense of the word which relates merely to the con- stitution and action of the State, do not (aW within the scope of the present essay, yet the fact of their existence ought not to be altogether ignored. There are such causes, and their dis- turbing influence is powerful. A striking illustration of the potency of this class of causes is afforded in the fact that M. Le'once de Lavergne, in his celebrated work on the " Rural Economy of Great Britain,'' refers the progress of English agri- culture during the last two hundred years, in the main, directly or indirectly, to political institutions, political liberty, and political tranquillity. The influences and effects of the French land system cannot then be fairly estimated without taking into consideration matters excluded by the non-political cha- racter of these pages. On the other hand, it will be pertinent and material to their purpose to show that much which is commonly ascribed in this country to political causes (in that wider sense which comprehends all the institutions of a country, 288 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. especially those relating to property in land), as the chief agencies regulating the division of the soil in France, and the modes of its cultivation, are in reality traceable to the natural play of economic forces, aided, indeed, by the law of France, but not the part of it supposed. The contrast between the land systems of France and England, two neighbouring countries at the head of civilisation, may, without exaggeration, be called the most extraordinary spectacle which European society offers for study to political and social philosophy. The latest official statistics in France,* on the other hand (following an enumeration of 1851, now in arrear of the actual numbers), reckon no less than 7,845,724 " proprietors," including the ov/ners of house property in towns — a number which may be assumed to denote the existence of eight million such proprietors now. Of these, according to the computation of M. de Lavergne, about five millions are "rural proprietors," of whom nearly four millions are actual cultivators of the soil. The official tables themselves return no fewer than 3»799t759 landowners as cultivators, of whom 57,639 are represented as cultivating by means of head-labourers or stewards, as against 3,740,793 cultivating their land de leurs mains. This last figure is again subdivided into 1,754,934 landowners cultivating only their own land; 852,934 who, in addition to their own, farm land belonging to others as tenants; and 1,134,190 who work also as labourers for hire. But these figures, as already remarked, are now in arrear ; and we may accept as a close approximation to the actual situation the following estimate by M. de Lavergne : — " Of our five millions of small rural proprietors, three millions possess on the average but a hectare f a-piece. Two millions possess on the average six hectares. . . . Two million independent rural proprietors, a million tenant farmers or metayers, and two million farmers and servants themselves, as well as the million farmers, for the most i)art proprietors of land ; such is aj)proximately the com- position of our rural population."]: It would hardly diminish the contrast of such statistics to our own, were we to adojjt the figure which M. de Lavergne has introduced into his " Rural I^conomy of Great Britain," on the • " Statistifiue (le la France. Agriculture, 1868" (Resultats Gcn^raux de l'I''n(|ut*t(; Doccnnale de I862\ t Not quite two acres and a half. X " Economic Rurale de la France," last I'.tlition. France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 289 authority of a statement made by an unofficial member of the House of Commons during a debate — -a figure which has often since been reproduced in England on the authority of M. de Lavergne himself — namely, that there are 250,000 owners of land in this country ; although it ought to be noticed that there is reason to believe an error respecting the meaning of the technical term " freeholders " was involved in this calculation, and, moreover, that it includes a number of suburban free- holds, and by consequence an urban, not a rural class of pro- prietors, far less actual cultivators of land of their own. Four millions of landowners cultivating the soil of a territory only one-third larger than Great Britain, may probably appear to minds fomiUar only with the idea of great estates and large farms almost a redudio ad ahsurdum of the land system of the French. Those, on the other hand, who have studied the con- dition of the French cultivators not merely in books, but in their own country, and who have witnessed the improvements which have taken place in it and in their cultivation year after year, will probably regard the number with a feeling of satisfac- tion. One thing, at least, is established by it, that property in land is in France a national possession ; that the territory of the nation belongs to the nation, and that no national revolution can take place for the destruction of private property. But the inquiry proper to the present pages leads us to examine, in the first place, the causes of so wide a distribution of landed property in France, and, secondly, its economic rather than its political effects. Its economic eflfects will prove on examination to be in foct its principal cause. The notion commonly entertained in England appears, however, to be that, originating in the confiscations of the French Revolution, the subdivision of the soil has been not only perpetuated but increased in a geometrical progression by the law of succession established by the Code Napole'on. That it did not originate with the Revolution, and that an immense number of peasant properties existed in France long prior to 1789, is indeed well known to all students of French social history ; and those who have not concerned themselves with that side of history will find the fact fully substantiated in the introduction to M. de Lavergne's " Economic Rurale de la France." The point which calls for notice here is that, centuries before the Revolution of 1789, one of the causes of the subdivision of land in France (one which we shall find to be the chief cause in T 290 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. our own time) was its acquisition by purchase in small parcels by the French peasantry. " I have in my hands," says M. Monny de Mornay, in his general report on the results of the recent Enquete Agricole, " contracts of purchase by peasants of parcels of land of less than twenty ares (that is to say, less than half an acre) com- mencing prior to the close of the sixteenth century." It was not the lack of landed property that left the peasantry of France in destitution, and drove them to furious vengeance two himdred years later ; it was the deprivation of its use by atrocious misgovernment, and the confiscation of its fruits by merciless taxation and feudal oppression. But in England, also, the number of small landholders at the close of the six- teenth century was still very large, though it had once been much larger ; even at the date of the French Revolution it was considerable ; and in 1815 (at which date it is calculated that there were 3,805,000 landowners in France), it was, although it had steadily declined, a more significant figure than it is now. In France, on the contrary, the number has increased to about four millions engaged in the actual cul- tivation of the soil, in addition to nearly a million other small rural proprietors, who are the owners, at least, of a cottage. We are not here engaged to inquire into the causes of the diminution, the disappearance, one may say, of small land- owners in England ; but the contrast between the movement which has been steadily adding to the number in France and that which has extirpated them in England adds interest to an investigation of the nature and causes of the French agrarian economy. The results of such an investigation can hardly fail, moreover, to throw an indirect light upon the agrarian economy of England. As already ol3served, the French law of succession, which limits the parental power of testamentary disposition over pro- perty to a part equal to one child's share, and divides the remainder among the children equally, is the cause commonly assigned in Itngland for the continuous subdivision of land in France. And of an incontestable mischief in the operation of the French law, as regards the subdivision of separate parcels, there will be occasion to take notice hereafter. But a point of much greater importance is, that the real effects of the French law of succession cannot be understood without taking into account a process of subdivision taking place in France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 29 1 France from a different cause, one really indeed traceable in part to the structure of French law, but not the law of suc- cession — namely, continual purchases on the part of the peasantry of small estates or parcels of land. On this subject notaries in many different parts of France have given the writer surprising information in recent years ; and it has indeed for many years been a subject of such common remark in the country, that even mere railway passengers through it can hardly have failed to have come upon evidence of it. M. Monny de Mornay states with respect to it, in the chapter of his report on the division of land : " The fact which manifests itself most forcibly is the profound and continuous alterations in the distribution of the soil among the different classes of the population. In the greater number of depart- ments the estates of loo hectares might now be easily counted ; and taken altogether they form but an insignificant part of the national territory. The proportion cannot be stated in figures, because it varies from one department to another ; one must confine oneself to saying that the west and south have pre- served more large estates than the north and east." The north and east, he might have added, are the wealthiest and best- cultivated zones, though the south is now rapidly improving in cultivation and wealth, and, as will presently be shown, the process of subdivision keeps step with this improvement. After referring to the disappearance of estates of even moderate size, M. de Mornay proceeds : " All that has been lost to the domain of large estates, all that is lost day by day to that of estates of middle size, small property swallows up. Not only does the small proprietor round his little property year by year, but at his side the class of agricultural labourers has been enriched by the rise of wages, and accedes to landed property in its turn. In the greater number of departments 75 per cent, at least of them are now become owners of land. Peasant property thus embraces a great part of the soil, and that part increases incessantly. The price of parcels of land, accord- ingly, which are within reach of the industry and thrift of the peasant, increases at a remarkable rate. The competition of buyers is active, and sales in small lots take place on excellent terms for the seller, when the interval has been sufficient to allow fresh savings to reaccumulate." This is in some degree an official statement, and official statements in France are sometimes suspected of exaggerating the prosperity of the 292 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. nation at large ; but it is confirmed by a superabundance of unofficial and unquestionable authority not on the side of Imperial Government. In one of several passages to the same effect, in his " Economic Rurale de la France," and other works, M. Le'once de Lavergne, for instance, says : " The small proprietors of land, who, according to M. Rubichon, were about three millions and a half in 181 5, are at this day much more numerous ; they have gained ground, and one cannot but rejoice at it, for they have won it by their industry.'' And in a very recent communication* to the present writer, M. de Lavergne observes : " The best cultivation in France on the whole is that of the peasant proprietors, and the subdivision of the soil makes perpetual progress. Progress in both respects was indeed retarded for a succession of years after 1848 by political causes, but it has brilliantly resumed its course of late years. All round the town in which I write to you (Toulouse) it is again a profitable operation to buy land in order to re-sell it in small lots. ... I have just spent a fortnight near Beziers. You could not believe what wealth the cultivation of the vine has spread through that country, and the peasantry have gotten no small share of it. The market price of land has quadrupled in ten years. But for the duty on property changing hands (I'impdt des mutations), and the still heavier burden of the conscription, the prosperity of the rural population of France would be great. It advances in spite of everything, in consequence of the high prices of agricultural produce." Along with the subdivision of landed property thus taking place, there is also, as we shall see, a movement in the land market towards the enlargement of peasant properties, the consolidation of small parcels, and even in some places towards the acquisition of what in France are considered as large estates ; as, in like manner, contemporaneously with the sub- division of farms, and the more minute cultivation of the soil, there is also a counter-process of enlargement of little farms, and in some places even a development of /a grande culture on a splendid scale. But let us inquire first, what are the causes, economic and legal^ of the continual subdivision by purchase of the soil in France? The reader will bear in mind with respect to it, that it is by no means a mere subdivision of existing peasant properties ; that small properties are gaining • November 6, 1 869. France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTKiKS. 293 ground in the literal sense, and increasing the breadth of their total territory as well as their total number. And the con- tinuous acquisitions of land by purchase on the part of the French peasantry and labouring classes can be palpably shown to be a perfectly natural and beneficial movement ; one pro- ceeding, in the first place, from the natural tendencies of rural economy, from the mutual interest of buyers and sellers, from the growing prosperity and development of France, as its agriculture improves, as it is opened up by railways, roads, internal and foreign trade, manufactures, and mines, and as both country and town become wealthier ; proceeding again, in the second place, from, or at least promoted by, a sound and natural legal system ; facilitating dealings with land as the interests, inclinations, haj)piness, in a word, the good of the community direct. One obvious consideration presents itself foremost, though too much stress must not be laid on it, that France has aptitudes of soil and climate for several kinds of agricultural produce — the vine, for example — for which la petite culture, in the form of manual cultivation (a form to which we shall see hereafter that la petite culture is by no means confined), is almost exclusively appropriate. Too much stress must not be laid on this fact, as just said ; for the amount of cultivated territory under such kinds of produce does not amount to one- fifteenth of the whole ; but it is a fact worth mentioning, on one hand as an indication, so for as it goes, of the chimerical nature of notions prevalent in England, even among excellent farmers, of the ruinous consequences to agriculture of the sub- division of the French soil, and on another hand as presenting a particular example of a general fact of immense importance in the inquiry ; namely, that the class of productions for which la petite culture is eminently adapted (whether exclusively, or in common with the large system of farming) is one for which the demand steadily increases with the growth of wealth, trade, and agriculture, and the prosperity of the inhabitants of both town and country, including the small cultivators themselves. M. Le'once de Lavergne, in his " Rural Economy of Great Britain," after remarking — and the remark is in itself one of no small importance and instructive suggestion — that, " Capital being more distributed in France than it is in England, it is -expedient that the farms should be smaller, to correspond with die working capital," proceeds : "The extent of farms, besides, 294 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslib. is determined by other causes, such as the nature of the soil, the cUmate, and the kinds of crops prevaiHng. Almost every- where the soil of France may be made to respond to the labour of man, and almost every\vhere it is for the advantage of the community that manual labour should be actively bestowed upon it. Let us suppose ourselves in the rich plains of Flanders, or on the banks of the Rhine, the Garonne, the Charente, or the Rhone ; we there meet with la petite adtiire, but it is rich and productive. Every method for increasing the fruitfulness of the soil, and making the most of labour, is there known and practised, even among the smallest farmers. Not- ■withstanding the active properties of the soil, the people are constantly renewing and adding to its fertility by means of quantities of manure, collected at great cost ; the breed of animals is superior, and the harvests magnificent. In one district we find maize and wheat ; in another, tobacco, flax, rape, and madder; then again, the vine, olive, plum, and mulberry, which, to yield their abundant treasures, require a people of laborious habits. Is it not also to small farming that we owe most of the market-garden produce raised at such great expenditure around Paris?" And further on (notwithstanding the favour which, in his love for political liberty and order, M. de Lavergne regards everything in the economy of England) he observes : " Our agriculture may find in England useful examples ; but I am far from giving them as models for imitation. The south of France, for example, has scarcely anything to borrow from English methods; its agricultural future is nevertheless magnificent." This passage was written sixteen years ago ; and a communication to the writer cited above shows how the predictions it contains respecting the south of France, and the great future before la petite culture, are now being realised under the eyes of its author. But it is not in the southern half alone of France that the peasant cultivator finds a perpetually growing demand for all the most remunerative kinds of his produce. The " Enquete Agricole," for instance, shows a great increase in the cultivation of the vine in the east, the west, and the centre, as well as the south ; while in the north — where the vine is, on the contrary, giving way before the competition of the plant of more favoured skies — the demand for the produce of the market-gardens, the dairy, and the orchard, afi"ord more than a compensation. It deserves, moreover, passing remark that the little gardens and France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 295 orchards round the cottages of the peasantry form, by reason of their careful and generous cultivation, the greater portion of the class of land which in French agricultural statistics obtains the denomination of Terrains dc qualite superieure. For dairy- husbandry, /a petite culture, with its minute and assiduous attention, has such eminent aptitude, that even with respect to England, M, de Lavergne remarks: "Although everything tends to proscribe small farming — though it has no support, as in France, from a small proprietary and a great distribution of capital — though the prevailing agricultural theories and systems of farming are opposed to it, yet it persists in some places, and everything leads to the belief that it will maintain its ground. The manufacture of cheese, for example, which is quite a domestic industry, is well adapted to it." He adds, what is not to be left out of account, for it is not an account merely of pounds, shillings, and pence : '* There is nothing so delightful as the interior of these humble cottages ; so clean and orderly, the very air about them breathes peace, industry, and happiness; and it is pleasing to think that they are not likely to be done away with." * The raising and fattening of cattle for the market is another great department of husbandry which la petite culture has almost to itself in France ; yet it must be confessed that it is — though a marked improvement is visible — not as yet generally carried on with the same skill as in Flanders ; and the art of house feeding, which is the basis of the Flemish system of small farming, is still in its infancy in many French districts : a fact, however, which only opens a brighter future for la petite culture within them. And we may a fortiori — by reason on the one hand of the hold small farming has already established over both the territory and the mind of France, and, on the other hand, of the more recent development of manufactures, means of communication, and commerce — -apply the language which Mr. Caird has used with respect to England : " The production of vegetables and fresh meat, forage, and pasture for dairy cattle, will necessarily extend as the towns become more numerous and more populous. The facilities of com- munication must increase this tendency. An increasingly dense manufacturing population is yearly extending the circle within which the production of fresh food, animal, vegetable, and forage, will be needed for the daily and weekly supply of * " Rural Economy of Great Britain." 296 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. the inhabitants and their cattle ; and which, both on account of its bulk and the necessity of having it fresh, cannot be brought from distant countries. Fresh meat, milk, butter, vegetables, &c., are articles of this description ; and there is a good prospect of flax becoming an article in excessive demand, and therefore worthy of the farmer's attention. Now all these products require the employment of considerable labour, very minute care, skill, and attention, and a larger acreable appli- cation of capital than is requisite for the production of corn. This will inevitably lead to the gradual diminution of the largest farms, and the gradual concentration of the capital and attention of the farmer on a smaller space." * Thus the very productions for which la petite culture is specially adapted are the things getting new markets with every new railway, road, manufacture, mine, and increase of national wealth ; and that ascent of rural prices in France which M. Victor Bonnet has shown to be the result of its economic development is in effect an ascent in the economic scale of peasant property and the little farm. It follows that the subdivision of the French soil, which has been the subject of sincere regret and pity on the part of many eminent English writers and speakers, as well as of much ignorant contempt on the part of prejudiced politicians, is really both a cause and an effect of the increased wealth of every class of the population — the seller and the buyer of land, the landowner, the farmer, and the labourer, the country and the town. Instead of being, as has been supposed, a cause of low wages, it has been a consequence of high wages, which have enabled the labourer to become a land-buyer — and even a cause of high wages by diminishing the competition in the labour market, and i)lacing the labourer in a position of some independence in making his bargains with employers. Instead of diminishing agricultural capital, as many English agriculturists urge, it is, in the language of Adam Smith, both cause and effect of " the frugality and good conduct, the uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every man to better his own con- dition, from which public as well as private opulence is derived, and which is frequently powerful enough to maintain the natural tendency of things towards im])rovement, in spite both of the extravagance of Government and the greatest errors of administration." But, assuming it to be demonstrable that the subdivision * Caird's " English Agriculture." France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 297 of land in France is in the main the result of natural and beneficial economic causes, it is certain, nevertheless, that it could not take place without the co-operation of legal causes, that is to say, of a legal system which renders dealings in land simple and safe, and, by comparison with the English system, inexpensive. In the absence of natural economic tendencies towards the subdivision of land by its purchase in small lots, the best-constructed legal system of transfer would only tend to its accumulation in few hands ; but, on the other hand, under such a legal system as our own, whatever the natural tendencies of the market, the expense, difficulty, and risk of buying very small estates would make them an altogether unsuitable and impracticable investment for tlie savings of the peasant and the labourer. Even under a law of succession like the French, there could be no such poor man's land market in England ; the properties partitioned by inheritance would be rapidly added to the domain of the great landowner and the millionaire, able to run the risk of litigation and to procure the best legal assistance. In France, every sale and every mortgage of land is immediately inscribed in a public registry in the chef-lieu of the arjvndissement ; and any one has a right to enter and inspect the register, to satisfy himself respecting the title to any estate or parcel of land, and the charges, if any, upon it. The director of the registry is, moreover, bound to deliver for a trifling charge a statement of the title to every estate or parcel to any one demanding it. The private charges for the assistance of the notary in effecting a purchase vary indeed considerably, and are very much heavier in proportion on very small parcels than on large estates. Every sale of land is moreover burdened with the much-complained-of duty of above 6 per cent.* But the transaction is sim.ple, expeditious, and secure ; and the fact that, in spite of heavier relative cost, high taxation, and the competition of public loans and other investments, the peasant is the great buyer of land in France, only strengthens the con- clusion that the subdivision of land by the purchase of small estates is a natural and healthy tendency of the market, springing from the high profits of la petite culture, and at the same time from the happiness and independence which the possession of land is found by the experience of the people at large to confer. It shows, too, the error of a common impression in England, that it is much better for a cultivator to rent a larger farm than * 6f. 5c. per loof. , inclusive of the lUcime de guerre. 298 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. to farm a small estate of his own. If there be any truth in English political economy, the buyers of land in France are the best judges of their own interests ; and we have the practical testimony of the whole nation that the small estate is the better investment of the two for capital and labour. But, moreover, under a sound system of title, and of registration of mortgages, the peasant proprietor is not debarred from increasing the size of his farm ; he can raise money expeditiously and safely on his own little property, and farm adjoining land as a tenant, should he find it to his advantage. The French land system gives the small buyer of land the benefit of being able to raise capital on unexceptionable security, and that by a process which creates no impediment to its subsequent sale. And such a system, so far from tending to increase the encumbrances on land, tends necessarily, in the first place, to bring land into the hands of those who can make most of it, and secondly, to enable them to develop its resources by additional capital, and thereby to liberate it from any charges upon it. The amount of debt on the peasant properties of France has been enormously exaggerated. M. de Lavergne estimates it at 5 per cent, on an average on their total value ; and the marked improvement in the food, clothing, lodging, and appear- ance of the whole rural population is of itself unmistakable evidence that they are not an impoverished class, but, on the contrary, one rapidly rising in the economic and social scale. M. de Lavergne himself arrived at the conclusion that the great estates of England were more heavily encumbered acre for acre than the peasant properties of France ; and Mr. Caird concludes his description of English agriculture thus: "There is one great barrier to improvement which the present state of agriculture must force on the attention of legislature — the great extent to which landed property is encumbered. In every county where we found an estate more than usually neglected, the reasons assigned was the inability of the proprietor to make improve- ments on account of his encumbrances. We have not data by which to estimate with accuracy the proportion of land in each county in this position, but our information satisfies us that it is much greater than is generally supposed. Even where estates are not hopelessly embarrassed, landlords are often pinched by debt, which they could clear off if they were enabled to sell a portion, or if that portion could be sold without the difficulties and expense which must now be submitted to. If France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 299 it were possible to render the transfer of land nearly as cheap and easy as that of stock in the funds, the value of English property would be greatly increased. It would simplify every transaction both with landlord and tenant. Those only who could afford to perform the duties of landlords would then find it prudent to hold that position. Capitalists would be induced to purchase unimproved properties for the purpose of improving them and selling them at a profit. A measure which would not only permit the sale of encumbered estates, but facilitate and simplify the transfer of land, would be more beneficial to the owners and occupiers of land, and to the labourers in this country, than any connected with agriculture that has yet engaged the attention of legislature." Such a measure the owners, occupiers, and labourers of France have long had the benefit of; and the fact that in spite of new opportunities of migration and of steadily rising wages, even the labourer in France is a great land buyer, proves the profitableness of lapetite culture, as well as the wealth of the very humblest and poorest class of the French peasantry. Imagine the English agricultural labourers great buyers of land, and at the same time lending no small sums to the State ! One ought, too, to bear in mind, at the same time, the different histories of the two countries, and the condition in which tlie tyranny, misgovernment, and wars of preceding centuries had left the rural population of France half a century ago, not to speak of later political disasters. Far from objecting to the subdivision of land which has resulted from the legal facilities for its transfer and mortgage, the highest French authorities are urgent for the removal of the obstacles created by the high duties on both sales and successions. " Instead of placing obstacles in the way of changes of owner- ship {ftiutations *), the true policy would be to encourage them. In addition to the direct taxation on land [rimj>di fonder), landed property is subject to the much heavier burden on changes of ownership. The value of immovable property annually sold may be estimated at ;^8o,ooo,ooo ; that which changes hands by succession at ;^6o,ooo,ooo ; the duties charged upon both amounting to ^j^S, 000,000. Such taxation is contrary to every principle, falling as it does on capital and not on revenue." t \Ve are not here concerned with the policy * The term mutations is applied to all changes of ownership, whether by purchase or inheritance. f "Economie Rurale de la France," par M. de Lavergne. 300 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. of duties on succession ; but there is one incontrovertible injustice in their incidence in France which deserves notice — namely, that the successor pays duty on the entire value of the property, without any deduction for encumbrances, so that it sometimes happens that he actually pays more than the full value of his inheritance. This monstrous system of valuation offers, of course, a great obstacle to raising capital for the improvement of land ; while it adds not a litde to the encum- brances already upon it ; the sort of encumbrances added (sums borrowed to liquidate the duties) being moreover entirely unproductive to the owners. There are, then, two causes of the subdivision of land in the structure of French law — the law of transfer and the law of succession. But the fact that the subdivision promoted by one of these — the law of transfer — is in perfect accordance with the interests of all parties concerned, and the natural tendencies of agriculture in a country of growing wealth suggests a very im- portant conclusion respecting the other — namely, the law of succession. It enables us to perceive why this latter does not produce the practical mischiefs many English writers, not unnaturally, have assumed. The fact is, that (except as regards its operation upon separate parcels, where the property consists of such — a mischief easily cured in the opinion of the highest French authorities) the French law of succession tends in the main to the same result as the natural course of agriculture and free trade in land — namely, the subdivision of land. Secondly, the operation of a good law of transfer tends to cure whatever mischiefs really arise from the partitions effected by the law of succession, there being a steady flow of small lots through the land market towards those who can turn them to the best account. Lastly, it is established beyond dispute that peasant property arrests an excessive partition of land among children by imposing a check upon population. "The law of suc- cession/' observes M. de Lavergne, " is still the object of some attacks, which do not succeed in shaking it. It cannot be said of a country which contains 50,000 properties of more than 200 hectares that the soil is subdivided to excess. It is enough to read the advertisement columns of the daily papers to see that lands of several hundred, and even several thousand, hectares are still numerous. There are even too many of them, in the sense tiiat the majority of the owners would be gainers France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 30I by dividing them." * Of smaller properties, again, of only six hectares on the average (of which he reckons two millions), the same authority adds : "The owners of these live in real comfort. Their properties are divided by inheritance ; but many of them are continually purchasing, and on the whole they tend more to rise than to fall in the scale of wealth." In place of suggesting a radical change in the law of inheritance, he, like most French economists, suggests only a modification of it in the case of a number of separate parcels, together with a great reduction of the duty on their exchange, which at present is the same as on a sale. Rational opponents in England of the French law of partition (that is to say, those who are in favour of a greater liberty of bequest, as distinguished from those who defend our own barbarous system of primogeniture and entail) ought to take into account that the French law of succession really effects, in the main, the very results which the testamentary powers they advocate would produce ; as is evident from the fact that the vast majority of French parents do not exercise the limited power they already possess over a part equal to one child's share. But the main point is that already adverted to — that a good law of transfer corrects a defective law of inherit- ance. Not only is there a continual enlargement of little peasant properties by the purchase of adjoining plots, as well as a continual accession to the number of small plots through the natural play of the market ; but there is even a natural flow of large capitals toward the land. Hence M. Monny de Mornay remarks that, notwithstanding the great diminution of the total domain of large property, and the perpetual increase in the number of little estates through the purchases of the peasantry and the labouring class, there has been for some years a current of ideas and tastes on the part of unemployed men of fortune, and of capitalists enriched by the trade of towns, towards investment in landed property.f The truth is that large and small property compete on much fairer and more natural terms in France than in England, and large buyers of land as well as small, in the former country, are free from burdens on the pursuit of their interests and happiness with which both are loaded in the latter. It follows in natural sequence that large and small farms — la graiide and la petite culture — like la grande and la petite * " Economie Rurale de la France." t ' ' Enqugte Agricole." 302 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. propri'et'e^ really compete on fairer terms in France than in England ; and the former and not the latter is the place to see them on their trial, and to judge of the natural tendencies of rural economy in respect of each. The fact is that, while la petite culture is gaining ground and growing more prosperous as well as more perfect and more minute, large farming too has made great progress in France. Not only is there a great domain, within which la petite culture has exclusive or special advantages, but there is a common domain, for example, in the production of cattle, cereals, and roots, where both may co-exist and prosper: and there is, again, a domain within which la grande ciiltiire has its own superior advantages. There were no less than 154,167 farms in France of 100 acres — a number not far short of the total number of farms in England — at the date to which the latest agricultural statistics go back. There were, again, 2,489 steam threshing-machines in 1862, as against 1,537 in 1852 ; and it is natural to infer that the chief employment of these was on the larger farms. In the production of sheep, again, la petite culture has not shown itself successful in France ; though it is proper to remark that the decline of sheep between 1852 and 1862 is attributed by the highest authorities, in the main, not to the subdivision of the soil (the decline in their number being a new phenomenon and subdivision an old one), but to a number of wet seasons followed by disease, to a contraction of the area of sheep-walks by the reclamation of waste land and the division of commons ; to an extension of the surface under wheat ; and to an improvement in quality as distinguished from quantity. Nevertheless, it appears certain that minute farming under French methods does not give sheep an adequate range, and tends to other productions. Again, both in Belgium and in France the cultivation of the sugar beet, in combination with sugar factories, is found to tend to la grande culture, and no finer, larger farms are to be seen in Scotland than many in France, of which beet is the principal jjroduce. In the departments immediately surrounding Paris large farming is to be seen in the highest perfection, of which the reader who has not visited them will find a description in M. de Lavergne's " Economie Rurale de la France." Yet, after noticing several magnificent examples, he adds : " While la grande culture marches here in the steps of English culti- vation, la petite develops itself by its side, and surpasses it in results." The truth is, as we have said, that the large and the France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 303 small farming compete on fair terms in France, which they are not allowed to do in England ; and the latter has, to begin with, a large and ever-increasing domain within which it can defy the competition of the former. The large farmer's steam- engine cannot enter the vineyard, the orchard, or the garden. The steep mountain is inaccessible to him, when the small farmer can clothe it with vineyards ; and the deep glen is too circumscribed for him. In the fertile alluvial valley like that of the Loire, the garden of France, his cultivation is not sufficiently minute to make the most of such precious ground, and the little cultivator outbids him, and drives him from the garden ; while, on the other hand, he is ruined by attempts to reclaim intractable wastes which his small rival converts into terrains de qualite siiperieure. Even where mechanical art seems to summon the most potent forces of nature to the large farmer's assistance, the peasant contrives in the end to procure the same allies by association, or individual enterprise finds it profitable to come to his aid. It is a striking instance of the tendency of la petite culture to avail itself of mechanical power, that the latest agricultural statistics show a larger number of reaping and mowing machines in the Bas Rhin, where la petite culture is carried to the utmost, than in any other department. Explorers of the rural districts of France cannot fail to have remarked that la petite culture has created in recent years two new subsidiary industries, in the machine maker on the one hand, and the entrepreneur on the other, who hires out the machine ; and one is now constantly met even in small towns and villages, old-fashioned and stagnant-looking in other re- spects, with the apparition and noise of inachines, of which the large farmer himself has not long been possessed. Admitting, therefore, fully an important truth in Mr. Wren Hoskyns' remark, that " The machine doctrine of ' most produce by least labour ' is, as applied to the soil, the doctrine of starvation to the labourer and dispossession to the small proprietor ; and instead of belonging to the advance of knowledge, is a retro- gression towards the time when a knight's fee included a whole wapentake, or hundred, and a count was territorial lord over a county:"* — regarding with Mr. Wren Hoskyns, machinery as made for man, not man for machinery, and the happiness and prosperity of a large rural population as the true object of * "Land in England, Land in Ireland, and Land in Other Lands." By Chandos Wren Hoskyns, M.P, 304 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. agriculture and land systems, we see no reason to believe that the progress of machinery is incompatible with the persistence of la petite culture, still less with that of la petite propriete, in France. But if large and small farming compete on fairer terms in France, as elsewhere on the Continent, than in England, and their relative position is accordingly very different, it ought to be added that it is only in the hands of proprietors that either la grande or la petite culture is fairly tried in France. It is not in the part of the French land system against which English criticism has been directed — the part which differs from the Enghsh, namely, the subdivision of landed property and peasant proprietorship — that its weak point really lies ; it is, on the contrary, in the part which resembles the English — the system of tenure. The British Islands are far from being the only country in which the question of tenure demands and indeed engages the earnest attention of statesmen and eco- nomists ; though on the Continent the problem of tenure finds more than half its solution in the system of proprietorship. In France there are two kinds of tenure — namely (i), by lease, usually for three, six, or nine years (a lease for even eighteen years being quite the exception) ; and (2) tnetayage, according to which the proprietor and the metayer divide the produce, the capital being furnished by the one or the other in proportions varying in different localities. It seems to be supposed by many writers that the metayer if he has only half the motive to exertion which may be supposed to influence a tenant who has the whole of the produce subject to a fixed rent, enjoys at least the advantage of permanence of tenure. But such is far from being the case in France ; very commonly the contract of m(ftayage is but for one, two, or three years. 'Jlie truth is, the system of short tenures common throughout most of Western Europe has a common barbarous origin. It belongs to a state of agriculture which took no thought of a distant future, and involved no lengthened outlay, and which gave the land fre- quent rest in fallow ; and it belongs to a state of commerce in which sales of land were rare, changes of proprietorship equally so, and ideas of making tlie most of landed property commercially non-existent. It is right to observe, however, that in many parts of France, although the stated period of tenure is commonly short, the farm really remains commonly France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 305 in the same family from father to son, from generation to generation, provided only the rent is paid. Now, indeed, with greatly rising prices of agricultural produce, there is a steady and general augmentation of rents ; and complaint is much oftener made by tenants of the rise of rents than of the shortness of leases ; first, because the tenant is seldom turned out if he farms at all decently and lives in moderation, as he usually does; and secondly, because the tenant has very often already some land of his own, has almost always, if no land, some money saved to buy it. He is not, therefore, in appre- hension of being turned out naked on the world ; on the contrary, he would sometimes hesitate to accept a long lease, having in view setting up altogether for himself as a proprietor. Again, although no legal customs of tenure for unexhausted improvements remain in France, where the Code has swept away all customary laws, yet compensation for some un- exhausted improvements exists under the Code. In the case of manure, for example, laid on by the outgoing tenant, he gets compensation, calculated in proportion to the time during which its unexhausted forces ought to yield profit. Again, where the farming is a joint concern between proprietor and tenant, under the form of cattle-lease called c/iepte/, if the value of the joint property has been increased by the tenant, he is entitled, at the expiration of the lease, to half the additional value. For improvements, however, in the nature of drainage and irrigation no right of compensation of any kind exists ; and the absence of it furnishes in part the explanation of destructive droughts even in the best-cultivated parts of France. Under peasant proprietorship, in parts both of Germany and France itself, the most perfect system of irrigation may be found. Peasant proprietorship, coupled with, and in a great measure caused by, a good system of land transfer, is in truth the great redeeming feature of Continental land systems, which in point of tenure are as defective as our own. A good law of transfer corrects, as we have seen, a defective law of succession, and it also goes far to remedy defective laws and customs of tenure. It is, moreover, peasant proprietorship alone that prevents the <[uestions of both tenure and landed property from assuming the formidable shape on the Continent which they do already in Ireland, and will do ere long in England. The " Report of the Enqucte Agricole " suggests additional powers of lease in the case of husbands owning in right of their wives, and of u 3o6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Leslie. guardians, and, again, a reduction of the duty on leases, with, moreover, a legal presumption of a lease for twelve years in the absence of a written one. But such measures would give about as much satisfaction, and go as far towards allaying agrarian discontent in France as they would in Ireland, were there not a large diffusion of landed proprietorship, and a facility for both tenants and labourers of passing from that status to the status of proprietor, or of combining both. It is fortunate for France not only that peasant proprietorship already exists on a great scale, but that the tendency of the economic progress of the country, as already shown, is to substitute more and more cultivation by tenants ; and to give more and more to those who remain tenants or labourers the position and sentiments also of proprietors. The increasing demand for, and rising prices of the produce of la petite culture make it more and more a profitable investment of the peasant's savings and labour ; and those very rising prices, and the rising wages, which also follow the development of the resources of the country, put both the small tenant and the labourer in a condition to become buyers in the land market. All improve- ments in the law of property, and in fiscal legislation respecting it, will tend in the same direction, since the costs attending changes of ownership and exchanges of land fall heavier on small than on large properties. All the highest agronomic authorities in France, instead of objecting to the' increasing subdivision of landed property, are urgent for the removal of all legal impediments to its division, as well as those which lay disproportionate cost on its acquisition in small portions, as in those which retain it in common ownership. The question of common ownership is one which ought not to be entirely ignored in a sketch of the French land system, however brief, although but a very few words can be devoted to it here. Upwards of four million and a half hectares of land in France belong in common to various bodies, corporations, communes, and villages. Of this are?, it is true that a con- siderable part is in forest, managed by the State, much of which it would be inexpedient to divide and deforest. But the remainder is in great part simply so much land almost lost to the country. In a review of the " Reports of the Enqu^te Agricole," at the end of last year, M. de Lavergne pronounced that an effective law for the division and sale of the common France.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 307 lands would do more for the increase of the agricultural wealth of France than all other administrative measures taken together ; for in addition to the cultivation of land, now almost waste, that would follow, the communes themselves would obtain funds by the sale for the making of country roads, in which the southern half of France, especially, is for the most part lamentably deficient. An Act was actually passed in i860, to facilitate the division of the common lands, but it has produced but little effect. An impediment to the division of the village commons in France, which has come under the writer's observation, arises from a kind of departure of the beneficial from the legal ownership. An entire commune, made up of several vill^iges having each its common land, is the body whose authority is requisite for a division. It may be the interest of the villagers, and their wish, to divide their own common among themselves, but the rest of the commune would often prefer to see the villager driven or induced to bring his own land, with the communal rights attached, into the land market, where they themselves might become buyers. They are not desirous of giving the villagers an additional inducement to stay where they are. If land existed in such ample abundance that every peasant could have a sufficiency of land of his own to make a comfort- able subsistence, or could at least have the advantage and comfort of a cottage and garden, the joint possession by each \illage of an additional common domain might be regarded as a great benefit ; but such is not the situation of matters in Western Europe. Nevertheless the French communal lands, even as they are, give the French peasantry an advantage which the British peasant has been deprived of; and they also provide a fund for the future augmentation of the possessions of the French peasantry, to which there is nothing now corre- sponding in England. It is not, however, the object of the present writer to compare the land system of France to that of Great Britain. Those who institute such a comparison will remember that it would be in a great measure imperfect and even delusive if confined to a survey of the present state of agriculture and of the peasantry of France — forward already as is the former, happy as is the latter, in many parts of that country. The history of the two countries, the comparative state of their agriculture and peasantry a hundred years ago, as well as now, must be taken into account. France has had only three- 3o8 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE. [Leslis. quarters of a century of anything like liberty, and less than half a century of tranquillity and industrial life. Nor in any such comparison should the respective effects of the land systems of the two countries on the town as well as on the country be overlooked. Whoever reflects what the French rural population would be, on the one hand, under a land system like that of Ireland, or even England ; and what its town population would be, on the other, if instead of being a third it were more than a half of the whole nation, and if instead of having a political counterpoise in the country, it found there only greater political ferment and discontent than its own, must surely pronounce that the land system of France is not only the salvation of that country itself, but one of the principal securities for the tran- quillity and economic progress of Europe. 309 VII. THE RUSSIAN AGRARIAN LEGISLATION OF 1861. Bv Julius Fauciier, of Berlin, Member of the House of Deputies of the Prussian Landtag. The bondage of agricultural labour, taken off from the Russian people by the legislation of 1861, was of comparatively recent origin. It is true that, already at the dawn of recorded Russian history, we meet with the existence of slaves of the czar as well as of the nobles of his court, but these slaves were prisoners of war and their offspring, the personal property of their masters, and quite different from the peasantry, which formed the bulk of the Russian people. The noblemen who owned those slaves were themselves no landed proprietors in their own right, nor even vassals owing allegiance for the tenure of land, but servants of the crown, whom the crown had to feed. This, not as a rule, but often, was managed in the form of an allot- ment to them of crown land, to be tilled by their slaves, either for a number of years or for life ; or, but rarely, with revocable permission to leave the fruit of it to their descendants. Such nobles as did not own slaves were sometimes paid by the czar's abandoning to them the yield of the taxes due to the czar by the peasantry of one or more villages. But such an arrange- ment did not legally impair in the slightest degree the liberty of these peasants. They remained the free children of the czar, entitled legally to break off their household, and to separate from their village community whenever they liked, and to join another. The yield of the taxes of the place, not that of so many distinct persons, was given in lieu of a salary-. The Russian peasants of those times were nobody's servants but the czar's, like everybody else in the empire. Nor is it for tracing the origin of the bondage, now destroyed, that it is necessary to refer to the more remote parts of Russian historv 3IO SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. There are other things to be understood concerning Russian village life before a judgment on the probable practical bearing of the Act of 1 86 1 can be formed. The free village of old has to furnish the key to the future of the free village of to-day. The division of the Russian people into Great Russians and Little Russians signifies far more than a mere split of the language into two dialects, which, by the way, difter but little from each other. Let us state at once the salient point. Little Russia, with Kiew for its centre, is the mother-country ; and Great Russia, with Moscow for its centre, is the colony^ the one great colony whose limits are not yet fixed. Little Russia is Sclavonic, pure ; the Great Russians are a mixed race, a majority being Sclavonians, undoubtedly, and who, more by dint of higher culture than by the sword, were the conquerors, with a minority of the former inhabitants of the country, the Finnic tribes or Tchudes. And now the consequence of it, on which we intend to lay stress ! The colony, which afterwards became the dominant part of the empire {colonisation never being completed — that is to say, never yet having occupied the whole disposable soil), did not yet find time to undergo such changes in the form of the tenure and the tillage of land as have occurred in other places, where originally the same form prevailed as that which the Great Russians continued to preserve while constantly applying it anew, as colonists, on virgin soil. It may be stated at once, that this form was that of the joint husbandry of a whole village. The village, not the family, was the social unit. Supplanting the family for purposes of colonisation, the village, by necessity, partook to a certain extent of the character of a family. It stood under patriarchal rule. Movable property alone was individual, immovable, the land at least, was common. With the alien not belonging to the village, not the individual, the village only, had to do. The village always had a mother-village, and the mother-village again had a mother-village, and so on. The name of mother- village in general, or of mother-village to another district village, is still attached to many Russian towns and villages ; but even where the tradition of it is now lost, it may be taken for granted that such a relation once existed. Nor are the most recent times void of examples of the foundation of a daugliter-village by a mother-village, though the interference of the masters, which the Russian villagers in the meantime had got, had given to the colonising movement a somewhat different Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 5II shape. The colonising masters sometimes made up the new villages of selected families from a whole number of older villages in the same master's possession. But whenever this has taken place, it was done in disregard of the traditional feelings of the people. Though the Russian peasants by no means cling to the soil which has given birth to them, they cling to their fellow-villagers. They would not have aggregated voluntarily from different villages to form a new village. And they like to have even the mere traditional remembrance of a common mother-village, as children, who are still children, like to have still a mother. I have been witness (in the Govern- ment of Moscow, in the summer of 1867) to the fact that a whole village, which had been destroyed by one of the numerous conflagrations of that year, and which had lost everything ; whose inhabitants, besides, not feeling at ease where they were, resolved to return to the mother-village»of their village, situated two hundred and fifty miles off, and which they, or rather their ancestors, had left nearly fifty years ago. They collected money for this purpose from the neighbouring gentry, and even the neighbouring villages, which fully appreciated the resolution, contributed their share. This colonisation by whole villages giving birth to other villages, and sending them off and planting them often at a very great distance, was necessitated by the difficulties colonisa- tion had to encounter in those tracts and in those times. When the Sclavonian colonisation in a north-easterly direction (which was the work of a people already settled, not nomads, as is sometimes conjectured) commenced, the Russians as yet had no government worth the name which could protect the advanced posts. It is well known that later, feeling the want of such a government, and not understanding at all how to manage to get a national government, the heads of the villages all over the vast places already colonised (chiefly due north of the Dnieper, where Nowgorod and Pskofl" had become trading emporiums with the north, in the same way as Kiew was the trading emporium with the south) were agreed upon inviting the Waraegers, whose attacks they had just repelled by a general popular rising, to return in peace and to govern them. But when this took place, we find the Russians already widely spread among the Finnic tribes of the north-east. It seems that they had already lined the whole net of rivers with their villages, being eager fishermen, as the Russians are to the 312 SYSTEMS OB- LAND TENURE [Fauchek. present day, like all Sclavonians, and preferring, as passionate gardeners, which they still also are, the black alluvial soil of the river-banks. The interstices of this network of settlements, however, were still peopled with Tchude huntsmen, among whom an isolated household of alien-born colonists, probably, would not have been safe. Nor would the Russians themselves, being no hunters, have been safe from the bears and wolves which the Finnic hunters, up to the present day, are never afraid to encounter in single combat, even without fire-arms. Thus the closely-packed village, in which block-house borders on block-house along the two sides of the broad village street, shut up at the two ends by stockades or block- houses placed across, was the only possible, endlessly repeated, form of settlement.* A clearing of the forest by common labour of the colonists had furnished the acreage and the building material for the' block-houses. The enclosed space of the village street was the common workshop in summer, for carpentry, for making the hemp and flax ready for spinning- and weaving, and for bleaching the cloth, &c. The cattle- stands, threshing-floors, and barns were attached to the single block-houses, showing the stage at which village labour and village property ceased and individual labour and individual property began. As a further consequence of colonial isolation, the village, as a rule, and as far as possible, was self-sustaining. In order to be able to form an idea of the past, present, and future of the Russian people, it is of high importance to bear this originaf character of the Russian village settlements, easily traceable from the present state, strictly and continually in mind. The most prominent feature of a settlement, which in the beginning and perhaps for a long time was unable to enter into commer- cial relations with other settlements, will be, that just the amount of acreage necessary to furnish the food and the clothing material for the villages will be tilled, and not more. For to till more would be far from correct management. It would merely be taking away time and labour-power from other work just as necessary, where everything that is wanted is to be done on the spot. This also indicates the corollary to be * Tlie Sclavonic and Teutonic names for a village (Russian, dcrewnia ; Scandinavian, trup ; German, dorf ; Anglo-Saxon, thorpe) have the root in common with troops, troupe, troupL>au, and signify aggregation for pro- tection's sake. Ri-ssiA.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 313 expected. Where the husbandman is not more of a husband- man than is just wanted to produce what a single family consumes, and yet is not a savage, but already accustomed to a certain degree of comfort, we must expect to see him a handicraftsman, too, of very variegated skill — a kind of jack-of- all-trades. As said before, the possibility of constantly throwing off the surplus of the increasing population of the village by founding a daughter-village on virgin soil, was calculated to take away every stimulus to change the system, which, at the same time, was so extremely fitted to the exigencies of that primitive colonisation. While all the other Sclavonian nations, the Little Russians not excepted, followed to a certain extent the ways of central and western Europe (a process which partly was quickened by conquest, those farther west being almost invariably the conquerors of those farther east), the Great Russians alone kept the original form of settled life of the Sclavonian race intact. Their place on the utmost north- eastern wing of the race, putting them at the same time out of reach of western conquest, with nothing but huntsmen, and nomads, and virgin soil all round them, made expansion, not c/iange, their law of progress, just as it seems to have been the case with the Chinese, whom they now are facing. The village, at once the smallest and the largest compass of the social thought of the bulk of the people, now became the prototype of the empire, which, beginning with Rurik's election to the czardom, became destined (after passing through vicissi- tudes of all kinds — self-created confusion as well as foreign invasion) to inherit the fruits which the unassisted and un guided, modest and silent, but continuous colonising labour of the ancient free Russian villagers has borne. The villagers — who in their village governed themselves by patriarchal rule — after they had become conscious, by means of sad experiences — inroads of eastern nomads, and plundering excursions of northern and western adventurers — that the merely sentimental link between mother-village and daughter-village was not that national solidarity of which the hostile foreigner has to beware, considered, after the constitution of czardom, all Russia, as far as it already went, simply as one great village, likewise under patriarchal rule, likewise on a soil the common property of all, likewise sufficing to itself, and likewise having to do with aliens only in common ; and this is still the conception which the 314 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. Russian people entertain of their state. The savage drama of the pohtical history of the country, the extirpation of resisting tribes chiefly in the west, the sanguinary feuds between the princes of the Imperial House, the partitions and repartitions of the empire, even the struggles which accompanied the intro- duction and spread of the Greek Church — all this had no bearing on what will always remain the most interesting phe- nomenon connected with the rise of Russia — namely, the growth of a very numerous 7ietv people^ spreading over a very extensive area in a comparatively very short time, in Europe itself, without the remainder of Europe even becoming aware of it! What is recorded by Nestor shows merely that a military government and taxation having been introduced, and a pro- fessional priesthood established (likewise borrowed from abroad, after a vain attempt to turn the native heathenism to account for the same purpose), the same fights about the legalised prey had begun in Russia which constitute the political part of every other nation's history. Protection from plunder by the foreigner had everywhere to be bought from legalised plun- derers at home, and everywhere has the extent to which it was to be legal been fought for, and everywhere did the plunderers contest the prey amongst themselves. What is not recorded in written records, but is shown by the results to which it has led, is the cementing process which now took place, and which marks the second stage in the mighty colonis- ing movement, going on imperceptibly in the north-east, without even the colonists themselves being conscious of its extent and significance. While Little Russia, the true mother-country on the Dnieper, and the tracts of land on the north-west of it, bordering on Poland, and inhabited by minor Sclavonian tribes of mongrel character, now comprised under the name of Ruthenes, Russians, or Rusniaks, remained the theatre of civil as well as of foreign wars, the colony in the north and north-east, as whose starting-point the country round Now- gorod has to be considered, enjoyed a comparative repose, and had all the advantages of national and ecclesiastical unification. The foundation of village by village must have gone on unabated as well as the pushing forward of the north-eastern frontier of the settlements ; for the geographical horizon rapidly widens in the records of the historian. As a distinct race the race of the Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 315 Great Russians had first been formed at Nowgorod, on originally Finnic soil, by mixture with the Finnic tribe of the locality. Along the Neva, and the large lakes and water- courses of which it forms the mouth, the Finns had resisted farther encroachment. Their most warlike and proud tribes were settled there ; but farther east, where the same race occupied the whole country north of the Oka, and even farther south, and as far in an easterly direction as the river Ob, in Siberia, they were too thinly spread, and too little civilised, to form an obstruction to the constant advance of the Great Russian village colonies. They continued for some time to fill the interstices of the network of river villages, living the life of huntsmen or lonely settlers, as before ; but with the national unification and Christianisation of the Great Russian invaders, the time of the total absorption of the aboriginal people had arrived. They were turned into subjects of the grand prince, or czar, and the prince, his relative and vassal who presided over the district ; and they gradually disappeared, and are still so disappearing, among the villagers. For these latter hence- forward refused altogether to respect the hunting-grounds left free between their villages. Simultaneously now with the ex- tension went on the densification of the network of settlements. The erroneous notion is often met with in Western Europe, that the whole of Russia, without exception, is but thinly peopled. It is true that very large parts of Russia are very thinly peopled, of Avhich more anon, but the centre of the empire, on the Upper Wolga, on the Oka, and between these two rivers, a lump of land by no means despicable, shows the villages as close to each other as anywhere in Western Europe ; and if the same figure of density of population is not found in the tables, it is not a lesser village population, but a lesser popula- tion of the towns, which are few and far between, and some- times very small, that accounts for it. The Church assisted the colonising movement in another way. Pilgrimage had been introduced. One has to think ot a people living in close confinement during a long winter, followed by a short and hot summer with protracted daylight, w^hose allurements produce a feeling of restlessness ; of a people, moreover, living in villages, every one of these villages looking back upon another, often very distant, village as a mother that claimed a visit ; of a people, finally, living in community of household interests, among whom the pilgrim, 3l6 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Favchek. who sets out on his journey with the consent of his fellow- villagers, need not fear of seeing his interests neglected. Besides, migrations of long files of emigrants on their way to the new settlement having been of yearly occurrence from times immemorial, and these having been able to appeal on their way at every village on the roadside to the remembrance of a similar migration of the more aged and influential villages, hospitality to pilgrims could not but become at once a cogent rule. It is so still. Bread and the summer drink of the country, kwass, a kind of very thin, unfermented beer, are never — not by the poorest peasant — refused to the traveller ; and if payment for it be offered, its acceptance is invariably refused with indignation. The short nights, and the clothing — adapted even to severe colds — permit a night's rest in the open air, if no other is to be had. Thus the institution of religious pilgrimage — convenient pretext for the migratory pro- pensities of mankind — could find nowhere a more congenial soil than in Russia. It was but natural that the place of worship to which the religious pilgrimages were directed, and the mother-settlement, which a long-preserved attachment, transmitted in fireside tales from generation to generation, longed to see, in very many instances coincided. For the spread of convents, usually the ostensible places of destination of pilgrimage, followed the spread of settlements. The neigh- bourhood of a mother-village which had already many daughter- villages, was just the place to erect a convent. It will now be easy to imagine how colonisation must have been pushed by the increased restlessness which the united Church with its pilgrimages had brought over the whole nation, and by their becoming conscious, partly through the medium of their own feet and eyes, partly through the recitals of travel- lers ])assing their houses, of the immensity of the territory already under their grasp, and the boundless extension of un- occupied land in an easterly direction. The pilgrims were to them what American emigration agents now are to English, Irish, and German villagers. The pilgrims' refectory in the convent, where the pilgrims from far and near met, was their newspaper. The seats of the princes, whose number sometimes was very great, and the seats of the convents, could not but gradu- ally assume the character of larger or smaller emporiums of commerce. The swarms of peasants, which they periodically Rlssia.] in various COUNTRIES. 317 attracted, provided for it. The creation of a number of centres of commerce was the real and palpable result of the establish- ment of Church and State among the villagers of the great plains of Eastern Europe. But it would be a mistake to liken the Russian cities, even at the present day, to the cities of Western Europe. They never became, to a similar extent, the exclusive seats of industry. They remained pre-eminently marts of exchange whose lot it was to introduce division of labour between village and village, not division of labour between agriculturist and artisan, but between the peasants of one vil- lage, who continued to till the soil for their own sustenance, and who now began to apply the remainder of their time, in- stead of to aU work, to some distinct occupation, and the peasants of other villages, who did just the same. Village in- dustry is still the great industry of Russia. It would be very rash to condemn this as misguided activity. It must not be overlooked that in Russia the time for work in the open air is shorter, and the time for work in the house is longer, than in Central and Western Europe. It will then easily be under- stood that the settlement, which first was compelled by colonial isolation to sustain itself, and had the disposal of a long winter to provide by house-industry for all the wants of the settlers, was not easily induced to give up the advantage derived from house-industry in winter, when the gradual introduction of division of labour between village and village, through the medium of marts and exchange, rendered house-industry more profitable. We arrive now at institutions of still stranger appearance, when measured by the standard of Central and Western Europe, and yet easily intelligible, if it be but kept in mind that one thing binds the other in the web of civilisation. Immovable property being the common property of the village, and even the title-deed of movable property being derived at some pre- vious time from repartitions by common consent, it was but natural to the villagers to consider the whole of the trade which had sprung up between them and others likewise as common property. Was the son of the village, who had been permitted to set out, first on a pilgrimage, or a journey to court, then — the occasion having brought about the discovery of gain to be made by selling and buying, as a commercial traveller — alone to reap the benefit of his journey, which he could not have made had not his village been a common household ? Thus 3l8 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. the habit sprung up and became a law in the eyes of the villagers, that whoever of them, being abroad, got orders for articles to be, produced by the house-industry of his village, did not get these orders for himself as speculator and employer of labour, but for the village as a whole, and that the orders were to be distributed among the villagers by common consent. And thus things are still managed to a large extent. Thus the second — in recorded history the first — stage of Russian peasant life shows us the peasant as an artisan^ at least where division of labour had changed him into an artisan, and a member of a society of "adventurers," who at the same time continued to jDroduce the food necessary to feed them and their families, and partly the raw material for their branch of industry by the common husbandry of the village, which still formed the social unit of the country. The Mongol invasion, though it lasted two hundred and twenty-five years, appears to have had no influence whatever on the life led by the villagers nor even on the spread of their settlements. The business of the Mongols was with the grand prince, the other princes, and with the clergy. They humiliated the princes and made them pay tribute — that is to say, give up part of the taxes they received from the villagers — but as for the clergy, they even took off taxation from them. The state in which the country emerged from the dominion of the nomads shows that it cannot have suffered much ; perhaps it had even benefited. For it would seem as if, in the time immediately before the conquest, there had already been attempts on the part of the single princes to prevent the people from leaving their'state or province for the purpose of erecting new settle- ments elsewhere. With the nomads the old liberty returned. It is very probable that colonisation continued unabated even under Mongol rule. The immunities and favours bestowed by these shrewd Asiatics upon the priestly order cannot but have assisted colonisation. For the Church was not merely indirectly, through pilgrimage, but direcdy, through hermits and gardening convents, a colonising agency. The priestly order, recruited from tlie peasantry, remained faithful to their habits and pro- pensities. With the withdrawal of the Mongols into Asia began the discnfranchiscment of the great bulk of the peasantry, but it progressed very gradually. Records are insufticient, but the state of things met with at a later and better-known period Ri'ssiA.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 319 admits of pretty safe conclusions. The main lesson drawn from the experience of a foreign dominion was, that the bond of unity of the empire had to be drawn tighter. The rule of numerous princes, vassals of the grand prince, who now offici- ally adopted the name of Czar, or rather Zar, had to be done away with, at all events. Iwan III. commenced the struggle, Iwan IV., the Terrible, brought it to a successful issue. This struggle favoured the growth of a petty nobility, formed partly of the courtiers of the late princes, whom the czars left in pos- session of the yield of the taxes of such villages as had been allotted to them by their former masters, without insisting upon regular service on their part, merely reserving the right to summon them when wanted. Such is still the relation of the whole Russian nobility to their czar. It consisted, further, of the czar's own servants, which were partly taken from among the villagers themselves, likewise endowed with the yield of the taxes of one or more villages — and lastly, the proprietors of such villages, mainly situated in the western parts of Russia, which had been formed of slaves, and had always been the property of their masters. Villages not being disposed of in such a way seem to have remained free villages or crown villages till the later years of the reign of Iwan IV., who seems to have commenced the practice, largely resorted to in later times, of turning crown villages into villages belonging to the czar, not as sovereign of the country, but as landed proprietor. Such villages, peopled by prisoners of war and their offspring, the slaves of the czar, must have existed always, just as similar villages, mentioned above, were in possession of single noblemen. But there can be little doubt that Iwan IV., in designating by a legislative act which villages were henceforward to be considered as state pro- perty (Siemschina), and which as property of the czar (Oprit- china), did so for purposes of appropriating what was not his own. He appropriated in this way even cities. The lawless- ness of his proceedings is proved by the amends which were made for them in later times, when at least all the cities and other property Avere again excluded from the Opritchina or apanage of the imperial house. The changes effected amounted to this, that a very great number of villages, having been formerly free communities, merely paying taxes to the State, had been turned into estates of the czar and the nobility, on which the peasantry had to pay rent. 320 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fauchkr. The amount payable remaining unaltered, and the person to whom it was to be paid remaining the same, the peasantry, perhaps, did not even become aware of the change. They may still have considered their village as a little socialistic and patri- archal republic, just as the bees in the hive are not aware that they have other masters besides their queen. But the time was now fast approaching when every doubt that their old liberty was gone should be removed from them. Popular poetry in Russia has kept alive, in rhymed wails, the memory of St. George's day, as the day when Boris Godunow, the usurper, published his ukase, by which the Russian peasant was forbidden to quit his village without per- mission and passport, either from the proprietor of the estate, into which the village had been turned, or, Avhere it was still a free village, from the authority to which it was submitted. The ukase, besides, ordained that every peasant not being provided with such a passport, and being found wandering about the country, should be taken into custody, his personal identity and his whereabouts should be ascertained, and that he should be sent back in irons to his village, where punishment might be inflicted upon him for having left it without permission. Boris Godunow is represented to have acted thus, in com- pliance with the wishes of the petty landed nobility — his main supporters. They had represented to the Government that the fiefs they held in exchange for service done, or service they were bound to do, were valueless if the peasants were permitted to emigrate. Modern writers, even Russians themselves, and still more French and Germans, have not shrunk from justifying Boris Godunow and his nobles, by asserting that this was the only means of putting an end to the nomadic propensities of the Russian people, which the Mongol invasion had fostered anew. But where is the slightest evidence of nomadic propen- sities among the peasantry of Northern Russia, before that time, at that time, and after that time ? Not even the Cossacks — fugitives, as they were, from opi^ression in the southern steppe — bore even the slightest resemblance to real nomads. To colonise and to nomadise are two very different things. Just as well one may talk of nomadic i)ropcnsities among the Eng- lish, or the Spaniards, or the Dutch, or the Germans. The truth is, thai just towards tlie end of the long reign of I wan the Terrible the colonising movement in an easterly and southerly direction had assumed new proportions. The Khanats of Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 32I Kasan and Astrachan had been conquered ; Siberia had been discovered by the Cossacks, and a large part of it conquered ; the steppe and the black country in Southern Russia had acquired a safety unknown before. The commerce of the West, the fur-trade of Nowgorod with Germany, which was more a trade of the Finnic hunters than of the Russian village artisans, and of Kiew with the Byzantine Empire, had almost ceased, Iwan III. having crushed the former by imprisoning German merchants, and the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks having crushed the latter. Instead of it, commerce with the East, with Central Asia, had commenced on a large scale, first introduced by the Mongols, then favoured by the conquest of the two Khanates and of Siberia. Here it was the produce of the industry of the Russian villagers that was sold ; and the further eastward they went with their settlements the more they benefited by it. The whole nation was astir with colonising projects; and the records of the dates of foundation of the older settlements in the East, show how many of them were carried out. But then the proprietors of the villages, now private estates, and the czar himself, as proprietor of the appanage estates, lost the advantage of increasing population on their estates and of an increasing rent from them. They, besides, lost the power of raising the rent. What I am about to add is mere probability, but it is probability ; a certain approach had taken place between the Russian Government^ isolated after the fall of Constantinople from all other Governments, and one at least of the Governments of Western Europe. The English had found the way to the White Sea, and already Iwan IV. had exchanged embassies with Queen Elizabeth ; and Boris Godunow con- tinued amicable relations with the Queen, and even attempted to bring about a marriage of his son with one of her relatives. His ambassador, ISIikulin, took even an active part in the streets of London in the quelling of Essex's insurrection. Mikulin had to report to the czar on English legislative institu- tions. In the year 1601 (Stat. 43, Queen Eliz.), the great poor law, crowning the efforts of the Tudor age in dealing with the difticulty of pilgrims and vagabonds — the bane of the country, down from the time when Henry VII. abolished vassalage — had become the law of the land in England. It had been pre- ceded by Stat. 14, Queen Eliz., which ordained that the abode of persons who could not or would not do work was to be fixed V 322 SVSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. to the parish in which they were born, or in which they had resided during three years, and, in case of vagabonds, during one year. Might not Boris Godunow, whose legislative acts in the matter date from 1592, 1597, 1601, and 1606, beleaguered by his nobility, and getting the convenient pretext of a famine (which broke out, engendering swarms of beggars and a typhus- epidemic, which these beggars caiTied all over the country), and informed by his ambassador of the wise counsel, under similar circumstances, of the advisers of the English queen, have tried a Muscovite version of contemporaneous English legislation? Indeed, it looks very much like it: Proneness to imitation, and reckless boldness in trying it, is a Russian characteristic to this day, of which more anon. The decisive blow had fallen. It did not at once bring about its final results — compulsory labour of whatever kind the master demands from his slave — but it contained it in germ, and the development was rapid. The first and most important consequence was, that colonisation was checked for a long time, and only recommenced when the masters, having become masters in full, themselves found it profitable. The whole seventeenth century shows the heart in the prostrated body of the Russian peasantry still palpitating. The enshrined spirit of liberty asserts itself in religious sectarian movements, in agrarian risings, in bold brigandage, under the seductive form of free Cossack life. It was reserved for the eighteenth century to consummate the worst. The harmless and gentle villagers, wlio for the love of wife, child, brother, sister, and neighbour, had conquered the uncongenial eastern plain of Europe for civilisation, now disappear, as working agents, from the histori- cal records of their country ; they have become mere tools to work Avith, mere matter to be worked upon. They are now "mujiks " — bodies — " tchornoi narod " — black people: some- thing like niggers, as it would seem. A large part of them are bought and sold with the land ; without the land, they are merely let out, and fee! themselves most favoured when let out to themselves.* And yet it would be wrong to liken their fate, even when it was worst, which is during the time from Peter I., the Great (!), to about the accession of Alexander I., to that of the 1)lack slaves in the colonies of Western Europe. Patriarchal * The household serfs, being considered as the offspring of the slaves of the middle ages, lucrc sold without land, and, as it appears, in spite of the law, numbers of peasants, too, under pretext that they were household serfs. Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 323 feelings and patriarchal habits never became extinct, either with the Russian serf or with the Russian master. The harmless and gentle character of the villagers is the harmless and gentle character of the nation, which has but the fault of bearing good luck not so well as bad luck, and of becoming drunk with tran- sitory pride, with still more transitory anger, and with zeal, more transitory with them than anything else. The attempts to relieve the fate of the peasantry began with the government of the Emperor Nicholas. The state of things with which he had to deal had received a finishing stroke by a set of imperial decrees of the Emperor Paul in the year 1797. These decrees, which at least had restored to the peasantry the right of electing their village heads, were left intact by Nicholas, except as far as the " private peasants " — that is to say, the serfs of private proprietors, or of the czar as private proprietor — of estates were concerned. The most important change of the Emperor Nicholas was introduced by a ukase issued in 1842, which permitted to the proprietors of private estates to trans- form, by treaties, their serfs into farmers, the Government vouching for the former serfs fulfilling the conditions under- taken by them in the treaties. The idea was to see what forms of treaties would prove the most popular and acceptable to both sides, and then, if still need be, to frame a general com- pulsory measure, in which the contents of the popular form or forms of treaties were to be embodied. But very little use was made of the expedient, as has been asserted, from the difficulty of settling things with the mortgage-holders. The Emperor Nicholas, besides, by ukase issued in 1848, abolished the inter- dict to private peasants, of buying immovable property. He further reinforced the law interdicting the sale of peasants without land, by forbidding its evasion by transforming peasants first into household slaves, and also the sale of land without peasants, if, by such sale, the village-acre was curtailed in such a way as to amount to less than four and a half djessatines (twelve acres) for every male villager. Finally, he issued regu- lations defining more distinctly than the law did before, how much labour, or how much payment in lieu of labour, in a variety of cases and places, the peasant-serfs owed to their masters. But all this did not amount to much, when compared with what the position of the peasantry once was, and with what it since has become. When the Emperor Alexander II. 324 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. announced his resolve to do justice to the peasantry, he found still nearly one-half of them — forming with their families more than one-third of the population of the empire — to all practical purposes slaves, tilling a soil which did not belong to them, without being paid for their labour, during about three days in the week, while they had to sustain themselves and their families by their labour during the other three days, likewise by tilling a soil which did not belong to them, and not in the way they chose to do it, but as they were permitted, or rather ordered to do it. The serfs, though their number had comparatively declined, formed still the largest group among the Russian peasantry. Next in numbers stood the crown peasants, the remnant of the old free peasantry, turned into copyholders from the crown, and governed by servants of the crown. Their position has not been touched by the act of 1861, but by a recent special act, which has been framed to bring the position of this part ot the peasantry into better accordance with that of the enfran- chised private peasants. It must not be passed over that, at least to the eye of the foreign travelling observer, there is no marked difference of well-being visible between the villages of crown peasantry and those of private peasantry. There are Russian authors — but such as belonged and still belong to the political opposition in the empire, like Golowin and Dolgo- rukow — who pretend that the crown peasants had and have far more to suffer than the private peasants. Dolgorukow, in particular, whose work, " The Truth about Russia," was pub- lished but shortly before the act of 1861, gives a revolting description of the abuse which the functionaries of the crown, entrusted with the administration of the crown villages, make of their power. The crown peasants had then and have still to pay copyhold-fee to the crown, part of them by each head of the male population, part of them in shape of a real land- tax, and were then still burdened with a certain amount ot compulsory labour, which, road-making excepted, now has been superseded by fees. The fees levied by the head yield ten millions of roubles, the land-tax thirty millions of roubles. The highest fee on the head is 2r. 86k., the lowest 2X. 15k. The copyhold-right is always a right of the village as a whole. The sale of it by the villagers was not permitted, yet they might so far dispose of it as to barter their position with other crown peasants, or even with private peasants, on certain conditions. Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 325 And they might let out the land for fifty years to other persons; an arrangement evidently designed to facilitate the erection of industrial establishments in the country. The minor groups consisted, before 1861, firstly, oi free- holders living in farm-yards separated from every village. They are to be met with in Great Russia, in the southern govern- ments, in the so-called country of the black soil. They are supposed to be the Russianised remnants of the original in- habitants of the country, the Tchudes, who in the south, on the fertile soil, were not merely or pre-eminently huntsmen, but agriculturists too. This is very probable. It is said that a far greater number of them would still exist, had not Peter I. reck- lessly deprived them of their freehold right, and compelled them to become crown peasants. They are further to be met with in the Western Ruthene provinces ; and there they are the off- spring of the lower Polish nobility (shlachta), who invaded these provinces and settled down in them, and afterwards were unable to prove their noble descent. Another group was formed by the serfs who had bought immovable property since 1848. There were further Russian bojars, whose nobility was not proved, or was lost, and who therefore were considered as glebce adscripti, though on their own property ; and Cossacks, whose freedom and right to their property had been recognised. All these groups, together with a very small amount of Russian peasantry tilling the property of other persons, without being serfs — namely, of persons not entitled to have serfs, because not being noblemen, and yet landowners — were evidently excep- tions, and not the rule. The remainder was not of Russian nationality. The measures adopted by the Emperor Nicholas for initiating and stimulating a voluntary abandonment of serfdom on the part of the masters, as a rule, having proved abortive, and yet great numbers of the masters themselves having become fully conscious of the increasing personal danger to which they were exposed so long as they had to deal with their serfs, this much was considered as a settled thing, when the Emperor Alexander II. ascended to the throne, by himself as well as by his people, that at all events serfdom was now to be entirely and forcibly eradicated from agrarian legislation in Russia. In this primary and unconditional postulate all the world agreed. But nobody, not even the most strenuous advocate of unlimited rights of property in land, conferred by superannuation on the proprietor 326 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. in legally acknowledged possession, could hide from himself, that merely to sever the link between master and serf, and to make this measure at the same time sever the link between the serf and the land, would be, besides an historical injustice, a political blunder involving the most direful consequences. For what was to become of the enfranchised serf? An agricultural labourer ? "Would this be the use he would make of his free- dom, that he remained what he had been, with this difference, that his master, now called his employer, could — in his idea, far worse than to whip him — turn him out of doors with wife and child, at the slightest symptom of even a justifiable dis- obedience ? A farmer ? And if a farmer, a farmer of what ? Merely of the land necessary to provide the food and clothing for the family ? But, being unable to pay any rent out of the produce of this land, he would have to do other work to enable him to pay the rent. What work ? Village industry ? Field labour on the proprietor's land ? Would not he thus legally be the same labourer as above, only with notice to quit by the year, instead of by the w^eek, for practically it would be by the year in both cases ; and in both cases the security of his sus- tenance, which with serfdom was perfect, would be superseded by a constant apprehension of losing his sustenance, and render him as resistless as farmer against rack-rent, as he would be resistless as labourer against depression of wages and maltreat- ment. Practically, in both cases his position would be exactly the same ; for the rack-rent in the one case would be but another fonii of the depression of wages in the other. Every- body — economist as well as socialist — understood that the economical, or social law, as the reader likes, which regulates the relations between employer and labourer, and between pro- prietor and farmer — a law which the economist trusts, and the socialist curses, at all events was not applicable, where the threat of the loss of a homestead and of a sustenance hitherto enjoyed by the future labourer or farmer under very different arrangements was thrown into the balance to the employer's or proprietor's advantage, and to the labourer's or farmers disad- vantage. It could not but have rapidly brought about a pro- bably fearful state of the country. It would have soon filled the country with swarms of peasantry, wandering to and fro, now begging, now endangering the safety of the roads, and finally of the country-seats. The pretext of Boris Godunow would have been turned into a reality. Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 327 The resolve of doing away altogether with serfdom involved, therefore, in everybody's eyes in Russia, at once a second re- solve — namely, that of settling the land question between the late master and his late serfs in such a way as to prevent the bulk of the peasantry from becoming suddenly and simul- taneously unsettled and homeless, and thus to make the new relations between employer and labourer, or between proprietor and farmer, take their issue from positions duly balanced between them. But this being agreed upon by almost unanimous consent, a third still more precarious problem at once emerged, so to speak, from the deep sea of agrarian history in Russia, and forced itself on the anxious attention of the native statesmen and writers on public affairs. If the land was to be divided between the master and his serfs, was the single former serf to be invested with freehold property, in accordance with what had taken place under simi- lar circumstances further west in Europe, or was regard to be had to the old national custom of common village property and joint village husbandry — the " Mir," as the language has it, in an expression not to be translated into a language of Western Europe ? This custom was still alive and paramount in the horizon of peasant thought, though now in the disguise of a common household, not by common consent, and free to act as the members of the household liked, but of a common household placed under the supreme will, in the last instance, of a resident or absentee master, belonging to anodier sphere of society than the members of the houseliold themselves, and being either the czar himself or somebody else, who lorded it over the Mir, in the eyes of the peasantry at least, always in the name of the czar ? The land question betiveen peasant and peasant was therefore a third c^uestion embodied in the primary one of the total abolition of the bondage of agricultural labour. It fmally appeared that local administration and local jurisdiction, yes, even that amount of local legislation which can never totally be dispensed with, could not remain, Avith an enfranchised peasantry, what they had been before, when a good deal of the duties of administration, jurisdiction, and legislation, as far as the serfs were concerned, simply devolved on their master, whose supreme will was the Alexander's sword for cutting many a Gordian knot. The necessity to supersede individual \\\\\ in affliirs, which from private affairs had become 328 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. public affairs, by collective will, was the fourth of the problems by which the Russian reformers had to be prepared to see their legislative abilities tried, after the removal of the stain of slavery from their national escutcheon had once become their firm resolve. The moment has now arrived to mention the most promi- nent features of party division in Russia, with regard to the reform of agrarian legislation. They may be described as the economist and imperial party on the one side, and the socialist and national on the other, the former, at the same time, being reproached with aristocratic leanings, the latter very ostensibly professing democratic ones. It would be very erroneous to compare them in any way to Conservatives and Liberals in the sense of Western Europe. They would, both of them, repudiate it themselves with rather contemptuous laughter. The faith, the very sincere faith, of the socialist and national — which, with them, does not merely mean Russian, but Pan- ■sclavonian — party is, that it is all over with the particular form of civilisation which is dominant in Western Europe. According to them, the future belongs altogether to the Russian "Mir" and to the Sclavonian race. Communism in land is designated by them as the particular Sclavonian substratum of civilisation. According to them, tlie nations of Western Europe, who, all of them, in times dating back very far, knew of institutions similar to the Russian Mir, committed a fatal blunder already at the beginning of their career, and condemned themselves to unavoidable decay setting in sooner or later, by allowing land to become the object of individual right of property, which, among the \\^estern nations, was established by the formation (Of a feudal aristocracy first, and the revival of Roman law afterwards. Land, they argue, having never been produced, "but found, derives the value which we now find adhering to the bare acre exclusively from social, not from individual eftbrts. Rent paid to individuals has therefore no foundation in justice, but only such rent as is paid to meet the public expenditure of the smaller or larger community, the parish, the county, the state. The position of this party in regard to the land question, as a question between noble proprietor and peasant, was there- fore to make light of the inherited or purchased rights of the l)roprictor, to insist upon as much land being taken from him as possible, and of his being treated in future simply as one of the peasants of the village. Of course they were aware that Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 329 they could not entertain the hope of seeing such a scheme carried out in our times ; and those of them who were called upon to take an active part in framing the new legislation did not even attempt it, strong as their influence was. But notice is to be taken of the existence and collaboration of a political party and of statesmen who, as far as they consented to leave to the noble proprietor rights of property, singled out from the common ones of the village, did so from reasons of expediency, and not from inclination or conviction. It had its very sensible influence on the quantitative side of the arrangement effected. The confiscation of rent, on which the Sclavonian socialists put the construction of a restoration of the original and inalienable right of property of the community in the soil, rests evidently on a theory on which they must be prepared to act, if it be shown to them that its sincere adoption involves the necessity of not merely applying it to the settle- ment of the affairs of the living generation, but of a constantly repeated application. They are, however, fully aware of, this, and do not shrink from asserting that they are not merely prepared, but really engaged in so acting. And they point, for proving this, to their arduous and unconditional defence und recommendation of the Mir, which is their solution of the second problem of the land question, namely, of the question between peasant and peasant. Property in the soil being considered the property of all, it becomes evidently necessary to decide on what title to rest the claim of the individual to work a certain parcel of this soil. The reply of the Sclavonian socialists is very plain ; they say, let the title be composed of his free will and of his ei'ident ability. What ? the stronger or more intelligent man, or the man with more working capital, is to get more than the others ? The reply is, this is not what, in the first place, we are mean- ing. Before all other considerations, we have in view the man with a larger family. In Western Europe the difference in the number of children between one family and the other is a more fretjuent cause, particularly with the class of small landed pro- prietors and of small farmers, of the increasing difference between wealth and poverty, than laboriousness and parsimony here, idleness and spendthriftiness there. The great bulk of every people, under the influence of custom and neighbours' gossip, are pretty nearly alike as to economical habits. Yet poverty, as well as wealth, is on the increase in the West, with 330 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. the peasant population in France and Germany, and with what is left of that class in England. We ascribe it to the blessing not being known there of our " ]\Iir.'' In a Western village with divided soil a family gets poorer by being blessed with numerous children in rapid succession. For during the first fourteen years of his life the child is a mere burthen, and while the family which the soil has to feed grows, the soil they possess and are able to till does not grow ; and even when, fourteen years or more later, they are enabled to till more soil, by the growing maturity of their progeny, in numbers of cases it has. become too late, and they are not any longer in the position to buy or farm more soil. In our "Mir" the family is not impoverished by the birth of a child, but, on the contrary, enriched. For with the number of children increases the share of the family in the village household. Of all that is held in common and produced in common they partake a head's share more. The birth of a male child thus is our new title to the right of husbandry on a unit-share of the soil of the onpire ; and here you have the constantly-repeated application of the theory in which we believe. The " Mir " is merely a commodious instrument for effecting it. As far as the surplus of progeny in one family is counterbalanced by the sterility of other families in the Mir, the title acquired in the Mir by the birth of a child involves no curtailment of the titles of the other members of the "Mir." Voluntar)- emigration into cities is further calcu- lated to prevent any rapid decrease of the size of the unit- share. It is true that with the birth of the child the increase of the family's ability for working the soil is but yet prospec- tive. But what else takes place, save that a debt is incurred, which the child grown up will have to repay in similar manner ? Those who have fewer mouths of children to feed have to work for those who have more such mouths to feed. We are levying a kind of rate, not appearing in public accounts, for counter- acting the effects of such inequalities between family and family for which nobody is responsible. For we do not consider any- body responsible for the number of his children. We do not believe in the doctrine of the necessity of self-imposed restraint as means to and result of a higher stage of civilisation. It is against nature ; it cannot be right. Our village rate for assist- ing numerous families, to prevent inequality of wealth to creep into our villages, invented not by theorists, but by our people themselves in times beyond the dawn of history, is the result Russia. J IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 33 1 of an instinctive forethought, for the absence of which you in the West are punished by your poor-rates. What our people pay at once, when it can be both given as well as received with a good grace, yours have to pay afterwards, when it is burdensome to give and degrading to receive — when it, besides, is unable to cure an already hereditary evil. The '•' Mir " of the village, of course, is only a stage in the application of the theory of communism in land. Should the increase of the population of the village have increased in such a way as to reduce the unit-share too much, we mean to resort to the old expedient of our people, colonisa- tion. We have still uncultivated land enough, and very good land too. And if we had not, we would know how to procure it. Of the new village, the nation, the empire, has to take care, as the village does of its child. I have let the Pansclavonian socialists speak on this particular land question between peasant and peasant so extensively, selecting from what I have read and heard what appeared to me their most plausible — by no means convincing — arguments, because it is the question they have most at heart. In fact, it is the national pride which one has here to deal with. I have the impression — I cannot help it — that the Sclavonian nations, being so very late and backward with their reformatory era, must absolutely have something for themselves. Their young men, and, in Russia itself, perhaps still more the young ladies — who are very busy and enthusiastic, and un- doubtedly of a general education more resembling man's highest education than is the case in any other country, England, America, and Sweden not excepted — rushed in swarms into the political arena, as soon as the death of the Emperor Nicholas, the humiliation of the Empire in the Crimean war, and the declared willingness of the Emperor Alexander II. to unfetter the forces slumbering in this great nation, had sounded the death-knell of the German tutelage under which the nation stood before. In their youthful national enthusiasm, they looked round to what was either truly Sclavonian or altogether new. The German youth did- just the same after the war of liberation from the French ; and the time from 1815 to 1820 in Germany bears a striking resem- blance to what took place in Russia during the first five years of Alexander's reign. The Russian youth now discovered the very old Russian Mir and the very new French socialism, and 332 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fauchkr. had what they wanted. Now Russia need no longer lower her head before anybody. She was as far advanced as the boldest French radicals, and yet could proudly tell them that, what ■with the French had ended as a dream, with the Russians had begun with a reality — a reality which they had always possessed, although in a mutilated form, despised and mal- treated ; and that they possessed it still. There was no arguing with them, for they would not argue. They would believe what they liked to believe, were sharp-witted enough — for they are sharp-witted — to find out the most plausible arguments in favour of their belief, and not sober enough — for they are not sober — really to busy themselves with ex- amining the arguments against it. It was not the fault of the Russian socialists, when the occasion has not been made use of to introduce the great Russian Mir all over the empire, to make it compulsory on the enfranchised peasantry, and to make it perpetual. However, as they profess the firm conviction that at least all the Sclavonian people still prefer common to individual hus- bandry, they could not but admit that to leave it optional with the enfranchised peasants, if they would continue the arrange- ment which they had established when free, and, as serfs, were compelled to uphold, was all they reasonably could insist upon. As to the new organisation of local administration, jurisdic- tion, and legislation, which was concomitant with the measure, it is manifest that the socialist democratic party I am speaking of repudiates any other machinery but that of election by the people to all the representative as well as the executive charges and appointments of local self government, wifh salaries, as far as pretexts and money for them can be got, and without any but the most obvious disabilities. Here the necessity to secure as many interested advocates among the people themselves of peaceful co-operation with the Government and the aristocracy for steering the dangerous measure into port clear of the rocks, which mark tlie passage of every serious social reform, has greatly assisted the views and the wishes of the Russian social democrats ; and Russia is perhaps at present that country in FAu-ope wliich, in the inferior parts of its political organisation, comes up nearest to the ideal of democracy. The stratagem to have the part of the business more odious to the peasants done by elected but paid — very well ]xiid — peasants, and the part more odious to the proprietors likewise by elected, but paid — Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 333 very well paid — members of the class of proprietors, has been considered as a particularly lucky stroke of policy on the part of the late minister Miliutine, the statesman who enjoyed the confidence of the Russian social democrats, though he did not (juite belong to their number. Time only can show if it really will prove lucky. The Pansclavonian socialists were the movement party in the affair • the more aristocratic Russian patriots, who still are looking to Western Europe as a teacher, who have begun tO' make political economy a favourite study, and who meditate, before all other things, the transition of their state, cautiously and by degrees, to parliamentary government — not much in favour with the Russian socialist democracy — were willing enough to do everything that was needed to re-establish the personal liberty of the great bulk of their people, but disin- clined to sacrifice the interest of the class of noble landowners to any such extent as to impair their fitness for constituting a native and independent political gentry. For, without this being accomplished, parliamentary government and local self- government in Russia, according to them, would be but a dream or a sham. I must confess from what I, as a foreigner, know and saw of the country and people, I very strongly share this conviction. The abolition of serfdom must undoubtedly, as a secondary advantage, largely contribute to the growth of such an independent gentry among the class of landowners ; for he who owns serfs, be he ever so well educated, is neither independent nor a gentleman ; but then neither his authority with the people of his neighbourhood, nor the weight and freedom of movement his wealth imparts to him, must be curtailed. Thus the movement party, for whom these considerations had no meaning, was faced by a resisting party, as far as the noble proprietor's interests and the European stamp of agrarian arrangements were concerned, among the Russians themselves. The nightmare of an essentially German rule — severe, as is always the rule of a minority, and of a minority of foreign nationality too — having been taken from the country, and the reform of agrarian legislation having, by common consent and the imperial will, been declared to be the first and foremost business of the awakened nation, the older, more sober, and wealthier of the educated Russians cast their looks, in the first instance, in the same way on England as the younger ones 334 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Falcher. did on France. They saw the soil of England divided into huge lumps of landed property, as huge as their o^vn, but ver}' much better cultivated, and yielding splendid rent. This rent they saw paid by farmers living on farms sometimes of con- siderable size, in most cases at least of a respectable size, which, however — with the fertility of the soil, the propitious climate, permitting the greatest number of working days in the open air in the whole world, with the dense net of magnificent roads of all kinds, and, above all things, with a town population standing in the relation of two and more to one to the rural population — are equal in agricultural importance to the very considerable Russian estates. They saw these farmers bring- ing the whole movable capital with them, to an amount per acre quite beyond Russian conceptions, and sometimes even risking a part of their own capital. Thus far a most enviable prospect arose before their view. But then they saw a great number of agricultural labourers, not exactly badly paid, in a great number of counties pretty well paid, in some places, in the south-west, indeed, insufficiently paid, but, there could be no doubt, even where pretty well paid, not H'ell off. They could not help seeing the figures of the poor-rate in rural parishes, and then the dwellings and the clothing ! The English agricultural labourer's cottage decidedly did not come up, in the majority of cases, to the standard of the block- house of the Russian serf, either in size or in the furniture filling the house. The clothing, cotton and cotton again, or the smock-frock and rude shoes ; and in Russia stout linen, woollen cloth, the sheepskin coat, and always excellent boots, almost up to the knee ; the food about on a level with that in England, perhaps a little more meat, but less milk, butter, eggs, and river-fish ; in Russia, good, though coarse, bread in profusion; in England, better and finer bread, but in limited quantity. In England, peas and j)Otatoes ; in Russia, little potatoes except for making fat cakes, but, besides peas, grits of buckwheat, a very wholesome food, in great quantities, and lentils and beans. The drink in both cases tea, in Russia always of a superior quality (Congo teas); a great difference only in the beer, which cannot be better than in England, or worse than in Russia. But then to the Russian kwass everybody is as welcome as to water. It is not to be wondered at, when, after all, even many of those Russians who constructed the new era of their state and their social institutions into an Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 335 approach to the forms of Western Europe, yet did not quite shut their ears to the insinuations of their countrymen of the doctrine of Sclavonian sociaUsm, and from the commencement were ready to let the Mir at least have its trial by the side of other experiments, all the more as it -vvas the existing form in so large a part of the empire, apart from the serfdom, which had merely been superposed on the Mir. This resolve was naturally strengthened by their eye now falling on the farmers of small farms, j^articularly in Ireland. For the transformation of the serfs into labourers at one stroke had, at an early period, become out of the question. The original product in this quarter had been to transfer to the enfranchised serfs the full property of the blockhouses in which they lived, with but a small patch of garden attached to each, without any payment on the part of the peasants, and to leave the proprietor in possession of the whole acreage. Such a settlement, at all events, would have been clear and easy enough, and it was fancied that the gift of personal liberty and a house, without debts, at the same time, would be enough to content the peasants. But the strenuous opposition of the democratic party to such a solution of the problem, the bad grace with which it was received by the Imperial Government, who looked upon the creation of an order of peasant-pro- prietors, or, at least, of peasant-farmers, as essentially contribut- ing to the stability of the throne, as necessary for the business of recruiting the army, and as a guarantee of an uninterrupted increase of the population, and lastly and principally, the un- deniable disinclination of the serfs themselves to part with what they had still considered as a kind, at least, of right of property, in spite of serfdom, and of ever so many personal experiences, which ought to have taught them that they had no such right, had early rendered it impossible. Thus, at least, the transitional transformation of the serfs into small farmers had already become inevitable in the immediate future. But what had been the experience where small individual farms are the rule ? WTiy, abject misery, semi-barbarism, and, before all things, agrarian riots and agrarian crime ! Thus, even with this party, the revival of the independent " Mir," as first form of the new peasant life, from which, as from an embryonic state, higher forms of agrarian organisation were gradually to issue, soon became a settled affair. Their afterthought was, and is, of course, to get rid of it as soon as possible. An 336 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Falcher. attempt to secure this possibility by a provision which made it optional with the proprietor after the lapse of a certain number of years, to turn the copyhold — which was henceforward to form the legal and original link between the proprietor and the villagers, continuing, as free men, to work in common — into tenure at will, was likewise frustrated by the opposition of the Government. For the reasons indicated above, they had to be content with the provision, as a final compromise between the two opposed parties, that it should be made optional with the peasants, either to acquire the freehold of the land allotted to them, by paying a legally settled price for it in instalments, and with the assistance of Government, or to dissolve the Mir. Thus the whole plan, under the contending influence of opposed ideas as to the future agrarian organisation to be desired, assumed this general shape. The retention of the system of common husbandry by the enfranchised serfs of a village, as the cradle of an estate of peasant-proprietors, created by their own free efforts, by the side of large noble proprietors of land, so that both classes of proprietors will have to show of what stuff they are made. Events will prove whether the result of this competition between the two systems will be a constantly increasing peasant- proprietary, owing to further purchases of land effected by the })easantry, or the absorption of property in the hands of the nobles, who will then have to turn it to account by free labour, instead of by the labour of serfs, or by letting their land pro- bably in farms of larger size to the most intelligent and enter- prising of the peasant class. The " Mir," or copyhold, which evidently will retain the weakest part of the peasantry, would serve all the while as a safeguard against the spread of pauperism of the West European character, as a kind of agricultural work- house under the management of the inmates themselves, but not, as will be seen, without control ; a workhouse endowed with a not inconsiderable amount of soil, for which rent is to be paid. Now as to the main provisions in which this general idea has been embodied. It is unnecessary to dwell upon that part of the legislation which had for its object to restore personal liberty. The Russian people have thus acquired rights which in Europe are general rights, so far, at least, as they are valid against any private person. Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 337 The provisions concerning the partition of the land between the proprietor and the peasants are the first point of interest. The proprietor of a village is bound to hand over to the villagers, in hereditary copyhold against payment of rent, an amount of land, the exact size of which depends on local circumstances, and on friendly agreement between the pro- prietor and the peasants ; but there is a minimum fixed on the male head of the village population. To understand that this was possible, the law revived or rather reinforced by the Emperor Nicholas has to be kept in mind, that no proprietor was to be allowed to sell land without peasants, unless enough was left to the village to amount to 4| djessatines (about twelve acres) per male head of the population. But in the same way as a minimum is fixed, a maximum also is fixed. For this purpose European Russia (Finnland, the German Baltic provinces, and the kingdom of Poland were not affected by the measure) was divided into three zones : the steppe, the country of the black soil, and the provinces belong- ing to neither. These three zones were again sub-divided into respectively twelve, eight, and nine districts. In the steppe districts, the minimum and maximum were made to coincide ; the legal share on the male head was fixed at three djessatines in the most densely-peopled district, and at eight djessatines in the most thinly-peopled. In the two other zones, the minimum was made to form a third part of the maximum. The maximum, in some cases amounting to seven djessatines, shows the lowest figure in the district in Moscow, where three djessatines were fixed as maximum, and consequently one djessatine — amount- ing to not quite three acres — was deemed sufficient to form the minimum. The ground built upon, or enclosed as yard or garden, entered into the calculation. The real extent of the grant will have been, in most cases, that of the " Nadel," that is to say, of the land which the peasants had under cultivation for sustaining themselves and their families while serfs. It was settled that where the Nadel exceeded the new legal maximum, and the proprietor preferred to insist upon the maximum being respected, the land to be transferred from the Nadel to the proprietor's own share was, in the first instance, to be selected from among such land as was not manured, such pasture-land as had not the advantage of being inundated in spring, if possible from wooded land, if such (which, however, was rare) had formed part of the Nadel ; and especially it was w 338 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. to be taken from the parts of the acreage forming the Nadel most distant from the village, or separated from it by the pro- prietor's own land. Manured land was to be cut off from the Nadel only as far as no land not manured could be found for making up the proprietor's legal share. Pasture-land improved by inundation in spring was not to be cut off at all, except with the consent of the peasants, and even then the proportion of such land to the whole acreage must not be altered. If such pasture-land, for instance, had formed the tenth part of the Nadel, and 100 djessatines were to be taken from the Nadel, not more than ten djessatines of such pasture-land must form part of the land to be cut off. Kitchen gardens, and hop and hemp fields, were likewise not to be transferred from the Nadel to the proprietor's share without the consent of the peasants. Where the Nadel was kss than the new legal minimum, the land by which the minimum was to be completed was to be adjacent to the Nadel, and consisting of soil really worth tilling. Only where such soil adjacent to the Nadel was not to be found, or where the proprietor's dwelling was erected and his garden laid out upon it, or where all the adjacent land was manured or inundated, retained before by the proprietor, land ;z^/ adjacent to the Nadel might be taken to make up the minimum. But then, at all events, the land nearest to the village was to be taken for the purpose, and a cattle-path to the village was to be let free, without entering into the account as landed property. It will be seen from this what precautions were taken to prevent the proprietor from mutilating the self-sustaining com- pleteness of peasant husbandry from the beginning. The animus of those who had the paramount influence in framing the details of the measure is clear; they wanted a stable "Mir," or, if the peasants should prefer to dissolve it, a stable peasantry founded on individual property. For the first two years a provisional agreement (by way of experiment) was admissible. During the next six years the proprietor, but not the peasants, had the right of insisting upon a definite settlement, the expenses being borne by the pro- prietor. Minor details, all strictly in keeping with the general spirit of the measure, and whose number and variety is very great, cannot be mentioned here. Great part of them has reference to the different forms of husbandry in use in the different parts of Russia. Others refer to the erection of new Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 339 and the pulling down of old houses. Part of them had merely a transitory character. For the space of nine years after the new regulations had become the law of the land, it was rendered obligatory on the peasantry to keep the land in copyhold against payment of rent. Only this much was allowed, that by free agreement between the proprietor and the peasant, on the proposition of the latter, a reduction of the peasant's share to one-half of the maximum, where this at first had been exceeded, could be effected. But this was then to be the definitive size of the peasant's share. It was further allowed, that if the peasants in common should have purchased, in the way which will be described beneath, a part of the land, transferred to them first as copyhold, before the nine years were elapsed, such part not being less than one-third of the maximum, the peasants should have the right to renounce retaining the copyhold of the remainder. If, finally, the proprietors should resolve to make a present to the peasants of so much land as formed one-fourth of the maximum, and the peasants should agree to accept it, then, too, the peasants might renounce the remainder in copy- hold, even before the obligatory nine years were elapsed. This, in the interest of arriving as quickly as possible at the establishment of a proprietary peasantry holding common or individual property, was rather an ingenious provision, but in form very Russian ! First, the peasants are compelled to remain as copyholders, peasants, for the space of nine years after they had ceased to be serfs. Thus, it was hoped to get them accustomed to peasant hfe under freedom, by means of a little coercion, as the only pardonable and transitory remnant of serfdom, namely, the coercion of continuing to till the soil as copyholders instead of as serfs. If they should feel the burden of the compulsory payment of the copyhold-fee too extensive, an escape is left them by their becoming proprietors of a smaller amount of land. And the proprietor of the estate, too, is stimulated to secure to himself a less curtailed estate, by assisting the peasants in becoming freeholders. Should a decrease of the (male) population of the village take place during the first nine years amounting to at least one-fifth of the whole, and tiot proceeding from peasants emi- grating from the village and disconnecting themselves, with the consent of the other villagers — liable each for all and all for each — from their joint liability, but arising from other causes, then 340 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher, the peasants should Hkewise be entitled to renounce a corre- sponding part of the copyhold enforced upon them. Here the disconnection of single peasants from the joint liability, with the consent of the others, in spite of the com- pulsory nature of the copyhold, demands explaining. The explanation, which consists simply in the condition that the peasant thus liberated must already have become a peasant- proprietor, is furnished by another provision of the law, which follows here. Should, namely, a peasant be the proprietor of at least double of the maximum per head of land, not forming part of the common copyhold, and being situated at no greater distance from the village than 15 versts (10 miles), then he was to be free to renounce to his share in the copyhold, the land which was allotted to him of the common copyhold continuing to form part of it, and he himself continuing a member of the political commune. In such villages where the institution of the Mir was unknown, and the Nadel divided into hereditary lots (in the West, with the Little Russians and Ruthenes), every peasant who should have become the proprietor of land amounting to double the maximum per head, should be en- titled to renounce to his hereditary lot in the copyhold in the same way, the lot becoming copyhold of the others in cotmnon; and also if he had purchased such an amount of land from the proprietor of the estate himself out of the common copyhold land. But in both cases it would be necessary that either the other villagers remaining liable for the whole amount of copy- hold rent, and the proprietor of the estate, too, should consent to let him free, or that the proprietor of the estate should renounce to so much copyhold rent as corresponds to the contribution to it of the peasant desirous to quit, or that the peasant pays down the capitalised value of the rent, calculated at 6 per cent., due by him. It is the hnv, only destined to compel the peasants to remain peasants at least for the space of nine years, which has let him off because he has given other security for his remaining true to his order ; as far dis private \r\- terests are effected, an agreement or payment is still necessary. The anxious efforts of the Government to make a freehold peasantry proceed from the measure of emancipation of the serfs become here again visible. After the lapse of nine years — a time now fast approaching — the copyholders with joint liability still left may renounce to Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 34 1 such part of the copyhold land as any one of its members has renounced before. It will only then become more clearly discernible to what extent henceforward landed property of large size, landed property of small size, and copyhold will enter into the agrarian state of the country. There was one way left for the proprietor of the estate and the peasantry on it agreeing to avail themselves of it — viz., a partition of the land, leaving the whole acreage in the hands of the proprietor, and the houses, kitchen-gardens, and some pasture-land only as copyhold, with option to purchase it, in the hands of the peasants, namely, on an application from both parties to Government to confer upon the village the character of a market-town. It appears that there has been little resort to it, or, perhaps, Government has been tardy in lending assistance. In attempting to prevent as much peasant husbandry as possible from being discontinued, the legislature did not forget the emergency of the peasants temporarily failing to meet their liabilities. It was, of course, necessary, in the case of arrears of rent, to place a corresponding amount of land again at the disposal of the proprietor of the estate. But it was provided that during the first nine years, either the joint copyholders, or, where hereditary lots are the custom, any single member of the community, not being himself in arrears with rent, might step into the dormant copyhold right, after every third year's harvest had taken place. After the lapse of the nine years, the right of the peasants to step into quiescent copyhold titles can be exercised but once, three years after the seizure. If it then be not exercised, the land will return definitively to the proprietor of the estate. The money paid down by peasants resolved to give up their share in the joint copyhold, as capitalisation of their running liability, was ordered to be reserved as guarantee- fund for the combined copyholders discharging their liabilities. But it was made optional with the proprietor of the estate to have the money paid out to himself on his renouncing to the amount ot rent thus capitalised. Now as to the way of fixing the form and amount of the compulsory copyhold fee — by far the most difficult part of the whole preceding. It was assumed — with what right a foreign observer is unable to say — that a sudden and absolute transition in the form of a compulsory rent from the form of labour to the form of money 342 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Faucher. was inadmissible, if it was everywhere to be rendered possible for the villagers to discharge their liabilities. It was deemed to the interest of the preservation of an order of peasants as numerous as possible, to acquiesce not merely in a remnant of coercion in general, but even in a remnant of compulsory labour, the law prescribing in lieu of what amount of money it should stand. In both cases as well where labour was chosen as the form of the rent, as where money was chosen, the maximum of peasants' land on the male head of the village population was made the legal starting-point of the calculation. The rent due for a share coming up to the maximum was laid down, in the form of labour, as amounting to forty days of man's labour and thirty days of woman's labour. Where the actual share did not come up to the maximum, the amount was to be reduced in proportion. Three-fifths of the days were to be summer days, and two-fifths winter days. For each half summer day in addi- tion to the three-fifths, a winter day falls out. The number of working days due by the whole community of copyholders, during either of the two half-yearly periods, is to be divided by the number of weeks ; and the proprietor of the estate cannot claim more working days in the course of a week than fall within a week. The number of working days falling within a single Aveek is to be divided by three, and on no day of the week can he claim more than a third part. He is, however, entitled to add the odd days of both divisions, but never more than one working day per week, and one working day per day. Two working days of a horse are to be considered equal to one working day of a man. The men discharging the labour in- cumbent upon the community are to be taken from among the men between i8 and 55 years, and the woman from among the women between 17 and 50 years. It is permitted to the peasants to fill their place with a hired labourer. It will be seen that care has been taken to keep as close as possible in framing the law to the custom which prevailed in the times of serfdom, of the proprietor leaving three days of the week to his serfs, and claiming the other three for himself. He has still his three days per week, only he has far less labourers to dispose of For, instead of having to claim about one hun- dred and thirty days, he has to claim but forty, and respectively thirty. This, especially, is what has reduced the value of Russian estates after the abolition of serfdom. Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 343 For the rent in money, too, where this form is adopted, does not make up for the working days of the serfs lost by the pro- prietor, being merely the equivalent of the number of working days now forming the rent of a share. The transition from labour-rent to money-rent was made optional with the peasants, with the whole community, or with every single family — in the sense of the re-partition for tilling purposes of the land by the members of the community among themselves, " tjaglo " — only two years after the law had become valid, and they being not in arrear with working days. Four-fifths of the peasants having effected the transition from labour-rent to money-rent, it was made optional with the proprietor of the estate to compel the remaining fifth. The money-rent, to which the traditional name of every tax on the peasantry, signifying very different things in different times, " obrok," was preserved, was fixed on the male head of the population, to which the number of shares corresponds, but without exact proportion to the size of the land-share. The situation of the land in the empire was con- sidered of higher importance, as soon as its value was to be expressed in 7noney, than either the exact size or the quality ot the soil, which, moreover, had been made to compensate each other as much as possible, by the legal maximum of the shares varying with the zones and their districts, and having generally, ccBteris paribus, been made smaller on more fertile soil. And it was certainly correct political economy, as soon as the money value — the value of exchange — of rent was in question, to pay attention to that element in the formation of land-rent which the German Von Thiinen, fifty years ago, has discovered and traced with ability, in the distance of land from the market, the place of exchatige. Consequently it was laid down as law that the '' obrok " was to amount for the maximum share at a dis- tance from St. Petersburg of not more than 25 versts (15 miles) to 12 rubles (i 1st. 18 sh.) on the male head, in the districts of Petersburg, Moscov, Zaroslaw, Wladimir, Nijar-Nowgorod, and close to the banks of the Wolga, to 10 rubles (i 1st. 12 sh.); in a series of other districts to 9 rubles (i 1st. 8 sh.) ; and where the lowest figure was applied, to 8 rubles (i 1st. 5 sh.). However, to a certain extent, the size of the share for which the '•' obrok " is to be' paid was made to enter the calculation, namely, by the following arrangement. In the first zone, one- half of the maximum " obrok " has to be paid for the first djes- satine of the real share, including the space of house and 344 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Falcher. garden; for the second djessatine one-fourth of the maximum "obrok" is to be paid ; and the remaining fourth is to be con- sidered as the equivalent of so much djessatines as the maxi- mum consists of besides the two first djessatines. This leaves but a small part of the "obrok" as representing the rent of such djessatines as the real share may contain less than the maximum, and so much only is taken off from the " obrok." The regulation of the way of calculating the reduction varies a little for the two other zones. The average maximum share being about 12 acres in size^ its rent in the form of labour being set down at seventy work- ing days, made up of male and female, of summer and winter labour, and the average rent in the form of money being i 1st. 8s., it follows that the legislator has estimated the rent of an acre in Russia at 2s. 4^., and the wages of agricultural labour at 5^. a day. Both estimates are far from coinciding with the prices actually obtainable in the open market. Wages almost every- where are much higher, so that it is advantageous to the peasantry to pay the " obrok," instead of working for the pro- prietor. Land is both much dearer and much cheaper. Land under actual tillage by peasants as a rule is dearer ; so that such peasants as pay "obrok" have been gainers of wealth by the measure, beside the amount of freedom they have acquired. There is another " obrok " to be paid by the peasantry for the houses, stables, barns, gardens, improvements on pasture- land, &c., in one word, for the fixed capital, which forms part of the copyhold grant. P'or this purpose four classes of villages were formed. Such as are exclusively devoted to agriculture, and which offer no peculiar advantage to their inhabitants, have to pay i^ rubles on the male head; such as are carrying on branches of industry, particularly market-gardening, culture of hemp and beet-root for sale, &c., have to pay 2^ rubles; such as enjoy evident local advantages, being situated in the neighbourhood of Petersburg or Moscow, &c., have to pay 3^ rubles ; and the fourth class consists of villages whose local advantages are so great — for instance, villages in suburban relation to towns of 20,000 inhabitants and more — that not merely a higher house-obrok but also a higher land-obrok is founded on justice. Here the provincial committee is entrusted with settling the amount of liabilities, a limit being, however, drawn by law. Russia.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 345 The "obrok" is to be paid six months in advance, if the proprietor insists upon it. Otherwise an agreement may be come to, which is then binding upon both parties, Uke the amount of the obrok itself, for the space of twenty years, after the lapse of which a new arrangement may take place. The obrok is collected in the same way as the public taxes, by the elected functionaries of the local self-government. The promise of the Government was to enforce it with all possible rigour. The most important, however, of the main provisions of the Act of 1 86 1 is that which refers to the right of the peasants tO' purchase the copyhold on which they are living. They were compelled to accept the copyhold; but, in compensation, the pro- prietor of the estate is compelled to accept their money, if they are able and willing to buy either each his own share, dissolving the community, or together the whole of the grant, continuing the community. The legal price is 165-fold the amount of the " obrok." They are entitled to purchase the farm-yard alone or together with the land, the "obrok" for the one, as has. been seen, being separated from the "obrok "for the other. This option left to them has been the subject of much con- troversy. The proprietors would have preferred to see the whole village do either the one or the other. Where the com- munity is not dissolved, and not inclined to purchase the land in common, each single peasant may yet assert his right of purchasing his own share, but on condition that he pays one- fifth more than the purchase-money otherwise would amount to. Government has undertaken to assist the peasantry in pur- chasing the land, by advancing, on the security of the " obrok'* collected by their agents, part of the necessary sum, amounting to four-fifths where the whole grant is purchased, and to three- quarters where a part of it of certain size is purchased, in form of bonds of the Imperial Bank, bearing five per cent, interest, or titles to rent, guaranteed by Government, which afterwards are to be taken in exchange for such bonds of the bank. They are to be paid over at once to the proprietor of the estate or to» his creditors. Only such peasants, of course, can receive the benefit of governmental assistance who have already turned the labour-rent into "obrok." But Government, always in the interest of securing the existence of a numerous order of peasants, has placed another condition on their assistance. The purchase-money is only advanced in behalf of such peasants. 346 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE. [Faucher. as consent to purchase the dwelUng-houses and farm-yards loith the land. This also will tend to lessen the number of cases — apprehended by the proprietors — of a part of the peasants in a village purchasing the houses and farm-yards itnth the land, and a part without it. As yet it is impossible to judge of the full practical bearing of this great agrarian reform among one of the most numerous and influential nations of the earth, holding in possession such an immense territory. A considerable number of peasant-pro- prietors, partly individuals, partly communities, have already sprung up. In my opinion the difference between single and common property is greater, and of greater importance, than that between freehold and copyhold. Should the "Mir" prevail, colonisation undoubtedly will be favoured by it, as it was in olden times, and as seems to have been the case thousands of years ago in China, where the most populous nation of the earth has derived its strength in colonisation from similar agrarian institutions. But interior social progress will be weak, as it always has been in Russia, and as it has been in China. And the country will continue to be in danger of despotic political and social institutions. For nations who are in the habit of sacrificing so much of their individuality as to become, in their daily life, the slaves of a majority, are always at but one step's distance from becoming the slaves of a master. Had the ancient Russian villages not been com- munists, they would not have become slaves ; not the law, but their individual weakness, which knew not how to resist the abuse of the law, has cost them their liberty. From the little I have seen ot the Russian peasants, I do not think that the Mir will continue for any length of time to be popular with them. I have a presentiment that the}' will shortly and strongly disavow by their acts that they are what the philosophers who pretend to speak in their name represent them to be. I fancy that I have discovered very great resem- blances between them and the peasantry, of mixed German and Sclavonic blood, in the eastern provinces of my own country — Prussia. If I am right in this, then anything rather than communistic habits and leanings are to be expected from tliem as free men ; and I hope it will be so, in the general interest of civilised humanity. 347 VIIL FARM LAND AND LAND-LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. By C. M. Fisher. Counsdlor-at-Law, United States. INTRODUCTION. This Essay is intended to convey some general idea of the actual distribution of land in the United States ; the proportion of landowners to population ; the laws which relate to land as to facilities of transfer, descent, &c. ; as well as some informa- tion as to the fitness of the Irish emigrant for becoming the owner and cultivator of land. In a country so vast as the United States, there must necessarily be kw individuals whose opportunities for observa- tion can be sufficiently extensive to enable them to speak positively upon all the foregoing points, as relating to the country at large. It will also be seen that in America the enormous amount of lands eminently suited for agriculture must necessarily influence the operation and working of the laws affecting land ; and to the former fact, perhaps, more than to the laws, must be attributed the great prosperity of the country which, to the man of observation, must be apparent in the driving of the ploughshare over wide fields between the two great oceans of this half-continent, and from the inland seas of the north to the tropics ; in establishing, .according to the census of i860, above 2,440,000 farms, and in creating cities rivalling some of the proud capitals of Europe which had been founded a thousand years ago. These, with towns and villages, numbered at the above date 28,000, and contained at that time a fraction less than 5,000,000 of houses ; pointing, in a significant way, to the industry of our population. 348 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE. FFisher. THE LANDS OF THE UNITED STATES. The agricultural area of the United States, by the last census, in i860, embraced 163,110,720 acres of improved land, and 244,101,818 acres of land unimproved. In other words, for every two acres of improved land there were, at the period in question, three acres of land connected therewith not under cultivation ; while the gross aggregate of uncultivated territory, fertile and waste, swells to 1,466,969,862 acres. This fact determines the agriculture of the country. Land is abundant and cheap, while labour is scarce and dear. Even in the older-settled States there is much land that can be purchased at extremely low rates ; and by a recent Act of Congress, known as the Free Homestead Law, every citizen of the United States, or any foreigner who shall declare his intention of becoming a citizen, can have a farm of 160 acres without charge. As good land as any in the world is offered to actual settlers on these easy terms. Under such circumstances it is evident that the high- farming system of agriculture which is practised in some older and more densely-populated countries, where labour is abun- dant and the land mostly under cultivation, cannot, as a general rule, be profitably adopted at present in this new country. It has been said that American agriculture is half a century behind that of Great Britain. In one sense this is perhaps true. Our land is not as thoroughly under-drained, manured, and cultivated as that of England, Scotland, or Belgium ; but we can, and do now, produce a bushel of wheat at much less cost than the most scientific farmer of England can by the best approved method of cultivation, rt'cn if he paid nothing J or the use of his land. The following table exhibits the amount of improved, unimproved, and cash value of farm-lands, the aggregate population, and the number of farmers and farm-labourers in each State, as collected from all the official records of most recent date procurable. The total population is, I believe, now estimated to be upwards of 40,000,000, and at the period when the next census will be taken, 1870, next year, the exi)ectation is that th.e population will be found to number even 42,500,000. TABLE. « "1 Name of State. Amount of t j improved M''^^ . Cash value. Aggregate Number of Number of Farm lands in i860. unimprovea. population. Farmers. Labourers. Acres. Acres. 8 ^Alabama . . 6,385,724 12,718,821 175,824,622 964,201 ... 14,282 Arkansas . . 1.983,313 7.590,393 91,649,773 435,450 48,475 8,350 California . . 2,468,034 6,262,000 48,726,804 379,994 20,836 10,421 Connecticut . 1,830,807 673,457 90,830,005 460,147 30,612 11,489 Delaware . 637,065 367,230 31,426,357 112,216 7,284 4,122 Florida . . „ 654,213 2,266,015 16,435,727 140,424 7.534 1.329 Georgia . . . 8,062,758 18,587,732 157,072,803 1,057,286 67,718 19.567 Illinois . . • 13,096,374 7,815.615 408,944,033 1.711,951 153,646 47.216 Indiana . . . 8,242,183 8,146,109 356,712,175 1,350,428 158,714 40,827 Iowa . . 3,792,792 6,277,115 "9,899.547 674,913 88,628 27,196 Kansas . 405,468 1,372,932 12,258,239 107,206 15,572 3,660 Kentucky . . 7,644,208 ",519,053 291,496,955 1,155,684 "0,937 36,627 Louisiana . . 2,707,108 6,591,468 204,789,662 768,002 14,996 5.483 Maine . . . 2,704,133 3.023,538 78,688,525 628,279 64.843 15.865 Maryland . . 3,002,267 1,833,304 145,973,677 687,049 27,696 12,920 Massachusetts . 2,155,512 1,183,212 123,255,948 1,231,066 45.204 17,430 Michigan . 3,476,296 3,554,538 160,836,495 749,113 88,657 35.884 Minnesota . 556,250 2,155.718 27,505,922 172,023 27,921 Mississippi . . 5,065,755 10,773.929 190,760,367 791,305 46,308 7.972 Missouri . . 6,246,871 13,737,939 230,632,126 1,182,012 124,989 39.396 New Hampshire 2,367,034 1,377,591 69,689,761 326,073 35.392 10,152 New Jersey. 1,944,441 1,039,084 180,250,338 672,035 30,325 18,429 New York . . 14,358,403 6,616,555 803,343,593 3,880,735 254.786 115,728 North Carolina 6,517,284 17,245,685 143,301,065 992,622 85,198 19,119 Ohio. . . . 12,625,394 7,846,747 678,132,991 2,339,5" 223,485 76,484 Oregon . . . 896,414 1,164,125 15,200,593 52.465 7,861 1,260 Pennsylvania . 10,463,296 6,548,844 662,050,707 2,906,215 180,613 69, 104 Rhode Island . 335.128 186,096 19,550,553 174,620 6,875 3.510 South Carolina. 4,572,060 11,623,859 139,652,508 703,708 35,137 6,312 Tennessee . 6,795,337 13,873,828 271,358,985 1,109,801 103,835 25.990 Texas . • • 2,650,781 22,693,247 88,101,320 604,215 51.569 6,537 Vermont . . 2,823,157 1,451,257 94,289,045 315.098 38,967 14,022 Virginia 11,437,822 19,679,215 371,761,661 1,596,318 108,958 30,51s Wisconsin . . 3.746,167 4,147,420 131,117,164 775.881 93.859 31,472 Colorado | Territory . \ ... 34,277 195 ... Dakota "^ Territory . ) 2,115 24,333 96,445 4,837 495 ... Nebraska ) Territory . ) 118,789 512,425 3,878,326 28,841 3,982 455 Nevada ") Territory . i 14.132 41,986 302,340 6,857 140 74 New Mexico " Territory . ; 149,274 1,265,635 2,707,386 93.516 5,922 5,461 Utah Territory Washington "^ Territory . ) 77,219 12,692 1,333,355 40,273 3,832 670 81,869 284,287 2,217,842 ".594 1,653 257 District of \ Columbia . S 17,474 16,789 2,989,267 75,080 246 89 350 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. The laws of the United States and the various States of the United States do not differ very materially as to the method of conveying real estate. Many of the States have by special legislation defined certain words, so as to simplify the mode or form of making deeds of conveyance, and perhaps it will not be out of place to recite at length the usual form of such a deed. "This Deed, made the day of^ , in the year , Between (here insert the names of the parties) Witnesseth : that in consideration of (here state the consideration) the said_ doth (or do) grant unto the said All &c. (here describe the property, and insert covenants or any other provisions). " Witness the folIo%\'ing signature and seal (or signatures and seals)." ^ By the same legislation it is provided as follows : — Every such deed, conveying lands, shall, unless an exception be made therein, be construed to include all the estate, right, title, or interest whatever, both at law and in equity, of the grantor in or to such lands. Whenever, in any deed, there shall be used the words, "The said grantor (or the said ) releases to the said grantee (or the said ) All his claims upon the said lands," such deed shall be construed as if it set forth that the grantor hath remised, released, and for ever quit claimed, and by these presents doth remise, release, and for ever quit claim unto the grantee, his heirs and assigns, all right, title, and interest whatsoever, both at law and in equity, in or to the lands and premises granted, or intended so to be, so that neither he nor his personal representative, his heirs or assigns, shall at any time hereafter have, claim, challenge, or demand the said lands and premises, or any part thereof, in any manner whatever. A Deed of Lease may be made in the following form, or to the same effect : — "This Deed, made the ^day of in the year Between (here insert the names of parties) Witnesseth : that the said doth demise unto the said his personal representatives and assigns, AH &c. (here describe the property) from the day of for the term of thence ensuing, yielding therefor during the said term the rent of (here state the rent and mode of payment). " Witness the following signature and seal." When a deed uses the words, "the said covenants," such America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 35 1 covenant shall have the same effect as if it was expressed to be by the covenanter, for himself, his heirs, personal representa- tives, and assigns, and shall be deemed to be with the covenantee, his heirs, personal representatives, and assigns. A covenant by the grantor in a deed, " that he will warrant generally the property hereby conveyed," shall have the same effect as if the grantor had covenanted that he, his heirs, and personal representatives will for ever warrant and defend the said property unto the grantee, his heirs, personal representa- tives, and assigns, against the claims and demands of all persons whomsoever. A covenant by any such grantor, " that he will warrant specially the pronerty hereby conveyed," shall have the same effect as if the grantor had covenanted that he, his heirs, and personal representatives will for ever warrant and defend the said property unto the grantee, his heirs, personal representa- tives, and assigns, against the claims and demands of the grantor, and all persons claiming or to claim by, through, or under him. The words " with general warranty," in the granting part of any deed, shall be deemed to be a covenant by the grantor " that he will warrant generally the property hereby conveyed." The words " with special warranty," in the granting part of any deed, shall be deemed to be a covenant by the grantor " that he will warrant specially the property hereby conveyed." A covenant by the grantor in a deed for land " that he has the right to convey the said land to the grantee," shall have the same effect as if the grantor had covenanted that he had good right, full power, and absolute authority to convey the said land, with all the buildings thereon and the privileges and appurtenances thereto belonging, unto the grantee, in the manner in which the same is conveyed, or intended so to be by the deed, and according to its true intent. A covenant by any such grantor " that the grantee shall have quiet possession of the said land," shall have as much effect as if he covenanted that the grantee, his heirs, and assigns might, at any and all times thereafter, peaceably and quietly enter upon and have, hold and enjoy the land con- veyed by the deed, or intended so to be, with all the buildings thereon, and the privileges and appurtenances thereto belong- ing, and receive and take the rents and profits thereof, to and for his and their use and benefit, without any eviction, intemip- 352 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. tion, suit, claim, or demand whatever. If to such covenant there be added "free from all incumbrances," these words shall have as much effect as the words, "and that freely and absolutely acquitted, exonerated, and for ever discharged, or otherwise by the said grantor or his heirs, saved harmless and indemnified, of, from, and against any and every charge and incumbrance whatever." A covenant by any such grantor " that he will execute such further assurances of the said lands as may be requisite," shall have the same eftect as if he covenanted that he, the said grantor, his heirs, or personal representatives, will at any time, upon any reasonable request, at the charge of the grantee, his heirs, or assigns, do, execute, or cause to be done or executed, all such further acts, deeds, and things for the better, more perfectly, and absolutely conveying and assuring the said lands and premises hereby conveyed, or intended so to be, unto the grantee, his heirs, and assigns as his or their counsel, shall be reasonably devised, advised, or required. A covenant by any such grantor " that he has done no act to incumber the said lands," shall have the same effect as if he covenanted that he had not done or executed, or knowingly suffered any act, deed, or thing whereby the lands and premises conveyed, or intended so to be, or any part thereof, are, or will be charged, affected, or incumbered in title, estate, or otherwise. In a Deed of Lease, a covenant by the lessee " to pay the rent," shall have the effect of a covenant that the rent reserved by the deed shall be paid to the lessor, or those entitled under him, in the manner therein mentioned : and a covenant by him "to pay the taxes," shall have the effect of a covenant that all taxes, levies, and assessments upon the demised premises, or upon the lessor on account thereof, shall be paid by the lessee, or those claiming under him. In a Deed of Lease, a covenant by the lessee that " he will not assign without leave," shall have the same effect as a covenant that the lessee will not, during the term, assign, transfer, or set over the premises, or any part thereof, to any person, without the consent in writing of the lessor, his repre- sentatives, or assigns : and a covenant by him that " he will leave the premises in good repair," shall have the same effect as a covenant that the demised premises will, at the expira- tion, or other sooner determination of the term, be peaceably Amfkica.] in various COUNTRIES. 353 surrendered and yielded up unto the lessor, his representatives, or assigns, in good and substantial repair and condition, reason- able wear and tear excepted. No covenant or promise by a lessee that he will leave the premises in good repair, shall have the effect if the buildings are destroyed by fire or otherwise, without fault or negligence on his j)art, or of binding him to erect such buildings again, unless there be other words, showing it to be the intent of the parties that he should be so bound. A covenant by a lessor " for the lessee's quiet enjoyment of his term," shall have the same effect as a covenant that the lessee, his personal representatives, and lawful assigns paying the rent reserved, and performing his or their covenants, shall peaceably possess and enjoy the demised premises for the term granted, without any interruption or disturbance from any person whatever. And if in a Deed of Lease it be provided that " the lessor may re-enter for default of days in the payment of rent, or for the breach of covenants," it shall have the effect of an agreement that if the rent reserved, or any part thereof, be un- paid for such number of days after the day on which it ought to have been paid, or if any of the other covenants on the part of the lessee, his personal representative, or assigns, be broken, then, in either of such cases, the lessor, or those entitled in his place at any time afterwards, into and upon the demised l)remises, or any part thereof, in the name of the whole, may re-enter, and the same again have, repossess, and enjoy, as of his or their former estate. All deeds are valid between the parties, whether recorded or not, but void as to creditors and other purchasers, unless re- corded in the town, county, or district in which the land intended to be conveyed may be situated. The records touching a lot or parcel of land, exhibited by the books of the registry office where situated, and of which authenticated certificates are readily procurable for a small fee, are always held to be good evidence of ownership, even in tlie absence of the Deeds of Conveyance themselves. The ordinary fee charged for preparing simple leases or deeds is from one to two dollars (say from 4s. to 8s.), and fifty cents (or 2s.) for recording a deed. The laws governing the distribution of land belonging to the estates of intestates are not exactly the same in each State, X 354 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fjsher. yet, upon examination of the laws of the various States, it will be found that there is but slight difference, and the distribution or division of such estates is made between and among the children, both male and female, in equal proportions, and the representatives of a deceased child — such representatives of a deceased child taking only such portion as the parent would have taken if living. And when the estate is inconsiderable, or when it cannot be divided without great injury, that is to say, when partition would materially lessen its value, the Court having jurisdiction may decree the whole or any part of the land to one of the heirs, who would be called upon to pay such sum of money to the others as Commissioners appointed by the Court should deem to be just and fair. When it is con- sidered advisable that the land be so decreed to any one of the heirs, the eldest male is to be preferred to the others, and the males to the females. I believe this to be a wise discretion, which is possessed by the various Probate Courts ; and it is generally a matter of agreement among all interested in the estate — which of the heirs shall take the land, and how much money the heir so taking shall pay to the others for their shares. The widow, if any, is entitled to the use of one-third of all the real estate during her lifetime, which may be set out or apportioned to her by Commissioners whom the Court ap- point for that purpose. She is also entitled to such proportion of the personal estate as the Court may assign to her, for her own absolute use ; and this assignment is not to be less than one-third of the value of all that may remain, after the jDayment of the debts of the intestate. This method of distributing estates tends to prevent large holdings, as at the death of any large holder his estate would, in almost all instances, be divided amongst those who might come after him ; and, in cases of small farms, by the provisions of the law already referred to, injurious subdivisions are avoided. Again, although all the children of a landholder would share in the division of the estate, yet if the old home- stead were insufficient to provide each with a form, those who might receive their share in money would have the wherewitlia! to assist them to acquire new lands in the great West, or in other ways to make homes for themselves. In Virginia, and in other parts of the South, very large grants of land were made before the organisation of the United America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 355 States, and at a time when lands were of inconsiderable \-alue, which grants have been farmed as plantations, and with slave labour. Before the late war, although the children of an intes- tate shared equally in the distribution of such an estate, yet it was customary for some of them, by purchase, to become the owner of the whole estate, or else it was sold in block to any purchaser who might be found, and the proceeds equally divided. With slave labour, such products as cotton, tobacco, rice, &c., could only be grown with advantage upon large plantations ; and the Southern States, with these large holdings, and only slave labour for their cultivation, although more favoured by nature, have, it appears to my mind, not made the rapid pro- gress of the Western and Middle States, with their smaller holdings of land. Since the abolition of slavery and the sub- stitution of free and skilled w^iite labour, I incline to the opinion that smaller holdings will hereafter be found the rule in the South, and in fact I am aware that many large planta- tions have recently been parcelled into several farms with a view to their being worked in accordance with the altered circumstances of the South. Foreigners may buy and hold land in the United States, upon being naturalised (or upon filing, in the office of the clerk of the proper Court, a declaration of intention of becoming naturalised), the same as a native-born citizen ; and in some few States, such as Georgia, Wisconsin, &c., aliens may hold land. Of the emigrant settlers, those from Ireland, in many instances, make good and thrifty farmers, and acquire con- siderable property ; but still a large proportion of the Irish are always to be found among the labouring population. Their qualifications for making good settlers are not so rare as might be generally supposed by an eye-witness of the agricultural per- formances of many small Irish tenant-farmers in their native land. In America, industry and hard work, when directed to the cultivation of land, offer greater rewards than in Ireland; and this fact appears to have a marked effect upon many an Irish emigrant. Again, a description of husbandry which an English well-to-do farmer might consider slovenly, is, perhaps, as well calculated to make profit out of a newly-cleared farm as a more careful system would be ; and so even a comparatively ignorant 356 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. man may, by turning his attention to farming, surely reap a good return, and ultimate independence, provided he devote himself with diligence to the work. And with such examples before him the newly-arrived emigrant is constantly stimulated to exertion in a similar direction. I could point to many instances in the State of Vermont, and in otliers, where a com- paratively ignorant and penniless Irish emigrant had, almost immediately after arrival, arranged for the purchase, on time, of a lot of land ; then worked as a labourer until he had got together a few dollars to purchase implements, seed, and a little food, the latter in the shape of a barrel of flour, some salt pork, tea, &c., forming suflicient for one season, and who had, without any other aid, managed to struggle on until a succes- sion of harvests found him a rich man in comparison with his former condition. The feeling of " becoming one's own land- lord," of " owning the fee-simple of land," is one that has been spoken of, in my hearing, by this class of persons, and appears to me to be calculated to afford, and does afford, great indi- vidual gratification, and must at the same time act as a strong incentive to exertion in the right direction ; and I would say, further, that I believe it to be the first great ambition of every Irish emigrant to become the owner of real estate. Even many who continue to work as labourers for years after their arrival in the country will constantly speak of a time when they hope to have a farm of their own — a hope which, it may be, from the cultivation of habits which debar the accumulation of capital sufficient, or from other causes, they are delayed or prevented from realising ; and then, after time elapses, perhaps, influenced by a feeling of contentment with the present, they may, and, I regret to say, occasionally do, augment that no inconsiderable class called " loafers, " who live a hand-to-mouth sort of existence. In the Eastern and Middle States the farms are not large. The average I believe to consist of from fifty to two hundred acres of land, and many of even less extent. Land in most States is valued by properly -appointed assessors once in five years, for the purposes of taxation ; and before the late war the tax upon land was light, being raised for local and school purposes only. Even now I believe it is not more than one per cent, upon the appraised value of land. The following extracts from the statutes of some of the various States, in regard to descent and distribution of land, America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 357 may be taken as a sample of the statutes of the others upon the same subjects. Extract from General Laws, United States. Ordinance of Cous^resr {si/iins^ under the Ai-ticles of Confederatioti) for the Gji'crnment of the Territory of the United States north-west of the River Ohio, passed 13 July, 1787. 1. Be it ordained by tlie United States in Congress assembled, That, &c. 2. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That the estates both of resident and non-resident proprietors in the said territory, dying intestate, shall descend to, and be distributed among their children, and the descendants of a deceased child in equal parts, the descendants of a deceased child or gi-andchild to take the share of their deceased parent in equal parts among them ; and where there shall be no children or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin, in equal degree ; and among collaterals, the children of a deceased brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts among them, their deceased parent's share ; and there shall in no case be a distinction between kindred of the whole and half blood ; saving in all cases to the widow of the intestate her third j^art of the real estate for life. State of Massachusetts. Extract from Lazvs relating to Descent and Distribution of Real Estate. Chap. 91. Section i. — When a person dies seised of land, tenements, or heredita- ments, or of any right thereto, or entitled to any interest therein, in fee simple or for the life of another, not having lawfully devised the same, they shall descend, subject to his debts (except as provided in chapter one hundred and four), in manner follo\\'ing : First. — In equal shares to his children and the issue of any deceased child by right of representation ; and if there is no child of the intestate living at his death, then to all his other lineal descendants ; if all the descendants are in the same degree of kindred to the intestate, they shall share the estate equally ; otherwise they shall take according to the right of representation. Second. — If he leaves no issue, then to his father. Third. — If he leaves no issue nor father, then in equal shares to his mother, brothers, and sisters, and to the children of any deceased brother or sister by right of representation. Fourth. — If he leaves no issue, nor father, and no brother nor sister, living at his death, then to his mother to the exclusion of the issue, if any, of deceased brothers or sisters. Fifch. — If he leaves no issue, and no father, mother, brother, nor sister, then to his next of kin in equal degree ; except that when there are two or more collateral kindred in equal degree, but claiming through different ancestors, those who claim through the nearest ancestors shall be prelerred to those claiming through an ancestor who is more remote. 358 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. Provided, Sixth. — If a person dies leaving several children, or leaving one child and the issue of one or more others, and any such surviving child dies under age and not having been married, all the estate that came to the deceased child by inheritance from such deceased parent shall descend in equal shares to the other children of the same parent, and to the issue of any such other children who have died, by right of representation. Seventh. — If at the death of such child who shall have died under age and not having been married, all the other children of his said parent are niso dead, and any of them have left issue, the estate that came to such child by inheritance from his said parent shall descend to all the issue of the other children of the same parent ; and if all the issue are in the same degree of kindred to the child, they shall share the estate equally ; other- wise they shall take according to the right of representation. Eighth. — If the intestate leaves a widow and no kindred, his estate shall descend to his widow ; and if the intestate is a married woman and leaves no kindred, her estate shall descend to her husband. Ninth. — If the intestate leaves no kindred, and no widow or husband, his or her estate shall escheat to the Commonwealth. Section 2. — An illegitimate child shall be heir of his mother and any maternal ancestor, and the lawful issue of an illegitimate person shall represent such person and take by descent any estate which the parent would have taken if living. Section 3. — If an illegitimate child dies intestate, without lawful issue, his estate shall descend to his mother. Section 4. — An illegitimate child whose parents have intermarried, and whose father has acknowledged him as his child, shall be considered legitimate. Section 5. — The degrees of kindred shall be computed according to the rules of the civil law ; and the kindred of the half blood shall inherit equally -with those of the whole blood in the same degree. Section 6. — Any estate, real or personal, given by the intestate in his lifetime as an advancement to any child or other lineal descendant, shall be considered as part of the intestate's estate, so far as it regards the division and distribution thereof among his issue, and shall be taken by such child or other descendant towards his share of the intestate's estate ; but he sliall not be required to refund any part thereof, although it exceeds his share. Section 7. — If such advancement is made in real estate, the value thereof .shall be considered as part of the real estate to be divided ; if it is in personal estate it shall be considered as part of the personal estate ; and if in either case it exceeds the share of real or personal estate respectively that would have come to the heir so advanced, die shall not refund any part of it, but shall receive so much less out of the other part of the estate as will make his whole share equal to those of the other heirs who are in the same degree with him. Section S. — Ail gifts and grants shall be deemed to have been made in advancement, if they are expressed in the gift or grant to be so made, or if charged in writing ])y the intestate as an advancement, or acknow- leged in writing as such by the child or other descendant. Section 9. — -If the value of the estate so advanced is expressed in the conveyance, or in the charge thereof made by the iutestate, or in the America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 359 acknowledgment by the party receiving it, it shall be considered as of that value in the division and distribution of the estate ; otherwise it shall be estimated according to its value when given. Section lo. — If a child or other lineal descendant so advanced dies before the intestate, leaving issue, the advancement shall be taken into consideration in the division and distribution of the estate ; and the amount thereof shall be allowed accordingly by the representatives of the heir so advanced, as so mucli received towards their share of the estate, in like manner as if the advancement had been made directly to them. Section li. — Nothing contained in this Chapter shall affect the title of a husband as tenant by the courtesy, nor that of a widow as tenant in dower, nor her right to any j^art of the real estate of her husband given to her by law in lieu of dower. Section 12. — Inheritance or succession, "by right of representation," takes place when the descendants of a deceased heir take the same share or right in the estate of another person that their parent would have taken if living. Posthumous children are considered as living at the death of their parent. Massachusetts. Homestead Law. — Chap. 104. Section I. — Every householder having a family shall be entitled to an estate of homestead, to the extent in value of eight hundred dollars, in the farm or lot of land and buildings thereon owned, or rightly possessed by lease, or otherwise, and occupied by him as a residence ; and such home- stead and all right and title therein shall be exempt from attachment, levy, or execution, sale for the payment of his debts, or other purposes, and from the law of conveyance, descent, and devise, except as hereinafter provided. Section 2. — To constitute such estate of homestead and to entitle property to such exemption, it shall be set forth in the deed of conveyance by which the property is acquired, that it is designed to be held as a home- stead ; or after the title has been acquired, such design shall be declared by writing, duly signed, sealed, acknowledged, and recorded, in the registry of deeds for the county or district where the property is situated. But the acquisition of a new estate of homestead in either of said modes, shall operate to defeat and discharge any estate or right of homestead previously existing. Pen.\sylvani.\. Law regulating Descent and Distribution of Real Estate. The real and personal estate of a decedent, whether male or female, remaining after payment of all just debts and legal charges, which shall not have been sold or disposed of, by will, or otlierwise limited by marriage settlement, shall be divided and enjoyed as follows, viz. : — Where such intestate shall leave a widow and issue, llie widow shall be entitled to one-third of the real estate for the term of her life, and to one- third of the personal estate absolutely. 360 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. Where such mtestate shall leave a widow and collateral heirs, or other kindred, but no issue, the widow shall be entitled to one-half part of the real estate, including the mansion-house and buildings appurtenant thereto, for the term of her life, and to one-half part of the personal estate absolutely. Where such intestate shall leave a husband, he shall take the whole personal estate, and the real estate shall descend and pass as hereinafter provided, saving to the husband his right as tenant by the courtesy which shall take place, although there be no issue of the marriage, in all cases where the issue, if any, would have inherited. The real estate of such married woman, upon her decease, shall be distributed as provided for by the intestate laws of this commonwealth now in force. . . . Subject to the estates and interests hereinbefore given to the widow or surviving husband, if any, the real estate of such intestate shall descend to and be distributed among his issue, according to the following rules and order of succession, viz. : — If such intestate shall leave children, but no other descendant, being the issue of a deceased child, the estate shall descend to^ and be distributed among, such children. If such intestate shall leave grandchildren, but no child or other descendant being the issue of a deceased grandchild, the estate shall descend to, and be distributed among, such grandchildren. If such intestate shall leave descendants in any other degree of con- sanguinity to him, the estate shall descend to, and be distributed among, such descendants. If such intestate shall leave descendants in different degrees of con- sanguinity to him, the more remote of them being the issue of a deceased child, grandchild, or other descendants, the estate shall descend to and be distributed among them as follows, viz. : — Each of the children of such intestate shall receive such share as such child would have received, if all the children of the intestate who shall then be dead, leaving issue, had been living at the death of the intestate. Each of the grandchildren, if there shall be no children, in like manner shall receive such share as he or she would have received if all the other grandchildren who shall then be dead, leaving issue, had been living at the death of the intestate, and so on in like manner to the remotest degree. In every such case, the issue of such deceased child, grandchild, or other descendant, shall take, by representation of their parents, respec- tively, such share only as would have descended to such parent, if they had been living at the death of the intestate. It is the true intent and meaning of this Act, that the heir at common law shall not take in any case, to the exclusion of other heirs and kindred standing in the same degree of consanguinity with him to the intestate ; and it is hereby declared, that in every case whicli may arise, not expressly provided for by this Act, tlie real as well as the personal estate of an intestate shall pass to and be enjoyed by the next of kin of such intestate, without regard to his ancestor, or other relation, from whom such estate may have come. America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 361 Wisconsin. Laiu relating to Descent of Real Estate. — Chap. 92. Section i. — When any person shall die, seised of any lands, tene- ments, or hereditaments, or of any right thereto, or entitled to any interest therein, in fee-simple or for the life of another, not havinj^ lawfully devised the same, they shall descend, subject to his debts, in manner following : — 1. In equal shares to his children, and to the lawful issue of any deceased child by right of representation ; and if there be no child of the intestate living at his death, his estate shall descend to all his other lineal descend- ants ; and if all the said descendants are in the same degree of kindred to the intestate, they shall share the estate equally, otherwise they shall take according to the right of representation. 2. If he shall leave no issue, his estate shall descend to his widow during her natural lifetime, and after her decease to his father ; and if he shall leave no issue or widow, his estate shall descend to his father. 3. If he shall leave no issue nor father, his estate shall descend to his widow during her natural life, and after her decease in equal shares to his brothers and sisters, and to the children of any deceased brother or sister, by right of representation : provided, that if he shall leave a mother, she shall take an equal share with his brothers and sisters. 4. If he shall leave no issue, nor widow, nor father, his estate shall descend in equal shares to his brothers and sisters, and to the children of any deceased brother or sister, by right of representation : provided, that if he shall leave a mother also, she shall take an equal share with his brothers and sisters. 5. If the intestate shall leave no issue, nor widow, nor father, and no brother nor sister, living at his death, his estate shall descend to his mother, to the exclusion of the issue, if any, of deceased brothers or sisters. 6. If the intestate shall leave no issue, nor widow, and no father, mother, brother, nor sister, his estate shall descend to his next of kin in equal degree, excepting when there are two or more collateral kindred in equal degree, but claiming through different ancestors, those who claim through the nearest ancestor shall be preferred to those claiming through an ancestor more remote : provided, however : — 7. If any person shall die, leaving several children, or leaving one child, and the issue of one or more other children, and any such surviving child shall die under age, and not having been married, all the estate that came to the deceased child by inheritance from such deceased parent shall descend in equal shares to the other children of the same parent, and to the issue of any such other children who shall have died, by right of representation. 8. If, at the death of such child who shall die under age, and not having been married, all the other children of his said parent shall also be dead, and any of them shall have left issue, the estate that came to said child by inheritance, from his said parent, shall descend to all the issue of other children of the same parent, and if all the said issue are in the same degi-ee of kindred to said child, they shall share the said estate equally ; otherwise, they shall take according to the right of representation. 9. If the intestate shall leave a widow, and no kindred, his estate shall descend to such widow. 362 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. State of Illinois. Extract of Law relating to Descent of Estates. Section 46. — Estates, both real and personal, of resident or non-resi- dent proprietors in this State, dying intestate, or whose estates, or any part thereof, shall be deemed and taken as intestate estate, and after all just debts and claims against such estates shall be paid as aforesaid, shall descend to, and be distributed to his or her children, and their descendants in equal parts ; the descendants of a deceased child or grandchild taking the share of their deceased parent in equal parts among them ; and when there shall be no children of the intestate, nor descendants of such children, and no widow, then to the parents, brothers, and sisters of the deceased person and their descendants in equal parts among them ; allowing to each of the parents, if living, a child's part, or to the survivor of them, if one be dead, a double portion ; and if there be no parent living, then to the brothers and sisters of the intestate and their descendants. Vv'hen there shall be a widow and no child or children or descendants of a child or children of the intestate, then, the one-half of the real estate, and the whole of the personal estate shall go to such widow, as her exclusive estate for ever ; subject to her absolute disposition and control to be governed in all respects by the same rules and regulations as are or may be provided in cases of estates of femes sole ; if there be no children of the intestate or descendants of such children, and no parents, brothers, or sisters, or descendants of brothers and sisters, and no widow, then such estate shall descend in equal parts to the next of kin to the intestate, in equal degree, computing by the rules of the civil law ; and there shall be no representa- tion among collaterals, except with the descendants of the brothers and sisters of the intestate ; and in no case shall there be a distinction between the kindred of the whole and the half blood, saving to the widow, in all cases, her dower, as provided by law. Section 47. — ^Yhen any feme covert shall die intestate, leaving no child or children, or descendants of a child or children, then the one-half of the real estate of the decedent shall descend and go to her husband, as his exclusive estate for ever. Section 51. — Where any of the children of a person dying intestate, or their issue, shall have received from such intestate in his or her lifetime, any real or personal estate, by way of advancement, and shall desire to come into the partition or distribution of such estate with the other parceners or distributees, such advancement, both of real and personal estate, shall be brought into hotchpot with the whole estate, real and personal, of such in- testate ; and every j)crson so returning such advancement as aforesaid, shall, thereupon, be entitled to his or her just proportion of said estate. Section 52. — If any man shall have one or more children by any woman whom he shall afterward marry, such child or children, if acknow- ledged by the man, shall, in virtue of such marriage and acknowledgment, be thereby legitimated, and capable in law to inherit and transmit in- heritance as if burn in wedlock. Section 53. — If any single or unmarried woman, having estate, either real or personal, in her own right, shall hereinafter die leaving one or more children, deemed in law illegitimate, such child or children shall not on that account be disinherited ; Init they and each of them, and their descendants, shall be deemed able and capable in law to take and inherit the estate of America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 363 their deceased mother, in equal parts among them, to the exclusion of all other persons : provided, that if there shall be no such child or children, or their descendants, then and in such case the estate of the intestate shall be governed by the rules of descent, as in other cases where illegitimates are excluded. Section 54. — In all cases where any person shall die intestate, leaving real or personal estate in this State, and a child or children, commonly called posthumous children, shall be born unto him after his decease, within the usual time prescribed by law, such child or children shall come in for their just proportion of said estate, in all respects as though he, she, or they had been bom in the lifetime of the intestate. Section 128. — Where any heir of an intestate has received money, goods, chattels, or real estate from such intestate, if the amount so received shall be charged to such heir by said intestate, the same shall be taken into com- putation in making distribution of the estate upon being brought into hotchpot as aforesaid : provided, that an heir who has received from the intestate more than his share shall in no case be required to refund. State of Kansas. — Chapter So. Extract of Law relating to Descents and Distribution. Section 5. — One-half in value of all the real estate in which the husband at any time during the marriage had a legal or equitable interest, wliich has not been sold on execution or other judicial sale, or to which the wife has made no relinquishment of her rights, or which may not be necessary for the payment of the debts of the deceased husband, shall, under the direction of the Court, be set apart by the executor as her pro- perty in fee-simple, upon the death of the husband, if she survives him. Continuous cohabitation as husband and wife, is presumptive evidence of marriage for the purpose of giving the right aforesaid. Section 6. — Such share shall be so set off as to include the ordinary dwelling-house, and the land given by law to the husband as a homestead, or so much thereof as will be equal to tlie share allotted to her by the last section, unless she prefers a different arrangement. But no different arrangement shall be permitted where it would have the effect of pre- judicing the rights of creditors. Section 7. — The share thus allotted to her may be set of? by the mutual consent of all the parties interested, when such consent can be obtained, or it may be set off by referees appointed by the Court. Section 8. — The application for such admeasurement by referees may be made at any time after twenty days and within ten years after the death of the husband, and must specify the jjarticular tracts of land in which she claims her portion, and ask the appointment of referees. Section 9. — The Court shall fix the time for making the appointment and direct such notice thereof to be given to all the parties interested therein as it deems proper. Section 10. — The referees may employ a surveyor, if necessary, and they must cause the widow's share to be marked off by metes and bounds, and make a full report of their proceedings to the Court as early as practicable. 364 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE [Fisher. Section 11. — The Court may require a report by such a time as it deems reasonable ; and if the referees fail to obey this, or any other order of the Court, it may discharge them, and appoint others in their stead, and may impose on them the payment of all costs previously made, unless they show good cause to the contrary. Section 12. — The Court may confirm the report of the referees, or it may set it aside, and refer the matter to the same or other referees, at its discretion. Section 13. — -Such confirmation after the lapse of thirty days, unless appealed from according to law, shall be binding and conclusive as to the admeasurement, and she may bring suit to obtain possession of the land thus set apart for lier. Section 14. — Nothing in the last section shall prevent any person in- terested from controverting the general rights of the widow to the portion thus admeasured. Section 15. — The widow's portion cannot be affected by any will of her husbraid if she objects thereto, and relinquishes all rights conferred upon her by the Will. Section 16. — Sul)ject to the rights and charges hereinbefore con- templated, the remaining estate of which the decedent died seised, shall, in the absence of other arrangements by Will, descend in equal shares to his children. Section 17. — If anyone of his children be dead, the heirs of such child shall inherit his share, in accordance with the rules herein prescribed, in the same manner as though such child had outlived his parent. Section 18. — If the intestate leaves no issue, the whole of his estate shall go to his wife ; and if he leaves no wife nor issue, the whole shall go to his father. Section 19. — If his father be previously dead, the portion which would have fallen to his share by the above rules shall be disposed of in the same manner as though he had outlived the intestate, and died in the possession and ownership of the portion thus falling to his share, and so on through each ascending ancestor and his issue, unless heirs are sooner found. Section 20. — If heirs are not found in the male line, the portion thus inherited shall go to the mother of the intestate, and to her heirs, following the same rules as above prescribed. Section 21. — If heirs are not thus found, the portion uninherited shall go to the wife of the intestate, or to her heirs, if dead, according to lii^e rules ; and if he has had more than one wife, who either died or survived in lawful wedlock, it shall he equally divided between the one who is living and the heirs of those who are dead, or between the heirs of all if all are dead, such heirs taking by right of representation. Section 22. — Jf, still, there be property remaining uninlieritcd, it shall escheat to the territory. Secti'jn 23. — Illegitimate children inherit from the mother, and the mother from tiie children. Section 24. —They also inherit from the father whenever they have been recognised by him as his children ; but such recognition must have been general and notorious, or else in writing. Section 25. — Under such circumstances, if the recognition of relation- ship has been mutual, the father may inherit from his illegitimate cliild. Section 26. — But in thus inheriting from an illegitimate child, the rule America.] IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 365 above established must be inverted so that the mother and lier heirs fake preference of the father and his heirs, the father having the same riglit of inheritance in regard to an illegitimate child that the mother has in regard to one that is legitimate. Section 27. — -Property given by an intestate, by way of advancement to an heir, sliall be considered part of the estate, so far as regards the division and distribution thereof, and shall be taken by such heir towards his share of the estate, at wliat it would now be worth if in the condition in which it was so given to liim. Section 28. — -But if such advancement exceeds the amount to which he would be entitled, he cannot be required to refund any portion thereof. Section 29. — All the provisions hereinbefore made, in relation to the widow of a deceased husband, shall be applicable to the husband of a deceased wife. Each is entitled to the same rights or portion in the estate of tlie other, and Mce interests shall in the same manner descend to their respective heirs. The estate of dower and by courtesy are hereby abolished. Section 30. — Children of the half-blood shall inherit equally A\-ith children of the whole blood. Children of a deceased parent inherit in e(|ual proportions the portion their fatlier or mother would have inherited, if living. State of Georgia. — Chap. 3. Article i. Extract of Laws rdating to Inheritable Property end the relative rights 0/ the Heirs and Administrator. 2451. Upon the death of the owner of any estate, in realty or negroes, which estate survives him, the title vests immediately in his heirs-at-law. The title to all other proj^erty owned ])y him vests in the administrator of his estate for the benefit of the heirs and creditors. 2452. The following rules shall determine who are the heirs-at-law of a deceased person : — 1. The husband is sole heir of his intestate wife. 2. If the intestate dies without children, or the descendants of children, leaving a wife, the wife is his sole heir. 3. If there are children, or those representing deceased children, the wife shall have a third part, unless the shares exceed five in number, in which case the wife shall have one-fifth part of the estate. If the wife elects to take her dower, she has no farther interest in the realty. 4. Children stand in tjie first degree from the intestate, and inherit equally all property of every description, accounting for advancements, as hereinafter explained. Posthumous children stand upon the same footing with children in being upon all questions of inheritance. The lineal descendants of children stand in the place of their deceased parents ; and in all cases of inheritance from a lineal ancestor, the distribution is per stirpes and not per capita. 5. Brothers and sisters of the intestate stand in the second degree, and inherit, if there is no widow, or child, or representative of child. Tlie half- blood on the paternal side inherit equally with the whole blood. If there is no brother or sister of the whole or half-blood on the paternal side, then those of the half-blood on the maternal side shall inherit. The children or 366 SYSTEMS OF LAND TENURE. [Fisher. grandchildren of brothers and sisters deceased shall represent and stand in the place of their deceased parents, but there shall be no representation farther than this among collaterals. 6. The father, if living, inherits equally with brothers and sisters, and stands in the same degree. If there be no father, and the mother is alive, and a widow, she shall inherit in the same manner as the father would. If the mother is not a widow, she shall not be entitled to any portion of such estate, unless it shall be that of the only or last surviving child of the mother, in which event she shall take as if married. 7. In all degrees more remote than the foregoing, the paternal and maternal next of kin shall stand on an equal footing. 8. First cousins stand next in degree ; uncles and aunts inherit equally with cousins. 9. The more remote degrees shall be determined by the rules of the canon law, as adopted and enforced in the English courts prior to the fourth day of July, a.d. 1776. 2453. ^Vhenever any feme covert, having a child or children by a former marriage, is, or becomes, entitled to property, by inheritance, at any time, or devise, antecedent in date to her last marriage, and not in trust, the possession of which is not obtained prior to such marriage, such property shall not belong to the husband of such feme covert, but shall be equally divided between all the children of such feme covert, living at the time when possession is obtained, and such feme covert. The portions of such feme covert, and her children by her last husband, shall alone be subject to be reduced to possession by, and the title vest in, such husband. 3^7 IX. THE LAW AND CUSTOM OF PRIMOGENITURE. By the Hon. George C. Brodrick. The right of Primogeniture, the most distinctive feature of the Enghsh family system, is partly the creation of law, and partly the growth of custom. It is the growth of custom, so far as it has its origin in the voluntary action of feudal lords in making grants of land to be held by knight-service, and so far as it now depends on the preference given by parents to eldest sons in wills and settlements of property. It is the creation of law, so far as it is the fixed rule of succession to landed estates in case of intestacy ; and so far, moreover, as the custom which prevails in Avills and settlements has been determined or favoured by the law. The practice of entailing, which is often associated or confounded with the right of Primogeniture, is theoretically quite independent of that right, since it would be as easy and as consistent with legal principles to entail an estate upon the youngest son as to entail it upon the eldest son. Again, the power of settling is theoretically altogether distinct from the power of entaihng, since it extends to per- sonalty as well as to land, and might be employed to keep land tied up, though entails should be abolished by law. Practically, however, settlements are the medium through which the entailing power is exercised, and form a powerful bulwark of Primogeniture, inasmuch as they enable successive heads of families, owing to it their own position, to secure its main- tenance far into the lifetime of an unborn generation. I. The so-called law of Primogeniture, applicable to in- heritance of land ab intestate^ is thus stated in " Blackstone's Commentaries": — "That the male issue shall be admitted before the female, and that, when there are two or more males in equal degree, the eldest only shall inherit, but the females altogether." The right of Primogeniture, then, in the descent of land, exclusively belongs to eldest sons, and has no place among daughters. This fact, in itself, has a material bearing 368 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. on its historical origin. The kiminous researches of Sir H. !Maine into ancient law tend strongly to support the opinion of Blackstone and other authorities, that we owe this institution to feudal society, not in the earlier, but in the later stage of its development. " Primogeniture did not belong to the customs which the barbarians practised on their first establishment within the Roman Empire." It was, indeed, directly at variance with the principles of equality which appear to have regulated all the primitive communities whose organisation, but lately revealed to historical students, furnishes the key to so many social problems otherwise insoluble. Even the patriarch, though lord of the family possessions, "held them as trustee for his children and kindred."' The male children were recognised both in German and Hindoo jurisprudence as "co-proprietors with their father, and the endowment of the family could not be parted with, except by the consent of all its members." Still less had the eldest son any advantage over the rest, either in those primeval family groups which held their domains in joint ownership, or under that more advanced system of land tenure, where partitions took place on the death of a parent, according to rules indicated by Tacitus with his usual pregnant brevity : " Ha;redes successoresque sui cuique liberi, et nullum testamentum : si liberi non sunt, proximus gradus in posses- sione, fratres, patrui, avunculi." Sir IT. ]\Iaine, after summing up the evidence on this part of the subject, concludes that "an absolutely ecpal division of assets among the male children at death is the practice most usual with society at the period when family dependency is in the first stages of disintegration." This conclusion, mainly founded on the legal history of Germany and India, is further confirmed by the great cus- tomary of Ireland, known as the Brehon Code, which not only adopts the rule of equal division, but extends the right of inlieiitance to bastard children. It is hardly necessary to state that a like rule, but applying only to legitimate sons, was established by the Anglo-Saxon custom of gavelkind, which .still ])revails, as of common right, over the greater part of Kent, and in a qualified form, governs the descent of copyhold lands in some otlxer parts of the kingdom. The Athenian law of succession, under the Solonian constitution, was tlie same in all essential respects with the Anglo-Saxon. All the sons inherited equally, upon the death of their fiithcr, and the only privilege reserved to the eldest was that of exercising the first choice OF PRIMOGENITURE. 369 in the division. The right of Primogeniture, as Blackstone observes, seems to have been maintained by the Jews alone, among the oldest races whose laws are known to us ; and even the Mosaic law assigned no more than a double portion to the eldest son, while the " birthright " of pre-Mosaic times, as ap- pears from the case of Reuben, might be set aside by the father. It is ecjually certain that Primogeniture is not derived from Roman law — the real fountain head of so many institutions and ideas once supposed to be indigenous. According to Roman law, " when the succession was ab iniestato, and the group (of co-heirs) consisted of the children of the deceased, they each took an equal share of the property ; nor, though males had at one time some advantages over females, is there the slightest trace of Primogeniture." Intestacy, it is true, was rare among the Romans ; but Sir H. Maine has given cogent reasons for believing that Roman wills, so far from being made for the purpose of accumulating property upon one representative of the family, were usually made for the contrary purpose of dividing the inheritance more equitably among all the children, and defeating the rule which excluded sons already emancipated from succession ab ijitcstaio. We may assume, then, with as much confidence as is possible in inquiries of this nature, that Primogeniture is essen- tially a feudal institution. It cannot be traced back to an age preceding feudalism ; it was fully established in those countries, and those only, which are known to have adopted the feudal system, and it has been abandoned, for the most part, by those countries which have undergone a complete de-feudalising pro- cess. Moreover, though we are unable to specify the exact mode whereby this innovation was accomplished in the Dark Ages, we are able to account for it completely by the peculiar circumstances of that warlike and chaotic period. '' While land," says Adam Smith, "is considered as the means only of subsistence and enjoyment, the natural law of succession divides it, like them, among all the children of the family ; . . . . but when land was considered as the means, not of subsistence merely, but of power and protection, it was thought better that it should descend undivided to one." Such is the true historical explanation, as it is also the sound economical explanation, of the rise of Primogeniture. In ancient Rome, no less than in ancient Athens, the State was everything and the individual nothing ; public rights dwarfed y 370 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodsick. and overshadowed private rights ; and family pride, intense as it was, could not indulge the passion of territorial aggrandise- ment, lest it should encounter the fierce jealousy of the re- publican spirit. In communities of the Oriental and old German type, different causes produced the same effect ; land was regarded as " a means of subsistence " for all the members of a primitive family or village, and the idea of vassals or tenants holding under a lord could scarcely have been con- ceived. Even when the German tribes first conquered the Roman Empire, there is reason to believe that equality was the general principle of division. Each great chief, however, naturally received a larger share, and, being unable to cultivate the whole of it for himself, granted a part to retainers on conditions of military ser\-ice. It is from grants of this kind, and from "honorary feuds" to which titles of nobihty were attached, that Primogeniture, as a rule of succession, is held by most jurists to have directly sprung. The original grantee of a fief, unlike the owners of "allodial" property, was indebted to no family law for his new possession. He derived it solely from the bounty of his chief, whose interest it was that it should always be held by some person capable of serving in war, as well as of discharging the less definite obligations, in lieu of rent, which afterwards became regular legal incidents of tenure in chi\-alry. In most instances the eldest son would be the one most capable, on the father's death, of undertaking his feudal liabilities ; but this was not the only reason why Primogeniture gradually superseded joint ownership and equal division. In those wild and unsettled times, it was as necessaiy for the family as for the lord that it should have one acknowledged head to govern it, one standard round which all its members and dependants could rally, one judgment-seat to which all disputes could be referred. The disorganised state of society compelled a recurrence to something like the patriarchal system of fiimily government ; but whereas that system had developed into the rule of equal inheritance, feudalism, under a different order of conditions, became the parent of Primo- geniture. The eldest son, therefore, was invested with his exceptional privileges under the feudal system, not because he was supposed to have any exceptional rights, but rather because he was sup- posed to be the most eligible for the performance of exceptional duties. He was not, however, invariably preferred ; and we OF PRIMOGENITURE. 371 know that merit had far more to do with inheritance in the first age of feudalism than it has with succession to estates or titles in our own days. The Crown itself was then, in some degree, elective in every feudal monarchy ; and it is more than probable that fiefs, like the chieftainship of Scotch and Irish clans, sometimes descended to younger brothers and sometimes to uncles. When they descended, as they usually did, to eldest sons, they assuredly brought with them far heavier burdens and far more limited rights of proprietorship than we are wont to associate with the position of a landowner. The life of a German baron under the Othos, or of a Norman baron under the Conqueror and his immediate successors, was a life of incessant toil and anxiety, seldom relieved by leisure or enjoy- ment ; and the younger brother who had entered a monastery or turned soldier of fortune had perhaps little cause to envy the lord of several castles, whose revenues, paid in kind, were devoured by hungry and turbulent retainers. It is impossible to fix the precise year, or even the precise reign, in which Primogeniture was substituted for gavelkind in the Common Law of England. Blackstone, who regards this feature of mature feudalism as introduced by the Conqueror, points out that, under the so-called laws of Henry I., the eldest son had no pre-eminence beyond the right of appropriating the "capital fee" held by military tenure; and that so late as the reign of Henry II. socage fees continued to be partible among the male children. At all events, the present rule of succession had become almost universal, except in Kent, before the end of the thirteenth century, by which time, also, the custom of entailing, in its most ancient form, was already established. Entails created in this form conferred no indefeasible right of inheritance. When a fee was granted to a man " and the heirs male of his body," it was held that, upon the birth of a son, the grantee might sell the land, or charge it with incum- brances, or forfeit it by treason, so as to bar the interest of his own issue, though, if he did none of these acts, it would descend according to the express terms of the grant. This full liberty of alienation is described by Mr. Neate, in his treatise on the Law of Entail, as characteristic of true feudalism, which denied the son any vested right in the estate so acquired by the father. The famous statute De Bonis (13 Edward I., cap. i), by which the succession of the issue, and the ultimate reversion of the donor on failure of issue, were secured against the risk of 372 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Ekodrick. being defeated by alienation, is viewed by the same author as a legislative encroachment on feudal principles. The entails made under this statute for nearly two hundred years created, in fact, a perpetual series of life-estates, and are stigmatised in a well-known passage of " Blackstone's Commentaries": — "Children grew disobedient when they knew they could not be set aside ; farmers were ousted of their leases made by tenants- in-tail ; . . . . creditors were defrauded of their debts ; . . . . innumerable latent entails were produced to de- prive purchasers of the lands they had fairly bought ; . . . and treasons were encouraged, as estates-tail were not liable to forfeiture longer than for the tenant's life." Though it may well be doubted whether the greater part of England was subject to entails under De Donis, the fact of such conse- quences having resulted from them has never been disputed. Accordingly, when the absurd technical device of a common recovery was invented to break these entails in the reign of Edward IV., Parliament took no steps to counteract it, and in the reign of Henry VIII. expressly authorised a tenant-in-tail to bar his own issue by a proceeding known as a " fine." It has not been sufficiently realised that during the period between the introduction of these methods for breaking entails, and the institution of family settlements in the seventeenth century, the ownership of family property in this country was practically more absolute, and the disposition of it less re- stricted, than it had been for two centuries before, or than it has since become. Each successive tenant-in-tail, by levying a fine, or suffering a common recovery, was able to convert his estate into a fee-simple, and as the use of life estates in tying up land had not yet been discovered, the head of a family was usually in this position. The agrarian history of this remarkable period yet remains to be written ; but it is impossible not to connect the rapid growth and singular independence of the English gentry and yeomanry under the later Tudors and earlier Stuarts, with the limitation of entails and freedom O'f alienation which thus characterised it. In course of time, however, family pride, aided by lawyers, contrived new ex- pedients for checking alienation by sale or subdivision by will, and placing the right of Primogeniture on a secure basis. The first of these expedients in logical, if not in chronological, order, was the mere substitution of such words as " first son " or " eldest son " for " heir of his body," in deeds of settlement OF PRIMOGKXITL'KE. 373 The legal effect of this was, that instead of the father taking an estate-tail under the settlement, which he might have forthwith converted into a fee-simple, he took only a life-estate, and had no control over the remainder (whether for life or in tail) given by the same instrument to his eldest son. This idea was developed by conferring, so far as possible, life-estates instead of estates-tail on the whole first generation of persons included in a family settlement ; so that, whereas a tenant-in- tail once in possession could not be deprived of his power to become master of the property, the acquisition of this power might be deferred to a second, or even to a later generation. But, for reasons known to lawyers, that object could not have been accomplished effectually without a further expedient devised by Sir Orlando Bridgman and Sir Geoftrey Palmer during the Civil Wars, and generally adopted after the Res- toration. This was the notable contrivance of " trustees to preserve contingent remainders,'"' of which it is enough to say that it protected the interests of tenants-in-tail against the risk of being defeated by the wrongful act of preceding life-tenants. From this epoch, rather than from " Chudleigh's case," which is cited by Lord Bacon, must be dated the modern type of settlement. Still, the principle was maintained that an entail might be cut off by a tenant-in-tail of full age, though it was technically necessary for him, unless in ])ossession, to obtain the concurrence of the person (generally his own father) in whom the immediate freehold was vested. This principle was violated by the Legislature for the first time, as Mr. Neate shows, in the great Act of William IV., which created the " protector of the settlement." Since this Act it has been a positive rule of law, and no longer a mere technical necessity, that, when a tenant-in-tail under a settlement wishes to bar the entail completely, he must obtain the consent of the " pro- tector," that is, in legal phrase, of the person who has the first estate of freehold prior to his own estate-tail. IL We are now in a position to review the actual operation of Primogeniture in this country, whether under the express terms of settlements and wills, or by virtue of the law prescribing the course of descent on intestacy. Unfortunately, the statistical materials requisite for such a review are still very imperfect. No register of setdements, or of other dealings affecting land, exists as yet for the greater part of England, though "such a register is kept in Scotland, and very contlicting 374 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. estimates have been formed of the proportion which settled bears to unsettled property. Wills, it is true, are preserved, but they do not show the extent of land devised by them ; nor is there any means of ascertaining, with any approach to accuracy, how far they are employed to aggravate, and how far to mitigate, the inequality arising from the custom of settling landed estates upon eldest sons. It might have been expected, however, that a complete record of the land devolving annually by descent would be kept for State purposes and public in- formation. Instead of this, no distinction appears to be drawn, even between land which passes by will and land which passes by settlement, being equally chargeable Avith succession duty ; while, for a like reason, no separate account is published of land transmitted to heirs by the law of intestacy. A still more extraordinary, not to say disgraceful, cause of the mystery which has so long surrounded our land -system, is the circumstance that, until the present year (1S76) there were no official documents showing the number of landowners in Great Britain, and the distribution of the soil among them. With the new " Domes- day Book " in our hands, we can ascertain how the soil is actually distributed in every county of England and Wales, but how far the Law and Custom of Primogeniture may have contributed to produce this distribution, remains even now a speculative question. Still there are certain facts which are matters of common notoriety, and others which are within the general cognizance of persons conversant with land, by the light of which it is possible to arrive at some trustworthy con- clusions respecting the dominion of Primogeniture over social life in England. In the first place, it is material to observe that personal property, which is exempt from the law of Primogeniture, is little affected by the custom, save where it is thought necessary to keep up the dignity of a family place. Rich capitalists who do not invest in land, or aspire to found a county family, seldom make an eldest son, and of those who do indulge this ambition, some prefer to buy a moderate estate for each of their sons. Still more habitually is e<|ual division recognised as the dictate of natural equity by the great body of merchants, tradespeople, and professional men, as well as by the labouring classes throughout Great Britain and Ireland ; in short, by the middle and lower orders of society, " divorced from the soil " in this country, and by the landless members of the upper OF PRIMOGENITURE. 375 orders. Nor must it be forgotten that, by English law, ordinary leaseholds, whether they consist of lands or houses, count as personalty, and are distributed as such on intestacy ; whereas money in trust for investment in land counts as realty and falls under the same rule of inheritance. Vast leasehold interests are constantly included in settlements of personalty, and few of these settlements, whether made on the marriage of a duke's younger son or on the marriage of a shopkeeper, exhibit any bias towards Primogeniture. In most instances, the funds are directed to be invested for the benefit of all the sons and daughters of the marriage equally, though a power is usually reserved to the parents of modifying this distribution by " appointment," at their own discretion. The same course is generally followed by testators possessed of small landed estates purchased with their own earnings, who, for the most part, devise their land to trustees for sale, and direct the proceeds to be divided among their children. In families of the yeoman class, the ordinary practice appears to be that hereditary property should go to the eldest son, but that, in accordance with the Scotch rule of /egifim, younger children should be compensated, so far as possible, for their disinherison, and that, if burdened with mortgages, the land should be sold for the equal benefit of all. Even the rude wills and settle- ments drawn up by priests or schoolmasters for Irish peasant farmers, among whom the instincts of proprietorship are cherished in their intensest form, embody the principle of gavelkind and not of Primogeniture. Though often destitute of any legal validity, and purporting to dispose of an interest which has no existence in law, they usually disclose a clear intention to place the younger children on a tolerably equal footing with the eldest son, either by the subdivisions of which Irish landlords complain so much, or by heavy charges on the tenant-right. It may, therefore, be safely affirmed that Primogeniture, as it prevails in England, has not its root in popular sentiment, or in the sentiment of any large class, except the landed aristocracy and those who are struggling to enter its ranks. By the great majority of this class, embracing the whole nobility, the squires of England, the lairds of Scotland, and the Irish gentry of every degree. Primogeniture is accepted almost as a funda- mental law of nature, to which the practice of entails only gives a convenient and effectual expression. Adam Smith 376 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. remarks that " in Scotland more than one-fifth, perhaps more than one-third, part of the whole lands of the country, are at present supposed to be under strict entail " — that is, entailed under a system introduced in 1685, which barred alienation far more inexorably than was permitted by the English rule against perpetuities. Mr. McCuUoch, writing in 1849, calculated that at least halt Scotland was then entailed, though an Act passed in the previous year had already facilitated disentailing by provisions borrowed from the English law. In England, where so much land is in the hands of corporations or trustees for public objects, and where almost all deeds relating to land are in private custody, we cannot venture to speak with so much confidence on this point. Considering, however, that in most counties large estates predominate over small, and that large estates, by the general testimony of the legal profession, are almost always entailed either by will or settlement, while small estates, if hereditary, are very often entailed, there is no rash- ness in concluding, in accordance with the evidence given before Mr. Pusey's committee, that a much larger area is under settlement than at the free disposal of individual landowners. It has frequently been asserted that a mere fraction of the land which yearly changes hands on death, is governed by the law of intestacy. There are no adequate means of testing this assertion ; but the probability is that it overstates the case. There is scarcely a wealthy or noble family of any considerable antiquity in which the estates have not at some time descended to an heir or coparceners by the eftect of this law, and such an event is far more likely to happen in families less guided by the advice of solicitors. What is really true is, that landowners seldom deliberately intend to die intestate, and that most descents by operation of law are the result of negligence or misadventure. A man, perhaps, makes several contradictory wills, all of which jjrove to be void for want of proper attes- tation, or by reason of his incompetence ; or he makes a good will that does not cover the whole of his property ; or, having recendy purchased a small freehold, he is just about to devise it, when lie is suddenly cut off. The known wishes of an intestate may be carried into effect by arrangement within the family, or an amicable suit in equity, without the public be- coming aware of the fact, especially if those wishes should coincide with the course of descent at common law. Several notable examples of the contrary kind, where the known wishes OF PRIMOGENITURK. 377 of the intestate, and the plain requirements of justice, were grievously violated by the law of Primogeniture, have been cited by Mr. Locke King and others. Upon the whole, how- ever, our presumption must be that, whatever may be the indirect influence of that law on the minds of settlors and testators, its direct influence in promoting the aggregation of land is by no means extensive. We have next to examine the mode whereby the right of Primogeniture is secured in ordinary settlements of landed property, or, less frequently, in the wills of landed proprietors who have enjoyed an absolute power of disposition. This mode is thus explained in the standard work of Mr. Joshua Williams, on the Law of Real Property : — " In families where the estates are kept up from one generation to another, settle- ments are made every few years for this purpose ; thus, in the event of a marriage, a life-estate merely is given to the husband; the wife has an allowance for pin-money during the marriage, and a rent-charge or annuity by way of jointure for her life, in case she should survive her husband. Subject to this jointure, and to the payment of such sums as may be agreed on for the portions of the daughters and younger sons of the marriage, the eldest son who may be bom of the marriage is itiade by the settlement tenant-in-tail. In case of his decease without issue, it is i)rovided that the second son, and then the third, should in like manner be tenant-in-tail ; and so on to the others ; and in default of sons, the estate is usually given to the daughters ; not successively, however, but as ' tenants in common in tail,' with 'cross remainders' in tail. By this means the estate is tied up till some tenant-in-tail attains the age of twenty-one years ; when he is able, with the consent of his father, who is tenant for life, to bar the entail with all the remainders. Dominion is thus again acquired over the property, which dominion is usually exercised in a re-settlement on the next generation ; and thus the property is preserved in the family. Primogeniture, therefore, as it obtains among the landed gentry of England, is a custom only, and not a right; though there can be no doubt that the custom has originated in the right which was enjoyed by the eldest son, as heir to his father, in those days when estates-tail could not be barred." To complete this explanation, it should be added that almost all modern settlements contain a power of sale, enabling the trustees, with the consent of the tenant in possession, to 378 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. sell portions or even the whole of the property, and to re-invest the purchase-money in other land. Under these powers out- lying estates, or estates which may have come into the family collaterally, are very commonly sold off, and the produce is either applied in rounding off the central domain, or held upon trust for the same persons as would have received the income of the land, till it is sooner or later absorbed in paying charges which must othenvise have been raised upon the entire pro- pert)-. In default of such powers being inserted in the settle- ment, the Court of Chancery may direct sales, with the consent of the parties interested ; and it may be asserted that with the exception of a very few domains inalienably settled, like Blen- heim, on a particular family, no estate in England is literally unsaleable. It should also be remarked that a settlement of the kind described by Mr. Joshua Williams, implies that full control has been acquired over the land before it is executed. For this purpose, most family properties are disentailed in each generation with a view to re-settlement, by the joint act of the life-owner for the time being as "protector," and of his eldest son as tenant-in-tail in reversion. The former is actuated by a desire to perpetuate the entail by fresh limitations, to a period as distant as the law permits ; and often gains, in the process of re-settlement, the means of discharging his own debts, or making provision for those who have claims upon him. The son, on the other hand, taking a life-estate in lieu of his estate- tail, forfeits the prospect of becoming master of the property on his father's death ; but in consideration of this sacrifice, he usually receives an immediate rent-charge by way of allowance, and is placed in a position to marry early. It is well known that in families which maintain the practice of entailing, the disparity of wealth between the eldest son and younger children is, almost invariably, prodigious. The charge for the portions of younger children, when created by a marriage settlement, is created at a time when it is quite uncertain how many such children there will be. It is rarely double of the annual rental, and often does not exceed the annual rental ; indeed, in the case of very large estates, it may fall very far short of it. In other words, supposing there to be six children, the income of each younger brother or sister from a family property of ^5,000 a year will consist of the interest on a sum of p^i,ooo or possibly ;;^2,ooo ; and even if there were but one such younger child, his income from the property would OF PRIMOGENITURE. 379 probably not be more than one-twentieth or one-thirtieth of his elder brother's rental. Nor does this represent the whole difference between their respective shares of the family endow- ment ; for the eldest son, who pays no probate duty, finds a residence and garden at his disposal, which he may either occupy rent-free, or let for his own private advantage. Of course, where a father possesses a large amount of personalty, he may partially redress the balance; and there are exceptionally conscientious landowners who feel it a duty to save out of their own life incomes for younger children. But it is to be feared that accumulations in the Funds are too often employed, not exclusively nor mainly to increase the pittances allotted for portions ; but, on the principle of " To him that hath shall be given," to relieve the land of some outstanding incumbrance, and to aid the eldest son in conforming to a conventional standard of dignity. The same imaginary obligation to pre- serve that degree of state and luxury which is expected of country gentlemen with a certain status and acreage, offers an obstacle to saving, which the majority find insuperable. Besides, nine out of ten men who inherit their estates burdened with charges for their father's Avidow and younger children, would think it Quixotic to lay by out of their available in- come, as men of business would do, for the benefit of their own younger children. Hence the proverbial slenderness of a younger son's fortune in families Avhich have a " place," and especially in those which have a title, to be kept up. As for the daughters, their rank is apt to be reckoned as a substantive part of their fortunes ; and not only are their marriage portions infinitely smaller than would be considered proper in families of equal affluence in the mercantile class, but it is not unfre- quently provided that, unless they have children, their property shall ultimately revert to their eldest brother. To say that Primogeniture, thus organised, has a direct tendency to prevent the dispersion of land, is only to say that it fulfils the purpose for which it was instituted. It is hardly less evident that it must have the further effect of promoting the aggregation of land in a small and constandy decreasing number of hands. The periodical renewal of entails is in- tended to secure, and does secure, ancestral properties against the risk of being broken up ; and, practically, they very seldom come into the market, except as a consequence of scandalous waste or gambling on the part of successive life-owners. The 380 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. typical English family estate is that which, like Sir Roger de Coverley's, neither waxes nor wanes in the course of generations, and there are still many such estates in counties remote from London. But there is nothing to check the cumulative aug- mentation of ancestral properties by new purchases of land, which is the darling passion of so many proprietors. There is always some angidus iste to be annexed and brought within the park palings or the ring-fence on the first good opportunity ; and scarcely a day passes without some yeoman of ancient lineage being erased from the roll of landowners by the com- petition of his more powerful neighbour. Not that any tyranny or unfair dealing is involved in this process of aggrandisement, which is the consequence of economical laws quite as simple as that of natural selection in the animal creation. The yeoman sells his patrimony either because he has ruined himself by drinking or improvidence, or because he finds that by turning it into money he can largely improve his income and the future expectations of his family. The nobleman or squire buys it at a price which is not commercially remunerative, either to prevent its being covered with buildings, or because it lies conveniently for his own agricultural designs, or because he wants to extend his influence in the county ; for one or all of which reasons it is worth more to him than to any one else. It is known in some parts of the country that it is utterly vain to bid against the great territorial lord of the district, whose agent is instructed to buy up all properties for sale, regardless of expense. In other parts of the country, men who have made their fortunes in trade are equally covetous of land, which for them is the one sure passport to social consideration, and equally anxious to keep it together by entails. Thus by the normal operation of supply and demand large estates are per- jietually swallowing up small estates, while, by a suspension of that operation through the law and custom of Primogeniture, they are themselves preserved, to a great extent, from dis- solution. On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that a counter-tendency, no less natural and legitimate, partly neutra- lises this gravitation of smaller towards larger aggregates of land. The enormous rise in the value of all sites within easy reach of great towns sometimes offers to great landowners an inducement to sell which they cannot resist. In this way, under the powers of sale already mentioned, distant and de- tached portions of great estates are frequently passing in large OF PRIMOGENITURE. 381 blocks into the hands of new landlords, generally of the mer- cantile class, or are bought up by land-jobbers and sold, in petty blocks, to retired tradesmen. At the same time, the acquisition of minute plots by the working classes has been facilitated of late by the agency of freehold land societies, originally established for political objects, and would doubtless prevail to a much greater extent but for the exorbitance of law-charges on small purchases of land. In default of authoritative statistics, the loosest and vaguest conjectures were long current respecting the division of owner- ship caused by these divergent tendencies. It was confidently stated, for instance, that, whereas in the latter part of the last century this country was divided among 200,000 landowners, it had come to be divided among no more than 30,000. No proof was thought necessary to support the former assertion ; the latter was supported by a proof which, on examination, turned out to be perfectly worthless. In the Occupation Returns of the Census for 1861, only 30,766 persons described themselves as land-proprietors, and these figures were most persistently quoted as official evidence on the subject, in the face of the patent fact that above half of the whole number were females. The probable explanation of this circumstance is, that women owning land feel a pride in recording their ownership ; whereas thousands of male landowners returned themselves as peers, members of Parliament, bankers, mer- chants, or private gentlemen. At all events, the mere existence of so palpable a flaw in the return utterly de- stroyed its value for the purposes of statistical argument. Equally reckless assertions were made in support of the con- trary opinion, and until the present year it was regarded as. open to doubt whether the whole body of English landowners^ properly so called, amounted to 30,000 or to 300,000. These doubts are at last set at rest. It is true, the Return lately issued by the Local Government Board purports to be no more than " proximately accurate," and a very cursory inspection suffices to disclose numerous errors of detail, which m.ight have been avoided by more careful revision. Great and inevitable difficulties were found to beset the definition of ownership, and one of these difficulties had to be solved by treating as owners all holders of leases for more than 99 years or for lives, with a right of renewal, while other leaseholders were excluded. Moreover, the Return does not cover the 382 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. Metropolis ; and since it is based on lists separately prepared for each county and each rating-district, it must be taken as subject to large deduction for double entries. Nevertheless, its general results, translated into round numbers, may be accepted as conclusive for the purpose of our present inquiry. They exhibit a gross total of 972,836 freehold properties, which probably represents a net total of above 900,000 freeholders in England and Wales, But of these so-called properties, no less than 703,289 are plots of less than one acre, while 269,547 consist of one acre and upwards. Considering how large a proportion of gardens and grounds forming part of business premises exceed one acre in extent, it would certainly have been convenient if some higher limit, not less than five acres, had been fixed as the minimum area of a bona fide landed property. However, the voluminous tables here set forth contain ample materials for a more complete analysis than is furnished in the official summary, and some of their more important revelations have already been made public* It appears that although nearly a million persons may own the sites of their own homesteads, 42,524 is the extreme number of properties above 100 acres each, the number of their owners being considerably less ; that nearly one-eighth of all the enclosed land in England and Wales is in the hands of 100 owners ; that nearly one-sixth is in the hands of less than 280 owners; and that above one-fourth is in the hands of 710 owners. Nor is this all ; for it must not be forgotten that among tlie dukes and other great noblemen who head this territorial roll, there are several who also derive a vast rental from Scotland, Ireland, or the Metropolis, whereas among the nominal proprietors below one acre there is an indefinite number of mere faggot-voters. A close investigation of the returns for single counties fully bears out these conclusions, and places the inequalities of landed proprietorship in a still more striking light. Take, for * See the elaborate statistics published in tlie Spectator of February 12, February 19, and March 4, 1876. These statistics, having been tested by an independent examination of the figures, seem to be substantially correct. A further analysis published in the Times of April 7, 1876, shows three pro- prietors owning above 100,000 acres, two between 80,000 and 100,000, two ijetween 70,000 and 80,000, three between 60,000 and 70,000, nine between 50,000 and 60,000, ciglit between 40,000 and 50,000, twenty-eight between 30,000 and 40,000, and forty-five between 20,000 and 30,000. It also states . that "874 owners hold 9,367,133 acres, 2,689 owners hold 14,896,324 acres, 10,207 owners hold 22,013,208 acres, 42,524 owners hold 28,840,550 acres." OF PRIMOGENITURE. 383 instance, Northumberland and Nottinghamshire, wliich stand next to eacli other in alphabetical order, but differ widely from each other in the character of their population. In North umberland, the number of owners below one acre is stated at 10,036, but they own no more than 1,424 acres between them, so that each possesses, on an average, less than one-seventh of an acre. In Nottinghamshire, 9,891 petty landowners rule over 1,266 acres between them, possessing, -on an average, about one-eighth of an acre apiece. If we now look at the higher end of the scale, the contrast is startling. Nearly three-fifths of Northumberland is in the hands of forty-four proprietors, nearly half is in the hands of twenty-si.x proprietors, and far more than one-seventh is in the hands of one proprietor, the Duke of Northumberland, who has also landed estates in other counties. In Nottinghamshire, again, nearly two-fifths of the whole acreage belongs to fourteen proprietors, and above one- fourth to five proprietors. If the division of landed property over the rest of England and Wales corresponded with the division of landed property in Northumberland and Notting- hamshire, one-half of the whole country would be in the hands of about 1,000 proprietors, and these proprietors, by virtue of their family connections and social ascendency, would exercise a power far more than commensurate with their acreage. The inference must be that Primogeniture, operating for many generations, has reduced the landed aristocracy ot England and ^^'ales to a body even smaller than had been commonly supposed, but that in those classes which do not maintain the custom of Primogeniture, landed property is broken up into a multitude of small parcels. The owners of such parcels are, for the most part, not yeomen, but shop- keepers and artisans, too humble and too dependent for their livelihood on urban trade and industry to fill any i)erceptible space in the rural economy of this country. That econom\- is so familiar to all of us that we scarcely recognise the peculiar characteristics of it, which foreigners notice as unique in modern Europe. To an Englishman bom and bred in the country, it appears the natural order of things, if not the fixed ordinance of Providence, that in each parish there should be a dominant resident landowner, called a squire, unless he should chance to be a peer, in^•ested with an authority over its in- habitants, which, as Mr. Neate contends, " the Norman lords, in the fulness of their power," ne\-er had the right of exercising. 384 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick, This potentate, who, luckily for his dependants, is usually a kind-hearted and tolerably educated gentleman, concentrates in himself a variety of rights and prerogatives, which, in the aggregate, amount to little short of patriarchal sovereignty. The clergyman, who is by far the greatest man in the parish next to himself, is usually his nominee, and often' his kinsman. The farmers, who are almost the only employers of labour besides himself, are his tenants-at-will, and, possibly, his debtors. The petty tradespeople of the village community rent under him, and, if they did not, might be crushed by his displeasure at any moment. The labourers, of course, live in his cottages, unless, before the Union Chargeability Act, he should have managed to keep them on his neighbour's estate ; but this is by no means his only hold upon them. They are absolutely at his mercy for the privilege of hiring allotments at an " accommodation " rent ; they sometimes work on the home farm, and are glad to get jobs from his bailiff, especially in the winter ; they look to him for advice in worldly matters as they would consult the parson in spiritual matters ; they believe that his good word could procure them any favour or advance- ment for their children on which they may set their hearts, and they know that his frown may bring ruin upon them and theirs. Nothing passes in the parish without being reported to him. If a girl should go wrong, or a young man should consort with poachers, or a stranger of doubtful repute should be admitted as a lodger, the squire is sure to hear of it. and his decree, so far as his labourers and cottage tenants are concerned, is as good as law. He is, in fact, the local representative of the law itself, and, as a magistrate, has often the means of legally enforcing the policy which, as landlord, he may have adopted. Add to all this the influence which he may and ought to acquire as the leading supporter and manager of the parish school, as the most liberal subscriber to parochial charities, as the patron of village games and the dispenser of village treats, not to speak of the motherly services which may be rendered by his wife, or the boyish fellowship which may grow up between the youth of the village and the young gentlemen at the Hall, and it is difficult to imagine a position of greater real power and responsibility. Yet even this does not exhaust the special advantages and i)rerogatives attached to the position of an English country gentleman. Until very lately, he alone was lawfully eligible to a seat in Parliament, and even now his class, OF PRIMOGENITURE. 385 wliich may be said to engross the Upper House, predominates conspicuously in the Lower. By this class the whole machinery of county taxation, county government, and county judicature, is regulated and worked. In those of them who may be magistrates is vested ex-officio a right of taking part in poor-law administration ; in their gift is a great variety of lucrative county offices, and the wealthiest magnate of the greatest manufacturing town is " nobody in the county " until he shall have secured their good opinion. That powers so vast and so arbitrary have not been more frequently abused is an honour to our national character ; nor can we reflect without some feeling of pride, on the admirable manner in which the "duties of property" are acknowledged and discharged on thousands of English estates. But this must not lead us to idealise this form of rural economy as our forefathers idealised the British Constitution, to ignore the grave defects and anomalies inherent in it, or lightly to dismiss the experience of other nations as inapplicable to our social condition. III. The Reports on Land Tenure drawn up for the Foreign Office in the years 1869 — 70, by Her Majesty's repre- sentatives in the principal countries of Europe and the United States of America, contain a mine of precious materials on foreign land systems. Though specially directed to points bearing directly on the objects of the Irish Land Bill, they include a large mass of evidence on such questions as the descent of landed property on intestacy, and the general ten- dency of various codes to favour the accumulation or dispersion of land. A few extracts from the results thus obtained may be of some value in iUustrating an inquiry into the law and custom of Primogeniture in England. In France, as all economists are aware, " the land is chiefly occupied by small proprietors, who fomi the great majority throughout the country," so that of some 7,500,000 proprietors, about 5,000,000 are estimated to average six acres each, ^vhile only 50,000 average 600 acres. This morccllemeiit is the direct and foreseen consequence of the partible succession enforced by the Code Napoleon, under which all children inherit the bulk of their father's property equally, without distinction of age or sex, a testator with one child being allowed to dispose of half, a testator with two children of one-third only, and a testator with three cliildren of one quarter. The dismember- ment of estates thus produced is progressive. "With some z 386 THE LAV/ AND CUSTOM [Brodricic. rare exceptions, all the great properties have been gradually- broken up, and even the first and second classes " (averaging 600 and 60 acres respectively) " are fast merging into the third." Volumes of controversy have not exhausted the argu- ments either for or against the French law of inheritance, and it is instructive to remark that, whereas it used to be attacked on the ground that it stimulated the increase of population to a frightful extent, it is now attacked on the ground that it keeps the population almost stationary. In France itself, if we may trust the Report, " the prevalent public opinion as to the advantages or disadvantages of the tenure of land by small pro- prietors is decidedly that it has been advantageous to the pro- duction of the soil, and has tended to the improvement of the material condition of the agricultural population." It is believed, moreover, that subdivision " conduces to political as well as social order, because the greater the number of the proprietors, the greater is the guarantee for the respect of property, and the less likely are the masses to nourish revolutionary and sub- versive designs." The reporter, Mr. Sackville West, appears to share these views, but he is careful to express his concurrence in M. Lavergne's opinion that morcdlcment has now reached the limit of safety, and that " an unlimited partition of the small properties as they already exist would be productive of serious evil." The elaborate Report on land tenure in Prussia and the North German Confederation, by Mr. Harriss Gastrell, attests the same preponderance of public opinion in favour of small proprietorship, which is encouraged by the law. " In cases of intestacy the law divides all property, including land, in certain proportions, among widow and children ; or equally amongst the children, if there be no widow," and no disposition can deprive the " natural heirs " of their claim to a fixed allotment, sometimes amounting to as much as two-thirds of the whole. Though subject to these limitations, "the custom of making a will is almost universal," but " the restrictions on land by settlements and the like are much less than in England." The consequence is, that in the entire province of Prussia, out of about 185,000 freehold estates, rather more than lialf do not exceed twenty acres in extent. "Wurtemburg is remarkable as tlie country where subdivi- sion of land is carried to the greatest extreme," containing, as it does, some 280,000 peasant owners, with less than five acres OF PRIMOGENITURE. 387 each, and about 160,000 proprietors of estates above five acres. Upon intestacy, the land is equally divided among all the children, male and female." The fatlier, however, seems to be allowed full liberty of disposition over the property, so long as a certain moderate portion defined by law {pflicJit-theil) is re- served for each child. On the smaller peasant farms, " when, in accordance with the will of the father, one child becomes owner of all the paternal land, an estimate is formed on a footing rather favourable to him, and he compensates the brothers and sisters by equal sums of money. The daughters, however, are more frequently on their marriage allotted an equal share of land ; and, as the husband is probably the proprietor of a piece of land elsewhere in the commune, the intersection and subdivision of the land goes on increasing." On the larger peasant farms, the custom of Primogeniture has encroached still further on that of equal division. Here, the eldest son commonly succeeds to the whole property, "often in the father's lifetime. When the parent is incapacitated by age from managing his farm, he retires to a small cottage, generally on the property, and receives from the son in possession con- tributions towards his support both in money and kind. The other children receive a sum of money calculated according to the size of the property, and the number of children, but which, in any case, falls far short of the sum which they would receive, if the property were equally divided, or even were the law of pflicht-theil acted on. They have, however, their home there until they establish themselves independently or take service on another property." Mr. Phipps, who gives this account of the Wurtemburg land system, adds that political economists of that country are now " of opinion that small proprietors, who complete their means of livelihood by industrial pursuits are the most desirable class to encourage, whereas formerly agriculture on a large scale was considered the most profitable." In Bavaria, where the land is very much subdivided, Mr. Fenton attests the general prevalence of a custom very similar to that which characterises the larger peasant farms in \\'urtem- burg. Except in the Bavarian Palatinate, where the Code Napole'on is in force, the descent and inheritance of land are governed throughout Bavaria by the principles, though not everyAvhere by the express provisions, of the common law. " A proprietor is bound to bequeath, at his death, a certain defined portion of his property, to be divided in equal shares 388 THE LAW AND CUSTOM [BRoi^kick. among all his legitimate children. That portion must not be less than one-half, if the number of children be five, or more than five ; and not less than one-third, if there be four, or less than four, children." Where the property consists of land, and especially if it be a peasant property, the eldest son may, and usually does, retain the whole, paying the rest a pecuniary indemnity for their shares, if the father has not already installed him in possession, as sometimes happens, during his own life- time. "Amongst that class the almost invariable custom is for the testator to leave the whole of the real property — farmhouse, farm buildings, and land — in the possession of one member of the family, commonly the widow or the eldest son, and that person then becomes responsible to the children for the pay- ment to them of a sum of money corresponding to the value (as ascertained by official appraisement) of their share of the property, the children's share being generally fixed at one-half of the whole, real as well as personal. It is further a univer- sally-understood condition of an arrangement of the nature above described, that the person who remains in possession of the property and becomes its owner, is bound during a certain number of years (after the payment of their shares to all the children) to provide any one or all of them with board and lodging at the homestead, in the event of their falling into distress from sickness, want of employment, &c." In short, the peasant proprietors of Bavaria, who are admitted to be a thriving class, appear to keep up their family estates with as much tenacity as our own landed gentry, but with a jealousy for the rights of younger children which reminds us of the Irish peasant farmers. In the Austrian Empire, on the con- trary, the devolution of all property, real and personal, is regulated by the Civil Code, by which " no preference is accorded to eldest sons," nor have sons any advantage over daughters , but " an exception exists in the case of family entails (ma/ora/s)." Of course these entails are mainly created on large properties. Whatever be the instrument which con- stitutes such an entail, Mr. Lytton remarks that it has no legal validity without the special consent of the legislative power. It is almost superfluous to state that Switzerland is a land of small proprietors, the law of equal division being heartily sup])orted by custom. According to Mr. Mackenzie's report, " the (juantity of land usually held by each varies from six to twelve acres, small lots held together, and the larger intersected OF PRIMOGENITURE. 389 by Other properties," yet, instead of being pauperised by sub- division, the Swiss are proverbial for successful enterprise in trade both at home and abroad. In Belgium, morcciiement has notoriously been carried, under the Code Napoleon, to a greater extreme than in France itself; so that Air. Wyndham estimates the average size of estates, deducting woodlands and wastes, at seven acres ; and Mr. Grattan cites official statistics which show that four-fifths did not exceed twelve acres. " The dispersion of land is increased by the system which generally prevails at public sales of dividing real estate into small parcels or lots ; " otherwise the properties of small families, sold for the purpose of effecting a more convenient distribution among children, would be constantly passing into the hands of rich families. In Holland, as we learn from Mr. Locock's report, " the law of succession requires the division in equal portions, amongst the children or next of kin, of a major part of every inheritance without regard to its nature or origin, and this is naturally calculated to favour to a great extent the division of landed property. But on the other hand there exists a very prevalent desire with individuals to avoid unnecessarily splitting up the paternal estates. It is a common thing for a farmer, whether proprietor or tenant, to have accumulated before his death sufficient movable property, frequently in the funds, to enable him to assign a portion therefrom to one or another of his children." I'he policy of the law, however, is rather against family arrangements whereby the eldest son may retain all the land and the younger children may be compensated in money, since it imposes an increased tax on successions thus modified by agreement. In the Hanse Towns, as well as in Schleswig- Holstein, Primogeniture is more countenanced by law ; but even where, as in Bremen, the real estate goes to the eldest son on intestacy, the " co-heirs," or younger children, are entitled to be portioned out of it. In Italy, says Mr. Bonliam, '"the laws in force tend in every way to favour the dispersion of land,"' and equal division, with- out distinction of sex, is the rule of inheritance on intestacy ; but a landowner, having children, may leave one-half of his property by will ; the other half — legitima portio — " cannot be burdened with any conditions by the testator." In Greece and Portugal the law of intestacy and the restrictions on testamentary disposition are, in all essential respects, the same as in Italy, producing in both countries a large and increasing subdivision 39© THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Brodrick. of landed property. Mr. Finlay, speaking of the stationary condition of Greek agriculture, observes : — " It is the almost universal rule that each small proprietor possesses a zevgari" (or plot requiring two pair of oxen to plough it), "and that each cultivator of national land occupies no more." Mr. Merlin, in his report on Greece, mentions the curious fact that " it is extremely rare for the sons to marry till their sisters are pro- vided for ; and this feeling pervades all classes." In Russia, where the land system has been complicated by political and social distinctions between classes, by serfdom, and by the communal organisation, Mr. Michell reports that local usage regulates the descent of peasant properties. The law of in- testacy for the rest of the community is based on equal division, giving males a preference over females. " There is no general law of Primogeniture, although, in a few great families, estates have been entailed under a special law passed in the reign of the Emperor Nicholas. In 17 13 Peter the Great attempted to introduce a general inheritance in fee of the eldest son ; but this was so much opposed to the spirit of tlie Russian land- owners, that one of the first acts of Peter II. was to cancel the Ukase of 17 13." Under the land laws of most States in the American Union, an owner in fee-simple has nearly the same power of disposition as he would possess in this country, but the rule of equal division prevails in case of intestacy. The results of this system, and the reason why they differ so widely from those produced by our own, are succinctly described in the following passages of Mr. Ford's report :— " Tlie sysleiii of land occupation in the United States of America may be generally descril)ed as by small proprietors. The proprietary class throiigiiout the country is, moreover, rapidly on the increase, whilst that of the tenancy is diminisliing, and is principally supplied by immigration. The theory and practice of the country is for every man to own land as soon as possible. The term of landlord is an obnoxious one. The American peo]5le are very averse to being tenants, and are more anxious to be masters of the soil, and are content to own, if nothing else, a small homestead, a mechanic's home, a comfortable dwelling-house in compact towns, with a lot of land of from 50 feet by 100 feet about it. In the sparsely-peopled ]Dortions of the country a tenancy for a term of years may be said to exist only in exceptional cases. Land is so cheap there thai every provident man may own land in fee. The jjossession of land of itself osse, who could be aggrieved by the legal extinction of life- estates and estates-tail, under proper conditions of time. Still it may be said that " families," that is, territorial families, would sooner or later cease to exist without the artificial safe- guard of complex settlements, and that such a result would prejudice not only the happiness of their members in all succeeding generations, but the welfare of all the rural com- munities grouped around them, and even of the nation at large. And thus we are led back to a point of view from which the actual results of family settlements have already been estimated, and from which it may now be useful to forecast the probable results of the alternative system. The first, and not the least salutary, of these would be the strengthening of parental authority in those families where it is most needed. The father is, upon the whole, a wiser lawgiver and a more impartial judge within his own domestic cifcle than any providence of human institution, whether it be embodied 41 6 ' THE LAW AND CUSTOM [Bkodrick. in a lifeless deed or in a lifeless statute ; and; as Mr. Locke King justly remarks, " if such a disposer of property did not exist, we should only be too happy to discover such a being." Invested with full dominion over his landed estate, the head of each family would no longer have any cause to be jealous of his eldest son, or feel bound to maintain him in idleness during the best years of his life. Doubtless there would still be a strong disposition in most representatives of old hereditary properties to leave the eldest son, if not unworthy, the principal family domain, with the bulk of the land ; but since he would depend, like his younger brothers, upon his father's award, and could not raise money upon his expectations, he would, like them, betake himself to some profession or business, and en- deavour to increase, instead of diminishing, his future patrimony. In such cases, the position of the younger children would be very much what it is under the present system, during the parent's life ; but even in such cases, and still more in cases where hereditary traditions were less powerful, the father would seldom think himself justified in leaving them a mere fraction of the property at his disposal, and would often direct his outlying estates to be divided among them or sold for their benefit. In these ways land would be constantly " passing out of the family," and thougli some might be left back to it by childless uncles, the unity of family properties would be greatly and progressively impaired. Moreover, now and then a spendthrift who ought to have been disinherited would be allowed to succeed by a too indulgent father, and might gamble away in a year the purchases and improvements of many generations. This being the contingency which settlements on the eldest son are specially designed to prevent, and the occurrence of which is represented by the friends of Primogeniture as an unmitigated calamity, it may be well to pause for a moment, and observe both what it does and what it does not involve. That it does not involve any destruction or even any " dis- sipation'' of the land itself is so obvious that nothing but the persistent use of confused metaphors could have obscured it. Money, or money's worth, can be eaten, drunk, thrown into the sea, or otherwise literally consumed in unproductive expen- diture, but a fortune consisting of land can only be scjuandered in the sense of being transferred from the dominion of one man into that of another or several others, which may happen to be the best thing which can befall the soil and all who live OF PRIMOGENITURE, 417 upon it. Considering the enormous injury done to any estate by the life incumbency of one insolvent — not to say, one absentee — proprietor, as well as the well-known tendency of families to degenerate after one such disgraceful interregnum, the burden of proof certainly lies upon those who hold that, in such an event, the greatest happiness of the greatest number is promoted by keeping it undivided and inalienable, lest an ancient feudal name should perish out of the county. But this, as we have seen, is a very inadequate view of the whole case. Might it not be expected that if each successive heir of an illustrious house were actuated at once by ancestral pride and the fear of forfeiting his birthright through misconduct or incompetency, a healthy kind of atavism would develope itself in the landed aristocracy, and the virtues manifested by the founders of families would be more frequently reproduced in their descendants ? Nay, more, does not our knowledge of human nature, confirmed by the experience of Germany, America, and the Colonies, encourage us to hope that in ter- minating all indefeasible rights of succession, we should be unlocking hidden springs of energy and genius, calling into action the mettle of that " lounging class " which is the re- proach of English Primogeniture, infusing unwonted industry into our aristocratic public schools and universities, and making henceforth the antiquity of a family a true mark of hereditary strength ? In the meantime, no sudden or startling change would be wrought by the new law in the characteristic features of English country life. There would still be a squire occupying the great house in most rural parishes, and this squire would generally be the eldest son of the last squire ; though he would sometimes be a younger son of superior merit or capacity, and sometimes a wealthy and enterprising purchaser from the manufacturing districts. Only here and there would a noble park be deserted or neglected for want of means to keep it up and want of reso- lution to part with it ; but it is not impossible that deer might often be replaced by equally picturesque herds of cattle ; that landscape gardening and ornamental building might be carried on with less contempt for expense ; that game preser\-ing might be reduced within the limits which satisfied our sporting fore- fathers ; that some country gentlemen would be comi)elled to contract their speculations on the turf, and that others would have less to spare for yachting or for amusement at Continental BB 41 8 THE LAW AND CUSTOM OF PRIMOGENITURE. [Brodrick. watering-places. Indeed, it would not be surprising If greater simplicity of manners, and less exclusive notions of their own dignity, should come to prevail among our landed gentry, leading to a revival of that free and kindly social intercourse which made rural neighbourhoods what they were in olden times. The peculiar agricultural system of England would remain intact, with its three-fold division of labour between the landlord charged with the public duties attaching to property, the farmer contributing most of the capital and all the skill, and the labourer relieved by the assurance of continuous wages from all risks except that of illness. But the landlords would be a larger body, containing fewer grandees and more practical agriculturists, living at their country homes all the year round, and putting their savings into land, instead of wasting them in the social competition of the metropolis. The majority of them would still be eldest sons, many of whom, however, would have learned to work hard till middle life, for the support of their families ; and besides these, there would be not a few younger sons who had retired to pass the evening of their days on little properties near the place of their birth, either left them by will or bought out of their own acquisitions. With these would be mingled other elements in far larger measure and greater variety than at present — wealthy capitalists eager to enter the ranks of the landed gentry, merchants, traders, and professional men content with a country villa and a hundred freehold acres around it, yeoman-farmers, and even labourers of rare intelli- gence, who had seized favourable chances of investing in land. Under such conditions, it is not too much to expect that some links, now missing, between rich and poor, gentle and simple, might be supplied in country districts ; that " plain living and high thinking " might again find a home in some of our ancient manor houses ; that with less of dependence and subordination to a dominant will there would be more of true neighbourly feeling, and even of clanship ; and that posterity, reaping the beneficent fruits of greater social equality, would marvel, and not without cause, how the main obstacle to greater social equality — the law and custom of Primogeniture — escaped revision for more than two centuries after the final abolition of feudal tenures. 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