Oi 0\ 1 j 4! 61 Of 5 * || Remarks on the Propositions u . . .on the Renewal of the if India Oor-nany's Charter. F: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES OK THE PROPOSITIONS SUBMITTED BY HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTERS TO PARLIAMENT, .N THE RENEWAL OF THE 'g Barter, PART THE FIRST. N IMPARTIAL OBSERVER. LONDON : Printed at tlic Miucrva-Prcss, BY J. DJRLIIfa, LEAVES UAH-STREET. 1813. if I \ *3 / # % IT is some time since the following remarks were penned; but the author has been deterred from offering them to the public, from the mul- tiplicity of publications on the subject, having the same tendency, containing, in many particu- lars, similar reasoning, the correctness of which has been amply established by the evidence be- fore parliament. The consideration, however, I. of the Propositions, collectively, not having been made the subject of any specific publication, the remarks in this form, although voluminous, have been thought more consonant to the general 3 view of the question, than the separate observa- * tions hitherto circulated; and under that impres- sion, the editor has had permission to give them to the public. 354884 . o .in ;WO(1 ' *M. ' M i}-. -3! r REMARKS. THE FIRST PROPOSITION. JL HE term proposed for the continuance of the charter could not be more limited, with any prospect of benefit; a shorter term would occa- sion so many difficulties and obstacles to the good government of India, as to subvert, in a consi- derable degree, the whole system, and reduce the essence of the Company's existing authority and credit to a mere nullity. Nor could govern- ment expect the Company to pay the war debt of twenty millions in less time, or that any shorter period could furnish the means of ac- complishing it. Ministers have therefore very considerately admitted of the term of twenty years; andwhat- , ever may be the future prospects of the nation, or of the Company, the determination is one of wisdom and political propriety. Independent of these considerations, the East India Company are considerately to contemplate the situation in which they will be placed, unless such apparent ___ 6 efficient means are preserved to them as wiu suf- fice to maintain the existing government, and allow of a surplus revenue to annihilate the debt. If the proposed innovations are to de- prive the Company of a certain and sufficient revenue, the exercise of a parsimonious sove- reignty, with the obloquy and responsibility at- tached to it, the Company had better relinquish. The Court of Directors must, in honour, recom- mend such a determination, however willing and desirous they may severally be to undertake, as the agents of the public, the important task; for although they are not personally interested, the responsibility on the Court would be such, as every creditable character must deem insupport* able. THE SECOND PROPOSITION. The exclusive limitation of the Tea trade to the East India Company, concurs with the feel- ings and sentiments of every statesman that has heretofore been at the helm on the renewal of the charters. There is a required consistency and regularity in this trade beyond any other, and greater risk of evil, from the enterprize of individuals, who, from attempts to make profitable returns, coute qui coute, would not scruple to embarrass the Company and nation with the Chinese. The report of the boards of excise and customs should alone decide the question, as it respects the re- venue of this commercial country. It is also imperious to restrain ships from places where they can lade teas, which may be obtained with facility at Batavia and the Eastern Islands ; for such is the duty (95 per cent, on the sale price) in this kingdom, that the temptation to obtain and smuggle tea, could not be resisted or con- trolled by the revenue officers. The collusions between revenue vessels and officers is very pro- verbial ; and if there be any truth in the remark, it must apply particularly to the out-ports, in consequence of their distance from the con- trolling power. The total prohibition from the Chinese coast, seas, islands, and ports in its vicinity, becomes, therefore, an indispensible measure, under the penalty of the seizure and confiscation of the ship, by any officers of the Company abroad, or by any commander of his majesty's ships; and even country vessels should not be allowed to go thither, except under licence of the go- vernments in India; and the supercargoes should have control over that class of traders, and cer- tify their cargoes from China, to prevent the deposit of teas at some of the ports or places between India and China, for the free ships to take in. As one complete cargo of teas brought to our coasts, and smuggled in, would render any second voyage to the commander unneces sary, arrangements would soon be made for that purpose. These cargoes of teas may indeed be carried to the continent in Europe, or America, and the ships again proceed to India under the original clearance or licence; ami if found there on her second voyage, it might be her protec- tion and justification. Some period for each ship's voyage, from home to India, should there^ fore be distinctly ascertained, that other voyages than that out and home might be detected. THE THIRD PROPOSITION. This contains the essence of the controversy between the Government, in behalf of the Out- ports, and the Company, and therefore claims very close and dispassionate investigation, free from the heat and spirit of crimination that has too much manifested itself in the party prints and publications. In the first place, it authorizes an unlimited export of goods from this country (excepting those which war, or other causes, have prohibited) to any port within the limits of the Company's charter. This is a most extensive range, and will open a field for abuse and mal- versation without detection ; nay, even without the knowledge of the governments in India, which cannot be apprized what vessels arrive upon the distant coasts and islands. Adventurers may have trafficked through extensive regions to the east- ward, without even an intimation reaching the seats oF government, to give the opportunity either to prevent or remedy evils that such a lati- tude must occasion, as they can remain within these limits unnoticed, nay, unheard of: they might commence freebooters, or practise any thing short of hostility, if not real acts of it, under the British flag, to the national disgrace, perhaps total destruction of our credit, influence, and power. Should this free intercourse be al- lowed, under the sanction of parliament, or con- tinue for any time, the requisite inspection and watching such adventurers from port to port, will require establishments in all the minor ports throughout India, at an immense expence: these establishments would require more authori- ty than they could have power to exercise, to control the characters who would have access either in their own ships or those of merchants, and who might, in a few years, establish them- selves and become formidable; for ships of three hundred and fifty tons are not of that class which can either be respectable, or their owners respon- sible for aggressions and mischiefs that may re- sult. Security for good conduct appears highly needful : but admitting the responsibility of the owners, and as bonds should be given for orderly conduct, it may reasonably be asked, how long are they to hang over the heads of the securi- ties? for as complaints, before they can be trans- mitted home, must first be communicated to the government of India, and as they must be in* 10 vestigated, or inquired into,, before they can be framed into a complaint for cognizance here, is it to be expected that any process can possibly be instituted in our courts, before all the parties answerable are dispersed, and the evidences up- on which the decision must rest no longer forth- coming? Under such delay, how justice in any case can be administered, so as to check or reme- dy abuses, is incomprehensible. When the American intercourse was the ob- ject of complaint and envy, their ships were confined to the presidencies ; nevertheless, un- der that control, they supplied the enemy with every warlike store, provisions, &c. and such intelligence as enabled their cruisers to make captures ; and afterwards purchased the prize- goods, or took them in exchange for the sup- plies of stores and provisions they brought to the Isle of France. It was thought necessary to prevent American intercourse with the minor ports; so his majesty's ministers may be assured it is not less incumbent on them to restrain the -private traders to the presidencies. If India is to be held by the Company for the public, can it be reasonable that individuals should have more substantial advantages than the Company themselves possess, when a participation of privileges is beyond what they are entitled to, considering the unexampled exertions by which the India Company has obtained her possessions ? The Company's formidable ships may be re- 11 tained to defend India, stay beyond their periods at great cost, and their cargoes withheld from sale, whilst the private ships of three hundred and fifty tons may enjoy an uninterrupted tran- sit and unrivalled markets. This event, which has and may again happen to the Company's ships, would augment the injury to be sustained by the participation, and render their remit- tance investments still more unproductive. In the intercourse between this country and India, the size, respectability, and strength of the ship, with the known responsibility of the owners, has hitherto upheld the British maritime character. Those ships, chartered by a public company, laden under its orders, and the direc- tion of its officers the knowledge of every movement from port to port the stated returns of the ships to this country the regularity of employment to the commanders and officers, all interested in the welfare of the Company, and to whom alone they look up for future favours, in- duce the most punctual observance of all regula- tions. Contrast this statement with what may be the fact with many ships navigated strictly, per- haps, according to law, but divested of other re- straints, under the command of persons scarcely amenable to any jurisdiction, who have no one to look up to for future advantages or fixed em- ployment, whose determination consequently will be to make a successful enterprise. It is a painful suggestion, but their voyages may be 19 from India to any and every port in the world ; and after a desperate, or successful expedition, their ships may be sold abroad, or never return to this country ; and after committing enormi- ties throughout the eastern world, which may neither be heard of or cognizable, and whither they may never return, to answer for their pro- ceedings to the natives, or to the British- autho- rity, can it be supposed that any restriction the legislature may here impose would be effectual to control such parties ? the very idea is ridicu- lous : if the shifts and evasions of the Liverpool and other merchants, engaged in the slave trade, be contemplated, what can be expected of such characters let loose on the eastern world, a range so far beyond that of the coast of Guinea, as to be not only out of sight or observation from any of our cruisers or officers, but mostly out of mind? Nor is it irrelevant to consider the vicinity of Botany Bay to the navigators of the eastern seas; want of success may make persons desperate, and the trade may degenerate into a system of freebooting; enterprises disgraceful to the British character would easily be accomplished by the aid of the inhabitants of Botany Bay; and the pe- riod of their transportation expired, what is to prevent them from hereafter building ships, and trading with all India, or the mother country, or any other nation, the right being once admitted to all British subjects? Infinite difficulty would also arise from the 13 ships belonging to one class of owners, and the cargo appertaining to others. Supercargoes will be requisite without limit; and it may be con- cluded that these agents would remain in the country to dispose of their goods ; and what au- thority is to compel their departure with the ships they arrived in ? The repetition of these events will, in defiance of all regulations to the con- trary, colonize the eastern empire. The European character has been hitherto re- spected among the Hindoos ; the profligacy, the crimes, and necessary punishments, that must at-* tend such an intrusion of Europeans into India, will unquestionably bring them into the like disrepute as the Portuguese, who are, at present, more disregarded than their own low casts ; and the empire they held throughout India has been wrested from them, as it will from the British, when their character becomes in like manner de- graded. Hence commercial restrictions are not the only requisites, and they are closely allied ta good policy. All ships navigated according to law, provided with proper clearances, and regu- lar manifests, are permitted to import any description of eastern produce, excepting tea, from every port within the limits of the Com- pany's charter, to certain ports in England, Scot- land, and Ireland, such ports being provided with approved securities 4br the revenue. This permission will include the whole class of Indian ships navigated by Lascars, during war, and eigh- 14 teen months after, when they are to be lega- lized by other provisions, as expressed in the Seventh Proposition, which will be under con- sideration in its turn. As the clearances and ma- nifests can be obtained only at the Company's ports, and the limit of the adventurers is be- tween Cape Horn and the Cape of Good Hope, a ship may come half laden with goods and half ivith tea ; for if there is no manifest but such as is made by the adventurer, he will not be bound to bring a full cargo, or account for vacant space, which the East India Company's ships" are con- strained to do. The permission to ships of three hundred and fifty tons to trade to India cannot be justified on any principle of national policy or advantage, vhen the description of these ships in their equip- ment, their defenceless state, the competency of master and mariners, are contrasted with those which the Company provided for the export and import of individuals, all which ships have been of the most perfect class, as it respects their re- pairs, force, equipment, and the knowledge of masters and officers, and the security to the ad- venturers or underwriters, the responsibility of their owners, and the amenable state of the master and crew. When also the freight of the two classes of ships' f be considered, the East India Company's extra ships having been eh* gaged as low as . 12,'jfad none hrghfer thart c. 15, per ton, peace freight, ; c oHt : arid home/ 15 and which might be considerably reduced, if the equipment, repairs, and force were not so exact and complete, can there be a question either as to the advantage and security that must attach to one class beyond the other ? It is not intended to defend the Company in the deviations from their agreement with the public in 1802. It is admitted, that the facilities expressly con- ditioned for were not fulfilled, and the Company appropriated these ships to their own immediate use, to services of warfare, the carrying of troops, stores, and ammunition, and abridged the ac- commodation to the private trader; and after a time they dropped this description of extra ships, taken up for a permanency, on low terms, and engaged others year by year, upon very advanced terms, which still further prevented the British merchant from exporting, and opened the door to an inundation of country ships. Whatever motive led to the suspension of the cheap extra ships for those of higher terms, it has also been subversive of other principles affecting their ser- vice, by giving temporary rank and employment to their naval officers for a voyage only, instead of its being permanent ; thus adding to the list of commanders, without affording them the means of subsistence by constant employ, a result to be deplored on every account. Such an event is to be lamented, and can only be remedied by enactments of the legislature, should the provi- sion of tonnage for the private trader be ever 16 allowed to the Company. There can be no doubt, under such enactments, that the whole' individual interest, as well as that of the com- pany, would be secured ; for none other class of shipping, sailing with individual goods for India, will ever be so secure for the merchant or un- derwriter, against the risk of the sea or capture a consideration of national moment. From admitting the transit of merchandise between India and Britain, upon every description of ships of three hundred and fifty tons, and upon all- Indian bottoms, it is not difficult to predict the following consequences: * 1st. Annihilation to the Company's import- ance and authority, already very much abridged, by the opulence and influence of the Indian residents not in the Company's service. 2dly, The interference of the Europeans ( who come in those ships) with the police and o Vern- ment of India, which catmot be guarded against by any authority in the Company's settlement?. SdJy. Tke ruin of tl*e commander^ and offi- cers in tfce Company's service, with whom the- best improvements in navigation have original ed; the respectability of the establishment muse be destroyed; and the employment- in future imt : worth the icquired education and know-; fcdgfcl 4 th/ The armrhilstiott of fhe consequence o British shipping, -hitherto so much upheld, throughout India, by: the establishment under ir the Company's authority, of which these ships will be perfectly independent. 5th. The risk of loss, and consequent supply to the enemy, by the capture of much British property, most privateers being equal to its accomplishment. 6th. Evasions of customs by the ships of that burthen, in consequence of being less distin- guishable when on the coast, so as to be over- looked by the revenue-cutters, &c. 7th. Evasions of duties, from the want of that established control at the outports which has been matured and improved in the port of London, and the greater probability of smug- glers meeting the ships, and concerting means for landing goods, beyond what can be effected in the Company's ships, whose commanders are liable to suspension or dismission, or other pu- nishment ; and whose detection is more proba- ble, from the number of the crew, or disagree- ments with each other. 8th. Enormous expence of revenue-officers on the new establishment, which will become matter of patronage and influence to ministers, of no small political consideration. 9th. Great expence to the outports, for estab- lishing docks, warehouses, officers, &c. &c. for this branch of commerce, which cannot amount but to few ships annually, and which will consequently be a heavy tax on the adven- turers individually concerned. 18 10th. Ultimate ruin to all the parties, by thfc probable competition from every outport, which will, in the first place, be destructive alike to the adventurers from those several ports, to the Company's trade, and, progressively, to the Indian revenue, independent of the injury likely to arise to our own cotton manufactures. When loss to the individual* adventurers is stated to be the result of their undertaking, it is not on slight grounds this opinion is advanced ; the commanders of the Company's ships now re- turned are strong evidence thereof, though they pay no freight ; for let it be considered also, that independent of the requisite provision for the security of the property and revenue for a few ships, the dead weight for the purposes of ballast is not easily procured; it is generally of saltpetre, sugar, or rice; and the latter being the only arti- cles that can be allowed them, the profit will be very equivocal, and they will probably suffer a serious loss. The competition, as stated between the differ- ent ports, must produce inevitable confusion and Joss. The articles, either carried out or brought home, may noWbe realized in any time to suit the monsoons; and hence a second capital becomes necessary, or the voyages will be lengthened be- yond all limit, by circuitous passages. Merchants, who are not ship-owners, will be at the mercy of the owners, or their representa- tives, as to the periods of sailing ; for notwith- 19 standing they may profess to sail at particular pe- riods, they will be illusory proposals, as they must always be subject to their being laden; hence the loss of market, by unavoidable delay, when the periods for the sailing of the Compa- ny's ships are regular, and the delay only what arises from winds, weather, or other untoward events. The accounts of the Company being subject to be called for by parliament, it is suggested, with perfect propriety, that after a certain period of experiment, the private traders, if they are permitted a free intercourse by the legislature, should furnish some statement of the permission having answered thegood intended; otherwise, the injury to the Company may be extended through- out the charter, which surely cannot be intended by government, unless upon beneficial grounds to the country. j A question naturally arises, whether the mer- chants at the out-ports are to be individual freighters, or may be companies of any number, like those of the late insurance, or copper compa- nies? by them the individual trader may be equally overpowered as by a chartered joint-stock compa- ny, and the present complaints come again forward in a new form. Admitting the propriety and importance of a free trade, is it not rational that the experiment should be first made by the port of London, where the parties may have the ad- vantages of the Company's sales? and if this 20 should prove, for a term, successful to the mer- chants of the metropolis, it might be extended to other ports, upon more substantial grounds, and with less injury to the Company. The intention of the legislature, in the year 1793, was never to give the private adventurer a preference or advantage over the Company in their commerce, but to suffer them to enjoy the trade to India, subject to the same inconvenien- cies the Company felt by the detention of ships, and other obstacles ; the proposed facilities go to give the adventurer a manifest and superior advantage, if their capital should be equal to their trade. No private adventurers have been prohibited by the Company from shipping any of the pro- duce of the kingdom; so that opportunities have been offered in abundance to try such new arti- cles upon, which calculations of profit have "been made ; disappointments in this, and other points, will be infallible results; and of this many of the merchants areas fully satisfied as the author of these remarks. That a progressive increase of the trade to In- dia has taken place, as well as to China, is ob- vious, and it may still be extended; but it ha,s been in a very moderate and progressive man- ner, not by any sudden large influx. Thus, to compensate for the evils they may bring on the Company, there does not appear one positive good likely to result to the adven,- turers the charms of novelty and speculation \vill be their only reward. The nation- and its legislature should however reflect, that if an un- restrained commerce is granted to individuals, between this country and India, who may export what they please of gold or bullion, as best suits their profit, the East Indja Company cannot b9 expected to undertake the vend of woollens to the extent of a million, or tin or copper to the amount pf one thousand five hundred tons, an- nually, and other articles by which they lose, in- dependent of all the requisite stores, for the main- tenance of the empire, when the loss they here- after sustain may be brought forward as an argument for any further interference of indi- viduals in the trade, by which the injury to the Company must be aggravated beyond every prospective limit. The East India Company necessarily export, for the support of British India, goods, ammuni- tion, and stores, to the extent of 800,000, \vhich must be remitted for, or the supply cease ; if the goods they bring back are either not sale- able, or only sold at reduced prices, inconsequence of the supply brought in by the private traders, the empire cannot be maintained. The idea of furnishing merchants with goods in India, and taking their bills and goods on mortgage, does not deserve a serious consideration. |t is not the mere desire of participation, on the one hand, that should be the motive for de- S2 spoiling the party in possession; malversation, and injury to the general interests of the empire, are the only paramount causes. In common courts, in this country, evidence upon oath can only be entitled to credit ; and are privileges of two hundred years standing to be subverted on such requisitions as are now made ? THE FOURTH PROPOSITION. This is so consonant with the existing act, that it can give rise to little objection. The allotment of one million for investment is lost sight of, fov reasons that cannot be mistaken. T 'HE FIFTH PROPOSITION. This has so nearly the same bearing as the act of 1793, that it is not of consequence to discuss the subject of appropriation, the third direc- tion therein applying to the present dividend, even after the separate fund for the half per cent, shall have been exhausted; the interestof the pro- prietors has, in this, therefore, been attended to. THE SIXTH PROPOSITION. This contains such an appropriation as is truly fanciful ; it begins with a when, and ends with a proviso, as problematical and visionary as pos- sible. Whom this was to captivate, it is not easy to discover; for of all the fallacies that have been held out, year after year, by the India budget, exhibiting an inconsistency on these matters be- yond belief, this proposition teems with some of the most improbable events. The commercial gains and capital of the Com- pany have been dedicated to the maintenance of the empire, whose revenue scarcely pays its or- dinary expenditure, and in the event of a future war, there must be a deficiency : contrast these facts with the suggested appropriations. But when a debt of twenty-six millions is to be li- quidated, the interest of a part to bejiaid at home, at the same time that provision is to be made for the payment of the dividends, for the annual supply of civil and military stores, to the maintenance of a large territory, for the cost of outward investments, and the expences of an establishment, which will require a sum equal to four millions when all this is to be accom- plished by a trade of remittance and profits on the China cargoes, which also must be considered far from permanent, it will be little short of in- sanity for the Company to undertake the govern- ment of India, subject to the propositions before the public, or without every possible guard, as heretofore, for their commerce; and it will nci- 354884 ther be respectable or honourable to im'dertaW what, in the nature of things, is impracticable. The Court of Proprietors, iri their petition to the legislature, stated " Your petitioners sub- mit, that they would not be justified in becom- ing parties to any system which, on considera- tion, should appear to them like to prove a delusion." This was moved to be expunged from their petition ; but there was honesty enough in the court to avow the principle; arid it behoves their executive, ih their negociations and re- presentations, not to lose sight of this highly honourable determination, or join in the de-^ lusion to the world at large, by the acceptance of a task thev cannot fulfil. END Otf PAHT I. Pi inted by J. Darling, 31, Leadenhall-Street. HE MARKS ON THE PROPOSITIONS SUBMITTED BY H[S MAJESTY'S MINISTERS TO PARLIAMENT, ON THE RENEWAL OF THE PART THE SECOND, AN IMPARTIAL OBSERVER. LONDON -. Printed at the Minerva-Press, JBK /. DJRLIXC, LEADEN BALL-SI REET. 1813. THE original Propositions, printed by order of the House of Commons, on the 22d March, (and which were the subject of the first part of these Remarks,) having been considerably altered by those submitted 3d June, a variation of no mean importance has been made in the aspect of the Indian administration. The modifications to guard against apprehended abuses and evils, it is hoped will undergo still farther corrections in the detail, so as to obviate every possible in- jury. It cannot be supposed that the legislature of the country, composed of enlightened and patriotic characters, could set aside every prin- ciple of good policy and equity, and the most decided evidence of persons well informed and perfectly uninterested in the question. They jnust reflect, that the responsibility is not only on the Ministers, but on each and every indivi- dual who decides it, and that no policy pr rea- soning will exonerate them from their share of iv the result. We may therefore be justified in reiving on a more guarded detail, in the clauses of the bill about to be introduced. The magnitude of the subject must pervade every part of the act. ,This country has an in- terest at stake beyond the petty controversies of commercial speculation. To those interests we should look with most anxious concern, nor regard the vehemence of the competitors. How- ever Ministers may be inclined to favour a par- ticular class, they must perceive, that after their object is obtained, the same principle which has led them to impeach the body under which many have attained wealth and consequence, may be exerted, from similar pleas, against their present patrons and advocates, on some future occasion. REMARKS. PART THE SECOND. THE SEVENTH PROPOSITION. rp JL HE necessity of such regulations as part of the act, is not obvious; the object might have been otherwise obtained. In no instance could the Directors have been supposed to refuse the adop- tion of them, and therefore it implies a reflection on the Court. The measure is one of wisdom and correctness, and will enable the public at large more easily to judge of what has been so strongly urged by the Directors, though so little credited or understood by the generality of the legisla- tive body. THE EIGHTH PROPOSITION. This proposition, on the renewal of the Com- pany's Charter, appears to have as little to do with the Company as with the Emperor of Russia, 6 < in as much as the Company never build but only freight ships for their service; it must therefore be perfectly indifferent where the ships are built, provided the freight required from the Company is within such terms as to constitute a claim for employment, and this the India ships may here- after do to a greater extent than British, as will be subsequently explained. Until of late years, British-built shipping was alone used in the India trade, and it becomes a consideration of high im- portance, whether a company, enjoying exclu- sive advantages of trade, sliall le at liberty to seek freight out of the kingdom, and not be restrained to the spirit and intention of the navigation act. Ships navigated according to law were formerly British-built, and had British seamen, except in time of war, when some relaxation in the latter point was allowed; and colonial ships were en- titled toBritish registers, when navigated by Ame-' ricans, because they originally were emigrants from this country, and had fought her battles. But the measure proposed to the consideration of Parliament, for the admission of India-built ships into the Indian trade of the Company and resident merchants, is such a direct infringement of the principles of the navigation act, and so totally subversive of the advantages hitherto se- cured to this country, that it demands the most mature and serious deliberation. It becomes those who are advocates for the measure to shew on what principle of true policy such encouragement is to be given to Indian mariii- iacturers, artificers, and European settlers, to the injury of those in this country, the produce of whose labour is doubled, by the amount paid iii direct and collateral ta^es, when in India no- thing is contributed to the support of the state. It is, however, to be hoped, that advocates will hot be wanting to support the rights and privi- leges secured (from time immemorial) to British Shipping. The admission of this foreign shipping, by the* act of 35th Geo. lit. cap. 115, which was passed iinder special circumstances, was neither unlimit- ed or absolute in its permissions, nor gave any- right of permanent employ. Indian ships, built iri a distant land, not a colony, or established as one, were never considered entitled to colonial pri- vileges, until it became a desirable measure to the India houses here, and the residents in India, whose united influence have so far operated, aS to supeY- cede the established principles of the navigation^ act and the interest of the nation. The timber is foreign., the workmen, shipwrights, sawyers, caulkers, are foreigners, the equipment mostly so, and they are navigated by Lascars, who have now the appellation of Asiatics, and British sub- jects, because they are'natives where the British flag is paramount, although by the act of 34th Geo. Ill, they are so deemed to the east only of the Cape. Ships built at Sierra Leone, Cape Coast, and other settlements, manned with negroes, ot 8 at Cape Bona, and navigated by Hottentots, or from Botany Bay, with the savages of that part, may be considered as legitimate, and they have in- deed more rightful pretensions. The proposition therefore to legalize, until eighteen months after the war, the introduction O of Indian, and the export of British produce to India in Indian shipping; an intimation being also given, that with some few exceptions, this would be the case after the peace; confirms the opinion of their not being privileged as colo- nial shipping; for wherefore legislate to obtain what they can claim, under existing acts, as a right? This question really belongs not to the re- newal of the Charter, but to the great and im- portant question or contest between the resident ship-owners in India and those in this country ; ^between the builder in India and his subordi- nates, and the British builders and artisans. It is not a controversy between the Company and the public. If the benefits of the transit are to go to the residents in India, equally as to the natives of this country, then a colony in the moon would be as useful to Great Britain as the empire in the EasJ; and unless there be a limitation as to num- ber, the whole fleet will shortly be composed of Indian shipping. Under the* consideration of these momentous facts, will the legislature tolerate such an inroad into the navigation act, and the welfare of this country, to gratify the views of the residents in India? depriving, as it unquestionably will, Bri- tish artificers of their birthright, by whose labours and expenditure this country is advantaged ? or can the shipping interest of this country suffer such ships to have the privilege of British-built tonnage, without remonstrating against a mea- ,sure so pointedly inimical to the interest of the country ? It is not the British builder whose cause alone is advocating, but that of numbers through- c> out the kingdom; and when it can be proved be- yond controversy that the very materials of our ships, and their equipment, give employment to many different characters in their respective lines of mercantile intercourse, each and all of them are interested in this subject. That British shipping should have a preference, and not be superseded in employment by colo- nial or foreign ships, was never, until of late years, a question, nor can it be doubted which is most for the interest and welfare of the nation. Any indulgence as to the transit should Hot be made, when our own means for that purpose are adequate. Except in the case of two ships ex- pressly built at Bombay fortreirown immediate commanders and officers, and v\hich were natu- ralized by 13th Geo. III. the introduction of In- dian shipping for the East India Company's ser- vice is of late date, when the powerful interest and administration of Mr. , with that of other houses of agency, introduced the Surat Casrle and id Scaleby Castle into the service for permanent em- ploy : this opening occasioned similar exertion and interest to introduce others. Ten are now in the service ; and whoever looks at the list of ships lately built, will perceive that for five twelve hundred ton ships built in England, five have beeri permitted to be built in India. It is now pro- posed to sanction such measures as these by the authority of the legislature; and throughout Indisi will be established a permanency of ship-build- ing for a mercantile company in this country, and in a few years forlhe intercourse of indivi- duals with our Eastern dominions. The act of the legislature, 35th Geo. III. caff. 115, extended by act 42dGeo.III. cap. 20, during the exclusive Charter, allowed them to be intro- duced to supply the deficiency of tonnage, occasion- ed by furnishing government with the Company's ships, under a particular pressure, and was only to take place on such occasion. The very con- struction of the act is of a temporary description, but has been erroneously acted on by the Com- pany for permanent service, when the ground for the permission did not exist. That the British residents throughout India should be allowed to send to this country the produce of India in ships there built, and that the Company should be allowed to employ them as temporary tonnage, is not controverted ; but to allow merchants resident in this country to export and import goods to and from thence ii in ships not British built, as a permanent mea- sure, is a transgression against the welfare of the nation, beyond all possible remedy ; and if al- lowed to the Company, individual merchants have an equal right. The consequence of this policy it is easy to fore- see; we can only lament the bias that is so preva- lent, and regret that our legislation is not prospec- tive, but temporary. Yet the shipping interest of the nation, if true to their own cause, if the land- holders value their woods the adventurers in mines their iron, copper, or lead if the several trades who furnish the equipments, or the merchant who imports the hemp, deals, and other timber, feel that lively attention to their several interests which persons so involved are in the habit of doing, the Minister must draw a different line, although his own predilections, or the arguments of his Indian friends and others engaged, may furnish representations to promote their owni Views, that he deems unanswerable. The idea of a scarcity of timber is no sufficient cause for this proceeding; and, admitting the fact, the way to augment the evil is to lessen the demand ; for in the present day, it is so advanta- geous to take down timber and convert the land into tillage, from the superior price that corn and other produce bears to timber, that the possessor will scarcely let it stand for a large scantling, when he can have only a solitary market for it, viz. the demand of government, (who will then 12 buy at their own price.) It becomes, in fact, an encouragement to bring timber to an early sale; and government will find their mistake in suffering Indian ships to be substituted for British, and hereby expecting to have the large timber at their command. The welfare of the mother country, in prefe- rence to that of its dependencies, should be the governingprinciple; for, independentof all other considerations, let us but look at the great want of seamen for our defence, as well as for the mer- chant service. It is become an evil of such mag- nitude, and the want so urgent, that with the in- fringement of our navigation laws, it must under- mine our maritime superiority. Foreigners of all descriptions are doing the duties of Englishmen, and bands of mercenaries are hired for our navi- gation and defence, from the total apathy of the country, to devise means for the increase of sea- men; and this measure of employing Indian ship- ping will hasten the, sub version of our best interests, by the discouragement given to British transit. Supposing the ships built in India are en- titled to British registers under any act of par- liament, does it follow that this indulgence is to be continued, when it produces effects not in the contemplation of the legislature at the time the act was framed ? In cases of minor consequence, when a law, in its origin good, produces, from any change of circumstances, effects injurious to the country, it is a sufficient argument for its re* 13 vision. In a case of vital importance, as it effects that maritime prosperity which it has been the object of innumerable laws to protect and encourage, are we to rest satisfied because otir naval strength is to be destroyed according to law ? It is the employment, or construction of ships, and not the trade, that has been the object with the residents in India ; and every year, their fa- cilities being increased, they will become more our rivals in this, and every other, branch of labour. It could never have been supposed that a colony was to supply the mother coun- try with articles of her own production with- out an equalizing duty : and when Ireland is subject to this principle, should India be ex- onerated, if allowed at all to rival us? If the principle is abandoned with regard to India, a conquered country, why is the produce of Mar- tinique and Guadaloupe not on a footing with that of our West India islands ? What but the in- fluence of the West and East India merchants could furnish such an anomaly in the policy un- der consideration ? THE NINTH PROPOSITION, * <. This is a very proper restraining clause on the executive power; for as the former act restricted the amount of pensions, the principle should alsq apply to the grant of sums of money. If the funds are to be protected in one branch by a restric- tive enactment, it should apply in every other. The extent of grants, although in most instances highly merited, should be equally under con- trol with annuities, which, for services abroad, might be approved by the board of commission- ers; in England, by the proprietors as at present, when extended to . 300, instead of . 200, per annum. It is here proper to observe, in reply to some animadversions on the establishment at home, that its enlargement has become necessary, from the extent of empire, c. ; nor can talents be commanded but by adequate remuneration. The clerks in the home establishment are of a superior description, and are too essential, from talent and experience, to be upon bare living salaries, or stipends. Their training, and subse- quent knowledge of the Company's business, very far exceeds that of the Directors, and en- titles them to comfortable incomes. Reduction of emolument, it is true, they may be constrained to acquiesce in, for they can possibly obtain no other employment ; yet if clerks, and servants 15 of this great commercial and political organ, are. ?o be elected on the economical system of free and open competition, their successors talents may readily be estimated ; and a principle more, injurious in its consequences could not be suggested. Restrictive resolutions,, respecting great emoluments to heads of office, have lately been carried into effect, by a yery equitable and encouraging arrangement ; npr is there a public office in this kingdom conducted more efficiently, pr vyith greater attention to the individuals who have business to transact. Those worst compensated are the Directors ; l?.ut reasons have operated, and do still operate^ against any increase of salary. THE TENTH PROPOSITION . This, applied to the great stations in the Com- pany's establishments throughout India, is a mo- dification of the present system jn favour of government. The usage has been, to concert with his Ma^ jesty ? s. Ministers on these appointments ; it is, therefore, but a change of mode,, and the es- sence Js the same. Mr. Robert Grant has justly observed, that the limits of the two authorities over Indian policy have been better defined, and carripd into effect, through the mutual IS Cession and accommodation which has hitherto subsisted, than by any distinct definition of their respective authorities. The points in this pro- position are hardly an object for contention, though they may excite a degree of jealousy on constitutional principles. THE ELEVENTH PROPOSITION. The number of his Majesty's troops, to be maintained at the Company's expence, should be adjusted, and reduced to a fixed limit. A va- riety of the details involved in the subject, from their number and importance, of the most se- rious consideration, it is not necessary to dis- cuss; they are too complex for any person's comprehension but those conversant in these de- partments. The Company have hitherto paid for King's troops, exceeding the number prescribed in former acts of the legislature. There are also allowances to all persons serving in India, that greatly augment the cost of a regiment, beyond the expence in Europe. Independent of these charges, all the movements of troops upon ser- vice out of the Peninsula, although for warfare against the common enemy's possessions, have proved very heavy upon the Company, who have always, with a liberality and patriotism, never suffered an expedition to fail through IT want of resources within their reach ; but when stated against government, the account has been, generally controverted, or only in part allowed. On this subject the nation should not be igno- rant or misinformed. The Company have fur- nished the means of warfare, when their own settlements were not at risk, or even interested beyond that of the general welfare. They have been held up to public reprobation, as if en- joying splendid advantages, without any consi- deration or statement of the enormous ex- pences that they have incurred on the public account, their great exertions in the common cause, their being loaded with a debt of twenty millions on that account, and the interruption to all their mercantile concerns, by the deviation both of funds and shipping. Equity and true po- licy dictate that the nation at large are bound to bear these expences, as for the defence of other commerce. The reasonableness, therefore, of this propo- sition becomes apparent from what has been ad- duced; and the public purse must bear, in fu- ture, every extra charge beyond that of the agreed establishment. It is evident that the appointments of staff and other officers as the Indian register exhibits, has been erroneously extended, but over this the Court of Directors have as little controul, as the towns of Liver- c 18 pool, Hull, &c. their sole patronage in the mili- tary branch being confined to a few cadets. All persons that feel an interest for the cause of religion, will not be averse to some principle of this kind relative to the church establishment. The chaplains throughout India may be forty ; and although amenable to the government for any neglect, malversation, or improper con- duct, and notwithstanding they have been se- lected by the Court with every attention to their moral and religious deportment and knowledge, a head to superintend and regulate such an esta- blishment in spiritual matters is highly expedi- ent, however it may be revolted at, on the score of economy by some, and from different motives by others. This patronage of bishop and archdeacons is intended to be a part of the Archbishop of Can- terbury's jurisdiction ; that it will be duly consi- dered, and proper characters appointed, his high credit and respectability are a guarantee ; but it is submitted, with great deference, whether those who have been labouring in that vineyard should not be, now, and hereafter, in the line of promo- tion to the archdeacon's situation, which the se- nior chaplain, or any other more competent per* 19 Son, should enjoy, as well as his chaplaincy. This arrangement would act as a stimulus to the proper performance of the duty, and would iiot create that sensation of disorder or appre- hension throughout the country, as by sending from hence persons who are unacquainted with, the usages, manners, and language of the natives. THE THIRTEENTH PROPOSITION, Of all the expedients tending to alienate the minds of the Hindoos or Mahomedans, the inha- bitants of India, the one under contemplation, by the different sectarists, will be productive of that evil to the greatest extent. It is needless to enlarge on the enthusiasm that generally per- vades those characters, when invested with the office of missionary. Whatever zeal, perseve^ ranee, or energy, any merchant may employ irt pursuit of wealth, each of these characters wilt surpass ; for the mind of man is so constituted, that when conversion is the ruling passion, there are no lengths to which it will not be carried; and the most sanguinary and inveterate contests, animosities, and warfare, have been those where religion has actuated the passions. To prejudge those who may be allowed to proceed thither, would be invidioas and uncan- did; but what is the possibility of their union 4$ 20 in preaching one and the same doctrine ? Zealots alike in their cause, the Christian religion will be disgraced by theirseveral differences and enmities; and " I am of Paul,'' and " I of Apollos," will be prevalent with all their converts. In this civilized country, it is apparent what bickerings and party dissensions exist amongst the different sectarists; can less be expected from the mis- sionaries abroad? The uninstructed Indians will be at a loss to ascertain the cause, and request that they may not be disturbed in their own faith, until those, who have come from the same coun- try with their governors, are more agreed in their opinions, as to the best way to comfort here and happiness hereafter. The proposition is a truism, but the mode of improvement is the object of doubt. The designs and intentions of all sects may be equally bene- volent, and we shall be pledged to afford them facilities, as far as is consistent with the prim:$- ples on which the natives of India have relied for the free exercise of their religion. What a con- tradiction must exist if we are to allow Catho- lics, missionaries of the Church Establishment, Trinitarians, Socinians, Unitarians, Moravians, Baptists, Quakers, Presbyterians, and Methodists of Wesley and Whitfield's persuasions, Bible Christians, and Gospel Teachers, and various other sectarists, as so many separate instructors to go- to India? In truth, they may then as well siaj af at home, nay better; for the differences on such an important slibject will disgrace us as a nation. It must dppefSr that we had not yet determined on the best mode of serving our Creator, and ful- filling our several duties, and yet come to in- struct them in that we have not ourselves agreed upon. mbil bsTffJCCs -b-fi is **. 'THE FOURTEENTH PROPOSITION. The assumption by government of '.'authority over the two seminaries, for the education of the civil and military servants for India, is not to be justified, although 'some recent 1 events of ^urnuTf in the. yppth^ or indecisioVi in the ^N ' ' ' ' f 1 1 ! 4 4* I'.l'J .'' '"."" Court, , pr even of.culpaDility and partiality m 'i one Or I wb "instances, may seem to support it; the consciousness as to mismanagement having been so fully admitted, as to induce the mem- f ' i i p*^'' i- ^*(i f^'/t *it r ~ n ^"t ti* ' T '*- " t w* bers to relinquish, in. future, their control and interference, by divesting themselves of the power the Court have assumed, it is not irre- levant to ask, which of the departments of the state, rias not, at one time or other, through interest, or other motive, glossed over palpable and gross conduct of their subordinates? and can it be supposed, that by having the patronage of such seminaries, they will be more purely Administered than by the Directors ? When it is considered that the vehemence and impetuosity of youth have, at times, in all the seminaries of the kingdom, produced convulsions and rebel- lion, is it cause for wonder, that youths, of the age from sixteen to eighteen, all of the aristo^ cratic community, are prone to revolt and com- mit excesses ? With the expectations of filling high situations, and separated from the variety and degree of rank that preserves the equipoise of other institutions, at the commencement of a system, it was to be expected that they would struggle far some latitude pf freedom : but the Directors have been considered the cause of the $vil, in not being so decided as to inflict sunv mary punishment ; or after having determined to punish, by the expulsion of a few, afterwards restoring therrj, and not adhering to their deci- sions, which were required to be unalterable, like the laws of the Medes and Persians. The motives for this conduct may have been '' . suspected in one or two particular cases, but 1 the persuasion should be fully authenticated be- fore guilt is inferred. Compassion towards the youths, commiseration towards their parents, the proposed correction of the system of manage- ment in future, it is believed, were the most prevalent motives, and fhe charity of them, should have been admitted, before so heavy a. censure had been passed by candid and superior minds. The habit of viewing vacillation through $3 all departments, but not punishing to the ex* treme of severity, might have suggested other means of correction than such a public censure. It is natural to ask those who now sit in judg* ment on these instances, (few as they, have been,) who would not, under similar circum- stances, have admitted the plea of parental affec- tion or influence? There is a strictness abroad, on some points, beyond all reasonable argument, suitable, perhaps, to the disciples of the Stagy~ rite, but not those of Christian functionaries, or philosophers. The clause is a degradation of those to whom the administration of the affairs of a grea empire are entrusted. A superintending power established over them by act of Parliament, foe the government qf a seminary of boys, is an in- consistency beyond all precedent ; indeed, from the principles of education to fit the youths for legislators, they will be disqualified for subordi- nate offices, but in which their ability is equally necessary. Having thus detailed opinions pn the several Propositions submitted to the legislature by his Majesty's Ministers op a renewal of the Ea^t India Company's Charter, it is not irrelevant to vyiiH\ up the subject by some independent and un- biassed observations. 1st. Chqnge of any system that has been sanc- tioned by long prescriptive usage, is not only jiazardous to the commonweal, but highly ot}-? M jectioriable, unless some imperious urgency arises, or when the result has been detrimental, or art obviously more beneficial system can be substi- tuted. 2d. Hence an establishment of two hundred years, that has been in so many instances under the cognizance and consideration of the legis- " O lature, cannot experience any radical change, without involving great and hazardous events ultimately, if not directly. 3d. The application of certain regulations, if correctly adhered to, might secure the East India Company's and the national welfare. In - the sub- sisting controversy, no man in his right mind can assert that it is reasonable to change for the sake of change, or to try experiment where the stake is so important : and as nothing is proved of the good effects of a change of system but on speculative grounds, how great should be our caution in admitting a variation that may be ruinous ! 4th. To the nation at large it is matter of in* difference, provided the aggregate quantum of benefit is the greatest that can be obtained, who are the parties by whom it is communicated; but it behoves them to consider what effect inno- vation may have upon benefits already experi- enced. 5th. The case between the East India Company and the out-ports, as well as the port of London, involves points of that high consideration, that 25 should excite the most serious reflection as to its ultimate issue, before it be adopted. This must be apparent to every sober, thinking mind; it will be an era of that importance, which affects the vital interests of both India and this country. 6th. Divested, as the Directors individually are, of all interest as to the commerce with India, (their patronage of youths for minor situations riot being at issue,) it is for the public at large to judge who are likely, on this important ques- tion, to be the best-informed parties those who have dedicated years to its consideration, and been in the actual conduct of the concerns, and men of no mean talents, or those of his Majes- ty's councils, or the parties interested in the in- novation. In fine, what but a sense of duty should induce all the individuals of the Court of Directors to disagree with the government? 7th. It behoves, therefore, the legislature to consider and weigh well the losses that a wild competition may excite, and to consider the dis* tresses the country has been involved in through the madness of such theorists; and how far theEast India Company monopoly, regulated and modi- fied as it has been, may by still farther modificaA tions and enactments be rendered effectual to all legitimate and wholesome intercourse with India, by suffering no discretion in the Court of Directors, (should they have to furnish tonnage for individuals,) to vary the plans that may be adopted. 26 8th. The wonderful advantages derived to this country through the medium of the East India Company, have given her a rank and pre-emi- nence in all civilized countries; these benefits should be appreciated not by speculative adven- turers, but by the sober-minded statesmen, look- ing to the consequences of the proposed change. Every settlement and island in the East has been brought under the British dominion through the East India Company. Envy and calumny ba- nished Aristides. The clamour of the interested, the private influence of those who have acquired fortunes in her dominions, and the jealousy of patronage, may, now, annihilate the East India Company, unless upheld by the independent and patriotic part of the kingdom. 9th. Should, at length, the open trade be to- lerated, certain established principles cannot be overlooked, to prevent the evils of such an in- tercourse. The ships should be confined to the presidencies, nor any European permitted to havq more indulgence than the free mariner. As tq the interior, the government there should have positive directions and authority (without the (Jread of appeals to courts here) to send to Eng- land whatever Europeans have not the Company's licence, or who may remain over the season. None but licenced Europeans should be allowed to navigate from the Peninsula to China, or to reside there, or to trade from port to port in India pr China. 27 10th. Should East Indian shipping be legalized in this line of commerce, notwithstanding all that has been represented, it should be confined to the transit of East India produce, and the manu- factures of this country to India ; and the owners of such ships, and of the cargoes, should be resident in India, nor should they be entitled to any other register than would authorize such transit. 'And all ships, as well as other manufac- tures and productions of the East Indies, intro- duced into these kingdoms, either for sale or the equipment of shipping, or any other purpose whatever, should be liable to duties of customs or excise, (and a pro rata duty if they have been in use,) with a declared intent in the act to pro- tect the manufacturers, artisans, and establish- ments of the British islands. Constantly reprobating the wild speculations in commerce, the theory of adventurers hav- ing brought the country to a very low ebb in commercial transactions, the speculations and theories of successive cabinets are thought mat- ters of course; and what was relied upon as a foundation on which generations might safely embark their property, has now no permanency. The principles of former legislators are done away ; the acts of Parliament, however beneficial in their operation, are only a lease for twenty years; and short-sighted characters, forgetting their own declared sentiments, and the principles 18 have formerly supported, are as prone to as the boufequiers of the country. We are, unfortunately, arrived at an era when a total -change of all former principles seems ne- cessary to establish superiority of talent, and in rfetfgiori as well as politics and commerce, the sneient ordeY of things is to be reversed. Ex- perimental vacillation is the order of the da^r; and should one not succeed, others must be adopted, rather than continue as we have been, however prosperous. Some fatality attends all states, and brings them to that decline which those before them have experienced. Every deviation from trfed principles, which have hitherto upheld the em- pire, its commerce and prosperity, is termed liberality, and adhering to those principlesbigotry or ignorance; dreading (he imputation of either, we rush headlong into change, through apprehen- sion of being stigmatized as illiberal ; and the religion of our fathers, and the former policy of the country, are to be sacrificed at the shrine of speculation and untried theory. Although the Propositions have had the con- sent of the Commons,, and it has been urged, that it is needless to contend against a stream, ( violent,, impetuous, and resistless, as the mountain tor- rent,) which has not been diverted or withheld, notwithstanding the most respectable and rational evidences, it is to be hoped cooler moments may succeed, and that in the formation of the bill, and the consideration of its clauses in both houses, expedients and amendments may occur to render it less injurious than the outline pre- scribes, or the termination of this unhappy con- troversy will be severely felt by posterity. India will become a millstone round the neck of Great Britain, and be her bane, as it has been in great part her exaltation. END Of PART If. FEINTED BY J. DARLING, Spnerta H3r0 tEADENHALL-STREET, LONDON. r--- 1 27 35 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 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