ifli!!l(i! ! iliili I I
 
 /^,- 
 
 >; ' Jz<^Y/^/<'^ <^ 
 
 W <^
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 
 
 WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS ON THE HISTORY OF 
 LITERATURE AND ART. 
 
 BY WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., 
 
 Editor of tlio Dictionaries of " Greek .nnd Roman .^utiquitics," " Biography and Mythology, 
 and "Geography." 
 
 REVISED, -WITH AX APPENDIX, 
 
 BY GEORGE W. GREENE, A.M. 
 
 JtUusttatc^ bs ®nc J^untiteti Enurabfnfla on WSooti. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 HARPER & BROTIiEKS, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 TRANKLIN BQTJABB. 
 
 1891
 
 THE S I UDENT'S SERIES. 
 
 12Mn, Ci.OTii, CMironM if httlb. 
 
 M.I M' A I. or KCClfOlfASTICAL IHBTORY. 
 Ily I'liiLir Mumi. Illu>lr«twi. |l M. 
 
 TIIK STl'PKSTH CLASSICAL DICTIOS 
 ARY. llliutritUHl. %\ ». 
 
 AXCIKST IIISTOHY Of TIIK KAHT. Ky 
 1-iiiLip SMini. IlluitmU.I. (I ». 
 
 niSTOtir Of ailKlXK. ny Dr. WiLLUH 
 Smith. IllutraUd. %\ '.'i. 
 
 COX'H GKXERAI. IIISTOR}' OF GUEECE. 
 With M*i». tl n. 
 
 l.innEt.l.'S IIISTOHY OF noME. IlliulTO- 
 toJ. $1 U. 
 
 ilKni\ALE-S nKXERAL IIISTORY OF 
 ROME. Wllh Mn|>«. $1 54. 
 
 GIRBOSS DF.CUXK AXP FALL OF TUB 
 ROHAX EMt'lKE. llluUriilod. |l «. 
 
 LYKLVS GEOLOGY. Illnilrnle.1. (I S5. 
 
 IIIHTOR Y OF FRA ITCK. ftj Ika lUf. W. II. 
 lutLW, M.A. Illw«r»l«<i. |l ». 
 
 IIVMKS HISTORY OF KSULASD. XWrn- 
 Irauj. N«w Kdlllvo. 11 (0. 
 
 HTRICKLASIrS QVEKSS OF ESGLAHD. 
 Illtulral«4. |l U. 
 
 IIALLAM'S roN/tTITVTIOSAL mSTORt 
 OF H.SULAXV. 1 1 n. 
 
 UALLAVS illDVLE AGES. %\ M. 
 
 OLD TESTA H EXT IIISTOHY. By PifiLir 
 Sumi. With Map* and IMaalrattoiM. 
 %\ 2i. 
 
 KEn- TESTA JfE.VT III.HTORY. By PHiiir 
 Smith. With Map* aod lllwtrallofi*. 
 %\ ih. 
 
 LEtriS'S HISTORY OF GERXASY. With 
 Map* and IlliHttatlon*. tl M. 
 
 'X'HE STTJDKNT'S SIMALLKR SKRIKS. 
 
 16uo, Cf.oTii. 
 
 SCRIPTURE HISTORY. 60 cenU. 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 60 ccnU. 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 60 cenU. 
 COTS SCHOOL HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 60 ( 
 
 nU. 
 
 HISTOR Y OF EXGL.i XD. «0 wnt*. 
 
 A XCIEXT HISTOR Y OF THE £.iST. •* tt.. 
 
 SEEMAXX'S MYTHOLOGY. «0 owU. 
 
 XERIVALS'8 SCHOOL HISTORY OF 
 ROME. -i rtnu. 
 
 PcDUSUED iiY HARPER & BROTHERS, Nr.w Yokk. 
 
 CiT .4ny o/Uit lAooe hoott ml I'f mail, fvlagt prepaid, lo any pari tf iX* V*ilti Sutm, *■ rtm^ 
 o/ U« priet. 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the rear 186^ by 
 
 II A « PER i nR OTHERS, 
 In the Clerk's Office for the Southern District of Xow York.
 
 Z. IS 
 1 SS I 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 No history is so full of instruction as that of Greece, and 
 there is none whose lessons have heen more uniformly perverted. 
 Gilhes treated it as an exposition of the " incurable evils inhe- 
 rent in every form of republican policy," and dedicated his 
 work to the King. Mitford wrote from a point of view sg 
 purely English, that, with all his learning and industiy, he was 
 never able to understand the distinction between a republican 
 and a demagogue. We have all been taught that the condem- 
 nation of Miltiades was a flagi'ant instance of republican in. 
 gratitude ; that tbe Athenian democracy w^as fickle, and cow- 
 ardly, and mean ; and that the happy days of Greece were those 
 transient pauses which followed the concentration of power in 
 the hands of an oligarchy or a tyrant. 
 
 Now, if there be any value hi histor}^ it must consist in the 
 truthful record of man's tendency to grow wiser and better, or 
 more ignorant and more wicked, under particular forms of gov- 
 ernment, and in certain modes of existence. If " every form of 
 republican policy" be tainted by incurable evils, it is very im- 
 portant that we should know it, and prepare ourselves in time 
 for the inevitable development of them. If the experience of 
 other nations has brought any thing to light which can be ap- 
 
 o% .oQ^r;
 
 vi riuTAci: 14V iHi: amkkican editor. 
 
 pliL-d to our own (ucu-, it is our duty to Btudy it carefully, and 
 do our hrst to turn it to ucrouiit. The paut Iiuh a claiin upon 
 us l<ir just and ronscinitiouH upprcriation. It \n a» wicked an 
 it is vain to attempt to ucver the tics which hind us to the old 
 world and make the civilization of elder days an important 
 element in our own. And as every vice wxiner or later Virinp* 
 its own chastisement, the people which shuts its eyes wilfully 
 to the tcuehings of history, will sooner or later find that, even 
 in its hardest stru«!;gles, it has been treadiiiir a j»ath in which 
 almost all the dangers had been revealed long before. 
 
 If we would read these lessons aright, we must come to the 
 study of the past with candid and fearless minds ; ready to accept 
 whatever it really tells us ; and earnest only in searching out the 
 true meaning of its revelations. This alone can make the study 
 of history fruitful, and bring out that eamcstDe«s, sincerity, can- 
 dour, and toleration, which are as essential to the healthy develop- 
 ment of nations as of individuals. 
 
 It is all the more to be regretted that Grecian histor)- has 
 been so sadly distorted, as it necessarily lies at the basis of our 
 historical studies. Greek civilization is the first of the civiliza- 
 tions of the old world with which we still have an active and 
 enduring sympathy. The elder empires of Asia are subjects of 
 deep interest to the professed scholar ; Eg}-pt is full of strange 
 revelations of character and power ; but Greece is the only 
 country which still continues to exercise a direct and healthy 
 influence upon the development of the mind in every depart- 
 ment of thought and taste. Every now and then, it is true, 
 we are startled by the apparition of some new Homer, or De- 
 mosthenes, or Phidias : but long before their generation has 
 passed away, the world is glad to fall back again upon the old 
 ones. "VYhen Canova began his reform in sculpture, he went 
 back to the antique Avith the simplicity and devotion of a child ; 
 and the result wa.-^ the modern school, the most brilliant sine*
 
 PREFACE BY THE AJMERICAN EDITOR. viv 
 
 the brilliant days of Greece. And yet I have often heard its 
 greatest master say, that he never could look at an ancient 
 statue without feehng that there was something in it which 
 neither he, nor Canova, nor any modern of them all, had ever 
 reached. 
 
 It has often been said that half the disputes betvv'een philoso- 
 phers arise from tlie want of accurate definitions : and the word 
 progress is a striking illustration of the truth of this saying. 
 For the greater part of mankind it means nothing but move- 
 ment ; a change of position, without any definite starting-point 
 or goal : any thing, in short, to gratify the feverish love of 
 novelty and that impatience of delay, which are the real incen- 
 tives of more than half we do. But progress implies move- 
 ment from a fixed point to one still higher ; a movement which 
 shall be in itself the preparation for something higher and bet- 
 ter still. There is but one way of finding that starting-point, 
 and that is by a thorough and conscientious study of the 
 past. 
 
 The reform in the study of Grecian history began in Germany, 
 and Mr. Bancroft rendered a real service to his countrymen when 
 he published his translation of Heeren's " Politics of Ancient 
 Greece." Thirlwall's work was a great improvement upon every 
 thing that had preceded it, both in the conception of the subject 
 and in the exposition of it. But Grote, with his vast learning, 
 his sound philosophy, his grasp of mind, and his republican con. 
 victions, was eminently fitted to be the historian of Greece. 
 The present volume, though not without pretensions to original 
 investigation, is mainly based upon Grote, whose erdarged views 
 will generally be found to be happily reflected in its pages. 
 Its author is well known by previous publications, which had 
 wen him the repvitation of an accurate, diligent, and profound 
 scholar. He may now justly lay claim to the additional one 
 of a pleasing, graceful, and classic writer.
 
 viii rUEFACE BY THE AMEUK A.N KDinjl; 
 
 hi |iri']turiii^ an edition fur American kcHm^U ami n-an'TK, 1 
 have nut lull ul lilM-rty to make any ehan^^ex in the text ; which, 
 with the exception oi' a lew «»1 thwte ulip of the jicn from which 
 no work in ttlt«)j;»*lher free, will be found to corn*«jMjfid word for 
 word with the original ]iiihli(*ation. \Vhut I felt to U* neces- 
 sary for the American Htiidcnt I have thrown into an Ap- 
 [KMidix ; and the Hiipgef<tionH on the following page contain an 
 oiitliiif of the manner in which, I Ixdieve, it can be Htudied 
 With iiuwt plea.H'jre and jjrolit both to the teacher and bia 
 pii|iil. 
 
 GEO W. GREESE.
 
 SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS. 
 
 I HAVE already remarked that this work is equally adapted to the private 
 Student and the school or college class-room. To those who use it as a text, 
 book, the following suggestions may not be unwelcome. 
 
 The historical course in our public institutions is thus far so imperfect, 
 ihat it is safer to take it for granted that the student on opening this volume 
 gets his first glance at Grecian history. Now it is very important that this 
 glance should be accompanied by a definite conception of the space which 
 that history fills both in territory and in time ; and it is for this purpose that 
 1 have added Heeren's clear and comprehensive geographical summary, and 
 drawn up the synchronitic tables in the Appendix. The first should be studied 
 with the map; the second by itself; and both repeated, even after the nar- 
 rative has been begun, until the geography and general chronology of Greece 
 have become as familiar as the boundaries of the States and the names of the 
 Presidents. During the whole of this stage of the study the black-board 
 may be used with great advantage. 
 
 The student now begins with a fir.m basis. The first course may be made 
 rapidly, and in the form of narration. It will give him a clear and compre- 
 hensive view of the subject ; and, in connection with the geography and 
 chronolo?3', make a distinct and definite impression upon his mind. 
 
 The second course should be one of thorough detail ; combining narration 
 and questions. The summaries at the head of each chapter will be found to 
 answer the purpose of regular examination questions ; and the substance of 
 each section should be narrated, leaving the teacher to ask additional ques- 
 tions whenever the subject, or any omission in the narrative, requires it. 
 Half the advantage of the study is lost where every thing is put down in the 
 form of question, instead of requiring the scholar to select the circumstances 
 for himself, and express them in his own language. 
 
 Take, for example, the first chapter cf the first book. A scholar is called 
 upon to recite : 
 
 Q. What is the general subject of this chapter? 
 
 A. The earliest inhabitants of Greece. 
 
 Q. To what age of Grecian history does this question belong? 
 
 A. To the Mythical. 
 
 Q. "What are the subjects of the first three sections .' 
 
 A. 1. The legendary character of early Grecian history. 
 
 2. Legends of the Greeks respecting their origin. 
 
 3. The Hellenes and their diffusion m Greece. 
 
 Now call upon him to give in his own language, but in a proper order, the 
 substaace of these three sections. And if you are not satisfied with his nar- 
 ration question him minutely upon the parts where he has failed. 
 
 The third course should be guided by the general questions (pp. G33, 634), 
 which may be answered orally, on the black-board, and in the form of regular 
 written exercises.
 
 X SUOOEKTION.S TO 'I'luAVUElUi. 
 
 DiiririK ihc mconJ aiiil itiird i-ourii(.-a, written weekly cxcrcucs sliould bo 
 r(<(|Uiri-il ii|M>n ^iven milijecta ; (he rliurnclcr* of indiviclunlii ; the nature of 
 pnrtii-iilnr ivenlii ; |inrnllrlfi between iniinent men ; partieulur •ysletn* ol pol- 
 icy, nnil nn infiiiily uf other r|Uc»tionii, which )«ill readily MUj^seni thenmelves 
 to every rompeteiil iimlructor. In prepnrinx Ihcac, the Ntudant iihould Im; rc- 
 qiiirril lo ronault other writem ; Oroie, Thirlwall, llecrcn, Warhmnulh, etc.. 
 And Justify every nimcrtion liy exnrt referenee«. 
 
 Tnkr nil exiiiiiplr. The condrrntiution of Miltia<leH linii U-en a atanding: 
 repronrh upon the Athenian deniocrary, and through that iiiiftn democracy it- 
 self. 1h thiM JuHt ? 
 
 Let the Htiident give finit a lirieratatemenl of the farta. Let him rompare 
 varioua »uthoritie<4, befcinnini; with ('omeliiia Nejioa, and weighing carefully 
 Uilliea, Mitford, 'I'hirlwiill, and Grote. Let him nvf, too, whether the rjuca- 
 tion has not Ikcii redured to ii.M true form hy Mnchiavelli in the paaaafie cited 
 hy Orole in hia notes. A aingle exercise like thi.s will do more for him as a 
 thinker nnd a writer, than three months of ordinary' com[>osition. 
 
 But this is very slow work. It may seem so. It may keep you loncer at 
 school ; liut it will send you into the world with Imowlcdgc and habits thai 
 •vill stick iiy you through life.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The following work is intended principally for schools. It was 
 commenced several years ago, at a time when the Grecian his- 
 tories used in schools w^ere either the superficial and inaccurate 
 compilations of Goldsmith and older writers, or the meagre 
 abridgments of more recent scholars, in which the facts were 
 presented in so brief a manner as to leave hardly any recollec- 
 tion of them in the minds of the readers. Since that time one 
 or two school histories of Greece of a superior kind have ap- 
 peared, but they have not been written from the same point of 
 view which I had proposed to myself; and in the best of them 
 the history of literature and art, as well as several other sub- 
 jects which seemed to me of importance, have been almost 
 entirely omitted. I have therefore seen no reason to abandon 
 my original design, which now requires a few w^ords of expla- 
 nation. 
 
 My object has been to give the youthful reader as vivid a 
 picture of the main facts of Grecian history, and of the leading 
 characteristics of the political institutions, literature, and art of 
 the people, as could be comprised within the limits of a volume 
 of moderate size. "With this view I have omitted entirely, or 
 dismissed in a few paragraphs, many circumstances recorded 
 in similar works, and have thus gained space for narrating at 
 length the more important events, and for bringing out promi- 
 nently the characters and lives of the great men of the nation. 
 It is only in this way that a school history can be made in- 
 Btructive and interesting, since a brief and tedious enumeration
 
 ,„ niEPACE. 
 
 r»|' rvrry I'Vi'iil, wliftluT ^roal cjf email, inijirtrtant or uiiini{X)r- 
 tuiit, cdiiluiHii tliu reader and leavcit no ]N-niiaiifiit iniprcMioii 
 U|M»ii lii« iiifiii'iry. ('(iiiHidcralile i«|(acu lia.t Im-cii fnvm to iho 
 history of liU'raliin; and art, wince tl»*y fcjnn llu; uumi durable evi- 
 dences of a nation'x f^owth in civilization and in Docial profptMfc 
 A luiowlcdj^e of tlicso Hiiliji-ctri i« of far more inii)ortance to a 
 pupil at the conunencenu-nt of his claiuticul KtudieM than an ac- 
 quaintance with every insignificant battle in the Pcloponucflian 
 war, or with the theories of nifKleni scholars resi)eetiug the 
 early {K)pulation of (Jreeee ; and as it cannot Ijc expected that a 
 sidioulboy shuuhl read 8{)ecial treatises upon Grecian literature 
 and art, these subjects lind their appropriate place in a work 
 like the present. 
 
 It is perhaps hardly necessary to observe that I have availed 
 nivsfif of the researches I'f the eniiuent scholars, lx)th in thir 
 countr)' and in tiennany, whose writings have thrown so much 
 light upon the history of Greece; but the obligations I am under 
 to Mr. Grote require a more particular acknowledgment. It is 
 not too much to say that his work forms as great an epoch .»a 
 the study of the history of Greece as Niebuhr's has done in the 
 study of the history of Rome, and thai Mr. Grote's contributions 
 to historical science are some of the most valuable that have 
 been made within the present generation. As my own studies 
 have led me over the same ground a.> Mr. Grote, I have care- 
 fully weighed his opinions and tested his statements by a refer- 
 ence to his authorities ; and in almost all cases I have been 
 cDiiipellcd to ado})t his conclusions, even where they were iri 
 oj)positiou to generally received opinions and prejudices, as, for 
 instance, in his views respecting the legendary history of Greece; 
 the legislation of Lycurgus. the object of ostracism, the general 
 working of the Athenian constitution, and the character of the 
 Sophists. Indeed it will be admitted by the most competent 
 judges, that any school liiston,' of Greece, which aspires to re- 
 present the present state of knowletlge upon the subject, must 
 necessarily be founded to a great extent upon Mr. Grote's his-
 
 PREFACE. X3cH 
 
 tory; but I have derived such valuable assistance frurn his re- 
 searches, that I am anxious to express, m the fullest manner, 
 the great obligations this vi^ork is under to that masterpiece 
 of historical literature. In a brief outline of Grecian history, 
 original research is of course out of place ; all that can be ex- 
 pected from the writer is a clear and accurate account of the 
 most recent results at which the best modern scholars have 
 arrived ; and in this respect it is hoped that the intelligent 
 reader will not be disappointed. Of the many other modern 
 works which I have consulted, it is only necessary to refer to 
 Colonel Mure's " Critical History of Greek Literature," from 
 which I have derived valuable assistance in the chapters of the 
 work devoted to that subject. 
 
 As a general rule, references to ancient and modem works 
 are not given, since they are useless to the pupil and occupy 
 valuable space, while the scholar will look for the authorities 
 elsewhere. The illustrations, of which the majority have been 
 drawn by my friend Mr. George Scharf, consist of maps of 
 difierent districts, plans of battles and places, views of public 
 buildings, works of art and other objects, the representation of 
 which renders the descriptions in the history more intelligible 
 and interesting to the reader 
 
 WILLIAM SMITH. 
 London, November, 1853.
 
 Greek and Persian Combatants. From the Frieze of the Temple of Nike Apteroa. 
 (See pp. 216. 391, 392.) 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 1. The three peninsulas of Southern Europe. <J 2. Position and boundaries 
 of Greece. ^3. Size of the country, iji 4. Name. ^5. Northern Greece: 
 Thessaly and Epirus. () 6. Central Greece : its principal divisions and 
 mountains. ^ 7. Eastern half of Central Greece : Doris, Phocis, Locris, 
 Boeotia, Attica, Megaris. ^ 8. Western half of Central Greece: Ozolian 
 Locris, ^Etolia, Acarnania. i^ 9. Peloponnesus : Arcadia, i) 10. Achaia, 
 Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Elis. ij 11. The Grecian Islands. (} 12. In- 
 fluence of the physical geography of Greece upon the political destinies of 
 the people, i^ 13. Likewise upon their intellectual character. (J 14. Rivers 
 and chief productions. ^15. Climate Page 1 
 
 BOOK I. 
 THE MYTHICAL AGE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS OF GREECE. 
 
 § /. Legendary character of early Grecian history. () 2. Legends of the 
 Greeks respecting their origin. ^ 3. The Hellenes and their diffusion in 
 Greece. () 4. Connexion of the Hellenes with the Indo-European stem. 
 ^ 5. The Pelasgians. (J 6. Foreign settlers in Greece. ^ 7. Egyptian col- 
 onies of Cecrops and Danaus. (J 8. Phrygian colony of Pelops. <J 9. Phoe- 
 nician colony of Cadmus 11
 
 «Tl CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Tilt: (JUr.CIA.M IIKUOKB. 
 
 1) 1. Mylhicnl chnrnrirr of llm Hcrroic Age. ^2. Hercules. ^3. Thcieus. 
 () 4. Minus. <f 5. Voyage of iho Argoiiauls. <) 0. The Seven against 
 ThelM'S anil the tlingoni. (f 7. The Trojan War as related in ihc JliBil. 
 ^ H. I.ntf-r athtittons. ^9. Return of the Grecian heroes from Troy. ^10. 
 l)ato of the full of Troy. <) 11. Whrlher the Meroir li-gcnds contain any 
 historical facts, (f 12. The llomuric poems present a picture of a real 
 state of society 17 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ST\TF. OF SOIIKTV OK THK HF.ROIC AOE. 
 
 <) 1. Political condition of Greece — the Kings. <) 2. The Bouli, or Council 
 of C-'hiffs. ^ 3. The At;oTa, or general assembly of freemen. ^ 4. The 
 condition of common freemen and slaves. () 5. Stale of social and moral 
 feeling. ^ G. .Simplicity of manners. ^7. Advances made in civilization. 
 <) 8. ('ommercc and the arts, i) 9. The physical sciences. () 10. The art 
 of war 25 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RETtRN OK THF. HERACLID.'E INTO PELOPONNESUS, AND FOINDATION OP 
 THE EARLIEST GREEK COLONIES. 
 
 ^ 1. The mythical character of the narrative of these events. ^2. Migra. 
 tion of the Bccotians from Thcssaly into Bccotia. () 3. Conquest of Pelo- 
 ponnesus by the Dorians. () 4. The legendary account of this event. 
 The invasion. () 5. The legendary account continued. The division of 
 Peloponnesus among the conquerors, (j 6. Remarks upon the legendary 
 account. ^7. Foundation of the Greek colonies in Asia Minor. ^ 8. The 
 iGolic colonies, ij 9. The Ionic colonies, i) 10. The Doric colonies. 
 ^11. Colonization of Crete by the Dorians, (j 12. Conclusion of the 
 Mythical age 31 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE POEMS OF HOMER. 
 
 ^ 1. Importanci of the subject. () 2. Rise of poetry in Greece. Epic bal- 
 lads preparatory to the Epopee. () 3. The poems of the Epic Cycle, in 
 •i%hich the Iliad and the Odyssey were included. ^ 4. Diversity of opin- 
 ions respecting the life and date of Homer. () 5. Iliad and Odyssey le 
 cited to public companies by the Rhapsodists. ^ 6. A standard text of th; 
 poems first formed by Pisistratus. i) 7. Modem controversy respecting 
 the origin of the Homeric poems. Prolegomena of Wolf. ^ 8. The Iliad 
 and the Odyssey were orimnally not committed to writing. ^ 0. They 
 were preserved by the Rhapsodists. ij 10. They did not consist originally 
 of separate lays, but were composed by one poet, as is shown by their 
 poetical unity 39
 
 CONTENTS. xTii 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. 
 
 B.C. 776 — 500. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE. 
 
 § 1. Nature of the subject. ^ 2. The chief ties which bound tte Greeks 
 together. Community of blood and of language. () 3. Community of 
 religious rites and festivals. ^ 4. The Amphictyonic Council. ^ 5. The 
 Olympic games. ^ 6. The Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games. 
 § 7. The influence of these festivals. <J 8. Influence of the oracle of 
 Apollo at Delphi. <J 9. Community of manners and character. ^ 10 
 The independent sovereignty of each city a settled maxim in the Greek 
 mind 47 
 
 CHAPTER. VII. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY^ OF PELOPONNESUS AND LEGISLATIO.N OF LYCURGUS. 
 
 § 1. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. Division of the Peloponne- 
 sus into the Doric states, Elis, Achaia, and Arcadia. ^ 2. Division of the 
 Doric states in Peloponnesus. Argos originally the first Doric state, 
 Sparta second, Messene third. ^ 3. Phidion of Argos. ^ 4. Legislation 
 ofLycurgus. <J 5. Life of Lycurgus. <J 6. The chief object of Lj'curgus 
 in his legislation. (J 7. Population of Laconia divided into three classes. 
 Spartans. <J 8. Periceci. ^ 9. Helots. ^ 10. Political government of 
 Sparta. The kings. The senate. The popular assembly. The ephors- 
 ^ 11. Training and education of the Spartan youths and men. ^ 12. Train- 
 ing of the Spartan women. <J 13. Division of landed property. ^ 14. 
 Other regulations ascribed to Lycurgus. Iron money. ^ 15. Defensible 
 position of Sparta. ^ 16. Growth of the Spartan power, a consequence 
 of the discipline of Lycurgus. Conquest of Laconia 56 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF SPARTA. THE MESSENIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE WARS. 
 
 ^ 1. Authorities for the history of the Messenian wars. ^ 2. The first Mes- 
 senian war, B.C. 743 — 724. (J 3. The second Messenian war, B.C. 685 — 668. 
 Aristomenes, the Messenian hero, and Tyrtseus, the Spartan hero, of this 
 war. ^ 4. Wars between the Spartans and Arcadians. Conquest of the 
 southern part of Arcadia by Sparta. War between Sparta and Tegea. 
 (f 5. Wars between the Spartans and Argives. Battle of the three hundred 
 champions to decide the possession of Cynuria 72
 
 XVIII CONTENTS. 
 
 CllAlTKR IX. 
 
 TMR AGK or TIIK IlKIII'OTI. 
 
 if 1. Aliolition of royolty throughout Om-ci?, except m Sparta, (f 2. Etiaii 
 li.sliiricnt of the oliKiirrhinil govi-rninnUfi. ^.1 Ovrrlhrow of (h<- olienr- 
 chicii l>y th<- ilcMpot.s. C'tiiirurtfr of ihc (U-itpot.i, and cnum-ii oftlit-ir 'all 
 ^ 4. Cunli'Hl iH-twcm oligarcliy and il«-inc)crary on the removal of the 
 despots. ^ A. DenpolK of Hiryon. Hmtory of CliMthenea. ^ C. DeiifMts 
 of Corinth. History of C^ypselus and I'eriander. ^7. Conflicis of the 
 oligarcliirni and deinocratical iiurtics at Mcgara. Despotism of Thcagenee. 
 The poet Thcogiiis 79 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 KARI.V IIISTORV OF ATIIF.NS DOWN TO THE fSL'KPATION OK PliilSTBATUS. 
 
 ^ 1. Early division of Attica into twelve independent states, said to have 
 been united hy Theseus. ^ 2. AI)olition of royalty. Life archons. Dc 
 ccnnial archons. Annual archons. i) 3. Twofold division of the Athe. 
 nians. (1.) Eupatrida;, Geomori, Dciniurgi. (2.) Four tribes . Gelcon. 
 tcm, Hoplctr.s, /Egicores, Areades. {) 1. Division of the four tribes into 
 Trittycs and N:mcrariie, and into Phralriie and Gcntcs. (/ 5. The gov- 
 ernment exclusively in the hands of the Eupatrida;. The nine archons 
 and their functions. The Senate of Areopagus. ^ G. The legislation of 
 Draco. ^ 7. The cons()iracy of Cylon. His failure, and massacre of his 
 partisans by Megacles, the Alcma;onid. Expulsion of the Alcmsoi.ids. 
 ^ 8. Visit of Epimenides to Athens. His purification of the city. ^ 9. 
 Life of Solon. ^ 10. State of Attica at the time of Solon's legislation. 
 ^11. Solon elected archon, B.C. 594, wiih legislative powers. ^ 12. His 
 Seisachtheia or dislmrdening ordinance. ^ 13. His constitutional changes. 
 Division of the people into four classes, according to their property. 
 ^ II. Institution of the Senate of Four Hundred. Enlargement of the 
 powers of the .\rcopagus. The Athenian government continues an oligar- 
 chy after the time of Solon, i) 15. the special laws of Solon. <J IG. The 
 travels of Solon, i^ 17. Vsurji.ition of Pisistnitu.s. Return and death of 
 Solon 87 
 
 CHArXER XI. 
 
 niSTOKY OF ATIIF.NS FROM THE LSLRPATION OF PISISTRATIS TO THE 
 ESTABLISHSIENT OF THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES. 
 
 41. Despotism of Pisistratus. His first expulsion and restoration. ^2. 
 His second expulsion and restoration, i) 3. Government of Pisistratus 
 after his final restoration to his death, B.C. 527. ^ 4. Government of 
 Hippias and Hipparchus. Conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and 
 assassination of Hipparchus, B.C. 514. ^ 5. Sole government of Hippias. 
 His expulsion by the Alcma»onid!e and the Lacedsmonians, B.C. 510. i) fi. 
 Honors paid to Harmodius and Aristogiton. if 7. Party struggles at 
 Athens between Clisthenes and Isasoras. Establishment of the Athenian
 
 CONTENTS. xix 
 
 (iemocracy. ^8. Reforms of Clisthenes. Institution of ten new tribes and 
 of the demes. ^ 9. Increjtse of the number of the Senate to Five Hundred. 
 () 10. Enlargement of the functions and authority of the Senate and the 
 Ecclesia. () 11. Introduction of the judicial functions of the people. In- 
 stitution of the Ten Strategi or Generals. ^ 12. Ostracism. ^ 13. First 
 attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy. 
 Invasion of Attica by Cleomenes, followed by his expulsion with that of 
 Isagoras. ^ 14. Second attempt of the Lacedjemonians to overthrow the 
 Athenian democracy. The Lacedaemonians, Thebans, and Chalcidians 
 attack Attica. The Lacedfemonians deserted by their allies and compelled 
 to retire. Victories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians, 
 followed by the planting of 4000 Athenian colonists on the lands of the 
 Chalcidians. ij 15. Third attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow 
 the Athenian democracy, again frustrated by the refusal of the allies to 
 take part m the enterprise. ^ 16. Growth of Athenian patriotism, a conse- 
 quence of the reforms of Clisthenes 102 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES. 
 
 (; I. Connection of the subject with the general history of Greece. ^ 2. Ori- 
 gin of the Greek colonies and their relation to the mother-country, (j 3. 
 Characteristics common to most of the Greek colonies. ^ 4. The ^Eolic, 
 Ionic, and Doric colonies in Asia. Miletus the most important, and ths 
 parent of numerous colonies. Ephesus. Phocasa. <J 5. Colonies in the 
 south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cumee. (} G. Colonies in Sicily. 
 Syracuse and Agrigentum the most important. Phalaris despot of Agri- 
 gentum. <J 7. Colonies in Magna Grascia (the south of Italy). Sybaris 
 and Croton. War between these cities, and destruction of Sybaris. ^ 8. 
 Epizephynan Locri : its lawgiver, Zaleucus. Rhegium. ^ 0. Tarentum. 
 Decline of the cities in Magna Graecia. ^ 10. Colonies in Gaul and Spam. 
 Massalia. ij 11. Colonics in Africa. Cyrene. ^ 12. Colonies in Epirus, 
 Macedonia, and Thrace. ^ 13. Importance of a knowledge of the history 
 of the Greek colonies • 114 
 
 CHAPTER Xin. 
 
 HISTORY OF LITERATURE. 
 
 ^ 1. Perfection of the Greeks in literature. ^ 2. Greek epic poetry divided 
 into two classes, Homeric and Hesiodic. ^ 3. Poems of Hesiod. ^ 4. 
 Origin of Greek lyric poetry. ^ 5. Archilochus. ^ 6. Simonides of 
 Amorgos. ^ 7. Tyrtaeus and Alcman. ^ 8. Arion and Stesichorus. ^ 9. 
 Alcffius and Sappho. ^ 10. Anacreon. ^ 11. The Seven Sages of 
 Greece. ^ 12. The Ionic school of philosophy. Thales, Anaximander, 
 and Anaximcnes. ^ 13. The Eleatic school of philosophy. Xenopha- 
 nes. <^ 14. The Pythagorean school of philosophy. Lile of Pythago- 
 ras. Foundation and suppression of his society in the cities of Magna 
 Graecia 126
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAITKR XIV. 
 
 lltMTOKV or ART. 
 
 i 1. Perfection of Orrriiin (irl. ^2. Origin of Arrhitrctiiro. ^3. Cyrlop^ui 
 walls, 'rrrnsiiry of AtridM. if i. Archileriiirc of tcin|>lrrs. ^ 5. Three 
 orders of iirrliitcTlurf, lln' Doric, Ionic, and ('orinthian. (f 0. 'I'emide* of 
 Artemis (Diiinii) at K|ihcfiiiN, of Ilcra (Juno) at SamoN, of Ajiollo at Dclf/fii, 
 and of Jovo at Athcn.H. KiMiininit of tcniplca at t'onidonta (PsstumX 
 Selinus, and ^^^gina. () 7. Origin of nciilpturc. Wooden images of the 
 gods. Sculptured figures on architectural tnonumcnts. Lions over ttie 
 gate at Mycenir. if 8. Improvements in sculjiturc in the sixth and fifth 
 centuries B.C. ^9. Extant .ipecimens of Grecian sculpture. The Selinun- 
 Ime, i^ginetan, and Lycinn marbles. <) 10. History of j>ainting 140 
 
 BOOK I II. 
 
 THE PERSIAN WARS. 
 
 B.C. 500 — 178. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE RISE AND r.ROWTH OK THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 i 1 Introduction, i) 2. The Assyrian Empire. ^ 3. The Median Empire. 
 ^ i. The Babylonian Empire. ^ 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its influ- 
 ence upon the Asiatic Greeks. ^ C. Conijuest of the Asiatic Greeks by 
 Croesus, king of Lydia. i)l. Foundation of the Persian Empire by Cyrus, 
 and overthrow of the Median Empire by the latter. ^ 8. Conquest of the 
 Lydian Monarchy by Cyrus. ^ 9. Conquest of the .\siatic Greeks by 
 Harpagus, the general of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus. ^10. Reigns of Cajn- 
 byses and of the false Sinerdis. ^11. History of Polycrates, despot of 
 Samos. <J 12. .\ccession of Darius, son of Hysiaspes. His organization 
 of the Persian Empire. ^ 13. Invasion of Scythia by Darius. ^ 14. Sub- 
 jection of Thrace and Macedonia to the Persian Empire 151 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE IONIC REVOLT. 
 
 ^ 1. Introduction. ^ 2. Naxian exiles apply for aid to Aristagoras. ^ 3. 
 Expedition of Aristagoras and the Persians against Naxos. Its failure. 
 ^ 4. Revolt of Miletus and the other Greek cities of Asia. ^ 5. Aristago- 
 ras solicits assistance from Sparta and .\thens, which is granted by the 
 latter. <) C. Burning of Sardis by the .\ihenians and lonians. ^ 7. Death 
 of Aristagoras and Hist iaeus. ^8. Defeat of the Ionian fleet at Lade. ^9. 
 Capture of Miletus and termination of the revolt 163
 
 CONTENTS. xxi 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF MAHaTHON, 
 
 1. Expedition of Mardonius into Greece, i^ 2. Preparations of Darius for 
 a second invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leading Grecian states to 
 demand earth and water. <J 3. Invasion of Greece by the Persians under 
 Datis and Artaphernes. Conquro: of the Cyclades and Eretria. 1^4. Pre- 
 parations at Athens to resist the Persians. History of Miltiades. ^5. De- 
 bate among the ten Athenian Generals. Resolution to give battle to thn 
 Persians. ^6. Battle of Marathon. (}". Movements of the Persians after 
 the battle, ij 8. Effect of the battle of Marathon upon the Athenians. 
 ^ 9. Glory of Miltiades. ^ 10. His unsuccessful expedition to Paros. 
 ^ 11. His trial, condemnation, and death. ^ 12. History of jEgina. 
 ^ 13. War between Athens and ^gina. ^ 14. Athens becomes a mari- 
 time power. <J 15. Rivalry of Themistocles and Aristides. Ostracism of 
 the latter 171 
 
 CHAPTER XVin. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF THERMOPVL^ AND ARTEMISIUM. 
 
 ^ \. Death of Darius and accession of Xerxes, ij 2. Preparations for ttie 
 invasion of Greece, ij 3. A bridge thrown across the Hellespont, and a 
 canal cut through the isthmus of Mount Athos. i) 4. Xerxes sets out from 
 Sardis. Order of the march, i^ 5. Passage of the Hellespont. <J 6. Num- 
 bering of the army on the plain of Doriseus. ^ 7. Continuation of the 
 march from Doriseus to Mount Olympus. ^ 8. Preparations of the Greeks 
 to resist Xerxes. Congress of the Grecian states at the isthmus of Corinth. 
 ^9. Patriotism of the Athenians. Resolution of the Greeks to defend the 
 pass of Tempe, which is afterwards abandoned. ^ 10. Description of the 
 pass of Thermopylai. iji 11. Leonidas sent with 300 Spartans and a small 
 body of Peloponnesians to defend the pass of Thermopylas. • ^ 12. Attack 
 and repulse of the Persians at Thermopylae. ^ 13. A Persian detachment 
 cross the mountains by a secret path in order to fall upon the Greeks in 
 the rear, iji 14. Heroic death of Leonidas and his comrades. <J 15. Monu- 
 ments erected to their honour, i^ 16. Proceedings of the Persian and 
 Grecian fleets, (j 17. The Persian fleet overtaken by a terrible storm. 
 ^ 18. First battle of Artemisium. <J 19. Second storm. (} 20. Second 
 battle of Artemisium. Retreat of the Grecian fleet to Salamis 185 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS. 
 
 § 1. Results of the battle of Thcrmopyla;. ^ 2. Alarm and flight of the 
 Athenians. § 3. March of the Persians and attempt upon Delphi. (} 4. 
 Taking of Athens and arrival of the Persian fleet. (J 5. Dissensions and 
 debates of the Greeks. ^6. Stratagem of Themistocles. Arrival of Aris- 
 tides. () 7. Position of the hostile fleets. Preparations for the combat. 
 ^ 8. Battle of Salamis. (} 9. Defeat and flight of Xerxes. ^ 10. Pursuit
 
 xxii I'ONTKNTS. 
 
 (if tlin (iriM'kN. () II. Iluiiicuanl iiiiirch of Xnrxcu. (f 12. The Otfciut 
 ccli'lirnto tlii'ir virtiiry. <) l.'l. (,'urthnginian cxiiidilion to Sicily. Dcf^nt 
 and (iriitli of lliiitiilrar Wl 
 
 CllAPTKU XX. 
 
 IIATTI.EB or PLAT^KA AND MVCALE. 
 
 (f 1. Position of lln- I'tTSinn and Cirr-fk flcrlit. ^ 2. Prrparalion« of Mar- 
 doniu.s for (lie rnnipaign. <^ 3. Ho noiicils t)io Alhrniaim to Join him. 
 Faithlessness of the Spartans. ^1 Mardoniusoccupics Allu-nn. Athenian 
 cmliaHsy tu Sparta. March of the Spartan army, i) 5. Mardoniuii retires 
 into Ua'otia: followed by the fircrinn army. Skirmishes. ^6. The 
 Grcck.s descend into the plain. Manauvres of the two armies. ^7. Alex- 
 ander, king of Mucedon, visits the Grecian camp. The Greeks resol*e to 
 change ihcir ground: their <lisordcrly retreat. ^8. Battle of Platca. 
 Defeat of the Persians. () 9. Division of the spoil, i) 10. Ke<luction of 
 Thebes, and cxerulion of the Thetian leaders. <) 11. Death of .Vristodcmuji. 
 () 12 League of IMatita. Religions ceremonies. <) 13. Hallle of Mycale. 
 Defeat of the Persians. () 11. Liberation of the Greek islands, (j 15. 
 Siege and capture of Sestos 210 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 UISTORY OF LITBRATURE. 
 ^ 1. CJeneral characteristics. ^ 2. Simonides. ^ 3 Pindnr. ^ 4. Ibycus 
 and Bucchylides. ^ 5. Rise of history- and of composition in prose. ^ C. 
 Hecatajus, Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus. i) 7. Herodotus. ^ 8. 
 Character of his work. Analysis. () 9. Predilection of Herodotus for 
 Athens. ^ 10. Style of his work 229 
 
 BOOK lY. 
 
 THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 B.C. .107—404. 
 
 CHAPTER XXn. 
 
 FROM THK K.XPUI.S10N OF THE PERSIANS TO TUP DF.ATH OF 
 THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 1. Further proceedings against the Persians. ^2. Misconduct and treason 
 of Pausanias. ^ 3. The maritime suj>remacy transferred to the Athenia\ts. 
 ^ 4. Confederacy of Delos. ^ 5. The combined fleet under Cimon. ^ 6. 
 Growth of the .\theni:in power. Plans of Themistoeles. ^7. Rebuilding 
 of Athens. The Lareda-monians attempt to prevent its being fortified. 
 ^ 8. Fortification of Pir;vus. ij 9. Strife of parties at Athens. Miscon 
 duct of Themistoeles. ^10. He ia ostracised. ^11. Pausanias convicted
 
 CONTENTS. xxiii 
 
 of Medism. ^ 12. Thcmistocles implicated in his guilt. He escapes into 
 Asia, tj 13. He is magnificently received by Artaxer.xes. His death and 
 character. 6 14. Death of Aristides 239 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 KISE AND GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. FROM THE BATTLE 
 
 OF EURYMEDON TO THE THIRTY YEARs' TRUCE WITH SPARTA. 
 
 ',. Cimon leader of the aristocratical party at Athens. § 2. Revolt of 
 Naxos. ^3. Battle of Eurymedon. ^4. The Athenians blockade Thasos, 
 and attempt to found colonies in Thrace. ^ 5. Earthquake at Sparta and 
 revolt of the Helots ^6. Decline of Spartan power. ^7. Cimon assists 
 the Spartans to suppress the revolt, but without success. The Spartans 
 offend the Athenians by dismissing their troops, (j 8. Parties at Athens. 
 Character of Pericles. () 9. Attack upon the Areopagus. ^ 10. Ostra- 
 cism of Cimon. ij 11. Administration and foreign policy of Pericles. 
 ^ 12- Expedition of the Athenians into Egypt against the Persians. 
 1^ 13. Hostilities with Corinth and ^Egina. Defeat of the Corinthians at 
 Megara. ^ 14. The long walls of Athens commenced. ^ 15. The Lace- 
 daemonians march into Boeotia. Battle of Tanagra. <J 10. Recall of 
 Cimon. ^ 17. Battle of CEnophyta, and conquest of Boeotia. Conquest 
 of.(Egina. ij* '^8. The five years' truce. Expedition of Cimon to Cyprus. 
 His death. ^ 19. Conclusion of the war with Persia. ^ 20. The Athe- 
 nian power at its height. ^ 21. Decline of Athenian power. Revolution 
 in Boeotia. Other Athenian reverses. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedae- 
 monians under Pleistoanax. ^ 22. Pericles recovers Euboea. Thirty- 
 years' truce with Sparta 251 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 FROM THE THIRTY YEARs' TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORINTH 
 AND CORCYRA. 
 
 ^ 1. State of parties at Athens. Thucydidcs. ^2. Opposite political views. 
 ^ 3. Ostracism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. He adorns 
 Athens. His foreign policy ^ 4. Athenian colonization. Cleruchia^. 
 Thurii and Amphipolis. ^ 5. Nature of the Athenian maritime empire. 
 Amount of tribute. Oppressions. ^ 6. Revolt of Samos. Reduction of 
 the island by Pericles 265 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE PELOPONN ESI AN WAR. 
 
 ',. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. ^ 2. Corcyrsean embassy to 
 Athens. Decision of the Athenians. ^ 3. They send a fleet to Corcyra. 
 Naval engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. ^4. Revolt of Potidaja. 
 ^ 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian allies at Sparta. The Spartans decide 
 for war. ^ G. Second congress. The allies resolve upon war. <J 7. The 
 Lacedemonians require the Athenians to expel Pericles. () 8. Attacks 
 upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. Imprisonment and death of
 
 xxlv CONTENTS. 
 
 PliKliu. if 0. FiittlxT rpquiwitiont of the LaccclKmoniani. Rejected Itj 
 the Alhcniun.n. <f 10. The Thchiin« mirpriNo l'lntii!n. <f II. The Athe- 
 niiiiiM prepare for war. I'ortentH. i) \'i. Forren of the LnccdivmoniarM 
 and Athciiinnii. <) 13. The Peloponntfsiun arrny uncinhlcs at the uthmua 
 of Corinth 273 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 PELOrONNKSIAN WAR. FKO.M Til K lOMMENCCMKNT Of THE WAK TO 
 
 THE CAPTUHE AND DESTKf CTION OK I'LATiKA. 
 
 <J 1. The Pcloponnrsinn.i invadr Atiira. ^2. Athenian naval expeditions to 
 Peloponnesus and LocriH. () 3. The Athenians invade the Megarid. (f 4. 
 Second inva.sion of Attica. Plague at Athcn.-t. <f 5. Unpo|iularity of 
 Pericles. lie is accused of malversation. ^ G. His domestic mi.sfortuncs. 
 Death. Character. ^ 7. The Lacedicmoniaas ravage Attica. Their naval 
 operations. i)S. Snrrenderof Polidfca. ^9. The Lacedaemonians l>esicgc 
 Plata;a. ^10. Part u( t!ie garrison escape. ^11. Surrender of the town. 
 Trial and execution of the garrison 285 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. KBOM THE SIEGE OP PLATjEA TO 
 
 THE SEDITION OF COUrVRA. 
 
 ^ 1. General character of the war. ^2. Military and naval operations of the 
 third year. Atleinpt ofthc Peloponnesiansto surprise Piraius. ^3. Fourth 
 year. Revolt of Mytilene. ^-1. Fifth year. Surrender of Mytilene. ^5. 
 Debates of the Athenian assembly respecting the Mytileneans. Cleon and 
 the Athenian demagogues. ^ C. Dloody decree against the Mytileneans. 
 () 7. Second debate. Reversal of the decree. Lesbos colonized by Athe- 
 nians. ^ 8. Civil dissensions at Corcyra. () 9. Picture of the times by 
 Thucydides 296 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 PELOPONNF.SIAN WAR CONTINfF.D. FROM THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA 
 
 TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS. 
 
 {f \. Sixth year of the war. Return of the Plagiie. Purification of Dclos- 
 ^2. Seventh year. Fortification of Pylus. ^3. Attempts of the Lacedae- 
 monians to recover Pylus. ^ 4. Arrival and victory of the Athenian fleet. 
 Blockade of Sphactcria. <^ 5. The Lacedtemonians sue for peace at Athens. 
 Extravagant demands of Cleon. ^6. Renewal of hostilities. ^7. Debates 
 in the Assembly. Clron elected general, i) 8. Capture of Sphacteria. 
 ^9. Advantages of the victory. ^10. Proceedings at Corcyra. Slaughter 
 of the oligarchs. ^11. Eighth year of the war. Capture of Cythera. 
 <) 12. Invasion of the Megarid and Bceotia by the Athenians. Capture of 
 Nisa;a, the port of Megara. Defeat of the Athenians at the battle of 
 Delium. ^ 13. Brasidas in Tlirace. Takes Amphipolis. Banishment of 
 Thucydides. ^ 14. Ninth year of the war. A truce between Sparta and 
 Athens. The war continued in Thrace. ^ 15. Tenth year of the war-
 
 CONTENTS. XXV 
 
 Cleon proceeds to Amphipolis. His defeat and death. Death of Brasi- 
 das. (j 16. Eleventh year of the war. Fifty years' peace between Athens 
 and Sparta 306 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 PELOP0NNESI.4N WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS TO THE 
 
 EXPEDITION OF THE ATHENIANS TO SICILY. 
 
 ^ 1. League of Argos, Corinth, Elea, Mantinea, and Chalcidice. () 2. Trans 
 actions between Sparta and Athens. () 3. Policy and character of Alcibi- 
 ades. ^ 4. He advocates a league with Argos. Resorts to a strategem to 
 procure it. ^ 5. Alcibiades victor at Olyinpia. His magnificence. ^ 6. 
 He proceeds to Peloponnesus. <5 7. Proceedings of the Lacedaemonians. 
 Battle of Mantinea. § 8. Revolutions at Argos. A democracy estab- 
 lished. ^ 9. Conquest of Melos by the Athenians. ^ 10. Intervention of 
 the Athenians in Sicily. ^ 11. Embassy of the Egestaeans. They deceive 
 the Athenians respecting their wealth. ^ 12. The Athenians resolve on 
 an expedition to Sicily, i^ 13. Preparations at Athens. Popular delusion. 
 ^14. Mutilation of the Hermae. Accusation of Alcibiades. <J 15. Depart- 
 ure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily 321 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. 
 
 § 1. Armament mustered at Corcyra. <J 2. Its reception in Italy. Proceed- 
 ings at Syracuse. ^ 3. Plans of the Athenian generals. ^ 4. The advice 
 of Alcibiades adopted. He gains over Naxos and Catana. ^5. Proceed- 
 ings at Athens respecting the mutilation of the Hermae, and the profanation 
 of the mysteries. ^ 6. Alcibiades accused, and ordered to return to Athens. 
 ^ 7. Proceedings of Nicias in Sicily. ^ 8. Preparations of the Sicilians 
 for defence. ^ 9. Nicias lays siege to Syracuse. <J 10. He seizes Epipols 
 and constructs a fort at Syke. Attempt of the Syracusans against it. ^ 11. 
 Arrival of the Spartan general Gylippus. Change in the Athenian pros- 
 pects. ^12. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians. They fortify De- 
 celia. ^ 13. The Syracusans defeat the Athenians at sea. <^ 14. Demos- 
 thenes and Eurymedon arrive in Sicily with reinforcements. Reverses. 
 The Athenians resolve to retreat. ^ 15. Naval engagement in the Great 
 Harbor. Victory of the Syracusans. <J 16. Its effects. Disastrous retreat 
 of the Athenians. Surrender of Demosthenes. (J 17. Surrender of Nicias. 
 Treatment of the prisoners. Death of Nicias and Demosthenes. <^ 18. 
 Their characters 332 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 FROM THE END OF THE SICILIAN E.XPEDITION TO THE OVERTHROW OP 
 THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. 
 
 ^ 1. Consternation and hardships at Athens. <J 2. Measures for defence. 
 6 3. Revolt of Chios, Erythrae, and Clazomenae. () 4. Spread of the re*
 
 XXV I CONTENTH 
 
 volt. Dcfcctiori of Tc-oH, I.i'nImih, ntid Milctua. Kcvolution at Somos 
 which iMTriincii ihf hrncl-ijunrtcrN of lh<- Athf-niiin (\rvl. (f 5. Kfcovcry of 
 I,ckI)o<i l>y tho AthcniiiriN. DutMntiiifarlion of thf l.ticrdiL-monintiit with 
 TiN.Hii|iti('rni'.M. () 0. Schcmcii of Alnltiadc*. ^ 7. lie {irojMiMirit a league 
 |j«'twi'('ii thi' Athrniiinn iiiiil I'lTHianH, and the estalillahinciit of an oligarchy 
 at Athriix. (f H. A^'ilulion for an <iligarrhy at Athetm. <) U. Conferenro ol 
 PiHiiniIrr wilh Ali-iliiitd('!(. Artifir-fn of thf latter. Frc»h treaty l>etwcen 
 TisM;iiili('riicH and the Lnredn'moniaiiM. i) 10. Progresn of the oligarchical 
 conii|iirnry at Athrns and SamoH. i) 1 1. t^Ntahlmhrnent of the Four Hund- 
 red. ^ 12. Their proceedings. <f 13. Proceedings at ^ainun. Alcibiadcc 
 joins the democracy there. ^ II. Tho Athenian envoys at Sanio«. ^ 15. 
 Dissensions among the Four Hundred. They negotiate with Sparta. ^ 16. 
 Counter revolution at Athens. Defeat of the Athenian fleet and capture of 
 Kulxea liy the Lacedtcmonians. (f 17. The P'our Hundred deposed and 
 democracy re-established at Athens rilC 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 FROM THE KALI, OF THF, FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE 
 OF jEGOSPOTaMI. 
 
 ^ 1. State of the belligerents. ^ 2. Defeat of the Pcloponnesians at Cynos. 
 scma. ^ 3. Capture of Cyzicus by thr Athenians, and second defeat of 
 the Pcloponnesians at Abydus. § 4. Arrest ofAlcibiades by Tissaphemes, 
 and his subsequent escape. Signal defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cyzi- 
 cus. ^5. The Athenians masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedjemonians 
 propose a peace, which is rejected. (} 6. Pharnabazus assists the Lacedse- 
 nioniuns. () 7. Capture of Chalcedon and Byzantium by the Athenians- 
 ^ 8. Keturn of Alcil)iades to Athens. ^ 9. He escorts the sacred proces- 
 sion to Elcusis. ^ 10. Cyrus comes down to the coast of Asia. Lysan- 
 der appointed commander of the Peloponnesian fleet. ^11- Inter*-iew 
 between Cyrus and Lysander. ^ 12. Alcibiadcs at Samos. Defeat of 
 Antiochus at Nolium. ^ 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. <f 14. Lysander 
 superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic measures of the latter. ^15. De- 
 feat of Conon at Mytilenc, and investment of that town by Callicratidas- 
 i) 16. Excitement at Athens, and equipment of a large fleet. () 17. Battle 
 of ArginusiE. Defeat and death of Callicratidas. ^ 18. Arraignment 
 and condemnation of the Athenian generals. ^ 19- Re-appointment of 
 Lysander as Navarchus. ^ 20. Siege of Lampsacus, and battle of ^Egos- 
 potanii 357 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF ./ECOSPOTAMI TC THE OVERTHROW OF THB 
 THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-EKTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY AT 
 ATHENS. 
 
 ^ 1. Alarm at Athens. ^ 2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the 
 Athenian dependencies, if 3. Measures of the Athenians. Athens in- 
 vested, i) i. Embassy of Theramenes. Conditions of capitulation. ^5. 
 Lysanilcr takes possession of Athens. Destruction of the lone walls, &c 
 (j 6. Return of the oligarchical exiles. Establishment of the Thirty. ^ 7
 
 CONTENTS. xxvii 
 
 Surrender of Samos and triumph of Lysander. <J 8. Proceedings of the 
 Thirty at Athens. ^ 9. Opposition of Theramenes. ^ 10. Proscriptions. 
 Death of Theramenes. () 11. Suppression of intellectual culture. So- 
 crates. ^12. Death of Alcibiades. (^i 13. Jealousy of the Grecian states 
 towards Sparta and Lysander. (J 14. Thrasybulus at Phyle. (J 15. Seiz- 
 ure and massacre of the Eleusinians. ^ IG. Thrasybulus occupies Pirajus. 
 Death of Critias. ^ 17. Deposition of the Thirty and establishment of the 
 Ten. Return of Lysander to Athens, and arrival of Pausanias. ^ 18. 
 Peace with Thrasybulus, and evacuation of Attica by the Peloponnesians. 
 ^19. Restoratiftn of the democracy, ij 20. Archbishop of Euclides. Re- 
 duction of Eleusis 369 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD 01' 
 HER EMPIRE. 
 
 ^ 1. Situation of Athens. ^ 2. Origin and progress of the ancient city. 
 () 3. Extent of the new city. Piraius and the ports. ^ 4. General ap- 
 pearance of Athens. Population, ij 5. Periods and general character of 
 Attic art. (j 6. Sculptors of the first period. Ageladas, Onatas, and 
 others. (j7. Second period. Phidias. () 8. Polycletus and Myron. §9. 
 Painting. Polygnotus. <J 10. Apollodorus, Zeuxis, and Parrhasius. ^11. 
 Architecture. Monuments of the age of Cimon. The temple of Nike 
 Apteros, the Theseum, and the Pcscile Stoa. (J 12. The Acropolis and its 
 monuments. The Propylsea. ^ 13. The Parthenon. ^ 14. Statues of 
 Athena. ^ 15. The Erechtheum. ^ IG. Monuments in the Asty. The 
 Dionysiac theatre. The Odeum of Pericles. The Areopagus. The 
 Pnyx. The Agora and Ceramicus. i^ 17. Monuments out of Attica. 
 The Temple of Jove at Olympia. <J 18. The Temple of Apollo near 
 Phigalia 381 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 HIS'^ORY OF ATHENIAN LITERATURE DOWN TO THE END OF THE PELO- 
 PONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 ^ 1. Characteristics of the early literature of Athens. ^ 2. Origin of the 
 drama, i) 3. Introduction of the drama at Athens. Susarion, Thespis, 
 Phrynichus, Pratinas. ij 4. ^Eschylus. ij 5. Sophocles. ^ 6. Euripides. 
 ^ 7. Athenian comedy. Cratinus, Eupolis, Aristophanes. I) 8. Prose 
 writers of the period. Thucydides. ij 9. Xenophon. i^ 10. Athenian ed- 
 ucation. (J 11. Rhetors and sophists, i^ 12. Life of Socrates, i^ 13. How 
 he differed from the sophists. ^ 14. Enmity against him. () 15. His im- 
 peachment, trial, and death 400
 
 xxviii CONTENTS. 
 
 HOOK V. 
 THE SPARTAN AND TIIEBAN SUI'REMACIES. 
 
 !,.(;. .103—371. 
 
 CHAPTEK XXXVI. 
 
 rllU i:XI'h;f)ITION OI- TIIK (illKKKS under CVBU8, AND ItETREAT 09 THE 
 TKN THOUSAND. 
 
 ^ I. (Jausf-s of the r'X|i('iliti(in. ^ 2. Cyrus engages an army of Greek 
 mercenaries. Their eharjiftcr. ^ .3. .March to Tarsus, if -1. Discontent 
 of the Greeks. March to .Myrianilrus. ^ 5. Passage of the Kuphrates, 
 and march through the desert. ^ G. Battle ofC'unaxa, and death of Cy- 
 rus. ^7. Dismay of the Greeks. Preparations for retreat. ^8. Retreat 
 of the army to the Greater Zah. Seizure of the generals. <j 9. Election 
 of Xcnophon and others as generals. () 10. March from the Zab to the 
 confines of the Carduchi. March across the mountains of the Carduchi. 
 ^11. Progress through Armenia. ^ 12. March through the country of 
 the Taochi, Chaiylics, Scythini, Macrones, and C'olchi to Trapczus on 
 the Euxine. i) 13. March along the coast of the Euxine to Chryso- 
 polis. Passage to Byzantium, tj 14. Proceedings at Byzantium. ^ 15. 
 The Greeks enter the service of Seuthes. ^ 10. Are engaged by 
 the Laccda-monians. Last exploits of the arinv. and retirement of 
 Xcnophon 119 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 FROM THE COMMENCE-MICNT OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE TO THE BATTLK 
 OF CNIDL'S. 
 
 (} 1. Invasion and reduction of Elis by King Agis. ^ 2. Ambitious projects 
 of Lysandcr. ^ 3. He procures the throne for Agesilaus. (f 4. Character 
 of Agesilaus. ^ 5. Nature of the Spartan empire. ^ 6. Affairs of Asia 
 Minor. ^ 7. Agesilaus proceeds thither. ^ 8. Mortifies Lysandcr. if 9. 
 Campaigns of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. ^ 10. 
 Execution of Tissajiherncs. <J 11. Proceedings of Conon. Rhodes re- 
 volts from Sparta, if 12. Agesilaus ravages the satrapy of Pharnabazus. 
 Interview between them, (f 13. Recall of Agesilaus. ^ 14. Battle of 
 Cnidus 434 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM THE BATTLE OF CMDUS TO THE PEACE 
 OF ANTALCIDAS. 
 
 ^ 1. Mission of Timocrates to the Grecian cities. ^ 2. Hostilities between 
 Sparta and Thel)es. ^ 3. The .\thenians join the Thebans. Defeat and 
 death of Lysandcr. Retreat of Paus.inias. ^4. League against Sparta. 
 Battle of Corinth, if 5. Homeward march of Agesilaus. ^ 6. Battle of 
 Coronea. ^ 7. Loss of the Spartan maritime empire. ^ 8. Conon rebuilds 
 the walls of .\thens. if 9. Civil dissensions at Corinth, if 10. Campaign
 
 CONTENTS. XXIX 
 
 of Agesilaus in the Corinthian territory. ^ 11. New system of tactics 
 introduced by Iphicrates. Destruction of a Spartan mora by his light- 
 armed troops. ^12. Negotiations of Antalcidas with the Persians. Death 
 of Conon. Defeat and death of Thimbron. () 13. Maritime war on the 
 coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Thrasybulus appointed Athenian com- 
 mander. His death at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by Iphicrates at the 
 Hellespont, ij 14. War between Athens and ^gina. Teleutias surprises 
 the Pirffius. ij 15. Peace of Antalcidas. <J 16. Its character 443 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 FROM THE PE.\CE OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLIAS. 
 
 1. Aggressions of Sparta in BoBOtia. Rebuilding of Plataea. ^2. Reduc- 
 tion of Mantinea. () 3. Olynthian confederation. Sparta interferes. ^ 4. 
 Seizure of the Cadmea at Thebes by the Lacedaemonians. (J 5. Reduction 
 of Olynthus. <J 6. Unpopularity of Sparta. <J 7. Revolution at Thebes. 
 ^ 8. The Lacedaemonians expelled from the Cadmea. <J 9. Their expedi- 
 tions against Thebes. Alarm of the Athenians, who ally themselves with 
 Thebes. (J 10. Reorganization of the Athenian confederation. ^11. Pre- 
 parations for war. The Theban " Sacred Band." ^ 12. Character of 
 Epaminondas. <S» 13. Spartan invasions of Boeotia. ^ 14. Maritime 
 affairs. Battle of Naxos. Success of Timolheus. ^ 15. Progress of the 
 Theban arms. ^ 16. The Athenians form a peace with Sparta, which is 
 immediately broken. Proceedings at Corcyra. ^ 17. The Lacedaemonians 
 solicit Persian aid. (J 18. Congress at Sparta to treat of peace. The 
 Thebans are excluded from it .... 456 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES. 
 
 1. Invasion of Boeotta by Cleomlirotus. ^2. Battle of Leuctra. ^3. Its 
 effect throughout Greece. <^ 4. Jason of Phevaj joins the Thebans. () 5. 
 Progress of Thebes. <J C. Assassination of Jason, ij 7. Establishment of 
 the Arcadian league. (J 8. First invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. 
 Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous measures of Agesilaus. ^ 9. Epammonda.s 
 founds Megalopolis, and restores the Messenians. § 10. Alliance between 
 Athens and Sparta. Second invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. 
 1^ 11. Invasion of Laconia by the Arcadians. ^ 12. Expedition of Pelo- 
 pidas into Thessaly. The "Tearless Battle" between the Arcadians and 
 Lacedaemonians. ^ 13. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. 
 ^ 14. Mission of Pelopidas to the court of Susa. <J 15. Seizure of 
 Pelopidas by Alexander. His release. <J 16. The Athenians acquire 
 Oropus. Alliance between Athens and Arcadia. () 17. Attempt of the. 
 Athenians to seize Corinth followed by an alliance between the Corinthians 
 and Thebans. ^ 18. Success of the Athenians at sea. A Theban fleet 
 commanded by Epaminondas. § 19. Death of Pelopidas. (J 20. Wars 
 between Elis.and Arcadia. Battle of Olympia during the festival. ^ 21. 
 Dissensions among the Arcadians. <^22. Fourth invasion of Peloponnesus 
 by Epaminondas. Attempts upon Sparta and Mantinea. ^ 23. Battle ot 
 Mantinea, and death of Epaminondas. (J 24. Death of Agesilaus ... . 469
 
 CONTF.N'IS. 
 
 CIIAITKR XLI. 
 
 MIHTOKV OK TIIK HKII.M.V (IHKKKH KH()S« THE riKdTRf rTION OP TIIH 
 ATIIKNUN AltMAMENT TO THE IIEATII OK TIMOI.KON. 
 
 t) I. l{)'viiluti()ii al Kyrtiriisc. DionyNitii tho I'AiU-t iti-iz«-ii the dciipotisin 
 (f'Z. Him NUCCdNHnN. ^ .'i. Ilm |K>fticnl corii)Kiiiitionii. I'liito vimiU Syracuae. 
 <) •!. Di'iith of DionysiuH. 11 m rharncter. Hlory of Damurlcit. ^ 5, 
 Accc.-sMiun of ttic! younger DionyNiUN. K(-rond vimt of Plato. liariifihrnrnt 
 of Dion. Third visit of Plato. ^ (i. Dion cxftelM Dionyaiua, and lM:conica 
 inastor of Syraciiso. ^ 7. Assn.Mxinnlion of Dion, if 8. Revolution* at 
 SyriicuHC. Thn Syracusans invokf tlic aid of Corifith. ^9. Charaetrrof 
 Tiinolcon. ^10. lli.s RiircciiMrs. Surrcndcrof Dmnysiufi and conijuful o/" 
 SyriicUMC. ^11. .Moderation of Timolfon. He rrfnodclit thf roniititulion 
 ^ I'i. i)('f<'iiis the Carthaginians at the Crirnesus. if 13. DefKiscH the 
 Sicilian (l<'.s[>ots. ^ 14. Retires into a private station. His great popu- 
 larity and death 487 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 B.C. 359— 1 16. 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR. 
 
 ^ 1. State of Greece, ij 2. Description of Macedonia. ^3. Kines of Macedon. 
 ^ 4. Character of Philip. ^ 5. He subdues the Paeonians and Illyrians. 
 ^ G. His military discipline. ^7. Capture of Aniphi])olis, and foundation 
 of Philippi. i) 8. The Social War. ^ 9. Commeijcement of the Sacred 
 War. The Phociansseize Delphi. ^ 10. Successes of the Phocians. ^11. 
 Phili]) interferes in the war. Conquers Thessaly. ^12. Philip in Thrace. 
 Dcmo.sthcnes. <) 13. The Olynthian War. ^ 14. Character of Phocion. 
 Fall ofOlynlhus. <^ 15. Progress of the Sacred War. Embassy to Philip. 
 ^ 16. Coiujuest of Phocis by Philip. Sentence of the Amphictyonic 
 Council on the Phocians 499 
 
 CHAPTER XLUI. 
 
 FROM THE END OF THE SACKED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP. 
 
 ^1. Resultsof the Sacred War. ^2. Macedonian embassy to. \thens. Second 
 Philippic. ^ 3. Philip's expedition into Thrace. ^ 4. Third Philippic. 
 Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. () 5. Phocion's successes in 
 fcubcea. <J (>. Declaration of war between .Athens and Macedon. Phocion 
 compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. ^ 7. Charge of sacrilege 
 against the .\inphissians. () 8. Philipappointed general by the Amphictyons 
 to conduct the war against Amphissa. ij 9. He seizes Elatea. League 
 between Athens and Thebes. () 10. Battle of" Chwronea. (f 11. Philip's 
 extravagant joy for his victory, i^ 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's 
 
 ♦
 
 CONTENTS. xxxi 
 
 progress through the Peloponnesus. (} 13. Philip's domestic quarrels. 
 ^ 14. Preparations for the Persian expedition, i^ 15. Assassination of 
 Philip 514 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 ALEX.^NDER THE GRE.4T. 
 
 S 1. Education of Alexander. () 2. Rejoicings at Athens for Philip's death. 
 Movements in Greece. §. 3. Alexander overawes the malcontents, and is 
 appointed generalissimo for the Persian war. (J 4. Alexander subdues the 
 Triballians, Getae, lllyrians, and Taulantians. iji 5. Revolt and destruc- 
 tion of Thebes. ^ 6. Alexander prepares to invade Persia. Nature of 
 that empire. I) 7. Alexander crosses the Hellespont, ij 8. Battle of the 
 Granicus. § 0. Alexander overruns Asia Minor. The Gordian knot. 
 §10. March through Cilicia. Battle of Issus. Victor}'. §11. Conquest 
 of Phoenicia. Siege of Tyre. § 12. Alexander marches into Egypt. 
 Foundation of Alexandria. Oracle of Ammon. § 13. Battle of Arbela. 
 § 14. Alexander takes possession of Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. § 15. 
 March to Ecbatana, and pursuit of Darius. Death of Darius. § 16. 
 March through Hyrcania, Asia, and Drangiana. Conspiracy of Philotas. 
 § 17. Alexander crosses the Oxus. Death of Bessus. Reduction of Sog- 
 diana. Alexander marries Roxana. § 1^- Murder of Clitus. § 19. Plot 
 of the pages. Alexander invades the Penjab, and defeats Porus. Marches 
 as far us the Hyphflsis. § 20. Descent of the Hydaspes and Indus. § 21. 
 March through Gedrosia. Voyage of Nearchus. § 22. Arrival at Susa. 
 Intermarriages of the Greeks and Persians. Mutiny of the army. § 23. 
 Death of Hephsestion. Alexander takes up his residence at Babj'lon 
 His death. 6 24. Character 525 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF 
 
 IPSUS. 
 
 tj 1. Division of the provinces after Alexander's death. § 2. Retrospective 
 view of Grecian affairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes de Corona. § 3. 
 Arrival of Harpalus at Athens. Accusation and exile of Demosthenes. § 4. 
 The Lamian war. Defeat of Antipater, and siege of Lamia. §5. Defeat 
 and death of Leonnatus. Battle of Crannon. End of the Lamian war. 
 §6. Death of Demosthenes. Aml)i!ious projects of Perdiccas. His inva- 
 sion of Egypt, and death. § 7. Fresh division of the provinces at Tripa- 
 ladisus. Death of Antipater. Polysphercon becomes regent, and concili- 
 ates the Grecian stales. Death of Phocion. § 8. War between Polysper- 
 chon and Cassander. Ill success of Polysperchon. Cassander becomes 
 master of Macedonia, and puts Olympias to death. § 9. Coalition against 
 Antigonu^. Peace concluded in b.c. 311. Murder of Roxana and her son. 
 § 10. R. "^ewal of the war against Antigonus. Demetrius Poliorcetes ex- 
 pels the Macedonians from Athens. § 11. Demetrius Poliorcetes at Cy- 
 prus. Battle of Salamis. Attempt on Egypt. Siege of Rhodes. § 12. 
 Battle of Ipsus, and death of Antigonus 552
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI, 
 
 KKOM TIIK lUTTI.K OK II'MIU TO TIIK lONgiKflT (iK r.Hrr.r K BY t f. 
 ROMANN. 
 
 ^ 1. Prorfcdinns of Dr-inctrius I'oliorcftcii. He rapturi-ii Athcnii. <f 2. 
 Obtiiins the Miircduiiiiin rrown. Ill* flight tind death. ^3. Lysirnachus 
 rci(!ns ovrr Mnrcdonia. Ho is drfentrd and iilnin \>y ScIcucuh. if i. tie- 
 IciicuH iissa.MHiiiatt'd liy Ptnleiny (,'i.'raiiiiii.<i. Iiivamon of the Cells, and 
 doalli of I'tolcniy Ccraunu.s. <f 5. AiitigoiiUN Goiiataii aitcriidii the Mace- 
 donian throne. Death of Pyrrhii.i of Kpirus. Chrcmoiudfan war. if 6. 
 The Achiean League. ^ 7. State of Sparta. KcforiiiH of Agiit arid Clco- 
 mene.s. The Cleomenic war. ^ 8. The it^tolian League. ^ 9. The So- 
 cial War. ^ 10. War between Philip and the Romans. ^11. Philoprcmcn. 
 (} 12. Second war hetwcen Philip and the Romans. Battle of Cynocc- 
 phala-. ^ 13. Defeat of Antioehus, and subjugation of the i&olians by 
 the Romans. ^ 11. Extension of the Acha-an League. Contjuext of 
 Sparta. Death of Philopfpnicn. ^ 13. War between Perseus and the 
 Romans. Conciuest of Macedonia. ^ IC. Proceedings of the Romans in 
 Greece, ij 17. Athens and Oropvis. War IfCtween the Achaians and Spar- 
 tans. () 18. The Spartans appeal to the Romans, who reduce Greece into 
 a Roman province 564 
 
 CHAPTER XLVn. 
 
 IIISTOKY OK GKECI.\N ART KRO.M THE K .V I) OK THE rELOPONNESIAIf 
 WAR TO ITS DECLINE. 
 
 ^ 1. Later school of Athenian sculpture. () 2. Scopas. if 3. Praxiteles. 
 ^4. Sicyonian school of sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. ^5. Sicyo- 
 nian school of painting. Eupompus, Piunphilius, Apelles. ^6. Architec- 
 ture. () 7. Period after Alexander the Great. School of Rhodes. ^ 8. 
 Plunder of Greek works of art by the Romans 579 
 
 CHAPTER XLVni. 
 
 GRECIA.N LITERATl'RE KROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESI A.H WAR TO 
 THE LATEST PERIOD. 
 
 f) 1. The drama. The Middle comedy. The New comedy: Philemon, 
 Menander. ^ 2. Oratory. Circumstances which favoured it at Athens. 
 ^3. Its Sicilian origin. (J 4. The ten Attic orators: Antiphon, Ando. 
 cides, Lysias, Isocrates, Is»us, JEschines, Lycurgus, Demosthenes. Hy- 
 pcrides, and Dinarchus. ^ 5. Athenian philosophy, Plato. ^ 6. Sketch 
 of his philosophy. <J 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics. and Cynics. ^ 8. The 
 Academicians. ^ 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics, if 10. The Stoics 
 and Epicureans. ^11. The Alexandrian school of literature. ^ 12. 
 Later Greek writers : Polybius, Dionysius of Halicamassus, Diodorus 
 Sicufus, Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion 
 Cassius, Lucian, Galen, if 13. The Greek Scriptures and Fathers. Con- 
 clusion 587
 
 im^f''' 
 
 The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens. 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 View of Athens , . . Frontispiece. 
 
 Theatre of Dionysius at Athens Title Page. 
 
 Page 
 
 Greek and Persian combatants. 
 From the Frieze of the Tem- 
 ple of Nike Apteros i.x 
 
 TheBemaof the Pny .x at Athens xxvii 
 
 Coin of Acarnania xxviii 
 
 Vale of Tempe in Thessaly ... 1 
 Map of Greece, showing the 
 general direction of the Moun- 
 tain Ranges 3 
 
 Arch of Tiryns 10 
 
 Head of Olympian Jove 11 
 
 Paris, from the ^ginetan Sculp- 
 tures 16 
 
 Ajax, from the ^Eginetan Sculp- 
 tures 17 
 
 Gate of Mycenffi 25 
 
 Hercules and Bull 31 
 
 Map of the chief Greek Colonies 
 
 in Asia Minor 37 
 
 Homer enthroned 39 
 
 Bust of Homer 46 
 
 Primitive Vessels from Athens 
 
 and A-gos 47 
 
 iew of Mount Taygetus from 
 
 the site of Sparta 56 
 
 Early Greek Armour, from Vase- 
 paintings 72 
 
 Leaden Sling biiliets and Arrow- 
 heads, found at Athens, Mara- 
 thon, and Leontini 79 
 
 Coin of Corinth 86 
 
 Croesus on the Funeral Pile .... 87 
 Ruins of the Temple of the Olym- 
 pian Jove at Athens 102 
 
 Coin of Athens 113 
 
 Ancient Sculptures from Selinus 114 
 Map of the chief Greek Colonies 
 
 in Sicily 119 
 
 Map of the chief Greek Colonies 
 
 in Southern Italy 122 
 
 Coin of Cyrene, representing on 
 
 the reverse the Silphium 125 
 
 AlcEEUs and Sappho. From a 
 
 Painting on a vase 126 
 
 Temple at ^Egina, restored 140 
 
 Wall at Tiryns 14] 
 
 Wall of the Citadel of Argos 142 
 
 Wooden Hut in Asia Minor .... 143 
 Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Co 
 
 lumns 144 
 
 Doric Architecture 1 15 
 
 Ionic Architecture ib. 
 
 Corinthian .A.rchitecture 146 
 
 Cyrus 151 
 
 Behistun rock on which aie in- 
 scribed the exploits of Darius 163 
 Ruins of an Ionic Temple in 
 
 Lycia 170 
 
 The Plain and Tumulus of Ma- 
 rathon 171 
 
 Battle of Marathon 176 
 
 Bust of Miltiades 184
 
 XXXIV 
 
 LIST OF MJ.l-STRATIONK 
 
 View of 'I'hfrinopylf I'l.'i 
 
 IMiiii of 'rhiTiiio|iyln5 I!»3 
 
 A (Jnrk Wuriior UOl 
 
 Hiiltlf of HalnmiM 210 
 
 'l'riii|>l<- of Nike Aptcroa, on the 
 
 Ac-rupoliM (It AtliciiN 210 
 
 Itiittli- of I'lutiist 2-21 
 
 HuMl of I'liular . . . 22U 
 
 Hii.Ml of llcrodotUH 23H 
 
 The 'riicstiirn at Athens 239 
 
 Pcrirli's nnd Aspn^ia 251 
 
 'I'hf Acropolis rrstori'd 205 
 
 Must of iho poet Sophoclr.s 272 
 
 The IVopylitn of the Acropolis 27;i 
 Bust of the historian Thucydi- 
 
 dcs 284 
 
 The Parthfrnon 285 
 
 Stiitiic of ThcHcus, from the Pc- 
 
 (liinrnt of tho Parlln'non 290 
 
 From the Frirzfofthc- Parthenon. 
 
 Paiialhriiaic Procession 300 
 
 Bay of Pylus 309 
 
 Plan of the neighbourhood of 
 
 Aniphipolis 317 
 
 Coin of Ampliipolis 320 
 
 Centaur from llio Metopes of ihc 
 
 Partlienon 321 
 
 Bust of Alcil)iades 332 
 
 Plan of Syracuse 337 
 
 Street of the Trijjods at Athens, 
 
 from a has relief 340 
 
 One of the Caryatides support- 
 ing; the southern portico of the 
 
 Ererlitheum 257 
 
 Bust of the Poet Euripides 308 
 
 View of Phvle 309 
 
 Clio, the Muse of History 380 
 
 The Erechtheum restored, view- 
 ed from the S.W. angle 381 
 
 Plan of Athens 393 
 
 Athens and its Port-towns 385 
 
 Plan of the Arrcipolm . . 3'J3 
 
 Coin nliowuiK the I'artliPnon, 
 Athrnn Prtiniurhun, and the 
 
 Cave of Pan 306 
 
 Theatre of DiodyNim, from coin 397 
 Melpomene, the Muac of Tra- 
 gedy 400 
 
 Thalin, the Muse uf Comedy ib. 
 
 Bunt of Sorrntes 418 
 
 The PartoluH at Sardin . 419 
 
 Route of the Ten Thousniid 421 
 
 Choragic Monument of Lysi- 
 
 cratcs 434 
 
 View of Corinth and the Aero- 
 
 corinthuH 443 
 
 Plan of Corinth 448 
 
 Advcrntures of Dionysus, from 
 the Choragic Monument of 
 
 Lysicratcs 45S 
 
 Ditto, Ditto 456 
 
 The Wind Boreas, from the 
 llorologium of Andrunicus 
 
 Cyrrhestes 468 
 
 Ithomc, from the Stadium of 
 
 Messene 469 
 
 Bust of Plato 487 
 
 View of Delphi and Mount Par- 
 nassus 499 
 
 The Plain of Chaironca 514 
 
 Bust of Demosthenes 524 
 
 Battle of Issus 525 
 
 Apollo Cithara-dus . . 551 
 
 The Group of NioImj 552 
 
 Group of Dirce 5C4 
 
 Group of the Laocoon 5~9 
 
 Bust of A ristotlo 587 
 
 Bust of Menander 603 
 
 Colonial Coin of Corinth 614 
 
 Herolou'ium of Andronicus Cyr- 
 
 rhcstes at Athens Gt2 
 
 Calliope, the Muse of Epic Poetry 055 
 
 Coin or Acariianix
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Vale of Tempe in Thessaly. 
 
 fNTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 § 1. The three peninsulas of Southern Europe. § 2. Position and boun- 
 daries of Greece. § 3. Size of the country. § 4. Kame. § 5. Nor- 
 thern Greece: Thessaly and Epirus. §6. Central Greece: its prin- 
 cipal divisions and mountains. § *?. Eastern half of Central Greece: 
 Doris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, Attica, Megaris. § 8. Western half of 
 Central Greece: Ozolian Locris, yEtolia, Acarnania. § 9. Peloponne- 
 sus: Arcadia, § 10. Achaia, Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Elis. § 11. The 
 Grecian Inlands. § 12. Influence of the physical geography of Greece 
 upon the political destinies of the people. § 13. Likewiseupon their in- 
 tellectual character. § 14. Rivers and chief productions. § 15. Climate. 
 
 A 1. Three peninsulas, very different in foi'm, project from the 
 south of Europe into the Mediterranean sea. The most westerly, 
 that of Spain and Portugal, is a quadrangular figure united to 
 the mainland by an isthmus. The central one, that of Italy, is 
 a long tongue of land, down which runs from north to south the 
 back-bone of the Apennines. The most easterly, of which Greece 
 
 B
 
 2 IILSTOIIY OF GKEECH Hnum 
 
 iitriiiH the noulhcm part, irt in tho Hlinpc of a triaiiplu with iU 
 biwu uxl«Muliiif? IVdiii IIk; top of the Aflriatic to the inoiitliit of 
 the river Daiiul)!-, and having iti* two nifles waslied hy the wa. 
 
 I) 'J. At the lorlielh dcfrrce of latitude a rhaiti of inonntaiiu 
 (tailed the (Jainhunian, and mntinned nndi-r the name of Lin^'on, 
 runs a(^r()s.H the ]K-ninsula frrini eaj*t to west, and forniH the 
 nortljern boundary of (ireeee. At a time when the Mediterra- 
 nean wa.s the ^r<?at hi/.'hway of roimneree and eivihzation, no 
 position cuuld be more favorable than that of (jJreece. The 
 iE^eau sea, whieh batlies its eastern Hhores, is studded with 
 numerous islands, inviting? the timid mariner from one to the 
 other, and thus establishing,' an easy communieation Ijctwccn 
 Asia and Greece. Towards the south it I'aees one of the most 
 fertile portions of Africa ; and on the west it is divided from 
 Italy by a narrow channel, wliich in one part is not more than 
 thirty miles in breaillh. 
 
 \ 3. Greece, which commences at the fortieth dejrree of lati- 
 tude, does not extend farther than the thirty-sixth. Its greatest 
 length from Mount Olympu.sto Cape Ta-nanim is not more than 
 250 Euirlish miles ; its greatest breadth from the western coast 
 of Acarnania to Maratlion in Attica is only IbO miles. Its sur- 
 face is considerably less than that of Portupal. This small area 
 was divided among a number of independent states, many of 
 them containing a territory of only a few square miles, and none 
 of them larger than an EnL'lish county. But it is not the mag- 
 nitude of their territory which constitutes the greatness of a 
 people ; and the heroism and genius of the Greeks have given an 
 interest to the insignificant spot of earth bearing their name, 
 which the vast empires of Russia and China have never equalled. 
 
 ^ 4. The name of G/rcrr was never usetl by the inhabitants of 
 the country. They called their land Hellas, and them.«elves Hel- 
 lenes. It is from the Romans that we have derived the name of 
 Greece; though why the Romans gave it a di(lcrei\t appellation 
 from that used by the natives cannot be deteniiined. It is however 
 a well known fact that foreigners iVequently call a people by a name 
 dilferent from the one in u.-«e among themselves. Thus the nation 
 called Germans by us, bear the ap|x41ation of Dcut.\chcn among 
 themselves ; and the people whom the Romans named Etruscans 
 or Tuscans, were known in their own language by that of Jiasrna. 
 
 The word Hdlas signitied at first only a small district in Thes- 
 salv, the original abode of the Hellenes. From this district the 
 people, and along with them their name, gradually spread over 
 the whole country south of the Cambunian mountains. The 
 rude tribes of Epirus, however, were not reckoned among the 
 Hellenes, and the u'^rthern boundary of Hellas proper was a hue
 
 Introd. 
 
 OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 drawn from the Ambraciaii gulf to the mouth of the river 
 Peneus. The term Hellas was also employed in a more ex- 
 tended sense to signify the abode of the Hellenes, wherever 
 they might be settled ; and accordingly the Grecian cities of 
 Cyrene in Africa, of Syracuse in Sicily, and of Tarentum in 
 Italy, were as much parts of Hellas as Athens, Sparta, and 
 Corinth. 
 
 Map of Greece, showing tlie general direction of the Mountain Ranges. 
 
 1. Thessaly. 
 
 2. Epirus. 
 
 3. Doris. 
 
 4. Phocis. 
 
 5. Locri Epicnemidii. 
 
 6. I.ocri Opuntii. 
 
 7. BcEotia.' 
 
 8 Attica. 
 
 9. Megarjg. 
 10. Locri 07ola 
 U. iEtolia. 
 12. Acamania. 
 
 111. Arcadia. 
 
 14. Achaia. 
 
 15. Argolis. 
 
 16. Laconia. 
 
 17. Messenia. 
 
 19. Elis. 
 
 19. Eubcen. 
 
 20. Salaniii. 
 
 21. iEpina. 
 
 22. CytLcra.
 
 4 lUSTOUV OF (iUKVA'E. Isrnou 
 
 ^ ■'). Midwiiy Im'Iwccii ilic Ionian and yEg<'au man llie rlmin of 
 iiininiliiinrt l<)niiiii<,' tlu- iKirtlicni iNunidary (>{' i i n-fcf ih intcrwrUHl 
 at. ri<()it. ani;li'H Ity tlir I(Mi^ and loi'ty ranf.'(; <it° I'indnM, ruiinin}^ 
 IVoin north to ."ontli, like tlio Aiw-nninoH a( the Italian ]H>nin- 
 Bula. From Mount. l'iiidn» two lateral branrlieH Ktreteh towanLj 
 the eastern si-a, riniiiini; |)arallfi to one another at the distance 
 of nixty miles, and encl(»sin<; the ])lain of Tlirsstilij, the riehest 
 and largest in (ireeoe. The Ninthi-rn of these two branehe» lK»re 
 the name of Otlnys; the northern, whieh ha.** U-cn already men- 
 tioned under the iiam<! of the Camhunian inountain.x, terminateii 
 upon the coast in the lofty siunmit of Olympus, the hi^liciit in 
 all (ireece, l)ein<r '.)7l)U I'eet above the level ()f the sea, andscarecly 
 ever free jrom snr)W. S>uth of Olympus another ranpc, known 
 under the successive uame.i of Ossa and IVlion, stretches alonpf 
 the coast ]i:irallel to that of I'indus. Thus Thessaly is enclu»ed 
 between li)ur luitural ramj)arts, which are oidy broken at the 
 north-eastern extremity by the celebrated vale of Tempe, between 
 Olympus and Ossa, through which the river Peneus finds its way 
 into tlie sea. 
 
 Pindus ibrms the boundary between Thessaly and Ejrirus. 
 The latter country contains no enclosed plain like that of Thes- 
 saly, but is covered by rupired ranges of mountains running from 
 north to south, through which the Achelous, the largest river 
 of Greece, Hows towards the Corinthian gulf 
 
 k 6. At about the thirty-ninth degree of latitude Greece is 
 contracted into a kind of isthmus by two opposite gidfs, the Am- 
 bracian on the Avcst and the Malian on the east. This isthmus 
 separates the peninsula of central G reece from the mainland of 
 Thessaly and Epirus. 
 
 Central Greece again may be divided into two unequal halves, 
 tlie eastern half containing the countries of Doris, Phocis, Locris, 
 Bceotia, Attica, and Megaris, the western comprising Ozolian 
 Locris, ^tolia, and Acarnania. 
 
 A little above the thirty-ninth degree of latitude there is a 
 siunmit in the range of Pindus, called Mount Tymphrestus. from 
 which ranges of mountains radiate, as from a centre, iji all direc- 
 tions. On the east two gigantic arms branch otF towards the 
 sea : the one which runs nearly due east xnider the name of 
 Othrys has been already mentioned ; the other which lx*ars the 
 name of G:^ta, has a south-easterly direction, and fonns the 
 northern barrier of central Greece. The only entrance into cen- 
 tral Greece from the north is through the narrow opening left 
 between Mount (Eta and the sea, immortalized in history luider 
 the name of Thermopyla?. 
 
 South of Tymphrestus the chain of Pindus divides int^ two great
 
 Introd. outlines OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. a 
 
 branches, and no longer bears the same name : one strikes to 
 the south-east under the names of Parnassus, Hehcon, Citha;ron, 
 and Hymcttus, and finally reaches the sea at Sunium, the south- 
 ernmost point of Attica ; the other diverges to the south-west 
 under the names of Corax and the Ozolian mountains, and joins 
 the sea near the entrance of the Corinthian gulf 
 
 ^ 7. In the highlands between CEta and Parnassus is a narrow 
 plain called Doris, from which the Dorians are said to have 
 issued to the conquest of Peloponnesus. Here rises the river 
 Cephissus, which Hows into Phocis. The greater part of Pliocis 
 is occupied by Parnassus, which rises to the height of 8000 feet, 
 but between this mountain and those of eastern Locris is a fertile 
 plain drained by the Cephissus. 
 
 From the eastern extremity of Mount (FAa, a range of moun- 
 tains runs southward along the coast. It passes through the 
 country of the Locrians, called respectively Eiiicncmidian, from 
 Mount Cnemis, an.d Opuniian, from the town of Opus. Saotia 
 extends from sea to sea, but it is separated from the Eubosan 
 channel by a continuation of the Locrian mountains and from 
 the Corinthian gulf by the lofty range of Helicon, celebrated in 
 poetry as the abode of the Muses. On its northern frontier 
 the ofishoots of Parnassus and the Locrian mountains leave only 
 a narrow opening through which the Cephissus flows ; and on 
 the south the country is shut in by the lolty barrier of Citha^ron 
 and Parnes, which separate it from Attica. Boeotia is thus a large 
 hollow basin, enclosed on every side by mountains, and contain- 
 ing a considerable quantity of very fertile land. The Ce- 
 phissus, and the streams which descend I'rcm the surrounding 
 hills, form in the centre of the country the lake Copais, which 
 finds an outlet for its waters through subterraneous channels in 
 the limestone mountains. 
 
 Attica is in the form of a triangle, having two of its sides 
 washed by the sea and its base united to the land. The range 
 of CithaTon and Parnes, which forms its northern boundary, 
 shuts oli" this peninsula from the rest of Greece. Citha-ron is 
 prolonged towards the south-west, skirting the shores of the Cor- 
 inthian gulf and forming the mountainous country of Megaris. 
 Here it rises into a new chain under the name of the Geranean 
 mountains, which stretch across Megaris from west to east, 
 parallel to CithcBron. These mountains sink down southw'ard 
 towards the Isthmus, which separates central Greece from Pelo- 
 ponnesus. Here the Corinthian gulf on the west and the Saronic 
 gulf on the east penetrate so far inland as to leave only a narrow 
 neck of land between them, not more than four miles across at 
 its narrowest part. The Isthmus is comparatively level, but in)'
 
 6 HISTORY OK fJKEPX'E. I.-tiuo^ 
 
 modiati'ly to lli<! hoiiiIi lis.- llu- OiKian liilU, protecting Pelopon- 
 nu.siirt t'niiri invasion liy land. 
 
 ^ H. The western half of central (irc'ccc conmi^tH, tw already 
 said, of ij<M;rifl, /Klolia, aiul Arariiaiiia. fyx^ris, r.nUcil OzfjJuin 
 to distiii^nish it from the eiusteni district of thin name, lies h\kju 
 the Corinthian ^'nlf, and ix a wild and iiionntainouH country, 
 nearly (rovcrcd hy the olishoots of the l'h(K;ian Parn.'Lsstiii and the 
 .'Etulian Corax. yEfo/irt and Aairnania, geparated hy the river 
 Aelielnns, are also inonnlainous, the prealer part of their .«urfacc 
 heinjr oceiipied hy a continnation of th<r hills of Kj)irns, hut at 
 the same lime eontainiuL' a lew fertile plains upon the banks 
 of the Achelons. All tlire(! countries were the haunts of rude 
 robber tribes even as late as the Pclopotniesian war. 
 
 ^ '.>. The Isthmus whieh connects central fireece with the 
 southern ])eninsula is .«o small in compari.<on with the outspread 
 Ibrm of the latter, that the ancients rej^arded the peninsula as an 
 island, and pave to it the name oi PclojwiDicsus, or the island of 
 I'elops, from the mythical hero of this name. Its form was 
 compared in antiquity to the leaf of the ])lane tree or the vine, 
 and its inoderu name, the Morca, was bestowed upon it from its 
 resemblance to the leaf of the mulbeny. 
 
 The mountains of Peloponnesus have their roots in the centre 
 of the country, from which they branch out towards the sea. 
 This central region, called Arcculia, is the Switzerland of the 
 l)oninsula. It is surrounded by a riufr of mountains, forming 
 a kind of natural wall, which separates it from the other 
 Peloponnesian states. These moiujtains are unbroken on the 
 northern, eastern, and southern frontiers, and it is only on the 
 western side that the waters of the Alpheus, the chief river in 
 the peninsula, Tmd their way through a narrow opening towards 
 the Ionian sea. It is on the northern frontier that the Arcadian 
 mountains are the lottiest and most ma.<sive ; and at the north- 
 eastern extremity of the country Mount Cyllcne rises to the 
 height of 7788 feet above the level of the sea, a grand and 
 majestic object as seen from the isthmus and the Corinthian 
 gulf. 
 
 MO. The otlicr chief divisions of Peloponnesus were Achaia, 
 Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, and Elis. Acluiia was a narrow slip 
 of country lying bftvveeu the northern barrier of Arcadia and 
 the Corinthian gulf. It is intersected by numerous ranges of 
 hills, whieh descend from the Arcadian mountains, and either 
 run out into the sea in the fonn of bold promontories, or subside 
 before reaching the shore. The plains thus 1 -ft on the coast, 
 and the valleys between the mountains, arc for the most pan 
 very fertile
 
 Inteod. outlines OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 7 
 
 Argolis was used as a collective term to signify the territories 
 of several independent states. Of these the most important 
 were Corinth and Sicyon, near the eastern extremity of the 
 Corinthian gulf, and Argos, situated at the head of the Argolic 
 gulf, in a plain ten or twelve miles in length and from four to 
 five in breadth. The remainder of Argolis consisted of a rocky 
 peninsula between the Saronic and Argolic gulfs, containing at 
 its eastern extremity the territories of Epidaurus, Troezen, and 
 Hermione. 
 
 Lacoiiia and Mcssenia occupied the whole of the south of Pelo- 
 ponnesus from sea to sea. They were separated by the lofty 
 range of Taygetus, running from north to south and terminating 
 in the promontory of Taenarum (now Cape Matapan), the south- 
 ernmost point of Greece and Europe. Along the eastern side of 
 Laconia the range of Mount Parnon extends from north to south 
 parallel to that of Taygetus, and terminates in the promontory 
 of Malea. Between these two ranges is the valley of the Eurotas, 
 in which Sparta stood, and which south of this city opens out 
 into a plain of considerable extent toward the Laconian gulf. 
 Messenia in like manner was drained by the Pamisus, whose 
 plain is still more extensive and fertile than that of the Eurotas. 
 Ells was the region between the western barrier of ^Arcadia and 
 the Ionian sea. It is covered to a great extent with the otishoots 
 of the Arcadian mountains, but contains several plains. In the 
 centre of the country is the memorable plain of Olympia, through 
 which the Alpheus flows, and in which the city of Pisa stood. 
 
 ^11. The numerous islands which line the Grecian shores 
 were occupied in historical times by the Grecian race. Of these 
 the most important was Eubaa, ninety miles in length, stretch- 
 ing along the coasts of Bosotia and Attica. Through it ran from 
 north to south a long chain of mountains which may be regarded 
 as a continuation of the range of Ossa and Pelion. South of 
 Eubosa was the group of islands called the Cydades, lying round 
 Delos as a centre ; and east of these were the Sporacles, near the 
 Asiatic coast. South of these groups lay the two large islands 
 of Crete and Rhodes. In the Saronic gulf between Attica and 
 Argolis were the celebrated islands of Salamis and JEgina, the 
 former reckoned as part of Attica, and the latter long the rival 
 and eye-sore of Athens. Off the western coast of Greece, in the 
 Ionian sea, we find Corcyra opposite Epirus, Ccpluillenia and 
 Ithaca opposite Acarnania, and Zacijntluis near the coast of Elis 
 in Pelopomiesus. Ciitlicra was separated by a narrow channel 
 from the southern extremity of Laconia. 
 
 k 12. The physical features of the countiy exercised an im- 
 portant mfluence upon the pohtical destinies of the peojde.
 
 8 lIISTOIiY ()!• (JIIEKCK. Intu..!.. 
 
 Groore Ih oiio of tin; iiio.Ht inoiiiitaiiiDiiri roiiiitricH of Kiiro|x!, 
 ItH Hiirfacc iH orciipicd by a iiuinher oi'Hiiiull plains cither entirely 
 Burroiiiided liy liiin-sloiK; inoiiiitaiiiti or o|mmi only to tlic Hex 
 Mountains, not rivers, have in all aj^ert proved tlie greatiwt l>ar- 
 ncr« to inl(;rcour8o between nei<rliboiirin<( tribes. Tlii.s was tiie 
 case in (xreeee, and thus the very nature ol the land tende<l to 
 producer that larf^o number of iudepend<;nt states which is one of 
 the HKJSt strikiuj^ ]>ha!noniena in Grecian hintory. Each of tho 
 j)riiici|»al (iri'ciau cities was lininded in one of the small j)lains 
 already described ; and as the mountains which s<'parated it from 
 its nei<rhl>:turs were lofty and niirf^'ed, it frrew u|) in s<jlitary inde- 
 pendence, and formed its own (diaracter bel<)re it could be aliectc-d 
 by any external influence. 
 
 The mountainous nature of the country also protected it from 
 foreign invasion, as well as rendered it dillicull ii)r one section of 
 the Grecian race to subdue the rest. The vale ot"Tem[)e between 
 Mounts O.ssa and Olympus, the pass of Thermopyla; between 
 northern and central Greece, the passes over Mount Citha;rou 
 between Boeotia and Attica, and those over the Geranean and 
 Oaean mountains on either side of the Lsthnms, could easily be 
 defended by a handful of resolute rnen against vastly superior 
 numbers. 
 
 But, while the Grecian states were separated from their near- 
 est neighbours by their mountains, the sea allorded them easy 
 intercourse Avith one another and with the rest of the world. 
 One of the mo.st striking peculiarities of the geography of Greece 
 is the wonderful extent of its sea coast. In this re.-pect it has 
 the advantage over every other country of Europe. Although 
 its surface is not so great as that of Portugal, its line of coast 
 exceeds that of the whole peninsula of Portugal and Spain. 
 Not only is it surrounded by the sea on everj' side except on its 
 northern frontier, but its coast is also broken by a number of 
 bays and gulfs running far into the land. Thus almost every 
 Grecian state hail ready and easy access to the sea, and Arcadia 
 was almost the only political division that did not possess some 
 territory ujion the coast. 
 
 ^ 13. Of all natural objects the mountains and the i^a have 
 ever been the most powerful instruments in moidding the intel- 
 lectual character of a people. The G reeks were both mountaineers 
 and mariners, and as such they jiossessed the susceptibility 
 to external impressions, the love of freedom, and the spirit 
 of adventure, which have always characterized, more or le.<s, 
 the inhabitants of mountainous and maritime districts. The 
 poetical beauty cvf the Grecian mountains has often calleii 
 forth the admiration of modern travelers. Their craggy, brokea
 
 IxTROD. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 forms and rich silvery colour give to the Grecian landscape a 
 peculiar charin, and justify the description of the poet Gray, 
 when he speaks of Greece as a land, 
 
 ""Where each old poetic moimiaui. 
 Inspiration breathes around." 
 
 The beauty of the scenery is still further enhanced by the gorge- 
 ous atmosphere in which every object is bathed. To a native 
 of the northern latitudes of Europe nothing is more striking in 
 the Grecian climate than the transparent clearness of the air and 
 the brilliant colourmg of the sky. "When Euripides represents 
 the Athenians as 
 
 " Ever delicately mai-ching 
 
 Throiigh most pellucid air,"* 
 
 he is guilty of no poetical exaggeration, and the violet colour 
 which the Roman poet assigns to the hills of Hymettusf is 
 literally true. 
 
 § 14. Greece is deficient in a regular supply of water. During 
 the autumnal and whiter months the rain, which falls in large 
 quantities, fills the crevices in the limestone of the hills and is 
 carried oft" by torrents. In summer rain is almost unknown and 
 the beds of the torrents full of water in the winter then become 
 ravines, perfectly dry and overgrown with shrubs. Even the 
 livers, which are partly supplied by springs, dwindle in the sum- 
 mer into very insignificant streams. None of the Grecian rivers 
 are navigable, and the Achelous, which is the most considerable 
 of all, has a course of only 130 miles. 
 
 The chief productions of Greece in ancient times were wheat, 
 barley, flax, wine, and oil. The hills aftbrded excellent pasture 
 for cattle, and in antiquity were covered with forests, though 
 they are at present nearly destitute of wood. 
 
 In almost every part of Greece there were rich vein.s of marble, 
 aftbrding materials for the architect and the sculptor, such as 
 hardly any other country in the world possesses. The limestone, 
 of which most of its mountains is composed, is well adapted for 
 militaiy architecture ; and it is to this hard and intractable stone 
 that we owe those massive polygonal walls, of which the remams 
 still crown the summits of so many Grecian hills. Laurium near 
 the southern extremity of Attica yielded a considerable quantity 
 of silver, but otherwise Greece was poor in the precious metali. 
 
 * iel Siu la/MTpoTurov 
 
 jBaivovrec ujBpijg alOepoc- — Eui'ip. Mtd. 829. 
 ■j- "Est prope />«rpMreos coUes florentis Ilymetti 
 Fons sacer." — Ovid, Art. Amat. 3, 687.
 
 10 HISTORY OF GUKKCE. IxTtum 
 
 Iron wus fi»uinl in tin- riin>,'C of Tuyg^itUH in Lafuinia, and copjxsr 
 as well 11.S iron near (JIwiIcmh in Kulxj'a. 
 
 I) 1 ''). Thr cliiriiitr (il'( i rirt'cc uppear.H to have been more healthy 
 in ancient tiinen than it in at prewent. The malaria whieh now 
 poisons the atmosphere in the Hiunmer monthh, rnuld not liavc 
 existed to tin; same (;xtent when the lanrl was more thickly j)co- 
 pled and more carefidly cultivated. (Jwinj: to the ine^pialities of 
 its surtaci', to its lolty muiintaiiis and depressed valleys, the di- 
 niate varies preatly in dilierent districts. In the hi^'hlands in 
 the interior the winter is ol'ten lonj,' and rigorous, the snow lying 
 upon the ground till late in the sjiring, while in the lowlands ojkju 
 to the sea, severe weather is almost unknown. The rigour of 
 winter is frequently experienced in the highlands ot Mantinea 
 and Tegea in the month of March, while at the same time the 
 genial warmth of sjtring is felt in the plains of Argos and Laco- 
 nia, and almost the heat of summer in the low grounds at the 
 head of the Messenian gidf. To this dillerencc in chmate the 
 ancients attributed the dillercnce in the intellectual character of 
 the natives of various districts. Thus the dulness of the Bceo- 
 tiaus was ascribed to the dampness and thickness of their atmos- 
 phere, while the dry and clear air of Attica was supposed to 
 sliarpen the faculties of its inhabitants. 
 
 Ar. !i olTiryns.
 
 Head of Olympian Jove. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 THE MYTHICAL AGE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS OF GREECE. 
 
 § 1. Legendary character of early Grecian history. § 2. Legends of the 
 Greeks respecting their origin. § 3. The Hellenes and their diffusion in 
 Greece. § 4. Connexion of the Hellenes with the Indo-European stem. 
 § 5. The Pelasgians. § 6. Foreign settlers in Greece. § 1. Egyptian 
 colonies of Cecrops and Danaus. § 8. Phrygian colony of Pelops. 
 § 9. Pliosnician colony of Cadmus. 
 
 ^ 1. The clouds which envelope the early histoiy of Greece arc 
 lighted up by the brilliant hues of Grecian fable ; but the reader 
 must carefully guard against believing in the reahty of the per- 
 sonages or of the events commemorated by these beautiful 
 legends. Some of them, it is true, probably sprung out of events 
 which actually occmTed, and may therefore contain a kernel of 
 historical truth ; but we have no means of distinguishing be- 
 tween what is true and what is false, between the historical facts 
 and their subsequent embellishments. Till events are recorded 
 in written documents, no materials exist for a trustworthy his- 
 tory ; and it was not till the epoch known by the name of the
 
 12 IIISTOUY OF fJUKKCH Ciiap. 1. 
 
 lirxl Olyrnjiiad, rorrrH]>oii(liiij,' to the yrar 770 Iw-forc Chri«t, that 
 the GreckH Ik%'jiii In <'iti)iloy writing an a tiicaiiH for jM-rix'tualinp 
 tlie iiH-inory ol any liiislorical lartH. Ik-foro that juTiod cvcry- 
 thiiij,' irt vajriK" anil iinrt-rtaiii ; and for two ccnturifs ufteruardii 
 wo meet willi only a lew indated events, and j.ofK'H* nothing 
 ill the lonn ol' a eontinuouH hi.storj'. But even the mythical 
 ape nnist not hv paswd over entirely. In all eawH tlie traditicnp 
 ol'a jH'ojile are worthy of reeord ; and this is CHiM-ciallv true of 
 the ti reeks, whose legends moulded their faith and influenced 
 their eoniluet down to the latest times. 
 
 ^ 2. Few nations have paid more attention to tlicir penealrpy 
 than the (i reeks. In modern times families are ambitious of 
 tracing back their origin to some illustrious ancestor; but in 
 Greece tliis feeling was not confined to families, but pervaded 
 alike all associations of men. Every petty tribe or clan claimed 
 descent from a common ancestor, whose name was borne by 
 each member of the community. This ancestor was usually 
 represented as the son or immediate descendant of a gcd, or ehe 
 as spriuig from the earth,* which was in sueli cases regarded as 
 a divine being. Thus the Greek people considered themselves 
 the children of one common father, in whose name they gloried 
 as the symbol of fraternity. This ancestor was Hellen, the fcn 
 of Deucalion and Tyrrha, from whom the people derived the 
 name of Hellenes. Hellen had tliree sons, L)onis, Xuthus, and 
 JEolus. Of these Dorus and iEolus gave their names to the 
 Dorians and iEolians ; and Xuthus, through his two sons. Ion 
 and Acha;us, became the forefather of the lonians and Acha'ans. 
 In this way the four great divisions of tlic Greek race, the 
 Dorians, yEolians, lonians, and Achseans, were supposed to be 
 the descendants of the patriarch Hellen. 
 
 \ 3. The descent of the Hellenes from a cc^mmon ancestor, 
 Hellen, was a fundamental article in the popular iaith. It was a 
 general practice in antiquity to invent fictitious persons for the 
 purpose of explaining names of which the origin was buried in 
 obscurity. It is in this way that Hellen and his sens came into 
 being. But tliough they never had any real existence, their his- 
 tory may be regarded as the traditional history of the races to 
 whom tbey gave their names. Thus when we are told that 
 Hellen reigned in the south of Thessaly. near the foot of Mount 
 Otlm-s, wliich was the })art of Greece first call Hellas, we may 
 conclude that the Greeks believed this district to be the original 
 abode of their race. In like manner the migration-s of the sons 
 of Hellen from the south of Thessaly, and their settlements 
 in the dillcreut parts of Greece, represent the cutrent belief 
 * Hen»e called an Autochthon (Avro^Sur).
 
 CuAP. I. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS. 13 
 
 respecting the early history of the four great divisions of the 
 race. 
 
 tEoIus succeeded his father Helleu as king of Hellas in Thes- 
 saly, but his descendants occupied a great part of central Greece, 
 as far as the isthmus of Corinth, and also took possession of the 
 western coast of Poloponnesus. The j-Eolians were the most 
 widely diflused of all the descendants of Helleu. Many of their 
 towns, such as Corinth and lolcus in Thessaly, were situated 
 upon the coast, and the worship of Poseidon (xs eptune), the god 
 of the sea, prevailed extensively among them. 
 
 The Achffians appear in the latter part of tlie Heroic age as the 
 most warlike of the Grecian races. At that time they are repre- 
 sented as inhabiting the original abode of the Hellenes in Thes- 
 saly, and also the cities of Mycenaj, Argos, and Sparta, in the 
 Peloponnesus. The most distinguished of the Grecian heroes in 
 the Trojan war were Achieans ; and such was the celebrity or 
 the race at that period that Homer frequently gives their name 
 to the whole body of the Greeks. 
 
 The Dorians and lonians are of far less importance in the 
 ancient legends, though they afterwards became the two leading 
 races in Greece, to whom the Spartans and Athenians respec- 
 tively belonged. The Dorians were almost confined to the small 
 mountainous district named after them, lying between Thessaly 
 and Phocis ; the lonians were found chiefly in Attica and along 
 the nan'ow shp of coast in the north of Peloponnesus, which in 
 historical times was known by the name of Achaia. 
 
 ^ 4. Such was the general belief of the Greeks respectmg the 
 early diffusion of their race. But it is natural for us to go far- 
 ther back, and to endeavor to ascertain the real origin of the 
 people. Now the only sure and certain means of ascertaining 
 the origin of any people is a knowledge of its language. Tra- 
 dition misleads as often as it guides the inquirer ; and the indi- 
 cations afibrded by mythologj', manners and customs, are fre- 
 quently deceptive and always vague. Language, on the other 
 hand, is an enduring memorial ; and, whatever changes it may 
 have undergone in the course of ages, it rarely loses those funda- 
 mental elements which proclaim its origin and affinities. If then 
 we conduct our inquiry into the origin of the Greek people by 
 means of their language, we have no difficulty in coming to a 
 satisfactory conclusion. The Greek language is a member of 
 that great family of languages to which modern scholars have 
 given the name of Indo-European. The various nations speaking 
 the different varieties of this language were originally one people, 
 uiiiabiting the high table-land of central Asia. At some period, 
 long antecedent to all profane history, they issued from their
 
 U HISTOKY OF GUKKCE. Ciiai-. L 
 
 primcviil R'filH, ami Hj»rra»l over a conHid»Tn}il« portion Ijolh of 
 Asia and of J'!)iir<i|ic. In Asia the uiir-it-nt llin(l<K>H, mIio cixikc 
 hianscrit, and tlic Mcdcs and I'crHiaiiH, wliohr- lan^uafro •wa« the 
 ZiMid, wcri' llif two jtrincipal hranclicH of'tliiH p«'ople. In Knropc 
 the Germans, PclangianH, SlavonianH, and Cflt« Wfre llic linir 
 chief varieties. Jt is foreign to onr prcwnt pnr|H)>« to pivc any 
 account of till! otht-r branclu-s of the ]ndo-Knro|N-an family ; Ijut 
 *a few remarks must be made ujhju the iVlayj^ians, from >vliorn 
 the Greeks derived their origin. 
 
 i /). The ]'elas<rians are represented by the Greeks themfiolveu 
 as the most ancient inhaliitauts of their land. The primitive 
 name of (i recce is t-aid to have been I'elasjria. In the bi.-torical 
 period, those jtarts of Greece \vliich bad been subject to the 
 fewest chan<reri of iidiabitants were siipjxjsed to l>e peopled by 
 the descendants of the Pelas<rians. This \vas esjiecially the case 
 vith Arcadia and Attica, which claimed to have been inhabited 
 by the same tribes from time inunemorial. The Pelas»rian» were 
 sj)read over the Italian as well as the Grecian peninsula ; and the 
 Pelasgic languajrc thus formed the basis of the Latin as well as 
 of the Greek. It is true that Herodotus speaks of the Pelasgic 
 as a foreign language, totally distinct from the Greek ; but his 
 testimony on such a subject is not entitled to any weight, since 
 the ancients were lamentably deficient in philohgical knowledge, 
 and had no notion of the alliuity of languages. 
 
 Of the Pelasgians themselves our inibrmatinn is scanty. They 
 were not mere barbarians. Tliey are represented as tilling the 
 ground and dwelling in walled cities.* Their religion appears to 
 have been essentially the same as the religion of the Hellenes. 
 Their great divinity was Jove, the national Hellenic god, and 
 the cliief seat of his worship was I)od6na in Epirus. Hencf 
 Homer gives to the Dodonaan Jove the title of Pelasgic ; and his 
 oracle at Ikidona was always regarded as the most ancient in 
 Greece. 
 
 The Pelasgians were divided into several tribes, such as the 
 Hellenes, Lelcges, Caueones, and others. In what respects the 
 Hellenes were superior to the other Pelasgic tribes we do not 
 know ; but they appear at the first dawn of biston*' as the domi- 
 nant race m Greece. The rest of the Pelasgians disappeared 
 •before them or were incorporated with them ; their dialect of 
 tlic Pela.'^gic tongue became the language of Greece ; and their 
 worship of the Olympian Jove gradually supplanted the more 
 ancient worship of the Dodona'an god. 
 
 ^ ti. The civilization of the Greeks and the development of 
 their language bear all the marks of home growth, and probably 
 • A fortified town was called Larissa by the Pelasgians.
 
 Chap. L THE EAELIEST INHABITANTS. 15 
 
 were little affected by foreign influence. The traditions, how- 
 ever, of the Greeks would point to a contraiy conclusion. It 
 was a general belief among them that the Pelasgians were re- 
 claimed from barbarism by Oriental strangers, who settled in 
 the country and introduced among the rude inliabitants the 
 first eleu:ients of civilization. Many of these traditions, however, 
 are not ancient legends, but owe their origin to the philosophical 
 speculations of a later age, which loved to represent an imaginary 
 progress of society from the time when men fed on acorns and 
 ran wild in woods, to the time when they became united into 
 political communities and owned the supremacy of law and 
 reason. The speculative Greeks who visited Egypt in the sixth 
 and fifth centuries before the Christian era were profouadly im- 
 pressed with the monuments of the old Egyptian monarchy, 
 which even in that early age of the world indicated a gray and 
 hoary antiquity. The Egyptian priests were not slow to avail 
 themselves of the impression made upon their visitors, and told 
 the latter many a wondrous tale to prove that the civilization, 
 the arts, and even the religion of the Greeks, all came from the 
 land of the Nile. These tales found easy believers ; they were 
 carried back to Greece, and repeated with various modificatioiLS 
 and embellishments ; and thus no doubt arose the greater num- 
 ber of the traditions respecting Egyptian colonies in Greece. 
 
 ^ 7. Although we may therefore reject with safety the tra- 
 ditions respecting these Egyptian colonies, two are of so much 
 celebrity that they cannot be passed over entirely in an accomit 
 of the early ages of Greece. Attica is said to have been indebted 
 for the arts of civilized life to Cecrops, a native of Sais in 
 Egypt. To him is ascribed the foundation of the city of Athens, 
 the institution of marriage, and the introduction of religious 
 rites and ceremonies. The Acropolis or citadel of Athens, tc 
 which the original city was confined, continued to bear the name 
 of Cecropia even in later times. Argos, in like mamier, is said 
 to have been founded by the Egyptian Danaus, who fled to 
 Greece with his fifty daughters to escape from the persecution 
 of their suitors, the fifty sons of his brother iEgyptus. The 
 Egyptian stranger was elected king by the natives, and from him 
 the tribe of the Danai derived their name, which Homer fre- 
 quently uses as a general appellation for the Greeks. The only 
 fact which lends any countenance to the existence of an Eg}-ptian 
 colony in Greece is the discovery of the remains of two pyramids 
 at no great distance from Argos ; but this form of building is 
 not confined to Egypt. Pyramids are fomid in India, Babylonia, 
 and Mexico, and may therefore have been erected by the early 
 inhabitants of Greece independently of any connexion with Egypt.
 
 16 insTOIlY OF GKEKCK. Cum: L 
 
 ^ 8. Aiiollwr (;()l(jii\ , not leH8 Cf-Itibralcd ami not iijoro crcdiblo 
 than the two juKt inciitioiu'd, Ih the oiio It-d I'rorii Ania by IVIojw, 
 Iroin whom the wmlhcni ]>etiiii.suhi of Greece derived iIh naino 
 ol' IV^lopoiiiicsiirt. IV'lojw JM usually rej>re»»ented as u native of 
 Sipylu.s iu I'liry^ria, and thr noei of the wealthy kiiiff TantaluH. 
 IJy iin-aus of hiri liclie.*, which iie brought with liiin into (jre<;cc, 
 he became ktufi ol Alycenn! and the founder o( a }K>werful 
 dynasty, one (»f the mofl renowned in the Ibrroic; a^:*; of Gri-ecc. 
 From him was descended Agamemnon, who led the Grecian hoBt 
 against Troy. 
 
 ^ U. Tlic ease is dilierenl with the Pha'iiieian Cfdonv, which is 
 said to have been founded by Cadmus at Thebes in ii«jiotia. We 
 have decisive evidence that the Phccnicians ]dantcd cohjuies at 
 an early period in the islands of Greece ; and it is only natural 
 to believe that tin y also settled upon the shores of the mainland. 
 Whether there was sueii a person as the Phdnician Cadmus, 
 and whether lie built the town called Cadm<"a, which afterwards 
 became the citadel of Thebes, as the ancient legends relate, can 
 not be determined ; but, setting aside ail tradition on the subject, 
 tb.ere is one fact Mhicli proves indisputably an early intercourse 
 between Phoenicia and Greece. It was to the Pha-nicians that 
 tlie Greeks were indebted for the art of writing; for both the 
 names and the fbnns of the letters in the Greek alphabet are 
 evidently derived from the PhaMiician. With this exception the 
 Oriental strangers left no permanent traces of their si'ttlements 
 in Greece ; and the population ot the countr\' continued to be 
 essautially ( jrwjiau, uncoutaminated by any foreign elements. 
 
 Paris, from the .Eeinotan Sculpturps.
 
 Ajax, from the jEginetan Sculpturea 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE GRECIAN HEROES. 
 
 § 1. Mythical character of the Heroic Age. § 2. Hercules. § 3. Theseus. 
 § 4. Minos. § 5. Voyage of the Argonauts. § 6. The Seven against 
 Thebes and the Epigoni. § 7. The Trojan War as related in the Iliad. 
 8 8. Later additions. § 9. Return of the Grecian heroes from Troj\ 
 ^ 10. Date of the fall of Troy. § 11. Whether the Heroic legends con- 
 tain any historical facts. § 12. The Homeric poems present a picture 
 of a real state of society. 
 
 ^ 1. It was universally believed by tbe Greeks that their native 
 land was in the earlier ages ruled by a noble race of beings, pos- 
 sessing a superhuman though not a divine nature, and superior 
 to ordinary men in strength of" body and greatness of soul. These 
 are the Heroes of Grecian mythology, whose exploits and adven- 
 tures fonii the great mine from which the Greeks derived in- 
 exhaustible materials for their poetry — 
 
 " Presenting Thebes or Pelops' line, 
 Or the tale of Troy divine."
 
 in nisTOHY or (.ki.i.i i. r,,,^,.. il 
 
 Accdnlini^ t(i iii\ itiH'.il rliroiiolojry tin; Hcroir aj(f roiiiititiitOH 
 a pi-rioil III' altoiil two liumlrcd yars, iVoiii tin; (iri*t :ip|N-:iruiic!L' 
 of till! Ilcllciics ill 'I'licsMily to till," return of the ^ir^u^]^>^ Initn 
 Troy. Sinn- tlic Ur^^tJiids of this |«;rio(l licloiijrto iiiytliolo^ry and 
 not to history, they liiid their jiroper plare in a work devoted tc 
 tile lormer siihjeet. But some of them arc so clo.-ely interwoven 
 with the histori(%'il traditions ofdreece that it is im|K>s.>'ihh; to 
 pass them by entirely. Ainoiitr the hi;roes three stand con- 
 spieuoiisiy l()rth : llereiiles, the national hero (»f Greece ; Thc.-j<'U8, 
 the hero of Attica ; and Minos, kinj^ of Crete, the jtrineipal 
 founder of Grecian law and civilization. 
 
 ^2. Of all the lleroic families none was more celebrated than 
 that of Danaus, king of Arj^o.s. In the fifth generation we find 
 it persnnilied in Danac, the dauf^hter of Acrisius, whom Jove 
 wooed in a shower of gold, and became by her the father of 
 Per.seus, the celebrated coiwiiKMor of Medu.sa. Per.«eus was tho 
 ancestor of Hercules, being the great-grandfather Inith of Alc- 
 miMia and of her husband Ami)liitryf)n. According to the well- 
 known legend, Jove, enamoured of Alemena, a.«sumed the fijrrn 
 of Ainpliitryou in his absence, and became by her the father 
 of H vTcules. To the son thus begotten Jove had destined the 
 sovereignty of Argos ; but the jealous anger of Hera (Juno) 
 rai.sed up against him an opponent and a master in the per-^on 
 of Eurystlieus, anither descendant of Perseus, at whose bidding 
 tho greatest ol" all heroes was to achieve those wonderful labours 
 which lilled the whole world with his fame. In these are realized, 
 on a magiiiUcent scale, the two great objects of ancient heroi.-m 
 — the destniction of physical and moral evil, and the acquisition 
 of wealth and power. Such, for instance, are the labours, in 
 which he destroys the terrible Nemean lion and Lernean hvdra, 
 carries ofi' the girdle of Ares from Hippolyte, qu-en of the 
 Amazons, and seizes the golden apples of the Hesperides. fruarded 
 by a hundred-headed dragon. At the same time, however, we 
 perceive, as is the case with all the Grecian lieroes, that the 
 extraordinary endowments of Hercules did not preserve him 
 from human weakness and error, and the consequent expiation 
 which they demanded. After slaying in his ungovernable rage 
 his friend and companion Iphitus, the son of Eurytus, he is .seized 
 with sickness, becomes the slave of the Lydian queen Oniphale, 
 devotes himself to elleminate (X'cupations, and sinks into luxury 
 and w.uit(inne.>s. At a subsequent perio<l another crime pro- 
 duces his death. The rape of lole, the daughter of the same 
 Eurytus whose son he had slain, incites liis wife Deianira to send 
 him the fatal shirt, poisoned with the blood of the centaui 
 Nessus. Unable to endure the torments it occasions, he repairs
 
 Chap. II. THE GRECIAN HEROES. 19 
 
 to Mount (Eta., which becomes the scene of his apotheosis. As 
 he Ijes on the funeral pile there erected for him by Hyllus, his 
 eldest son by Deianira, a cloud descends and bears him oil' amidst 
 thunder and lightning to Olympus, where he i.. received among 
 the immortal gods, and, being reconciled to Hera, receives in 
 marriage her daughter Hebe, the goddess of youtii. 
 
 s^3. Theseus was tlie son of vEgeus, king of Athens, and of 
 JEthra, daughter of Pittheus, king of Troezen. On his return to 
 Athens ^geus left TEthra behind him at Trcczen, enjoining her 
 not to send their son to Athens till he was strong enough to lift 
 from beneath a stone of prodigious Aveight his father's sword and 
 sandals, which would serve as tokens of recognition. Theseus, 
 when grown to manhood, accomplished the appointed feat with 
 ease, and took the road to Athens over the isthmus of Corinth, a 
 journey beset with many dangers from robbers who barbarously 
 mutilated or killed the unhappy wayfarers who fell into their 
 hands. But Theseus overcame them all, and arrived in safety 
 at Athens, where he was recognised by iEgeus, and declared his 
 successor. Among his nrany memorable achievements the most 
 famous was his deliverance of Athens from the frightful tribute 
 imposed upon it by Minos for the murder of his son. This t on- 
 sisted of seven youths and seven maidens, whom the Athenians 
 were compelled to send every nine years to Crete, there to be 
 devoured by the Minotaur, a monster with a human body and 
 a bull's head, which Minos kept concealed in an inextricable 
 labyrinth. The third ship was already on the point of sailing 
 with its cargo of innocent victims, when Theseus oH'ered to go 
 vi'ith them, hoping to put an end for ever to the hoiTible tribute. 
 Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, became enamoured of the hero, 
 and having supplied him with a clue to trace the windings of 
 the labyrinth, Theseus succeeded in killing the monster, and 
 in tracking his way out of the mazy lair. As he returned 
 towards Athens, the pilot forgot to hoist the white sail, agreed 
 on as the signal of success, in place of the black sail usually 
 carried by the vessel which bore that melancholy tribute, where- 
 upon iEgeus, thinking that his son had perished, threw himself 
 into the sea .which afterwards bore his name. 
 
 Theseus, having now ascended the throne, proceeded to lay the 
 foundations of the future greatness of Athens. He united into 
 one political body the twelve independent states into which 
 Cecrops had divided Attica, and made Athens the capital of the 
 new kingdom. In order to accommodate the increased popula- 
 tion of the city, he covered with buildings the ground lying to 
 the south of the Cecropian citadel ; and in commemoration of 
 the union, he instituted the festivals of the Panathensea and
 
 •ill IIISTOUY OF fiKEKClu Ciiai-. JL 
 
 Syiir)il(ia in honoin- of Allicn.'i (Miiicn'a), tlicf patron goddi-i* of 
 tin- cily. lie thru divitlcfl the ciliziMih into three clahM.-w, namely, 
 J!if/Mifri(i(r, or imliles, (Jtvn/Ktii, or Inisliandtnen, and Vcviiurgi, 
 i>r artisans. II is further i«aid to have estaldislied a eun)^titntioii- 
 al froviThiiiiiil, retaining,' in his own liands oidy certain deliuilc- 
 powers ami |»iivilef.'eri, so that he was refjanied in a late: a^e as 
 the i<)nn(ler of eivil e(|uahty at Athens, lie also extended the 
 Attie tc^rritory to the eonlincs of I'«l(iponn«'.'Us, and estuhliihed 
 I he frames in honour of I'oscudon (Neptune), whieli were cele- 
 brated on the islhmuH. Jle f;uhse(|nently eufraped in a variety of 
 adventures in eonjinietion with Hereules and Pirilhru.", kini? of 
 the La|)illia'. But on his return to Athens after the^e exploits, 
 the Atlicnians refused to ohey him any h^nf/er, whereupon he 
 retired to the island of Scyros, and was there murdered throufrh 
 th(^ treaehery of kin<; Lycomedes. 
 
 k'i. Minos, kinp of Crete, whose story is connected with that 
 of Theseus, appears, like him, the representative of an historical 
 and civil state of lile. Minos is said to have received the laws of 
 Crete immetliately from Jove ; and traditions unifomdy represent 
 him as kiiijr of the sea. Posse. --sinfr a numerous licet, he reduced 
 the surr(iun(liujjrislandp,espceially the Cyclades. under his domi- 
 nion, and cleared the sea of pirates. A later legend recofniizes 
 two heroes ol" the name of Minos ; one, the son of Jove and 
 Europa, who after his death heerr-ie a judge in the lower world, 
 and the other his grandson, who ncld the dominion of the rca. 
 
 k ii. If, turning from the exploits of individual heroes, we 
 examine the enterpri.^es unde. 'icn by a collective body of 
 chiefs, we shall again iind three expeditions more celebrated 
 than the rest. These are tlie Voyage of the Argonauts, the "War 
 of the Seven against Thebes, and the Siege of Troy. 
 
 In the Voyage of the Argonauts the ^Dolids play the principal 
 part. Pelias, a descendant of jEoIus, had deprived his half- 
 brother iEson of his dominion over the kingdom oi lolcus in 
 Thessaly. "VMien Jason, sou of jEson, had grown up to manhcod, 
 he apjjcarcd before his inicle and demanded back liis throne. 
 Pelias consented only on condition that Jason should first fetch 
 the golden ileece from iEa,* a region in the .farthest ea.*t, ruled 
 by iEetes, oO.^pring of the Sun-god. Here it was preser\ed in 
 the grove of Ares (Mars), suspended upon a tree, and under the 
 guardianship of a sleepless dragon. 
 
 The Argo, a sliip built for the expedition, gave its name to the 
 
 adventurers, Avho, xuider the conduct of Jason, enibarked in the 
 
 harbour of loleus, for the purjxise of bringing back the fleece. 
 
 '^hey consisted of the most renowned heroes of the time. Her- 
 
 « IdentifieJ by the Greeks of s\ lat«r age -with Colchis.
 
 Chap. H. THE GRECIAX HEROES. 21 
 
 cules and Theseus are mentioned among them, as well as the 
 principal leaders in the Trojan war. Jason, however, is *the 
 central figure and the real hero of the enterprise. \Yhen he and 
 his companions arrived, after many adventures, at ^a, king 
 iEetes promised to deliver to him the golden fleece, provided he 
 yoked two fire-hreathmg oxen \\'ith brazen feet, ploughed with 
 them a piece of land, sowed in the furrows thus made the remaui- 
 der of the teeth of the dragon slain by Cadmus, and vanquished 
 the armed men that would start from the seed. Here, also, as in 
 the legend of Theseus, love played a prominent part. Medea, the 
 daughter of iEetes, who was chilled in magic and supernatural arts, 
 furnished Jason with the nicaus of accomplishing the labours 
 imposed upon him ; and as her father still delayed to surrender 
 the fleece, she cast the dragon asleep during the night, seized the 
 fleece, and set sail in the Argo with her beloved Jason and his 
 companions. ^Eetes pursued them ; but after many long and 
 strange Avanderings, they at length reached lolcus in safety. 
 
 ^ G. In the Heroic age Thebes was already one of the principal 
 cities of Greece. Towards the close of this period it became the 
 scene of the last .struggles ct' a fated race, whose legendary his- 
 tory is so full of human crime, of the obscure warnings of the 
 gods, and of the inevitable march of fate, as to render it one of 
 the favourite subjects of the tragic poets of Athens. 
 
 Laius, king of Thebes, was warned by an oracle to beget no 
 children, or he would be murdered by his son. He neglected the 
 prediction, but to obviate its effects caused his son (Edipus by 
 Jocasta to be exposed to death. The infant, however, was saved 
 and carried to Corinth, where king Polybus reared him as his 
 own. Grown up to manhood, and stung by the reproaches which 
 he heard cast upon his birt\; Q^ldipus consulted the Delphic 
 oracle respecting his parentage, and was warned by it not to re- 
 turn to his native land, as he A.as there destined to slay his father 
 and commit incest with his mother. CEdipus, believing Polybus 
 to be his real father, now avoided Corinth and took the road to 
 Thebes, but by so domg mcurred the very fate which he sought 
 to avoid. Meeting Laius in a narrow road he slew him in a 
 quarrel, and then proceeding to Tiiebes obtained the hand of his 
 mother, queen Jocasta, promised as a reward to the man who 
 should solve a riddle propounded by the sphinx, a monster which 
 had long infested the laud, but which Avas driven to slay itself by 
 the solution of its enign:ia. Two sons and two daughters were 
 the fruit of the incestuous marriage. These hon-ors drew down ■ 
 a pestilence on the land, and in order to avert it, an oracle com- 
 manded the banishment of the murderer of Laius. The inquiries 
 instituted to discover the guilty man revealed the fatal truth-
 
 M HISTOKV OK (;KP:ECE. Cum: 1L 
 
 .T(K'a8ta han^A hcrcolf ; nCdipiiH, unable any loiijrcr to bear the 
 Ji<:Tit of (lay. piilM (Mil luH ryt'H, ami Iwiiij.' expfll<"(l from the city 
 hy liirt two Hons, I'itco<'lc« and l'olynicri«, itrouoiniccH u|m»m tlwin 
 Ji curse which spccilily takes elli-ct. Iii a strut.'j.'|c for uuiiivided 
 doniiuioM, I'olyinccs is driven out of Thchcs hy his brother, and 
 rt'pairin<; to Ar^ros obtains the aid of kin;.' Adrastus to reinstate 
 him in iiis ri<jhts. Ik'sidcs that monarch and I'(dyniees five other 
 lieroes join the expedition, makin;r tlic eonlederacy known under 
 the iiaino of tlie " Seven a^'ainst Thebes." All of them exeept 
 Adrastus arc slain, wliilst I'olyniees and Eteocba fall by coch 
 otht'r's hands. 
 
 Ten years later the sons of the allied ])rinee3 undertake another 
 expeilition a^'ainst Thehe.i in order to avenjre their fathers' fate, 
 hence called the war of the JCjtii^oni, or the Descendants. It 
 proved succL'.s.sfid. Tiiehes was taken and razed to the pround 
 after the preater part of its inhabitants had lel't the city on the 
 advice of the prophet Tiresias. 
 
 ^ 7. In mythological chronoloiry the war of the Epiponi im- 
 mediately precedes the expedition apainst Troy, •whose lepeud 
 forms the termination of the Heroic ape. While it was the last, 
 it was also the greatest of all the heroic achievements. It fonned 
 the subject of inimmerable epic poems, and has been immortal- 
 ised by the genius of Homer. 
 
 Paris, sou of Priam, king of Ilium or Troy, abused the hospi- 
 tahty of Menelaus, king of Sparta, by carrying otf his wife Helen, 
 the most beautiful woman of the ape. AH the Grecian princes 
 looked upon the outrage as one committed against themselves. 
 Responding to the call of Menelaus, they assemble in arms, elect 
 his brother Agamemnon, king of Myeena', leader of the expedi- 
 tion, and sail across the ^Egean in nearly 1200 ships to recover 
 the faithle.ss fair one. Several of the eoniederatc heroes excel 
 AgamL^muDU in fame. Among tliem Achilles, c'aief of the Thes- 
 salian Myrmidons, stands pre-eminent in strength, beauty, and 
 valour, wiiilst Ulys.ses, king of Ithaca, surpasses all the rest in 
 the mental qualities of counsel, subtilty, and elocpience. Thus, 
 though by opposite endowments, these two heroes form the 
 centre of the group. Next to tliem we ob.«erve the aged ^«estor, 
 king of Pylus, distinguished lor his wisdom and experience ; 
 the valiant Diomcdes, king of Arpos, son of Tvdeus, slain at 
 Thebes, and one of the Epiponi ; the Telamcnian Ajax, of Sa- 
 lamis, who, thouph somewhat heavy and unwieldy, is next to 
 Achilles in person and lighting power ; and lastly, Idoraencus of 
 Crete, a grandson of Minos. 
 
 Among the Trojans, Hector, one of the sons of Priam, is most 
 distinguished for heroic qualities, and fonus a striking contrast
 
 (jiiAi-. II. THE GRECIAN HEROES. 23 
 
 to his handsome but efieminate brother Paris. Next to Hector 
 in valour stands ^Eneas, son of Anchises and Aphrodite (Ventis). 
 Even the gods take pai't in the contest, encouraging their favourite 
 heroes, and sometimes hghting by their side or in their stead. 
 
 It is not till the tenth year of the war that Ilium yields to the 
 inevitable decree of fate, and it is this year which forms the sub- 
 ject of the Iliad. Achilles, oflended by Agamemnon, abstains 
 from the war, and even entreats his mother Thetis to obtain 
 from Jove victory for the Trojans. In his absence the Greeks 
 are no match for Hector. The Trojans drive them back into 
 their camp, and are already setting fire to their ships, when 
 Achilles gives his armour to his friend Patroclus, and allows him 
 to charge at the head of the Myrmidons. Patroclus repulses the 
 Trojans from the ships, but the god Apollo is against him, and 
 he lalls under the spear of Hector. Desire to avenge the death 
 of his friend proves more powerful in the breast of Achilles than 
 auger against Agamemnon. He appears again in the field in 
 new and gorgeous armour, forged for him by the god Hephfestus 
 (Vulcan) at the prayer of Thetis. The Trojans fly before him, 
 and although Achilles is aware that his own death must speedily 
 follow that of the Trojan hero, he slays him in single combat. 
 
 ^ 8. The Iliad closes with the burial of Hector. The death of 
 Achilles and the capture of Troy were related in later poems, as 
 well as his victories over Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons, and 
 Memnon, king of vEthiopia. The hero of so many achievements 
 perishes by an arrow shot by the unwarlike Paris, but directed 
 by the hand of Apollo. The noblest combatants had now fallen 
 on either side, and force of arms had proved unable to accom- 
 plish what stratagem at length efiects. It is Ulysses who now 
 steps into the foreground and becomes the real conqueror of 
 Troy. By his advice a wooden horse is built, in whose inside he 
 and other heroes conceal themselves. The infatuated Trojans 
 admit the horse within their "walls. In the dead of night the 
 Greeks rush out and open the gates to their comrades. Ilium 
 is delivered over to the sword, and its gloiy sinks in ashes. 
 
 ^ 9. The return of the Grecian leaders from Troy forms ano- 
 ther series of poetical legends. Several meet with tragical ends. 
 Agamemnon is murdered, on his arrival at Mycenae, by his wife 
 Clytsemnestra, and her paramour ^Egisthus. Diomedes, who 
 also finds his house defiled, is driven from Argos and settles in 
 Italy. But of these wanderings the most celebrated and in- 
 teresting ure those of Ulysses, which form the subject of the 
 Odvssey. After twenty years' absence he arrives at length in 
 Ithaca, where he slays the numerous suitors who devoured his 
 substance and contended for the hand of his wife Penelope.
 
 24 msTOUY OF (iUEECE. Cum-. II. 
 
 1) 1 It >iUH 1m-»-ii aln-ndy Ktatcd that the Trojan war c\tm.-n the 
 IlCToif ufiv, and llir jkh-i IlrHiod relates tliaf tliir divine race of 
 lieroeH waH exlirm^tcil liclnre the wuIIh of ThcljeH and (ji the 
 ])lain of llliuiii. As tin- Trojiin war wan ihus t<ii()])o.''ed to mark 
 an e|MM li in (lirci.in )ii.<tory, isnul pains were taken in the later 
 j)eriiids ol anliijuity to lix its date. That of Eratosthenes, a 
 jrrainniariiin at Alexandria, enjoyed most eredit. which placed 
 tlie fiiil of the city 107 years helbre the hrHt Olympiad, and cou- 
 Ke(|iiently in the year 1 1^1 i:.c. 
 
 sM 1 . In relatin<r the lepends of tlie Heroic age we liave made 
 uo :itteinj)t to examine their origin, or to dednce from them any 
 historical facts. All such attempts are in our o]iinion vain and 
 fruitless. Whether there were real persons of the name of Her- 
 cules, Theseus, and Minos can neither be aflirmed nor denied. 
 Our only reason for believing in their existence is the tradition 
 of the Cireeks respecting them ; and knowing liow worthless is 
 tradition, esjiecially wlien handed down hy a rude and unlettered 
 people, we cannot accept the Grecian heroes as real personages 
 upon sui'h evidence. It has been supposed by many modern 
 writers that the wonderl'ul storj' of the Argonauts took its rise 
 from the adventurous voyages of early Greek mariners to the 
 coasts of the Euxine ; that the expeditions of the " k>even against 
 Thebes" and their de.<cendants, represented in a legendarv' form 
 an actual contest between Argos and Thebes : and that the Ho- 
 meric tale of the Trojan war was based ujion histcrical facts. 
 But lor such statements we have no authority. They are at the 
 best only j)robable conjectures. While thereibre we do not deny 
 the possibility of an historical Trojan war, we eainiot accept it 
 as a fact supported by trustworthy evidence, since Hcmer is our 
 sole authority for it. 
 
 M2. Although the Homeric poems cannot be received as a re- 
 cord of hi-storical persons and events, yet they present a valuable 
 picture ol'the institutions and mamiers of a real state of society. 
 Homer lived in an age in which antiquarian research was un- 
 known ; his })oems were addressed to unlettered hearers, and 
 any description of life and manners a\ hich did not corresjxmd to 
 the state of things around them would have been imintelligible 
 and uninteresting to his contemporaries. In addition to tliis, 
 there is an artless simplicity in his descriptions wliich forces 
 upon every reader the conviction that tlie poet drew liis pictures 
 from real lile. and not from an antifjuated past or from imagiuarj' 
 ideas of his own. The description which he gives of tlie govern- 
 ment, manners, society, and customs of his age demands our 
 attentive consideration, since •with it our knowledge of the Greek 
 people commences.
 
 Gate of Mycenae. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 STATE OF SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 
 
 g 1. Political condition of Greece — the Kings. § 2. The Boule, or Coun- 
 cil of Chiefs. § 3. The Agora, or general assembly of freemen. § 4. 
 The condition of common freemen and slaves. § 5. State of social 
 and moral feeling. § 6. Simplicity of manners. § Y. Advances made 
 in civilization. § 8. Commei-ce and the arts. § 9. The physical 
 sciences. § 10. The art of "war. 
 
 M- In the Heroic age Greece was already divided into a num- 
 ber of independent states, each governed by its own king. The 
 authority of the king was not Hmited by any laws ; his power 
 resembled that of the patriarchs in the Old Testament ; and for 
 the exercise of it he was responsible only to Jove, and not to 
 his people. It was from the Olympian god that his ancestors 
 had received the supremacy, and he transmitted it, as a divine 
 inheritance, to his son. He had the sole command of his people 
 in war, he administered to them justice in peace, and he ofi'ered 
 up on their behalf prayers and sacrifices to tlic gods. He was 
 the general, judge, and priest of his people. They looked up 
 to him with reverence as a being of divine descent and divine 
 appointment ; but at the same time he was obliged to possess 
 personal superiority, both of body and mind, to keep alive this 
 feehng in his subjects. It was necessary that he should be brave 
 
 C
 
 2fi lllSTOl'wV <>l" f;UKi:clL CiiAi". III. 
 
 in Wiir, wi.-k! in counsel, Jin<l cl(»<|ui'nt in dfluitf. II a kinj^ Ixj- 
 cumc weak in Ixxly or ii'chlc in mind, lu' miM not *'.'i«ily retain 
 hia puuitiun ; hut as loii)^ an liiH ]H'TMniii\ ({ualities cuiinnanded 
 tho respect of liirf HubjectH, they quietly Huhniitted to artu of vio- 
 lence and ca])riee. An ample domain was a.nsijrned to him for 
 his support, and he received frecpii-nt presents to avert Km 
 enmity and jrain his favor. 
 
 Alllioufrli the kiiif,' wa.s not restrained in the exercise of hia 
 power hy any positive laws, there were, even in the Herrnc age, 
 two hodies wliieli must ]>raetically havi- limited hi.s authority, 
 and wlii(di heeame in repuhliean (ireece the Bole de|)o»itarie.s of 
 polilieal ])o\ver. These were the Jif/ulf, or council of ehiefa, 
 and the A^oni, or general a.s.«eml)Iy of freemen. 
 
 § 2. The king wad surrounded hy a limited nuridfor of nobles 
 or chiefs, to whom the title oi' Jinsi/ri/s was given, as well as to 
 the monarch himself. Like the king they traced their de.-^x-nt 
 from the gods, and formed his JSoulc, or Council, to which he 
 announced the resolutions he liad already formed and from Avhich 
 he asked advice. The Boidc possessed no veto upon the measures 
 of the king, and far less could it originate any measure it.sclf. 
 This is strikingly shown by the submissive manner in which 
 Nestor tenders his advice to Agamemnon, to be adopted or 
 rejected, as the "king of men " might choose,* and by the 
 description which Homer frequently gives of the meetings of 
 the gods in Olympus, which are evidently taken from similar 
 meetings of men upon earth. In heaven, Jove, like the Homeric 
 king, presides in the council of the gods and listens to their ad- 
 vice, but forms his own resolutions, which he then communi- 
 cates to them. 
 
 k 3. When the king had announced liis determination to the 
 Council, he proceeded with his nobles to the Agora. The king 
 occupied the most important seat in the assembly with .he 
 nobles by his side, while tlie people sat in a circle around them. 
 The king opened the meeting by announcing his intentions, and 
 the nobles were then allowed to address the people. But no 
 one else had the right to speak ; no vote was taken ; the people 
 simply listened to the debate between the chiefs ; and the as- 
 sembly served only as a means for promulgating the intention* 
 of the king. It is tnie that this assembly formed a germ, out 
 of which the sovereignty of the people subsequently sprang ; 
 but in the Heroic age the king was the only person who pos- 
 sessed any political power, and Homer cxju-ej^ses the general 
 feeling of his time in the memorable lines — " The rule of many 
 is not a good thing : let us have only one ruler, one king— him 
 • Iliad, ix. 95-101.
 
 Chap. IIL SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 27 
 
 to whom Jove has givea the sceptre and the authority."* There 
 was another important purpose tor which the Agora was sum- 
 moned. It wa.s in the Agora that justice was administered by 
 the king, sometimes alone and sometimes with the assistance of 
 his nobles. It may be remarked in passing that this public 
 administration of justice must have had a powerful tendency to 
 check corruption and secure righteous judgments. 
 
 ^ 4. The Greeks in the Heroic age were divided into the three 
 classes of nobles, common freemen, f and slaves. | The nobles 
 were raised far above the rest of the community in honour, 
 power, and wealth. They were distinguished by their warlike 
 prowess, their large estates, and their numerous slaves. The 
 condition of the general mass of freemen h rarely mentioned. 
 They possessed portions of land as their o\\ii property, which they 
 cultivated themselves : but there was another class of poor free- 
 men, called Thetes, who had no land of their own, and who worked 
 for hire on the estates of others. Among the freemen we find 
 certain professional persons, whose acquirements and knowledge 
 raised them above their class, and procured for them the respect 
 of the nobles. Such were the seer, the bard, the herald, and like- 
 wise the smith and the carpenter, since in that age a knowledge 
 of the mechanical arts was confined to a few. 
 
 Slavery was not so prevalent in the Heroic age as in republican 
 Greece, and it appears in a less odious aspect. The nobles alone 
 possessed slaves, and they treated them with a degree of kind- 
 ness, which frequently secured for the masters their affectionate 
 attachment. 
 
 ^ 5. The state of social and moral feeling in the Heroic age 
 presents both bright and dai'k features. Among the Greeks, 
 as among every people which has just emerged from bar- 
 barism, the family relations are the grand sources of lasting 
 union and devoted attachment. The paternal authority was 
 highly reverenced, and nothing was so much dreaded as the 
 curse of an offended father. All the members of a family or 
 a clan were connected by the closest ties, and were bound to 
 revenge with their united strength an ir^ury offered to any indi- 
 vidual of the race. The women were allowed greater liberty 
 than they possessed in republican Greece ; and to Penelope, 
 Andromache, and other women of the Heroic age there is 
 an interest attaching, which we never feel in the women of 
 the historical period. The wife occupied a station of great dig- 
 nity and influence in the family, but was purchased by her 
 husband from her parents by valuable presents, s^ a custom which 
 
 * Iliad, ii. 203-206. + 6r;fiog, laoi. 
 
 I SficJEQ. § Called le6va, oi h^va.
 
 28 HISTORY OK (UlEICOH Cuap. IIL 
 
 provailfil junonfj tlu; ancient Jews and tho barbarous nationxof 
 Gcriii.'iiiy. In tbc Heroic ape, us in otbcr early Htajres of wK-iety, 
 wo find ibc Htr;ui^'<;r treated witb piMierous bo.H|iitality. Tbo 
 cliief ■welcoiiHM biin to hi« bouse, and does not inipiire bin iiaino 
 nor tbe objia-l of bis journey till be ban placed In-fore biin bis 
 best cbeiT. If ibe stranger comes as a suppliant, be bas a Btill 
 greater claiin ii|M)n bis bost — altbou^di tbis tie may ex{)ose tbe 
 latter to dillicully and dan<.'er, and may even \>nu^ ujKtn bim the 
 liostility of a more |H»\verful nei;.'iilM)ur ; fc^r Jove puni.>-bes with- 
 out mercy tbe man wbo disrefrards tbe prayer of a suppliant. 
 
 Tbe tlireo facts wc bave mentioned — tbe force of tbe family 
 relations, bos])itality to tbe stran^rer, and ]>rotection to tbe suj>- 
 pliant — form tbe bright features in the social and moral feelings 
 of the age. We now turn to the darker side of tbe picture. 
 
 The poems of Homer represent a state of society in which the 
 protection of law is practically unknown. Tbe chief who can 
 not defend liimself is plundered and maltreated by bis more jiow- 
 crful neighbour. The occupation of a pirate is reckoned honoura- 
 ble ; homicidca are of frequent occurrence ; and war is conducted 
 with the mo.'^t ferocious cruelty. (Quarter is rarely given ; the 
 fallen foe is stripj)ed of his armour, which becomes the spoil of 
 Ills conqueror, and if the naked corpse remains in the power of" 
 the latter, it is cast out to beasts of prey. The poet ascribes to 
 bis greatest heroes savage brutalities. Achilles sacrifices twelve 
 human victims on the tomb of Patroclus, and drags the corpse 
 of Hector around the waUs of Troy, while the Greek chiefs pierco 
 it with their spears. 
 
 k 6. The society of the Heroic age w-as marked by simphcity 
 of manners. The kings and nobles did not consider it derogatory 
 to their dignity to acquire skill in the manual arts. Ulysses Ls 
 represented as building his own bed-chamber and constructing 
 his own raft, and he boasts of being an excellent mower and 
 ploughman. Like Esau, who made savoury meat for his father 
 Isaac, the Heroic cliiefs prepared their own meals and prided 
 themselves on their skill in cookery. Kings and private persons 
 partook of the same food, which was of tbe simplest kind. Beef, 
 mutton, and goat's flesh were the ordinary meats, and cheese, 
 flour, and sometimes fruits, also formed part of the bancjuet. 
 Bread was brought on in baskets, and tlie guests were supplied 
 with wine diluted with water. Before drinkuig, some of the wine 
 was poureil on the ground as a libation to the gods, and the 
 guests then j)ledged each other with their cups. But their en- 
 tertainments were never disgraced by intemperance, like those 
 of our northern ancestors. The enjoyment of the banquet was 
 heightened by the song and the dance, and the chiefs took more
 
 CiiAi'. III. SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 29 
 
 delight in the lays of the minstrel than in the exciting influence 
 of the wine. 
 
 The wives and daughters of the chiefs, in like manner, did not 
 deem it beneath them to discharge various duties which were 
 afterward regarded as menial. Not only do we find them con- 
 stantly employed in weaving, spinning, and embroidery, but like 
 the daughters of the patriarchs they fetch water from the well 
 , and assist their slaves in washing garments in the river. 
 
 ^ 7. Although the Heroic age is strongly marked by martial 
 ferocity and simplicity of habits, it would be an error to regard 
 it as one essentially rude and barbarous. On the contrary, the 
 Greeks in this early period had already made considerable ad- 
 Tances in civilization, and had successfully cultivated many of 
 the arts whicli contribute to the comfort and refinement of life. 
 Instead of living in scattered villages like the barbarians of Gaul 
 and Germany, they were collected in fortified towns, which were 
 surrounded by walls and adorned with palaces and temples. 
 Tlie houses of the nobles were magnihceut and costly, glittering 
 with gold, silver, and bronze, wliile the nobles themselves were 
 clothed in elegant garments and protected by highly wrought 
 armor. From the Phoenician merchants they obtained the 
 finest products of the Sidonian loom, as well as tin, iron, and 
 electrum. They traveled with rapidity in chariots drawn by 
 high-bred steeds, and they navigated the sea "with ease in fifty- 
 oared galleys. Property in land was transmitted from father to 
 son; agriculture was extensively practised, and vineyards care- 
 fully cultivated. It is true that Homer may have occasionally 
 drawn upon his imagination in his brilliant pictures of the palaces 
 of the chiefs and of their mode of living, but the main features 
 must have been taken from life, and we possess even in the pres- 
 ent day memorials of the Heroic age which strikingly attest its 
 gi'andeur. The remains of Mycena? and Tirj'iis and the emis- 
 saries of the lake Copais belong to this period. The massive ruins 
 of these two cities, and the sculptured lions on the gate of My- 
 cenae, still excite the wonder of the beholder.* The emissaries 
 or tunnels which the inhabitants of Orchomenus constructed to 
 carry off the waters of the lake Copais in Bceotia, are even more 
 striking proofs of the civilization of the age. A people who felt 
 the necessity of such works, and who possessed sufficient in- 
 dustry and skill to execute them, must have already made great 
 advances in social life.f 
 
 ^ 8. Commerce, however, was little cultivated, and was not 
 
 * See drawings on pp. 10, 25. 
 
 f One of these tunnels is nearly four English miles in longlh, with 
 numerous shafts let down into it. One shaft is about 150 feet deeii.
 
 80 IIISTOUV OK C.hKVA-K. Cum: III. 
 
 much o.^lci-tncil. Il w.iH (U'CMK-d inori! iioiuutrahle for u man to 
 (Micicli liimsriri)y i<il)lnTy aii<l |»irar-y than by lln; artiJ of |»care. 
 Tli(f tradi! (ifllii- .MrdiliTraiK^an was tliciicxflii.^ivcly in the liarid.s 
 of* tilt) IMidMiiciaii.^, who exfhaii^fd th(! roiiiin(Mliti(!,-s of the Ea«t 
 for the hiiid'-d imulucr ami slavrs of the (jn-ck (diiirfri. Coin- 
 merco was cairii-d on hy liarler ; for coined money In not men- 
 tioned in the jtocms of Homer. Statuary was already cultivated 
 in thi.s af;e, as we see from tlie remains of Myeena-, aln^ady men- 
 tioned ; and althonjrh no jjaintinfrs are HjK»ken of in Homer, yet' 
 liid de.scriptions of the works of emhroidery prove that liirt con- 
 temporaries must have been acrpiaintf^d with the art of design. 
 W'lielher the Greeks were acquainted at this early jK-riod with the 
 art of writinj; is a (jucslion tiiat has jriven rise to much dispute, 
 and which will demand our attention when wc come to speak of 
 tlie oriirin of the; I lomeric poems. Poetry, however, was cultivated 
 with success, thouj^h yet eonfmed to epic strains, or the narration 
 of the exploits and adventures of the Heroic chiefs. The bard 
 sung his own song, and was always received with "welcome and 
 honor in the palaces of the nobles. 
 
 ^ 9. In the state of society already described, men had not yet 
 begun to study those pluenoinena ol" nature which fonn the ba^is 
 of the physical sciences. They conceived the earth to Ije a plane 
 surface surrounded l)y an ever-tlowing river called Oceanus, from 
 which every other river and sea derived their waters. The sky 
 was regarded as a solid vault supported by Atlas, who kept 
 heaven and earth asunder. Their geographical knowledge wad 
 confined to the shores of Greece and Asia Minor and the principal 
 islands of the j-Egean sea. Beyond these limit.s all wa.s uncer- 
 tain and ob.seure. Italy appears to have been unknown to Homer, 
 and Sicily he ])eo])les with the fabulous Cyclops. Libya, Egyjit, 
 and Pha'uicia were known only by vagne heai-say, while the 
 Euxine is not mentioned at all. 
 
 ^10. In the battles of the Heroic age, as depicted in the ptx-ms 
 of Homer, the chiefs are the only imjMJrtant combatants, while 
 the j)eople are introtluc-ed as an almost nseless ma.ss, frequently 
 put to rout by the jnowess of a single hero. The chief is mounted 
 in a war-chariot drawn by two horses, and stands by the side of 
 his charioteer, Avho is frequently a friend. He carries into battle 
 two long spears, and wears a long sword and a short dagger ; 
 liis person is protected by shield, helmet, breast-plate, and greaves. 
 In the Avars, as in the political system, of the Heroic age, the 
 chiefs are every thing and the people nothing.
 
 Hercules and Bull. (From a bas-relief in the Vatican.) 
 
 I' CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RETURN OF THE HERACLID.E INTO PELOPONNESUS, AND FOUNDATION 
 OF THE EARLIEST GREEK COLONIES. 
 
 § 1. The mythical character of the narrative of these events. § 2. 
 Migration of tlie Boeotians from Thessaly into Bceotia. § 3. Con- 
 quest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. § 4. The legendary account 
 of this event. The invasion. § 5. The legendary account continued. 
 The division of Peloponnesus among the conquerors. § 6. Remarks 
 upon the legendary account. § 7. Foundation of the Greek colonies 
 in Asia Minor. § 8. The ^olic colonies. § 9. The Ionic colonies. 
 § 10. The Doric colonies. § 11. Colonization of Crete by the Dori- 
 ans. § 12. Conclusion of the Mythical age. 
 
 § 1. At the commencement of Grecian history in the first Olym- 
 piad we find the greater part of Peloponnesus occupied by tribes 
 of Dorian conquerors, and the western shores of Asia Minor cov- 
 ered by Greek colonies.. The time at which these settlements 
 were made is quite uncertain. They belong to a period long 
 antecedent to all historical records, and were known to the Greeks 
 cf a later age by tradition alone. The accounts given of them are 
 evidently fabulous, but at the same time these stories are found- 
 ed upon a basis of historical truth. That Peloponnesus was at 
 some early period conquered by the Dorians, and that Greek 
 colonies were planted in Asia, are facts which admit of no dis-
 
 •M IIISToItV or (illKKCM CiiAJ-. IV. 
 
 j)iil(j ; Iml wIicIIht tin; f()ii(|iu'st ol' PfloponnfsiiH a.id the w>lo- 
 iii/ation of Asia Miimr took ]ilacc in the iii:iiiii<-r and at the 
 tiiiio ilert(!ril)ed l»y tlio iiiiricnt li.'>r«MulH, irt a very dilieront quc»- 
 tioii. These Ir^eiidfi are not entitled to more credit than thow; 
 of Hercules and Theseus, alth<>ii((h they are jiroved in tliese 
 particidar cases to liavc been l;ishioMe<l out of real events ; for, 
 as we have already isaid, it is iiiijK)ssihle to separate the histori- 
 cal facts IVdin the suhseqiient einliellishiiients. 
 
 ^ 2. ]^L•Xl)V^i relatiuf,' the coiujnest of Pr'lojKMinesus by tlie 
 ])orians, we inust say a few words resjurtin^ an earlier, thoufrh 
 I'jss celebrated iiii<,Tation, namely, that of the I'Ki^otiana from 
 Thessaly into i^u-otia. The Thes.-ialians were a rude and unciv- 
 ilized race, who ori^jinally dwelt in the district f>f Kpiras called 
 Thesprolia, from which they mi<rrated into the coinitry named 
 after them, Thessaly. Tlie.<4; Thcssalian conquerors either su}>- 
 dued or expelled the original inhabitants of the countrj'. The 
 Bujotians, who inhabited the fertile district of ^-Eolis, in the 
 centre of Thessaly, wandered soutliwards into the country called 
 after them Bceotia, where they drove out in their turn the ancient 
 inhabitants of the land. According to mythical clironology this 
 event ha])pened in 1 121 B.C., or sixty years after tlie fall of Troy. 
 
 ^ 3. The conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians is said to 
 have taiien ])lace twenty years after the expulsion of the Bujo- 
 tiaus from The.-^saly, and was accordingly placed in 1101 ii.c. 
 AYe have already seen that these dates are of no liistorical value ; 
 and the Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus probably took place 
 after the time of Homer, since neither in the Iliad nor in the 
 Odyssey do we fmd any traces of Dorians in Pelopoiuiesus. The 
 Dorians were a warlike tribe iu northern Greece, who had fre- 
 quently changed their homes, and who at length settled in a 
 mountainous district between Thessaly, Locris, and Phoois. 
 They now appear for the first time in Grecian liistor}'. They 
 had no share in the glories of the Heroic age ; their name does 
 not occur in the Iliad, and tliey are only once mentioned iu 
 the Odyssey as a small portion of the many tribes of Crete : 
 but they were destined to fonn in historical times one of the 
 most important elements of the Greek nation. Issuing from 
 their mountain-fastnesses, they overraii the greater part of 
 Peloponnesus, destroyed the ancient Aclia'an monarcliies, and 
 exi)elle(l or reduced to subjection the original iidiabitants of the 
 land, of which they became the undisinited masters. This brief 
 statement contains all that we know for certain resjx'cthig this 
 celebrated event. ^Ve now proceed to give the mythical account. 
 
 § 4. The Dorians were led to the conquest of Pelopomiesus 
 by the Heraclidaj, or descendants of the mighty hero Hercules.
 
 Chap. IV. RETURN OF THE HERACLID^. 33 
 
 Hence this migration is called the Return of the Heraclidce. 
 The children of Hercules had long been fugitives upon the earth. 
 They had made many attempts to regain possession of the do- 
 minions in the Peloponnesus, of which their great sire had been 
 deprived by Eurystheus, but hitherto without success. In their 
 last atteiupt Hyllus, the son of Hercules, had perished in single 
 combat with Echemus of Tegea ; and tlie Heraclida; had become 
 bound by a solemn compact to renounce their enterprise for a 
 hundred years. This period had now expired ; and the great- 
 grandsons of Hyllus — Temcnus, Cresphontes, and Aristodcmus — 
 resolved to make a fresh attempt to recover their birthright. 
 They were assisted in the enterprise by the Dorians. This people 
 espoused their cause in consequence of the aid which Hercules 
 himself had rendered to the Dorian king, iEgimius, when the 
 latter was hard pressed in a contest with the Lapithae. The 
 invaders were warned by an oracle not to enter Peloponnesus by 
 the Isthmus of Corinth, but across the mouth of the Corinthian 
 gulf The inhabitants of the northern coast of the gulf were 
 favourable to their enterprise. Oxylus, king of the ^tolians, 
 became their guide ; and the Ozolian Locrians granted them a 
 port for building their fleet, from which memorable circiunstance 
 the harbour was soon afterwards called Naupactus.* Here Aris- 
 todemus was struck with lightning and died, leaving twin sons, 
 Eurysthenes and Procles ; but his remaining brothers ci'ossed over 
 the gulf in safety, landed in Achaia, and marched against Tisa- 
 menus, son of Orestes, then the most powerful monarch in Pelo- 
 ponnesus. A single battle decided the contest. Tisamenus was 
 defeated, and retired with a portion of his Achcean subjects to 
 the northern coast of Peloponnesus, then occupied by the lonians. 
 He expelled the lonians, and took possession of tiie country, 
 which continued henceforth to be inhabited by the Achosans, 
 and to be called after them. The lonians withdrew to Attica, 
 and the greater part of them afterwards emigrated to Asia Minor. 
 
 § 5. The Heraclida; and the Dorians now divided between them 
 the dominions of Tisamenus and of the other Achtean princes. 
 The kingdom of Elis was given to Oxylus as a recompense for 
 liis services as their guide ; and it was agreed that Temenus, 
 Cresphontes, and the infant sons of Aristodemus should draw 
 lots for Argos, Sparta, and Messenia. Argos fell to Temenus, 
 Sparta to the sons of Aristodenms, and Messenia to Cresphontes. 
 
 The settlement of the conquerors in their new -territories is 
 
 said to have been made with scarcely any oppcsiuon. The 
 
 Epeans, who inhabited Elis, submitttjd to Oxylus and his ^Eto- 
 
 * From vai'c, " a ship," and the root Tray, -^-hich occurs Iti ir^yvv/^i, 
 ■'fasten," " build."
 
 84 HISTORY OF fJllEKCR Cum: J\ 
 
 liaiirt aflcr their kiii;^' liad Iht-ii killed in Binglo combat hy one ol' 
 the iEtoliiui rhiclrt. From lluH lime l\u; J'^jxariH diHupjMJur from 
 history, and thfir iiiaci; Ih Hupplird hy tiic J-^liaus, who are re- 
 j)r<'S4'iitt'd as (!('.-'<"i'iidanlH of the yKtolian ron(|iii-nirH. 
 
 Thu sliarc of Tfuicnurf originally coinprclH-ndi'd only Arium 
 und its iuiMicdiute nei^rhhourhiHid ; l)ut his sons und Huu^in-luw 
 sucH't'ssivfly ofcn])ied Tru;zrn, Epidaurus, ^Egina, Sicyon, and 
 I'hlius, which thus becami; Doric states. 
 
 The sons of Aristodcnius obtained possession of Sparta i*y 
 the treason of an Acha-an named I'hilonomus, who received as 
 a recompoiis<; the neifrhlionrin^r town and territor)' of Amyclaj. 
 The towns are said to have snbmilted withont resistance, with 
 the exception of Helos, the inhabitants of which were, as a 
 piuiishment, reduced to slavery, thus frivini,' rise to the class of 
 slaves or serfs called lb-lots. 
 
 Messenia yielded to Cresphontes without a stnip^le. Me- 
 lanthus, who ruled over the country as the representative of the 
 race of the Pylian Nestor, withdrew to Attica with a jjortion of 
 his subjects. 
 
 Corinth was not conquered by the Dorians till the next pcn- 
 eration. One of the descendants of Hercules, named Hippotcs, 
 had put to death the seer Camus, when the Hcraclidui were on 
 the ])oint of embarking at Tsaupactus. He had in consequence 
 been banished for ten years, and was not allowed to take part 
 in the enterj)rise. His son Aletes, who derived liis name from 
 his long wanderings, subsequently attacked Corinth at the liead 
 of a body of Dorians. The mighty dynasty of the Si.-yphids 
 was expelled, and many of the .lilolian iidiabitauts emigrated 
 to foreign lands. 
 
 { G. Such are the main features of the legend of the Return of 
 the Heraclida;. In order to make the story more striking and im- 
 pressive, it compresses into a single epoch events which probably 
 occupied several generations. It is in itself improbable that the 
 brave Achteans quietly submitted to the Dorian invaders after a 
 momentary struggle. ^Ve have, moreover, many indications that 
 such was not the fact, and that it was only gradually and after 
 a long protracted contest that the Dorians became undisputed 
 masters of the greater part of Peloponnesus. The imagination 
 loves to assign to one cause the residts of numerous and ditlercut 
 actions. Thus in our own histoiy we used to read that the con- 
 quest of England by the Normans was completed by the battle 
 of Hastings, in which Harold fell, whereas we now know that 
 the Saxons long continued .to oiler a fomiidable resistance to the 
 Nonnan invaders, and that the latter did not become uudisputcd 
 masters of the countn,- for two or three gcueratioiis. 
 
 -4
 
 Chap. IV. COLONIES IX ASIA MINOR. 35 
 
 That portion of the ti-adition which makes the Dorians con- 
 ducted into Peloponnesus by princes of" Achaean blood, may 
 safely be rejected, notwithstanding the general belief of the fact 
 in ancient times. The Dorians, as we have already seen, were 
 poor in mythical renown ; and it w^ould appear that the royal 
 lamily at Sparta, though of Dorian origin, claimed Hercules as 
 their founder in order to connect themselves with the ancient 
 glories of the Achseau race. They thus became the representa- 
 tives of Agamemnon and Orestes ; and in the Persian war the 
 Spartans on one occasion laid claim to the supreme command of 
 the Grecian forces in consequence of this connexion. "We cannot 
 err in supposing the story to be a fabrication of later times, 
 seeing that there are such obvious reasons for its forgery, and 
 such inherent improbability in its truth. 
 
 ^ 7. The fomidation of the Greek colonies in Asia Minor is 
 closely connected in the legends with the conqviest of Pelopon- 
 nesus by the Dorians. There is nothing improbable in the 
 statement, that the original inhabitants, who had been dislodged 
 by the invaders, sought new homes on the coasts of Asia Minor ; 
 but in this case, as in the conquest of Peloponnesus, many 
 separate cccunences are unquestionably grouped into one. The 
 stream of migi'ation probably continued to flow across the ^Egean 
 from Greece to Asia Minor lor several generations. New adven- 
 turers constantly joined the colonists who were already settled 
 in the country, and thus in course of time the various Greek 
 cities Avere founded, which were spread over the Avestern coast 
 of Asia Minor, from the Propontis on the north to Lycia on the 
 south. These cities were divided among the three great races of 
 .(Eolians, lonians, and Dorians, — the iEolians occupying the 
 northern portion of the coast, together with the islands of Lesbos 
 and Tenedos, the lonians the central part, with the islands of 
 Chios, Samos, and the Cyclades, and the Dorians the south- 
 western comer, with the islands of Rhodes and Cos. 
 
 ^ 8. The ^olic colonies are said to haA'e been the earliest. 
 Achseans, who had been driven out of Peloponnesus by the 
 Dorians, were led by their native princes, the descendants of 
 Orestes, to seek new homes in the East. In Boeotia tliey were 
 joined by a part both of the original inhabitants of the country 
 and of their Boeotian conquerors. From the latter, who were 
 TEoiians, the migi-ation is called the ^-Eolic, but sometimes 
 also the Boeotian. The united body of emigrants, however, still 
 continued under the command of the Achaean princes. They 
 embarked at the port of Aulis, from which Agamemnon had 
 sailed against Troy. They first occupied Lesbos, where they 
 founded six cities ; and a detachment of them settled on the
 
 96 , HISTORY OF OKKECE. Chai-. IV. 
 
 opposite coaHt of Asia Minor, from the foot of Mount Ida to the 
 iiioiitli oftlu; river lli-rinus. Smyrna waHnrijfiiialiyati yTJoliccity, 
 hut it iilUrrw.inls pasM-d into the haniln of the loniani^. In the 
 liistorical tinier ilwre were eleven yEohc citiea on the mainland, 
 but of these (!ynie w.xs the only one whirh nt^e to iinjxirtance.* 
 
 ^ ".). The lonie mi<rration waH more im|H)rtaiit than the i)ro- 
 ce(liu;r one, and fjave rise to w»me of the most liourishin}^ cities 
 in the Hellenic world. It derived it« name from the lonians, 
 who had been expi-jicd hy tin; Aclia-ans from their liomeH on the 
 Corinthian jrulf, ami had taken reliipc in Attica. Tin; lonians, 
 however, ai)j)ear 1o have formed only a small y)art of the emi- 
 grants. Inhabifaut.s from many other jiarts of (ireec*', who had 
 been driven out of their native countries, had al.-o fled to Attica, 
 which i.s said to have ailitrded j)rotection and welcome to all 
 these fujjitivcs. The small territory of Attica could not per- 
 manently support this increase of population ; and accordingly 
 these strangers resolved to follow the example oi the .^olians 
 and seek new settlements in the East. They were led by princes 
 of the family of Codnis, the last king of Attica. In their pas- 
 sage across the JEgoan sea they colonized most of the Cyclades; 
 and in Asia Minor they took pos,<e.>sion of the fertile country 
 from the Hermus to the Ma'aiider, which was henceforth called 
 Ionia, and also of the neighbouring islands of Chios and Samos. 
 In this district we find twelve indei)endent states in later times, 
 all of which adopted the Ionic name, notwithstanding the diver- 
 sity of their origin, and were united by the common worship of 
 the god Poseidon (Neptune) at the great Pan-Ionic festival.! 
 There can be no doubt that these cities were really founded 
 at diiferent ]>eriods and by dilierent emigrants, although their 
 origin is ascribed to the great legendary migration of wliich we 
 have been speaking, and which is referred by chronologists to 
 one special year, 1 10 years after the Trojan war. 
 
 ^ \0. The Doric colonies in the south-western comer of Asia 
 Minor and in the neighbouring islands may be traced in like 
 manner to the conquest of Pelopoiuiesus by the Dorians. In the 
 general change of population and consequent emigrations caused 
 by this important event, some of the Doric chiefs were also in- 
 duced to quit the country they had recently subdued, and to 
 lead bodies of their own countrj-men and of the conquered 
 
 • The names of tho cloven ..Eolic eities were — Cyme, Temnos. Lariscf^ 
 Neon-Tichos, ..Eirie. Myrina.Gryniuni.l'illa, Notium. ,Ei;iroo5da, I'itaue. 
 
 f Tile names of tlio twelve loiiie eitiis, eiiumeraiod from soutli to 
 north, wore Miletu.s M\ us Priene, Samos, Kphesus, Colophon, Lebt-Jus, 
 Teos, Erythra\ Chios. CluzomOnaj, rhocaca. To these twelve Smyrna 
 was afterwards added.
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 COLONIES IN ASIA MINOR. 
 
 37 
 
 Achaeans to Asia. The most celebrated of the Doric migrations 
 was that conducted by the Argivc Althsemenes, a descendant 
 of Temenus, who, after leaving some of his followers at Crete, 
 proceeded with the remainder to the island of Rhodes, where he 
 jfbunded the three cities of Lindus, lalysus, and Carairus. About 
 the same time Dorians settled in the neighbouring island of Cos, 
 and founded the cities of Halicarnassus and Cnidus on the main- 
 land. These six colonies tbrmed a confederation, usually called 
 the Doric Hexapolis. 
 
 Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Asia Minor. 
 
 21 P3HG
 
 88 llI.S'KJltY or GIIKECE. Cuai-. IV. 
 
 4 11. I)(iric rolfinioH wcrtj alwj foundctl in mythical time* in 
 the islands uf Crete, Mel(>8, and Thera. The cjloni/ution of 
 Crete more pjirtieuhirly dertc':-ve« onr attention, on arcoiuit olthe 
 tiiniilurity of thi* institutiona of it.s Jjoric citieH to tho»»e of Spar^. 
 There were J)(>rian.s in Cre«e in tlie tinje of the 0(ly»(^•y, but 
 their chief nii^'rations to thib island took place in the third j^enc- 
 ralion al'ler their eonriuest of I'eloponnehu.s. Of the»e two aro 
 .('xpifsslv iiii'ntii)ned, one conducted under the auspices of Sparta, 
 and the other hy the Ar^ve Altha;rnenes. Of the latter we have 
 already spoken; th»^ l()riner consisted rliiefly of Miiiyaus, who 
 liad liciMi settled at Ainycla- 1 y the Acha;an I'hilonoiuus, to wliom 
 the S|)artaus had frrauled this city on account of his treachery, 
 as lias been already related. These ^Miny.n.ns haviuf,' revolted 
 against Sj)arta, were .«eut out of the coiuitry as eiuifrrants, but 
 aceoiupauied hy many Spartans. Tfey sailed towards Crete, and 
 in their pa.'isaf^e settled sonic of thoir nutnbcr in the i-sland of 
 Melos, wliich remained faithful to Laceda-inon even in the time 
 of the Peloponnesian war. In Crete they founded tiortyn and 
 Lyctus, which are mentioned as Spartan colonies. The Doric 
 colonists in Crete were anxious to connect themselves with the 
 mythical glories of Minos, and consequently a.scribed their jxjlitical 
 and social institutions to this celebrated hero. Hence the tra- 
 dition aro.<e that the S|)artan institutions were borrowed by 
 Lycurgus from those of Crete ; but it seems more probable that 
 their similarity was owing to their common origin, and that the 
 Dorians of Crete brought I'rom the mother-country usages which 
 they sought to hallow by the revered name of Minos. 
 
 ^ 12. The lleturn of the Heraclida; and the foundation of the 
 above-mentioned ct)lonies form the conclusion of the Mythical 
 Age. From this time to the commencement of authentic history 
 in the first 01ymj)iad, there is a period of nearly three liundred 
 years, according to the common chroiiologi,-. Of this long jieriod 
 ■we have scarcely any record. But this ought not to excite our 
 surprise. The subjects of mythical narrative arc drawn, not 
 from recent events, but from aA imaginary past, which is sup- 
 posed to be separated from the present by an indefinite munber 
 of years. Originally no attempt was made to assign any par- 
 ticular date to the grand events of the Mythical Age. It was 
 sullicient for the earlier Greeks to believe that their gods and 
 heroes were removed from them by a vast number of generations ; 
 and it was not till a later time that the literary men of Greece 
 endeavoured to count backwards to the ilythical Age, and to 
 aifix dates to the chief events in legendary Greece.
 
 QIKOYMENH XPONOIIAIAZO^Y^ZElAQMIiPOS MYGOI 
 Homer enthroned. 
 
 L 
 
 kjJi 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE POEMS OF HOMER. 
 
 § 1. Importance of the subject. § 2. Rise of poetry in Greece. Epio 
 ballads preparatory to the Epopee. § 3. The poems of the Epic Cycle, 
 in which the Iliad and the Odyssey -were included. § 4. Diversity of 
 opinions respecting the life and date of Homer. § 5. Iliad and Odyssey 
 recited to public companies by the Rhapsodists. § 6. A standard text of 
 the poems first formed by Pisistratus. § 1. Modern controversy respect- 
 ing the origin of the Homeric poems. Prolegomena of Wolf. § 8. Tho 
 Iliad and the Odyssey were originally not committed to writing. 
 § 9. They were preserved by the Rhapsodists. § 10. The}' did not 
 consist originally of separate lays, but were composed by one poet, 
 as is shown by their poetical unity. 
 
 k 1. No history of Greece would be complete witliout some 
 account of the poems of Homer, and of the celebrated contro- 
 versy to which they have given rise in modern times. Homer 
 was called by the Greeks themselves The Poet. The Iliad and 
 the Odyssey were the Greek Bible. They were the ultimate 
 standard of appeal on all matters of religious doctrine and early
 
 40 IIISTOIIV OF fMlKKCH Chap. V. 
 
 histnry. Tliey wen' liiirnt l>y Utya at w;licx»l, ihey were the 
 Blutly of men in llirir rijxir ycare, and even in the time of 
 S()<Tuti-rt llicrc were Athenian pcntlcmon who could n'lH.'at both 
 jKH'iii.s liy liearl. In whatever part «<f the ancient world a (ireek 
 Buttled, he <airii'<l with him a love for the (rrejit jKM-t ; and lon^^ 
 after the (Jreck ])eoj)le had lout their indejwndi-iK-e the Iliad and 
 tin- Odvssey continued to maintain an undimini.-hed hold ujHjri 
 their alli'clions. No production of pmfane literature lias exer- 
 cised so wide and lonj^ continuid an inliuence, and consefjuently 
 the history «)f these poems demands and deserveg our earel'ul 
 attention. 
 
 ^ 'J. The orifjin of the Iliad ;ind the Odyggcy cannot Ix" under- 
 stood without a sliort account of the ri.sc f)f jK)etr)' in (ireece. 
 AmoufT the Greeks, as among all other nations, poetry was cul- 
 tivated heforc ] rcsc. The lir.st poetical comjK)sition8 ajjjK'ar 
 to have been liymiis addressed to the pods, or Bini])lc ballads 
 recounting the adventures and exploits of s<jmc favourite hero. 
 We have already seen that the Greeks of the Heroic ape were 
 passionately fond of poetrj', and that the entertainments of the 
 nobles were eidivened by the songs of the bard. Originally 
 these songs appear to liave been shcrt unconnected lays. They 
 may be regarded as cj)ic poems in the more indefmitc sense 
 of the term, since thev per])etuated and adorned the mernorj- 
 of great men or great deeds. The next important step in the 
 progress of popidar jmetry was to combine the.«e separate epi- 
 cal songs into one comjirehensive whole. Such a poem may 
 be called an IDpopee, and presents a much more advanced state 
 of the art. It requires genius of a far higher order, a juiwer of 
 combination and construction, not needed in poems of tlie fomier 
 class. Short epical poems appear to have existed before the 
 time of Homer, as we may infer from the Lay of the Trojan 
 Horse, sung by the bard Dcmodocus in the Odyssey ; but the 
 constraction of the epopee, or the epic jioem in the nobler 
 sense, is probably to be attributed to the genius cf Homer. 
 
 ^ 3. There was a large number of these epic j)oems extent in 
 antiquity. "We know the titles of more than thirty of them. 
 Their subjects were all taken from the Greek legends. They 
 were arranged by the granuiiarians of Alexandria, about the 
 second century before the Christian era, in a chronological .series, 
 beginning with the intermarriage of Heaven and Earth, and con- 
 cluding with the death of Ulysses by the hands of his son Tele- 
 gonus. This collection was known by the name of the Epic Cycle, 
 and the poets whoso works formed part of it were called Cyclic 
 poets. The Iliad and the Odyssey wore comprised in the Cycle, 
 and consequently the name of Cyclic poet did not originally
 
 Chap. V. POEMS OF HOMER. 41 
 
 carry with it any association of contempt. But as the best 
 poems in the Cycle were spoken of by themselves or by the 
 titles of their separate authors, the general name of Cyclic poets 
 came to be applied only to the worst, especially as many of the 
 inferior poems in the Cycle appear to have been anonymous. 
 Hence we can understand why Horace* and others speak in 
 such disparaging terms of the Cyclic writers, and how the infe- 
 riority of the Cyclic poems is contrasted with the excellence of 
 the Iliad and the OdA'ssey, although the latter had been originally 
 included among them. 
 
 § 4. All these poems are now lost with the exception of the 
 Iliad and the Odyssey, which stood out prominently above all 
 the others. Throughout the flourishing period of Greek litera- 
 ture these unrivalled works were universally regarded as the pro- 
 ductions of a single mind. At a later time some of the Alex- 
 andrine grammarians attributed the Iliad and the Odyssey to 
 two different authors, but this imiovation in the popular belief 
 was never regarded with much favour, and obtained few converts.! 
 Although antiquity was nearly unanimous in ascribing the Iliad 
 and Odyssey to Homer, there was very little agreement respect- 
 ing the place of his birth, the details of his life, or the time 
 in which he lived. Nor is this sui'prising. His poems were 
 the productions of an age in which writing was either totally 
 unknown or at all events little practised, and which was un- 
 accustomed to anything like historical investigation. Seven 
 cities laid claim to his birth, i and most of them had legends to 
 tell respecting his romantic parentage, his alleged blindness, and 
 his life of an itinerant bard acquainted with poveity and sorrow. 
 It cannot be disputed that he was an Asiatic Greek ; but this 
 is the only fact in his life which can be regarded as certain. 
 Several of the best writers of antiquity supposed him to have 
 been a native of the island of Chios, where there existed a 
 poetical gens or fraternity of Homerids, who traced their descent 
 from a divine progenitor of this name. Most modern scholars 
 believe Smyrna to have been his birth-place. The discrepancies 
 respecting his date are no less worthy of remark. The different 
 epochs assigned to him oficr a diversity of nearly 500 years. 
 Herodotus places Homer 400 yeai'S before himself, according to 
 
 * "Xec sic ineipies, ut scriptor eyclicus olim." — Ilor. Ars Poet. 
 137. 
 
 f The grammarians, who maintaiiiod the separate origin of the 
 Iliad and Odyssey, were called Chorbsontcs (j^w^/fovref) or Separa- 
 tists. 
 
 \ Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodos, Argos, Athenae, 
 Orbis de patria certat. Homered tua.
 
 42 lllSTORV OF UUEKCM Chap, V. 
 
 wliicli 111! would liav« lived about B.C. H50. Tlii.s date, or a little 
 latiT, ajipoarrt more pnibabl'; than any otlier. He muxt be placed 
 bfli)rt! the lirst Oiyiiipiad, or n.c. 770 ; while iJ'we hu]i]M)h; him 
 to have lived vt-ry Umfj^ before that ••|KM;h, it lxTorn«-H hldl more 
 woiiderlul that hi.s poemH niiould have come down from Huch an 
 age and .society to hi.<torical tiiiie.^. 
 
 ^ /». The mode in which the.-^e |M)ein.H wen; jjreserved has wca- 
 sioned fjreat controversy in modern time.s. On ihiH jM»int wc 
 Hliall fjH'uk jire.><enlly ; but even if they were coimnilted to 
 "writinfi by the poet himsell. and were bunded down to {Kmterity 
 in this manner, it i.s certain that they were rarely read. Wc 
 must endeavor to realize tie dilierence between ancient Greece 
 and our own times. J)urin«i the most (iourishinfr period of 
 Athenian literature manu.^eripts were indilitTently written, with- 
 out division into part.s and \. ilhout marks ot punctuation. They 
 were scarce and costly, could oidy be obtained by the wealthy, 
 and only read by those who had had considerable literary train- 
 inj^. Under these circumstances the Greeks could never become 
 a readin}; people ; and thus the great mass even ol' the Athenians 
 became acquainted with thj productions of" the leading poets of 
 Greece only by hearing them recited at their solemn festivals and 
 on other public occasions. This was more strikingly the case at 
 an eailier period. The Iliad and the Odyssey were not read 
 by individuals in private, but were sung or recited at festivals 
 or to assembleil companies. They were addres.-ed to the ear 
 and feelings of a sympathizing multitude ; and much of tlie 
 impression which they produced must have been owing to the 
 talent of the reciter, and would have disappeared altogether in 
 solitary reading. The baru originally sung his own lays to the 
 accomjtanimeut of his lyre. He was succeeded by a body of pro- 
 fessional reciters, called Kliapsodists,* who rehearsed the pncms 
 of others. They employed no musical accoin])animent, and de- 
 pended solely for ellect upon voice and manner. They travelled 
 from town to town, bearing in their bands a laurel branch or 
 wand as their badge of otiicc ; and many of them seem to have 
 acquired great excellence in their art. \Ve do not know at what 
 time the rhapsodist succeed.'d to the bard; but the class rf pro- 
 fessional reciters must have arisen as epic poetr)' ceased to be 
 produced ; and it is certain that before the time of i>olon tlie 
 epic poems were recited exjlusively by the llhapsodists, either 
 
 * TIki etymology of the word KLnjisoilist (/JaV'w''°f) '=* uncertain ; some 
 deriving it from the stiilf or wirid of ottice {Jxhido^. or fia-ir). and others 
 from fxirrrny ii<)/(5/}i' t«» iK-noto the coupling together of vei^e* witliout 
 any consideralile pause?, — the even, unbroken llow of the epic poem aa 
 pontr'*sted with Ivric verses.
 
 Chap. V. POEMS OF HOMER. 43 
 
 in short fragments before private companies, or as continuous 
 poems at public festivals. 
 
 ^6. In early times the Rhapsodists appear to have had ex- 
 clusive possession of the Homeric poems. But in the seventh 
 century before the Christian era literaiy culture began to prevail 
 among the Greeks ; and men of education and v/ealth were 
 naturally desirous of obtaining copies of the great poet of the 
 nation. From this cause copies came to be circulated among 
 the Greeks ; but most of them contained only separate portions 
 of the poems, or single rhapsodies, as they were called. Entire 
 copies of such extensive works must have been very rare at this 
 early period of literature. The way in which the separate parts 
 should be arranged seems to have given rise to some dispute ; 
 and it was tbund that there were numerous variations in the 
 text of different copies. Tbe very popularity and wide exten- 
 sion of the poems contributed to the corruption of the text. Since 
 the Iliad and the Odyssey were the recognized standard of early 
 history and mythology, each tribe was anxious that honourable 
 mention should be made of their heroes and their race in these 
 poems, and endeavoured to supply such omissions by interpo- 
 lating passages favourable to themselves. The Rhapsodists also 
 introduced alterations, and in order to gratify their vanity in- 
 serted lines of their own composition. From these causes, as 
 well as from others, we can easily account for the variations 
 found in the text by the reading class which began to be formed 
 in the seventh century. The discovery of these varieties na' 
 turally led to measures for establishing a standard text of the 
 national poet. Solon is said to have introduced impi-oved regu- 
 lations for the public recitations of the poems at the Atheriian 
 festivals ; but it is to Pisistratus, the tyrant or despot of Athens, 
 that the great merit is ascribed of collecting and arranging the 
 poems in their present form, in order that they might be recited 
 at the great Panathenaic festival at Athens. It is expressly 
 stated by Cicero* that Pisistratus is "reputed to have arranged 
 the books of Homer, previously in a state of confusion, in the 
 form in which we now possess them ;" and this statement is 
 supported by the testimony of other ancient writers. From this 
 time therefore (about b.c. 530) we may conclude that the Greeks 
 possessed a standard text of their great poet, which formed the 
 basis of all subserpient editions. 
 
 ^ 7. We have already seen that the whole of antiquity, with 
 scarcely an exception, regarded the Iliad and the Odyssey as the 
 productions of the one poet, called Homer. This opinion con- 
 tinued to be held by almost all modem scholars down to tho 
 * De Oratore, iii. 34.
 
 44 lIISTOIl^ <»l (.1:1,1.(1 Chap. V, 
 
 yoftr 17'.>''», wlirii the rclchnilcd (icrriiuri I'rofcHKir, F. A. Wolf, 
 j)iil»liKliiMl lii.s I'mh^Diiiriiii, or I'rcl'atory iOs.-ay 1o ihc Iliad. In 
 tliirt work he iiiaiiil.iiiicd the Htarllirifj liy|K)tlu'.siH that iifith<'r 
 tht-i Iliad nor the Udynwy waH coiiiiMmcd as a (hstiiict wliolc, but 
 tlial IIk'V ori^Miially roii.si.stcd ol hcparalo cjiical halladx, each coii- 
 Btiliitiii;,' a single poem, and that tlic.'*c scparatf.- lays, whitdt had 
 no coiiiinoti j)ur]K).s(' nor lixcd arran^'cmcnt, wen; lor the tir»t 
 time reduced to vvritiu'^and llirmed into llie two jrreat jKH*m.s of 
 the Iliad and the Odyssey liy Pisi.stratus and his Iriends. Stranpe 
 and startlin<? as this theory seems, it was not entirely new. The 
 Buhstance of it had been already ])ropounded by Vino, a Neajjo- 
 litan writer ol" great originality, and by our own great countr)'- 
 man Beutley ;* but their ojunions had not been siijtported by 
 argumenis, and were soon Ibrgotlcn. Aceordingly the publi- 
 cation of Wolf's E.ssay took the whole literarj' world by sur- 
 prise, and scarcely any book in modern times ha-s elfeeted so 
 complete a revolution in the opinions of scholars Even thrwe 
 wdio were the most opposed to his views have had their own 
 opinions to some extent modified by the argiuiients which he 
 brought linward, and no one has been able to establish the 
 old doctrine in its original integrity. It i.s impossible in the 
 present work to enter into the details of the controversy to 
 which Wolfs Es.say has given rise. We can oidy endeavour to 
 give a sketch of his princijial arguments and of the chief objec- 
 tions of his opponents, stating at the same time the opinion which 
 seems to us the most probable. 
 
 k 8. The first argument which Wolf brought forward to sup- 
 port his position was, that no written copies of the Iliad and 
 the Odyssey could be shown to have existed during the earlier 
 times to which their composition is referred, and that without 
 "writing such long and complicated works could neither have been 
 comjKised nor transmitted to jwsterity. In order to prove this 
 he entered into a minute discu-^^sion concerning tlie age of the 
 art of writing. It is sulHcient to state here a few of the more 
 important re.-ults at which he arrived. In early tiuK^^ the Greeks 
 had no easy and convenient materials fcr writing, such as must 
 have been indisjiensable for long manuscripts like the Ihad aud 
 the Odyssey. Moreover the traces el writing in Greece are ex- 
 ceedingly rare, even in the seventh cent un' before the Christian 
 era. and we have no remaining iuscrij)tious earlier than the 10th 
 
 * Vioo <lio(l ill 1744. The words of ]>ontley nro: "Iloinor ■wrote a 
 sequel of soiiir* and rliapsodios, to bo .<iinir I'V liiin#clf, for small earnings 
 and good eliecr, at festivals and other ilays of nierriniont ; the Iliad ho 
 made for the men, the (.>dyssies for the other sex. The>o loose songs were 
 not collected together into the form of an epic poem until bOO years after."
 
 Chap. V POEMS OF HOMER. 45 
 
 Olympiad (b.c. 620). In the Homeric poems themselves there is 
 not a single trace of the art of writing.* We find no mention of 
 any epitaph or inscription ; coins are unknown, and even the 
 supercargo of a ship has no written list of his cargo, hut is ohliged 
 to remember it.f In addition to this the absence of the letter 
 called Digamma in the text of the poems is a strong proof that 
 they were not originally committed to writing. This letter ex- 
 isted at the time of the composition of the poems, and was con- 
 stantly employed by the poet, but it had entirely vanished from 
 the language when they were first WTitten. 
 
 § 9. It seems therefore necessary to admit the former part ol 
 Wolf's first argument, that the Iliad and Odyssey were original- 
 ly not written ; but does it therelbre follow that without this 
 means such long poems covild neither have been composed noi 
 handed down to posterity ? These two questions are not neces- 
 sarily connected, though they have been usually discussed to- 
 gether. Those wdio have maintained the original unity of the 
 Ihad and Odyssey in opposition to Wolf have generally thought 
 it incumbent upon them to prove that the poems were written 
 from the beginning. But this appears to us quite unnecessary. 
 In the present day the memory has become so much weakened 
 by the artificial aid of writing that it may be difficult for us to 
 conceive of the production of a long work without such assistance. 
 But there is nothing impossible in it. Even modern poets have 
 composed long poems and have preserved them faithfully in their 
 memories before conmiitting them to writing. It must also be 
 recollected that poetry was the profession of the ancient bards ; 
 that it was not the amusement of their leisure hours, but that they 
 devoted to it all the energies of their hearts and souls. The poems 
 which they thus composed were treasured up in the memories 
 of their faithful disciples, and were handed down to posterity by 
 the Rhapsodists, whose lives were also devoted to this object. 
 The recollection of these poems was rendered easier by the sim- 
 ple nature of the story, by the easy structure of the verse, by the 
 frequent recurrence of the same words, phrases, and similes, and 
 by the absence of abstract ideas and reflective thoughts. Accord- 
 ingly we believe that the Iliad and the Odyssey might have been 
 composed and might have been handed down to posterity with- 
 out being written. 
 
 MO. The second argument employed by Wolf to maintain his 
 hypothesis was derived from an examination of the Iliad and 
 
 * Tlie only passage in which letters are supposed to be mentioned is 
 in the Iliad, vi. 168, but here the arniara /.vypu are supposed by Wolf 
 and others to signify pictorial and not alphabetical characters. 
 
 I He is (poQTov /xvjj/xuv. Odyss. viii. 164.
 
 4A 
 
 iiiyruuv <>i <.Ki;i,< K. 
 
 ( irAi- V 
 
 OdyHMcy ihcmsflvrs. He ondeavoun-d to chow that the only 
 unity of the ]»o<'in« arixcH IVoin their snhjeetH, aiirl that the nii- 
 nu'i'otiii contrathciioii.s i'onnd in thctn ](l.'iinly ]irov(; that they 
 poiild not liave l)eeii the pnuhicticnH of a single rnind. The 
 Trojan war and the wanderings of lllyswen, he reinarkH, liad 
 Ibrined thr s-dijects of nntneroii.s epir ballads, and it ytua (»nly 
 because they hail ha|)|))-ned to fit into one anothrT that they were 
 combined into two eoinprehensive jK>eins by Pisistratii« and his 
 literary friends. A modern diseijile ol his whfKil has jrone w) far 
 as to attempt to resolve the J'lad into the orifrinal independent 
 lays out of which he suppose the poem to have been formed. 
 Now it is evident that this f|uestion can only be settled by a 
 minute examination of the strneture of the j)ocm8, for which 
 there is no space in the j)rescnt work. Wc can only state that 
 the best modem scholars, with ven»' few exceptions, have cornc 
 to a conclusion directly contrary to\Volf's darinnr theory. Some 
 of the ablest critics in modern times have directed their attention 
 to this subject, and while they have not denied the existence of 
 interpolations, more or less extensive, in both poems, the peneral 
 re.-Jiilt has been to e.<tablish their poetical unity, and to vindicate 
 their claim to be the greatest models of the epic art. 
 
 Biist cf Holier.
 
 Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos. 
 
 BOOK IT. 
 
 GROWTH OF TPI£ GRECIAN STATES. 
 
 B.C. 776—500. 
 
 i CHAPTER VI. 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE. 
 
 § 1. Nature of the subject. §2. The chisf ties which bound the Greeks 
 together. Community of blood and of language. §3. Community of 
 religious rites and festivals. §4. The Amphictyonic Council. § 5. The 
 Olympic games. § 6. The Pythian, .Nemean, and Isthmian games. 
 § 7. The influence of these festivals. § 8. Influence of the oracle of 
 Apollo at Delphi. §9. Community of manners and character. §10. 
 The independent sovereignty of each city a settled maxim in the Greek 
 mind. 
 
 i 1. The present Book v^ill contain the History of Greece from 
 the first Olympiad, or the year 776 B.C., to the commencement of 
 (he revolt of the Ionic Greeks from Persia, in the year 500 B.C. 
 Our knowledge of the early part of this period is very scanty, 
 and consists of only a small number of solitary facts, which have 
 little or no connexion with one another. The division of Greece 
 into a number of small independent states is a circumstance
 
 4K msTOltV UF GKI-IECR Cmai-. VL 
 
 tliut ciiuM'H fru-.il (lillic'iillicH to llic hiKtoritiii. Unlike the liiKtory 
 of lloiiic, M'hich irt contiiicd to an acroiiiit of the origin and dc- 
 vrlo])trient of a ninffle ]K'oj)le, the hintor)' of Grfccc frc^rn its 
 romiiifncciiK'nt to it« cIohc HuderH to a (rrcator or a lei«» extent 
 from a want of unity in it« Huhjeel. TImh i« Ktrikinj.'ly tlie cam; 
 witli llic liiHt two centuries of tlic jH-rirHl narrate<l in the jireM-nt 
 Hook ; and it is not till wc eoiiie to its elow! that Me are aide to 
 present a coiuierted histor)' of the (Jrerian nation. It wa> the 
 Persian invasions «>f (ireece whieh first iinjiressed tlu- leading 
 (ireek states with the neressity of uniting' l<ipether ajrainst the 
 coimnon foe ; and since the military resources of fcfjiarta were 
 then confessedly sujierior to those ol all the other Greeks, they 
 naturally intrusted to her the conduct of the war. In this way 
 Grecian history ac(|uires a iniity of interest which is altogether 
 wanlin<r in the earlier times. There arc, however, eorne facts 
 during the earlier period which claim our attention. Of these 
 the most important are the growth of 8parta and Athens ; the 
 numher of despots wlio arose in the various Grecian cities ; the 
 foundation and progress of the numerous colonies planted or the 
 coasts of the Mediterranean and its connected seas ; and, last of 
 all, the origin and ])rogTess of literature and art. 
 
 Before avc proceed to give an account of tliese events, it may 
 be useful to take a general survey of the Greeks in the earlier 
 period of their history, and to ])oint out the various cau.s<'s w hich 
 miited them as a peojtle, notwithstanding their separation into 
 so many independent comnuuiities. 
 
 ^ 2. The chief ties, which hound together the Grecian world, 
 were community of blood and language — community of re- 
 ligious rites and festivals — and ccmmunity of manners and cha- 
 racter. Of these the first and tlie most important was the 
 possession of a common descent and a common language. The 
 Greeks were all of the same race and parentage : tliey all con- 
 sidered themselves descendants of Hellen ; and thev all described 
 men and cities wliich were not Grecian by the term Barbarian. 
 This word lias passed into our own language, but with a verv 
 difibrcnt idea; for the Greeks applied it nidiscriminatelv to 
 every foreigner, to the civilized inhabitants of Egypt and Persia, 
 as well as to the rude tribes of t^cythia and Gaul. Originally it 
 seems to have expressed repugnance to one using a foreign lan- 
 guage ; but as the Greeks became in course of time superior 
 ii\ intelligence to the surrounding nations, it conveved also 
 a notion of contempt. Notwithstanding the various dialects 
 employed in dilltrent parts, there was, throughout the Grecian 
 world, sutlicient iniiformity in the language to render it every- 
 where intelligible to a Greek ; and there can be no doubt that
 
 ■'1 
 
 CiiAr.VI. AMPHICTYONIC COUNCIL. 49 
 
 the wide-spread popularity of the Homeric poems in early times 
 powerfully assisted in maintaining the same typo of language 
 among the dilferent Greek races. 
 
 § 3. The second bond of union was a community of religious 
 rites and festivals. From the earliest times the Greeks appear 
 to have worshipped the same gods ; but originally there were no 
 religious meetings common to the whole nation. Such meetings 
 were of gradual growth. They were either formed by a number 
 of neighbouring towns, which entered into an association for the 
 periodical celebration of certain religious rites, or they grew 
 out of a festival originally confined to a single state, but which 
 was gradually extended to the inhabitants of other cities till at 
 length it became open to the whole Grecian world. Of the former 
 class we have an example in the Amphictyonies, of the latter in 
 the Olympic, Pythian, Nemeau, and Isthmian games. 
 
 ^ 4. The word Amphictyony is usually derived from the mythic- 
 al hero Amphictyon ; but the name probably signifies only resi- 
 dents around and neighbors,* and was used to designate a relig- 
 ious association of neighbouring tribes or cities, who were accus- 
 tomed to meet at fixed times to oiler sacrifices to the god of a 
 particular temple, which was supposed to be the common property 
 and under the common protection of all. There were many re- 
 ligious associations of this kind in Greece ; but there was one of 
 so much celebrity, that it threw all the others into the shade, 
 and came to be called the Amphictyonic Council. This assem- 
 bly seems to have been originally of small importance ; and it 
 accpiired its superiority over other similar associations by the 
 wealth and grandeur of the Delphian temple, of which it was the 
 appointed guardian. It held two meetings eveiy year, one in the 
 spring at the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the other in the 
 autumn at the temple of Demeter (Ceres) at Thermopyla3. Its 
 members, who were called the Amphictyons,t consisted of sacred 
 deputies sent from twelve tribes, each of which contained several 
 independent cities or states. The deputies were composed of 
 two classes of representatives from each tribe ; a chief called 
 HioroinnOmon, and subordinates named Pylagoree. The names 
 of these twelve tribes are not the same in all accounts, bvit they 
 Avere probably as follows : — Thcssalians, Boeotians, Dorians, 
 lonians, Pcrrhajbians, Magnetos, Locrians, Q3ta;ans, Achaians, 
 Phocians, Dolopcs, and Malians. These names are of themselves 
 sufficient to pi'ove the great antiquity of the Council. Several 
 of the tribes here mentioned scarcely ever occur in the historical 
 
 * The original form of tlie name seems to have been 'AfKpiKriovia, not 
 ' A.fi<ptKTvovca. The word d/KpiKTLOvsr signifies those that dwell round or 
 near. f 0/ 'A/x^f.KTvovci-. 
 
 V
 
 m . IIHTOKY OF (inviFA'K. Chap. VL 
 
 |NTi(i(l ; :tii(l till- I.K-l I I I lie I)(>riaiiH pt.'iii(liM{.' on an (*(|iiulity with 
 tlic Ihilopc.H iiiid I In- Mnli.'uis, nliowri tliut tlir ('oiiiicil iiuul hav<* 
 existed Ih-Iop' tlir l)uriaii coiuimtit of I'clfi[M.Mrn'HiiH. The trilxm 
 ropres<Mite(l in it stiMxl on a t(H»tinf^ of jMrleet equahty, tUf» votes 
 heiiif.' {riven hy the tleputieH from eaeh of the twelve. 
 
 (M" til'- duties of the Anij)hietyonic Couneil nothing will prive us 
 a hetter idea than lh(! oath taki-n hy its nietrdiers. It ran thus — . 
 " We will not destroy any Aniphietyonie town, nor eiii it oH'frorn 
 nnmin;; water in war or peaee : if any one shall do m, we will 
 march a<jainst him and destroy hi.s rity. If anyone nhall plun- 
 der the ])roperty of the pod, or shall he eo<rnizant thereof, or ehall 
 take treacherous counsel apainst the thincs in his temple at 
 l)elj)lii. we will ])unish him with foot, and hand, and voice, and by 
 every means in our jiower." We thus see that the main duties of 
 the Council were to restrain acts of afrtrression ajrainst its mem- 
 bers, and to preserve the riphts and dipnity of the temjile of 
 Delphi. It is tnie that the Amjtliictyons sfnnetirnes tcwk a 
 larger view of their junctions ; but these were only employed 
 for ])olitical purj)oses when they could he made subservient to 
 the views of one of tlie leading (Grecian states. They were never 
 considered as a national congress, whose duty it was to protect 
 and delend the common interests of Greece. If such a congress 
 had ever existed, and its edicts had commanded the obedience 
 of the Greeks, the histor)' of the nation would have had a 
 diflerent course ; the Macedonian kings would probably have 
 remained in their sul)ordinate condition, and united Greece 
 might even have defied the legions of conquering Rome. 
 
 The Amphict}-onio Council is rarely mentioned, ejccept in con- 
 nexion with the Delphian temple ; but when the rights of the 
 god had been violated, it invoked the aid of the ditl'erent mem- 
 bers of the league. Of this we have a memorable instance in the 
 earlier ])eriod of Greek histor)'. The Phocian town of Crista was 
 situated on the heights of Moiuit Parna.ssus, near the sanctu.iry 
 of the god, which belonged to this town in the most ancient 
 times. It ])ossessed a fertile and valuable territon,'. extendmg 
 down to the Corinthian Gulf, on which it had a j)ort called 
 Cirrha. Gradually the ])ort seems to have grown into imjwrt- 
 ance at the expense of the town ; while at the same time the 
 sanctuary of the god fell into the hand.> of the Dorian tribe of the 
 Delphians, and expanded into a town under the name of Delphi. 
 It was at the port of Cirrha that mo^t of the strangers landed 
 who came to consult the god ; and the iidiabitants of this place 
 availed themselves ol their jxisition to levy exorbitant tolls ujwn 
 the pilgrims, antl to ill-use tliem in other ways. In consequence 
 of these outrages the Auiphietyons resolved to jtuiiisii the
 
 Chap. VI. NATIONAL FESTIVALS. 5\ 
 
 CirrhEeans ; and after waging war against thera lor ten years 
 (b.c. 595-585), the Council at length succeeded, chiefly by the 
 assistance of the Thessalians and Athenians, in taking the guilty 
 city. It is related, but on rather suspicious authority, that the 
 city was taken by a stratagem of Solon, who poisoned the waters 
 of the river Plistus, which flowed througli the place. Cirrha 
 was razed to the ground, and its territory — the rich Cirrhfean or 
 Crissa?an plain — was consecrated to the god, and cru'ses impre- 
 cated upon any one who should cultivate it. Thus ended the First 
 Sacred War, as it is usually called ; and the spoils of the city were 
 emploj'ed by the victorious allies in founding the Pythian games. 
 ^ 5. The four great festivals of the Olympic, Pythian, Isth- 
 mian, and Nemean games were of greater efficacy than the Am- 
 phictyonic Council in promoting a spirit of union among the 
 various branches of the Greek race, and in keeping alive a feeling 
 of their common origin. They were open to all persons who 
 could prove their Hellenic blood, and were frequented by spec- 
 tators from all parts of the Grecian world. The most ancient as 
 well as the most famous of these festivals was that celebrated 
 at Olympia, on the banks of the Alpheus, in the territory of 
 Elis, and near an ancient temple of the Olympian Jove. The 
 origin of this festival is lost in the Mythical ages. It is said 
 to have been revived by Ij^hitus king of Elis, and Lycurgus 
 the Spartan legislator, in the year 776 B.C. ; and, accordingly, 
 when the Greeks at a later time began to use the Olympic con- 
 test as a chronological era, this year was regarded as the first 
 Oljinpiad. It continued to maintain its celebrity for many cen- 
 turies after the extinction of Greek freedom ; and it was not till 
 "394 A.D. that it was finally abolished by the emperor Theo- 
 dosius. It was celebrated at the end of every four years,* and 
 the inten^al which elapsed between each celebration was called 
 an Olympiad. The wliole festival was under the management 
 of the Eleans, who appointed some of their own mmiber to 
 preside as judges, under the name of the Hellanodicse.t During 
 the month in which it was celebrated all hostilities were sus- 
 pended throughout Greece. The territory of Elis itself was 
 considered especially sacred during its continuance, and no armed 
 force could enter it without incurring the guilt of sacrilege. The 
 number of spectators was very great ; and consisted not only of 
 those who were attracted by private interest or curiosity, but of 
 
 * The festival was called by the Greeks a Pcntaitcris (rrev-aETTipic), 
 because it was celebrated every Jiff h year, according to tlie ancient mode 
 of reckoning. In the same manner a festival, which occurred at the end 
 of every two years, was said to be celebrated every third year, and 
 was called a Trictcris {Tpier^pig). \ 'EXXavodiKOi.
 
 02 IILSTOIIY OF (JllEECK. Ciiak V L 
 
 deputies* from the diliiTeiit (ireek HtateH, who vied with onu 
 uiioUht ill the iiiiiiibci' of I heir oIKrriii^H and t)ie fpleiiduur ol'their 
 f^eiieral appearance, in order to HUpp«)rt the lionoiir of tlieir native 
 cities. At llrwl the leHtival was eoidined to a nin^ie day, and 
 cuuHisted of notliiiif^' more tiiaii a match oi riinnerK in the Hta- 
 dium ; but in courw? of time so many other conli'^tH were intro 
 diieed, lliat tlie jramcH or-cnpied five dayH. They eoniprijsed 
 various trialw of .strenf,^li ami skill, Huch ».■* wre><tliiif:, hoxitifr, the 
 I'aiicratium (hoxini; and wrestling comhined) and the cr-mpli- 
 cated IVntathlum (incliidin<r jumjiing, lunninp, t)i<; rpioit, the 
 javelin, and wre.stlin<i), hut nocomhats with any kind «)f weajK>nB. 
 There were also horse-races and chariot -races ; and the chariot- 
 race, with fi-iur full-grown horses, became oue of the most pojuilar 
 aiid celebrated of all the matches. 
 
 The only j)rize given to the conqueror was a garland of wild 
 olive ; hut this was valued as one of the dearest distincticn.e in 
 life. To have his name jiroelaimed as victor before a.esomblid 
 Hellas was an object of ambition with the noblest and the 
 wealthiest ol' the Greeks. 8ueh a person w as considered to have 
 conlerred everla.sting glory upon his iiimily and his ctuntry, 
 and was rewarded by his fellow-citizens with distinguished 
 honours, flis statue was generally erected in the Altis or sacred 
 grove of Jove at Olympia ; and on his return heme he entered 
 his native city in a triumjihal procession, in which his praises 
 were sung, lVe([uently in the loltiest strains of poetry. He also 
 received still more substantial rewards. He was generally re- 
 lieved from the payment of taxes, and liad a right to the lr(,nt 
 seat at all jmblic games and spectacles. An Athenian victor 
 in the Olymjjic games received, in accordance w ith one of Solon's 
 laws, a prize of 500 drachmas, and a right to a place at the table 
 of the magistrates in the prytaneum or town-hall ; and a fc»p^rtau 
 conqueror had the privilege of fighting on the field of battle near 
 tlic person of the king. 
 
 ^ G. During the sixth century before the Christian era tJic 
 three other festivals of the Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian 
 games, which were at first only local, became open to the whole 
 nation. The Pythiau games, as a national festival, were insti- 
 tuted by the Amj)liictyons after the destruction of L'irrha in 
 58o li.c. in honour of Apollo, as has been already related. They 
 were celebrated in every third Olympic year, on the Cirrhaan 
 plain, under the superintendence of the Amphictyons. The 
 games consisted not only of matches in gymnastics and of horse 
 and chariot races, but also of contests in music and poetry. 
 
 • C'alk.l T/nori {Oeo>pot\
 
 Chap. VI. NATIONAL FESTIVALS. 63 
 
 They soon acquired celebrity, and became second only to the 
 great Olympic festival. 
 
 The Nemean and Isthmian games occurred more frequently 
 than the Olympic and Pythian. They were celebrated once in 
 two years — tlic Nemean in honor of the Nemean Jove, in tjre 
 valley of Nemea, between Phlius and Cleona3, originally by the 
 Cieonseans and subsequently by the Argives — and the Isthmian 
 by the Corinthians, on their isthmus, in honour of Poseidon 
 (Neptune). As in the Pythian festival, contests in music and 
 in poetry, as well as gymnastics and chariot-races, formed part 
 of these games. 
 
 sW. Although the four great festivals of which we have been 
 speaking had no influence in promoting the political union of 
 Greece, they nevertheless were of great importance in making 
 the various sections of the race feel that they were all mem- 
 bers of one family, and in cementing them together by common 
 sympathies and the enjoyment of common pleasures. The fre- 
 quent occurrence of these festivals, for one was celebrated every 
 year, tended to the same result. The Greeks were thus amru- 
 ally reminded of their common origin, and of the great dis- 
 tinction which existed between them and barbarians. Nor must 
 we forget the incidental advantages which attended them. The 
 concourse of so large a number of persons from every part of 
 the Grecian world afforded to the merchant opportunities for 
 traffic, and to the artist and the literary man the best means of 
 making their works known. During the time of the games the 
 Altis was surrounded -with, booths, in which a busy commerce 
 was carried on ; and in a spacious hall appropriated for the 
 purpose the poets, philosophers, and historians were accustomed 
 to read their most recent works. 
 
 The perfect equality of persons at the festival demands par- 
 ticular mention. The games were open to every Greek without 
 any distinction of country or of rank. The horse-races and 
 chariot-races were necessarily confined to the wealthy, who were 
 allowed to employ others as riders and drivers ; but the rich and 
 poor alike could contend in the gj'rnnastic matches. This, how- 
 ever, was far from degrading the former in public opinion ; and 
 some of the greatest and wealthiest men in the various cities 
 took part in the running, wrestling, boxing, and otlier matches. 
 Cylon, who attempted to make himself tyrant of Athens, had 
 gained the prize in the foot-race ; Alexander, son of Amyntas, 
 prince of Macedon, had also run for it ; and instances occur in 
 which cities chose their generals from the victors in these games. 
 
 ^ 8. The habit of consulting the same oracles in order to ascer- 
 tain the will of the orods was another bond of union. It was the
 
 04 IIISTOIIV OF (illKKCM Chap. VL 
 
 univt.THiil pniclicc! c»f the (ircckH lo iitulrrtakn no matter of irn- 
 portuiH'o without first nfkiii^ the a<lvir«.r of" the pmW ; and tlu-re 
 were iiiaiiy naered Hjiots in whieh the gods were always ready 
 lo f,'ive an answer to jiiouH MorrthipperB, Some of llie«« oraele« 
 were eonxulted only by the Kiirroundinir n<-i^'hljourh(HKl, hut 
 others ol)tained a wider celebrity ; anrl the oracle of Ajiollo at 
 I)<-l])hi in |iarticular surpassed all the rest in iin|)or1ance, and 
 was tcffardcd with veneration in <'very part of the Grecian world. 
 So f^reat was its i'airie that it was sometimes consulted by for<-i^ 
 nations, such as the Lydians, I'lirvfrians, and Kornans ; and the 
 Grecian stated constantly applied to it fitr counsel in their diffi- 
 culties and perpl<>xities. Jn the centre of the temjile at l)»'lphi 
 there was a small oj)eninfj in the ground, frf^m which it was said 
 that a certain ^a8 or vapour ascended. Whenever the oracle was 
 to be consulted, a virgin priestess, called I'ythia, took her sfat 
 upon a tripod, which was placed over the chasrn. The ascendinj^ 
 vapour allected her brain, and the words which fehe uttered in 
 this excited condition were believed to be the ansM er of Ajiollo 
 to liis worshippers. They were always in hexameter verse, and 
 were reverently taken down by the attendant priests. Most of 
 the answers were- equivocal or obscure ; but the credit of the 
 oracle continued luiiuipaired louf^ after the downfall of Grecian 
 independence. 
 
 ^0. A further clement of union among the Greeks was the 
 similarity of manners and character. It is true the difi'erence in 
 this respect between the polished inhabitants of Athens and the 
 rude mountaineers of Acarnauia was marked and striking ; but 
 if we compare the two with forcig-n contemporaries the contrast 
 between them and the latter is still more striking. Absolute 
 despotism, human sacrifices, polygamy, deliberate mutilation of 
 the person as a puuislunent, and stalling of childr<>n into slaver)', 
 existed in some part or other of the barbarian world, but are not 
 found in any city of G recce in the liistorical tunes. Although 
 we cannot mention many customs common to all the Greeks 
 and at the same time peculiar to them, yet wc caimot doubt 
 that there did exist among them certain general characteristics 
 in their manners and customs, which served as a bond of union 
 among themselves, and a line of demarcation from i()reigners. 
 
 s^ lU. The elements of union of which we have been speaking 
 J — comnnnuty of blood and language, of rehgion and festivals, 
 and of manners and character — oidy bound the Grtvks together 
 in counnon feelings and sentiments. They never j)r(Mluced any 
 political luiion. The indejiendent sovereignty of each city was a 
 fundamental notion in the Greek mind. The only supreme au- 
 thority wliich a txreek recognised was to be fomid within his
 
 c^HAP. VI. WANT OF POLITICAL UNION. 55 
 
 own city walls. The exercise of authority by one city over 
 another, whatever advantages the weaker city might derive 
 from such a connexion, M'as repugnant to every Greek. This 
 was a sentiment common to all the diflerent members of the 
 Greek race, under all forms of government, whether oligarchical 
 or democratical. Hence the dominion exercised by Thebes over 
 the cities of Bceotia, and by Athens over subject allies, was sub- 
 mitted to with reluctance, and was disowned on the first oppor- 
 tmiity. This strongly rooted feeling deserves particular notice 
 and remark. Careless readers of liistory are tempted to suppose 
 that the territory' of Greece was divided among a comparatively 
 small number of independent states, such as Attica, Arcadia, 
 Bojotia, Phocis, Locris, and the like ; but this is a most serious 
 mistake, and leads to a total misapprehension of Greek history. 
 Every separate city was usually an independent state, and con- 
 sequently each of the territories described under the general 
 names of Arcadia, Bceotia, Phocis, and Locris, contained numerous 
 political communities independent of one another. Attica, it is 
 true, formed a single state, and its different towns recognised 
 Athens as their capital and the source of supreme power ; but 
 this is an exception to the general rule. 
 
 The patriotism of a Greek was confined to his cit)^ and rarely 
 kindled into any general love for the common welfare of Hellas. 
 The safety and the prosperity of his city were dearer to him than 
 the safety and prosperity of Hellas, and to secure the former he 
 was too often contented to sacrifice the latter. For his own city 
 a patriotic Greek was ready to lay down liis property and liis 
 hfe, but he felt no obligation to expend his substance or expose 
 his life on behalf of the common inxere-sts of the countrj'. So 
 complete was the political division between the Greek cities^ 
 that the citizen of one was an alien and a stranger in the terri- 
 tory of another. He was not meiely debarred from all share in 
 the government, but he could not acquire property in land or 
 houses, nor contract a marriage with a native woman, nor sue 
 in the courts of justice, except through the medium of a friendly 
 citizen.* The cities thus mutually repelling each other, the 
 sympathies and feelings of a Greek became more centered in 
 his own. It was this exclusive patriotism which rendered it 
 difiicult for the Greeks to unite under circumstances of common 
 danger. It was this political disunion which led them to turn 
 their arms against each other, and eventually made them sub- 
 ject to the Macedonian monarchs. 
 
 * Sometimes a city eranted to a citizen of another state, or even to 
 the whole state, the right of intermarriage and of acquiring landed pro- 
 perty. The former of these rights was called kTciyafila, the latter i-yKTJiniQ.
 
 View or Mount Taygeiua rroin the site of Sparta. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 
 
 § 1. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. T)ivi8ion of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus into the Doric .etates, Elis, Achaia, nnd Arcadia. § 2. Divi- 
 sion of the Doric states in Peloponnesus. Arpos oriirinally the first 
 Doric state, Sparta seconJ, Messene third. ^ 3. Phidon of Are;os. 
 §4. Legislation of Lyeuriius. §5. Life of Lycurgus. § 6. The chief 
 object of Lycurgus in his legislation. §7. Pojudation of Laconia 
 divided into tliivo classes. Spartans. §8. Pericjeci. §9. Helots. 
 §10. Politioiil covornnient of Sparta. The kings. The senate. The 
 popular assembly. The epliors. §11- Training and education of 
 the Spartan youths and men. § 12. Training of the Spartan women. 
 §13. Division of landed property. § 14. Other regulations ascribed 
 toLycurgus. Iron money. § 1.5. Defensible position of Sparta. §16. 
 Growth of the Spartan jiower, a consetjuencc of the uiscipline of 
 Lycurgus. Conquest of Laconia, 
 
 {1. In the Heroic apes Peloponnesus was the seat of the great 
 Achaean monarchies. Mycena? was the residence orAfianiemnon, 
 liinfr of men, Sparta of his brother Menelaus, and Ar«ros of Dio« 
 medes, who dared to contend in battle with the immortal podi 
 But before the comnieneemont of histor\' all these monarchies 
 had been .<wept away, and tlieir subjects either driven out of the 
 land or compelled to submit to the dominion of the Dorians. 
 The history of the conquest of Pelojxjnnesus by this Marlike race 
 is clothed in a legendary form, and has been already narrated
 
 CnAr. VII. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS. 57 
 
 in the preceding Book. In what manner this conquest was really 
 etiected is beyond the reach of history, but we have good reasons 
 for believing that it was the work of many years, and was not 
 concluded by a single battle, as the legends would lead us to 
 suppose. We find, however, in the early historical times the 
 whole of the eastern and southern parts of Peloponnesus in the 
 undisputed possession of the Dorians. 
 
 The remaining parts of the peninsula were in the hands of 
 other members of the Greek race. On the western coast from 
 the mouth of the Neda to that of the Larissus w^as the territory 
 of E lis, including the two dependent states of Pisa and Triphylia. 
 The E leans are said to have been descendants of the ^tolians, 
 who had accompanied the Dorians in their invasion, and received 
 Elis as their share of the spoil. The Pisatans and the Triphylians 
 had been originally mdependent inhabitants of the peninsula, but 
 had been conquered by their more powerfid neighbours of Ehs. 
 
 The strip of land on the northern coast of Peloponnesus, and 
 south of the Corinthian gulf, was inhabited by Achajans, and 
 was called after them Achaia. This territory extended from 
 the promontory Araxus on one side to the confines of 
 Sicyonia on the other, and was divided among twelve Achaean 
 cities, which are rarely mentioned in the earlier period of 
 Greek history, and only rose to importance in the Macedonian 
 times. 
 
 The mountainous region in the centre of Peloponnesus was 
 udiabited by the Arcadians, who may be regarded as genuine 
 Pelasgians, since they are uniformly represented as the earhest 
 inliabitants of the countr}^ Their country w^as distributed into 
 a large number of villages and cities, among which Tegea and 
 Mantinea were the two most powerful. 
 
 S^ 2. The division of Peloponnesus among the Dorian states 
 ditiered at various times. At tlie close of the period which 
 forms the subject of the present Bock, Sparta was unquestionably 
 the first of the Dorian powers, and its dominions far exceeded 
 those of any other Dorian state. Its territory then occupied the 
 whole of the southern region of the peninsula from the eastern 
 to the western sea, being separated frcm the dominions of Argos 
 by the river Tanus, and from Triphylia by the river Xeda. At 
 that time the territory of Argos was confined to the Argolic 
 peninsula, but did not mclude the whole of this district, the 
 south-eastern part of it being occupied by the Doric cities of 
 Epidauiiis and Troezen, and the Dr}opian city of Hermione. On 
 the Isthmus stood the powerful citj' of Corinth, westward Sicyon, 
 and to the south of these Cleonte and Phlius, both also Doric 
 cities. North-east of Corinth came Megara, the last of the Doric
 
 68 IIlSTOItV OK OUEECM Ciiai. \ Ji 
 
 citicH, whiw? tcrrititry Htrrtclicd urrow* the iKtlinmH from wa 
 U) wa. 
 
 Jiiit if wc ^,'0 liark t(» tlu; /Irst 01\ni))ia(l, w(! nhiill find Sparta 
 ill ixjHSfssiiiii of only a vt-ry Kiiiall ti-rrilory, iiiHtt-ud of the cxtcii- 
 Bjve (loiiiiiiioii (U'scrilx'd aliovo. Un territor)' at tliat tiuie ajn 
 pcarH to liave coiiiprchuiidcd little more than the valley of the 
 river lOurotart. Westward of thirf vall«-y, and w^parated from rt 
 by Mount Tayf^etu.s, wcrre the MrHwniaii Doriaiit*, while eastward 
 ol it tilt! wliol(! of the mountainous diHtriet alonj: the coast, from 
 the head of the Ar^olie friilf down t<j CajH? Malta, was alw) inde- 
 pendent of Sparta, helon<iin<r to Ar^'os. In the earliest historieai 
 times Arjrorf ajjpears as the first jtower in the lVlojjonnesuj«, a 
 fact which the k-;jrend of the Heraclids seems to recoffiiize by 
 makiiifi Temenus the eldest brother of the three. Kext came 
 Sparta, and last the Messenc. The imjxjrtance of Arpos api)ear» 
 to liave arisen not so much from her own territorj' as from 
 her being the head of a jiowerful confederacy of Dorian states. 
 Most of theses slates are said to have been founded by colonies 
 irom Arjros, sucli as CleiJiia!, Phlius, Sicyon, Ej»idaurus, Trazcn, 
 and yEgiiia. They formed a leajruc, tlie patron gcd of which 
 was A];ollo Pythaeus, whose common worship was a means of 
 uniting tlieiu together. There was a temple to tliis god in each 
 of the confederated cities, while his most holy and central sanc- 
 tuary was on the acropolis of Argos. But the power of Argos 
 rested on an insecure basis ; the ties which held the confederacy 
 together became gradually weakened ; and Sparta was able to 
 wrest from her a large portion of her territory- and eventually to 
 succeed to her place as the iirst Dorian state in the peniusiila. 
 
 § 3. The importance of the privileges jiossessed by Argos 
 before the rise of the Si)artan power is shown by the liistorj' of 
 Phidon. This remarkable man may be placed about the bth 
 Olympiad, or 747 b.c, and claims our attention the more as one 
 of the Iirst really historical personages hitherto presented to us. 
 He was king of Argos, and is represented as a descendant of the 
 Heraclid Temenus. Having broken through the hmits which 
 had been imposed on the authority of his predecessors, he 
 ciiangcd the government of Argos into a despotism. He then 
 restoreil her supremacy over all the cities of her confederacy, 
 wliicli had beciine nearly dissolved. He appears next to have 
 attacked Corintli, and to have succeeded in reducing it under liis 
 dominion. He is further reported to have aimeil at extending 
 his sway over the greater part ol Peloponnesus, — laying claim, 
 as the descendant of Hercules, to all the cities which that hero 
 had ever taken. His j)ower and his intluence became so great 
 in the Peloponnesus that the Pisatans. who had been accnstoirod
 
 B.C. HI. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS. 59 
 
 to preside at the Olympic games, but who had been deprived of 
 this privilege by the Eleans, invited him, in the 8th Olympiad, 
 to restore them to their original rights and expel the intruder^!. 
 This invitation fell in with the ambitious projects of Phidon, who 
 claimed for himself the right of presiding at these games, which 
 had been instituted by his gi'cat ancestor Hercules. He accord- 
 ingly marched to Olympia, expelled the Eleans from the sacred 
 spot, and celebrated the games in conjunction with the Pisatans. 
 But his triumph did not last long ; the Spartans took the part of 
 the Eleans, and the contest ended in the defeat of Phidon. In 
 the following Olympiad the Eleans again obtained the manage- 
 ment of the festival. 
 
 It would appear that the power of Phidon was destroyed in 
 this struggle, but of the details of his fall we have no information. 
 He did not however fall without leaving a very striking and per- 
 manent trace of his influence upon Greece. He was the first per- 
 son who mtrcduced a copper and a silver coinage and a scale of 
 weights and m.easures into Greece. Through his influence they 
 became adopted throughout Peloponnesus and the greater part of 
 the north of Greece, under the name of the iEginetan scale. There 
 arose subsequently another scale in Greece called the Euboic, 
 which was einployed at Athens and in the Ionic cities generally, 
 as well as in Euboca. It is usually stated that the coinage of 
 Phidon was struck in the island of JEgina, but it appears more 
 probable that it was done in Argos, and that the name of JEgine- 
 tan was given to the coinage and scale, not from the place where 
 they first originated, but from the people whose commercial ac- 
 tivity tended to make them more generally known. 
 
 ^ 4. The progress of Sparta from the second to the first place 
 among the states in Peloponnesus was mainly owing to the pecu- 
 har institutions of the state, and more particularly to the mili- 
 tary discipline and rigorous training of its citizens. The singular 
 constitution of Sparta was unanimously ascribed by the ancients 
 to the legislator Lycurgus, but there were difierent stories respect- 
 ing his date, birth, travels, legislation, and death. Some mod- 
 ern writers on the other hand have maintained that the Spartan 
 institutions were common to the whole Doric race, and there- 
 fore cannot oe regarded as the work of a Spartan legislator. In 
 their view Sparta is the full type of Doric principles, tendencies, 
 and sentiments. This, however, appears to be an erroneous 
 view ; it can be shown that the institutions of Sparta were pe- 
 culiar to herself, distinguishing her as much from the Doric 
 cities of Argos and Corinth, as from Athei:s and Thebes. The 
 Cretan institutions bore, it is true, some analogy to those of 
 Sparta, but the resemblance ha.s been greatly exaggerated, and
 
 ftO HISTORY OF r.llKKCK. Ciiai-. VIL 
 
 WUH chir'fly roiidiicd to tin- HyH-sitiii nr puldif; rnf-HwtH. The 
 Sparlfiiis, (l(iiil)ll<sr(, liiid ()rii,'iii!il tiMi'lnu'M-w cuiiiuikii to ihern 
 with the other l)(iri;iiiH ; hut thr* foii.-titiiliou ol' Lyiirpiis im- 
 pri'sswl u|Miii thciii thtnr jM-cruhur rhnrnrU-r, wliwh K«-|tarat(ai 
 thcrn w) strikiii;,'ly ("roin thu ri'«t of (iruw^. VVhrthi-r the Hy»- 
 tem of Sp.irt.in lawrt is to Inr attributed to LyrurfruH, cannot 
 now ho (k'trnnini'd. Hi; livc<l in an afia when writing waa 
 never eiuployfd for hfcrary puriKwcs, and conw^jucntly no ac- 
 fr)unt of him from a contemporary has come down to u«. None 
 of the details of his life ean 1m' jtroved to Ix; historically true ; 
 and wc are ohlif^ed tt) dioose out of several accounts the one 
 whicli appears the most probable. 
 
 <) 5. There are very f^reat discrepancies resp,'ctinj,' the date of 
 Lycurpus ; but all accounts agree in s»ipjK)sni<( him to have lived 
 at a very remote period. His most probable date is B.C. 77G, 
 in which year he is said to have assi.stcd Iphitus in retitorinjr the 
 Olympic gam 's. He belonged to the royal family of Sparta. 
 According to the common account lie was the son of Eunornus, 
 one of the two kings who reigned together in Sparta. His father 
 was killed in the civil dissensions which atliicted Sparta at that 
 time. His elder brother, Polydectes, succeeded to the crown, 
 but died soon afterward, leaving his queen with child. The 
 ambitious woman oil'ered to destroy the child, if Lycurgus woidd 
 share the throne with her. Lycurgus pretended to con.^ent ; but 
 as soon as she had given birth to a son, he presented him in the 
 market-{)lace as the future king of Sparta ; and, to testify the 
 people's joy, gave him the name of Charilaus. The young king's 
 mother took revenge upon Lycurgus by accusing him of enter- 
 taining designs against liis nephew's life. Hereupon he resolved 
 to withdraw Irom hi? native country', and to visit foreign lands. 
 He was absent many years, and is said to have employed his 
 time in stuilying the institutions of other nations, and in con- 
 versing with their sages, in order to devise a system of laws and 
 regulations which might deliver Sparta from the e\'ils imder 
 which it had long been suHering. He first visited Crete and 
 Ionia ; and not content with the Grecian world, passed from Ionia 
 into Egypt ; and according to some accounts is reported to have 
 visited Iberia, Libya, and even India. 
 
 During his absence the young king had grown up. and assumed 
 the reins of government ; but the dis<irders of the state had 
 meantime become worse than ever, and all parties longed for a 
 termination to their present sutrerings. Acconhngly the return 
 of Lycurgus was hailed with delight, and he found the people 
 both ready and willing to submit to an entire change in their 
 government and institutions. He now set himself to work to
 
 B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 61 
 
 carry his long projected reforms into effect ; but before he com- 
 ineiiced his arduous task, he consulted the Delphian oracle, from 
 which he received strong assurances of divine support. Thus 
 encouraged by the god, he suddenly presented himself in the 
 market-place, surrounded by thirty of the most distinguished 
 Spartans in arms. The king, Charilaus, was at first disposed to 
 resist the revolution, but afterwards supported the schemes of 
 his uncle. Lycurgus now issued a set of ordinances, called 
 Rhetra, by Avhich he effected a total revolution in the political 
 and military organization of the people, and in their social and 
 domestic lifo. His reforms were not carried into effect without 
 violent opposition, and in one of the tumults which they excited, 
 his eye is said to have been struck out by a youth of the name 
 of Alcander. But he finally triumphed over all obstacles, and 
 succeeded in obtaining the submission of all classes in the com- 
 munity to his new constitution. His last act was to sacrifice 
 himself for the welfare of his country. Having obtained from 
 the people a solemn oath to make no alterations in his laws 
 before his return, he quitted Sparta for ever. He set out on a 
 journey to Delphi, where he obtained an oracle from the god, 
 approving of all he had done, and promising everlasting prosperity 
 to the Spartans as long as they preserved his laws. Whither he 
 went afterwards, and how and where he died, nobody could tell. 
 He vanished from earth like a god, leaving no traces behind him 
 but his spirit : and his grateful countrymen honoured him with 
 a temple, and worshipped him with arniual sacrifices down to 
 the latest times. 
 
 4 6. In order to understand the constitution of Lycurgus, it 
 is necessary to recollect the peculiar circumstances in which the 
 Spartans were placed. They were a handful of men in possession 
 of a country which they had conquered by the sword, and 
 which they could only maintain by the same means. They pro- 
 bably did not exceed 9000 men ; and the great object of the 
 legislator was to unite this small body together by the closest 
 ties, and to train them in such habits of hardihood, bravery, 
 and military subordination that they might maintain their 
 ascendency over their subjects. The means which he adopted 
 to attain this object wei'e exceedingly severe, but eminently 
 successful. He subjected the Spartans to a discipline at once 
 monastic and warlike, unparalleled either in ancient or in modern 
 times. His system combined the ascetic rigours of a monastery 
 with the stern discipline of a garrison. But before "wc proceed to 
 relate the details of this extraordinary system, it will be necessary 
 to give an account of the different classes of tbe population of 
 the country, and also of the nature of the government.
 
 6'i HlSTOliV OF GKKKCn Cjiaj'. Vlt 
 
 ^7. Tlif pii|Milatii)ii lit iiiiooiiiu y/wA divided into ihu three 
 claHi<cH of S])iirliiii.s, l'i;ri<i;ci, uiid Ilolotti. 
 
 Tlic Sjmrtniirt wen; llic dcstx-nduiitH of lliu leading Duriaii 
 coiKjuerors. Tlicy li)niiud the Hovereij^ii |>(>wer ol' lliu htato, und 
 Ihoy aldiii; wen; cligilile t(» lioiumrH uiid piibiic otlice«. Tlicy 
 lived in Sparlii itst;!!", and \Vf«e all Huhject to \\vi dii-cipliiiu ct' 
 Lyciirjriis. Thi-y were iiiaiiilaiiit-d IVoin llicir CHlalerf in diHereut 
 ])art.s of ]j;u*()iiia, wliicli wen- cultivated lor tlieiii Ijy th • IIclot«, 
 "wlio paid tliein a lixcd aiiioiiiil of thn pnMliice. Ori^riiially all 
 Sj)artaii.s were on a footiiij: of [('rlliet efjiiality. They were 
 divided into llireo trilx'-s, — tl.c liyllei-s, the raiii|diyli, and the 
 I)yiiiam's, — which were not, however, j)eculiar 1o Sjiarta, hut 
 existed in all the J)oriaii stales. They retained iheir full rights 
 Jis citizens, and transmitted them to their children, on two con- 
 ditions, — first, of submitting to llie ei.- "ipline of Lycurgus; and 
 secondly, of paying a certain amount '.o the jiuhlic mess, wliieh 
 was maintained solely hy tliesc contributions. In course of lime 
 many Spartans forfeited their full citizenship from being unable to 
 comply with the latter of these conditions, citi-er through hising 
 their lands or through the increase of children in the poorer 
 families. Thus there arose a distincliou among the Spartans 
 thems('lve.<!, unknown at an earlier period — tl:e reduced numl>er 
 of (jualilied citizens being called the E'juals or Peers,* the dis- 
 franchised jjoor the Interiors. t Tlw latter, liowever, did not 
 become reriu-ci, but might recover their original rank if they 
 again acquired the means of coiitributing their portion to the 
 j)ublic mess. 
 
 § b. The PcriariX were personally free, but politically subject 
 to the S])artans. They possessed no share in the government, 
 and were bound to obey the conmiands of the Spartan magis- 
 trates. They a])pear to have been partly the descendants of the 
 old Aeha-an po})ulati()n of the country, and partly of Dorians 
 who had not been admitted to the full privileges of the nding 
 class. They were distributed into a hundred townships, which 
 were spread through the whole of Laconia. They lought in the 
 S])artan armies as heavy-anned soldiers, and therefore must have 
 been trained to some extent in the Spartan tactics ; but they 
 were certainly exempt from the jieculiar discipline to which the 
 riding class was subject, and possessed more individual free- 
 dom of action. The larger projwition of the land of Laconia 
 
 * Ol 'Ofiocoi. t Oi 'T-o//n'o»ff. 
 
 :j: The name rrrpiniKOi sicnitlos litonilly 'dx^-eller* aroiintl the city," 
 and is used peiuTiiUy by the (Ireoks to siu'iiify the inh.ibitants in the 
 countrv districts, wlio possessed inferior political privileges to the citi- 
 zens who lived in the city.
 
 p.C.TVe. LEGISLATION OF LYCURG us. 63 
 
 belonged to Spartan citizens, but the smaller half was the pro- 
 perty of the PerioEci. The whole of the comnierce and manu- 
 factures of the countr}^ was in their exclusive possession, since 
 no Spartan ever engaged in such occupations. They thus had 
 means of acquiring wealth and importance, from wliich the 
 Spartans themselves were excluded ; and although they were 
 probably treated by the Spartans with the same haughtiness 
 which they usually displayed toward inferiors, their condition 
 upon the whole does not appear as oppressive or degraduig. 
 They were regarded as menibers of the state, though not pos- 
 sessing its full citizenship, and were included along with the 
 Spartans as Laconiaiis or Lacedajn^onians. 
 
 § 9. The Helots were serfs bovuid to the soil, which they tilled 
 for the benefit of the Spartan proprietors. Their condition was 
 very difi'erent from that of the ordinary slaves in antiquity, and 
 more similar to the viDanage of the middle ages. They lived in 
 the rural villages, as the Perioeci did in the towns, cultivating 
 the lands and paying over the rent to their masters in Sparta, 
 but enjoying their homes, wives, and families, apart from their 
 master's personal superintendence. They appear to have been 
 never sold, and they accompanied the Spartans to the field as 
 light-armed troops. But while their condition was in these 
 respects superior to that of the ordinarj' slaves in other parts of 
 Greece, it was embittered by the fact that they were not strangers 
 like the latter, but were of the same race, and spoke the same 
 language as their masters. Their name is variously explained, 
 and we have different accomits of their origin ; but there is no 
 doubt that they were of piire Hellenic blood, and were probably 
 the descendants of the old inhabitants, who had ofi'ered the most 
 obstinate resistance to the Dorians, and had therefore been re- 
 duced to slaver}".* In the earlier times they appear to have 
 been treated with comparative mildness, but as their numbers 
 increased, they became objects of greater suspicion to their 
 masters, and were subjected to the most wanton and oppressive 
 cruelty. They were compelled to wear a peculiar di'ess — a 
 leather cap and a sheepskin — to distinguish them from the rest 
 of the population ; every means was adopted to remind them 
 of their inferior and degraded condition ; and it is said they 
 were often forced to make themselves drunk, as a warning to 
 llie Spartan youth. Whatever truth there may be in these and 
 
 * The common account derives llie name of Helots (E'AcjTeg) from 
 tliG town of Helos ("EZof) in the south of Laconia, the inhabitants of 
 which had rebelled and been reduced to slaverv. Others connect their 
 name with e?.7], 7narshes, as if it signified inhabitants of the lowlandx. 
 Others, again, with more probability explain EiZurec as meaning pris- 
 oners, from tlie root of D.elv, to take.
 
 CI HFSTOKV OF OUKKCH Chap. VII 
 
 gjiMil.'ir luh'rt, il iri rcrtiiin thai l\n: wanton uikI iin|M)lilir op^trcn- 
 sioiis of tlio S|)artaiiH produrfd in tin; inintiri ot' tin- Ildiitri a 
 (l(!('|)-st;al('(l and invrl.crat«! (U^tcstntion of their ina.«tiTH. Th'-y 
 Wi'W alwav-* riMtly to wi/,*; any ojiportunily of ri.-in}f arfainsi 
 tlii'ir (i|i|irrs.sor.-*, ami would ^.'lailly " liavi; i-atcn tin- fli-sli of 
 the Spartans raw." IIimici; Sparta wa.H always in apj)rch«'ncion 
 of a revolt of the IlelotH, and had rcconrw." to th<; niwl atn>- 
 cious mean.s for romovinj^ any who had t-xcitcd thfir jcalffu.sy 
 or their fears. Of tliis we have a infrnorahle iiiHtanre in th« 
 secret servire, called Crt//tfifi* which authorized a select hfKly 
 of Spartan youths to ranj,'(! the cf)untry in all direction.", armed 
 "with daf;i;ers, and secretly to a.>*sa.s,«inate such of the Helots aa 
 were considered formidable. Sometimes, however, the Helots, 
 who had di.stinjruished themselves by their hravery in war, 
 received their freedom from the government ; but in that case 
 they formed a distinct body in the state, known at the time of 
 the Peloponncsian war by the name of NrofUnnddcs.^ 
 
 MO. The functions of the Spartan government -were distri- 
 buted amonj? two kin«^s, a senate of thirty members, a pf)pular 
 assembly, and an executive directory of five men called the 
 Ephors. This ]K)litical con.stitution is ascribed to Lycurjnis ; but 
 there is frood reason for believin<^ tliat the I'^jjliors were added at 
 a later time ; and there caiuiot be any doubt that the senate and 
 the popular assembly were handed down to the Spartans from 
 the Heroic a<re, and merely received some modification and regu- 
 lations from Lycnrgus. 
 
 At the head of the state were the two hereditary kinffs. The 
 existence of a pair of kinn^s was peculiar to S})arta. and is said to 
 have arisen from the accidental circumstance of Aristodeinus 
 having left twin sons, Eur}sthenes and I'rocles.J This division 
 of the royal power naturally tended to weaken its influence and 
 to produce jealousies and dissensions between the two kinjrs, who 
 constantly endeavored to thwart each other. The royal jxiwer 
 was on the decline during the whole historical period, and the 
 authority of the kings was gradually usuqx'd by the Ephors, 
 who at length obtained the entire control of the government, 
 and reduced the kings to a state of humiliation and dejjcndence. 
 Originally the Si)artaii kings were the real and not the nominal 
 chiefs of the state, and exercised mo.st of the functions of the 
 monarchs of the Heroic age. In later times the most imjxirtant 
 of the prerogatives which they were allowed to retain, was the 
 supreme coinmand of the military force on foreign cxjHxlitions. 
 But even in this privilege their authority was restricted at a 
 
 * Kpi'T-f/a, a secret commission, from KpvTru, hid-:, conccaL 
 
 \ Nfor5a//(J(V/f •• that is, newhi enfranchised. \ Soo above, p. SS>
 
 B.C. '776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 65 
 
 later time by the presence of two out of the five Ephors. Al- 
 though the political power of the kings was thus curtailed, they 
 possessed many important privileges, and were always treated 
 with the profoundest honour and respect. They were regarded 
 by the people with a feeling of religious reverence as the de- 
 scendants of the mighty hero Hercules, and were thus supposed 
 to coiniect the entire state with the gods. They were the high- 
 priests of the nation, ana every month ofiered sacrifices to Jove 
 on behalf of the people. They possessed ample domains in 
 various parts of Laconia, and received frequent presents on many 
 public occasions. Their death was lamented as a public calamity, 
 and their funeral was solemnized by the most striking obsequies. 
 
 The Senate, called Gcrusia,* or the Council of Elders, con- 
 sisted of thirty members, among whom the two kings were in- 
 cluded. They were not chosen under sixty years of age, and 
 they held their office for life. They possessed considerable power, 
 and were the only real check upon the authority of the Ephors. 
 They discussed and prepared all measures which were to be 
 brought before the popular assembly, and had some share in the 
 general administration of the state. But the most important of 
 their functions was, that they were judges in all criminal cases 
 affecting the life of a Sjiartan citizen, without being bound by 
 any written code. 
 
 The Popular Assembly was of little importance, and appears 
 to have been usually summoned only as a matter cf form i'or the 
 election of certain magistrates, for passing laws, and for determ- 
 ining upon peace and v/ar. It would appear that open discus- 
 sion Avas not allowed, and that the assembly rarely came to a 
 division. Such a popular assembly as existed at Athens, m 
 which all public measures were exposed to criticism and com- 
 ment, would have been contrary to one of the first prmciples of 
 the Spartan government in historical times, which was charac- 
 terized by the extreme secrecy of all its proceedings. 
 
 The Ephors may be regarded as the representatives of the 
 popular assembly. They were elected annually from the general 
 body of Spartan citizens, and seem to have been originally 
 appointed to protect the interests and liberties of the people 
 against the encroachments of the kings and the senate. They 
 correspond in many respects to the tribunes of the people at 
 Rome. Their functions were at first limited and of small im- 
 portance ; but in the end the whole political power became cen- 
 tred in their hands. They were thus the real rulers of the state, 
 and their orders were submissively obeyed by all classes in 
 Sparta. Their authority was of a despotic nature, and they ex- 
 * Tepovaia.
 
 OC IlISTOUV UF CJUKIX'M (map. VIL 
 
 erriwfl it witlioiit rfh|i()iiMil)ility. Tlit-y iiuil llic entire nmnago- 
 iiu;nl ol" till! iiiti-rnul uh well art of thi! lon-ijfn uiiuirHof thi; Ktatc; 
 tlit!y llmiu'd a court lo ilrcidc U|h)U raiiwrf ol ^Tcat iiii]K<rtancu ; 
 tlit^y (lisinissi'd at their ])leaHiire Hiiixirdiiiate riia^ihtratr-t^, unci 
 iiii|i()se<i ii|)i>u tlieiii liiie.H uiid iiiiiirifoiinieiit ; they <rveii arri*«t«l 
 the hiii^s, and eitlier lined them on their own authority, or 
 ))rouj.'hl them to trial before the senate. 
 
 It will be seen from the j)rece<lin>f account that the Spartan 
 {government was in reality a elos*; olifrarehy, in which the kings 
 and the senate, as well a.s the jie()|)le, were alike subject to the 
 irrcsj)onsil)le authority of the Jive Kjihors. 
 
 Ml. The most important jiart ot the le«rislation of Lycurfrus 
 did not relate to the ])olitical constitution of Sparta, but to the 
 di.scipline an<l education of the cilizen.s. It wa.s these winch 
 gave Sj)arta lier j)eculiar character, and distiiifruished her in so 
 striking a manner from all the other states of Greece. In rn(xl- 
 ern times it Inus been usually held that the state exists for the 
 citizen, and that the great object t)f the state is to secure the 
 citizen in the enjojTucnt of his life and liis projwrty. In Sparta, 
 on tlie contrary, the citizen existed only for the state, and was 
 bound to devote to its honour and glory not only all his time, 
 affections, and energies, but to sacrifice to its interests his j)ropcrty 
 and his life. "VYc have already seen that the position of the 
 Spartans, surrounded by numerous enemies, whom they oidy 
 held in subjection by llic sword, compelled them to be a nation 
 of soldiers. Lycurgus determined that they should be nothing 
 else ; and the great object of his whole system was to cultivate 
 a martial spirit, and to give them a training which would make 
 them invincible in battle. To aecomplish this the education of 
 a Spartan was })laced under the control of the state from his 
 earliest boyhood, and he continued to be mider public inspection 
 to his old age. 
 
 Every child after birth was exhibited to public view, and if 
 deemed deformed and weakly, and unfit for a future life of labour 
 and fatigue, was exposed to perish on Mount Taygctus. Af the 
 age of seven he was taken from his mother's care, and handed 
 over to the public classes. His training was under the special 
 charge of an ollicer nominated by the state,* and was subject to 
 the general superintendence of the elilers. He was not only taught 
 all the gymnastic games, which would give vigour and strength 
 to his body, and all the exercises and movements required from 
 the Laceda'monian soldiers in the field, but he was also subjected 
 to severe Ixulily (li.-ci])line, and was comjieUed to submit to hard- 
 fliips and sulk'ring without repining or complaint One l1 tho 
 * Called Padonomua (:ro'dw6/«)j-)i
 
 B.C. 116. LEGISLATION^' OF LYCURGUS. 67 
 
 tests to which the fortitude of the Spartan youths was suhjected, 
 was a cruel scourging at the ahar of Artemis (Diana), until theii 
 hlood gushed forth and covered the altar of the goddess. It 
 was inflicted puhlicly hefbre the eyes of their parents and in the 
 presence of the whole city ; and many Avere known to have died 
 imder the lash without uttering a complaining murmur. No 
 means were neglected to prepare them for the hardships and 
 stratagems of war. They were obliged to wear the same garment 
 winter and summer, and to endure hiuiger and thirst, heat and 
 cold. They were purposely allowed an insufficient quantity of 
 food, hut were permitted to rnake up the deficiency by hunting 
 m the woods and movuitains of Laconia. They were even en- 
 couraged to steal whatever they could ; but if they were caught 
 in the fact, they v/ere severely punished for their want of dex- 
 terity. Plutarch tells us of a boy, who, having stolen a fox, and 
 hid it imder liis garment, chose rather to let it tear out his very 
 bowels than be detected in the theft. 
 
 The hterary education of a Spartan youth was of a most re- 
 stricted kind. He was taught to despise literature as unworthy 
 of a warrior, while the study of eloquence and philosophy, which 
 were cultivated at Athens Avith such extraordinary success, was 
 regarded at Sparta with contempt. Long speeches were a Spar- 
 tan's abhorrence, and he was trained to express himself with 
 sententious brevity. He was not, however, an entire stranger 
 to the humanizing influence of the Muses. He was taught to sing 
 and play en the lyre ; but the strains which he leanit were either 
 martial songs or hymns to the gods. Hence the warlike poems 
 of Homer were popular at Sparta from an early period, and are 
 even said to have been introduced into Peloponnesus by Lycurgus 
 hhnself The poet Tyrta^us was for the same reason received 
 with liigh honours by the Spartans, notwithstanding their aversion 
 to strangers ; while Archilochus was banished from the country 
 because he had recorded in one cf liis poems liis flight from, the 
 field of battle. 
 
 A Spartan w^as not considered to have reached the full age cf 
 manliood till he had completed his thirtieth year. He was then 
 allowed to marry, to take part in the public assembly, and was 
 eligible to the offices of the state. But he still ccntiniied under 
 the public discipline, and was not permitted even to reside 
 and take his meals with his wife. The gi'eater part cf his 
 time was occupied in gymnastic and military exercises ; l:c 
 took his meals A\dth his comrades at the public mess, and he 
 slept at night in the public barracks. It -was not till l:e had 
 reached his sixtieth year that he was released from the public 
 discipline and from military service.
 
 08 HISTOUY OF GREECH Oiai-. VII. 
 
 Till! jiiililir mess — crillfrl Sijssitin* — iHKiiid to have \>c»'i\ iiiKti- 
 tiilrd hy liV'-iiririiH 1<> |ircviMit all iiidiilyi'iK'c of tin; ap|M'tilc. 
 I'lililir tiililfs well! provided, ut wliirli every male eifiz<-ii wan 
 ()l)li;,'ed to t;ilu' lii.s meals. Kaeli talde aeromriuKJati-d lifter-n jKJr- 
 Hoiis, wlin ii)riiied a wparntc mes«, into wliieh no new member 
 Ava.s admitted, exeept by the nnaiiimoim eoii.«ii'iit of the wliole 
 edmp.iiiy. I'iaeli hcmI monthly to the romirion HtiK-k a KjKTificd 
 (|iiaiitity ofharlev-ineal, wini-, elu-i-w, and fi;.'i<, and a little money 
 to hiiy iie.Hh and firth. No distinetion of any kind wa.s allowed at 
 these frufral meal.s. Meat was oidy eaten (K-riisionally ; and one 
 of the i)rineipal dishes was blaek broth. Of what it consisted 
 "WC do not know. The tyrant iJionysiiis found it vcr)' unpala- 
 table ; but, as the cook told him, the broth was nothing without 
 the sea.'soiiiiifr of fati^mc and huiifrer. 
 
 ^ \2. The Sjjartan women in their earlier years were subjected 
 to a course of traininj^ almost as ri<rorous as that of the men. 
 They were not viewed as a part of the family, but as a jiart of the 
 state. Their preat duty was to pive Sparta a viporous race of 
 citizens, and not to discharge domestic and household duties. 
 They were thereliire trained in pyrnuastic exercis<*s, and con- 
 tended with cacli other in runninp, wre.=;tlinp, and boxing. The 
 yoiiths were present at these exercises, and the maidens were 
 allowed in like maimer to witness those of the youths. The two 
 sexes were thus brought into close intercourse in a manner un- 
 known to tlic rest of Greece ; but it does not appear to have 
 been followed by any injurious consequences, and the morals of 
 the Spartan women were probably purer than those of any other 
 females in Greece. At the age of twenty a Spartan woman usually 
 married, and she was no longer subjected to the public disciphne. 
 Although she enjoyed little of her hu.-iband's s<x'iety, she was 
 treated by him -with deep respect, and was allowe<l a greater de- 
 gree of liberty than Mas tolerated in other (rrecian states. Hence 
 she took a lively interest in the welfare and glory of her native 
 land, and was animated by an earnest and lofty spirit of patriot- 
 ism. The Spartan mother had reason to be ])roud of herself and 
 of her children. ^Vhen a woman of another country said to 
 Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, " The Spartan women alone rule the 
 men," she replied, " The Spartan women alone bring forth men. ' 
 Their husbands and their sons were fired by their sympathy to 
 deeds of heroism, and were deterred from yielding to the fix; by 
 the certain reproaches and contempt which awaitetl ihem at 
 their domestic hearths. " Return either with your shield, or upon 
 
 * TAiaaiTia, that is. catinrf, or mfsxiiift toficlhir or in common. Tl>e pub- 
 lic mess was also called Phlditia {ru ^eiii-id), or frugal meals.
 
 B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 69 
 
 it," was their exhortation to their sons, when going to battle ; 
 and after the fatal day of Lcuctra those mothers whose sons had 
 fallen retnrned thanks to the gods ; while those were the bitter 
 sutTerers whose sons had survived that disgraceful day. The tri- 
 umphant resignation of a Spartan mother at the heroic death of 
 her son, and her fierce wrath when he proved a recreant coward, 
 are well expressed in two striking poems of the Greek Anthology : 
 
 "Eight sons Demajiieta at Sparta's call 
 Sent forth to figlit; one tomb received them all. 
 No tear she shed, but shouted ' Victory ! 
 Sparta, I bore them but to die for thee.' " 
 
 " A Spartan, his companion slain. 
 
 Alone from battle fled; 
 His mother, kindling with disdain 
 
 That she had borne him, struck him dead ; 
 For courage, and not birth alone, 
 In Sparta, testifies a son!"* 
 
 M3. One of the most celebrated measures ascribed to Lycur- 
 gus by later writers was his redivision of the land of the country. 
 It is related that the disorders of the state arose mainly from 
 the gross inequality of property : the greater part of the land 
 was in the hands of a few rich men, whilst the majority of the 
 people were left in hopeless misery. In order to remedy this 
 fearful state of things, he resolved to make a ne-*,v division of 
 lands, that the citizens might all live together in perfect equality. 
 Accordingly, he redistributed the territory belonging to Sparta 
 into 9000 equal lots, and the remainder of Laconia into 30,000 
 equal lots, and assigned to each Spartan citizen one of the former 
 of these lots, and to each PerioGcus one of the latter. 
 
 It is, however, very questionable whether Lycurgus ever made 
 any division of the landed property of Laconia. It is not men- 
 tioned by any of the earlier writers, and we find in historical 
 times great inequality of property among the Spartans. It is 
 suggested with great probability by Mr. Grote, that the idea 
 of an equal division of landed property by Lycurgus seems 
 to have arisen in the third century before the Christian era, 
 when an attempt was made by Agis and Cleomenes, kings of 
 Sparta, to rescue their country from the state of degradation 
 into which it had sunk. From the time of the Persian war, the 
 number of the Spartan citizens was constantly declining, and the 
 property accumulating in a few hands. The number of citizens, 
 reckoned by Herodotus at 8000, had dwindled down in the time 
 of Aristotle to 1000, and had been still furtlier reduced in that of 
 * Sec Anthologia J^oliiglotla, edited by Dr. Wellesley. pp. 101, 202.
 
 70 lll>l<i|:V ')!• (ii;|-,K< i:. riur. VII 
 
 Afrirt i'» /I"); and in tin* rcij^ii of ihi.s kinjr !'»() alone ]«ws4'>'m-(I 
 nearly the whole ol the landed projMTty in the htute, whil'; llie 
 remainder were niif^erahly |KKjr. At the name lime the .' 
 eiplinc had de^'eneraled into u mere form; numhefK oIjjIi 
 had nettled in the eity ; un<l Sparta had lon^r lo><t in-r an< iciil 
 iudnenee over her nei^'hlxMirs. The humiliatinn condition of 
 their country roused Apis and other ardent Hpirits to endeavour 
 to restore Sjiarta to }ier former plories ; anrl for thiii j)ur[)ow.' 
 they resolved to estalilish a«rain the (lis<^'ii)line of Lycurpu.^ in 
 its pristine vigour, and to make a fresh <Iivisiun of the landed 
 property. Apis perished in Jiis attempt to carry thc«; refonns 
 into elleel ; hut a similar revolution was shortly afterwards ac- 
 complished hy Cleomenes. It wag in the state of public feelinp 
 which pave birth to the projects of Apis and Clct)mene», that 
 the idea arose of an equal division of j)roi)erty havinp been one 
 of the ancient institutions of their preat lawpiver. The disci])linc 
 and education of Lycurpus tended prcatly to intnxluce equality 
 ainonp the rich and the poor in their liabits and enjoyments ; 
 and hence we can ea:Mly luiderstand how this equality sugpestcd 
 to a subsctiuent a<re an equality of property as likewise one of 
 the institutions of Lycurpus. 
 
 HI- It has been already remarked that the Spartans were 
 not allowed to enpape in any trade or manufactures ; and that all 
 occupations, pursued for the sake of pain, were left in the hands 
 of the Peria-ci. Vic are told that Lycurpus therefore ])anishcd 
 from Sparta all pold and silver money, and allowed nothinp but 
 bars ol' iron to pass in exclianpe for every cominotlity. It is, how- 
 ever, absurd to ascribe such a repidation to Lycurpus, since silver 
 money was first coined in Greece by Phidon of Arpos in the suc- 
 ceeding pcneration, and pold money was first coined in Asia, and 
 was very little known in Greece, even in the time of the Peloj)on- 
 ucsiau war. In this case, as in others, the usage of later times 
 was converted into a primitive institution of the lawpiver. As 
 the Spartans were not allowed to enpape in connuerce. and all 
 luxury and di.>;])lay in dress, furniture, and food was forbidden, 
 they had very little occasion for a circulatinp medium, and iron 
 money was i'ound sulTicient for their few wants. But this pro- 
 hibition of the precious metals only made the Spartans more 
 anxious to obtain them : and even in the times of their prcatest 
 plory the S]»artans were the most venal of the Gri'eks, and could 
 rarely resist the temptation of a ])ecuniary bribe. 
 
 The Si)artans were averse to all cbanpes, lK>th in their povem- 
 ment and their custi m-s. In order to preserve their national 
 character and the primitive simplicity of their habits, Lycurpns 
 is said to have forbidden all strangers to reside at SjKirta without
 
 B.C. 776. LIGI3LATI0N OF LYCURGUS. 71 
 
 special permission. For the same reason the Spartans were not 
 allowed to go abroad without leave of the magistrate. 
 
 Caution was also another characteristic of the Spartans. 
 Hence we are told that they never pursued an enemy farther than 
 was necessary to make themselves sure of the victory. They 
 were also forbidden by Lycurgus to make frequent war upon the 
 same foes, lest the latter should leani their peculiar tactics. 
 
 ^15. The city of Sparta was never fortihed, even in the days 
 of her greatest power, and continued to consist of five distinct 
 quarters, which were originally separate villages, and which were 
 never united into one regular town. It is said that Lycurgus 
 had commanded them not to surround their city with walls, but 
 to trust for their defence to their own military prowess. Another 
 and a better rea.son for the absence of walls is to be sought in the 
 admirable site of the city, in tlic midst of a territory almost in- 
 accessible to invaders. The northern and western frontiers cf 
 Laconia were protected by lofty ranges of mountains, through 
 which there, were only a few difficult passes ; while the rocky 
 nature of its eastern coast protected it from invasion by sea. 
 Sparta was situated iidand, in the middle of the valley of the 
 Eurotas ; and all the principal passes of Laconia led to the city, 
 which was thus placed in the best position for the defence of the 
 country. There can be no doubt that one of the causes of the 
 Spartan power is to be traced to the strength of its frontiers and 
 to the site of Sparta itself 
 
 ^ IG. The legislation of Lycurgus was followed by important 
 results. It made the Spartans a body of professional soldiers, 
 well trained and well disciplined, at a time when military train- 
 ing and discipline were little known, and almost unpractised in 
 the other states of Greece. The consequence was the rapid 
 growth of the political power of Sparta, and the subjugation of 
 the neighbouring states. At the time cf Lycurgus the Spartans 
 held only a small portion of Laconia ; they were merely a garrison 
 in the heart of an enemy's country. Their first object was to 
 make themselves masters of Laconia,. in which they finally suc- 
 ceeded after a severe struggle. The military ardour and love of 
 war, which had been implanted in them by the institutions cf 
 Lycurgus, contirmed to animate them after the suljjugation cf 
 Laconia, and led them to seek new conquests. We have already 
 seen that they ofl:'ered a successful resistance to the formidable 
 power of Phidon of Argos. They now began to cast longing 
 eyes upon the possessions of their Dorian brethren in Messenia, 
 and to meditate the conquest of that fertile country.
 
 1/ 
 
 4w 
 
 Early Grt. 
 
 triim Vase-paintings. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF srAKTA. TUt; MKSSKNIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE 
 WARS. 
 
 § 1. Autliorities for the liistorj' of the Mcssenian wars. §2. Tlie first 
 Messenian war, u.o. 743 — 724. § 3. The eecoiitl Messenian war, b.c. 
 685 — 668. Aristomcnes, the Messenian hero, aiulTyita'ii*. tlioSpartan 
 hero, of this war. §4. Wars between tlie S|)artrtti8 anil Area<liana. 
 Conquest of the southern ])art of Areadia )>y Sparta. War between 
 Sparta and Tegeix. J? 5. \Vai"s between the Sjjai'tans and Argivei". 
 Battle of the three hundred champions to decide the possession of 
 Cynuria. 
 
 ^ 1. Thi: early wars of Sparta were carried on against the Mes- 
 seniaus, Arcadians, and Arrives. They resnlted in making 
 Sparta the undisputed mistress of two-thirds of Pelojmnnesus, 
 and the most powerful of the Grecian states. Of these wars the 
 two waged against Messenia were the most celebrated and the 
 most important. They were both long protracted and obsti- 
 nately contested. They both ended in the victory of Sparta, and 
 in the subjugation of Messenip.. These facts are beyond di.«pute, 
 and are attested by the contemjHirary jioet Tyrta>us. But of the 
 details of these wars we have no trustworthy narrative. The 
 account of them, which is inserted in most histories of Greece, 
 is taken from Pausanias. a writer who lived in the second ccn- 
 turj' (^f the Christian era. He derivetl his narrative of the Hrst
 
 B.C. '743. FIRST MESSENIAN WAR. 73 
 
 war from a prose writer of the name of Myron, who did not live 
 earher than the third century before the Christian era ; and he 
 look his account of the second li-om a poet called Ehianus, a 
 native of Crete, who lived about B.C. 220. Both these writers 
 were separated from the events which they narrated by a period 
 of 500 years, and probably derived their materials iicm the stories 
 current among the Messenians after their restoration to their na- 
 tive land by Epaminondas. Infonnation oi'an historical character 
 could not be expected from the work of Rhianus, which was an 
 epic poem celebrating the exploits of the great hero Aristomenes. 
 We must not, therefore, receive the common account of the Mes- 
 Benian wars as a real history ; and M'c shall consequently give 
 only a brief outline of tlie narrative of Pauccnias. The dates of 
 the two wars cannot be fixed with certainty. Pausanias makes 
 tho first last from B.C. 743 to 724, and the second from b.c. 685 
 to 668. Both of these dates are probably too early. 
 
 ^ 2. The real cause of the first Mcss;enian war v\ as doubtless 
 the lust of the Spartans for the fertile territories of their neigh- 
 liours. But its origin was narrated in the following manner. 
 On the heights of Mount Taygetns, which separated the two 
 kingdoms, there was a temple of Artemis (Diana), common to the 
 Spartans and Messenians. It was here that the Spartan king 
 Teleclus was slain by the Messenians ; but the two people gave a 
 diflerent version of the cause of his death. The Spartans asserted 
 that Teleclus was murdered by the Messenians, while he was 
 attempting to defend some Spartan virgins, whom he was con- 
 ducting to the temple, from the insults of the Messenian youth. 
 The Messenians, on the ot-her hand, averred that Teleclus had 
 dressed up young men as virgins with concealed daggers, and 
 that Teleclus was slain in the aflray which ensued upon the dis- 
 covery of the plot. The war did not, hoM'ever, immediately 
 break out ; and the direct cause of it was owing to a private 
 quarrel. Polychares, a distinguished Messenian, who had gained 
 the prize at the Olympic games, had been grossly injured by the 
 Spartan Eusephnus, who had robbed him of his cattle and mur- 
 dered his son. Being unable to obtain redress from the Spartan 
 government, Polychares took the revenge into his own hands, 
 and killed all the Lacedajmonians that came in his way. The 
 Spartans demanded the surrender of Polychares, but the Messe- 
 nians refused to give him up. Thereupon the Spartans deter- 
 mined upon war. They silently prepared their forces ; and 
 without any formal declaration of war, they crossed the frontier, 
 surprised the fortress of Amphea, and put the inhabitants to the 
 sword . 
 
 Thus coiiniicnced the first Messenian war. E uphaos, who was 
 E
 
 74 HISTORY OF OREECR Ciiai-. VIII. 
 
 tlicu kiiij^ ol M( .■',Hfiii.'i, rarrif (1 on llic war with fiuTpy and -• 
 Tor tli<; lirst four years tl!»; Lafredu-inoniau.H ni.ul<- little- ju' 
 but in tlin (iith a (.Ti-at battl<; wa.s l<)iiL'lit. ■>\i<\ altii(iii<.'h it.s r< .-uit 
 WHS iuil«!cif<ivi', the; M(*s.sc-iiiaii.i (hd not vrntiir*! to ri.-k another 
 cn«;af;»'mi'iit, and retired to the Htronjjly fortilied mountain of 
 Ithoinr-. In their distress they ^ont to con.'<ult the oracle at 
 Delphi, and received the a[»|»allJnj,' answer that the Kilvation of 
 Me.ss<'nia re{|i!ired the Bflcniice of a virjrin of th<' lioujic of 
 /Epyturi* to the poda of the lower world. Ari.stfxlcinu» oliered 
 his own danpliter as tlie victim ; but a younjj Me^fienian, who 
 loved the maiden, attempted to save her life by dcK-larinp that 
 she was alH)ut to }j«'come a mother. Her father, enrapetl at this 
 assertion, ki'led liis daughter with his own hand, and opened 
 her bo<ly to refute the calumny. Although the demands of 
 the oracle had not been satisfied, since this wa.s a nnirder and 
 not a sacrifice, the Spartans were .«o disheartened by the news, 
 that tliey abstained from attacking the Me.<senians for sfjme 
 years. In the thirteenth year of the war, the Spartan king 
 Theopompus mari-hed against Ithome, and a second great battle 
 was fought, but tlie result was again indecisive. Euphaes fell 
 in the action ; and Aristodemus, who was chosen king in his 
 place, prosecuted tlie war with vijrour and ability. In the fifth 
 year of his reign a third great battle was fought, in which the 
 Corinthians fought on the side of the Spartans, and the Arca- 
 dians and Sicyonians on the side of the Messenians. This time 
 the Me.s.seniaus gained a decisive victon", and the Laceda>monians 
 were driven back into their own territor}'. They now sent to 
 ask advice of the Delphian oracle, and were promised success 
 upon using stratagem. They therefore had recourse to fraud ; 
 and at the same time various prodigies dismayed the bold spirit 
 of Aristodemus. His daughter too appeared to him in a dream, 
 showed to him her wounds, and summoned him away. Seeing 
 that his couutrv' was doomed to destruction, Aristodemus slew 
 himself on his daughters tomb. Shortly afterwards, in tin- 
 twentieth year of the war, the Messenians abandoned Ithome, 
 which the Lacedienionians razed to the ground, and the whole 
 couutn," became subject to Sparta. Many of the inhabitants 
 lied into Arcadia, and the priestly families withdrew to Eleusis, 
 in Attica. Those who remained in the country- were treated with 
 great i^'verity. They were retluced to the condition of Helots, and 
 were compelled to pay to their masters half of the produce of 
 their lands. This is attested by the authority of Tyrta;as. who 
 says, '• Like asses worn down by hea\T burthens they were com- 
 
 • The royal family of Messenin was descended from ^pytus, Tvho 
 was a sou vi Cresphontcs.
 
 B.C. 685. SECO-ND MESSEXL\X WAR. 75 
 
 peiled to make over to their masters an entire half of the produce 
 of their fields, and to come in the garb of woe to Sparta, them- 
 selves and their w-ives, as mourners at the decease of the kings 
 and principal persons.' 
 
 § 3. For thirt\--nine years the 3Iessenians endured this degrad- 
 ing yoke. At the end of this time (b.c. 6^6) they took up arms 
 against their oppressors, having fomid a leader in Aristomenes, 
 of Andania, sprung from the royal hue of iEp)-tus. The exploits 
 of this hero form the great subject of the second Messenian war. 
 It would appear that most of the states in Peloponnesus took 
 part in this struggle. The Argives, Arcadians, Sicyonians, and 
 Pisatans were the principal allies of the Messenians ; but the 
 Corinthians sent assistance to Sparta. The first battle vras 
 fought before the arrival of the allies on either side ; and though 
 it Avas mdecisive, the valour of Aristomenes struck fear into the 
 hearts of the Spartans. To frighten the enemy still more, the 
 hero crossed the frontier, entered Sparta by night, and affixed a 
 shield to the temple of Athena (Miners^a) of the Brazen House, 
 ■wath the inscription, " Dedicated by Aristomenes to the goddess 
 from the Spartan spoils." 
 
 The Spartans in alarm sent to Delphi for advice. The god 
 bade them apply to Athens for a leader. Fearing to disobey the 
 oracle, but with the view of rendering no real assi.?tance, the 
 Athenians sentTjTtceus of Aphidnse, who is represented m the 
 popular legend as a lame man and a schoolmaster. The Spartans 
 received their new leader AAitli due honour ; and he was not long 
 in justifying the credit of the oracle. His martial songs roused 
 the fainting courage of the Spartans, and animated them to new 
 efibrts against the foe.* The Spartans showed their gratitude 
 by making him a citizen of their state. So efficacious were his 
 poems, that to them is mainly ascribed the final success of the 
 Spartans. Hence he appears as the great hero of Sparta during 
 the second Messenian war. Some of his celebrated songs have 
 come down to us, and the follo-SAing war-march is a specimen : — 
 
 "To the field, to the field, gallant Spartan band, 
 "Worthy sons, like your sires, of our "warUke land! 
 Let each arm be prepared for its part in the fight, 
 Fix tlie shield on the left, poise the spear with the right, • 
 Let no care for your Uves in vour bosoms find place, 
 No such care knew the heroes of old Spartan race." f 
 
 Encouraged by the strains of Tyrtseus, the Spartans again 
 
 * " Tyrta?usqiie mares animos in Martia bella 
 
 Versibus exacuit." — Hor. Ars Poet. 402. 
 f Mure's History of Greek Literature, vol. iii. p. 195.
 
 in lIisroRV ui- (iUKKCR (JiAi-. VUt 
 
 iii.irflii'il :ij,':uiist tin? ,Mc.«.s4'iiiaiii'. IJiil ihry wen; uot .'it lir«t «uc- 
 ct'ssriil. A prciit l)iittl<! wiiH ((iij^'lil at tlu- Jioar h Grave iu Hvs 
 plain of Sltriiy<"l<"'riis, in wliicli the ullics (if linlli tsidiru were pro- 
 Bi-nt. Tilt) S|iartaiiH M'rrc tldi'atfj with fjrcat lo«j ; and the 
 Mcssenian inaidcnrt of a latrr day used lo hIiij? liow " Arixlo- 
 nuMU'rt pursniMl the flying Laccda-inoniaiiii down to th«; tnid-pluii> 
 t)f Stcnycli-rus, and up to tins vrry .sinnniit of ihc mountain." Iv 
 tlu! third year of the war anotluT fiTv.ii battle wan linjght, iu 
 which tho Mt'SSfuians HulitTcd a sifrnal defrat, in cons4;qu«'nfro of 
 the treachery of Aristocrati-s, tin- kinp of the Arcadian Orcho- 
 mcnus. Ho great was the lus.s of the Me.Hrreijiana, that Aristo- 
 mcncs no longer ventured to mtiet the Spart-'iiiH in the open 
 field; and he therefore resolved to li»llow the exaiuple of tho 
 Messeuian leaders in tlu; former war, and concentrate his stren^h 
 in a fortified s])ot. For this piupose he chose the mountain 
 fortress of Ira, and there he continued to pnjsecute the war for 
 eleven years. The Spartans encamped at the foot of the moun- 
 tain ; but Arislomenes frequently sallied from Ins fortrc.«.s, and 
 ravaged the lands of Laconia with fire and sword. It is unne- 
 cessary to relate all the wonderful exploits of this hero in his 
 various incursions. Thrice did he ofitT to Jove Ithomates the 
 sacrifice called Hecatomphonia, reserved for tlic warrior who 
 had slain a hundred enemies with his own hand. Thrice was he 
 taken j)ri.soner ; on two occasions he bur.st liis bonds, but on the 
 third ho was carried to Sparta, and thrown w ilh his iifty com- 
 panions into a deep pit, called Ceadas. His comrades were all 
 killed by the iall ; but Aristomenes reached the bottom unhurt. 
 He saw, however, no means of escape, and had resigned himself 
 to death ; but on the third day perceiving a fo.x creeping among 
 the bodies, he grasped its tail, and following the animal as it 
 struggled to escape, discovered an opening in the rock. Through 
 the favor of the gods the hero thus escaped, and on the next 
 day was again at Ira to the surprise alike of friends and foes. 
 But his single prowess was not sufiicient to avert the ruin of liis 
 country ; he had incurred moreover the anger of the Dioscuri or 
 the Twin gods ; and the favour of heaven was therefore turned 
 from him. One night the Spartans surprised Ira, while Aristo- 
 menes was disabled by a wound ; but he collected the bravest of 
 his l()llowers, and forced his way throuirh the enemy. He took 
 refuge in Arcadia, where he was hosijitably received ; but the 
 plan which he had formed for surprising Sparta w;u? l)etrayed 
 by Aristocrates, whoni his countrymen stoned for his treacherj'. 
 Many of the exiled Messenians went to Rhegium. in Italy, 
 under the sons of Aristomenes, but the hero himself tinished liis 
 days in Rhodes. His memory long lived in the hearts of his
 
 B.C. 560. AVAR BETWEEN SPARTA AND TEGEA. 77 
 
 countrymen ; and later legends related, that in the fatal battle of 
 Leuctra, which destroyed lor ever the Laceda-monian power, the 
 hero was seen scattering destruction among the Spartan troops. 
 
 The second Messenian war was terminated by the complete 
 subjugation of the Messenians, who again became the serls of 
 their conquerors (b.c. 666). In this condition they remained till 
 the restoration of their independence by Epaminondas, in the 
 year 369 b.c. During the whole of the intervening period the 
 Messenians disappear i'rom history. The country called Messenia 
 in th.e map was in reality a portion of Laconia, which, after the 
 second Messenian war, extended across the south of Pelopon- 
 nesus from the eastern to the western sea. 
 
 § 4. Of the history of the wars between the Spartans and 
 Arcadians we have fewer details. The Spartans made various 
 attempts to extend their dominion over Arcadia. Hence the 
 Arcadians allbrded assistance to the Messenians in their struggle 
 against Sparta, and they evinced their sympathy for this gallant 
 people by putting to death Aristocrates of Orchomenus, as has 
 been already related. The conquest of Messenia was probably 
 followed by the subjugation of the southern part of Arcadia. 
 We know that the northern frontier of Laconia, consisting of 
 the districts called Sciritis, Beleminatis, Maleatis, and Caryatis, 
 originally belonged to Arcadia, and M^as conquered by the Lace- 
 dasmonians at an early period. 
 
 The Lacedfemonians, however, did not meet with equal success 
 in their attempts against Tegea. This city was situated in the 
 south-eastern corner of Arcadia, on the very frontiers of Laconia. 
 It possessed a brave and warlike population, and defied the 
 Spartan power for more than two centuries. As early as the 
 reign of Charilaus, the nephew of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonians 
 had invaded the territory of Tegea ; but they were not only 
 defeated with great loss, but this king was taken prisoner with 
 all his men who had survived the battle. Long afterward, in 
 the reign of Leon and Agesicles (about e.c. 580), the Lace- 
 dcernonians again marched against Tegea, but were again defeat- 
 ed with great loss, and were compelled to work as slaves in the 
 very chains which they had brought with them for the Tegeatans. 
 For a whole generation their arms continued unsuccessful ; but 
 in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston, the successors of 
 Leon and Agesicles (about B.C. 560), they were at length able 
 to bring the long protracted struggle to a close. In their dis- 
 tress they had applied a.s usual to the Delphic oracle for advice, 
 and had been promised success if tlicy could obtain the bones 
 of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. The directions of the god 
 enabled them to find the remains of the hero at Tegea : and by a.
 
 •78 MIsTolIY OF GREECE. Ciur. VIIL 
 
 Hkilfiil flnitiifjf'rii one (illlwir rritizciiK puffccdcd in narryiiin the 
 lidly n-lics In S|iart;i. 'I'ln- li<lc oC the war now turnrd. The 
 'J'cjTfiitanrt were const ant ly drlratcd, and were at hm^tli olili^ed 
 1() acknowlrd^'o llic KUjucniacy of Sparta. Tlicy wiTi; not, how- 
 evtT, rcdnccd to .«nl»jcclion, lik<; tin; Mi-ssrnianH. They flill ron- 
 linucd niaj^tcrs ot ihcir own city antl territory, and only Lecatao 
 depcndcnl allies ol' Sjiarla. 
 
 ^ T). Tlio liislory of ihr early Ktnifrfrlo bi;l\vecn ArpoH and 
 Sparta is (piilc uidinown. ^Ve have already t»een that the whole 
 easJern coast of I'eloponnestis had originally belonped t<i Arpos, 
 or the conli'deracy over which this city jjrcsided. The Laceda;- 
 jnonians, however, succeeded not only in cf nriuerinir all the 
 eastern coast of Laconia, but alco in annexinf,' to their territory 
 the district of Cynnria,* on their northern frontier, which had 
 orifriuiilly formed part of tlic^ doininions of Arjros. It is uncer- 
 tain at what time the Laceda-moniaus obtained this iin]M>rtant 
 ucfjuisition ; but the attempt of the Arjrives to recover it in 
 547 n.c. led to one of the most celebrated combats in early 
 Grecian history. It was a«rreed between the Laceda-nionians and 
 Arrives that the ])o.-<.<essiou of the territon,- should be decided 
 by a combat between three hundred chosen champions on either 
 side. So fierce "was the conllict that only one Spartan and two 
 Arprives survived. The latter, supposiufr that all their opjionents 
 had been slain, hastened home with the news of victory ; but 
 Othrjades, the Spartan warrior, remained on the field, and 
 spoiled the dead bodies of the enemy. Both sides claimed the 
 victorv, whereupon a general battle ensued, in Avhich the Argives 
 were defeated. The brave Othrj-ades slew himself on the field 
 of battle, beins ashamed to return to Sparta as the one survivor 
 of her three hundred cham})ions. This victorj' secured the 
 Spartans in the possession of Cyiiuria. and cllectually liumbled 
 the poMcr of Arjros. 
 
 Sparta was now by far the most jiowerful of the Grecian states. 
 Her own territory, as we have already seen, included the whole 
 southern portion of Pelopoiniesus : the Arcadians were her sub- 
 ject allies ; and Ar^ros had sulii-red too much from her recent 
 defeat to oiler any furtb.er resistance to her formidable neighbour. 
 North of the Isthmus of Corinth there was no state whose power 
 could compete with that of Sparta. Athens was still sullering 
 from the civil dis.*ensions which had led to the usuqjation of 
 Pisistratus, and no one could have anticipated at this time tlie 
 Ta\nd and extraordinary growth of this state, which rendered her 
 belbre long the rival of Sparta. 
 
 * Tlu> i>laiii. ciiUoil Tliyrealis from the town of Thyrea, was the most 
 important puit of C'yiuuiii,
 
 Leaden Slina-builets and Arrow-heads, found at Athens, Marathon, and Leontin!. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS. 
 
 § 1. Abolition of royalty throughout Greece, except in Sparta. § 2. Estab- 
 lishment of the oligarchical governments. § 2. Overthrow of the oli- 
 garchies by the despots. Character of the despots, and causes of their 
 fall. § 4. Contest between oligarch}- and democracy on the removal 
 of the clespots. § 5. Despots of Sic\on. History of Clisthenes. § 6. Des- 
 pots of Corinth. History of vOypselns and Periander. § 7. Conflicts 
 of the oligarchical and democratical parties at Megara. Despotisr 
 of Theagenes. The poet Theognis. 
 
 § 1. Sparta was the only state in Greece which continued to 
 retain the kingly form of government during the brilliant peyiod 
 of Grecian history. In all other parts of Greece royalty had 
 been abolished at an early age, and various forms of repubhcan 
 government estabhshed in its stead. In all of these, though dii- 
 fering widely from each other in many of their institutions, 
 hatred of monarchy was a univeisal feeling. This change in 
 the popular mind deserves our consideration. In the Heroic age, 
 as we have already seen, monarchy was the oidy form of goveru- 
 ment known. At the head of every state stood a king, Vvho had 
 derived his authority from the gods, and Mhose commands were 
 reverently obeyed by his people. -The only check upon his au- 
 thorit)' was the council of the chiefs, and even they rarely ven- 
 tured to. interfere with his rule. But soon after the commence- 
 ment of the first Olympiad this reverential feeling towards the 
 king disappears, and his authority' and his fixnctions are trans- 
 ferred to the council of chiefs.
 
 80 lIls'nMlY OF r.MKHCE. Coat. IX. 
 
 'IMiis iiii|M)rl;mt iivoliitioii wa.H owiii^ iiiiiiiily to tlic dinnlliiCM 
 oi till' ( irccii'in HtulrH. It iiiiiHt \»; roiislaiilly n-iiH'inlKTfd that 
 cadi pdlitic.'il ('(iiiiiMuiiity coiLuistcii only of tin; iiilialiitantM of a 
 Biiijrln <"ily. AiiKiii^' (Ml Htiiall a l)(;(ly tin; kiii'r could not fiirrouixl 
 liiiiisrlt' with any poiiii) or Miy;<tcry. Hi; moved nn u man among 
 his rcllow-mcM ; Imh i'aultH and liirt foiltlis In'ramc known to all ; 
 aiul art iho (iii'ck mind developed and enlarf,'ed itwif, lii.s KnlijectH 
 lost all belief in his divine rijrht to their «»lj«-dienee. They had 
 no extent of territory whieli rendered it advi!<ahle to maintain a 
 kinfj lor the purjxtse of pre^ervinfr tlieir nnion ; and, rtrnt^- 
 qnently, when they lost re.-peet lor liis person, and faith in hia 
 divine rir^bt, they aholi.shetl the di<rnity alto<ret}ier. This change 
 appers to have heen accomplished w ithoiit any sudden or violent 
 revolutions. ^Sometimes, on the depth of a king, his son was ac- 
 knowledged as ruler for life, or 11 ir a certain numher of years, with 
 tlio title ui Arclinn ;* and sometimes the royal race was .'K;t aside 
 siltogi'ther, and one of the nobles was elected to sujiply the place 
 ot the king, with the title of P/i/ffinis or President. t In all ca.-c3, 
 however, the new magistrates became more or less resjjonsible 
 to the nobles ; and in course of time they were elected fi^r a 
 brief period from the whole body of the nobles, and were ac- 
 countable to the latter for the manner in which they discharged 
 the duties of their oHice. 
 
 \ 2. The abolition of royalty was thus followed by an Oli- 
 garchy, or the government of the Few. This was the first form 
 of republicanism in Greece. Democracy, or the goveniment of 
 the Many, was yet unknown ; and the condition of the general 
 mass of the freemen appears to have been unaliected bv the re- 
 volution. But it paved the way to greater changes. It taught 
 the (Treeks the important princij)le that the political power was 
 vested in the citizens of the state. It is true tliat th.esc were at 
 first only a small portion of the fieeinen ; but their numlxr 
 might be enlarged ; and the idea could not fail tocccur that the 
 power which had been transferreil from the One to the Few 
 might be still further extended from the Few to the Many. 
 
 The nobles pos.sessed the greater part of the land of the state, 
 and were lience frequently distinguished by the name of Gco- 
 mori or Gamori.t Their estates were cultivated Ly a rural and 
 dependent population ; whilst they themselves lived in the city, 
 and appear to have formed an exclusive order, transmitting their 
 privileges to their sons alone. But besides this governing body 
 and their rustic dependents, there existed two other classes, con- 
 sisting of ^mall landed j)roprietors, who cultivated their fields 
 
 J Tiu/iopoi (Ionic), Tafiopoi (Doric), Iniijotcucrs.
 
 B.C. 650. THE GRECIAI^ DESPOTS. 81 
 
 with their own hands, and of artisans and traders residing in the 
 town. These two classes were constantly increasing in numbers, 
 wealth, and mtelligence, and, consequently, began to demand a 
 share in the government, from which they had hitherto been 
 excluded. The ruling body meantime had remained stationary, 
 or had even declined in numbers and in wealth ; and they had 
 excited, moreover, the discontent of the people by the arbitrary 
 and oppressive mamier in which they had exercised their au- 
 thority. But it was not from the people that the oligarchies 
 received their first and greatest blow. They were generally over- 
 thrown by the usurpers, to whom the Greeks gave the name cf 
 Tyrants.* 
 
 ^ 3. The Greek word Tyrant does not correspond in meaning 
 to the same \vord in the English language. It signifies simply 
 an irresponsible ruler, and may theretbre be more correctly ren- 
 dered by the term Despot. The rise of the Despots seems to 
 have taken place about the same time in a large number of the 
 Greek cities. They begin to appear in the middle of the seventh 
 century e.c. ; and in the course of the next hundred and fifty years 
 (from B.C. GoO to 500) there were few cities in the Grecian 
 Avorld which escaped this revolution in their government. The 
 gi-owing discontent of the general body of the people afforded 
 facilities to an ambitious citizen to overthrow the existing oli- 
 garchy, and to make himself supreme niler of the state. In most 
 cases the despots belonged to the nobles, but they acquired their 
 power in various ways. The most frequent manner in which 
 they became masters of the state w-as by espousing the cause of 
 ihe commonalty, and making use of the strength of the latter to 
 put down the oligarchy by Ibrce. Sometimes, but more rarely, 
 one of the nobles, who had been raised to the chief magistracy 
 for a temporary' period, availed himself of his position to retain 
 his dignity permanently, in spite of liis brother nobles. There 
 was another class of irresponsible rulers to whom the name of 
 ^sijm/ietcs,j or Dictator, was given. The supreme power vras 
 voluntarily entrusted to him by the citizens, but only for a limited 
 period, and in order to accomplish some important object, such 
 as reconciling the various factions in the state. 
 
 The government of most of the despots was oppressive and 
 cruel. In many states they W'ere at first popular with the gen- 
 eral body of the citizens, who had raised tliem to power and were 
 glad to see the humiliation of their ibrmer masters. But discon- 
 tent soon began to arise ; the despot had recourse to violence to 
 put down disaflection, and thus became an object of hatred to 
 hid il'l low-citizens. In order to protect himself he called in the 
 * Tvpavvoi, f Alcnj/ivTjrric .
 
 82 IIISTOKY OF GUKKCR Chap. IX 
 
 ai<l of |i»rri^fii liDops, and tiMik up liirt rmdciicc in tho Acrf>jKili», 
 Hurrouiidcd liy liis iiicrci'ii.'irieH. The most illustrioux nU/AniA 
 ■were now exiled or jtut lo death, and the ^overllIlle^t became 
 ill reality n tyranny in the iiuMlern wnw- oj tlic word. Some of 
 these ihjs))ots erected ma;rniriiTiit [iidilie works, either to frratily 
 their own love of" s|)lendoiir and <lisplay, or with the exjiress view 
 of impoverirthini^ their sidyect.s. Ulhers wore patrons of litera- 
 ture and art, and sonjrlit to pain jKipnlarity by inviting literary 
 men to their court. But even those who cxerci.sf^d their hov- 
 ereigiity with moderation were never able to retain their |)f)pu- 
 larity. Tho as.sumption of irresponsible jMnvcr by one man had 
 become abhorrent to the Greek mind. A jKirson thus rai.'iiiig 
 himself above the law was considered to have forfeited all title 
 to the protection of the law. He was rejrarded a^ the prreatest 
 of criminals, and his as.sassination wa.s viewed as a rifrhteoud 
 and holy act. Hence few de.sj)ots prew old in their povernment ; 
 still fewer bcf[ueathed their power to their sons ; and very rarely 
 did the dyna.sty continue as long as the third pencration. 
 
 ^4. Many of the despots in Greece were put down by tho 
 Laccdicmonians. The Spartan povernment, as we have already 
 seen, was essentially an oliparchy ; and the Spartans were always 
 ready to lead their powerlul aid to the support or the establish- 
 ment of the povenunent of the Few. Hence they took an active 
 part in the overthrow ol" the despots, with the intention of es- 
 tablishinp the ancient oliparchy in their place. But this rarely 
 happened ; and they thus became unuitentioual instmrnents in 
 promoting the principles of the popular party. The rule of the 
 despot had broken down the distinction between the nobles and 
 the peneral body of freemen ; and upon the removal of the des- 
 pot it was found impossible in most cases to reinstate the fomier 
 body of nobles in their ancient privilepes. The latter, it is true, 
 attempted to repain them, and were supported in their attemj)ts 
 by Sparta. Hence arose a new strupple. The first contest 
 after the abolition of royalty was between oliparchy and the 
 despot ; the next which now ensued was between oligarchy and 
 democracy. 
 
 Tiie history of Athens Avill aflord the most striking illustration 
 of the dilierent revolutions of which we have been sjjcakinp ; but 
 there are some examples in the other Greek states which must 
 not be passed over entirely- 
 
 ^ 5. The city of Sicyon, situated to the west of tlic Corinthian 
 isthmus, was poverned by a race of desjwts for a longer period 
 than any other Greek state. Their dynasty lasted for a hundred 
 yeai'3, and is said to have been foiuuled by Orthagoras, about 
 B.C. G76. This revolution is -worthy of notice, because Ortha-
 
 B.C. 625. DESPOTS OF SICYOX AND CORIXTIl 83 
 
 goras did not belong to the oligarchy. The latter consisted of a 
 portion of the Dorian conquei-ors ; and Orthagoras, who belonged 
 to the old inhabitants of the country, obtained the power by the 
 overthrow of the Dorian oligarchy. He and his successors were 
 doubtless supported by the old population, and this was one 
 reason of the long continuance of their power. The last of the 
 dynasty was Clisthenes, who was celebrated for his wealth and 
 magniticence, and who gained the victory m the chariot race in 
 the Pythian and Olympic games. He aided the Amphictyons in 
 the saci'ed war against Cirrha (b.c. 595), and he was also engaged 
 in hostilities against Argos. But the chief point in his history 
 which claims our attention was his systematic endeavour to 
 depress and dishonour the Dorian tribes. It lias been already 
 remarked* that the Dorians in all their settlements were di- 
 vided into the three tribes of Hyllcis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes. 
 These ancient and venerable names lie changed into new ones, 
 derived from the sow, the ass, and the pig,t while he declared 
 the superiority of his own tribe by giving it the designation of 
 Arclietai, or lords of the people. Clisthenes appears to have 
 continued despot till his death, which may be placed about 
 B.C. 560. The dynasty perished with him. He left no son; 
 but his daughter Agarista, whom so many suitors wooed, was 
 married to the Athenian Megacles, of the great family of 
 the Alcmeeonidae, and became the mother of Clisthenes, the 
 founder of the Athenian democracy after the expulsion of the 
 Pisistratidse. 
 
 k 6. The despots of Corinth were still more celebrated. Their 
 dynasty lasted 74 years. It was founded by Cypselus, who over- 
 threw the oligarchy called the Bacehiad<B in e.g. ^55. His mother 
 belonged to the Bacchiada? ; but as none of the race would marry 
 her on account oi' her lameness, she espoused a man who did not 
 belong to the ruling class. The Bacchiadse having learnt that an 
 oracle had declared that the issue of this marriage would prove 
 their ruin, endeavoured to murder the child ; but his mother 
 preserved him in a chest, from which he derived his name.| 
 When he had grow^n up to manhood he came forward as the 
 champion of the people against the nobles, and with their aid 
 expelled the Bacchiadaj, and established himself as despot. He 
 held his power for thirty years (b.c. 655-625), and transmitted 
 it on his death to his son Periander. His government is said to 
 have been mild and popular. 
 
 The sway of Periander, on the other hand, is universally repre- 
 
 * Above, c. 7. § 7. 
 
 f Hyatffi ('Ydrai), Oneatae {^Oved-aL), Chcereatfu (XoipecZrat). 
 
 i Cypsehis from cypscle {Kvtpe?.7i), a chest.
 
 HI IMSToltV OK C.MVA'A'l-l Ciiai-. l.V 
 
 Hfiitid as ii|i|tr(!HHiv<' ami cruel. Mniiy of llic talcs related of him 
 may Ix' n-^unliMl as the caliiiiiriicri of liix cii'-inifH ; but then; Ih 
 •.'oiiil icahoii for bclicviiij; that hr riiK-d with a rod oliron. The 
 way ill wliicli In- Inaltd the ii(»hk'H in illuMtratrd hy Ji wcll-kiiowii 
 talc, which hu.s liccii tiaiisl(Trcd to tin- early )ii«lory ol Rome. 
 Sudii allcr hi« accession IVriaiidcr is said to liave wiit to Thra- 
 Kyhuliis, despot of Miletus, to ask him liir advice as to the Ix-st 
 mode of iiiaiiitaiiiiiiHr ins |)ow(;r. Witiioiit {.'iviii^ an answer in 
 writing', Thrasyhuliis led tin; mcsseii<.'er throiif;li a coni-field, 
 (•iitliiij: oil, as he went, the tallest ears of corn. He then dis- 
 missed the mcssen<rer, tellin<r him to inform his master how he 
 had l()und him emi)loye(l. The action was ri«rhtly inlerjtreted 
 hy Periander, who proceeded tr) rid himself of the powerful 
 nobles of the state. The anecdote, whether true or not, is au 
 indication of the common opinion entertained of the govern- 
 ment of Periander. We are further told that he [jrotected Iiis 
 person by a body-ffiiard of rnerefcnaries, and kept all rebellion in 
 elicclv by his rifforous measures. It is admitted on all hands 
 that he jiossessed <rreat ability and military t-kill ; and, however 
 oppres.sive his fjoveriiment may have been to the citizens of 
 Corinth, he raised the city to a state of jrreat prosperity and 
 power, and made it re.'^peoted alike by friends and Ibes. Under 
 his sway Corinth was the wealthiest and tlie most jMjwerl'ul of 
 all the eonuuereial connnunitics of (ireece ; and at no other pe- 
 riod in its history does it apj)ear in so (lourishin<r a condition. 
 In his reipn many imjiortant colonies were ibunded by Coriuth 
 on the coast of Acarnania and the surroundinf^ islands and 
 coasts, and his sovereignty extended over Corcyra, Ambra- 
 cia, Leucas, and Anactorium, all of which were independent 
 states in the next generation. Corinth jwsscssed harbours on 
 either side of the isthmus, and the customs and port-tlues 
 were so considerable that Periander required no other source 
 of revenue. 
 
 Periander was also a warm patron of literature and art. He 
 ■welcomed the poet Arion and the ])hilcsopher Anaeharsis to 
 his court, and was lunnbered bj some among the t>eveu Images 
 of Greece. 
 
 The private life of Periander "was marked by great misfortunes, 
 which embittered his latter days. He is said to have killed liis 
 wiie ^Melissa in a lit of anger ; whereupon his son Lyeophron 
 lefl Corinth and withdrew to Corcyra. The youth continued 
 so incensed against his father that he refused to return to Cor- 
 inth, when Periander in his old aire beirged him to come back 
 and assume the government. Finding him inexorable, Periander. 
 who was anxious to insure the contuiuauce of his dynasty, then
 
 B.C. 600. DESPOTS OF CORINTH AKD MEGARA. 85 
 
 offered to go to Corcyra, if Lycophron would take his place at 
 Corinth. To this his son assented ; but the Corcyra^ans, fearing 
 the stern rule of the old man, put Lycophron to death. 
 
 Periondcr reigned forty years (b.c. 625—585). He was suc- 
 ceeded by a relative, Psainmetichus, son of Gorgias, who oidy 
 reigned between three and four years, and is said to have been 
 put down by the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 ^ 7. During the reign of Periander at Corinth, Theagenes made 
 himself despot in the neighbouring city of Megara, probably 
 about B.C. 630. He overthrew the oligarchy by espousing the 
 popular cause ; but he did not maintain his power till his 
 death, but was driven from the government about B.C. 600. A 
 struggle now ensued between the oligarchy and the democracy, 
 which was conducted with more than usual violence. The 
 popular party obtained the upper hand, and abused their vic- 
 tory. The poor entered the houses of the rich, and forced 
 them to provide costly banquets. They confiscated the property 
 of the nobles, and drove most of them into exile. They not 
 only cancelled their debts, but also forced the aristocratic cre- 
 ditors to refund all the interest which had been paid. But the 
 expatriated nobles returned in arms and restored the oligarchy. 
 They were, however, agaiir expelled, and it was not till after 
 long struggles and convulsions that an oligarchical government 
 was permanently established at Megara. 
 
 These Megarian revolutions are interesting as a specimen of 
 the struggles between the oligarchical and democratical parties, 
 which seem to have taken place in many other Grecian states 
 about the same time. Some account of them is given by the 
 contemporary poet Theognis, who himself belonged to the ohgar- 
 chical party at Megara. He was born and spent his life in the 
 midst of these convulsions, and most of his poetry was composed 
 at the time when the oligarchical party was oppressed and in 
 exile, 
 
 Li his poems the nobles are the good, and the commons 
 the bad, terms which at that time were regularly used in this 
 political signification, and not in their later ethical meaning.* 
 We find in his poems some interesting descriptions of the 
 social changes which the popular revolution had efi'ected. It 
 had rescued the country population from a condition of abject 
 poverty and serfdom, and had given them a share in the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 * It should be recollected that the terms ol ayaOoc, icdloi, ftelnaroL, 
 &c. are fre(j[uently used by the Greek writers to signify the nobles, and 
 ol icoKoi, deiAot, &c., to signify the commons. The Latin writers employ 
 in like manner boni, optimates, and mali.
 
 80 HISTORY OF (iULKCH « n.-i-. IX 
 
 "Oar cDriuiiDinvcdltli preserve* iU fonnor famo: 
 Our coiiiiiiDti |i<><>plo are no riiuro tlii.- i>niiic. 
 Tliey tliiit ill Kkins and hiilen wen- riKlcly drcHi'd, 
 Nf>r ilri'iiinl of Inw, nor i<oiiKlit to l»<r rciJrciw'd 
 I{y riili'5 of ri){lit, hut in tin- iJuy!« of (dd 
 Jjiv'tl on till' land, like I'littli- in tlio fold, 
 Arc now till! Jirnvi- und (l<i<xl ; nnd we, tlic re«t, 
 Arc now llic Mi-itu and liad," tliougli onc«; the host." 
 
 All ari.stocracy of vvcaltli li.-id alw begun to spring up in place 
 of an aristocracy of birth, and inlcnuarriagcs liad taken placo 
 between tlie two parties in the state. 
 
 "But in the daily nintclics that we make 
 The price is every thiiifi; for money's pake 
 Men marry — Women are in marriape (jjiven; 
 The JJaJ or Coward,* that in wealth has tliriven. 
 May matcii iiis c " priiifj with the proudest race: 
 Thus everytliicij is mixed, noble and base."' 
 
 Tlieognis lost his properly m the revolution, and had been 
 driven into exile ; and the following lines show the ferocious 
 spirit which sometimes animated the Greeks in their party 
 struggles. 
 
 "Yet my full wish, to drink their very blood. 
 Some power divine, that watches for my good. 
 May yet accomplish. Soon may he fulfil 
 M}- righteous hope — my just and hearty will."f 
 
 These Sicyonian, Corinthian, and Megarian despots were some 
 of the most celebrated ; and their history will serve as sain])les 
 of what took place in most of the Grecian states in the seventh 
 V nd sixth centuries before the Christian era. 
 
 * All these terms arc used in their political signification, 
 f The preceding extracts from Thcognis arc taken from the transla- 
 tion of the poet published by Mr. Frerc at Malta in 1842. 
 
 Coin of Corinth.
 
 Croesus on the Funeral Pile. (See p. 100.) — From an ancient Vaee. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS DOWN TO THE USURPATION OF 
 PISISTRATUS. 
 
 1. Early division of Attica into twelve independent states, said tohavo 
 been united by Theseus. § 2. Abolition of royalty. Life arelions. 
 Decennial archons. Annual arelions. § 3. Twofold division of the 
 Athenians. (1.) Eupatrida;, Geomori, Demiurgi. (2.) Four tribes: 
 Geleontes, Hopletes, .^gicores, Argades. § 4. Division of the four 
 tribes into Trittyes and N^aucrarise, and into Phratriaj and Gentes. 
 § 5. The government exclusively in the hands of the Eupatrida?. The 
 nine archons and their functions. The senate of Areopagus. §6. The 
 legislation of Draco. § 7. The conspiracy of Cylon. His failure, and 
 massacre of his partisan? by Megacles, the Alcnijeonid. Expulsion of 
 the AlcmfEonida;. §8. VisitofEpiraenides to Athens. Hispuiilica- 
 tion of the city, g 9. Life of Solon. § 10. State of Attica at the 
 time of Solon's legislation. § 11- Solon elected archon, e.g. 594:, with 
 legislative powers. § 12. His Seisaehtneia or disburdening ordinance. 
 § l.S. His constitutional changes. Division of the people into four
 
 88 HISTORY f)F f;iU:KCH « lur. A. 
 
 <•lft'^«<'^, noponliii.; ><» tluir |ir<>|,iiiv. ;i II. Itixtitiilion of tlit- Svunlo 
 of I'l.iir lliiii'lr. <l. Kiiliiii;riiH"Mt <>f lli<- iihwcih of tin; Ar<-<»|.(n;ii!(. 
 Tlio Alhciiiiiii i;o\ iTimnMit cotititnirt iiii olii»iir<'li v afl<T tUv tiiiMr of 
 Solon. ^1.1. 'I'lii' H|«Miiil lawH of Solmi. j^ IC. 'I'lic 1rriv<'!-. of Solon. 
 § 17. I'mirimtioii of rixiMtnitiiH. Itfltini iiihI <l<-alli of Solon. 
 
 s^ 1. Tin: liistnry of Allini.-i Ix-forc iho ape of Solon irf almost a 
 iil.iiik. Its Icircmhiry lali's arc li-w, its lii.xtoriral farts Mill fewer. 
 ('(•(•roj).-!, the lir.><t ruler of Altica,* i.-< wiid to have divided the 
 (oiiiitry i"''» twelve distriet.-t, which are repre.-K-iited iw iiidc- 
 ])ei!deiit eoiiiiiiuiiities, eaeh froveriied hy a H'jtarate king. They 
 were afterwards united into a sinj^le .state, havin<ij .Xthcns a.s it8 
 capital and the seat of government. At what time thi» im- 
 portant union wa.s cllected cannot be detennined. It took jilace 
 at a ])eriod lonj^ antecedent to all hi.storieal reeord.s, and i» 
 ascribed to Theseus, as the national hero of the Athenian jK'ople.f 
 The poot.s and orators of a later a;.'c loved to represent him as 
 the j)arcnt of the Athenian democracy. It would be a loss of 
 time to point out the folly and absurdity of such a notion. 
 The.-;eus l)elou<rs to lefreiid, and not to history ; and in the age 
 in wliich he is ])laced a democratical form of government was a 
 tiling quite mikuown. 
 
 ^ 2. A few generations after Theseus, the Dorians are said to 
 have invaded Attica. An oracle declared that they would be vic- 
 torious if they spared the life of the Athenian king ; whereupon 
 C'odrus, who then reigned at Athens, resolved to sacrifice himself 
 for the welfare of his country. Accordingly he went into the 
 invader's camp in di.sgui.<e, provoked a quarrel with one of the 
 Dorian soldiers, and was killed by the latter. Uj)on learning the 
 death of the Athenian king, the Dorians retired from Attica 
 without striking a blow ; and the Athenians, from respect to the 
 memory of Codrus, abolished the title of king, and substituted 
 for it that of ArchouJ or Ruler. The otiiee, however, was held 
 for life, and was confined to the family of Codrus. His son, 
 Medon, was the first archou, and he was followed in the dignity by 
 eleven members of the family in succe.ssion. But soon after the 
 accession of Alcma'on, the thirteenth in descent irom Medon, 
 another change Avas introduced, and the duration of the archon- 
 slii]! was limited to ten years (n.c. 7-3"J). The dignity was still 
 cjjitiued to the descendants of Medon ; but in the time of Hippo- 
 menes {n.c. 711) this restriction was removed, and the otiice was 
 thrown open to all the nobles in the state. In i;.c. G^o a still more 
 inijtjrlant eliau2:e took place. The arehonehip was now made 
 annual, and its duties were distributed among nine perstms, all of 
 whom bore the title, although one was called the archon pre-emi- 
 * Soe \\ 15. f For details see p. 20. J 'kpx'^-
 
 .B.C. 683. EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS. 89 
 
 nently, and gave his name to the year. The last of the decennial 
 archons was Eryxias, the liist of the nine annual archons Creoii. 
 
 Such is the legendary account of the change of government at 
 Athens, from royalty to an oligarchy. It appears to have taken 
 place peaceably and gradually, as in most other Greek states. 
 The whole political power was vested in the nobles ; from them 
 the nine annual archons were taken, and to them alone these 
 magistrates Avere responsible. The people, or general body of 
 freemen, had no share in the government. 
 
 § 3. The Athenian nobles were called Eupatridce. Their name 
 is ascribed to Theseus, who is said to have divided the Athenian 
 people into three classes, called Eupatrida;, Gcomori or husband- 
 men, and Dcmiurgi ^ or artisans. The Eupatridee were the sole 
 depositaries of political and religious power. In addition to the 
 election of the archons, they possessed the superintendence of 
 all religious matters, and Avere the authorized expounders of aU 
 laAvs, sacred and profane. They corresponded to the Roman 
 patricians ; while the two other classes, who were their subjects, 
 answered to the Roman plebeians. 
 
 There was another division of the Athenians still more ancient, 
 and one which contmued to a much later period. ^Ve have seen 
 that the Dorians in most of their settlements were divided into 
 three tribes. The lonians, in like manner, were usually distri 
 buted into four tribes. t This division existed in Attica from 
 the earliest times, and lasted in full vigour down to the great 
 revolution of CUsthenes (b.c. 509). The four Attic tribes hud 
 different ajipellations at various periods, but were finally distm- 
 guished by the names of Gclcmitcs (or Tdco)itcs), Hoplctcs, jEgi- 
 corcs, and Argddcs,X which they are said to have derived from 
 the four sons of Ion. The etymology of these names would seem 
 to suggest that the tribes Avere so called from the occupations of 
 their members ; the Geleontes (Teleontes) being cultivators, the 
 Hopletes the icanior-dass, the ^-Egicores goat-herds, and the 
 Argades artisans. Hence some modern AA'riters have supposed 
 that the Athenians Avere originally diAaded into castes, like the 
 Egyptians and Indians. But the etymology of these names is 
 not free from doubt and dispute ; and even if they Avere bor- 
 roAved from certain occupations, they might soon haA^e lost 
 their original meaning, and become mere titles Avithout any 
 riguificance. 
 
 k 4. There Avere tAA-o diA-isions of the four Athenian tribes, one 
 for political, and another for religious and social purposes, 
 
 * EiiTorp/Jaf, Teu/xopoi, ArjfxiovpyoL 
 
 f ^vTlOv, pi. aj?M. 
 
 X T£?JovTCc, or TePJovrcr, "O-atjte^, AlyiKopelg, 'Apyddeic
 
 90 IIISTOKY OF (;UEKCH Chap. X 
 
 For pnlilirul [nirjioHcs racli tril)r wjih dividnd into thn.-*; Trit- 
 ty(>s, and cacli 'I'liltys into lltiir Naiicraria-.* TIktc were lliu.s 
 \2 Trillyf'rt and 1^ Nancraria-. Tln-.-c apjH-ar to liavi; l;ccn 
 local divisions oI'iIk; whole Atlimian jicoplr, and lo have b<-»-n 
 inadt" chicdy lor llnancial and military ohjccts. Kiirh Nanrrar)' 
 consisted ol the Nancruri, or lionseliolders.t who had to fiinnsh 
 the amount of taxea und soldiers imposed ufK^a llic district to 
 Avhieh they h<'lonijed. 
 
 The division ol' the trilies for rr'li;.'ions and Nicial purpowB is 
 more frequently mentiomd. JOaeh trihe is said to liaveroulaine(J 
 three Phratrias earh I'hratry thirty (lentes, and each (Jens tliirty 
 liead,s of families.! Aeeordin'rly there would have been 12 
 Phratria', 300 Gentcs, and 10,>^00 heads rf families. It is evident, 
 however, that such syrmnetrical nundjcre could never have been 
 preserved, even if they had cAer been instituted ; and while it is 
 certain that the number of families must have increased in .some 
 gentes, and decreased in others, it may also be questioned wlic- 
 ther the same nuud)er of {rentes existed in each tribe. But 
 whatever may be thought of the numbers, the pliratria; and 
 gentes were important elements in the religious and eocial life 
 of the Athenians. The families comjiosing a gens were united 
 by certain religions rites and social obligations. They were 
 accustomed to meet logetlier at fixed periods to ofler sacri- 
 fices to a liero, wliom they regarded as the eonmion ai'cestor 
 of all the families of the gens. They liad a connnon j)lace of 
 burial and connnon property ; and in case of a member dying 
 intestate, his property devolved upon his gens. They were 
 bound to assist each other in dilliculties. There was also a con- 
 nection between the gentes of the same phratr}', and between 
 the phratries of the same tribe, b'y means of certain religious 
 rites ; and at the head of each tribe there was a magistrate 
 called the Fliylo-Basilciis,^ or King of the Tribe, who ofl(?rcd 
 sacrifices on behalf of the whole body. 
 
 k 5. The real liistory of Athens begins Avith the institution of 
 annual arclious, in the year 6^3 n.c. This is the first date in 
 Athenian history on which certain reliance can be placed. The 
 duties of the government were distributed among the nine 
 archons, in the following maimer. The first, as has been already 
 
 * Tp/r-rf, l^avKpapia. 
 
 \ Nrti'Apupof sconis to be connected vrith raiu, diedl, and i.^ only nn- 
 otlior form for var^/apof or I'nvKP.^pof. 
 
 \ <I'par()io. i.e. brotherhood : i lio word i.< ctyniolotriertll y connected witli 
 frattr and brothii: Tiio word Ifiof. or (iens. answers nearly in meaning 
 to our rlau. The members of a } tvo; were called yn-i-r/rai or d/ioya/MKrec 
 
 § i<v?.of3aai?.Evc.
 
 B.C. 683. EARLY HISTORY OF ATTICA. 91 
 
 remarked, was called Tlie Arclion* by way of pre-eminence, 
 and sometimes the Archoii Epoiiijim(s,-\ because the year was 
 distinguished by his name. He was the president of the body, 
 and the rejiresentative of the dignity of llie state. He was the 
 protector of widows and orphans, and determined all disputes 
 relating to the family. The second archon was called The Basi- 
 Icus or Tlie King, because he represented the king in his capaci- 
 ty as high-prie.st of the nation. J All cases respecting religion and 
 homicide were brought before him. The third archon bore the 
 title of Tlie Poleniarch,k or Commander-in-chief, and was, down 
 to the time of Clisthenes, the commander of the troops. He had 
 jurisdiction in all disputes between citizens and strangers. The 
 remaining six had the common title of T]iesmothetce,\\ or Legis- 
 lators. They had the decision of all disputes which did not 
 specially belong to the other three. Their duties seem to have 
 been almost exclusively judicial ; and for this reason they re- 
 ceived their name, not that they made the laws, but because 
 their particular sentences had the force of laws in the absence 
 of a written code. 
 
 Tlie Senate, or Council of Areopagus, was the only other 
 political power in the state in these early times. It received its 
 name from its place of meeting, which was a rocky eminence 
 opposite the Acropolis, called the Hill of Ares (Mars' Hill).1[ 
 Its institution is ascribed by some writers to Solon ; but it ex- 
 isted long betbre the time of that legislator, and may be regard- 
 ed as the representative of the council of chiefs in the Heroic 
 ages. It was originally called simply The Senate or Council, 
 and did not obtain the name of the senate of Areopagus till 
 Solon instituted another senate, from which it was necessary to 
 distinguish it. It was of course formed exclusively of Eupatrids, 
 and all the archons became members of it at the expiration of 
 their year of office. 
 
 k 0. The government of the Eupatrids, like most of the early 
 oligarchies, seems to have been oppressive. In the absence of 
 written laws, the archons possessed an arbitrarj^ power, of Avhich 
 they probably availed themselves to the benefit of their friends 
 and tiieir order, and to the injury of the general body of citizens. 
 
 * 'O "Aqx'^v. f 'kqxuv e~6vvfj.o(;. 
 
 \ 'O dauLAEvg. In the same manner the title of Rex Sdcrtjlat- 
 tus or Jicx Sacronnn was retained at Rome after the abohiion of 
 royalty. 
 
 § 'O IIo/lf/zao^YOf- 
 
 I QeafioOerai. The word deaijoi was the ancient term for laws, and 
 was afterwards supplanted by vo/uoi. The latter expression for making 
 laws is Oiadai vofiov^. 
 
 If 'O "Plqeloq ■Kuyoc.
 
 92 HISTOUV OF f;in:i;(M < hai. X 
 
 The conwfiiu'iiro av.is ^Tcut dixr-oiitcnl, wliifli at icn^li Ix-rainc 
 Ko si-rions, lli.'it hraco wari a|t|Hiiiilcil in (i'i i is.c. to draw ii|» u 
 written (^kIi' «it lawrt. lie did not cliaiiyc tlic |)<)litiral coni^titu- 
 lion of Atlicns, and the nwrnt ri'niarkal)li! cliaracttrriMtii; of hiii 
 laws wart llicir i-xtreine Kcverily. lli- allixrd the penalty ol'deatli 
 to all (^rinu'H alike ; — to jielty thefts, for inslance, as well a« to 
 sacrile^fc and nnirder. Hence they were t-aid to hav<! Ix-en writ- 
 ten not in ink, hut in hjood ; and we are told that he jn-stilie-d this 
 extreme harshnesrt hy saying', that small ollenees deserved death, 
 and that he knew no severer ]Mniishrn<-nt li)r preat ones. This 
 severity, however, must he attrilxited rather to the spirit of the 
 times, than to any jteenliar harshness in iJraco himself; for ho 
 prohahly did little more than n-dncc to writinc: the ordinances 
 ■which had previonsly rejrulated his brother Euputrids in their de- 
 cision of cases. His laws wonid of" course appear excessively 
 severe io a later age, lonj^ accustomed to a milder system of 
 jurisprudence ; but there is reason for believing that their .severi- 
 ty has been somewhat exaggerated. In one instance, indeed, 
 Draco softened the ancient rigour of the law. Before his time 
 all homicides were tried by the senate of Areopagus, and if found 
 guilty, were condenuied to sufier the full penally of the law. — 
 either death, or perpetual banishment with conli.-ication of jiroj)- 
 erty. The .senate had no jiower to take account of any extenuat- 
 ing or justifving circumstances. Draco left to this ancient body 
 the trial of all cases of wilinl murder ; but he appointed fifty-one 
 new judges, called Ej)lHia\* who Avere to trj- all cases of homi- 
 cide in which accident or any other justification could be pleaded. 
 His regulations with respect to homicide continued in use after 
 his other ordinances had been repealed by Solon. 
 
 k 7. The legislation of Draco failed to calm the prevailing dis- 
 content. The people gained nothing by the written code, except 
 a more perfect knowledge of its severity ; and civil dissensions 
 prevailed as extensively as before. The general dissatisfaction 
 with the government was favourable .to revolutiouar)- projects ; 
 and accordingly, twelve years after Draco's legislation (i;.c. ()12), 
 one of the nobles conceived the design of depriving his brother 
 Eupatrids of their power, and making himself despot of Athens. 
 This noble Avas Cylon, one of the most distinguished members 
 of the order. He had gained a victory at the Olympic games, 
 and had married the daughter of Theagenes, of Megara. who 
 had made himself despot of his native city. Encouraged by 
 the success of his father-in-law, and excited by his own cele- 
 brity and position in the state, he consulted the Delphic oracle 
 on the subject, and was advised to seize the Acropohs at '" the
 
 B.C. 612. CONSPIRACY OF CYLOX 93 
 
 greatest festival of Jove." Cylon naturally supposed that the 
 god referred to the Olympic games, in which he had gained so 
 much distinction, forgetting that the Diasia was the greatest 
 festival of Jove at Athens. Accordingly, during the celebration 
 of the next Olympic games, he took possession of the Acropolis 
 with a considerable force, composed partly of his own partisans, 
 and partly of troops furnished by Theagenes. But he did not 
 meet with any support from the great mass of the people, and 
 he soon found himself closely blockaded by the forces which the 
 government was able to summon to its assistance. Cylon and 
 his brother made their escape : but the remainder of his asso- 
 ciates, hard pressed by hvniger, abandoned the defence of the 
 walls, and took refuge at the altar of Athena (Minerva). Here 
 tliey were found by the archon Megacles, one of the illustrious 
 family of the Alcmasonida) ; who, fearing lest their death should 
 pollute the sanctuary of the goddess, promised that their lives 
 should be spared on their quitting the place. But directly they 
 had quitted the temple, the promise was broken, and they were 
 put to death ; and some who had taken refuge at the altar of 
 the Eumenides, or the Furies, were murdered even at that sa- 
 cred spot. 
 
 The conspiracy thus failed ; but its suppression was attended 
 with a long train of melancholy consequences. The whole family 
 of the Alcma3onidsB were believed to have become tainted by the 
 daring act or sacrilege committed by Megacles ; and the friends 
 and partisans of the murdered conspirators were not slow in de- 
 manding vengeance upon the accursed race. Thus a new ele- 
 ment of discord was introduced into the state. The power and 
 influence of the Alcmteonidae enabled theni long to resist the 
 attempts of their opponents to bring them to a public trial ; and 
 it was not till many years after these events that Solon per- 
 suaded them to submit their case to the judgment of a special 
 cor.rt composed of three hundred Eupatridee. By this court they 
 were adjudged guilty of sacrilege, and were expelled from Attica ; 
 but their punishment was not considered to expiate their im- 
 piety, and we shall find in the later times of Athenian history 
 that this powerful family was still considered an accursed race, 
 which by the sacrilegious act of its ancestor brought upon their 
 native land the anger of the gods. The expulsion of the Alc- 
 majonida; appears to have taken place about the year 597 b.c. 
 
 § 8. The banishment of the guilty race did not, however, de- 
 liver the Athenians from their religious fears. They imagined 
 tliat their state had incurred the anger of the gods : and the 
 pestilential disease with which they Avere visited was regarded 
 zs an uneiTing sign of the divine wrath. U])on the advice of
 
 94 IllS'lOltV or (MtKIX'H Chap. X. 
 
 llic Dc-lpliic oiar-lc, they invited iho cdebra'.irl Cretan prophet 
 and snjfo Kpiiiiciiidcrt to visit AthciiH, and jturify their city I'roni 
 pollntion and sacrilege. 
 
 J'ipiincnidcs vas one of tlic uu«i rcnowm-d propIietH of tho 
 Ufie.. In liis youth ho was CJiid to Imve licou overtaken hy a hleep, 
 whicli histed lor lifly-seven years. Durinj^ this iniraeuloii.s tranc<; 
 Jic had been favoured with frequent intereourse witli the (.'ods, 
 and liad h-arnt llie niean.s of jirojiiliatin^' them and gaininp tlieir 
 favour. This veneralde wer wa.s reeeived with the fjnatest re- 
 verence at Athens. J{y jicrlnrininf^ certain Hacrillecs and expi- 
 atory rites, lie ."iueeeeded in slayinp tlie jdajrue, and in purifying 
 the city from its <rnih. Tlie reli<rioM8 de.';j)ontlency of the Athe- 
 nians now cea.<ed, and the frrateful jieople oliered their bene- 
 factor a talent of f,'old ; hut he refu.sed the nuney, and con- 
 tented himself with a branch from the sacred olive tree, which 
 prew on the Acropolis. The visit of ]:^pimenides to Athen.s oc- 
 curred about the year 596 u.c. 
 
 Epimenides had been assisted in his undertakin;r by the ad- 
 vice of t^olon, who now enjoyed a distinguished reputation at 
 Athens, and to whom his lellow-eitizens looked up as the only 
 person in the state who could deliver them I'rorn their political 
 and social dissensions, and secure them from such misfortunes lor 
 the future. 
 
 § 9. AVe have now come to an important period in Athenian 
 and in Grecian historj-. The legislation of t>olon laid the iounda- 
 tions of the greatness of Athens. iSolon himself was one of the 
 most remarkable men in the early historj' of Greece. He pos- 
 sessed a deep knowledge of human nature, and was animated in 
 his public conduct by a lofty spirit of patriotism. It is, there- 
 fore, the more to be regretted tliat we are acquainted with only 
 a few facts in his life. His birth may be placed about the year 
 638 B.C. He was tlic son of Execcstides, who traced his descent 
 from the heroic Codrus ; and his mother was lir.st cousui to the 
 mother of Pisistratus. His father possessed only a moderate 
 fortune, which he had still further diminished by prodigality ; 
 and Solon in consequence was obliged to have recoui-se to trade. 
 He visited many parts of Greece and Asia as a merchant, and 
 formed acquaintance with many of the most eminent men ol his 
 time. At an early age he distinguished himself by his poetical 
 abilities ; and so Midely did his reputation extend, that he was 
 reckoned one of the Seven Sages. 
 
 The llrst occasion which induced Solon to take an active part 
 in political allairs, ^^•as the contest between Athens and Megara 
 for the possession of Salamis. That islaiul had revolted to ?Je- 
 gara ; and the Athenians had so repeatedly failed in their at-
 
 B.C. 600. LIFE OF SOLON. 9{j 
 
 tempts to recover it, tliat tliey . forbade any citizen, under 
 penalty of death, to make any proposition lor the renewal of the 
 enterprise. Indignant at such pusillanimous conduct, Solon 
 caused a report to be spread through the city that he was mad, 
 and then in a state of frenzied excitement he rushed into the 
 market-place, and recited to a crowd of bystanders a poem 
 wdiich he had previously composed on the less of Salamis. He 
 upbraided the Athenians with their disgrace, and called upon 
 them to reconquer " the lovely island." " Rather (lie exclaimed) 
 would I be a denizen of the most contemptible community in 
 Greece than a citizen of Athens, to be pointed at as one of these 
 Attic dastards who had so basely relinquished their right to 
 Salamis." His stratagem was completely successful. His Iriends 
 seconded his proposal : and the people unanimouslj'^ rescinded 
 the law, and resolved once more to try the fortune of war. Solon 
 was appointed to the command of the expedition, in which he 
 was accompanied by his young kinsman Pisistratus. In a single 
 campaign (about B.C. 600) Solon drove the Megarians out of the 
 island ; but a tedious war ensued, and at last both parties agreed 
 to refer the matter in dispute to the arbitration of Sparta. So- 
 lon pleaded the cause of his countrymen, and is said on this 
 occasion to have forged the line in the Iliad,* which represents 
 Ajax ranging his ship with those of the Athenians. The Lace- 
 dEemonians decided in favor of the Athenians, in whose hands 
 the island remained henceforward down to the latest times. 
 
 Soon after the conquest of Salamis, Solon's reputation was 
 further increased by espousing the cause of the Delphian temple 
 against Cirrha. He is said to have moved the decree of the Am- 
 phictyons, by which war was declared against the guilty city 
 (B.C. 595). t 
 
 ^ 10. The state of Attica at the time of Solon's legislation de- 
 mands a more particular account than we have hitherto given. 
 Its population was divided into three factions, who were now in 
 a state of violent hostility against each other. These parties 
 consisted of the PcdicisX or wealthy Eupatrid inhabitants of the 
 plains ; of the Diacrii,k or poor inhabitants of the hilly districts 
 in the north and east of Attica ; and of the Parali.W or mercantile 
 inhabitants of the coasts, who held an intermediate position be- 
 tween the otlier two. 
 
 The cause of the dissensions between these parties is not 
 particularly mentioned ; but the difficulties attending these dis- 
 putes had become aggravated by the miserable condition of tho 
 poorer population of Attica. The latter were in a state of 
 
 * ii. .558. f See p. 51. % Tlediel^ or TiedLoioi. 
 
 § A^a^■p^o^ || Tlu^a'Aot.
 
 y'\ iii>T(»i:v oi (;iti;i;<:R chai-. x. 
 
 alijcct |Miv(Tly. 'I'll! V liail Ldrrowrd money from the wealthy 
 at, cxorhilaiit rales of iiitercHt iijK)n the weiirity <»(' their pro- 
 jterty and th<'ir jktwhih, II' ihe |iriiici|tal uiid iiilerent tii' tho 
 debt Mere not jiaid, the creditor liail llie power ol" i«eizinj^ the 
 person as well as the land of his debtor, and of usirifj Jiiin as a 
 elave. Many h.'id thns been lorn rmiu tli'-ir hoiricK and K»ld to 
 barbarian niaslers : while others wen; eidtivatinfr as HhiveH the 
 lands of their wealthy eredilors in Attiea. The rapaeity of the 
 rich and the de<rnidation of the poor are reeorded bv Solon in 
 the existin^r frajrnienis of his jioetrv ; and matters had now eotne 
 to sneh a erisis, that the exislinjr laws eonid no longer be cn- 
 ioreed. and the j)oor were reaily to rise in o]ien insnrreetion 
 against the rieh. 
 
 ^ \\. hi these alarmin<r eirenmstances, the nding oligarchy 
 were obliged to have reeonrse to S.lon. They were aware of the 
 vigorous ])rotest he had mad(r against their injnstiee ; but thf-y 
 trusted that his connexion with their jiarty would help them over 
 their present dilliculties; and they tliereibre chose hirn Archcn 
 in r..c. 5'J I, investing him under that title with unlimited jMiwcrs 
 to ellcct any elianges he might consider beneficial to the state. 
 His a])pointment was hailed with satisfaction by the poor; 
 and all jiarties were willing to accept his mediation and re- 
 forms. 
 
 Many of Solon i> friends urged him to take advantage of his 
 position and make him.«elf de.«pot of Athens. There is no doubt 
 he woulil have succeeded if he had luadc the attempt, but he 
 had the wisdom and the virtue to resist the temj)tation, telling 
 his friends that "despotism might be a line countr)'. but there 
 was no way out of it." Di.>imissing, therefore, all thoughts of 
 personal agiriaudisement, he devoted all his energies to the diffi- 
 cult ta.sk he had undertaken. 
 
 M~- He commenced his undertaking by relieving the poorer 
 class of debtors from their existing distress. This he eliected 
 by a celebrated ordinance called Sciscichf/iria, or a shaking oHof 
 burthens.* This measure cancelled all contracts by which the 
 land or person of a debtor had been given as security : it thus 
 relieved the land from all encumbrances and claims, and set at 
 liberty all persons who had been reduced to slavery on account 
 of their debts. Solon also provided means of restoring to their 
 homes those citizens who had been sold into foreign countries. 
 He forbad for the future all loans in which the person of the 
 debtor was jiledged as security. This extensive measure entirely 
 rclea.'-ed the poorer classes from their dilliculties. but it must 
 have left many of their creditors unable to discharge their obli-
 
 B.C. oy-i. LEGISIATION OF SOLOK 37 
 
 gations. To give the laltei* some relief, he lowered the stamlard 
 of the coinage, so that the debtor saved rather more than a 
 fourth iu every payment.* 
 
 Some of his friends having obtained a hint of his intention 
 borrowed large sums of money, with which they purchased 
 estates ; and Solon himself would have sufiered in public esti- 
 mation, if it had not been found that he was a loser by his own 
 measure, having lent as much as five talents. 
 
 § 13. The success attending these measures was so great, that' 
 Solon was now called upon by his fellow-citizens to draw up a 
 new constitution and a new code of laws. As a preliminary step 
 he repealed all the laws of Draco, except those relating to murder. 
 He then proceeded to make a new classification of the citizens, 
 according to the amount of their property, thus changing the 
 government from an Oligarchy to a Timocracy.f 
 
 The title of the citizens to the honours and offices of the state 
 was henceforward regulated by their wealth, and not by their 
 birth. This was the distinguishing feature of Solon's constitu- 
 tion, and produced eventually most important consequences ; 
 though the change was probably not great at first, since there 
 were then few wealthy persons in Attica, except the Eupatrids. 
 Solon then distributed all the citizens into four classes, accord- 
 ing to their property, which he caused to be assessed. The first 
 class consisted of those whose annual income was equal to 500 
 medimui of corn and upwards, and were called Pcntacosiome- 
 dlmni.X The second class consisted of those whose incomes 
 ranged between 300 and 500 medimni, and were called K)iiglits,k 
 from their being able to furnish a war-horse. The third class 
 consisted of those who received between 200 and 300 medimni, 
 and were called Zciigitcc,\\ from their being able to keep a yoke 
 of oxen for the plough. The fourth class^ called Thetes,'^ included 
 all whose property lell short of 200 medimni. The members of 
 the first three classes had to pay an income-tax according to the 
 amount of their property ; but the fourth class were exempt 
 from direct taxation altogether. The first class were alone 
 eligible to the archonship and the higher offices of the state. 
 The second and third classes filled inferior posts, and were liable 
 
 * Solon is said to have made the mina contain 100 drachmas instead 
 ofZS; that is, 73 old drachmas contained the same quantity of silver 
 as 100 of tlie new standard. 
 
 f T ifioKi>aTLa from ti/i/} assessment, and KQariu ride. 
 
 \ nei'TaKoaiofiedi/n'oi. The medimnus contained nearly 12 imperial 
 gallons, or 1^ bushel: it was reckoned eqiial to a drachma. 
 
 S 'iTTTTz/f or 'Imislr. 
 
 I Zevylrai, from ^evyor, a yoke of beasts. ^ Qr/rec. 
 
 F
 
 98. HISTORY OF GliEKCH Ciiaj. X 
 
 to military Ht-Tvico, ilu; former as hor«onrjcn, aiul the latter as 
 hciivy-uriMcd Holrlicru on ltx»t. The fourth c-l!ij<.s were exchult-d 
 from iill j)iil)lie oIliccH, tuid Hcrvcd in tho uniiy only tin li;.'lit- 
 ariiied trooj)S. Solon, hoW(;ver, udinittrd them to a Hhare in the 
 jK)litie!il ])o\vcr hy allowing them to vot«; in the puhlie Uim:in- 
 bly,* whore they must have constituted hy lar the larj^est num- 
 ber, ile <^ave the aHsembly the ri^ht of fleeting the arehonu and 
 the other ollicerH of the state ; and he also made the archoiu 
 accountable to the ass<'mhly at the expiration of tlieir year oi' 
 oilice. 8olon thus greatly enlargi-d the fiUK^tions ol the |iublic 
 assembly, "whieh, under the government of the Euputrids, proba- 
 bly ])ossessed little more power than the agora, described in the 
 poems of Homer. 
 
 ^ 14. This extension of tin- duties of the jtublic assembly led 
 to the institution of a new bc^dy. Solon created the Senate, or 
 Coinicil of Four Hundred, with the special object of preparing 
 all matters for the discussion of the public assenddy, of presiding 
 at its meetings, and of caiTying its resolutions into eflect. 2so 
 subject couUl be introduced beitjre the people, except by a pre- 
 vious resolution of the Senate. t The members of the Senate 
 were elected by the public assembly, one hundred from each of 
 the four ancient tribes, which were left untouched by Solon. 
 They held their office for a year, and were accountable at its ex- 
 piration to the public assembly for the manner in which they had 
 discharged their duties. 
 
 Solon, hoM'cvcr, did not deprive the ancient Senate of the Are- 
 opagus of any of its functions. J On the contrarj-, he enlarged 
 its powers, and entrusted it with the general supervision ol the 
 institutions and laws of the state, and imposed ujwn it the duty 
 of inspecting the lives and occu]iations of the citizens. 
 
 These are the only political institutions which can be safely 
 ascribed to Solon. At a later period it became the fashion among 
 the Athenians to regard Solon as the author of all their demo- 
 cratical institutions, just as some of the orators referred them 
 even to Theseus. Thus the creation of jury-courts and of the 
 periodical revision of the laws by the Nomothetaj belongs to a 
 later age, although frequently attributed to Solon. Tliis legis- 
 lator only laid the foundation of the Athenian democracy by 
 giving the poorer classes a vote in the popular assembly, and 
 by enlarging the power of the latter ; but he left the govern- 
 ment exclusively in the hands of the wealthy. For many years 
 after his time the government continued to be an oligarchy, but 
 
 * Called Heliaea ('H?./a/a) in the time of Solon, but subseq\j«intlj' 
 JUcclesia (iKK/.r/aia). 
 
 f Called Probouleuma {■!rpo,8ov?.eij*aX | See p. "31
 
 B.C. 594. LEGISL-lTiON OF SOLON. 99 
 
 was exercised with more^oderation and justice than formerly. 
 The establishment of the Athenian democracy v/as the work of 
 Clisthenes, and not of Solon. 
 
 k\Q. The laws of Solon were inscribed on wooden rollers and 
 triangular tablets,* and were preserved hrst in the Acropolis, and 
 afterwards in the Prytaneum, or Town-hall. They were very 
 numerous, and contained regulations on almost all subjects con- 
 nected with the public and private life of the citizens. But they 
 do not seem to have been arranged in any systematic manner ; 
 and such small fragments have come down to us, that it is im- 
 possible to give any general view of them. 
 
 The most important of all these laws were those relating to 
 debtor and creditor, of which we have already spoken. Several 
 of Solon's enactments had for their object the encouragement of 
 trade and manufactures. He invited foreigners to settle in 
 Athens by the promise of protection and valuable privileges. 
 The Council of the Areopagus was, as we have seen, intrusted by 
 him with the duty of examining into every man's mode of life, 
 and of punishing the idle and profligate. To discourage idleness 
 a son was not obliged to support his father in old age, if the lat- 
 ter had neglected to teach him some trade or occupation. 
 
 Solon punished theft by compelling the guilty party to restore 
 double the value of the property stolen. He forbade speaking 
 evil either of the dead or of the living. He either established or 
 regulated the public dinners in the Prytaneum, of which the 
 archons and a few others partook. 
 
 The rewards which he bestowed upon the victors in the Olym- 
 pic and Isthmian games were very large for that age : to the 
 former he gave 500 drachmas, and to the latter 100. 
 
 One of the most singular of Solon's regulations was that which 
 declared a man dishonoured and disfranchised who, in a civil 
 sedition, stood aloof and took part with neither side. The 
 object of this celebrated law was to create a public spirit in the 
 citizens, and a lively interest in the affairs of the state. The 
 ancient governments, unlike those of modern times, could not 
 summon to their assistance any regular police or military force ; 
 and unless individual citizens came forward in civil commotions, 
 any ambitious man, supported by a powerful party, might easily 
 make himself master of the state. 
 
 \\^. Solon is said to have been aware that he had left many 
 imperfections in his laws. He described them not as the best 
 laws which he could devise, but as the best which the Athe- 
 nians could receive. He bound the government and people 
 
 * Called "Asovff and Kiip/?e«f.
 
 100 1I1ST()I:V OF GliKECM Chap. X 
 
 of Allii'iiH by a BoU-irm oalh to observe hiH iiiKtitutionH for at 
 Iciirit ten years. IJul aH soon as ibey came into ojieratioii he 
 wa.s constantly hcsic;,n'(l by a number of ajiplieantH, who canio 
 to ask hirt advice lespectinf; tlie meaning ol hi« enaetmeiitH, or 
 lo .«ii<rfre.st ini|ir(ivement8 and alteratidn.s in thern. Seeing that 
 i!" he remained in Athens, he should be olilifred to introduce 
 chaufres into his code, he resolved to leave hi.s native city iiir iho 
 period of" ton years, durinf^ which the Athenians were Ijound to 
 maintain iii.s laws inviolate, lie first visited ]'>tryi»l, and then 
 prociecded to Cyprus, where he was received with ;rreat di.stinc- 
 tion by Pliilocyj)rus, kinj; of the small town ol" yEpia. Ih- j>er- 
 suaded this prince to remove his city from the old site, and iiiund 
 a new one on the jtlain, which Philocyprus called SoU, in honour 
 of liis illustrious vi.sitor. 
 
 Solon is also related to have remained some time at Sardis, 
 the capital of Lydia. His interview with Cro-'sus, the Lydian 
 king, is one of the most celebrated events in his life. The Ly- 
 dian monarchy was then at the height of its prosperity and glory. 
 Cru'sus, after exhibiting to the Grecian sage all his treasures, 
 asked him who was the happiest man he had ever known, 
 uotliing doubting of the reply. But Solon, without flattering 
 his royal guest, named two obscure Greeks; and when the king 
 expressed his surprise and mortilieation that his visitor took no 
 account of his great glory and wealth, Solon replied that he es- 
 tceuu'd no man happy till he knew how he ended his life, since 
 the highest prosperity was frequently followed by the darkest 
 adversity. Ora'sus at the time treated the admonition of the 
 sage with contempt ; but when the Lydian monarchy was after- 
 wards overthrown by Cyrus, and Cra'sus was condemned by his 
 savage conqueror to be burnt to death, the warnings of the Greek 
 philosopher came to his mind, and he called in a loud voice upon 
 the name of Solon. Cyrus inquired the cause of this strange in- 
 vocation, and upon hearing it, was struck witli the vicissitudes 
 of fortune, set the Lydian monarch free, and made him his con- 
 fidential friend. 
 
 It is impossible not to regret that the stem laws of chronology 
 compel us to reject this beautiful tale. Croesus did not ascend 
 the throne till B.C. 5G0, anil Solon had returned to Athens before 
 that date. The storj' has been evidently invented to convey an 
 im])ortant moral lesson, anil to draw a striking contrast between 
 Grecian republican simplicity and Oriental splendour and |ximp. 
 
 § 17. During the absence of Solon, the old dissensions between 
 the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain had broken out afresh 
 with more violence than ever. The lirst was headed by Lycurgus, 
 the second by Megacles. the Alcraa?onid, and the grandson of the
 
 E.G. 560. USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. • 101 
 
 archon who had suppressed the conspiracy of Cylon, and the 
 third by Pisistratus, the cousin of Solon. Of these leaders, Pisis 
 tratus was the ablest and the most dangerous. He had gained 
 renown in war ; he possessed remarkable fluency ol' speech ; and 
 he had espoused the cause of the Mountain, which was the poor 
 est of the three classes, in order to gain popularity with the gi-eat 
 mass of the people. Of these advantages he resolved to avail 
 himself in order to become master of Athens. 
 
 Solon returned to Athens about b.c. 562, when these dissen- 
 sions were rapidly approaching a crisis. He soon detected the 
 ambitious designs of his kinsman, and attempted to dissuade 
 him from them. Finding his remonstrances Iruitless, he next 
 denounced his projects in verses addressed to the people. Few, 
 however, gave any heed to his warnings ; and Pisistratus, at 
 length finding his schemes ripe for action, had recourse to a 
 memorable stratagem to secure his object. One day he appeared 
 in the market-place in a chariot, his mules and his own person 
 bleeding with wounds inflicted with his own hands. These he 
 exhibited to the people, telling them that he had been nearly 
 murdered in consequence of defending their rights. The popu- 
 lar indignation was excited ; an assembly was lorthwith called, 
 and one of his friends proposed that a guard of fifty club-men 
 should be granted him for his future security. It was in vain 
 that Solon used all his authority to opj^ose so dangerous a re- 
 quest ; his resistance was overborne ; and the guard was voted. 
 
 Pisistratus thus gained the first and most important step. He 
 gradually increased the number of his guard, and soon found 
 himself strong enough to throw ofl" the mask and seize the Acro- 
 polis, B.C. 560. Megacles and the AlcmseonidBe left the city. 
 Solon alone had the courage to oppose the usurj^ation, and up- 
 braided the people with their cowardice and their treachery. 
 " You might," said he, " with ease have crushed the tyrant in 
 the bud ; but nothing now remains but to pluck him up by the 
 roots." But no one responded to his appeal. He refused to fl.y ; 
 and when his friends asked him on what he relied for protection, 
 " On my old age," was his reply. It is creditable to Pisistratus 
 that he left his aged relative immolested, and even asked his 
 advice in the administration of the government. 
 
 Solon did not long survive the overthrow of the constitution. 
 He died a year or two afterwards at the advanced age of eighty. 
 His ashes are said to have been scattered, by his own direction, 
 round the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Atheiiiau 
 people.
 
 Ruins or the Teraple of the Olympian Jove at Atbens. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS FROM THE USURPATION" OF PISISTRATUS TO 
 THE ESTAKLISHMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES. 
 
 § 1. Despotism of Pisistratu?. Ilis first oxptilsion and restoration. §2. 
 His !5ocon<l o.\piil?ioii ami restoration. § '.i. (Tovernnient of Pisistratus 
 after his final restoration to his death, n.r. 527. § 4. Government of 
 Ilippias ami llipparehus. Conspiraey of Ilarinodius ami Aristotriton, 
 and assassination of lli|>parehus, n.r. 514. § 5. Sole government of 
 Ilippias. llis expulsion by the AletnaH->nid.T and the Laced.Tmonians, 
 B.C. 510. §6. Honours jiaid to Ilarniodius and Aristogiton. §7. Party 
 strtiggles at Athens between Clistlienes and Isadoras. EstalMishment 
 of the Atlicnian demoerncy. § 8. Reforms of Clistlienes. Institution 
 of ten now tribes and of tlie denies. ^ ".>. Increase of the number of 
 the Senate lo I'ive Hundred. § 10. Eidargenunt of the funetions and 
 authority of the Senate and the EecUsia. § 11. Introduction of the 
 judicial funetions of the people. Institution of the Ten Strategi or 
 Generals. § I'J. Ostracism. § 13. Fii*st attempt of the l.aeedncnionians 
 to overthrow the Athenian democracy. Invasion of Attica by Cleo-
 
 B.C. 560. USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. 103 
 
 menes, followed by his expulsion with that of Isagoras. § 14-. Second 
 attempt of the Lacedteinonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy. 
 Tlie Lacedtenionians, Thebans, and Chalcidians attack Attica. The 
 LacediBraonians deserted by their allies and compelled to retire. Vic- 
 tories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians, followed 
 by the planting of 4000 Athenian colonists on the lands of the Chal- 
 cidians. § 15. Third attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the 
 Athenian democracy, again frustrated by the refusal of the allies to 
 take part in the enterprise. § 16. Growth of Athenian patriotism, a 
 consequence of the reforms of Clisthenes. 
 
 5 1. PisiSTRATUs became despot of Athens, as already stated, 
 in the year 560 n.c. He did not however retain his power long. 
 The two leaders of the other factions, Meg-aeles of the Shore, 
 and Lycurgus of the Plain, now combined, and Pisistratus was 
 driven into exile. But the two rivals afterwards quarrelled, and 
 Megacles invited Pisistratus to retm-n to Athens, ollering him 
 his daizghter in marriage, and promising to assist him in regain- 
 ing the sovereignty. These conditions being accepted, the follow- 
 ing stratagem was devised for carrying the plan into etlect. A tall 
 stately woman, named Phya, was clothed in the armour and cos- 
 tume of Athena (Minerva), and placed in a chariot with Pisistratus 
 at her side. In this guise the exiled despot approached the city, 
 preceded by heralds, who announced that the goddess was bring- 
 ing back Pisistratus to her own acropolis. The people believed 
 the announcement, worshipped the woman as their tutelary 
 goddess, and quietly submitted to the sway of their former ruler. 
 ^ 2. Pisistratus married the daughter of Megacles according 
 to the compact ; but as he had already grown up children by a 
 former marriage, and did not choose to connect his blood with a 
 family which was considered accursed on account of Cylon's 
 sacrilege, he did not treat her as his wife. Incensed at this 
 affront, Megacles again made common cause with Lycurgus, and 
 Pisistratus was compelled a second time to quit Athens. He re- 
 tired to Eretria in Euboja, ^vhere he remained no fewer than ten 
 years. He did not however spend his time in inactivity. He pos- 
 sessed considerable influence in various parts of Greece, and many 
 cities furnished him with large sums of money. He was thus 
 able to procure mercenaries from Argos ; and Lygdamis, a pow- 
 erful citizen of Naxos, came himself both with money and with 
 troops. Vv'^ith these Pisistratus sailed from Ei'etria, and landed at 
 Marathon. Here he was speedily joined by his friends and parti- 
 sans, who flocked to his camp in large numbers. His antagonists 
 allowed him to remain undisturbed at Marathon ; and i;. was not 
 till he began his march towards the city that they hastily col- 
 lected their forces and went out to meet him. But their conduct 
 was extremely negligent or corrupt ; for Pisistratus fell suddenly
 
 101 HISTORY or OIIKKCFL Chai'. XL 
 
 ii|K)ii tlicir lorccH al iiooii, \vli<>ii llii; iiil-ii were tiiiprcparcd for 
 h:Lttl*>, .'111(1 ])iit Uii-iii to liiirlit alidoxt willioiit n-HiHtuiKre. Iiixtcad 
 dl" Itillowiiif,' up liis victor)' liy Hluii^'litiTiii;,' the riijfitivca, lie pro- 
 cliiiuicul a frt'iicral parddii on condition of their n-luriiinjr (juietly 
 to tlic'ir lioiiitrs. lliH orders were penerally olx-yed ; and the 
 leaders ol the o|>|K)sito iartioiiH, finding theiiis<'lve» ahandoned 
 by tlieir jtartisans, rpiitted tlie coinilr)'. In thi.s manner Pi»iK- 
 traturi hecaino undisj)iite(| masler ol' Athens for the third time. 
 
 ^ ',\. I*isi.s1ratu.s now adopted vi<jorou.s measures to heeure hi« 
 power and render it permaniMit. He took into his pay a body 
 of Thraeian mereenaries, and seized as hosta^'es the einldren of 
 those citizens wliom ]ir susj»eeted, jilaein^them in iSaxos inider 
 the care of Lvfrdamis. Jiiit as goon as he Mas finidy estabhshed 
 in the government, his administration was marked by mildness 
 and equity. An income-tax of live per cent, was all that he 
 levied iVom the people. He maintained the institutions of JnjIoii, 
 takinj? care, however, that the highest offices should always be 
 held l)y some members of his own family. He not only enlorced 
 strict o bedience to tin- laws, but himself set th e rxaiii|ilc t I .miT >- 
 TiultuiL'' to tlicni. l)ciiiLr accuscil ol niunliT, lie (Ii>i!aiii<-(1 to 
 take a(l\Mll ! l ' jT ' (i f lli ^J i i r i l^T M i J I } . and Ui ' lll i l l pe i Mll Lii "ptT^ d 
 Jus cause iR-lure the A nopair us. ^\lll^|■|^ Ins accu.'i-r lial not ven- 
 Jure to appear. lie CdUiied luniulantv bv lari'i^srs to the 
 eitiy.eus. and by ihrowiiiir "lien liis lmhI'-hs to llic l>""r. lb' 
 adorncil Alliens with many iiuiilic builll^l^^■^. tlios <^nvni<'- cni- 
 plovnicut to tiie ])oorci- ciliy.ens, am i -n^ |b'' ^-''""' ^'M "-' ff'"'^^'*^ ' ' "o 
 his own tas te, lb* counncneed on a stupendous scale a temple 
 to the t»lyni])lan Jove, Avhieli remained unfinished for centuries, 
 and was at leiiirth completed bv the emperor Hadrian. He 
 covered with a building the fountain Callirrhoe, Avhich supplied 
 the £rreater part of Athens with water, and conducted the Mater 
 throurrh nine pipes, whence the fomitaiu was called Ennea- 
 crunus.* Moreover, Pislstratus was a patron of literature, as 
 well as of the arts. He is said to have been the first person in 
 Greece who collected a librar}', which he threw open to the 
 public ; and to him posterity is indebted for the collection of 
 the Homeric poems. f On the whole, it cannot be denied that 
 he made a wise and noble use of his power ; and it was for this 
 reason that Julius Caesar was called the Pisistratus of Rtnne. 
 
 <j 1. Pisistratus died at an ad vanced a gej.n_02 7 r..c.. tliirty- 
 tbrcc years atlcT Ins lirst usurpation. Ho tra nsmitted the s<-)- 
 veiriij[ii jiowcr to liis sons. Hijipias and Iliiniarclius. wlu) con- 
 dueteil the L^nvcniuu'ii t tu llie ^allu^ ]triiioi iilvs as tlicir 'ia'clicr. 
 
 * 'EvvEUKQovfoc from iiiia nine, and Acpoi'vof a pipe. f See p. 4S.
 
 B.C. 514. ASSASSINATION OF HIPPARCHUs. 106 
 
 Hipparchns inherited his father's literary tastes. He invite'' 
 several disllnguished poets, such as Aiiacreon and Simonides, to 
 his court, and he set up along the highways statues of Hermes 
 (Mercury), vv'ith moral sentences written upon them. Thucy - 
 di des states that the sons o f Pisistratus cultivated virtue"7ind wis- 
 dom ; the pco]3le appear to have been contented with then* rule ; 
 a nd it was only an accidental circumstance which Jed to their 
 overthrow and to a change in the government. 
 
 Their fall was occasioned by the memorable conspiracy cf 
 Harmodius and Aristogiton. These citizens belonged to an 
 ancient family of Athens, and were attached to each other by a 
 most intimate friendship. Harmodius having given otlcnce to 
 Hippias, the despot revenged himself by putting a public allront 
 upon his sister. This indignity excited the resentment of the 
 two friends, and they now resolved to slay the despots, or perish 
 in the attempt. They communicated the plot to a few asso- 
 ciates, and determined to carry it into execution on the festival 
 of the Great PanathenEea, when all the citizens were required to 
 attend in arriis, and to march in procession from the Ceramicus, 
 a suburb of the city, to the temple of Athena (Minerva) on the 
 Acropolis. When the appointed time arrived, the conspirators 
 appeared armed like the rest of the citizens, but carrying con- 
 cealed daggers besides. Harmodius and Aristogiton had planned 
 to kill Hippias first, as he was arranging the order of the proces- 
 sion in the Ceramicus ; but upon approaching the spot where he 
 was standing, they were thunderstruck at beholding one of the 
 conspirators in close conversation with the despot. Believing 
 that they were betrayed, and resolving before they died to wreak 
 their vengeance upon Hipparchns, they rushed back into the 
 city with their daggers hid in the myrtle boughs which they 
 were to have carried in the procession. They Ibund him near 
 the chapel called Leocorium, and killed him on the spot. Har- 
 modius w^as immediately cut down by the guards. Aristogiton 
 escaped for the time, but was aiterw'ards taken, and died under 
 the tortures to which he was subjected in order to compel him 
 to disclose his accompUces. The news of his brother's death 
 reached Hippias before it became generally known. With ex- 
 traordinary presence of mind he called upon the citizens to drop 
 their arms, and meet him in an adjoining ground. They obeyed 
 without suspicion. He then apprehended those on Avhose per- 
 sons daggers were discovered, and all besides whom he had any 
 reason to suspect. 
 
 ^ 5. Hipparchns was assassinated in E.c. 514, the fourteenth 
 year after the death of Pisistratus. From this time the char- 
 acter of the government became ei^Urely changed. His bro-
 
 nm HISTORV OF (iRKKCK. Chap. XL 
 
 IIkth iiiuril(!r coiivcrlrd llippias into a cruel and simpiciouH 
 lyr.'inl llu |iiil to ilcalli niiriilxrrH uf the iriti/eiiH, and raixcd 
 laimt HUiriH of iiiciiicy by extraordinary taxes. Fieling liiniwdC 
 mi.salb at lioinc, lie he^'an to look abroad lor some j»lace of re- 
 treat, in case be hIiouI<1 be expelled from AtbenM. With this 
 view, he f,'ave his daughter in niurriajje to /Kantides, Hon of Hij)- 
 poclus, despot of LaMi]>saeus, beeanso the latter wa« in great 
 iiivoiir with Darius, kin<( of Persia. 
 
 Meantime the prowinfj nnftopnlarity of Ilippias rained the 
 hopes of the powerful family of the Alema;onida-, who ha<l lived 
 in exile ever siiiee the third and linal restoration of Pisi.stratua 
 to Athens. Iielievin<i; the favourable iur)tuent to be cornc, they 
 even ventured to invade Attiea, and established themselves in a 
 fortified town upon the frontier. They were, h(»wever, defeated 
 by Ilippias with loss, and compelled to quit the country. Un- 
 able to elii'ct their restoration by force, they now had recourse 
 to a mau<x,'uvre which proved succes.sful. 
 
 The Alcmieonid.e had taken the contract for rehuildin^ the 
 tein})le at Delphi, which had been accidentally destroyed by fire 
 many years previously. They not only executed the work in 
 the best ])os.-:ible manner, but even exceeded what liad heen 
 reipiired of them, emph)yiug Parian marble ibr the front of the 
 temple, instead of the coarse stone specified in the contract. 
 This liberality gained for them the favour of the Delphians ; and 
 Clislhenes, the son of jMegacles, who was now the head of the 
 family, secured the oracle still further by pecuniary presents to 
 tlie Py thia, or priestess. Henceforth, whenever the reparians came 
 to consult the oracle, the answer of the priestess was always the 
 same, — " Athens must be liberated." This order was so often 
 repeated, that the Spartans at last resolved to obey, although 
 they had hitherto maintained a friendly connexion with the 
 family of Pisistratus. Their first attempt failed ; the force which 
 they sent into Attica was defeated by Hippias. and its leader 
 slain. A second ellort succeeded. Cleomenes, king of Sjjarta, 
 defeated the Thessalian allies of Hippias ; and the latter, unable 
 to meet his enemies in the lleld. took refuge in the AcropoUs. 
 Here he might have maintained himself in safety, had not his 
 children been made prisoners as they were being secretly carried 
 out of the country. To procure their restoration, he consented 
 to quit Attica in the space of five days. He sailed to Asia, and 
 took up his residence at Sigeum in the Troad, which his father 
 liad wrested from the i\lytilenfpans in war. 
 
 ^ 6. Hippias was expelled in r..c. 510, four years after the 
 assassination ot" Hipparchus. These four years had been a time 
 of sutlering and oppression for the Athenians, and liad eflaced
 
 B.C. 510. EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 
 
 109 
 
 from their minds all recollection of the former mild rux,^(.gj 
 Pisistratus and his sons. Hence the expulsion of the family 
 ■was hailed with delight, and their names were handed down 
 to posterity, with execration and hatred. For the same reason 
 the memory of Harmodius and Aristogiton was cherished with 
 the fondest reverence ; and the Athenians of subsequent genera- 
 tions, overlooking the four years which elapsed from their death 
 to the overthrow of the despotism, represented them as the libe- 
 rators of their country and the first martyrs for its liberty. Their 
 statues were erected in the market-place soon after the expulsion 
 of Hippias ; their descendants enjoyed immunity from all taxes 
 and public burdens ; and their deed of vengeance formed the 
 favourite subject of drinking songs. Of these the most famous 
 and popular has come down to us, and may be thus translated : 
 
 "I'll wreatli mv sword in myrtle bough, 
 The sword that laid the tyrant low, 
 "When patriots, burning to be free, 
 To Athens gave equality. 
 
 " Harmodius, hail ! though reft of breath. 
 Thou ne'er shalt feel the stroke of death! 
 The heroes' happy isles shall be 
 The bright abode allotted thee. 
 
 " I'll wreath my sword in myrtle bough. 
 The sword that laid Hipparchu.s low, 
 "When at Athena's adverse fane 
 He knelt, and never rose again. 
 
 " While Freedom's name is understood. 
 You shall delight the wise and good ; 
 You dared to set your country free, 
 And gave her laws equality.'"* 
 
 ^ 7. The Lacedaemonians quitted Athens soon after Hippias 
 had sailed away, leaving the Athenians to settle their own atliiirs. 
 The Solonian constitution, which had continued to exist nomi- 
 nally under the administration of the family of Pisistratus, was 
 noAv revived in its full force and vigour. Clisthenes, to whom 
 Athens Avas mainly indebted for its liberation from the despotism, 
 aspired to be the political leader of the state, but was opposed 
 by Isagoras, who was supported by the great body of the nobles. 
 By the Solonian constitution, the whole political power was 
 vested in the hands of the latter ; and Clisthenes soon found that 
 it was hopeless to contend against his rival midcr the existing 
 order of things. For this reason he resolved to introduce an 
 
 * Welleslej-'s Anthologia Polyglotta, p. 445.
 
 no HISTOUY OF OKKKfR Chap. XI 
 
 Tln'so rc'fornii*, liowi-vcr, w<'ro ii<it iiitriMliirc«l by CliKthcncK. 
 llr iiiiiliiiucd 1(1 cxcIikIc the loiirth ol IIkxh* clai^tfH into ■wliich 
 Solmi Ii.kI (liviilcd llic fiti/('ii}i, frorii llir jmisI of arrhnn ami Irciii 
 all ntlicr (iliircs ol stalt; ; he made no i-lian^'c in the tiianncr of 
 a|i|)ointin<r lli<" arclions, and It'll ilirm in llif cxcrnhe of irn- 
 IMiitant judicial duties. Ilcnro the fvinntitntion of CliHllieneH, 
 notw itlislandiiifr the inorea-st' of ]M)wer Mhirh it gave to the 
 jK-oplf, canic to 1m' rojjarded as aristocnitical in the times of 
 I'ericles and Demoslhenofi. 
 
 Ml. Of the other refoimB of Clisthenes we are imperfectly 
 iid'onned. Jle increased the judicial as "well as the j»olitical 
 jHAVcr of the ])eojile. It i.s in I'act doubtful whether Solon pave 
 the jteojtlo any judicial functions at all ; and it was probably 
 Clisthenes who enacted that all jiublic crimes shctuKl U* tried by 
 the whole body i f citizens almve thirty years of ape. specially con- 
 voked and sworn for li.e ])urpose. The asH-mblv thus convened 
 was called Jft'/io'd, and its members JffUc./s* ^Vith the in- 
 crea.ee of the judicial functions of the ])eo]»lc, it became necessary 
 •to divide the Helia'a into ten di.stinct courts ; and this change 
 was probably introduced .soon after the time of Clisthenes. 
 
 The new constitution of the tribes introduced a change in the 
 military arrangements of the state. The citizens, who were re- 
 quired to serve, were now marshalled according to tribes, each 
 of which was subject to a StrafegttsA or general of its o'wn. 
 These ten generals were elected annually by the whole body of 
 citizens, and became at a later time the most important officers 
 in the state, since they possessed the direction not oidy of naval 
 and military allairs, but also of the relations of the city with 
 tbreign states. Down to the time of Clisthenes, the command ci' 
 the military force had been vested exclusively in the third ar- 
 chon. or Polemarch ; and even after the institution of the Stra- 
 tegi l)y Clisthenes, the Polemarch still continued to possess a 
 joint right of command along with them, as will be seen whon 
 we come to relate the battle of Marathon. 
 
 ^ 12. There was another remarkable institution expressly 
 ascribed to Clisthenes — the Ostracism : the real object of which 
 has been explained for the first time by Mr. Grote. By the Os- 
 tracism, a citizen was banished without special accusation, trial, 
 or defence for ten years, which term was subsequently reduced 
 to live : he Avas not deprived of his ])roperty ; and at the end c< 
 his porio<l of exile was allowed to return to Athens, and to resume 
 all the political rights and privileges which he had previously 
 enjoyed. It must be recollected that the force wliich a Greek 
 
 • 'HA<a/a, 'H?.ta<rrai. f 2rpa7T;y<'^.
 
 B.C. 510. REFORilS OF CLISTHENES. Ill 
 
 government liad at its disposal was ver}'^ small ; and that it was 
 comparatively easy foi' an ambitions citizen, supported by a nu- 
 merous body of partisans, to overthrow the constitution and make 
 himselt" despot. The past history of the Athenians had shown 
 the dangers to which they were exposed from this cause ; and 
 the Ostracism was the means devised by Clisthenes for removing 
 quietly from the state a powerful party leader before he could 
 carry into execution any violent schemes for the subversion of 
 the government. Every precaution was taken to guard this in- 
 stitution from a.buse. The senate and the ecclesia had first to 
 determine by a special vote Avhether the safety of the state re- 
 quired such a step to be taken. If they decided in the atiirma- 
 tive, a day was fixed for voting, and each citizen wrote upon 
 a tile or oyster shell* the name of the person whom he wished 
 to banish. The votes were then collected, and if it was found 
 that 6000 had been recorded against any one person, he was 
 obliged to withdraw from the city within ten days ; if the num- 
 ber of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done. The 
 large number of votes required for the ostracism of a person 
 (one-fourth of the entire citizen population) was a sutficient 
 guarantee that a very large proportion of the citizens considered 
 him dangerous to the state. It is a proof of the utility of this 
 institution that from the time of its establishment no further 
 attempt was made by any Athenian citizen to overthrow the 
 democracy by force. 
 
 § 13. The reforms of Clisthenes were received with such popu- 
 lar favor, and so greatly increased the influence of their author, 
 that Isagoras saw no hope for him and his party except by calling 
 in the interference of Clcomenes and the Laceda?monians. This 
 was readily promised, and heralds were sent from Sparta to 
 Athens, demanding the expulsion of Clisthenes and the rest of 
 the Alcma:'onida}, as the accursed family on whom rested the 
 pollution of Cylon's murder. Clisthenes, not daring to disobey 
 the Lacediemonian governiuent, retired voluntarily ; and thus 
 Cleomenes, arriving at Athens shortly afterwards with a small 
 force, found himself undisputed master of the city. He first 
 expelled 700 families pointed out by Isagoras, and then at- 
 tempted to dissolve the Senate of Five Hundred, and place the 
 government in. the hands of three hundred of his friends and 
 partisans. This proceeding excited general indignation ; the 
 people rose in arms ; and Cleomenes and Isagoras took refuge 
 in the Acropolis. At the end of two days their provisions were 
 exliausted, and they were obliged to capitulate. Cleomenes and 
 
 * Ostracon (ooTgaKov), Viience the name of Osfracism {oargaKia/ioc).
 
 112 HISTORY (JF (iltKKa-: (^hap. XI 
 
 till' Ii;ic<'(l,Tin(iiii;iii tmopH, as wiM as Icafrnrns, wrre allow*-*! to 
 ret in- ill Kili-ty ; l»iit all thi-ir a<llnTi*iit« who wrre caj»lun-(i 
 with llicm wen- jmt to death hy tin? Atlwiiiaii jH-opJc. CIik- 
 thcnt'rt and tin; 7U() cxilfd raiiiilicB wen- itiiincdiatcly n-calli-d, 
 and the new ronstitulion was niatrrially htrcnf,^h«-iu-d by the 
 failiiri* (iI'lliiH altcm])! to ovfrthrow it. 
 
 HI. The Athenians had now ojienly hmken with Sparta. 
 •Feariiifi the venpeann! of this roriiiidahle state, Clistlienps H<'nt 
 envoys to Artaphenies, the Persian Katraj) at Sardis, to Holirjt 
 the Persian alliance, Mhich was oHi-red on condition of the 
 Athenians' seiidinp earth and water to the Kinjr of Persia as a 
 token oi" their snhinission. The envoys promised coinjtliancc ; 
 but on their return to Athens, their eountrjnien repudiated 
 their proeeedinp with indignation. Meantime, Cleomenea was 
 pre])ariiip to take vengeance upon the Athenians, and to establish 
 Isadoras as ;i despot over them. He siiinriioned the PelojKinnc- 
 sian allies to the iield, hut without inlomiinp them of the object 
 of the expedition; and at the same time he concerted measures 
 with the Thehans and the Chalcidians of ICuhu-a for a simulta- 
 neous attack uj)on Attica. The Peloponnesian army, commanded 
 by the two kiii<rs, Cleomenes and Demariitus, entered Attica, and 
 advanced as far as Eleusis« but when the allies became aware of 
 the object lor which they had been .summoned, they refused to 
 march farther. The jiower of Athens was not yet sulbciently 
 preat to inspire jealousy amonp the other Greek states ; and the 
 Corinthians, who still smarted luuler the recollection of the suf- 
 ferings inflicted upon them by their own despots, took the lead 
 in denounciup the attem])t of Cleomenes to cnish the liberties 
 of xVthcns. Their remonstrances were seconded by Deniaratus, 
 the other Spartan kinp ; so that Cleomenes found it necessar)' 
 to abandon the expedition and return home. The dissensirii of 
 the two kinps on this occasion is said to have led to the enact- 
 ment of the law at Sparta, that b(,th kinps should never have 
 the command of the army at the same time. 
 
 The luiexpected retreat of the Peloj)onnesian army delivered 
 the Athenians from their most fonnidable enemy, and thev lost 
 no time in turninp their anns apain.<t their other fues. March- 
 inp into Bu-otia, they defeated the Thebans, and then cros.<ed over 
 into Euba-a, where they pained a decisive victor}- over the Chal- 
 cidians. In order to secure their dcminion in Eubcra, and at the 
 same time to provide for their poorer citizens, the Ath.enians 
 distributed the estates of the wealthy Chalcidian landowners 
 amonp iUUO of their citizens, who settled in the count ly under 
 the name of C/<n«Jii.* 
 
 * K/7?()ori\-o/, that i.?. " lot-lioUb-rs."
 
 B.C. 508. 
 
 SUCCESSES OF THE ATHENIANS. 
 
 113 
 
 § 15. The successes of Athens had excited the jealousy of the 
 Spartans, and they now resolved to make a third attempt to over- 
 throw the Athenian democracy. They had meantime discovered 
 the deception which had heen practised upon them by the 
 Delphic oracle ; and they invited Hippias to come from Sigeum 
 to Sparta, in order to restore him to Athens. The experience of 
 the last campaign had taught them that they could not calculate 
 upon the co-operation of their allies without lirst obtaining their 
 approval of the project ; and they therefore summoned deputies 
 from all their alhes to meet at Sparta, in order to determine re- 
 specting the restoration of Hippias. The despot was present at 
 the congress ; and the Spartans urged the necessity of crushing 
 the growing insolence of the Athenians by placing over them 
 their former master. But their proposal was received with uni- 
 versal repugnance ; and the Corinthians again expressed the 
 general indignation at the design. " Surely heaven and earth 
 are about to change places, when you Spartans propose to set 
 up in the cities that wicked and bloody thing called a Despot. 
 First try what it is for yourselves at Sparta, and then force it 
 upon others. If you persist in a scheme so wicked, know that 
 the Corinthians will not second you." These vehement remon- 
 strances were received with such approbation by the other 
 allies, that the Spartans found it necessary to abandon their 
 project. Hippias returned to Sigeum, and afterwards proceeded 
 to the court of Darius. 
 
 § 16. Athens had now entered upon her glorious career. The 
 institutions of Cllsthenes had given her citizens a personal in- 
 terest in the welliire and the grandeur of their country. A spirit 
 of the warmest patriotism rapidly sprang up among them ; and 
 the history of the Persian wars, which followed almost imme- 
 diately, exhibits a striking proof of the heroic sacrifices which 
 they were prepared to make for the liberty and independence of 
 their state. 
 
 Coin of Alliens.
 
 m ' m .! ■ ■■! i j i II ■ ". ) • I — — 1 ri n t I II i r re — « jn i. iiibjiibi 
 
 
 Ancient Sculptures from Selinua. 
 
 CHAPTER XIT. 
 
 HISTORY OF Tin: ClflCEK COLONIES. 
 
 § 1. Connoxion of the subject witli tlie [general history of Greece. § 2. 
 Origin of tlie Greek colonies and tlieir relation to the mother-coun- 
 try. § 3. Gharaeteristies common to most of the Greek colonies. 
 § 4. The ^Eolic, Ionic, ami Doric colonies in Asia. Mih-tus the most 
 important, and the parent of numerous colonies. Eiihesus. Phocjea. 
 § 5. Colonies in the south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cumie. 
 § 6. Colonies in Sicily. Syracuse and Agritjentuin the niost impor- 
 tant, riialaris, despot of Agrigentum. § 7. Colonies in Magna Gne- 
 cia (the south of Italy). Syharis and Croton. War between these 
 cities, and destruction of Sybaris. § 8. Epizephyrian Locri: its law- 
 giver, Zaleucus. Rhesium. § 9. Tarentum. Decline of the cities 
 in Magna (tneeia. § 10. Colonies in Gaul and Spain. Massalia. 
 § 11. Colonies in Africa. (Gyrene. § 12. Colonies in Epiru*. Mace- 
 donia, and Thrace. § 13. Importance of a knowledge of the history 
 of the Greek colonies. 
 
 ^ 1. An account of the Greek colonies forms an important part 
 of the History of Greece. It has been already obser\'ed that 
 Hellas did not indicate a coinitry marked by certain geog^raphical 
 limits, but included the whole body of Hellenes, in whatever 
 part of the world they might be settled. Thus, the inhabitants 
 of Trapezu.s on the farthest shores of the Black Sea. of Cyreno 
 in Africa, and of Massalia in the south of Gaul, were as essential- 
 ly members of Hellas as the citizens of Athens and Sparta. They 
 all glo'-jed in the name of Hellenes: they all boasted of their 
 descent from the eomiiion ancestor Hellen ; and they all pes-
 
 Chap. XII. THE GREEK COLONIES. 115 
 
 sessed and frequently exercised the right of contending in the 
 Olympic games, and the other national festivals of Greece. 
 
 The vast number of Greek Colonies, their wide-spread ditihsion 
 over all parts of the Mediterranean, Avhicli thus became a land 
 of Grecian lake, their rapid growth in wealth, power, and intel- 
 lio-ence afford the most striking proofs of the greatness of this 
 wonderful people. It would carry us too far to give an account 
 of the origin of all these colonies, or to narrate their history at any 
 length. We must content ourselves with briefly mentioning the 
 more important of them, after stating the causes to wdiich they 
 owed their origin, the relation in which they stood to the 
 mother country, and certain characteristics which were common 
 to them all. 
 
 ^ 2. Civil dissensions and a redundant population were the 
 two chief causes of the origin of most of the Greek colonies.*" 
 They were usually undertaken with the approbation of the cities 
 from which they issued, and under the management of leaders 
 appointed by them. In most cases the Delphic oracle had pre- 
 viously given its divine sanction to the enterprise, which was 
 also undertaken under the encouragement of the gods of the mo- 
 ther-city. But a Greek colony was always considered politically 
 independent of the latter and emancipated from its control. The 
 only connexion between them was one of filial affection and of 
 common religious ties. The colonists worshipped in their new 
 settlement the deities whom they had been accustomed to ho- 
 nour in their native country ; and the sacred fire, which was con- 
 stantly kept burning on their public hearth, was taken by them 
 from the Prytaneum of the city from which they sprung. They 
 usually cherished a feeling of reverential respect for the mother- 
 city, which they displayed by sending deputations to the prin- 
 cipal festivals of the latter, and also by bestowing places of 
 honour and other marks of respect upon the ambassadors and 
 otlier members of the mother-city, wdien they visited the colony. 
 In the same spirit, they paid divine worship to the founder of 
 the colony after his death, as the representative of the mother- 
 city ; and when the colony in its turn became a parent, it usually 
 sought a leader from the state from which it had itself sprung. 
 It was accordingly considered a violation of sacred ties for a 
 mother-country and a colony to make war upon one another. 
 These bonds, however, w^ere often insufficient to maintain a 
 lasting union ; and the memorable quarrel between Corinth and 
 her colony Corey ra will show how easily they might be severed 
 by the ambition or the interest of either state. 
 
 * A colony was called uTToiKia ; a colonist, uiroiKog ; the mother city. 
 V.T]TQ6TioXig, and the leader of a colony olkicttj^.
 
 116 HISTORY OF GUEECH Cuak XIL 
 
 k 3.' Thc(>rtH'k roloiiicrt, uiilikt* iiuwt whifli have been fouiidei] 
 ill iiiodeni tiinus, did not ciiiiHir't ot (i U-w hlni^'i/liii*.' ImiidH ot nd 
 ventiinrrrt, wiiltcri:(l over the eoiinlry in which they Hettled, and 
 only cojili'.Hciiif,' into a cily at a hiter |MTio<l. On the rontrar)', 
 the Urerk colonists foniicd Iroiii the l)ej/inniii<,' an orjranized |k>- 
 htical hody. Their lirnt can; u|ion H'tfhii<: in their adopted 
 country was lo lound a city, ami to erect in it th<*c pnhlic 
 buildings which were essential to the reliirious and wicial liie of 
 a GJreek. Hi'iice it was rpnckly adonicfl with temples for the 
 worship of the pods, with an a<rora or j)lacc of jiuhlic iiieetiiifr for 
 the citizens, with a p^iiinasinin for the exercise of the youth, 
 and at a later time with a theatre for dramatic representations. 
 Almost every colonial (ireck city was built ufM)n the sea-coast, 
 and the site usually selected contained a liill sufliciently lofty 
 to form an acropolis. The s])ot chosen fl»r the puqM)Pf^ was 
 for the most part seized Viy force from the ori<riiial inhabitants 
 of the country. The relation in which the coloni.sts stmnl to the 
 latter naturally varied in diflcrent localities. In some jilaces 
 they were reduced to slavery or expelled I'rom the district ; in 
 others they became the subjects of the conquerors, or were ad- 
 mitted to a share of their jwlitical li^dits. In many ca.-^-s inter- 
 marria<res look place between the colonists and the native jM)pu- 
 lation, and tlius a foreijrn clement was introduced amoiifr them 
 — a circum.stancc which must not be lost sight of, especially in 
 tracinir the history of the Ionic colonies. 
 
 It has i requeut ly been observed that colonies are favourable to 
 the develoj)iuent of democracy. Ancient customs and usajres 
 cannot be preserved in a colony as at home. Men are of neces- 
 sity placed oil a greater equality, since they have to share the 
 same hardships, to overcome the same difliculties, and to face 
 the same dangers. Hence it is diiricult lor a single man or for 
 a class to maintain peculiar pinvileges, or to exercise a pennanent 
 authority over the other colonists. Accordingly, we lind that a 
 democrat ical form of government was established iii most of the 
 Greek colonies at an earlier jiiriod than in the mother-countrj', 
 and that an aristocracy could rarely maintain its ground for any 
 length of time. Owing to the freedom of their institutions, and 
 to their favourable position for commercial enterprise," manv of 
 the Greek colonies became the i^iost ilourishinir cities in the 
 Hellenic world ; and in the earlier period of Grecian bi.story 
 several oi" thi'm, such as Miletus and Ephesus in Asia. S\Tacuse 
 and Agrigentum in Sicily, and I'roton and Sybaris in Italy, sur- 
 passed all the cities of the mother-couutr\- in })ower. population, 
 and wealth. 
 
 The G reciau colonies may bo arranged in four groups : 1 . Thote
 
 Ghap. XIL colonies IN ASIA MINOR. 117 
 
 founded in Asia Minor and the adjoining islands ; 2. Those iu 
 the western parts of the Mediterranean, in Italy, Sicily, Gaul, and 
 Spain ; 3. Those in Africa ; 4. Tliose in Epirus, Macedonia, and 
 Thrace. 
 
 ^ 4. The earliest Greek colonies were those founded on the west- 
 ern shores of Asia Minor. They were divided into three great 
 masses, each hearing the name of that section of the Greek race 
 with which they claimed affinity. The iEolic cities covered the 
 northern part of this coast ; the lonians occupied the centre, 
 and the Dorians the southern portion. The origin of these 
 colonies is lost in the mythical age ; and the legends of the 
 Greeks respecting them have been given in a previous part of the 
 present work.^ Their political history will claim our attention 
 when we come to relate the rise and progress of the Persian em- 
 pire ; and their successful cultivation of literature and the arts 
 will form the chief subject of our next chapter. It is sufficient 
 to state on the present occasion that the Ionic cities were early 
 distmguished by a spirit of commercial enterprise, and soon rose 
 superior m wealth and in power to their vEalian and Dorian 
 neighbors. Among the Ionic cities themselves Miletus was the 
 most flourishing, and during the eighth and seventh centuries 
 before Christ was the first commercial city in Hellas. In search 
 of gain its adventurous mariners penetrated to tlie farthest parts 
 of the Mediterranean and its adjacent seas ; and for the sake of 
 protecting and enlarging its commerce, it planted numerous co- 
 lonies, which are said to have been no fewer than eighty. Most 
 of them were founded on the Propontis and the Euxine ; and of 
 these, Cyzicus on the former, and Sinope on the latter sea, be- 
 came the most celebrated. Sinope was the emporium of the 
 Milesian commerce in the Euxine, and became in its turn the 
 parent of many prosperous colonies. 
 
 Ephesus, which became at a later time the first of the Ionic 
 cities, was at this period inferior to Miletus in population and in 
 wealth. It was never distinguished for its entei'prise at sea, and 
 it planted few maritime colorues ; it owed its greatness to its 
 trade with the interior, and to its large territory, which it gra- 
 dually obtained at the expense of the Lydians. Other Ionic 
 cities of less importance than Ephesus possessed a more power- 
 ful navy ; and the adventurous voyages of the Phocccans deserve 
 to be particularly mentioned, in which they not only visited the 
 coasts of Gaul and Spain, but even planted in those countries 
 several colonics, of which Massalia became the most prosperous 
 and celebrated. 
 
 \ 5. The colonies of whose origin we have an historical ac' 
 * See p. 35.
 
 118 JllsToltV OF (;KI:K(JIv Chai-. XIL 
 
 couiil lu-j^au to 1k! H)iiiifliiil Hooii after th<! (irHt Olympiad. Thoue 
 U8lulili»he(l in Sicily ami llic Hoiitli of Italy claiiii our firnt atten- 
 tion, as wi'll on account of their ini)H*rlaiicc ua of the priority of 
 their foundatidu. Like the Asiatic cnlonic.H, they were of various 
 origin ; and tin; inhahitants of UhalciH in KulKj'a, of Corinth, 
 Meijara and Sparta, and the Achu;an.s and Locrians were all w^n- 
 cerned in them. 
 
 One of the Grecian wittlciu'-nt.s in Italy lays claim to a much 
 earlier dnir than any other in tlicr country. Thi.s in the Campanian 
 Cuiuje, .«ituatcil near Cuyv. Miseniun.on the Tyrrhenian sea. It 
 is 8aid to have hecn a joint colony from the .,-Eolic Cyme in Asia, 
 and from Chalci.s in Jiuhu-a, and to have l)een lijunded, according 
 to coiiunnn (dironolo<ry, in ii.c. lOolJ. Thi.s date is of course 
 uncertain : hut there is no douht that it wjis the mo.st ancient 
 Grecian establishment in Italy, and that a lonpr |»erirKl elapsed 
 before any other Greek colonists were bold cnougli to follow in 
 the same track. Cuma? was for a long time the most Hourishing 
 city in Campania : and it was not till its decline in the fifth cen- 
 tury before the Christian era that Capua rose into imj)ortance. 
 
 ^ G. The earliest Grecian settlement in Sicily was founded in 
 B.C. 735. The prcater part of Sicily was then inhabited by the 
 rude tribes of Sicels and Sicanians. The Carthaginian settle- 
 ments mostly lay on the western side of the island ; but the 
 eastern and the southern coasts were occuj)ied only bv the Sicels 
 and Sicanians, who were easily driven by the Greeks into the 
 interior of the country. The extraordinary fertility of the land, 
 united with the facihty of its acquisition, soon attracted nume- 
 rous colonists from various parts of Greece ; and there arose on 
 the coasts of Sicily a succession of flourishing cities, of which a 
 list is given below.* Of these, Syracuse and Agrigentum, both 
 Dorian colonies, became the most ])owerfuI. The former was 
 founded by the Corinthians in B.C. 731, and at the time of its 
 greatest prosperity contained a population of 500,000 souls, and 
 was surrounded by walls twenty-two miles in circuit. Its great- 
 ness, however, belongs to a later period of Grecian history ; and 
 
 * 1. Xaxc^s, the onHiest, founded by the Clinlcidians, B.r. T35. 2. Syra- 
 cuse, foundoil by the ("orintliians, B.r. 7o4. 3. Loontini and Catana, 
 founded by Naxos in Sicih", b.c. 730. 4. llybla^an Metrara. founded by 
 Megara, b.c. 728. 5. Gela, founded by the hindians in Rhodes, and by 
 the Cretans, b.c 690. 6. Zancle, aft*?r\vards called Messana, founded 
 by the Cuniwans and Chalcidians: its date is uncertain. 7. Acrae, 
 founded by Syracuse, B.r. 664. 8. Casmena;, founded, by Syracuse, 
 B.C. 644. 0. Solinus, founded by llybla'an Meirara, b.c. 630. 10. 
 Cauiarina, founded by Syracuse, k.c. oi^S. 11. Acraga*, better known 
 by the Roman name of Agrigentiun, founded by Gela, b.c. 582. li 
 Hiniera, founded by Zancle: its date is uncertain.
 
 B.C. 735. 
 
 COLONIES IN SICILY 
 
 119 
 
 we know scarcely anything of its affairs till the usurpation of 
 Gelon in B.C. 485. Agrigentum was of later origin, lor it was 
 not founded till b.c. 582, by the Dorians of Gela, which had itself 
 been colonized by Rhodians and Cretans. But its growth was 
 most rapid, and it soon rose to an extraordinary degree of pros- 
 perity and power. It was celebrated in the ancient world for 
 the magnificence of its public buildings, and within a century after 
 its foundation was called by Pindar " the fairest of mortal cities." 
 Its early history only claims our attention on account of the 
 despotism of Phalaris, who has obtained a proverbial celebrity 
 as a cruel and inhuman tyrant His exact date is uncertain; 
 but he was a contemporary of Pisistratus and Croesus ; and the 
 commencement of his reign may perhaps be placed in b.c. 570. 
 He is said to have burnt alive the victims of his cruelty in a 
 brazen bull ; and this celebrated instrument of tortiu-e is not 
 only noticed by Pindar, but was in existence at Agrigeiituiri in 
 later times. He was engaged in frequent wars with his neigh- 
 bours, and extended his power and dominion on ail sides ; but 
 his cruelties rendered him so abhorred by the people, that they 
 suddenly rose against him, and put him tc dtdtli.* 
 
 Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Sicily 
 
 * TI«ere are extant certain Greek letters attributed to Phalaris, cele- 
 brated on account of the literary controvers_y to "which they gave rise 
 in modern times. Their genuineness -was maintained by Boyle and the 
 contemporaiy scholars of Oxford ; but Bentley, in his masterly " Dis- 
 sertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris," in reply to Boyle, proved be- 
 yond question that they were the production of a sophist of a later age.
 
 120 IIISTOUV OK CJKKKCH Ciiai-. XII 
 
 'I'lic primjHTily "1 'ln' (ircck citicn in Sicily aftcrwanlH re- 
 crivod u ttevcrc clic-ck liom the IwrntilitirH «il tin; Curltiii^iiiiatiK ; 
 but lor two ci-iituri<s iiiul a liall alUr tlie tirnt (jri-ek rettli-iiM-nt 
 in tliL' island tlu-y did not conic into contact with the latter 
 people, and were thus left at liU-rty t(» develop their reiM>urcea 
 witlioiit any oppotiitiun from a forei^Mi |Ht\ver. 
 
 ^ 7. The Grecian colonieH in Italy hejian to be planted at 
 nearly the same time a< in Sicily. They ev<'ntually lined tlio 
 whole southern coast as far as Cuma; on the one K-a, and Ta- 
 rentum on the other. They even surjia.-sed those in Si<"ilv in 
 number and importance ; and su numerous and fl(/uri.>-hin<.' did 
 they become, that the south of Italy received the name ol Maj/na 
 Gra-cia. Of these, two of the earliest and mo.«t jmisperoiis w ere 
 Sybaris and Croton, both situated upon the fridl of Tarenturn, 
 and both of Acluean origin. Sybaris was ]ilanted in li.c. 7iiO, 
 and Cioton in u.c. 71U. For two centuries they seem to have 
 lived in harmony, and we know scarcely anylhinfr of their history 
 till their fatal contest in u.c. 51U, which ended in the ruin of 
 Sybaris. During the whole of thi.s j)eriod they were two of the 
 most flourishing citic^ in all Hellas. The walls of Sybaris em- 
 braced a circuit of six miles, and those of Croton were not less 
 than twelve miles in circumference ; but tlie fcjrmer, thfugh 
 smaller, was the more powerful, since it jiossessed a larger extent 
 of territory and a greater number of colonies, among wliich was 
 the distant town ol Tosidonia (Pa stum), whose magnificent luins 
 still attest its former greatness. Several native tribes Ltccme 
 the subjects of Sybaiis and Croton, and their licniinions extended 
 across the Calabria n ])eninsula from sea to sea. 
 
 Sybaris in particular attained to an extraordinary degree of 
 Avealth ; and its inhabitants were so notorious iijr their luxurv, 
 eileminaey, and debauchery, that their name has become proveibial 
 for a volujjtuary in ancient and in iiudern times. Many of the 
 anecdotes recorded of them bear on their face the exaggerations 
 of a later age ; but their great wealth is attested by th.e fact, that 
 5000 horsemen, clothed in magnificent attire, foimed a part of 
 the procession in certain festivals of the city, whereas Atheus in 
 her best days could not number more than I'JOO kniglits. 
 
 Croton was distinguished for the excellence of its physiciaiis 
 or surgeons, and for the munber of its citizens who gained prizes 
 at the 01yiii})ie games. Its government was an aristccracy. and 
 was in the hands of a senate of One Thousand persons. It was 
 in this city that Pythagoras settled, and founded a fraternity, of 
 which an account is given in the following chapter. 
 
 The war between these two powerful cities is the most im- 
 portant event recorded in the historj'of Magna Gra-cia. It arose
 
 B.C. 664. COLONIES IN ITALY. 121 
 
 from the civil dissensions of Sybaris. The ohgarchical govern- 
 ment was overthrown by a popular insurrection, headed by a 
 citizen of the name of Telys, who svicceeded in making himself 
 despot of the city. The leading members of the oligarchical 
 party, 500 in number, were driven into exile ; and when they 
 took refuge at Croton, their surrender was demanded by Telys, 
 and war threatened in case of refusal. This demand excited 
 the greatest alarm at Croton, since the military strength of Sy- 
 baris was decidedly superior ; and it was only owing to the 
 urgent persuasions of Pythagoras that the Crotoniates resolved 
 to brave the vengeance of their neighbours rather than incur 
 the disgrace of betraying suppliants. In the war which fol- 
 lowed, Sybaris is said to have taken the field with 300,000 men, 
 and Croton with 100,000 — numbers which seem to have been 
 grossly exaggerated. The Crotoniates were commanded by 
 Milo, a disciple of Pythagoras, and the most celebrated athlete 
 of his time, and they were further reinforced by a body of 
 Spartans under the command of Dorieus, younger brother of 
 king Cleomenes, who was sailmg along the gulf of Tarentum, in 
 order to found a settlement in Sicily. The two armies met on 
 the banks of the river Trfeis or Trionto, and a bloody battlo 
 was fought, in which the Sybarites were defeated with prodi- 
 gious slaughter. The Crotoniates followed up their victory by 
 the capture of the city of Sybaris, which they razed to the 
 ground ; and in order to obliterate all traces of it, they turned 
 the course of the river Crathis through its ruins (b.c. 510). The 
 destruction of this wealthy and powerful city excited strong 
 sympathy through the Hellenic world ; and the Milesians, with 
 whom the Sybarites had always maintained the most friendly 
 connexions, shaved their heads in token of mourning. =^ 
 
 § 8. Of the numerous other Greek settlements in the south 
 of Italy, those of Locri, Rhegium, and Tarentum were the most 
 important. 
 
 Locri, called Epizephyrian, from the neighbourhood of Cape 
 Zephyrium, was founded by a body of Locrian freebooters from 
 the mother country, in b.c. 683. Their early history is memo- 
 rable on account of their being the first Hellenic jieople who 
 possessed a body of A\Titten laws. They are said to have sufier- 
 ed so greatly from lawlessness and disorder as to apply to the 
 Delphic oracle for advice, and were thus led to accept the ordi- 
 nances of Zaleucus, who is represented to have been originally 
 a shepherd. His laws were promulgated in B.C. G64, forty years 
 earlier than those of Draco at Athens. They resembled the 
 latter in the severity of their punishments ; but they were ob- 
 * In B. c. 443 the Atlieuiaua founded Thurii, near tlie site of Sj'baris. 
 
 G
 
 122 
 
 HISTORY OF nUEECK. 
 
 Chap. XIL 
 
 BiTVcd for a If)ii^ jtriiod by Ui(! lirHTi.iiiH, wht) •were m avi-rw; to 
 any cliaiif^f,' in lliciii, that whoever j)r(>jKW(| a new law liad to 
 ai)|)ear in the puhhe assemhly with a r(i|M' round lurt neek, wliirh 
 wari iunne(hate|y ti^'htened, if he failed to eonvinee hiH fellow- 
 citizenH of ihe necessity of Iuh jtro|M)Hition.H. Two anecdotes are 
 related of ZaleiicuH, which deserve mention, though their au- 
 theiitieity cannot he frnarantecd. His won ha<l been puilty of an 
 olleiice, the jienally of which was the loss of hoth eyes : tho 
 father, in order to maintain tlu; law, and yet nave his Km from 
 total blindness, submitted to the loss of one of his own eyes. 
 Anotlier ordinance of Zaleiieus forl)ade any citizen to enter the 
 Bcnatc-house in arms under penalty of death. On a war suddenly 
 breaking out, Zaleueus transfrresscd his own law; and whfn 
 his attention was called to it by one present, he replied that l.e 
 would vindicate the law, and straightway fell upon his sword. 
 
 Map of ihc cliicf Greek Colonics in Southern ha]>
 
 B.C. 600. COLONIES IN GAUL AND SPAIN. 123 
 
 Rhegium, situated on the straits of Messina, ojipcsite Sicily, 
 was colonized by the Chalcidians, but received a large number 
 of Messenians, who settled here at the close both of the first and 
 second Messenian wars. Anaxilas, who made liimself despot qf 
 the city about e.g. 500, was of Messenian descent ; and it was 
 he who changed the name of the Sicilian Zancle into Messana, 
 when lie seized the latter city in n.c. 494. 
 
 ^ 9. Tarentum, situated at the head of the gulf which bears its 
 name, was a colony from Sparta, and was founded about b. c. 708. 
 During the long absence of the Spartans in the first Messenian 
 war, an illegitimate race of citizens had been born, to whom the 
 name of Partheniaj (sons of maidens) was given. Being not only 
 treated with contempt by the other Spartans, but excluded from 
 the citizenship, they formed a conspiracy under Phalanthus, one 
 of their number, against the government ; and when their plot 
 was detected, they were allowed to quit the country and plant a 
 colony under his guidance. It was to these circumstances that 
 Tarentum owed its origin. It was admirably situated for com- 
 merce, and was the only town in the gulf which possessed a per- 
 fectly safe harbour. After the destruction of Sybaris, it became 
 the most powerful and flourishing city in Magna Grsecia, and 
 continued to enjoy great prosperity till its subjugation by the 
 Romans. Although of Spartan origin, it did not maintain Spar- 
 tan habits ; and its citizens were noted at a later time for their 
 love of luxury and pleasure. 
 
 The cities of Magua Grfecia rapidly declined in power after 
 the commencement of the fifth century before the Christian era. 
 This was mainly owing to two causes. First, the destruction of 
 Sybaris deprived the Greeks of one of their most powerful cities, 
 and of a territory and an influence over the native population, 
 to which no other Greek town could succeed ; and, secondly, 
 they were now for the first time brought into contact with the 
 warlike Samnites and Lucanians, who began to spread from 
 Middle Italy towards the south. Cumee was taken by the Sam- 
 nites, and Posidonia (Pajstum) by the Lucanians ; and the latter 
 people in course of time deprived the Greek cities of the whole 
 of their inland territory. 
 
 § 10. The Grecian settlements in the distant countries of Gaul 
 and Spain were not numerous. The most celebrated was Mas- 
 salia, the modern Marseilles, founded by the Ionic Phoca^ans 
 in B.C. GOO. It planted five colonies along the eastern coast of' 
 Spain, and was the chief Grecian city in the sea west of Italy. 
 The commerce of the Massaliots was extensive, and their navy 
 sufficiently powerful to repel the aggressions of Carthage. They 
 possessed considerable influence over the Celtic tribes in theiv
 
 I'.M IllS'iUllV OF UKKIXH Chat. XIL 
 
 iici^'lilMiiirliood, ;im(iiif,' whom they diliiiwd the art.s of civili/x-tl 
 lili', .'111(1 a kiiowlcd^i- of'lhf Greek al|)hal«'t and hlrrature. 
 
 s^ 11. The iiurtheru coast of Atrica hi-tvveeii the lerritorica of 
 • "iirtlia^c and J'^jryj)! M'as alwj occupied hy Greek colonistg. 
 Ahout the year 050 u. c. the Greeks were for the firht time 
 allowed to nettle in Ejrypt and to carry on commerce witli the 
 country. Thin privilefre tliey owed to IVaininelichuH, who had 
 nii.><ed hirnseU to the throne of JCfrypt hy the aid ol Ionian and 
 C'arian mercenaries. The Greek traders were not flow in avail- 
 in<,' themselves of the oi)eninfr of this new and inijiortant market, 
 and thus heeame ac(|iiaiiited with the neifrlibourinp coast of 
 Africa. Jlere they fnundcd ihe city oi Cyrene alxjut ii.c. 030. 
 It wa.s a colony from the l.'^land of Thera in the yEpean, which 
 was itself a colony from Sparta. The situation of Cyrene waa 
 well chosen. It stood on the edpe of a ran<re of hills, at the 
 distance often miles from the Mediterranean, of which it com- 
 manded a fine view. These liills descended l»y a succession of 
 terraces to tlie port of the town, called Apollonia. The climate 
 was most salubrious, and the soil was distinfmishcd by extraor- 
 dinary fertility. With these advantajres Cyrene rapidly grew in 
 wealth and power ; and its greatness is attested by the inunensc 
 remains which still mark its desolate site. Unlike most Grecian 
 colonies, Cyrene was governed by kings for eight generations. 
 Battus, the founder of the colony, was the first king : and his 
 successors bore alternately the names of Arcesilaus and Battus. 
 On the death of Arcesilaiis IV., which must have happene<l 
 after b. c. 100, royalty was abolished and a democratical Ibrm of 
 government established. 
 
 Cyrene planted several colonies in the adjoining district, of 
 which Barca, founded about n.c. 500, was the most important. 
 
 ^ lli. The Grecian settlements in Epinis, Macedonia, and 
 Thrace claim a few words. 
 
 There were several Grecian colonies situated on the eastern 
 side of the Ionian sea in Epirus and its immediate neighbour- 
 hood. Of these the island of Corcyra, now called Corfu, was the 
 most wealthy and j)owerl"ul. It was founded by the Corinthians, 
 about B.C. 700 ; and in con.sequence of its commercial activitj" 
 it soon became a formidable rival to the mother-city. Hence 
 a war broke out between these two states at an early period ; 
 and the most ancient naval battle on record was the one fiaight 
 between their ileets in B.C. 601. The dissensions between the 
 mother-city and her colony are frcrpicntly mentioned in Grecian 
 Iiistory, and were one of the immediate causes of the Pelopon- 
 ncsian v,ar. ISotwithstaiiding their quarrels, they joined in 
 plantiuiT fi)iir tireeian colonies upon the same line of coast — .
 
 B.C. 651. COLONIES IN MACEDONIA AND THRACE. 
 
 125 
 
 Leucas, Anactorium, ApoUonia, and Epidamnus : in the settle- 
 ment of the two former the Corinthians were the principals, and 
 in that of the two latter the Corcyra'ans took the leading part. 
 
 The colonies in Macedonia and Thrace were very numerous, 
 and extended all along the coast of the jEgean, of the Hellespont, 
 of the Propontis, and of the Euxine, from the borders of Thes- 
 saly to the mouth of the Danube. Of these we can only glance 
 at the most important. The colonies on the coast of Macedonia 
 were chiefly founded by Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea ; and the 
 peninsula of Chalcidice, with its three projecting headlands, was 
 covered with their settlements, and derived its name from the 
 former city. The Corinthians likewise planted a few colonies on 
 this coast, of which Potidsea, on the narrow isthmus of Pallene, 
 most deserves mention. 
 
 Of the colonies in Thrace, the most flourishing were Selymbria 
 and Byzantium,* both founded by the Megarians, who appear as 
 an enterprising maritime people at an early period. The far- 
 thest Grecian settlement on the western shores of the Euxine 
 was the Milesian colony of Istria, near the southern mouth of 
 the Danube. 
 
 § 13. The preceding survey of the Grecian colonies shows the 
 wide diffusion of the Hellenic race in the sixth century before 
 the Christian era. Their history has come down to us in such 
 a fragmentary and unconnected state, that it has been impos- 
 sible to render it interesting to the reader ; but it could not be 
 passed over entirely, since some knowledge of the origin and 
 progress of the more important of these cities is absolutely 
 necessary, in order to understand aright many subsequent events 
 in Grecian history. 
 
 * The foundation of Byzantium is placed in b.c. 657. 
 
 Coin of Cyrcne, representing on the reverse the Siiphium, which was tne chief article 
 in the export trade of the city.
 
 AIra>U3 and Sapplio. From a i'niniing on a Vnne- 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF LITERATURE. 
 
 § 1. i'd-foction of the Greeks in literature. § 2. Greek epic poetry di- 
 vided into two eln.«ses, Homeric and Ilesiodic. ^ 3. Poems of Ilesiod. 
 § 4. Origin of Greek l^'ric poetry. § 5. Archilochus. § 6. Simonidea 
 of Amorgos. § 7. Tyrta;us and Alcraan. § 8. Arion and Stesichorns. 
 
 ■ § 9. AlcsDUs and Sapi>ho. § 10. Anacreon. ^\l. Tlie Seven Sa«;es of 
 Greece. § 12. Tiie Ionic seliool of pliilosophy. Tliale.*, Anaximan- 
 der, and AnaximeiK?. §13. The Eleatic school of ]>hilo:iophy. Xeno- 
 
 fhanes. § 14- The Pythagorean school of phiiosopliy. Life of 
 ythagoras. Foundation and suppression of his society in the cities 
 of Magna Gra^cia. 
 
 \ 1. The perfection wliicli the Greeks attained in literature and 
 art is one of the most strikiusr features in the history' of the 
 peo])le. Their intellectual activity and their keen appreciation 
 of the beautiful constantly pave birth to new forms of creative 
 cenius. There was an iniintemipted progress in the develop- 
 ment of the Grecian mind from the earhest dawn of the history 
 of the people to the downfall of their political independence ; 
 and each succeeding age saw the production of some of those 
 master works of genius which have been the models and the 
 admiration of all subsequent time. It is one of the objects of 
 the present work to trace the diflerent phases of this intellectual 
 growth. During the two centuries and a half comprised in this 
 book many species of composition, in which the Greeks after-
 
 Chap. XIII. EPIC POETRY. HESIOD. 127 
 
 wards became pre-eminent, were either unknown or little prac- 
 tised. The drama was still in its infancy, and prose writing, as 
 a branch of popular literature, was oidy beginning to be culti- 
 vated ; but epic poetry had reached its culminating point at the 
 commencement of this epoch, and throughout the whole period 
 the lyric muse shone with undiminished lustre. It is thereforo 
 to these two species of composition that our attention will be 
 more particularly dii-ected on the present occasion. 
 
 § 2. There were in antiquity two large collections of epic 
 poetry. The one comprised poems relating to the great events 
 and enterprises of the Heroic age, and characterised by a certaui 
 poetical unity ; the other included works tamer in character 
 and more desultory in their mode of treatment, containing the 
 genealogies of men and gods, narratives of the exploits of sepa- 
 rate heroes, and descriptions of the ordinary pursuits of life. 
 The poems of the former class passed under the name of Homer ; 
 while those of the latter were in the same general way ascribed 
 to Hesiod. The former were the productions of the Ionic and 
 jEolic minstrels in Asia Minor, among whom Homer stood pre- 
 eminent and eclipsed the brightness of the rest : the latter were 
 the compositions of a school of bards in the neighbourhood of 
 Mount Helicon in BoBotia, among whom in like mamier Hesiod 
 enjoyed the greatest celebrity. The poeins of both schools were 
 composed in the hexameter metre and in a similar dialect ; but 
 they difl'ered widely in almost every other feature. Of the 
 Homeric poems, and of the celebrated controversy to which they 
 have given rise in nrodern times, we have already spoken at 
 length : * it therefore only remains to say a few words Upon 
 those ascribed to Hesiod. 
 
 ^ 3. Three works have come down to us bearing the name of 
 Hesiod — the "Works and Days," the " Theogony," and a descrip- 
 tion of the " Shield of Hercules." The first two were generally, 
 considered in antiquity as the genuine productions of Hesiod ; 
 but the " Shield oi" Hercules" and the other Hesiodic poems 
 were admitted to be the compositions of other poets of his 
 school. Many ancient critics indeed believed the " Works and 
 Days" to be the only genuine work of Hesiod, and their opinion 
 has been adopted by most modern scholars. Of Hesiod himself 
 there are various legends related by later writers ; but we 
 learn from his own poem that he was a native of Ascra, a 
 village at the foot of Mount Helicon, to which his father had 
 migrated from the iEolian Cyme in Asia Minor. He further tells 
 us that he gained the prize at Chalcis in a poetical contest ; and 
 that he was robbed of a fair share of his heritage by the lui- 
 * See Chap. V.
 
 12« HISTORY OF fJUEKCE. Ciui-. XIIL 
 
 ri^litcoiirt ilccisioii of jiulp^os who had b«v;ii bnlK?*! by hi« brother 
 PiTstvH. Thi! liiltirr lii'fiiiiic ii(t<;rw!irrl« reduced in circuinstaiir-i'ji, 
 and ii|>j)lit'il to his brolhr-r f<>r ndii-f; and it is to him that 
 llcsiod a<ldr<>.-i<M hi.s didartic |km'iii ol'tho " VVorkH and l)iiyn,' in 
 which ho lays down varioux moral and wicial rnaxims for ilio 
 rc-<rnlation ol* hiu condu<-t and hirf lite. It contains an interesting 
 rciprcscntation of the feelings, habits, and sujK'rstitions of the 
 rural jiopulation of Greece in the earlier ages, and hence enjoyed 
 at all periods great popularity among this class. At Sparta, on 
 tho contrary, where war w;ls deemed the only occupation worthy 
 of a freeman, the poems of Hesiod were held in ajntempt. 
 Cleomenes called him the bard of the Helots, in contrast with 
 Ifomer, the delight of the warrior. Ke.^pecting the date of Hesiod 
 nothing certain can be alhrmed. Most ancient authorities make 
 him a coutemjMjrary of Homer ; but modern writers usually sup- 
 pose him to have llourished two or three generations later than 
 the pout of the Iliad and the Odys.sey. 
 
 ^ 1. Tho commencement of (rreek lyric poetry as a cultivated 
 spacies of composition dates from the middle of the seventh 
 century before the Christian era. In the Ionic and iEolic colo- 
 nics ot" Asia Minor, and in the Doric cities of Peloponnesus, an 
 advancing civilization and an enlarged experience had called into 
 existence new thoughts and feelings, and supplied new subjects 
 for the muse. At the same time epic p<jctry, after reaching its 
 climax of excellence in the Iliad and in the Odyssey, had fallen 
 into the hands of inferior bards. Tho national genius, however, 
 Avas still in all the bloom and vigour of its youth ; and the decay 
 of epic minstrelsy only stimulated it more vigorously to present 
 in a new style of poetry the new circumstances and feelings of 
 the age. The same desire of change, and of adapting the sub- 
 jects of poetry to the altered condition of society, was of itself 
 sufficient to induce poets to vary the metre ; but the more im- 
 mediate cause of this alteration was the improvement of the art 
 of music by the Lesbian Terpander and others in the beginning 
 of the seventh century u. c. The lyric poems of the Li reeks were 
 composed, not for a solitary reader in his chamber, but to be 
 sung on festive occasions, either public or private, with the 
 accompaniment of a musical instrument. Hence there was a 
 necessary connexion between the arts of music and of jioetry ; 
 and an im})rovement in the one led to a corres])onding improve- 
 ment in the other. 
 
 It would be impossible to pass under review the numerous 
 varieties of Grecian lyric song, and to point out all the occasions 
 which called into requisition the aid of the jxxH. It is sulScient 
 to state in general that no important event either in the pubhc
 
 B.C. 700. ARCHILOCHUS. 129 
 
 or private life of a G-reek could dispense with this accompani- 
 ment ; and "that the song was equally needed to solemnize the 
 worship of the gods, to cheer the march to battle, or to enliven 
 the festive board. The lyric poetry belonging to the brilliant 
 period of Greek literature treated in this book has almost en- 
 tirely perished, and all that we possess of it consists of a few 
 songs and isolated fragments. Sufficient, however, remains to 
 enable us to form an opinion of its surpassing excellence, and 
 to regret the more bitterly the irreparable loss we have sus- 
 tained. It is only necessary in this work to call attention to 
 the most distinguished masters of lyric song, and to illustrate 
 their genius by a few specimens of their remains. 
 
 § 5. The great satirist Archilochus was one of the earliest and 
 most celebrated of all the lyric poets. He flourished about the 
 year 700 B.C. His extraordinary poetical genius is attested by 
 the unanimous voice of antiquity, which placed him on a level 
 with Homer. He was the first Greek poet who composed Iambic 
 verses according to fixed rules ; the invention of the elegy is 
 ascribed to him as well as to Callinus ; and he also struck out 
 many other new paths in poetry. His fame, however, rests 
 chiefly on his terrible satires, composed in the Iambic metre,* 
 in which he gave vent to the bitterness of a disappointed man. 
 He was poor, the son of a slave-mother, and therefore held in 
 contempt in his native land. He had been suitor to Neobule, 
 one of the daughters of Lycambes, who first promised and after- 
 wards refused to give his daughter to the poet. Enraged at this 
 treatment he held up the family to public scorn, in an iambic 
 poem, accusing Lycambes of perjury and his daughters of the 
 most abandoned profligacy. His lampoons produced such an 
 effect that the daughters of Lycambes are said to have hanged 
 themselves through shame. Discontented at home, the poet 
 accompanied a colony to Thasos ; but he was not more happy 
 in his adopted country, which he frequently attacks in his satires. 
 He passed a great part of his life in wandering in other countries, 
 and at length fell in a battle between the Parians and Naxians. 
 The following lines of Archilochus, addressed to his own soul, 
 exhibit at the same time the higher attributes of his style, and 
 his own morbid philosophy : — 
 
 "My soul, my soul, care-worn, bereft of rest. 
 Arise ! and front the foe with dauntless breast ; 
 Take thy firm stand amidst his fierce alarms ; 
 Secure, with inborn valour meet liis arms, 
 
 " Archllochum proprio rabies armavit iambo." — Hor. Ars Poet. 19.
 
 180 IIIHTUliY OF GUEECE Chap. XllL 
 
 Nor, Odnqnciintf, tnonnt vnin-Klory'" plittorinff ntccp; 
 Nor, coiiijiiri-'il, yi<*l<l, fall <l<>\vn nl lioinc, and wccp. 
 Awail tli<; tiiniii of UU: witli tliU<;<>uri awe; 
 Know, Jlevolution is grcut Nature'* low."* 
 
 t G. Siriioiii<l<'H of Aiiiorpos, who nuiHt not lu; foiif<iim<l<-(l with 
 his inori^ cclohri'itcd n.'iiiicsaki! of Ccoh, wa.s a roiitciiijKjrar)' of 
 Arcliilocliiis, with whom ho shares thi; honour of iiivcntinrr tho 
 ianihicr niclro. Ho was ])orn in Sanios, hut led a colony to the 
 nriffhhourinf; island oi" Ainor<ros, where ho sjii-nt tho prcatc-r part 
 of his hie. He is tho oarliost of tho gnomic ]Kx;t8, or moralists 
 in verse. The most important of his extant works is a satirical 
 poem " On Women," in which he dcscrihes their various cha- 
 racters, lu order to give a livelier image of the female cha- 
 racter, he derives their diilcrent qualities from the variety of 
 their origin ; the cunning woman hoing fonnod from the fox, 
 the talkative woman from tho dog, tho uncleanly woman from 
 the swine, and so on. Tho following is a epocimcn of the 
 p(>em : — 
 
 "Next in the lot a gallant damo •we see, 
 yprunt? from a mare of ik>Ij1o ])eilitrrfo. 
 No servile work her spirit j)rou<l can brook; 
 Her liaiuls were never taugiit to bake or eook ; 
 Tlio vapour of the oven makes licr ill ; 
 She scorns to empty slops or turn the mill. 
 No lionseliold washings her fair skin defaee, 
 Her own ablutions are her chief solace. 
 Three baths a daj", with balms and perfumes rare, 
 •Refresh her tender limbi: her long rich hair 
 Each time she combs, an<l decks with blooming flowers. 
 No spouse more fit than she the idle hours 
 Of wealthy lords or kings to recreate. 
 And grace the splendour of their courtly state. 
 For men of humbler sort, no better guide 
 IIeaven.,»in its wrath, to ruin can provide."! 
 
 ^ 7. Tyrttous and Alcmiin Avore the two great lyric poets of 
 Sparta, though neither of thom was a native of Lacedaemon. 
 Tho personal history of Tyrta'us, and his warlike songs, which 
 roused the fainting courage of the Spartans during the second 
 Mosseuian war, have already occupied our attention. J Alcman 
 was originally a Lydian slave in a Spartan family, and was eman- 
 cipated hy his master. He lived from about r..c. G70 to Gil ; 
 and most of his poems were compo.sed in the period which fol- 
 lowed tho conclusion of the second Messenian war. They par- 
 
 * Translated by the Marquis Wellesley. 
 
 f Translated by Colonel Mure. J See above, pt 75.
 
 B.C. 625. SIMONIDES. ALCMAK aRION. J SI 
 
 take of the character of this period, which was one of repose 
 and enjoyment after the fatigues and perils of war. Many oi'his 
 songs celebrate the pleasures of good eating and drinking ; but 
 the more important were intended to be sung by a chorus at the 
 pubhc festivals of Sparta. His description of Night is one of the 
 most striking remains of Jiis genius : — 
 
 " Now o'er the drowsy earth still Night prevails. 
 Calm sleep the mountain tops and shady vales. 
 The rugged cliffs and hollow glens; 
 The wild beasts slumber in their dens ; 
 The cattle on the hill. Deep in the sea 
 The countless finny race and monster brood 
 Tranquil repose. Even the busy bee 
 Forgets her daily toil. The silent wood 
 No more with noisy hum of insect rings ; 
 And all the feather'd tribes, by gentle sleep subdued, 
 Roost in the glade, and hang their drooping wings."* 
 
 § 8. Although choral poetry was successfully cultivated by 
 Alcman, it received its chief improvements irom Arion and 
 Stesichorus. Both of these poets composed for a trained body 
 t)f men ; while the poems of Alcman were sung by the popular 
 chorus. 
 
 Arion was a native of Methymna in Lesbos, and spent a great 
 part of his life at the court of Periander, tyrant of Corinth, who 
 began to reign e.g. 625. Nothing is known of his lile beyond 
 the beautiful story of his escape from the sailors with whom he 
 sailed from Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion, thus runs the 
 story, Arion went to Sicily to take part in a musical contest. 
 He won the prize, and, laden with presents, he embarked in a 
 Corinthian ship to return to his friend Periander. The rude 
 sailors coveted his treasures, and meditated his murder. After 
 imploring them in vain to spare his life, he obtained permission 
 to play for the last time on his beloved lyre. In festal attire he 
 placed himself on the prow of the vessel, invoked the gods in 
 inspired strains, and then threw himself into the sea. But many 
 song-loving dolphins had assembled round the vessel, and one 
 of them now took the bard on its back, and carried him to 
 Tainarum, from whence he returned to Corinth in safety, and 
 related his adventure to Periander. Upon the arrival of the 
 Corinthian vessel, Periander inquired of the sailors after Arion, 
 who replied that he had remained behind at Tarentum ; but 
 when Arion, at the bidding of Periander, came forward, the 
 sailors owned their guilt, and were punished according to thei* 
 
 * Translated by Colonel Mure,
 
 lH'i IIFSTOIIY OF GREECE. Ciup. Xllt 
 
 (Uwrf. Ill hilff tiiiirs llirrc^ (.-xiHtrd at Tjfiiarnin a liroii/o rnonu- 
 tiiiMil n'|)rL'st'iitiii<,' Ariim riiliiij.' nu a (lolphiii. Th<? (.'real im- 
 l)rnvi'iin'nt ill lyric, poetry as<*rilM;«l to Arn<M in tliu iiiviMitiuu of 
 till" Ditliyraiiib. Tliia woa a choral nont.' and dance in honour 
 of the god Dioiiyniis, atul cxirttcd in a riule fonn even at an 
 earlier lime. Arioii, however, coiivtyted it into an elalwrate 
 coin]w)sitioii, siuij^ and danc(,'d Ity a choniH of fifty [K-rwrns bjjc- 
 cially trained for the ])ur|K)se. The Dithyramb i« of prcat in- 
 Ljrost in the history of jioetry, since it was the trenn from which 
 Kj)rung at a later time the ina<(iiificent j)ro(luctif)n.s of the tragic 
 Muso at Athens. 
 
 Stesielioriis was a native of Jlirncra in Sicily. He is said to 
 liavi! been bnrn in i;.c. (532, to have flouri.shed alx)nt i;.c. G08, 
 and to have died in n.c. 5G0. He travelled in many parts of 
 (ireoce, and was buried in Catana, where liis fp'ave was showTi 
 near a gate of the city in later times. He intnMluced such great 
 iiiiproveincnts into the Greek chorus, that he is frequently de- 
 scribed a.s the inventor of choral poetry. He was the first to 
 break the monotony of the choral song, which liad consisted pre- 
 viously of nothing more than one unilbrm stanza, by dividing it 
 into the Stro])he, the Antistrophe, and the Epodns — the turn, 
 the return, and the rest. 
 
 ^ 9. Alcaius and Sappho were both natives of Mytilene, in the 
 island of Lesbos, and flourished about e.c. 610— 5S0. Their 
 songs were composed for a single voice, and not for the chorus, 
 and they were each tlic inventor of a new metre, which bears 
 tlieir name, and is familiar to us by the well known odes of Ho- 
 race. Their poetry was the warm outpouring of the writers' 
 inmost feelings, and presents the lyric poetry of the ^Eolians at 
 its highest point. 
 
 Of the liie of Alcajuswehave several mteresting particulars. He 
 fought in the war between the Athenians and Mytilena-ans for 
 the j)ossession of Sigeum (n.c. GOG), and incurred the di.^irrace 
 of leaving his arms behind him on the lleld of battle. He en- 
 joyed, notwithstanding, the rej)utation of a brave and skilful 
 warrior, and his house is described by himself as furnished with 
 the weapons of war rather than with the instrimientsof hisart. He 
 took an active part in the civil dissensions of his native state, 
 and warmly espoused the cause of the aristocrat ical party, to 
 which he belonged by birth. When the nobles were driven uito 
 exile, he endeavoured to cheer their spirits by a number of most 
 animated odes, full of invectives against the popular party and 
 its leaders. In order to oppose the attempts of the exiled nobles, 
 Pittacus was inumimously chosen by the people as .^symuetes 
 or Dictator. He held his office for ten years (b.c. 589 — 579),
 
 B.C. 600. STESICHORUS. ALGOUS. SAPPHO. 133 
 
 and during that time he defeated all the efforts of the exiles, 
 and established the constitution on a popular basis. "When 
 Alcajus perceived that all hope of restoration to his native 
 country was gone, he traveled into Egypt and other lands. 
 The fragments of his poems which remain, and the excellent 
 imitations of Horace, enable us to understand something of 
 their character. Those which have received the highest praise 
 are his warlike odes,* of which we have a specimen in the fol- 
 lowing description of his palace halls : — • 
 
 " From floor to roof the spacious palace halls 
 
 Ghtter with war's array ; 
 With burnish'd metal clad, the lofty walls 
 
 Beam like the bright noon da}\ 
 There white-phimed helmets hang from many a nail. 
 
 Above in threatening row ; 
 Steel-garnish' d tunics, and broad coats of mail, 
 
 Spread o'er the space below. 
 Chalcidian blades enow, and belts are here, 
 
 Greaves and emblazon'd shields; 
 Well-tried protectors from the hostile spear 
 
 On other battle-fields. 
 With these good helps our work of war's begun; 
 With these our victory must be won." f 
 
 In some of his poems Alcseus described the hardships of exile, 
 and the perils he encountered ui his wanderings by land and by 
 sea ; t while in others he sang of the pleasures of love and of 
 wine. 
 
 Sappho, the contemporary of Alcseus, whom he addresses as 
 " the dark-haired, spotless, sweetly smiling Sappho," was the 
 greatest of all the Greek poetesses. The ancient writers agree in 
 expressing the most unbounded admiration for her poetry ; Plato 
 in an extant epigram calls her the tenth Muse ; and it is related 
 of Solon, that, on hearing for the first time the recital of one of 
 her poems, he prayed that he might not see death until he had 
 committed it to memory. Of the events of her life we have 
 scarcely any information ; and the common story that, being in 
 love with Phaon and finding her love unrequited, she leaped 
 down from the Leucadian rock, seems to have been an invention 
 of later times. At Mytilene Sappho was the centre of a female 
 literary society, the members of which were her pupils in poe- 
 
 * " Alcffii minaces Camenffi." — Hon. Carm. iv. 9, 7. 
 
 {Translated by Colonel Mure. 
 "Et te sonantem plenius aureo, 
 Alcffie, plectro dura navis, 
 
 Dura fiiga3 mala, dura belli." — Hon. Carm. ii. 13, 26.
 
 IM niSTORY OF fJREECE. Chai-. Xlll. 
 
 try, fashion, aii'l t'lill-intry. Mo-li-rri writcrH have iiulcod at- 
 tfinptfd fo ])n)vr that tin; moral rharacti-r of Sajnilio wa« free 
 from all rcjjroadi, and that lnrr tnidiTinrss waw :in jmn; a« it 
 was j^lovviiij,' ; hut it is iiii|)OHriil)lt! to read the extant iiufsin»m\» 
 of her |M)('tiy -without hciiifj l()rccd to come to the conc-luHion 
 that a fi'iiialo who could write such vcrsoH could not l>c the 
 pure and virtuous woman which her modem ajKjlofrists pretend. 
 Her ])oems were chiefly aiiiatorj*,* and the most important of 
 the i'ra<rment8 which have heeii prest;rved is a mafrnilicent odo 
 to the (to(hless of Love. In several of Sapj)ho's Irafrinents we 
 perceive the exqui.site ta.ste with which she emjdoyed imajres 
 drawn from nature, of which we have an exami)le in the heau- 
 tiful line imitated hy ]iyron — 
 
 "O Ilospenis! tliou bringcst ull things." 
 
 HO. Anacreon is the last Lyric poet of this jx;riod who claims 
 our attention. He was a native of the h)nian cityof Teos. He 
 sj)ent part of his hie at Samns, under the jiatronajre of I'(jly- 
 crates, in whose praise he wrote many songs. After the death 
 of this de.«pot (u.c. 522), he went to Athens, at the invitation of 
 Hipi)archus, who sent a galley of fifty oars to fetch him. He 
 remained at Athens till the assassination of Hipparchus (n.c. 
 5 11), when he is supposed to have returned to Teos. The uni- 
 versal tradition of antiquity represents Anacreon as a consimi- 
 mate voluptuary ; and his poems prove the truth of the tradition. 
 He sings of love and wiile with hearty good will, and we see in 
 him the luxury of the Ionian inllamed hy the fervour of the jKx^t. 
 His death was worthy of his life, if we may helieve the account 
 that he was choked hy a grape-stone. Only a few genuine frag- 
 ments of his poems have come down to us, for the odes ascribwl 
 to liim are now luiiversally admitted to he spurious. 
 
 Ml. Down to the end of the seventh century' before Christ 
 literar)' celebrity in Greece was exclusively conlined to the jnx'ts ; 
 but at the conunencement of the following centur)' there sprang 
 up in dilierent parts of Greece a number of men who, under the 
 name of the Seven Sages, became distinguished for their practi 
 cal sagacity and wise sayings or maxims. Their names arc 
 dill'erently given in the various po})ular catalogues ; but those 
 most generally admitted to the honour are Solon, Thales, Pitta- 
 cus, Periander, Cleobulus, Chilo, and Bias. Most of these per- 
 aonages were actively engaged in the atliiirs of pubUc life, and 
 
 * "spirat nilluic amor 
 
 Viviintquo c'oniiiiissi oaloros 
 
 .^]olia; fidihus puell.i\" — Hon. Cann. iv. 9. 10.
 
 tJ.C. 600. THE SE^^:N SAGES. 135 
 
 exercised great influence upon their contemporaries. They were 
 the authors of the celebrated mottoes inscribed in later days in 
 the Delphian temple — " Know thyself," — " Nothing too much," 
 — " Know thy opportunity," — " Suretyship is the precursor of 
 ruin." 
 
 Of Solon, the legislator of Athens, and of Periander, the 
 despot of Corinth, we have already spoken at length ; and 
 Thales will presently claim our notice as the foimder of Grecian 
 philosophy. 
 
 Pittacus has been mentioned in connection with the life of 
 AlcsBus, as the wise and virtuous ruler of Mitylene, who re- 
 signed the sovereign power which his fellow-citizens had volun- 
 tarily conferred upon him, after establishing political order in 
 the state. The maxims attributed to him illustrate the amiable 
 features of his character. He pronounced " the greatest bless- 
 ing which a man can enjoy to be the power of doing good;" 
 that " the most sagacious man was he who foresaw the approach 
 of n'lisfortune ;" " the bravest man he who knew how to bear 
 it ;" that " victory should never be stained by blood ;" and that 
 '' pardon was often a more effectual check on crime than pun- 
 ishment." 
 
 Cleobulus was despot of Lindus, in the island of Rhodes, and 
 is only luiown by his pithy sayings. He taught that '• a man 
 should never leave his dwelling without considering well what 
 he was about to do, or re-enter it without reflecting on what he 
 had done ;" and that " it was folly in a husband either to fondle 
 or reprove his ^vife in company." 
 
 Chilo, of Sparta, had filled the office of Ephor in his native 
 city, and his daughter was married to the Spartan king Demara- 
 tus. "When asked what were the three most difficult things in 
 a man's life, he replied : "To keep a secret, to forgive injuries, 
 and to make a profitable use of leisure time." 
 
 Bias, of Prienc in Ionia, appears to have been the latest of the 
 Seven Sages, since he was alive at the Persian conquest of the 
 Ionian cities. The following are specimens of his maxims : he 
 declared " the most unfortunate of all men to be the man who 
 knows not how to bear misfortune ;" that " a man should be 
 slow in making up his mind, but swift in executing his de- 
 cisions ;" that " a man should temper his love for his friends by 
 the reflection that they might some day become his enemies, and 
 moderate his hatred of his enemies by the reflection that they 
 might some day become his friends." AMien overtaken by a 
 storm on a voyage with a dissolute crew, and hearing them oflbr 
 up prayers for their safety, he advised them rather " to be silent, 
 iest the gods should discover that they were at sea."
 
 130 IIISTOIIY OF GREECH Ciui-. XIIL 
 
 ^ 112. Th(! liihlory oflirc'l. )))iiloi*oi)}iy LcpnH with Thalei 
 ol' MilctiiH, -wlio wiiH boni iihoul ii.c. 010, and difd in 5-30, at 
 till' iifie of W. ll<! •W!i8 Iho louiidcr ol' ihc Ionic tscliool of jihi- 
 ]o8()i)liy, and lo him \v(rri; traced the first hr^'inninpi of pcoinelry 
 and iistniimiiiy. Th(! iii.'iin doclrine of liis j)hih)M)]))iical t^ya- 
 tcm van, tliat walcr, or ihinl mlislaiicc, waH iJic Jiinjrle original 
 rlciiiciit IVoin which eviry ihiri}.' came and into whicli every 
 Ihiii^f rclurui'd 
 
 Anaximander, the Kiicressf)r of Thalcs in tlie Ionic Fchool, 
 ]ivcd from ii.c. 010 to 517. He was ditstingui.shcd for hm know- 
 \i-<\i:r of a.'^troiiomy and geofrrajihy, and is .said to liavc been the 
 lir.<t lo introduce i\w use of tlic Hiui-(hal into (rreecc. He waa also 
 one of tlu^ earliest Greek writers in j»rose, in which he comjjoged 
 a pcofrraidiical treatise. He is lurtlier .«aid to have conHtructed 
 a cliart or map to accompany this work ; and to this account 
 we may give the more credence, since in the centur)' after his 
 death, at the time of the Ionic revolt, the Ionian Aristagoraa 
 showed to the Spartan Cleomenes " a tablet of copper, upon 
 which was inscribed every known part of the habitable world, 
 the seas, and the rivers." 
 
 Anaximenes, the third in the series of the Ionian philosophers, 
 lived a little later than Anaximander. He endeavoured, like 
 Thales, to derive the origin of all material things from a single 
 element ; and, according to his theory, air was the source of Ufe. 
 In like manner, HeracHtus of Ei)hesus, v\lio ilourished about 
 B.C. 513, regarded lire or heat as the ])riniaiy form of all mat- 
 ter ; and tlieories of a similar nature were held by other phi- 
 losophers cf this school. 
 
 A new ])ath was stnick out ]iy Anaxagoras of Clazomena>, the 
 most illustrious of the Ionic philosophers. Anaxagoras was bom 
 in B.C. 499, and consequently his life, strictly si)eaking. belongs 
 to the next period of Grecian histor}', but we mention him here 
 in order to complete our account of tlie Ionic School. He came 
 to Athens in 4b0 B.C., being then only in his twentieth year. 
 Though he inherited a considerable property from liis father, 
 he resigned it all to his relatives, in order to devote himself 
 entirely to philosophy. He continued to teach at Athens for 
 thirty years, and numbered among his hearers Pericles, Socrates, 
 and Eurijjides. He abandoned the system of his predecessors, 
 and, instead of regarding some elementary form of matter as the 
 origin of all things, he conceived a supreme mind or iiitilligence,* 
 distinct from the visible world, to have imparted form and order 
 to the cliaos of nature. These innovations atlorded the Athe- 
 nians a pretext lor indicting Anaxagoras of impiety, though it is 
 * Notif.
 
 B.C. 600. SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY. 137 
 
 probable that his connexion with Pericles was the real cause of 
 that proceeding. It was only through the influence and elo- 
 quence of Pericles that he was not put to death ; but he was sen- 
 tenced to pay a fine of five talents and quit Athens. The phi- 
 losopher retired to Lampsacus, where he died at the age of 72. 
 
 ^ 13. The second school of Greek philosophy was the Eleatic, 
 which derived its name from Elea or Velia, a Greek colony on 
 the western coast of Southern Italy. It was founded by Xeno- 
 phanes of Colophon, who fled to Elea on the conquest of his 
 native land by the Persians. He conceived the whole of nature 
 to be God, and did not hesitate to denounce as abominable the 
 Homeric descriptions of the gods. His philosophical system 
 was developed in the succeeding century by his successors, Par- 
 menides and Zeno, who exercised great influence upon Greek 
 speculation by the acuteness of their dialectics. 
 
 § 14. The third school of philosophy was fomrded by Pytha- 
 goras. The history of this celebrated man has been obscured by 
 the legends of later writers ; but there are a few important facts 
 respecting him which are sufliciently well ascertained. He was 
 a native of Samos, and was bom about b.c. 5S0. His father was 
 an opulent merchant, and Pythagoras himself travelled exten- 
 sively in the East. His travels were greatly magnified by the 
 credulity of a later age, but there can be no reasonable doubt 
 that he visited Egypt, and perhaps also Phojuicia and Babylon. 
 He is said to have received instruction fi'om Thales, Anaxi- 
 mander, and other of the early Greek philosophers. Of his own 
 philosophical views our knowledge is very limited ; since he left 
 nothing behind him in writing, and the later doctrines of the 
 Pythagoreans were naturally attributed to the founder of the 
 school. It is certain, however, that he believed in the transmi- 
 gration of souls ; and his contemporary Xenophanes related 
 that Pythagoras seeing a dog beaten interceded in its behalf, 
 saying — " It is the soul of a friend of mine, whom I recognize 
 by its voice." Later writers added that Pythagoras asserted 
 that his own soul had formerly dwelt in the body of the Trojan 
 Euphorbus, the son of Panthous, who was slain by Menelaus, 
 and that in proof of his assertion he took down, at first sight, 
 the shield of Euphorbus froin the temple of Hera (Juno) at 
 Argos, where it had been dedicated by Menelaus.* Pythagoras 
 
 * "habentque 
 
 Tartara Panthoiden, iterum Oreo 
 Demissum, qiiamvis clipeo Trojana refixo 
 
 Tcmpora testatus, nihil laltra 
 KervQS utque cutem morti concesserat atra;." 
 
 IIoR. Carm. i. 28, 10.
 
 188 IIISTOUV or GUEECE. ("nAr. XIIL 
 
 was (lislinpnislifd l)y liis knowledge of pconu'tr)' and aritlirnetic; 
 niid it WHS jimli.ilily i'mm }iiH leaching that Uic PylhafrorcariH 
 were Ird to rc^'ard iiiiirdtcrH in w»inc iny.'*t<TionH manner an the 
 basis au<l cHsciicctil' all things. We Hliall, liowcvfr, fonn an er- 
 roneous oj)ininii ()(' the cliaraeler of I'ythafroras, if we re^rard him 
 minply as a |)liilosfj])her, attaeliiri^r to the word the Buiiie mean- 
 inp; ■which it hore ainon<( the Atlienians of a later afre. He 'ua.s in 
 fart more of the relij^iouH teaeher than of the j)hil<»soj»lH'r ; and he 
 looked upon himseli as a hein^' destined hy the {.'(xls to reveal to 
 liis disciples a new and a ]»nrer mode ol life. The relipiouH 
 element in his character mad(! a j)rofonnd imprtrssion njHjn his 
 contemi)oraries, and they believed him to stand in a close con- 
 nexion with the frods. 
 
 Pytha<roras is said to have retnrned to Sarnos alwut the age of 
 forty, with a mind deeply imjiressed with his divine mission. 
 Findin<r tlie condition of his native conntry, which was then 
 under the despotism of I'olycrates, iinfavonrable to the dis- 
 semination of his doctrines, he mifrrated to Croton in Italy. 
 Here ho met Avith the most wonderiul snccess. His public 
 exhortations induced rnmibers to enrf)l themselves as mem- 
 bers of the new society which he son<rht to establish. This 
 society was a kind of religious brotherhood, the members of 
 which were bound topether by peculiar rites and observances. 
 There were various cfradations among the members, and no can- 
 didates were admitted without passing through a j)eriod of prc- 
 bation, in which their intellectual faculties and general character 
 were tested. Eventhing done and taught iji the fratcmitv was 
 kept a ])rofound secret from all without its pale. It appears 
 that the members had some private signs, like Freemasons, by 
 which they could recognize each other, even if they had never 
 met bel'ore. From the secrecy in which their ])roceediiigB were 
 cuvclo})ed, we do not know the nature of their religious rites, 
 nor the peculiar diet to which they are said to have been sub- 
 jected. iSomc writers represent Pythagoras as Ibrbidding all 
 animal food ; but all the members cannot Ixive been subjected to 
 this prohibition, since we know that the celebrated athlete Milo 
 was a Pythagorean, and it would not have been possible for him 
 to have dispensed with aninuil iiiod. But temperance was strictly 
 enjoined ; and their whole training tended to produce great self- 
 possession and mastery over the passions. Most of the converts 
 oi" Pythagoras belonged to the noble and wealthy classes. Three 
 hundred of them, most attached to their teacher, fomied the 
 nucleus of the society, and were closely united to Pythagoras 
 and each other by a sacred vow. His doctrines spread rapidly 
 over Mniina Gravia. and clubs of a similar character were
 
 B.C. 530. PYTHAGORAS. 139 
 
 established at Sybaris, Metapontum, Tarcntum, and other 
 cities. 
 
 It does not apjiear that Pythagoras had originally any political 
 designs in the Ibundation of the brotherhood ; but it was only 
 natural that a club like that of the Three Hundred at Croton 
 should speedily acquire great influence in the conduct of public 
 aii'airs, which it uniformly exerted in favor of the oligarchical 
 party. Pythagoras himself also obtained great political power. 
 He did not, it is true, hold any public office, eitlier at Croton 
 or elsewhere ; but he was the general of a powerful and well- 
 disciplined order, which appears to have paid implicit obedience 
 to his commands, and which bore in many respects a striking 
 resemblance to the one founded in modern times by Ignatius 
 Loyola. The influence, however, exercised by the brotherhood 
 upon pubhc affairs proved its ruin. The support which it lent 
 to the oligarchical party in the various cities, the secrecy of its 
 proceedings, and the exclusiveness of its spirit produced against 
 the whole system a wide-spread feeling of hatred. 
 
 The conquest of Sybaris by Croton (b. c. 510), of which an 
 account has been already given, seems to have elated the Pytha- 
 goreans beyond measure. The war had been undertaken 
 through the advice of Pythagoras himself; and the forces of 
 Croton had been commanded by Milo, a member of the brother- 
 hood. Accordingly, on the termination of the w'ar, the Pytha- 
 goreans opposed more actively than ever the attempts of the 
 popular party to obtain a share in the government of Croton, 
 and refused to divide among the people the territory of the 
 conquered city. A revolution was the consequence. A demo- 
 cratical form of government was established at Croton ; and the 
 people now took revenge upon their powerful opponents. In an 
 outbreak of popular fury an attack was made upon the house in 
 which the leading Pythagoreans were assembled ; the house was 
 set on fire ; and many of the members perished. Similar riots 
 took place in the other cities of Magna Grajcia, in which Pytha- 
 gorean clubs had been formed ; and civil dissensions ensued 
 which, after lasting many years, were at length pacified by the 
 friendly mediation of the Achajans of the mother-country. The 
 Pythagorean order, as an active and organised brotherhood, w^as 
 thus suppressed ; but the Pythagoreans continued to exist as a 
 philosophical sect, and after some interval were again admitted 
 into the cities from which they had been expelled. There were 
 difierent accouirts of the fate of Pythagoras himself; but he is 
 generally stated to have died at Metapontum, where his tomb 
 was shown in the time of Cicero.
 
 Temple of ^Cgina, restored. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 HISTORY OF ART. 
 
 § 1. Perfection of Grecian art. § 2. Origin of nrcliiteoturc. § 3. Cyclopean 
 walls. Trfa.<ury of Atroiis. ^ 4. Architecttiro of temples. ^ 5. Three 
 orders of areliitcctvire. tlie Doric. Ionic, and Corinthian. ^ 6. Teni[>le9 
 of Artciiii.s (Piana) at Ephesus!, of Ilera (.hino) at Sanios, of Apollo at 
 Delphi, and Mf, Jove at Athens. Reniainsof temples at Posidonia(Pa;»- 
 tum), Selii'us, and J'^gina. §7. Origin of Sculpture. Wooden images 
 of the go'ls. Sculptured figures on architectural monuments. Lions 
 over the gat-c at ^lycenaj. § 8. Improvements in sculpture in the sixth 
 and fifth centuries ii.c. § 0. Extant specimens of Grecian sculpture. 
 The Selinuntine, ..Eginetan, and Lycian marbles, g li>. Historj- of 
 painting. 
 
 § 1. The perfection of Greek art is still more wonderful than 
 the perfection of Greek literature. In poetrj-, history, and 
 oratory, other languages have produced works which may stand 
 comparison with the master-pieces of Greek literature ; but in 
 arcliitecture and sculpture the pre-eminence of the Hellenic race 
 is acknowledged by tiic whole civilized ^^■orld. and the nust suc- 
 cessful artist of modern times oulv hopes to approach, and 
 dreams not of pnrpassing the glorious creations of Grecian art. 
 The art of a people is not only a most interesting branch of its 
 antiquities, but also an important part of its history. It forms
 
 Chap. XIV. ARCHITECTUEE 141 
 
 one of the most durable evidences of a nation's gTo\Ai;h in civi- 
 lization and social progress. The remains of the Parthenon 
 alone would have borne the most unerring testimony to the in- 
 tellectual and social gi-eatness of Athens, if the histcry of Greece 
 had been a blank, and the names of Pericles and Phidias un- 
 known. 
 
 ^ 2. Architecture first claims our attention in tracing the his- 
 tory of G recian art, since it attained a high degree of excellence 
 at a much earlier period than either sculpture or painting. 
 Architecture has its origin in nature and in religion. The neces- 
 sity of a habitation for man, and the attempt to erect habita- 
 tions suitable for the gods, are the two causes from which the 
 art derives its existence. In Greece, however, as in most other 
 countries, architecture was chiefly indebted to religion for its 
 development ; and hence its histoiy, as a fine art, is closely con- 
 nected with that of the temple. But before speaking of the 
 Grecian temples, it is necessary to say a few words respecting 
 the earlier buildings of the Greeks. 
 
 § 3. The oldest works erected by Grecian hands are those 
 gigantic walls which are still found at Tiiyus and Mycenee, and 
 other cities of Greece. They consist of enormous blocks of stone 
 put together without cement of any kind, though they differ 
 from one another in the mode of their construction. In the most 
 ancient specimens, the stones are of irregular polygonal shapes, 
 and no attempt is made to fit them into one another, the gaps 
 being filled up with smaller stones : of this w^e have an example 
 in the walls of the citadel of Tiryns. 
 
 Wall at Tiryns. 
 
 In other cases the stones, thougli they are still of irregular 
 polygonal shapes, are skilfully hewn and fitted to one another, 
 and their faces are cut so as to give the whole wall a smooth
 
 It2 JIIS'KiIlV OF GUKLCi: CiiAf. XIV. 
 
 upiM'uranri!. v\ ^•|)(•(•|IIl(.•ll of this kind in hccu in the walln ol 
 Lurisaa, tlic citadel ol' Argon. In the third Bpecieu the Bloiies 
 
 Wall ofthe Ciladcl of ArgM. 
 
 arc more or less rc<rular, and are laid iti horizontal courses. 
 The walls of Mycena; present one of the best examples of this 
 strueturc. (Sec drawiufj on p. 25.) The.se f^igantic walls are 
 generally known hy the name of Cyclof)ean, because jiosterity 
 could not believe them to be the works of rnan. Motleni 
 writers assign them to the Pelasgians ; but we know nothing 
 of their origin, though we may safely believe them to In-long 
 to the earliest periods of Greek histor}-. In the Homeric 
 poems we find the cities of Greece surrounded with massive 
 walls ; and the poet speaks of the chief cities of the Argive 
 kingdom as " the walled Tiryns," and " Mycenaj, the well-built 
 city." 
 
 The only other remains which can be regarded as con- 
 temporary with these massive walls are those subterraneous 
 dome-shaped edifices usually supposed to have been the trea- 
 suries of the heroic kings. This, however, seems doubtful, and 
 many modern writers maintain them to have been the family- 
 vaults ofthe ancient heroes by whom they were erected. ^Tlie 
 best preserved monument of this kind is the one at Mycena', 
 where we find so many remains of the earliest Grecian art. This 
 building, generally called the Treasury of Atreus, is entirely under 
 ground. It contains two chambers, the one upon entrance be- 
 ing a large vault about fifty leet in width, and forty in height, 
 giving access to a small chamber excavated in the solid rock. 
 The building is constnicted of horizontal courses of masonry, 
 which gradually approach and unite in the top in a closing stone 
 Its principle is that of a wall resisting a superincumbent weight, 
 and deriving strength and coherence from the weight itself, 
 which is in reality the principle of the arch. The doorway of 
 the monument was formerly adorned with pilasters and other 
 ornaments in marble of difl'erent colours. It appears to have 
 been lined in the interior with bronze plates, the holes for the 
 nails of which are still visible in liorizonta\ rows.
 
 Chat. XIV. 
 
 TEMPLES. 
 
 143 
 
 ^ 4. The temples of the gods were originally small in size and 
 mean in appearance. The most ancient were nothing but hollow 
 trees, in which the images of the gods were placed, since the 
 temple in early times was simply the habitation of the deity, and 
 not a place for the worshippers. As the nation grew in know- 
 ledge and in civilisation, the desire naturally arose of improving 
 and embellishing the habitations of their deities. The tree was 
 first exchanged for a wooden house. The form of the temple 
 was undoubtedly borrowed from the common dwellings of men. 
 Among the Greeks of Asia Minor, we still find an exact con- 
 formity of style and arrangement between the wooden huts now 
 i)ccupied by the peasantry, and the splendid temples of antiquity. 
 
 Wooden hut in Asia Minor. 
 
 The wooden habitation of the god gave way in turn to a temple 
 of stone. In the erection of these sacred edifices, architecture 
 made great and rapid progress ; and even as early as the sixth 
 century there w^ere many magnificent temples erected in va- 
 rious parts of Hellas. Most of the larger temples received their 
 light from an opening in the centre of the building, and were 
 for this reason called Ibypccthral,^ or under the sky. They usually 
 consisted of three parts, the pro??rtos,t or vestibule ; the naos,X or 
 cclla, which contained the statue of the deity, and the ojyistlio- 
 d(mius,k or back-building, in which the treasures of the temple 
 were frequently kept. The form of the temples was very simple, 
 being either oblong or round ; and their grandeur was owing to 
 the beautiful combination of columns which adorned the interior 
 as well as the outside. These columns either svuTounded the 
 building entirely, or were arranged in porticoes on one or more 
 of its fronts ; and according to their number and distribution 
 temples have been classified both by ancient and modern writers 
 on architecture. Columns were originally used simply to sup- 
 port the roof of the building ; and, amidst all the elaborations of 
 * vnatOgor. ■}• TTQuvao^. j^ vaoi;, also called arjKug. § 6mo06i)oixoc.
 
 144 
 
 HISTORY OF OREECH 
 
 a laliT ujje, iIuh oltjccl w.-ih alwavH kept in view. Heii< . v 
 tliu culuiiui KU])|)()rtiii<r n liori/oiital iiiax.s, technically (';i,i 
 
 Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Columns. 
 
 entablature. Both the column and the entablature are arraiii 
 divided into three distinct parts. The former consists of the 
 base, the shaft, and the capital ; the latter of the architrave, the 
 frieze, and the cornice. The architrave is the chief beam,* rest- 
 inrr on the summit of the rovv^ of columns ; the frieze rises above 
 ihc architrave, and is frequently adorned by fifrures in relief, 
 whence its Greek name ;t and above the frieze projects the cor- 
 nice, J formina: a handsome finish to the entablature. According 
 to certain dilferences in the proportions and cmbeUishments of 
 the columns and entablature Grecian architecture was divided 
 into three orders, called respectively the Doric, Ionic, and Corin- 
 thian. 
 
 ^5. The Doric order is the most ancient, and is marked by 
 the characteristics of the jieople from whom it derives its name. 
 It is simple, massive, and majestic. The column is characterised 
 by the absence of a base, by the tliickness and rapid diminution 
 of the shaft, and by the simplicity and massiveness of the 
 capital. In the entablature, the arcliilrave is in one surface and 
 quite plain. The frieze is ornamented by triglypbs. so called 
 from the three Hat bands into wliich they are divided by the 
 interveninj; channels ; while the metopes, or the vacant spaces 
 between the triglyphs, are also adonied with sculptures in high 
 
 * Called by the Greeks 'ET/trrr^/or eplsfi/lium. f Zw^opof, zophonu. 
 \ Ko^t'tf, corviiit.
 
 Chap. XIV. 
 
 TEMPLES. 
 
 145 
 
 relief. The cornice projects far, and on its under side are cut 
 several sets of drops, called mutules. 
 
 The Ionic order is distinguished by simple gracefulness, and 
 by a much richer style of ornament than the Doric. The shaft 
 of the column is much more slender, and rests upon a base ; 
 while the capital is adorned by spiral volutes. The architrave 
 is in three faces, the one slightly projecting beyond the other ; 
 there is a small cornice between the architrave and the frieze, 
 and all three members of the entablature are more or less orna- 
 mented with mouldings. 
 
 Doric Architecture. 
 From Temple at Phigalia. 
 
 Ionic Arcliitecture. 
 From the Erechtheum. 
 
 The Corinthian order is only a later form of the Ionic, and be- 
 longs to a period subsequent to the one treated in the present 
 book. It is especially characterized by its beautiful capital, Avhich 
 is said to have been suggested to the mind of the celebrated sculp- 
 tor Calhmachus by the sight of a basket, covered by a tile, and 
 overgrown by the leaves of an acanthus, on which it had accident- 
 ally been placed. The earliest known example of its use through- 
 
 H
 
 146 
 
 1II>T()IIV OF GUKKCH 
 
 ClJAT. XIV. 
 
 out a liuildiii^' is in tlit; inomuiu-nl of LyHJcrateH, commonly called 
 llie Lunlcni of Dcinogthcncs, which M'a« built in B.C. 335. 
 
 
 rorinthian Arrhiiccture. From Monument ofLysicrates. 
 
 ^ G. Passing over tlie earlier Greek temples, we find at the be- 
 ginning of the sixth ccntiuy b.c. several magnificent buildings 
 of this kind mentioned by the ancient writers. Of these two of 
 the most celebrated were the temple of Artemis (Diana) at 
 Ephesus, and the temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos. The former 
 was erected on a gigantic scale, and from its size and magni- 
 ficence was regarded as one of the wonders of the world. It 
 was commenced about B.C. 600. under the superintendence of 
 the architects Chersiphron and his son Metagenes. of Cnossu.- 
 in Crete, but it occupied many years in building. The material 
 employed was white marble, and the order of architecture 
 adopted was the Ionic. Its length was 42o feet, its breadth
 
 CHAP. XIV. TEMPLES. 147 
 
 220 feet ; the columns were 60 feet in height, and 127 in 
 number ; and the blocks of marble composing the architrave 
 were 30 feet in length. This wonder oi' the world was burnt 
 down by Herostratus, in order to immortahse himself, on the 
 same night that Alexander the Great was born (b.c. 356) ; but 
 it was afterwards rebuilt with still greater magnificence by the 
 contributions of all the states of Asia Minor. 
 
 The temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos was begun about the 
 same time as the one at Ephesus ; but it appears to have been 
 finished much earlier, since it was the largest temple with which 
 Herodotus was acquainted. It was 346 ieet in length, and 189 
 in breadth, and was originally built in the Doric style, but the 
 existing remains belong to the Ionic order. The arcliitects were 
 E-hoecus, and his son Theodorus, both natives of Samos. 
 
 In the latter half of the same century the temple of Delphi 
 was rebuilt after its destruction by fire in B.C. 548. The sum 
 required for the erection of this temple was 300 talents, or about 
 115,000/., which had to be collected from the various cities in 
 the Hellenic world. The contract for the building was taken 
 by the Alcmeeonidse, and the' magnificent manner in which they 
 executed the work has been already mentioned. It was in the 
 Doric style, and the front was cased with Parian marble. 
 
 About the same time Pisistratus and his sons commenced the 
 temple of the Olympian Jove at Athens. It was a colossal fabric in 
 the Doric style, 359 feet in length by 173 in breadth, and was only 
 completed by the emperor Hadrian, 650 years after its foundation. 
 
 The temples mentioned above have entirely disappeared, with 
 the exception of a few columns ; but others erected in the sixth 
 and fifth centuries B.C. have withstood more successfully the 
 ravages of time. Of these the most perfect and the most striking 
 are the two temples at Posidonia, or Paestum, the colony of Sy- 
 baris in southern Italy, the remains of which still fill the beholder 
 with admiration and astonishment. The larger of the two, which 
 is the more ancient, is characterised by the massive simplicity 
 of the ancient Doric style. It is 195 feet long by 75 feet wide. 
 There are likewise considerable remains of three ancient temples 
 at Sehnus in Sicily, built in the Doric style. The temple of Jove 
 Panhellenius, in the island of ^gina, of which many columns 
 are still standing, was probably erected in the sixth century 
 B.C., and not after the Persian wars, as is stated by many 
 modem writers. It stands in a sequestered and lonely spot in 
 the north-east corner of the island, overlooking the sea and com- 
 manding a view of the opposite coast of Attica. It is in the 
 Doric style ; and the front elevation, as restored, is exhibited in 
 the engraving at the head of this chapter.
 
 J48 HISTORY OF GREECE Ciiap. XIV. 
 
 <! 7. Sculpture, or to hhc a more corrcrt fxjtn-iwion, Stutuar)', 
 ovvfd il« orif^'iii, Wh: arcliil<;rtiir<!, to ri'lit:ioii. Tlie only ftatue* 
 ill (iri'cco were for n ioiirr timo tliow; ol'lln; f^fKl.s; find it wa« not 
 till iilioiit u.c. •')'>0 that HtatUf.s hi-i^nn to l»c cructcd in liononrof 
 moil. Tlio most iiiiciciit rcprcsoiitatioiirt of tli«! f.nKJ.H did not even 
 |irotcu(l to bo ima<,'o.s, but wen; only symbolical HijriiK of their 
 |)ioson(ro, and were often nolhiiij( more than unhewn blrK;k» of 
 sfono or simple pieces of wood. Soini'timerf there wa.s a real statue 
 of the god, carved in wood, of which material the uimt ancient 
 statues were exclusively made.* The art of carving in wo«Ki was 
 conlined to certain families, and wa.s handed d<Avn from father 
 to son. Such families are n^presonted in Attica by the mythical 
 name of I);i-dalus, and in yEgina by the erjually mythical name 
 of Smili.s, from both of whom many arfi.sts of a later age traced 
 their derfcent. Tiie hereditary cultivalion of the art tended to 
 repress its improvement and development; and the carvers long 
 continued to cojjy iVom generation to generation the exact tyjn; 
 of each particular god. Tliese wooden figures were frofjuently 
 painted audclotlied, and were decorated with diadems, ear-rin£r.s, 
 and necklaces, and in course of time were partly covere<l with 
 gold or ivory. Statues in marble or metal did not Ijegin to be 
 made till the sixth century B.C. 
 
 Tliough statuary proper, or the constniction of a round 
 figure standing by itself, continued in a rude state {(^i a long 
 time in Greece, yet sculptured figures on architectural monu- 
 ments were executed at an early period in a superior style of art. 
 One of the earliest specimens of sculpture still extant is the 
 work in relief above the ancient gate at Mycena*, representing 
 two lions standing on their hind legs Avith a kind of pillar be- 
 tween them. They are figured on i>. 2o. 
 
 ^ 8. About the beginning of the sixth century B.C. a fresh 
 impulse was given to statuary, as well as to the other arts, ]>y 
 the discovery of certain mechanical processes in the u.se and 
 application of the metals. Glaueus of Chios is mentione<l as 
 the inventor of the art of soldering metal :t and Ilhcrcus and 
 Theodorus of Samos, who have been already spoken of as archi- 
 tects, invented tlie art of casting figures of bronze in a mould. 
 The maguilicent temples, which began to be built about the same 
 period, called into exercise the art of the sculptor, since the 
 friezes and pediments were usually adorned with figures in relief 
 Dipanms and Styllis of Crete, who practised their art at Sicyon 
 about B.C. 580, were the fii-st sculptors who obtained renown for 
 their statues in marble. They founded a schotil of art in Sicyon, 
 
 * A ■wooden statue was Oiilled ^oavov, from ^eu, " polish" or " carve." 
 \ atdi'/gov K6?.?.iiai^. Herod, i. '25.
 
 Chap. XIV. STATUARY. 149 
 
 which long enjoyed great celebrity. The other most distin- 
 guished schools of art were at Samos, Chios, jEgina, and Argos. 
 The practice of erecting statues of the victors in the great public 
 games, which commenced about b.c. 550, was like^vise of great 
 service in the development of the art. In forming these statues 
 the sculptor was not tied down by a fixed type, as in the case 
 of the images of the gods, and consequently gave greater play to 
 his inventive powers. The improvement thus produced in the 
 statues of men was gradually extended to the images of the 
 gods ; and the artist was emboldened to depart from the ancient 
 models, and to represent the gods under new forms of beauty 
 and grandeur. Nevertheless even the sculptui-es which belong 
 to the close of the present j^eriod still bear traces of the religious 
 restraints of an earlier age, and form a transition from the 
 hardness and stiflne.?s of the archaic style to that ideal beauty 
 which was shortly afterwards developed in the sublime works 
 of Phidias 
 
 § 9. Among the remanis of the sculpture of this period still 
 extant, those most worthy of notice are the reliefs in the 
 metopes of the temple of Selinus, the statues on the pediments 
 of the temple of vEgina, and the reliefs on the great monument 
 recently discovered at Xanthus in Lycia. The two reliefs given 
 on p. 114 are taken from the metopes of two temples at Selinus. 
 The first, belonging to the more ancient of the temples, which 
 was probably built about B.C. 600, represents Perseus cutting oif 
 the head of Medusa, with the assistance of Pallas. The work is 
 very rude and very inferior, both in style and execution, to the 
 lions over the gate at Mycena?. The second, belonging to the 
 more recent of the temples, probably erected in the latter half 
 of the fifth century, exhibits a marked improvement. It repre- 
 sents Actffion metamorphosed into a stag by Artemis (Diana), 
 and torn to pieces by his own dogs. 
 
 Two of the statues on one of the pediments of the temple at 
 ^Egina are represented on pp. 16, 17. These statues were dis- 
 covered in 1812, and are at present in the collection at Munich. 
 They have been restored by Thorwaldsen. The subject is Athena 
 (Minerva) leading the iEacids or ^'Eginetan heroes in the wax 
 against the Trojans. There are traces of colour on the clothes, 
 arms, eye-balls, and lips, but not on the flesh ; and it appears, 
 from the many small holes found in the marble, that bronze 
 armour was fixed to the statues by means of nails. There is 
 great animation in the figures, but their gestures are too violent 
 and abrupt ; and one may still perceive evident traces of the 
 archaic style. The close imitation of nature is very striking. 
 
 The reliefs on the monument at Xanthus in Lycia were evi-
 
 160 HISTORY OF GRKi:CE. CiiAf. XIV 
 
 ilcnlly cxoculcd liy (In-ck .'irtintH, and prolialdy alH)iit tin- hariie 
 tiini- as tlic yl'I^'iiictaii t^taliioM. 'J'iic iiioiiiiinciit coiitsistM ui a 
 (|iia(lraii<riilar tiiwi-r of liiiiestoiiu on u \iH)'(', and waH Mirroundcd 
 on limr sides l)y marble IrifzcH at llie lifi^lit ot UU l<M't from the 
 ^^ronnd. On tlicsc i'ri('7.es, wliich art; now in the Jiritifli MuM'Uin, 
 then; are sculjitures repreKcntiiip various iiiythfilofrieal huhje«;tH ; 
 and, IVoin ihc ends of" the narrower sides eontainin^ lour beau- 
 liful Harpies c:arryin<^ oil" maidens, the liuildin^^ is frequently 
 railed the Harpy Moninnent. The peneral eharaeter of these 
 wulptures is an anli<pic t-iiiiplicity of style, united with grace 
 and ele<rance of exeeulion. 
 
 ^ 10. Painting is not mentioned as an imitative art in the 
 earliest reeords of Greeian literature. Homer does not speak 
 of any kind of j)aintin<:, although he frequently deserilx-s gar- 
 ments inwoven with ligures. The fine arts in all countries 
 a])j)ear to have been indebted to religion for their develoj»ment ; 
 and i-ince painting was not connected in early times with the 
 worr^hip of the gods, it long remained behind the sister arts of 
 architecture and sculpture. For a considerable period all paint- 
 ing consisted in coloring statues and architectural monuments, 
 of which we find traces in the ruins of the temjiles already 
 described. The first improvements in painting were made in 
 the schools of Corinth and Sicyon ; and the most ancient speci- 
 mens of the art which have come down to us are found on the 
 oldest Corinthian vases, which may be assigned to the beginning 
 of the .sixth century K.c. About the same time painting began 
 to he cultivated in Asia Minor, along with architecture and 
 sculpture. The paintings of the town of Phociea are mentioned 
 on the capture of that city by Harpagus in n.c. 514 ; and a few 
 years al'terAvards (b.c. oUb) Mandrocles, who constructed for 
 Darius the bridge of boats across the Bosporus, had a picture 
 painted representing the passage of the anuy and the king him- 
 self seated on a throne reviewing the troops as they passed. 
 The only great })ainter, however, of this period, whose name has 
 been preserved, is Cimon ol" Cleona', whose date is uncertain, 
 but who probably must not be placed later than the time of 
 Pisistratus and his sons (n.c. 5(")0-510). He introduced great 
 improvements into the art, and thus prepared the way for the 
 perfection in wliich it appears at the begiiuiing of the following 
 jieriod. His works probably held the same place in the liistor)* 
 of painting which the ..l^ginetan marbles occupy in the history 
 of sculpture, forming a transition from the archaic stifiiiess of 
 the old school to the ideal beauty of the paintings of Polyguotua 
 of Thasos.
 
 Cyrus, from a bas-relief at Pasargadse . 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE PERSIAX AVARS. 
 
 B.C. 500—478. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, 
 
 § 1. Introduction. § 2. Tlie Assyrian Empire. § 3. The Median Empire. 
 § 4. Tlie Babylonian Empire. § 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its in- 
 fluence upon the Asiatic Greeks. § 6. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks 
 by Croesus, king of Lydia. § 7. Foundation of the Persian Empire by 
 Cyrus, and overthrow of tlie Median Empire by the latter. § 8. Con- 
 quest of the Lydian ilonarohy by Cyrus. § 9. Conquest of the Asiatic 
 Greeks by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus. § 10. 
 Reigns of Cambyses and of the false Smerdis. § 11. History of Pol}-- 
 crates, despot of Samos. § 12. Accession of Darius, son of Hystaspcs.
 
 182 iiisToicv oi" (;ui:j;ch chap. xv. 
 
 llis orffnni/tttion of iho I'cniian Krnpiro. g ]'.',. Iiivonion of Scythia 
 by l)ni-iti8. ^ It. Siilgi-ction of Tlirucc aiiil Macedonia to the- I'er- 
 Hinn Kiiii)irc'. 
 
 k 1. Tin: jH'riod ;ij>oii which we arc now fnlcririp in ihc mout 
 brilliant in \\w liistory ot'Grecce. The nuhjfct lifm hitherto liceri 
 ronfincd to thu history of" m-puratc and iwolatcd ritir-jj, wliich 
 wen; hnt little alli-eted hy eacli (jthepK j)roh|K'rity or adverHity. 
 But the Persian invasion jjfodneed an iin|>ortant chaiipe in the 
 relations ol" tlie (ireek cities. A eoininon danffr drew theru 
 closer tojrether and eoinjielled thern to act in concert. ThuH 
 Grecian history obtains a defrree of luiity, and eonscfjiiently of 
 interest. The rise and j)ropTeRS of" the Persian einjiire, whicli 
 produced sudi inijiorlant results upon the Grecian states, there- 
 fore claim our attention ; but in order to understand the subject 
 ari<rht, it is necessary to go a little further back, an<l to plance 
 at the liistory of those monarchies which were overt lirowa by 
 the Persians. 
 
 § 2. From the first dawn of history to the present day the 
 East has been the seat of vast and mighty empires. Of these 
 the earliest and the most extensive was founded by the Assyrian 
 kings, who resided at the city of Nineveh on the Tigris. At the 
 time of its greatest pro.sperity this empire appears to have ex- 
 tended over the south of Asia, from the Indus on the east to 
 the Mediterranean sea on the west. Of its hi.story we have 
 hardly any particulars ; but its greatness is attested by the una- 
 nimous voice of sacred and profane writers ; and the wonder- 
 ful discoveries which have been made within the last few years 
 in the earthen mounds which entomb the ancient Isineveh 
 aflord unerring testimony of the progress which the Assyrians 
 had made in architecture, sculpture, and the arts of civilized life. 
 At the beginning of the eighth century before the Christian era 
 the power of this vast empire was broken by the revolt of the 
 Medes and Babylonians, who had hitherto been its subjects. 
 The city of Nineveh still continued to exist as the seat of an 
 independent kingdom, but the greater part of its dominions was 
 divided between the Medes and Babylonians. 
 
 ^ 3. The Medes belonged to that branch of the Indo-Germanic 
 family inhabiting the vast space of country known by the general 
 name of Iran or Aria, which extends south of the Caspian and 
 the Oxus, from the Indus on the east to Mount Zagros on the 
 west — a range of mountains numinir parallel to the Tigris and 
 eastward of that river. The north-western part of this country- 
 was occupied by the Medes. and their capital Ecbatana was 
 situated in a mountainous and healthy district, which was cele- 
 brated for the freshness and coobiess of its climate in the sum-
 
 Chap. XV. THE ASSYRIAN AND MEDIAN EMPIRES. 153 
 
 mer heats. Their language was a dialect of the Zend ; and their 
 religion was the one which had heen founded by Zoroaster. 
 They worshipped fire as the symbol of the Deity, and their 
 priests were the Magi, who formed a distinct class or caste, pos- 
 sessing great influence and power in the state. The people were 
 brave and warlike, and under their successive monarchs they 
 gradually extended their dominion from the Indus on the east 
 to the river Halys in the centre of Asia Minor on the west, 
 Their most celebrated conquest was the capture of Nineveh, 
 which they rased to the ground in B.C. 606.* 
 
 § 4. The Babylonians were a Semitic people. Their territory 
 comprised the fertile district between the Tigi-is and the Eu- 
 phrates, and their capital, Babylon, situated on the latter river, 
 was one of the greatest cities in the ancient world. Herodotus, 
 who vi&ited it in its decline, describes its size and grandeur in 
 terms which would exceed belief, it the truthfulness of the his- 
 torian was not above all suspicion. It was built in the form of a 
 square, of which each side was 15 miles in length, and it was 
 surrounded by walls of prodigious size, 300 feet high and 7o feet 
 thick. Under Nebuchadnezzar the Babylonian empire reached 
 its height. This monarch extended his dominions as far as the 
 confines of Egypt. He took Jerusalem, and carried away its in- 
 habitants into captivity, and he annexed to his dominions both 
 Judea and Phosnicia. ^n his death, in B.C. 562, he bequeathed 
 to his son Labynetus (tIP Belshazzar of Scripture) a kingdom 
 which extended from the Tigris to the frontiers of Egypt and tlie 
 south of Phoenicia. 
 
 § 5. Tlie Median and Ba^^^iian empires did not include any 
 countries inhabited by the l^^ks, and exercised only a remote 
 influence upon Grecian civilization. There was, hoM'ever, a third 
 power, which rose upon the ruins of the Assyrian empire, with 
 which the Greeks were brought into immediate contact. This 
 was the Lydian monarchy, whose territory was originally confined 
 to the fertile district eastwa.rd of Ionia, watered by the Cayster 
 and the Hermus. The capital of the monarchy was Sardis, which 
 was situated on a precipitous rock belonging to the ridge of 
 Mount Tmolus. Here three dynasties of Lydian kings are said 
 to have reigned. Of the two first m'c have no account, and it is 
 probable that, down to the commencement of the third of these 
 dynasties, Lydia formed a province of the Assyrian empire. 
 However this may be, the history of Lydia begins only with the 
 accession of Gyges, the founder of the third dynasty; and it 
 
 * According to Herodotus, there were four Median kings: — 1. Deioces, 
 the founder of the empire, who reigned B.C. 710-657 ; 2. Phraortes, B.a 
 657-035 ; 3. Cyaxares, c.c. 635-595 ; 4. Astyages, u.c. 595-559. 
 
 H*
 
 151 III>'I(»ICV OF (JUEKCE. CiiAr XV. 
 
 cuiiiiot III- n iiuri' iK-ciiliiit that the ho^iiiiiiii^' of his rcif^n is 
 iiciiily ••(•iii«'i(l<-nl «iili the dcThiu- of the AHJ'jrian ctniiire and 
 I lie totiiithttioii lit tla- iii(li-(iciidc'iit iiioiiurcliie.s of the Hahyloniaiis 
 and Mrdi's * 
 
 I'lidtT (iyL''!< and hi.s nicfOHJ-nrB Sanhn hccarne tlio centre of a 
 IKJWrii'ul and civih/cd inoiiairhy ; and the exiHtencc (jf hiirli a 
 Ktatc ill tldsc |)ruxiiiiity to the; (ireck cili«"H in Ionia exercijied an 
 iiii|Hiilaiil induence upon llic latter. The Lydianswere u wealthy 
 and iiHlu.-triou.s jic«»|»le, carrying on an exten.«ive <-f;ininerce, prac- 
 li.><infj iiiaiiulaetnics and ac(jiiaiiited ■with various arts. The 
 Lydian.>* are said to have been the first jieople to coin money of 
 pold and silver : and of the former metal they obtained lar^e 
 quantities in the sands of the river I'aelolu.s, vhieh flowed down 
 from Mount Tmolus towards the llermus. From them the Ionic 
 Greeks derived various imjirovements in the useful and the 
 ornamental arts, espeeially in the weavinjj and dyeinp of fine 
 fabrics, in the processes of metallurfry, and in the style of their 
 music. The growth of the Lydian monarchy in wealth and 
 civilization was attended with anotlier advantage to the Grecian 
 cities on the coast. As the territory of the Lydians did net 
 originally extend to the sea, the whole of tlieir commerce with 
 the Mediterranean passed through the Grecian cities, and was 
 carried on in Grecian ships. This contributed greatly to the 
 prosperity and wealth of Miletus, Phuj^^. and the other Ionian 
 cities. ^m 
 
 k 6. But while the Asiatic Greeks were indebted for so much 
 of their grandeur and opulence to the Lydian monarchy, the 
 increasing power of the latter e^^^ally deprived them of their 
 political indej)endence. Even G^^^s had endeavoured to reduce 
 them to subjection, and the attempt was renewed at various 
 times by liis successors ; but it was not till the reign of Crtpsus, 
 the last king of Lydia, who succeeded to the throne in B.C. 560, 
 that the Asiatic Greeks became the subjects of a barbarian 
 power. This monarch succeeded in the enterprise in which liis 
 predecessors had failed. He began by attacking Ephesus, and 
 reduced in succession all the other Grecian cities on the coast. 
 His rule, however, was not oppressive ; he appears to have been 
 content with the payment of a moderate tribute, and to have 
 permitted the cities to regulate their own affairs. He next 
 turned his arms towards the east, and subdued all the nations 
 in Asia Minor west of the river Halys, with the exception of the 
 Lycians and Cilicians. The fame of Cnrsus and cf his countless 
 
 • Accoriling to Herodotus, there ■were five Lydinn kincs : — 1. Gyees, 
 ■who roigiied n.c. 71G-G78; '2. Ardys, B.C. 678-6'Jy; W. ^■adyattes", B.O 
 C29-G17; 4. Alyattes. u.c. 017-560; "s. Croesus, cc 660-546. "
 
 Chap. XV. THE BABYLOXLVX AXD LYDIAJN EMPIRES. 155 
 
 treasures now resounded through Greece. He spoke the Greek 
 language, welcomed Greek guests, and reverenced the Greek 
 oracles, which he enriched with the most munificent ofierings. 
 The wise men of Greece were attracted to Sardis by the fame 
 of his power and of his wealth. Among his other visitors he is 
 said to have entertained Solon ; hut the celebrated story of the 
 interview between the Athenian sage and the Lydian monarch, 
 which the stern laws of chronology compel us to reject, has 
 already been narrated in a previous part of this Avork.* 
 
 Crcesus deemed himself secure from the reach of calamities, 
 and his kingdom appeared to be placed upon a firm and last- 
 ing foundation. His own subjects were submissive and obe- 
 dient ; and he was closely comiected with the powerful monarelis 
 of Media, Babylon, and Egypt. Astyages, the king of Media, 
 whose territories adjoined his own, was his brother-in-law ; and 
 he had formed an alliance and friendship with Labynetus, king 
 of Babylon, and Amasis, king of Egypt. The four kings seemed 
 to have nothing to fear either from internal commotions or ex- 
 ternal foes. Yet within the space of a few years their dynasties 
 were overthrown, and their territories absorbed in a vast empire, 
 founded by an adventurer till then unknown by name. 
 
 § 7. The rise and fall of the great Asiatic monarchies have been 
 characterized by the same features in ancient and modern times. 
 A brave and hardy race, led by its native chief, issues either 
 from the mountains or from the steppes of Asia, overruns 
 the more fertile and cultivated parts of the continent, con- 
 quers the effeminate subjects of the existing monarchies, and 
 places its leader upon the throne of Asia. But the descendants 
 of the new monarch and of the conquering race give way to 
 sensuality and sloth, and fall victims in their turn to the same 
 bravery in another people, which had given the sovereignty to 
 their ancestors. The history of Cyrus, the great iiiunder of the 
 Persian empire, is an illustration of these remarks. It is true 
 that the earlier portion of his life is buried under a heap of 
 fables, and that it is impossible to determine whether he wa* 
 the grandson of the Median king, Astyages, as is commonly 
 stated ; but it does not admit of doubt, that he led the warlike 
 Persians from their mountainous homes to a series of conquests, 
 which secured him an empire extending from the iEgean to the 
 Indus, and from the Caspian and the Oxus, to the Persian Gulf 
 and the Indian Ocean. 
 
 The Persians were of the same race as the Medes, spoke a 
 dialect of the same language, and were adherents of the same 
 religion. They inhabited the mountainous region south of Media, 
 * Page 100.
 
 Iflfl IIISTDIIY OF GUKEOl Chap, XV. 
 
 wtiicli alHMiiidii ill iteviTal well- watered vulle}'s, ami »lu[>c« f^ror 
 iliially iliiwii to tlie low ^ri)iiiiilH on the roa»<l of tli«.' I'erHiaii fiuW. 
 Willie the MeileH lircuiiie enervated )iy the eorni|ilin^' inlluencctf 
 to whieli till V were exjiosed, the I'crhianis j»re.-i<Tved in their 
 native iiioiiiilaiiiH their Hiiii|ile and warlike hahitit. They were 
 divided into neveral trilM.-H, partly a^^rienltnral and partly no- 
 iiiadie ; fnil they were all hrave, rude, :ind liardy, clothed iu 
 nkiiis, drinkin<r only water, and i^niorant of the eoininonei't lux- 
 uries of JilL'. Cyrn.s led these lierce warriors from their moun- 
 tain fa.stnesH's, defeated the Medea in battle, to<jk Astyapen 
 jirisoner, and deprived him of the throne. The other nutiuiiii, 
 inelnded in the Median einj)ire, submitted to the conqueror; 
 and the w)veri'i>rnty of I'pper Asia thus jia.-sed Irom the Medea 
 to the I'ersians. The aecession of (.'yrus to the empire is placed 
 iu ».(•. 5oi). 
 
 I) b. This important revolution exeited alike the anpcr, the 
 fears and the hopes of Cra;sus. Anxious to avenge lii« brother- 
 in-law, to arrest the alanninjT prowth of the Persian jxiwer, and 
 to enlarpe liis own dominions, he resolved to attack the new 
 monarch. But before embarkin<r ujion so perilous an cntcrprize 
 he eonsnlted the oracles of Amphiaraus, and of Apollo at Delphi, 
 in whose veracity he placed the most unbounded confidence. 
 Tlu' reply of lK)tli oracles was, that " if he should make war ujion 
 the IVrsians, he would destroy a mi«rlity monarchy," and they 
 both advised him to make allies of the most jK>werlul among the 
 (i reeks. Understanding the response to reler to the Persian 
 empire, and not, as the priests explained it after the event, to 
 his own, he had no longer any hesitation in commencing the 
 •war. In obedience to the oracles he first sent to the fSpartans 
 to solicit their alliance, which was readily granted, but no troops 
 were sent to his immediate assistance. He then crossed the 
 Haly.-i at the head of a large army, laid waste the country of the 
 Syrians of Cappadwia, and took several of their towns. Cyrus 
 lost no time in coming to the help of his distant subjects. The 
 two annies met near the Pterian plain iu Cappadocia, where a 
 bloody, but indecisive battle was fiiught. As the forces of Croe- 
 sus were inltTior in number to those of tlie Persian king, he 
 thought it more pnideut to return to fc'archs, and collect a large 
 aniiy lor the next campaign. Accordingly he despatched en- 
 voys to Labynetus, Amasis. and the Lacedirmonians. requestuig 
 them to send auxiliaries to i>anlis in the course of the next live 
 months ; and meantime he disbanded the mercenary troops who 
 had followed him into Cappadocia. 
 
 Cyrus anticipated his enemy's plan : he waited till the Lydian 
 king hail re-entered his capital and dismissed his troops ; and
 
 ac. 559. CYRUS. 157 
 
 he then marched upon Sardis with such celerity that he ap- 
 peared under the walls of the city belbre any one could give 
 notice of his approach. Croesus was thus compelled to fight 
 without his allies ; but he did not despair of success ; for the 
 Lydian cavalry was distinguished for its efficiency, and the 
 open plain belbre t^ardis was favourable for its evolutions. To 
 render this force useless, Cyrus placed in front of his line the 
 baggage camels, which the Lydian horses could not endure either 
 to see or to smell. The Lydians, however, did not on this ac- 
 count decline the contest ; they dismounted from their horses, 
 and fought bravely on toot ; and it was not till after a fierce 
 combat that they were obliged to take refuge within the city. 
 Here they considered themselves secure, till their allies should 
 come to their aid ; for the fortifications of Sardis were deemed 
 impregnable to assault. There was, however, one side of the 
 city which had been left unfortified, because it stood upon a 
 rock so lofty and precipitous, as to appear quite inaccessible. 
 But on the fourteenth day of the siege a Persian soldier, having 
 seen one of the garrison descend this rock to pick up his helmet 
 which had rolled down, climbed up the same way, followed by 
 several of his comrades. Sardis was thus taken, and Croesus 
 with all his treasures fell into the hands of Cyrus (b.c. o4G). 
 The Lychan king was condenuied to be burnt alive ; but his lile 
 was afterwards spared by the conqueror; and he became the 
 confidential adviser both of Cyrus and his son Cambyses. 
 
 S^ 9. The fall of Croesus was followed by the subjection of the 
 Greek cities in Asia to the Persian yoke. As soon as Sardis had 
 been taken, the lonians and .Slolians sent envoys to Cyrus, ofler- 
 ing to submit to him on the same terms as they had obtained 
 from Croesus. But the Persian conqueror, who had in vain at- 
 tempted to induce them to revolt from the Lydian king at the 
 commencement of the war, sternly refused their request, except 
 in the case of Miletus. The other Greeks now began to prepare 
 for defence, and sent deputies to Sparta to solicit assistance. 
 This was refused by the Spartans ; but they despatched some of 
 their citizens to Ionia to investigate the state of aliairs. One of 
 their number, exceeding the bounds of their commission, re- 
 paired to Cyrus at Sardis, and warned him " not to injure any 
 city in Hellas, for the Laceda;monians would not permit it." 
 Astonished at such a message from a people of whom he had 
 never heard, the conqueror inquired of tlie Greeks who steed 
 near him, " "Who are these Lacedaemonians, and how many are 
 they in number that they venture to send me such a notice .'" 
 Having received an answer to his question, he said to the Spar- 
 tan, " I was never yet afraid of men, who have a place set apai't
 
 .il.VIniiV OF OUPIECE. Ciiai-. XV. 
 
 ..niillr (if tluMr c.hy, whi;r<: they meet to rhcat one another 
 ,iii I'orswe.'ir thfrn.-w'lveH. If I Uve, th<ry hhiiil liavis troiiblt-M of 
 thi'ir own to talk alwint apart from thir lonians." Thirt taunt 
 of OynM wa.H Icvijlleil at (in.'ciaii halnts (."iirTalty : for to ihe.- 
 riitli; l):irli:iri;iii, buying unil Hellnif,' mTined ront<rin]»til>le and dw- 
 graci'ful. 
 
 CyruH siMiu atttTwrirdrt quitted SardiH to prfiwcutc hi» con- 
 quests in thi! liast, and Ifll thi- rt-duction of the Greek c'ties, 
 ami of the other (hs(riet,s in Asia Mnior, to his lieutenantH. The 
 It reck cities oliered a hrave, Init ine(iectual resi«tanee, and 
 were taken one afl('r tli(! otlier liy llarpajrus, the Persian peneral. 
 The inhahitants of Piioe;ra and Teos preferre«l exj)atrii>.tio:i to 
 slavery ; they abandoned tlieir liotncs to the conqueror ; and 
 sailed away in search of new settlements. The Phoc.-ean.s, after 
 experieneinj? many vicissitudes of fortune, at len«fth settled in 
 the south of Italy, where they founded Elea. The Teiaiw took 
 refiijie oii the coast of Thrace, wliere they built the city of Ab- 
 dera. All the other Asiatic Greeks on the mainland were en- 
 rolled among the vassals of Cyrus : and even the inhabitant.s of 
 the islands of L.^sbos and Chios sent in their submission to Har- 
 puiius, althou<;h the Persians then possessed no fleet to force 
 them to obedience. Samos, on the other hand, maintained its 
 independence, and appears soon afterwards as one of the most 
 powerful of the Grecian states. After the reduction of the 
 Asiatic Greeks, Harpajrus marched ajrainst the other districts of 
 Asia .Minor, which still refused to own the authority of Cyrus. 
 They were all conquered without any serious resistance, with the 
 exception of the Lyciaus, who, lindiu'r it impossible to maintain 
 their freedom, set tire to their chief town, Xanthus ; and while 
 the women and children perished in the flames, the men sallied 
 forth against the enemy and died sword in hand. 
 
 While HarpajTus was thus employed, C\tus was making still 
 more extensive conquests in UpjX'r Asia and Assyria. The most 
 im])ortant of these was the capture of the wealthy and jxtpulous 
 city of" Babylon, which he took by divertinji the course of the 
 Euphrates, and then marching into the city by the bed of the 
 river (n. c. 53^). Subseiiuently he marched against the nomad 
 tribes in Central Asia, but was slain in battle, while fighting 
 airaiust the Massagetae, a people dwelling bevond the .\raxes. 
 He perished in n. r. 529, after a reign of thirty years, leaving 
 his vast empire to his son. Cambvses. 
 
 sMO. The love of conquest and of agirrandizement, which liad 
 been fed by the repeated victories of Cyrus, still fired the Per- 
 sians. Of the four great monarchies, which Cyrus had found in 
 all their glorj', when he descended ^^•ith his shepherds from the
 
 B.C. 529. CAMBYSES. 159 
 
 Persian mountains, there yet remained one which had not been 
 destroyed by his arms. Amasis continued to occupy the throne 
 of Egypt in psace and prosperity, while the monarchs ot" Media, 
 Lydia, and Babylon had either lost their lives, or become the 
 vassals of the Persian king. Accordingly, Cambyses resolved to 
 lead his victorious Persians to the conquest of Egypt. While 
 making his preparations for the invasion, Amasis died after a 
 long reign, and was succeeded by his son, Psammenitus, who in- 
 herited neither the abilities nor the good fortune of his father. 
 The defeat of the Egyptians in a single battle, followed by the 
 capture of Memphis with the person of Psammenitus, decided 
 the fate of the country. Cambyses resided some time in Egypt, 
 which he ruled with a rod of iron. His temper was naturally 
 violent and capricious ; and the possession of unlimited power 
 had created in him a state of mind bordering upon frenzy. The 
 idolatry of the Egyptians and their adoration of animals excited 
 the indignation of the worshipper of fire ; and he gave vent to 
 his passions by wanton and sacrilegious acts against the most 
 cherished objects and rites of the national religion. Even the 
 Persians experienced the effects of his madness ; and his brother 
 Smerdis was put to death by his orders. This act was followed 
 by important consequences. Among the few persons privy to 
 the murder was a Magian, who had a brother bearing the same 
 name as the deceased prince, and strongly resembling him in 
 person. Taking advantage of these circumstances, and of the 
 alarm excited among the leading Persians by the frantic tyranny 
 of Cambyses, he proclaimed his brother as king, representing 
 him as the younger son of Cyrus. Cambyses heard of the revolt 
 whilst in Syria ; but as he was mounting his horse to march 
 against the usurper, an accidental wound from his sword put an 
 end to his life, b.c. 522. 
 
 As the younger son of Cyrus was generally believed to be alive, 
 the false Smerdis was acknowledged as king by the Persians, and 
 reigned without opposition for seven months. But the leading 
 Persian nobles had never been quite free from suspicion, and 
 they at length discovered the imposition which had been prac- 
 tised upon them. Seven of them now formed a conspiracy to 
 get rid of the usurper. They succeeded in forcing their way 
 into the palace, and in slaying the Magian and his brother in 
 the eighth month of their reign. One of their number, Darius, 
 the son of Hystaspes, ascended the vacant throne, B.C. 521. 
 
 Ml. During the reign of Cambyses, the Greek cities of Asia 
 remained obedient to their Persian governors. The subjection 
 of the other cities had increased the power and influence of 
 Samos, which, as we have already seen, had maintained its inde-
 
 lA,) msT'jKY OF f;Ki;i;<i;. ( mai-. XV. 
 
 IMMnliMirc, when tin- m'i^'lil)nuriii}.' iHliiiiii>« ot \it'An>>i uml Chif« 
 IiikI »»iil»iiiil1ril III till- liiMiti'ii.iiit (iJ'Cyni-.. At th<; ln'iriiiiiiiij,' <if 
 till' n-inii of (';iiiil>y!*<'H, Suiiuim li.ul ri-ai-ln-<l under itt* <l«*sjKjt, 
 I'lilyc rules, an cxlriionliiuiry di-irni! of jinwjM-rity, and liad bo- 
 niiiM* tin- Millet iin|Hirluiit iiuval ]i(i\vi-r in tlie world. The 
 andiitimi uml fri'<Ml Kirtuni; ol'tliis onter|ir:/in;: d«'.-<|K>t were alike 
 ri'iiiarkal»lf. lie jK).>*!<«'.s.sed a liiiiidred hlii|»s of war, with which 
 he eoiKjuered Heveral of the ishiiid.-*, and even hoiui! j)lare.son the 
 mainland ; and lie asjiired to iintliin<[;r les.s than the dominiim uf 
 Ionia, as well a.s of the i.^land.s in the yl'};.'ean. The Laee<i.'eino- 
 iiian.<, who had invaded the i.sland at the invitation ol' the Sa- 
 iiiian exiles lor the pnrpo.<e ol overtlirowin*.' \m fri»vernrncnt, 
 were obliged to retire alter bcsiejriiif^ his city in vain for forty 
 (lavs. Kvery thing wliieh he undertook peeincd to prosper ; but 
 liis uiiintcrrnpte;! frcxid fortune at length cxrited the alann of 
 his ally Aiiiasis. Ace^rdiiig to the tale related hy Hermlotus, 
 the Hiryptian king, convinced that such auiazing good fortune 
 would sooner or later incur the envy of the go<ls, wrote to Poly- 
 crates, advising liini to throw away one of his most valuable ytos- 
 scssions, and thus inflict some injury uj)on himsi'lf Thinking 
 the advice to be good, Pidycrates threw into the sea a favourite 
 rin^iif matchless price and beauty ; but uniortunately it was Ibund 
 a lew days afterwards in the belly of a line fish, which a fisher- 
 man had .'ifiit him as a ])rescnt. Amasis now foresaw that the 
 ruin of Polycrates was inevitable, and sent a lierald to Samosto 
 renounce his alliance. The glooniy anticipations of the Egyp- 
 tian monarch proved well founded. In the midst of all his 
 prosperity, Polycrates fell by a most ignominious fate. Orcetes, 
 the satrap of 8ardis, had for some mikuown cause conceived a 
 deadly hatred against the Samian despot. By a cunning stra- 
 tagem, the satrap allured him to the mainland, where he was 
 immediately arrested and hanged ufxin a cross (n.c. 522). Like 
 many other Grecian despots, Polycrates had been a patron of 
 literature and the arts, and thd poets Ibycus and Anacret»n found 
 a welcome at his court. !Many of the great works of iSamos — the 
 vast temple of llera (Juno), the mole to protect the harbour, and 
 tlie aipieduct for supjilying the city with water, carried through 
 a luniuitaiu seven fmloiigs long — were probably executed by him. 
 ^^ 12. The lon«r reign of Darius forms an LmiKirtant epoch in 
 •he Persian annals. After putting down the revolts of the Ly- 
 (liau satnip Oroetes, of the Medes, and of the Babylonians, beset 
 himsi'lt to Work to organize the vast mass of countries which 
 had l>ei!u conc|uered by Cyrus and Cambyses. The ditference of 
 his reign from those of his two predecessor was described by 
 the Persians, in calling Cyrus the father, Cambyses the master,
 
 B.C. 522. DARIUS. 161 
 
 and Darius the retail-trader, — an epithet implying that he 
 was the first to introduce some order into tlie administration 
 and finances of the empire. He divided his vast dominions into 
 twenty provinces, and appointed the tribute which each was to 
 pay to the royal treasury. These provinces were called satrapies, 
 irora the satrap or governor, to whom the administration of each 
 was entrusted. Darius was also the first Persian king who coined 
 money ; and the principal gold and silver coin of the Persian 
 mint was called alter him the Daric He also connected Susa 
 and Ecbatana with the most distant parts of the empire by a 
 series of high roads, along which were placed, at suitable inter- 
 vals, buildings for the accommodation of all who travelled in the 
 king's name, and relays of couriers to convey royal messages. 
 
 § 13. Although Darius devoted his chief attention to the con- 
 solidation and organization of his empire, he Avas impelled by his 
 own ambition, or by the aggressive spirit of the Persians, to seek 
 to enlarge still further his vast dominions. For that purpose 
 he resolved to attack Scythia, or the great plain between the 
 Danube and the Don, which was then inhabited by numerous 
 nomad and savage tribes. His army was collected from all parts 
 of the empire; his fleet of GOO ships was furnished exclusively 
 by the Asiatic Greeks. To the latter he gave orders to sail up the 
 Danube, and throw a bridge of boats across the river, near the 
 point where the channel begins to divide. With his land forces 
 the king himself marched through Thrace, crossed the Danube by 
 the bridge, which he found finished, and then ordered the Greeks 
 to break it down and follow him into Scythia. His plan seems 
 to have been to have marched back into Asia round the north- 
 ern shore of the Black Sea, and across the Caucasus. But being 
 reminded by one of the Grecian generals that he M'as embarking 
 upon a perilous enterprise, and might possibly be compelled to 
 retreat, he thought it more prudent to leave the bridge standing 
 under the care of the Greeks who had constructed it, but told 
 them that if he did not return within sixty days, they might 
 break down the bridge, and sail home. The king then left them, 
 and penetrated into the Scythian territory. The sixty days had 
 already passed away, and there was yet no sign of the Persian 
 army. But shortly afterwards the lonians, who still continued 
 to guard the bridge, were astonished by the appearance of a 
 body of Scythians, who informed them that Darius was in full 
 retreat, pursued by the whole Scythian nation, and that his only 
 hope of safety depended upon that bridge. They urged the 
 Greeks to seize this opportunity of destroying the whole Persian 
 army, and of recovering their own liberty by breaking down the 
 bridge. Their exhortations were warmly seconded by the Athe-
 
 If.i HISTORY OF ffUKKCH Chai-. XV. 
 
 iiiaii Milliado', iIk- ilrs|H)t of the Tliranun (MifDvuiPHUn, and lh<! 
 Iiitiirr <'(iii<|iirriir <>( .MaratlHUi. 'I'lu- other riiltTK of the Ionian 
 ilirrt wen- al (ir.'-l (hsjiowd to |i>llow his hnjrp-nlioii ; but an hxjii 
 is lliKtiaMis of .Milrlurt n-irnnded thciii that their »<»v<T«MjnMy 
 de|H-nde(l npon the Kiipport ol' the IN-ri^ian kiup, and that InH 
 rum woulil involve their own, tln-y elianfred their rnindH and 
 rcs4(lvcd lo preserve the hrid^zc Alter enduring ^n-at jiriva- 
 lions and Hulierin^ri, l)arius and liis army at len^tli reached tho 
 I lauube, and crossed the bridge in safely. Thus t}ie H-lfiHhncss 
 ol'tlu'-'^e (ireeian despots tlirew uway the numt favourable oppor- 
 tunity that ever j)re6entcd itself, of delivering their native cities 
 from tlie Persian yoke 
 
 § 1 1. Tsotwithstanding the failure of his expedition againf>t 
 tlie Seythiaus, ])arius did not abandon hi.s plans of conquest. 
 IJeturnin"! hiiM.^eli to Sardis, he lelt Megaba/iis with an armv of 
 bO.OUU men to complete the sulijugation of Thrace, and of the 
 (ireek cities upon the Hellespont. He pave to Hi.<tiaus the 
 town of Myrciims, near the Strymon, which the Ionian prince 
 had asked as a reward for his important service in the Scythian 
 campaiirn. !Megabazus experienced little ditliculty in executing 
 the orders of his master. He not oidy subdued the Thracian 
 tribes, but crossed the Strjmon, conquered the Paonians, and 
 penetrated as far as the frontiers of Macedonia. He then sent 
 heralds into the latter country to demand earth and "water, as 
 the customarj' symbols of submission. These were immediately 
 granted by Amyntas, the reigning monarch, k.c. 510 ; and thus 
 the Persian dominions were extended to the borders of Thcssaly. 
 
 AVhile Megabazus was engaged in the conquest of the Pseo- 
 nians, he had noticed that Histianis was collecting the elements 
 of a jiower, wliich might hereafter prove formidable to the Per- 
 sian S(tvereiguty. Myrcinus commanded the navigation of the 
 Strymou, and conseiiuently the commerce with the interior of 
 Thrace ; and the importance of this site is shown by the rapid 
 growth of the town of Ampbipolis. which the Athenians founded 
 at a later time in the .«ame locality. On his return to Sardis, 
 Megaba/us conununicated bis susjjicions to Darius. The Persian 
 king, ])erceiving that the apprelunsions of his general were not 
 witliout lounilation, sunnnoued Hi>tia'us to his presence, and. 
 under the jjretext that he could not bear to be deprived of the 
 company ot his friend, proposed that he should accompany liim 
 to Susa. Histiipus had no alternative but compliance, and with 
 unw illiug steps followed the monarch to his capital. This appa- 
 rently trivial circumstance was attended with important conse- 
 quences, as we .«liall presently see, to the Persian empire, and to 
 the whole Hellenic race.
 
 Behistun rock on which are inscribed the explo'.ts of Darius. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE IONIC REVOLT. 
 
 § 1. Introduction. § 2. Xaxian exiles apply for aid to Aristagoras. 
 § 3. Expedition of Aristagoras and the Persians against Xaxos. Its 
 failure. § 4. Revolt of Miletus and the other Greek cities of Asia. 
 § 5. Aristagoras solicits assistance from Sparta and Athens, which is 
 granted by the latter. § 6. Burning of Sardis by the Athenians and 
 lonians. § 7. Death of Aristagoras and Histiseus. § 8. Defeat of the 
 Ionian fleet at Lade. § 9. Cajiture of Miletus and termination of the 
 revolt. 
 
 ^ 1. Before setting out for Susa, Darius had appointed hia 
 brother Artaphernes satrap of the western provinces of Asia 
 Minor, of which Sardis continued to be the capital, as in the time 
 of the Lydian nronarchy. The Grecian cities on the coast wei'e 
 nominally allowed to manage their own affairs ; but they were 
 governed for the most part by despots, who were in reality the 
 instruments of the Persian satrap, and were maintained in their 
 power by his authority. Miletus, which was now the most flourish- 
 ing city of Ionia, was ruled by Aristagoras, the son-in-law of His- 
 tiseus, since Darius had allowed the latter to entrust the sovereign- 
 ty to his son-in-law during his absence. For a few years after 
 the return of the king to Upper Asia, the Persian empire enjoyed 
 the profound calm which often precedes a storm. It was the 
 civil dissensions of one of the islands of the iEgean which first 
 disturbed this universal repose, and lighted up a conflagration 
 which soon enveloped both Greece and Asia.
 
 1ft « HISTOFIY OF CJREKCK Chap. XVL 
 
 { 'J Alwiit the yt'ar ii.i-. /iOli, the nli;ran-)iir-iil j)arty in Nux<>«. 
 oiii" i>f tin* lar>,'<".Hl and in<)»t ilonrihhni^r <il lln; CyclailfH, were 
 (Irivi-n <»nl of llii- islanil hy a rij^uij,' ol tin- jH-ople. Tlic exilcH 
 npjilird li>r anl t(» A rista^'ora.H, wlm lent a n-a<ly car to tlicir rc- 
 qui'sl ; knowinjr tln'l il <li«"y wtT«; n-stopd hy hi.s means, \u: should 
 Iktciimi' ni.i'tcr ol tin* island. 15nt his own forocH were not e<jnal 
 to ihf coniini'st of the Naxians, since- they jk»ss«'s«c<1 a lar>:e navy, 
 and could hiin<( hOUO hcavy-arini'd infantry into the field. Ac- 
 cordin;;ly, he went to Sardia to secure the co-o[)cration of Arta- 
 pherni's, holding out to the satrap the jinispcct of annexing not 
 only Naxor, and the rest of the Cyclades, but even the large and 
 valuable island of EuIxjm, to the dominions of the (ireat King. 
 He re|ircsi'iiti'd the cnterprize as one certain of success, if a hun- 
 dred sliiiKS were granted to him, and ollered at the same time to 
 defray the expi.-n.se of the armament. Artaj»hernes gave his cor- 
 dial approval to the scheiwe ; and as soon a.s the king's consent 
 was obtained, a fleet of 2U0 ships was e piipped and placed at 
 the dis|)osal of Aristagoras. The forces were under the command 
 of .Mogabates, a Persian noble of high rank. 
 
 § .'{.Taking the Naxian exiles on board, Aristagoras sailed fro;ii 
 Miletus towards the Hellespont (lie. OOl). To divert the suspi- 
 cions of the .Xaxians. a report was spread that the armament 
 was destined for a ditierent quarter; but ii[K)n reaching Chios, 
 Megabates cast anchor oil' the western coast, waiting for a fair 
 wind to carry thena straight across to Xaxos. Being anxious that 
 the ships should be in readiness to depart, as s<x)n as the order 
 was given, Megabates made a personal ins|)ection of the fleet, 
 and discovered one of the vessels left without a single man on 
 board. Incensed at this neglect, he summoned the captain of the 
 ship, and ordered liim to be put in chains with his head project- 
 ing through one of the port-holes of his own vessel. It hap|)ened 
 that this man was a friend and giiest of Aristagoras. who not 
 only set the authority of Megabates at defiance by releasing the 
 prisoner, but insisted that the Persian admiral held a sulwrdinatc 
 command to himself The pride of Megabates could not brook 
 such an insult. As soon as it was night he sent a message to the 
 Naxians to warn theni of their danger. Hitherto the Xaxians 
 had had no suspicion of the object of the expedition ; but they 
 lost no time in carrying their property into the city and making 
 every preparation to sustain a long siege. Accordingly, when tho 
 Persian Heel reached Naxos, they exiwrienced a viirorous resist- 
 ance ; and at the end of four months they had made such little 
 way in the reduction of the city, that they were compelled to 
 abandon the enterprize and return to Miletus. 
 
 k l- Aristagoras was now threatened with utter ruin Hav-
 
 B.C. 500. THE IONIC REVOLT. 165 
 
 ing deceived Artaphernes, and incurred the enmity of Mega- 
 bates, he could expect no iavour I'roin the Persian government, 
 and might be called upon at any moment to defray the expenses 
 of the armament. In these difficulties he began to think of 
 exciting a revolt of his countrymen ; and while revolving the 
 project, he received a message from his latlier-in-law, Histiaeus, 
 urging him to this very step. Afraid of trusting any one with 
 so dangerous a message, Histieeus had shaved the head of a 
 trusty slave, branded upon it the necessary words, and, as soon 
 as the hair had grown again, sent him off to Miletus. His only 
 motive for urging the louians to revolt was his desire of es- 
 caping from captivity at Susa, thinking that Darius would set him 
 at liberty, in order to put doAvn an insurrection of his country- 
 men. The message of Histiajus fixed the wavering resolution of 
 Aristagoras. He Ibrthwith called together the leading citizens 
 of Miletus, laid befiire them the project of revolt, and asked 
 them for advice. They all approved of the scheme, with the 
 exception of Hecatseus, who deserves to be mentioned on account 
 of his celebrity as one of the earliest Greek historians. Having 
 determined upon revolt, the next step was to induce the other 
 Greek cities in Asia to join them in their perilous enterprize. 
 As the most effectual means to this end, it was resolved to seize 
 the persons of the Grecian despots, many of whom had not yet 
 quitted the fleet which had recently returned i 'om Naxos. Aris- 
 tagoras laid down the supreme power in Miletus, and nominally 
 resigned to the people the management of their own afiairs. 
 The despots were seized, and a democratical form of government 
 established throughout the Greek cities in Asia and in the neigh- 
 bouring islands. This was followed by an open declaration of 
 revolt from Persia (b.c. 500). 
 
 ^ 5. The insurrection had now assumed a formidable aspect ; 
 and before the Persians could collect suflicient forces to cope 
 with the revolters, Aristagoras resolved to cross over to Greece, 
 in order to solicit assistance from the more powerful states in 
 the mother-country. He first went to Sparta, which was now 
 admitted to be the most powerftil city in Greece. In an inter- 
 view with Cleomenes, king of Sparta, he brought forth a brazen 
 tablet, on which were engraved the countries, rivers, and seas of 
 the world. After dwelling upon the wealth and fertility of Asia, 
 he traced on the map the route from Ephe-sus to Susa, and de- 
 scribed the ease with which the Spartans might march into the 
 very heart of the Persian empire, and obtain possession of the 
 vast treasures of the Persian capital. Cleomenes demanded three 
 days to consider this proposal ; and when Aristagoras returned 
 on ttie third day, he put to him the simple question, how far it
 
 lAA HISTORY OF OREECH Chap. XVL 
 
 Wiw rmm llic c«'a lo Suna ? Aritdaj.'oraj', witlirmt rntiHiiJcTinp 
 tliu ilrifl ofllif qiK !»li«»n, aiiHWcn-il tliat it wa.s a journey of llin* 
 inoiitliH. " Mik-Hian Ktranj»<.T," oxrlaiiiH-il ( 'lfiinn'iu'.«, "«jiiil Sparta 
 bcloru Hiiii.xrt : you arc no fricml to tin- Spartanj*, if you want 
 thciu lo uiitlrrlaku a tliroo niontliH' journey from the Bca." Still, 
 Iiowevcr, Aristajroras did not dexjiair, l)iit went as a fiuppliant 
 to the kiufi'rt house, to M'c il' lieeould aeeoiiijdish hy money what 
 lie had failed to do hy elo<)iienee. He first ollirred CI<*ornen»a» 
 ten talenls, and then frra<lii:illy raiwd the hrilie to (ifty ; and jx-r- 
 liaps the kiu^, with the tisual eupidity of a Spartan, rnifrht have 
 yielded, had not his dau^diter (lorpo, a ehild of ei^ht years old, 
 who happened to Ix; ])rcscnt, critnl out, " Fly, lather, or this 
 straiifrer will romijit you." Cleoinenes accejjted the omen, and 
 hroke up tlie interview. Aristafroras quitted Sjiarta forthwith. 
 J)isa]»pointed at Sparta, Aristajroras repaired to Athens, then 
 the seeond city in Cxieecc. Here he met with a very dilli-rent 
 reception. Athens was the mother-city of the Ionic states; and 
 the Athenians were disposed to symj)athizc with the lonians 
 as their kinsmen and colonists. They were moreijver incensed 
 against Art;iphernes, who liad recently commanded them to 
 recall Hip])ias, unices they wished to provoke the hostility of 
 Persia. Aeeordin<;ly they lent a ready ear to the temptinfr pro- 
 mises of Arisla<roras, and voted to send a stpiadron of twenty 
 ships to the assistance of the lonians. " These ships," says He- 
 rtxlotus, " were the be«riiinin<r of mischiefs between the Greeks 
 and harbarians." 
 
 - ^ G. In the i()llowin<r year [r,.i\ oOO) the Athenian fleet crossed 
 the ^gean. They were joined by live ships from Eretria in 
 Eulxi'a, which the E ret rians had sent to di.«charge a debt of gra- 
 titude for a.<sist.ince which they had received from the Milesians 
 iu their war with Chalcis. Ujxm reaching the coast of Asia, 
 Aristagoras plainied an expedition inlo the interior. Di.*em- 
 barkinir at Ephesus, and being reinforced by a strong bixlv of 
 lonians, he marched inx)n Sardis. Artajdiernes was taken un- 
 prepared : and not having sullicient troops to man the walls, he 
 retired into the citadel, leaving the toMn a prey to the inva- 
 ders. Accordingly, they entered it unop])osed ; and, while en- 
 gaged in pillage, one of the soldiers set fire to a house. As most 
 of the houses were built of wickerwork and thatched with 
 Btraw, the Haines rapidly spread, and in a short time the whole 
 city was in llames. The inhabitants, driven out of their houses 
 by this accident, assembl-.-d in the large market-place in the city ; 
 and jierceiving their numbers to be sujx^rior to those of the 
 enemy, they resolved to attack tliein. !Mea'itime reinforcements 
 came pouring in from all quarters ; and the loniaiis aud Atho-
 
 B.C. 500. THE IONIC REVOLT. 167 
 
 nians, seeing that their position was becoming more danger- 
 ous every hour, abandoned the city and began to retrace their 
 steps. But before they could reach the walls of Ephesus, they 
 wei-e overtaken by the Persian forces and defeated with great 
 slaughter. The lonians dispersed to their several cities ; and 
 the Athenians hastened on board their ships and sailed home. 
 
 The burning of the capital of the ancient monarchy of Lydia 
 was attended with important consequences. When Darius heard 
 of it, he bui-st into a paroxysm of rage. It was against the ob- 
 scure strangers who had dared to invade his dominions and burn 
 one of his capitals, that his wrath was chiefly directed. " The 
 Athenians," he exclaimed, " who are tlici/?" Upon being in- 
 formed, he took his bow, shot an arrow high into the air, saying, 
 " Grant me, Jove, to take vengeance upon the Athenians :" and 
 he charged one of his attendants to remind him thrice every day 
 at dinner, " Sire, remember the Athenians." His first care, how- 
 ever, was to put down the revolt, Avhich had now assumed a 
 more formidable aspect than ever. The insurrection spread to 
 the Greek cities in Cyprus as well as to those on the Hellespont 
 and the Propontis ; and the Carians warmly espoused the cause 
 of the lonians. 
 
 ^ 7. A few months after the burning of Sardis the revolt had 
 reached its height, and seemed to promise permanent independ- 
 ence to the Asiatic Greeks. But they were no match for the 
 whole power of the Persian empire, which was soon brought 
 against them. A Phoenician fleet conveyed a large Feisian force 
 to Cyprus, which was soon obliged to submit to its former 
 masters ; and the generals of Darius carried on operations with 
 vigour against the Carians, and the Greek cities in Asia. Aris- 
 tagoras now began to despair, and basely deserted his country- 
 men, whom he had led into peril. Collecting a large body of 
 Milesians, he set sail for the Thracian coast, where he was slain 
 under the walls of a toM'n to which he had laid siege. 
 
 Soon after his departure, his father-in-law, Histiajus, came 
 down to Ionia. Darius had at first been inclined to suppose 
 that Histiffius had secretly instigated the lonians to revolt ; but 
 the artful Greek not only succeeded in removing suspicion from 
 himself, but persuaded Darius to send him into Ionia, in order 
 to assist the Persian generals in suppressing the rebellion. But 
 A'-taphernes was not so easily deceived as his master, and plainly 
 accused Histia^us of treachery when the latter arrived at Sardis. 
 " I will tell you how the facts stand," said Artaphernes to His- 
 tiaeus ; " it was you who made this shoe, and Aristagoras has put 
 it on." Fniding himself unsafe at Sardis, he escaped to the 
 island of Chios ; but he was regarded with suspicion by all
 
 168 IIISTOUY OF fJUKECH Ciur. XVL 
 
 pnrlicH. The Milffians rofuwd to admit tlitrir forrncr dej<|K)l 
 into their town ; ami tin* loniaiiH in ^'cncral would tuii nsrivu 
 liini art tlirir li-adtT. At Ifiijrtli Iw ol»laiiifd (•\}i\ii frallcyw Irorn 
 Losfnis, "willi wliirli Ik* Hailed t«»\vard« IJy/.aiitiuiii, and rarried on 
 piracies as well a^'ain^t tin* (irwrinii ax the barharian vejwrla. 
 ThiH unprinciiiled adventurer met with a traitor'n death. Having 
 hiiuled on the coast of Myia to reap the Ht:indin^' corn round 
 Atarncns, lie \va.s Hiirprized hy a Persian foree ami made prisoner 
 IV'in^ carried to S.inli.i, Artaphernes at once caused liim to bu 
 cnieilied, and sent his head to I)arius, who ordered it to >k- lio- 
 noural)ly huried, condenniinj,' the ifriioininions execution ol' the 
 man who had once saved the life of the (ireat Kiiif;. 
 
 ^ s. The death of llistia-us hapjwned after the euhjcction of 
 the lonians ; and their fall now claims our attention. In the 
 eixth year of the revolt (ii.r. VJ-)), when several Grecian citi«sj 
 had already been taken hy the Persians, Artajjlienies resolved to 
 besie^'e Miletus by sea and by land, since the capture (dthi.-- city 
 was sure to be followed by the submission of all the others. 
 For this purpose he concentrated near Miletus all liis land-forces, 
 atid ordered the Phcenician fleet to sail towaids the city. While 
 he was makinp these preparations, the Pan-Ionic council a.«sem- 
 bled to deliberate upon the best means of meetinf]f the threaten- 
 injr danger. As they had not sullicient strenjrth to meet the 
 Persian army in the lielil, it was resolved to leave Miletus to its 
 own defences on the land side, and to embark all their forces on 
 board their ships. The fleet was ordered to as.<emblc at Lade, 
 then a small island near Miletus, but now joined to the coast 
 by the alluvial deposits of tlie Micander. It consi.«te«l of 353 
 .ships, while the PlKrnician fleet numbered GOO sail. But not- 
 withstanding their numerical superiority, the Persian generals 
 were afraid to risk an engagement with the combined fleet of the 
 lonians, who.se nautical skill was well known to them. They 
 therefore ordered the despots, who had been driven ont of the 
 Grecian cities at the connnencement of the revolt, and were now 
 serving in the Persian fleet, to endeavour to jx-rsuade their coun- 
 trymen to desert the common cause. Each of them accordingly 
 made secret overtures to his fellow-citizens, promising them 
 pardon if they submitted, and threatening them with the severest 
 punishment in case of refusal. But these proposals were all mia- 
 nimously rejected. 
 
 Meantime great want of di.^cipline prevailed in the Ionian 
 fleet. There was no general conunander of the whole arma- 
 ment; the men, though eager for liberty, wea> impatient of re- 
 straint, and spent the greater part of the day in unprolllable 
 talk luuler the tents thev had erected on the shore. In a council
 
 B.C. 495. SUBJUGATION OF IONIA. 169 
 
 of the commanders, Dionysius of Phocasa, a man of ener<Ty and 
 ability, pointed out tlie perils which they ran, and promised 
 them certain victory if they would place themselves under his 
 guidance. Being intrusted with the supreme command, Diony- 
 sius ordered the men on board the ships, and kept them con- 
 stantly engaged in practising all kinds of nautical manoeuvres. 
 For seven days in succession they endured this unwonted work 
 beneath the burning heat of a summer's sun ; but on the eighth 
 they broke out into open mutiny, and asked, " why they should 
 any longer obey a Phocsean braggart, who had brought only three 
 ships to the common cause?" Leaving their ships, they again 
 dispersed over the island and sought the shade of their pleasant 
 tents. There was now less order and discipline than before. 
 The Samian leaders became alarmed at the prosjject before 
 them ; and repenting that they had rejected the proposals made 
 to them by their exiled despot, they re-opened communications 
 with him, and agreed to desert during the battle. 
 
 The Persian commanders, confident of victory, no longer hesi- 
 tated to attack the Ionian fleet. The Greeks, not suspecting 
 treachery, drew up their ships in order of battle; but just as the 
 two fleets -were ready to engage, the Samian ships sailed away. 
 Their example was followed by the Lesbians, and as the panic 
 spread, by the greater part of the fleet. There was, however, 
 one brilliant exception. The hundred ships of the Chians, though 
 left almost alone, refused to fly, and fought with distinguished 
 bravery against the enemy, till they were overpowered by su- 
 perior numbers. 
 
 § 9. The defeat of the Ionian fleet at Lade decided the fate 
 of the war. The city of Miletus was soon afterwards taken by 
 storm, and was treated with signal severity. Most of the males 
 were slain ; and the few who escaped the sword wei'o carried 
 with the women and children into captivity, and were finally 
 settled at Ampe, a town near the mouth of the Tigris. The fall 
 of this great Ionic city excited the liveliest sympathy at Athens. 
 In the following year the poet Phrynichus, who had made the 
 capture of Miletus the subject of a tragedy, and brought it upon 
 the stage, was sentenced by the Athenians to pay a fine of a 
 thousand drachma; "for having recalled to them their own mis- 
 fortunes." 
 
 The other Greek cities in Asia and the neighbouring islands, 
 which had not yet fallen into the hands of the Persians, were 
 treated with equal severity. The islands of Chios, Lesbos and 
 Tenedos were swept of their inhabitants ; and the Persian Heet 
 sailed up to the Hellespont and Propontis, carrying with it 
 fire and sword. The inhabitants of Byzantium and Chalcedou
 
 170 
 
 IIISTOIIY OF (JKKKCK. 
 
 Chap. XVI. 
 
 did not await itH urrivul, hut Kuik-d away to McM-nibria; and tho 
 Atliriiian MiltiaiU-.H only c-H('U|Krd liillini^ into tlie jKiwcr uf tho 
 IVri^ianrt hy a rapid lii^ht to AthcMiM. 
 
 The sulijn^ralion oi' hmia wart ni»w coinpletc. ThiH was the 
 third lime that the Auiatic (irrckH had Ih-cii con(jueri.-d hy a 
 fori'i^n |K)wcr ; lirst, hy the Indian Crd-jJUK ; Hccoiidly, hy the 
 gi-ni-ralrt ol'Cyru.s ; and lastly, hy tho.^- (jt J)ariuti. It wah from the 
 last that lla-y sulii-rwi mortt ; and ihi-y never fully re«-overed their 
 former prosjHirity. As wkim jus the Persians hud Hutiated Uicir 
 veuf^eance, Artapheme.s introduced varioua re^latiouH li)r tlie 
 government of their country. Thu.s he cau.sed a new gurvey of 
 the country to be made, and fixed the amount of tribute which 
 each district was to pay to the Persian povernment : and hit 
 other nu'a.surcs were calculated to heal tin; wounds which liad 
 been lately inlliclcd with such barbarity ujx)n the Greeks. 
 
 
 ^^5*. 
 
 ■\' 
 
 \ "^ 
 
 Ruina ui 
 
 mple in Lycia.
 
 J^'^3?^V_ n^' 
 
 
 _'_""*2se^"; 
 
 ^s*£:t 
 
 The Plain and Tumulus of Marathon. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF MARATHON. 
 
 § 1. Expedition of Mardoniiis into Greece. § 2. Preparations of Daritis 
 for a second invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leading Grecian 
 states to demand earth and water. § 3. Invasion of Greece by the 
 Persians under Datis and Artaphernes. Conquest of the Cj'clades and 
 Eretria. § 4. Preparations at Athens to resist the Persians. History of 
 Miltiades. §5. Debate among the ten Athenian Generals. Resolution 
 to give battle to the Persians. § 6. Battle of Marathon. § 7. Move- 
 ments of the Persians after the battle. § 8. Effect of the battle of 
 Marathon iipon the Athenians. § 9. Glory of Miltiades. § 10. His 
 unsuccessful expedition to Paros. § 11. His trial, condemnation, and 
 death. § 12. History of ^gina. § 1-3. War between Athens and 
 .^gina. § 14. Athens becomes a maritime power. § 15. Rivalry of 
 Themistocles and Aristides. Ostracism of the latter. 
 
 ^ 1. Dakius had not forgotten his vow to take vengeance upon 
 Athens. Shortly after the suppression of the Ionic revolt, he 
 appointed Mardonius to succeed Artaphernes in the government 
 of the Persian provinces bordering upon the ^gean. Mardoniuis 
 was a Persian noble of high rank, who had lately married tVie 
 king's daughter, and was distinguished by a love of gloiy. Da- 
 rius placed at his command a large armanient, with injunctions 
 to bring to Susa those Athenians and Eretrians who had in- 
 sulted the authority of the Great King. Mardonius lost no time 
 in crossing the Hellespont, and commenced his march through 
 Thrace and Macedonia, subduing, as he went along, the tribes
 
 I7-2 IIISTnllV OF (;KKKCE riui'. XVII. 
 
 which had not y»t siihiiiiltcd lo the I'crxiuii power. M<nii>*h»lc 
 he ordiTi-d the ll<<'t 1(» doiihlf ihr pn-iiioiitory of Mount AthuH, 
 :ind join the land litrccs at llic licad of the ( inll'ol Tlienna. iJut 
 one ol the hurricanes, which rre(|nenlly hlow oil' tliiH dangerouu 
 coH.sl, overtook the IVrHian /h-et, destroyed three liundred vonelii, 
 and drownc<l or dashed njMm tlic rocks twenty lliousand men. 
 •Mardonius hiniself'was not nundi more fortunate. In his paifsaj,'e 
 lliroufxli Macedonia, lie was attaeki-d at nipdit ]»y the lirygiaius 
 .in independent Thracian triU;, wlio slau^ditered a ^Tcal jxjrtion 
 ol'liis army, lie remained in the eomitry long enough to reduce 
 llus people to .';uiiniis.«ion ; hut his forces were eo weakened, that 
 lie cruld not proceed farther. He led his army hack acrf*8 the 
 Ihlle.'^ponl, and returned to the I'ersian court, covered with 
 shame and prief Thus ended the firs't expr-dilitm of the Per- 
 siaii.-^ a^'aint;t the (ireeian states in Europe (n.f. lU'J). 
 
 ^ 2. The failure of this expedition did not i^hake the resolution 
 of Darius. On the contrary, it only made him the rnorc anxious 
 tiir the conquest of (arecce ; and llippias was constantly near 
 him to keep alive his resentment a<rainst Athens. He began 
 to make ])reparations for another attempt on a still larger ecale, 
 and meantime sent heralds to most of the Grecian states to de- 
 mand from each earth and water as the symbol of submission. 
 This he probably did in order to ascertain the amount of resist- 
 ance he wa.s likely to experience. Such terror had the Persians 
 iupjiired by their recent conquest of Ionia, that a large number 
 of the Grecian cities at once complied with the demand. But 
 at Athens and at Sparta the heralds met with a very dillereut 
 iecej)tion. So indignant were the citizens of these states at the 
 insolent demand, that the Athenians cast the herald into a deep 
 pit, and the S])artans threw him into a well, bidding him take 
 earth and water from thence. 
 
 ^ 3. Among the states which had yielded submission to the 
 envoy of Darius, was the island of jEgina, then the first maritime 
 power in Greece. It was, however, as much hatred of the Athe- 
 nians, as fear of the Persian monarch, which had led the ^gi- 
 iielans, to take this step. They had been at war for some yearc 
 past with the Athenians, and were now readv to avail themselves 
 uf the Persian power for the purpose of cnislung their obnoxjous 
 rival. The Athenians, on the other hand, sent ambassadors to 
 Sparta, accusing the ^Eginetans of having betrayed the cormnou 
 cause of Greece by giving earth and water to the barbarians, 
 and calling uix)n Sparta, as the leading state of Hellas, to punish 
 the olienilers. This proceeding deserves particular notice. It 
 is the lirst time in Grecian history that the Greeks are re- 
 jirest'uted as having a eiannu)n ixilitieal cause, and recognizing
 
 13. C 492. MARDONIUS INVADES GREECE. L73 
 
 the leadership of one state The imminent danger to which 
 they were exposed from the Persians brought about this union, 
 and led tlreni to recognize the supremacy of Sparta, a position 
 which this state continued to enjoy from this time Ibrth till the 
 end of the Persian war. 
 
 The complaints of the Athenians met with immediate atten- 
 tion at Sparta. Cleomenes, one of the Spartan kings, forthwith 
 crossed over to vEgiua, and was proceeding to arrest and carry 
 away some of the leading citizens, when Demaratus, the other 
 king, privately encouraged the ^ginetans to defy the authority 
 of his colleague. Thus baffled in his object, Cleomenes returned 
 to Sparta, vowing vengeance against Demaratus. It appears 
 that there had always been some doubts respecting the legiti- 
 macy of the latter Of these suspicions Cleomenes now resolved 
 to avail himself, and instigated Leotychides, the next heir to the 
 crown, to attack publicly the legitimacy of Demaratus. The 
 question was referred to the Delphic oracle ; and through the 
 inflnence of Cleomenes, the priestess declared that his colleague 
 was illegitimate. Leotychides thus succeeded to the throne, 
 and Demaratus descended into a private station. Shortly after- 
 wards Demaratus received a gross atiront from the new king at 
 a public festival , whereupon he quitted Sparta in \\Tath, and 
 crossed over to Darius, who received him graciously, and loaded 
 him with favors and presents. 
 
 Cleomenes now returned to ^Egina, accompanied by Leoty- 
 chides. The iEginetans did not dare to oppose any resistance 
 to their joint demand, and surrendered to them ten of their 
 leading citizens, Avhom Cleomenes deposited as hostages in the 
 hands of the Athenians. 
 
 Meanwhile Darius had completed his preparations for the 
 invasion of Greece. In the spring of c. c. 490, a vast army was 
 assembled in Cilicia, and a fleet of 600 galleys, together with 
 many transports for horses, was ready to receive them on board. 
 The command was given to Datis, a Median, and ArtapherncG. 
 son of the satrap of Sardis of that name, and a nephew of Da 
 rius. Their instructions were generally to reduce to subjection 
 all the Greek cities, which had not already given earth and 
 water ; but more particularly to burn to the ground the cities of 
 Athens and Eretria, and to carry away the inhabitants as slaves. 
 They were furnished with fetters for binding the Grecian pri- 
 soners ; and before the end of the year Darius fully expected to 
 see at his feet the men who had dared to burn the city of Sardis. 
 The possibility of failure probably never occurred either to the 
 king himself", or to any of the soldiers engaged in the expedition. 
 
 Having taken iheir men on board, Datis and Avtaphernes first
 
 IVl IIISTOUY OF (JUKErU riui-. XVII 
 
 lilcfl III SarnoH ; and, warm-d liy iIk* Torrni diwiMi-r of Manlin 
 iiiiis ill (loiililiii}; tin- iironunilory <»f Mount AjIioh, thi-y r<'i«<lvi'«l 
 In xail hlrai^rlit arnms \\w /Kt'''"" '" I'inlK/'a. HiilKliiin}^ on ihi-ir 
 way llu! ('yclailrs. They (irst ri'«olvc<l lo attack i\ax«m, •uliirh 
 ten years Ix-liirc had ^iillnntly rf|M'llcd a larpf I*«Tnian J'orrc com- 
 iiiaiidrd liy Mi-jrahatcH iind Arirttaf,'oraM of MilctiiH. Hut the 
 Naxians did not now ovt'ii venture to wait the firrival of the 
 r<T.>iiaiis. Itiit lied lo tlie inoniitain.s, ahandoniiifj ihfir town to 
 Uic invaders, who hiiriit it to the (rround. The other JKhiiidH of 
 lh( (..!y<dai|cs yii-ldcil a ready piihiiiission ; ami it wan not till 
 Dal is reai-lii'd KulHi-alhat heriienimtered any n-sistanre. Krctria 
 (lell-iided itself pallaiitly liir six days, and rejiulsed the PerKiana 
 wilh loss ; hilt on the seventh the pales were ojM'iied to the \)C- 
 siepcrs hy the treaehery of two of its leading citizens. The rity 
 was ra/ed to the prouiid, and tlie inhahitaiits were ])Ut in rhains, 
 .leeordiiip to tlie command of the Persian iiionarcli. 
 
 l)atis had thus easily acc<)ni])lished one of tlic two preat ob- 
 jects for which he had been sent into Greece. He now j»ro- 
 cceded to execute his second order. After remaininp a few 
 days at l*lretria, he crossed over to Attica, and landed on the 
 ever memorahle jilain of Marathon, a spot which had been 
 IKiiiited out to him hy the despot Hippias, who accompanied the 
 Persian anny. 
 
 ^ I. It is now time to turn to Athens, and see what prepara- 
 tions had there been made to meet the threatening danger. 
 While the Persian army was on its passage across the iEgeajt 
 ten penerals liad been elected for the year, according to the 
 regular custom, one for each tribe. Among these penerals were 
 throe men, whose names have acquired immortal fame. — Mil- 
 tiades, Themistocles, and Aristides. Of the two latter we shall 
 have occasion to speak more fully presently ; but ^liltiades 
 claims our immediate attention. Miltiades hrul been the desjx>t 
 of the Chersouesus, whither he had Ixhmi sent from Athens by 
 Hippias about the year 510 ]i c, to take pos.^ession of the inhe- 
 ritance of his uncle, who bore the same name. As ruler of the 
 Chersone.<us, he had distinguished himself by his bravery and 
 decision of character. We have already seen that he accom- 
 panied Darius in his invasion of Seythia, and recommended the 
 Ionian despots to break down the bridge ot" boats across the 
 Danube and leave Darius to his fate. ^Yhile the Persian gene- 
 rals were engaged in suppressing the Ionic revolt, he took pos- 
 session of Lcmnos and Imbros, expelled the Persian garrisons and 
 Pelasgian mhabitaiits, and handeil over these islands to the Athe- 
 nians. He had thus committed t\\o great ollences nirainst the 
 Persian monarch ; and accordingly v-hen the Pha?nirion fUet
 
 B.C. 490. SECOXD PERSIAN INVASION. 1Y7 
 
 appeared in the Hellespont after the extinction of the ! lono- 
 revolt, he sought safety in flight, and hastily sailed awi: jaed 
 Athens with a small squadron of five ships. He was hotly ,^113 
 sued by the Pha-nicians, who were most eager to secur hich 
 person as an acceptable ofi'ering to Darius. They succeed^ipied 
 taking one of his ships, commanded by his son Metiochu j giJe 
 Miltiades him-self reached Athens in safety. Soon aft.ary iii 
 arrival, he was brought to trial on account of his despol^ gijn 
 the Chersonesus. Not only was he honourably acquitted ■■^"r.- 
 time, probably on account of the recent service he had reiiue. 
 to Athens by the conquest of Lemnos and Imbros, but such cci.- 
 iidence did his abilities inspire, that he was elected one of the 
 ten generals of the republic on the approach of the Persian fleet. 
 
 ^ 5. As soon as the news of the fall of Eretria reached Athens, 
 the courier Phidippides was sent to Sparta to solicit assistance. 
 Such was liis extraordinary speed of foot that he performed this 
 journey of 150 miles in 48 hours. The Spartans promised their 
 aid ; but their superstition rendered their promise inellectual, 
 since it wanted a lew days to the full moon, and it was contrary 
 to their religious customs to commence a march during this 
 interval. The reason given by the Spartans for their delay 
 does not appear to have been a pretext ; and this instance is 
 only one among many of that blind attachment to ancient forms 
 which characterize this people throughout the whole period of 
 their history. 
 
 Meantime, the Athenians had marched to Marathon, and were 
 encamped upon the mountains which surrounded the plain. 
 Upon learning the answer which Phidippides brought from 
 Sparta, the ten generals were divided in opinion as to the best 
 course to be pursued. Five of them were opposed to an imme- 
 diate engagement with the overwhelming luimber of Persians, 
 and urged the importance of waiting for the arrival of the Lace- 
 daemonian succours. Miltiades and the remaining four contended, 
 on the other hand, that not a moment should be lost in fighting 
 the Persians, net oidy in order to avail themselves of the pre- 
 sent enthusiasm of the people, but still more to prevent treachery 
 from spreading among their ranks, and paralyzing all united 
 effort. The momentous decision, upon which the destinies cf 
 Athens, and indeed of all Greece hung, depended upon the cast- 
 jncr-vote of Callimachus, the Polemarch ; Ibr down to this time 
 the- third Archon was a colleague of the ten generals.* To him 
 Miltiades now addressed himself with the utmost earnestness, 
 pointing out the danger of delay, and that only a speedy and 
 dt><>.is\ve victor}' could save them from the treacherous attempts 
 * See above, p. 91.
 
 171 
 
 IIISTOUY OF OUKECM 
 
 t'liAi'. XVIL 
 
 \ 
 
 nail<*"' frionds of Ilippius williiii llio rity. The nrniiuuniin '>( 
 iiiii,iiiul('rt won! w.'imily wm-oiuKmI l»y Tln'iiiiMlorlert ami Ari/*lii|«'iL 
 t,, Jiiiiiicliim frll llirir l'i)ri;r, uimI fjavo Jii.s vote lor llie battle, 
 way *''" H<'i"TaU coriiiiiuiiilc<l lln'ir army in rotation, earh for 
 ten >(lay ; l»iil they now a^nrwl t«) Hnrrrn<l<-r to Miltia(l«'H their 
 mati'<"' ''""""''^"''' '" order to inve.st th«; whole jxjwer in a Hinp'lc 
 \:i\i:*. 
 
 '*er.-i:i While the Atheuian.H were j)reparintr for hattle, they re 
 • •ei\1<i unexpected aKsistanee from the little town of I'latiea, in 
 i{ii!otia. (iratefid to the Athenians for the iiHHislancc which ihcy 
 had rendered thern against the Thebans, the whole force of 
 IMataN'i, arnountinj^ to lOOU lieuvy-arined rnen, niarchetl to the 
 asfiistanee of their allies and joined thern at Marathon. Their 
 arrival at this crisis of the fortunes of Athens made a deep and 
 abiding,' impression u|m)Ii the Athenian jn-ople, and was recol- 
 lected with f^ratefnl ii'elin<^s down to the latest times. The 
 Athenian army numbered only 10,U00 hoplites, or heavy-anned 
 soldiers ; there were no archers or cavalry, and only some slaves 
 as liirhl-anned attendants. Of the n\imbcr of the I'ersiaa army 
 we have no trustworthy account, but the lowest estimate makes 
 it consist of 1 li),UlJO men. 
 
 The idain of .Marathon lies on the ea.stern coast of Attica, at 
 the distance of twenty-two miles from Athens by the shortest 
 road. It is in the form of a crescent, the horns of which consist 
 ol two promontories runniiifj into the sea, and forming a semi- 
 circular bay. This plain is about six miles in lenpth, and in its 
 widest or central part about two in breadth. Near each of the 
 horns at the northern and southern extremities of the plain are 
 two marshes. The uninterrupted Hatne.-is of the plain is hardly 
 relieved by a sinjjle tree ; anil on every side towards the land 
 there ri.ses an ami)hitheatre of ruirfred limestone moimtaiiis, se- 
 parating it irom tlie rest of Attica. 
 
 A A Athenian army. 
 
 nattlo of Marathofi. 
 B B Persian army 
 
 c c Pei^ian fleet.
 
 B.C. 490. BATTLE OF MARATHON. Ill 
 
 On the day of battle the Persian army was drawn up along 
 the plain about a mile froni the .sea, and their fleet was ranged 
 behind them on the beach. The native Persians and Sacians, 
 the best troops in the army, were stationed in the centre, which 
 was considered the post of honour. The Athenians occupied 
 the rising ground above the plain, and extended from one side 
 of the plain to the other. This arrangement was necessary in 
 order to protect their flanks by the mountains on each side, 
 and to prevent the cavalry from passing round to attack them 
 in rear. But so large a breadth of ground could not be occu- 
 pied with so small a number of men, without weakening some 
 2:!ortion of the line. Miltiades, therefore, drew up the troops 
 in the centre in shallow files, and resolved to rely for success 
 upon the stronger and deeper masses of his wings. The right 
 wing, which was the post of honour in a Grecian army, was 
 commanded by the Polemarch Callimachus ; the hoplites were 
 arranged in the order of their tribes, so that the members of the 
 same tribe fought by each other's side ; and at the extreme left 
 stood the Platajans. 
 
 Before the hostile armies jcui in conflict, let us try to realize 
 to our minds the feelings of the Athenian warriors on this event- 
 ful day. The su2:)eriority of the Greeks to the Persians in the 
 field of battle has become so famihar to our minds by the glo- 
 rious victories of the former, that it requires some efiort of the 
 imagination to appreciate in its full extent the heroism of the 
 Athenians at Marathon. The Medes and Persians had liitherto 
 pursued an almost uninterrupted career of conquest. They had 
 rolled over country after countr}% each successive wave engulph- 
 ing some ancient dynasty, some powerful monarchy. The 
 Median, Lydian, Babylonian, and Egj'ptian empires had all 
 fallen before them ; and latterly the Asiatic Greeks, many of 
 whose cities were as populous and powerful as Athens itself, 
 had been taught by a bitter lesson the folly of resistance to 
 these invincible foes. Never yet had the Medes and Persians 
 met the Greeks in the field and been defeated. " For hitheilo," 
 says Herodotus, " the very name of Medes had struck terror into 
 the hearts of the Greeks ; and the Athenians were the first to 
 endure the sight of their armour, and to look them in the face 
 on the field of battle." 
 
 It must, therefore, have been with some trepidation that the 
 Atheruans nerved themselves for the conflict. Miltiades, anx- 
 ious to come to close quarters as speedily as possible, ordered his 
 soldiers to advance at a rmming step over the mile of ground 
 which separated them from the foe. Raising the war-cry, they 
 rushed down upon the Persians, who awaited them with aston- 
 
 I*
 
 i7h history of (;refx:;e. ciiap. xvii. 
 
 isliiiK-iil. and M-nrti, tliiiikiti}; thciti to Ih* little nliort of iii.-uIukmi 
 tliiis to hurry 1<> crrlaiii (icHtnirtion. Tln-y were quickly uiid*;- 
 rrivcil ; ami tin' battle nnoii rnjrcd liiTfcly alcjiijr tlie whole line. 
 Itolh till- AllH'iiiaurt' wiiip* wen; KU«'ee)«.Hiiil, and drove the ene- 
 my hcLiin- tlirin toNvardri th(! nlion* and the luurHhcfl. Hut the 
 Athi'iiian (M-ntre was broken hy the I'crHiaiiH and KaeianH, and 
 (■(ini|Hrllfd to take to flight. .\Iiltiad<») thereupon recalled hiit 
 uiiifTrf from jiurHuit. and rallyinj? hiH reiitre, ehar^red the IVrHiann 
 Hid Sarians. The latter roiild not withstand this eciridjined at- 
 lack. The battle had already lasted wtrne bourn, and the rayH 
 )('tlie pettin<r sun streamed lull in the iaees •)! the enerny. The 
 niMl now berame peneral al(>n<r the ^vllole Persian line ; and they 
 lied to their ships, j)ursue(l by tli(! Athenians. 
 
 "Tlio tlyiiiij; Mido, h'\A Hliuftks-t brokeii b«w; 
 The fury (ircck, liis n-d piirsiiinp spear; 
 Mountiiiiis ftbovo, Knrtli'.-i, Oceftii's {)lnin below. 
 Death in tlio front, destruction in the rear! 
 Sueli was the scene." 
 
 Tin- Athenians tried to set fire to the Persian veswds on the 
 coast, but they succeeded in destroying only seven of them, foi 
 the enemy here foujrht with the coura«re cf despair. Thus ended 
 the battle of Marathon. 
 
 The Persians lost GlUO men in thi.s memorable cnpafrement : 
 o.f the Athenians only 192 fell. The aped despot Hi|)pia8 is 
 said to have perished in the battle, and the brave Polemarch 
 Cullimachus was also one of the slain. Among the Athenian 
 combatants were the poet /E.^chylu3 and his brother Cyna-frirus; 
 the latter of whom, while sei7.in<r one of the vessels, had his 
 hand cut oil by an axe, and died of the wound. 
 
 ^ 7. The Persians had no sooner embarked than they sailed 
 towards Cape t>uuium. At the same time a bright shield was 
 seen raised aloft upon one of the mountains of Attica. This 
 was a signal given by some of the partisans of Hijipias to invite 
 the Persians to surprise Athens, while the army was still ab- 
 sent at Marathon. Miltiadcs. seeing the direction taken by the 
 Persian fleet, suspected the meaning of the signal, and lost no 
 time in marching back to Athens. He arrived at the harbour 
 of Phalcrum only just in time. The Persian fleet was already 
 in sight ; a few hours more would have made tlie victory of 
 Marathon of no avail. But when the Persians reached the 
 coast, and beheld before them the very soldiers from whom they 
 bad so recently fled, they did not attempt to land, but sailed 
 away to Asia, carrjing with them their Eretrian prisoners. 
 
 ^ I?. The departure of the Persians was hailed at Athens with 
 one unanimous burst of heart-felt joy. \Vhatevor traitors there
 
 B.C. 490. RETREAT OF THE PERSIANS. 1-79 
 
 may have been in the city, they did not dare to express their 
 feehngs amidst the general exultation of the citizens. Marathon 
 became a magic word at Athens. The Athenian people in suc- 
 ceeding ages always looked back upon this day as the most 
 glorious in their aimals, and never tired of hearing its praises 
 sounded by their orators and poets. And they had reason to be 
 proud of it. It was the first time that the Greeks had ever de- 
 feated the Persians in the field. It was the exploit of the Athe- 
 nians alone. It had saved not only Athens but all Greece. If 
 the Persians had conquered at Marathon, Greece must, in all 
 likelihood, have become a Persian province ; the destinies of the 
 world would have been changed ; and oriental despotism might 
 still have brooded over the fairest countries of Europe. 
 
 Such a glorious victory had not been gained, so thought the 
 Athenians, witiiout the special interposition of the gods. The 
 national heroes of Attica were believed to have fouglit on the 
 side of the Athenians ; and even in the time of Pausanias, six 
 hundred years afterwards, the plain of Marathon was believed to 
 be haunted with spectral warriors, and eveiy night there might 
 be heard the shouts of combatants and the snorting of horses. 
 
 The one hundred and ninety-two Athenians who had perished 
 in the battle, were buried on the field, and over their remains a 
 tumulus or mound was erected, which may still be seen about 
 half a mile fi-om the sea. Their names were inscribed on ten 
 pillars, one for each tribe, also erected on the spot ; and the 
 poet Simonides described them as the champions of the common 
 independence of Greece : — 
 
 "At Marathon for Greece the Athenians fought; 
 And low the Medians' gilded power they brought."* 
 
 § 9. Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, was received at Athens 
 with expressions of the warmest admiration and gratitude. His 
 trophies are said to have robbed Themistocles of his sleep ; and 
 the eminent services which he had rendered to his country were 
 also acknowledged in subsequent generations. A separate mon- 
 ument was erected to him on the field of Marathon ; his figure 
 occupied one of the prominent places in the picture oi" the 
 battle of Marathon, which adorned the walls of the Poecile, or 
 Painted Porch, of Athens ; and the poet gave expression to the 
 general feelings in the lines : — 
 
 " Miltiades, thy victories 
 
 Must every Persian own ; 
 And hallow'd by thy prowess lies 
 The field of Marathon."f 
 
 Translated by Sterling. -j- Wellesley's Antholoc/ia, p. 263.
 
 lh(, IIIHTORY OP OIIEECH fiiAr. XVIL 
 
 ll would liiivr Iktii forliinntc for lii» ^rlcin' if lie liad ilird on 
 the iK'ld <>l Muriitliiiii. Thr rciiiaiiMlcr ol Iiih liiHtury in u rapid 
 .111(1 iiirlimrlidly di'M-riit I'rojii tin- |iiiinur|c III' fiUiry to uii ipiio- 
 iMiiiioiiH dcalli. 
 
 ^ lU. Shortly ufti-r i\w baltlo, .Miitiadt-.s ri-»ju.-.slcd of the Athe- 
 iiiaiiH a licet <>t M-vriity HhipH, without tclliii<.' thciii tlic object 
 of his i'X|ifditi(in, hut only Jiroiuisiiij; to enrich the Htatc. Such 
 iinhoiiiuh-d coiilideiice did the Athciiian.s rc|KMc in the hero of 
 Marathon, tliat they at onc(! coiii|)licd with his demand. Thia 
 conlidenco AlilliadeH abuMul. In order to frratify a private ani- 
 mosity a<;ainst one of the lea(hnf( citizens ol' I'aros, he Baile<l to 
 this i.shmd, and laid »iepc to the town. Paroa was one of the 
 mo-st ll()uri.>iiiiiif; of tlie Cychides, and the town was Htronply 
 fortified. The citizens repelled all ]m attack.s; and he had be- 
 pni tit despair ul' taking the place, when he received a rnessape 
 Ironi a Parian woman, a priestess of the temple of Demeter 
 (Ceres), promisin<.' that she would put I'aros in his |)owcr, if 
 he would visit by nifiht a temple from which all male jx-rsons 
 were excluded. Catchin<j at this la.st hope, he repaired to the 
 appointed place. Jle leaped over the outer fence, and had nearly 
 reached the sanctuary, when he was seized with a jjanic terror, 
 and ran away; but in fretting back over the fence he received a 
 dan<^erous injury on his tliifrh. He now abandoned all hope of 
 success, raised the siepc and returned to Athens. 
 
 Ml- Luud was the indiffnation apainst Miltiades on his re- 
 turn. Hii was accused by Xanthijipus, the father of Pericles, 
 of having deceived the people, and was broufrht to trial. His 
 wound had already begun to show symptoms of gangrene. He 
 was carried into court on a couch, and there lay before the 
 assembletl judges, while his friends pleaded on his behalf. They 
 could oiler no excuse for his recent conduct, but thev reminded 
 the Athenians of the inestimable services they had received 
 from the accused, and urged them iu the strongest terms to 
 spare the victor of Marathon. The judges Mere not insensible 
 to this appeal; and instead of condemning him to death, as the 
 accuser had demanded, they coiinnuted the jK-naltv to a tine of 
 fifty talents, probably the cost of the armament. He was un- 
 able immediately to raise this sum, and died scxm afterwards of 
 his woinul. The fine was subst-quentlv jtaid bv his son Cimon. 
 Later writers relate that Miltiades died m prison ; but Herodo- 
 tus does not mention his imprist)innent, and we mav therefore 
 hope that the hero of Marathon was spared this further in- 
 dignity. 
 
 The melancholy end of Miltiades must not blind us to his 
 offence, and ought not to lead us to charge the Athenian people
 
 B.C. 489. WAR BETWEEN ATHENS AND ^GINA. 181 
 
 with ingratitude and fickleness. The Athenians did not forget 
 his services at Marathon, and it was their gratitude towards him 
 which alone saved him from death. He had grossly abused the 
 public confidence, and deserved his punishment. A state which 
 should give impunity to a criminal on account of previous ser- 
 vices would soon cease to exist. 
 
 M2. Soon after the battle of Marathon, a war broke out be- 
 tween Athens and iEgina, which continued doA\Ti to the invasion 
 of Greece by Xerxes. This war is of great importance in 
 Grecian history, since to it the Athenians were indebted for 
 their navy, which enabled them to save Greece at Salamis as 
 they had already done at Marathon. 
 
 The rocky island of iEgina is situated in the Saronic gulf 
 about twelve miles from the coast of Attica, and contains only 
 about 41 square English miles. But, notwithstanding its small 
 extent, it is one of the most celebrated of the Grecian islands. 
 In the mythical ages it was the residence of ^Eacus, king of the 
 Myrmidons, from whom Achilles and some of the most illus- 
 trious Grecian heroes were descended. In historical times it 
 was iidiabited by a wealthy and enterprizing Dorian people, who 
 carried on an extensive commerce with all parts of the Hellenic 
 world. It is said that silver money was first coined in iEgina, 
 by Phidon, tyrant of Argos ; * and we know that the name of 
 iEginetan was given to one of the two scales of weights and 
 measures current throughout Greece. The wealth, which its 
 citizens acquired by commerce, was partly devoted to the en- 
 couragement of art, which was cultivated in this island with 
 great success during the half century preceding the Persian war. 
 Indeed, during this period ^gina held a prominent rank among 
 the Grecian states, and possessed the most powerful navy in all 
 Greece. 
 
 M3. There had been an ancient feud between Athens and 
 JEgina, which first broke out into open hostilities a few years 
 after the expulsion of Hippias from Athens. About the year 
 506 B.C. the Thebans, who had been defeated by the Athenians,! 
 applied for aid to iEgina. This was immediately granted ; and 
 the iEginetans immediately attacked the Athenian territor)% 
 without making any formal declaration of war. Of the details 
 of this contest, we have no information ; and we lose sight of 
 ^gina for the next few years. 
 
 In the year before the battle of Marathon iEgina is mentioned 
 among the Grecian states which gave earth and water to the 
 envoys of Darius. It was, probably, as much hatred of the 
 
 * Respecting tliis statement, see p. 59. 
 f See p. 112.
 
 18'i HISTORY OF OUKKCH Ciui'. XVII. 
 
 Allii-iiiiiiiH UH fcur of thu PcrHiuiiM, which led the yK^inetutiM to 
 Miliiiiit to l)iiriii»(, hoping' to rruiih their ohiioxioiut nvuU with 
 ihr hrl|» ol' till- (irr.'it Kiu>r. 'I'lii- I'vrt^iiiiii', hifwrvrr, wi-re not 
 yet ill lirriT)- ; and thi: Alhriiiaiiri loxt no tiim- in M'Mthn^ an eiii- 
 l)a.x.»y to Sparta, accn.siiijr the iKjriin-taiH of iiaviu^' ln-trav'-'d tlic 
 coiiiiiion raiisf ot Ih'llas, and railing ii|»on the >S|mrtuiii«, an thu 
 jirotrcturs ol" ( trcciaii lihrrly, to puiiit^li tlie olieiidcrH. Thi« re- 
 jiii-st met witli prompt attriitioii ; and Cle<iinene8, onf of the 
 Spartan kinjiH, foiiliw illi croHscd over to yEjrina. Ho waH pro- 
 (•(•i-diiiff to arrest and carry away wtriio of the leading citizens, 
 whi-n i)('niaratus, the otlier Spartan kinjr, privately encouraged 
 llie yKj.Mnetans to defy tlie authority of his colleaf.nie. Thia 
 was the second important occasir)n on which Demaratus had 
 thwarted the jtlans of liis colleafiue ; airfl Cleomeneti returned to 
 Sjiarta, lirmly resolved that Demaratus should not have a third 
 opportunity. 
 
 It appears that there had always been doubts reppectinp the 
 lejritimaey of Demaratus. Clecmenes now persuaded Leoty- 
 eliides, tlie ni'xt heir to the crown, to lay claim to the royal 
 dignity, on the frround that Demaratus was discjualitied by his 
 hirtli. The Spartans referred the question to the Delphic oracle; 
 and at the secret instipation of L'leomenes, the priestess de- 
 clared tiiat his e()llea<rue was ille<ritimate. Leotychides thus 
 ascended the throne, and Demaratus descended into a private 
 station. Shortly afterwards, the deposed monarch received a 
 frro.^s ailront from the new kin<? at a public festival, whereupon 
 he quitted Sparta in wrath, and repaired to the Persian cturt, 
 w here we shall subsequently lind him among the counsellors of 
 Darius. 
 
 L'leomenes now returned to yEirina, accompanied by Leoty- 
 chides. The j-E<rinetans did not dare to resist the joint demand 
 of the two Spartan kin<j:s. and surrendered to them ten of their 
 leadiiifr citizens, whom Cleoineues deposited as hostages in the 
 hands of the Athenians. 
 
 ^ 11. After the battle of Marathon, the /Eginetans endeavoured 
 to recover these hostaires ; and the refusal of the Athenians to 
 give them back leil to a renewal of the war, which was pro- 
 secuted with great activity on both sides. It was now that 
 Thi-mistoeles came forward with his celebrated proposition, 
 which converteil Athens into a maritime power. Hitherto tlie 
 .\thenians had not jKiss«.'ssed a navy : and Themistocles clearly 
 saw that without a jK)werful fleet it would be impossible for his 
 countrymen to humble their rival. But his views extended still 
 lurtlier. He well knew that Persia was preparing for another 
 and still more fonnidable attack upon Greece ; and he had the
 
 B.C. 485. THEMISTOCLES AND ARISTIDErf. 183 
 
 sagacity to perceive that a large and efficient fleet would be the 
 best protection against the barbarians. Influenced by these two 
 motives, and also impressed with the conviction that the very 
 position of Athens iitted it to be a maritime and not a land 
 power, he urged the Athenians at once to build and equip a 
 numerous and powerful fleet. The Athenians were both able 
 and willing to follow liis advice. There was at this time a large 
 Gurplus in the public treasury, arising from the produce of the 
 valuable silver mines at Laurium. These mines, which belonged 
 to the .state, were situated in the southern part of Attica, near 
 Cape Sunium, in the midst of a mountainous district. It had 
 been recently proposed to di.stribute this siu'plus among the 
 Athenian citizens ; but Themistocles persuaded them to sacrifice 
 their private advantage to the public good, and to appropriate 
 this money to building a fleet of 200 ships. The immediate 
 want of a fleet to cope with the iEginetans probably weighed 
 with the Athenian people more powerfully than the prospective 
 danger from the Persians. " And thus," as Herodotus says, " the 
 i'Eginetan war saved Greece by compelling the Athenians to 
 make themselves a maritime power." Not oiJy were these two 
 hundred ships built, but Themistocles also succeeded about the 
 same time in persuading the Athenians to pass a decree that 
 twenty new ships should be built every year. 
 
 ^15. Of the internal history of Athens during the ten years 
 between the battles of Marathon and Salamis we have little 
 information. We only know that the two leading citizens of 
 this period were Themistocles and Aristides. These two emi- 
 nent men formed a striking contrast to each other. Themis- 
 tocles possessed abilities of the most extraordinary kind. In 
 intuitive sagacity, in ready invention, and in prompt and daring 
 execution, he surpasses almost every statesman whether of an- 
 cient or of modern times. With unerring foresight he divined 
 the plans of his enemies ; in the midst of difficulties and per- 
 plexities, not only was he never at a loss for an expedient, but 
 he always adopted the right one ; and he carried out his schemes 
 with an energy and a promptness which astonished both friends 
 and foes. But these transcendant abilities were marred by a 
 want of honesty. In the exercise of power he was accessible to 
 bribes, and he did not hesitate to employ dishonest means for 
 the aggrandizement both of Athens and of himself He closed 
 a glorious career in disgrace and infamy, an exile and a traitor. 
 
 Aristides was inferior to Themistocles in ability, but was in- 
 comparably superior, not only to him but to all his contempo- 
 raries, in honesty and integrity. In the administration of public 
 affairs he acted with a single eye to the public good, regardless
 
 IH-I 
 
 IIISTollV OF (iUKECE. 
 
 (jiAi-. XVIL 
 
 of |i!irty tifH niitl i*i |HM>()iiiil rrirnili*lii|iH. IIih ii|)ri^ti1iieKX and 
 jiiMliri' were mo universally arkiiDwIcdjxcd, that lie rr«Tivud the 8ur- 
 iiaiiii' ol tin- .lii.xl. lint ihfxr very virtin'H procun-cl liim cncmieii. 
 Mot only (IkI In- incur the liatp-d oC llio.«.c whono rurrupt jjrac- 
 iu'va lie (It'nounccil and cxpom-d, but many ol hiH I'ellow-citixj'nH bc- 
 cuinr jralouH of a man whose supi'riority waHconKtaiitly proclaim- 
 ed. Wc arc told that an unli'lfcrcd countryman ^'avc Win vole 
 a^aiuHt Aristidcs at the ostracism, simply on the ground that he 
 was tired of hearing him always called the JuHt. 
 
 Hctwccn men of f^nch ii|iposile characterH as Themifttr-cleH and 
 Aristidcs, there could not he tiiucli a^reinient. In the manage- 
 iiii'ut of public allairs they fn-fjucntly came into collision ; and 
 they opposed each other with su<"h violence and animoHty, that 
 Aristidcs is reported to have said, " If the Athenians were •wise, 
 tln-v would cast both of us into the barathrum. " After three or 
 four years of bitter rivalry, the two chiefs appealed to the ostra- 
 cism, and Ari.stides was banished. 
 
 Aristidcs had u.<ed all his efforts to prevent the Athenians 
 from abandoniufr their ancient habits, and from convertinfr their 
 state Irom a land into a maritime power. There can be no 
 <loubt that he viewed such a change as a danperous intiovation, 
 and thought that the sailor would not make j=o pood an Athenian 
 citizen as the heavy-armed soldier. It was fortunate, however, 
 lor the liberties of Greece, that the arguments of his rival pre- 
 vailed. Aristidcs was a lar more virtuous citizen than Themis- 
 tocles ; but their country ct)uld now dispense with the former 
 iMUch better than with the latter. 
 
 Bust orMiluadi-s.
 
 View of Thermopylae. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF THERMOPYL^ AND ARTEMISIUM. 
 
 § 1. Deatli of Darius and accession of Xerxes. § 2. Preparations for the 
 invasion of Greece. § 3. A bridge thrown across the Hellespont, and a 
 canal cut through the Isthmus of Mount Athos. § 4. Xerxes sets out 
 fromSardis. Order of the march. § 5. Passage of the Hellespont. §6. 
 Numberingof the army on the plain of Doriscus. § 7. Continuation of 
 the march from Doriscus to Mount Olympus. § 8. Preparations of the 
 Greeks to resist Xerxes. Congress of the Grecian states at the Isthmus 
 of Corinth. § 9. Patriotism of the Athenians. Resolution of the Greeks 
 to defend the pass of Tempe, wliich is afterwards abandoned. § 10. De- 
 scription of the pass of Tliermopylfe. § 11- Leonidas sent with 300 
 Spartans and a small body of Peloponncsians to defend the pass of 
 Thermopylag. § 1 2. Attack and repulse of the Persians at Thermopjda!. 
 § 13. A Persian detachment cross tlie mountains by n, secret path in 
 order to fall upon the Greeks in the rear. § 14. Heroic death of Leoni 
 das and his comrades. § 15. Monuments erected to their honour. § IB- 
 Proceedings of tlie Persian and Grecian fleets. § 17. The Persian 
 fleet overtaken by f> terrible storm. § 18. First battle of Artemisium. 
 § 19. Second storm. § 20. Second battle of Artemisium. Retreat 
 of the Grecian f5eet to Salamis. 
 
 § 1. The defeat of the Persians at Marathon served only to in- 
 crease the resentment of Darius. He now resolved to collect 
 the whole forces of his empire, and to lead them in person
 
 IHO HISTOUY OF (JRKKCi: Chap. XVIIL 
 
 aLTiiiiHt AtlitiiH. I'rir tlircf' jvant, hiiMV jirrparfitioua •were inmlo 
 lliinii^r|i(iut lii.H v.'ixt (liiiiiiiiidtiH. Ill till- toiirtli y^'ar \m utteii- 
 lioii wan (lihtractrd liy ji n-volt nf tin; K(r\ jdiuiii', who h A ulwayH 
 boriii! lln' J'nsiim yoke with iiii|iaticii(-i; ; and briorir lie could 
 rcdnro tlwni to fuhjiTtion lie wuh Hurj)rizfd liy deutli, after a 
 reipii of lliirly-Heveii yeurH (ii.c. -l^.O). 
 
 The dcalli of J)ariii8 waH a fortunate event ior Greece. It 
 deprived the IV-rsians c)f an ivMe ruler, who iKitiseiu-ed an ex- 
 tensive knowledge of mni am! of all:iir.«, and it gave the Athe- 
 nians lime to fbmi the navy, which proved the imlvation of 
 Greece. Xerxef, the son and BUccefH)r of Darius, was a man of 
 little ability and \r^n e.vjiericnce. IV-ing the favourite eon of 
 Atos<a, the daughter of the great Cyrus, he had received the 
 education of an eastern de.^pot, and been surrounded with slavi>« 
 from his cradle. In ]ier.«on he was the talle.<t and hand.-omest 
 man amidst the vast hosts which he led against Greece; but 
 there was nothing in his mind to corresjMind to this fair exterior. 
 His character was marked by faint-hearted timidity and childish 
 vanity. Such was the monarch ujion whom now devolved the 
 execution of the schemes of Darius. 
 
 Xer.xes had not inherited his father's animosity against Greece, 
 and at ilrst appeared ready to abandon the enterjirize. But he 
 was surroiuuled by men w ho urged him to prosecute his lather's 
 plans. Foremost among these "was Mardonius, who was eager 
 to retrieve bis reputation, and to obtain the conquered country 
 as a satrapy ior himself. The powerful family of the Thessalian 
 Aleuada3 and the exiled Pisislratids from Athens warmly se- 
 conded the views of Mardonius, exaggerating the fertility and 
 beauty of Greece, and promi.-ing the nioiuirch an ea.«y and a glo- 
 rious victory. They aJM) iullamed his ambition with the prospect 
 of emulating the military glory of his father Darius, and ol his 
 grandiatlRT Cyrus, and of extending bis dominions to the farthest 
 limits of the world. The only one of his counsellors, who urged 
 him to adopt a contrary course, was his uncle Artabanus ; but 
 his advice was rejected, and Xerxes finally determined upon the 
 invasion of Greece. 
 
 ^ 2. The subjugation if the Egyptians, however, claimed his 
 immediate attention. This was etiectetl without much dilJiculty 
 in the second year of his reign (n.c. 4b4) ; and he was now at 
 liberty to march against Greece. Darius had nearly completed 
 his preparations ior the invasion of Greece at tie lime of his 
 death ; and the forces which he had collected were considered by 
 this prudent monarch sulhcient for the purjiose. The new king 
 was anxious to ma'Kc a still more imposing disjtlay of his power. 
 He was not satistied with collecting a militaiy j)ower sutlicient for
 
 B.C. 485. ACCESSIOJV OF XERXES. 187 
 
 the conqvxest of Europe ; he also resolved to gratify his vanity 
 and love of ostentation, by gathering together the most numerous 
 armament which the Avorkl had ever seen. Accordingly, for four 
 years more the din of preparation sounded throughout Asia. 
 Troops were collected from every quarter of the Persian empire, 
 and were ordered to assemble at Critalla, in Cappadocia. As 
 many as forty-six different nations composed the land-force, of 
 various complexions, languages, dresses, and arms. Among them 
 might be seen many strange and barbarous tribes, — nomad hordes 
 of Asiatics, armed with a dagger and a lasso, Vv'ith which they 
 entangled their enemy, — Libyans, whose only arms were wooden 
 staves, with the end hardened in the fire, — and Ethiopians, from 
 the Up^ier Nile, with their bodies painted half white and half 
 red, clothed with the skius of lions and panthers, and armed 
 with arrows tipped with a point of sharp stone instead of iron. 
 The fleet was furnished by the Phoenicians and lonians, and 
 other maritime nations subject to the Persian monareli. Im- 
 mense stores of provisions were at the same time collected from 
 every part of the empire, and deposited at suitable stations along 
 the line of march as far as the confines of Greece. 
 
 ^ 3. While these vast preparations were going on, two great 
 works were also undertaken, which would at the same time both 
 render the expedition easier, and bear witness to the grandeur and 
 might of the Persian king. These were the construction of a bridge 
 across the Hellespont, and the cutting of a canal through the 
 isthmus of Mount Athos. The first of these works M'as entrusted 
 to Phcenieian and Eg\'ptian engineers. The bridge extended from 
 the neighbourhood of Abydos, on the Asiatic coast, to a spot 
 between Sestus and Madytus on the European side, where the 
 strait is about an English mile in breadth. After it had been 
 completed, it was destroyed by a violent storm, at which Xerxes 
 was so enraged, that he not only caused the heads of the chief 
 engineers to be struck off, but in his daring impiety commanded 
 the " divine" Hellespont to be scourged, and a set of fetters 
 cast into it. Thus having given vent to his resentment, he 
 ordered two bridges to be built in place of the former, one for 
 the army to pass over, and the other for the baggage and beasts 
 of burthen. The new work consisted of two broad causeways 
 alongside of one another, each resting upon a row of ships, 
 which were moored by anchors, and by cables fastened to the 
 sides of the channel. 
 
 The voyage round the rocky promontory of Mount Athos had 
 become an object of dread to the Persians, from the tenible 
 shipwreck which the fleet of Mardonius had suiiered on this dan- 
 gerous coast. It was to avoid the necessity of doubHug this
 
 1B8 niSTOUY OF OUKECH Ciiai-. XVIIL 
 
 cfi|K' tlitit Xrrxcrt (iril<T«'(l a canal to Im; nil tlirou^li llu; ihthinuB 
 wliii-hroriiH'clM the |M-iiiiiHula of Mount Atln'S witli the iiiaiiilaiul. 
 Tliirt work cniplnyi'd a iiuiiitR-r oC iih-ii liir tliri-«r \rarn. It wa* 
 alMtiit a mile ami a half lfiii}», and snlliriiiitly broail and d«;e|» for 
 two trirmirs to sail abrt'a«t. Tin- trac«H of ihw canal, which are 
 Hiill ilislinctly vinilih-, snliicicntly diH[)rovu the a««t?rtion t/f many 
 writcru, l»olh ancient and niodiTn, that the cuttini; through of 
 Mount Athoi* i« a mere fiction,* 
 
 1) l. At llic end of the year iHl n.(;., all tlic iircparatioiis were: 
 coinpleled for the invasion of (ireece. Xerxes spent the winter 
 at Sardis ; and early in the sprinjj of the liiilowinjr year( IbU) he 
 Bc^t out from the livdiau capital in all the jiomj) and sjdond«)ur of 
 a royal pro^'ress. The vast host was divided into two 1j< dies of 
 nearly eipial size, hetweeu whii'h ample space was left lor the 
 (Treat Kiujr and hisrersiaii<ruards. ThehafTfrafre led the way, and 
 was f()llowed by dw half of the army, without any distinction of 
 nations. Theii after an interval came the retiiuie of the Kinjr. 
 First of all marched a thousand Persian horsi-men, followed hy an 
 equal nund)er of Persian spearmen, the latter carryinf» spears with 
 the points downwards, and ornamented at the other end with 
 golden jiomcfrranates. Behind them walked ten gacrcd horses, 
 gorpeously cajjarisoned, bred on the Isisa*an plain of Media; 
 next the sacred car of Jove, drawn by eijrht "white horses ; and 
 then Xerxes himself in a chariot, drawn by Nisa-an horses. He 
 was followed by a thousand spearmen and a thousand horsemen, 
 corresj)ondin<r to the two detachments which immediately pre- 
 ceded him. They were succeeded by ten thousand Persian in- 
 fantr\-, call the " Immortals," because their number was always 
 maintained. Nine thousand of them had their spears onia- 
 mented with ])ome<rrauates of silver at the reverse extremity ; 
 while the remainin<r thousand, who occupied the outer ranks, 
 carried speai^s similarly adorned with pomc'rranates of pidd. 
 After the '• Inunortals" came ten thousand Persian cavalry, who 
 fonned the rear of the royal retinue. The.i, after an interval of 
 two furlonps the other half of the army followed. 
 
 ^ 5. In this order the nudtitudinous host marched from Sanlis 
 to Abydos, on the HellesjK)nt. Here a marble throne was erected 
 for the monarch upon an eminence, from which he surveyed all 
 the earth covered with his troops, and all the sea crowtled with 
 his vessels. His lieart swelled within him at the si<rht of such a 
 
 • Juvennl speaks (f it .as n si>eciiiu'n of (ireek mendacity : — 
 
 "croditur ohm 
 Velificatu.s Atlios, ct quidquid Gra-cia niendax 
 Audet in historia."
 
 B.C. 480. MARCH OF XERXES. 189 
 
 vast assemblage of human beings ; but his feehngs of pride and 
 pleasure soon gave way to sadness, and he burst into tears at the 
 reflection, that in a hundred years not one of them would be alive. 
 At the first rays of the rising sun the army commenced the 
 passage of the Hellespont. The bridges were perfumed with 
 frankincense and strewed with myrtle, wdiile Xerxes himself 
 poured libations into the sea from a golden censer, and turning 
 his face towards the east, ofi'ered prayers to the tSun, that he 
 might carry his victorious arms to the farthest extremities of 
 Europe. Then throwing the censer into the sea, tcgetl;er with 
 a golden bowl and a Persian scimitar, he ordered the Immortals 
 to lead the way. The army crossed by one bridge, and the 
 baggage by the other ; but so vast were their numbeis that they 
 were seven days and seven nights in passing over, without a mo- 
 ment of intermission. The sliced of the troops was quickened 
 by the lash, which was constantly employed by the Persians to 
 urge on the troops in the battle as well as during ihe march.* 
 ^ 6. Upon reaching Europe, Xerxes continued his march along 
 the coast of Thrace. Upon arriving at the spacious plain of 
 Doriscus, which is traversed by the river Hebrus, he resolved to 
 lunnber both his land and naval forces. The mode employed for 
 numbering the foot-soldiers M'as remarkable. Ten thousand 
 men were first numbered, and packed together as closely as they 
 could stand ; a line was drawn, and a wall built round the place 
 they had occupied, into which all the soldiers entered succes- 
 sively, till the whole army was thus measured. There were 
 found to be a hundred and seventy of these divisions, thus 
 making a total of 1,700,000 foot. Besides these, there were 
 80,000 horse, and many war-chariots and camels, with about 
 20,000 men. The lleet consisted of 1207 triremes, and 3000 
 smaller vessels. Each trireme was manned by 200 rowers and 
 30 fighting men ; and each of the accompanying vessels carried 
 8 men, according to the calculation of Herodotus. Thus the 
 naval force amounted to 517,010. The whole armament, both 
 military and naval, which passed over from Asia to Doriscus, 
 would accordingly consistof 2,317,610 men. Nor is this all. In 
 his march from Doriscus to Thermopylae, Xerxes received a still 
 further accession of strength. The Thracian tribes, the Macedo- 
 nians, and the other nations in Europe whose territories he tra- 
 versed, supplied 300,000 men, and 120 triremes containing an 
 aggregate of 24, 000 men. Thus when he reached Thermopylaj 
 the land and sea forces amounted to 2,641,610 fighting men. 
 
 * Wliips made of tlie hide of tlie hippopotamii.s were used by Ibrahim 
 Pasha to flot^ the Arabs into battle during the Egyptian invasion of 
 Greece in IS'i*?.
 
 |.,u llls'lnltV OF (JRKI'X.'K. Ciiai. XVIII. 
 
 Tins "lt>'"< IH)1 iiH'ludo lliu utteiitluiitM, the Hl;ivn», th»; rrf\v« of 
 till- pruviriion hIii|)!«, Sec, whicti, ucckpIiiii; to tlic HiipiMMition of 
 ll('i°iiiii)liiH, wi-n; more* in iiiiiiiIxT than tlir ti}.'htin^ ni<Mi ; bii' 
 HU|)|iiMiii)^' them to Imvo lj<-L'n n|iial, the total niJinitcT ol iiialu 
 piTsoiis who a(-i-oiii|iaiiii!<l Xi-rxt'rt to ThiTiiiojiylu;, rcuchcti the 
 asloninliMi,' limiri! ol' .'j,:i>:i,2'Mi I 
 
 Such art) ihu vast iiiiiiiIkt.-* tiivcii l)y Ilt-nxlotuH ; hnt thi:y 
 M;cin «o iiicrcihhlc, that many wriltTrf liavc Ix-i-n led to ini|)each 
 tlu! veracity of the lii.storian. J5ut it cannot be doubted that 
 Herodotus had reireived his account from ]H',nou» who were pro- 
 ikMit at Ditriricus, and that lie has faithfully recorded the numliers 
 that had been related to him. it i.s probable, however, that 
 these nmnhers were at first grossly exajr^^eratcd in order to 
 jdease Xerxes himself, and were etill further iniui>iilied by the 
 (i reeks to exalt their own heroism in overcominir such an enor- 
 mous luMt. The exact numlxT of the invadinu anny cannot be 
 determined ; but we may safely conclude I'rum all the circum- 
 stances of the case, that it was the largest ever asficmbled at any 
 period of history. 
 
 k 7. From i)ori.scjis Xerxes continued his march along the 
 coast throiifih Thrace and Macedonia. The princij)al cities 
 throu^^li which he p:i.<sed had to furni.sh a day s meal for the 
 immcusi! host, and li)r this puqwse had made preparations many 
 months beforehand. The cost of feeding such a multitude 
 brouglit many cities to the brink of ruin. The island of Thasos 
 alone, which had to undertake this onerous duty on account of 
 its j)ossessions on the mainland, expended no less a sum than 400 
 talents, or nearly 1 00,000/. in our money ; and a witty citizen of 
 Abdera recommended his countrymen to return thaiiks to the 
 gods, beeaiise Xerxes waiS satisfied with one meal in the day. At 
 Acanthus, Xer.x<'s was gratified by the sight of the wonderful 
 canal, which had been executed by his order. Here he parted 
 ior the first time from liis lleet, which was directed to double 
 the peninsul.i;; of Silhonia and Pallcne, and wait his arrival at 
 the city of Thenua. m hich is better known by its later name of 
 Tlu'ssalonica. In his march through the wild and wootly country 
 between Acanthus and Thenna, his baggage-camels were attacked 
 by lions, which then existed in this part of Eurojx;.* At Themia 
 he rejoined his fleet, and continued his march along the coast 
 till he re.iehed Mount Olymjms, separating Macedonia from the 
 couiitiy prujK'rly called Hellas. The part of Eurojx* through 
 which he had hitherto marched, liad l)een already conqueretl by 
 Megaba/.us and Mardonius, and yielded implicit obedience to the 
 
 • The fitrtiro of a lion seizing a bull is found on the reverse of the 
 coins of Ai'iinllnis. See i>. o.
 
 B.C. 480. PREPARATIONS OF THE GREEKS. 191 
 
 Persian monarch. He was now for the first time about to leave 
 his own dominions and tread upon the Hellenic soil. 
 
 ^ 8. The mighty preparations of Xerxes had been no secret in 
 Greece ; and while he was passing the winter at Sardis, a congress 
 of the Grecian states was summoned to meet at the isthmus of 
 Corinth. This congress had been convened by the Spartans and 
 Athenians, who now made a vigorous eHbrt to unite the mem- 
 bers of the Hellenic race in one great league for the defence of 
 their hearths and their homes. But in this attempt they failed- 
 The salvation of Greece appeared to depend upon its unanimity, 
 and this unanimity could not be obtained. Such was the terror 
 inspired by the countless hosts of Xerxes, and so absurd did it 
 seem to oiler resistance to his superhuman power, that many of 
 the Grecian states at once tendered their submission to him, 
 when he sent to demand earth and water, and others at a gi-eater 
 distance refused to take any part in the congress. 
 
 Taking a glance at the Hellenic world, we shall be astonished 
 to see how small a portion of the Greeks had the courage to 
 resist the Persian despot. The only people, north of the isthmus 
 of Corinth, who remained faithful to the cause of Grecian liberty, 
 were the Athenians and Phocians, and the inhabitants of the 
 small Boeotian towns of Platroa and Thespiaj. The other people 
 in northern Greece were either partizans of the Persians, like the 
 Thebans, or were unwilling to make any great sacrifices for the 
 preservation of their independence. 
 
 In Peloponnesus, the powerful city of Argos stood sullenly 
 aloof. The Argives had never forgotten that they were once the 
 ruling people in Peloponnesus. They had made many attempts 
 to resist the growing power and influence of Sparta ; but about 
 five years before the battle of Marathon (r..c. 495), they had been 
 efiectually humbled by the great victory which the Spartan 
 king Cleomsnes had gained over them, and in which as many 
 as six thousand of their citizens perished. They therefore con- 
 templated the invasion of Xerxes with indifl'erence, if not with 
 pleasure, and were more willing to submit to the sovereignty of 
 the Persian monarch than to the supremacy of their hated rivals. 
 The Achteans likewise took no part in the contest, ^irobably from 
 hatred to the Dorians, who had driven their ancestors from their 
 homes. 
 
 From the more distant members of the Hellenic race no assist- 
 ance was obtained. Envoj'^s had been sent by the congress at 
 Corinth to Crete, Corcyra, and Syracuse. The Cretans excused 
 themselves under pretence of an oracle. The Corcyra^ans pro- 
 mised their aid, and despatched a fleet of sixty vessels, but with 
 strict orders not to- double Cape Malea, till the result of the
 
 192 HISTORY OF GREECE Cimp. XVIIL 
 
 contest Hhniilrl U' kiuiwu. Gi-loTi, iho nilcr of Syracunc, otiercd 
 111 .Hriid II iMiwrrliil iiriFiiiiiiciit, prnviilcd Uio roiiiiiiuiKi of tlic 
 allicil liircfs wart I'litnidi'd to liiiii ; Init tin* ciivovh did not ven- 
 ture to acee|it a |ini|M)Hal, which would have plared both Sparta 
 and Athens under the eonlrol of u Sieihan desjMjt. 
 
 ^ •.). Tho dertertinn of the raune ol'tirei-ian inde|K-ndence hj m) 
 many of the GrcekH (hd not nhake the re«dutiou of Sparta and 
 of Athens. Tlie Athenian!*, ertjMTially, w^t a nt)blc example of 
 an enhirjred patriotism. They h«'eamu recf)neiled to the Au^i- 
 netans, and thus ^ainetl for the common cau.«c the |K)werful navy 
 of their rival. Tliey readily frranted to the Spartans the Hupreine 
 C( nunaud of the forces hy wa as well a.s by land, although they 
 furiii.-^hi'd two-thirds of the veswls of the entire fleet. Their 
 illustrious citizen Themistoclcs wa.s the soul ol' the conpresB. 
 He sou;:lit to enkiuille in the other Greeks pome jK»rtiou of the 
 ardour and eMer<ry> which he liad .succeeded in breathuif^ into 
 the Athenians. The confederates bound themstdves to resist 
 to the death ; and, in case of success, to consecrate to the 
 I)fli)hian pod a tenth of the projx'rty of every Grecian state 
 whic-h iiad surrendered to the Persians without being compelled 
 by irresistible nece.-sity. 
 
 The conpre.<s had now tq fix upon the sj)ot where they should 
 oiler resistance to the Persians. The Thessalians, who dreaded 
 the return of the Alcuadie to their cities, urged the congress to 
 send a body of men to guard the pass of Tempc, which forms 
 the entrance to northern Greece. They promised to take an 
 active part in the defence ; adding, that if the request was re- 
 fused, they should be obliged to make terms with the Persians. 
 Accordingly a body of 1U,UU0 men was sent intoThessaly under 
 the conuaaud of the Spartan Eua-netus and the Athenian The- 
 mistocles. The pass of Tempe is a long and narrow defile in 
 Mount Olympus, through which the river Peneus forces its way 
 into the sea. On each side, steep and inaccessible mountains 
 rise to a great height, and in stmie parts approach s«i closely as 
 to leave scarcely sutlicient s|)aee for a road. It is im|»ossible for 
 an army to force its way through this pass, if defended by a re- 
 solute body of men ; but uixin arriving at the sjK)t the Grecian 
 commanders perceived that it would be easy for the Persians to 
 land troops in their rear ; and they learnt at the same time that 
 there was another ]>assape across Moimt Olympus, a little larther 
 to the west. For these reasons they considered it necessary to 
 abandon this position, and return to the isthmus of Corinth. 
 Their retnat was followed by the submission of the wholu of 
 Thessaly to Xerxes. 
 
 <t 10. After Temi)e, the next simiI in Greece-' most convenient
 
 B.C. 480. 
 
 BATTLE OF THERMOPYL^. 
 
 193 
 
 for defence against an invading army is the pass of Thermo- 
 pylae. This celebrated pass lies between the lofty and preci- 
 pitous mountains of ffita, and an inaccessible morass forming 
 the edge of the Malian gulf It is about a mile in length. At 
 each of its extremities the mountains approach so near the 
 morass, as to leave barely room for the passage of a single car- 
 riage. These narrow entrances were called Pyla?, or the Gates. 
 The northern, or, to speak more properly, the western G ate, was 
 close to the town of Authela, where the Amphictyonic council 
 held its autumnal meetings : while the southern, or the eastern 
 Gate, was near the Locrian town of Alpeni. The space between 
 the gates was wider and more open, and was distinguished by 
 its hot springs, from wdiich the pass derived the name of Ther- 
 mopylae, or the " Hot-Gates." This pass was as defensible as 
 that of Tempe, and in one important respect possessed a decided 
 superiority over the latter. The island of Euboea is here sepa- 
 rated from the mainland by a narrow strait, which in one part is 
 only two miles and a half in breadth ; and accordingly it is easy, 
 by defending this part of the sea with a fleet, to prevent an 
 enemy from landing troops at the southern end of the pass. 
 
 ;,J,lt*'%^ 
 
 Plan of Thermopylas. 
 
 § 1 1. The Greeks, therefore, resolved to make a stand at Ther- 
 mopylae, and to defend at the same time both the pass and the 
 Euboean strait. The whole allied fleet, under the command of 
 the Spartan Eurybiades, sailed to the north of Euboea, and took 
 up its station ofl' that portion of the northern coast of the 
 island, which faces Magnesia and the entrance to the Thessalian 
 gulf, and which Avas called Artemisium, from a neighbouring 
 
 K
 
 1V4 HISTORY OF (JKKECE. Cum: XVIIL 
 
 tfiiiplf «•(' Artciiiirt (I)iiina). It wan, )i()V/<-vi'r, only a Htiiall luiid- 
 liiri'ii tliat waH wnt to tlio dcfi-iice of TlnTiiiopyhi'. When the 
 arrival «il' XcrxrH at Tlicrma Irrariu? kiiou ii, lln'< i rtM;kH were upon 
 tlu' point orci-lchraliiit,' tin; Olympif- >.'aiinw, and tin- iV'Htival of 
 iho (Jariicaii Ai)ollo, vvliifh wim oI»i^tv<mI with preal tioleiniiity at 
 {Sparta and in the othi-r I)<»ric utatoH. TUt: P<doiKjnncHian» could 
 not make u|» their inindH to n<'<rlcrt iIjcm; Hacred f.'aine«, even 
 wlu'u the dreaded enemy was ahnost at their doon». Thrry there- 
 lore rijsolved to Hend lurwanl ordy a hniali detaelunent, which 
 they thoufflit wonld Ik- snlheient lo maintain the paw till the 
 fi'Stivals were over, when ihey wonld he ahlc to mareh apaiuHt 
 Xerxes with all their l(»rr-es. The ctimmand of" this h(xly was 
 entrusted to tlu; Sjiartan kinfr Leonidas, the yountrer hrother 
 and s'\ieeess<>r of L'leoinenes. It eonsisted of IJOU Spartans, with 
 their attendant llelots, and nearly 30UU lioplites from the other 
 Pelojioiniesian states. In their marcli throufrh Ma-otia they were 
 joined V)y 700 Thespians, who were warmly attached to tho 
 cause of Grecian independence, and also hy dUU Thehans, wliom 
 Leonidas compelled the Thebau government to furnish much 
 apainst its will. On their arrival at Therrnopyla;, their Ibrces 
 were still fuiihcr augmented by 1000 Phocians, and a body of 
 Opuntian Locrians, so that, their numbers were not much short 
 of 7000 men. 
 
 It was now that Leonidas learnt for the first time, that there 
 was an uidreipiented path over Mount Qlta, by which a foe 
 might penetrate into southern Greece without marching through 
 Thermopyhe. This path, conunenoing near Trachis. ascended 
 the northern side of the mountain called Anopira, along the 
 torrent of the Aso])us, crossed one of the ridges oi' Mount tUta, 
 and descended on the southern side near the tennination of the 
 pass at the Locrian town of Alpeni. Leonidas was iid'ormed of 
 the existence of this path by the Phocians; and, at their own 
 desire, he ]K)Slcd them at the sunuuit, to defend it against the 
 enemy. The Spartan king took up his station, with the re- 
 mainder of his troops, within the j)a.>^s of Thermopylae. He ren- 
 dered his position still stronger hy rebuilding across the northern 
 entrance a wall, which had been erected in former days by the 
 Phi>cians, but which had been sutVcred to fall into niins. Hav- 
 ing thus made all his arrangements, Leonidas calmly awaited 
 the approach of the Persian host. But the majority of the men 
 did not .«hare the calnuiess of their general ; end so great became 
 their alarm at the smallness of their numbers, when the multi- 
 tudinous forces of Xerxes began to draw near, that the Pelojion- 
 nesians were anxious to abandon their present |x)sition and 
 make the isthnuis of Corinth their point of defence. It was only
 
 B.C. 480. BATTLE OF THERMOPYL^. 195 
 
 the personal influence of Leonidas, seconded hy the indignant 
 remonstrances of the Phocians and Locrians, which prevailed 
 upon them to continue faithful to their post. At the same time 
 he despatched messengers to the various cities, urging them to 
 send him immediately reinforcements. 
 
 H2. Meanwhile Xerxes had arrived w^ithin sight of Thenno- 
 pylse. He had heard that a handful of desperate men, com- 
 manded by a Spartan, had determined to dispute his passage, 
 but he refused to believe the news. He was still more asto- 
 nished when a horseman, whom he had sent to reconnoitre, 
 brought back word that he had seen several Spartans outside 
 the wall in front of the pass, some amusing themselves with 
 gymnastic exercises, and others combing their long hair. In 
 great perplexity, he sent for the Spartan king Demaratus, who 
 had accompanied him from Persia, and asked him the meaning 
 of such madness. Demaratus replied, that the Spartans would 
 defend the pass to the death, and that it was their practice to 
 dress their heads with peculiar care when they were going to 
 hazard their lives. Xerxes still could not believe that they 
 were mad enough to resist his mighty host, and delayed his 
 attack for four days, expecting that they would disperse of their 
 own accord. Later writers related, that Xerxes sent to them to 
 deliver up their arms. Leonidas desired him "to come and take 
 them." One of the Spartans being told that "the Persian host 
 was so prodigious, that their arrows would conceal the sun :" — 
 "So much the better," (he replied,) " we shall then fight in the 
 shade." 
 
 At length, upon the fifth day, Xerxes ordered a chosen body 
 of Medes to advance against the presumptuous foes and bring 
 them into his presence. Remembering their former glory as the 
 masters of Asia, and anxious to avenge their defeat at Marathon, 
 the Medes fought with bravery ; but their superior numbers 
 were of no avail in such a narrow space, and they were kept at 
 bay by the long spears and steady ranks of the Greeks. After 
 the combat had lasted a long time with heavy loss to the Medes, 
 Xerxes ordered his ten thousand "Immortals" to advance. But 
 these were as unsuccessful as the former. Xerxes beheld the 
 repulse of his troops from a lofty throne which had been provided 
 for him, and was seen to leap thrice from his seat in an agony 
 of fear or rage. 
 
 § 13. On the following day the attack was renewed, but willi 
 no better success ; and Xerxes was beginning to despair of forcing 
 his way through the pass, when a Malian, of the name of Ephi- 
 altes, betrayed to the Persian king the secret of the path across 
 the mountains. Overjoyed at this discovery, a strong detach-
 
 :pft IITSTOUY OV CMIVjCI-I Ciiai-. XVIIL 
 
 iiictit (>r I'lTsiiiiirt u'jiM «»r»l<T<'(l to I'ollow th<* traitor. Thny set 
 mil at iii'.'litriill, ami at daybnrak liad iir-arly n-arhrd tho Hiirmiiil, 
 wliiTi- tin- IMidnaii.H wero HlatioiuMl. In (irrr-cc tlur dawn ol day 
 m distiii^fuislicfl l»y a peculiar Htilliu-Ks; and the uiiiverjial Hiloiico 
 wns lirst Itrokcii by the traiiiphii^ of m many men upon the 
 leave.-i, with which the sideft of the moiintaiiiH were Htrewcd. The 
 IMiocians lli'w to arms, and anxious for their own safety, In^'amc 
 Muniindful of the important trust which liad lx*cn committed to 
 them. ahanih)ned the path, and t(Ktk refufje on the hijfhcst part 
 of the rid<j;c. The Persians, without turning aside to puruue 
 lliein, rontinued their march alonp the path, and began to de- 
 scend tlie southern side ol" the mountain. 
 
 Meantime I/'onidas and his troops had received ample notice 
 of the imi)endiiiii danjjer. I)urinf,' the nipht de.serters from the 
 enemy had brouj,'ht him the news ; and their intelligence was 
 eoulirmed by hi.s own scouts on the hills. In the council of 
 war, whicli was liirthwith summoned by Leonidas, opinions were 
 divided ; the majority reeomnnMided that they should retire 
 from a pivsilion which could no longer be defenrled, and reserve 
 their lives for the future safety of Greece, lint Leonidas refused 
 to retreat. As a Spartan he was bound by the laws to conquer 
 or to die in the post as.signed to him ; and he was the more 
 ready to sacrifice his life, since an oracle had declared that either 
 Sparta itself or a Spartan king must perish by the Persian arms. 
 His three hundred comrades were fully equal to the same heroism 
 which actuated their king ; and the seven hundred Thespians re- 
 solved to share the fate of this gallant band. He allowed the 
 rest of the allies to retire, \vith the exception of the four hun- 
 dred BiBotiaus, whom he retained as hostages. 
 
 ^ 11. Xerxes delayed his attack till the middle of the day, 
 when it was expected that the detachment sent across the 
 mountain would arrive at the rear of the pass. But Leonidas 
 and his comrades, only anxious to sell their lives as dearly as 
 possible, did not wait behind the wall to receive the attack of 
 the Persians, but advanced into the open space in front of the 
 pass, and cliarged the enemy with desjKrate valour. Numbers 
 of the Persians were slain ; many were driven into the neigh- 
 bouring sea: and others again were tramj>led to death by the 
 vast hosts behind them. Notwithstanding the exhortations of 
 their otiicers, and the constant ust> of the lash, it was with dith- 
 culty that the barbarians could he brought to face this handful 
 of heroes. As long as the Greeks could maintain their ranks 
 they repelled every attack : hut when their sjx^ars -were broken, 
 aud they had only their swords left, the eneiny began to pregs 
 in between tl'.em Leonidas wai^ one of the fir^t that fell, and
 
 B.C. 480. BATTLE OF THERMOPYL^. 197 
 
 around his body the battle raged fiercer than ever. The Persians 
 made the gi-eatest etlbrt.s to obtain possession of it ; but lour 
 times they were driven back by the Greeks with great slaughter. 
 At length, thinned in numbers, and exhausted by fatigue and 
 WoundSj this noble band retired within the pass, and seated 
 themselves on a hillock beliind the wall. Meanwhile the de- 
 tachment which had been sent across the mountains, began to 
 enter the pass from the south. The Thebans seized the oppor- 
 tunity of begging quarter, proclaiming that they had been forced 
 to fight against their will. Their lives were spared ; and the 
 detachment marched on through the pass. The surviving heroes 
 were now surrounded on every side, overwhelmed with a shower 
 of missiles and killed to a man. 
 
 § 15. On the hillock, where the Greeks made their last stand, 
 a marble lion was set up in honour of Leonidas. Two other 
 raonuments were also erected near the spot. The inscription on 
 the first recorded "that four thousand Peloponnesians had here 
 fought with three hundred myriads (or three inillions) of foes." 
 The second, which was destined for the Spartans alone, contained 
 the memorable words : — 
 
 '' Go, tell the Spartans, thou that passest b}', 
 That liere obedient to their laws we lie."* 
 
 Both of these epigrams were probably written by th*^ poet Si- 
 monides, who also celebrated the glory of the heroes of Ther- 
 mopylse in a noble ode, of which the following fragment i? s<iU 
 extant : — 
 
 "Of those ■who at The'-mopylaj were slain, 
 Glorious the doom, and beautiful the lot ; 
 Their tomb an altar : men from tears refrain 
 To honour them, and praise, but mourn them not. 
 Such sepulchre nor drear decaj', 
 
 Nor all-destroying time shall waste ; this right have they- 
 Within their grave the home-bred glory 
 Of Greece was laid ; this witness gives 
 Leonidas the Spartan, in whose story 
 A wreath of famous virtue ever lives."f 
 
 § 16. "While Leonidas had been fighting at Thermopylae, the 
 Greek fleet had also been engaged wdth the Persians at Artemi- 
 sium. The Greek ships assembled oft^ the northern coast of 
 Euboea were 27 1 in number, commanded, as has been mentioned 
 above, by the Spartan Eurybiades. The Athenian squadroi^ 
 was led by Themistocles and the Corinthian by A dimantus; bil 
 
 * 'Q ^£iv', ayyDJkeiv ^aKedaifiovioig, on ri/^e 
 
 KEi'fieOa, Tolc Kcivuv ^ijfiaai •ncidnfievoi 
 f Translated by Sterling.
 
 im IIISTOllV OF GREECE. TiiAr. XVIIl 
 
 ()(■ llii! nihor cnrnni.'iiidcrH wo have no inr-iilion. Thrca vfJKw-lh 
 were sciil iilic'id 1(i wiilch the riiovftrnMils ot llic I'crfiaiiH.* Oli' 
 llir isl.iiiil (if Scinllms llicy were (•;ijitiirc(l \i\ a Hqiiadrdii of ten 
 I'cisiiiii visscis, wliicli liad in like hkiiiikt hccii dt>jtatclif«l by 
 IIk; I'crsiaii admiral to dhtiiiii iiitcjlijretir-c. Ah soon as the 
 Greeks al Arlcinisiuiii heard nl Uiis disaHter, and of the speedy 
 approach of llic whole Persian lleet, tliey were seized with a 
 ])ariic, such as had taken possession of the sohhers of Leonidan 
 upon tlie advance of the land l()rce of the Persians. But Eury- 
 biades did not possess the same influence over his men as the 
 Spartan kmg; and the whole fleet abandoned their position, and 
 sailed up the chainiel between Euba-a and the mainland to Chal- 
 cis, where tlic straits, being only forty yards acrrss, might easily 
 be defended by a few ships. This retreat was equivalent to an 
 abandonment of the whole scheme of defence, as it gave the Per- 
 sians full liberty to land troops in the rear of the defenders of 
 Tliermopyhc. Rut now a mightier power than that of man came 
 forward, and saved the Greeks in spite of themselves. 
 
 sM7. The Persian admiral, having learnt frcrn the ten ships 
 sent on ihc look out V/.at the coast was clear, set sail from the 
 gulf of Therma, and arrived in one day at almost the southern 
 corner of Magnesia. Along the greater part of this coast the 
 high and precipitous rocks of Mount Pelion line the water's 
 edge ; but there is an open beach for a short distance between 
 the town of Casthanaja and the promontory of >t?epias. Here 
 the Persian admiral determined to pass the night ; but owing 
 to the vast number of his ships, only a small portion of them 
 could be drawn up on shore ; the remainder rede at anchor eight 
 lines deep. In this position they were overtaken on the follow- 
 ing morning by a sudden hurricane, which blew upon the shore 
 with irresistible fury. The ships were torn from their anchor- 
 age, driven against one another, and dashed against the cliffs. 
 For three days and three nights the tempest raged witb.out 
 intermission ; and when on the fourth day calm at length re- 
 turned, the shore was seen strewed for many miles with wrecks 
 and corpses. At least four hundred ships of war were destroyed, 
 together with a countless number of transports, stores, and 
 treasures. The remainder of the fleet doubled the southern pro- 
 montory of Magnesia, and cast anchor at Aphetas at the en- 
 trance to the Pagasajan gulf. 
 
 ^16. The news of this terrible disaster, which report had 
 
 magnified into the entire destruction of the Persian fleet, revivet/ 
 
 the spirits of the Greeks at Chalcis. They now sailed back with 
 
 the utmost speed to their former station at Artemisium, which 
 
 * See Appendix.
 
 B.C. 480. BATTLE OF ARTEMISIUM. 199 
 
 IS opposite Aplietse, at the distance of only a few miles. But 
 great was their surprise at seeing that the Persians still pos- 
 sessed such an overwhelming number of ships. The sight 
 again struck them with alarm ; and they were on the point of 
 returning to Chalcis, when the EubcEans sent one of their citi- 
 zens to Themistoclcs, with an otier of thirty talents, on condition 
 that he should induce the Greek commanders to remain and 
 hazard a battle in defence of the island. There can be no doubt 
 that Themistocles had already urged his associates in command 
 to defend the Euboean strait against the enemy, and he therefore 
 readily undertook the commission oftered him by the Eubceans. 
 In all periods of their history the Greeks seldom had sufficient 
 principle to resist a bribe ; and Themistocles was now enabled 
 to accomplish by money what he had failed to do by argument. 
 By giving live talents to the Spartan Eurybiades, three to the 
 Corinthian Adiinantus, and presents to the other commanders, 
 he prevailed upon them to remain. 
 
 While the Greeks were thus brought with difficulty to face 
 the enemy, the Persian fleet was animated with a very diflerent 
 spirit. They felt conlident of victory, and their only fear was 
 lest the Greeks should escape them. In order to prevent this, 
 they sent a squadron of" 200 ships, with instructions to sail round 
 Eubcea and cut olfthe retreat of the Greeks. Themistocles had 
 now succeeded in inspiring his comrades with sufficient courage 
 to sail forth and otier battle to the enemy. But being anxious 
 to acquire some experience of the nautical evolutions of the 
 enemy, before they ventured upon a decisive engagement, they 
 waited till it was nearly dusk. Their ships were draAvn up in a 
 circle, with their sterns pointed inwards ; and they seemed to be 
 waiting the attack of the enemy, who began to close in upon them 
 on every side. But suddenly, at a given signal, they rowed out 
 in all directions, and attacked the enemy's ships, of which they 
 took or disabled no fewer than thirty. The Persians were not 
 prepared for such boldness, and were at first thrown into con- 
 fusion ; but they soon rallied, and began to inffict considerable 
 damage upon the Greeks, when night put an end to the contest, 
 and each fleet returned to its former station, — the Greeks to 
 Artemisium, and the Persians to Aphetse. 
 
 ^19. This auspicious commencement raised the courage of 
 the Greeks, and gave them greater confidence in their own 
 strength. They were still further encouraged by the events of 
 the following night. It seemed as if the gods had come to fight 
 on their side. For, although it was the middle of summer, at 
 which season rain rarely falls in Greece, another terrific storm 
 burst upon the Persians. All night long it blew upon the coast
 
 200 lIISTOliY OF (JUEKCE. Cum: XVIII. 
 
 !it Aiilu'lat, llius causiii'j little incoiivfiiiciicc to tlio Greeks ujioa 
 tlic opposite hliorc. The inuiii liody ot the J'l-rsiaii iieet ku»- 
 t.iiiii'd cousidcralile duiiKi^e ; and tin* sipiadron •wliicli wat* nailing 
 round I'iUlia-a was completely destroyed. The greater part ol* 
 the eastern side ol" this island is an unbroken line ol' jireeij)itou8 
 rocks, willi scarcely a ravine in which even a Loal can he hauled 
 up. The s(|iiadron was overtaken hy the storm ofi one of the 
 most (huifrerous ])arts of the coast, called " the Hollows,' and 
 "was driven U])on the rocks and broken to pieces. 
 
 The tiilinjrs of this second disaster to the Persian fleet reael:ed 
 tlie Greeks on the l()llowiiiff day ; and while they were (-(jutrra.- 
 1ulatiii<r them.<elves upon the vi.sihle interposition of the jreds in 
 their favor, they were animated to still frreater confidence by the 
 arrival of til'ty-threc I'resh Athenian ships. With this reinlorce- 
 ment they sailed out in the afternoon, and destroyed forne Cilician 
 ships at their moorings ; hut the Persian fleet liad suflered too 
 much from the storm in the preceding night to engage in battle. 
 
 s^ 20. Indignant at these insults, and dreading the anger of 
 Xerxes, the Persians prepared to make a grand attack upon the 
 following day. Accordingly, about noon they sailed towards 
 Artemisiiun in the li^irm of a crescent. The Greeks kept near 
 the shore, that they might not be surrounded, and to prevent 
 the Persians from bringing their whole fleet into action. The 
 battle raged furiously the whole day, and each side fought with 
 determined valour. The Egyptians distinguished themselves 
 most among the Persians, and the Athenians among the Greeks. 
 Both parties sufit-red severely ; and thoujrh the Persians lest a 
 greater number of sliips and men, yet so many of the Greek ves- 
 sels were disabled that they found it would be impossible to re- 
 new the combat. 
 
 Under these circvunstances the Greek commanders saw that 
 it would be necessary to retreat ; and their determination was 
 hastened by the intelligence which they now received, that 
 Leonidas and his com})anions had fallen, and that Xerxes was 
 master of the pass of Thermopyla;. They forthwith sailed up 
 the Euboean channel, the Corinthians leading the van and the 
 Athenians bringing up the rear. At the various landing-places 
 along the coast Themistocles set up inscriptions, calling upon 
 the lonians not to fight against their fathers. He did tliis in 
 the hopes either of detaching some of the lonians from the 
 Persians, or at any rate of making them objects of suspicion to 
 Xerxes, and thus })reventing the monarch from employing them 
 in any impoi-tant sersice. Havuig sailed through the Eubcean 
 strait, the fleet doubled the promontory of JSiuiium, and did not 
 stop till it reached the island of Salamis.
 
 A Greek Warrior. From an Ancient Vase. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF SAL AMIS. 
 
 § 1. Results of the battle of Thermopylae. § 2. Alarm and flight of tho 
 Athenians. S 3. March of the Persians and attempt upon Delphi. § 4. 
 Taking of Athens and arrival of the Persian fleet. § .5. Dissensions and 
 debates of the Greeks. § 6. Stratagem of Themistocles. Arrival of 
 Aristides. § 7. Position of the hostile fleets. Preparations for the 
 combat. § 8. Battle of Salamis. § 9. Defeat and flight of Xerxes. 
 8 10. Pursuit of the Greeks. § 11. Homeward march of Xerxes. 
 § 12. The Greeks celebrate their victory. § 13. Carthaginian ex- 
 pedition to Sicily. Defeat and death of Hamilcar. 
 
 § 1. The apathy of the Lacedcemonians in neglecting to provide 
 a sufficient defence against the advancing host of Xerxes seems 
 altogether unaccountable ; nor is it easy to understand why the 
 Athenians themselves did not send a single troop to aid in de- 
 fending Thermopylae. The heroic and long sustained resistance 
 of the handful of men who perished in that pass, as well as the 
 previous battle of Marathon, clearly proves that a moderately 
 numerous force, together wdth ordmary military precautions, 
 would have sufficed to arrest the onward march of the Persians. 
 But the small body to which that duty was assigned -was alto- 
 gether inadequate to the occasion. The forcing of the pass 
 
 K*
 
 202 lilSTOKV OF (iUICECE. riiAi-. XIX. 
 
 juniiliil.'iU'd lli(! (•liicl'ddi'ii'u of Koutyjcrn Gn'c.cc. Many of the 
 (ncciaii slates wliic^h l)of(jro were wavering' now derlared fijr 
 till! invader, and Hunt (!<)iitin<,'i!iitH to liin army ; wliilKl Iiih ileet 
 was alrio Htrcu<,'thc'm3d by ruinforceiucnts from CaryKtus, and the 
 Cycladt's. 
 
 Tho Alliriiians were now thnati-ncd with inevitable destruc- 
 tion. Tiie I'oloponne.siann liarl ntterly ne<rleeted their j»romif<e 
 of aHscml)linf^ a force in I?(i;otia lor the protection of Attica; 
 and there wa.s con.scHjnenlly nothing to prevent the Persians 
 from marching straight to Athens. The i.«olated ])o.-iition of the 
 Peloponnesians had probably inilnenced them in their selfish 
 policy ; at all events, on the news of the defeat at Therrnopyla;, 
 they abandoned Attica and the adjoining states to their fate, 
 whilst tliey strained every nerve to secure themselves by forti- 
 fying the isthmus of Corinth. It is true that in this selfish 
 proceeding they overlooked the fact that their large extent of 
 coast could not be thus secured from the descent of the Persian 
 fleet. But after all, the greatest as well as the most pressing 
 danger arose from the army of Xerxes. At sea, the Greeks and 
 tho Barbarians were much more nearly matched ; and if the 
 multitudinous land-forces of the Persian monarch were once 
 arrested in their progress, and compelled to retreat, there was 
 perhaps little reason to dread that his fleet, composed mostly 
 of auxiliaries, would be able to make any permanent impression 
 on the Peloponnesus, or indeed to remain upon the coast of 
 Greece. 
 
 ^ 2. The Athenians, relying upon the march of a Pelopon- 
 nesian army into Bocotia, had taken no measures for the se- 
 curity of their families and property, and beheld with terror 
 and dismay the barbarian host in full march towards their cit)'. 
 Fortunately, the Grecian fleet, on retiring from Artemisium, had 
 stopped at Salamis ,on its -way to Troezen, where it had been 
 ordered to re-assemble ; and, at the entreaties of the Athenians, 
 Eurybiades consented to remain for a time at Salamis. and 
 to assist the Athenian citizens in transporting their families 
 and eifects. It was thus by accident, and not from any precon- 
 certed military plan, that iSalamis became the station of the 
 Grecian fleet. 
 
 In six days, it was calculated Xerxes would be at Athens — a 
 short space to remove the population of a whole city ; but fear 
 and necessity work wonders. Before it had elapsed, all who 
 were willing to abandon their homes had been safely transported, 
 some to u'Egina, the greater part to Trcezen, where they met with 
 a ho.spitable reception ; but many could not be induced to 
 proceed farther than JSalamis. It was necessaiy for Themistocles
 
 B.C. 480. THE ATHENIANS ABANDON THEIR CITY. 203 
 
 to use all his art and all his eloquence on this occasion. Those 
 who were deaf to the voice of reason were assailed with the 
 terrors of superstition. On a first interrogation the oracle of 
 Delphi warned the Athenians to fly to the ends of the earth, 
 since nothing could save them from destruction. In a second 
 response the Deipliian god was more obscure but less alarming. 
 " The divine Salamis would make women childless" — yet " when 
 all w'as lost, a wooden wall should still shelter the Athenians." 
 In the interpretation of Themistocles, by whom these words had 
 perhaps been suggested, they clearly indicated a fleet and a naval 
 victory as the only means of safety. As a further persuasion it 
 was declared that the Sacred Serpent, which haunted the temple 
 of Athena Polias, on the Acropolis, had deserted the sanctuarj- ; 
 and could the citizens hesitate to follow the example of their 
 guardian deity ? 
 
 In some, however, superstition, combined with love of their 
 ancient homes, worked in an opposite direction. The oracle 
 which declared the safety of the Athenians to lie in their wooden 
 walls might admit of another meaning ; and a few, especially 
 among the aged and the poor, resolved to shut themselves up ui 
 the Acropolis, and to fortify its accessible or western front with 
 barricades of timber. Not only in them, but even in those who 
 had resolved to abandon Athens, the love of country grew 
 stronger in proportion as the danger of losing it became more 
 imminent. The present misery extinguished past dissensions. 
 Themistocles proposed a decree revoking all sentences of banish- 
 ment, and specially included in it his opponent and rival Aristides. 
 The rich and the aristocratic assisted the city both by their ex- 
 ample and their money. The Hippeis, or knights, headed by 
 Cimon, the sonof Miltiades, marched in procession to the Acropolis 
 to hang up their bridles in the temple of Athena, and to i'etch 
 from thence some consecrated arms more suitable for that naval 
 service for which they were about to abandon their ancient habits 
 and privileges. The senate of the Areopagus not only exerted 
 its public authority m order to provide funds for the equipment 
 of the fleet and the support of the poorer emigrants, but con- 
 tributed to those objects by the private munificence of its mem- 
 bers. The fund was increased by the policy of Themistocles. 
 Under the pretext that the Gorgon's head had been removed 
 from the statue of Athena, he directed that the baggage of each 
 departing citizen should be searched, and appropriated to the 
 service of the state the private treasures which were about to 
 be exported. 
 
 ^ 3. While these things were passing at Athens, the Persian 
 army was in full march towards the city. Xerxes was surprised
 
 204 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XIX 
 
 In liiid lii.it. iIk; Oiviiipic frames Blill determcl llio I'eloponne«iaiiB 
 Iroiii ()|)|)<)siii<r Ills pro^^rcris ; nor wus liis a-stoiuHhiucnt diriii- 
 iiislu'd on luarniii<f lliat the prize, wliicli ocfa.sioned so much ex- 
 litA'incnt and eiaulalion, was a Hiinpln wreath of" the wild olive, 
 or the states which lay betwecMi Thennopyla; and Attica, the 
 Phocians alone refused to submit to the Persians. Under the 
 conduct of the Thessalians, the Persian army poured into Phocis, 
 but i()uud oidy deserted towns ; several of which, however, they 
 plundered and destroyed. The same fate attended Thespian and 
 Platica, the only towns of Bccotia which declined to acknowledge 
 the contpieror. 
 
 Ou iiis march toward-s Athens, Xerxes sent a detachment of his 
 army to take and jjlundcr Delphi. l'>ut tiiis attempt proved un- 
 succe.-isful. The god of the most renowned oracle of the Hel- 
 lenic world vindicated at once the majesty of his .sanctuary and 
 the truth of his predictions. He forbade the Delphians tu re- 
 move the treasures which enriched and adorned his shruie, and 
 encouraged by divine portents the handful of priests and citizens 
 who ventured to remain and defend his temple. The sacred 
 arms preserved in the inner cell, and which it was sacrilege to 
 touch, were miraculously conveyed outside the door, as if the god 
 himself interfered to arm his defenders. As the Persians climbed 
 the rugged path at the foot of Mount Parnassus, leading up to the 
 shrine, and had already reached the temple of Athena Pronaea, 
 thunder was heard to roll, and two crags suddenly detaching 
 themselves from the mountain, rolled down upon the Persians, 
 and spread dismay and destruction in tlieir ranks. Seized with 
 a sudden panic, they turned and fled, pursued, as they said, by 
 two warriors of superhuman size and prowess, who had assisted 
 the Delphians in defending their temple. The Delj)hians them- 
 selves confirmed the report, averring that the two warriors were 
 the heroes Phylacus and Autonoiis. Herodotus, when he visited 
 Delphi, saw in the sacred enclosure of Athena Prona?a the iden- 
 tical crags which had crushed the Pei'sians ; and near the spot 
 may still be seen large blocks of stone which have rolled down 
 from the mountain. 
 
 ^ 4. On arriving before Athens, Xerxes found the Acropolis 
 occupied by a handful of desperate citizens, whom the Pisis- 
 tratids in his suite in vain exhorted to surrender. The nature 
 of the Acropolis might indeed have inspired them with reason- 
 able hopes of successful resistance, had the disparity of force 
 been less enormous. Rising abrupt and ^..raggy to the height of 
 150 feet above the level of the town, its summit presents a space 
 of about 1000 feet in length, from east to west, and 500 in 
 breadth, from nox'th to south. On ever)' side except the west it
 
 B.C. 480. THE PERSIANS OOCOPY ATHENS. 205 
 
 is nearly inaccessible, and in the few places where access seemed 
 practicable, it was defended by an ancient fortification called 
 the Pelasgic wall. The Persian army took up a position on the 
 Areopagus (Mars' Hill), over against the north-western side of 
 the Acropolis, whence they endeavoured to destroy the wooden 
 fortifications which had been erected, by shooting aganist them 
 arrows furnished with bui'ning tow. But even alter the destruc- 
 tion of these barricades, the Athenians managed to keep their 
 assailants at bay by rolling down huge stones upon them as they 
 attempted to mount the western ascent. At length some of tho 
 besiegers ventured to climb up the precipitous rock, on the 
 northern side, by the cave of Aglaurus, where no guard was 
 stationed. They gained the summit unperceived, thus taking 
 the little garrison in the rear. Confusion and despair now 
 seized upon the Athenians. Some threw themselves flown from 
 the rock, others took refuge in the inner temple ; while the 
 Persian host, to whom the gates had been thrown open by their 
 comrades, mounted to the attack, pillaged and burnt the tem- 
 ples and houses on the Acropolis, and put its defenders to the 
 sword. 
 
 Thus was the oracle accomplished which had foretold that 
 Athens should fall before the might of Persia. But in the very 
 midst of her ashes and desolation, a trivial portent seemed to 
 foreshadow the resurrection of her power. The Athenians in 
 the train of Xerxes, whilst sacrificing in the Acropolis, observed 
 with astonishment that the sacred olive tree, which grew in the 
 temple of Athena, had, in the two days which had elapsed smce 
 the fire, thrown out a fresh shoot a cubit in length. 
 
 About the saixic time that the army of Xerxes took possession 
 of Athens, his fleet arrived in the bay of Phalerum. Its strength 
 is not accurately known, but at the lowest estimate must have 
 exceeded 1000 vessels. The combined Grecian fleet at Sal amis 
 consisted of 366 ships ;* a larger force than had assembled at 
 Artemisiura, yet far inferior to that of the Persians. Of these 
 ships 200 were Athenian ; the remainder consisted of the con- 
 tingents of the allies, among which that of the Corinthians 
 was the most numerous after the Athenian, namely, forty ves- 
 sels. 
 
 Xerxes went down to in.spect his fleet, and held a council of 
 war as to the expediency of an immediate attack upon the 
 Greeks. The kings of Sidon and Tyre, together with the other 
 assembled potentates, probably with the view of flattering 
 Xerxes, were for an immediate battle. One voice alone broke 
 
 * According to Herodotus ; but ^seliyhis reckons them at 310 oulj-.
 
 200 IIJSTOIIY OF (illKICCM Ckap. XIX. 
 
 the mi.iiiirmty ol' llif nii-ctiii^r. ArtcmiHia, iiwutu ol' lialicar- 
 nas.siiri, ill Caria, dopnicatcd Uks policy oi" li<rliliiij; in llii; narrow 
 strait, ol Salaini.<, wIkmc tin; ninu(;rous lorci- of X'-rxf^s woiilil |je 
 an incmnl)ran<u! ralhur than a liclj). ^>llf; urfrn'l that if tlie anny 
 wiMo niarchfid towards l'eloj)onnc.sns, the J'olojjonncsiati Hhijw 
 would withdraw Iroin tho Grecian fleet, in order to protect their 
 own homes. Slie is likewise n^presented as having drawn a 
 comparison between the maritime skill of the Greeks and Per- 
 sians, very little fiatteririf^ to the latter. But these npresenta- 
 tions, thou<rli received with pcjod temper, were disre^rarded by 
 Xerxes, and orders were issued for an attack on the following 
 morning. At the .same time the army was commanded to march 
 towards Peloponnesus. 
 
 ^ 5. At this critical juncture dis.sension reigned in the Grecian 
 fleet. In the council of war which had been summoned by 
 Eurybiades, Themistocles urged the as.seuil)led chiefs to remain 
 at 8alamis, and give battle to the Persians in the narrow straits, 
 wliere the superior numbers of the Persians would be of le.«s 
 consequence. The Peloponnesian commanders, on the other 
 hand, were strongly opposed to remaining in their present posi- 
 tion. They were of opinion that the fleet should be removed to 
 the isthmus of Corinth, and thus be put in communication with 
 their land-forces. The news of the taking of Athens, which 
 arrived during the debate, gave force to these counsels. The 
 majority came to a vote in favour of retreat ; but the approach 
 of night obliged them to remain till the following morning. 
 
 It was with gloomy thoughts that Themistocles retired from 
 the council. Upon reaching his own ship, a friend named 
 Mucsiphilus, to whom he communicated the decision, urged him 
 to make one more attempt to detain the Peloponnesians. Late 
 as it was, he immediately proceeded to the ship of Eurybiades, 
 where urging with more freedom, and in greater detail than he 
 had been able to u.se in the council, all the arguments against 
 the separation of tlie fleet, he succeeded in persuading Eury- 
 biades to convoke another assembly. He also used all his etibrts 
 privately with the diliercnt commanders to induce them to alter 
 their opinion. But he elicited nothing but anger and reproach. 
 When the council met, the Peloponnesian commanders loudly 
 expressed their dissatisfaction at seeing a debate re-opened which 
 they had deemed concluded. Adimantus, especially the Co- 
 rinthian admiral, broke out into open rebukes and menaces. 
 " Themistocles," he exclaimed, " those who rise at the public 
 games before the signal are wlnpped." "True," replied Themis- 
 tocles, " but they who lag behind it never win a crown." An- 
 other iucidfut in this discussion has been immortalized by
 
 B.C. 480. DISSENSIONS AMONG THE GREEKS. 207 
 
 Plutarch. It is related by this writer that Eurybiades, incensed 
 by the language of Themistocles, lifted up his stick to strike him, 
 whereupon the Athenian exclaimed, " Strike, but hear me !"* 
 
 Themistocles repeated his arguments and entreaties, but with- 
 out effect. Adimantus, with unfeeling insolence, even denied 
 his right to vote ; since, Athens being in the liands of the Per- 
 sians, he represented no free Grecian city. Stung by this re- 
 mark, Themistocles reminded the assembly that he was at the 
 head of 200 well manned ships ; a force with which he could 
 easily procure for himself a city, and even a better city than 
 Corinth. Prophecies, he observed, had promised to Athens the 
 town of Siris in Italy ; it only remained for the Athenians to 
 sail thither and take possession of it. Meanwhile, let the as- 
 sembly consider what the Grecian fleet would be without the 
 Athenian contingent. 
 
 This menace silenced his opponents. Eurybiades, half con- 
 vinced before, hesitated no longer ; and without taking the votes 
 of the assembly, issued orders for the fleet to remain and fight 
 at Salamis. The Peloporniesians obeyed, indeed, the orders of 
 their commander. The following morning discovei-ed them en- 
 gaged in preparing their ships for action ; but with an evident 
 reluctance, soon increased to open discontent by messages re- 
 ceived from home. Tliese represented the distress and terror 
 of their countrymen, engaged in fortifying the isthmus against 
 the overwhelming force of Xerxes. Of what use was it to at- 
 tempt the defence of Attica, already in the hands of the Per- 
 sians ? Surely it would be much better for the Peloponnesian 
 seamen to return and defend their native and yet unconquered 
 country ; where, even if worsted at sea, they might transfer 
 their sei-vices to the land. 
 
 § 6. Incited by these representations, the very men who had 
 found fault with a second council, now clamoured for a third. It 
 met, and was characterized by the same turbulence and the same 
 dissensions as the former councils. The malcontents, though 
 representing only a small proportion of the naval force, had a 
 numerical superiority of votes ; and Themistocles, perceiving that 
 the decision of the assembly would be against him, determined 
 to efiiect his object by stratagem. Among his slaves was an 
 Asiatic Greek named Sicinnus, whom he had intrusted with the 
 education of his children ; a man of address and ability, and per- 
 fectly acquainted with the Persian tongue. Themistocles secretly 
 
 * This memorable story, however, is not in accordance with the nar- 
 rative of Herodotus, in wliich it is Adimantus, and not Eurj'biades, to 
 whom Themistocles had given offence, and who opposes the Atlienian 
 with so much vehemence.
 
 208 IIISTOIIY OF GUEECl'l Chap. XIX. 
 
 dcHpalclicd lliis niiiii with a incsHafrc to X<!rxcs, rcprt'f-oiifiii^' the 
 dis-i'ii.sioiis wliicli prevailed in llie ( in-ciaii fifci, and how eany a 
 iiiatler it would \h'. to f^urround and vaiKiuir^h an unnanient Loth 
 HHiall and disunili-d. TheiiiiHloclcs liinif^ull' was dcHcribed by 
 Si(!innus as Javourable to the I'c-r.sian cauh-c; ; nor, tc judge from 
 liis subseipient conduct, iiii<rht the wily Athenian, in the jiresent 
 desperate situation of afiixirs, have been altogether indisposed to 
 stand favourably in the sight of Xerxes. However this may be, 
 Xerxes, already well inclined to strike a blow, readily adopted 
 the suggestion, and ordered his caj)tains to close up the straita 
 of iSalaniis at both ends. 
 
 It has been already stated that the Persian fleet was stationed 
 in the bay of Phaleruni, a harbour on the Attic coa.st, a few 
 miles eastward of the entrance of the straits whicli divided the 
 island of iSalamis from Attica. This entrance, as well as that 
 on the north-western side, leading into the Itay of Eleusis, is 
 exceedingly narrow, being in parts not more than a quarter of a 
 mile in breadtli. Towards the middle, however, it expands; 
 and on the side of Salamis, forms a bay or harbc^ur, on which 
 the town of Salamis is situated, and where the Grecian licet was 
 stationed. During the night the fleet of Xerxes moved from 
 Phaierum northwards along the coast, and took up a position 
 on the Attic side of the straits, which they hned through their 
 whole extent, while portions blocked iip both the northern and 
 southern outlets of the straits. 
 
 Meanwhile the debate of the Grecian leaders continued long 
 after nightfall. Themistocks had employed ever)' art to pro- 
 tract the discussion, in order to gain time for tlie eflect of his 
 stratagem ; and when at last the assembly broke up, it was 
 only on the understanding that the debate should be resiuned 
 belbre daybreak. 
 
 {Scarcely had the council re-assembled, when ThcmLstccles was 
 summoned from it by a message that somebody wished to speak 
 to him. It was Aristides, who, in the sixth year ol" an unjust 
 banishment, had returned to sen'e liis ungrateful countr)-, and to 
 assist, but not to share the triumph of a rival. His rival had, 
 indeed, proposed, and his country had ratiiled, the revocation of 
 the sentence ; though to an ordinary man the repentance might 
 have seemed suspicious, and the atonement of little value, 
 which recalled him to his native land, or, more properly speak- 
 mg, which restored him to his exiled countrymen, only to share 
 in their dangers and distresses. But no such rellections found 
 a place in the mind of Aristides. He was occupied oidy Avith 
 his coiuitrys welfare, and his first address to Themistocles was 
 that their ancient rivalry should for the future be exerted only
 
 B.C. 480. BATTLE OF SALAMIS, 209 
 
 in their country's cause. He then communicated the fact that 
 the Grecian fleet was completely surrounded by that of the Per- 
 sians ; and related that it was only hy favour of the darkness 
 that his own vessel had contrived to elude them. Themistocles, 
 having thus learned the success of his stratagem, expressed his 
 satisfaction, and desired Aristides to commuuicate the news of 
 their situation to the council, which would not be disposed to 
 believe it from his own lips. But even from the lips of Aristides 
 such unwelcome intelligence found but little credit, till it was 
 confirmed by the arrival of a Tenian ship, which had deserted 
 from the enemy. 
 
 § 7. At length the day began to dawn which was to decide the 
 fate of Greece. As the veil of night rolled gradually away, the 
 Persian fleet was discovered stretching as far as the eye could 
 reach along the coast of Attica Its right wing, consisting of 
 Phoenician and Cyprian vessels, was drawn up towards the bay 
 of Eleusis, whilst tiie Ionia,ns occupied the left, towards Pirajus 
 and the southern entrance of the straits. On the low and bar- 
 ren island of Psyttaleia, adjacent to that point, a detachment 
 of choice Persian troops had been landed. As the Grecian fleet 
 was concentrated in the harbour of the town of Salamis, it was 
 thus surrounded, as it were, in a net by the Persians. Xerxes, 
 who attributed the disasters at Artemisium to his own absence, 
 had caused a lofty throne to be erected upon one of the project- 
 ing declivities of Mount vEgaleos, opposite the harbour of Sala- 
 mis, whence he could survey the combat, and stimulate by his 
 presence the courage of his men ; whilst by his side stood scribes, 
 prepared to record the names both of the daring and the backward. 
 
 " A king sate on the rocky brow 
 
 Wliioh looks o'er sea-born Salamis; 
 And ships, by thousands, lay below, 
 
 And men in nations; — all were his! 
 He counted them at break of day — 
 And when the sun set where were they ?" 
 
 The Grecian commanders lost no time in preparing to meet 
 their multitudinous opponents. The Athenians were posted in 
 the left wing, and consequently opposed to the Phoenicians on the 
 Persian right. The Lacedaemonians and the other Peloponnesians 
 took their station on the right, and the iEginetans and EubcEans 
 in the centre. Animated by the harangues of Themistocles and 
 the other leaders, the Greek seamen embarked with alacrity, 
 encouraging one another to deliver their country, their wives and 
 children, and the temples of their gods, from the grasp of the bar- 
 barians. Just at this juncture a favourabl'" omen seemed to pro-
 
 210 
 
 HISTORY' r)F GREECE. 
 
 Chap. XIX. 
 
 niiric llieiii siiccoss. When J'iUrybiudos frave tin' onli-r for tlic fleet 
 t(t remain and li^'lil at SalairiiH, a trinMiie luul heeii (l(.»sj)at(;hed to 
 jEfiina to invoke the assi.stanfe of yEacu.s, and the yKaeid lieroew 
 Tehunon and A jax. As the H reeks were on the [Kiint of'ernbark- 
 in}^, tlie trireme retnrned from the minsion jnst in time to take 
 her place in the line of battle. 
 
 i e 
 
 bS. 
 
 I •= <2 I " ^ -Ss ? I 1 11= .1; ? -S .s^. a I p. 
 B,»e.t<V50t> [CS:-:j '*! coo ^a.M
 
 B.C. 480. BATTLE OF SALAillS. 211 
 
 ^ 8. As the trumpets sounded, the Greeks rowed forward to 
 the attack, hurhng into the still morning air the loud war Paean 
 reverberated shrilly from the cliHs of Salamis, and not unan- 
 swered by the Persians. But suddenly a panic appeared to 
 seize the Grecian oarsmen. They paused — backed astern — and 
 some of the rearward vessels even struck the ground at Salamis. 
 At this critical juncture a supernatural portent is said to have 
 re-animated the drooping courage of the Greeks. A female figure 
 was seen to hover over the tleet, uttering loud reproaches at 
 their flight. Re-animated by the vision, the Greeks again rowed 
 forward to the attack. History has preserved to us but few 
 details of the engagement, which, indeed, soon became a scene of 
 confusion too intricate to be accurately observed ; but the names 
 of those who first grappled with the enemy have not been left 
 unrecorded. The Athenian captanis, Aminias and Lycomedes, 
 the former a brother of the poet jEschylus, were the first to bring 
 their ships into action ; Democritus, a Naxian, was the third. 
 The Persian fleet, with the exception of some of the Ionic con- 
 tingents, appears to have fought with alacrity and courage. But 
 the very numbers on which they so confidently relied, proved 
 one of the chief causes of their defeat. They had neither concert 
 in action, nor space to manogvxvre ; and the confusion was aug- 
 mented by the mistrust with which i\w motley nations compos- 
 ing the Persian armament regarded one another. Too crowded 
 either to advance or to retreat, their oars broken or impeded by 
 collision with one another, their fleet lay like an inert and lifeless 
 mass upon the water, and fell an easy prey to the Greeks. A 
 single incident will illustrate the terror and confusion which 
 reigned among the Persians. Artemisia, although, as we have 
 related, averse to giving battle, distinguished herself in it by 
 deeds of daring bravery. At length she turned and fled, pur- 
 sued by the Athenian trierarch, Aminias. Full in her course 
 lay the vessel of the Carian prince, Damosithynnis of Calyndus. 
 Instead of avoiding, she stiaick and sunk it, sending her country- 
 man and all his crew to the bottom. Aminias, believing from 
 this act that she was a deserter from the Persian cause, suffered 
 her to escape. Xerxes, who from his lofty throne beheld the 
 feat of the Halicarnassian qvxeen, but who imagined that the 
 sunken ship belonged to the Greeks, was filled with admiration 
 at her courage, and is said to have exclaimed — " My men are be- 
 come women, my women men I" 
 
 ^ 9. The number of ships destroyed and sunk is stated at 40 
 on the side of the Greeks, and 200 on that of the Persians, ex- 
 clusive of those which were captured with all their crews. Be- 
 sides this loss at sea, Aristides succeeded in inflicting on the
 
 212 HISTORV OF fniKKCIv Chap. XIX. 
 
 Persians aiiotliLT on liiiwl. It lias Ixtui alrcaiiy Htat<;(l that w»rne 
 dioscii Persian Iroojis had Ix'rii landed at Psyttaleia, in order to 
 assist such Persian sliips, orrleslmy sneli (ireeian ships as iniplit 
 be l()rced upon the island. WIk-u the rout of the J'ersian fleet 
 was e(»ni|)le1ed, Aristides landi;d on the island with a body of 
 Hopliles, deliiated the Persians, and cut them 1o pieces to a inan. 
 
 Poinidless were the ra;.'e and vexation of Xerxes, as he con- 
 templated the lliirht and deslrnrlion of his fleet. Some Pha-ni 
 ciau crews, which were unlucky enough to he iijreed ashore close 
 at the despot's feet, ILdt the full weight of his displeasure. In 
 vain they sought to throw the blarnc of the defijat on the loiiic 
 Greeks serving under the Persian flag. Xerxes, who, besides 
 the feat of Artemisia, had observed a very daring act of valour 
 peril)rme(l by a Samothraeian vessel, treated the Pha-nicians as 
 dastardly calumniators, and ordered them to be beheaded. 
 
 Notwithstanding this signal defeat and loss, the Persian fleet 
 was still formidable by its numbers, whilst their land-force had 
 sufiercd hardly any loss. The Greeks themselves did not regard 
 the victory as decisive, and prepared to renew the combat. But 
 from this necessity they were relieved by the pusillanimity of 
 Xerxes. Passing at once from overweening conlidence to unrea- 
 sonable distrust, the Persian monarch became anxiously soli- 
 citous even about his own personal safety. He no longer relied 
 on the capability of his ships to protect his retreat over the 
 Hellespont, esj)ccially as his own conduct had alienated a consi- 
 derable part of his fleet. The Phoenicians, alarmed by the threats 
 which rage and fear caused Xerxes to utter against them, stole 
 away in the night and sailed homewards. The whole care of the 
 Persian monarch was now centered on securing his retreat by 
 land. The best troops were disembarked from the shij)s. and 
 marched towards the Hellespont, in order to secure the bridge, 
 whilst the fleet itself was ordered to leave Phalenun and make 
 for Asia. 
 
 These dispositions of Xerxes were prompted by Mardonius. 
 As the adviser of the expedition, Mardonius felt all the danger 
 of responsibility for its failure, especially if the personal safety 
 of his sovereign shoidd be at all endangered. "With adroit flat- 
 tery he consulted at once the fears and the vanity of Xerxes, and 
 his own personal interests. He represented to his ma.«ter that 
 the defeat, after all, was but slight, and had fallen entirely upon 
 the foreign auxiliaries ; that having attained one of the great ob- 
 jects of the expedition by the ca])ture of Athens, he might now 
 retire with honour, and even with glor}* ; and that for the rest 
 he (Mardonius) would undertake to complete the conquest of 
 Greece with 300,000 men. Xerxes readily listened to this advice,
 
 15. C. 480. RETREAT OF XERXES. 2 J. 3 
 
 which accorded so well with his own inchnations, and which was 
 supported by his courtiers, as well as by tlueen Artemisia. 
 
 MO. When the Greeks learned that the Persian fleet had left 
 Phalerum, they immediately sailed in pursuit of it. Themis- 
 tocles and the Athenians are represented, but probably on no 
 sufficient groinid, as anxious to push on to the Hellespont, and 
 cut off" the retreat of the Persians, and as having been restrained 
 only by the more prudent counsels of Eurybiades and the Pelo- 
 ponnesians. The moment was chosen by Themistocles to send 
 a second message to Xerxes of a much more questionable cha- 
 racter than the first. Sicinnus was again despatched to inform 
 the Persian monarch that Themistocles, out of personal friend- 
 ship for him, had restrained the Greeks frcm destroying the 
 bridge over the Hellespont, and thus cutting off his retreat. In 
 this communication it is impossible to believe that Themistocles 
 can have had anything but his own personal interest in view. 
 He was well awars that the Persian cause was far from de- 
 sperate ; and even if the Greeks should prove victorious in the 
 end, he may have been anxious to secure a safe retreat for him- 
 self, if he should be detected in his guilty practices. 
 
 The Greeks pursued the Persian fleet as far as the island of 
 Andros, but without success. To punish those islands which 
 had sided with Xerxes was a natural and justifiable act, which 
 the large naval force under the command of Themistocles en- 
 abled him to execute ; but he abused the same means in order to 
 gratify his private rapacity. The Andrians, indeed, were too 
 poor to be robbed ; and though Themistocles threatened them 
 with two great gods — Persuasion and Necessity — they found 
 themselves protected, as they said, by two others equally effi- 
 cient — Poverty and Helplessness. But in other quarters he 
 succeeded better. Frcm Carystus, Paros, and other places, he 
 privately extorted bribes by engaging to preserve them from 
 attack ; and after a short time employed in the vain attempt to 
 wring something from Andros, the Grecian ffeet returned to 
 iSalamis. 
 
 Ml. Meanwhile Xerxes pursued his homeward march through 
 Boeotia into Thessaly. In the latter country Mardonius selected 
 the forces with which he proposed to conclude the war, consist- 
 ing chieffy of Persians, Medes, Saca?, and Bactrians, to the number 
 of 300,000 men. But as autumn was now approaching, and as 
 60,000 of these troops were to escort the inarch of Xerxes as far 
 as the Hellespont, Mardonius resolved to postpone all further 
 operations till the spring. 
 
 After forty-five days' march from Attica, Xerxes again reached 
 the shores ol'tiie Hellespont, A\'ith a force greatly diminished by
 
 •214 IIIS'IOKV OF CiJiKKCM Cuai-. XIX. 
 
 Ijuiiiuc and pcstilfiicc. Thu sullcriiifrH of" lii» army were cxag- 
 gcralfd by yHsfliylii.s, and by later jmjcIh and iiioraliHtu, who de- 
 liflhtcd ill lu!i;;blc'uinf^ tlic contrast between llie j>roud magni- 
 ficence of the monarch's advance, and the ignominiouH humi- 
 liation ol" his retreat. Many of these statements cannot be 
 accepted as liistoricai facts ; allhoufrh there can be jio donhl tliat 
 fjreat numbers perislied from want oi pntvisions, and tlie diseases 
 wiiich always li)llow in tlie j)ath of famine. On the HellesjHjnt 
 Xerxes Ibiuid his fleet, but tiie bridi^e had In-en washed away by 
 storms. Landed on the shores of Asia, the Persian army at 
 len<rth obtained abundance of jtrovisions, and contracted new 
 maladies by the sudden cliange from ])rivation to excess. Thus 
 terminated this mighty but unsuccessful expedition. Two thou- 
 sand years later, still more barbarous eastern hordes were des- 
 tined to find a settlement on the lair shores of (ireece. But 
 Gi'eecc had then worked out her appointed task, and liad trans- 
 mitted her arts, her literature, and her civilization, to the nations 
 of western Europe. 
 
 ^ 12. Among the Greeks nothing now remained to be done 
 but to celebrate their victory after the national fashion by the 
 distribution of rewards. To the ^ginetans was adjudged the 
 chief prize for valour, whilst the Athenians carried ofl' the second. 
 Amongst individual combatants, the jEginetan, Polycritus, and 
 the Athenians, Eumenes and Aminias, obtained the first rank. 
 The deities also received their share of honour. Three Phceni- 
 cian triremes were dedicated respectively to Athena at Suniurn, 
 to Poseidon at the Corinthian isthmus, and to the k>alaminian 
 hero, Ajax. The shrine of the Delphian Apollo was also still 
 further enriched by the oli'eruigs of grateiul superstition. 
 
 Having distributed the reAvards of valour, the Greek com- 
 manders undertook the more ditEcult task of assigning the prizes 
 of wisdom and conduct. Upon the altar of Poseidon, at the 
 isthmus of Corinth, whither the Grecian fleet had now repaired, 
 each chief deposited a ticket inscribed with two names, of those 
 whom he considered entitled to the first and second prizes. But 
 in this adjudication vanity and self-love defeated their own 
 objects. Each commander had put down his own name for the 
 first prize ; for the second, a great majority preponderated in 
 favour of Themistocles. But since the fii-st prize thus remained 
 undecided, and as the second could not, consequently, be adju- 
 dicated, the Athenian leader reapt-vl no benefit from these votes. 
 From the t^partans. however, whom he shortly afterwards visited, 
 he received the honours due to his merit. A crown of olive, 
 similar to that which rewarded their own commander, Eur}'- 
 biades, was contenvd upon him, ti)gether with one of the most
 
 B.C. 480. DEFEAT OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. 215 
 
 splendid chariots which the city could produce ; and on his de- 
 parture the three hundred Hippeis, or knights, the youth and 
 llower of the Lacedaemonian militia, accompanied him as a guard 
 of honour as far as Tegea. In fact, the honours heaped upon 
 Themistocles by the haughty Spartans were so extraordinary, as 
 to excite, it is said, the jealousy of the Athenians against their 
 distinguished countryman. 
 
 ^13. On the very same day on which the Persians were de- 
 feated at Salamis, another portion of the Hellenic race, the Sici- 
 lian Greeks, also obtained a victory over an immense barbarian 
 force. There is reason to believe that the invasion of Sicily by 
 the Carthaginians was concerted with Xerxes, and that the 
 simultaneous attack on two distinct Grecian peoples, by two 
 immense armamsnts, was not merely the result of chance. It 
 was, however, in the internal afi'airs of Sicily that the Carthagi- 
 nians sought the pretext and the opportunity for their invasion. 
 About the year 481 b.c, Theron, despot of Agrigentum, a relative 
 of Gelon's, the powerful ruler of Syracuse, expelled Terillus from 
 Himera, and took possession of that town. TeriUus, backed by 
 some Sicilian cities, which formed a kind of Carthaginian party, 
 applied to the Carthaginians to restore him. The Carthaginians 
 complied with the invitation ; and in the year 480 b.c, Hamilcar 
 landed at Panormus with a force composed of various nations, 
 which is said to have amounted to the enormous sum of 
 300,000 men. Having drawn up his vessels on the beach, 
 and protected them with a rampart, Hamilcar proceeded to 
 besiege the Himeraeans, who on their part prepared for an obsti- 
 nate defence. At the mstance of Theron, Gelon marched to the 
 relief of the town with 50,000 foot and 5000 horse. An obsti- 
 nate and bloody engagement ensued, which, by a stratagem of 
 Gelon's, was at length determined in his favour. The ships of 
 the Carthaginians were tired, and Hamilcar himself slain. Ac- 
 cording to the statement of Diodorus, 150,000 Carthaginians fell 
 in the engagement, while the greater part of the remainder sur- 
 rendered at discretion, twenty ships alone escaping with a few 
 fugitives. This account may justly be regarded as an exaggera- 
 tion ; yet it cannot be doubted that the victory was a decisive 
 one, and the number very great of the prisoners and slain. 
 
 Thus were the arms of Greece victorious on all sides, and the 
 outposts of Europe maintained against the incursions of the 
 serai-barbarous hordes of Asia and Africa. In Sicily, Greek taste 
 made the sinews of the prisoners subserve the purposes of art ; 
 and many of the public structures which adorned and distin- 
 gnished Agrigentum. rose by the labor of the cap+ive Carthagi- 
 nians.
 
 ^u^ <// 
 
 J^r,' iT7i 
 
 1' 1 'iT 1' \ \ 
 
 
 ?r^f 1 1 1 
 
 1 1 1 1 
 
 1 m iPie 
 
 1 1 
 
 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 
 
 _i 1- m n 
 
 1 1 1 1 1 1 Ml M 
 
 -^ II 
 
 Ml II ! M 
 
 T^i p.«l 
 
 Temple of Nike Apteros (Ihe Wingless Victory), on Ihe Acropolis at Atbcfu:. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 BATTLES OF TLAT.EA AND MYCALE. 
 
 § 1. Position of the Persian and Greek fleets. § 2. Preparations of Mar- 
 donius for the campaign. § 3. He solicits the Athenians to join hinu 
 Faithlessness of tlie Spartans. § 4. Mardonius occupies Athens. Athe- 
 nian embassy to Sparta. March of the Sjiartan army. § 5. Mardonius 
 retires into B(Cotia: followed by the Grecian army. Skirmishes. S 6. 
 The Greeks descend into the plain. Man<inivres of the two armies, i; 7. 
 Alexander, king of Maeedon, visit.s the Grecian camp. The Greeks re- 
 solve to change their ground: their disorderly retreat, g 8. Battle of 
 Platfca. Defeat of the Persians. §0. Division of the spoil. § 10. Re- 
 duction of Thebes, and execution of the Thcban loaders. § ll. Death 
 of Aristodemus. § 12. League of Plat ;ra. Religious ceremonies. §13. 
 
 Battle of Mvcale. Defeat of the Persiians. 
 
 14. Liberation of the 
 
 Greek islands. § 15. Siege and capture of Sestos. 
 
 k 1- The remnant of the Persian fleet, after conveying Xerxes 
 and his army across the Hellespont, wintered at Cyme and 
 Samos ; and early in the ensuing spring, the whole annament, 
 to the number of about 400 vessels, re-assembled at the latter 
 island. This movement was adopted in order to keep a watch 
 over louia, which showed symptoms of an inclination to revolt ; 
 and not with anv design of attacking the Grecian fleet. The 
 latter, consisting of about 1 10 ships, under tlie command of the 
 Spartan king Leotychidcs, a.*.<('inl)led in the spring at -3i]gina. 
 From this station it advanced as far ca^lwarils as Dclos ; but
 
 B.C. 479. PREPARATIONS OF MA^ONIUS. 217 
 
 the Ionian envoys despatched to the Peloponnesians, with pro- 
 mises that the lonians would revolt from Persia as soon as the 
 Greek fleet appeared off their coast, could not prevail upon Leo- 
 tychides to venture an attack upon the Persians. 
 
 ^ 2. The disastrous retreat of Xerxes had not much shaken 
 the fidelity of his Grecian allies. Potidsea, indeed, and the other 
 towns on the isthmus of Pallene, declared themselves indepen- 
 dent ; whilst symptoms of disaffection were also visible among 
 the Phocians ; but the more impoilant allies of Persia, the 
 Macedonians, the Thessalians, and especially the Boeotians, were 
 still disposed to co-operate vigorously with Mardonius. That 
 general prepared to open the campaign in the spring. As a 
 preliminary measure, adopted probably with the view of flatter- 
 ing the religious prejudices of his Greek allies, he consulted some 
 of the most celebrated oracles in Ba'otia and Phocis respecting 
 the issue of the war. He was not without hopes of inducing 
 the Athenians to join the Persian alliance ; and, in order to 
 facilitate such a step, it was pretended that the oracles had fore- 
 told the approach of the time when the Athenians, united with 
 the Persians, should expel the Dorians from Peloponnesus. 
 
 ^ 3. The influence of superstition was aided by the intrigues 
 of diplomacy. Alexander, king of Macedon, was despatched to 
 conciliate the Athenians, now partially re-established in their 
 dilapidated city. His offers on the part of the Persians were of 
 the most seductive kind ; the reparation of all damage, the 
 friendship of the Great King, and a considerable extension of ter- 
 ritory : the whole backed by the pressing instances of Alexander 
 himself, and enforced by a vivid picture of the exposed and 
 helpless situation of Attica. 
 
 The temptation was certainly strong. On the one hand, 
 ruined homes and empty granaries, the result of the last cam- 
 paign ; the first shock and severest brunt of the war to be 
 sustained by Attica, as the outpost of southern Hellas, and this 
 for lukewarm and selfish allies, to whose negligence and breach 
 of faith the Athenians chiefly owed their present calamities : 
 on the other hand, their city restored, their starving population 
 fed, the horrors of war averted, aird only that more agreeable 
 part of it adopted which would consist in accompanying and 
 aiding an overwhelming force in a career of almost certain vic- 
 tory. The Lacedaemonians were quite alive to the exigencies of 
 the situation, so far, at least, as it concerned their own safety. 
 They also had sent envoys to counteract the seductions of Alex- 
 ander, and to tender relief to the distressed population of Athens. 
 The answer of the Athenians Avas magnanimous and dignified. 
 They dismissed Alexander with a positive rcfii.'^al and even m itii 
 
 L
 
 218 HISTORY Ul" (MtKKCI'l Chap. XX. 
 
 Hoiiii'lliiii;^ like a threat of j)crH<)nal violence in rane lie kIiou1(1 
 a<,^'lin be the bearer ol' such pro|)<Jhal« ; -whiLtt to the Lace<la;ino- 
 iiians tliey jirotcsted that no tetniitationf, however frreat, hhould 
 ever induce tliein to desert the ct;nmion cau»e ol Greece and 
 IVeeddui. In return for thi« disinterested conduct, all they 
 asked was that a rel()jK)inie.-ian army should be seat into 
 JJudlia liir the delence of the Attic i'rontier ; a request which 
 the JSpartan envoys ])roiiiised to fullil. 
 
 Ko sooner, however, had they returned into llicir owu coun- 
 try than this j)rornise was coiiij)letely iijrfrotteii. As on the 
 lonner occasion, the Laceda-rnonians covered their selfishness 
 and iudiilerence beneath the hyjujcritical garb of relifrion. The 
 omens were unfavourable ; the sun had been eclipsed at the 
 moment when Cleombrotus, the iSpartan king, was consulting 
 the gods respecting the expedition ; and, besides this, they were 
 engaged in celebrating the festival of the Hyacinthia. But no 
 omens or IL'stivals had prevented tliern from resuming with 
 unremitting diligence the labour of fortifying the isthmus, and 
 the walls and battlements were now rapidly advancing towards 
 completion. 
 
 § 4. AYhen Mardonius was informed that the Athenians had 
 rejected his proposal, he immediately marched against Athens, 
 accompanied by all his Grecian allies ; and in M-ay or June, B.C. 
 479, about ten months after the retreat of Xerxes, the Persians 
 again occupied that city. AYith feelings of bitter indignation 
 against their faithless allies, tlie Athenians saw themselves once 
 more compelled to remove to Salamis. But even in this de- 
 pressed condition, the naval force of the Athenians still ren- 
 dered them formidable ; and Mardonius took advantage of his 
 situation to endeavour once more to win them to his alliance. 
 Through a Hellespontine Greek, the same favourable conditions 
 were again ollered to them, but were again refused. One voice 
 alone, that of the senator Lycidas, broke the unanimity of the 
 assembly. But his opposition cost him his life. He and his 
 family were stoned to death by the excited populace. 
 
 In this desperate condition the Athenians sent ambassadors 
 to the Spartans to remonstrate against their breach of faith, 
 and to implore them, before it ^^•as too late, to come forwards 
 in the connnon cause of Greece. The ambassadors were also 
 instructed to intimate that necessity might at length compel the 
 Athenians to listen to the proposals of the enemy. This mes- 
 sage, hoMever, was very coolly received by the Lacediemonians. 
 For ten davs no answer whatever was returned ; and it can 
 scarcely be doubted that the reply, which they at last thought 
 fit to make, would have been a negative, but for a piece of advice
 
 B.C. 479. MARDONIUS RETIRES INTO BCEOTIA. 219 
 
 which opened their eyes to the consequences of their selfish 
 pohcy. Chileos, a Tegean, a man whose wisdom they revered, 
 and whom they consuhed on this occasion, pointed out to them 
 that their fortifications at the isthmus would prove of no avail 
 in case the Athenians allied themselves to the Persians, and 
 thus, by means of their fleet, opened a way into the heart of 
 Peloponnesus. It is strange that the LacedEemonians should 
 have needed tliis admonition, which seems obvious enough ; but 
 selfisliness is proverbially blind. 
 
 The conduct of the Spartans was as prompt as their change 
 of resolution had been sudden. That very night 5000 citizens, 
 each attended by seven Helots, were despatched to the frontiers : 
 and these were shortly followed by 5000 Lacedaemonian Perioeci, 
 each attended by one light-armed Helot. Never before had the 
 Spartans sent so large a force uito the field. Their example 
 was followed by other Peloponnesian cities ; and the Athenian 
 envoys returned to Salamis w'ith the joyful news that a large 
 army was preparing to march against the enemy, under the 
 command of Pausanias, who acted as regent for Plistarchus, the- 
 infant son of Leouidas. 
 
 ^ 5. Mardonius, on learnuig the approach of the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, abandoned Attica, and proceeded by the pass of Decelea, 
 across Mount Parnes into Boeotia, a country more adapted to 
 the operations of cavalry, in which his strength principally lay. 
 Whilst he still entertained a hope that the Athenians might be 
 induced to join his arms, he had refrained from committing any 
 depredations on their territory ; but finding this expectation vain, 
 he employed the last days of his stay m burning and devastating all 
 that had been spared by the army of Xerxes. After crossing the 
 frontiers of Boeotia, and marching a day or two along the Asopus, 
 he finally took up a position on the left bank of that river, and 
 not far from the town of Plattea. Here he caused a camp to be 
 constructed of ten furlongs square, and fortified with barricades 
 and towers. The situation M'as well selected, smce he had the 
 friendly and well fortified city of Thebes in his rear, and was 
 thus in no danger of falling short of pro\'isions. Yet the dispo- 
 sition of his army was far from being sanguine. With the ex- 
 ception of the Thebans and Bceotians, his Grecian allies were 
 become lukewarm or wavering ; and even among the Persians 
 themselves, the disastrous flight of their monarch in the pre- 
 ceding year had naturally damped all hopes of the successful 
 issue of a campaign which was now to be conducted with far 
 inferior forces. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Lacedsemonian force collected at the isthmus 
 was receiving reinforcements from the various slates of Pelo-
 
 220 IIIS'IOIIV OK (iliKKCM CnAi-. XX. 
 
 poiiiicsiis. On its ni.inli tlirnufih Mcfjara il wua jojiic-d Ly 
 !>()<»() Mc;.'ariaus; and at. EIouhIh received it.s linal accet-Hiuii ol' 
 M)l)0 AtliLMiiaii and (iUO I'lata-an Jloplites, who liad crowed over 
 i'roni Salaniis undi-r iho conirnaiid of AristidcH. The Grecian 
 army now consisted of ;jH,700 licavy-artnfd men, attended by 
 Helots an(i lij,'lil-anned trrujps to tlie nninlier ol' nearly 70,000 ; 
 and, loffethor with 1^00 badly anned Th«'sj)ians, formed a jrrand 
 total ot" about 110,000 men. There were, however, no cavalr)', 
 and but very iew bowmen. 
 
 liaviuf^ consulted the gods by sacrifices, which jiroved of a 
 favonrabli nature, the Grecian army broke up from Eleusis, and 
 directed its march over tiie ridge c»t Cithieron. On de.'-cending 
 its northern side, tlic Greeks came in sight of the Persian army 
 drawn up in llio valley of the Asopiis. Pausanias, not earing to 
 expose his troops to the attacks of the Persian cavalry on the 
 l)lain, halted them on the slopes of the mountain, near Erjthra;, 
 where the groimd was rugged and uneven, (^ee Plan, P'irst 
 Position). This position did not, however, altogether preserve 
 them. Skilled in the use of the bow and of the javelin, the 
 Persian liorsemen, luider the command of Masistius, repeatedly 
 cliarged the Greeks, harassing them with flights oi" missiles, and 
 taunting them with cowardice for not venturing down into the 
 ])lain. The Megarians, especially, sulicred severely until rescued 
 by a body of 300 clioseu Athenians, who succeeded in repulsing 
 tlie Persian cavalry, and killing their leader, Masistius. a man 
 tall in stature and of distinguished braver)'. The Greeks cele- 
 brated their triumph by parading the corpse through the army 
 in a cart. 
 
 § 6. This success encouraged Pausanias to quit the high 
 ground and lake up a position on the plain. Deliling irom Eiy- 
 thrte in a westerly direction, and marching by Hysia-, he formed 
 his army in a line on the right bank of the Ascpus. In tliis 
 arrangement, the right wing, which extended to the fountain 
 Gargaphia, was conceded, as the post of honor, to the Jjacedae- 
 monians ;• the occupation of the left, near the grove of the hero 
 Androcrates, was disputed between the Tegeans and Athenians. 
 The matter was refeiTed to the whole body of the Laceda-monian 
 troops, who by acclamation declared the Athenians entitleil to 
 the preference. 
 
 On perceiving that the Greeks had changed their position, 
 Mardonius drew up his armv opposite to them, on the other 
 side of the Asopus. (See Flan, Second Position). He himself, 
 with the Persians anil Medes, the ilower of his anny, took his 
 post in the kd\ wing, facing the Lacedannonians on the Grecian 
 risiht : whilst the Greeks and iMaeedonians in tlie Persian service.
 
 B.C. 479. 
 
 BATTLE OF PLATyEA. 
 
 221 
 
 Daule of Plataea. (From Grote's Greece.) 
 
 I. First position occupied by 
 
 tlie opposing armies. 
 II. Second position. 
 III. Third position. 
 
 A. EoHd from Plataen to Thebes, 
 
 B. Road from Megar.l to Thebes. 
 
 C. Persian camp. 
 
 D. Erylhra;. 
 
 E. Hysiffi. 
 
 to the number, probably, of 50,000, were opposed to the Athe- 
 nians on the left. The centre of Mardonius Avas composed of 
 Bactrians, Indians, Sacee, and other Asiatics and Egj^tians ; and 
 his whole force probably amounted to about 300,000 men. 
 
 But though the armies were thus in presence, each was reluc- 
 tant to commence the attack. The soothsayers on both sides, 
 whose responses were probably dictated by the feeling prevalent 
 among the commanders, declared that the sacrifices were un- 
 favourable for any aggressive movement. For eight days the 
 armies remained inactive, except that the Persians aimoyed the 
 Greeks at a distance with their missiles, and altogether pre- 
 vented them from watering at tbe Asopus. On the eighth day
 
 '2iJ2 MISTOIIV OF CIIICKCK. Thai'. XX. 
 
 Manlniiiiis, at ihc. su<rfr<'Hti()ti of the Thcbaii Icadi-r Titna<.'ciiifla8, 
 (•iii[iloyc(l liis cavalry in criittinj^ oil llif siij)[ilic.s of tlir; (ircokf, 
 and ca])turwl a train of 500 boastrf of liurtlicu, to<r(;llier with 
 tlii^ir escort, as tlu-y were dcfiliiif,' lliroiiyli oik; of the pat<.«<!8 of 
 Citliairoii. Artabazus, the Hecoiid in eonnnaiid, advised Mardf>- 
 iiiiis to continue this pohcy of liarassinj^ and weariiif,' out the 
 (J reeks, without riskin<( a freneral enfrajfeuient ; and also to en- 
 deavour, by means of bribes, to corrupt and disunite them 
 That this latter step was feasible ajipears froiu what actually 
 occurred arnon^ the Athenians. Several of the wealthier IIop- 
 lites serving in their ranks entered into a conspiracy to establish 
 at Athens, luider Persian supremacy, an olifrarchy resembling 
 lliat at Thebes. Fortunately, however, the plot Mas discovered 
 and repressed by Aristides. But Mardonius was too impatient 
 to await the success of such measures, which he considered as 
 an imputation on the Persian arms ; and, overniling the opinions, 
 of Avtabazus and the rest of his officers, gave orders to |)repare 
 for a general attack. 
 
 ^ 7. On tlie night after Mardonius had taken this resolution, 
 Alexander, king of Macedon, leaving the Persian camp by stealth, 
 rode up to the Athenian outposts, and desiring to speak with 
 Aristides and the other generals, informed them of the intended 
 attack on tlie morrow. " I risk my life," he observed, " in con- 
 veying this intelligence : but I too am a Greek by descent, and 
 with sorrow should 1 see Hellas enslaved by the Persians." 
 
 Aristides immediately communicated this news to Pausanias. 
 On hearing it, the lattt^r made a proposal savouring but little of 
 the traditionary Spartan valour, namely, that the Athenians, who 
 had had experience of the Persian mode of fighting, should 
 change places with the Lacedasmonians in the line. The Athe- 
 nians readily assented to this arrangement. Mardonius, how- 
 ever, on perceiving the change which had been made, ellected 
 a corresponding one in his own line. Hereupon Pausanias 
 marched back to the Grecian right, and Avas again followed by 
 Mardonius ; so that the two armies remamed in their original 
 position. 
 
 Neither side, however, was inclined to venture a general at- 
 tack. The fighting was coutined to the Persian cavalry, which 
 tlie Greeks had no adequate means of repelling. For some por- 
 tion of the day it obtained possession of the fountain of Garga- 
 phia, the only source from which the Greeks could procure their 
 water, and succeeded in choking it up. It also intercepted the 
 convoys of provisions proceedmg to the Grecian camp. Under 
 these circumstances, finding the ground untenable, Pausanias 
 summoned a council of war, in which it was resolved to retreat
 
 B.C. 479. BATTLE OF PLAT.^EA, 223 
 
 during the night to a place called the Island, about ten furlongs 
 in the rear of their present position, and halfway between it and 
 the towii of Piatsea. The spot selected, improperly called an 
 island, was in fact a piece of ground about three furlongs in 
 breadth, comprised between two branches of the river Oeroe, 
 which, rising from distinct sources in Cithaeron, and running for 
 some space nearly parallel Avith one another, at length unite, and 
 flow in a westerly direction into the gulf of Corinth. The 
 nature of the ground would thus afford to the Greeks both 
 abundance of water and protection from the enemys cavalry. 
 
 The retreat, however, though for so short a distance, was ef- 
 fected in disorder and coidusion. The Greek centre, chiefly 
 composed of Megarians and Corinthians, instead of taking up a 
 position on the Island, as commanded by Pausanias, did not halt 
 till they reached the town of Plata^a, where they formed in front 
 of the Hergeum on high grou'id, and protected by buildings. (See 
 Plan, Third Position.) Sjme time alter their departure Pau- 
 sanias commanded the r!ght wing, wliich, as we have said, was 
 composed of Lacedaemonians, to follow. But liis orders were dis- 
 puted by one of his captains, Amompharetus, a leader of one of 
 the lochi, who had not been present at the council of Avar, and who, 
 considering this retrograde movement as a retreat derogatorj^ to 
 Spartan honour, obstinately refused to stir from his post. Mean- 
 while, the Athenians — not unnaturally distrustful of the Spartans 
 — before they broke gi-ound themselves, despatched a mounted 
 messenger to ascertain w^hether the right wing Avas really pre- 
 paring to march. The messenger found the Spartan troops in 
 their former position, and Pausanias, together with the other 
 generals, engaged m a warm dispute Avith the refractory captain. 
 No threats of being left alone could induce him to move ; and 
 when reminded that the order for retreat had been resolved 
 upon in a council of Avar, he took up a huge rock, and casting it 
 at the feet of Pausanias, exclaimed — " With this pebble I giA'e my 
 vote not to fly from the foreigners."' 
 
 Meantime, the day began to daAvn : a little longer delay and 
 retreat AA'ould become impossible. Pausanias resolved to aban- 
 don Amompharetus and his lochus to their fate, should he really 
 prove so obstinate as to stand his ground after the departure of 
 the rest of the army. The order to march Avas gi\en. The 
 slant rays of the rising sun gleamed on the taU and bristling 
 spears of the Lacedaemonian columns as they slowly ascended 
 the hills Avhich separated them from the Island. The Athenians, 
 posted more towards the east, and who Avere to arri\'e at the 
 appomted spot by turning the hills, began their march at the 
 same time. Amompharetus Avas not so madly obstinate as to
 
 224 IflS'IOin- OF (;ilKi:CR CiiAi'. XX- 
 
 ;iw;iil alone tin' a])i)n)anli (dtliu I'lTHians. Fiudiiif^ that liis com- 
 ra(l(vs liail n-ally (le|)art(d, he gave orders to Ibllow, and overlook 
 tlieiii at tlieir lir.st lialt. 
 
 Ij 8. Mardoiiius beheld willi a.~l(;iiiK}iincnt and disdain the 
 retreating ranks of" the iSpartans. Tlie order was given to jjursue. 
 The shout of" victory already rang llirough the Persian host as 
 they (hished in a confused nias«, cavalry and inf'antr)', through 
 the waters of the As(»[)us, and up the hill after the retreating 
 foe. S(-areoly had Pausauias time to deploy on the sjxit where 
 he had halted lor Auionipharetus, when the Persian cavalry were 
 upon him. These were soon fidlowed by the infantry ; who, 
 planting in the ground their long wicker shields, or grrr/ui, and 
 thus forming a kind of breastwork, annoyed the Lacedaemonians 
 with showers of arrows. Even in these circumstances the rites 
 of religion were not neglected by Pausanias. For some time the 
 sacrillces were unfavourable for an attack ; till Paasanias invoked 
 the assistance of Hera, whose temple rose conspicuous at Platjea. 
 H.udly had the prayer been uttered when the victims changed, 
 and the order to charge was given. The line of wicker shields 
 fell at the first onset of the Lacedaimonians. The light-armed 
 undisciplined Persians, whose bodies were unprotected with 
 armour, had now to maintain a very unequal combat against the 
 serried ranks, the long spears, and the mailed bodies of the 
 Spartan phalanx. Des})erate deeds of valour they performed, 
 throwuig themsjlves upon the Grecian ranks and endeavouring 
 to get into close combat, where they could use their javelins and 
 daggers. Mardonius at the head of his body-guard of 1000 picked 
 men, and conspicuous by his white charger, was among the fore- 
 most in the fight, till struck down by the hand of Aimnestas, a 
 distinguished Spartan. The fall of their general was the signal 
 for flight to the Persians, already wearied and disheartened by 
 the fruitless contest. The panic was general both among the 
 Persians themselves and their Asiatic allies ; nor did they 
 once stop till they had again crossed the Asopus and reached 
 their fortified camp. 
 
 The glory of having defeated the Persians at Platjea rests, 
 therefore, with the Lacedsemonians ; yet the Athenians also were 
 not without some share in the honour of the day. Pausanias, 
 when overtaken by the Persians, despatched a liorseman to Aris- 
 ;tides to request him to hasten to his assistance ; but the coming 
 up of the Boeotians prevented him from dohig so. A sharp 
 conflict ensued between tlie latter and the Athenians. The 
 Thebans, especially, fought with groat bravery ; but were at 
 length repulsed with considerable loss. Though compelled to 
 give way, they retreated in good order to Thebes, being covered
 
 B.C. 479. DEATH OF MARDONIUS. 225 
 
 by their cavalry from the pursuit of the Athenians. None of 
 the other Greeks in the Persian service took any share in the 
 fight, but turned their backs as soon as they saw that the day 
 was lost. Of the Persians themselves, 40,U00 under the com- 
 mand of Artabazus did not strike a blow. The eagerness and 
 impetuosity of Mardonius, and the contempt which he had con- 
 ceived for the Laeedsemonians on account of what he considered 
 their flight, had led him to begin the attack without waiting Ibr 
 the corps of Artabazus ; and when that general arrived upon the 
 field the rout was already complete. Artabazus, indeed, who had 
 always deprecated a general engagement, was probably not very 
 zealous on the occasion ; at all CA'ents he did not make a single 
 attemjit to restore the fortune of the day ; and instead ol' retreat- 
 ing either to Thebes, or to the fortified camp of his countrymen, 
 he gave up the whole expedition as irretrievably lost, and directed 
 his march towards the Hellespont. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians, now reinforced by the Corinthians and 
 others from Platsea, pursued the Persians as far as their fortified 
 camp, whose barricades proved a complete check to them, till 
 the Athenians, more skilled in that species of warfare, came to 
 their assistance. The barricades were then stormed and carried, 
 after a gallant resistance on the part of the Persians. The camp 
 became a scene of the most horrible carnage. According to 
 Herodotus, only 3000 men, exclusive of the di^^sion under Arta- 
 bazus, escaped out of an army of 300,000. These numbers are 
 probably exaggerated ; yet the Persian loss was undoubtedly 
 immense. That of the Greeks was comparatively small, and 
 seems not to have exceeded 1300 or 1-100 men. 
 
 S^ 9. It remained to bury the dead and divide the booty ; and 
 so great was the task, that ten days were consumed in it. The 
 body of Mardonius, found among the slain, was treated by Pau- 
 sanias M'ith respect ; on the morrow, not, perhaj^s, without his 
 comiivance, it was secretly conveyed away and interred. A 
 monument was even erected over it, which was to be seen several 
 centuries afterwards. His scimitar and silver-footed throne fell 
 to the share of the Athenians, by whom they were preserved 
 along with the breastplate of Masistius, in the Acropolis of 
 Athens. The other booty was ample and magnificent. Gold 
 and silver coined, as well as in plate and trinkets ; rich vests 
 and carpets ; ornamented arms ; horses, camels ; in a word, all 
 the magnificence of eastern luxury, M'ere collected together it 
 order to be divided among the conquerors. A tithe was first 
 selected for the Delphian Apollo, together with ample olierings 
 for the Olympic Jove, and the Isthmian Poseidon : then, after a 
 large share had been appropriated to Pausanias, the remainder
 
 2'JC. HISTORY OF (illEECE. Ciiai-. XX. 
 
 was (lividiil aiui)ii<f llu^ (Jreciaii cf)nliii<(friit.s in proportion to 
 llifir iiiiinhcrs. 
 
 ^ 10. Tlic rciliiction of TIhsIjcs, wliich liar] jirovofl llio infjst 
 foriiiidahli; ally '>(' thn I'LTsiaiis, was si ill iicr-fs.sary to foiiiphite 
 the vicloiy. On llic clovf.-nlli day alter the battle, i'au.sunia.s 
 invested that city, and demanded that the leadinj^ rnen wlio ha<l 
 esponsed the Persian eansc, especially Tiinatrenidas and Attu- 
 jrinus, should be delivered up to him. Tlie Thebans having 
 refused to comply with this demand, Pausanias began to batter 
 their walls, and to lay waste the country around. At length, 
 after ihe siege had lasted twenty days, Tirnagenidas, and the 
 other MciUsing leaders, voluntarily ofiered to surrender them- 
 selves, hoping, probably, to be able to redeem their lives for a sum 
 of money. In this expectation, however, they were completely 
 disappointed. Tlie whole of them, with the exception of Atta- 
 ginus, wlio found means to escape, were conveyed to Corinth, and 
 put to death without any Ibnn of trial. No attempt wa.s made 
 to pursue Artabazus, who escaped safely into Asia. 
 
 ^11. Among the slain Spartans was Aristodemus, the sole sur- 
 vivor of those who had fought at Thermopylae. The disgrace of 
 having outlived that battle seems to have rendered life a burthen 
 to him. In order to wash it out, he stepped forth from the ranks 
 at the battle of Plataja, and after perfbmiing prodigie.s of valour, 
 received from the enemy the death which he courted. But in 
 the distribution of funeral honours, this conduct could extort no 
 favour from the stern justice of his countr\-men. They con- 
 sidered that desperate rashness and contempt ot dis'-ipline were 
 no atonement for former misconduct, and refused to put him on 
 a level with the other citizens who had fallen in the combat. 
 Among these was Amompharetus, the captain whose obstinacy 
 had })recipitated the attack of the Persians, and thus perhaps, 
 though uudesiguedl}^, contributed to secure the victor}'. 
 
 k 12. With the Greeks, religion and politics went ever hand 
 in hand ; and if the town and territory of Plata^a. as the scene of 
 the Persian defeat, were signally honoured on- this occasion with 
 the grateful ollcrings of devotion, it was not probably without a 
 view to the services which might be hereafter required fi'om its 
 citizens in the cause of Grecian independence. In the market- 
 place of Platsea, Pausanias, in the presence of the assembled 
 allies, oHercd up a sacrifice and thanksgiving to Jove Eleuthe- 
 rios, or the liberator, in which the gods and heroes of the 
 Platajan territory were made partakers. The Plata^ans were in- 
 trusted with the duty of taking care of the tombs of the slain ; 
 of oflering a periodical sacrifice in honour of the victory ; and of 
 celebrating it every fifth year with gymnastic games, in a grand
 
 B.C. 479. BATTLE OF MYCALE. 227 
 
 public festival to be called the Eleutheria. For these services 
 the large sum of eighty talents -was allotted to them out of the 
 spoil, part of which was employed in erecting a temple to Athena. 
 At the same time the independence of Platsea, and the inviola- 
 bility of her territor)', were guaranteed by the allies ; the de- 
 fensive league against the Persians was renewed ; the contingent 
 which each ally should furnish was specified ; and it was arranged 
 that deputies from all of them should meet annually at Platsea 
 
 § 13. At the very time of the defeat at Plateea, the failure of 
 the Persian expedition was completed by the destruction of their 
 naval armament. Leotychides, the Spartan admiral, having at 
 length sailed across the ^Egean, found the Persian fleet at Mycale, 
 a promontory of Asia Minor near Miletus, and only separated by 
 a strait of about a mile in breadth frcm Cape Poseidium, the 
 easternmost extremity of Samos. Their former reverses seem 
 completely to have discouraged the Persians from hazarding an- 
 other naval engagement. The Phcenician squadron had been 
 permitted to depart ; the rest of the ships were hauled ashore 
 and surromided with a rampart ; whilst an army of 60,000 Per- 
 sians, under the command of Tigranes, lined the coast for their 
 defence. 
 
 The Greeks landed on the 4th of the month Boedromion 
 (September), in the year 479 B.C. ; the A'ery day on which the 
 battle of Plateea was fought. A supernatural presentiment of 
 that decisive victory, conveyed by a herald's stall", which floated 
 over the jEgeaii from the shores of Greece, is said to have 
 pervaded the Grecian ranks at Mycale as they marched to the 
 attack. As at Platsea, the Persians had planted their gcrrha, or 
 wicker-shields, before them ; but after a sharp contest this bul- 
 wark was overthrown. The Persians now turned their backs, 
 and fled to their fortifications, pursued by the Greeks, who en- 
 tered it almost simultaneously. Here a bloody struggle ensued. 
 The Persians fought desperately, though without discipline, and 
 for some time maintained an unequal conflict. At length the 
 arrival of the Lacedscmonians, who composed the right wing of 
 the Greek force, and w4io had been retarded by the hilly ground 
 which they had to traverse, as well as the open revolt of the 
 lonians, who now turned upon their mastei's, completed the dis- 
 comfiture of the Persians. A large number of them, together 
 with both their generals, Tigranes and Mardontes, perished on 
 this occasion ; and the victory Mas rendered still more decisive 
 by the burning of their fleet. The honour of the day, which, 
 however, was not won without the sacrifice of many lives, was 
 principally due to the Athenians, as the Lacedaemonians did not 
 arrive till the battle was nearly dt^cided.
 
 2\iH IIISTOKY OK (JllKKCK Ciiai-. XX. 
 
 ^ 11. The rcrim.iril (if Uir Persian ariny retreated to Sardis, 
 wliere Xerxes liad linf,'ere(l ever siiiee liis fli<.'lit Irrjiu Greece. Ho 
 was not ill a position to aveti<re this aliroiit, or to retain the 
 Iniiiau cities of the continent in obedience ; Htill less was it pos- 
 sible for him, after the destruction of his lieet, to preserve his 
 dominion over the islands. The latter were immediately ad- 
 mitted into the Greek confederation ; but respectiiifr the Ionian 
 cities on the continent there was more difiiculty. The Greeks 
 were not in a condition to guarantee their indejiendence ; and 
 therefore the Peloponnesian conunanders odered to transjiort 
 their inhabitants into Greece, w here they prepared to make room 
 for them, by transplant iufr into Asia the Greeks who had espoused 
 the Persian cause. But this proposition was strenuously opposed 
 by the Atlieuiaus, who regarded tlieir own dignity and glorj' as 
 iiise])arably bound up with tlie maintenance of their Ionian colo- 
 nies; and indeed the eliect of such a measure must have been to 
 transfer them completely to the Persians. 
 
 ^ 15. So imperll'ct in those times was the transmission of m- 
 telligence, that the Greeks still believed the bridge across the 
 Hellespont to be entire, though it was broken and useless al- 
 most a twelvemonth previou.sly, during the retreat cf Xerxes. 
 At the instance of the Athenians, Leotychides set sail witn the 
 view of destroying it ; but having learnt at Abydos that it 
 no longer existed, he de])arted homewards with the Pelopon- 
 nesian vessels. Xanthippus, however, the Athenian commander, 
 seized the opportunity to recover from the Persians the Thracian 
 Chersonese, which liad long been an Athenian possession, and 
 proceeded to blockade Sestos, the key of the strait. Being thus 
 taken by surprise, the Persians flung themselves into the Xovm 
 without having time to collect the provisions necessary for a 
 siege. Nevertheless, amid the most painful privations, they con- 
 trived to protract the siege till a late period ol the autumn, when 
 famine and insubordination reached such a height, that the Per- 
 sian commanders, (Eobazus and Artayctes, were fain to quit the 
 town by stealth, which was immediately surrendered. Artayctes, 
 having fallen into the hands of the Greeks, was fixed to a high 
 pole, and left to perish just at the s])ot where the bridge of 
 Xerxes had stood. This deviation from the usual humanity of the 
 Greeks, and which seems to have been sanctioned by Xanthippus, 
 can only be accomited for by religious exasperation occasioned 
 by Artayctes having violated and insulted the grove and temple 
 of the hero Protesilaus, in the neighbourhood of Sestos. 
 
 After this exploit the Athenians returned home. carr}ing with 
 them the cables of the bridge across the Hellespont, which were 
 afterwards preserved in the Acropolis as a trophy.
 
 Bust of Pindar. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 HISTORY OF LITERATURE. 
 
 §i. General characteristics. §2. Simonides. §3. Pindar. §4. ibycus 
 and Bacchylides. § .5. Rise of history and of composition in prose. 
 § 6. Hecatffius, Charon of Lampsacus. Hellanicus. § 7. Herodotus 
 §8. Character of his work. Analysis. §9. Predilection of Herodotus 
 for Athens. § 10. Style of his work. 
 
 <j 1. During the period which we have been surveying in the 
 present book, Grecian literature was gradually assuming a more 
 popular form, especially at Athens, where, since the expulsion of 
 the Pisistratids, the people were rapidly advancing both in intel- 
 lectual culture and in political importance. Of this we have a 
 striking proof in the rise of the drama, and the founding of a regu- 
 lar theatre ; for dramatic entertainments must be regarded as the 
 most popular fomi which literature can assume. Nearly half a 
 century before the Persian invasion, Thespis had sketched out 
 the first feeble rudiments of tragedy ; and ^Eschylus, the real 
 founder of tragic art, exhibited a play nine years before he fought 
 at Marathon. But tragedy still awaited its final improvements 
 from the hand of Sophocles, whilst comedy can hardly be said to 
 have existed. For these reasons we shall defer an account of the 
 Greek drama to a later period, when we shall be enabled to pre- 
 sent the subject as a whole, and in a connected point of view. 
 Tragedy, the noblest emanation of ancient genius, was in fact 
 only the final development of lyric poetrj' ; which, in the period 
 we are considering, had attained its highest pitch of excellence 
 in the hands of Simonides and Pindar. These two gi'eat masters 
 of the lyre never ventured, however, beyond the strictest limits 
 of that species of composition, and left their contemporary,
 
 280 IIISTOIIV <)!• (.ItKKCR Ciui-. XXL 
 
 yEschylus, to fiarruT laiinls in a iicvs' ami unexplored field. With 
 I'iiidar endrt the anrieiit, school ol lyrie [M)otry ; with JEtichylus 
 properly begins the splendid list ol" Athenian dramatists. 
 
 I) 2. Siinoni'.'es was considerably older than both these i>octs ; 
 but the length ot" years which he attained made him their con- 
 tcnij)orary. He was horn at lulis, in the island of Ceos, in the 
 year 550 B.C. His family had cultivated rmjsic and jM)etry with 
 diligence and success, and he him.selt" w.-is trained up in thern 
 as a profession. From his native island he proceeded to Athens, 
 where he resided soinc years at the court of Hij)j)arehus, together 
 Avith Auacreou and La.sus of Hermionc, the teacher of Pindar : a 
 society which could not but serve to exi)and and mature his 
 powers, more especially as a sort of rivalry existed between him 
 and Lasus. Here he seems to have remained till the expulsion 
 of Hippias (i;.c. 510). Subsequently he spent some time in Thes- 
 saly, under the patronage of the Aleuads and Scopads, the domi- 
 nant families of the cities of Larissa and Crannon. Thir poet 
 seems, however, to have been but little satisfied with his visit. 
 His songs were unappreciated by the rugged Thessalians and ill- 
 rewarded by their vain and sellish masters. Scopas bespoke a 
 poem on his own exploits, which Simonides recited at a banquet 
 In order to diversify the theme, Simonides, as was customary on 
 such occasions, introduced into it the exploits of Castor and 
 Pollux. An ordinary mortal might have been content to share 
 the praises of the sons of Ledo ; but vanity is exacting ; and as 
 the tyrant sat at his festal board among his courtiers and .syco- 
 phants, he grudged every verse tliat did not echo his own praises. 
 When Simonides approached to receive his promised reward, 
 Scopas exclaimed, "Here is my half of thy pay ; the Tyndarids 
 who have had so much of thy praise will doubtless furnish the 
 other." The disconcerted poet retired to his seat amidst the 
 laughter which followed the great man's jest. In a little time he 
 received a message that two young men on horseback, wliose 
 description answered in every respect to that of Castor and 
 Pollux, were waiting without and wished to see him. Simonides 
 hastened to the door, but looked in vain for the visitors. Scarcely, 
 however, had he left the banqueting hall, when the building 
 fell in with a loud crash, burying Scopas and all his guests be- 
 neath the ruins. Into the authenticity ot" such a story it would 
 be idle to inquire. It is enough that we see in it the tribute 
 which a lively and ingenious people paid to merit, as in the tales 
 of Arion saved by the dolphin, and of Ibycus avenged by the 
 cranes. 
 
 But a nobler subject than the praises of despots awaited 
 the muse of Simonides — the struggles of Greece for her inde-
 
 Chaf. XXI. SIMONIDES. 231 
 
 pendence. At the time of the Persian wars, the poet, who had 
 then reached the age usually allotted to man, was again residing 
 among the Athenians. His genius, however, was still fresh and 
 vigorous, and was employed in celebrating the most momentous 
 events of that memorable epoch. He carried away the prize 
 from ^^schylus with an elegy upon the warriors who had iallen 
 at the battle of Marathon. Subsequently we find him celebrat- 
 ing the heroes of Thermopylce, Artemisium, Salamis, and Platsea. 
 He was upwards of 80 when his long poetical career at Athens 
 was closed with the victory which he gained with the dithyram- 
 bic chorus in b.c. 477, making the 56th prize that he had 
 carried off". Shortly after this event he repaired to Syracuse at 
 the invitation of Hiero. Here he spent the remaining ten years 
 of his life, not only entertaining Hiero with his poetry, but in- 
 structing him by his wisdom ; ibr Simonides was a philosopher 
 as well as a poet, and is reckoned among the sophists. 
 
 Simonides was one of the most prolific poets that Greece had 
 seen ; but only a few fragments of his compositions have de- 
 scended to us. He employed himself on all the subjects which 
 fell to the lyric poet, then the mouth-piece of human life with 
 all its jojs and sorrows, its hopes and disappointments. He 
 wrote hymns, pjeans, elegies, hyporchemes, or songs for dancing, 
 dithyrambs, epinician odes, and threnes, or dirges, in which he 
 lamented the departed gi'eat. In the last species of composition 
 he particularly excelled. His genius was inclined to the pathetic, 
 and none could touch with truer effect the chords of human 
 sympathy. 
 
 ^ 3. Pindar, though the contemporary of Simonides, was con- 
 siderably his junior. He was born either at, or in the neigh- 
 bourhood of, Thebes in Boeotia, about the year 522 b.c. His 
 family ranked among the noblest in Thebes, and seems to have 
 been celebrated for its skill in music, though there is no authority 
 for the assertion that they were hereditary flute-players. The 
 youth soon gave indications of a genius for poetiy, which in- 
 duced his father to send him to Athens to receive more perfect 
 instruction in the art. Later WTiters tell us that his future glory 
 as a poet was miraculously foreshadowed by a swarm of bees 
 which rested upon his lips while he was asleep, and that this 
 miracle first led him to compose poetry. At Athens he became 
 the pupil of Lasus of Hermione, who was the founder of the 
 Athenian dithyrambic school. He returned to Thebes before 
 he had completed his twentieth year, and is said to have re- 
 ceived instruction there from Myrtis and Corinna, two poet- 
 esses who then enjoyed great celebrity in Bceotia. Coriinia 
 appears to have exercised considerable influence upon the )outh-
 
 2:52 IIISTOIIV OK GUKKCI'l Ciiap. XXL 
 
 fill juH't, aiul he was not a little indebted to her example and 
 prceej)ts. It is related that she reeorninended hirn to introduce 
 iiiylliieal narrations into his poenis*, and that when, in accordance 
 with her advice, he composed a liyrnn in whirdi he interwove 
 almost all the Thehan mytholojry, she snuled and said, " We 
 onirht to sow with the hand, and not with the wliole sack." 
 With both these poetesses he contended iiir the jirize in the rnu- 
 sical contests at Thebes. 
 
 Pindar commenced his jmtfessional career at an early ape, and 
 soon acquired so great a reputation, that he was employed by 
 various states and ])rinccs ol the Hellenic race to comjK se choral 
 songs. He was courted especially by Alexander, king of Mace- 
 donia, and by Hiero, despot of Syracuse. The praises which he 
 bestowed upon Alexander are said to bave been the chief reason 
 whicb led his descendant, Alexander the Great, to spare the 
 house of the poet when he destroyed the rest ol' Thebes. About 
 B.C. 473, he visited Syracuse, but did not remain more than four 
 years with Hiero, as he loved an independent lile, and did not 
 care to cultivate the courtly arts which rendered his contempo- 
 rary, Simouides, a more welcome guest at the table of their 
 patron. But the estimation in which Pindar was held, is still 
 more strikingly shown by the honours conferred upon him by 
 the free states of Greece. Althougli a Theban, he was always a 
 great favourite with the Athenians, whom he frequently praised 
 in his poems, and whose city he olten visited. The Athenians 
 testified their gratitude by making him their public guest, and 
 by giving liim 10,000 drachmas ; and at a later period they 
 erected a statue in his honour. 
 
 The only poems of Pindar Avhich have come down to us 
 entire are his Epinicia or triumphal odes, composed in comme- 
 moration of victories gained in the great public games. But 
 these were only a small portion of his works. He also wrote 
 hymns, pagans, dithyrambs, odes for processions, songs of maidens, 
 mimic dancing songs, drinking songs, dirges, and encomia, or 
 paneg)Tics on princes.* 
 
 * Most of tliem are mentioned by Horace : — 
 
 "Seu per audaces nova dithyrambos 
 Yei'ba devolvit, numerisque fertur 
 
 Lege solutis ; 
 Seu deos {hpnns and pecans) rearesve (encomia) canit, deomm 
 Sangiiinem : 
 
 Sive quos Elea domum reducit 
 Palma eoelestes (the Epinicia). 
 
 Fk'bili sponsre jiivenemve raptum 
 Flora*" {the Dirtfcs). — On. iv. 2.
 
 Chap. XXI. PINDAR. 233 
 
 The style of Pindar is marked by daring flights and abrupt 
 transitions, and became proverbial lor its sublimity. He com- 
 pared himself to an eagle, — a simile which has been beautifully 
 expressed in the lines of Gray : — 
 
 "The pride and ample pinion 
 That the Theban eagle bare, 
 Sailing with supreme dominion 
 Through the azure deep of air." 
 
 § 4. The only other poets of this epoch whom we need 
 mention are Ibycus and Bacchylides. Ibycus was a native of 
 Rhegium, and flourished towards the middle of the sixth century 
 before the Christian era. The best part of his life was spent 
 at the court of Polycrates of Samos. The story of his death is 
 well known. While travelling through an unfrequented place 
 near Corinth, he was set upon by robbers and mortally wounded. 
 As he was on the point of expiring, he called upon a flock of 
 cranes that happened to fly over the spot to avenge his death. 
 Soon afterwards the cranes were beheld hovering over the theatre 
 at Corinth, where the people were assembled ; and one of the 
 murdei'ers who were present, struck with remorse and terror, in- 
 voluntarily exclaimed, " Behold the avengers of Ibycus I" and thus 
 occasioned the detection of the criminals. The poetiy of Ibycus 
 was chiefly of an amatory character. He wrote in a dialect which 
 was a mixture of the Doric and iEolic. 
 
 Bacchylides was a native of lulls in the island of Ceos, and 
 the nephew and fellow-townsman of Simonides, He lived with 
 Simonides and Pindar at the court of Hiero at Syracuse. His 
 odes and songs turned on the same subjects as those of the poets 
 just named ; but though he seems to have rivalled his uncle in 
 the grace and finish of his compositions, he was far from attaining 
 to the strength and energy of Pindar. He wrote in the Doric 
 dialect, with a mixture of the Attic. 
 
 Such were the principal characteristics of the poetry of the 
 epoch which we ar<3 considering, and such the chief jjoets Avho 
 flourished in it. Our attention must now be directed to a 
 striking feature in the literature of the period, — the rise of com- 
 position in prose, and of history properly so called. 
 
 ^ 5. The Greeks had arrived at a high pitch of civilization 
 before they can be said to have possessed a history. Nations 
 far behind them in intellectual development have infinitely ex- 
 celled them in this respect. Many of the eastern nations had 
 continuous chronicles from a very remote antiquity, as the Egyp- 
 tians, the Babylonians, and the Jews. But among the Greeks 
 this branch of literature was singularly neglected. Their imagi- 
 nation seems to have been entirely dazzled and faschiated with
 
 234 lIISrrORV OK C.liV.V.rVl Chai'. XXI. 
 
 the glories of ilic licroic iifrcs, and lu liuvu taken but little in- 
 terest ill lh(! evciuts which were daily jtassiiii^ around them. But 
 a more eritieal and incjuiriiifi spirit wa.s now heirinnin<r to spring 
 up, especially aiiioiiji; tlic hiniaiis of Asia Minor. We have 
 alreaily recorded the rise of natural philosojdiy amon<( that 
 people, and we are now to view them as the (jri<rinators of liis- 
 tory in jirose. This iiniovation of course iui]»lies a more ex- 
 tended use of the art (.f \vritin<r, without which a lonf( prose 
 comj)osition could not he remeinhered. 
 
 ^ 6. The uf.^e of ])rose in wrilinj^ was prohaljly coeval with the 
 art of writing; itself; but its first a])])lication was only to (jbjectB 
 of essential utility, and it was lon<r beiiire it came to be culti- 
 vated as a branch of literature. The first essays in literary prose 
 cannot be placed earlier than the sixth centurj' beffjre the Chris- 
 tian a;ra. Three nearly conteiiiporaiy authors, who flourished 
 about the middle of that century, lay claim to the hon(Jur of 
 having been the first prose writers ; namely, Cadmus of Mi- 
 letus, Pherecydes of Syros, and Acusilaus of Argos ; but He- 
 catfcus of Miletus, to wliom Herodotus frequently refers by 
 name, nuist be regarded as the first historical pro.se -wTiter 
 of any importance. He was apparently a man of wealth and 
 importance, and distinguished him.self by the sound advice which 
 he gave the lonians at the time of their revolt from Persia 
 (b.c;. 5U0). He lived till the clo.se of the Persian wars in Greece. 
 Like many other early Greek historians, Hecata-us was a great 
 traveller, for at first geography and history were almost iden- 
 tical. Egypt especially he seems to have carefully explored. 
 Two works are ascribed to him ; one of a geographical nature, 
 callcnl " Pei'iodus," or travels round the earth, and the other of 
 an historical kind, which is sometimes cited by the name of 
 "Genealogies," and sometimes by that of "Histories." The 
 former of these seems to have constituted the first regular 
 system of Grecian geography ; but it was probably little more 
 than a " Periplus," or circunuiavigation of the MediteiTanean, 
 and its adjoining seas. The " Genealogies" related to the descent 
 and exploits of the heroes of mythology. 
 
 Charon of Lampsacus, an Ionic city on the Hellespont, is re- 
 markable as the first prose writer whose subjects were selected 
 from the historical times, and treated in a rational and discrimi- 
 nating manner; and he has therefore some title to be regarded 
 as the first historian really deserving of the name. He flourished 
 in the first half of the fifth century h-c, and was certainly alive 
 in B.C. 4G 1. 
 
 The only other prose writer previous to Herodotus. Avbom it 
 is necessarj- to mention, is Hellanicus of Mytilene. Hellanicus
 
 Chap. XXI. EARLY PROSE WRITERS. 235 
 
 was alive at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, and 
 was therefore a contemporary of Herodotus, tlion<rh probably a 
 little older. He was by far the most eminent and most volu- 
 minous writer of history before the time of Herodotus, and 
 seems to have been the author of at least ten or twelve workis of 
 considerable size. Many others were ascribed to him which in 
 all probability were spurious. Like liis predecessors, a large 
 portion of his labors was dedicated to irnaginaiy pedigrees, but 
 some of them were liislorical and chronological. He seems to 
 have been acquainted with the early history of Italy and Rome. 
 He nui.st be regarded as forming the ciiief link between the 
 earlier logographers and Herodotus ; but his works were pro- 
 bably very far from exhibiting the unity of design which we lind 
 in that of the latter writer. 
 
 ^ 7. According to the strict order of chronology, neither He- 
 rodotus nor some others of the authors just mentioned belong to 
 the period which we are now considering ; but the subject of Hero- 
 dotus connects him so intimately with the Persian wars, that we 
 have preferred to give an account of him here, rather than in 
 a subsequent book. Herodotus was born in the Dorian colony 
 of Halicaniassus in Caria, in the year 464 B.C., and accordingly 
 about the time of the Persian expeditions into Greece. He was 
 descended from a distingui.'^hed family, but respecting his youth 
 and education we are totally in the dark. One of the earliest 
 events of liis life with which we are acquainted is his retirement 
 to tSamos, in order to escape tlu; tyranny of Lygdamis, a grand- 
 son of queen Artemisia, who had fouglit so bravely at tSalamis. 
 It was perhaps in Samos that Herodotus acquired the Ionic 
 dialect. The celebrity of the Ionian writers of history had 
 caused that dialect to be regarded as the apjn-opriate vehicle for 
 that species ol" composition ; but though Herodotus made iise of 
 it, his language has been observed not to be so pure as that of 
 Hecata;us, who was an Ionian by birth. Herodotus was pro- 
 bably rather more than thirty years of age when he went to 
 Samos. How long he remained there cannot be determined. 
 He seems to have been recalled to his native city by some poli- 
 tical crisis ; for on his return he took a prominent part in deli- 
 vering it from the tyrant Lygdamis. The dissensions, however, 
 which prevailed at Halicaniassus after that event, compelled 
 Herodotus again to emigrate ; and it was probably at this period 
 that he undertook the travels of which he sj)eaks in his "work. 
 The extent of them may be estimated from the fact that there 
 was scarcely a town in Greece, or on the coasts of Asia Minor, 
 with wdiich he was not acquainted ; that he had cx])lored Tlnvace 
 ttiid the coasts of tlie Black Sea ; that in Egypt he had i)enctra1ed
 
 236 HISTORY oi (.i:i;i:rM Chap. XXI 
 
 as far soiitli as Elephaiitiin''; Jiiid that in Asia he had visited the 
 cities of liabylon, ICehataiia, and Siisa. Tlie latt<T jiart of liis 
 life was spent at Thnrii, a colony lonridc(l by the Athenians in 
 Italy in n.c 1 43 ; and it was jirobahiy at this plaee that he com- 
 posed thi; jrreater ]>ortion of his history. The date of liis settle- 
 ment at Ttiurii cannot be accurately lixed. Some accounts make 
 him accompanv the first colonists thither; but there are reasons 
 for bclievin<^ that he did not take up his alx)dc tlicre till several 
 years afterwards. Accordinj^ to a well-known story in Lucian, 
 Herodotus, when he had completed his work, recited it publicly 
 at the great Olympic festival, as the best means of procurintr for 
 it that celebrity to which he felt that it was entitled. Posting 
 himself on the platform of the temple of Jove, he recited, or 
 rather chaunted, the whole of his work to the assembled Greeks. 
 The effect is described as immediate and complete. The de- 
 lighted audience at once assigned the names of the nine Mu.scs 
 to the nine books into which it is divided ; whilst the celebrity 
 of the author became so great, that it even eclipsed that of the 
 victors in the games. A still later author (Suidas) adds, that 
 Thucvdides, then a boy, was present at the festival with liis 
 father Olonis, and was so aff'ected by the recital as to shed tears ; 
 upon which Herodotus congratulated Olorus on ha\'ing a sou 
 who possessed so early such a zeal for knowledge. But there 
 are many objections to the probability of these tales. 
 
 The time and manner of the death of Herodotus are uncertain, 
 but we know, from some allusions in his history, that he was 
 alive subsequentlv to the year 406 B.C. According to one tradi- 
 tion he died at Thurii, according to another at PeUa in Mace- 
 donia. The former account is hardly probable, since Thurii 
 revolted from Athens in 412, when the old Athenian colonists 
 ■who sided with the mother-country were driven into exile. Un- 
 less therefore we assume that Herodotus took part with the in- 
 siurgents, it seems most likely that he quitted Thurii at this 
 period, and it is not improbable that, like Lysias the orator, he 
 returned to Athens. 
 
 ^ 8. Herodotus interwove into his history- all the varied and 
 extensive knowledge acquired in his travels, and by his o^vn per- 
 sonal researches. The real subject of that masniticent work is 
 the conflict between the Greek race, in the widest sense of the 
 term, and including the Greeks of Asia Minor, with the Asiatics. 
 This is the ground-plan of the book, and was founded on a notion 
 then current of an ancient enmity between the Greeks and 
 Asiatics, as exemplified in the stories of lo. Medea, and Helen. 
 Thus the historian had a vast epic subject presented to liim, 
 which was brought to a natural and glorious termination by the
 
 CuAr. XXI. HERODOTUS. 237 
 
 defeat of the Persians in their attempts upon Greece. He touches 
 the ancient and mythical times, however, but hghtly, and hastens 
 on to a more recent and authentic historical period. Croesus, 
 king of Lydia, the earliest Asiatic monarch who had succeeded 
 in reducing a portion of the Greek race to subjection, first en- 
 gages his attention at any length. The quarrel between Croesus 
 and Cyrus, king of Persia, brings the latter power upon the stage. 
 The destruction of the Lydian monarchy by the Persians is re- 
 lated, and is followed by a retrospective view of the rise of the 
 Persian power, and of the Median empire. This is succeeded 
 by an account of the reduction of the rest of Asia Minor and of 
 Babylonia ; and the first book closes with the death of Cyrus in 
 an expedition against the Massagetfe, a race inhabiting the plains 
 beyond the Caspian Sea. Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, under- 
 takes an expedition against Egypt, which gives occasion to o. 
 desci'iption of that country occupying the whole of the second 
 book. In the third book the annexation of Egypt to the Persian 
 empire is related, as well as the abortive attempts of Cambyses 
 against the ^l^thiopians and Ammonians. The death of Cambyses, 
 the usurpation of the false Smerdis, and the accession of Darius 
 form the remainder of the third book. The fourth book is chiefly 
 occupied with the Scythian expedition of Darius ; whilst at the 
 same time a Persian armament fitted out in Egypt for the con- 
 quest of Libya, serves to introduce an account of the discovery 
 and colonization of the latter country by the Greeks. In the 
 fifth book the termination of the Thracian expedition under the 
 satrap Megabazus is related, and a desci'iption given of the 
 Tiiracian people. This book also contains an account of the 
 origin of the quarrel between Persia and the Greek colonies in 
 Asia Minor. The history of the wars between the Greeks and 
 Persians then runs on with little interruption in the remainder 
 of tins book, and in the four last books. The work concludes 
 with the reduction of Sestos by the Athenians. 
 
 ^ 9. The love and admiration of Herodotus for Athens are ap- 
 parent throughout his work ; he sided with her with all his suul, 
 and declared her to be the saviour of Grecian liberty. This at- 
 tachment was not unrewarded by the Athenians, and a ^;.vc- 
 phis}na, or vote of the people, is recorded, granting him tlie sum 
 of 1 talents out of the public treasury. It was this not unfounded 
 admiration of Herodotus for Athens that gave occasion to Plu- 
 tarch, or some writer Avho assumed Plutarch's name, to charge 
 him with partiality, and malice towards other Grecian states. 
 
 HO. The ease and simplicity of the style of Herodotus lend 
 it an indescribable charm, and we seem rather to be conversing 
 with an intelligent traveller than reading an elaborately com
 
 238 IIISTORV ()!• ClthllCM Ciiai-. XXL 
 
 ])()se{l history. Uii IIk.; (;llicr hand a certain want of" wkill in 
 composition may be observed in it. Vnmo style ilocs not arrive 
 at pcrteetion till nmcli has been written, and with Herodotus it 
 was still in its inlancy. Nor rmist we seek in him for that 
 dej)th ol ])hiloHoj»hieal relieetion which we find in Thu»;ydide9. 
 Sometimes, indeed, fie exliibits an almost chifdi.sli credii/ity. 
 Yet he had formed a hifjh notion of tfie value of historj', and 
 was evidently a sincere lover of truth. He may sometimes have 
 received the accounts of others with too truslinj^ a simplicity, 
 yet lie always jjives them for what they are worth, leavinr^ tlie 
 reader to form liis own judfrment, and often cautioninj^ him as 
 to their source and value. On the other hand, where he speaks 
 from his own observation, his accounts may be implicitly relied 
 upon ; and many of them, which were formerly doubted as im- 
 probable, have been confirmed by the researches of modern tra- 
 vellers. Ill short, Herodotus is the Homer of liistory. He has 
 all the majesty and simplicity of the great epic bard, and all 
 the freshness and vivacity of colouring which mark th'3 foundei 
 of a new hterary epoch.
 
 The Theseum at Athens. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY A}(D THE 
 PELOPO]!(NESIAI WAR. 
 
 B.C. 477—404. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 FEOM THE EXPULSION OF THE PERSIANS TO THE DEATH OF 
 THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 1. Further proceedings against the Persians. § 2. Misconduct and 
 treason of Pausanias. § 3. The maritime supremacy transferred to the 
 Athenians. §4. Confederacy of Delos. §5. The combined fleet under 
 Cimon. §6. Growth of the Athenian power. Plans of Themistocles. 
 § 7. Rebuilding of Athens. The Lacedjemonians attempt to prevent its 
 being fortified. § 8. Fortification of Piraeus. § 9. Strife of parties at 
 Athens. Misconduct of Themistocles. § 10. He is ostracised. §11. 
 Pausanias convicted of J/(°rfis»«. § 12. Themistocles implicated in hi? 
 guilt. He escapes into Asia. §13. He is magnificently received by 
 Artaxerxes. His death and character. 8 14 Death of Aristides. 
 
 ? 1 . The last campaign had effectually delivered Greece from all 
 fear of the Persiaji voke ; but the Persians still held some posts
 
 240 IIISTORV OF (JllKHCM Ciiac. XXIL 
 
 from wl.icli il coimtjrm'd Ijotli the inten-nls ami tlu; lioiiour of 
 llu! (i reeks to expel tlictii. Tlury were in jHiH-scHi-ioii of the 
 island ol" Cyprus and of the important town ol* Byzantium ; to- 
 gether witli liion on the Strymon, JJorisens, and wjveral other 
 places in 'f hraee. A Ueet was therel()re fitted out (ii.c. ■17'') the 
 year after the battle of PlatiKa, and plaeed under the roimnand 
 of the Spartan re'rent, Pausanias. Of this (le(;t only twenty Hhips 
 belonged to the I'eloponnesians, whilst thirty, under the com- 
 mand of Aristides and Cimon, were furnished Ity Athens alone. 
 After delivering most of the Grecian towns in (Jyjirus from the 
 Persians, this armament sailed up the Bosporus and laid siege 
 to Byzantium, which was garrisoned by a large Persian force 
 commanded by some kinsmen of Xerxes. The town surrendered 
 after a protracted siege : but it was during this expedition that 
 the conduct of the Spartan commander struck a fatal blow at the 
 interests of his country. 
 
 ^ 2. The immense booty, as well as the renown, which Pau- 
 sanias had acquired at Plataja, had fdled him with pride and 
 ambition. When he returned home, he felt it irk.some to con- 
 ibrm to the simplicity and sobriety of a Spartan life, and to 
 submit to the commands of the Ephors. He had given a signal 
 instance of the pride with which he was inflated by causing 
 Simonides to attribute the glory of the Persian defeat solely to 
 himself in the epigram which he compo.sed for the tripod dedi- 
 cated at Delphi ; a piece of vanity wliich gave such ofil'nce to 
 the Lacedccmonians that they caused the inscription to be 
 erased, and another to be substituted in its jjlace. Nevertheless, 
 in spite of tliese symptoms, he had been again entrusted with 
 the command. During the whole course of it his conduct was 
 marked by the greatest vanity and insolence ; towards the end 
 it was also sullied by treason. After the captiue of Byzantium, 
 lie put himself in communication with the Persian court, through 
 Gongylus, an Eretrian exile and subject of Persia. He sent Gon- 
 gylus clandestinely to Xerxes with those members of the royal 
 family who had been taken at Byzantimn,.and assured the allies 
 that they had escaped. At the same time he despatched the 
 following letter to Xerxes : — 
 
 " Pausanias, the Spartan coramander, wishing to oblige thee, 
 sends back these prisoners of war. I am minded, if it please 
 thee, to marry thy daughter, and to bring Sparta, and the rest 
 of Greece under thy dominion. This I hold myself able to do 
 with the help of thy counsels. If therefore, the project at all 
 pleases thee, send down some trustworthy man to the coast, 
 through whom we may carry on our future correspondence." 
 
 Xerxes was highly delighted with this letter, and sent a reply
 
 13. C. 478. MARITIME SUPREMACY OF ATHENS. 241 
 
 in wliich he urged Pausanias to pursue his project night and day, 
 and promised to supply him with all the money and troops that 
 might be needful for its execution. At the same time he appointed 
 Artahazus, who had been second in command in Bceotia, to he sa- 
 trap of Dascylium, where he Avould be able to co-operate with the 
 Spartan commander. But the childish vanity of Pausanias be- 
 trayed his plot before it was ripe for execution. Elated by the 
 confidence of Xerxes, and by the money with which he was 
 lavishly supplied, he acted as if he had already married the 
 Great King's daughter. He assumed the Persian dress ; he 
 made a progress through Thrace, attended by Persian and 
 Egyptian guards ; and copied, in the luxury of his table and the 
 dissoluteness of his manners, the example of his adopted coun- 
 try. Above all, he offended the allies by his haughty reserve 
 and imperiousness. 
 
 ^ 3. His designs were now too manifest to escape attention. 
 His proceedings reached the ears of the Spartans, who sent out 
 Dorcis to supersede him. But when Dorcis arrived, he found 
 that the allies had transferred the command of the fleet to th.. 
 Athenians. 
 
 There were other reasons for this step besides the disgust 
 occasioned by the conduct of Pausanias. Even before the battle 
 of Salamis, the preponderating naval power of Athens had raised 
 the question whether she was not entitled to the command at 
 sea ; and the victory gained there, under the auspices of Themis- 
 toclcs, had strengthened her claim to that distinction. But the 
 dehvery of the Ionian colonies from the Persian yoke was the 
 immediate cause for her attaining it. The lonians were not only 
 attracted to Athens by affinity of race, but, from her naval su- 
 periority, regarded her as the only power capable of securing 
 them in their newly acquired independence. Disgusted by the 
 iufiolence of Pausanias, the lonians now serving in the combined 
 Grecian fleet addressed themselves to Aristides and Cimon, 
 whose manners formed a striking contrast to those of the Spar- 
 tan leader, and begged them to assume the command. Aristides 
 was the more inclined to listen to this request as it was made 
 precisely at the time when Pausanias was recalled. The Spartan 
 squadron had accompanied him home ; so that when Dorcis 
 arrived with a few ships, he found himself in no condition to as- 
 sert his pretensions. 
 
 5 4. This event was not a mere empty question about a point 
 of honour. It was a real revolution, terminated by a solemn 
 league, of which Athens was to be the head ; and though it is 
 wrong to date the Athenian cmjdrc from this period, yet it can- 
 not be doubted that this confederacy formed her first step toward;-; 
 
 M
 
 212 IIISTOJIY OK (JUKKCI'l (imp. XXII. 
 
 it. Arislides took tlic \ci'ul in tliiH rriatlcr, for which Jiin pro- 
 verbial justice and jiroliily, and his conr-iiiatory nianuerh, emi- 
 nently (inalified him. The leaptic ohlaincd the name of " the 
 Conlcderacy ol Delos," from it.s heinfr arran^red that dejnities of 
 the allies belonffinf^ to it should meet jxTiodically ior deliheratioii 
 in the temple <jf Apollo and Arlemis in that i.sland. Tlie leafrne 
 was nol, however, confined lo the lonians. Jt was joined by all 
 who souffht, in the maritime power of Atliens, a protection 
 afjainst the attacks of Persia. Besides tlie Ionic islands of hfamos 
 and Chios, it was joined by llhodes, Cos, Lesbos, and Tenedos. 
 Among the continental towns belonfriiiff to it we find Miletus, 
 the Greek tcmiis on the peninsula of Chalcidice, and tlie recently 
 delivered Byzantium. Each state was assessed in a certain con- 
 tribution either of money or ships, as proposed by tlie Athenians 
 and ratified by the Synod. The assessment was intrusted to 
 Aristides, whose justice and impartiality were universally ap- 
 plauded. Of the details, however, we only know that the first 
 assessment amounted to 4G0 talents (about 160,000/. sterling); 
 that certain officers called Hellenotamiai were appointed by the 
 Athenians to collect and administer the contributions ; that 
 Delos was the treasury ; and that the tax was called j))ioros ; a 
 name which afterwards became odious when the tribute was 
 abused for the purposes of Athenian ambition. 
 
 S 5. Such was the origin of the Confederacy of Delos. Scon 
 after its formation Aristides was succeeded in the command of 
 the combined fleet by Cimon, whose first important action seems 
 to have been the capture of Eion on the Strymon. This place 
 was bravely defended by Bnges, the Persian Governor, who re- 
 fused all oliers of capitulation ; and when his provisions were 
 exhausted and all further defence impracticable, he caused a large 
 funeral pile to be kindled into which he cast his wives, his con- 
 cubines, and children, and lastly himself 
 
 The next event of any moment was the reduction of the island 
 of Scyros, probably in B.C. 470. A portion of the inhabitants of 
 Scyros, had been condemned bythe Amphictyonic council as guilty 
 of piracy, and in order to avoid payment of the fine imposed upon 
 them, appealed to Cimon ; who took possession of the island, and 
 after expelling the natives, colonised it with Athenians. The 
 hero Theseus had been buried in Scyros ; and now, by command 
 of an oracle, his bones were disinten-ed and carried to Athens, 
 where they were deposited with much solemnity in a temple 
 called the Theseum, which exists at the present day. 
 
 , \ G. The isle of Scvros is smalland barren, but its position and 
 excellent harbour rendered it ai^miportant naval station. The 
 occupation of it by the Athenians seems to iiave been the first
 
 B.C. 477. CONFEDERACY OF DELOS. 243 
 
 actual step taken by them ixi the career of aggrandizement on 
 which they were now about to enter ; but the rapid growth of 
 their maritime power, and especially the formation of the Con- 
 federacy of Delos, had already roused the jealousy and suspicion 
 of Sparta and other states. It was, probably, a lingering dread 
 of the Persians, against whose attacks the Athenian fleet was 
 indispensably necessary, which had prevented the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, from at once resenting that encroachment on their supre- 
 macy. Up to that time Sparta had been regarded as entitled to 
 take the lead in Grecian affairs, and for a moment the league 
 formed at Platsea after the defeat of Mardonius seemed to con- 
 firm her in that position. But she was soon deprived of it 
 by the misconduct of her leaders, and by the skill and enterprise 
 of Athens. 
 
 That city was the only one Avhich, during the Persian wars, 
 had displayed ability and heroism equal to the crisis. She had 
 taken a large share in the battle of Platsea, whilst the glory of 
 Marathon, and Salamis, and Mycale was almost entirely her own. 
 Above all, the sufferings which she had voluntarily undergone in 
 the common cause entitled her to the love and sympathy of 
 Greece. It was not, however, the gratitude of her allies which 
 placed her in the commanding situation she was now about to 
 seize. She owed it rather to the eminent qualities of two of her 
 citizens — to the genius of Themistocles, and to the virtue of 
 Aristides. It was, as we have seen, through the immediate 
 agency of Aristides that the Confederacy of Delos was esta- 
 blished : a matter which his able but unprincipled rival, owing 
 to the want of confidence felt in his character, would hardly have 
 been able to carry out. But it was Themistocles who had first 
 placed Athens in a situation which enabled her to aspire to the 
 chief command. His genius had mastered all the exigencies of 
 the crisis. His advice to the Athenians to rely on their ships, 
 and to abandon their city to its fate, had not only saved Athens 
 but Greece. He was now engaged in measures which might 
 enable Athens by the same means to consolidate and extend her 
 power ; and the Confederacy of Delos promised to bring his 
 plans to an earlier maturity than even he had perhaps ventured 
 to anticipate. But in order to understand the plans of Themis- 
 tocles, it will be necessary to revert to the city of Athens 
 itself, and to trace its progress after the close of the Persian war. 
 
 ^ 1 . The Athenians, on their return to Attica after the defeat 
 of the Persians, found their city ruined and their countrj'^ deso- 
 late. Their fii'st care was to provide shelter for the hcuseless fa- 
 milies which had been transported back from TroBzen, Mgin^i, and 
 Salamis. \Yhen this had been accomplished, they began to
 
 244 HISTORY OF CWKV/E. Chap. XXIL 
 
 rol)iiil(l tliuir city on a larj^er f-cule lliaii IhAuiv, and U> fortify it 
 willi a wall. Tlio.-^c allies to wlioni the iiicrea-sing iiiaritiuie 
 j)i)\viT of Athens was au object of sns]iicion, and especially the 
 ylij^'inetans, to whom it was more jiarticularly l(»rmidahle, beheld 
 her ri.sin;^ forlilications with di.smay. In order to prevent the 
 completioM of these fortiheations, they endeavored to inspire 
 I he Lacediemonians with tlicir own fi-ars, and urjred them to 
 arrcist the work. But, thou<,di Sparta shared the jc-aluusy of the 
 yEiriuetans on this occasion, .she could not with any decency 
 inter((.'rc by force to j)revent a friendly city from exerci.siiig a 
 rijjlit inherent in all indejiendent states. She a.s.sumed, therc- 
 iure, the hypocritical garb of an adviser and coun.sellor. Con- 
 cealing her jealousy under the pretence of zeal for the common 
 interests of Greece, she represented to the Athenians that, iii 
 the event of anotlicr Persian invasion, fqf tilled towns would serve 
 the enemy for carnps and strongholds, as Thebes had done in the 
 last war ; and proposed that the Athenians should not only desLst 
 IVom completing their own fortifications, but help to demolish 
 those which already existed iu other towns. 
 
 The object of this propcsal was too transparent to deceive so 
 acute a statesman as Thcmistoclcs. Athens was not yet, how- 
 ever, in a condition to incur the danger of opeidy rejecting it ; and 
 he therefore advised the Athenians to dismiss the Spartan envoys 
 with the assurance that they would send ambassadors to Sparta 
 to explain their views. He then caused himself to be ap])ointed 
 one ol"these ambassadors, together with Aristidesand Abronychus ; 
 and setting oU" at once for Sparta, directed his colleagues to linger 
 behind as long as possible. At Sparta, the absence of his colleagues, 
 at Avhich he allected to be surprised, aliin'ded him an excuse for 
 not demanding an audience of the Ephors. During the interval 
 thus gained the whole population of Athens, of both sexes and 
 every age, worked day and night at the walls, Avhich. when Ans- 
 tides and Abronychus at length arrived at Sparta, had attained a 
 height sullicient to afibrd a tolerable defence. MeanwhUe, the 
 suspicions of the Spartans had been more than once aroused by 
 messages from the .^Eginetans respecting the progress of the 
 walls. Themistocies, however, positively denied their state- 
 ments, and urged the Spartans to send messengers of their own 
 to Athens in order to learn the true state of aliairs ; at the same 
 time instructing the Athenians to detain them as hostages for 
 the safety of himself and colleagues. As there was now no 
 longer any motive of concealment, Themistocies openly avowed 
 the progress of the works, and his intention of securing tho 
 independence of Athens, anil enabling her to act for herself. As 
 tlie walls were now too far advanced to be easily taken, the
 
 B.C. 478. FORTIFICATION OF ATHENS. 245 
 
 Spartans found themselves compelled to acquiesce, and the works 
 were completed without further hindrance. 
 
 § 8. Having thus secured the city from all danger of an imme- 
 diate attack, Themistocles pursued his favourite project of ren- 
 dering Athens the gi'eatest maritime and commercial power of 
 Greece. The large fleet which he had called into existence, and 
 which he had persuaded the Athenians to increase by building 
 twenty triremes every year, was destitute of a strong and com- 
 modious harbour such as might afford shelter both against the 
 weather and the attacks of an enemy. The open roadstead of Pha- 
 lerum was quite inadequate for these purposes ; and during his 
 administration three years before, Themistocles had persuaded his 
 countrymen to improve the natural basins of Pira;us and Muny- 
 chia. The works had been interrupted and perhaps ruined by 
 the Persians ; but he now resumed his scheme on a still more 
 magnificent scale. Pira!us and Munychia were both enclosed in 
 a wall as i.irge in extent as that of the city itself, but of vastly 
 greater height and thickness. In his own magnificent ideas, 
 which already beheld Athens the undisputed mistress of the sea, 
 the wall which sheltered her fleet was to be perfectly unassaila- 
 ble. Its height was to be such that boys and old men might 
 suffice for its defence, and leave the men of military age to act 
 on board the fleet. It seems, however, to have been found either 
 unnecessary or impossible to carry out the design of Themistocles. 
 The wall rose only to about sixty feet, or half the projected 
 height ; but this was always found amply sufficient.*" 
 
 ^ 9. The ancient rivalry between Themistocles and Aristides 
 had been in a good degree extinguished by the danger which 
 threatened their common country during the Persian wars. 
 Aristides had since abandoned his former prejudices, and was 
 willing to conform to many of the democratical imiovations of 
 his rival. In fact, the crisis through which Athens had recently 
 passed, had rendered the progress of the democratical sentiment 
 irresistible. Whilst the greater part of the male population was 
 serving on shipboard without distinction of rank, and the re- 
 mainder dispersed in temporary exile, political privileges had 
 been necessarily suspended ; and the whole body of the people, 
 rendered equal by the common danger, became also equal in 
 their civil rights. The eflect of this was to produce, soon after 
 their return to Attica, a still further modification of the consti- 
 tution of Clisthenes. The Thetes, the lowest of the four classes 
 of Athenian citizens, were declared eligible for the magistracy, 
 from which they had been excluded by the laws of Solon. Thus 
 
 * For a further account of the topography of Athens and the Pirteufi; 
 see Chap. XXXIV.
 
 •^It; HlsToliV (il (.KKKCIC. (iiai-. XXII. 
 
 iKil only tiic .'iiclKJiisliij), Imt (■oiiscijuciilly lln- Council of Areo- 
 |i;i<fUH, was thrown ()])('ii to llicin ; and, Htraiige to say, IIiIh relbnn 
 was ])r()j)of=iul liy Aristidcs liim.si'lf. 
 
 Noverlliclcss, ])arty spirit still ran lii<rli at Atlicris. Cimoii 
 and Alcinaoii were violent ojipont'nt.s ol' TiifrniHlocJci', and of 
 Ihuir ])arty Aristidep Tva? still the head. The jiopnlarily of Arig- 
 tide.s was never greater than at the j)re.sent time, owinj: not only 
 f(i the moderation and the more liheral spirit which lie exhihited, 
 but also to his great services in e.stahlishing the Confederacy of 
 iJelos. lie was, therefore, more than ever to be drearled as an 
 adversary ; and the conduct of Themistocles soon laid him ojien 
 to the attacks of his enemies. He oIlL-nded the Athenians by 
 his ostentation and vanity. He was continually boasting of his 
 services to the state ; hut worse than all this, his conduct was 
 stained with ])ositive guilt. There was much to be done after 
 the close of the Persian wars in restoring order in the Grecian 
 eommunities ; iu deposing corrupt magistrates, in punishing evil 
 doers, and in replacing fugitives and political exiles in their 
 possessions. All these things opened up a great field for bribery 
 and corruption ; and whilst Themistocles, at the head of an 
 Athenian squadron, was sailing among the Greek islands for the 
 ostensible purpose of executing justice, there is little room to 
 doubt that he corrupted its very source by accepting large sums of 
 money from the cities which he visited. 
 
 § 10. The influence of the Lacedcemonians was still considera- 
 ble at Athens. The conservative party there, and espedally Ci- 
 mon, one of its principal leaders, regarded with love and venera- 
 tion the stable institutions of Sparta, which formed a striking 
 contrast to the democratical innovations which were making such 
 rapid progress in their own city. The Laceda-monians on their 
 side were naturally inimical to the Athenian democracy, as the 
 party most opposed to their interests and poAver ; and to Themis- 
 tocles himself they were j)ersonally hostile, on account of the 
 deception which he had lately practised ujwn them. Hence when 
 Pausanias became suspected o( Jlcdism, they urged the political 
 opponents of Themistocles to accuse him of being implicated 
 in the same crime. This accusation was at all events prema- 
 ture ; nor is it surprising that the Athenian statesman should 
 have been acquitted of a charge which could not at that time be 
 brought home to Pausanias himself. The result, however, of this 
 accusation was to embitter party spirit at Athens to such a de- 
 gree that it was found necessary to resort to ostracism, and 
 Themistoclts was condeiinied to a temporary banishment (i;.c. 
 47 1). He retired to Argos, and had been residing in that city for a 
 space of about five years when indubitable proofs were cUscovered
 
 B.C. 471. TREASON A^D FALL OF i'AL.SAM^^. 247 
 
 of his being implicated in the treasonable correspondence of 
 Pausanias with the Persians. But in order to explain the fall of 
 the Athenian statesman, we must first relate that of the Spartan 
 regent with which it was intimately connected. 
 
 Hi- The recall of Pausanias from Byzantium has been already 
 mentioned. On his .arrival at home he seems to have been ac- 
 quitted of any definite charges ; yet the general presumption of 
 his guilt was so strong that he was not again entrusted with the 
 command of the fleet. This was perhaps an additional motive 
 with him to complete his treachery. Under pretence of serving 
 as a volunteer, he returned to Byzantium with a single trireme, 
 and renewed his negotiations with Artabazus. Here he seems 
 to have again enjoyed a sort of ascendency, till liis conduct 
 obliged the Athenians to expel him from this city. He then 
 retired to Colonse, in the Troad, where he still pursued his de- 
 signs ; employing both Persian gold, and perhaps the influence 
 of the Spartan name, in order to induce various Grecian cities 
 to participate in his schemes. 
 
 At the news of these proceedings the Spartans again ordered 
 Pausanias home, under pain of being denounced as a public 
 enemy. With this order he deemed it prudent to comply ; fore- 
 seeing that, if proscribed, his influence would be at an end, and 
 relying, probably, on his riches to bribe his judges and procure 
 an acquittal. But, though at first imprisoned by the Ephors, 
 nobody was bold enough to come forward as his accuser. His 
 treachery, though sufficiently palpable, seems to have offered no 
 overt and legally tangible act, and he was accordingly set at 
 hberty. He now employed himself in hatching treason nearer 
 home. He tampered with the Helots, and by promises of en- 
 franchisement and political rights, endeavoured to persuade 
 them to overthrow the Ephors, and make him sole sovereign. 
 Though these jjlots were communicated to the Ephors, they 
 were stfll either unable or unwilling to prosecute so powerful a 
 criminal. Meanwhile, he continued his correspondence with 
 Persia; and an accident at length afforded convincing proofs of 
 liis guilt. 
 
 A favourite slave, to whom he had entrusted a letter to Ar- 
 tabazus, observed with dismay that none of the messengers 
 employed in this service had ever returned. Moved by these 
 fears, he broke the seal and read the letter, and finding his 
 suspicions of the fate that awaited him confirmed, he carried the 
 document to the Ephors. But in ancient states the testimony 
 of a slave was always regarded with suspicion. The Ephors re- 
 fused to believe the evidence offered to them unless the slave 
 placed them, in a position to have it confirmed by their own
 
 •24S Ill^roliV OF (;I>vP:ECI-1 Chai-. xxii, 
 
 oars For tliis j)iir])nH(! tliey (lircctcd liitii lo plant hiriiw^'lf as a 
 sii|i|»liaiil. in tliu ^rovc ol" Poseidon, nriar ( .ajx- Ta-narus, in a hut 
 licliind which two of their hody nii^dit fonecal themselves. 
 J'ausanias, as they had expected, anxious and surjirised at the 
 step taken hy his slave, hastened to the spt)t to rpiestion hirn 
 ahout it. The conversation which ensued hetween them, and 
 which was overheard hy the J'^])iiors, rendered it impo.«sihle for 
 tlieui any longer to douht the jruilt of Pausanias. They now 
 (Ictennined to arrest him on his return to Sparta. They met 
 him in the street near the temple of Athena Olialcioecus (of the 
 Brazen House) ; when Pausanias, cither alarmed by his pruilty 
 conscience, or put on his guard by a secret signal from one of 
 the Ephors, turned and lied to the temple, where lie took refuge 
 in a small chamber belonging to the building, From this sanc- 
 tuaiy it was unlawful to drag him ; but the Ephors caused the 
 doors to be built up and the roof to be removed ; and liis own 
 mother is said to have placed the first stone at the doors. \Vhen 
 at the point of death from starvation, he was carried from the 
 sanctuary before he polluted it with his corpse. 
 
 ^ \2. Such was the end of tlie victor of Plata?a. After his 
 death proofs were discovered among his correspondence that 
 Themistocles was implicated in his guilt. The Laceda-monians 
 now again called upon the Athenians to prosecute their great 
 statesman before a synod of the allies assembled at Sparta ; and 
 joint envoys were sent from Athens and Sparta to anest him. 
 
 Themi.stocles avoided the impending danger by flying from 
 Argos to Corcyra. The CorcyraDans, however, refusing to shelter 
 him, he passed over to the continent ; where, being still pursued, 
 he Avas forced to seek refuge at the court of Admetus, king of 
 the Molossians, though he had made Admetus his peisonal ene- 
 my by opposing him on one occasion in some favour which the 
 king begged of the Athenians. Fortunately, Admetus happened 
 to be from home. The forlorn condition of Themistocles ex- 
 cited the compassion of the wife of the Molossian king, who 
 placed her child in his arms, and bade him seat himself on the 
 hearth as a suppliant. As soon as the kuig arrived, Themis- 
 tocles explained his peril, and adjured him by the sacred laws 
 of hospitality not to take vengeance upon a fallen foe. Admetus 
 accepted his appeal and raised him from the hearth ; he refused 
 to deliver him up to his pursuers, and at last only dismissed him 
 on his own expi'essed desire to proceed to Persia. Having tra- 
 versed the mountains, Themistocles reached Pydna, on the Ther- 
 maic gulf, where, under an assumed name, he took a passage in 
 a merchant vessel bound for the coast of Asia Minor. The ship 
 was driven by stress of weather to the island of Is axos, which
 
 B.C. 449. DEATH OF THEMISTOCLES. 249 
 
 happened at that verj' moment to he hlcckaded by an Athenian 
 fleet. In this conjuncture Themistccles adopted one of those 
 decisive resolutions which never failed him in the hour of dan- 
 ger. Having summoned the master of the vessel, he disclosed 
 to him his real name, and the peril which menaced Ihm ui case 
 of discovery. He then conjured the master not to make the 
 land, at the same time threatening that, if detected, he would 
 involve him in his own ruin hy representing him as the accom- 
 plice of his flight ; promising, on the other hand, a large reward 
 if he would secure his escape. These representations induced 
 the ma.«ter to keep the sea in spite of the weather ; and Themis- 
 tccles landed safely at Ephesus. 
 
 ^ 13. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, was now upon the throne 
 of Persia, and to him Themistocles hastened to announce himself 
 Having been conducted to Susa, he addressed a letter to the Per- 
 sian king, in which he claimed a reward for his past services in 
 favouring the escape of Xerxes, and promised to efiect much for 
 Persian interests if a year Avere allowed him to mature his plans. 
 Artaxerxes welcomed the arrival of the illustrious stranger and 
 readily granted liis request. According to the tales current at a 
 later period, the king was so transported with joy as to start 
 from his sleep at night and thrice to cry out, " I have got The- 
 mistocles the Athenian." At the end of the year, Themistccles 
 having acquired a sufficient knowledge of the Persian language 
 to be able to converse in it, entertained Artaxerxes with magni- 
 ficent schemes for the subjugation of Greece, and succeeded 
 in gaining his entire confidence and favour. Artaxerxes loaded 
 him with presents, gave him a Persian Avife, and appointed Mag- 
 nesia, a toAAiT. not far from the Ionian coast, as his place of 
 residence. In accordance with Eastern magnificence, the reve- 
 nues of that place, amounting to the yearly sum of fifty talents, 
 Avere assigned to him for bread, whilst Mycs was to supply con- 
 diments, and Lampsocus wine. At Magnesia Themistccles was 
 joined by his family ; and after living there some time, was 
 carried off by disease at the age of sixty-five, without having 
 realized, or apparently attempted, any of these plans Avith which 
 he had dazzled the Persian monarch. Rumour, which eA^er dogs 
 the footsteps of the great, ascribed his death to poison, Avhich he 
 took of his owii accord, from a consciousness cf his inability to 
 perform his promises ; but this report, Avhich Avas current in the 
 time of Thucydides, is rejected by that historian, though it was 
 subsequently adopted by Avriters of no mean note. The tale Avas 
 probably propagated by the friends of Themistccles, Avho also 
 asserted that, at his express command, they bad carried hir. 
 bones to Attica, and had secretly buried them in his natiA'^e land 
 
 M*
 
 2fiO lII>T()ia' OF <;ii):i:CK. CuAr. XXII 
 
 III llic lime of iIh- Roniaii empire hiK loriib was h>H)wri upon tho 
 jjromoiitory at llie ii;^flit liaiid of llie entrance of the fp^eat har- 
 bour of rira-us. Tlii.s was doubtless the invention of a later 
 age ; but tlie imagination could not liave chosen a fitter spot for 
 the aslies of the founder of the maritime greatness of Athens. 
 Hence we find in an ancient epigram, supposed to have been 
 inscribed upon his tomb : — 
 
 "By the sen's inarniri, oti llic watery ntrand, 
 Tliy nioniinicnt, Tlu-Tiiistocles, shall stand: 
 liy this directed to tliy native sliore 
 The ineieliant sliall convey his freighted store; 
 And ■when our fleets are suiiinioned to tlie fi(rht, 
 Athens shall conquer with thy tomb in sight." 
 
 Themistocles is one of those characters which exhibit at once 
 all the greatness and all the meanness of human nature. Acute- 
 ness ill foret-eeing, readines-s and wisdom in contriving, combined 
 ■with vigour and decision in acting, were the characteristics of 
 this great statesman, and by these qualities he not only rescued 
 his country from the imminent danger of the Persian yoke, but 
 enabled her to become one of the leading states of Greece. Yet 
 his lofty genius did not secure him from the seductions of 
 avarice and pride, which led him to sacrifice both his honour 
 and his country for the tinsel of Eastern pomp. But the riches 
 and luxury wdiich surrounded him served only to heighten his 
 infamy, and were dearly bought Avith the hatred of his country- 
 men, the reputation of a traitor, and the death of an exile. 
 
 ^ 14. Aristides died about four years after the banishment of 
 Themistocles. The common accounts of his poverty are pro- 
 bably exaggerated, and seem to have been founded on the circum- 
 stances of a public iuiieral, and of handsome donations made to 
 his three children by the state. But in ancient times these were 
 no unusual marks of respect and gratitude towards merit and 
 virtue ; and as he was archoii cponymiis at a time when only th.e 
 first class of the Solonian census \\as admissible to this office, 
 he must have enjoyed a certain amount of property. But what- 
 ever his property may have been, it is at least certain that 
 he did not acquire or increase it by unlaw^ful means ; and not 
 even calumny has ventured to assail his well earned title of the 
 Just.
 
 Pericles and Aspasia. 
 
 ' CHAPTER XXm. 
 
 RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. FROM THE 
 
 BATTLE OF EURYMEDON TO THE THIRTY Y'EARS' TRUCE WITH 
 SPARTA. 
 
 § 1. Cimon leader of the aristocratieal party at Athens. § 2. Revolt 
 of Naxos. § 3. Battle of Eurymedon. § 4. The Athenians blockade 
 Thasos, and attempt to found colonies in Thrace. § 5. Earthquake 
 at Sparta and revolt of the Helots. § 6. Decline of Spartan po^ver. 
 § 7. Cimon assists tlie Spartans to suppress the revolt, but without 
 success. The Spartans oS'end the Athenians by dismissing their troops. 
 § 8. Parties at Atliens. Character of Pericles. § 9. Attack upon the 
 Areopagus. § 10. Ostracism of Cimon. § 11. Administration and 
 foreign policy of Pericles. § 12. Expedition of the Athenians into 
 Egypt against the Persians. § 13. Hostilities with Corinth and Jlgina. 
 Defeat of the Corinthians at Megara. § 14. The long walls of Athens 
 commenced. § 15. The Lacedsemonians march into Boeotia. Battle 
 ofTanagra. §16. Recall of Cimon. §17. Battle of (Enophyta, and 
 conquest of Boeotia. Conquest of ^gina. §18. The five years' truce. 
 Expedition of Cimon to Cyprus. His death. §19. Conclusion of the 
 "war witii Persia. § 20. The Athenian power at its height. § 21. 
 Decline of Athenian power. Revolution in Bceotia. Other Athe- 
 nian reverses. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedfemonians under 
 Pleistoanax. § 22. Pericles recovers Eubaa. Thirty years' truce 
 with Sparta. 
 
 M- On the death of Aristides, Cimon became the undisputed 
 leader of the aristocratieal or conservative party at Athens. Cimon
 
 2r,2 HISTORY OF C.RVM'Vl (map. aXIIL 
 
 was f^eiicroiis, aflablc, ina<,'iiilici-iil ; ami, uotwith.staiKlinjrliiH p'^ 
 liticai viows, of exni'ciiiii<^'ly jKtpiilar uiaiimirs. lie liad iiiherilod 
 llio military <ri'iiiiiri of his father, and was uiidouhtediy the 
 frrealo.st coiiiinaiider of his time. He cmj)l(iyed the vast wealth 
 acfiuired in his expeditions in adornin<,' Athens and prralifying 
 iiis li'll()\v-citi/cns. He kept open house for sueh of his drmos 
 (the Laeiadio) as were in want of a meal, and appeared in j)ub- 
 ['n\ attended by well-dressed slaves, who were often directed to cx- 
 eliange their comfortable franrients with the thread-bare clothes 
 of needy citizens. But his mind was uncMiltivated by arts or 
 letters, and what elofpience he possessed was rough and soldier- 
 like. 
 
 k 2. The capture of Eion and reduction of Scyros by Cimon 
 have been already related. It was two or three years after the 
 latter event that we hud the first symptoms of discontent amonj^ 
 the mombcrs of the Confederacy of Delos. Naxos, one of the 
 confederate islands, and the largest of the Cyclades, revolted in 
 B.C. 4G6, probably from a feeling of the growing oppressiveness 
 of the Athenian headship. It was immediately invested by the 
 confederate fleet, and after a blockade of unknown duration re- 
 duced and made tributary to Athens. It was during this block- 
 ade that Themistocles, as before related, passed the island in his 
 flight to Asia. This was another step towards dominion gained 
 by the Athenians, whose pretensions were assisted by the im- 
 prudence of the allies. Many of the smaller states belonging to 
 the confederacy, wearied with perpetual hostilities, commuted 
 for a money payment the ships which they were bound to 
 supply; and thus, by depriving themselves of a navy, lost the 
 only means by whicli they could assert their independence. 
 
 <j 3. The same year was marked by a memorable action against 
 the Persians. Cimon, at the head of 200 Athenian triremes, and 
 100 furnished by the allies, proceeded to the coast of Asia Minor, 
 where he expelled the Persians from several Grecian town.s in 
 Caria and Lycia. Meanwhile the Persians had assembled a large 
 fleet and army at the mouth of the river Eurymedon in Pam- 
 phylia. Their fleet already consisted of 200 vessels, chiefly PhcE- 
 nician ; and as a reinforcement of 80 more was expected, Cimon 
 resolved to lose no time in making an attack. After speedily 
 defeating the fleet, Cimon landed his men and marched agahist 
 the Persian army, which was drawn up on the shore to protect 
 the fleet. Tlie laud-force fought with bravery, but was at length 
 put to the rout. These victories were still further enhanced by 
 the destruction of the 80 vessels, with which Cimon happened 
 ta fall in on his return. A victory gained on the same dav hoih 
 bv sea and laud added crrentlv to the renown of Cimon, and was
 
 B.C. 466. BATTLES AT THE EURYMEDON. 253 
 
 commemorated on the tripod dedicated to Apollo as one of the 
 most glorious ot" Grecian exploits. 
 
 § 4. The successes of" the Athenians, and their undisputed 
 power at sea, led them to extend their empire by means of co- 
 lonies. Some of the Athenians who had settled at Eion on the 
 Strymon after the expulsion of the Persians, had an opportunity 
 of becoming acquainted with the surrounding country, which 
 was principally occupied by Edonian Thracians, and was distin- 
 guished not only by the lertility of its soil, but also by its gold 
 mines on Mount PangtEus. But in their attempts to form a 
 permanent settlemsnt on this coast, the Athenians were opposed 
 by the inhabitants of the opposite island of Thasos, who were 
 possessed of" considerable territory upon the continent of Thrace, 
 and derived a large revenue from the mines of Scapte Hyle and 
 other places. 
 
 The island of Thasos was a member of the Confederacy of 
 Delos, with which, however, this quarrel does not appear to have 
 been in any way connected. The ill-feeling soon reached such a 
 pitch, that Cimon was despatched in b.c. 4G5 with a powerful 
 Heet against the Thasians. In this expedition the Athenians 
 gained various successes both by sea and land, but totally failed 
 in their attempt to found a colony on the main land, near Eion. 
 This result, however, was owing to the hostility of the native 
 tribes. A body of ten thousand Athenians and their allies, who 
 had taken possession of Ennea Hodoi, a place on the StrjTiion, 
 about three miles above Eion, were attacked by the Thracians 
 and nearly all of them slain. Nevertheless the Athenians did 
 not abandon the blockade of Thasos. After a siege of more than 
 two years that island surrendered, when its fortifications were 
 razed, its fleet and its possessions in Thiace were confiscated, 
 and it was condemned to pay an annual, as well as an imme- 
 diate, tribute. 
 
 ^ 5. The expedition to Thasos was attended with a circum- 
 stance which first gives token of the coming hostilities between 
 Sparta and Athens. At an early period of the blockade the 
 Thasians secretly applied to the Lacedaemonians to make a diver- 
 sion in their favour by invading Attica ; and though the Lace- 
 daemonians were still ostensibly allied with Athens, tlicy were 
 base enough to comply with this request. But their treachery 
 was prevented by a terrible calamity which befel themselves. 
 In the year B.C. 464, their capital was visited by an earthquake 
 which laid it in ruins and killed 20,000 of the citizens, besides a 
 large body of their chosen youth, who were engaged in a build- 
 ing in their gjTnnastic exercises. But this was only i)art of the 
 calamity. The earthquake was immediately followed by a revolt
 
 a:. I IIKIOIIV UK (iUKKCI-l CiiAi'. X.XIIL 
 
 ol' 111.' Helots, wlio wtTc alwiiys ready to avail tlicrnw-'lves of the 
 weakiiestf ol llieir tyrants. iSoriu; ot that ojijirc-.-iod jjeoj)lc liad 
 heeii dra<rfr<'d Iroiii the sanctuary of I'o.^eiihjii at TaeiiaruK proba- 
 lily ill coiiiiuxioii with the ailiiir ol I'au.saiiias, related in tlie prc- 
 <-ediiifr chapter ; and now the whole race, and even the Lacc- 
 (lajuionians thernselvea, believed that the earthquake was caui<C'd 
 by the anjjer ol" that " eartb-shakiufif" di-ity. Encouraped by this 
 signal of the divine favour, ami bein<r joined by W)m«! of the 
 I'eriu'ci, the Helots rushed to anus, and marched stiiifrht upon 
 Sparta. In this attein})t to seize the capital they were repul.H-d ; 
 nevertheless they were still able to keep the jield ; and bei.ig 
 joined by the Messenians, Ibrtified themselves in Mount Itboine 
 in ]\les.<enia. Hence this revolt is sometimes called the third 
 Me.-;senian war. Alter two or three years spent in a vain at- 
 tempt to dislo(i<fe them from this position, the Laceda-rnonians 
 l()uud tliem.selves obliged to call in the assistance of their allies, 
 and among the rest of the Athenians. 
 
 ^ G. That Sparta should thus have condescended to solicit the 
 assistance of her rival to quell a domestic feud, shows that she 
 umst have fallen greatly from her former power and station. 
 During the period, indeed, in which we ha^e traced the rise of 
 Athens, Sparta had been proportionahly declining. Of the cau.ses 
 of this decline we can oidy mention some of the more prominent. 
 Foremost among them was the misconduct of her leaders. The 
 misconduct of Pausanias, by which the maritime supremacy was 
 transferred to Athens, has been already related. His inlarny found 
 a couutei-part in the infamy of Leotycliides, another of her kings, 
 and the conqueror of Mycale ; who, being employed in arranging 
 the affairs of Thessaly after its evacuation by the Persians, was 
 convicted of taking bribes from the Persian king. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians committed, moreover, a great pohtical bhuider in the set- 
 tlement of Boeotia, whose alliiirs had been so thoronglilv shaken 
 by the Persian invasion. Thebes, convicted of J/«//sw. was, 
 with the conciurence of Sparta, degraded from her former rank 
 and inlluence ; whilst Plata-a and Thespia\ which stood opposed 
 to the capital, were strengthened, and the latter repeopled. Thus 
 the influence of Athens in Boeotia was promoted, in proportion 
 as Thebes, her ancient enemy, was weakened and degraded. The 
 aliairs of the Pelopomiesus itself had been mifavourable to the 
 Spartans. They liad been engaged in a harassuig war with the 
 Arcadians, and were also cramped and menaced by the growing 
 po^\•er of Elis. And now all these causes of weakness were aggra- 
 vated by the earthquake, and consequent revolt of the Helots. 
 
 § 7. It was Avith great diliiculty that Cimon pei-suaded his 
 oountrj'men to assist the Lacedaemonians in quelling tliis revolt.
 
 B.C. 464. REVOLT OF THE MESSENIANS. 255 
 
 His power waL' now somewhat waning before the rising influence 
 of Pericles. Notwithstanding what he had accompHshed at 
 Thasos, it is even said that more liad been expected by the Athe- 
 nians, and that Pericles actually accused him, though without suc- 
 cess, of having been diverted from the conquest of Macedonia, by 
 the bribes of Alexander, the king of that country. Cimon, however, 
 at length succeeded in persuading the Athenians to despatch him 
 with a force of 4000 hoplites, to the assistance of the Lacede- 
 monians ; but the ill-success of this expedition still further 
 strengthened the hands of his political opponents. 
 
 The aid of the Athenians had been requested by the Lacedse- 
 monians on account of their acknowledged superiority in the art 
 of attacking foiiihed places. As, however, Cimon did not succeed 
 in dislodging the Helots from Ithome, the LacedEemonians, pro- 
 bably from a consciousness of their own treachery in the atl'air 
 of Thasos, began to suspect that the Athenians were playing 
 them false. The conduct of the latter does not seem to have 
 afibrded the least ground for this suspicion, and Cimon, their 
 general, was notoriously attached to Sparta. Yet the Lacedae- 
 monians, fearing that the Athenians intended to join the Helots, 
 abruptly dismissed them, stating that they had no longer any 
 occasion for their services ; although the other allies were re- 
 tained, and the siege of Ithome still proceeded. 
 
 § 8. This rude dismissal gave great offence at Athens, and 
 annihilated for a time the political influence of Cimon. The de- 
 mocratical party had from the first opposed the expedition ; and 
 it afibrded them a great triumph to be able to point to Cimon re- 
 turning not only unsuccessful but insulted. That party was now 
 led by Pericles. A sort of hereditary feud existed between Pe- 
 ricles and Cimon ; for it was Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, 
 who had impeached Miltiades, the father of Cimon. The cha- 
 racter of Pericles was almost the reverse of Cimon's. Although 
 the leader of the popular party, his manners were reserved. He 
 was of high family, being descended on his mother's side from 
 the princes of Sicyoir and the Alcnifeonidae, whilst, on his 
 father's, he was connected with the family of Pisistratus, to 
 which tyrant he is said to have borne a striking personal resem- 
 blance. He appeared but little in society or in public, reserving 
 himself for great occasions ; a conduct which, when he did come 
 forward, enhanced the effect of his dignified bearing and impres- 
 sive eloquence. His military talents were but slender, and in 
 fact in this department he was frequently unsuccessful. But his 
 mind had received the highest polish which that period was 
 capable of givmg. He constantly conversed with Anaxagoras, 
 Protagoras, Zeno, and other eminent philosophers. To oratory
 
 2r.(i HISTORY OF (;l:l.l.< K. Chap. XMII. 
 
 ill particular Ik^ liiul drtvotcd niiifli altciilion, as an iiiflispcrihubik! 
 iiislniiiii'iil. lor H\vayiii<; llie ',)tiljli(t aswiiiblicH of Athens ; and liu 
 is said to liavc been the first who coimiiittfd his spcwherf to 
 \vritiii<r. He was not niucdi distiii^rnishcd lor private liberality; 
 but be made amends lor the popularity wliirdi be lr)st in this way 
 by his lavish distribution of tbc^ ]Miblic money. Siieh was the 
 man who Ibr a considerable period was to administer the aflLiirs 
 of Athens. 
 
 ^ 9. Pericles seized the occasion presented by the ill-.«uccess of 
 Cimon, both to ruin that leader and to strike a fatal blow at the 
 aristocratical party. The latter object be sought to accompli.--li 
 by various changes in the Athenian constitution, and particu- 
 larly by an attack upon the Areopagus. That venerable and 
 time-honoured assembly contained the very pith and marrow 
 of Athenian ari.-*rcracy. Besides its high judicial functions, it 
 exercised a kind of ge..L.al censorship over the citizens. By the 
 nature of its constitution it was composed cf men of advanced 
 years, and of high position in the state. The measure of Aris- 
 tides, already mentioned, opened it, at least ostensibly, even 
 to the loAvcst class of citizens ; but this innovation, which was 
 perhaps only designed to stave ofl^ those more serious changes 
 which the rapid progress of democratical opinion seemed to 
 threaten, was probably but of little practical ellbct. 80 long as 
 magistracies continued to be elective, there can be little doubt 
 that the rich Avould carry them, to the exclusion of the poor. 
 A fatal blow to aristocratical power was, hoAvever, stmck about 
 this time by rendering the election to magistracies dependent 
 upon lot ; though it is uncertain whether this measure was ori- 
 ginated by Pericles. We are also ignorant of the precise nature 
 of the changes which he introduced into the constitution and 
 functions of the Areopagus, though, Avith regard to their result, 
 it is certain that they left that august body the mere shadow of 
 its former influence and power. Other changes which accom- 
 panied this revolution — ibr such it must be called — were, the 
 institution of paid dicastcrics or jury-court<, and the almost 
 entire abrogation of the judicial power of the Senate of Five 
 Hundred. As the seal and symbol of these momentous innova- 
 tions, Ephialtes, the friend of Pericles, caused the tablets con- 
 taining the laws of Solon to be brought do^n fi'ora the Acropolis 
 and deposited in the market-place, as if to signify that the guar- 
 dianship of the laws had been transferred to the people. 
 
 ^ 10. It cannot be supposed that such fundamental changes 
 were etlected without violent party strife. Even the thcalre 
 became a vehicle to express the passions and the principles of 
 the agora. In the drama of the Eumenidcs, .iEschylus in vain
 
 B.C. 458. ADMINISTRATION OF PERICLES. 257 
 
 exerted all the powers of his genius iu support of the aristocra- 
 tical party and of the tottering Areopagus ; his exertions on 
 this occasion resulted only in his own flight from Athens. The 
 same fate attended Cimon himself In the heat of political con- 
 tention, recourse was had to ostracism, the safety-valve of the 
 Athenian constitution, and Cimon was condemned to a ten 
 years' banishment. Nay, party violence even went the length of 
 assassination. Epliialtes, who had taken the lead in the attacks 
 njjon the Areopagus, and whom Pericles, in conformity with his 
 policy and character, seems to have put forward throughout as 
 the more active and ostensible agent, fell beneath the dagger 
 of a Basotian, hired by the conservative party to despatch him. 
 This event took place after the banisiirnent of Cimon, who was 
 guiltless of all participation in so foul a deed. 
 
 k 11. It was from this period that the long administration of 
 Pericles may be properly said to have commenced. The effects of 
 his accession to power soon became visible in the foreign rela- 
 tions of Athens. Pericles had succeeded to the political prin- 
 ciples of Themistocles, and his aim was to render Athens the 
 leading power of Greece. The Confederacy of Delos had already 
 secured her maritime ascendency ; Pericles directed his policy 
 to the extension of her influence in continental Greece. The 
 insult offered by Sparta to Athens in dismissing her troops had 
 highly inflamed the Athenians against that power, whose sup- 
 porters at Athens were designated with the contemptuous name 
 of Laco?uzers. Pericles and the democratic party improved the 
 conjuncture not only by persuading the people to renounce the 
 Spartan alliance, but to join her bitterest enemies. Argos, the 
 ancient rival of Sparta, claimed the headship of Greece rather 
 from the recollections of her former mythical renown than from 
 her present material power. But she had availed herself of the 
 embarrassment which the revolt of the Helots occasioried to 
 Sparta, to reduce to subjection Mycenae, Tiryns, and some other 
 neighbouring towns. AYith Argos thus strengthened Athens 
 now formed a defensive alliance against Sparta, which the Thes- 
 salians "were also induced to join. Soon afterw^ards Athens still 
 further extended her influence in continental Greece by an alli- 
 ance with ilegara. This step, which gave signal oflcnce both 
 at Sparta and Corinth, greatly increased the power of the Athe- 
 nians,, not only by opening to them a communication with the 
 Crissajan gulf, but also by giving them the key to the passes of 
 Mount Gcraneia, and thus enabling them to arrest the progress 
 of an invading army from Peloponnesus. In order to strengthen 
 Megara the Athenians adopted a contrivance which they after- 
 wards applied to their own ^Qr. Megara was seated on a hill. 
 
 yAa^
 
 268 mSTOUY OF GKEF/;!-! Chap. XXIII. 
 
 at Oic distance of nearly a riiile from its port, Nj»a;a. To jire- 
 voiit tlie coniinuiiication between tlie ])ort and city from Ixjiii'r 
 cut oli, the Athenians cansed tliein to Ije eonncrcted tof^ether by 
 two parallel lines of wall, and placed a permanent garrison of 
 their own in the place. 
 
 ^ 12. Whilst these things were passing in Greece, the Athenians 
 Avere still actively engaged in jirosecuting the war against Persia. 
 The conl'edcrale fleet was hovering about the coasts of Cypnis 
 and riiii'iiicia ; and the revolt of Inarus (i;.c. 400) gave them 
 an opportiniity to carry the war into Egjpt. Inaros, a Libyan 
 prince, and son of Psannnetichus, was bent en expelling the Per- 
 sians from Egyjjt and obtaining the sovereignty ol' tliat country ; 
 and with this view he sohcited tlie assistance of the Greeks. 
 The Athenian fleet at Cyprus, amounting to 200 triremes, accord- 
 ingly sailed to the jS^ile, and proceeded up that river as far as 
 Memphis. From this city tliey succeeded in expelling the Per- 
 sians, M'ho, however, maintained themselves in a kind of citadel 
 or fortification called " the White Fortress." The siege of this 
 fortress had already lasted four or five years, when Artaxerxes 
 sent a large army, together with a Phoenician fleet, into Egj'pt, 
 under the command of Megabyzus, who compelled the Athenians 
 to raise the siege and to retire to an island in the Nile, called 
 Prosopitis, as the Persians had prevented their further retreat 
 by obstructing the lower part of the river. Here the Atlicnians 
 offered a long and heroic resistance, till at length Megabyzus, 
 having diverted one of the channels which formed the island, 
 was enabled to attack them by land. The Athenians, who had 
 previously burnt their ships, were now obliged to capitulate. 
 The barbarians did not, however, observe the temis of the capi- 
 tulation, but perfidiously massacred the Athenians, with the 
 exception of a small body, who succeeded in cutting their way 
 through the enemy, and escaping to Cyrene, and thence to 
 Greece. Inaros himself was taken and crucified. As an aggra- 
 vation of the calamity, a reinforcement of oO Athenian vessels, 
 whose crews were ignorant of the defeat of their countrymen, 
 fell into the power of the enemy and were almost entirely de- 
 stroyed. Thus one of the finest aimaments ever sent forth from 
 Athens was all but annihilated, and the Persians regained pos- 
 session of the greater part of Egypt (b.c. 4oo.) 
 
 § 13. It may well excite our astonishment that while Athens 
 was employing so large an armament against the Persians, she 
 was still able to maintain and extend her power in Greece by 
 force of arms. Corinth, Epidaurus, and .Egina, were watching 
 her progress with jealousy and awe. At the time of the Mega- 
 rian alliance no actual blow liad yet been sti-uck ; but that
 
 B.C. 457. LOXG WALLS OF ATHENS. 259 
 
 important accession to the Athenian power was speedily followed 
 by open war. The ^ginetans, in conjunction with the Co- 
 rinthians, Epidaurians, and other Peloponnesians, fitted out a 
 large fleet. A battle ensued near the island of ^gina, in which 
 the Athenians gained a decisive victory, and entirely ruined the 
 naval power of the /Eginetans. The Athenians captured seventy 
 of their ships, and, landing^fi. large force upon the island, laid siege 
 to the capital. -72 \' ld\.'J^\ 
 
 The growth of the Athenian power was greatly promoted by 
 the continuance of the revolt of the Helots, which was not put 
 down till the year B.C. 455. This circumstance prevented the 
 Laceda?monians from opposing the Athenians as they Avould 
 otherwise probably have done. All the assistance aflbrded by 
 the allies to the iEginetans consisted of a miserable detachment 
 of 300 men ; but the Corinthians attempted to divert the Athe- 
 nians by making an attack upon Megara. Hereupon Myronides 
 marched from Athens at the head of the boys and old men, and 
 gave battle to the enemy near Mtgara. The allair was not very 
 decisive, but the Corinthians retired, leaving their adversaries 
 masters of the field. On their return home, however, the taunts 
 which they encountered at having been defeated by so unwarlika 
 a force incited them to try their fortune once more. The Athe- 
 nians again marched out to the attack, and this time gained a 
 decisive victor)^ rendered still more disastrous to the Corinthians 
 by a large body of their troops having marched by mistake into an 
 enclosed place, where they were cut up to a man by the Athenians. 
 
 S 14. It was about this time (b.c. 458 — 457) that the Athe- 
 nians, chiefly through the advice of Pericles, began to construct 
 the long walls which connected the Pira>us and Phalerum with 
 Athens. They were doubtless suggested by the apprehension 
 that the Lacedaemonians, though now engaged with domestic 
 broils, would sooner or later take part in the confederacy which 
 had been organized against Athens. This gigantic undertaking 
 was in conformity with the policy of Themistocles for rendering 
 the maritime power of Athens wholly unassailable ; but even the 
 magnificent ideas of that statesman might perhaps have deemed 
 the work chimerical and extravagant. The wall from Phalerum 
 was 35 stadia, or about 4 miles long, and that from Piianis 
 40 stadia, or about 4^^ miles in length. The plan of these Malls 
 was probably taken from those already erected at Megara, which 
 had been recently tried, and perhaps found to be of good service 
 in the war Avhich had taken place there. The measure was vio- 
 lently opposed by the aristocratic party, but without success. 
 
 S 15. The progress of Athens had now awakened the serious 
 jealousy of Sparta, and though she was still engaged in the eiege
 
 200 HISTORY OP fMlEECE. CitAi-. XXIII. 
 
 iif Illiorno, slie roHolvcd on l.aldii;^ sonic stops af^aiiist llie Atho 
 /li.'iiis. Under pictiMico ol' assist iii<^ the Dnriaiis, wlios*^ territorj' 
 liiid Itccii iiiv;i(lc(l by llie Plioeians, 1 'OOtJ Spartan hoplites, khj)- 
 portcil |)y 10,000 allies, were despatelied into iJoris. The mere 
 a]i])r()ach of so larj^c a force speedily elleeted the ostensibltj 
 objecit of the expedition, and compelled the Phocians to retire. 
 The Lacedajnionians now proceeded to eflect their real dcsiprn, 
 which was to prevent the Athenians from fraininf^ sucli an ascend- 
 ency in Bicotia as ihey had gained in other jjlaces. In conse- 
 qnence of the part she haii played during the Persian wars, 
 Thebes had lost much of her lonner induence and power ; and 
 the conduct of Sparta herself in the subsequent settlement of 
 Greece, had, as belore related, been conducive to the same result. 
 The Lacedannonians seem to have now become sensible of the 
 mistake M'hicli they had committed ; and though their geiieral 
 policy was adverse to the confederation of cities, yet they were 
 now induced to adopt a diliercnt course, and to restore the power 
 of Thebes by way of counterpoise to that of Athens, ^yith this 
 view tlie Lacechemonian troops were marched into Roeotia, where 
 they were employed in restoring the fortifications of Thebes, and 
 in reducing the Ba-otian cities to her obedience. The designs 
 of Sparia were assisted by the traitorous co-operation of some 
 of the oligarchical party at Athens. The faction, llndhig itself 
 foiled in its attempt to arrest the progress of the long walls, not 
 only invited the Lacediemonians to assist them in this attempt, 
 but also to overthrow the democracy itself The Lacedaemonians 
 listened to these proposals, and their army took up a position at 
 Tanagra, on the very borders of Attica. The Athenians, suspect- 
 ing that some treason was in progress, now considered it high 
 time to strike a blow. With such of their troops as were not 
 engaged at ^-Egina, together with a thousand Argeians, and some 
 Thessalonian horse, they marched out to oppose the Laceda-- 
 monians at Tauagi'a. Here a bloody battle ensued (n.c. '157), 
 in which the Lacedajmonians gained the advantage, chiefly 
 through the treacherous desertion of the Thessalians in the veiy 
 heat of the engagement. The victory was not sutliciently deci- 
 sive to enable the Lacedtemonlans to invade Attica ; but it ser\-ed 
 to secure thein an unmolested retreat, after partially ravaging 
 the Megarid, through the passes of the Geraneia. 
 
 ^16. Previously to the engagement, the ostracised Cimon, 
 who was grievously suspected of being implicated in the treach- 
 erous correspondence of some of his party with the Laceda'mo- 
 nians, presented himself hefore the Athenian army as soon as it 
 had crossed the border, and earnestly entreated permission to 
 place himself in the ranks of the hoplites. His request being
 
 B.C. 456. BATTLE OF O^NOPHYTA. 261 
 
 refused, he left his armour with some friends, conjuring them to 
 wipe out, by their conduct in the field, the imputation under 
 which they laboured. Stung by the unjust suspicions of their 
 countrj'men, and incited by the exhortations of their beloved 
 and banished leader, a large band of his most devoted followers, 
 setting up his armour in their ranks, fought side by side with 
 desperate valour, as if he still animated them by his presence. 
 A hundred of them fell in the engagement, and proved by their 
 conduct that, with regard at least to the majority of Cimon's 
 party, they were unjustly suspected of collusion with the enemy. 
 Cimon's request had also stimulated Pericles to deeds of extra- 
 ordinary valour ; and thus both parties seemed to be bidding for 
 public favour on the field of battle as they formerly had done in 
 the bloodless contentions of the Athenian assembly. A happy 
 result of this generous emulation was that it produced a gi'eat 
 change in public feeling. Cimon's ostracism was revoked, and 
 the decree for that purpose was proposed by Pericles himself 
 
 M7. The healing of domestic faction gave a new impulse to 
 public spirit at Athens. At the beginning of the year e.g. 456, 
 and only about two months after their defeat at Tanagi-a, the 
 Athenians again marched into Boeotia. The Ba>otians went out 
 to meet them with a numerous army ; but in the battle of (Eno- 
 phyta, which ensued, the Athenians under Myronides gained a 
 brilliant and decisive victory, by which Thebes itself, and conse- 
 quently the other Boeotian towns, fell into their power. The 
 Athenians now proceeded to reverse all the arrangements which 
 had been made by the Lacedajraonians, banished all the leaders 
 who were favourable to Spartan ascendency, and established a. 
 democratical form of government. To these acquisitions Phocis 
 and Locris were soon afterwards added. 
 
 From the gulf of Corinth to the straits of Thermopylae 
 Athenian influence was now predominant. In the year after the 
 battle of (Enophyta (e.g. 455), the Athenians finished the build- 
 ing of the long walls and completed the reduction of iEgina, 
 which became a subject and tributary ally. Their expedition 
 into Egj'pt, and its unfortunate catastrophe in this year, has been 
 already related. But notwithstanding their eflbrts and reverses 
 in that quarter, they were strong enough at sea to scour the 
 coasts of Greece, of which they gave a convincing proof An 
 Athenian fleet, lender the command of Tolmides, sailed round 
 Peloponnesus, and insulted the Lacedaemonians by burning their 
 ports of Methone and Gythium. Naupactus, a town of the Ozo- 
 lian Locrians near the mouth of the Gulf of Corinth, was cap- 
 tured ; and in the latter place Tolmides established the Helots 
 and Messenians, who in the course of this year had been sid^dued
 
 202 IIISTOIIY OF GREIX'E. Ciiai-. .XAIIL 
 
 hy tlif Lar-fda inoiiians, and coinpelk-d to evacuate Itlujiiic. 
 J)uriiiR tbo roui^c of tlie fame cxiK-dition tJie ii^lands of Za- 
 ryntlius and Ccpliallcnia wore pained over 1o the Athenian alli- 
 unee, ;ind j)r(ilial)ly also porne towns on the roast of Aeliaia. 
 
 H ^. After the battle of Tanapra the Laeeda inonian» made for 
 a while no lurllier attemifis to oijpcsc it.s progress, and (|uietly 
 beheld the oeenpation of I5<x'otia and Plioeis. Even afler the 
 surrender of Itliomc they still remained inactive ; and three 
 years after that event (li.c. 152), concluded a live years truce 
 with the Athenians. This tnice was eflected through the medi- 
 ation of Cimon, who was anxious that no dread ol liostililies 
 at home should divert him from resuming operations again.«t the 
 Persians ; nor perhaps was Pericles unwilling that so formidable 
 a rival should be absent on foreign sersice. Cimon sailed to 
 Cypnis with a fleet of 200 triremes belonging to the confede- 
 racy ; whence he despatched GO vessels to Egypt, to assist the 
 rebel prince Amyrta'us, who still held out against the Persians 
 among the marshes of the Delta. But this expedition proved 
 fatal to the great Athenian commander. "VA'ith the remainder 
 of the fleet, Cimon undertook the siege cf Citium in Cyprus ; 
 but died during the progress of it, either from disease or from 
 the efl'ects of a wound. The command now devolved on Anaxi- 
 crates ; who, being straitened by a want of provisions, raised the 
 siege of Citium, and sailed for Salamis, a town in the same 
 island, in order to engage the Pha-nician and Cilician fleet. 
 Here he gained a complete victory both on sea and land, but 
 was deterred, either by pestilence or famine, from the further 
 prosecution of the war ; and ha-\-ing beeir rejoined by the sixty 
 ships from EgA'pt, sailed home to Athens. 
 
 ^ 19. After these events a pacification was concluded with 
 Persia, which has sometimes, but erroneously, been called " the 
 peace of Cimon." It is stated that by this compact the Persian 
 monarch agreed not to tax or molest the Greek colonies on the 
 coast of Asia Minor, nor to send any vessels of war westwards of 
 Phaselis in Lycia. or within the Cyanean rocks at the junction 
 of the Euxine with the Thracian Bosporus ; the Athenians on 
 their side imdertaking to leave the Persians in undisturbed pos- 
 session of Cyprus and Egj'pt. Even if no treaty was actually 
 concluded, the existence of such a state of relations between 
 Greece and Persia at this time must be recognized as an histo- 
 rical fact, and the war between them considered as now brought 
 to a conclusion. 
 
 ^ 20. During the progress of these CA-ents the states which 
 formed the Confederacy of Delos. with the exception of Chios, 
 Lesbos, and Samos, had graduallv become, instead of the active
 
 B.C. 447. DECLINE OF THE ATHENIAN POWER. 263 
 
 allies of Athens, her disarmed and passive tributaries. Even the 
 custody of the fund had been transferred from Deles to Athens, but 
 we are unable to specify the precise time at which this change took 
 place. This transfer marked the subjection of the confederates 
 as complete ; yet it is said to have been made ^^^ith the con- 
 currence of the Samians ; and it is probable that Delos would 
 have been an unsafe place for the deposit of so large a treasure. 
 The purpose for which the coniederacy had been originally orga- 
 nized disappeared with the Persian peace ; yet what may now be 
 called imperial Athens continued, lor her own ends, to exercise 
 her prerogatives as head of the league. Her alliances, as Ave 
 have seen, had likev.'ise been extended in continental Greece, 
 where they embraced Megara, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris ; together 
 with Troezen and Achaia in Peloponnesus. Of these allies some 
 were merely bound to militar)"^ service and a conformity of 
 foreign policy, whilst others were dependent tributaries. Of the 
 former kind were the states just mentioned, together with Chios, 
 Lesbos, and Samos ; whilst in the latter were comprehended all 
 the remaining members of the Confederacy of Delos, as well as 
 the recently conquered ^Egina. Such was the position of Athens 
 in the year 4-48 B.C., the period of her greatest power and pros- 
 perity. From this time her empire began to decline ; whilst 
 Sparta, and other watchful and jealous enemies, stood ever ready 
 to strike a blow. 
 
 s^ 21. In the following year (b.c. 447) a revolution in Bceotia 
 deprived Athens of her ascendency in that country. This, as 
 we have seen, was altogether political, being founded in the de- 
 mocracies which she had established in the Boeotian towns after 
 the battle of ffinophyta. These measures had not been etiected 
 without producing a numerous and powerful class of discon- 
 tented exiles, who, being joined by other malcontents from 
 Phocis, Locris, and other places, succeeded in seizing Orcho- 
 rnenus, ChtBronea, and a few more unimportant toA\ais of Bceotia. 
 With an overweening contempt of their enemies, a small band of 
 1000 Athenian hoplites, chiefly composed of youthful volunteers 
 belonging to the best Athenian families, together with a few 
 auxiliaries, marched under the command of Tolmides to put 
 down the revolt, in direct opposition to the advice of Pericles, 
 who adjured them to wait and collect a more numerous force. 
 The enterprise proved disastrous m the extreme. Tolmides suc- 
 ceeded, indeed, in retaking Cha;ronea and garrisoning it with an 
 Athenian force ; but whilst his small army was retiring from the 
 place, it was surprised by the enemy and totally defeated. Tol- 
 mides himself fell in the engagement, together with many of the 
 hojihtes, whilst a still larger number wero taken prisoners. This
 
 264 lll>T()ltV OF (;lli;i:CM CiiAi-. XXIIL 
 
 last circuni:;'.:!!!'-*; provcii fatal to tliu iiitcresta of Athens in 
 Boiotia. Ill order to rt-rovcr tliose prisoners, «lic aj^ecd to eva- 
 cuate lituotia, to restore the exiles, and to permit the re-esta- 
 blishinentolthe aristocracies whifh she had liinnerly overthrown. 
 Thus all Ba-otia, with the exception olTlataia, once more sIikkI 
 opposed, and indeed doubly hostile, to Athens. 
 
 But the Athenian reverses did not end here. The ex- 
 pulsion ol" the partizans of Athens from the f^ovenunent of 
 I'hoeis and Locris, and the revolt of Euha-a and Mejrara, were 
 announceil in quick succession ; whilst to crown all, the Spartans, 
 who were now set I'ree to act by the terminati(jn rjf the five 
 years' truce, were preparing to invade Attica itself The youthful 
 Pleisloanax, king of Sparta, actually penetrated, with an army of 
 Lacedannonians and relo])onne.-<ian allies, as far as the neigh- 
 bourhood of Eleusis ; and the capital it.<elf, it is said, was saved 
 only by Pericles having bribed the Spartan monarch, as well as 
 Cleaudrides, his adjutant and counsellor, to evacuate tlie country. 
 The stoiy was at least believed at Sparta ; for both Pleistoanax 
 and Cleaudrides were found guilty M" corruption and sent into 
 banishment. 
 
 § 22. Pericles had been recalled by the Spartan invasion from 
 an expedition which he had undertaken for the recoi'.quest of Eu- 
 boca, and which he resumed as soon as the Spartans had departed 
 from Attica. AVith an overwhelming force of 50 triremes and 
 5000 hoplites he soon succeeded in reducing the island to obe- 
 dience, in some parts of Avliich the landowners were expelled and 
 their properties given to Athenian cleruchs or colonists. But 
 this was the only possession which Athens succeeded in recover- 
 ing. Her empire on land had vanished more speedily than it 
 had been acquired ; whilst in the distance loomed the danger of 
 an extensive and formidable confederacy agamst her, realized 
 some years afterv.'ards by the Peloponnesian war, and not imde- 
 servedly provoked by her aggressive schemes of conquest and 
 empire. Thus both her present position and her futiu-e prospects 
 were well calculated to lill the Athenians, and their leader Peri- 
 cles, with apprehension and alarm ; and imder tliese feelings of 
 despondency they were induced to conclude, at the beginning of 
 the year b.c. 445, a tliirty years' truce with Sparta and her allies, 
 by which they consented to abandon all the acquisitions wliich 
 they had made in Peloponnesus, and to leave Megara to be 
 included among the Pelopomiesian allios of Sparta.
 
 The Acropolis restored. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 FROM THE THIRTY YEARS TRUCE TO THE WAR BET^\■EE^' C.RINTH 
 AND CORCYRA. 
 
 § 1. State of parties at Athens. Thucydides. § 2. Opposite political 
 views. § 3. Ostracism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. 
 He adorns Athens. His foreign policj*. § 4. Athenian colonization. 
 Cleruchife. Thurii and Amphipolis. § 5. Xature of the Athenian 
 
 maritime empire. Amount of tribute. Oppressions, 
 of Samos. Reduction of the island by Pericles. 
 
 6. Revolt 
 
 ^ 1. The aristocratical party at Athens had heen nearly anni- 
 hilated by the measures of Pericles recorded in the preceding 
 chapter. In order to make a final eflbrt against the policy of 
 that statesman, the remnant of this party had united them- 
 selves under Thucydides, the son of Melesias. Thucydides — 
 who must not be confounded with his namesake, the great 
 historian — was a relative of Cimon's, to whose political prin- 
 ciples he succeeded. In ability and character he difi'ered 
 considerably from Cimon. He was not much distinguished 
 as a military' man ; but as a statesman and orator he might 
 even bear some comparison with liis great opponent Pericles. 
 Thucydides, however, had not the advantage of being on the 
 popular side ; and his manner of leading the opposition soon 
 proved the ruin both of himself and of his party. The high 
 character and great services of Aristides and Cimon, the con- 
 ciliatory manners of both, and esjiecially the afTable and generous 
 
 N
 
 2«fi IIISTORV OF GRHKCF'l Chap. XXIV. 
 
 U;iii|)cr (j1 Ciinon, li.'ul, in Rpile of llicir unpopular views, se- 
 cured them considerable inlluence. Tliurydides, on the con- 
 trary, doe.s not appear to liavc been di.-itiiij,'ui.shr;d by any of 
 these qualities ; and thouj^h the steps which he to<jk to give his 
 party a stronger organization in the assembly at first enabled 
 him to make head against Perieles, yet they ultimately proved 
 the cause of his overthrow. Kot only were his adiicrents urged 
 to a more regular attendance in the as-sernbly, but they were 
 also instructed to take up a separate and distinct position on 
 the beuchcs ; and thus, instead of being mixed as Lefore with 
 the general mass of citizens, they became a regularly organized 
 party. This arrangement seemed at first to lend them strength. 
 Their applause or di.ssent, being more concentrated, produced a 
 greater ellect. At any sudden turn in a debate they were in a 
 better position to concert their measures, and could more readily 
 put forwards their best speakers according to emergencies. But 
 these advantages were counterbalanced by still greater draw- 
 backs. A little knot of men, who from a particular corner of 
 the ecclesia were constantly opposing the most popular mea- 
 sures, naturally incurred a great share of odium and suspicion ; 
 but what was still worse, the paucity of their numbers — and 
 from their position they could easily be counted — was soon re- 
 marked ; and they then began to fall into contempt, and were 
 designated as The Few. 
 
 k 2. The points of dispute between the two parties were much 
 the same as they had been in the time of Cimon. Thucydides and 
 his followers were for maintaining amicable relations wath the 
 rest of Greece, and were opposed to the more popular notion of 
 extending the Athenian dominion even at the risk of incurring 
 the hostility of the other Grecian states. They were of opinion 
 that all their eilbrts should be directed against the common 
 enemy, the Persians ; and that the advantages which Athens 
 derived from the Confederacy of Delos should be strictly and 
 honestly applied to the purposes for which that confederacy 
 had been formed. With regard to this subject the administra- 
 tion of Pericles had produced a fresh point of contention. The 
 vast amount of treasure accumulated at Athens from the tribute 
 paid by the allies was more than sufficient for any apprehended 
 necessities of defence, and Pericles applied the surplus to 
 strengthening and beautifying the city. Thucydides complained 
 that, by this misapplication of the common fund, Athens was dis- 
 graced in the eyes of Greece. Pericles, on the other hand, con- 
 tended that so long as he resei-ved sufficient to guarantee secu- 
 rity against the Persians, he M-as perfectly at liberty to apply the 
 surplus to Athenian purposes. This argiuiient is the argument
 
 B.C. 445. PERICLES ADORKS ATHENS. 267 
 
 of the strongest, and, if valid in this case, might at any time be 
 apjilied to justify the grossest abuses of power. The best that 
 we can say in favour of the Athenians is that, if they M^ere strong 
 enough to commit this injustice, they were also enlightened 
 enough to apply the proceeds in producing works of art that 
 have excited the wonder and admiration of the world. Other 
 conquerors have often contented themselves with carrying off 
 the works of others — the Athenians had genius enough to pro- 
 duce their own. But we can hardly justify the means by point- 
 ing to the result. 
 
 § 3. From the opposition of Thucydides, Pericles was released 
 by ostracism ; though by which party such a step was proposed 
 cannot be determined. Thucydides went into banishment. This 
 event, which probably took place about two years after the con- 
 clusion of the Thirty Years' Truce, completely broke up the 
 aristocratical party ; and for the remainder of his life Pericles 
 enjoyed the sole direction of afliiirs. His views M^ere of the 
 most lofty kind. Athens was to become the capital of Greece, 
 the centre of art and refinement, and at the game time of those 
 democratical theories which formed the bccm ideal of the Athe- 
 nian notions of government. In her external appearance the 
 city was to be rendered worthy of the high position to which 
 she aspired by the beauty and splendour of her public buildings, 
 by her works of art in sculpture, architecture, and painting, and 
 by the pomp and magnificence of her religious festivals. All 
 these objects Athens was enabled to attain in an incredibly 
 short space of time, through the genius and energy of her citi- 
 zens and the vast resources at her command. No state has ever 
 exhibited so much intellectual activity and so great a progress 
 in art as was displayed by Athens in the period which elapsed 
 between the Thirty Years' Truce and the breaking out of the 
 Peloponnesian war. But of the literature of this period, as well 
 as of the great works of art produced in it, an account is given 
 in another place,* and it will suffice to mention briefly here the 
 more important structures with which Athens was adorned dur- 
 ing the administration of Pericles. On the Acropolis rose the 
 magniiicent temple of Athena, called the Parthenon, built from 
 the plans of Ictinus and Callicrates, but under the direction of 
 Phidias, who adorned it with the most beautiful sculptures, and 
 especially with a colossal statue of Athena in ivory, 47 feet in 
 height. At the same time a theatre designed for musical per- 
 formances, called the Odeum, was erected at the south-eastern 
 foot of the Acropolis. Both these structures appear to have been 
 
 * See below, Chap. XXXIV., XXXV.
 
 268 HISTORY OF GIIEECK < hai-. XXIV. 
 
 finished Ijy 437 li.c. Somt-what later were erected Uie Pnjjjy- 
 l.ra, (ir ma^Miific'ciit eiilraiice to tlic AcropoliH, on the western 
 side. Besides tlieso va.st •works, olliers were coiiiiiieiiced which 
 were interruj)te(l liy the breaking; out of the rcloponnesian war, 
 as the roconstructioii of the Ereohtheiirn, or ancient li^rnple of 
 Athena PoHas; the buildiiifi of a great tr-mpic of Dcnieter, at 
 Elcusis, for the celebration of the Eleu.sinian mysteries ; an- 
 other of Athena at Suninin, and one of Nemesis at lihamnus. 
 Besides these ornamental works, Pericles undertook others of a 
 more useful kind. In order to render the comriuuiication be- 
 tween Athens and Pirieus still more secure, he constructed a 
 third long wall between the two already built, nuniinp jiarallel 
 to, and at a short distance from, the one which united the city 
 to Pira;us. At the same time Pirajiis itself was improved and 
 beautified, and a new dock and arsenal constructed, said to have 
 cost 1000 talents. The whole cost of these improvements was 
 estimated at 3000 talents, or nearly 700,000Z. 
 
 In this part of his plans Pericles may be said to have been 
 entirely successful. The beautiful works which arose under his 
 superintendence established the emj)ire of Athenian taste, not 
 only for his own time but for all succeeding ages. But the other 
 and more substantial ])art of his projects — the establishment of 
 the material empire of Athens, of which these works were to 
 be but the type and ornament — was Ibunded on a miscalcula- 
 tion of the physical strength and resources of his country- ; and 
 after involving Athens, as will be seen in the sequel, in a long 
 series of sufiering and misfortune, ended at last in her degrada- 
 tion and ruin. 
 
 § 4. Colonization, for which the genius and inclination of the 
 Athenians had always been suited, was another and safer method 
 adopted by Pericles for extending the influence and empire of 
 Athens. The settlements made under his auspices were of two 
 kinds, Clc?-ucJiics* and regular colonies. The former mode was 
 exclusively Athenian. It consisted in the allotment of land in 
 conquered or subject countries to certain bodies cf Athenians, 
 who continued to retain all their original rights of citizenship. 
 This circumstance, as well as the convenience of entering upou 
 land already in a state of cidtivation, instead of having to re- 
 claim it from the rude condition of nature, seems to have render- 
 ed such a mode of settlement much preferred by the Athenians. 
 The earliest instance which we lind of it is in the year r..c. 506, 
 when four thousand Athenians entered u})on the domains of the 
 Chalcidian knights. But it was under Pericles that this .system 
 
 * K/.iipovxtai.
 
 B.C. 443. ATHENIAN COLONIES. 269 
 
 was most extensively adopted. Durin<]f his administration 1000 
 Athenian citizens were settled in the Thraciau Chei'sonese, 500 
 in Naxos, and 250 in Andros. His expeditions for this purpose 
 even extended into the Euxine. From Sinope, on the shores of 
 that sea, he expelled the despot Timesilaus and his party, whose 
 estates were confiscated, and assigned for the maintenance of 
 600 Athenian citizens. The islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and 
 Scyros, as well as a large tract in the north of Euboea, were also 
 completely occupied by Athenian proprietors. 
 
 The most important colonies settled by Pericles were those of 
 Thurii and Amphipolis. Since the destruction of Sybaris by the 
 Crotoniates, in B.C. 509, the former inhabitants had lived dis- 
 persed in the adjoining territory along the gulf of Tarentum. 
 They had in vain requested Sparta to recolonize them, and now 
 applied to Pericles, who granted their request. In B.C. 443 he 
 sent out a colony to found Thurii, near the site of the ancient 
 Sybaris. But though established under the auspices of Athens, 
 Thurii can hardly be considered an Athenian colony, since it 
 contained settlers from almost all parts of Greece. Among 
 those who joined this colony were the histoi'ian Herodotus and 
 the orator Lysias. The colony of Amphipolis was founded some 
 years later (b.c. 437), under the conduct of Agnon. But here 
 also the proportion of Athenian settlers was small. Amphipolis 
 was in fact only a new name for Ennea Hodoi, to colonize 
 which place the Athenians, as before related, had already made 
 some unsuccessful attempts. They now succeeded in maintain- 
 ing their ground against the Edonians, and Amphipolis became 
 an important Athenian dependency with reference to Thrace and 
 Macedonia. 
 
 ^ 5. Such were the schemes of Pericles for promoting the em- 
 pire of Athens. That empire, since the conclusion of the Thirty 
 Years' Truce, had again become exclusively maritime. Yet even 
 among the subjects and allies united with Athens by the Con- 
 federacy of Delos, her sway was borne with growing discontent. 
 One of the chief causes of this dissatisfaction was the amount of 
 the tribute exacted by the Athenians, as well as their misappli- 
 cation of tlie proceeds. During the administration of Pericles, 
 the rate of contribution was raised upwards of thirty per cent., 
 although tire purpose for which the tribute was originally levied 
 had almost entirely ceased. In the time of Aristides and Cimon, 
 when an active war was carrying on against the Persians, the 
 sum annually collected amounted to 460 talents. In the time of 
 Pericles, although that war had been brought to a close by what 
 has been called the peace of Cimon, and though the only arma- 
 ment still maintained for the ostensible purposes of the con-
 
 270 IIISTOIIV OF (MlKECI'l Oiai-. XXIV. 
 
 fcdcr.'icy wji.s a iln-t. of sixty Iriiciiics, wliidi cniii-ni in tlio 
 iEji[ii!;iii, tlie Iriliulu Jiad uevurllielf.s.s iiicn-affcd to the annual 
 KUin of GOO talents. TIh; itiiportancc of tliis trihutc to the 
 Atlii-nians may be e.stiniatcd from llie faet that it Ibrincd con- 
 siderahly more than halfol' tlieir whole revenue; for their in- 
 come from other sourees amounted only to 400 talents. It may be 
 said, indeed, that Greece was not even yet wliolly secure from 
 another Persian invasion ; and that Athen.s was thcrelbrejustified 
 in continuing to collect the tribute, out of which it umst in ju.sticc 
 to Pericles be admitted, a large sum had been laid by, amounting, 
 when the Peloponncsian war broke out, to GOOO talents. But 
 that there was no longer nuich danger to be apprehended from 
 the Persians is shown by sub-^efjuent events ; and though it is 
 true that Pericles saved a large sum, yet he had spent much in 
 decorating Athens ; and the sur])lus was ultimately applied, not 
 for the purposes of the league, but in defending Athens from 
 enemies which her aggressive policy had provoked. 
 
 But the tribute was not the only grievance of w!iich tlie allies 
 had to complain. Of all the mcinbers of the C mfederacy of 
 Delos, the islands of Chios, Samos, and Lesbos -were the only 
 states which now field the footing of independent a Hies : that is, 
 they alone were allowed to retain their ships and fortifications, 
 and were only called upon to furnish military aad naval aid 
 when required. The other members of the league, some of them 
 indeed with their own consent, had been deprived of their navy 
 and reduced to the condition of tributaries. The deliberative 
 synod for discussing and conducting the affairs of the league 
 had been discontinued, probably from the time when the trea- 
 sury was removed from Delos to Athens ; whilst the Helleno- 
 tamia; had beeji converted into a board consisting solely of 
 Athenians. Notwithstanding, therefore, the seeming independ- 
 ence of the three islands just mentioned, the Athenians Avere in 
 fact the sole arbiters of the aiiiiirs of the league, and the sole 
 administrators of the fund. Another gi'ievance was the trans- 
 ference to Athens of all lawsuits, at least of all public suits ; for 
 on this subject we are unable to draw the line distinctly. In 
 criminal cases, at all events, the allies seem to have been 
 deprived of the power to inflict capital punishment. It can 
 scarcely be doubted that even private suits in which an Athe- 
 nian was concerned were relerrcd to Athens. In some cases, it 
 is true, the allies may have derived benefit from a trial before 
 the Athenian people, as the dicasteries were then constituted ; 
 but on the whole, the practice can only be regarded as a means 
 and a badge of their subjection. Besides all these causes of 
 complaint, the allies had often to endure the oppressions and
 
 B.C. 440. EEDUCTION OF SAMOS. 271 
 
 exactions of Athenian officers Loth mihtary and naval, as 
 well as of the rich and powerful Athenian citizens settled among 
 them. 
 
 Many of these abuses had no doubt arisen before the time of 
 Pericles ; but the excuse for them had at all events ceased to 
 exist with the death of Cimon and the extinction of the Persian 
 war. To expect that the Athenians should have voluntarily 
 relinquished the advantages derived from them might be to de- 
 mand too much of human nature, especially as society was then 
 constituted ; and the Athenians perhaps, on the whole, did not 
 abuse their power to a greater extent than many other nations 
 both in ancient and modern times. With this argument for 
 their exculpation we must rest content ; for it is the only 
 one. They were neither better nor worse than other people. 
 The allurement, it must be confessed, was a splendid one. By 
 means of the league Athens had become the mistress of many 
 scattered cities, formerly her equals ; and the term of desfot over 
 them was applied to her not only by her enemies, but adopted 
 in her overweening confidence and pride by herself. 
 
 § 6. The principal event in the external history of Athens 
 during the period comprised in the present' chapter was the 
 subjugation of the island of Samos, the most important of 
 the three islands which still retained their independence. In 
 B.C. 440, the Milesians, who had been defeated by the Samians 
 in a war respecting the possession of Priene, lodged a formal 
 complaint in Athens against the Samians ; and it was seconded 
 by a party in Samos itself, who were adverse to the oligar- 
 chical form of government established there. As the Sa- 
 mians refused to submit to the arbitration of the Athenians, 
 the latter resolved to reduce them to obedience by force ; and 
 for that purpose despatched an annam^^nt of forty ships to 
 Samos, under the command of Pericles, who established a demo- 
 cratical form of government in the island, and carried away 
 hostages belonging to the first Samian families, whom he de- 
 posited in the isle of Lemnos. But no sooner had Pericles 
 departed than some of the oligarchical party, supported by 
 Pissuthnes, satrap of Sardis, passed over in the night time to 
 Samos, overpowered the small Athenian garrison which had been 
 left by Pericles, and abolished the democracy. They then pro- 
 ceeded to Lemnos, and having regained possession of the hos- 
 tages, proclaimed an open revolt against Athens, in which they 
 wei'e joined by Byzantium. 
 
 "When these tidings reached Athens a fleet of sixty trireme? 
 immediately sailed for Samos. Pericles was again one of the ten 
 strategi or generals in command of the expedition, and among his
 
 272 inSTol;^ <>l' (air.rXT. CnAr. XXIV. 
 
 (•(i1lc;i;;u('s wa« Snphoclcs, llu; traffic ]»f)ct. A ftor several erifrage- 
 iiiciils hetwecn IIk; hostile fleets, llie Sarriiaiis were ohlifred to 
 al)aii(l()ii the 8ea and lake relii^'e in tlu-ir eily, wliieh, after en- 
 duriiiff a nieffc ol iiiiie months, was lltreod to <rapitulate. 
 
 Tile Saiiiiaus were coiii])elled to ra/e their lorlilications, to 
 Burreiider their lleet, to give hostages lor their future conduct, 
 and to pay the expenses of the war, amounting to 1000 talents. 
 The Byzantines suhrnitied at the same time. During these 
 operations, it was a jtoinl disputed among the states opjK>sed to 
 Athens whether the Samians should be assisted in their revolt; 
 a question decided in the negative, chiefly through the influence 
 of the Corinthians, who maiiitaineil the right of every confe- 
 deracy to punish its refractory members. 
 
 The triumphs and the power of Athens were no doubt 
 regarded with fear and jealousy by her rivals ; but the conquest 
 of iSamos was not followed by any open manifestation of hos- 
 tility. A general impression however prevailed that sooner 
 or later a war must ensue ; but men looked forwards to it 
 with fear and trembling from a conviction of the internecine 
 character which it iimst necessarily assume. It was a hollow 
 peace, which the ^nost trifling events might disturb. The train 
 was already laid ; and an apparently unimportant event, which 
 occurred in B.C. 435 in a remote corner of Greece, kindled the 
 sparic which was to produce the conflagration. This was the 
 quarrel between Oorinth and Corcyra, which will be detailed in 
 the following chapter. 
 
 •susi; of the poet Sophoclsc.
 
 The Propylsa of the Acropolis. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 § 1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. § 2. Corcyrean embassy 
 to Athens. Decision of the Athenians. § 3. They send a fleet to 
 Corcyra. Naval engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. § 4. Re- 
 volt of Potidaja. § 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian allies at Sparta. 
 The Spartans decide for war. § 6. Second congress. The allies re- 
 solve upon war. § 7. The Lacedaemonians require the Athenians to 
 expel Pericles. § 8. Attacks upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. 
 Imprisonment and death of Phidias. § 9. Further i-equisitions of the 
 Lacedsemoiiians. Rejected by the Athenians. § 10. The Thebans 
 surprise Plataia. § 11. The Athenians prepare for war. Portents. 
 § I'i. Forces of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. § 13. The Pelo- 
 ponnesian army assembles at the isthmus of Corinth. 
 
 ^ 1. On the coast of lUyria, near the site of the modern Du- 
 razzo, the Corcyrjeans had founded the city of Epidamnus. Cor- 
 cyra (now Corfu) was itself a colony of Corinth ; and, though 
 long at enmity with its mother country, was forced, according to 
 the time-hallowed custom of the Greeks in such matters, to 
 select the founder or occist of Epidamnus from the Corinthians. 
 Accordingly Corinth became the metropolis of Epidamnus also. 
 At the time of which we speak, the Epidamuians were hard 
 pressed by the lUyrians, led by some oligarchical exiles of their 
 own city, whom they had expelled in consequence of a domestic 
 sedition. In their distress they applied to Corcyra for assist- 
 
 N*
 
 274 llIS'njRV OF (]IU:i:CE. Chap. XXV. 
 
 aiicu ; wliicli llio Corcyra^an.s, bciiif^ priiir-ipally connected with 
 llii! Kpiilainiiiau olifraichy, refused. Tlie Jijndainnians, after con- 
 .sidtiiiff tlie oracle ol Del])lii, then t-ouglit ludp from the Corin- 
 thiaii.s, who undertook to as.sist thcni, and organized an exjM;di- 
 tion for that purpose, con.si.st:ng])artly of new settlers, and partly 
 of a military force. The Corcyneans highly resented thi.H inter- 
 ference, proceeded to restore the J']pidarnnian oligarch.s, and with 
 a fleet of 40 ships blockaded the town and its new Corinthian 
 garrison. Hereii))i)n the Uorinthians fitted out a still stronger 
 expedition, for which they collected both sliips and money from 
 their allies. The Corcyra^ans, having made a fruitless attempt 
 to persuade the Corinthians to refer the matter to arbitration, 
 ])repared to meet the hlow. Their ilect, the best in Greece after 
 that of Athens, comi)letely defeated the Corintluans ofT Cape 
 Actium ; and on the same day Epidamnus surrendered to their 
 blockading squadron (d.c. 435). 
 
 ^ 2. Deeply humbled by this defeat, the Corinthians spent tlie 
 two following years in active preparations for retrieving it. 
 They got ready 90 well-manned ship.s of their own ; and by active 
 exertions among their allies, they were in a condition, in the 
 third year after their disgrace, to put to sea with a fleet of 150 
 sail. The Corcyra;ans, who had not enrolled themselves either 
 in the Lacedsemonian or Athenian alliance, and therefore stood 
 alone, were greatly alarmed at these preparations. They now 
 resolved to remedy this dellciency ; and as Corinth belonged to 
 the LacedEemonian alliance, the Corcyra^ans had no option, and 
 were obliged to apply to Athens. Ambassadors were accord- 
 ingly despatched to that city, who, being introduced into the 
 assembly, endeavoured to set in a striking light the great acces- 
 sion of naval power which the Athenians would derive from an 
 alliance with the Corcyra?ans. The Corintliians, who had also 
 sent an embassy to Athens, replied to the arguments of the 
 Corcyrajan envoys, appealing to the terms of the Thirty Years' 
 Truce, and reminding the Athenians that it was through the 
 representations of the Corinthians that the Peloponnesian allies 
 had not assisted the Samians in their late revolt. The opinions 
 of the Atheiriau assembly were much divided on the subject ; 
 but the views of Pericles and other speakers at length pre- 
 vailed. They urged that whatever course might now be taken, 
 war could not ultimately be avoided ; and that therefore the 
 more prudent course was to avail themselves of the increase 
 of strength olFered by the Corcyra'an alliance, rather than to be 
 at last driven to undertake the war at a comparative disadvantage. 
 To avoid, however, an open infringement of the Thirty Years' 
 Truce, a middle course was adopted. It was resolved to con-
 
 B.C. 433. CORINTH AND CORCYRA. 275 
 
 elude only a defensive alliance with Corcyra ; that is, to defend 
 the Corcyrseans in case their territories were actually invaded by 
 the Corinthians, but beyond that not to lend them any active 
 assistance. 
 
 § 3 . By entering upon this merely defensive alliance the Athe- 
 nians also hoped to stand aloof and see the Corinthian and Cor- 
 cyreean fleets mutually destroy one another ; and it was probably 
 in accordance with this policy that only a small squadron of 
 ten triremes, under the command of Laccdsemonius the son of 
 Cimon, was despatched to the assistance of the Corcyra?ans. 
 The Corinthian lleet of 150 sail took up its station at Cape Chei- 
 merium on the coast of Epirus ; where the Corinthians establish- 
 ed a naval camp, and summoned to their assistance the friendly 
 Epirot tribes. The Corcyra3an fleet of 110 sail, together with 
 the 10 Athenian ships, were stationed at one of the adjoining 
 islands called Sybota. A battle speedi-ly ensued, which tor the 
 number of ships engaged, was the greatest yet fought betAveen 
 fleets entirely Grecian. Neither side, however, had yet adopted 
 the Athenian tactics. They had no conception of that mode of 
 attack in which the ship itself, by the method of handling it, 
 became a more important instrument than the crew by which 
 it was manned. Their only idea of a naval engagement was to 
 lay the ships alongside one another, and to leave the hoplites on 
 deck to decide the combat after the fashion of a land fight. At 
 first Lacedffimonius, in accordance with his instructions, took no 
 part in the battle, though he allorded all the assistance he could 
 to the Corcyrajans by manoeuvring as if he were preparing to 
 engage. After a hard fought day, victory finally declared in 
 favour of the Corinthians. The Athenians now abandoned their 
 neutrality, and did all in their power to save the flying Corcy- 
 rseans from their pursuers. This action took place early in the 
 morning ; and the Corinthians, after returning to the spot where 
 it had been fought in order to pick up their own dead and 
 wounded, prepared to renew the attack in the afternoon, and to 
 effect a landing at Corcyra. The Corcyrseans made the best 
 preparations they could to receive them, and the Athenians, 
 who were now within the strict letter of their instructions, de- 
 termined to give their new allies all the assistance in theiv 
 power. The war psean had been sounded, and the Corinthian 
 line was in full advance, when suddenly it tacked and stood away 
 to the coast of Epirus. This unexpected retreat was caused by 
 the appearance of 20 Athenian vessels in the distance, which the 
 Corinthians believed to be the advanced guard of a still larger 
 fleet. But though this was not the case, the succour proved 
 sufficient to deter the Corinthians from any further hostihties.
 
 ro HISTORY r)F fSREECE Ciiap. XXV. 
 
 Dr.'iwiiifr up th<'ir ships iiUm<f tin; cofiHt of Itipirus, lliey Hcrit a 
 lew men ill a Kinnll boat to remonstrate with the Atlienians for 
 haviii^f viohited tiie truce ; and lindinj,' from the parley that the 
 Athenians (Hd not mean to nnd(;rtak(! oliijusive operations against 
 tliem, thi-y sailed homewards with their whole lleet, after erect- 
 in<r a tr(i|)!iy at Syhota. On reaehiu'^ Corinth 800 of their pri- 
 soners were sold as slaves ; hut the remainini( 2o0, many of whom 
 belonj^ed to the first families in (Joroyra, though detained in 
 custody were treated with peculiar kindness, in the liope that 
 they would eventually cstahli>h in that island a ])arty favourable 
 to (Joriuth. These events took place in the year v.c. 432. 
 
 ^ 1. The Corinthians were naturally incensed at the conduct 
 of Athens, and it is not surprising,' that they should have watched 
 for an opportunity of revenge. This was soon aflbrded them by 
 the enmity of the Macedonian prince Perdiccas towards the 
 Athenians. Oflended with the Athenians for having received 
 into their alliance his two brothers Philip and Derdas, with whom 
 he was at open variance, Perdiccas exerted all his ellbrts to injure 
 Athens. He incited her tributaries among the Chalcidians and 
 Botticcans to revolt, including Potidica, a town seated on the 
 isthmus of Palleue. Potidasa, though now a tributary of Athens, 
 was originally a colony of the Corinthians, towards whom it still 
 owed a sort of metropolitan allegiance, and received from them 
 certain aiuiual magistrates called Epideniiurgi. Aware of the 
 hostile feeling entertained at Corinth against the Athenians, 
 Perdiccas not only sent envoys to that city to concert measures 
 for a revolt of Potidiea, but also to Sparta to induce the Pclopon- 
 nesian league to declare war against Athens. 
 
 The Athenians were not ignorant of these proceedings. They 
 were about to despatch an armament to the Thermaic gulf, de- 
 signed to act against Perdiccas ; and they now directed the com- 
 mander of this armament to require the Potidsans to level their 
 walls on the side of the town towards the sea, to dismiss theii 
 Corinthian magistrates, and to give hostages, as a pledge of theu 
 future fidelity. Thereupon the Potidsans openly raised the 
 standard of revolt, in the summer apparently of b.c. 432. In- 
 stead of immediately blockading Potidaja the Athenian fleet 
 Avasted six weeks in the siege of Tlierma, during which interval 
 the Corinthians were enabled to throw a reinlbrcement of 2000 
 troops into Potidjea. Thereupon a second armament was de- 
 spatched from Athens, and joined the former one, which was 
 now engaged in the siege of Pydna on the Macedoniau coast. But 
 as the town promised to hold out for some time, and as the 
 necessity for attacking Potida^a seemed pressing, an accommo- 
 dation was patched up with Perdiccas, and the whole Athenian
 
 B.C. 432. MEETING OF THE PELOPONNESIAN ALLIES. 277 
 
 force marched overland against Potidsea. Aristeus, the Corinthian 
 general, was waiting to receive them near Olynthus, and a battle 
 ensued in which the Athenians were victorious. The Corinthians 
 ultimately succeeded in eHecting their retreat to Potidaja ; and 
 the Athenians, after receiving a further reinforcement, com- 
 pletely blockaded the town both by sea and land. 
 
 ^ 5. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, urged on all sides by the 
 complaints of their allies, summoned a general meeting of the 
 Peloponuesian confederacy at Sparta. Besides the Corinthians 
 other members of it had heavy grievances to allege against 
 Athens. Foremost among these were the Megarians, who com- 
 plained that their commerce had been ruined by a recent decree 
 of the Athenians, which excluded them from every port within 
 the Athenian jurisdiction. The pretexts fortius severe measure 
 were that the Megarians had harboured runaway Athenian 
 slaves, and had cultivated pieces of unappropriated and conse- 
 crated land upon the borders. These reasons seem frivolous ; 
 and the real cause of the decree must no doubt be ascribed to 
 the hatred which the Athenians entertained towards Megara, 
 since her revolt from them fourteen years befoi'e. iEgina was 
 another, though not an open, accuser. No deputy from that 
 island actually appeared at the congress ; but the vEginetans 
 loudly complained through the mouths of others, that Athens 
 withheld from them the independence to which they were entitled. 
 
 Tha assembly having been convened, the deputies from the 
 various allied cities addressed it in turn, the Corinthian envoy 
 reserving him53lf for the last. He depicted in glowing language 
 the ambition, the enterprise, and the perseverance of Athens, 
 which he contrasted with the over-cautious and inactive policy 
 of Sparta. Addressing himself to the Spartans, he exclaimed : 
 " Tiie Athenians are naturally innovators, prompt both in de- 
 cidirig and in acting : whilst you only think of keeping what 
 you have got, and do even less than what positive necessity re- 
 quires. Tkeij are bold beyond their means, venturesome beyond 
 their judgment, sanguine even in desperate reverses ; you do 
 even less than you are able to perform, distrust your own con- 
 clusions, and when in difficulties fall into utter despair. They 
 never hang back ; ipu never advance ; thaj love to serve abroad, 
 you seem chained at home ; t}iey believe that every new movement 
 will procure them fresh advantage ; you fancy that every new 
 step will endanger what you already possess." And after telling 
 them some more home-truths, he concluded with a threat that if 
 they still delayed to perform their duty towards their confede- 
 rates, the Corinthians would forthwith seek some other alliance. 
 
 An Athenian ambassador, charged with some other busuiess.
 
 278 IIISTOIIV OF (JRKKCM Ciui-. XXV 
 
 was tlicii residiii^f at Sparla ; ami when the Corinthian envoy 
 had cuiicluduil his a<klrc':«», he rose to ri-jily to it. After dc- 
 iiyiii^ tho riffht of Sparta to interfere in a (h-spute between 
 Corinth and Athens, he entered into a f^'cneral vindication of the 
 Athenian jtuUcy. lie contended tiiat empire had not lx;en 
 S()U<,'ht hy Atiiens, but thrust upon her, and that she could not 
 abdicate it witliout endangerin^f iier very existence. He alluded 
 to the eminent services rendered by Atiiens to all Greece during 
 the Per.-.ian war ; maintained tiiat lier empire was tlie natural 
 re.'-uit of tliat conjuncture, and denied tiiat it had been exercised 
 witii more severity tlian was necessary, or tiian would iiave been 
 used ijy any otlier Grecian power, including,' Sparta herself He 
 concluded by caliint^ upon tlie Lacedtemonians to pau.sc before 
 takini; a step wliicli would be irretrievable, and to compose all 
 present dillerences by an amicable arbitration; declaring that, 
 should Sparta begin the war, Atiiens was prepared to resist her, 
 as he now called those gods to witness who had been invoked to 
 sanctify the truce. 
 
 After these speeches had been delivered, all strangers, in- 
 cluding the Pcloponnesian allies, were ordered to withdraw from 
 the assembly, and the Laceda;moiiians then proceeded to de- 
 cide among themselves the question of peace or war. In this 
 debate the Spartan king Archidamus spoke strongly in favour of 
 peace ; but the ephor Slhenelaidas, w^ho presided upon this occa- 
 sion in the assembly, called upon his countrymen in a short and 
 vigorous speech to declare immediate war against Athens. The 
 Spartan assembly was accustomed to vote by acclamation, and, 
 on the question being put, the vote for war decidedly predomi- 
 nated. But in order to remove all doubts upon so important a 
 subject, Stheuelaidas, contrary to the usual practice, ordered 
 the assembly to divide, when a vast majority declared themselves 
 for war. 
 
 § 6. Before their resolution was publicly announced, the Lace- 
 daemonians, with characteristic caution, sent to consult the oracle 
 of Delphi upon the subject. The god having promised them 
 his aid, and assured them of success, provided they exerted 
 themselves to obtain it, another congress of the allies was sum- 
 moned at Sparta. In this, as in the former one, the Corinthians 
 took the most prominent part in the debate. The majority of 
 the congress decided for war, thus binding the whole Pelopomie- 
 sian confederacy to the same policy. This important resolution 
 was adopted towards the close of b.c 432, or early in the fol- 
 lowing year. 
 
 ^ 7. Previously to an open declaration of war, the Lacedaemo- 
 nians sent several requisitions to Athens, intended apparently to
 
 B.C. 432. ATTACKS UPOX PERICLES. 279 
 
 justify the step they were about to take against her, in caee she 
 refused to comply with their demands. The first of these requi- 
 sitions seems to have been a pohtical manoeuvre, aimed against 
 Pericles, their most constant and poweriul enemy iu the Athe- 
 nian assembly. Pericles, as we have said, belonged to the Alc- 
 magonidsB ; a family regarded as having incurred an inexpiable 
 taint through the sacrilege committed nearly two centiuies 
 before by their ancestor Megacles, in causing the adherents of 
 Cylon to be slaughtered at the altar of the Eumenides, whither 
 they had fled for refuge.* The Lacedaemonians, in now demand- 
 ing that Athens should be delivered from this " abomination," 
 hardly expected that she would consent to the bainshment of 
 her great statesman ; but they at all events gave his opponents 
 in the assembly an opportunity to declaim against him, and to 
 fix upon him the odium of being, in part at least, the cause of 
 the impending war. 
 
 ^ 8. For Pericles, despite his influence and power, had still 
 many bitter and active enemies, who not long before had indi- 
 rectly assailed him through his private connections, and even 
 endeavoured to wound his honour by a charge of peculation. 
 His mistress Aspasia belonged to that class of women whom the 
 Greeks called hctarce, literally " female companions," or as we 
 should designate them, courtezans. Many of these women were 
 distinguished not only for their beauty, but also for their wit 
 and accomplishments, and in this respect formed a striking con- 
 trast to the generality of Athenian ladies ; who, being destined 
 to a life of privacy and seclusion, did not receive the benefit 
 of much mental culture. Pericles, after divorcing a wife with 
 whom he had lived unhappily, took Aspasia to his house, and 
 dwelt with her till his death on terms of the greatest afiection. 
 Their intimacy with Anaxagoras, the celebrated Ionic philoso- 
 pher, was made a handle for wounding Pericles in his tenderest 
 relations. Paganism, notwithstanding its licence, w^as, with sur- 
 prising inconsistency, capable of producing bigots ; and even at 
 Athens the man who ventured to dispute the existence of a 
 hundred gcds with morals and passions Somewhat worse than 
 those of ordinary human nature, did so at the risk of his life. 
 Anaxagoras was indicted for impiety. Aspasia was included in 
 the same charge, and dragged before the dicastery by the comic 
 poet Hermippus. Anaxagoras prudently fled from Athens, and 
 thus probably avoided a fate which in consequence of a similar 
 accusation afterwards overtook Socrates. Pericles himself pleaded 
 the cause of Aspasia. He Avas indeed indirectly implicated in 
 the indictment ; but he felt no concern except for his beloved 
 * See above, p. 93
 
 280 IIISTORV OF CllVATll Chap. XXV. 
 
 As|t;isi;i, ;iii(l on llii.s (K-iN'i.sioii iho cold and .somcwliut liaii<,'hty 
 statesman, whom the most violent Htorms of llie a«.sembly could 
 not deprive of liirt Heli-po.s.scs.sion, was for once Been to weep. 
 I lis appi-al to tin; dieastery was Bucccrisful, but another trial Hlill 
 awaited him. An indictment wa.s jncferred a<,'ain.st his friend 
 the preat sculptor Phidia.s, flir emhezzlement of the gold in- 
 temlcd to adorn the celebrated ivory statue of Athena ; and 
 according; to some, Pericle.-i liimself was included in the charge 
 of jx'culation. Whether Pericles was ever actually tried on 
 this accusation is uncertain ; but at all events if lie was, there 
 can be no doubt that he was honourably acquitted. The gold 
 employed in the statue had been fixed in guch a manner that it 
 could be detached and weiffhed, and Pericles challenged his ac- 
 cusers to the proof But Phidias did not escape so fortunately. 
 There were other circumstances which rendered him unpopular, 
 and amongst them the fact that he had introduced portraits 
 both of himself and Pericles in the sculptures which adorned the 
 frieze of the Parthenon. Phidias died in prison before the day 
 of trial ; and some even whispered that he had been poisoned by 
 the enemies of Pericles, in order to increase the suspicions which 
 attached to the latter. Another report, equally absurd and im- 
 founded, was that Pericles, in order to avoid the impending 
 accusation, kindled the Pcloponnesian war. 
 
 But although these proceedings proved that Pericles had many 
 bitter enemies at Athens, still the majority of the Athenians 
 were in his favour, and were not prepared to sacrifice him on 
 account of the absurd and obsolete charge which the Lacedaj- 
 monians now thought fit to bring against him. They retorted 
 that the Spartans themselves had some accounts to settle on the 
 score of sacrilege, and required them to clear themselves from 
 having violated the sanctuary of Poseidon at Cape Tajnarus by 
 dragging away and slaying the Helots who had taken refuge 
 there, as well as from their impiety in starving to death the 
 regent Pausanias in the temple of Athena Chalcioecus. 
 
 ^ 9. Having failed in this requisition the LacedBemoiiians 
 brought forward others more pertinent to the matter in hand. 
 They demanded that the Athenians should withdraw their 
 troops from Potidaja, restore the independence of ^Egina, and 
 repeal their decree against the Megarians. On the last of these 
 demands they laid particular stress, and intimated that war 
 might be avoided by a compliance with it. But this was rejected 
 as well as the others. The Lacedaemonians then sent their ulti- 
 matum. They declared that they Avished for peace, and that it 
 would not be interrupted if the Athenians consented to recognise 
 tlie independence of the other Grecian states.
 
 B.C. 431. THE THEBANS SURPRISE PLAT^EA. 281 
 
 This last requisition, so diflerent from, and so much more 
 general than the preceding demands, showed clearly enough that 
 the Laceda;monians were resolved upon war. The character of 
 this requisition seems to indicate that it had been adopted as a 
 sort of manifesto in order to enlist the sympathy of all Greece in 
 favour of the Peloponnesian league, which now professed to 
 stand forwards as the champion of its liberties. That this was 
 the view taken of it by the Athenian assembly may be inferred 
 from the debate .that ensued, in which the principal topic was 
 the Megarian decree, and the possibility of still avoiding a war 
 by its repeal. On this point a warm discussion took place. A 
 majority of the assembly seemed still inclined for peace. IJut 
 Pericles, in a speech of surpassing eloquence and power, again 
 contended that no concessions could ultimately avert a war, and 
 after passing in review the comparative forces of Athens and her 
 opponents, concluded by persuading the Athenians to return for 
 answer that they were reauy to give satisfaction respecting any 
 matter which properly concerned the Thirty Years' Truue, and 
 that they would ibrbear from commencing hostilities ; bxit that 
 at the same time they were prepared to repel force by force. 
 This answer was accordingly adopted, though not without much 
 reluctance, and communicated to the Spartan envoys. 
 
 ^10. Before any actual declaration of war, and wiiilst both 
 parties stood in suspense, hostilities were begun in the sjiring of 
 B.C. 431 by a treacherous attack of the Thebans upoii Plat/ca. 
 Though Boeotians by descent, the Platwans did not belong to 
 the Boeotian league ; but, as we have seen, had long been in alli- 
 ance with the Athenians, and enjoyed in some degree a commu- 
 nion of their civil rights. Hence they were regarded with hatred 
 and jealousy by the Thebans, which sentiments were also shared 
 by a small oligarchical faction in Plataea itself. The state of 
 affairs in Greece seemed favourable for striking a .secret and 
 unexpected blow. Nauclides, the head of the oligarchical faction 
 at Plataja, entered into a correspondence with the Thebans, and 
 it was agreed to surprise the town at a time when the citizens 
 were oil" their guard. During a religious festival and in a rainy 
 night, a body of more than 300 Thebans presented themselves 
 before one of the gates of Platoea, and were admitted by Nau- 
 clides and his partisans. The latter wished to conduct the 
 Thebans at once to the houses of their chief political opponents, 
 in order that they might be secured or made away with. The 
 Thebans, hovi^ever, hesitated to commit so gross a piece of vio- 
 lence. They expected to be reinforced next day by the larger 
 part of the Theban army, when they shoidd be able to dictate 
 their own tenns without havui": recourse to the invidious act
 
 282 IIISTOIIY OF GREECE. Chap. XXV. 
 
 wliicli liad been proixiscd lo llicm. They arcovdingly took up 
 a position in llio ajfora, or iiiarkid-placc, and directed tlieir 
 licrald to suniiiion all llic inliahitanls wlujse political viewH coin- 
 cided with tlicir own, to (•(-iiic and join tlieir ranks. The firnt 
 icc'iinj,' oi the I'latajans was one ot Hurpri.-o and alairn on Ijeiiif^ 
 roused iVom their nleep with the astoundiuff intelligence that 
 their ancient encinies were in possession ot their town. But 
 when the small nundier of the Thebans Lcfran to be ascertained, 
 they took heart, established c(.ninuniicati<.n.s with one another 
 by breaking through the walls ol' their liou.ses, and having barri- 
 caded the streets with Maggons, fL-11 upon the enemy a little 
 before daybreak. The Thebans icjimcd in close order, and de- 
 fended themselves as well as they could. But they were ex- 
 hausted by tlieir midnight march through a soaking rain ; they 
 were iniacquaiuted with the narrow crooked streets ol" the town, 
 now choked with mud and ob.structed by barricades ; whilst tlic 
 women luirling the tiles from the housetops with loud yells and 
 execrations, completed their confusion and dismay. A verj' few 
 succeeded in escaping over the walls. The great majority, mis- 
 taking the folding-doors of a large granarj' for the city gates, 
 rushed in and were made prisoners. The march of the rein- 
 forcement had been delayed by the rain, which had rendered the 
 river Asopiis scarcely fordable ; and when they at last arrived 
 they found all tlieir coiuitrjiiien either slain or captured. 
 
 The Thebans without the walls now proceeded to lay hands on 
 all the persons and property they could find, as pledges lor the 
 restoration of the prisoners. Hereupon the PlatEeans despatched 
 a herald to remonstrate against this flagrant breach of the exist- 
 ing peace, promismg at the same time that if they retired the 
 prisoners should be given up, but if not, tliat they would be im- 
 mediately put to death. The Thebans withdrew on this under- 
 standing. But no sooner were they gone than the Platseans, 
 instead of observmg the conditions, removed all their moveable 
 property from the comitry into the toMii, and then massacred 
 all the prisoners to the number of 180. 
 
 ^ 11. At the first entrance of the Thebans into Plata^a a mes- 
 senger had been despatched to Athens with the news, and a 
 second one after their capture. The xVthenians immediately sent 
 a herald to enjoin the Plata^ans to take no steps without their 
 concurrence ; hut he arrived too late, and the prisoners were 
 already slain. So striking an incident as this attempt on the 
 part of tlie Thebans coidd not fail to produce an immediate war, 
 and the Athenians concerted their measures accordingly. They 
 immediately issued orders for seizing all Boeotians who might 
 happen to be in Attica, placed an Atheniaii garrison in Plata?a,
 
 B.C. 431. FORCES OF SPARTA AKD ATHENS. 285 
 
 and removed thence all the -women and other inhabitants inca- 
 pable of taking a part in its defence. "War was now fairly kuidled. 
 All Greece looked on in suspense as its two leading cities were 
 about to engage in a strife of Avhicli no man could foresee the 
 end ; but the youth, with which both Athens and Peloponnesus 
 then abounded, having had no experience of the bitter calamities 
 of war, rushed into it with ardour. Every city, nay, almost 
 every individual, seemed desirous of taking a part in it ; most of 
 them, however, from a feeling of liatred against Athens, and with 
 a desire either of avoiding or of being relieved from her yoke. 
 The predictions of soothsayers and oracles were heard on all 
 sides, whilst natural portents were eagerly inquired after and in- 
 terpreted. A recent earthquake in Delos, which had never 
 before experienced such a calamity, seemed to foreshadow the 
 approaching struggle, and to form a fitting introduction to a 
 period which was to be marked not only by the usual horrors of 
 war, but by the calamities of earthquakes, drought, famine, and 
 pestilence. 
 
 M2. The nature of the preparations and the amount of forces 
 on both sides were well calculated to excite these ajiprehensions. 
 On the side of Sparta was ranged the whole of Peloponnesus — 
 except Argos and Achaia, — together with the Megarians, Boeo- 
 tians, Phocians, Opuntian Locrians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and 
 Anactorians. The force collected from these tribes consisted 
 chielly of hoplites, or heavy-armed foot-soldiers ; but Bceotia, 
 Phocis, and Locris also supplied some excellent cavalry. A good 
 navy was the great deficiency on the side of the Peloponnesians, 
 though Corinth and several other cities furnished ships. Yet 
 with the assistance of the Dorian cities in Italy and Sicily, they 
 hoped to collect a fleet of 500 triremes ; and they even designed 
 to apply to the Persian king, and thus bring a Pha'nician fleet 
 again to act against Athens. 
 
 The allies of Athens, with the exception of the Thessalians, 
 Acarnanians, Messenians at Naupactus, and Platseans, were all 
 insular, and consisted of the Chians, Lesbians, CorcyrEeans, and 
 Zacynthians, and shortly afterwards of the Cephallenians. To 
 these must be added her tributary towns on the coast of Thrace 
 and Asia Minor, together with all the islands north of Crete, 
 except Melos and Thera. The resources at Athens iminediately 
 available were very great. They consisted of 300 triremes ready 
 for active service, 1200 cavalry, IGOO bowmen, and 29,000 hop- 
 lites, for the most part Athenian citizens. Of these, 13,000 
 formed the flower of the army, M'hilst the rest Avere employed in 
 garrison duty in Athens and the ports, and in the defence of the 
 long walls. In the treasury of the Acropolis was the large sum
 
 284 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXV. 
 
 of GOOO talents, or about 1,400,000/. stcrlinpr, in coined nilvcr. 
 This reserve had at one time aniounled to '.J? (JO talents, but bar! 
 been reduced to the sum staled by the architectural irnjirove- 
 iiieuls in Athens, and by tiie sie^'e of Potida-a. The plate and 
 votive olii'rin^'s in the temples, available in ca^e of urfrent need, 
 were estiiiialed at nearly 1000 talents oi" silver. Jiesides thege 
 resources, Athens bad al.^o the annual tributt; of her subjects. 
 
 ^ 13. Such were the (orces of the two contendinp cities. Irn- 
 rnedialely after the atternjtted surprise of I'lata'a, the Laceda;- 
 inonians i.ssued orders to their allies to send two-thirds of their 
 disposable trooj)s at once to the i.sthmus of Corinth, where they 
 were to assendde by a day named, for the purjjo.'-e of invading 
 Attica. At the ajjpoinled time, the Spartan king Arehidamus, 
 the commander-in-chief of the expedition, reviewed the assem- 
 bled host, and addressed a few words of advice and exhortation 
 to the principal ollicers. Arehidamus still cherished hopes that 
 the Athenians woidd yield, when they saw the hostile army 
 ready to enter Attica, and accordiufrly he sent forwards Mele- 
 sippus to announce the impending invasion. But, at the instance 
 of Pericles, the assembly had adopted a resolution to receive 
 neither envoy nor herald ; and Melesippus was escorted back 
 without having been permitted to enter the city. As he parted 
 from his escort at the Attic border, he could not help exclaim- 
 ing — " This day will be the beginning of many calamities to the 
 Greeks." 
 
 90YICYAIAHC I 
 Bust of the historian Tbucyiiidca
 
 The Parthenon. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAS. 
 
 TO THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF PLAT-EA. 
 
 § 1. Tho Peloponnesians invade Attica. § 2. Athenian naval expedi- 
 tions to Peloponnesus and Locris. § 3. The Athenians invade the 
 Megarid- § 4. Second invasion of Attica. Plague at Athens. § 5. 
 Unpopularity of Pericles. He is accused of malversation. § 6. His 
 domestic noisfortunes. Death. Character. § 7. The Lacedjemo- 
 nians ravage Attica. Their naval operations. § 8. Surrender of 
 Potidaea. §9. The Lacedemonians besiege Plata^a. §10. Part of 
 the garrison escape. §11- Surrender of the town. Trial and exe- 
 cution of the garrison. 
 
 ^ 1. Archidamus had entered upon tlie war with reluctance, and 
 he now prosecuted it without vigour. He still clung to the 
 idea that the Athenians would ultimately incline to peace, and 
 he did all he could to promote so desirable a result. The enor- 
 mous force Avhich he was leading against them was, indeed, well 
 calculated to test their firmness. It consisted, according to the 
 lowest estimate, of 60,000 men, whilst some writers raise the 
 number to 100,000 ; and the greater part of them were animated 
 with a bitter hatred of Athens, and with a lively desire of revenge. 
 Archidamus having lingered as long as he could at the isthmus, 
 marched slowly forwards after the I'eturn of Melesippus, and 
 taking a circuitous road, crossed the Attic border. Having 
 wasted several days in an unsuccessful attack upon the fi'ontier 
 fortress of OEnoe, and not having received, as he expected, any
 
 280 iiisr()i!,v (jF (;iti:i:<'i:. Ciiai-. xxvl 
 
 mi'ssaf^o (Voiii lli(! Atlii'iii.'iiis, lie jiroceedud louardw lilcusis and 
 (lie Tliria-siaii plain, wliure lie arrived about the middle of Juiu; 
 in n.c. 4:31. 
 
 Mcanwiiilc, Perielo.s had instiiicli-d the inhabitants of At- 
 tica to .scciiro tlu'insulves and their |)rii|)erty within tin; walLi 
 of Athens. They obeyed his injiinetions with leluetance, for 
 the Attic population liad from the earliest times been stronjrly 
 attached to a rural life. But the circuin.-tanees admitted of 
 no alternative!. From all (juarters they rnijrht be seen hurrying 
 towards tlie cajiital with their famihes and poods; whilst the 
 cattle were for the most part conveyed to Euboja, or some other 
 of the adjoinins^ islands. Athens now became inconveniently 
 crowded. Every vacant spot in the city or in Piranis, even 
 these which belonged to the temples, were occupied by the 
 encampments of the fugitives. The Acropolis, indeed, was pre- 
 served from this profane invasion; but the ground immediately 
 under it, called the Pclas^icon, which, in obedience to an an- 
 cient oracle, had hitherto been suflered to remain unoccupied, 
 was now brought into use. The towers and recesses of the 
 city Avails were converted into dwellings ; whilst huts, tents, 
 and even casks were placed under the long walls to answer the 
 same purpo.se. 
 
 Archidainus, after ravaging the fertile Thriasian plain, in 
 which he was but feebly opposed by a body of Athenian ca- 
 valry, proceeded to Achariuc, one of the largest and most flour- 
 ishing of the Attic boroughs, situated only about seven miles 
 from Athens. Here he encamped on a rising ground within 
 sight of the metropolis, and began to lay waste the country 
 around, expecting probably by that means to provoke the Athe- 
 nians to battle. But in this he was disappointed. The Athe- 
 nians, indeed, and especially the Acharniaus now Avithiu the walls, 
 who had contributed no fewer than 3000 Hoplites to the army, 
 were excited to the highest pitch of exasperation at beholding 
 their houses, their ripening crops, their fruitful vineyards and 
 orchards destroyed before their Ycxy eyes. Little groups might 
 be seen gathering together in the streets angrily discussing the 
 question of an attack, quoting oracles and prophecies which 
 assured them of success, and indignantly denouncing Pericles 
 as a traitor and a coward for not leading them out' to battle. 
 Among the leaders of these attacks npon Pericles, Cleon, the 
 future demagogue, now first rising into public notice, was con- 
 spicuous. It required all the iirmness of Pericles to stem the 
 torrent of public indignation. He had resolved not to venture 
 an engagement in the open field, and steadily refused in the pre- 
 sent excited state oi the public mind to call an assembly of the
 
 B.C. 431. INVASION OF ATTICA. 287 
 
 people, in which no doubt some desperate resolution would have 
 been adopted. In order, however, to divert in some degree the 
 popular clamour, he permitted the Athenian and Thessalian ca- 
 valry to make sallies ibr the purpose of" harassing the plundering 
 parties of the enemy and of protecting as much as possible the 
 lands adjacent to the city. 
 
 <j 2. But whilst Pericles thus abandoned the Attic territory 
 to the enemy, he was taking active measures to retahate on the 
 Peloponnesus itself the sufierings inflicted on the Athenians. For 
 this purpose an Athenian fleet of 100 triremes, strengthened by 
 50 Corcyrsean ships, as well as by some from the other allies, 
 sailed round Peloponnesus, and disembarking troops at various 
 points, caused considerable damage. This expedition penetrated 
 as far northwards as the coast of Acarnania, where the Corin- 
 thian settlement of Sollium and the town of Astacus Avere taken, 
 whilst the island of Cephallenia, which voluntarily submitted, 
 was eni'oUed among the allies of Athens. 
 
 Meanwhile a smaller fleet of thirty triremes had been de- 
 spatched to the coast of Locris, where the towns of Throniuni 
 and Alope were taken and sacked, and a naval station established 
 at the small uninhabited island of Atalanta, in order to coerce 
 the Locrian privateers who infested Eubcea. The naval oper- 
 ations of the year were concluded by the total expidsion of the 
 iEginetans from their island. The situation of ^gina rendered 
 it of the highest importance as a maritime station ; and the 
 Athenians were, moreover, incensed against the inhabitants for 
 the part they had taken in exciting the war. The whole of the 
 population was transported to the coast of Peloponnesus, where 
 the Spartans allowed them to occupy the town and district of 
 Thyrea ; and their island was j ortioned out among a body of 
 Athenian cleruchs. 
 
 § 3. Archidamus evacuatetl Attica towards the end of July, 
 by the route of Oropus and Bosotia ; after which his army was 
 disbanded. The Athenians availed themselves of his departure 
 to wreak their vengeance on the Megarians. Toward.s the end 
 of September, Pericles, at the head of 13,000 Hoplites, and a 
 large force of light-armed troops, marched into the Megarid, 
 which he ravaged up to the very gates of the city. The Athe- 
 nians repeated the same ravages once, and sometimes twice 
 every year whilst the war lasted. In the course of this year the 
 Athenians also formed an alliance with Sitalces, king of the 
 Odrysian Thracians, whose assistance promised to be of use to 
 them in reducing Potida^a and the revolted Chalcidian towns. 
 
 Such were the results of the first campaign. From the 
 method in which the war was conducted it hf^'i become pretty
 
 2K8 . HfKTOllY OK (iHEKCVl Ciup. XX VL 
 
 cviileiit that it would j)rove of loiif^ duration ; and the Atlienians 
 now ])roccedcd to provide for this contingency. It was afrreed 
 lliat a reserve linid of lUOO talents Bliould be eet apart, wliich 
 was not to bo touched in any other case than an attack ujkjh 
 Athens liy Bca. Any citizen who projjosed to make a diliernit 
 use of the fund incurred thereby the jnuii.-^hinent of death. With 
 llie same view it was resolved to re.'^erve every year 100 of their 
 best triremes, fully manned and equipped. 
 
 Towards the winter I'ericles delivered, from a lofly jijatform 
 erected in the Ceramicus, the funeral oration of tho.'^e who had 
 fallen in the war. This speech, or at all events the substance 
 of it, has been ])reserved by Thucydides, who may })o.ssibly have 
 heard it pronounced. It is a valuable monument of eloquence 
 and ])atri()tism, and particularly interesting lor the sketch which 
 it contains of Athenian manners as avcU as of the Athenian con- 
 stitution. 
 
 § 4. Another year had elapsed, and in the spring of b.c. 430 
 the Peloponnesians, under Archidamus, again invaded Attica. 
 At the same time the Athenians were attacked by a more in- 
 sidious and more formidable enemy. The plague broke out in 
 the crowded city. This terrible disorder, which was supposed 
 to have originated in iEthio])ia, had already desolated Asia and 
 many of the countries around the Mediterranean. At Athens it 
 first appeared in the Pira-us ; and the numbers of people now 
 congregated in a narrow space caused it to sj)rcad with fearful 
 rapidity. A great proportion of those who were seized perished 
 in from seven to nine days. Even in those who recovered it 
 generally left behind some dreadful and incurable distemper. It 
 frequently attacked the mental faculties, and left these who re- 
 covered i'rom it so entirely deprived of memory tliat thev could 
 neither recognise themselves nor others. The disorder being 
 new, the physicians could find no remedy in the resources of their 
 art, nor, as may be well supposed, did the charms and incantations 
 to which the superstitious resorted prove more efiectual. Despair 
 noAV began to take possession of the Athenians. Some suspected 
 that the Pelopoimcsians had poisoned ■'Jie wells ; others attributed 
 the pestilence to the anger of Apollo. A dreadful state of moral 
 dissolution followed. The sick were seized with unconquer- 
 able despondency ; whilst a great part of the population who 
 liad hitherto escaped the disorder, expecting soon to be attacked 
 in turn, abandoned themselves to all manner of excess, debauch- 
 en,', and crime. The dread of contagion produced an all per- 
 vading soUishness. Men abstained from tending and alleviating 
 the suircrings even of their nearest relatives and friends dur- 
 ing their sickness, as Avell as i'rom administerins the sacred rites
 
 p.C. 430. PLA€fUE yOF ATHENS. 289 
 
 of sepulture to their ren^aiii/ after death. These pious offices of 
 duty and friendship eitlier remained unperformed, or were left 
 to he discharged by strangers, who, havuig recovered from the 
 disease, enjoyed an immunity from its further attacks. Often 
 would a struggle arise for the possession of a funeral pile, and 
 many a body was burnt on the pile destined for another. But for 
 the most part the dead and the dying lay unheeded in the streets 
 and temples, but more particularly around the wells, whither 
 they had crowded to quench the burning and insatiable thirst 
 excited by the disorder. The very dogs died that preyed upon 
 the corpses, whilst by a peculiar instinct the vultures and other 
 birds of prey abstained from feeding on them. 
 
 The immbers carried off by the pestilence can hardly be esti- 
 mated at less than a fourth of the whole population. Such at 
 least was about the ascertained proportion among the knights 
 and hoplites forming the upper classes. The number of vic- 
 tims among the poorer part of the population was never ascer- 
 tained, but there can be no doubt that the ratio amiong these 
 was much higher. 
 
 ^ 5. Oppressed at once by war and pestilence, their lands 
 desolated, their homes filled with mourning, it is not surprising 
 that the Athenians were seized with rage and despair, or that 
 they vented their anger on Pericles, whom they deemed the 
 author of their misfortunes. But that statesman still adhered 
 to his plans with unshaken firmness. Though the Lacedaemo- 
 nians were in Attica, though the plague had already seized on 
 Athens, he was vigorously pushing his plans of ofiensive opera- 
 tions. A foreign expedition might not only divert the popular 
 mind, but would prove beneficial by relieving the crowded city 
 of part of its population ; and accordingly a fleet was fitted out, 
 of which Pericles himself took the command, and which com- 
 mitted devastations upon various parts of the Peloponnesian 
 coast. But, upon returning from this expedition, Pericles found 
 the public feeling more exasperated than before. Envoys had 
 even been despatched to Sparta to sue for peace, but had been 
 dismissed without a hearing ; a disappointment which had ren- 
 dered the populace still more furious. Pericles now found it 
 necessary to call a public assembly in order to vindicate his 
 conduct, and to encourage the desponding citizens to persevere. 
 But though he succeeded in persuading them to prosecute the 
 War with vigour, they still continued to nourish their leelings of 
 hatred against the great statesman. His political enemies, of 
 whom Cleon was the chief, took advantage of this state of the 
 public mind to bring against him a charge of peculation. The 
 main object of this accusation was to incapacitate him for the 
 

 
 2'.>(> IIIHTOKY OF OllEECH Ciur. XXVL 
 
 oliifi! of stratcpins or gcnoral. Hu wan hroiij_'lit hfforc tlic dicas- 
 Icry oil lliis chariLrc;, and KciitciH^cd lo j)ay a coiisidtTabl*.' fine ; 
 but trvciitually a stroiiff rc-actioii occiirrcrl in liiH favour. Ho 
 was ro-clcctc-d gcuural, and apjtarciitly n^jraincd all llic influence 
 lic! had ever possessed. 
 
 ^ ('). But he was not destined lon;^' tf) enjoy this return of 
 popularity. His life was now clo.«inf( in, ami its end was clouded 
 by a lony train of domestic iiiisfbrtunes. The epidemic deprived 
 him not only of many personal and political friends, but nho of 
 several near relations, amongst whom were his sister and his 
 two legitimate sons, Xanthijjjtus and Paralus. The death of the 
 latter was a severe blow to him. During the funeral ceremonies, 
 as lie placed a garland on the body of tliis his favourite son, he 
 was completely overpowered by his feelings and wept aloud. 
 His ancient house was now left without an heir. By A.«pasia, 
 however, he had an illegitimate son who bore his oavii name, and 
 whom tlie Athenians now legitimised, and thus alleviated, as 
 far as lay in their power, the misfortunes of their great leader ; 
 a proceeding all the more striking, since Pericles himself had pro- 
 posed the law wliich deprived of citizenship all those who were 
 not Athenians on the mother's side, as well as on the father's. 
 
 After this period it was with difficulty that Pericles was 
 persuaded by his friends to take any active part in public 
 aii'airs ; nor did he survive more than a twelvemonth. An at- 
 tack of the prevailing epidemic was succeeded hy a low and 
 lingering fever, which undermined both his strength of body and 
 vigour of intellect As he lay apparently miconscious on his 
 death-bed, the friends who stood around it were engaged in re- 
 calling his exploits. The dying man interrupted them by 
 remarking — " What you praise in me is partly the result of good 
 fortune, and at all events common to me with many other com- 
 manders. What I chiefly pride myself upon, you have not no- 
 ticed — no Athenian ever wore mourning through me." 
 
 The character of Pericles has been very variously estimated. 
 Those who reflect upon the enormous inllucnce which, for so long 
 a period, and especially during the last fifteen years of his life, 
 he exercised over an ingenious but tickle people like the Athe- 
 nians, will hardly be disposed to question his intellectual supe- 
 riority. This hold on the public atiection m\is not, as in the case 
 of Cimoii, the result of any popularity of manner, for, as we have 
 said, the demeanour of Pericles was chai'acterized by a reserve 
 bordering upon haughtiness. To what then are we to attribute 
 it ? Doubtless, in the first place, to his extraordinary eloquence. 
 Cicero regards him as the first example of an almost perfect 
 orator, at once delighting the Atheniai^s witli his copiousness
 
 B.C. 430. SECOND INVASION OF ATTICA. 291 
 
 and grace and overawing them by the force and cogency of his 
 diction and arguments. He seems, indeed, on the testimony of 
 two comic poets Avho will not be suspected of exaggeration in 
 his faA^our, to have singularly combined the power of persuasion 
 with that more rapid and abrupt style of oratory which takes 
 an audience by storm and defies all resistance. According to 
 Eupolis, persuasion itself sat upon his lips, and he was the only 
 orator who left a sting behind ; whilst Aristophanes charac- 
 terizes his eloquence as pi-oducing the same etiects upon the 
 social elements as a storm of thunder and lightning exerts upon 
 the natural atmosphere. His reserved manners may have con- 
 tributed, and were perhaps designed, to preserve his autho- 
 rity from falling into that contempt which proverbially springs 
 from lamiliarity ; whilst the popularity which he enjoyed in 
 spite of them may probably be traced to the equivocal benefits 
 which he had conferred on the Athenians, by not only making 
 the humblest citizen a partaker in all the judicial and legislative 
 functions of the state, but even paying him lor the performance 
 of them. These innovations are condenuied by the two greatest 
 philosophers, though of opposite schools, that Greece ever saw, 
 by Plato and Aristotle, and not only by them but by the miani- 
 mous voice of antiquity. Pericles, indeed, by the unlimited 
 authority which he possessed over the people, was able to coun- 
 teract the evil eflects of these changes, which, however, scon 
 became apparent after his death, and made the city a prey to 
 the ai-tifices of demagogues and rhetors. But if Pericles, as a 
 politician, may not be deserving of vniqualified praise, Pericles 
 as the accomplished man of genius and the liberal patron of 
 literature and art, is worthy of the highest admiration. By 
 these qualities he has justly given name to the most brilliant 
 intellectual epoch that the world has ever seen. But on this 
 point we have already touched, and shall have occasion to refer 
 hereafter. 
 
 ^ 7. Whilst the Athenians were suffering from the pestilence, 
 the Lacedaemonians were prosecuting their second invasion even 
 more extensively than in the previous year. Instead of confin- 
 ing their ravages to the Thriasian plain, and the country in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of Athens, they now extended them 
 to the more southern portions of Attica, and even as far as the 
 mines of Laurium. The Athenians still kept within their walls ; 
 and the Lacedaemonians, after remaing forty days in their ter- 
 ritory, again evacuated it as before. This year, however, the 
 operations of the latter by sea formed a new feature in the war. 
 Their fleet of 100 triremes, under the command of Cnemus, at- 
 tacked and devastated the island of Zacynthus, but did not
 
 20'2 IIISTOIIY OF OREECR Ciur. XXVL 
 
 Buccocrd in cfTocliiijr ;i j)crniaiicnt rDiiqnoKt. They were too 
 iulorior ill ii;iv;il HlnMifrlli to cojjc witli lli<; Athenians on the 
 ojiiii sea ; hut liio lVi()jn)niif'.sian ])rivafeors, c.Hjx.'cially those 
 liDui th(! Mf<rnrian jiort of Niwi-a, iiillictetl considcrahlc loss 
 on the Autheniaii finhcries and (^oirnncrco. Some of thefjC 
 ])rivatoer.s even ventured as far as tlie coasts of Asia Minor, 
 and molested the Athenian trade, for the ])rotcction of which 
 the Athenians were ohlifjed to despatch a squadron of six 
 triremes, inider Melesauder. A revolting feature in this pre- 
 datory warfare was the cruelty with which the Laceda-inonians 
 treated their prisoners, wlio were mercilessly slain, and their 
 bodies cast into clefts and ravines. This produced retaliation 
 on the part of the Athenians. Some Pelojjonnesian envoys, on 
 their way to the court of Persia to solicit aid against Athens, 
 were joined by the Corinthian general Aristeus, who persuaded 
 them to visit the court of the Thracian king Sitalccs, in order if 
 possible to detach him from the Athenian alliance. But this 
 was a fatal miscalculation. Not only Avas Sitalces firmly attached 
 to the Athenians, but his son Sadocus had been admitted as a 
 citizen of Athens ; and the Athenian residents at the court of 
 Sitalccs induced him, in testimony of zeal and gratitude for hi? 
 newly conferred rights, to procure the arrest of the Peloponne- 
 sian envoys. The whole party were accordingly seized and 
 conducted to Athens, where they were put to death without 
 even the form of a trial, and their bodies cast out among the 
 rocks, by way of reprisal for the murders committed by the La- 
 cedaemonians. 
 
 s^ 8. By this act the Athenians got rid of Aristeus, who had 
 proved himself an active and able commander, and who was the 
 chief instigator of the revolt of Potida>a as well as the })rincipal 
 cause of its successful resi-stancc. In the following winter that 
 town capitulated, after a blockade of two years, during which it 
 suffered such extremity of famine, that cA'cn the bodies of the 
 dead were converted into food. Although the garrison was re- 
 duced to such distress, and though the siege had cost Athens 
 2000 talents, the Athenian generals, Xenophon, the son of Euri- 
 pides, and his two colleagues, granted the Potida*ans favourable 
 terms. For this they were reprimanded by the Athenians, who 
 had expected to defray the expenses of the siege by selling the 
 prisoners as slaves, and perhaps also to gratify their vengeance 
 by putting the intrepid garrison to death. Potida^a and its 
 territory was now occupied by a body of 1000 colonists from 
 Athens. 
 
 ^ 9. The third year of the war (u.c. 429) was now opening 
 and nothing decisive had been performed on either side. After
 
 B.C. -129. SIEGE OF PLAT.EA. 293 
 
 two invasions, but little mischief, probably, was capable of being 
 inflicted on the Attic territory, or at all events not sutlicient to 
 induce the Peloponuesians to incur the risk of infection from 
 the plague. Archidamus, therefore, now directed his whole 
 force against the ill-fated town of Platsea. As he approached 
 their city, the Platseans despatched a herald to Archidamus to 
 remonstrate against this invasion, and to remind him of the 
 solemn oath which Pausanias had sworn, when, after the defeat 
 of the Persians, he otiered sacritice to Jove Eleutlierios in the 
 great square of Plateea, and there, in the presence of the as- 
 sembled allies, bound himself and them to respect and guarantee 
 their independence. Archidamus replied that by their oaths 
 they were bound to assist him in the liberation of the rest of 
 Grreece ; but, if they would not agree to do this, their independ- 
 ence should be respected if they only consented to remain 
 neutral. After this summons had been twice repeated, the Pla- 
 tseans returned for answer that they could do nothing without 
 the consent of the Athenians, in whose custody their wives and 
 families now were ; adding, that a profession of neutrality might 
 again induce the Thebans to surprise their city. Hereupon 
 Archidamus proposed to thena to hand over their town and 
 territory to the Lacedaemonians, together with a schedule of all 
 the property which they contained, engaging to hold them in 
 trust and to cultivate the land till the war was terminated, when 
 every thing should be safely restored. In the mean time, the 
 Platseans might retire whithersoever they chose, and receive art 
 allowance sutlicient ibr their support. 
 
 The ofier seemed fair and tempting, and the majority of tho' 
 Platseans were for accepting it, but it was resolved llrst of all to 
 obtain the sanction of the Athenians : who, however, exhorted 
 them to hold out, and promised to assist them to the last. The 
 Platseans, afraid to send a herald to the Spartan camp, now pro- 
 claimed from the walls their refusal of the profiered terms ; 
 when Archidamus invoked the gods and heroes of the soil to 
 witness that it was not until the Platseans had renounced the 
 oaths which bound them, that he had invaded their territory. 
 The Peloponuesians, indeed, seem to have been really unwilUng 
 to undertake the siege. They were driven into it by the ancient 
 grudge of the Thebans against Platsea. 
 
 The siege that ensued is one of the most memorable in the 
 annals of Grrecian warfare. Platsea was but a small city, and its 
 garrison consisted of only 400 citizens and 80 Athenians, toge- 
 ther with 110 women to manage their household aflairs. Yet 
 this small force set at defiance the whole army of the Pelopon- 
 nesians. The first operation of Archidamus was to surround the
 
 294 IIISTOHV OF (JIIEECK Ciiai-. XXVI. 
 
 town with .'istroiij;^ palisiulo foniicd nf llic fruit trcf-s 'wliich had 
 liccii cut ilovvii, and tliu.s to (lf|)rivi' tin- I'ljita-aris (A all cf^resrt. 
 il(! tlicn bc^raii to erc'(rt a iiioiiiiil of tiiiihcr, i-artli, and stones 
 ajxaiiisl lli(! wall, forrniiif( an inclini'd |)lan(; \i\) which his troops 
 mi^lit march, and thus taku the jda<"c' hy escalade. The wliole 
 army lahourcd at this mound seventy days and uif^hts ; but 
 whilst it was frradually attaiuinj,' tiie requisite lieifrht the Pla- 
 ta-aus on their side were eu^afrcd in raisin<r their walls witn a 
 superstructure of wood and brickwork, protected in front with 
 hides. They also formed a subtjsrranean passage under their 
 walls, and undermined the mound, which thus fell in and re- 
 quired constant additions. And as even these precautions 
 seemed in danger of bein<( ultimately defeated, tliey built a new 
 interior wall, in the shape of a crescent, whose two horns joined 
 the old one at points beyond the extent of the mound ; so that 
 if the besiegers succeeded in carrying the first rampart, they 
 would be in no better position than before. So energetic was 
 the defence, that the Laceda'monians, after spending three 
 months in these fruitless attempts, resolved to turn the siege 
 into a blockade, and reduce the ])lace by famine. 
 
 MO. They now^ proceeded to surround the city with a double 
 wall of circumvallation, the interior space between the two of 
 sLxteen feet in breadth being roofed in, and the whole structure 
 protected by a ditch on each side, one towards the town and the 
 other towards the country. The interior was occupi?d by the 
 troops left on guard, half of which consisted of Boeotians and the 
 other half of Pelopoimesians. In this manner the Plata?ans 
 endured a blockade of two years, during which the Athenians 
 attempted nothing for their relief. In the second year, liowever, 
 about half the garrison ellected their escape in the following bold 
 and successful manner. Provisions were beginning to run short, 
 and the Platasan commander exhorted the garrison to scale the 
 wall by which they were blockaded. Only 212 men, however, 
 were I'ound bold enough to attempt this hazardous feat. Choos- 
 i)ig a wet and stormy December night, they issued from their 
 gates, lightly armed and carrj-ing with them ladders accurately 
 adapted to the height of the wall. These were fixed against it 
 in the space between two towers occupied by the guard, and the 
 llrst com})auy having mounted, slew, without creating alarm, 
 the sentinels on duty. Already a great part of the Plata'ans had 
 gained the summit, when the noise of a tile kicked down by 
 one of the ])arty betrayed what was passing. The whole guard 
 immediately turned out, but in the darkness and confusion knew 
 not whither to direct their blows, whilst the lighted torches which 
 they carried rendered them a conspicuous aim for the arrows and
 
 B.C. 427. SURRENDER OF PLAT^A. 295 
 
 javelins of^d^^J^seans who had gained the other side of the 
 walls. IiMBt^i^n^er the little band succeeded in effecting 
 their escapW^fiithe exception of one man, who was captured, 
 and of a few w^pdst their courage and returned to Plateea. 
 
 Ml- But thoufK the provisions of tlie garrison were hus- 
 banded by this diminution in their number, all the means of 
 subsistence were at length exhausted, and starvation began to 
 stare them in the face. The Lacedsemonian commander had 
 long been in a condition to take the town by storm, but he had 
 been directed by express orders from home to reduce it to a 
 voluntary capitulation, in order that at the conclusion of a peace, 
 Sparta might not be forced to give it up, as she would be in case 
 of a ibrcible capture. Knowing the distressed state of the gar- 
 rison, the Lacedaemonians sent in a herald with a summons to 
 surrender and submit themselves to their disposal, at the same 
 time promising that only the guilty should be punished. The 
 besieged had no alternative and submitted. This took place in 
 B.C. 427, after the blockade had lasted two years. 
 
 The whole garrison, consisting of 200 Platseans and 25 Athe- 
 nians, were now arraigned before five judges sent from Sparta. 
 Their indictment was framed in a way which precluded the possi- 
 bility of escape. They were simply asked " Whether during the 
 present war they had rendered any assistance to the Lacedaemo- 
 nians or their alUes ?" So preposterous a question at once re- 
 vealed to the prisoners that they could expect neither justice nor 
 mercy. Nevertheless, they asked and obtained permission to plead 
 their cause. Their orators, by recalling the services which Platsea 
 had rendered to Greece in general in the Persian war, and to Sparta 
 in particular, Ijy aiding to suppress the revolt of the Helots, seem- 
 ed to have produced such an impression on their judges that the 
 Thebans present found it necessary to reply. Their speech does 
 not appear to have contained any very cogent arguments, but it 
 was successful. The Platseans were mercilessly sacrificed for 
 reasoiis of state policy. Each man, including the 25 Athenians, 
 was called up separately before the judgment seat, and the same 
 question having been put to him, and of course answered in the 
 negative, he was immediately led away to execution. The town 
 of Plateea, together with its territoiy, was transferred to the 
 Thebans, ivho, a few months afterwards, levelled all the private 
 houses to. the ground, and with the materials erected a sort of 
 vast barrack around the Heraeum, or temple of Hera, both for the 
 accommodation of visitors, and to serve as an abode ior those to 
 whom they let out the land. Thus was Plataja blotted out from 
 the map of Greece.
 
 Statue of Theseu8, from the Pediment of the Parthenon. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED — FROM THE SIEGE OF PLATiEA 
 TO THE SEDITION AT COPXYEA. 
 
 § 1. General character of the var. § 2. Military and naval operations 
 of the third year. Attempt of the Peloponnesians to surprise Pira?us. 
 § 3. Fourth year. Revolt of Mytilene. § 4. Fifth year. Surrender of 
 Mytilene. § 5. Debates of the Athenian assembly respeetiner the My- 
 tileneans. Cleon and the Athenian demagogues, g 6. Bloody decree 
 against the Mytileneans. § 7. Second debate. Reversal of the decreo. 
 Lesbos colonized bv Athenians. § 8. Civil dissensions at Corcyra. 
 § 9. Picture of the times by Tliiicydides. 
 
 
 V 
 
 \ I. In recording tlie fall of Platsea, we have anticipated the 
 order of chronoloiiy. The investmeut of that town formed, as 
 we have related, the first incident in the third year of tlie Pelo- 
 ponnesian war. The subsequent operations of that war doAvii to 
 the eleventh year of it, or the year r..c. 421 — when a short and 
 hollow peace, or rather truce, called the peace of Xicias. was 
 patched up between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians — were 
 not of a decisive character. There was, indeed, much mutua) 
 injury inflicted, but none of those great events which brinp 
 a war to a close by disabling either one or both parties from 
 continuing it. The toAvns captured were, moreover, restored
 
 B.C. 429. NAVAL VICTORIES OF PHORMIO. 29*7 
 
 at the peace/iJiHdiltlJfh, consequently, Athens and Sparta were 
 placed mucjSfSiiPthe same state as when the "war broke out. 
 It would be fe^iQus to detail at length all the little engagements 
 which occurred, and which the reader could with diliiculty re- 
 member ; and we shall therefore content ourselves with a sketch 
 of the more important events, especially those which display the 
 general character of the period, the actions of the more remark- 
 able men who flourished in it, and the motives, views, and dis- 
 positions of the contending parties. 
 
 § 2. Except the siege of Platsea, the operations by land in the 
 third year of the war were unimportant. The Athenians failed 
 in an attempt to reduce the town of Spartolus in Chalcidice ; 
 nor were the eflbrts of their new ally Sitalces more successful in 
 that quarter. According to the ancient myth of Tereus, Sitalces 
 considered himself a kinsman of the Athenians ; but some well 
 applied bribes were probably a more efficacious inducement for 
 him to undertake the reduction of Chalcidice, and the dethrone- 
 ment of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia. The sway of Sitalces 
 over the barbarous tribes of Thrace was very extensive. He 
 was able to collect an army estimated at 150,000 men, one-third 
 of which was cavalry. With this multitudinous, but wild and 
 disorderly host, he penetrated far into the dominions of Perdiccas 
 and compelled the Macedonians, who did not venture to meet 
 him in the open field, to shut themselves up in their fortresses. 
 He also detached a force to reduce the Chalcidians and Bot- 
 tiseans. But his expedition was undertaken at too late a period 
 of the year, seemingly about the end of Kovember or beginning 
 of December ; and as the winter proved very severe, and the 
 Athenians neglected to send any armament to his assistance; 
 Sitalces "was compelled to relinquish his conquests after a caiii- 
 paign, or rather foray, of thirty days. 
 
 In the same year the naval superiority of the Athenians was 
 strikingly exhibited by the victories of Phormio in the Co- 
 rinthian gulf. The Lacedaemonians had planned an exjjedition 
 against Acarnania, and had sent a fleet cf Ibrty-seven sail, under 
 the command of Cnemus, to carry this project into effect. 
 Phormio was stationed at Naupactus with only twenty Athe- 
 nian ships ; but notwithstanding his numerical inferiority, he 
 gained a brilliant victory over the Peloponnesian fleet. But 
 this was not all. The Spartans lost no time in collecting an- 
 other fleet, amounting to seventy-seven sail. Meantime Phoimio 
 had received no reintbrcements ; but such was his confidence in 
 the skill of his seamen, that he ventured to meet even these 
 overpowering numbers, and though this victory was not so 
 decisive as the previous one, the Peloponnesians relinquished
 
 •29b lllSlOIiV OJ' GItEIX:!:. CiiAi-. X>V1L 
 
 all furtlitT operalioiiH ami nailed liark to Corii:lli. The IVlo- 
 ])(niiit!t^iaii c(iiiiiiiuii(leis tried to e()iii|jfiisate lor these h/t-j'eH by 
 snrprisiiifr the harbour ol I'ira'iiH, winch was uiiprolected by a 
 fjuard, or even by a chain, llavinf,' marched (overland Inrii Co- 
 rinth to the Me^rarian port ol" Nisy;a, they einbark(;d their rncn 
 in lorty old triremes, wliieh, however, were in a i^uflieient state 
 of repair for ho short an expedition. Jiut either their courajrc 
 failed them at the very moment of executinf^ their project, or 
 else, as they jrave out, the wind proved adverse. Instead of 
 attempting Piraeus they proceeded to the opposite island of »^a- 
 lamis. Here they landed in the night, captured three guard- 
 ships, ravaged the island, and succeeded in retreating with their 
 booty before the alarmed and enraged Athenians could come up 
 •with them. The Athenians, however, took warning from thi3 
 insult, and were more careful in future in guarding their har- 
 bours. 
 
 ^ 3. The fourth year of the war (n.c. 426) was marked by the 
 usual invasion of Attica on the part of the Peloponnesians. It 
 was accompanied by the alarming news of the revolt of Myti- 
 lene, the capital of Lesbos, and of the greater part of that island. 
 This revolt had been long meditated ; but though the Athenians 
 had Lefoi-e received some intimation of it, their reduced condi- 
 tion from the war and from the plague had prevented them I'rtm 
 taking any measures to arrest it. An embassy ^vhich they now- 
 sent to the Mytileueans, to persuade them to remain in their 
 duty, having failed, the Athenian commander Cleippides, who 
 was on the point of sailing to the Pelopoimesus with a fleet of 
 40 triremes, was ordered to proceed directly to Mytilene. 
 
 It "was one of the disadvantages of the Athenian constitution, 
 so far at least as the foreign relations of Athens were concerned, 
 that the cxecutiAX power lay with the people, and that thus all 
 their -debates and resolutions heing public, it Avas impossible to 
 keep them concealed from those who were the subjects of them. 
 The Mytileueans having received information of the intended 
 expedition through a spy, postponed the festival of Apollo, 
 during wliich the Athenians had expected to surprise them, 
 and made every preparation to receive the hostile fleet. But 
 being still iufei-ior in strength they pretended to enter into ne- 
 gotiations with Cleippides, who fell into the snare ; and in the 
 mean time secretly despatched envovs to Sparta to implore im- 
 mediate assistance. The embassy which the Mytileueans had 
 sent to Athens with the ostensible purpose of negotiating, 
 having, as might \)e expected, failed, Cleippides. who had been 
 reinforced by several vessels from the allied, islands, as well as 
 by 1000 Athenian hoplites under Paches, commenced hostilities.
 
 B.C. 428. REVOLT OF MYTILENK U99 
 
 and by the beginning of October succeeded in blockading Myti- 
 lene both by sea and land. 
 
 The Mytilenean envoys despatched to Sparta arrived during 
 the celebration of the Olympic festival, wherfe most of the mem- 
 bers of the Peloponnesian alliance were present. After the 
 festival was concluded they set forth the grounds of their com- 
 plaints against Athens, which were chiefly two, namely : — their 
 fear of being reduced to the condition of the other subject-allies 
 of Athens, and their repugnance to assist that state in her ambi- 
 tious policy, which was generally offensive to the states of Greece. 
 Their application was of course favourably received by their Pe- 
 loponnesian auditors. They were promised assistance, and were 
 formally received into the Peloponnesian alliance. Not only 
 was a socond invasion of Attica ordered, but it was also pro- 
 posed to transport on trucks, across the isthmus, from the har- 
 bour of Lechaeum into the Saronic gulf, the ships which had 
 fought against Phormio, and to employ them against Athens. 
 
 A very general impression seems at this time to have pre- 
 vailed among the allies that the plague and war combined had 
 nearly exhausted the resources of the Athenians. Nor was 
 this opinion altogether without foundation. The fund which 
 they possessed at the beginning of the war was now exhausted, 
 with the exception of the reserve of 1000 talents put by to 
 meet a naval invasion. The numbers of their soldiers, and 
 especially of their able seamen, had also no doubt been consider- 
 ably reduced by the war and pestilence. But there were still 
 ample means, and above all an indomitable spirit, among the 
 Athenians, to supply the deficiencies thus created. A higher 
 class both of citizens and metics than those who had hitherto 
 engaged in the naval service was ordered on board the fleet, 
 from which duty only the two liighest classes, namely, the Pen- 
 tacosiomedimni, and the Hippeis, or Knights, were now exempted. 
 And, in order to replenish the public treasury', the Athenians 
 were for the first time subjected to a direct contribution or in- 
 come tax, by which a sum of 200 talents was raised. 
 
 By these eltbrts the Athenians manned a fleet of 100 
 triremes, which suddenly and unexpectedly appeared ofl' the 
 isthmus, and made descents at various points. At the same 
 time the Lacedsemonians assembled there were surprised by 
 the news that another Athenian fleet of 30 triremes, which had 
 been previously despatched mider Asopius, the son of Phormio, 
 was committing devastations on the coast of Laconia. These 
 energetic proceedings arrested the projected enterprise of the La- 
 cedtemonians, especially as their allies were engaged in gathering 
 the harvest, and had therefore assembled only in small numbers.
 
 itoo IIISTOIIY OF OHEECE. Ciiai-. XXVU. 
 
 A(v()r(llii<i;ly llif;y n;lunic(l liornc, and contented llieiriHclvr-rt witli 
 jinp.iriiij,' ;i llccl of ii^rly trironit-s lljr the n-lid'c)!' Mytilenc';. 
 
 ^ 1. Tiiiri ariiiiuiicut, however, could not be pot ready till tlie 
 sprinjif ol "the llillowiiifr year(u.c. '127). Meanwhile Sala;lhii.s, a 
 Laeeda-inoiiian envoy, proecech^d to Leshos, and having contrived 
 to entcir Mytilene, eneouraped the citi'/ens to h(dd ont till the 
 arrival oi tiie j)roniised siiccoiirs. In the course of April the Pe- 
 loponuesian fleet, consisting' of" 12 triremes under Aleidas, actu- 
 ally sailed, and at the same time, in order to create a diversion, 
 the allied army apain invaded Attica. 
 
 ]')Ut wci-k alter week ])assed away, and Aleidas did not appear 
 hel()re Mytilene. Tiie provisions of the town were exhau.st(;d, 
 the populace Avas <Trowiiig impatient, and even 8ah(."thus himself 
 began to despair of the arrival of the fleet. It was therefore 
 resolved as a last desperate expedient, to make a sally, and 
 endeavour to raise the blockade. AVith this view even the men 
 of the lower classes were armed with the full armour of the 
 hoplitcs. But this step produced a verj' dillisrent result from 
 what Salajthus had expected or intended. The great mass of 
 the Mytileueans were not adverse to the Athenian dominion; 
 but they regarded their own oligarchical govenmient with suspi- 
 cion, accused it of starving the citizens wJiilst it possessed stores 
 of concealed provisions for the use of tlic higher classes ; and 
 being now strengthened by the arms which had been distributed 
 to them, threatened that, iniless their demands Avere complied 
 with, they would surrender the city to the Athenians. In this 
 desperate emergency the Mytileneau government perceived that 
 their only chance of safety lay in anticipating the people in tliis 
 step. They accordingly opened a negotiation with Paches, and 
 a capitulation Avas agreed upon by which the city was to be sur- 
 rendered, and the fate of its inhabitants to be decided by the 
 Athenian Assembly. It was stipulated, however, that they were 
 to be permitted to send envoys to Athens to plead their cause ; 
 and Paches engaged that meanwhile nobody should be impri- 
 soned or sold into slaver}'. AVhen Paches entered the city, those 
 Mytileueans who had been the chief instigators of the revolt 
 took refuge at the altars ; but he induced them by his assurances 
 to quit their places of refuge, and placed them in Tenedos. 
 
 Scarcely had this capitulation been concluded, when, to the 
 surprise of the Mytileueans, the Peloponnesian fleet appeared off 
 the coast of Ionia. Aleidas, overawed by the maritime rejjutation 
 of Athens, had neglected to discharge his duty with the energy 
 required by the crisis ; and, finding that he had arrived too late 
 to save Mytilene, he sailed back to Peloponnesus, without at-^ 
 tempting any thing further.
 
 B.C. 427. CLEON. 301 
 
 ^ 5. Paclies being now undisputed master of Lesbos, de- 
 spatched to Athens those Mytileueans who had been deposited 
 at Tenedos, together with others impUcated in the late revolt, 
 and likewise Satethus the Lacedeemonian envoy, who had been 
 detected in a place of concealment in the city. The Athenians 
 assembled to decide on the fate of these prisoners, amounting 
 in number to more than a thousand. Salsethus was at once put 
 , to death. The disposal of the other prisoners caused some de- 
 bate. It was on this occasion that the demagogue, Cleon, whom 
 we have already noticed as an opponent of Pericles, first comes 
 prominently forwards in Athenian ali'airs. The eliects of the 
 extensive commerce of Athens, and more particularly of the po- 
 litical changes introduced by Pericles, were now beginning to 
 show themselves. Down to the time of that statesman, the 
 democracy of Athens had been governed by aristocratic leaders 
 alone. The personal qualities of Pericles, in spite of the growing 
 feeling of democracy, secured his ascendency in the assembly ; 
 but even during his lifetime men of a much lower rank than 
 those who had formerly pretended to govern the people Mere 
 beginning to step forward, and to claim a share of power. Such 
 were Eucrates, the rope-maker, Lysicles, the sheep-dealer, and 
 Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker. The humblest mechanic, if an 
 Athenian citizen, was at liberty to address the assembly; there 
 was nothing to prevent him but disfranchisement for debt or 
 crime. If he succeeded, his fortune was made ; for the influence 
 thus acquired might be converted in various, but not over reput- 
 able, ways into a source of profit. Success, however, demanded 
 some peculiar qualifications. An Athenian audience was some- 
 what lastidious ; but more especially the vast n ess of their assem- 
 blies, and the noise and clamour with which they frequently 
 abounded, demanded not only a considerable share of nerve, but 
 also physical powers, especially a loud voice, which are not 
 always found combined with the higher mental requisites of an 
 orator. Hence those who possessed even a moderate share of 
 ability, if endowed with audacity and a stentorian voice, stood a 
 much better chance in the assembly than men of far higher 
 talent, but deficient in tho.se indispensable qualifications. If we 
 may trust the picture drawn by Aristophanes, Cleon, the leather- 
 seller, was a perfect model of that new class oi' low-born orators 
 just alluded to ; a noisy brawler, loud in his criminations, insolent 
 in his gestures, corrupt and venal in his principles ", extorting 
 money by threats of accusations, a persecutor ot rank and merit, 
 a base flatterer and sycophant of the populace. In this portrait 
 much allowance must no doubt be made not only for ccinic 
 licence and exaggeration, but also for party feeling ind personal
 
 802 HISTORY OF OREFX'K. Chap. XXVII 
 
 pique. Aristo])hancH was on llie aristocratic si(l«! in politicfi, and 
 was rnorcovcr cnfjaf^ed in a private quarn-l witli Cleon, caused 
 by IIr- latter haviu*,' complained to tiie senate of liis comedy of 
 the Jidhijlo/iunis. Thucydides, indeed, in lii.s account of Clwm, 
 fjoes very far to confirm the descrijition f)f Aristophanes. But 
 here too we nmst be sornewliat on our {^liard re.specting the tes- 
 timony of an historian otherwi.se remarkable lor Jiis impartiality ; 
 for it Avas to Cleon that Thueydides owed his banishment. 
 Still, after making all due allowance for the operation of these 
 causes, we cannot refrain from thinking that the character of 
 Cleon conveyed to us by these two writers is, in its main fea- 
 tures, correct. Even a caricature must have some grounds of 
 truth for its basis ; nor would Aristophanes, out of mere regard 
 for his poetical rejiutation, have ventured to produce before an 
 Athenian audience a character of their well-known demagogue 
 so unlike the truth as not to be easily recognized. The actions 
 of Cleon, which are undisputed, show him cruel and cowardly ; 
 characteristics which may lead us to infer any degree of baseness 
 in a man. Along with hisi impudence and other bad qualities 
 he must however no doubt have possessed a certain share of 
 ability, since, at the ])eriod of which we are now speaking, he 
 possessed more influence than any other orator in the Athenian 
 assembly. It was he who took the lead in the debate respecting 
 the disposal of the Mytilcneans, and made tlie savage and hor- 
 rible proposal to put to death not only the prisoners who had 
 been sent to Athens, but the iclwle male population of Mytilene 
 of military age — including therefore those who had not partici- 
 pated in, or W'ere even opposed to the revolt — and to sell the 
 women and children into slavery. This motion he succeeded in 
 carrying, notwithstanding the opposition of Diodotus and others ; 
 and in order seemingly that no room might be left for cooler 
 reflection, a trireme was immediately despatched to Mytilene, 
 conveying orders to Paches to put the bloody decree into exe- 
 cution. 
 
 k G. The barbarous laws of ancient warfare justified atrocities 
 wliich in modern times would be regarded with horror and de- 
 testation ; and we have already described the Laceda-monians 
 as exercising those laws Avith the most revolting severity in the 
 case of the garrison of Plattea ; — an event, however, which took 
 place a little after the tune of which we are now speakuig. The 
 conduct of the Laceda?monians on that occasion admits of no ex- 
 cuse. But this decree of the Athenians was infinitely worse, not 
 only on account of the much greater number of persons whom 
 it devoted to death, but also and principally because it made 
 no discrimination between the innocent and the guilty. One
 
 B.C. 427. DECREE AGAINST THE MYTILENEANS. 303 
 
 night's reflection convinced the better part of the Athenians of 
 the enormity which they had sanctioned. Ordinary experience 
 shoAvs that bodies of men will perpetrate acts which the indi-vd- 
 duals composing them would shrink from with horror : and this 
 tendency was one of the worst evils springing from the multitu- 
 dinous and purely democratical composition of the Athenian as- 
 semblies. On the morrow so general a feeling prevailed of tftfe 
 horrible injustice that had been committed, that the Strategi 
 acceded to the prayer of the Mytilenean envoys and called a 
 fresh assembly ; though by so doing they committed an illegal 
 act and exposed themselves to impeachment. 
 
 § 7. Cleon, however, had not changed his opinion. In the 
 second assembly he repeated his arguments against the Mytile- 
 neans, and clamoured lor what he called "justice" against them. 
 He denounced the folly and mischief of reversing on one day 
 what had been done on the preceding ; and, though himself the 
 very type and model of a demagogue, had the impudence to cha- 
 racterize his opponents as guilty and ambitious orators, who 
 sacrificed the good of the repubhc either to their interests or 
 their vanity I His opponent, Diodotus, very wisely abstained 
 from appealing to the humanity of an assembly which had passed 
 the decree of the previous day. He confined himself entirely to 
 the policy of the question, and concluded by recommending that 
 the Mytileneans already in custody should be put upon their 
 trial, but that the remainder of the population should be spared. 
 This amendment having been carried by a small majority, a 
 second trireme was immediately despatched to Mytilene, with 
 orders to Paches to arrest the execution. The utmost diligence 
 was needful. The former trireme had a start of four and twenty 
 hours, and nothing but exertions almost superhuman would en- 
 able the second to reach Mytilene early enough to avert the 
 tragical catastrophe. The oarsmen were allowed by turns oidy 
 short intervals of rest, and took their food, consisting of barley- 
 meal steeped in wine and oil, as they sat at the oar. Happily 
 the weather proved favourable ; and the crew, who had been 
 promised large rewards in case they arrived in time, exerted 
 themselves to deliver the reprieve, whilst the crew of the pre- 
 ceding vessel had conveyed the order for execution with slowness 
 and reluctance. Yet even so the countermand came only just 
 in time. The mandate was already in the hands of Paches, who 
 was taking measures for its execution. \Yith regard to the pri- 
 soners at Athens, the motion of Cleon to put them to death was 
 carried, and they were slain to the number of more than a thou- 
 sand. The fortifications of Mytilene were razed, and her fleet 
 delivered up to the Athenians. The whole island, with the ex-
 
 804 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ciiai-. XVIL 
 
 ri'i»lion of Mclhymna, ■wliicli had roinaiiifd faithful, was divided 
 iiild iiUOO lolH, .'500 (T which wi-re f^et •,i\>iiri lor ihegods, and the 
 rc.'iiiaiii(ler tissipriu'd 1o Athenian ck-rnclis. 
 
 The fato of I'achcs, the Athenian counnandcr at Mylilene, must 
 not ho passed over in silence. On hia return to Athens, lie was 
 arrai<riicd hefore the dicastery for the dii-honour of two Mytilc- 
 I'lcan women, whof^e husbands he had slain ; and such was the 
 iouling of indif^nation excited by this case ainonf^ the susceptible 
 Athenians, that Paches, without Malting for liis sentence, killed 
 himself with his sword in open court. 
 
 ^ 8. The fate of the Plata-ans and Mytileneans aflbrds a fearful 
 ilhistration of the manners of the ape ; but these horrors soon 
 li)und a parallel in Corcyra. It has been already related that, 
 alter the sea-fight off that island, the Corinthians carried home 
 many of the principal Corcyra-ans as pristjiiers. These men were 
 treated Mitli the greatest indulgence ; and while Mytilenc was 
 under blockade, were sent back to Corcyia, nominally under 
 the heavy ransom of 800 talents, but in reality with the view 
 of withdrawing the island iVom the Athenian alliance. Being 
 joined by the rest of the oligarchical citizens en their return, 
 they assassinated the leaders of the demccratical party in the 
 senate-house, and then carried a resolution in the assembly of 
 the people, that the Corcyrajans should for the future observe a 
 strict neutrality between the contending parties. But they did 
 not stop here. They determined on putting down the demo- 
 eratical party by force, and with this view seized the principal 
 harbour, together with the arsenal and market-place. The people, 
 however, got possession of the higher parts of the toMii, together 
 with the Acropolis ; and having been reiniorced by slaves from the 
 interior, whom they ])romised to emancipate, they renewed the 
 combat on the following day. The oligarchs, driven to extremit}', 
 adopted the desperate expedient of setting hre to the town, and 
 thus destroyed a great deal of property near the docks ; but an 
 adverse wind I'ortunately prevented it from extending to the re- 
 mainder of the city. 
 
 The Athenians had been informed of the state of things at 
 Corcyra, and at this jvmcture an Athenian squadron of twelve 
 triremes, under the command of IS^icostratus, arrived from Nau- 
 pactus. Nicostratus behaved with gi-eat moderation, and did his 
 best to restore peace between the parties. He had apparently 
 succeeded in this object, when the position of allairs was sud- 
 deMy changed by the arrival of a Peloponnesian fleet of 53 gal- 
 leys under the command of Alcidas. Nicostratus succeeded, by 
 skilful manoeuvres, in keeping the enemy at bay with his small 
 fleet, but was obliged at last to retreat, which he did in good
 
 B.C. 427. REVOLUTIONS AT CORCYRA. 305 
 
 order, and without losing any of his vessels. Alcidas, however, 
 with his usual slowness, neglected to niakc use of the oppor- 
 tunity, and attack the capital at once, though Brasidas strongly 
 advised him to do so. He lost a day in ravaging the country, 
 and in the following night fire-signals upon the island of Leucas 
 telegraphed the approach of an Athenian fleet of 60 triremes 
 under Eurymedon. Alcidas now only thought of making his 
 escape, Avhich he effected before daybreak, leaving the Corcyraean 
 oligarchs to their fate. 
 
 Another vicissitude thus rendered the popular party in Cor- 
 cyra again triumphant. The vengeance which they took on their 
 opponents was fearful. The most sacred sanctuaries afforded no 
 protection ; the nearest ties of blood and kindred were sacrificed 
 to civil hatred. In one case a father slew even his own son. 
 These scenes of horror lasted for seven days, during which death 
 in every conceivable form was busily at work. Yet the Athenian 
 admiral did not once interpose to put a stop to these atrocities. 
 About 500 of the oligarchical party, however, efiected their 
 escape, and fortitied themselves on Mount Istone, not far from 
 the capital. 
 
 ^ 9. Thucydides in drawing this bloody picture of domestic 
 dissensions, traces the causes of it to the Avar. In peace and pros- 
 perity, when men are not overmastered by an irresistable neces- 
 sity, the feelings both of states and individuals are mild and 
 humane. But a war under the auspices of Sparta and Athens — 
 one the representative of the aristocratic, the other of the demo- 
 cratic, principle — became a war of opinion, and embittered the 
 feelings of political parties, by ollering to each the means and 
 opportunity of enfiarcing its views through an alliance with 
 one or the other of the two leading cities. The example of 
 Corcyra was soon followed in other Hellenic states. Not ordy 
 were the dispositions of men altered by these causes, but even 
 the very names of things were changed. Daring rashness was 
 honoured with the name of bravery, whilst considerate delay 
 was denounced as the mere pretext of timidity. Wisdom was 
 regarded as equivalent to cowardice, and the weighing of every- 
 thing as a pretext for attempting nothing. The simplicity 
 which generally characterises virtue was ridiculed as dulness and 
 stupidity ; wliilst he was regarded as the cleverest who excelled 
 in cunning and treachery, and especially if he employed his arts 
 to the destruction of his nearest, and therefore unsuspecti;ig 
 friends and relatives. "KCX
 
 From the Frieze of the I'arthenon. Panaihcnaic Procession. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SEDITION AT COR- 
 
 CYRA TO THE PEACE OF NICUS. 
 
 §1. Sixth year of the war. Return of the plague. Purification of Deles. 
 § 2. Seventh year. Fortification of I'ylus. § ,3. Attempts of the 
 Lacedaemonians to recover P\lus. § 4. Arrival and victory of the 
 Athenian fleet. Blockade of Sphacteria. §5. TheLacedremonianssue 
 for peaceat Athen.s. Extravagant demands of Cleon. §6. Renewal of 
 hostilities. § 7. Debates in the A.^sembly. Cleon elected general. §8. 
 Capture of Sphacteria. §9. Advantages of the victory. §10. Proceed- 
 ings at Corey ra. Sliuighter of the oligarchs. §11. Eighth year of the 
 •war. Capture of Cythera. §12. Invasion of the Megarid and Ba?otia 
 by the Athenians. Cajiture of Xis.Ta, the port of Megara. Defeat of 
 the Athenians at the battle of Deliuiw. ^ 13. Brasidas in Thrace. 
 Takes Amphipolis. Banishment of Thucydides. §14. Ninth yearof 
 the war. A truce between Sparta and Athens. The war continued in 
 Thrace. § 15. Tenth year of the war. Cloon proceeds to Amphi- 
 polis. His defeat and death. Death of Brasidas. § 16. Eleventh 
 year of the war. Fifty years" peace between Athens and Sparta. 
 
 \ 1 The beginuiiifr of the sixth year of the "war (b.c. 42C) was 
 marked by natural calaiiiitics wliich seemed to present a counter- 
 part to tlie moral distiu'bances wliich were agitatinjr Greece. 
 Floods and carthqiuxkes of uiuisnal violence and frequency oc- 
 ciu'red in various parts ; and the Laceda-monians, alarmed at 
 these portents, abstained from their intended invasion of Attica. 
 The military operations of the Athenians were unimportant.
 
 B.C. 425. THE ATHENIANS SEIZE PYLUS. 807 
 
 The plague which had reappeared at Athens towards the close 
 of the preceding year, was now making teartul ravages. This 
 scourge was attributed to the auger of Apollo ; and in order, 
 as it seems, to propitiate that deity, a complete purification of 
 Delos was performed in the autumn. AH the bodies interred 
 there were exhumed and reburied in the neighbouring island of 
 Rhenea ; whilst for the future it was ordered that no deaths 
 or births should be suffered to take place on the sacred island. 
 At the same time the celebration of the Delian festival, to be 
 renewed every fourth year, was revived with extraordinary splen- 
 dour ; and thus in some measure compensated the Athenians for 
 their exclusion, through the war, from the Olympic and Pythiaa 
 games. 
 
 § 2. In the seventh year of the war (b. c. 425) the LacedEemo- 
 nian army under Agis, after a stay of only 15 days in the Attic 
 territory, was recalled by the news that the Athenians had esta- 
 blished a military post at Pylus in Messenia. In consequence 
 of circumstances to which we shall have occasion to allude here- 
 after, the Athenians had sent a fleet of forty ships to Sicily, 
 under the command of Eurymedon and Sophocles ; but on their 
 way thither these officers were dii'ected to stop at Corcyra, and 
 to assist the people against the oligarchs, who, as already related, 
 had fortilied themselves at Mount Istone, and were annoying 
 the capital. Demosthenes, who had acquired great glory by a 
 campaign against the Ambracians, had also embarked in the 
 same fleet, with a kind of roving commission to make descents 
 on the Peloponnesian coasts. Pylus, on the modern bay of Na- 
 varino, struck him as an eligible spot on which to establish some of 
 the Messenians from Naupactus, since it was a strong position, from 
 wliicli they might annoy the Lacedajmonians, and excite revolt 
 among their Helot kinsmen. As the Peloponnesian fleet, how- 
 ever, was announced to have arrived at Corcyra, Eurymedon and 
 Sophocles were averse to the delay which the scheme of Demos- 
 thenes would occasion. But an accident caused its accomphsh- 
 mant. The fleet had scarcely passed Pylus, when it was driven 
 back to that spot by a violejat storm ; and as the bad weather 
 continued for some time, the soldiers on board amused them- 
 selves, under the directions of Demosthenes, in constructing a 
 sort of rude fortification. The nature of the ground was favour- 
 able for the work, and in five or six days a wall wa.*; throAvn up 
 sufficient for the purposes of defence. Demosthenes undertook 
 to garrison the place. Five ships and 200 hoplites were left 
 beliind with him ; and, being afterwards joined by some Mea.'-e- 
 nian privateers, he appears altogether to have possessed a force 
 of about 1000 men.
 
 808 HISTORY OF GUEFX'H riiAi-. XXVIIL 
 
 <• r?. This insult, to the Lafwl.-i'rnoiiiaii territory caused frreat 
 ,'ilann ami iii(li<riialioii at Sparta. Tlic iVIojioiiiK-Hian lied, 
 under Tlirasyuiclidas, was ordered from (^oreyra to Pyius; aiid 
 at the same time Af.'is evacuated Attiea, and marched towards 
 the same ])laee. So vast a force, both naval and military, seemed 
 to threaten destruction to the little garrison. Thrasymelidas, 
 on arriving with the fleet immediately occupied the small unin- 
 habited and densely wooded island of Sphacteria, which, with 
 the exception of two naiTow channels on the north and south, 
 almost blocked up the entrance of the bay. Between the island 
 and the mainland was a spacious basin, in which Thrasymelidas 
 stationeil his ships. 
 
 It Avas on this side that Demosthenes anticipated the most 
 dangerous attack. The Laeedaauonians were notoriously un- 
 skilful in besieiriug walls, and on the laudside a few imperfectly 
 armed troops would sullice to keep their whole army at bay. 
 But towai'ds the sea was a small open s])ace which remained un- 
 fortified. Here, thei'efore, Demosthenes, after hauling his three 
 remaining triremes ashore — for on the approach of the enemy he 
 had desj)atched two to Eurymedon, to solicit assistance — took 
 post himself with GO chosen hoplites. 
 
 The assault from the sea was led by Brasidas, one of the 
 bravest and most distinguished commanders that Sparta ever 
 produced. The narrowness of tlie landing-place admitted only 
 a few triremes to approach at once. Brasidas stood on the prow 
 of the foremost, animating his men by his words and gestures ; 
 but he was soon disabled by numerous wounds, and fell back- 
 wards into his vessel, faintuig with loss of blood. After repeated 
 attempts on this and the following day, the Laceda?moniaiis were 
 luiable to eliect a landing ; whilst the Athenians considered their 
 success decisive enough to justify the erection of a trophy, the 
 chief ornament of Mhieh was the shield of Brasidas, which had 
 dropped into the water. 
 
 s^ 4. AYhilst the Lacedaemonians were preparing for another 
 assault, they were sur])riscd by the appearance of the Athenian 
 fleet. They had strangely neglected to secure the entrances 
 into the bay : and, although the Athenian admiral spent the 
 first day in reconnoitring, they were still either so inconceivably 
 slow, or so paralysed by surprise and terror, that, when on the 
 morrow the Athenian ships came sailing through both the un- 
 defended channels, many of their triremes were still moored, 
 and part of their ercAvs ashore. The battle which ensued was 
 desperate. Both sides fought with extraordinaiy valour ; but 
 victory at length declared for the Athenians. Five Pelopomie- 
 sian ships were captured ; the rest were saved only by running
 
 B.C. 425. SPARTA SUES FOR PEACE. 309 
 
 them ashore, where they Avere protected by the Lacedaemonian 
 
 W •>'' , T./T^ •"•^-•^ '■^'^' **y '^'^i 
 
 '^r 
 
 >==ff,%l 
 
 r<c 
 
 
 
 gS-Vto, (' cs'Si ftk_- i^^^^^/V^"* • 
 
 A. Island of Sphacterin. 
 
 Bay of Pylus. 
 
 B. Pvlu"!. C. The modern Navarino. 
 
 E. 'Promontory of C'oryplinsiuni. 
 
 D D. Bay of Pylu 
 
 The Athenians, thns masters of the sea, were enabled to 
 blockade the island of Sphacteria, in which the flower of the 
 Lacedemonian army was shut up, many of them native Spartans 
 of the hi^rhest families. In so grave an emergency messengers 
 were sen^to Sparta for advice. The Ephors themselves mime- 
 diately repaired to the spot ; and so desponding was their view 
 of the matter, that they saw no issue from it but a peace. They 
 therefore proposed and obtained an armistice for the purpose of 
 opening negotiations at Athens. They agreed to surrender their 
 whole fleet? and to abstain from all attacks upon Pylus till the 
 return of the envoys, when their ships were to be restored. 
 Meanwhile, the Athenians were to continue the blockade of 
 Sphacteria, but not to commit any acts of hostility against it ; 
 whilst the Lacsdscmoiiians were to be allowed to supply the
 
 310 HISTORY OF GREECIl Chai'. XXVUL 
 
 l)(!.si(;<^(!(l with provisions eiiouffli ((»r tlicir subsistence during the 
 aruiislice. 
 
 ^ 5. (ireat was tlic scuisation cxfMlcfl at Athens Ity beholding 
 tlio pride of Sparta thus huinbli-d and her envoys suin<r lijr 
 peace. Cleon availed hiniseil" ot the elation ot the luoinent to 
 insist on extrava<faut demands. Nothing,' less would satisly him 
 than the restoration of those places winch Atliens had ceded 
 lijurtcen years before, when the Thirty Years' truce was con- 
 cluded ; namely, Nisa;a, Pega;, Tra-zen, and Achaia ; and his 
 influence in the assembly induced it to adopt his views. The 
 Lacedaemonian envoys, perceiving that nothmg could be hoped 
 fiom the assembly, proposed a private negotiation with a lew 
 cho.sen individuals. But Cleon would not hear of this arrange- 
 niLJut, and when the envoys attempted to remonstrate, he com- 
 pleloly bullied and silenced them by his violence, and caused 
 them to be scut back to I'ylus, as they had come, in an Athe- 
 nian trireme. 
 
 ^ G. When the envoys returned, the Lacedaemonians demanded 
 the restoration of their fleet, according to agreement: but Eury- 
 m;don refused to comply, under the, apparently, false pretext 
 that the Lacedajmonians had violated the armistice by an at- 
 teu\pt to surprise Pylus. Ho.stilities were now resumed, but 
 without any decisive result. The blockade of Sphacteria began 
 to grow tedious and harassing. The force upon it continually 
 received supplies of provisions either from swimmers, who towed 
 skius lUled with linseed and poppy-seed mixed with honey, or 
 from Helots, who, induced by the promise of emancij)ation and 
 large rewards, eluded the blockading squadron during dark and 
 stormy nights, and landed cargoes on the back of the island. 
 The summer, moreover, was fast wearing away, and the storms 
 of winter might probably necessitate the raising of the blockade 
 altogether. Under these circumstances, Demosthenes began to 
 contemplate a descent upon the island ; with whicn view he 
 collected reinforcements from Zacynthus and I^aupactus, and 
 also sent a message to Athens to explain the unfavourable state 
 of the blockade, and to request further assistance. 
 
 ^ 7. These tidings were very distasteful to the Athenians, who 
 had looked upon Sphacteria as their certain prey. They began 
 to regret having let slip the favourable opportunity llir making 
 a peace, and to vent their displeasure upon Cleon, the director 
 of their conduct on that occasion. But Cleon put on a face 
 of brass. He charged the messengers from Pylus with having 
 misrepresented the facts of the case ; and when that position 
 proved untenable, began to abuse the strategi. His political 
 opponent, Nicias, was then one of those otiicers, a man of quiet
 
 B.C. 425. CLEON ELECTED GENERAL. 311 
 
 disposition and moderate abilities, but — a peculiar distinction in 
 those days — thoroughly honest and incorruptible, pure in his 
 morals and sincerely religious. Hinr Cleon now singled out for 
 his vituperation, and pointing at him with his finger, exclaimed 
 — " It would be easy enough to take the island if our generals 
 were men. If / were Strategus, I Avould do it at once I" This 
 burst of the tanner made the assembly laugh. ^ He was saluted 
 with cries of "Why don't you go, then?" and Nicias, thinking 
 probably to catch his opponent in his own trap, seconded th<k 
 voice of the assembly by offering to place at his disposal what 
 ever force he might deem necessary for the enterprise. Cleon 
 at first endeavoured to avoid the dangerous honovu* thus thrust 
 upon him. But the more he drew back the louder were the as- 
 sembly in calling upon him to accept the office ; and as Nicias 
 seriously repeated his proposition, he adopted with a good grace 
 what there was no longer any possibility of evading. Nay, he 
 even declined the assistance of the regular Athenian hoplites, 
 and engaged, with some heavy-armed Lemnian and Imbrian 
 troops, together with some Thracian peltasts and 400 bowmen, 
 in addition to the soldiers already at Pylus, to take Sphacteria 
 within tM'enty days, and either kill all the Lacedsemomans upon 
 it, or bring them prisoners to Athens. 
 
 § 8. Never did general set out upon an enterprise under 
 circumstances more singular ; but, what was still more extra- 
 ordinary, fortune enabled him to make his promise good. Iv 
 fact, as we have seen, Demosthenes had already resolved ov 
 attacking the island. Cleon procured that general to be named 
 his second in command, and thus stepped in, with a nominal 
 authority, to intercept the honours which were in reality due to 
 another. On the other hand, Nicias is not free from blame on 
 this occasion. He seems to have given the command to Cleon, 
 whom he deemed totally incompetent lor it, merely with the view 
 of ruining a political opponent, and to have left the interests of 
 Athens wholly out of sight. 
 
 When Cleon arrived at Pylus he found everything prepared 
 for the attack. Accident favoured the enterprise. A fire 
 kindled by some Athenian sailors, who had landed lor the pur- 
 pose of cooking their dinner, caught and destroyed the woods 
 with which the island was overgrown, and thus deprived the 
 Lacedaemonians of one of their principal defences. Nevertheless, 
 such was the awe inspired by the reputation of the Spartan arms, 
 that Demosthenes considered it necessary to land about 10,000 
 soldiers of different descriptions, among M'hom were 800 Athe' 
 nian hoplites, although the Laceda-monian force consisted of 
 only about 420 men. Their commander, Epitadas, was posted
 
 812 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVIII. 
 
 witli the main body in Uio centre of the inland. An outjjost of 
 30 liopHtfS defended the extremity larthe.st from ]'yhi«. The 
 end of the ishmd faeinf( that plaee, Hteep and rngtred by nature, 
 was rendered still stronjifer by a circuit of rude .stone.-*, of an- 
 cient and unknown orij^in, wliich answered the purpo.se of :i fort. 
 The Athenians, bavinj^ landed before daybreak, Hurj)ri.sed and 
 cut to pieces tlje advanced guard of 30 hoplites. Then De- 
 mosthenes, havinj^ divided his light-armed troops into bodies of 
 about 200 men each, which were to hover round and annoy the 
 enemy, drew up his 800 hoplites in battle array near the spot 
 where he had landed. Epitadas had therefore to advance against 
 him with his main body, about 3G0 in number, over gTf)und ob- 
 structed by the ashes and stumps of the burnt wood, and amid.st 
 a shower of missiles from the light troops on his flanks and rear. 
 At length, distressed by a species of Avarfare which lie had no 
 means of repelling, and almost blinded by the dust and ashes, 
 Epitadas ordered his men to retreat to the stone fort at the ex- 
 tremity of the island, whither they were followed by the Athe- 
 nian hoplites. Here, however, having the advantage of the 
 ground, and being able to use their spears and swords in close 
 combat, the Lacedajmonians for a long while kept their assailants 
 at bay ; till some Messenians, stealing round by the sea-shore, 
 over crags and clili's which the Lacedaemonians had deemed im- 
 practicable, suddenly appeared on the high ground which over- 
 hung their rear. They now began to give way, and would soon 
 have been all slain ; but Cleon and Demosthenes, being anxious 
 to carry them prisoners to Athens, called ofl" their men from 
 the pursuit, and sent a herald to summon the Lacedaemonians 
 to surrender. The latter, in token of compliance, dropped their 
 shields, and waved their hands above their heads. They re- 
 quested, however, permission to communicate with their coun- 
 trymen on the mainland ; who, after two or tlii'ee communica- 
 tions, sent them a final message — " to take counsel for themselves, 
 but to do nothing disgraceful." The sun-ivors then surrendered. 
 They were 292 in number, 120 of whom were native Spartans 
 belonging to the first families. By this surrender the prestige 
 of the Spartan arms was in a great degree destroyed. The 
 Spartans were not, indeed, deemed invincible ; but their pre- 
 vious I'eats, e.specially at Thermopylae, had inspired the notion 
 that they would rather die than yield ; an opinion which could 
 now no longer be entertained. 
 
 k 9. Cleon had thus performed his promise. On the day after 
 the victory, he and Demosthenes started with the prisoners for 
 Athens, where they arrived within 20 days from the time of 
 Cleon's departure. Altogether, this afiair was one of the most
 
 B.C. 425. CAPTURE OF Pi^LUS. 313 
 
 favoiirabib xbr ths Athenians that had occurred during the war. 
 The prisoners would serve not only for a guarantee against fu- 
 ture invasions, which might be averted by threatening to put 
 them to death, but also as a means for extorting advantageous 
 conditions whenever a peace should be concluded. Kay, the 
 victor^' 'tself was of considerable importance, since it enabled 
 the Athenians to place Pylus in a better posture of defence, and, 
 by gaiTisoning it with Messenians from Naupactus, to create j, 
 stronghold whence Laconia might be overrun and ravaged at 
 pleasure. The Lacedsemonians themselves were so sensible of these 
 things, that they sent repeated iriessages to Athens to propose a 
 peace, but which the Athenians altogether disregarded. 
 
 ^10. Meanwhile, after the victoiy at Spl:acteria, Eurymedon 
 and Sophocles proceeded with the Athenian fleet to Corcyra, 
 where, in conjunction with the people, they took by stoim the 
 post of the oligarchs on Mount Istone. The latter atiirst retired 
 to an inaccessible peak, but subsequently surrendered them- 
 selves on condition of being sent to Athens to be judged by the 
 Athenian assembly- Eurj'medon, the same man it will be ob- 
 served, who had before abandoned the Corcyrseans to all the 
 fury of civil discord, assented to these conditions, and caused 
 the prisoners to be secured in the small adjoining island of 
 Ptychia. But he took not the slightest pains to carry out the 
 agreement ; nay, he even connived at the artifices of the Cor- 
 cr}-a;an democracy to entrap the prisoners into a breach of the 
 capitulation, and thus procure a pretext for their destruction. 
 For this purpose emissaries in the guise of friends were sent 
 over to Ptychia to persuade the prisoners that Eurymedon in- 
 tended to hand them over to their enemies, and thus succeeded 
 in inducing some of them to escape in a boat provided for tha' 
 purpose. The boat was seized in the act, and Eurymedon now 
 dehvered up the prisoners to the democratical party. They 
 were at first confined in a large building, whence, chained two 
 and two together, they were led out to execution in ccmpanies 
 of twenty. They advanced through a road lined with aim.ed 
 men, who singled out their private enemies, and struck and 
 wounded them till they perished. " These scenes," says a great 
 historian, " are real prototypes of the September massacres at 
 Paris : all the prisoners, jusfas at Paris, were led from the prise a 
 between two rows of armed men, and cut to pieces."* IMiat, 
 however, renders this scene still more disgusting than the Pa- 
 risian massacres, is, that a third party — Eurymedon, with his 
 Athenians — looked on in cold blood, and saw these atrocitiea 
 
 * Niebuhr, ' Lectures on Ancient Historv,' vol. ii. p. 69. 
 P
 
 :'.ii iii-^roiiv OF r;uj:i:<:K Ch.m'. xxviil 
 
 |)ci|ictr;i1c(l willioiit iii.-ikiii;^ IIk; sliirlilfst iittempt lo jm'vcut 
 lliciii. AllfT llirt'c (•(iiiipiiiiics liaii Ikcii (li'.-tr<»y<'(l the ruiuuiiiin^ 
 prisoiiiTS iclusc-il lo (jiiit lli<; l)iiil(liii<r, or to allow any one to 
 Ciller it ; ill Itio name \iuu- pitcoii.-ly imploririf,' the AtlieiiiaiiH to 
 kill tlieni, ratlier than aliandon theni to the cmcltie.s of their 
 coiMilryint'i.'.. I?iit Jiuryincdon \va.« incxorahle. The jjeojile now 
 iMirooled pail ol the l)nil(lin<r, and a^^saih^l llie jiriwjners with 
 showers ol tiles and arrows, till in order to ewape tiiis linfr'-riii^ 
 late, they were driven to commit suieide. TIk; work <»f' death 
 proceeded tlirou<^h llie iiiplit. At dayhreak the peoj)le entered 
 the building with cart.-, and ])ilin<r ujmmi them the dead bodies, 
 in number about 300, carried them out ol'the city. 
 
 Hi. The eiglith year of the war (n.c. 421) opened with bril- 
 liant ])ro.s})ects ior the Athenians. But their good ibrtune had 
 now reached its culminating point ; and before the year closed, 
 their defeat at the battle of Delium and the lo.ss ol' their empire 
 in Tiu'ace more than counterbalanced all the advantages they 
 had previously gained. At lir.st, however, success still attended 
 ihcir arms. Nicias reduced the important i.sland of Cvthera, at 
 the soutliern extremity of Laconia, and placed gam.sons in the 
 towns of Cythera and Scandeia. He then proceeded to the 
 coasts of Laconia, which he ravaged in various places. Ajnong 
 his contjuests here was the town of Thyrea, where the Lacedfc- 
 monians had allowed the ^-Eginetans to settle after their expul- 
 sion from their own island. Thyrea was destroyed, and the sair- 
 viving TEginetans carried to Athens and put to death. Among 
 the horrors which the great historian of the Peloponnesian war 
 has noted as characterizing the times, the murder of 2000 Helc*s 
 by the Laceda;monian3 stands conspicuous. Alarmed for the:\ 
 own safety since the establishment of an Athenian and Messe- 
 nian force at Pylus, the Lacedaemonians about this time pro- 
 claimed that those Helots who had distinguished themselves by 
 their services during the war should come Ibrward and claim 
 llieir liberty. A large body appeared, out of whom 2000 were 
 selected as worthy of emancipation. Crowned with garlands, 
 and honoured with all the imposing ceremonies of religion, the 
 UHhapjjy Helots paid with their lives for the liberty thus so- 
 lemnly acquired. In a short time they all disappeared, no man 
 knew how, by secret orders from the E})hors, who took this per- 
 lidious and detestable method to rid themselves of formidable 
 enemies. 
 
 ^ 12. Elate with their continued good fortune, the Athenians 
 aimed at nothing less than the recover)' of all the possessions 
 which they had held before the Thirty Years' tnice. For this 
 pur])o.se they planned two important expeditions, one again=t
 
 B.C. 424. BATTLE 01^' DELIUM. 315 
 
 Megara and the other against Breotia. In the former they were 
 partially successful. They seized Nisa'a, tlie port of Megara, 
 which they permanently occupied witli an Athenian garrison; 
 hut they were prevented from obtaining possession of Megara 
 itself by the energy of Brasidas, who was at that time in the 
 neighbourhood of Corinth, collecting troops for his Thracian 
 expedition. Receiving intelligence of the danger of Megara, he 
 immediately marched to the assistance of the city with a consi- 
 derable force, which the Athenians did not venture to attack. 
 
 The expedition against Boeotia was attended with the most 
 disastrous results. Some Boeotian exiles, and other malcontent 
 citizens, had formed a plan to betray Siphte, on the gulf of Co- 
 rinth, and Chseronea, on the borders of Phocis, into the bauds of 
 the Athenians, who were on the same day to invade Boeotia from 
 the south, and to seize the temple of Apollo at Delium, a place 
 about five miles from Tanagra, strongly situated upon the cliffs 
 on the eastern coast. It was anticipated that these smiultaneous 
 attacks at various points would divide the Boeotian forces, and 
 render the enterprise easy of execution. But the scheme was be- 
 trayed, and miscarried. Demostlienes, who was to attack Siphro 
 and Chaironea, found those places preoccupied by a formidable 
 Boeotian force, which rendered vain all hoj^jcs of surprising them. 
 Hippocrates, who commanded the army of invasion from the south, 
 proceeded to execute his part in the arrangement, and marched to 
 Delium with the very large force of 7000 Athenian hoplites, toge- 
 ther with 25,000 light armed troops and several hundred cavalry. 
 A day's march brought him to Delium, where he immediately 
 fortified the sanctuary of Apollo with a rampart and ditch, besides 
 other works. When these were completed, a garrison was left in 
 the place, and the army commenced its homeward march. On 
 arriving at the heights between Delium and the plain of Oropus, 
 they were encountered by the Boeotians, who had assembled in 
 great force at Tanagra. Their army consisted of about 7000 
 Bffiotian hoplites, some of whorai were the very flower of the 
 Theban M-arriors, 10,000 light armed troops, 500 peltasts, and 
 1000 horse. They were led by the eleven Bceotarchs then at the 
 head of the Boeotian confederacy, though the supreme command 
 seems to have been vested, probably alternately, in the two 
 Bosotarchs of Thebes, Pagondas and Aranthides. All the BcEOt- 
 archs, with the exception of Pagondas, were of opinion that, as 
 the Athenians seemed to be in full retreat, they should be sufli^red 
 to retire unmolested. But that commander, disregarding the 
 opinion of his colleagues, appealed to the patriotic and religious 
 feelings of the soldiers. He painted in strong colours the danger 
 of suffering this insult to their tojritory to pass unpunished, and
 
 :ur, IIISTOI'.V OF (JHKECIi Ciiai-. XXVIIL 
 
 jKfinted out that ilu: KacriCiccs were lavmirablc for an alluck, 
 wliilst, on lilt! oilier liaiid, tin; Atliciiiaiis had incurred llie anger 
 ol Apollo hy violatiiij.' his leiiiph?. Having' l»y these r<!jtre.senta- 
 tions jKTsuadcd ihc IWj'otians to hazard an eiifragement, he drew 
 up tlic army in order olljattie luidcr the hniW oC a hill wliieh 
 eouccalid theui irom the Athenian.s. llij)j)oerale.«, on liis side, 
 li.istiiird Id jjrepare liis troojw lor the hattle. His hopliles were 
 drawn up in <a line oi"ci<rht deep, having the lifrht armed troops 
 and cavalry on the flanks. The heavy Bu-olian phalanx, on the 
 (H)ntrary, Avas twenty-live deep ; the Thehan lioplites occupying 
 the right, •with the other heavy-anned Bceotians on the left and 
 in the centre. The light-armed troops and cavalry were ranged, 
 as in tlie Athenian hue, upon the flank.s. The Bojotians, ascend- 
 ing the liill in this array, as goon as they came in siglit of" the 
 Athenians, raised the war-shout anil charged, hcfore llij)pocratctj 
 had finished addressing his men. llavines at holh extremities 
 of the line prevented the light troops from engaging; hut the 
 serried ranks of tlie lioplites met in desperate conflict. The left 
 wing of the Bffiotians was repulsed; but on the right the skill 
 and A'alour of the chosen Theban warriors who led the van, as 
 well as tlie superior weight of" the deep and dcn.sely compacted 
 plialanx bore down all resistance. At the same time Pagondas, 
 having sent round liis cavalry to attack the Athenian right, 
 restored the fortune of tlie day on that side also. The rout of 
 the Athenians was now complete. Some fled back to Delium, 
 some to Oropus, others to the heights of Panics. Hippocrates 
 himself fell in the engagement, together with lOUO hoplites; a 
 loss about double that of the Boeotians. Fortunately for the 
 Athenians, the battle had commenced late in the day, and they 
 were thus rescued by the fiiendly shades of night from the pur- 
 suit and massacre which would otherwise have overtaken them. 
 When on the morrow an Athenian herald asked the cus- 
 tomary permission to bury the slain, the Bceotians reproached 
 the Athenians Avilh the violation of Apollo's sanctuan,', and re- 
 fused the sacred rites of sepulture till the sacrilege should be 
 axpiated, and Delium evacuated. They immediately invested 
 ibat place, which surrendered after a siege of seventeen days. 
 The greater part of the garrison, however, succeeded iu escaping 
 by sea, but about 200 prisoners fell into the hands of the 
 Boeotians. Altogether the battle of Delium was the greatest 
 and most decisive fought during the first period of the war. An 
 interesting feature of the battle is that both k>ocrates and his 
 pupil Alcibiades were engaged in it, the former among the 
 hoplites, the latter in the cavalr\-. Socrates distinguished him- 
 self by his bravery, and was oae of those who, instead of throw-
 
 B.C. 424. 
 
 BRASIDAS IN THRACE. 
 
 317 
 
 ing down their arms, kept together in a compact body, and re- 
 pulsed the attacks of the pursuing horse. His retreat was also 
 protected by Alcibiades. 
 
 ^ 13. This disastrous battle was speedily followed by the 
 overthrow of the Athenian empire in Thrace. At the reque.st 
 of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, and of the Chalcidian towns, 
 who had sued for help against the Athenians, Brasidas was 
 sent by the Lacedaemonian government into Thrace, at the 
 head of 700 Helot hoplites and such others as he could succeed 
 in raising in Greece. While engaged in levying troops in 
 the neighbourhood of Corinth, he saved Megara from falling 
 into the hands of the Athenians, as has been already related. 
 Having obtained 1000 Peloponnesian hoplites, in addition to 
 the 700 mentioned above, he succeeded, by a rapid and dex- 
 terous march through the hostile country of Thessaly, in eflecting 
 a junction with Perdiccas, with whom he marched into Thrace. 
 Hero he proclaimed that he was come to deliver the Grecian 
 cities from the tyrannous yoke of Athens. His bravery, his 
 kind and conciliating demeanour, his probity, moderation, and 
 good faith, soon gained him the respect and love of the allies of 
 Athens in that quarter ; whose defection was likewise promoted 
 by the news of the Athenian reverses. Acanthus and tStagirus 
 hastened to open their gates to him ; and early in the ensuing 
 wniter, by means of forced marches, he suddenly and unex- 
 
 Plan of the neishbourliood ol Aniphipolis. 
 
 ]. Sitf of Aniphipolis 
 5. Sitp of Eion 
 
 i. Kidce ronnertin? Anipliipoln with 
 Mount PangaMis. 
 
 Lwke Cercinitifl. 
 Mount Cerdylium. 
 Moanl l'an^a;us.
 
 niR IIISTOUY OF (iUKlTE. Chap. XXVIIL 
 
 ]icct('(]ly appeared before the iiii|iortaiit Alhciiian r()lr)iiy of 
 Airi|)lii|)()lis (111 llie Slryiiioii. Ju lliat lovvu llic Allieuiaii party 
 was the utroiijrer, and 8eiit a nie^.-^a^re liir assintaiiee to Thucy- 
 dides, tlio lii.slorian, who, in eoiijuiietioii with Eiiele.s, ■was then 
 ^R'lieral in those ])arts. Thuey(hde.s liastencd with Hcveii ships 
 I'roni ThaKos, and sncceeded in weurinr.'' Eion at tlic month of 
 the Slrynion ; but Aniplii])ohs, which lay a hltlo hi^lier up tlie 
 river, aUnred by the favourable terms oliered, had already sur- 
 rendered 1o Brasidas. For his want of viirilance on this occasion, 
 Thucydides was, on the motion ot Cleon, ticntenced to banish- 
 ment, and s])ent tlu; lollowing twenty years of his Hfe in exile. 
 From Amphipolis Brasidas proceeded to the easternmost penin- 
 sula of Clialcidice, whei'e most of the towns bastened to surrender. 
 At Torone, on the Silhoiiian peninsula, the gates were opened 
 by an anti-Athenian ])ar1y. The Athenian garrison fled to a 
 neighbouring ibrt ; but Brasidas took the place by storm, and 
 put all the prisoners to tlie sword. 
 
 ^ 14. The Athenians were so much depressed by their deieat 
 at Delium, that they neglected to take vigorous measures for 
 aiTesting the progress of Brasidas. They now began to think 
 seriously of peace, and to entertain the proposals of" the Laceda;- 
 monians, who were on their side solicitous about their prisoners 
 still in custody at Athens. Early in c.c. 423, the ninth year of 
 the war, a truce was concluded for a year, with a view to the 
 subsequent adjustment of a definitive and permanent peace. 
 The negotiations for that purpose were, liowever, suddenly inter- 
 rupted by the news that JScioue had revolted to Brasidas. This 
 revolt appears to have taken place two days after the conclusion 
 of the truce ; and as one of the conditions was that every thing 
 should remain in statu quo till peace was definitively concluded, 
 the Athenians demanded that the town should be restored. 
 With this demand Brasidas refused to comply. Excited by the 
 sjieeches of Cleon, the Athenians woidd not listen to any pro- 
 posals for arbitration, and sent an armament against Scione, 
 with orders that every man in the place shoidd be put to death. 
 
 The war was thus revived in those distant regions, but 
 nearer home the truce was observed. Brasidas, who had been 
 deserted by the faithless Perdiccas, threw himself into Torone 
 on the approach of the Athenians. Tsieias and Isicostratus. who 
 had arrived in Clialcidice with 50 triremes and a large body of 
 troops, commenced operations against Mende, which had also 
 revolted. The town was surrendered by a party among the 
 citizens : the Lacedaemonian garrison contrived to escape to 
 Scione, which town the Athenians proceeded to invest ; and 
 when Nicias had completely blockaded it, he returned to Athena.
 
 B.C. 422. DEATH OF BRASIDAS AND CLEON. 319 
 
 S^ 15. Things remained in this state till the beginning of the 
 year b.c. 422, when the truce expired. Early in August, Cleon 
 having been appointed to the command, proceeded against 
 Scione, with a fleet of 30 triremes, carrying 1200 hoplites, 300 
 cavalry, and a large force of subsidiary troops. In the absence 
 of Brasidas he succeeded in taking Torone and Galepsus, btit 
 failed in an attempt upon Stagirus. He then lay for seme time 
 inactive at Eion, till the murmurs of his troops compelled him 
 to proceed against Amphipolis. Thither Brasidas had also 
 dii'ected his m.arch, with an army of 2000 hoplites, 300 Greek 
 cavalry, and a large body of light armed Tliracians. He encamped 
 on the heiglits of Cerdylium on the western bank of the river, 
 whence he could survey all the nrovements of the enemy ; but, 
 on the approach of Cleon, he threw all his troops into the town, 
 rhat general encamped on a rising ground on the eastern side of 
 A.mphipolis. Having deserted the peaceful art of dressing hides 
 for the more hazardous trade of Mar, in which he was almost 
 totally inexperienced, and having now no Demosthenes to direct 
 his movements, Cleon was thrown completely ofi' his guard by a 
 very ordinary stratagem on the part of Brasidas, who contrived 
 to give the town quite a deserted and peaceful appearance. 
 Cleon suffered his troops to fall into disorder, till he was sud- 
 denly surprised by the astounding news that Brasidas was pre- 
 paring for a sally. Cleon at once resolved to retreat. But his 
 ekill was equal to his valour. He had no conception that he 
 could be attacked till Brasidas had drawn out his men and 
 formed them, as if they were on parade, in regular order. He 
 therefoi-e conducted his retreat in the most disorderly manner. 
 His left wing had already filed off, and his centre with straggling 
 ranks was in the act of following, when Brasidas ordered the 
 gates of the town to be flung open, and rushing out at the head 
 of only loO chosen soldiers, charged the retreating columns in 
 flank. They were immediately routed ; but as Brasidas was 
 hastening to attack the Athenian right, which was oidy just 
 breaking ground, and where Cleon himself was posted, he re- 
 ceived a mortal wound and was carried oft" the field. Though 
 his men were forming on the hill, Cleon fled as fast as he could 
 on the approach of the enemy, but was pursued and slain by a 
 Thracian peltast. In spite, however of the disgraceful flight of 
 their general, the right wing maintained their groimd for a con- 
 siderable time, till some cavalry and peltasts issuing from Am- 
 phipolis attacked them in flaidv and rear, and compelled ihcm. to 
 fiy. On assembling again at Eion it was found that half the 
 Athenian hoplites had been slain. Brasidas was carried into 
 Amphipolis, and lived long enough to receive the tidings of liis
 
 320 
 
 UISTOllV OF C.MKKCK. 
 
 CiiAi-. XXVJIL 
 
 vir-t(iry. H"" 'vv.is iiitcm-d williiii tlui walls willi f^real iiiililar) 
 |)(>in|i ill I 111' ((Ml ri' <>r wliat tlic'iicelorlli liccaiiic Uie cliiel a^ora ; 
 lie was proclaiiiird ii-cist, (jf luiiiuJcr ol iIk; town ; uiid was wor- 
 Hliip|R(l as a \\vu) willi aiimial fjaiiifs and HacriliccK. 
 
 ^ 16. IJy tlic death oi' lirasidas and Clcoii, tlie two chief ob- 
 Bladcs to a jicaeu were removed ; ior the Ibruier loved war lor the 
 Bake of its jrlory, the latter ii>r the handle which it allordcd lor 
 'agitation and l()r attackinfr his political (opponents. The Athernan 
 'Nicias, and the Sjiartan king I'leistoanax, zealously Ibrwarded 
 the negotiations, and in the sprnig ol the yvar u.c. 121, a peace 
 for 50 years, conirnonly called the ]>eace of jS'icias, was concluded 
 on the basis of a mutual restitution of jirisoners and places caj)- 
 tured during the war. The Thebans, liowever, retained Plataa 
 on the j)lea that it had been voluntarily surrendered, and on the 
 same grounds Athens was allowed to hold Nisa-a, Anactorium. 
 and Sollium. Neutral towns were to remain independent, and 
 pay only the assessment of Aristides. By tliis treaty ^^par1a 
 sacrificed tlic interests of her allies in favour of her own. Her 
 confederates viewed it with jealousy and distrust, and four of 
 them, namely, the Ba*otians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians, 
 positively refused to ratify it. Alarmed at this circumstance, as 
 well as at the expiration of her Thirty Years' Truce with Argos, 
 Sparta soon afterwards concluded an oliensive and defensive 
 alliance with Athens, with the stipulation tliat each might in- 
 crease or diminish at pleasure the number of its alhes and 
 subjects. 
 
 Coin of Amphipolis.
 
 Centaur from the Metopes of the Parthenon. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN "WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS 
 TO THE EXPEDITION OF THE ATHENIANS TO SICILY. 
 
 § 1. LeagueofArgos, Corinth, Elca.Mantinea, and Chalcidice. § 2. Trans- 
 actions between Sparta and Athens. § 3. Policy and cliaracter of Alci- 
 biades. §4. Headvocatesaleague with Argos. Resorts to a stratagem 
 to procure it. § 5. Alcibiades victor at Olynipia. His magnificence. 
 § 6. He proceeds to Peloponnesus. § 7. Proceedings of the Lacedsemo- 
 nians. Battle of Maiitinea. § 8. Revolutions at Argos. A democracy 
 established. §9. Conquest ofMelos by the Athenians. §10. Interven- 
 tionof the AtheniansinSicily. §11. Embassy of the Egestfeans. They 
 deceive tlie Athenians respecting their wealth. § 12. The Athenians 
 resolve on an expedition to Sicily. § 13. Preparations at Athens. 
 Popular delusion. § 14. Mutilation of the Hermaj. Accusation of 
 Alcibiades. § 1.5. Departure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily. 
 
 M. It has been mentioned that several of the alUes of Sparta 
 were dissatisfied with the peace which she had conchided ; and 
 soon afterwards some of them determined to revive the ancient 
 pretensions of Arp;os, and to make her the head of a new con- 
 federacy, which should include all Greece, with the exception of 
 Sparta and Athens. The movement was begini by the Corin-
 
 «'22 IMSTORV or GRKKCM CitAi-. XAIX. 
 
 Iliiaiis, wlio il'lt themselves ri^ri^'rieved Ix-eaiise llie L;ici!(l;nni(nii;iiiH 
 had allowed Athens to retain Sollium aiid Aiiaeloriuiii. TJic 
 lea;fiie Avas soon joined by tiie Jileans, the Mantiiicuiis, and the 
 (Jhaleidi;uis. Jhil they in vain endeavfinrcd to persuade the 
 Ijovverfni city of T»;<rea to unite with thern ; wliilst the olif,'ar- 
 ehieal <i;overniiients oliid-otia and IMe^'ara also stood alfM)!'. 
 
 ^ 2. I5et\ve(;n Sparta and Athens tiieniselvcs matters were far 
 from heinjr on a satisfaetory looting. !S]»arta confessed her in- 
 ability to compel the Jiu^otians and Corintliians to accede to the 
 peace, or even to restore the town of Ampliipolis. After the 
 death of Brasidas, Clearidas had succeeded to the conunand of 
 Ami)liipolis ; and lie now pretended tliat lie was not stron;^ 
 enoufrli to surrender it a<raiiist the will of the inhabitants. 
 However, he withdrew witli his garrison from the jdace ; and 
 the Athenians do not apjiear to have made any attempt to take 
 possession of it. All that they efiected in that quarter was to 
 reduce Scionc, when the bloody decree of Cleou was carried into 
 execution. Athens consequently refused to evacuate Pylus, 
 thousih she removed the Helots and Mcsscnians from it. 
 
 ^ 3. In the negotiations which ensued respecting the surrender 
 of Pylus, Alcibiades took a prominent part. Tliis extraordinary 
 man had already obtained immense inliuciice at Athens. Young, 
 rich, handsome, profligate, and clever, Alcibiades was the very 
 model of an Athenian man of fashion. In lineage he was a striking 
 contrast to the plebeian orators of the day. The Athenian public, 
 in spite of its excessive democracy, was anything but insensible 
 to the jirestige of high birth ; and Alcibiades traced liis paternal 
 descent from the iEacid heroes Eurysaces and Ajax, whilst on 
 his mother's side he claimed relationship with the Alcmseonidse, 
 and consequently with Pericles. On the death of liis father 
 Clinias, Pericles had become his guardian. From early youth 
 the conduct of Alcibiades was marked by violence, reck- 
 lessness, and vanity. He delighted in astonishing the more 
 sober portion of the citizens by his capricioiis and extravagant 
 leats. Nothing, not even the sacredness of the laws, was securb 
 from his petulance. Sometimes we find him beating a school- 
 master for not having a copy of Homer in his school, or inter- 
 rupting the performances of the theatre by strikmg his fellow 
 choregus ; and on one occasion he ell'aces with his own hand an 
 indictment published against a Thasian poet, and defies both 
 prosecutor and magistrate to proceed with it. His beauty, his 
 wit, and his escapades, had made him the darling of all the 
 Athenian ladies, nor did the men regard him Anth less admira- 
 tion. But he was utterly destitute of morality, whether public 
 or private. The " lions whelp, " as he .is termed by Aristo-
 
 B.C. 421. CHAEACTER OF ALCIBIADES. 323 
 
 phanes, was even suspected, in his boundless ambition, of a 
 design to enslave bis i'ellow-citizens. His vices, however, were 
 partly redeemed by some brilliant qualities. He possessed both 
 boldness of design and vigour of action ; and though scarcely 
 more than thirty at the time of which we are now speaking, he 
 had already on several occasions distinguished himself by his 
 bravery. His more serious studies were made subservient to 
 the pm-poses of his ambition, for which some skill as an orator 
 was necessary. In order to attain it he frequented the schools 
 of the sophists, and exercised himself in the dialectics of Pro- 
 dicus, Protagoras, and above all of Sccrates. As an orator he 
 seems to have attained a respectable, but not a first, rank. He 
 had not the rapid and spontaneous flow of ideas and words 
 which characterised the eloquence of Pericles. He would fre- 
 quently hesitate m order to cull the mcst choice and elegant 
 phrase ; and a lisp, whether natural or afiected, which turned 
 all the rs into Z"s, must have been a serious drawback to his 
 orator)'. 
 
 ^ 4. Such was the man who now opposed the application of 
 the Lacedscinonian ambassadors. It is characteristic of him that 
 personal pique Avas the motive of his opposition. The politics 
 of his ancestors had been democratic, and his grandfather was a 
 violent opponent of the Pisistratidaj. But he himself on his first 
 entrance into public life, a little before the peace of Nicias, had 
 manifested oligarchical sentiments, and even endeavoured to 
 renew an ancient tie of hospitahty wdiich had formerly connected 
 his family with Sparta. With the view of becoming the Spartan 
 proxenus at Athens, he had been assiduous in his attentions 
 towards the Spartan prisoners, and had taken an active part in 
 forwarding the peace. But the Spartan government rejected 
 his advances, and even sneered at the idea of intrusting their 
 political interests to a youth known only by his insolence and 
 profligacy. The petulant Alcibiades was not the man to brook 
 such an afl'ront. He immediately threw himself, A\ith all the 
 restless energy of his character, into the party opposed to Sparta, 
 now deprived of ils most conspicuous leader by the death of 
 Cleon. He began to advocate a league with Argos, in which 
 city the democratic party at that time predominated, and sent 
 a private message to his friends there advising them to despatch 
 ambassadors to negotiate the admission of Argos among th* 
 allies of Athens. A joint embassy was accordingly sent from 
 Argos, Elea, and Mantinea. The Lacedaemonians endeavoured 
 to defeat this negotiation by sending three of their most popular 
 citizens to Athens, to make another attempt to procure the 
 cession of Pylus. Their reception was so favourable, that Alci-
 
 ■i2\ HISTORY OF GKi:i:CJ-l (Jiui. XXlx. 
 
 blades, alurrnud LlI llic prospect of their bucccss, resorted to a 
 triclc in order to defeat it. He called -npori the LacedaTnonian 
 cnvnyr, one of v.-h(;in happened to b'j hi.s iiersonal Irierid ; and 
 ])retetiding to have resumed his predilections lor Sparta, he ad- 
 viseil them not to tell the Assembly tliat they were lurnished 
 Avilh full ])owers, as in that case the people Avould bully them 
 into extravagant concessions, but rather to say that they were 
 merely come to discuss and report ; promising, il'liiey did so, to 
 speak in their favour, and induce the Assembly to grant the 
 restitution of Pylus, to which he himself had hitherto been the 
 chief obstacle. Accordingly, on the next day, when the ambas- 
 sadors were introduced into the Assembly, Alcibiades, assuming 
 his blandest tone and mo.st winning smile, asked them on what 
 looting they came, and what were their powers .' In reply to 
 these queslions, the ambassadors, who only a day or two belbrc 
 had told Nicias and the Senate that they were come as plenipo- 
 tentiaries, now publicly declared in the face of the assembly, 
 that they were not authorized to conclude, but only to negotiate 
 and discuss. At this announcement, tho.se who had heard their 
 previous declaration could scarcely believe their ears. A 
 universal burst of indignation broke forth at this exhibition 
 of Spartan duplicity ; whilst to wind up the scene, Alcibiades, 
 affecting to be more surprised than any, distinguished himself 
 by being the loudest and bitterest in his invectives against 
 the perfidy of the Lacedajmonians. Taking advantage of the 
 moment, he proposed that the Argive ambassadors should be 
 called in, and an alliance instantly concluded with Argos. The 
 motion, liowever, was defeated for the present by an earth- 
 quake which occurred, and which caused the assembly to be 
 adjourned. This delay procured Nicias the opportunity of pro- 
 ceeding to Sparta, and making another attempt at adjustment. 
 It proved, however, unsuccessful. Nicias was obliged to make 
 the mortifying confession of his failure before the assembly ; and 
 Alcibiades thereupon procured the completion of a treaty of 
 alliance for 100 years with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea. This 
 took place in the year 420 B.C. Thus were the Grecian states 
 involved in a complicity of separate and often apparently oppo- 
 site alliances. It was evident that allies so heterogeneous could 
 not long hold together ; nevertheless, nomuially at least, peace 
 was at first observed. 
 
 ^ 5. In the July which followed the treaty with Argos, the 
 Olympic games, Mhich recurred every fourth year, were to be 
 celebrated. The Athenians had been shut out by the war from 
 the two previous celebrations ; but now Elean heralds came with 
 the usual forms to invite their attendance. Curiosity was ex-
 
 B.C. 418. "WAR IN PELOPONNESUS. 325 
 
 cited throughout Greece to see what figure Athens would make 
 at this great Pan-Hellenic festival. War, it was surmised, must 
 have exhausted her resources, and would thus prevent her from 
 appearing with becoming splendour. But from this reproach 
 she was rescued by the wealth and vanity, if not by the patri- 
 otism of Alcibiades. By his care, the Athenian deputies exhi- 
 bited the richest display of golden ewers, censers, and other 
 plate to be used in the public sacrifice and procession ; whilst 
 lor the games he entered in his own name no lewer than the un- 
 hisard of immber of seven four-horsed chariots, of which one 
 gained the fii'st, and another the second prize. Alcibiades was 
 consequently twice crowned with the olive, and twice proclaimed 
 victor by the herald. In his private tent his victory was cele- 
 brated by a magnificent banquet. It is not improbable, how- 
 ever, that on this occasion he was assisted by the Athenian 
 allies ; for the whole Ionic race was interested in appearing with 
 due honour at this grand national festival. 
 
 ^ G. The growing ambition and success of Alcibiades j^rompted 
 him to carry his schemes against Sparta into the very heart of 
 Peloponnesus, without, however, openly violating the peace. For 
 the first time an Athenian general was beheld traversing the 
 peninsula, and busying himself with the domestic afiairs of 
 several of its states. He persuaded the citizens of Patraj in 
 Achaia to ally themselves with Athens ; and proceeded with 
 tiie few troops he had brought with him to assist the Argives in 
 an attack upon Epidaurus, a city conveniently situated for facili- 
 tating the intercourse between Argos and Athens. The territory 
 of Epidaurus was ravaged ; and late in the autumn, the Lacedae- 
 monians sent 300 men by sea to the assistance of that city ; but 
 nothing decisive took place. 
 
 § 7. The Laceda;mjnians now found it necessary to act with 
 more vigour ; and accordingly in u.c. 418, they assembled a very 
 large army, consisting both of their allies and of their own troops, 
 and invaded the territory of Argos in three divisions. Their 
 operations were judiciously planned. The Spartan king, Agis, 
 succeeded in surrounding the Argive army in such a manner 
 that he might easily have cut it to pieces ; but at the moment 
 when an engagement was on the point of commencing, two of 
 the Argive leaders proceeded to Agis, and by undertaking to 
 procure a satisfactory alliance between Argos and Sparta, in- 
 duced him to grant a truce of four mouths. Shortly after this 
 truce had been concluded the Athenians came to the assistance 
 of the Argives with a force of 1000 hoplites and 400 cavalry. 
 They were accompanied by Alcibiades, who seems, however, to 
 have come in a civil capacity. He now persuaded the Argives
 
 820 IIISTOIIY OF (illEECM Ciiai-. XXIX. 
 
 to iiKiicli witli ihosi; IroDjH iind otlier allies afrainst llie town of 
 UrclioiiuMios ill Arcadia. JIaviii<( rt;(lii(;<;(i Orcliornenos, they 
 j)roc.in;(li!fl aj^aiii.st Tcj^ca, lio|»iii<i^ to bi;fM)iiic masters of it tlirouj^li 
 till! tivacliery of a party amoii<( tliu citizL'iis. TIh!.-r; priKicudiiifrH, 
 liowcvor, nmsiid tlio LacL-daMnoiiians, who entered the ttirritory 
 of Maiitiiiea with a iar<rc fonre. Agis, who harl iiieurred the just 
 iiidijriiatioii of his comitryiucii hy the iiiijirovideiit truee Ijclore 
 iii'.'iitioiied, was nevertheless intrusted with the coiriinand of 
 tliis army ; but only in consideration of his haviiitr jironiiseJ to 
 v/ipe out his former dis<';rae(! hy perlorming some f^^reat exploit. 
 He marched into the territory of Mantinca, and took up a posi- 
 tion near the Ileracleum, or temple of flercules, whence he laid 
 waste the surronndinj^ country. The Arsrives and their alUes 
 marched forth from Mantinea, and, po.-^tiui^ them.selves on very 
 inrrrred aud adva ita^oous ground, oliered the Lacedicmonians 
 battle. Anxious to retrieve his honour, Agis was hastening to 
 attack them even at this disadvantage, and had already arrived 
 within javclin-throw, when an aged wan'ior exclaimed that he 
 was now about " to heal one mi.schief by another." f?trnck by 
 this remark Agis drew oil' his men, and, with the view ol" enticing 
 the Argivos from their position, commonred a retrograde march 
 over the plain ; intending also to block up a watercourse situated 
 at some distance, and annoy the Mantiiieans by flooding their 
 lands. Finding, however, this project to be impracticable, he 
 returned upon his steps the following day, when liis columns 
 suddenly found themselves in presence of the enemy, drawn up 
 in order of battle upon the plain. But, though taken somewhat 
 by surprise, the admirable discipHne of the Lacedaemonians, 
 ensured by a continuous subordination of officers, as well as by 
 constant drill, enabled Agis to form his line speedily and without 
 confusion in the face of the enemy. Instead of charging before 
 his troops were formed, the Argive generals were wasting the 
 time in haranguing their men. The Spartans, who were soldiere 
 by profession, needed no such encouragement, and trusted 
 rather to discipline and valour than to line speeches. Instead 
 of these, the inspiriting wai'-song resounded through their ranks ; 
 whilst the slow and steady regularity of their march was go- 
 verned by the musical time of their pipers. Their opponents ou 
 the contrary came rushing on at a furious pace. From the 
 natural tendency of Greek armies to advance somewhat towards 
 the right, in order to keep their left or shielded side as much as 
 possible towards the enemy, the left wing of Agis was outllanked 
 by the right of the allies, in which fought a chosen body of 1000 
 Argive hoplites, formed of the flower and aristocracy of the city, 
 and maintained and drilled at the public expense. On this side
 
 B.C. 418. BATTLE OF MANTINEA. 321 
 
 the Lacedaemonians were routed ; but Agis nevertheless pushed 
 on with his centre and right, and gained a complete victory. 
 The loss of the allies was computed at 1100 among whom were 
 200 Athenians and both their generals, Laches and Nicostratus. 
 Of the Lacedaemonians about 300 were slain. This battle, called 
 the battle of Mantinea, which was fought in June, 418 b.c, had 
 great efiect in restoring the somewhat tarnished lustre of the 
 Spartan arms. From the renown of the nations engaged in it, 
 though not in point of numbers, it was a more important battle 
 even than that of Deliurn. 
 
 ^ 8. Tiiia. defeat strengthened the oligarchical party at Argos, 
 which now entered into a conspiracy to bring about an alliance 
 with Sparta. To assist their views the Lacedaemonians marched 
 in great force to Tegea, and oil'ered Argos the alternative of an 
 aUiance or war ; and in spite of all the elibrts of Alcibiades to 
 counteract it, a treaty was eventually concluded between the two 
 states. This was followed by a revolution at Argos. The demo- 
 cratical leaders were slain, and an oligarchical government esta- 
 blished by means of their thousand chosen hoplites. But the 
 oligarchs abused their power, and the brutal tyranny of Bryas, 
 the commander of the chosen Thousand, produced a counter- 
 revolution. A bride of the humbler class, whom he had ravished 
 from the very midst of a wedding procession, and carried to his 
 house, put out the eyes of the tyrant during the night with the 
 pin of her brooch, and having thus efiectcd her escape, roused 
 by her tale of woe the indignation of the people. The latter, 
 taking advantage of the Lacedaimonians being engaged in the 
 festival of the Gymnopsedia, rose against the aristocrats, ob- 
 tained possession of the city, and renewed the alliance with 
 Athens. An attempt to construct long walls from Argos to the 
 sea, a distance of four or five miles, was defeated by the Lacedae- 
 monians ; but in the spring of B.C. 416 Alcibiades arrived to 
 support the Argive democracy with an Athenian armament, 
 and 20 triremes. Nevertheless, the peace between Sparta and 
 Athens continued to be nominally observed, although the gar- 
 rison of Pylus were committing ravages in Laconia, and the 
 Lacedaemonians, by way of reprisal, iniested the Athenian com- 
 merce with their privateers. 
 
 ^ 9. It was in the same year that the Athenians attacked and 
 conquered Melos, which island and Thera were the only islands in 
 the 7'Egean not subject to the Athenian supremacy. Their arma- 
 ment consisted of 38 triremes and a considerable force of hoplites. 
 The Melians having rejected all the Athenian overtures for a 
 voluntary submission, their capital was blockaded by sea and 
 land, and after a siege of some months surrendered. On the \n-o-
 
 S28 lIlSTOliV OF CAIEKCE. Cum: XXlX 
 
 posnl, as it ap])oarH, oC Alcihiadcs, all I In: adult rnalcH were put to 
 ilcatli, the woiiieu and children Hold into .slavery, and the iKJand 
 (Unionized alVesh by -3^)0 Athenians. This horrihlc proeeedirif^ 
 was the inon; indelensible, as the Athenians, liavin<( attacked the 
 Melians in full j)eaee, could not jjrt-tend that they were jn.stilied 
 by the custom of" war ni slayinf^ tli(; jirisoners. It was the 
 crowniiiff act of" insolence and cnaclty di.~playcd during their 
 empire, which from this |)criod began rapidly to decline. 
 
 ^ 10. The event dc'sliued to produce tliat catastrojihe — the 
 intervention of the Atlnuians in the aliiiirs of Sicily — was already 
 in progress. The feuds of race liad been kindled in that island, 
 as in the rest of Greece, by the reloponnesian war. Eleven or 
 twelve years before the ])eriod of which we are now speaking 
 the J)orian cities of Sicily (with tlie exception of Camarina), to- 
 gether with tlie Locrians of Italy, liad, under the head.ship of 
 Syracuse, joined the Peloponnesiau confederacy, and declared 
 war against Leontini, Cainarina, and their ally, the city of Rhe- 
 gium in Italy. 
 
 In the year 427 B.C., the Leontines sent an embassy to Athens, 
 to crave the assistance of the Athenians. At the head of it was 
 the rhetorician, Gorgias, the novelty of whose brilliant eloquence 
 look the Athenians by surprise, and is said to liave chiefly con- 
 tributed to the success of the application. However that may 
 be, an Athenian squadron of twenty ships was despatched to the 
 assistance of the Leontines, and also with a view to ascertain the 
 possibility of I'cducing all Sicily, of whose size the Athenians 
 seem to have had very vague and imperfect notions, to the 
 obedience of Athens. A subsequent expedition in 42o B.C., con- 
 sisting of forty triremes, under the command of Eurymedon and 
 Sophocles, has been already mentioned.* The selfish and am- 
 bitious designs of Athens liad however become so evident that 
 in the spring of the following year a congress of the Sicilian 
 cities met at Gela ; where the Sj-racusan, Hennocrates, in an 
 able and patriotic speech, succeeded in persuading them to lay 
 aside their dissensions, and to unite in defeating the schemes of" 
 Athens. The Athenians were so disappointed at this failure, 
 that when Eurymedon, and his colleagues Sophocles and Pytho- 
 dorus, returned, they were indicted and convicted of havuig 
 taken bribes to accede to the peace. Eunmedon was sen- 
 tenced to pay a fine, and his fellow commanders were banished. 
 
 S^l. lu the year 422 B.C., another application for assistance 
 was made to the Athenians by the Leontine democracy, who 
 had been expelled by the aristocrats ; but the Athenians, then 
 
 * See above, p. 307.
 
 B.C. 416. AFFAIRS OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS. 829 
 
 smarting under their recent losses, and having just concluded a 
 truce with Sparta, could not be persuaded to grant any eliectual 
 succour. In the spring of 416 B.C., however, an embassy from 
 the Sicilian town of Egesta was more successful. A quarrel had 
 broken out between Egesta and Selinus, both which cities were 
 seated near the western extremity of Sicily ; and Selinus, having 
 obtained the aid of Syracuse, was pressing very hard upon the 
 Egestseans. The latter appealed to the interests of the Athe- 
 nians rather than to their sympathies. They represented how 
 great a blow it would be to Athens if the Dorians became pre- 
 dominant in Sicily, and joined the Peloponnesian confederacy ; 
 and they undertook, if the Athenians would send an armament 
 to their assistance, to provide the necessary funds for the pro- 
 secution of the war. Their application was supported by the 
 Leontine exiles still resident at Athens. But their most power- 
 ful advocate was Alcibiades, whose ambitious views are said to 
 have extended even to the conquest of Carthage. In these 
 distant expeditions he beheld a means of gratifying his passion 
 for adventure and glory, and at the same time of retrieving his 
 fortune, which had been dilapidated by his profligate expendi- 
 ture. The quieter and more prudent Nicias and his party threw 
 their weight into the opposite scale ; and at their instance it was 
 resolved, before an expedition was undertaken, to ascertain 
 whether the Egestseans were really able to perform the promises 
 they had made. For this purpose commissioners were despatched 
 to Egesta, whom, however, the cunning Egestseans completely 
 deceived. In the splendid temple of Aphrodite, on Mount Eryx, 
 a magnificent display of oflerings was set out, consisting of 
 vessels which the Egestseans passed ofl" for solid gold, though 
 only silver gilt. In the private houses, where they were invited 
 to banquet after banquet, the Athenian envoys were astonished 
 at the profusion of plate under which the sideboards groaned, 
 but which was slily transferred for the occasion from one house 
 to another. Sixty talents of silver, placed in their hands as 
 earnest-money, completed the delusion ; and the commissioners, 
 who were, perhaps, not unwilling to be deceived, returned to 
 Athens with magnificent accounts of the wealth of Egesta. 
 
 ^ 12. Dazzled by the idea of so splendid an enterprise, the 
 means for accomplishing which seemed ready provided, the 
 Athenian assembly at once decided on despatching a fleet of 
 sixty triremes, under Nieias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus, with the 
 design of assisting Egesta, of restoring the Leontine democracy, 
 and lastly of establishing the influence of Athens throughout 
 Sicily, by whatever means might be ibund practicable. Nieias, 
 though named as one of the commanders of the expedition,
 
 330 HISTORY OV flllKKCR Ciiai-. XXIX. 
 
 entirely disapprovt^d of It, and dciidiiiiccd il. in tlic aHHcrnhly 
 as spriii^MM^j; I'loin tlie vain frlory and .'iniltilion ol' AlciltiadcB. 
 Tlio lattt-r rf[)cilcd tliesc not ninnrritcd attacks in a violent 
 S])oc(;li, and fx-rsuadc-d the assviidily to ratify tlifir fonner deci- 
 sion. Another atternjd of Nicias to deter the Athenian.-* from 
 the enter])rise by representing the enormous force whidi it 
 wonld rcfjuirc, had an etiect exactly contrary to what lie liad 
 intended ; for the a.^senibly, taking him at liis word, decreed k 
 fleet of 100 in.stead of GO triremes, together with a proportionate 
 increase in the land forces. 
 
 ^13. For the next three months the preparations for the un- 
 dertaking were pre.s.scd on with tlic greatest ardour. Young and 
 old, rich and poor, all vied with one another to obtain a .share in 
 the expedition. Oracles and ])rophecies ])redicting success were 
 circulated through the city, and greedily listened to. So great 
 was the throng of volunteers, that the care of the generals was 
 restricted to the ta.sk of selection. The trierarchs contended 
 wliich slioiild produce his vessel not oidy in the mo.st efficient, 
 but in the most ornamental state of equipment. Five years of 
 comparative peace had accunudatcd a fre.«h supply both of men 
 and money ; and the merchants of Athens embarked in the 
 enterprise as in a trading expedition. It was only a few of tlie 
 wisest heads that escaped the general fever of excitement. Me- 
 ton, the astronomer, and Socrates, the philosopher, are said not 
 to have shared in the universal enthusiasm ; the latter warned, 
 perhaps, by that familiar demon to whose whispered wisdom his 
 ears were ever open. 
 
 M4. And now the magnificent armament is on the point of 
 sailing. The brilliant city is alive with hope, and pride, and ex- 
 pectation, when a sudden and mysterious event converts all these 
 exulting feelings into gloomy foreboding. 
 
 At every door in Athens, at the corners of streets, in the 
 market-place, before temples, gymnasia, and other public places, 
 stood Herma?, or statues of the god Hermes, consisting of a 
 bust of that deity surmounting a quadrangular pillar ol" marble 
 about the height of the human figure. ^Yhen the Athenians 
 rose one morning towards the end of May. 415 e.c. it was found 
 that all these figures had been mutilated during the night, and 
 reduced by vuiknowii hands to a shapeless mass. ^Ye may partly 
 realize the feelings excited by this occurrence, by picturing to 
 ourselves some Roman Catholic town, in which all the statues of 
 the Yirgin sliould have been suddenly defaced. But the act in- 
 spired political, as well as religious, alarm. It seemed to indicate 
 a wide sjiread conspiracy, for so sudden and general a mutilation 
 must have been the work of many hands. Athens, like other 
 
 I
 
 B.C. 415. MUTILATION OF THE HERM^. 331 
 
 Grecian states, abounded with clubs, which, hke our societies of 
 freemasons, oficred facihties for secret and extensive combina- 
 tions. This will probably aflbrd the most natural explanation 
 of the fear v.hich now pervaded Athens ; for the sacrilege might 
 ordy be a preliminary attempt of some powerful citizen to seize 
 the despotism, and suspicion pointed its finger at Alcibiades. 
 Active measures were taken and large rewards offered for the 
 discovery of the perpetrators. A public board was appointed to 
 examine witnesses, which did not, indeed, succeed in eliciting" 
 any facts bearing on the actual subject of inquiry, but which 
 obtained evidence respecting similar acts of impiety committed 
 at previous times in drunken frolics. In these Alcibiades him- 
 self was imiilicated ; and though the fleet was on the very eve of 
 departure, Pythonicus rose in the assembly and accused him of 
 having profaned the Eleusinian mysteries by giving a represen- 
 tation of them in a private house, producing in evidence the 
 testimony of a slave. Pythonicus also charged him with being 
 privy to the mutilation of the Herma;, but without bringing for- 
 ward the slightest proof Alcibiades denied the accusation, and 
 implored the people to have it investigated at once. His enemies, 
 however, had sutiicient influence to get the inquiry postponed 
 till his return ; thus keeping the charge hanging over his head, 
 and gaining time to poison the public mind against him. 
 
 § 15. The day had arrived for the sailing of the fleet. Corcyra 
 was appointed for the rendezvous of the allies ; but even the de- 
 parture of the Athenian armament was a spectacle imposing in 
 the extreme. Of the hundred triremes, sixty were equipped as 
 men of war, the rest as transports. Fifteen hundred chosen 
 Athenian hoplites, 700 of the class of Thetes to act as marines, 
 together with 500 Argive and 250 Mantinean hoplites, marched 
 at daybreak to embark at the Pirasus, accompanied by nearly the 
 whole of the population. As the ships were preparing to slip 
 their moorings, the sound of the trumpet enjoined silence, and 
 the voice of the herald, accompanied by that of the people, was 
 lifted up in prayer. Then followed the chanting of the pa?an, 
 whilst the oflicers on the decks of their respective vessels made 
 libations of wine to the gods from gold and silver goblets. At 
 length at a given signal the whole fleet started Ircm Piraeus, 
 each crew striving as in a nautical contest to arrive first at the 
 island of iEgina. The people who lined the beach watched the 
 vessels till they were out of sight, and then returned to the <^ity 
 with heavy hearts and ominous misgivings.
 
 Bust of AU-ibiades. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTIMED. THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. 
 
 § 1. Armament mustered at Corcyra. § 2. Its reception in Italy. Pro- 
 ceedings at Syracuse. § 3. Plans of the Athenian generals. § 4. The 
 advice of Alcihiades adopted. He gains over Naxos and Catana, 
 § 5. Proceedings at Athens respecting the mutilation of the Ilermje, 
 and the profanation of the mysteries. § 6. Alcibiades accused, and 
 ordered to return to Athens. §7. Proceedings of Nicias in Sicily. 
 §8. Preparations of the Sicilians for defence. §9. Nicias lays siege 
 to Syracuse. § 10. He seizes Epijiola; and constructs a fort at Syke. 
 Attempt of the Syracusans against it. § 11. Arrival of the Spartan 
 general Gylippus. Change in the Athenian prospects. § 12. Inva- 
 sion of Attica by the Laceda?monians. They fortify Deceleia. ^13. 
 The Syracusans defeat the Athenians at sea. § 14. Demosthenes and 
 Eurymedon arrive in Sicily with reinforcements. Reverses. The 
 Athenians resolve to retreat. ^ 15. 2saval engagement in the Great 
 Harbour. Victory of the Syracusans. >J lf>. Its effects. Disastrous 
 retreat of the Athenians. Surrender of Demosthenes. § 17. Sur- 
 render of Nicias. Treatment of the prisoners. Death of ^icias and 
 Demosthenes. § 18. Their characters. 
 
 ^ 1. The Athenian fleet destined for Sicily was joined at Cor- 
 cyra by the otlier alHes in the moiitli of July. -J 15 u.c. The 
 wliole armament Avhen mustered consisted of 134 triremes and 
 two Rliodian penteconteis, and had on board 5100 hoplites, 460 
 bowmen, of Vv horn 80 were Cretans, 700 Rhodian slinjrers, and
 
 B.C. 415. THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY. 333 
 
 120 Megarian exiles, who served as light-armed troops. The 
 fleet was accompanied by no fewer than 500 transports, carrying 
 provisions, warlike stores, and artificers, as well as by a great 
 many private trading vessels. Three fast-sailing triremes were 
 sent ahead to ascertain the disposition of the Italian and Sicilian 
 towns, and to notify to the Egestseans the approach of assistance.' 
 The fleet then made for the lapygian promontory, in three divi- 
 sions, commanded by Nicias, Alci blades, and Lamachus. 
 
 ^ 2. Their reception in Italy was far from encourging. The 
 utmost they could obtain was permission to take in water, and 
 even this was refused by the Tarentines, and by the Epize- 
 phyriau Locrians. At Rhegium, however, they were allowed to 
 land and to purchase provisions ; but they were not permitted 
 to enter the town, and the citizens refused to join or assist 
 them. Here, therefore, they awaited the return of the three 
 exploring vessels. 
 
 Rumours of the intended expedition prevailed at Syracuse, 
 but were treated as incredible. Hermocrates, however, was better 
 informed than his fellow-citizens. He urged them to summon 
 their allies and to prepare for defence, and even exhorted them 
 to sail at once to the friendly harbour of Tarentum, and from 
 thence to offer battle to the Athenian fleet in the Ionian gulf. 
 But the demagogue Athenagoras treated the whole matter as a 
 fiction invented to serve the interests of the oligarchical party. 
 At last one of the generals put an end to the debate by under- 
 taking to place the city in a posture of defence. 
 
 ^ 3. Meantime the three vessels which had been sent to 
 Egesta returned to Rhegium, with the discouraging news that 
 ths accounts respecting the wealth of Egesta were entirely fic- 
 titious, and that the snm of thirty talents was all the assistance 
 that could be hoped for from that quarter. A council of war 
 was now held. It appears that the Athenian generals had pro- 
 ceeded thus far without having formed any definite plan, and 
 each now proposed a difierent one. Nicias was of opinion that, 
 since no eflectual help could be expected from the Egestasans, 
 the objects of the expedition should be confined to the narroM'est 
 possible limits, and with that view that they should sail at once 
 against the Selinuntines, obtain from them the best terms pos- 
 sible, and then return home. Alcibiades, whose hopes of glory 
 and profit would have been ruined by this plan, proposed to gain 
 as many allies as they could among the Greek cities in Sicily, 
 and, having thus ascertained what assistance they could rely 
 upon, to attack Syracuse and Selinus. Lamachus was for bolder 
 measures. He recommended an immediate attack upon Syracuse, 
 whilst it was yet unprepared for defence. The terror of the
 
 S.'M JIISTOUV i)V (;1'J:j:CM CnAr. xxx- 
 
 ,S\rii<"u.s;iiis would jiroltahly v.nm: llnjin to surrender, and the 
 caj)tiiri! (il'tlii'ir city would deteiiiiiue \\\i; conduct of" the rest of 
 Sicily; but, it" they linjrcred, uc<r<itialcd, and did nothing, they 
 would iir.st be regarded witli indiflerence and then with coii- 
 lenipl. 
 
 ^ 1. Tlu! advice ol Lauiacluis was tin; most B<jldierlike, and, 
 tliou;r]i sccruiugly the holdcst, would undouhtcdly liave been the 
 sali'sl and most prudent in the end. But neither of'hi.s colleagues 
 approved oi it, and, as Lauiacluis was poor, and j)ossesscd no great 
 poUlical interest, he was obliged to give way. The coun.«el ol' Alci- 
 biades was adopted as a lueau between the other two. Mes.«ana 
 ref'u.-ied his solicit'itioiis, but Aaxos cordially joined the Athenians. 
 Alcihiades then sailed s-outlnvards with a considerable portion cf 
 the Heel, and, passing Syracuse, despatched ten triremes into the 
 Great Harbour, for the jjurpose of surveying its docks and foiti- 
 lications. Nothing further was atteni])ted ; but as they sailed 
 back the Athenians obtained possession by surprise of the im- 
 portant city of Catana, Avhich Avas now made the head-quarters 
 of the armament. 
 
 ^ 5. An unwelcome message greeted Alcibiades at Catana. 
 After his departure from Athens fresh inquiries were instituted 
 respecting the mutilation of the Herma\ and the oli(,'r ol' large 
 rewards brought forward additional evidence. The public agita- 
 tion and anxiety were kept alive by the demagogues Pisander 
 and Charicles, two of the commissioners of inquiry, who de- 
 nounced the aflkir not only as a sacrilege, but akso as a con- 
 spiracy for putting do^ni the democracy and establishing a 
 tyranny. Numerous arrests were made, and citizens of the 
 higlu'st character were thrown into prison on the testimony of 
 hireling wretches. Terror reigned in the city, and the fear of 
 being informed against rose to such a pitch that the convccation 
 of the senate by the herald was a signal to the crowd which filled 
 the market-place to disperse. Among the persons arrested was 
 Andocidcs, the orator, w'ho was induced by his fellow-prisoners 
 to come forward and state what he knew of the afijiir. He was 
 a young man of rank, and his evidence was miplicitly believed, 
 especially as it was conlirmed by his slaves, who were put to the 
 torture. Those whom he denounced were executed. He saved 
 his own life by turning informer, but the hatred he incurred 
 was such that he was obliged to leave the city. His evidence 
 was most probably false, and the Avhole ailair has ever remained 
 involved in mysteiy. 
 
 ^ G. Tiie execution of the supposed criminals had the eiiect 
 of tranquillizing the city respecting the nnitilation of the Herman : 
 but tiie i)roi"auation of the Eleusinian mysteries, a rite regarded
 
 B.C. 415. THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY. 33.5 
 
 with the deepest reverence at Athens, still remained unexpiated. 
 The EumolpidsB, and other great families who held hereditary- 
 offices in the celebration of the mysteries, looked upon them- 
 selves as personally insulted. The public excitement was in- 
 creased by the appearance of a Lacedajmouian force on the 
 frontier, which, it was suspected, might be connected with some 
 internal conspiracy. Both oligarchs and democrats were loud in 
 demanding the arrest of Alcibiades ; and Thessalus, the son of 
 Cinion, who belonged to the former party, preferred an indict- 
 ment against him. In pursuance of this step the Salaminian 
 trireme was despatched to Sicily, carrying the decree of the 
 as.sembly for Alcibiades to come home and take his trial, and 
 wliich met him, as before related, on his arrival at Catana. The 
 commander of the Salaminia was, however, instructed not to 
 seize his person, but to allow him to sail ui his own trireme. 
 Alcibiades availed himself of this privilege to effect his escipe. 
 Wlien the ships arrived at Thurii in Italy, he absconded, and 
 contrived to elude the search that was made after him. Never- 
 theless, though absent, he was arraigned at Athens, and con- 
 demned to death ; his property was confiscated, and the Eumol- 
 pids pronounced upon him the curses of th*^- gods. On hearing 
 of his sentence Alcibiades is said to have exclaimed, " I wiU 
 show them that I am still alive." 
 
 ^ 7. Three months had now been frittered away in Sicily, 
 during Avhich the Athenians had done little or nothing, if we 
 except the acquisition of Naxos and Catana. The Syracusaiis 
 began to look upon them with contempt. They even meditated 
 an attack upon the Athenians at Catana ; and Syracusan horse- 
 man rode up and insulted them in their camp. Nicias was thus 
 absolutely shamed into undertaking something, and resolved to 
 make an atteinpt upon Syracuse. By a false message that the 
 Catanieans were ready to assist in expelling the Athenians, he 
 induced the Syracusaus to proceed thither in great force, and he 
 availed himself of their absence to sail with his whole fleet into 
 the Great, Harbour of Syracuse, Avhere he landed near the mouth 
 of the Anapus, in the neighbourhood of the temple of the Olym- 
 pian Jove. Here he inti'enched himself in a strong position, on 
 the right bank of the Anapus, breaking down the bridge over 
 the river. The Syracusans, when they found that they had been 
 deceived at Catana, marched back and offered Nicias battle m 
 his new position. The latter accepted it, and gained the vic- 
 tory : after which he retired to Catana, and subsequently to 
 Naxos into winter quarters. He then sent messages to Athens 
 for fresh supplies of cavalry and money, and to his Sicilian allies 
 for reinforcements.
 
 33r, HISTORY OK fJIJKKCH Chap. XXX, 
 
 <j 8. The Syracusaiis ciniiloycfl I In- winter in prcparatioii.s for 
 defence. Tlwy Iniill a new wall, coveriMf,' holli tlieir inner and 
 onler lown to tlie wcslwani (fSee Plan, (i, II, I), and rendf.-ring 
 uiiy atlcmiil. at circnnivallation more dillicult. They iiirtilied 
 and jrairi.^oncd the teinjjle and grove ol' the 01yinj)ian Jove, in 
 the nfi;j:hi)ouriiood ol tiie city. They despatched envoys to 
 Corinth and Sparta to Holieit assistaneo, in the latter of which 
 towns they il)nnd an nncxpeeted advocate. Alcibiade.s, having 
 crossed from Thurii to Cyllcne in Pelo{)oinie.sus, received a 
 special invitation to proceed to Sparta. Here he revealed all the 
 plans of Athens, and exhorted the Laceda-nionians to frn.strate 
 them. For this purpose he advi.sed them to .send an army into 
 Sicily, under the command of" a Sjjartan general, and by way 
 of causing a diversion, to establish a fortified post at Decelea in 
 the Attic territories. The Spartans fell in with these views, 
 and resolved to send a force to the assistance of Syracuse in the 
 spring, under the command of Gylippus. 
 
 ^ y. Nicias, having received a reinforcement of cavalrj- from 
 Athens, as well as 300 talents in money, recommenced hc.<tilities 
 as soon as the season allowed of it, and resolved on besieging 
 Syracuse. That town consisted of two parts — the inner and the 
 outer city. The former of these — the original settlement — was 
 comprised in the islanil of Ortygia ; the latter, afterMards known 
 by the name of Achradina, covered tlie high ground of the j)en- 
 insula north of Ortygia, and was comj)Ietely separate from the 
 uuier city. The island of Ortygia, to which the modern city i.s 
 now confined, is of an oblong shape, about two miles in circum- 
 ference, lying between the Great Harbour on-the west, and the 
 Little Harbour on the east, and separated from the mainland by 
 a narrow channel. The Great Harbour is a splendid bay, about 
 five miles in circuirJerence, the entrance of which is protected 
 on the left hand by the promontory Plemmyriuni, and on the 
 right hand by a projecting cape of tlie island of Ortygia. The 
 Uttle port, also called Laecius, which lay between Ortygia and the 
 outer city, w'as spacious enough to receive a large fleet of ships of 
 war. The outer city was surroinided on the north and east by the 
 sea, and by sea-walls which rendered an assault on that sid(* almost 
 impracticable. On the land side it was defended by a wall, 
 and partly also by the natiu-e of the ground, which in some parts 
 was verv steep. The low ground between the outer city and 
 Ortygia seems not to have been included in the fortifications of 
 either, but was employed partly as a burial ground, partly for 
 games and reliuious processions. \A est and north-west ot the 
 wall of the outer city stood two unfortified suburbs, which wero 
 at a later time included \\ithiu the walls of Syracuse under the
 
 B.C. 414. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 SST 
 
 names of Tyche and Neapolis. At the time of which we are 
 speaking, the latter was called Temenitcs, from having within it 
 the statue and consecrated ground of Apollo Temenites. Be- 
 tween these two suburbs the ground rose in a gentle acclivity to 
 the summit of the ranges of hills called Epipolse. 
 
 ^10. It was from the high ground of Epipolaj that Syracuse 
 was most exposed to attack. The Syracusan generals had 
 hitherto neglected this important position, and were on the 
 point of occupying it, when they were anticipated by Nicias. 
 Landing at Leon, a place upon the bay of Thapsus, at the dis- 
 tance of only six or seven stadia from Epipolas, the Athenian 
 
 Plan of Syracuse. (From Crete's Greece ) 
 
 V, B, C, T). Wall of the Outer City of Syracuse at time of the arrival of Nicias in Sicily. 
 E, F. Wall of Ortypria, or the Inner City of Syracuse, at the same time. 
 G, H, I. .liiditional fortitication built by the Syracusans in the winter of 415^14 B.C. 
 
 K. Athenian fortification at Syke. 
 K, L, M. Southern portion of the .Athenian circumvallation from Syke to the GreaV Harbour. 
 N, O. First counter-work erected by the Syr.ncusans. 
 P, Q. Second counter-work constructed by the Syracusans. 
 
 K, R. Intended, but unfinished, circumvn'llaliouof the .Athenians from the northern side 
 of Svke to the outer c^a at Trogilus. 
 S, T, V. Third"Syracusan counter-wall. 
 
 V. Outer fort constructed by Gylippus. 
 V, W, T Wa31 of junction between this outer fort and tho third Syracusan counter-work. 
 
 a
 
 3.S8 IIISTOllV or (illKKCE. Ciur. XXX. 
 
 tioups readied the suiiiiiiit just as the Syiaeusans were inarch- 
 ing' towards the hei<,'lits. They made, however, an atleinjjt to 
 (Uslod;i;e tlie Athenians, which was repulsed ; and on llie lollow- 
 inj^ rnornin<,', Nicias and Latna(;hus inarched their troops down 
 tlic rid^o and ollijred hattle, which was dechned hy the Syra- 
 cusans. On the summit of E|)ijMjla! Nicias constructed a fort 
 tailed Lahdalum ; and then coMiin<^ farther riown the hill towards 
 Syracuse, he huilt anotlu-r iort of a circular l(>rm and of con- 
 siderable size at a place called Syke. From the latter point 
 he connnenced his line of circumvallation, one wall exteiidinf^ 
 southwards IVom Syke to the (jreat Harbour, and the other wall 
 ruuuiuff norlliwards from the same fortress to the outer sea at 
 Trogilus (See Plan, K, L, M). While the Athenians were busy 
 upon their lines towards the north, the iSyracusans ran a counter 
 wall from their own lines uj) tiie slope of the Epipola; (See Plan, 
 N, 0), but after a sharp conflict it was taken by the Athenians 
 and destroyed. Not disheartened by this failure, the Syracusans 
 commenced a second counter- work, and succeeded in constructing 
 a ditch and stockade, which extended again from their own lines 
 across the marsh to the Anapus (See Plan, P, Q.). From this 
 new position they were also dislodged by the Athenians ; but in 
 the assault, which was led by Lamachus, this gallant oflicer was 
 slain. At the same time the Athenian fleet entered the Great 
 Harbour, where it was henceforth permanently established. 
 
 The Syracusans offered no further opposition to the progress 
 of the circumvallation, which was at length completed towards 
 the south. It consisted of two distinct walls, with a space be- 
 tween them, which was perhaps partly roofed over, in order to 
 aflord shelter for the troops. The northern wall towards Trogilus 
 was never completed, and through the passage thus left open 
 the besieged continued to obtain provisions. 
 
 Nicias, who, by the death of Lamachus, had become sole com- 
 mander, seemed now on the point of succeeding. The Syracusans 
 were so sensible of their inferiority in the field that they no 
 longer ventured to show themselves outside the walls. They 
 began to contemplate surrender, and even sent messages to 
 Nicias to treat of the terms. This caused the Athenian com- 
 mander to indulge in a false confidence of success, and conse- 
 quent apathy ; and the army having lost the active and ener- 
 getic Lamachus, operations were no longer carried on ^^■ith the 
 requisite activity. 
 
 § 1 1 . It was in this state of affairs that the Spartan commander 
 Gylippus passed over into Italy with a little squadron of four 
 ships — two Laceda?mouiau and two Corinthian — with the view 
 merely of preserving the Greek cities in that country, supposing
 
 B.C. 414. ARRIVAL OF GYLIPPUS. 339 
 
 that Syracuse, and, with her, the other Greek cities in Sicily 
 were irretrievably lost. As he proceeded southwards along the 
 Italian coast, a violent storm drove him into Tarentum. Nicias, 
 though informed of his arrival, regarded liis little squadron with 
 contempt, and took no measures to interrupt his progress. From 
 the Epizephyrian Locrians Gylippus learned to his great sur- 
 prise and satisfaction that the Athenian wall of circumvallation 
 at Syracuse had not yet been completed on the northern side. 
 He now sailed through the straits of Messana, which were left 
 completely unguarded, and arrived safely at Hiinera on the north 
 coast of Sicily. Here he announced himself as the forerunner 
 of larger succours, and began to levy an army, which the magic 
 of the Spartan name soon enabled him to ehect ; and in a lew 
 days he was in a condition to march towards Syracuse with 
 about 3000 men. His approach had been already announced by 
 Gongylus, a Corinthian, who had been sent forA\ards from the 
 Corinthian fleet then as.<embled at Leucas. The Syracutans now 
 dismissed all thoughts of surrender, and went out boldly to meet 
 Gylippus, who marched into Syracuse over the heights of Epi- 
 polas, which the supineness of Nicias had left unguarded. Upon 
 arriving in the city, Gylippus sent a message to the Athenians 
 allowing them a five days' truce to collect their eiiects and eva- 
 cuate the island. Nicias returned no answer to this insulting 
 proposal ; but the operations of Gylippus soon showed that the 
 tide of af lairs was really turned. His first exploit "was to cap- 
 ture the Athenian fort at Labdalum, which made him master 
 of Epipoke. He next commenced constructing a counter-wall 
 to intersect the Athenian lines on the northern side. This third 
 counter- work of the Syracusans extended from their city-wall to 
 the northern clifi' of Epipola3, and was brought to a successful 
 completion. (See Plan, S, U.) Gylippus subsequently built a 
 fort (V) upon Epipola^; and from this tort carried another wall 
 which joined at right angles the counter- work already erected 
 (See Plan, V, W, U). This turn of affairs induced those Sicilian 
 cities, which had hitherto hesitated, to embrace the side of Syra- 
 cuse. Gylippus was also reinforced by the arrival of thirty tri- 
 remes from Corinth, Leucas, and Ambracia. Nicias now felt 
 that the attempt to blockade Syracuse with his present ioice 
 was hopeless. He therefore resolved to occupy the headland of 
 Plemmyrium, the southernmost point of the entrance to the 
 Great Harbr.ur, which would be a convenient station for watch- 
 ing the enemy, as well as for facilitating the introduction of 
 supplies. Here he accordingly erected three forts and formed a 
 naval station. Some slight affairs occurred in which the balance 
 of advantage was in favour of the Syracusans. By their change
 
 340 lilSTOUY OF GIIKKCH Cum: XXX. 
 
 (if station, the Alln'iiiaii.s were now a Ix-sicfrod ratlier than a 
 liisictriiif^ iorcc. Their triremes wtTo liccoiniiif:^ leaky, and their 
 soldiers and sailors were eonstantly deserliiijr. Isieias hiniHcif 
 had fallen into a had state ot health; and in tiiis discourajring 
 jiostnre of aliairs he wrote to Athens requestirifr to be recalled, 
 and insisting stron<rly on the necessity ol" gending reinforce- 
 ments. 
 
 ^ I'l. The Athenians refused to recall Kieias, but they deter- 
 mined on sending a larpe reinlorcement to Sicily, under the joint 
 command of Demosthenes and Eurymedou. The news of these 
 fresh and extensive preparations incited the Laceda-rnonians to 
 more vigorous action. The peace, if such it can he called, had 
 been violated in the year 414 B.C., when the Lacedtemonians in- 
 vaded and ravaged the Argive territories, -whilst the Athenians 
 assisted the Argives with a fleet of thirty triremes, and laid waste 
 Epidaurus, and some neighbouring places. But in the spring 
 of 413 B.C., the Lacedcemonians, under king Agis, invaded Attica 
 itself, and following the advice of Alcibiades, established them- 
 selves permanently at Decelea, a place situated on the ridge of 
 Mount Parnes, about 14 miles north of Athens, and command- 
 ing the Athenian plain. The city was thus placed in a state of 
 siege. Scarcity began to be felt within the walls ; the revenues 
 were falling oHJ whilst on the other hand expenses were increas- 
 ing. Yet even under these circumstances the Athenians had 
 no thoughts of abandoning their ambitious enterprises. It was 
 resolved not only to send reinforcements to Sicily, but also to 
 insult the coasts of Laconia. For this purpose Charicles was 
 sent thither with a fleet of thirty triremes ; and being assisted 
 by Demosthenes with the armament which he was conducting 
 to Sicily, Charicles succeeded in establishing himself on the coast 
 of Laconia, at a spot opposite to the island of Cythera, in a 
 manner somewhat similar to the Athenian fort at Pylus. 
 
 ^ 13. Meanwhile in Sicily the Syracusans had gained such 
 contidence that they even ventured on a naval engagement with 
 the Athenians. A battle was fought at the mouth of the Great 
 Harbour, in which the Athenians were, indeed, victorious; but 
 when they sailed back to their station at Plemmyrium, they 
 fountl that Gylippus had taken advantage of this diversion to 
 attack and take their forts there, and that a gieat quantity of 
 stores and provisions l.a.1 fallen into his hands. Moreover, the 
 Syracusans were not discouraged bv their defeat from A-enturing 
 on another naval engagement. Thev had greatly improved the 
 construction of their vessels by strengthening their bows, and 
 had learnt how to meet or evade the nautical mana?u'VTes of the 
 Athenians, which were also considerably impeded by the narrow
 
 3.C. 413. THE ATHEXIAX FLEET DEFEATED. 341 
 
 limits of the Great Harbour, now the scene of conflict. The 
 second battle lasted two days, and ended in the defeat of the 
 Athenians, who were now oblifred to haul up their ships in the 
 innermost part of the Great Harbour, under the lines of their 
 fortified camp. A still more serious disaster than the loss of 
 the battle was the loss of their naval reputation. It was evident 
 that the Athenians had ceased to te invincible on the sea ; and 
 the Syracusans no longer despaired of overcoming them on their 
 own element. 
 
 ^14. Such was the state of aflairs wheii, to the astonishment 
 of the Syracusans, a fresh Athenian fleet of 75 triremes, under 
 Demosthenes and Eurymedon, entered the Great Harbour with 
 all the pomp and circumstance of war. It had on board a force 
 of 5000 hoplites, of whom about a quarter were Athenians, and 
 a great number of light armed troops. The active and enter- 
 prising character of Demosthenes led him to adopt more vigor- 
 ous measures than those which had been hitherto pursued. He 
 saw at once that whilst Epipolai remained in the possession of 
 the Syracusans there was no hope of taking their city, and he 
 thei'eibre directed all his efibrts to the recapture of that position. 
 But all his attempts were unavailing. He was defeated not only 
 in an open assault upon the Syracusan wall, but in a nocturnal 
 attempt to carry it by surprise. These rev^erses were aggi'a- 
 vated by the breaking out of sickness among the troops. De- 
 mosthenes now proposed to return home and assist in expelling 
 the Lacedasmonians from Attica, instead of pursuing an enter- 
 prise which seemed to be hopeless. But jS^icias, Avho feared to 
 return to Athens with the stigma of failure, refused to give his 
 consent to this step. Demosthenes then urged Nicias at least 
 to sail immediately out of the Great Harbour, and take up their 
 position either at Thapsus or Catana, where they could obtain 
 abundant supplies of provisions, and would have an open sea for 
 the manoeuvres of their fleet. But even to this proposal ISficias 
 would not consent ; and the anny and na\'y remained in their 
 former position. Soon afterwards, however, Gylippus received 
 such large reinforcements, that !Xicias found it necessary to 
 adopt the advice of his colleague. Preparations were secretly 
 made for their departure, the enemy appear to have had no sus- 
 picion of their intention, and they were on the point of quitting 
 their ill-fated quarters on the following morning, when on the 
 very night before (27 Aug. 413 B.C.) an eclipse of the moon took 
 place. Tlie soothsayers who were consulted, said that the army 
 must wait thrice nine days, a full circle of the moon, before it 
 could quit its present position ; and the devout and superstitious 
 Nicias forthwith resolved to abide by this decision.
 
 842 IIISTOltY OF OREECE. Ciiai-. XXX. 
 
 Aii'.irivvliilL- the iiili'tilioii of ♦lu- Atliciii.'iiis became krimvn to 
 llie Syniensaiis, ^\•\n) detennin^jd to striki; ;i blow before their 
 ciiciiiy erieaped. They aceordiiijrly attacked the Athenian Htation 
 lioth l>y sea and land. On land tlu; attack of (jylij'pu.s w'a.s re- 
 ])iilsed ; but at .sea the Athenian licet wa.s cotnj)letidy defeated, 
 and luiiyinedon, wlio commanded the ri^rht division, wa.s slain. 
 
 The sjiirits of the Syracusan.s rose Avith their victories, and 
 tliou^di they woidd formerly have been content with the mere 
 retreat of the Athenians, they now resolved on eflectinp their 
 utter destruction. With this view tliey blocked up the entrance 
 of the Great Harbour with a hue of vessels moored across it. 
 All hope seemed now to be cut ofl' from the Atlienians, unless 
 they could succeed in forcing this line and thus effecting their 
 escape. The Athenian fleet still numbered 110 triremes, which 
 Nieias furnished with grappling-irons, in order to bring the 
 enemy to close quarters, and then caused a large pro])ortion of 
 his land-force to embark. Before they set oil, Kicias addressed 
 the mo.st earnest and touching a})peals both to the crews and to 
 the individual commanders to light with bravery, since not only 
 their own fate, but that of Athens itself, de[)ended on the issue 
 of that day's combat. He liim.self remained on shore, where the 
 army was drawn up to witness the conflict. 
 
 ^ 15. Never perhaps was a battle fi)Ught inidcr circums-tances 
 of such intense interest, or witnessed by so many spectators 
 vitally concerned in the result. The basin of the Great Harbour, 
 about 5 miles in circumference, in which nearly 200 sliips, each 
 with crews of more than 200 men, were about to engage, was 
 lined with spectators ; whilst the walls of Ortygia, overhanging 
 the water, were crowded with old men, women, and children, 
 anxious to behold a conflict which was to decide the fate of their 
 enemies, if not their own. The surface of the water swarmed 
 with Syracusan small craft, many of them manned by vouthful 
 volunteers of the best families, ready to direct their services 
 wherever they might be Manted. The whole scene, except in its 
 terrible reality, and the momentous interests depending on it, 
 resembled on a large scale the naumachiic exhibited bv the Ro- 
 man emperors for the amusement of their subjects. The Svra- 
 cusan fleet, consisting of 76 triremes, was the first to leave the 
 shore. A considerable portion was detached to guard the barrier 
 at the mouth of the harbour. Hither the first and most impe- 
 tuous attack of the Athenians was directed, who sought to break 
 through the narrow opening which had been left for the passage 
 of merchant vessels. Their onse" was repulsed, and the battle 
 then became general. The shoiTv. •- of the combatants, and the 
 crash of the iron heads of the vessels as they were driven to-
 
 B.C. 413. FIGHT IN THE GREAT HARBOUR. S43 
 
 gether, resounded over the water, and were answered on shore 
 by tlie cheers or waihngs of the spectators as their friends were 
 victorious or vanquished. For a long time the battle was main- 
 tained with heroic courage and dubious result. At length as 
 the Athenian vessels began to yield and make back towards the 
 shore, a universal shriek of horror and despair arose from the 
 Athenian army, whilst shouts of joy and victory were raised from 
 the pursuing vessels, and were echoed back from the Syracusans 
 on land. As the Athenian vessels neared the shore their crews 
 leaped out, and made for the camp, whilst the boldest of the 
 land army rushed forward to protect the ships from being seized 
 by the enemy. The Athenians succeeded in saving only 60 
 ships, or about half their fleet. The Syracusan fleet, however, 
 had been reduced to 50 ships ; and on the same afternoon, Nicias 
 and Demosthenes, as a last hope of escape, exhorted their men 
 to make another attempt to break the enemy's line, and force 
 their way out of the harbour. But the courage of the crews 
 was so completely damped that they positively refused to re- 
 embark. 
 
 § 16. The Athenian army still numbered 40,000 men ; and as 
 all chance of escape by sea was now hopeless, it was resolved to 
 retreat by land to some friendly city, and there defend them- 
 selves against the attacks of the Syracusans. This Hermocrates 
 was determined to prevent. The day on which the battle was 
 fought happened to be sacred to Hercules, and a festival among 
 the Syracusans. This circumstance, in addition to the joy and 
 elation naturally resvdting from so great a victory, had thrown 
 the city into a state of feasting and intoxication ; and had 
 the Athenians taken their departure that night, nobody would 
 have been found to oppose them. Hermocrates, tlierefore, when 
 darkness had set in, sent down some men to the Athenian wall, 
 who, pretending to come from the secret correspondents of 
 Nicias in Syracuse, warned liim not to decamp that night, as all 
 the roads were beset by the Syracusans. Nicias fell into the 
 snare, and thus, by another fatal mistake, really afibrded the 
 Syracusans an opportunity for obstructing his retreat. 
 
 It was not till the next day but one after the battle that the 
 Athenian army began to move. Never were men in so complete 
 a state of prostration. Their vessels were abandoned to the 
 enemy without an attempt to saA^e them. As the soldiers turned 
 to quit that fatal encampment, the sense of their own woes was 
 for a moment suspended by the sight of their unburied com- 
 rades, who seemed to reproach them with the neglect of a sacred 
 duty ; but still more by the wailings and entreaties of the 
 wounded, who clung around their knees, and implored not
 
 844 ]IlST()llV OF GREECE. Ciiai-. XXx 
 
 to bo iibandoncd to ct-rtaiu destruclion. Amidst this sceiio of 
 universal woe and dejection, a fresh and unwonted spirit of 
 cnerfify and lieroisni seemed to lie infused into Is'icias. Though 
 suli("rin<f under an incurable eomjjhiint, he was everywhere seen 
 iiiarsliailinf^ his troops, and encouraf^ing them by his exliorta- 
 tions. The march was directed towards tlie territory of the 
 Siccls ia the interior of the ipluiid. The army was fijrrned into 
 a huildw s([uare with the hajL'frage in the middle; Nicias leading 
 the van, and fJemostlienes bringing up the rear. Having Ibrced 
 the passage of the river Anapus, they marclied on the lirst day 
 about live miles to the westward, on the second day about hall" 
 that distance, and encamped on a cultivated plain. From this 
 ])hu-e the road ascended by a sort of ravine over a steep hill 
 called tlie Acra;an clili, on which the Syracusans had fortified 
 themselves. After sjiending two days iu vain attempts to iorce 
 this position, Nicias and Demosthenes resolved during the night 
 lo strike oil' to the left towards the sea. Nicias, with the 
 van, succeeded in reaching the coast ; but Demosthenes, who 
 had lost liis way, was overtaken by the Syraeusans at noon 
 on the following day, and surrounded iu a narrow pass. Many 
 of his troops had di.sbanded during the night march, and many 
 fell iu the conflict which now ensued, till being reduced to the 
 number of 6000, they surrendered, on condition of their lives 
 being spared. 
 
 M7. Meanwhile Nicias, with the van, had pursued his march, 
 and crossed the river Erineus. On the Ibllowing day, however, 
 Gylippus overtook him, and, having informed him of the faie of 
 his colleague, summoned him to surrender. But Tsicias was in- 
 credulous, and pursued his march amidst the harassing attacks 
 of the Syracusans. The attempt to cross the river Asinarus 
 decided the fate of his army. The men rushed into the water 
 in the greatest disorder, partly to escape the enemy, hut chiefly 
 from a desire to quench the burinng thirst with which they were 
 tormented. Hundreds were pressed forwards down the steep 
 banks of the river, and were either trodden mider fcot, or im- 
 paled on the spears of those below, or carried away by the 
 stream. Yet others from behind still kept pressing en, anxious 
 to partake of the now turbid and bloody water. The troops 
 thus became so completely disorganised that all further resist- 
 ance was hopeless, and Nieias surrendered at discretion. 
 
 Out of the 40,000 who started from the camp only 10,000 at 
 the utmost were left at the end of the sixth days march, the 
 rest had either deserted or been slain. The prisoners were sent 
 to Avork in the stone-quarries of Achradina and Epipolaj. Here 
 they were crowded together without any shelter, and with scarcely
 
 B.C. 413. DEATH OF KICIAS AKD DEMOSTHENES. 345 
 
 provisions enough to sustain life. The numerous bodies of those 
 who died were left to putrefy where they had fallen, till at length 
 the place became such an intolerable centre of stench and in- 
 fection that, at the end of seventy days, the Syracusans, lor their 
 own comfort and safety, were obliged to remove the survivors. 
 All but the Athenians and the Italian and Sicilian Greeks were 
 sold into slavery. What became of the Athenians we are not 
 informed, but they were probably employed as slaves by the 
 richer Syracusans, since the story runs that many succeeded in 
 winning the aflection and pity of their masters by reciting por- 
 tions of the dramas of Euripides. Nicias and Demosthenes were 
 condemned to death in spite of all the efibrts of Gylippus and 
 Hermocrates to save them. The latter contrived to spare them 
 the humiliation of a public execution by providing them with 
 the means of committing suicide. 
 
 M8. Such was the end of two of the largest and best appointed 
 armaments that had ever gone forth from Athens. Nicias, as 
 we have seen, was from the first opposed to the expedition in 
 which they were employed, as pregnant with the most dangerous 
 consequences to Athens ; and, though, it must be admitted that 
 in this respect his views were sound, it cannot at the same time 
 be concealed, that his own want of energy, and his incompetence 
 as a general, were the chief causes of the failure of the under- 
 taking. Possessing much fortitude but little enterprise, respect- 
 able, in private life, punctual in the peribrmance of his religious 
 duties, not deficient in a ceiiain kind of political wisdom, which, 
 however, derived its colour rather from timidity and over-caution 
 than from that happy mixture of boldness and prudence which 
 characterises the true statesman, Nicias had by these qualities 
 obtained far more than his just share of political reputation and 
 influence, and had thus been named to the command of an expe- 
 dition for which he was qualified neither by military skill nor 
 by that enthusiasm and confidence of success which it so pecu- 
 liarly demanded. His mistakes involved the fiall of Demosthenes, 
 an officer of far greater resolution and ability than himself, and 
 who, had his counsels been followed, would in all probability 
 have conducted the enterprise to a safe termination, though 
 there was no longer room to hope for success. The career of 
 Demosthenes marks him as one of the first generals of the age, 
 but unfortunately he held only a subordinate rank in Sicily. 
 The Athenians became sensible when too late ( f the difierence 
 between the two commanders. On the pillar ore cted to the me- 
 mory of the warriors who fell in Sicily the name cf Demosthenes 
 (bund a place, whilst that of Nicias was omitted.
 
 Street of the Tripods at Athens, from a has rclieC 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 FROM THE END OF THE SICILIAN EXrEDITION TO THE 0\'EUTIinOW 
 OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. 
 
 § 1. Consternation and hardships at Athens. § 2. Measures for defence. 
 § 3. Revolt of Chios, Erythr.'e, and Clazomeiire. § 4. Spread of the 
 revolt. Defection ofTeos, Lesbos, and Miletus. Revolution atSamos, 
 which becomes the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet, g ,5. Reeoveiy 
 of Le.sbos by the Athenians. Dissatisfaction of the Lacedfenionians 
 ■with Tissaphernes. § 6. Schemes of Aleibiades. § 7. He proposes a 
 league between the Athenians and Persians, and the establishment of 
 an oligarchy at Athens. § 8. Agitation for an oligarchy at Athens. 
 § 9. Conference of Pisandcr witJi Aleibiades. Artitices of the latter. 
 Fresh treaty between Tissaphernes and the Lacediemonians. § 10. Pro- 
 gress of the oligarchical conspiracy at Athens and Samos. ^11. Es- 
 tablishment of the Four Hundred. § 12. Their proceedings. § 13. Pro- 
 ceedings at Samos. Aleibiades joins the democracy there. ^ 14. The 
 Athenian envoys at Samos. § 15. Dissensions among the Four Hun- 
 dred. They negotiate with Sparta. § 16. Counter revolution at 
 Athens. Defeat of the Athenian fleet and capture of Euboea by the 
 Lacedaemonians. § 17. The Four Hundred deposed and democracy 
 re-established at Athens. 
 
 § 1. The first intelligence of the destruction of the Sicilian arma- 
 ment is said to have been conunnnicated by a stranger, in a 
 barber's shop in the Pii-a^ns. Big Mith the eventful news, the 
 unfortunate barber hastened up to Alliens to communicate it to 
 the archons anJ the public ; but he Avas treated as a tale-bearer 
 and impostor ; ind being unable to corroborate his stor}', in 
 consequence of the chsappearance of his inionnant, he Avas put 
 to the torture. The tidings \\i're. liov\'ovcr, soon confirmed by 
 the arrival of fugitives who had managed to escape from the
 
 B.C. 413. DISMAY OF THE ATHEKIAIS'S. 847 
 
 disastrous scene. Athens was now filled with affliction and dis- 
 may. To private grief for the loss of iiiends was added despair 
 of the public safety. There seemed to be no means of prevent- 
 ing the city from falling into the hands of the Lacedajmonians. 
 The popular fury vented itself in abusnig the orators who had 
 re<'ommended the expedition, and the soothsayers who had fore- 
 told its success. 
 
 The affairs of the Athenians wore indeed a most ttireatening 
 aspect. The Laceda?monian post at Decelea was a constant 
 source of annoyance. No part of Attica escaped the forays 
 which were made from thence. All the cattle were destroyed, 
 and the most valuable slaves began to desert in great numbers 
 to the enemy. Athens was almost in a state of siege. The 
 fatigue of guarding the lai'ge extent of wall became very onerous 
 on the reduced number of citizens. The knights or horsemen 
 were on constant duty in order to repress the enemy's ma- 
 rauders ; but their horses were soon lamed and rendered ineffi- 
 cient by the hard and stony nature of the soil. But what chiefly 
 excited the despondency of the Athenians was the visible decliire 
 of their naval superiority. An engagement with the Corinthian 
 fleet near Naupactus, in the summer of 413 B.C., had ended with 
 neither side gaining the advantage, though the forces were 
 nearly equal ; but to the Athenians the moral effects were equi- 
 valent to a defeat. 
 
 § 2. Yet that cheerfulness and energy under misfortune which 
 form such striking and excellent traits in the character of the 
 Athenians, did not long desert them. After the flrst movements 
 of rage and despair, they began to contemplate their condition 
 more calmly, and to take the necessaiy measures for defence. 
 A board of elders was appointed, under the name of Probuli,^'*' 
 to watch over the public safety. The splendour of the public 
 ceremonies M'as curtailed in order to raise funds for the neces- 
 sities of the state ; the garrison recently established on the 
 coast of Laconia was recalled ; the building of a new fleet was 
 commenced ; and Cape Sunium was fortified in order to ensure 
 an uninterrupted communication between Piraeus and Euboea, 
 from which island the Athenians principally drew their pro- 
 visions. 
 
 ^ 3. "VA'hilst the imperial city was thus driven to consult for 
 her very existence, it seemed a chimerical hope that she could 
 retain her widely scattered dependencies. Her situation in- 
 spii-ed her enemies with new vigour ; states hitherto neutral de- 
 clared against her ; her subject-allies prepared to throw olF the
 
 848 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXL 
 
 yoko ; even the Persian .satraps and tlie (;f)urt of 8usa bestirred 
 tli(ua.selve.s a<fainst her. The liiMt hli)W to the Athenian cmpiro 
 was strnek by the wealthy and populon.s i.shmd ol Chios. This 
 a^ain was tlie work ol Aleihiaderf, tlie implacable enerny of his 
 native land. In the winter following the overthrow of the Athe- 
 nian annainent in Sicily, several of the ino.st powerful allie.s of 
 Athen.s, ainnn<j whom were the Enbajans, Chian.s, and Lesbians, 
 had solicited Sparta to assi.st them in throwinj^ oli the Athenian 
 V'oke. At the same time envoys appeared at Sparta from Tissa- 
 pliernes, the Persian .satrap of Ionia, Caria, and tlie adjacent 
 coasts, and from Pharnabazus, whose satrapy extended from the 
 Eu.vine to the gulf of Ela-a, inviting tlie Lacedternonians to co- 
 operate with them in destroying the Athenian empire in Asia, 
 and promising to provide the necessary funds. 
 
 By the advice of Alcibiades, the Lacedtemouiaus resolved that 
 tiie Chians should have the preference, and that a lleet should 
 ba sent to their a.ssistaiice. Impatient of delay, Alcibiades 
 shortly afterwards crossed over to Chios with a Lacedaemonian 
 squadron of five ships, under the command of Chalcideus. The 
 oligarchical party at Chios had matured all their plans for the 
 revolt, and the arrival of Alcibiades caused them to be put into 
 execution. The people were taken by surprise, and were re- 
 luctantly induced to renounce their alliance with Athens. Their 
 example was almost immediately followed by Erythra; and Cla- 
 zomente. 
 
 ^ 4. The rcsei-\-e of 1000 talents, set apart by Pericles to meet 
 the contingency of an actual invasion, still remained untouched ; 
 but now by a unanimous vote the penalty of death, which forbad 
 its appropriation to any other purpose, was abolished, and the 
 fund applied in fitting out a fleet against Chios. Meantime, 
 Alcibiades was iudeiatigable in fanning the llames of revolt, 
 which now spread rapidly through the Athenian allies. Teos, 
 Lesbos, and Miletus proclaimed their independence of Athens. 
 At Miletus, Chalcideus, on the part of Sparta, concluded an in- 
 famous treaty with Tissaphernes, stipulatuig that the Greek cities 
 and teri'itory Ibrmerly belonging to Persia should be restored to 
 iier ; that the Athenians should not be permitted to derive any 
 revenue from them ; and that Persia and the Lacedaemonians 
 should jointly carry on the war against Athens. To conclude 
 the bargain, Miletus was handed over to Tissaphernes. 
 
 Samos still remained faithful to the Athenians, and amidst 
 the general defection of their Asiatic allies had become of the 
 last importance to them. This island, like Chios, was governed 
 by an oligarchy ; but warned by the revolution in that island, 
 the Samians rose against the oligarchs, slew 200 of them, and
 
 B.C. 412. REYOLUTIOX AT SAMOS. 349 
 
 banished 400 more. The Athenians at once recognized the 
 newly estabhshed democracy, and secured the adhesion of the 
 Samians by putting them on the footing of equal and independ- 
 ent allies. iSamos became the head-quarters of the Athenian 
 fleet, and the base of their operations during the remainder of 
 the war. 
 
 § 5. The tide of success at length began to turn in favour of 
 the Athenians. They had succeeded in collecting a considerable 
 fleet at tSamos, with which they recovered Lesbos and Clazome- 
 nsB, defeated the Chians, and laid waste their territory. They 
 also gained a victoiy over the Peloponnesians at Miletus, but 
 this powerful city still remained in the hands of Tissaphernes 
 and the Peloponnesians. 
 
 Towards the close of the year, Astyochus, the Lacedsemonian 
 commander, received large reinlbrcements from Peloponnesus, 
 and was now at the head of so imposing an armament that he 
 was enabled to modify the former treaty with Tissaphernes, of 
 which the Lacedaemonians w^ere heartily ashamed. The new 
 treaty, however, differed from the previous one rather in terms 
 than substance, and appears to have been far from giving satis- 
 faction at Sparta. The conduct of Tissaphernes afforded another 
 reason for discontent. He had given notice that he could no 
 longer continue the high rate of payment of a drachma per day 
 for the seamen's wages, the sum agreed upon in the first treaty, 
 w"ithout express instructions from the court of Susa ; and though 
 he had reduced that sum by one half, it was very irregularly 
 paid ; whilst his whole behaviour displayed a great want of 
 hearty co-operation with the Laceda?monians. Another Pelo' 
 ponnesian squadron was therefore despatched to the coast of 
 Asia, having on board Lichas and ten other Spartans, for the 
 purpose of remonstrating with Tissaphernes and opening fresh 
 negotiations. Having obtained an interview with Tissaphernes 
 at C nidus, Lichas took exceptions to the two former treaties ; of 
 which the first expressly, the second by implication, recognized 
 the claims of Persia not only to the islands of the iEgean, but 
 even to Thessaly and Boeotia. Lichas, therefore, proposed a new 
 treaty ; but Tissaphernes was so indignant at the proposition 
 that he immediately broke oil the negotiation. 
 
 ^ 6. The conduct of Tissaphernes towards the Lacedsemo- 
 nians was the result of the counsels of Alcibiades, who was 
 scheming to eltect his return to Athens by means of his in- 
 trigues with the Persian Satrap. In the course of a few months 
 Alcibiades had completely forleited the confidence of the Lace- 
 daemonians. His ultra-Athenian temperament and mamiers 
 must have been as unwelcome to them as their own slowness
 
 8:,0 IHSTOllV OF OI{Ki;CE. Chap. XXXL 
 
 :iii(l ^riivity were to liiin. The .Sj);irtriii Kirif( Apis, whose wife 
 lie liad sfducc'cl, was his personal ciiciiiy ; and the lij)hor Endiue, 
 liiri chiel" i)roteclor, went out ol" olhee in '112 n.c. To llie prc- 
 cedinfi causes lor private dislike Mas now added the want ol' that 
 raj)id sueuess whieh he had promised to the Lacedariionians in 
 the JCast. In a man whose eharaeter lor deceit was notorious it 
 is not surprising that this failure should excite a suspicion of 
 treachery. Alter the defeat of the I'eloponnesians at Miletus, 
 Kiufj Af:is denounced Alcibiades as a trailor, and persuaded the 
 new Ej)h()rs to send out instructions to put him to death. Of 
 this, liowever, he was informed time enoufrh to make his escape 
 to Tissai»hernes at Magnesia. Here he be<raii to play an anti- 
 llelleuic, instead of his former anti-Athenian game. He ingra- 
 tiated himself into the conlidence of the satrap, and persuaded 
 him that it was not lor the interest of Persia that either of the 
 Grecian parties should be successful, but rather that they should 
 wear each other out in their mutual struggles, when Persia 
 would ill the end succeed in expelling both. This advice was 
 adopted by the satrap ; and in order to carry it into execution, 
 steps were taken to secure the inactivity of the Pelopcnnesian 
 armament, which, if vigorously employed, was poweri'ul enough 
 to put a speedy end to the war. With this view the Lacedde- 
 nionian commanders were first persuaded to await the arrival of 
 the Pho'iiician fleet, which, however, was never intended to ap- 
 pear. But as this was a pretext which could not be made 
 available for any length of time, the next argument was in the 
 more solid shape of pecuniary bribes administered to Astycchus 
 and the other Spartan leaders. Spartan A'irtue, which exists 
 rather in imagination than reality, was not proof against this se- 
 duction. The Syracusun, Hermoerates — for a Sicilian squadron 
 was co-operating with the Pcloponnesian fleet — was alone found 
 to he incorruptible. 
 
 ^ 7. Alcibiades, having thus in some degree detached Tissa- 
 phernes from the Lacedaemonians, now endeavoured to jiersuade 
 him that it was more for the Persian interest to conclude a 
 league with Athens than with Sparta ; since the former state 
 sought only to retain her maritime dependencies, whilst Sparta 
 had held out promises of libei1;y to every Grecian city, liom 
 which she could not consistently recede. The only part of his 
 advice, however, which the satrap seems to have sincerely 
 adopted Avas that of playing ofi" cue party against the other. 
 But about this Alcibiades did not at all concern himself It 
 was enough lor his views, which had merely the selfish aim of 
 his own restoration to Athens, if he could make it appear 
 that he jiossessed suthcient influence Avith Tissaphernes \p
 
 B.C. 412. SCHEMES OF ALCIBIADES. 351 
 
 procure his assistance for the Athenians ; and for this the 
 intimate terms on which he hved with the satrap seemed a 
 sufficient guarantee. He therefore began to communicate with 
 the Athenian generals at Samos, and held out the hope of a 
 Persian alliance as the price of his restoration to his country. 
 But as he both hated and feared the Athenian democracy, he 
 coupled his offer with the condition that a revolution should be 
 elfected at Athens, and an oligarchy established. The Athenian 
 genei'als greedily caught at the proposal ; and though the great 
 mass of the soldiery were violently opposed to it, they were 
 silenced, if not satisfied, when told that Athens could be saved 
 only by means of Persia. The oligarchical conspirators formed 
 themselves into a confederacy, and Pisander was sent to Athens 
 to organize the clubs in the city. But the conspirators over- 
 looked the fact that the word of Alcibiades was their only se- 
 curity for the co-operation of Persia. Phrynichus alone among 
 the Athenian generals opposed the scheme ; not that he dis- 
 liked oligarchy, but that he hated Alcibiades, and saw through 
 his designs. 
 
 ^ 8. The proposition for an oligarchy which Pisander made in 
 the Athenian assembly met with the most determined oppo- 
 sition ; whilst the personal enemies of Alcibiades, especially the 
 sacred families of the Eumolpida; and Ceryces, violently opposed 
 the return of the man who had profaned the mysteries. The 
 single but unanswerable reply of Pisander was, the necessities 
 of the republic. A reluctant vote for a change of constitution 
 was at length extorted from the people. Pisander and ten others 
 were despatched to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. At 
 the same time Phrynichus and his colleague Scironides were de- 
 posed from their command at Samos, and their places sujDplied 
 by Diomedon and Leon. Before his departure Pisander had 
 brought all the oligarchical clubs in Athens into full activity. 
 During his absence the same task was undertaken by Antiphon, 
 the rhetorician. He was assisted by Theramenes, and subse- 
 quently by Phrynichus, who, after his arrival at Athens, had be- 
 come a violent partisan of the oligarchy. 
 
 ^ 9. When Pisander and his colleagues arrived in Ionia, they 
 informed Alcibiades that measures had been taken for establish- 
 ing an oligarchical form of government at Athens, and required 
 him to fulfil his part of the engagement by procuring the aid 
 and alliance of Persia. But Alcibiades knew that he had under- 
 taken what he could not perform, and now resolved to escape 
 from the dilemma by one of his habitual artifices. He received 
 the Athenian deputation in the presence of Tissaphernes him- 
 self, and made such extravagant demands on behalf of the satrap
 
 352 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXL 
 
 lliiit Pisaiidcr and his collc-airiifs indifriiaiitly broke off tlie con- 
 IItc'ik'c. Tlicy attributed, bovvever, llic diipbcity of Alcibiades 
 to bis want ol' will, and not to bis want of jxAver, to Hcrvc lliern; 
 and tlii-y now bi'<ran to suspect tbat bis oli<rarcbifal scberne was 
 a mere trick, and tbat in reality be desired tbe democracy to 
 reniaiu, and to procure bis restoration to its bosom. 
 
 Tissaj)bernes, wbo did not wisb absolutely to break with the 
 Laceda-nionians, now be<ran to fear that be was pusbin«r matters 
 too far ; and, as they already felt tbe pinch of want, be furnished 
 them with some pay, and cfjncluded a new treaty with them, by 
 wiiich they aprecd to abandon all tbe continent of Asia, and 
 consecjuently tbe Greek cities in tbat quarter. To this treaty 
 Pbarnabazus was also a party. Persia did not w'aive her claim 
 to tbe islands, but nothing was stipulated respecting them. On 
 these conditions the aid of a Phcenician fleet was promised to 
 tbe Pcloponnesians. 
 
 MO. Notwithstanding the conduct of Alcibiades the oligarchi- 
 cal con.'^pirators proceeded with the revolution at Athens, in 
 which they bad gone too far to recede. Pisander, with five of 
 the envoys, returned to Athens to complete the work they had 
 begun ; tbe rest were sent to establish oligarchies among the 
 allies. The leaders of the army at tSamos began a similar move- 
 ment in tbat island. Their lirst step was the gratuitous murder 
 of Hyperbolus, an Athenian demagogue who had been ostracised 
 some years before, and who Avas now- residing at J^amos, though 
 apparently without possessing any influence there. But the new 
 commanders, Diomedon and Leon, were favourable to the de- 
 mocracy, and they found by personal inquir}' tbat the great 
 majority of the crews, and especially that of the public trireme 
 called the Paralus, were ready to support the ancient constitu- 
 tion. Accordingly, when the oligarchs rose they were over- 
 })owered by superior numbers ; thirty of them were killed in the 
 contest, and three were subsequently indicted and banished. 
 
 Meanwhile at Athens, after the departure of Pisander. the 
 council of Probuli, as well as many leading citizens, had joined 
 the oligarchs. Their attacks upon the democracy were not open, 
 but were conducted by means of depreciating speeches respect- 
 ing its costliness, through tbe pay given to the dicasts and others 
 discharging civil offices, which, it was represented, the state could 
 no longer ailbrd. They did not venture to pro|X)se the entire 
 abolition of the democracy, but merely a modification of it, by 
 restricting the number of those entitled to the francbL^e to oOOO. 
 But even this proposition was never intended to be carried into 
 execution. Those who stood forward to oppose the scheme were 
 privately assassinated. A reign of terror now commenced. Citi-
 
 B.C. 411. TIIE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. 35S 
 
 zens were continually falling ; yet no man could tell whose hand 
 struck the blow, or whose turn might come next. 
 
 s^ 11. The return of Pisander was the signal for coiLsummating 
 the revolution. He proposed in the assembly, and carried a 
 resolution, that a committee of ten should be appointed to pre 
 pare a new constitution, which was to be submitted to the ap- 
 probation of the people. But when the day appointed for that 
 purpose arrived, the assembly was not convened in the Pnyx, but 
 in the temple of Poseidon at Colonus, a village upwards of a mile 
 from Athens. Here the conspirators could plant their own par- 
 tisans, and were less liable to be overawed by superior numbers. 
 The Graplie Paranomon, or action against those who proposed 
 any unconstitutional measure, having first been repealed, Pisander 
 obtained the assent of the meeting to the following revolutionary 
 changes : — 1. The abolition of all the existing magistracies ; 
 2. The cessation of all payments for the discharge of civil func- 
 tions ; 3. The appointment of a committee of five persons, who 
 were to name ninety-hve more ; each of the hundred thus con- 
 stituted to choose three persons ; the body of Four Hundred thus 
 formed to be an irresponsible government, holding its sittings in 
 the senate house. The four hundred were to convene the select 
 body of five thousand citizens whenever they thought proper. 
 Nobody knew who these five thousand were, but they answered 
 two purposes, namely, to give an air of greater popularity to the 
 government, as well as to overawe the people by an exaggerated 
 notion of its strength. 
 
 M2. The government thus constituted proceeded to establish 
 itself by force. A body of hoplites having been posted in the 
 neighbourhood of the Senate House, the Four Hundred entered 
 it, each with a dagger concealed under his garment, and followed 
 by their body-guard of 120 youths, the instruments of the secret 
 assassinations already mentioned. The ancient senate was dis- 
 missed, but the pay due to the members was oflered, and basely 
 accepted. Thus perished the Atheinan democracy, after an 
 existence of nearly a century since its establishment by Clis- 
 thenes. The revolution was begun from despair of the foreign 
 relations of Athens, and from the hope of assistance from Persia ; 
 but it was carried out through the machinations of Antiphon and 
 his accomplices after that delusion had ceased. 
 
 Having divided themselves into Prytanies or sections, and in- 
 stalled themselves with sacrifice and prayer, the Four Hundred 
 proceeded to put to death or imprison the most formidable of 
 their political enemies. Their next step was to make overtures 
 for peace to Agis. The Spartan king, however, believed that 
 the revolution was not safely established, and preferred an
 
 Br,i IIISTOIIV or (;itKi:CM Chai-. xxxl 
 
 atU'iiii)l 1o capture llio <;ily diiriii;,' tlio (lis.sen.sions by ■which he 
 supposed it to 1)(3 toru. Jjut ou jiiaitdiin;,' up to the wall» lie 
 l.)Ui)d tlifui carcluUy (guarded, and liis tro(»|).s were rcjiulsc-d liy a 
 sally ol the bcsii-fri'd. A second aj)]ilifatiou ol" the Four Hun- 
 dred mvX with a Ijetter reecption, and thry were encouraged to 
 send to Sparta. 
 
 ^ 13. Tlie iaihire of the revohition at Satnos was liifrldy unfa- 
 vourable to the success of the revolution at Athens ; but the 
 Four Ihuidred despatched envoys to that island, with instruc- 
 tions to make the matter as palatable as possible. These, how- 
 ever, had been iorcstalled by Choreas. Under the impression 
 that the democracy still existed at Athens, Cha;reas had been 
 sent to the city I'rom Samos in the Paralus with the news olthe 
 counter-revolution in the island. But Avhen the Paralus arrived, 
 the Four Hundred had already been installed; whereupon some 
 of lier democratic crew were imprisoned, and the rest transferred 
 to an ordinary trireme. Clui-reas himself foiuid means to escape, 
 and returned to Samos, wlicre lie aggravated the jiroceediiifrs at 
 Atliens by additions ot" his own, and tilled the army with uncon- 
 trollable wrath. At the instance of Thrasybulus and Thrasyilus, 
 a meetingf was called in which the soldiers pledged themselves to 
 maintain the democracy, to continue the war against Pelopon- 
 nesus, and to put down the usurpers at Athens. The whole 
 army, even those who had taken part in ihe oligarchical move- 
 ments, were sworn to uphold these pruiciples ; and to every 
 male Samian of military age a similar oath was administered. 
 Thus the Athenian democracy continued to exist at Samos alone. 
 The soldiers, laying aside for awhile their miUtary characier, 
 ■constituted themselves into an assembly of the people, deposed 
 several of their officers, and appointed others whom they C(»uld 
 better trust. The meeting resounded with patriotic speeches. 
 Thrasybulus and Thrasyilus were appointed to the chief i:om- 
 mand ; the former of whom proposed the return of Alcibiades, 
 who, it was believed, Avas now able and willing to aid the demo- 
 cratic cause with the gold and forces of Persia. Alter consider- 
 able opposition the proposal was agreed to ; Alcibiades was 
 brought to Samos and introduced to the assembly, where by his 
 magnilicent promises, and extravagant boasts respecting his influ- 
 ence with Tissaphernes, he once more succeeded iu deceiving the 
 Athenians. The accomplished traitor was elected one of the 
 generals, and, in pursuance of his artful policy, began to pass 
 backwards and forwards between Samos and Magnesia, with the 
 view of inspiring both the satrap and the Athenians with a reci- 
 procal idea of his influence with either, and of instilling distrust 
 cf Tissaphernes into the minds of the Pelopoimesians.
 
 B.C. 411. PROCEEDINGS AT SAMOS. 355 
 
 § 1 4. Such was the state of aflairs at Samos when th© envoys 
 from the Four Hundred arrived. They were invited by the 
 generals to make their communication to the assembled troops ; 
 but so great was the antipathy manifested towards them, that 
 they could hardly obtain a hearing. Their presence revived a 
 proposition which had been started bctbre, — to sail at once to 
 Athens, and put doAvn the oligarchy by force. By the advice of 
 Alcibiades, seconded by Thrasybulus, this proposal was, how- 
 ever, again discarded. The envoys were sent back to Athens 
 with the answer that the army approved of the 5000, but that 
 the Four hundred must resign and reinstate the ancient Senate 
 of Five Hundred. 
 
 ^15. At the first news of the re-establishment of democracy 
 at Samos, distrust and discord had broken out among the Four 
 Hundred. Antiphon and Phrynicus, at the head of the ex- 
 treme section of the oligarchical party, were for admitting a 
 Lacedremouian garrison ; and with a view to further that object, 
 actually caused a fort to be erected at Eetionea, a tongue of land 
 commanding the entrance to the harbour of the Pira3us. But 
 others, discontented with their share of power, began to affect 
 more popular sentiments. Conspicuous among these were The- 
 ramenes and Aristocrates, the former of whom began to insist 
 on the necessity for calling the shadowy body of 5000 into a real 
 existence. As the answer from Samos very much strengthened 
 this party, their opponents found that no time was to be lost ; 
 and Antiphon, Phrynicus, and ten others, proceeded in all haste 
 to Sparta, with offers to put the Lacedaemonians in possession of 
 the Piraeus. The latter, however, with their usual slowness, or 
 perhaps from a suspicion of treachery, let slip the golden oppor- 
 tunity. All they could be induced to promise was, that a fleet 
 of 42 triremes should hover near the Piraeus, and watch a favour- 
 able occasion for seizing it. The failure of this mission was an- 
 other blow to the party of Phrynicus ; and shortly afterwards 
 that leader himself was assassinated in open daylight whilst 
 leaving the Senate House. Some hoplites, of the same tribe as 
 Aristocrates, now seized the fort at Eetionea. Theramenes gave 
 his sanction to the demolition of the fort, which was forthwith 
 accomplished ; whilst the inability of the Four Hundred to pre- 
 vent it, betrayed the extent of their power, or ratiier of their 
 weakness. 
 
 § 16. The Four Hundred now appear to have taken some steps 
 to call the 5000 into existence. But it was too late. The leadere 
 of the counter-revolution entering armed into the theatre of 
 Dionysus at the Piraeus, formed a democratic assembly inider 
 the old forms, which adjourned to the Anaceum, or temple of
 
 886 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXL 
 
 iVie Dioscuri, iminediatcly under the Aerojiolis. Here the Four 
 Hundred sent dej)nlies to nefroti.'ite witli tliern, and another 
 assembly was apj)()inted to be held in the theatre of Dionysus; 
 but just as they were meeting the news arrived tliat the Lace- 
 da'mouian fleet was approaehin<r the Pirauis. The Athenians 
 were iuunediately on the alerl, and tin; Laceda;monian admiral, 
 perceiving no sifnis ol" assistance from within, doubled Cape 
 iSunium and j)roceeded to Oropus. It was now plain that their 
 object was to excite a revolt in Euboua. In all haste the Athe- 
 nians launched an inadequate fleet of 3G triremes, manned by 
 inexperienced crews. At Eretria in Euba-a it was encountered 
 by the Lacedjernonian fleet, and completely defeated with the 
 loss of 22 ships. Eubcea, supported by the Lacedaemonians and 
 Ba'otians, then revolted from Athens. 
 
 ^ n . Great was the di?may of the Athenians on receiving this 
 news. The loss of Euba-a seemed a death blow. The Laceda> 
 monians mitrht now easily blockade the ports of Athens and starve 
 her into surrender; whilst the partisans of the Four Hundred 
 ■would doubtless co-operate with the enemy. But from this fate 
 they were again saved by the characteristic slowness of the 
 Lacediemonians, who confined themselves to securing the con- 
 quest of Eubcca. Thus left unmolested, the Athenians convened 
 an assembly in the Pnyx. Votes Avere passed for deposing the 
 Four Hundred, and placing tlie government in the hands of the 
 5000, of whom every citizen who could furnish a panoply might 
 be a member. In short, the old constitution was restored, 
 except that the franchise was restricted to 5000 citizens, and 
 payment for the discharge of civil functions abolished. In sub- 
 sequent assemblies, the Archons, the Senate, and other institu- 
 tions were revived ; and a vote was passed to recall Alcibiades 
 and some of his friends. The number of the 5000 was never 
 exactly observed, and was soon enlarged into universal citizen- 
 ship. Thus the Four Hundred were overthroA\Ti after a reign 
 of four months. Thcranienes stood forward and impeached the 
 leaders of the extreme obgarcbical partv, on the ground of their 
 embassy to Sparta. Most of them succeeded in making their 
 escape from Athens; but Antiphon and Arehiptolemus were 
 apprehended, condemned and executed, in spite of the admira- 
 tion excited by the speecli of the former in his defence. The 
 rest were arraigned in tlieir absence and condemned, their 
 houses razed, and their property confiscated.
 
 One of the Caryatides supporting the southern portico of the Erechtheum. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 FROM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THII 
 BATTLE OF ^GOSFOTAMI. 
 
 § 1. State of the belligerents. § 2. Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cvnos- 
 sema. § 3. Capture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and second defeat of 
 the Peloponnesians at Abydus. §4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissapher- 
 nes, and his subsequent escape. 8ignal defeat of the Peloponnesians at 
 Cvzicus. § 5. The Athenians masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians propose a peace, which is rejected. § G. Pharnabazus assists the 
 Lacedseinonians. § 7. Capture of Chalcedon and Byzantium by the 
 Athenians. § 8. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. § 9. He escorts the 
 sacred procession to Eleusis. § 10. Cyrus comes down to the coast of 
 Asia. Lysander appointed commander of the Peloponnesian fleet, § 11. 
 Interview between Cyrus and Lysander. § 12. Alcibiades at Samos. 
 Defeat of Antiochns at Xotinm. §13. Alcibiades is dismissed. §14. 
 Lysander superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic measures of the lat- 
 ter. § 15. Defeat of Conon at Mytilene, and investment of that town by 
 Callicratidas, § 16. Excitement at Athens, and equipment of a largo
 
 888 iilSTOliV OV (niLKCE. Ciur. XXXIL 
 
 flcot. §17. I5.it tie of ArKiimsfp. lJ(.'fi;fttnrnl ileiithoff 'ullir;rut'nln«. §18. 
 ArniiKiiiiKiiit in"l ••ondeiiirmtioii of tho AlliiMiiuii i^crn-nil'*. § I'J. Ueap- 
 jtoiiitiiiciit of l,ysari(lcr as NavarcliuH. g '.iO. Siege of Lauijisacurt, aii<\ 
 battli' of /Hj^oHjiotami. 
 
 k 1. It i.s iiL'(!c.s.s;iiy iidw 1o revert to the war, and tyic state of 
 the coiiteiiiliii;f parties. Tlie slnif.'frle had heeoiiie wliolly inari- 
 tiine. Althouf^li the Lacedajiiioiiiaii.s or^cupied at iJeceh'-a a 
 strong post within .si<rlit of Athen.s, yet lh(Mr want of skill in the 
 art of bcsieffing towns ])revented them iVoin inakinj? any re^nlar 
 attempt to eaptnre that city. On tlie otlier hand, the frreat re- 
 verses sustained by the Alhonians in Sieily disabled them from 
 carrying the war, as they had fjniierly done, into the enemy's 
 country. Yet they still possessed a tolerable fleet, with wliieh 
 they were endeavouring to maintain their power in the j'Egean 
 and oil the coasts and islands of Asia Minor. This was now 
 become the vital point where they had to struggle for empire, 
 and even for exi.stenee ; for, smcc the commencement of the war, 
 the maritime power of the Spartans and their allies had become 
 almost equal to the maritime power of Athens. They now put to 
 sea with fleets generally larger than the fleets of the Athenians ; 
 and their slups Avere handled, and naval manoeuvres executed, 
 with a skill equal to that of their rivals. The great attention 
 wliich the LacedcCinonians had bestowed on naval aliiiirs is evinced 
 by the importance into which the new oflice of the Xavarcliia* 
 liad now risen amongst them. The Xavarchii.s* enjoyed a power 
 even superior, whilst it lasted, to that of the Spartan kings, 
 since he was wholly uncontrolled by the Ephors ; but his tenure 
 of otfice was limited to a year. From this state of things it 
 resulted that the remainder of the war had to be decided on the 
 coasts of Asia ; and it will assist the memory to conceive it divided 
 into four periods : 1. The war on the Hellespont (which must be 
 taken to include the Propontis, whither it was transferred soon 
 after the oligarchical revolution at Athens) ; 2. From the Hel- 
 lespont it was transferred to Ionia ; 3. From Ionia to Lesbos ; 
 4. Back to the Hellespont, where it was finally decided. 
 
 k 2. Mindarus, who now commanded the Peloponnesian fleet, 
 disgusted at length by the often-broken promises of Tissapherncs, 
 and the scanty and irregular pay which he furnished, set sail 
 from Miletus and proceeded to the Hellespont, with the inten- 
 tion of assisting the satrap Pharnabazus, and of ellecting, if pos- 
 sible, the revolt of \\\i Athenian dependencies in that quarter 
 Hither he was pursued by the Athenian fleet under Thrasyllus. 
 In a few days an engagement ensued (in August, 411 e.g.), in the 
 famous straits between Sestos and Abydos, in which the Athe- 
 * Nai;ap;\;<'a : NaiJap^of.
 
 B.C. 411. NAVAL VICTORY AT CYNOSSEMA. 359 
 
 nians, though with a smaller force, gained the victoiy, and erected 
 a trophy on the promontory of Cynossema, near the tomb and 
 chapel of the Trojan queen, Hecuba. After this defeat Mindarus 
 sent for the Pelopounesian fleet at Euba?a, which, however, was 
 overtaken by a violent storm near the headland oi'Mount Athos, 
 and totally destroyed. But though this circumstance afibrded 
 some relief to Athens, by withdrawing an annoying enemy IVcm 
 her shores, it did not enable her to regain possession of Eultea. 
 The Euboeans, assisted by the Boeotians, and by the inhabitants 
 of Chalcis and other cities, constructed a bridge across the nar- 
 rowest part of the Euripus, and thus deprived Eubcea of its in- 
 sular cliavacter. 
 
 § 3. The Athenians followed up their victory at Cynossema by 
 the reduction of Cyzicus, which had revolted Ircm them. A 
 month or two afterwards another obstinate engagement took 
 place between the Pelopounesian and Athenian fleets near Aby- 
 dos, which lasted a whole day, and was at length decided in 
 favour of the Athenians by the arrival of Alcibiades with his 
 squadron oi" eighteen ships from Samos. The Peloponnesian ships 
 were run ashore, where they were defended with great personal 
 exertion, by Pharnabazus and his troops. 
 
 ^ 4. Shortly after this battle Tissaphenies arrived at the 
 Hellespont with the view of conciliating the oflended Pelopon- 
 nesians. He was not only jealous of the assistance which the 
 latter were ivow rendering to Pharnabazus, but it is also evident 
 that his temporizing policy had displeased the Persian court. 
 This appears from his conduct on the present occasion, as well 
 as from the subsequent appointment of Cyrus to the supreme 
 command on the Asiatic coast, as we shall presently have to 
 relate. When Alcibiades, who imagined that Tissaphernes was 
 still favourable to the Athenian cause, W'aited on him with the 
 customary presents, he was arrested by order of the satrap, and 
 sent in custody to Sardis. At the end of a month, however, he 
 contrived to escape to Clazomena;, and again joined the Athenian 
 fleet early in the spring of 410 b.c. Mindarus, with the assist- 
 ance of Pharnabazus on the land side, was now engaged in the 
 siege of Cyzicus, which the Athenian admirals determined to 
 relieve. Having passed up the Hellespont in the night they 
 assembled at the island of Proconnesus. Here Alcibiades ad- 
 dressed the seamen, telling them that they had aothing further 
 to expect from the Persians, and must be prepared to act with 
 the greatest vigour both by sea and land. He then sailed out 
 with his squadron towards Cyzicus, and by a pretended flight 
 inveigled Mindarus to a distance from the harbour ; whilst the 
 other two divisions of the Athenian lieet, under Thrasybulus and
 
 860 IIISTOIIY OF (iKKIXK. Cuap. XXXIl 
 
 ThriLsyllus, Ijciuff lavourcd by liazy wcatlmr, stole between Min- 
 darus and the liarbour, and eut oil his retreat. In these eircum- 
 stanccs tlie Spaiiau coniinander ran his venf^els ashore, •where, 
 witii the assistance ol" Phaniabazns, lie endeavoured to defend 
 llicni ufraiast the attacks ol" the Athenians. Aleibiades bavitif^ 
 landed liis men, a battle ensued, in which Mindarus was slain, 
 the Laceckeinonians and Persians routed, and the whole Pelopon- 
 nesian lieet captured, with the exccjilion ollhe Syracusan ships, 
 which Hennocrales caused to be burnt. Th<; severity of this 
 blow was pictured in the laconic epistle in which Hijipocrates, 
 the second in command,* announced it to the Ephors : " Our 
 good luck is gone ; Mindarus is slain ; the men are starsing ; 
 we know not what to do." 
 
 §5. The results of this victory Avere most important. Perin- 
 thus and Selymbria, as well as Cyzicus, were recovered ; and the 
 Athenians, once moi"e masters of the Propontis, fortified the town 
 of Chrysopolis, over against Byzantium, at the entrance of the 
 Bosporus ; re-established their toll of ten per cent, on all ve£.^els 
 passing from the Euxine ; and left a squadron to guard the strait 
 and collect the dues. So great was the discouragement of the 
 Laceda-monians at the loss of their fleet that the Ephor Endius 
 proceeded to Athens to treat for peace on the basis of both 
 parties standing just as they were. The Athenian assembly was 
 at this time led by the demagogue Cleophon, a lamp-maker, 
 laiown to us by the later comedies of Aristophanes. Cleophon 
 appears to have been a man of considerable ability ; but the late 
 victories had inspired him with too sanguine hopes, and he ad- 
 vised the Athenians to reject the terms proposed by Endius. 
 Athens thus threw away the golden oj)portunity of recruiting 
 her shattered forces of which she stood so much in need ; and to 
 this unfortunate advice must be ascribed the calamities which 
 subsequently overtook her. 
 
 ^ 6. Meanwhile Pharnabazus was active in affording the Lace- 
 daemonians all the assistance in his power. He clothed and 
 armed their seamen, furnished them with provisions and pav for 
 two mouths, opened to them the forests of Mount Ida for sup- 
 plies of timber, and assisted them in biiilding new ships at 
 Antandros. He helped them to defend Chalcedon, now besieged 
 by Aleibiades, and by his means that town was enabled to hold 
 out for a long time. But the Athenians had already obtained 
 their principal object. The possession of the Bosporus reopened 
 to them the trade of the Euxine. From his lofty fortress at 
 Deeelea the Spartan king, Agis, could descry the corn-ships 
 
 * Called £pistolcus {'E-i(jTo?.evg) or "Secretarv" in the Lacedemonian 
 fleet.
 
 B.C. 407. ALCIBIADES RETURNS TO ATHENS. 36\ 
 
 from the Euxine sailing into the liarbour of the Pirseus, and 
 felt how fruitless it was to occupy the fields of Attica, whilst 
 such abundant supplies of provisions Mere continually finding 
 their waj to the city. 
 
 ^ 7. The year 409 b.c. was not marked by any memorable 
 events ; but in the following year Chalcedou at length surren- 
 dered to the combined Athenian forces, in spite of an attempt 
 of Pharnabazus to save it. Selymbria was also taken by Alci- 
 biades about the same time. Byzantium fell next. After it had 
 been besieged by Alcibiades for some months, the gates were 
 opened to the Athenians towards the close of the year 408 B.C., 
 through tlie treachery of a party among its inhabitants. 
 
 \^ 8. These great achievements of Alcibiades naturally paved 
 the way for his return to Athens. In the spring of 407 B.C. he 
 proceeded with the fleet to Samos, and from thence sailed to 
 Piraeus. His reception was far more favourable than he had 
 ventured to anticipate. The whole population of Athens flocked 
 doM'n to Piraeus to welcome him, and escorted him to the city. 
 In the Senate and in the assembly he protested his innocence of 
 the impieties imputed to him, and denounced the injustice of 
 his enemies. Ills sentence was reversed without a dissentient 
 voice ; his confiscated property restored ; the curse of the Eu- 
 molpidse revoked, arid the leaden plate on which it was engraven 
 thrown into the sea. He seemed to be in the present juncture 
 the only man capable of restoring the grandeur and the empire 
 of Athens : he was accordingly named general with uidimited 
 powers, and a force of 100 triremes, 1500 hoplites, and 150 
 cavalry placed at his disposal. 
 
 ^ 9. But whatever change eight years of exile and his recent 
 achievements had produced in the public feeling towards Alci- 
 biades, it was one of forgiveness rather than of love, and rested 
 more on the hopes of the future than on the remembrance of the 
 past. The wounds which he had inflicted on Athens in the 
 affairs of Syracuse and Decelea, in the revolts of Chios and Mi- 
 letus, and in the organization of the conspiracy of the Four 
 Hundred, were too severe to be readily forgotten ; and he had 
 still many enemies who, though silent amid the general applause, 
 did not cease to whisper their secret condemnation. Alcibiades., 
 however, disbelieved or disregarded their machinations, and 
 yielded himself without reserve to the breeze of popular favour 
 which once more filled his sails. Before his departure, he took 
 an opportunity to atone for the impiety of which he had been 
 suspected. Although his ai'mament was in perfect readiness, he 
 delayed its sailing till after the celebration of the Eleusinian 
 ttiysteries at the beginning of September. For seven years the 
 
 R
 
 802 HISTORY OF GREECE. f.iAr. XXXIf. 
 
 rustnm.'iry proncsHion across llic Thria.sian jilaiii liad been fus- 
 j)cn(l('(!, owiiiir to llic oecupalioii of J)cfclra liy the enemy, wliieh 
 compelled the saen-d trooj) to jtroceed liy H-a. Aleibiades now 
 escorted llicrn on their j)ro^fresrt and retnrn witli his f'orres, and 
 tluis .siieeeeded in reeoneijintr himself with the ofrended god- 
 desses aiul with their holy priests, the Kumolpida;. 
 
 ^ 10. Meanwliile, a preat ehanire had been froing on in the 
 state of affairs in the East. We have already seen that the 
 Great King Avas disj)lea.scd with the vacillating policy of Tissa- 
 pherncs, and had detennined to adopt more energetic measures 
 against the Athenians. During the ab.sence of Aleibiades, C\tus, 
 the younger son of Darius, a prince of a bold and enterprising 
 spirit, and animated with a lively hatred of Athens, liad arrived 
 M the coast for the purpose of carrj'ing out the altered policy of 
 the Persian court ; and with that view had been invested with 
 ilie satrapies of Lydia, the Greater Phrygia, and Cappadoeia, as 
 well as with the military command of all those forces which 
 mustered at Castolus. The arrival of Cyrus opens the last 
 phase of the Peloponnesian war. Another event, in the highest 
 degree unfavourable to the Athenian cause, was the accession of 
 Lysander, as NavarcliKS, to the command of the Peloponnesian 
 fleet. Lysander was the third of the remarkable men whom 
 Sparta produced during the "war. In ability, energy, and suc- 
 cess he may be compared with Brasidas and Gyhppus, though 
 immeasurably inferior to the former in every moral quality. 
 He was born of poor parents, and was by descent a motJuix, 
 or one of those Lacedaemonians w^ho could never enjoy the 
 full rights of Spartan citizenship. The allui-ements of money 
 and of pleasure had no influence over him ; but his ambition 
 was boundless, and he was wholly unscrupulous about the means 
 which he emjiloyed to gratify it. In pursuit of his objects he 
 hesitated at neither deceit, nor jjcrjiury, nor cruelty, and he is 
 reported to have laid it down as one of his maxims m life to 
 avail himself of the fox's skin where the lion's failed. 
 
 S^ 11. Lysander had taken up his station at Ephesus, with the 
 Lacedaemonian fleet of 70 triremes ; and when Cyrus arrived at 
 Sardis, in the spring of 107 b.c, he hastened to pay liis court 
 to the young prince, and was received with everv mark of fa- 
 vour. A vigorous line of action was resolved on. C)tus at 
 once offered 500 talents, and affirmed that if more Avere needed, 
 he was prepared to devote his private funds to the cause, and 
 even to coin into money the very throne of gold and silver on 
 which he sat. In a banquet which ensued Cyrus drank to the 
 health of Lysander, and desired him 1o name any wish which 
 he could gratify. Lysander immediately requested an addition
 
 B.C. 407. ARRIVAL OF CYRUS ON THE COAST. 863 
 
 of an obolus to the daily pay of the seamen. Cyrus was sur- 
 prised at so disinterested a demand, and from that day conceived 
 a high degree of respect and confidence for the Spartan com- 
 mander. Lysander on his return to Ephesus employed himself 
 in refitting his fleet, and in organizing clubs in the Spartan in- 
 terest in the cities of Asia. 
 
 § 12. Alcibiades set sail from Athens in September. He first 
 proceeded to Andros, now occupied by a Lacedsemonian force ; 
 but, meeting Avith a stouter resistance than he expected, he left 
 Conon with 20 ships to prosecute the siege, and proceeded with 
 the remainder to Samos. It was here that he first learnt the 
 altered state of the Athenian relations with Persia. Being ill 
 provided with funds for carrying on the war, he was driven to 
 make predatory excursions for the purpose of raising money. He 
 attempted to levy contributions on Cyme, an unoliendiiig Athe- 
 nian dependency, and being repulsed, ravaged its territoiy ; an 
 act which caused loud complaints against him to be lodged at 
 Athens. During his absence on this expedition he intrusted the 
 bulk of the fleet at Samos to his pilot, Antiochus, with strict 
 injunctions not to venture on an action. Notwithstanding these 
 orders, however, Antiochus sailed out and brought the Pelo- 
 ponnesian fleet to an engagement ofl^ Notium, in which the 
 Athenians were defeated with the loss of 15 ships, and An- 
 tiochus himself was slain. Among the Athenian armament 
 itself great dissatisfaction was growing up against Alcibiades. 
 Though at the head of a splendid force, he had in three months' 
 time accomplished literally nothing. His debaucheries and dis- 
 solute conduct on shore were charged against him, as well as 
 his selecting for confidential posts not the men best fitted for 
 them, but those who, like Antiochus, were the boon companions 
 and the chosen associates of his revels. 
 
 ^ 13. These accusations forwarded to Athens, strengthened by 
 complaints from Cyme, and fomented by his secret enemies, 
 soon produced an entire revulsion in the public feeling towards 
 Alcibiades. It was seen that he was still the same man, and 
 that he had relapsed Liito all his former habits, in the confidence 
 that his success and two or three years of good behaviour had 
 succeeded in recovering for him the favour and esteem of his 
 countrymen. The Athenians voted that he should be dismissed 
 from his command, and appointed in his place ten new generals, 
 with Conon at their head. 
 
 ^ 11. The year of Lysander's command expired about the same 
 time as the appointment of Conon to the Athenian command. 
 Through the intrigues of Lysander, his successor Callicratidas 
 was received with dissatisfaction both by the Lacedajmonian sea-
 
 804 IliSTOIiV or GREECE. Ciur. XXXIL 
 
 men ;iii(l l)y Cyrus. LouiJ coriij)lain(« wore raised of llio im- 
 jKjlicy of ;iu aiiiiual o)iaiif(o ol" (loiuiiiandfrH. Ly.saiulur llirew 
 all sorts ot" dillicullius into thu way of lii.s HuccesHor, to whom 
 hu liandfd over an einpty chest, liaviiif^ firKt repaid to Cyrus 
 all the money iii Ids pos.sessioii, under the pretence that it was 
 a private loan. The strai<^diti'or\vard conduct ol' Callicratidas, 
 liovvever, who summoned the Laceda;monian couunandcrs, and 
 after a difjitiiied remonstrance, jdainly put the ouestion whether 
 he should return home or remain, silenced all opposition. But 
 he was sorely embarrassed lor I'unds. Cyrus treated hirn with 
 haughtiness ; and wlicn he waited on that prince at Sardis, he 
 was dismissed not only without money, but even witliout an 
 audience. Callicratidas, however, liad too much energy to be 
 daunted by such obstacles. Sailing with his fleet from Ephesus 
 to Miletus, he laid before the assembly of that city, in a spirited 
 address, all the ills they had suiiered at the hands of the Per- 
 sians, and exhorted them to bestir themselves and dispense willi 
 their alliance. He succeeded in persuading tlic Milesians to 
 make him a large grant of money, whilst the leading men even 
 came forward with private subscriptions. By means of this 
 assistance he w'as enabled to add 50 triremes to the 90 delivered 
 to him by Lysander ; and the Chians further provided hirn with 
 ten days' pay for the seamen. He now sailed for Lesbos, and 
 taking the town of Methymna by stomi, delivered it over to be 
 plundered by his men. He likewise caused all the slaves to be 
 sold for their benefit, but he nobly refused to follow the example 
 of his predecessors, in selling the Athenian garrison and Methym- 
 neean citizens as slaves ; declaring, that so long as he held the 
 command, no Greek should ever be reduced to slavery. 
 
 ^ 15. The fleet of Callicratidas was noAv double that of Conou. 
 Like the doge of Venice in modern times, he claimed the sea as 
 his laAvful bride, and warned Conon by a message to abstain from 
 his adulterous intercourse. The latter, who had ventured to ap- 
 proach Methymna, was compelled to nm before the superior 
 force of Callicratidas. Both lleets entered the harbour of My- 
 telene at the same time, where a battle ensued in which Conon 
 lost 30 ships, but he saved the remaining 40 by haiding them 
 ashore under the walls of the town. Callicratidas then blockaded 
 Mytilene both by sea and land ; whilst Cyrus, on learning his 
 success, immediately furnished him with supplies of money. Co- 
 non, however, contrived to despatch a trireme to Athens with 
 the news of his desperate position. 
 
 §16. As soon as the Athenians received intelligence of the 
 blockade of Mytilene, vast eflbrts were made for its relief; and 
 we learn with surprise that in thirty days a fleet of 110 triremes
 
 B.C. 406. BATTLE OF ARGINUS^. 36S 
 
 was equippea and despatched from Pirseus. The armament 
 assembled at Samos, where it M'as reinforced by scattered Athe- 
 nian ships, and by contingents from the aUies to the extent of 40 
 vessels. The whole fleet of 150 sail then proceeded to the 
 small islands of Arginusee, near the coast of Asia, and facing 
 Malea, the .south-eastern cape of Lesbos. Callicratidas, who went 
 out to meet them, took up his station at the latter point, leaving 
 Eteonicus with 50 ships to maintain the blockade of Mytilene. 
 He had thus only 120 ships to oppose to the 150 of the Athe- 
 nians, and his pilot, Hermon, advised him to retire before the 
 superior force of the enemy. But Callicratidas replied that he 
 would not disgrace himself by flight, and that if he should perish, 
 Sparta would not feel his loss. 
 
 s^ 17. The greatest precautions were taken in drawing up the 
 Athenian fleet. The main strength was thrown into the wings, 
 each of which consisted of 60 Athenian ships, divided into four 
 squadrons of 15 each, ranged in a double line. The Pelopon- 
 nesian fleet, on the contrary, was drawn up in a single extended 
 line ; a circumstance displaying great conhdence of superiority, 
 and which denoted a vast change in the relative naval skill of the 
 parties ; for at the beginning of the war their tactics had been 
 precisely the reverse. It must, however, be bonie in mind, that 
 the far gi'eater part of the Athenian fleet was on this occasion 
 manned by hastily raised crews, who had never been to sea 
 before ; whilst the Peloponnesian sailors had been M'ell trained 
 by several years' experience. 
 
 The battle was long and obstinate. All order was speedily 
 lost, and the ships fought singly with one another. In one of 
 these contests, Callicratidas, who stood on the prow of his vessel 
 ready to board the enemy, Avas thrown overboard by the shock 
 of the vessels as they met, and perished. At length victory 
 began to declare for the Athenians. The Lacedaemonians, after 
 losing 77 vessels, retreated with the remainder to Chios and 
 Phoccea. The loss of the Athenians was 25 vessels. 
 
 Eteonicus was now in jeopardy at Mytilene. When informed 
 of the defeat of his countrymen, he directed the vessel which, 
 brought the news to put to sea again, and to return with wreaths 
 and shouts of triumph ; whilst, taking advantage of the false im- 
 pression thus raised in the minds of the Athenians, he hastily 
 got ready for sea, and reached Chios in safety. At the same 
 time the blockading army was withdrawn to Methymna. Conon, 
 thus unexpectedly liberated, put to sea, and the united fleet took 
 up their station at Samos. 
 
 MS. The battle of Arginusfeled to a deplorable event, which 
 has for ever sullied the pages of Athenian history. At least a
 
 3rtf, IIISTOIIY OF GKKKCn Chai-. XXXII. 
 
 (lo/.cii Allicriiaa vcskcIs were lell lloaliiig about in a disabled 
 (•(Miililioii at'lcr the battle; but, owitif? to a violent sloirn that 
 ensued, no attciiijit was made to ret^cue the survivors, or to 
 collect the bodies of the dead for burial. Eight of" the ten 
 generals were suimnoiied home to answer ibr this conduct ; 
 Conon, by his situation at Mytilene, was of course exculpated, 
 and Archestratus had died. Six of the generals obeyed the 
 summons, and were denounced in the Assembly by Therarnenes, 
 formerly one of the Four Hundred, for neglect oi duty. The 
 generals re])lied that they had commissioned Therarnenes him- 
 self and Thrasybulus, each of whom commanded a trireme in 
 the engagement, to undertake the duty, and had assigned 48 
 ships to them for that purpose. This, however, was denied by 
 Therarnenes ; and unluckily the generals, from a ieeling of kind- 
 ness towards the latter, had made no mention of the circum- 
 stance in their public despatches, but had attributed the aban- 
 donment of the foundering vessels solely to the violence of the 
 storm. There are discrepancies in the evidence, and we have 
 no materials for deciding positively which statement was true ; 
 but probability inclines to the side of the generals. Public feel- 
 ing, however, ran very strongly n gainst them, and was increased 
 by an incident M'hich occurred during their trial. After a day's 
 debate the question was adjourned ; and in the interval the 
 festival of the Ajxituria was celebrated, in A\hich, according to 
 annual custom, the citizens met together according to their 
 fa^iilies and phratries. Those who had perished at Arginusae 
 were naturally missed on such an occasion ; and the usually 
 cheerful character of the festival was deformed and rendered 
 melancholy by the relatives of the deceased appearing in black 
 clothes and with shaven heads. The passions of the people 
 were violently roused. At the next meeting of the Assembly, 
 Callixenus, a senator, proposed that the people shoidd at once 
 proceed to pass its A^erdict on the generals, though they had 
 been only partially heard in their defence ; and, moreover, that 
 they should all be included iir one sentence, though it was con- 
 trary to a rule of Attic law, known as the psephisma of Can- 
 nonus, to indict citizens otherwise than individually. Callixenus 
 carried his motion in spite of the threat of Eun-ptolemus to 
 indict him for an illegal proceeding under the Graplic I'aranoyiwti. 
 The Prytanes, or senators of the ])rosiding tribe, at first refused 
 to put the question to the Assembly in this illegal way ; but 
 their opposition was at length overawed Ly clamour and vio- 
 lence. There was, however, one lionourable exception. The 
 philosopher Socrates, who was one of the Prytans, refused to 
 withdraw his protest. But his opposition was disregarded, and
 
 B.C. 406. EXECUTION OF THE GEXERALS. 367 
 
 the proposal of Callixenus was carried. The generals were con- 
 demueJ, delivered over to the Eleven for execution, and com- 
 pelled to druik the fatal hemlock. Among them was Pericles, 
 the son of the celebrated statesman. The Athenians afterwards 
 repented of their rash precipitation, and decreed that Callixenus 
 and his accomplices should in their turn be brought to trial ; 
 but before the appointed day they managed to escape. 
 
 ^19. After the battle of Arginusai the Athenian fleet seems 
 to have remained inactive at S.imos during the rest of the year. 
 Through the influence of Cyrus, and the other allies of Sparta, 
 Lysander again obtained the command of the Peloponnesiau fleet 
 at the commencement of the year 405 b.c. ; though nominally 
 under Aracus as admiral ; since it was contrary to Spartan usage 
 that the same man should be twice JVavarchus.^ His return to 
 power was marked by more vigorous measures. Fresh funds 
 were obtained from Cyrus ; the arrears due to the seamen were 
 paid up ; and new triremes were put upon the stocks at Antan- 
 dru3. Oligarchical revolutions were effected in Miletus and 
 other towns. Summoned to visit his sick father in Media, 
 Cyrus even delegated to Lysander the management of his satrapy 
 and reveimes during his absence. Lysander was thus placed in 
 possession of power never before realized by any Lacedaemonian 
 commander. But the Athenian fleet under Conon and his coad- 
 jutors was still superior in numbers, and Lysander carefully 
 avoided an engagement. He contrived, however, to elude the 
 Athenian fleet, and to cross the /Egean to the coast of Attica, 
 where he had an interview with Agis ; and, proceeding theiice 
 to the Hellespont, which Conon had left unguarded, he took up 
 his station at Abydos. 
 
 ^ 20. The Athenians were at this time engaged in ravaging 
 Chios ; but when they heard of this movement, and that Ly- 
 sander had commenced the siege of Lampsacus, they imme- 
 diately sailed for the Hellespont. They arrived too late to save 
 the town, but they proceeded up the strait and took post at ^gos- 
 potami, or the "Goat's River;" a place which had nothing to 
 recommend it, except its vicinity to Lampsacus, from which it 
 was separated by a channel somewhat less than two miles broad. 
 It Avas a mere desolate beach, without houses or inhabitants, so 
 that all the supplies had to be fetched from Sestos, or from the 
 surrounding country, and the seamen were compelled to leave 
 their ships in order to obtain their meals. Lender these circum- 
 stances the Athenians were very desirous of bringing Lysander 
 to an engagement. But the Spartan commander, who was in a 
 
 * Lysander received tlie title of Epistoleiis. See note on p. 300.
 
 868 UISTORY OF GREECE Ciur. XXXIL 
 
 stroiifif position, and abundantly fiirnislicd with proviHJonp, was 
 in no liiury to run any rit^ks. In vain did tlic AlhcnianH sail 
 over Hi'veral days in Kucccssion 1o olii-r liirn haltle ; they always 
 found his ships ready manned, and drawn up in tco strong a 
 position to warrant an attaek ; nor could they by all their rna- 
 nauivres succeed in enticing him out to comhat. This cowardice, 
 as they deemed it, on the part of the Lacedamonians, bcpat a 
 .conesponding negligence on theirs; discipline was neglected and 
 the men allowed to straggle almost at will. It was in vain that 
 Alcibiades, who since his dismissal resided in a fortress in that 
 neighbourhood, remonstrated with the Athenian generals on the 
 exposed nature of the station they had chosen, and advised 
 them to proceed to Scstos. His counsels were received with 
 taunts and insults. At length on the fifth day, Lysander, havinor 
 watched an opportunity when the Athenian seamen had gone on 
 shore and were dispersed over the country, rowed swiftly across 
 the strait with all his ships. He found the Athenian fleet, with 
 the exception of 10 or 12 ves.sels, totally unprepared, and suc- 
 ceeded in capturing nearly the Avhole of it, without having occa- 
 sion to strike a single blow. Of the l&O ships which composed 
 the fleet, only the trireme of Conon himself, the Paralus, and 8 
 or 10 other vessels succeeded in escaping. Conon was afraid 
 to return to Athens after so signal a disaster, and took refuge 
 with Evagoras, prince of Salamis in Cyprus. All the Athenian 
 prisoners, amounting to 3000 or 4000, together with the generals, 
 were put to death by order of Lysander, in retaliation for the 
 cruelty with which the Athenians had treated the prisoners they 
 had lately made. 
 
 By this momentous victoiy, which was suspected to have been 
 achieved through the corrupt connivance of seme of the Athe- 
 nian generals, the contest on the Hellespont, and virtually the 
 Pelopomiesian war, was brought to an end. The closing scene 
 of the catastrophe was enacted at Athens itself; but the fate of 
 the imperial city must be reserved for another chapter. 
 
 EYPin;. 
 Bust of the Toet Euriiiides.
 
 /- V' 
 
 A'-^f ■ 
 
 View of Phy:e. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF .T:GOSPOTA3n TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE 
 THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY 
 AT ATHENS. 
 
 § 1. Alarm at Athens. § 2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the 
 Athenian dependencies. §3. Measures of the Athenians. Athens in- 
 vested. § 4. Embassy of Tlieramenes. Conditions of capitulation. 
 § 5. Lj-sander takes possession of Athens. Destruction of the long 
 ■walls, (fcc. §6. Return of the oligarchical exiles. Establishment of 
 the Thirty. § 7. Surrender ofSamos and triumph of Lysander. §8. Pro' 
 ceedings of the Thirty at Athens. § 9. Opposition of Tlieramenes. 
 § 10. Proscriptions. Death of Theramenes. § 11. Suppression of in- 
 tellectual culture. Socrates. § 12. Death of Alcibiades. § 1-3. Jealousy 
 of the Grecian states towards Sparta and Lvsander. § 14. Thrasy- 
 bulus at Phyle. § 15. Seizure and massacre of the Eleusinians. 
 § 16. Tiirasvbiilus occupies Pirseus. Death of Critias. § 17. Deposi- 
 tion of the Thirty, and establishment of tlie Ten. Return of Lvsander 
 to Athens, and arrival of Pausanias. § 18. Peace with Thrasybulus, 
 and evacuation of Attica by the Peloponnesians. § 19. Restoration of 
 the democracy, g 20. Archonship of Euelides. Reduction of Eleusis. 
 
 k 1. The defeat of iEgospotami, \vhich took place about Sep- 
 tember, 405 B.C., was announced at Piraeus in the night, by tha 
 
 R*
 
 870 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cuap. XXXIU 
 
 arriv.'il of the Paraliis. "On that nifrlit," says XonopVion, "no 
 man slept." The (h.sastcr, indeed, was as sudden and as authen- 
 tic; as it was vast and irretrievahle. Tlie pri;fee(hiips of" llie de- 
 jected assembly which met on the ioUowiMf,' day at once showed 
 that the remaiiiinf^ strujigle was one lor hare existence. In 
 order to make the best preparations for a sieffc, it was resolved to 
 block up two of the three ports of Athen.s — a plain confession 
 that maritime sujiremacy, the sole basis of her j)ower, had de- 
 parted from her. 
 
 t 2. Lysander, secure of an easy triumph, was in no haste to 
 gather it by force. The command of the Euxine enabled him to 
 control the supplies of Athens ; and sooner or later, a few weeks 
 of famine must decide her fall. ^Vith the view of liastening the 
 catastrophe he compelled the garrisons of all the towns which 
 surrendered to proceed to the capital. The question was not 
 one of arms, but of hunger ; and au additional gamson, so far 
 from adding to her strength, would complete her weakness. A 
 strong proof of the insecure foundation ot' her power I A naval 
 defeat in a remote quai'ter had not only deprived her of empire, 
 but was about to render her in turn a captive and a subject. 
 
 Lysander now sailed forth to take possession of the Athenian 
 towns, which fell one after another into liis power as soon as 
 he appeared hefore them. In all a new form of government 
 was established, consisting of an oligarchy of ten of the citizens, 
 called a decarchy, under a Spartan harmost. Chalcedon, Byzan- 
 tium, Mytilcne, surrendered to Lysander himself ; Avhilst Eteoni- 
 cus was despatched to occupy^ and revolutionize the Athenian 
 towns in Thrace. Amidst the general defection, Samos alone 
 remained faithful to Athens. All her other dependencies at 
 once yielded to the Laceda?monians ; whilst her cleruchs were 
 forced to abandon their possessions and return heme. Li many 
 places, and especially in Thasos, these revolutions were attended 
 with violence and bloodshed. 
 
 ^ 3. The situation of Athens was now more desperate even 
 than when Xerxes was advancing against her with his countless 
 host. The juncture demanded the hearty co-operation of all 
 her citizens ; and a general amnesty was proposed and carried 
 for the purpose of releasing all debtors, accused persons, and 
 state prisoners, except a few of the more desperate criminals 
 and homicides. The citizens were then assembled in the Acro- 
 polis, and swore a solemn oath of mutual forgiveness and har- 
 mony. 
 
 About November Lysander made his appearance at ^^gina, 
 with an overwhelming fleet of 150 triremes, and proceeded to 
 devastate Salamis and blockade Piraeus. At the same time the
 
 B.C. 404. CAPITULATION OF ATHENS. 371 
 
 whole Peloponnesian army was marched into Attica, and en- 
 camped in the precincts ol' the Academus, at the very gates of 
 Athens. Famine soon hegan to be felt within the walls. Yet 
 the Athenians did not abate of their pretensions. In their pro- 
 posals for a capitulation they demanded the preservation of their 
 long walls, and of the port of Pirajus. But the Spartan Ephore, 
 to whom the Athenian envoys had been referred by king Agis, 
 refused to listen to such terms, and insisted on the demolition 
 of the long walls for the space of 10 stadia at least. The spirit 
 of the people, however, was still so unsubdued — though some of 
 them were actually dying of hunger — that the senator Arches- 
 tratus was imprisoned for proposing to accept the terms offered 
 by the Ephors ; and on the motion of Cleophon, it was forbidden 
 to make any such proposal in future. 
 
 ^ 4. Theramenes, formerly one of the Four Hundred, now 
 ofTered to pi'oceed to Lysander for the purpose of learning his 
 real intentions with regard to the fate of Athens ; and as he 
 pretended that his personal connexions would afford him great 
 facilities in such an undertaking, his ofTer was accepted. After 
 wasting three months with Lysander, — three months of ter- 
 rible suffering to the Athenians, — he said that Lysander had 
 then informed him for the first time that the Ephors alone 
 had power to treat. The only construction that can be put on 
 this conduct of Theramenes is, that he designed to reduce the 
 Athenians to the last necessity, so that they should be compelled 
 to purchase peace at any price. If such was his object he com- 
 pletely succeeded. When he returned to Athens the famine had 
 become so dreadful, that he was immediately sent back to con- 
 clude a peace on whatcA'er terms he could. In the debate which 
 ensued at Sparta, the Thebans, the Corinthians, and others of 
 the more bitter enemies of Athens, urged the very extinction 
 of her name and the sale of her whole population into slavery. 
 But this proposition was resolutely opposed by the Laced semo- 
 nians, who declared, with great appearance of magnanimity, 
 though probably with a view to their own interest in converting 
 Athens into a useful dependency, that they would never consent 
 to enslave or annihilate a city which had rendered such eminent 
 services to Greece. The terms which the Ephors dictated, and 
 which the Athenians were in no condition to refuse, were : That 
 the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be de- 
 molished ; that the Athenians should give up all their foreign 
 possessions, and confine themselves to their own territory ; that 
 they sliould surrender all their ships of war ; that they should 
 readmit all their exiles ; and that they should become allies of 
 Sparta. As Theramenes re-entered Athens, bearing in his hand
 
 »7'2 HISTORY OF GREECI-l Chap. XXXIIL 
 
 tliir roll or sn/ffilc, whidi contained ihcso lonns, lie was prccscd 
 ujiou l»y an anxious and liafrfrard crowd, m\h), heedless c/f the 
 leiins, gave loud vent 1o lluiir joy that pear*; was at lcn<:lh ccn- 
 chidcd. And llioufrli there was still a Hinall ininorily lor holding 
 out, the vote lur accepting the conditions was carried, and noli- 
 lled to Lysander. 
 
 I) 5. It was about the middle or end of March, n.c. 404, that 
 Lysandei sailed into I'ira-us, and took lorrnai possession of 
 Athens ; the war, in singular conformity with the prophecies 
 current at the beginning of it, having lasted for a period of thrice 
 nine, or 27 years. The Laccdainonian fleet and army remained 
 in possession of the city till the conditions of its capitulation 
 liad been executed. Lysandcr carried away all the Athenian 
 triremes except twelve, de.stroyed the naval arsenals, and burned 
 the ships on the stocks. The insolence of the victors added 
 another blow to the feelings of the conqxiered. The work of de- 
 struction, at which Lysander presided, was converted into a sort 
 of festival. Female ilute-players and wreathed dancers inaugu- 
 rated the demolition of the strong and proud bulwarks of 
 Athens ; and as the massive walls fell piece by piece excla- 
 mations arose from the ranks of the Peloponnesians that free- 
 dom had at length begun to davAn upon Greece. The solidity of 
 the works rendered the task of demtdition a laborious one. After 
 some little progress had been made in it, Lysander withdrew 
 with his fleet to prosecute the siege of Samos. 
 
 Thus fell imperial Athens in the seventy-third year after the 
 formation of the Confederacy of Delos, the origin of her subse- 
 quent empire. During that interv'al she had doubtless com- 
 mitted many mistakes and much injustice ; had uniformly, per- 
 haps, overrated the real foundations of her strength, and fre- 
 quently employed unjustifiable means in order to support it. 
 But on the other hand, it must be recollected that in that brief 
 career she had risen by her genius and her valour, from the con- 
 dition of a small and subordinate city to be the leading power 
 in Greece ; that in tlie first instance empire had not been sought 
 by her ambition, but laid at her feet, and in a manner thrust 
 upon her ; that it had been accepted, and successfully employed, 
 for the most noble of human purposes, and to avert an over- 
 wlielming deluge of barbarism ; and that Greece, and more 
 particularly Athens herself, had been thus enabled to become the 
 mother of refinement, the nurse of literature and art, and the 
 founder of European civilisation. 
 
 ^ 0. The fall of Athens brought back a host cf exiles, all of 
 them the enemies of her democratical constitution. Of these the 
 most distinguished was Critias, a man of wealth and family, the
 
 B.C. 404. THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 373 
 
 uncle of Plato and once the intimate friend of Socrates, distin- 
 guished both for his literary and political talents, but of unmea- 
 sured ambition and unscrupulous conscience. Critias and his 
 companions soon found a party with which they could co-operate. 
 A large portion of the senators was favourable to the establish- 
 ment of an oligarchy ; of which Theramenes had already laid 
 the foundation during his residence with Lysander. Scarcely 
 %vas the city surrendered, when this faction began to organize 
 its plans. The political clubs met and named a committee of 
 five, who, in compliment to the Lacedaemonians, were called 
 Ephors. Their tirst step was to seize the leaders of the de- 
 mocratical party, whom they accused of a design to overturn 
 the peace. Cleophon had already fallen, on an accusation of 
 neglect of military duty, but in reality from his perseverance in 
 opposing the surrender of Athens. The way being thus pre- 
 pared, Critias and Theramenes invited Lysander from Samos, in 
 order that his presence might secure the success of the move- 
 ment. It was then proposed in the assembly that a committee 
 of thirty should be named to draw up laws for the future 
 government of the city, and to undertake its temporary ad- 
 ministration. Among the most promuient of the thirty names 
 were those of Critias and Theramenes. The proposal was of 
 course carried. Lysander himself addressed the assemblv, and 
 contemptuously told them that they had better take thought for 
 their personal safety, which now lay at his mercy, than for their 
 political constitution. The committee thus appointed soon ob- 
 tained the title of the Thirty Tyrants, the name by which they 
 have become known in all subsequent time. 
 
 ^ 7. After completing the revolution of Athens, Lysander re- 
 turned to Samos. The island surrendered towards the end of 
 summer, when an oligarchical governmeiit was established, as 
 in the other conquered states. Never had Greek commander 
 celebrated so great a triumph as that which adorned the return 
 of Lysander to Sparta. He brought with him all the prow orna- 
 ments of the numerous ships he had taken ; he was loaded 
 with golden crowns, the gifts of various cities ; and he ostenta- 
 tiously displayed the large sum of 470 talents, the balance which 
 still remained of the sums granted by Cyrus for prosecuting the 
 war. 
 
 ^ 8. Meanwhile, the Thirty at Athens having named an en- 
 tirely new Senate, and appointed fresh magistrates, proceeded to 
 exterminate some of their most obnoxious opponents. In order 
 to insure their condemnation, the Thirty presided in person in 
 the place formerly occupied by the Pr}'tanes ; and the senators 
 were obliged to deposit their voting pebbles on tables placed
 
 874 IIISTOIIY OF GREFX'E. Ciur. XXXllI. 
 
 iniiiR-diutely bcl'ore tlii'iii. Frequeiilly even this show of legality 
 AViis (lis])eii.su(l wilii, and the ueeiised weic ]-ut lo death by the 
 mere order of the Thirty. But CntiaH, and the more violent 
 parly anion*? them, Htill called ior more blood ; and ^vith the 
 view ot" obtaining it, procured a Spartan garrison, under the 
 harrnost Callibius, to be installed m tiie Acrojjolis. Be.^ides 
 this ft)rcc, they had an organized band (A assassins at their dis- 
 posal. Blood now flowed on all sides. Many ol' tlie leading rnen 
 ol' Athens fell, others look to lliglit. A still greater reliiiement 
 of cunning and cruelty was, to iiiijjlicatc distinguisheil citizens in 
 their own crimes by making tliein accomplices in their acts of 
 violence. Thus, on one occasion, they sent for five citizens to 
 the government liouf^e, and ordered them witli horrible menaces 
 to proceed to yalaiiiis, and bring back as a prisoner an eminent 
 Atlienian named Locn. Socrates was one of the five, and again 
 did himself immortal Luiiour by refusing to participate in such 
 an act of violence. 
 
 ^ 9. Thus the reign of terror was completely established. In 
 the bosom of the Thirty, however, there was a party, headed by 
 Theramenes, who disapproved of these proceedings. Thera- 
 menes was long-sighted and cunning, as we have seen from 
 his former acts, and so shifting and unstable in his political 
 views as to have obtained the nick-name of CotJtur?ms, frcm 
 resembling a shoe that would fit cither foot. But he Avas not 
 unnecessarily and gratuitously cruel ; and though he had ap- 
 proved of tlic slaughter of those citizens whom, from their former 
 political conduct, he deemed dangerous and irreconcilable ene- 
 inies to the new state of things, yet he \vas not disposed to 
 sanction murder merely for the sake of obtaining the wealth of 
 the victims. He was also inclined to give the new government 
 a more constitutional form ; and it was at his suggestion that 
 the Thirty were induced to bestow the franchise on 3000 citi- 
 zens, chosen, however, as much as possible from their own 
 adherents. But this show of liberality, as managed by the ma- 
 jority of the Thirty, was in reality only a vehicle for greater 
 oppression towards the remainder of the citizens. All except 
 the chosen 3000 were considered to be without the pale of the 
 law, and might be ])ut to death without form of trial by the 
 simple fiat of the Thirty ; whilst in order to render them uica- 
 pable of resistance, they w'ere assembled under pretence of a 
 review, during which their arms v\ere seized by a stratagem. 
 
 MO. The Thirty now proceeded more unsparingly than 
 ever. A regular proscription took place. A list A\as made 
 out of those who were to be slain and plundered ; and 
 the adherents of the Tliirty were permitted to insert in it
 
 B.C. 404. DEATH OF THERAMENES. 375 
 
 whatever names they pleased. So httle was the proscription 
 of a poUtical character, that it extended to metics (resident 
 aliens) as well as to citizens ; and under the metics were in- 
 cluded Lysias, the celebrated orator, and his brother, Polemar- 
 clius. Therainenes stood aloof from these atrocities ; and when 
 oflered the choice of a victim among the metics, to be destroyed 
 and plundered for his own especial benefit, he indignantly re- 
 jected the oiler. His moderation cost him his life. One day 
 as he entered the Senate-house, Critias rose and denounced him 
 as a public enemy, struck his name out of the privileged 3000, 
 and ordered him to be carried oil' to instant death. Upon hear- 
 ing these words Theramenes sprang for refuge to the altar in 
 the Senate-house ; but he was dragged away by Satyrus, the 
 cruel and unscrupulous head of the " Eleven," a body of officers 
 who carried into execution the penal sentence of the law. Being 
 conveyed to prison, he was compelled to drink the fatal hem- 
 lock. The constancy of his end might have adorned a better 
 life. After swallowing the draught, he jerked on the floor a 
 drop which remained in the cup, according to the custom of the 
 game called cottabos, exclaiming, " This to the health of the 
 gentle Critias !" 
 
 § 1 1. Thus released from all check, the tyranny of Critias and 
 his colleagues raged with tenfold violence. It has been affirmed 
 by subsequent orators that no fewer than 1500 victims were put 
 to death without trial by the Thirty ; and, though this is pro- 
 bably an exaggeration, the number was undoubtedly prodigious. 
 Measures were taken to repress all intellectual culture, and to 
 convert the government into one of brute force. A decree was 
 promulgated, forbidding the teaching of " the art of words ;" a 
 phrase which, in its comprehensive Greek meaning, included 
 logic, rhetoric, and literature in general, and was more particu- 
 larly levelled at those ingenious and learned men who went by 
 the name of " Sophi-sts." Socrates, the most distinguished among 
 them, had commented with just severity on the enormities per- 
 petrated by the Thirty. He was summoned before Critias, and 
 prohibited in future from all conversation with youths. Socrates 
 exposed, in his usual searching style, the vagueness of the com- 
 mand, and the impossibility of its execution ; but this only pro- 
 voked the more the rage of the tyrants, who dismissed him with 
 the hint that they were not ignorant of the censures he had 
 passed upon them. 
 
 k 12. Alcibiadcs had been included by the Thirty in the list 
 of exiles ; but the fate which now overtook him seems to have 
 sprung from the fears of the Lacedaemonians, or perhaps from 
 the personal hatred of Agis. After the battle of jEgospotami
 
 878 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXllI. 
 
 Alciltindcs felt liimsflf iiiRcf-nre on the Tliraciari Chersonew, and 
 fled to riiarnabazu.s in IMiryj^Ma, not, liowovcr, witlioul the los of 
 much of liis wealth. He sohcitcd IVoiii the .satrap a .'^aie conduct 
 to the court of Suza, in the Iiojm-, perhajjn, of j)hiying the Hame 
 part as Thcrni.stoclcs. Pliarnaha/u.s refused tlii.s request, but 
 pcrniilted liim to live in I'hrygia, and a.ssigned him a revenue 
 tor his maintenance. But a scytale, or def-patch, came out from 
 Sparta to Lysander, directing? that Alcibiades should be put to 
 death. Lysander communicated the order to I'harnabazus. The 
 motives of the latter ior carrying it into execution are not alto- 
 gether clear. It seems probable that the demands of the Spar' 
 tans were supported by Cyrus, mIio Avas now forminrr desifois 
 against his brother's throne, and feared perhaps that Alcibiades 
 would reveal them at Susa. Be this, however, as it may, it is 
 certain that the murder was undertaken under the superintend- 
 ence of the uncle and brother of Pharnabazus. They surrounded 
 the house of Alcibiades with a band of assassins, and eet it on 
 fire. Alcibiades rushed out with draMii sword upon his assail- 
 ants, who shrank from his attack, but who slew liim from a 
 distance with their javelins and arrows. Timandra, a female 
 with whom he lived, performed towards his body the last offices 
 of duty and affection. Thus perished miserably, in the vigour 
 of his age, one of the most remarkable, but not one of the 
 greatest, characters in Grecian history'. Alcibiades was endowed 
 with most of those qualities which serve to constitute gi'catness. 
 He possessed talent, ambition, enterprise, courage, great presence 
 of mind, and inexhaustible resources in emergencies ; but all 
 these w-ere marred and rendered pernicious, instead cf profitable, 
 to himself and to liis country, by profligacy, selfishness, pride, 
 rapacity, and utter want of principle. "With qualities whicli, 
 properly applied, might have rendered him the greatest bene- 
 factor of Alliens, he contrived to attain the infamous distinction 
 of being that citizen avIio had inflicted upon her the most signal 
 amount of damage. 
 
 k 13. Meantime an altered state of feeling was springing up in 
 Greece. Athens had ceased to be an object of fear or jealousy, 
 and those feelings began now to be directed towards Sparta. 
 That state persisted in retaining the large amount of booty 
 acquired by the war ; and M'hen the Thebans and Corinthians 
 sent in their claim it was resented almost as an insult. Yet in 
 the monument erected at Delphi in commemoration of the vic- 
 tory at iEgospotami, Lysander had not only caused his own 
 statue in bronze to be erected, hut also that cf each commander 
 of the allied contingents. Lysander had risen to a h.eight of mi- 
 paralleled power. He was in a manner idolized. Poets showered
 
 B.C. 404. THRASYBULUS AT PHYLE. 377 
 
 their praises en him, and even altars Avere raised in liis Iioncur ty 
 the Asiatic Greeks. The Ephesiaus set up his statue in the famous 
 temple oftheir goddess Artemis ; the Samians did the like at Olym 
 pia, and altered the name of their principal iestival from Hera^a 
 to Lysandria. In the name of Sparta he exercised almost uncon- 
 trolled authority in the cities he had reduced, including Athens 
 itself. But it was soon discovered that, instead of the freedom 
 promised by the Spartans, only another empire had been esta- 
 blished, whilst Lysander was even meditating to extoi't from the 
 subject cities a yearly tribute of one thousand talents. And all 
 these oppressions were rendered still more intolerable by the 
 overweening pride and harshness of Lysander's demeanour. 
 
 § 14. Kven in Sparta itself the conduct of Lysander was be- 
 ginning to inspire disgust and jealousy. Pausanias, sen of Plis- 
 toanax, who was now king with Agis, as well as the new Ephors 
 appointed in September, b.c. 404, disapproved of his proceedings. 
 The Thebans and Corinthians themselves were beginning to 
 sympathise with Athens, and to regard the Thirty as mere in- 
 struments for supporting the Spartan dominion ; whilst Sparta 
 in her turn looked upon them as the tools of Lysander's ambi- 
 tion. Many of the Athenian exiles had found refuge in Bocotia ; 
 and one of them, Thrasybulus, with the aid of Ismenias and 
 other Theban citizens, starting from Thebes at the head of a 
 small band of exiles, seized the fortress of Phyle, in the passes 
 of Mount Parnes and on the direct road to Athens. The Thirty 
 marched out to attack Thrasybulus, at the head of the La- 
 cedcBrnonian garrison, the three thousand enfranchised citizens, 
 and all the Athenian knights. But their attack was repulsed 
 with considerable loss. A timely snow-storm, by compelling 
 the Thirty to retreat, relieved Thrasybulus and tlie exiles from 
 a threatened blockade, and enabled him to obtain reinforce- 
 ments which raised his little garrison to the number cf seven 
 hundred. In a subsequent rencontre Thrasybulus surprised at 
 daybreak a body of S])artaii hoplitcs and Athenian horse that 
 had been sent against him ; and, after killing one hundred and 
 twenty of the Spartans, carried off a considerable store of arms 
 and provisions to Phyle. 
 
 4 15. Symptoms of wavering now began to be perceptible, not 
 only among the tliree thousand, but even among the Thirty 
 themselves ; and Critias, fearful that power was slipping from his 
 grasp, resolved to secure Salamis and Eleusis as places of refuge. 
 All the Eleusians capable of bearing arms were accordingly 
 seized and carried to Athens, and their town occupied by ad- 
 herents of the Thirty. The same was done at Salamis. Critias 
 then convoked the three thousand and the knights in the OdOum,
 
 878 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXIIl 
 
 wliicli he had partly filled with Lacfda-moiiiaii soliUers, and com- 
 |) •llc.i llicm to pass a vole eoiiduiiiiiiii;^ tlie Eieu.siiiiau.s to death. 
 Tiii.i was done, as he plainly told tiiein, in order the more 
 thoroughly to identify their interests with those ol" the Thirty. 
 Tlie prisoners were immediately led oilto execution. 
 
 MO. Tluasybulus, whose lorccs were now a thousand strong, 
 incited probably by this enormity, and reckoninpr on support 
 from the party of the reaction at Athens, marched from Pliyle to 
 Pirajus, which was now an open town, and seized upon it without 
 opposition. When the whole force of the Thirty, including the 
 Lacjdaiinouians, marched on the Jbllowing day to attack him, he 
 retired to the hill of Munychia, the citadel of Piraeus, the only 
 approach to which was by a steep a.scent. Here he drew up his 
 lioplites in files of ten deep, posting behind them his sliugers 
 an 1 dartmjn, whose missiles, owing to the rising ground, could 
 be hurled over the heads of the foremo.st ranks. Against them 
 Critias and his confederates advanced in close array, his hofilitea 
 fonn?d in a column of hfly deep. Thra.sybulus exhorted his men 
 to stand patiently till the enemy came within reach of the mis- 
 siles. A I the first discharge the assailing column seemed to 
 waver ; and Thrasybulus, taking advantage of their confusion, 
 charged dawn the hill, and completely routed them, killing 
 seventy, among whom was Critias himself. 
 
 ^ 17. Tn3 partisans of the Thirty acknowledged the victory 
 by hogging a truc3 to bury their dead. The loss of their leader 
 had thrown the mijority into the hands of the party formerly 
 led by Tnaramjnas, who resolved to depose the Tliirty and con- 
 stitute a njw oligarchy of Ten. Some of the Tiiirty were re- 
 elected into this body ; but the more violent colleagues of Critias 
 W3V3 depjssd, and retired for safety to Eleusis. The new 
 government of th3 Ten sent to Sparta to solicit further aid; and 
 a siailar application was made at the same time from the section 
 of the T.urly at Eleusis. Their request was complied with; 
 aifi Lysaiider once more entered Athens at the head of a La- 
 ced.cniJiiian force, whilst his brother Libys blockaded Pineus 
 with 40 triremes. Fortunately, however, the jealousy of the 
 LacedaeniDnians towards Lysander led them at this critical 
 juncture to supersede him in the command. King Pausanias 
 was appointed to lead an army into Attica, and when he en- 
 camped in the Academus he was joined by Lysander and his 
 forces. It was known at Athens that the views of Pausanias 
 were unfavourable to the proceedings of Lysander ; and his 
 presence elicited a vehement reaction against the oligarchy, 
 whicli fear had liitherto suppressed. At lii-st, hoA\ever. Pausa- 
 nias made a show of attacking Thrasybulus and his adherents,
 
 B.C. 403. THE THIRTY DEPOSED. 3T9 
 
 and sent a herald to require them to disband and return to their 
 homos. As this order was not obeyed, Pausanias made an atlack 
 on Piraeus, but was repulsed with lo.ss. Retiiing to an eminence 
 at a little distance he rallied his I'oices and ibimed them into a 
 deep phalanx. Thrasybulus, elated by his success, was rash 
 enough to venture a combat on the plain, in which his troops 
 were completely routed and driven back to Puajus with the loss 
 of 150 men. 
 
 § 18. Pausanias, content with the advantage he had gained, 
 began to listen to the entreaties for an acccmmcdation which 
 poured in on all sides ; and when Thrasybulus sent to sue for 
 peace, he granted him a truce for the purpose of sending envoys 
 to Sparta. The Ten also despatched envoys thither, ohering to 
 submit themselves and the city to the absolute discretion of 
 Sparta. The Ephors and the Laceda!monian Assembly rel'erred 
 the question to a committee of fifteen, of whom Pausanias 
 was one. The decision of this board was : That the exiles in 
 Pirseus should be readmitted to Athens ; and that there should 
 be an amnesty for all that had passed, except as regarded the 
 Thirty, the Eleven, and the Ten. Eleusis was recognised as a 
 distinct government, in order to serve as a refuge for those who 
 felt themselves compromised at Athens. 
 
 § 19. When these terms were settled and sworn to, the Pelopon- 
 nesians quitted Attica ; and Thrasybulus and the exiles, marching 
 in solemn procession from PirjEus to Athens, ascended to the 
 Acropolis and oifered up a solemn sacrifice and thanksgiving. 
 An assembly of the people was then held, and after Thrasybulus 
 had addressed an animated reproof to the oligarchical party, the 
 democracy was unanimously restored. This important counter- 
 revolution appears to have taken place in the spring of 403 B.C. 
 The archons, the senate of 500, the public assembly, and the 
 dicasteries seenx to have been reconstituted in the same Ibim as 
 before the capture of the city. All the acts of the Thirty were 
 annulled, and a committee was appointed to revise the laws of 
 Draco and Solon, and to exhibit their amendments at the statues 
 of the eponymous heroes. These laws, as afterwards adopted 
 by the whole body of 500 nomothetse, and by the Senate, were 
 ordered to be inscribed on the walls of the Pcecilc Stoa, on which 
 occasion the full Ionic alphabet of 24 letters Avas for the first 
 time adopted in public acts, though it had long been in private 
 use. The old Attic alphabet, of 16 or 18 letters, had been pre- 
 viously employed in public documents. 
 
 ^ 20. Thus was terminated, alter a sway of eight months, the 
 despotism of the Thirty. The year which contained their rule 
 was not named after the archon. but was termed " the year of
 
 880 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 'iiAP. XXXll/ 
 
 anal•(;h]^" Tho first archoii drawn aftor llicir fall was EucIhIcs, 
 wlio f,'ave his name to a year ever aiU'rwards rrK/rrioraljlc among 
 the Athenians. The deinocracy, thoii<,'h Hinarting under recent 
 wrongs, beliaved with great moderation ; a circumstance, how- 
 ever, wliieii may in some degree be accounted lor by the facts, 
 tliut aOOO of the more inlluential citizens had been more or less 
 imjjlicatcd in the j)r()ceedings of the Thirty, and that the number 
 of those entitled to the franchise was now reduced by its being 
 restricted to such only as were born of an Athenian mother as 
 well as father. Eleusis w'as soon afterwards brotight back into 
 community with Athens. The only reward of Thrasybulus and 
 his party were wreaths of olive, and 1000 drachma.- given for a 
 common sacrifice. 
 
 But thoiigh Athens thus obtained internal peace, she was left 
 a mere shadow of her former self Her fortilications, her fleet, 
 her revenues, and the empire founded on them had vauishiid ; 
 and her history henceforwards consi.sts of struggles, not to rule 
 over others, but to maintain her own independence. 
 
 Clio, the Muse of History.
 
 The Erechtlieutn restored, viewed from the S.W. angle. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD 
 OF HER EMPIRE. 
 
 § 1. Situation of Athens. § 2. Origin and progress of the ancient city. 
 g 3. Extent of tlie new cit}' . Pineus and the ports. § 4. General 
 appearance of Athens. Population. § 5. Periods and general char- 
 acter of Attic art. §6. Sculj)tors of the first period. Ageladas, Ona- 
 tas, and others. § 7. Second period. Phidias. § 8. Polycletus and 
 Myron. § 9. Painting. Polygnotus. § 10. ApoUodorus, Zenxis, and 
 Parrhasius. §11- Architecture. Monuments of the age of Cimon. 
 The temple of Kik6 Apteros, the Theseiim, and the Poecilo Stoa. § 12. 
 The Acropolis and its monuments. The Propyla^a. § 13. The Par- 
 thenon. § 14. Statues of Athena. § 15. The Erechtheuni. § 16. 
 Monuments in the Asty. The Dionysiac theatre. The Odeum of 
 Pericles. The Areopagus. The Pnyx. The Agora and Ceraniicus. 
 § 17. Monuments out of Attica. The Temple of Jove at Olympia. 
 § 18. The Temple of Apollo near Phigalia. 
 
 O. In the present book we have beheld the rise of Athens 
 from the condition of a second or third rate city to the lieadsliip 
 of Greece ' we are now to contemplate her triumphs in the
 
 882 HISTORY OF GREECE Cmap. XXXIV. 
 
 pivicoful hut not loss j^lorious pursuits of art, and to hcliold her 
 establishing an empire of taste and frenius, not only over her 
 own nation and a<^e, but over the nio.st civilized portion of the 
 world throujfhout all time. 
 
 First of all, however, it is necessary to pivc a brief description 
 of Athens itself, the repository, as it were, in which the most 
 precious treasures of art were preserved. Athens is situated 
 about three miles from the sea-coast, in the central plain of 
 Attica, which is enclosed by mountains on every side except 
 the south, where it is open to the sea. In the southern part 
 of the ])lain riso several eminences. Of the.se the mo.st pro- 
 minent is a lofty insulated mountain, with a conical peaked 
 summit, now called the Hill of St. Georfre, and which bore in 
 ancient inms the name of Lijcabrttus. This mountain, which 
 was not included within the ancient walls, lies to the north-east 
 of Athens, and forms the most striking feature in the environs 
 of the city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to Naples, or 
 Arthur's Seat to Edinburtrh. South-west of Lycabettus there 
 are four hills of moderate height, all of which formed part of the 
 city. Of these the nearest to Lycabettus, and at the distance of 
 a mile from the latter, was the Acropollx, or citadel of Athens, a 
 square craggy rock rising abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat 
 summit of about 1000 feet long from east to west, by 500 feet 
 broad from north to south. Immediately west of the Acropolis 
 is a second hill of irregular form, the Areopagus. To the south- 
 west there rises a third hill, the Pnj/x, on which the assemblies 
 of the citizens were held ; and to the south of the latter is a 
 fourth hill, known as the Museum. On the eastern and western 
 sides of the city there run two small streams, which are nearly 
 exhausted before they reach the sea, by the heats of summer and 
 by the channels for artificial irrigation. That on the east is the 
 Ilissus, which flowed through the southern quarter of" the city : 
 that on the west is the Cephissus. South of the city was seen 
 the Sarouic Gulf with the liarbours of Athens. The ground on 
 which Athens stands is a bed of hard limestone rock, which the 
 ingenuity of the inhabitants converted to architectural purposes, 
 by hewing it into walls, levelling it into pavements, and forming it 
 into steps, seats, cisterns, and other objects of utility or ornament. 
 
 The noblest description of Athens is given by Milton in his 
 Paradise Regained : — 
 
 "Look once more, er. we leave this specular mount, 
 Westward, mueh nearer by south-west behold, 
 Wliere on tlie ^-EErean shore a eity stands. 
 Built nobly; pure t)ie air. ami light tlie soil; 
 Athens, the eve of Greece, niotlier of arts 
 And eloquence, native to famous wits,
 
 Chap. XXXIV. 
 
 CITY OF ATHENS. 
 
 Or hospitable, in her sweet recess, 
 
 City or suburban, studious walks rtnd shades. 
 
 See there the olive grove of Academe, 
 
 Plato's retirement, where tlie Attic bird 
 
 Trills her tiiick warbled notes the summer long; 
 
 Tliere flowery hill llymettus, with the sound 
 
 Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites 
 
 To studious musing; tliere Ilissus rolls 
 
 His whispering stream: witliin the walls then view 
 
 The schools of ancient sages ; his who bred 
 
 Great Alexander to subdue tlie world, 
 
 Lyceum there, and painted Stoa next." 
 
 Plan of Athens. 
 
 Pnyx Ecclesift. 
 Theseuni. 
 Theatre of Dionj's 
 
 4. Odeum of Pericles. 
 
 5. Temple of the Olympiao 
 
 § 2. Athens is said to have derived its name from the pro> 
 minence fjiven to the worship of Athena by its King Erechtheus. 
 The inhabitants were previously called Cranai and Cecropidae, 
 from Cecrops, who, according to tradition, was the original 
 founder of the city. This at first occupied only the hill or rock 
 which afterwards became the Acropolis ; but gradually the 
 buildings began to spread over the ground at the southern foot 
 of this hill. It was not till the time of Pisistratus and his 
 sons (b.c. 560-514) that the city began to assume any degree 
 of splendour. The most remarkable building of these despots 
 was the gigantic temple of the Olympian Jove, which, however.
 
 S84 mSTOKY OF GRP:ECH Ciiaf'. XXXIV. 
 
 \vu.s iKil liiii.liL'il till lUiiiiy ceiilnrie;; Inter. In u.c. .000, llic 
 lliiMliL' ol' iJioiiysu.^ w;irf cotimiLMiced on llic .south-eastern hloj)c 
 (if the Acropolis, but w;i.s not coiii|»l!'lt'(l till ii.c. lilO; llioii<:li it 
 iiiusl li;ivc Ixicn usod lor the representation ol" plays lon<( before 
 that period. 
 
 ^ ."5. Xerxe.-i rediicrd thi" ancient rity almost to a heap of 
 ashiis. Afler tlie departure of the Persians, its reconslrnction 
 on a much larger scale was connneneed under the superintend- 
 ence of Themistooles, who.~c first care was to provide lijr its 
 safety by the erection of walls. The Acropolis now formed the 
 centre of the city, round which the new walls described an ir- 
 re;^ular circle of about GO stadia, or 7^ miles in circumference. 
 Tlie new walls were built in great haste in consequence of the 
 attempts of the Spartans to interrupt their progress; but though 
 this occasioned great irregularity in their structure, they were 
 neverthele.-js firm and solid. Tlic space thus enclosed formed 
 the Astif* or city, properly .so called. But the views of Thcrnis- 
 tocles were not conhned to the mere defence of Athens : he 
 contemplated making her a great naval power, and for this pur- 
 pose adequate docks and arsenals were required. Previously the 
 Athenians had used as their only harbour the open roadstead of 
 PluiJcriini on the eastern side of the Phaleric bay, where the 
 sea-shore is nearest to Athens. But Theinistocles transferred 
 the naval station of the Athenians to the peninsula of Pirajus, 
 which is distant about Ig miles from Athens, and contains three 
 natural harbours — a large one on the western side, called simply 
 Fircciis, or Tkc ILirhour, and two smaller ones on the eastern 
 side, called respectively Zea and Munycliia, the latter being 
 nearest to the city. Themistocles seems to have anticipated 
 from the first that the port-town would spcnlily become as large 
 a place as the Asty or city itself; for the walls which he built 
 around the peninsula of PirsBus were of the same circumference 
 as those of Athens, and were 11 or 15 feet thick. It was not, 
 however, till the time of Pericles that Piraeus was regularly laid 
 out as a town by the architect, Hippodamus of Miletus. It was 
 also in the administration and by the advice of Pericles, but in 
 pursuance of the policy of Themistocles, that the walls were 
 built wliich connected Athens with her ports. These were at 
 first the outer or northern Long Wall, which ran from Athens to 
 Pirccus, and the Phaleric wall connecting the city with Phalerum. 
 These wei'e commenced in b.c. 457, and finished in the following 
 year. It was socv found, however, that the space thus inclosed 
 was too vast to oe easily defended ; and as the port of Phalerum 
 
 *■ To 'Aff?^.
 
 Chap. XXXIV. ITS GENERAL APPEARANCE. 
 
 S8S 
 
 was small and insignificant in comparison with the Piraeus, and 
 soon ceased to be used Ly the Atheuiau ships of war, its wall 
 was abandoned and probably allowed to iall into decay. Its 
 place was supplied by another Long Wall, which was built parallel 
 to the first at a distance of only 550 feet, thus rendering both 
 capable of being defended by the same body of men. The mag- 
 nitude of these walls may be estimated from the fact that the 
 foundations of the northern one, which may still be traced, are 
 about 12 feet thick, and formed of large quadrangular blocks of 
 stone. Their height in all probability was not less that GO feet. 
 In process of time the space between the two Long Walls was 
 occupied on each side by houses. 
 
 § 4. It will be seen from the ])receding description that Athens, 
 in its larger acceptation, and nicluding its port, consisted of two 
 circular cities, the Asty and Pirffius, each of about 7^ miles in 
 circumference, and joined together by a broad street of between 
 4 and 5 miles long. Its first appearance was by no means agree- 
 able or striking. The streets were narrow and crooked, and the 
 meanness of the private houses formed a strong contrast to the 
 
 Athens and its Port-towns. 
 
 A. The Asty. 
 
 B. Piraus. 
 
 C. Munvchift, citadel of F'irfieua. 
 
 D. Pluilenim. 
 
 EE, FI'\ The Lons Walk; EE, the Northern 
 long wall ; FF, tba Southern wall. 
 
 GG. The Phaleric WalL 
 H. Harbour of PirKUS. 
 I. Phaleric Bav. 
 K. Harbour of MunychU. 
 L. Harbour of Zea.
 
 386 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXIV. 
 
 mairnifiooncc of llio public liuildinps. None of Uic houses •\vcre 
 nmn- lliaii one Hlory lii<:li, which ol'loii projected over llic Htrcet. 
 They were fur llie iiio.st part eoii.~triicte<l either of a framework 
 of wood, or of uiiburiit Ijricks dried in the open air. Tlie front 
 towards tlie street liad rarely any windows, and was u.sually 
 notiiiuf^ hut a curtain wall covereil with a coating of pla.stcr. It 
 was not till the Macedonian period, when jjuhlic spirit had de- 
 cayed, that the Athenians, no longer satisfied with participating 
 in the grandeur of the state, began to erect handsome private 
 houses. Athens was hadly drained, and scantily supplied with 
 Avaler. It was not lighted, and very few of the streets were 
 paved. Little care was taken to cleanse the city ; and it appears 
 to have been as dirty as the filthiest town of southern Eurojx; in 
 the present day. 
 
 The population of Athens cannot be accurately ascertained. 
 The population of the whole of Attica probably exceeded half a 
 million, of whom, however, nearly four-fifths were slaves, and 
 half the remainder metics, or resident aliens. The number of 
 citizens — native males above the age of twenty, enjoyhig the 
 franchise — was 20,000 or 21,000. The population resident m 
 Athens itself has been variously estimated at from 120,000 to 
 192,000 souls. 
 
 ^ 5. Such was the outward and material form of that city, which 
 during the brief period comprised in our present book reached 
 the highest pitch of militar}', artistic, and hterarj- glory. The 
 progress of the first has been already traced, and it is to the last 
 two subjects that we are now to devote our attention. The 
 Avhole period contemplated embraces about 80 years, the middle 
 portion of Avhich, or that comprised under the ascendency of 
 Pericles, exhibits Athenian art in its highest state of perfection, 
 and is therefore by way of excellence commonly designated as 
 the age of Pericles. The generation wliich preceded, and that 
 which followed the time of that statesman, also exhibit a high 
 degree of excellence ; but in the former perfection had not yet 
 attained its full development, and in the latter we already begin 
 to observe traces of incipient decline. The progress botii of 
 poetry and of the plastic arts during this epoch is strikingly 
 similar. The great principle that pervaded all was a lively and 
 tnathful imitation of nature, but nature of an ideal and elevated 
 stamp. Epic poetry and the ode give place to a more accurate 
 and striking rendering of nature by means of dramatic repre- 
 sentations ; whilst sculpture presents us not only with more 
 graceful forms, but with more of dramatic action in the ar- 
 rangement of its groups. In this latter respect, however, the 
 age was probably excelled by the succeeding one of Scopas
 
 Chap. XXXIV. BEST PERIOD OF ATHEJ^IAN ART. 387 
 
 and Praxiteles. The process by which Athenian genius freed 
 itself from the trammels of ancient stiiihess, is as visible in the 
 tragedies of ^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, as in the pro- 
 ductions of the great masters of the plastic arts during the same 
 period. In the dramas of jEschylus majesty and dignity are 
 not unmixed with a rigid and archaic simplicity, which also 
 marks the works of the contemporary sculptors. In the next 
 generation, during the time of Pericles, we find this character- 
 istic giving place to the perfection of grace and sublimity united, 
 as in the tragedies of Sophocles and in the statues of Phidias. 
 Art could not be carried higher. In the next step we find 
 equal truthfulness and grace ; but the former had lost its ideal 
 and elevated character, and the latter was beghming to degene- 
 rate into over-refinement and afiectation. Such are the examples 
 offered by the plays of Euripides, and by the sculptures of Myron 
 and Polycletus. In like manner, with regard to architecture, 
 the Parthenon, erected in the time of Pericles, presents the most 
 exquisite example of the Doric style in the happiest medium 
 between antique heaviness and the slender weakness of later 
 monuments. Painting also, in the hands of Polynotus, attamed 
 its highest excellence in the grace and majesty of single figures. 
 Bat painting is a complicated art ; and the mechanical improve- 
 ments in perspective, light and shade, grouping, and compo- 
 sition in general, afterwards introduced by Apollodorus and 
 Zeuxis, and still later by Apelles, undoubtedly brought the art 
 to a greater degree of perfection. 
 
 § 6. Among the artists of this period the sculptors stand out 
 prominently. In general the eminent sculptors of this period also 
 possessed not only a theoretical knowledge, but frequently great 
 practical skill in the sister arts of painting and architecture. 
 
 One of the earliest sculptors of note was Ageladas of Argos, 
 whose fame at present chiefly rests on the circumstance of Iris 
 having been the master of Phidias, Myron, and Polycletus. He 
 was probably born about B.C. 540, so that he must have been an 
 old man when Phidias became his pupil. Another distinguished 
 statuary and painter among the immediate predecessors of Phi- 
 dias was Onatas, an iEginetan, who flourished down to the 
 year e.g. 460. His merit as a painter appears from the fact 
 that he was employed, in conjunction with Polygndtus, to deco- 
 rate with paintings a temple at Platsea. 
 
 Contempoi'ary with these elder masters of the best period of 
 Greek art were Hegias, Canachus, Calamis, and others. The 
 somewhat stifle and archaic style which distinguished their pro- 
 ductions from those of Phidias and his school was preserved even 
 by some artists who flourished at the same time with Phidias ;
 
 388 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXIV. 
 
 as, lor instance, by I'ruxias and AiidrostlKtnn.-, avIio executed some 
 of the statuary wliicjli adorned the teinjdc of'JJeljjlii. 
 
 s^7. Phidias is the head of the new school. He was bom 
 about 490 u.c, began to flourish about 400, and died just before 
 the breaking out of the Pehjporuiesiau war in 4o2. He scorns to 
 have belonged to a family of artists, and to have first turned Ins 
 attention towards painting. He was the pupil, as we liavc said, 
 of Ageladas, and probaijjy of llegias ; and his great abilities were 
 developed in executing or superintending the works of art with 
 which Athens was adorned during the administration oi" Pericles. 
 He Avent to Jilis about v,.v. 437, wliere he executed liis famous 
 statue of the Olympian Jove. He returned to Athens about 434, 
 and shortly aftei-wanls fell a victim to the jealousy against his 
 friend and patron, Pericles, which was then at its height; and, 
 though he was ac(\uitted on the cliarge of peculation, he was con- 
 demned on that of impiety, for having introduced his own like- 
 ness, as well as that of Pericles, among the figm^es in the battle of 
 the Amazons, sculptured on the shield of Atlicna. He was in con- 
 sequence thrown into prison, where he shortly afterwards died. 
 
 The chief characteristic of the works of Phidias is ideal 
 beauty of the sublimest order, especially in the representation 
 of divinities and their worship. He entirely emancipated him- 
 self from the stifTness which had hitherto marked the archaic 
 school, but without degenerating into that almost meretricious 
 grace which began to cornipt art in the hands of some of his 
 successors. His renderings of nature had nothing exaggerated 
 or distorted : all was marked by a noble dignity and repose. 
 We shall speak of his works when we come to describe the 
 buildings which contained them. 
 
 ^ 8. Among the most renowned sculptors contemporar}' with 
 Phidias were Polycletus and Myron. There were at least two 
 sculptors of the name of Polycletus ; but it is the elder one of 
 whom we here speak, and who was the more famous. He seems 
 to have been born at tSicyon, and to liave become a citizen of 
 Argos. The exact date of his birth is micertain, but he was 
 rather younger than Phidias, and flourished ])robably from about 
 452 to 412 B.C. Of his personal history we know absolutely 
 nothing. The art of Polycletus w^as not of so ideal and elevated 
 a character as that of Phidias. The latter excelled in statues 
 of gods, Polycletus in those of men ; but in these he reached so 
 great a pitch of excellence that on one occasion, when several 
 artists competed in the statue of an Amazon, he was adjudged 
 to have carried away the palm from Phidias. The greatest of 
 his M'orks Avas the ivory and gold statue of Hera in her temple 
 between Argos and Mycena;, which always remained the ideal
 
 Chap. XXXIV. SCULPTURE AXD PAINTING. 389 
 
 model of the queen of the gods, as Phidias's statue at Olympia 
 was considered the most perlisct image of the king of heaven. 
 
 Myron, also a contemporary and fellow-pupil of Phidias, was 
 a native of Eleutherse, a town on the borders of Attica and 
 BcBotia. He seems to have been younger than Phidias, and 
 was probably longer in attaining excellence, since he flourished 
 about the begiiniing of the Pelopomiesian war. He excelled 
 in representing the most difficult, and even transient, postures 
 of the body, and his works were marked by great variety and 
 versatility. He appears to have been the first eminent artist 
 who devoted much attention to the figures of animals, and one 
 of his statues most celebrated in antiquity was that of a cow. 
 It was represented as lowing, and stood on a marble base in the 
 centre of one of the largest open places in Athens, where it was 
 still to be seen in the time of Cicero, but was subsequently re- 
 moved to Rome. This, as well as most of his other works, was 
 in bronze. He excelled in representing youthful athletaj ; and 
 a celebrated statue of his, of which several copies are still extant, 
 was the discobolus, or quoit-player. 
 
 § 9. The art of painting was developed later than that of 
 sculpture, of which it seems to have been the ofispring, and in 
 its earlier period to have partaken very closely of the statuesque 
 character. The ancient Greek paintings were either m Avater 
 colours or in w^ax : oil colours appear to have been unknown. 
 We have already given some account of the rudiments of the 
 art among the Greeks.* The first Grecian painter of any gi-eat 
 renown was Polygnotus, who was contemporary with Pliidias, 
 though probably somev/hat older. He was a native of Thasos, 
 whence he was, in all probability, brought by his friend and 
 patron Cimon, when he subjugated that island ui B.C. 463. At 
 that period he must at least have been old enough to have 
 earned the celebrity which entitled him to Cimon's patronage. 
 He subsequently became naturalized at Athens, where he pro- 
 bably died about the year 42G b.c. His chief works in Athens 
 were executed in adorning those buildings which were erected 
 in the time of Cimon; as the temple of Theseus, and the Poecile 
 Stoa, or Painted Colonnade. His paintings were essentially sta- 
 tuesque — the representation by means of colours on a flat sur- 
 face of figures similar to those of the sculptor. But the improve- 
 ments which he introduced on the works of his predecessors 
 were very marked and striking, and form an epoch in the art. 
 He first depicted the open mouth, so as to show the teeth, and 
 varied the expression of the countenance from its ancient stiff 
 
 * See p. 150.
 
 :5'.)0 HISTORY OK fJREECK Chap. XXXW. 
 
 iicss. lie excelled in repreHeiitiii*,' leiiialo beauty and com- 
 plexion, and introduced fiiaeelul, ilowinj,' draperies, in place of 
 I Ik; hard stiillincs by whieli tliey bad been previounly dejiicted. 
 lie excelled in accuracy ol'drawinfr, and in tbe noblenesH, grace, 
 and beauty of bis figures, "wbicb ■were not mere transcrijits Ifom 
 nature, but liad an ideal and elevated character. His master- 
 pieces were executed in the Lcsdie (ineb)Hed court or Jiall for 
 converi^ation) of tbe Cnidians at Delphi, the subjects of "which 
 \vere taken from the cycle of ejjic jioetry. In these there seems 
 to have been no attempt at peri^pective, and names were aflixed 
 to tbe dillerent lipures. 
 
 k lU. Painting reached a further stage of excellence in the 
 bands of A})ollod6rus, Zeuxis, and Parrbasius, tbe only other 
 artists whom we need notice during this period. Ajiollcdorus 
 was a native of Athens, and first directed attention to the efk-ct 
 of light and shade in painting, thus creating another epoch in 
 tbe art. His immediate successors, or ratber contemporaries, 
 Zeuxis and Parrbasius, brought the art to a still greater degree 
 of perfection. Neither tbe place nor date of tbe birth of Zeuxis 
 can be accurately ascertained, though be was probably born about 
 4oo C.C., since thirty years after that date Ave find him practising 
 his art with great success at Athens. He was patronised by 
 Arebelaiis, king of Macedonia, and spent some time at bis court. 
 He must also have visited Magna Graicia, as he painted his 
 celebrated picture of Helen for tbe city of Croton. He acquired 
 great wealth by his pencil, and was very ostentatious in display- 
 ing it. He appeared at Olympia in a magnificent robe, having 
 his name embroidered in letters of gold ; and tbe same vanity is 
 also displayed in tbe anecdote that, after he bad reached tlie sum- 
 mit of bis fame, be no longer sold, but gave away, bis pictures, 
 as being above all price. With regard to bis style of art, single 
 figures were bis favourite subjects. He could depict gods or 
 heroes with sufiicient majesty, but lie particularly excelled in 
 painting tbe softer graces of female beauty. In one important 
 respect be appears to have degenerated frcm the style of Poly- 
 gnotus, bis idealism being ratber that oifarm than oi character 
 and expression. Thus bis style is analogous to that of Euripides 
 in tragedy. He was a great master of colour, and his paintings 
 were sometimes so accurate and life-like as to amount to illusion. 
 This is exempbfied in tbe stor}' told of him and Parrbasius. As 
 a trial of skill, these artists painted two pictures. That of Zeuxis 
 represented a bunch of grapes, and was so naturally executed 
 that tbe birds came and pecked at it. Afier this proof, Zeuxis, 
 coniident of success, called upon his rival to draw aside the cur- 
 tain wbicb concealed bis picture. But the painting of Parrbasius
 
 •Chap. XXXIV. MONUMENTS OF CIMON, 391 
 
 was the curtain itself, and Zeuxis was now obliged to acknow- 
 ledge himself vanquished ; for, though he had deceived birds, 
 Parrhasius had deceived the author of the deception. "Whatever 
 may be the historical value of this tale, it at least shows the 
 high reputation which both artists had acquired for the natural 
 representation of objects. But many of the pictures of Zeuxis 
 also displayed great dramatic power. He worked very slowly 
 and carefully, and he is said to have replied to somebody who 
 blam3d him for his slowness, " It is true I take a long time to 
 paint, but then I paint works to last a longtime." His master- 
 piece was the picture of Helen, already mentioned. 
 
 Parrhasius was a native of Ephesus, but his art was chiefly 
 exercised at Athens, where he was presented with the right of 
 citizenship. His date cannot be accurately ascertained, but he 
 was probably rather younger than his contemporary, Zeuxis, and 
 it is certain that he enjoyed a high reputation before the death 
 of Socrates. The style and degree of excellence attained by 
 Parrhasius appear to have been much the same as those of 
 Zeuxis. He was particularly celebrated for the accuracy of his 
 drawing, and the excellent proportions of his figures. For these 
 he established a canon, as Phidias had done in sculpture for gods, 
 and Polycletus for the human figure ; whence (Xuintilian calls 
 him the legislator of his art. His vanity seems to have been as 
 remarkable as that of Zeuxis. Among the most celebrated of his 
 wjrks was a portrait of the personified Athenian Demos, which is 
 said to have miraculously expressed even the most contradictory 
 qualities of that many-headed personage. 
 
 The excellence attained during this period by the great mas- 
 ters in the higher walks of sculpture and painting wa?, as may 
 be well supposed, not without its influence on the lower grades 
 of art. Tais is particularly visible in the ancient painted vases, 
 which have been preserved to us in such numbers, the paintings 
 on which, though of course the productions of an inferior class 
 of artists, show a marked improvement, both in design and exe- 
 cution, after the time of Polygndtus. 
 
 § 11. Having thus taken a brief survey of the progress of 
 sculpture and painting in the hands of the most eminent masters, 
 we now turn to contemplate soms of the chief buildings which 
 they were employed to adorn. 
 
 The first public monuments that arose after the Persian wars 
 were erected under the auspices of Cimon, who was, like Pericles, 
 a lover and patron of the arts. The principal of these were the 
 small Ionic temple of Nike Apteros (Wingless Victory), the 
 Theseum, or temple of Theseus, and the Poecile Stoa. The 
 temple of Nike Apteros was only 27 feet in length by 18 in
 
 r.02 IIISTOUY OF GREECK Chap. XXXI V. 
 
 l)rr;i(ltli, and was erected on the Acrojx/lis in commemoration 
 ol'Uiiiion'a victory at the Euryinedon. It was Btill in existence 
 in the year 1G7G, but it was suLsecjuently des^troyed by the Tnrks 
 in order to lorm a batter)'. lis reniains were discovered in lbo5, 
 and it was rel)uilt with the or'.>(inal materials. A view of" it is 
 piven on ]>. 21G, and its position on the Acropohs, on one side 
 oftlic I'nijjyla.'a, is seen in the drawinjrs on pp. 2G'5 and 273. 
 Four shibs of" its sculptured frieze, found in a neighbouring wall, 
 are now in the British Museum. 
 
 The Thesc'um is situated on a height to the north of the 
 Areopagus, and was built to receive the bones of Theseus, which 
 Cinion brought from Scyros in B.C. 4G9. It was probably fuiished 
 about IGS, and is tlie best preserved of all the monuments of 
 ancient Athens. (Sec drawing on p. 239.) It was at once a 
 tomb and temple, and posses&ed the privileges of an a.sylum. It 
 is of the Doric order, 104 feet in length by 45 feet broad, and 
 surrounded with columns, of which there are G at each front, 
 and 13 at the sides, reckoning those at tlie angles twice. The 
 cella is 40 feet in length. It is not therefore by its size, but by 
 its symmetry, that it impresses the beholder. The eastern front 
 was the principal one, since all its metopes, together with the 
 four adjoining ones on either side, are sculptured, whilst all the 
 rest are plain. The scidptures, of which the subjects are the 
 exploits of Hercules and Theseus, have sustained great injury, 
 though the temple itself is nearly perfect. The figures in the 
 pediments have entirely disappeared, and the metopes and frieze 
 have been greatly mutilated. The relief is bold and salient, and 
 the sculptures, both of the metopes and friezes, were painted, 
 and still preserve remains of the colours. There are casts from 
 some of the finest portions of them in the British Museum. The 
 style exhibits a striking advance on that of the ^l^ginetan marbles, 
 and forms a connecting link between them and the sculptures 
 of the Parthenon. The Pa'cile Stoa, which ran along one side of 
 the Agora, or market-])lace, Avas a long colonnade formed by 
 columns on one side and a Avail on the other, against which were 
 placed the paintings, which were on panels. =* 
 
 ^12. But it Avas the Acropolis Avhich Avas the chief centre of 
 the architectural splendour of Athens. After the Persian Avars 
 the Acropolis had ceased to be inhabited, and Avas appropriated 
 to the AA'oi'ship of Athena, and the other guardian deities of the 
 city. It was coA'ered Avith the temjdes of gods and heroes ; and 
 thus its platform presented not only a sanctuarj", but a museum, 
 containing the finest productions of the architect and the sculptor, 
 
 * Ilenoc its name of Poecilu {-ocki?.?!, varkgatcd or painted).
 
 Chap. XXXIY. 
 
 THE PROPYL^A. 
 
 393 
 
 Plan of the Acropolis. 
 
 1. Parthenon. 3. Propyliea. 
 
 2. Erechtheun 
 
 ill which the whiteness of the marble was reheved by briUiant 
 colours, and rendered still more dazzling by the transparent 
 clearness of the Athenian atmosphere. It was surrounded with 
 walls, and the surface seems to have been divided into terraces 
 communicating with one another by steps. The only approach to 
 it was from the Agora on its western side. At the top of a mag- 
 nificent flight of marble steps, 70 feet broad, stood the Propylsa,* 
 constructed under the auspices of Pericles, and which sci-\-ed as 
 a suitable entrance to the exquisite works within. The Pro- 
 pylaia were themselves one of the mastei'pieces of Athenian art. 
 They were entirely of Pentelic marble, and covered the whole of 
 the western end of the Acropolis, having a breadth of 1G8 feet. 
 They were erected by the architect Mnesicles, at a cost of 2000 
 talents, or 400,000/. The central portion of them consisted of 
 two hexastyle porticoes, of which the western one faced the city, 
 and the eastern one the interior of the Acropolis. Each portico 
 consisted of a front of six fluted Doric columns, 4i feet in 
 diameter, and nearly 29 feet in height, supporting a pediment. 
 The central part of the building just described was 58 feet in 
 breadth, but the remaining breadth of the rock at this point was 
 covered by two wings, which projected 26 feet in front of the 
 western portico. Each of these wings was in the form of a Doric 
 temple. The northern one, or that on the left of a person ascend- 
 ing the Acropolis, was called the Pinacothcca, from its walls being 
 covered with paintings. The southern wing consisted only of a 
 porch or open galler}\ Immediately before its western front. 
 
 * Ti.Qonv'kaia. 
 S*
 
 894 HISTORY OF GUEECR Chap. XXXIV. 
 
 slond the little temple of Nike Aptcros alrwuly mentioned. (See 
 (Iniwiiig on p. 273.) 
 
 ^ 13. On i)assinj^ llironfrh the Prfijjyla-.'i all the plorics of the 
 Acropoli.s became visible. Tliccliicl'buildinf,' was tlie Parthenon,* 
 the most perfect production of Grecian architecture. It de- 
 rived its name from its beinp the temple of Athena Parthenog.t 
 or Atlicna the Virgin, the invincible frodde.«s of war. It was also 
 called llcaitompcdon, from its breadth of 100 ieet. It was built 
 inider the administration of Pericles, and was completed in B.C. 
 438. Tlie architects were Ictinus and Callicrates ; but, as we 
 have said, the ffcneral superintendence of the building was in- 
 trusted to Pliidias. The Parthenon stood on the highest part of 
 the Acropolis, near its centre, and probably occupied the site of 
 an earlier temple destroyed by the Persians. It was entirely 
 of Pentelic marble, on a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, 
 and its architecture, which was of the Doric order, was of the 
 purest kind. Its dimen.?ions, taken from the upper step of the 
 stylobate, were about 228 feet in length, 101 ic'ct in breadth, 
 and G6 feet in height to the top of the pediment. It consisted 
 of a cella, surrounded by a peristile, which had 8 columns at 
 either front, and 17 at either side (reckoning the corner columns 
 twice), thus containing 4G columns in all. These columns were 
 6 feet 2 inches in diameter at the base, and 34 feet in height. 
 The cella was divided into two chambers of unequal size, the 
 eastern one of which was about 98 feet long, and the western 
 one about 43 feet. The ceiling of both these chambers was sup- 
 ported by rows of columns. The Avhole building was adorned 
 with the most exquisite sculptures, executed by various artists 
 under the direction of Pliidias. These consisted cf, 1. The sculp- 
 tures in the tympana of the pediments (i.e. tlie inner portion of 
 the triangular gable ends of the roof above the two porticoes), 
 each of which was filled with about 24 colossal figures. The 
 group in the eastern or principal front represented the birth of 
 Athena from the head of Jove, and the western the contest 
 between Athena and Poseidon for the land of Attica. An en- 
 graving of one of the figiu'cs in the pediments is given on 
 p. 296. 2. The metopes between the triglyphs in the frieze of 
 the entablature (i.e. the upper of the two portions into which 
 the space between the columns and the roof is divided) were 
 filled with sculptures in high relief, representing a variety of 
 subjects relating to Athena herself, or to the indigenous heroes 
 of Attica. Each tablet was 4 feet 3 inches square. Those on 
 the south side related to the battle ef the Athenians with tlie 
 
 * Tla^Evuv, i.e., House of the Virgin, f 'Adrivd jrup^cvof.
 
 Chap. XXXIV. THE PARTHENON. 395 
 
 Centaurs. One of the metopes is figured on p. 321. 3. The 
 frieze which ran along outside the wall of the cella, and within 
 the external columns which surround the building, at the same 
 height and parallel with the metopes, was sculptured with a 
 representation of the Panathenaic festival in very low relief 
 Tliis frieze was 3 feet 4 inches in height, and 520 feet in length. 
 A small portion of the frieze is figured on p. 306. A large num- 
 ber of the slabs of the frieze, together with sixteen metopes 
 from the south side, and several of the statues of the pediments, 
 were brought to England by Lord Elgin, of whom they were 
 purchased by the nation and deposited in the British Museum. 
 The engraving on p. 285 represents the restored western front of 
 the Parthenon. 
 
 M-i. Bat the chief wonder of the Parthenon was the colossal 
 statue of the Virgin G-oddess executed by Phidias himself, which 
 stood in the eastern or principal chamber of the cella. It was 
 of the sort called chryselephantine * a kind of work said to have 
 been invented by Phidias. Up to this time colossal statues not 
 of bronze were acroliths, that is, having only the face, hands, and 
 feet of mirble, the rest being of wood, concealed by real drapery. 
 But, in the statue of Athena, Phidias substituted ivory for marble 
 in those parts which were uncovered, and supplied the place of 
 the real drapery with robes and other ornaments of solid gold. 
 Its height, including the base, was 2G cubits, or nearly 40 feet. 
 It represented the goddess standing, clothed with a tunic reach- 
 ing to the ankles, with a spear in her left hand, and an image 
 of Victory, 4 cubits high, in her right. She was girded with 
 the a3gis, and had a helmet on her head, and her shield rested 
 on the ground by her side. The eyes were of a sort of marble 
 resembling ivory, and were perhaps painted to represent the 
 iris and the pupil. The weight of solid gold employed in the 
 statue was, at a medium statement, 44 talents, and was remov- 
 able at pleasure. 
 
 The Acropolis was adorned with another colossal figure of 
 Athena in bronze, also the work of Phidias. It stood in the 
 opan air, nearly opposite the Propylse, and was one of the first 
 objects seen after jiassing through the gates of the latter. With 
 its pedestal it must have stood about 70 feet high, and conse- 
 quently towered above the roof of the Parthenon, so that the 
 point of its spear and the crest of its helmet were visible olf the 
 promontory of Sunium to ships approaching Athens. It was 
 called the " Athena Promachus,"t because it represented the 
 goddess armed, and in the very attitude of battle. It was still 
 
 * i.e., of gold and ivory, from ;(;()Vffoi)f,(7oWen, and. D.e(puvTLVog, of ivory. 
 f ngofiaxog, the Defender.
 
 890 IIISTOI'vY OF rntKKCK Cuat. XXXIV. 
 
 slaiidiiim' in A.u. 395, and i.s said to liavo wared away Alaric ■when 
 lie ciimc to Hack llie AcrojMtlis. In lln; annexed coin the Htatue 
 ol Adieiia rroniaelius and the Parthenon are renre^enled on tlie 
 pnnnnit of llie Arropoh.s : helow i.s Uie eave ol' Tan, with a flight 
 ol' bteps leading up ihe top ol' the Acropolis. 
 
 Coin showing the Parthenon, Athena PromachuR, and the Cave of Par. 
 
 § 15. The only other monument on the summit of the Acro- 
 polis which it is necessaiy to describe is the Erechtheum, or 
 temple ol'Erechtheus. The Erechtheum was the most revered of 
 all the sanctuaries of Athens, and was closely connected with the 
 earliest legends of Attica. The traditions respecting Erechtheus 
 vary, hut according to one set of them he was identical with 
 the god Poseidon. He was worshipped in his temple under the 
 name of Poseidon Erechtheus, and I'rom the earliest times was 
 associated with Athena as one of the tAvo protecting deities of 
 Athens. The original Erechtheum was burnt by the Persians, but 
 the new temple was erected on the ancient site. This could not 
 have been otherwise ; for on this spot was the sacred olive-tree 
 which Athena evoked from the earth in her contest with Posei- 
 don, and also the well of salt-water which Poseidon produced by 
 a stroke of his trident, the impression of which was seen upon 
 the rock. The building was also called the temple of Athena 
 Polias, because it contained a separate sanctuary of the goddess, 
 as well as her most ancient statue. The building of the new 
 Erechtheum was not commenced till the Parthenon and Propylrea 
 were finished, and probably not before the vear preceding the 
 Ibreaking out of the Peloponnesian war. Its progress was no 
 doubt delayed by that event, and it was probably not completed 
 before 393 b.c. ^Yhen fniishcd it presented one of the hnest 
 models of the Ionic order, as the Parthenon was of the Doric. 
 It stood to the north of the latter building, and close to the 
 northern wall of the Acropolis. The form of tl>e Erechtheum 
 differs from every known example of a Grecian temple. Usually
 
 CoAF. XXXIV. ERECHTHEUM. DIOXYSIAC THEATRE. 397 
 
 a Grecian temple was an oblong figure -with a portico at each 
 extreniity. The Erechthcum, on the contrary, though oblong in 
 shape, and having a portico at the eastern or principal front, had 
 none at its western end, where, however, a portico projected 
 north and south from either side, thus forming a kind of tran- 
 sept. Tliis irregidarity seems to have been chiefly owing to the 
 necessity of preserving the diflerent sanctuaries and religious 
 objects belonging to the ancient temple. A view of it from the 
 , north-west angle is given on p. 381. The roof of the southern 
 portico, as shoA«i in the view, was supported by six Carj^atides, 
 or figures of young maidens in long draperies, one of which is 
 figured on p. 357. 
 
 Such were the principal objects which adorned the Acropohs 
 at the time of which we are now speaking. Their general ap- 
 pearance will be best gathered from the engraving on p. 2Go. 
 
 § 16. Before quitting the city of Athens, there are two or 
 three other objects of interest which must be briefly described. 
 First, the Dionysiac theatre, which, as already stated, occupied 
 the slope at the south-eastern extremity of the Acropolis. The 
 middle of it was excavated out of the rock, and the rows of seats 
 ascended in curves one above another, the diameter increasing 
 with the height. It was no doubt sufficiently large to accom- 
 modate the whole body of Athenian citizens, as well as the 
 strangers who flocked to Athens during the Dionysiac festival, 
 but its dimensions cannot now be accurately ascertained. It 
 had no roof, but the spectators were probably protected from 
 the sun by an awning, and from their elevated seats they had a 
 distinct view of the sea, and of the peaked hills of SaLamis in 
 the horizon . A representation of this theatre viewed from below 
 is given on a brass coin of Athens. The seats for the spectators 
 are distinctly seen ; and on the top, the Parthenon in the centre, 
 with the Propylaja on the left. 
 
 Theatre of Dionysus, from coin.
 
 398 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIV. 
 
 Close to the Diony.«iac theatre on the east was tlic Odium of 
 IViicK's, a pinallcr kind oi theatre, Avhieh Heeiiis to liave been 
 cliiedy desipiu'tl tor tlic rehearsal (if imi.-ieal ijeribiiiianeefi. It 
 was covered with a conical roof, like a lent, ni order to retain 
 the sound, and in its original state was perhaps actually covered 
 with the lent cl" Xerxes. It served as a rel'uge ibr the audience 
 when driven out of the theatre by rain, and as a place for training 
 the chorus. 
 
 The Areopagus* was a rocky height opposite the western end 
 of the Acropolis, from which it was separated only by seme 
 hollow ground. It derived its name iicm the tradition that 
 Ares was brought to trial here belbre the assembled gtds, by 
 Poseidon, for murdering Halirrhothius, the son of the latter. 
 It was here that the Council ol' Areopagus met, frequently called 
 the Upper Council, to distinguish it ircm the Council of Five 
 Hundred, which asseniLkd in the valley below. The Areopagites 
 sat as judges in the open air, and two blocks of stone are still 
 to be seen, probably those which, according to the description of 
 Euripides,! were occupied respectively by the accuser and the 
 accused. The Areopagus was the spot where the Apostle Paul 
 preached to the men ol' Athens. At the south-eastern corner of 
 the rock is a wide chasm leading to a gloomy recess, containing 
 a fountain of very dark water. This was the sanctuary of the 
 Eumenides, called by the Athenians the SemncB,X or Venerable 
 Goddesses. 
 
 The Pnyx, or place for holding the public assemblies of the 
 Athenians, stood on the side of a low rocky hill, at the distance 
 of about a quarter of a mile from the Areopagus. 
 
 Between the Pnyx on the west, the Areopagus on the north 
 and the Acropolis on the east, and closely adjoining the base ox" 
 these hills, stood the Agora (or market-place.) Its exact bound- 
 aries cannot be determined. The Stoa Pa-cile, already described, 
 ran along the western side of it, and consequently between it and 
 the Pnyx. In a direction from north-west to south-east a street 
 called the Ceramicus ran diagonally through the Agora, entering 
 it through the valley between the Pnyx and the Areopagus. 
 The street was named after a district of the city, which was 
 divided into two parts, the Inner and Outer Ceramicus. The 
 fomier lay within the city walls, and included the Agora. The 
 Outer Ceramicus, which formed a handsome suburb on the 
 north-west of the city, was the burial-place of all persons ho- 
 noured with a public funeral. Through it ran the road to tha 
 
 * 6 'kQEiog ■niiyog, or Hill of Ares (Mars). f Iphig. Taur. 961. 
 
 \ at 'Lefjvai,
 
 Chap. XXXIV. STATUE OF THE OLYMPIAN JOVE. 399 
 
 g}'mnasium and gardens of the Academy, which were situated 
 about a niilo from the walls. The Academy Avas the place where 
 Plato and his disciples taught. On each side of this road were 
 monuments to illustrious Athenians, especially those who had 
 fallen in battle. 
 
 East of the city, and outside the walls, was the Lyceum, a 
 gymnasium dedicated to Apollo Lyceus, and celebrated as the 
 place in which Ai'istotle taught. 
 
 ^ 17. Space will allow us to advert only very briefly to two of 
 the most distinguished monuments of the art of this period out 
 of Attica. These are the temple of Jove at Olympia, and the 
 temple of Apollo Epicurius at Bassse, near Phigalia in Arcadia. 
 The former, built with the spoils of Pisa, was finished about the 
 year 435. It was of the Doric order, 230 feet long by 95 broad. 
 There are still a few remains of it. We have already adverted to 
 the circumstance of Phidias being engaged by the E leans to exe- 
 cute ^ome of the works here. His statue of the Olympian Jove 
 was reckoned his masterpiece, and one of the wonders of the 
 world. The idea which he essayed to embody in this work was 
 that of the supreme deity of the Hellenic nation, enthroned as a 
 conqueror, in perfect majesty and repose, and ruling with a nod 
 the subject world. The statue was about 40 feet high, on a 
 pedestal of 12 feet. The throne was of cedar- wood, adorned with 
 gold, ivory, ebony, precious stones, and colours. The god held 
 in his right hand an ivory and gold statue of Victory, and in his 
 left a sceptre, ornamented with all sorts of metals, and sur- 
 mounted by an eagle. The robe which covered the lower part 
 of the figure, as well as the sandals, was of gold. After the com- 
 pletion of the statue, Jove is related to have struck the pavement 
 in front of it with lightning in token of approbation. 
 
 § 18. The Doric temple of Apollo near Phigalia was built by 
 Ictinus, and finished about 430 B.C. It was 125 feet long by 
 47 broad. The frieze of this temple, which is preserved in the 
 British Museum, represents in alto-rilievo the combat of the 
 Centaurs and Amazons, with Apollo and Artemis hastening 
 to the scene in a chariot drawn by stags. The sculpture by no 
 means equals that of the Parthenon, or even of the Theseum. 
 The figures are short and fleshy. Some of the groups evidently 
 indicate the influence of Attic art, and especially an imitation of 
 the sculptures of the Theseum ; but in general they may be re- 
 garded as aOording a standard of the difference between Athe- 
 nian and Peloponnesian art at this period.
 
 Melpomene, the Muse of Tragedy. 
 
 Thalia, the Muse of Comedy. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENIAN LITERATURE DOWN TO THE END OP THE 
 PELOrONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 8 1. Characteristics of the early literature of Athens, g 2. Origin of the 
 drama. ^' " t„*_„ ]..„4.: etU^A — .^ 1 a^u — c ; — "m :- 
 
 Pi 
 
 rama. § 3. Introduction of the drama at Athens. Susarion. The.*pis, 
 hrynieluis, Pratinas. § 4. ^Eschylus. § 5. Sophocles. § 6. Euripides. 
 7. Athenian comedy. Cratinus, Eupolis, Aristophanes. § 8. Prose 
 
 -writers of the period. Thueydides. § 0. Xcno]ihon. § 10. Athenian 
 
 education. § 11. Rhetors and sophists, g 12. Life of Socrates, g 13. 
 
 How he differed from the sophists, g 14. Enmity against him. § 15. 
 
 His impeachment, trial, and death. 
 
 ^ 1. Although the lonians were one of the most intellectual of 
 the Grecian races, we have had as yet little occasion to mention 
 the Athenians in the literary history of Greece. In this path they 
 were at first outstripped hy their colonists in Asia Minor. The 
 Asiatic Greeks, settled in a fertile and luxurious countr}', amongst 
 a race wealthier but far inferior to themselves, soon found these 
 means of ease and leisure which, to a certain degree at least, 
 seem necessarj' to the development of intellectual culture ; 
 whilst at the same time their kinsmen in Attica were stniggling 
 for a bare existence, and were often hard pressed by the sur-
 
 CiiAP. XXXV. ORIGIX OF THE DRAMA. 401 
 
 rounding tribes. It was not till the time of Pisistratus and his 
 sons that we behold the tirst dawn of literature at Athens. But 
 this literature was of an exotic growth ; the poets assembled at 
 the court of the Pisistratids were mostly foreigners ; and it was 
 only after the fall of that dynasty, and the establishment of more 
 liberal institutions at Athens, that we lind the native genius 
 shooting forth with vigour. 
 
 It was probably the democratic nature of their new consti- 
 tution, combined with the natural vivacity of the people, which 
 caused Athenian literature to take that dramatic form which 
 pre-eminently distinguishes it. The democracy demanded a 
 literature of a popular kind, the vivacity of the people a litera- 
 ture that made a lively impression ; and both these conditions 
 were fulfilled by the drama. 
 
 ^ 2. Though the drama was brought to perfection among the 
 Athenians, it did not originate with them. Both tragedy and 
 comedy, in their rude and early origin, were Dorian inventions. 
 Both arose out of the worship of Dionysus. There was at first 
 but little distinction between these two species of the drama, 
 except that comedy belonged more to the rural celebration of the 
 Dionysiac festivals, and tragedy to that in cities. The name of 
 tragedy^ was far from signifying any thing mournful, being de- 
 rived from the goat-like appearance of those who, disguised as 
 satyrs, performed the old Dionysiac songs and dances. In like 
 manner, comedy f was called after the song of the band of revel- 
 lers, X who celebrated the vintage festivals of Dionysus, and 
 vented the rude merriment inspired by the occasion in jibes and 
 extempore witticisms levelled at the spectators. It was among 
 the Alegarians, both those in Greece and those in Sicily, whose 
 political institutions were democratical, and who had a turn for 
 rough humour, that comedy seems first to have arisen. It was 
 long, however, before it assumed anything like a regular shape. 
 Epicharmus appears to have been the lirst who moulded the 
 wild and irregular Bacchic songs and dances into anything ap- 
 proaching a connected fable, or plot. He was born at Cos, 
 about B.C. 540, but spent the better part of his life at Syracuse. 
 He wrote his comedies some years before the Persian war, and 
 from the titles of them still extant it Avould appear that the 
 greater part of them were travesties of heroic myths. They 
 seem, however, to have contained an odd mixture of sententious 
 wisdom and broad bulibonery, for Epicharmus was a Pythago- 
 rean pliilosopher as well as a comic poet. 
 
 * TQayudia — literally " the goat-song."
 
 402 IHSTOIIV OF GREl-XJE. Chap. XXXV. 
 
 ^ 3. Comedy, in its rude and early .«tate, \va.s introduced into 
 Altica ](m<i Ijoibrc the liine of Epifliariiius by Su.sarirjn, a native 
 of Tri|)i)(li<cMis, in Megara. It was at Icaria, an Attic village 
 noted ibr the worship of" Dionysus, wlicre Susarion had taken up 
 his residence, that he first represented comedy, such as it then 
 existed among the Megarians, in the year 078 u.c. The per- 
 i'oniianees of Susarion took no root ; and we licar nothing iriore 
 of comedy in Attica Ibr nearly a hundred years. 
 
 It Avas during tliis interval that tragedy was introduced into 
 Attica, and continued to be successfully cultivated. We have 
 already observed that tragedy, like comedy, arose out of the 
 worsliip of Dionysus ; but tragedy, in its more peri'ect form, 
 was the olLspring of the ditliyrambic odes with which that wor- 
 ship was celebrated. These were not always of a joyous cast. 
 Some of them expressed tlie sulierings of Dionysus ; and it was 
 from this more mournful species of dithyramb that tragedy, 
 properly so called, arose. Arion introduced great improvements 
 into the Dithyrambic odes.* They formed a kind of lyrical 
 tragedy, and were sung by a chorus of fifty men, dancing round 
 the altar of Dionysus. The improvements in the Dythyramb 
 were introduced by Arion at Corinth ; and it was chiefly among 
 the Dorian states of the Peloponnesus that these choral dithy- 
 rambic songs prevailed. Hence, even in Attic tragedy, the chorus, 
 which was the foundation of the drama, was written in the Doric 
 dialect, thus clearly betraying the source frona wliich the Athe- 
 nians derived it. 
 
 In Attica an important alteration was made in the old tragedy 
 in the time of Pisistratus, in consequence of ^Ahich it obtained 
 a new and dramatic character. This innovation is ascribed to 
 Thespis, a nati^-e of the Attic village of Icaria. It consisted in 
 the introduction of an actor, for the purpose, it is said, of giving 
 rest to the chorus. Ho probably a])poared in that capacity him- 
 self, taking various parts in the same piece by means of dis- 
 guises eliectcd by linen masks. Thus by his successive appear- 
 ance in diliereut charactei's, and by the dialogue which he main- 
 tained with the chorus, or rather with its leader, a dramatic I'able 
 of tolerable complexity might be represented. The first repre- 
 sentation given by Thespis was in 535 E.c. He was succeeded 
 by Chterilus and Phrynicus, the latter of whom gained his fii-st 
 prize in the dramatic contests in 51 1 B.C. He deviated from the 
 hitherto established custom in making a contemporary event 
 the subject of one of his dramas. His tragedy on the capture of 
 Miletus was so pathetic that the audience were melted into 
 
 * See p. 132.
 
 UiiAP. XXXV. ^SCHYLUS. 403 
 
 tears ; but the subject was cousidered so ill-chosen that he was 
 fiu3j a thousand drachruce.* The only other dramatist whom 
 we need mention betbre vEschjliis is the Dorian Pratinas, a 
 native of Phlius, but who exhibited his tragedies at Athens. 
 Pratinas was one of the improvers of tragedy by separating 
 the satyric from the tragic drama. As neither the f)opular 
 taste nor the ancient religious associations connected with 
 the festivals of Dionysus would have permitted the chorus of 
 Sityrs to be entirely banished from the tragic representations, 
 Pratinas avoided this by the invention of what is called the 
 Satyric drama ; that is, a species of play in which the ordinary 
 subjects of tragedy were treated in a lively and farcical man- 
 ner, and in which the chorus consisted of a band of Satyrs in 
 appropriate dresses and masks. After this period it became 
 customary to exhit dramas in tetralogies, or sets of four ; 
 namely, a tragic trilogy, or series of three tragedies, followed by 
 a Satyric play. These were often on connected subjects ; and 
 the Satyric drama at the end served like a merry after-piece to 
 relieve the minds of the spectators. 
 
 The subjects of Greek tragedy were taken, with few exceptions, 
 from the national mythology. Hence the plot and story were 
 of necessity known to the spectators, a circumstance which 
 strongly distinguishes the ancient tragedy from the modern. It 
 must also be recollected that the representation of tragedies 
 did not take place every day, but only, after certain fixed inter- 
 vals, at the festivals of Dionysus, of which they formed one of 
 the greatest attractions. During the whole day the Athenian 
 public sat in the theatre witnessing tragedy after tragedy ; and 
 a prize was awai'ded by judges appointed for the purpose to the 
 poet who produced the best set of dramas. 
 
 M. Such was Attic tragedy when it came into the hands of 
 ^schylus, who, from the great improvements which he intro- 
 duced, was regarded by the Athenians as its father or founder, 
 just as Homer was of Epic poetry, and Herodotus of History. 
 jEschylus was born at Eleusis in Attica in B.C. 525, and was thus 
 contemporary with Simouides and Pindar. His father, Eupho- 
 rion, may possibly have been connected with the worship of 
 Demeter at Eleusis ; and hence, perhaps, were imbibed those 
 religious impressions which characterized the poet through 
 life. His first play was exhibited in B.C. 500, when he was 25 
 years of age. He fought with his brother Cynaigirus at the 
 battle of Marathon,! and also at those of Artemisium, Salamis, 
 and Plataja. In b.c. 48-4 he gained liis first tragic prize. The 
 
 * See p. 169. f See p. 178.
 
 404 HISTORY OF OREFX'Iu Ciiai-. XXXY 
 
 lirsl iif liis t'xtaiil. diaiiius, llie Pcrscr, was not brouplit out f.ill 
 i;.c. 17:2, wlicu lie ffuiiicd the pri/t; with llic trilofry of wliich it 
 loniKid one of the pieces. In lOb lie was deleated in a trajric 
 wiiitest by liis youiipcr rival Sojihocles ; sliortly afterwards he 
 retired to the court of kinj^ Iliero, at Syracuse. In 407 Iliero 
 died ; and in 458 yEsehylus rnu.st liavc returned to Athens, 
 since he produced liis trilojry of the Orcstcia in that year. This 
 1rilo<ry, wliieh was coriipo.sed of the tragedies of the Ai^avicmnon, 
 the (Jliocphorcc, and the I'2iimcnidcs, is remarkable as the only one 
 that has conic down to us in any thing like a jx-rfcct shape. His 
 detence of the Areo])agus, however, contained in the last of these 
 three dramas, proved nn])alatable to tlic new and more demo- 
 cratic generation which had now sprung up at Athens ; and 
 either Irom (lisapi)ointinezit or fear of the consequences ^schy- 
 lus again (piitted Athens and retired once more to Sicily. On 
 this occasion he repaired to Gela, where he died in «.(,•. ioG, in 
 the Cytli year of his age. It is unanimously related that an eagle, 
 mistaking the poets bald head for a stone, let a tortoise fall 
 upon it in order to break the shell, thus I'ullilling an oracle pre- 
 dicting that he was to die by a blow from heaven. After his 
 death, his memory was held in high reverence at Athens. A 
 decree was passed that a chorus should be provided at the public 
 expense for any one who might wish to revive his iragedies ; and 
 hence it happened that they were frequently reproduced upon 
 the stage. 
 
 The improvements introduced into tragedy by JEschylus 
 concerned both its form and composition, and its manner of 
 representation. In the former his principal innovation was the 
 introduction of a second actor ; whence arose the dialogue, pro- 
 perly so called, ajid the limitation of the choral parts, which 
 now became subsidiary. His improvements in the manner of 
 representing tragedy consisted in the introduction of painted 
 scenes, drawn according to the rules of perspective, for which 
 he availed himself of the pictorial skill of Agatharchus. He 
 furnished the actors with more appropriate and more mag- 
 nificent dresses, invented for them more various and expres- 
 sive masks, and raised their stature to the heroic size by pro- 
 viding them with thick soled cothurni or buskins. He paid 
 great attention to the choral dances, and invented several new 
 figures.* 
 
 The genius of ^schylus inclined rather to the awlul and sub- 
 
 * "persona) palhvque vepertor lionestie 
 
 jEschylus, et niodicia instiavit pulpita tignis, 
 Et dociiit magnunique loqiii, nitique cothurno." 
 
 IIoK., Ar. Poet. 278.
 
 Chap. XXXV. SOPHOCLES. 405 
 
 lime than to the tender and pathetic. He excels in representin*^ 
 the superhuman, in depicting demigods and heroes, and in tracing 
 tlie irresistible march of liite. His style resembles the ideas 
 which it clothes. It is bold, sublime, and full of gorgeous 
 imagery, but sometimes borders on the turgid.* 
 
 § 5. Sophocles, the younger rival and immediate successor of 
 ^Eschylus in the tragic art, was born at Colonus, a village about 
 a mile from Athens, in B.C. 495. We know little of his family, 
 except that his father's name was Sophilus ; but that he was 
 carefully trained in music and gymnastics appears from the fact 
 that in his sixteenth year he was chosen to lead, naked, and Vv^ith 
 l)Te in hand, the chorus which danced round the trophy, and 
 sang the hymns of triumph, on the occasion of the victory of 
 Salamis (e.g. 480). We have already adverted to his M'resting 
 the ti'agic prize from ^schylus in 4G8, which seems to have 
 been his first appearance as a dramatist. This event was ren- 
 dered very striking by the circumstances under which it occurred. 
 The Archon Eponymus had not yet appointed the judges of the 
 approaching contest, respecting which public expectation and 
 party feeling ran very high, when Cimon and his nine colleagues 
 in command entered the theatre, having just returned from 
 Scyros. After they had made the customary libations to Dio- 
 nysus, the archon detained them at the altar and administered 
 to them the oatli appointed for the judges in the dramatic con- 
 tests. Their decision, as Vv'e have said, was in favour of" Sopho- 
 cles. From this time forwards he seems to have retained the 
 almost undisputed possession of the Athenian stage, until a 
 young but formidable rival arose in the person of Euripides. 
 In 440 we find Sophocles elected one of the 10 Strategi, of whom 
 Pericles was the chief, to conduct the expedition againsr Samos ; 
 an honour which he is said to have owed to his play of the 
 Antigone, which was brought out in the spring of that year, and 
 which is the earliest of his extant dramas. He v/as now 55 
 years of age, yet his poetical life seemed oidy beginning. From 
 this time to his death was the period of his greatest literary 
 activity ; but of his personal history we have few details. He 
 was one of the ten elders, or Probouli, a sort of committee of 
 public safety appointed by the Athenians af:.er the failure of the 
 Sicilian exi)edition, unless indeed the Sophocles mentioned on 
 that occasion by Thucydides be some other person. The close 
 
 * ^schylus is said to have written seventy tragedies ; but only seven 
 are extant, which were probably repi'esented in the following order; tha 
 Persians, b.c. 47 "2; the Seven against Thebes, d.c. 471; the Suppliants ; 
 the Prc/methcus ; the Agam-emnon, Choephorce, and Eumenides, b.c. 458.
 
 406 HISTORY OK GREECE. Ciiai-. XXXV. 
 
 of liis lifi? "\v;is troubled villi fiirnily dissensions. lophon, hig 
 8011 by !Ui Athfuian wile, and llieiclijie lii.s lefriliinate licir, was 
 jealous of the allectiou iiiaiiire.sted by liia father lijr l)i.s grandson 
 bophoclcs, the ollspriug of another Kon, Ari.ston, "whom he had 
 liad by a Sicyonian woman. Fearing les-t his father should 
 bestow a great part of his y)roperty upon his favourite, lophon 
 surmuoned him before the Phratores, or tribe.«inen, on the ground 
 that his mind was adcctcd. The old man'.« only reply was — " If 
 I am !S()j)hock's I am not lu-.-^ide myself; and if 1 am beside 
 myself 1 am not iSo])hocles."' Then taking up his CKdipis at Co- 
 lonns, which he had lately written, but had not yet brought out, 
 he read Irom it the Leautiliil passage beginning— 
 
 "EUtttvov , ^£ve, Tua(h X'^P'^C — 
 
 with w'liich the judges were so struck that they at once dis- 
 missed the case. He died shortly afterwards in b.c. 406, in his 
 90th year. 
 
 As a poet Sophocles is universally allowed to have brought 
 the drama to the greatest perfection of which it is susceptible. 
 His plays stand in the just medium between the sublime but 
 unregulated flights of iEschylus, and the too famihor scenes and 
 rhetorical declamations of Euripides. His plots are worked up 
 with more skill and care than the plots of either of his great 
 rivals: that of the CEdijms T?/ra>?«z/s in particular is remarkable 
 for its skilful devolopemeut, and for the manner in which the in- 
 terest of the piece increases through each succeeding act. So- 
 phocles added the last improvement to the ibrm of the drama 
 by the introduction of a third actor ; a change which greatly 
 enlarged the scope of the action. The improvement was so 
 cbvious that it was adopted by ^Eschylus in his later plays : but 
 the number of three actors seems to have been seldom or never 
 exceeded. Sophocles also made considerable alterations in the 
 choral parts, by curtailing the length of the songs, and by giving 
 the chorus itself the character of an impartial spectator and 
 judge, rather tlran that of a deeply interested party which it 
 often assumes in the plays of ^-Eschylus.^* 
 
 § 6. Euripides Mas born in the island of Salamis, in r..c. 480, 
 his parents having been among those who lied thither at the 
 time of the invasion of Attica by Xerxes. In early life he prac- 
 tised painting with some success, but he devoted himself with 
 
 * Sophocles is said to have •written 117 tragedies, but of tliese only 
 seven are extant, which are to be lanked, probably, in the following 
 chronological order: the Antigone, B.C. ilO; Electra ; Tracliiiiim; 
 CEdipus Ti/ranmts ; Ajajc ; P/iUocletrs, B.C. 409; (Ediptis at Colontu, 
 brought out by the younger Sophocleo b.c. 401.
 
 Chap. XXXV. EURIPIDES. 407 
 
 still more earnestness to philosophy and literature. He studied 
 rhetoric under Prodicus, and physics under Anaxagoras, and also 
 lived on intimate terms with tSocrates. He is said to have written 
 a tragedy at the age of 18 ; hut the first play brought out in his 
 own name was acted in B.C. 455, when he was 25 years of age. 
 It was not, however, till 441 that he gained his first prize, and 
 from this time he continued to exhibit plays until b.c. 408, the 
 date of his Orestes. Soon after this he repaired to the court of 
 Macedonia, at the invitation of King Archelaiis, where he died 
 two years afterwards at the age of 74 (b.c. 406). Common re- 
 port relates that he was torn to pieces hy the king's dogs, which, 
 according to some accounts, were set upon him hy two rival 
 poets out of envy. 
 
 Euripides received tragedy perfect from the hands of his pre- 
 decessors, and we do not find that he made any changes in its 
 outward form. But he varied from them considerably in the 
 poetical mode of handling it, and his innovations in this respect 
 ware decidedly for the worse. He converted the prologue into a 
 vehicle for the exposition of the whole plot, in which he not 
 only informs the spectator of what has happened up to that 
 mamant, but frequently also of what the result or catastrophe 
 will be. In his hands too the chorus grew feebler, and its odes 
 less connected with the subject of the drama, so that they might 
 frequently belong to any other piece j ust as well as to the one in 
 which they were inserted. In treating his characters and subjects 
 he often arbitrarily departed from the received legends, and di- 
 minished the dignity of tragedy by depriving it of its ideal char- 
 acter, and by bringing it down to the level of every day life. His 
 dialogue was garrulous and colloquial, wanting in heroic dignity, 
 and frequently frigid through misplaced philosophical disquisi- 
 tions. Yet in spite of all these faults Em-ipides has many 
 beauties, and is particularly remarkable for pathos, so that Aris- 
 totle calls him " the most tragic of poets." Eighteen of the tra- 
 gedies of Euripides are still extant, omitting the Rhesus, the 
 genuineness of which there are good reasons for doubting. One 
 of them, the Cyclops, is particularly interesting as the only ex- 
 tant specimen of the Greek satyric drama.* 
 
 § 7. Comedy was revived at Athens by Chionides and his con- 
 temporaries, about B.C. 488; but it received its full development 
 
 * The following is a list of his extant plays: the Alcestis, b.c. 438; 
 Meiea, 431 ; Hippolytus, 428 ; Hecuba, about 424 ; Heradidce, about 421; 
 Sanplices, Ion, Hercules Furcns, Andromache ; Troade.% 415; Elfctra; 
 Helena, 425 ; Iphigcnia in Tauri.a ; Orrxtes, 408 ; PhmnixHce, Bacehce, and 
 Iphir/rnia in Aulis were brouirlit out after tlie death of Eurii)iJes by his 
 son, tlie younger Euripides. The date of the Cyclops is quite uncertaia
 
 408 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXY. 
 
 from Cratirms, wlm lived in tlic ape of Pericles. Cralinu.s, and 
 his younfrer eonteinjjorarii's, Eu|xili.s and Aristophanes, were 
 the three frreat poets of wiiat i.s called the Old Attic Comedy.* 
 The comedies of Cratinns and EnjKilis arc lost ; but of Aristo- 
 phanes, who was the greatest of the three, we have eleven dramas 
 extant. Aristophanes wa.« born aUjut f 11 n.c. Of his private 
 life we know pjsitively nothinp. He exhibited his fust comedy 
 in A'21 , and from that time till near his death, which probably 
 happened about 380, he Avas a frequent contributor to the Attic 
 sta<xe.t 
 
 The old Attic comedy was a powerful vehicle for the expres- 
 eion of opinion ; and most of the comedies of Aristophanes, and 
 those of his contemporaries likewise, turned either upon political 
 occurrences, or upon some subject which excited the interest of 
 the Athenian public. Their chief object was to excite laughter 
 by the boldest and most ludicrous caricature ; and provided that 
 6nd was attained the poet seems to have cared but little about 
 the justice of the pictxire. A li\-in«r historian has well remarked, 
 " Never probably will the full and unshackled force of cornetlv 
 be so exhibited apain. Without having Aristophanes actually 
 before us it would have been impossible to imagine the un- 
 measured and unsparing licence of attack assumed bv the old 
 comedy upon the gods, the institutions, the politicians, philo- 
 sophers, poets, private citizens, specially named — and even the 
 women, whose Ufe was entirely domestic — of Athens. With this 
 univei-sal liberty in respect of subject there is combined a 
 poignancy of derision and satire, a fecundity of imagination and 
 variety of txinis. and a richness of poetical expression such as 
 cannot be surpassed, and such as fullv explains the admiration 
 expressed for him by the philosopher Plato, who in other respects 
 must have regarded him with unquestionable disapprobation. 
 His comedies are popular in the largest sense of the word, ad- 
 dressed to the entire body of male citizens on a day consecrated 
 to festivit)-, and providing for their amusement or derision with 
 a sort of driinken abundance, out of all persons or things stand- 
 ing in any way prominent before the pubhc eye."| In illustra- 
 tion of the preceding remarks we may refer to the Knishts of 
 Aristophanes, as an example of the boldness of his attacks on one 
 
 * Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanesque poet«, 
 
 Atque alii quorum comoedia prisca virorum est 
 
 HoR. Sat- i. 4. 
 •}• Tlie eleven extant dramas are; the Achamianf. b.c. 4'25; Kniphtt, 
 424 ; Clouds. 4-23 ; Waxpx. 422 ; Peacf. 419 ; Birth, 414 : Lysistraia. 411 , • 
 Thcsmophvria^uxa:. 411; PlutWs 40^; Fropx, 405; EcchfiaziuT, 302- 
 % Grote's Hist of Greece, vol. viiL p. 450.
 
 Chap. XXXV. ARISTOPHANES. 409 
 
 of the leading political characters of the day — the demagogue 
 Cleou ; whilrit the Clouds, in wlii.^h Socrates is held up to ridi- 
 cule, and the Thes^noplioriazusce and Frogs, containing slashing 
 onslaughts on Euripides, show that neither the greatest piiiloKO- 
 pliers nor the most popular poets were secure. Even Pericles 
 himself is now and then bespattered Avith ridicule, and the aver- 
 sion of the poet for the P'dcponnesian war is shown in many of 
 his dramas. From the natare of his plays it would be absurd, 
 as some have done, to quote thc*m gravely as historical autho- 
 rity ; though, with due al'owance for comic exaggeration, they no 
 doubt allbrd a valuable comment on the politics, literature, and 
 manners of the time. ]Mor can it be doubted that, under all his 
 bantering, Aristophanes often strove to perve the views of the 
 old aristocratical party, of which he "'A'as an adherent. The more 
 serious political remarks were coinmonly introduced into that 
 part of the chorus ca.l.ed the 'parahas's, when, the actors having 
 left tlie stage, the choreutje turneU round, ard, advancing to- 
 wards the spectators, addressed them mi the name of the poet 
 Towards the end of the career of Aristophanes the unrestricted 
 licence and libellous personality of comedy began gradually to 
 disappear. The chorus was tirst curtailed and then entirely sup- 
 pressed, and thus made way for what is called tlie Middle Co- 
 medy, which had no chorus at all. The Plutus of Aristophanes, 
 which contains no political allusions, exhibits an approach to this 
 phase. 
 
 An extract from ■'he Knights of Aristophanes will give some 
 idea of the unmeafur;d invective in which the poet indulged. 
 The chorus come upon the stage, and thus commence their attack 
 upon Cleon : — 
 
 Close arojnd him, and confoimd him, the confounder of us all; 
 Pelt him, pummel him, and n;ai'' him ; rummage, ransack, overhaul him, 
 Overbear iiini and outljawl Jiim; bear him down, and bring him under. 
 Bellow like a burst of thunder, Robber! harjiy ! sink of plunder! 
 Rogue and villain! rogue and cheat! rogue and villain, 1 repeat! 
 Oftener than I can repeat it, has the rogue and villain cheated. 
 Close f.round him, left and right; spit upon him, spurn and smite: 
 Spit upon him as you see; t'j' rn and spit at him like me. 
 But )/eware, or he'll eva^.e you, for he knows the private track 
 "Where Euerates -^as seen oscaping with his mill-dust on his back. 
 
 Cleon. 
 Worthy vetf ans of the jury, you that, cither right or wrong, 
 With my threepenny provision, Pve maintained and cherished long. 
 Come to my aid! I'm liere waylaid — assassinated and betrayed. 
 
 ChoniK. 
 Rightly served! we serve you riglitl)', for your hungry love of pelf 
 For your gross and greedy rapine, gormandizing by yourself; 
 
 T
 
 410 UISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV. 
 
 You thnt, ore the fijrs aro pathorcd, pilfer with a privy twitch 
 Fat <l.linqiiont« and <1ofaulteni. ptilpv, lu»<-i<Mi.e. jihimp. and rich; 
 l*iiioliini:. fincorinir. nml pulling — tiiiij>oritnr. *.l<-otine, culline. 
 With a nice survey discerning which arc green and which are turning 
 Which arc ripe for accusation, forfeiture, and conti^oation. 
 
 Him, besides, the wealthy man. retired upon an ea*y rent. 
 Hating and avoiding party, rohle mindeti, indolent. 
 Fearful of official snares, intrigue5. and intricate aAair»; 
 Him you mark: you fix an«l h<M>k him, whilst h.'s irapine unawa;.-?; 
 M a riing, at once you bring him luther from the ( her*<>ncs«, 
 1 v>wn vou cast liim, roast and biistc him, and de\ ■";'■ li :. a; your etac 
 
 ilron. 
 Yes! ass.nult, insult, abuse riel this is the return I find 
 For the noble testimony, the memorial I designeil: 
 Meaning to proj>ose proposals for a monument of stone. 
 On ihe which your late achievements should W carved and neatly donet 
 
 Choj-u*. 
 *.nn, nwr.y wiihhiml the slave! thepompoiis. empty, fawning tnare! 
 Does he think with idle speeches to delude and cheat us all, 
 As he does the doling elders that attend his daily call f 
 Pelt him here, and bang him there ; and here and tKere and everrwhere. 
 
 aeon. 
 Save me, neighbours ! the monsters ! O my side, my back, my breast ! 
 
 Chont-K. 
 What, you're forced to call for help? you brutal, overbearing pest.* 
 
 ^ S. Of the prose WTitors of this period, Thucydides is by far 
 the greatest. Herodotus, who belongs to tlie saine period, aiid 
 \yho was only a few years older than Thucydides, ha5 been no- 
 ticed in a pre^■ious chapter. 
 
 Thucydides was an Atlienian, and was bom in the year 47 1 
 B.C. His father was named Olonis, and his mother Hegesipyle. 
 and his family was connected witli that of Miltiades and Cinton. 
 Thucvdides appears to have been a man of w ealth : and we know 
 from his own account that he pos^^ssed gold mines in Thrace, 
 and enjoyed great inliuence in that counlrj-. ^Ve also leam 
 fnim liimself that he was one of the sulierers from the great 
 plague at Athens, and among the few who recovered. He com- 
 manded an Athenian squadron of seven ships at Thasos, in 4*24 
 B.C.. at the time when Brasidas was besieging Amphipolis: and. 
 having failed to reheve that city in time, he went into a volun- 
 tan- exile, in order probably to avoid the punishment of death. 
 He appears to have sj>ent 20 years iu banishment, principally in 
 
 * Translated bv Mr. Frere.
 
 Cli.vi. WXV. Till CVDlDlvS XK.Ndilli 'N. 41V 
 
 the IVlojMiiiiu'siis, tir in j)liU't's muk r tlu' ilonimicm or iiiHui-iu-o 
 <il>!ji;iifa. lit- |)i'ili!i|is ntiiiiiitl In Alliens ill u.c. 40j, tlu* iluto 
 ul its lilifialum l)\ Tlua.syliulusj. Aoi'uiiliufi to the iiiiaiiiiiioiig 
 ti'stinictiiy <il' .lulitjiiity he nn-t with a viuKtit eiul, ujul it si-fins 
 piolialili- tliat III' was a!;has^ilult^'cl at Allu-Ui!, mico. it oaiiiiot bo 
 tloiibtttl tliat lirs tomb rxisti-ii thoiv ; but f^titne authnnties plaeo 
 till' ^c•l•u^.' lit bis (li-atli in Tliiafi". From tlio bi'»innin<» ol the 
 IVliijK)niu'sian war lu' bad tli'siffiu'tl to writi' iti^ bistory, and ho 
 finployi'd bimsL'll in I'liliti-tinfi; niatfriuls liir that juniJice during 
 its ooiilimiaiiiv ; but it is most bki'ly that the \Muk was not 
 ai'tnally i"«)iii|)o.<ed till alUT tliti conolusion of the war, and that 
 be was en«ra<fed upon it at the tirne ol" his death. Sonio critics 
 are even olopinion that the btli and eoneluding bock is not (Vom 
 bis hand ; but there fceenis to be little ground lor this ai^snnip- 
 fioii, thoii;,'h he may not have reviK'd it with the farne eare as 
 the loiiiu'r bonks. 
 
 ^^lu•b are all tlie aiillienlie partieulars that ean bo stated re- 
 ^peetillg the greatest oi the Athenian historians. It is only 
 iieeessary to add a short aeeount ol' bis work. The fust book is 
 iiitroiiuetory, and eoiitains a rapid sketeh ol" Gieeian history 
 Iniiii the remotest times to the breaking out olthe war, aeetm- 
 jiaiued with Sii i X|,iai;ation ol' the events and causes which led 
 to It, and a thgression on the rise and jirogrets ol' tlie Athenian 
 power. The remaining seven beoks are tilled with the details 
 oltlie war, related aeeordiiig to the division into summers and 
 winters, into wliieli all eampaigns naturally fall ; and tlie work 
 liieaks oir abruptly in the midiUe of the Vilst year of the war 
 (lie. 111). It is probable that the division ol his history into 
 biKiks was the work of the Alexandrine critics, and that as it 
 came from the bands of the author it formed a continuous nar- 
 rative. The materials of Thueydides were collected with the 
 most scrupulous eare ; the events are related with the strictest 
 impartiality ; and the work jindiably ofli'rs a more exact account 
 ol a long and eventlul period than any other conlempurarv his- 
 tory, whether ancient or modern, ol an eepially long and import- 
 ant sera. The style of Thueydides is brief and seiiteiitii us, and 
 ulietber in moral or jKililieal reasoning, or in description, gains 
 vsoiulerful lt»ree from its condensation. It is this brevity and 
 bimplieity that renders bis aeeount of the plague of Athens so 
 striking and tragic, iiut this characteristic issometinus carrii'U 
 to a laulty extent, so as to render Ins ^tvll• llal^ll, and bih mean- 
 ing obwure. 
 
 i '.). Xenoplioii pidjterly belongs to the next period of tirecian 
 bistor;-, but the subject of the earlier portion of his History is 
 fcu intimalely connected villi the woik of 'l"liiicydides, tliat it
 
 41'2 II1.ST(;KV OF GlilOICGJi Cuap. XXXV 
 
 Avill 1)0 more conveni(;iit to Hj)L'ak ol" him in the present ]»laco 
 'vciii)|)lii)u was the son of (xryUus, an Atlienian, and was prrr 
 h:ihly hoiu ahout H.c. 411. Sn-rates is said to have i^aveil liis 
 hie in th(j hattle olDehum, wiiieh was lbn<(ht in u.c. 421, and 
 as we know tliat he lived to a much later period, he could hardly 
 have heen m;)re than 20 at the time ol" tliis battle. Xenophon 
 was a pupil of Socrates, and wo are also told that he received 
 instructions from Prodicus of Cleos, and from Isocrates. His 
 accompanying (Jyrus the yonni^cr in his expedition again.st his 
 brotiier ArLaxer.V3s, king of Persia, Ibrmed a striking epi.sfjde in 
 his life, and has boLsn recorded by him.self in his Annhasis ; but 
 as we sliall have occa.sion to relate this event in our next book, 
 we need not touch upon it here. He seems to have been still 
 in Asia at the time of the death of Socrates in 399 b.c, and was 
 probably bauLshed from Athens soon after that period, in con.se- 
 quence of his close connexion with the Lacedaemonian autho- 
 rities in Asia. He accompanied Agc^ilaus, the Spartan king, on 
 the return of the latter from Asia to Greece ; and he Ibught 
 along with the Lacedajmonians against his own countrymen at 
 the battle of Coronea in 391 e.g. After this battle he went with 
 Agesilaus to Sparta, and soon afterwards settled at Scillus in 
 Elis, near Olympia, where he was joined by his wife and children. 
 His time seems to have been agreeably spent at this residence 
 in hunting, and other rural diversions, as Avell as in literary pur- 
 suits ; and he is said to have compcsed here his Atuibusis, and a 
 part, if not the whole of the Hcllcnica. From this quiet retreat 
 lie was at length expelled by the Eleans, but at Avhat date is 
 uncertain ; though he seems at all events to have spent at least 
 20 years at this place. His sentence of banishment from Athens 
 was repealed on the motion of Eubulus, but in what year we do 
 not know. His two sous, Gryllus and Diodorus, are said to have 
 fought with the Athenians and Spartans against the Thebans, at 
 the battle of Mautinea in 362. There is, however, no evidence 
 that Xenophon ever returned to Athens. He seems to have 
 retired to Corinth after his expulsion from Elis, and it is pro- 
 2>able that he died there. He is said to have lived to more than 
 90 years of age, and he mentions an event which occured as late 
 as 357 B.C. 
 
 Probably all the works of Xenophon are still extant. The 
 Anabasis is the work on which his fame as an historian chiefly 
 rests. It is written in a simple and agreeable style, and conveys 
 much curious and striking information. The Helloiica is a con- 
 tinuation of the history of Thueydides, and comprehends in 
 seven books a space of about 48 years ; namely, from the time 
 when Thueydides breaks off, B.r. 411, to the battle of Mautinea
 
 Chap. XXXV. SOPHISTS. 413 
 
 in 362. The subject is treated in a very diy and uninteresting 
 style; and his evident partiaUty to Sparta, and dishke of" Athens, 
 have frequently M'arped his judgment, and must cause his state- 
 ments to be received with some suspicion. The CyroiJceitia, one 
 of the most pleasing and popular of Xenophon's works, professes 
 to be a history of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, 
 but is in reality a kind of political romance, and possesses no 
 authority whatever as an historical Avork. The design of the 
 author seems to have been to draw a picture of a perfect 
 state ; and though the scene is laid in Persia, the materials of 
 the work are derived from his own philosophical notions and the 
 usages of Sparta, engrafted on the popularly current stories re- 
 specting Cyrus. Xenophon displays in this work his dislike of 
 democratic institutions like those of Athens, and his preference 
 for an aristocracy, or even a monarchy. Xenophon was also the 
 author of several minor works ; but the only other treatise which 
 we need mention is the Memorabilia of Socrates, in four books, 
 intended as a defence of his master against the charges which 
 occasioned his death, and which undoubtedly contains a genuine 
 picture of Socrates and his philosophy. The genius of Xenophon 
 was not of the highest order ; it was practical rather than specu- 
 lative ; but he is distinguished for his good sense, his moderate 
 views, his humane temper, and his earnest piety. 
 
 k 10. In closing this brief survey of Athenian literature, it is 
 necessary to make a few remarks upon Athenian education, and 
 upon tlie greatest teacher of his age — the philosopher Socrates. 
 
 A certain amount ef elementary education seems to have pre- 
 vailed among the free citizens of all the Grecian states at the 
 time of which we are speaking. Instruction was usually im- 
 parted in schools. The peedagogue, or private tutor, was not a 
 teacher ; he was seldom a man of much knowledge — often 
 indeed a slave — and his office was merely to watch over his 
 pupils in their idle hours, and on their way to the schools. 
 When a youth could read with fluency, he was set to learn 
 by heart passages selected from the best poets, in which moral 
 precepts and examples of virtuous conduct were inculcated and 
 exhibited. The works of ^sop and Theognis were much used 
 for this purpose. He was then taught those accomplishments 
 which the Greeks included under the comprehensive head of 
 "music," and which comprised not only the art of playing on the 
 lyre, and of singing and dancing, so as to enable him to bear a 
 part in a chorus, but also to recite poetical compositions with 
 grace and propriety of accent and pronunciation. At the same 
 time his physical powers were developed and strengthened by a 
 course of gynuiastic exercises. At the age of 18 or 20 the sons
 
 4U HISTORY OF GREECR Ciur. XXXV. 
 
 of tlic! more wci'iltliy citizens atlciidcd the classes of the rhetors 
 ami sojdiists who gave their lectures in the Lyceum, Academy, 
 or other similar institutions ; — a course somewhat analogous to 
 entering a university in our own times. Here the young man 
 studied rhetoric and philosophy ; under which lieads were in- 
 cluded mathematics, astronomy, dialectics, oratory, criticism, 
 and morals. 
 
 sWl. It will be perceived from the above sketch tliat the 
 rhetor and so])liist — whose provinces were often comhined, and 
 are generally dillicult to distinguish with accuracy — played the 
 most imj)ortant part in the iijrmation of the future man. They 
 gave the la.st bias to his mind, and sent him forth into the world 
 with habits of thought which in after lile he would perhaps have 
 neither the leisure nor the inclination to alter, or even to exa- 
 mine. Most of the young men who attended their lectures 
 had little more in view than to become qualified lijr taking a 
 'pruclital part in active life. The demccratieal institutions which 
 had begun to prevail in Athens, Sicily, and other parts of Greece 
 during the ililh century belbrc the Christian a.'ra, and which 
 often obliged a public man to confute an adversary, to deiend 
 himself I'rom an attack, or to persuade a public assembly, ren- 
 dered it necessary for him to obtain some knowledge of rhetoric 
 and dialectics. It was lor this purpose that the schools of the 
 rhetors and sophists were frccpiented by the great mass <.f their 
 hearers, without, perhaps, much care lor their speculative prin- 
 ciples except so far as they might serve as exercises to sharpen 
 dialectic skill. Among the most eminent of these teachers in 
 the time of Socrates were Protagoras of Abdera, Gorgias of 
 Leontini, Polus of Agrigentum, Hippias of Elis, Prodieus of Ceos, 
 and others. As rhetorical instructors they may be compared 
 with Isocrates or Q,uintilian ; but, generally speaking, there was 
 more or less of philosophical speculation mixed up with their 
 teacliing. 
 
 The name of " Sophist" borne by these men had not origin- 
 ally that invidious moaning which it came to possess in later 
 times. In its ?arly use it meant only a wise or a clever man. 
 Thus it was apjjlied to the seven sages, and to the poets, such as 
 Homer and Hesiod ; men as far removed as possible from the 
 notion implied in the modoni term sopltist. The word seems 
 to have retained its honourable meaning down to the time cf 
 Socrates ; but Plato and Xenophon began to use it in a depre- 
 ciatory sense, and as a tenn of reproach. "Whenever they 
 wished to speak of a truly wise man they preferred the word 
 " philosopher." It may therefore be inferrecl that the name cf 
 "Sophist" began to fall into contempt tlirough the teaching of
 
 Chap. XXXV. SOCRATES. 413 
 
 Socrates, more especially as we find that Socrates himself shrank 
 from the name. 
 
 ^12. Bat the relation of Socrates to the Sophists will be Lest 
 shown by a brief account of his life. 
 
 Socrates was born in the year 468 c.c. in the deme of Alopecc, 
 in the immediate neighbourhood of Athens. His father, Sj- 
 phroniscus, was a sculptor, and Socates was brovight up to, and 
 for some time practised, the same profession. A group of the 
 Charities or Graces, from his chisel, was preserved in the Acro- 
 polis of Athens, and was extant in the time of Pausanias. His 
 mother, Phsnarete, was a midwife. Thus his station in life was 
 humble, but his family was of genuhie Attic descent. He was 
 married to Xanthippe, by whom he had three sons ; but her 
 bad temper has rendered her name proverbial for a conjugal 
 scold. His physical constitution was healthy, robust, and won- 
 derfully enduring. Indiilerent alike to heat and cold, the same 
 scanty and homely clothing suthced him both in summer and 
 winter ; and even in the campaign of Potidaja, amidst the snows 
 of a Thracian winter, he went barefooted. He was moderate 
 and frugal in his diet, yet on occasions of festival could drink 
 more wine than any other man without being intoxicated. It 
 was a principle with him to contract his wants as much as pos- 
 sible ; for he had a maxim that to want nothing belonged only 
 to the gods, and to want as little as possible was the nearest 
 approach to the divine nature. But though thus gifted with 
 strength of body and of mind, he was far from being endowed 
 with personal beauty. His thick lips, flat nose, and prominent 
 eyes, gave him the appearance of a Silenus, or satyr. We know 
 but few particulars of his life. He served with credit as an 
 hoplite at Potida3a (b.c. 432), Delium (b.c. 424), and Amphipolis 
 (b.c. 422) ; but it was not till late in life, in the year 406 b.c, 
 that he filled any political oflice. He was one of the Prytanes 
 when, after the battle of Arginusw, Callixenus submitted his 
 proposition respecting the six generals to the public Assembly, 
 and his refusal on that occasion to put an iniconstitutional ques- 
 tion to the vote has been already recorded.* He had a strong 
 persuasion that he was intrusted with a divine mission, and he 
 believed himself to be attended by a daemon, or genius, whose 
 admonitions he frequently heard, not, however, in the way of 
 excitement but of restraint. He never wrote anything, but he 
 made oral instruction the great business of his life. Early in 
 the morning he frequented the public walks, the gymnasia, and 
 the schools ; wlicnce he adjourned to the market-place at its 
 
 * Seo p. Stin.
 
 410 IIISTOIIY OK CIUIKCR Chap. XXXV 
 
 luosl crow'drd liour^i, iind tluis s|)<'iit tin; ^\llolo day in convers- 
 ing' vvitli y()un<:f and old, rich and jxtor, — with all in bliorl who felt 
 any dt-siro lor his instructions. There was, however, a certain set 
 ol' persons who were in the hahit oirollowing hirn to hear his con- 
 versation, and tlie.sc became known as his disciples. 
 
 From this public manner oC life, he became one of the best 
 known characters in Athens, and this circumstance was probably 
 the reason why he was selected lor attack, as the representative 
 of the Sophists in freneral, by Aristophanes and the comic poets, 
 But the picture ol" Aristojjhanes .shows that he either did not 
 know, or was not solicitous about, the real objects and pursuits 
 of Socrates : his only object seems to have been to rai.se a laugh. 
 The dramatist represents Socrates as occupied with physical re- 
 searches. But though in early life Socrates had paid .some atten- 
 tion to natural philosophy, he soon abandoned the study in disgust, 
 from reading a treatise ot Anaxagoras, in which he found that the 
 philosopher's hypotheses were not sustained by any basis of rea.son- 
 ing. This led Socrates to turn his attention to dialectics. In this 
 pursuit there can be little doubt that he derived great assistance 
 from the Eleatic school of philosophers, especially Parrnenides 
 and Zeno, who visited Athens w'hen Socrates was a young man. 
 Ho seems to have borrowed from the Eleatics his negative 
 method ; namely, that of disproving and upsetting what is ad- 
 vanced by a disputant, as a means of unmasking not only false- 
 hood, but also assertion without authority, yet without attempting 
 to establish anything in its place. 
 
 S^ 13. We are now in a condition to see in what points Socrates 
 dilFered from the ordinary teachers or Sophists of the time. 
 They were these : 1. He taught without fee or reward, and com- 
 nunucated his instructions freely to high and low, rich and poor 
 alike. 2. He did not talk for mere vain shoAv and ostentation, 
 but for the sake of gaining clear and distinct ideas, and thus ad- 
 vancing both himself and others in real knowledge. It was with 
 this view that he had abandoned physics, which, in the manner 
 in which they were then taught, were Ibunded merely on guesses 
 and conjectures, and had applied himself to the study of his fel- 
 low men, which opened a surer field of observation. And in order 
 to arrive at clear ideas on moral subjects, he was the first to em- 
 ploy definition and inference, and thus confine the discourse to 
 the eliciting of truth, instead of making it the vehicle for empty 
 display. A contrary practice on these two points is what con- 
 stituted the dilierence between Socrates and the Sophists. 
 
 The teacliing of Socrates forms an epoch in the histoiy of 
 philosophy. From his school sprang Plato, the founder of the 
 Academic philosophy ; Euclides, the founder of the Megaric
 
 Chap. XXXV. SOCRATES. 417 
 
 school ; Aristippus, the founder of the Cyrenaic school ; and many 
 other philosophers of eminence. 
 
 ^14. That a reformer and destroyer, like Socrates, of ancient 
 prejudices and fallacies which passed current under the name of 
 ■wisdom should have raised up a host of enemies is only what 
 might he expected ; but in his case this feeling was increased by 
 the manner in which he fulfilled his mission. The oracle of 
 Delphi, in response to a question put by his friend Chajrephcn, 
 had affirmed that no man was wiser than Socrates. No one was 
 more perplexed at this declaration than Socrates himself, since 
 he was conscious to himself of possessing no wisdom at all. 
 However, he determined to test the accuracy of the priestess, for . 
 though he had little wisdom, others might have still less. He 
 therefore selected an eminent politician who enjoyed a high 
 reputation for wisdom, and soon elicited by his scrutinising me- 
 thod of cross-examination, that this statesman's reputed wisdom 
 was no wisdom at all. But of tliis he could not convince the 
 subject of his examination ; whence Socrates concluded that he 
 was wiser than this politician, inasmuch as he was conscious of 
 his own ignorance, and therefore exempt from the error of be- 
 lieving himself wise when in reality he was not so. The same 
 experiment was tried with the same result on various classes 
 of men ; on poets, mechanics, and especially on the rhetors and 
 sophists, the chief of all the pretenders to wisdom. 
 
 ^15. The first indication of the unpopularity which Socrates 
 had incurred is the attack made upon him by Aristophanes in 
 the " Clouds" in the year 423 B.C. That attack, however, seems 
 to have evaporated with the laugh, and for many years Socrates 
 continued his teaching without molestation. It was not till 
 B.C. 399 that the indictment was preferred against him 
 which cost him his life. In that year, Meletus, a leather-seller, 
 seconded by Anytus, a poet, and Lycon, a rhetor, accused hini 
 of impiety in not worshi23ping the gods of the city, and in 
 introducing new deities, and also of being a corrupter of youth. 
 With respect to the latter charge, his former intimacy with Al- 
 cibiades and Critias may have weighed against him. Socrates, 
 made no preparations for his defence, and seems, indeed, not to 
 have desired an acquittal. But although he addressed the di- 
 casts in a bold uncompromising tone, he was condemned only by 
 a small majority of five or six in a court composed of between 
 five and six hundred dicasts. After the verdict was pronounced, 
 he was entitled, according to the practice of the Athenian courts, 
 to make some counter-proposition in place of the penalty of 
 death, which the accusers had demanded, and if he had done so 
 with any show of submission it is probable that the sentence
 
 418 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Chap. XXXV. 
 
 would liavc boon milif?atcd. But liis tono after llie verdict was 
 li!<!;Iu'r tliaii boi'ore. All that ho could bo brought to projx)»e 
 atrainst liiinsolf by way of ])uni.shinent was a iiuc of 30 mince, 
 which IMato and other friends enfrajrod to pay for him. Instead 
 of a fine, he assorted that he ouj^dit to be; maintained in the Pry- 
 tanoum at the public expense, as a public benolactor. This tone 
 soenis to have enraged the dicasts, and he was condemned to 
 death. 
 
 It happened tliat the vessel wliieh jirocecded to Delos on the 
 annual dej)utation to the festival had sailed the day before his 
 condemnation ; and during its absence it was unlawful to put any 
 one to death. Socrates was tlms kept in prison during 30 days, 
 till the return of the vessel. Ho spent the interval in philo- 
 sopliical conversations with his friends. Crito, one of these, 
 arranged a scheme for his escape by bribing the gaoler ; but 
 Socrates, as might be expected from the tone of liis defence, 
 resolutely refused to save his life by a breach of the law. His 
 last discourse, on the day of his death, turned on the inunor- 
 tality of the soul, and has boon recorded, and probably em- 
 bellished, in the Phccdo of Plato. With a firm and cheeri'ul 
 countenance he drank the cup of hemlock amidst his sorrowing 
 and weeping friends. His last words were addressed to Crito : — 
 " Crito, we owe a cock to /Esculapius ;* discharge the debt, and 
 by no moans omit it." 
 
 Tims perished the greatest and most original of the Grecian 
 philosophers, whoso uninspired wisdom made the nearest ap- 
 proach to the divine morality of the Gospel. 
 
 * In allusion to the sacrifice usually offered by sick persons to that 
 deity on their recovery. 
 
 ecu K PATH C 
 Bust of Socrates.
 
 The Pactolus at Sardis. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 THE SPARTAN AND TIIEBAN SUPREMACIES. 
 
 B.C. 403—371. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRUS, AND RETREAT 
 OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 
 
 § 1. Causes of the Expedition. § 2. Cj'nis engages an army of Greek 
 mercenaries. Their character. § 3. March to Tarsus. § 4. Discon- 
 tent of tlie Greeks. March to Myriandrus. § 5. Passage of the Eu- 
 phrates, and mai-ch througli the desert. § G. Battle of Cunaxa, and 
 death of Cyrus. § 7. Dismay of the Greeks. Preparations for retreat. 
 S 8. Retreat of tl»e army to the Greater Zab. Seizure of the generals. 
 § 9. Election of Xcnophon and others as generals. § 10. March from 
 the Zab to the confines of the Carduchi. March across the mountains 
 of the Carduchi. § 11- Progress through Armoiiin. § 12. March 
 throutrh the country of the Taochi, ChalyV)cs, Scythini, Maerones. and 
 Colchi to Trapezus on the Euxine. § 13. March along the coast of 
 the Euxine to Chrysopolis. Passage to Byzantium. § 14. Proceed-
 
 •120 HISTORY OF GREECIl Chap. XXXVL 
 
 imjH 111 I'.yziiiiliiim. g ITj. Tin; Grcflts fiitfr tlm P(;rvicc of Seiithcs. 
 § J(i. An; (Migu^cd hy tlic J>ii(M;(Ja-iiioiiiiuiH. J.di-I cxploitH of the uniiy, 
 and retiieiiifiit of Xt-noplion. 
 
 ^ 1. TiiK intervi'iitioii of Cyrus in llio adiiirs of Greece, related 
 in llic prceediiig ]«)ok, led to a reinarkaMo ejjisode in Grecian 
 history, wliich strongly illustrates the contrast between the 
 Greeks and Asiatics. This was the celebrated expedition of 
 Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes, in which the superiority 
 of" Grecian to Asiatic soldiers was so strikingly shown. It was 
 the first symptom of the repulsion of the tide of conquest, which 
 had in former times flowed from east to west, and the harbinger 
 of tho.se future victorious expeditions into Asia which were to 
 be conducted by Agesilaus and Alexander the Great. 
 
 It has been already mentioned, in the account of the death of 
 Alcibiades, that Cyrus was forming designs against the throne 
 of his brother Artaxerxes. The death of their father, Darius 
 Nothus, took })lace about the beginning of the year u.c. 401, 
 shortly before the battle of JEgospotami. Cyrus, who was pre- 
 sent at his father's death, was charged by Tissaphernes with 
 plotting against the new monarch. The accusation was believed 
 by Artaxerxes, who seized his brother, and would have put 
 him to death, but for the intercession of their mother, Parjsatis, 
 who persuaded him not only to spare Cyrus, but to confirm him 
 in his former government. Cyrus returned to Sardis, burning 
 with revenge, and fully resolved to make an effort to dethrone 
 his brother. 
 
 ^ 2. From his intercourse with the Greeks Cyrus had become 
 aware of their superiority to the Asiatics, and of their usefelness 
 in such an enterprise as he now contemplated. The peace which 
 followed the capture of Athens seemed favourable to his projects. 
 Many Greeks, bred up in the practice of war during the long 
 struggle between that city and Sparta, were now deprived of 
 their employment, whilst many more had been driven into exile 
 by the establishment of the Spartan oligarchies in the various 
 contpiered cities. Under the pretence of" a private war with the 
 satrap Tissaphernes, Cyi-us enlisted large numbers of them in 
 his service. The Greek, in whom he placed most confidence, and 
 who collected for him the largest number of mercenaries, was 
 Clearchus, a Laceda?monian, and formerly harmost of Byzantiimi, 
 who liad been condemned to death by the Spartan authorities 
 for disobedience to tJieir orders. 
 
 It was not, however, till the beginnuig of the year B.C. 401, 
 that the enterprise of Cyrus was ripe for execution. The Greek 
 levies were then withdrawn from the various townrs in which 
 thev Avere distributed, and concentrated in Sardis to the number
 
 422 HISTORY OV flRKF/;!-: Chap. XXXVl 
 
 of 7 700 hoplitcs, and 500 lif^lil-ariiH'd iKKips; and in Mardi or 
 April of lliis jL-ar Cyrus iiiarclifd fiom S.irdi.s willi llii-rn, and 
 witli ail army of 100,000 Asiatics. Tin: object of the fxjx'dition 
 was ])r()(;lauaL"d to hn an attack ujum tliu riiountain-frcelKKjtcrs 
 of Pisidia ; its real destination was a secret to every one except 
 Cyrus himself and Cleardiiis. 
 
 The Greeks who took part in this expedition were not mere 
 adventurers and outcasts ; many of thern had some position in 
 their own cities, and several were even opulent. Yet tlic hope of 
 gain, founded on tlie riches of Persia, and on the known liberality 
 of Cyrus, was the motive which allured them. Arncnig them was 
 Xcnophon, an Atlienian knight, to whom we owe a narrative of 
 the expedition. He went as a volunteer, at the invitation of his 
 friend I'roxenus, a Boeotian, and one of the generals of Cyrus. 
 
 ^ 3. The march of Cvrus was directed through Lydia and 
 Phrygia. After passing Colossie he arrived at Cela;na;, where he 
 halted thirty days to await the arrival of Ck-archus with the re- 
 serves and reinlorcements. Tiie grand total of the Greeks, when 
 reviewed here by Cyrus, amounted to 11,000 hoplites and 2000 
 peltasts. The line of march, which had been hitherto straight 
 npon Pisidia, was now directed northwards. Cyrus passed in suc- 
 cession the Phrygian towns of Pelta?, Ceramon Agora, the Plain 
 of Cayster, Thymbrium, and Tyriajum. At the last of these 
 places he was met by Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis the here- 
 ditary prince of Cilicia. Epyaxa supplied him with money 
 enough to furnish four months' pay to the (j reeks, who had pre- 
 viously been murmuring at the irregularity with which they 
 received their stipend. A review was then held, in which the 
 Greeks, in their best array, and with newly-furbished shields and 
 armour, went through their evolutions, and executed a mock 
 charge with such efl'ect that Epyaxa jumped out of her palanquin 
 and fled in all'right, followed by a great part of the Asiatics. 
 Cyrus was delighted at seeing the terror which the Greeks in- 
 spired. 
 
 From Tyria^um Cyrus marched to leouium (now Konieli), the 
 last city in Phrygia, and from thence through Lycaonia to Dana, 
 south of which lay the pass across Mount Taurus into Cilicia. 
 This pass, called the Gates of Taurus, or the Cilician Gates, was 
 occupied by Syennesis. But the resistance of that prince, Mho 
 was a vassal of the Persian crown, was in fact a mere feint. He 
 had already, as we have seen, supplied Cyrus with money through 
 his wife ; and he now abandoned his impregnable position, and 
 retired first to Tarsus, and thence to an inaccessible fortress in 
 the mountains. But, when Cyrus arrived at Tarsus, Syennesis, 
 at the first invitation of his wife, repaired thither, and furnished
 
 B.C. 401. PASSAGE OF THE EUPHRATES. 423 
 
 the young prince with a supply of money and a contingent of 
 troops for his expedition. 
 
 § 4. Pisidia had now been passed, and the Greeks plainly saw 
 that they had been deceived, and that the expedition was de- 
 signed against the Persian king. Seized with alarm at the pro- 
 spect of so long a march, they declared their resolution to pro- 
 ceed no farther. But they had already advanced so far that to 
 retreat seemed as difficult and dangerous as to advance ; and, 
 after considerable hesitation and delay, they sent a deputation 
 to Cyrus to ask him what his real intentions were. Cyrus re- 
 plied that his design was to march against his enemy, Abrocomas, 
 satrap of Syria, who was encamped on the banks of the Euphrates. 
 The Greeks, thcugh they still suspected a delusion, contented 
 themselves with this answer in the face of their present diffi- 
 culties, especially as Cyrus promised to raise their pay from one 
 Daric to one Daric and a half a month. The whole army then 
 marched forwards to Issus, the last town in Cilicia, seated 
 on the gulf of the same name. Here they met the fleet, which 
 brought them a reinforcement of 1100 Greek soldiers, thus 
 raising the Grecian force to about 14,000 men. 
 
 Abrocomas, who commanded for the Great King in Syria and 
 Phcenicia, alarmed at the rapid progress of Cyrus, fled before 
 him with all his army, reported as 300,000 strong ; abandoning 
 the impregnable pass situated one day's march from Issus, and 
 known as the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. This pass was a narro^v 
 road, nearly half a mile in length, lying between the sea and 
 Mount Amanus, and enclosed at either end by gates. Marching 
 in safety through this pass, the army next reached Myriandrus, 
 a sea-port of Phoenicia, where the Grecian generals Xenias and 
 Pasion deserted, and hired a merchant-vessel to convey them 
 home. Cyrus might easily have captured them with his triremes, 
 but declined to do so ; — conduct which won for him the confidence 
 and love of the army. 
 
 ^ 5. Cyrus now struck off into the interior, over Mount Ama- 
 nus. Twelve days' march brought him to Thapsacus on the 
 Euphrates, where for the first time he formally notified to the 
 army that he was marching to Babylon against his brother 
 Artaxerxes. At this intelligence loud murmurs again broke forth 
 from the Grecian ranks, and accusations against the generals ct 
 having deceived them. The discontent, however, was by no 
 means so violent as that which had been manifested at Tarsus. 
 The real object of the march had evidently been suspected 
 beforehand by the soldiers, and the premise of a large donativo 
 soon induced them to proceed. The water happened to be very 
 low, scarcely reaching to the breast ; and Abrocomas made no
 
 424 HISTORY OF CKVA-TAl Ciiai-. XXXVI. 
 
 attempt to dispute the passage. Thr; army now enterefl upon 
 ihe (le.sert, where the (t reeks were struek witli tlie mncl hijrhts 
 whieh uiet their view, and at ouce amused and exhau.sted them- 
 selves iu the ch'Ase of" the wild a.ss antl the aulelnpc, or in the 
 vain pursuit of the scuddiufr oslrieh. Alter several days of toil- 
 some mareh, the army at leiijrlh rt^acheil I'yla;, llie enlraiiee into 
 the cultivated plains of Babylonia, where tliey halted a few days 
 to refresh themselves. 
 
 \ G. Soon after leaving that place symptoms became per- 
 ceptible of a vast hostile force moving in their front. The 
 exaggerated reports of deserters stated it at 1,200,00U men ; its 
 real strength was about 1)00,000. In a characteristic address 
 Cyrus exliortcd the Greeks to take no heed of the multitude of 
 their enemies ; they would find in them, he affirmed, nothing but 
 numbers and noise, and if they could bring them-selves to despise 
 the.se, they would soon find of what worthless stufT the natives 
 were compo.sed. The army then march<'d cautiously forwards, 
 in order of battle, along the left bank of the Euphrates. Tiiey 
 soon came upon a huge trench, 30 feet broad and lb deep, which 
 Artaxerxes had cau.sed to be dug across the plain for a length 
 of about 42 English miles, reaching from the Euphrates to the 
 wall of Media. Between it and the river was left only a narrow 
 passage about 20 feet broad ; yet Cyrus and his army ibund with 
 surprise that this pass was left entirely undefended. This cir- 
 cumstance inspired them with a contempt of the enemy, and 
 induced them to proceed in careless array ; but on the next day 
 but one after passing the trench, on arriving at a place called 
 Cuudxa, they were surprised with the intelligence that Artaxerxes 
 was approaching with all his forces. Cyrus immediately drew up 
 his army in order of battle. The Greeks were posted on the 
 right, whilst Cyrus himself, surrounded by a picked body-guard 
 of 600 Persian cuirassiers, took up his station in the centre. It 
 was long, however, before the army of the Great King appeared 
 in sight. A white cloud of dust in the extreme distance gave the 
 first indication of their approach. Out of this an undefined and 
 ominous dark spot began gradually to emerge ; presently arms 
 and armour glanced in the sunbeams ; and at length the whole 
 array of the enemy became discernible, advancing in dense and 
 threatening masses. On their left wing, and consequently op- 
 posed to the Greeks, appeared Tissaphernes, at the head of the 
 Pei-sian horsemen, with white cuirasses ; on his right the Persian 
 bowmen with their gcrrka, or light wicker shields, which they 
 planted in the ground, and from behind them shot their arrows ; 
 next, the array of the Egyptian infantry, whose long wooden 
 sliields '■•overed their whole body from head to foot. In front
 
 B.C. 401. BATTLE OF CUNAXA. 425 
 
 was a line of chariots, having scythes attached to the wheels, and 
 which were to lead the charge. The Persian line was so vast 
 that its centre extended beyond the left of Cyrus. Before the 
 battle began Cyrus desired Clearchus to attack the Persian 
 centre, where the king in person was posted. But Clearchus, 
 whose right rested on the river, cared not to withdraw from that 
 position, lest he should be surrounded by the superior numbers 
 of the enemy, and therefore returned a general answer that he 
 would manage everything for the best. His over-precaution oc- 
 casioned the defeat and death of Cyrus. When the enemy were 
 about half a mile distant, the Greeks chai-ged them with the 
 usual war-shout. The Persians did not await their onset, but 
 turned and fled. Tissaphernes and his cavalry alone ofiered any 
 resistance ; the remainder of the Persian left was routed without 
 a blow. As Cyrus was contemplating the easy victory of the 
 Greeks, his followers surrounded him, and already saluted him 
 with the title of king. But the centre and right of Artaxerxes 
 still remained unbroken ; and that monarch, unaware of the 
 defeat of his left wing, ordered the right to wheel and encompass 
 the army of Cyrus. No sooner did Cyru?; perceive this move- 
 ment than with his body-guard he impetuously charged the 
 enemy's centre, where Artaxerxes himself stood, surrounded with 
 6000 horse. The latter were routed and dispersed, and were fol- 
 lowed so eagerly by the guards of Cyrus, that he was left almost 
 alone with the select few called his " Table Companions." In this 
 situation he caught sight of his brother Artaxerxes, whose per- 
 son was revealed by the flight of his troops, when, maddened at 
 once by rage and ambition, he shouted out, " I see the man 1" 
 and rushed at him with his handful of companions. Hurling 
 his javelin at his brotber, he wounded him in the breast, but 
 was himself speedily overborne by superior nmnbers and slain 
 on the spot. 
 
 § 7. Meanwhile, Clearchus had pursued the flying enemy up- 
 wards of tbree miles ; but hearing that the Kings troops were 
 victorious on the left and centre, he retraced his steps, again 
 routing the Persians who endeavoured to intercept him. When 
 the Greeks regained their camp they found that it had been 
 completely plundered, and were consequently obliged to go sup- 
 perless to rest. It was not till the following day that they 
 learned the death of Cyrus ; tidings which converted their 
 triumph into sorrow and dismay. A Greek in the service of 
 Artaxer.xes now appeared in tbeir camp, with a message re- 
 quiring them to lay dov/n tbeir arms. " If the King," replied 
 the Grecian generals, "tbiiiks himself strong enough, let him 
 come and take theiu." But they were in a diflicult position.
 
 426 JIISTORV OF (JliKKCK Ciiai-. XXX VL 
 
 Tlu-y wore desirous tliat Arifrus, wlio iu)\v' cornriifUKlffl ihc anny 
 oi Cyrus, should lay claiin to llic I'l-rsiau crown, and oiii-rcd 1o 
 su])j»ort liis j)rcl(usions ; but Aria-us answmd that the I't-rsian 
 {rrandc'cs would not tolerate sueh a elairu ; that lie intende*! iiri- 
 inediali'ly to retreat; and that if the (ireeks wislied to aeeorn- 
 jjaiiy hiui, they must join liiin duriujr the Hillowii.fr iii<.'ht. This 
 was aeeordiufrly done ; when oaths of recijimral fidelity were 
 iuterelianped hetweeu tlie Greeiau generals and Aria.-us, and 
 sanetilied by a solemn saerilire. 
 
 The ditlieult question now arose how tlieir retreat was to be 
 conducted. They were nearly 1500 miles irorn Sardis, and were 
 to lind their own way back, without priides, and by a new route, 
 since the former one was impracticable on account of the desert 
 and the want of provisions. Moreover, tliouph they miplit easily 
 defy the Persian infantry, however numerous, yet tlie Persian 
 cavalry, ever hovering on their rear, would prove a formidable 
 obstacle to their retreat. They commenced their march ea.st- 
 wards towards some Babylonian villages, where they hoped to 
 find supplies ; but on reaching tliem at the end ol" a long day's 
 march, they found that they had been plundered, and that no 
 provisions were to be obtained. 
 
 On the following day a message arrived from the Persian king, 
 with a proposal to treat for peace on equal temis. Clearchus 
 afi'ected to treat the otI(?r with great indilierence, and made it an 
 opportunity for procuring provisions. '■ Tell your king," said he 
 to the envoys, " that we must first fight ; for we have had no 
 breakfast, nor will any man presume to talk to the Greeks about 
 a truce, without first providing for them a breakfast." This 
 was agreed to, and guides were sent to conduct the Greeks to 
 some villages where Ihey might obtain food. In these all the 
 riches of Babylon were spread before them. Com in vast abun- 
 dance, dates of such size and flavour as they had never before 
 seen, wine made from the date palm ; in short, luxun,- and 
 abundance in place of their late scanty fare and privations. 
 Whilst they were enjoying thece quarters, they received a visit 
 from Tissa])hernes, who came in great state. He pretended 
 much friendship towards them, and said that he had come from 
 the Great King to inquire the reason of their expedition. Cle- 
 archus replied — Avliat was indeed true of the greater part of the 
 army — that they had not come thither with any design to attack 
 the king, but had been enticed forwards by Cyrus undvr false 
 pretences; that their only desire at present was to return home ; 
 but that if any obstacle was otlered, they Avere prepared to repel 
 hostilities. In a day or two Tissaphernes returned, und with 
 some parade stated that he had with great diiiiculty obtained
 
 B.C. 401. RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 427 
 
 permission to save the Greek army ; that he was ready to con- 
 duct them in person into Greece, and to supply them with 
 provisions, for which, however, they were to pay ; but if he 
 tailed to supply them, then they were to be at liberty to help 
 themselves. An agreement was accordingly entered into to this 
 effect. 
 
 Artaxerxes, indeed, seems to have been heartily desirous of 
 getting rid of them. They were now within 90 miles of Baby- 
 ion, in a rich country intersected by canals, and easily defensible 
 against cavalry. But a painful interval of twenty days ensued 
 during Avhicli Tissaphernes neglected to return ; whilst at the 
 same time the suspicions of tiie Greeks were excited by the 
 friendly messages which Ariaeus received from Artaxerxes, with 
 promises of oblivion and forgiveness of his past conduct. At 
 length, however, TissapheruLj returned, and undertook the di- 
 rection of the homeward march. 
 
 ^8. The xroops of Ariajus were now mingled with those of 
 Tissaphernes, whilst the Greeks followed the combined army 
 at a distance of three miles. In three days' march they reached 
 the wall of Media, and passed through it. This wall was 100 
 feet high and 20 feet broad, and was said to extend a distance 
 of 70 miles. Two days more brought them to the Tigris, which 
 they cro-ssed on the following morning by a bridge of boats. 
 They then marched northward, arriving in four davs at the river 
 Physcus and a large city called Opis. Six days' further march 
 through a deserted part of Media brought them to some villages 
 belonging to queen Parysatis, which, out of enmity to her as 
 the patron of Cyrus, Tissaphernes abandoned to be plundered 
 by the Greeks. From thence they proceeded in five days to the 
 river Zabatus, or Greater Zab, having previously crossed the 
 Lesser Zab, which X^'uojihon neglects to mention. In the first 
 of these five days tliey saw on the opposite side of the Tigris 
 a large city called CsenfB, the inhabitants of which brought 
 over provisions to them. At the Greater Zab they halted 
 three days. Mistrust, and even slight hostilities, had been 
 already manifested between the Greeks and Persians, but they 
 now became so serious that Clearchus demanded an interview 
 with Tissaphernes. The latter protested the greatest fidelity 
 and friendship towards the Greeks, and promised to dehver to 
 the Greek generals, on the following day, the calunmiators who 
 had set the two armies at variance. But when Clearchus, with 
 four other generals, accompanied by some lochages, or captains, 
 and 200 soldiers, entered the Persian camp, according to appoint- 
 ment, the captains and soldiers were immediately cut down ; 
 whilst the five generals were seized, put into irons, and sent to
 
 428 HISTORY OF (JIIKKCK. Ciiai-. XXXVI. 
 
 tlio Persian court. AlU-r a .yliort iiii|irirf()iirM<;iit, four of tlicrn 
 were beheaded ; the liilh, Meiioii, wlio pretended lliat lie liad 
 betrayed his coUea^'ues into the liands ol Tissajilienies, warf at 
 first spared ; hut alter a year's delcntion was j)Ut to death with 
 tortures. 
 
 This scene! n.ilurally pniihicrd ;i connnotion in the Persian 
 camp ; and the (i reeks who observed it Iroin afar, warned by one 
 ot' the conijianions ol" tlie f.'enerals, who carne runnin<( wounded 
 towards theui, ruslied to arms in expectation of a peneral attack. 
 None, liowever, lijUowed ; but Aria;us rode up at the liead of 
 300 horse, and relatin<^ to the Greeks the fate of iheir generals, 
 called upon them to surrender. 
 
 § 9. It seems to have been the opinion of the Persians that 
 under these circumstances the Greeks would feel themselves 
 completely helpless ; but some of the Greek oflicers stepped 
 forward and dismissed Aria-us with indifmant reproaches. Yet 
 apprehension and dismay reigned among the Greeks. Their 
 situation was, indeed, appalling. They were considerably more 
 than a thousand miles from home, in a hostile and unknown 
 country, hemmed in on all sides by impassable rivers and moun- 
 tains, without generals, without guides, without ])rovisions. 
 Despair seemed to have seized on all. Leaving their watch- 
 ilres unlighted and their suppers uncooked, tliey threw tliem- 
 sclves on the ground, not to sleep, but to ruminate on tiicir 
 forlorn condition. Xenophon slumbered, indeed, but his fancy 
 was filled with the images naturally conjured up by his des)jeratc 
 situation. He dreamed that a thunderbolt had struck his pa- 
 ternal house, and enveloped it in fiames. This partly favourable 
 and partly unfavourable omen indicated at all events a message 
 from Jove ; and the superstition which formed so marked a trait 
 in his character, led him to consider it as a warning to rise and 
 bestir himself. He immediately got up, and calling an assembly 
 of the captains, impressed upon them the danger of their posi- 
 tion, and the necessity ior taking immediate precautions. Xeno- 
 phon, though young, possessed as an Athenian citizen some 
 claim to distinction ; and his animated address showed liim 
 fitted for command. He was saluted general on the spot ; and 
 in a subsequent assembly was, with i'our others, lbrn)-dly elected 
 to that ollice. 
 
 s^ 1 0. The (xreeks, liavinglu'st destroyed their superfluous baggage, 
 crossed the G reater Zab, and pursued their march on the other bank. 
 Tissaphernes preceded them with )iis host, hut without daring 
 to dispute their passage or molest their route : though some 
 cavalry, under Mithridates, annoyed the rear guard with their 
 missiles. In order to meet this species of attack, a small body
 
 B.C. 401. RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 429 
 
 of 50 horse and 200 Rhodian glingcrs was organized. It was 
 found highly useful, as the leaden bullets of the Rhodians car- 
 ried farther than the stones of the Persian slingers. Another 
 day's march brought the (-rreeks to the Tigris, near the deserted 
 city of Larissa, 7 miles in circumference, with walls 25 feet thick 
 and 100 ieet high. Pursuing the course of the Tigris they ar- 
 rived on the following day at Mespila, another deserted city. It 
 was in this neighbourhood that Nineveh was situated, and, 
 according to a moderr. theory, the two were both formerly com- 
 prised under the name of Nnieveh. Larissa seems to be repre- 
 sented by the mound now called Nimroud, and Mespila by that 
 of Kotajunjik, opposite the modern town of Mosul. 
 
 The march from Mespila to the mountainous country of the 
 Carduchi occupied several days, in which the Greeks sufiered 
 much from the attacks of the enemy. 
 
 sMl. Their future route was now a matter of serious per- 
 plexity. On their left lay the Tigris, so deep that they could 
 not fathom it with their spears ; while in their front rose the 
 steep and lofty mountains of the Carduchi, which came so near 
 the river as hardly to leave a passage for its waters. A Rhodian 
 soldier proposed to transport the army across the Tigris by 
 means of inflated skins ; hut the appearance of large masses of 
 the enemy's cavalry on the opposite bank rendered this inge- 
 nious scheme impracticable. As all other roads seemed barred, 
 they formed the resolution of striking into the mountains of the 
 Carduchi, — a tribe of lierce and warlike highlanders, who, though 
 surrounded on all sides by the domuiions of the Persian king, 
 had succeeded in maintaining their independence. On the 
 farther side of these mountains lay Armenia, where both the 
 Tigris and the Euphrates might be forded near their sources. 
 The Clreeks found the first movnitain-pass undefended, and de- 
 scended thence into some villages ; but all their attempts to 
 conciliate the inhabitants proved unavailing. Every pass was 
 disputed. Sometimes huge rocks were hurled down on the 
 deliling army ; sometimes they were attacked by the Carduchian 
 slingers and bowmen. The latter were of extraordinary skill, 
 and their bows and arrows of such strength as to pierce the 
 shields and corslets, and even the brazen helmets of the Greeks. 
 After a diflicult and dangerous march of seven days, during 
 which their sufierings were far greater than any they had ex- 
 perienced from the Persians, the army at length emerged into the 
 plain, and reached the river Centrites, the boundary of Ar- 
 menia. 
 
 ^ 12. Their first attempts to cross the Centrites failed. The 
 cavalry of Tiribazus, satrap of Armenia, lined the opposite baidc
 
 48U HISTORY OK (JliKECE Ciiai. XXX VI. 
 
 rtfllio river, which was 200 fi-t-t hroiul, iij) to lliu neck in depth, 
 with a rapid current, and sh|i|)ery Ijottoiii. All llie eliorlK of 
 the (ireeks to l()nl il jiroved ahortive; and aa llie Cardnohi 
 were threateniiifj their rear, their situation seemed ahofjether 
 desperate. On the liillowinff inorinnir, liowever, two youup men 
 fortunately discovered a ford ahout half a mile liifrher up the 
 stream, hy which the whole army suceeded in gettirifr across. 
 They now prosecuted their march in Armenia, and in three clays 
 arrived at some villajfes situated on the river Teleboas. Here 
 Tirihazus proposed to thein that they sliould procec-d unmolested 
 throujrh his satrapy, taking what supplies they wanted, hut with- 
 out damagiufj; the villa<,'es. Duriufr the first part of tlieir march 
 Tirihazus kept his Avord, and the only annoyance they lelt was 
 the severity of the weather. It was now the month of December, 
 and Armenia was cold and exposed, beinp a table-land raised hifrh 
 above the level of the sea. \yhilst haltinjj near some well sup- 
 plied villajres, the (t reeks Avere overtaken by two deep falls of 
 snow, which almost buried them in their open bivouacs. Hence 
 a five days' march brought them to the eastern branch of the 
 Euphrates. Crossing the river, they proceeded on the other 
 side of it over plains covered with a deep snow, and in the face 
 of a biting north wind. Here many of the slaves and bea.«ts 
 of burthen, and even a few of the soldiers, fell victims to the 
 cold. Some had their feet frost-bitten; some were blinded by 
 the snow ; whilst others, exhausted with cold and hunger, sunk 
 down and died. The army next arrived at some singular vil- 
 lages consisting of dwellings excavated in the earth, and entered 
 by means of a ladder through an opening like a well. As these 
 villages were plentifully stocked with cattle, com, vegetables, 
 and beer, they here took up their quarters for a week, in order 
 to refresh themselves. On the morning after their amval, they 
 despatched a detachment which brouglit in most of the soldiers 
 left behind during the march. On the eighth day they pro- 
 ceeded on their way, ascending the banks of the Phasis. not the 
 celebrated river of that name, but 2)robably the one usually called 
 Araxes. 
 
 § 13. From thence they fought their Avay through the country 
 of the Taochi and Chalydes, both of them brave and warlike 
 tribes. Then, after crossing the Harpasus (the modern 2\/ioro//k), 
 they reached the country of the Scythini, in whose territory they 
 found abundance in a large and populous city called Gynuiias. 
 The chief of this place having engaged to conduct them within 
 sight of the Eiixine, they proceeded for five days mider liis 
 guidance ; when, aftei- ascending a mountain, the sea suddenly 
 burst on the view of the vanguard. The men proclaimed their
 
 B.C. 401. AREIVE AT TRAPEZUS, ON THE EUXINE. 431 
 
 joy by loud shouts of " The sea I the sea I" The rest of the 
 army hurried to the summit, and gave vent to their joy and 
 exuhation iir tears and mutual embraces. With spontaneous 
 impulse they erected a pile of stones, by way of trophy, to mark 
 the spot ; and dismissed their guide with many presents and 
 expressions of the warmest gratitude. 
 
 The Greeks now entered the country of the Macrones, with 
 whom they opened negotiations through a peltast conversant 
 with their language, and agreed for an unmolested passage and 
 the purchase of provisions. The Colchians, through whose ter- 
 ritory the march next lay, attempted to oppose their progress, 
 but were soon dispersed. The honey of this region produced a 
 singular efiect upon the Greeks. It was grateful to the palate, 
 and when eaten in moderation produced a species of intoxication ; 
 but those who partook largely of it were seized with vomiting 
 and diarrhoea, and thrown into a state resembling madness. 
 
 Two days' further march at length brought them to the ob- 
 jects for which they had so often pined, and which many at one 
 time had never hoped to see again — a Grecian city and the sea. 
 By the inhabitants of Trapezus or Trebizond, on the Euxine, 
 where they had now arrived, they were hospitably received, and 
 being cantoned in some Colchian villages near the town, re- 
 freshed themselves after the hardships they had undergone by a 
 repose of thirty days. They also seized this opportunity to dis- 
 charge the vows which they had made for a safe deliverance, 
 after the capture and massacre of their generals by Tissaphernes, 
 by ofiering up sacrifices to Jove the Preserver, Hercules the Con- 
 ductor, and other gods. Solemn games followed and completed 
 these sacred ceremonies. 
 
 § 14. The most difficult part of the return of the Ten Thou- 
 sand was now accomplished, but much still remained to be done. 
 The sight of the sea awakened in the army a universal desire to 
 prosecute the remainder of their journey on that element. 
 " Comrades," exclaimed a Thurian soldier, " I am weary of pack- 
 ing up, of marching and ruiniing, of shouldering arms and falling 
 into line, of standing sentinel and lighting. For my part I 
 shonld like to get rid of all these labours, and go home by sea 
 the rest of the way, so that I might arrive in Greece outstretched 
 and asleep, like Ulysses of old." The shouts of applause which 
 greeted this address showed that the Thurian had touched the 
 right chord ; and when Chirisophus, one of the principal officers, 
 oflered to proceed to Byzantium and endeavour to procure 
 transports tor the conveyance of the army, his proposal was joy- 
 fully accepted. Meanwhile, the Ten Thousand were employed 
 in marauding expeditions, and in collecting all the vessels possible,
 
 482 IIISTOUV OF (WIKI'X'H Ciiai". XXXVL 
 
 in r;is(* r'liii i>()|)lm.s slioiild liiil iii f)l)t;iiiiiii<.' tin; rfrjuisitc sii)i|»ly. 
 That nlliccr ilcl,i\c'il 1() ictiirii ; provisions frnnv (?carc'(;, :iii(J the 
 army liiiiml ilsrlf cnnijicllrd io '•vacuatc Trap-zus. Vcsm'Is 
 i:iu)ii;,'li liail liicii cdlk-cU'd to lraM«|iort tlir woincii, the nick, and 
 the bajr^'a;,'!' to L'Liasns, whither the army profcfdrd by land. 
 Here tliey remained ten days, dnrinj.' which tlicy were rnnstercd 
 and reviewed ; when it was found tliat the inirnljer of liophteg 
 still arnonnted to H()00, and with peltasls, bowmen, ^c. made 
 a total of more than lO.OiJO rnen 
 
 From Gerasus they pnrsned their joiirnev to Cotyora, throuj.di 
 the territories of the Mosyna'ci and Clialyhes. They wereohlijreil 
 to fight their way throu^rh the former of these pefjjde, caj)tnrinf{ 
 and i)lun(lerin<if the wooden towers in which they dwelt, and 
 from which they derived their name. At Cotyora tliey waited 
 in vain for Chirisophus and the transports. Many difrieiiltics 
 still stood in the way of their return. The inhabitants of Sinope 
 re])re.sented to them that a march through Paphlagonia was im- 
 practicable, and the means of a passage by sea were not at 
 hand. After remaining 45 days at Cotyora a sufficient number 
 of vessels was collected to convey the arrny to Sino})e. A pas- 
 sage of 24 hours brought them to that town, where they were 
 hospitably received and lodged in the neighbouring sea-port of 
 Arrnene. Here they were jonied by Chirisophus, M'ho, however, 
 brought with him only a single trireme. From iSinojie the army 
 proceeded to Heraclea, and from thence to Calpe, where Chiri- 
 sophus died. From Calpe they marched across Bithynia to 
 Chrysopolis, a town immediately opposite to Byzantium, where 
 they spent a week in realizing the booty -which they had brought 
 Avith them. 
 
 ^ 15. The satrap Pharnabazus was desirous that the Greeks 
 should evacuate Asia Minor ; and, at his instance, Anaxibius, 
 the Lacedaemonian admiral on the station, induced them to cross 
 over by promising to provide tliem with pay Avhen they should 
 liave reached the other side. But instead of fulfilling his agree- 
 ment, Anaxibius ordered them, after their arrival at Byzantium, 
 to proceed to the Thraeian Chersonese, where the Lacedaemonian 
 harmost, Cyniscus, would find them pay ; and during this long 
 march of 150 miles they were directed to suj)port themselves by 
 plundering the Thraeian villages. Preparatory to the march 
 they were ordered to muster outside the walls of Byzantium. 
 But the (t reeks, irritated by the deception Avhich had been 
 practised on them, and which, through want of caution on the 
 part of Anaxibius, became knoAvn to them before they had all 
 quitted the town, prevented the gates from being closed, and 
 rushed in infuriated masses back into the citv, utterinjr loud
 
 B.C. 400. RETURN TO EUROPE. 433 
 
 threats and bent on plunder and havoc. The hves and property 
 of the citizens were at their mercy ; for at the first alarm Anaxi- 
 bius had retired with his troops into the citadel, Vvhilst the 
 afi'righted inhabitants were either barricading their houses, or 
 flying to the ships for refuge. In this conjuncture Xenophon 
 felt that the destruction of a city like Byzantium would draw 
 down upon the army the vengeance not merely of the Lacedae- 
 monians, but of all Greece. \\ ith great presence of mind, and 
 under colour of aiding their designs, he caused the soldiers to 
 form in an open square called the Thracian, and by a well-timed 
 speech diverted them from their designs. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, the army entered into the service of 
 Seuthes, a Thracian prince, who was anxious to recover his 
 sovereignty over three revolted tribes. But after they had ac- 
 complished this object, Seuthes neglected to provide the pay 
 which he had stipulated, or to fulfil the magnificent promises 
 which he had made to Xenophon personally, of giving him his 
 daughter in marriage, and putting him in possession of the town 
 of Bisanthe. 
 
 The army, now reduced to GOOO, was thus again thrown into 
 difficulties, when it entered on the last phase of its checkered 
 career by engaging to serve the Lacedfemonians in a war which 
 they had just declared against the satraps Tissaphernes and 
 Pharnabazus. Xenophon accordingly conducted his comrades to 
 Pergamus in Mysia, where a considerable booty fell into their 
 bonds by the capture of a castle not far from that place. Xeno- 
 phon was allowed to select the choicest lots from the booty thus 
 acquired, as a tribute of gratitude and admiration for the ser- 
 vices which he had rendered. 
 
 Shortly after this adventure, in the spring of B.C. 399, Thim- 
 bron, the Lacedaemonian commander, arrived at Pergamus, and 
 the remainder of the Ten Thousand Greeks became incorporated 
 with his army. Xenophon now returned to Athens, where he 
 must have arrived shortly after the execution of his master 
 Socrates. Disgusted probably by that event, he rejoined his 
 old comrades in Asia, and subsequently returned to Greece along 
 with Agesilaus, as we have already related.* 
 
 * See p. 412. 
 U
 
 Chora"ic Monument of Lvsicrates. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXYII. 
 
 FROM THE COMMEsrCEMENT OF THE SPARTAN EMPHIE TO THE 
 BATTLE OF CNIDUS. 
 
 § 1. Invasion and reduction of Elis bj- King Agis. §2. Ambitions pro- 
 jects of Lysander. § 3. He procures the throne for Agesilaus. g 4. 
 Character of Agesilaus. § 5. >' at ure of the Spartan empire. § 6. Af- 
 fairs of Asia Minor. § 7. Agesilaus proceeds thither. § 8. Mortifies 
 Lysander. § 9. Campaigns of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes and 
 Pharnabazus. §10. Execution of Tissaphernes. §11. Proceedings 
 of Conon. Rhodes revolts from Sparta. § 12. Agesilaus ravages the 
 satrapy of Pharnabazus. Interview between them. § 13. Recall of 
 Agesilaus. § 14. Battle of C nidus.
 
 B.C. 401. ELIS REDUCED BY KING AGIS. 435 
 
 ^ 1 . Resuming the thread of the narrative, we shall now briefly 
 trace the history of the Spartan supremacy, which resulted from 
 the battle of ^gospotami, and the consequent capture of Athens, 
 related in the precednig book. This supremacy lasted altogether 
 34 years, from the victory of jEgospotami in B.C. 405 to the 
 defeat of Leuctra in b.c. 371. It was, however, only during the 
 first nine years of this period that Sparta exercised an undis- 
 puted sway in Greece, since the battle of Cnidus, fought in B.C. 
 394, deprived her of her maritime ascendency, and consequently 
 of much of her power. 
 
 After the fall of Athens Sparta stood without a rival in Greece. 
 The first use she made of her undisputed power was to take 
 vengeance on her neighbours the Eleans fcr some wrongs and 
 insults which she had received at their hands. It will be recol- 
 lected that in the year in which Alcibiades conducted the Athe- 
 nian theory at Olympia with so much splendour, the Eleans had 
 excluded the Spartans from the festival ; and moreover that they 
 had subsequently, in conjunction with Argos and Mantinea, 
 borne arms against Sparta. To these causes of ofience a fresh 
 insult had been recently added, by the exclusion of King Agis 
 from the temple of Olympia, whither he had gone to otier sa- 
 crifice and consult the oracle. The Spartans also viewed with 
 dislike and suspicion the democratical form of government esta- 
 blished in Eiis. Accordingly, they now demanded that the 
 Eleans should make good then- quota of the expenses of the 
 war against Athens, and also that they should relinquish their 
 authority over their dependent townships in the district of 
 Triphyha. Upon the refusal of the Eleans to comply with these 
 demands. King Agis entered their territory at the head of a 
 Lacedaemonian army ni the summer of B.C. 402, but he was in- 
 duced to retire and disband his troops by the unfavourable omen 
 of an earthquake. In the following year, however, he resumed 
 the expedition with more success. Assisted by the allies of 
 Sparta, among whom even the Athenians now furnished their 
 contingent, he ravaged and plundered the territory of Elis, per- 
 formed by force the sacrifice at Olympia from which he had 
 been debarred, and ultimately compelled the Eleans to accept a 
 humiliating peace. Tliis success placed Sparta in a more com- 
 manding position than she had ever before occupied ; and she took 
 advantage of it to root out her ancient enemies the Messenians, 
 soma of whom had been planted by the Athenians in Naupactus, 
 and others in the island of Cephallenia. 
 
 ^ 2. Meanwhile the overgrown wealth and power of Lysander 
 made him ill-satisfied to remain in the condition of a private 
 citizen. Stimulated by the flattery which he received from
 
 436 JlIST(JliV UI" (illKKCE. Chap. XXXVIL 
 
 every quarter, he l)cf^aii to contemplate MJttinjj aside the two 
 ropal Ikmilies of Pansaiiias and Agis, and \ty rendering the crown 
 elective, to pave the way lor his own accession to it. It is to be 
 recollected, however, that at Sparta such a desigri must not bo 
 rcf^arded in quite the same light as in any other monarchy 
 Although the two chief magistrates there enjoyed the title of 
 Basilfus, or King, they were not kings in the modern senK; of th<J 
 term. They were merely hereditary magistrates, enjoving indeed 
 certain privileges, and exercising certain dehnite civil and military 
 functions; but they had no share in the government, which was 
 carried on by the Ephors and the senate, with occasional appeals 
 to the public assembly; and even in the di.scharge of their ap- 
 pointed duties they were subject to the control of the Ephors. 
 
 ^ 3. Aware of the influence of religion over the Spartan mind, 
 Lysander, in pursuance of his .scheme, endeavoured by bribery 
 to procure for it the sanction of the oracles of Delphi, Dodona, 
 and Jove Ammon in Libya. But the priests of those famous 
 temples provmg on this occasion incorruptible, lie employed his 
 influence in obtaining for another the sceptre which had eluded 
 his own grasp. About a year after his campaign in Elis, King 
 Agis died, leaving a son named Leotychides, about fifteen years 
 of age. The legitimacy of Leotychides Avas however doubted, 
 and Agis himself suspected him to be the ofi'spring of Alcibiades. 
 Agesilaus, the younger brother of Agis, but by a diflerent mo- 
 ther, took advantage of these doubts, and being assisted by the 
 powerful influence of Lysander, succeeded in setting aside Leo- 
 tychides and ascending the throne, B.C. 398. 
 
 ^ 4. Agesilaus was now^ forty years of age, and esteemed a 
 model of those virtues more peculiarly deemed Spartan. He was 
 obedient to the constituted authorities, emulous to excel, cou- 
 rageous, energetic, capable of bearing all sorts of hardship and 
 fatigue, simple and frugal in his mode of life. To these severer 
 qualities he added the popular attractions of an agreeable coun- 
 tenance and pleasing address. The character of Agesilaus seems, 
 however, to have been magnified beyond its real w^orth by the 
 indiscriminating panegyrics of his biographers, who relate of 
 him many trivial anecdotes with a sort of unctuous admiration ; 
 and though he was indisputably a good general, yet his cam- 
 paigns present us with little that is striking or decisive. Pre- 
 viously to his accession he had filled no prominent public office, 
 and his character consequently remained in a great measure 
 unknown even to Lysander himself; who erroneously considered 
 him to be of a yielding and manageable disposition, and hoped 
 by a skilful use of those qualities to extend his own influence, 
 and under the name of another to be in reality king himself
 
 B.C. 398. ACCESSION OF AGESILAUS. 437 
 
 The personal defects of Agesilaus at first stood in the way of 
 his promotion. He was not only low in statnre, but also lame 
 of one leg ; and there was an ancient oracle which warned the 
 Spartans to bcM'are " of a lame reign." The ingenuity of Lysan- 
 der, assisted probably by the popidar qualities of Agesilaus, 
 contrived to overcome this objection by interpreting a lame 
 reign to mean not any bodily defect in the king, Dut the reign 
 of one who was not a genuine descendant of Hercules. Once 
 possessed of power, Agesilaus supplied any defect in his title by 
 the prudence and policy of his conduct ; and, by the marked 
 deference which he paid both to the Ephors and the senators, 
 he succeeded in gaining for himself more real power than had 
 been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. The very beginning 
 of his reign was threatened by the conspiracy of Cinadon, one 
 of the poorer class of citizens, but possessing all the pride of an 
 ancient Spartan. The conspn-acy, however, was discovered, and 
 Cinadon and his accomplices were arrested by a stratagem of 
 the Ephors and put to death. 
 
 ^ 5. The discontent which gave birth to this conspiracy ori- 
 ginated in a great measure from the altered condition of Spartan 
 citizens, in consequence of the extension of Spartan power and 
 dominion. Sparta had now stepped into the place of Athens. 
 In the various cities which had belonged to the Athenian em- 
 pire, Lysander established an oligarchical Council of ten, called 
 a DecJian/iy* or Decemvirate, subject to the control of a Spartan 
 Harmost\ or governor. The Decarchies, how^ever, remained only 
 a short time in power, since the Spartan government regarded 
 them with jealousy as the partisans of Lysander ; but Harmosts 
 continued to be placed in every state subject to their empire. 
 The government of the Harmosts was corrupt and oppressive ; 
 no justice could be obtained against them by an appeal to the 
 Spartan authorities at home ; and the Grecian cities soon had 
 cause to regret the milder and more equitable sway of Athens. 
 
 The commencement of the Spartan degeneracy and decay may 
 be dated from her entrance uj)on imperial power. Before the 
 victories of Lysander, iron had formed the only Spartan money. 
 That commander brought vast sums of gold and silver into the 
 public treasury, in spite of the opposition of some of the Ephors, 
 who regarded such a proceeding as a flagrant violation of the 
 ordinances of Lycurgus. Several instances of corruption re- 
 corded in the course of this history have, however, shown that the 
 Spartans \vere far from insensible to the love of money, and that 
 they contrived to gratify it even under the old system. But 
 
 * \cKaQXia. f 'AQ/ioar7j^, lit3rally "0.19 who fits or arranges."
 
 438 HISTORY ()V (iVAlKCK. Chap. XXXVIl. 
 
 properly it<;:u(Ic(1, .'iii (•xtcMisioii ui' llic fiiiiciiry was rendered 
 neeetsury by the altered situalioii iA Sjtartu. ll would liave 
 Leeu iiii|)()s.sible to iiiaiiitaiii a lar^c Heel and a eoloniul einjjirc 
 without the requisite I'unds ; and liow, ibr instanee, could a re- 
 venue oi" lOOU talents, whieh S[)arta levied iioin the aibject 
 states, have been re])resented in iron money ? Whetlier Isuarta 
 had now entered on a career to whieh tlie iiational genius was 
 suited is another question ; and it would not j>erhap8 l>e diHi- 
 cnlt to show that in praspinjr the splendid jirize ol empire, she 
 lost those homely virtues Mhir-h previously loniied her ehiei dis- 
 tinction, and for whieh her cliildreu were naturally most fitted. 
 It is at all events certain that the influx of wealth caused a 
 great alteration in her internal condition. It was only the 
 leading men who were enabled to enrich themselves by foreign 
 commands or at the exj)euse of the public trea.<ury. Hence aroHC 
 a still more marked distinctien between the higher class of'citizens, 
 called Peers, and the lower, called the Equals or tiie Inferiors.* 
 The latter, though nominally in the enjoyment of equal privileges, 
 were no longer able, in consequence of the altered scale of livnig, 
 to bear their share at the iSyssilia, or public tables, and thu" 
 sank into a degraded and discontented class, in whieh Cinadoj 
 found the materials of his sedition. 
 
 ^ G. The aliairs of Asia Minor soon began to draw the atten- 
 tion of Agesilaus to that quarter. The assistance lent to Cyrus 
 by the Spartans was no secret at the Persian court, and Tissa- 
 pherncs, who had been rewarded for his fidelity with the satrapy 
 of Cyrus in addition to his own, no sooner returned to his go- 
 vernment than he attacked the Ionian cities, then under the 
 protection of Sparta. A considerable Laeediemonian force under 
 Thimbron was despatched to their assistance, and wliich, as 
 related m the preceding chapter, was joined by the renniant of 
 the Greeks who had served under Cyrus. Thimbron, however, 
 proved so ineliicieut a commander, that he was superseded appa- 
 rently at the end of 399 or beginning of 396 u.c , andDercylfidas 
 appointed in his place, a man who from his cunnnig and re- 
 sources had acquired the name of Sisyphus. On assuming the 
 connriand, Dercyllidas concluded a truce with Tissaphernes, in 
 order that he might direct his whole force against Pharnahazus, 
 from whom he had received a personal injury. He overran the 
 greater part of ./-Eolis with great rapidity, reducing nine towns 
 in eight days, and took np his winter quarters in Bithynia. 
 Early in the ensuing spring he ]iroceeded into Thrace, where lie 
 built a wall across the Chersonese, to protect the Grecian colo- 
 
 * See p. 62.
 
 B.C. 397. WAR IN ASIA MINOR. 439 
 
 nies from the attacks of the barbarians of the interior. On his 
 return to Asia lie received orders from the Ephors to attack 
 Tissapheracs in Caria, wliilst the Lacedaemonian fleet under 
 Pharax co-operated with him on the coast. But here the Per- 
 eians appeared in such force, the two satrap'^ having' luiited their 
 amiies, that he was able to efiect but little; ^nd bemg surprised 
 in an uni'avorable position Avould himself have sufl'ered severely 
 but for the timidity of Tissaphernes, who was afraid to venture 
 upon an action. Under these ■circumstances an armistice was 
 agi-eed to for the purpose of treating for a peace. Dercyllidas de- 
 manded on the part of the Spartans the complete independence 
 of the Grecian cities in Asia. : the Persians on their side required 
 the Lacedarnonians to withdraw their anny from Asia as well as 
 their various hai'mosts, or governors. 
 
 This armistice took place in 397 c.c. Pharnabasus availed 
 himself of it to make active preparations for a renewal of the 
 war. He obtained large reinforcements of Persian troops, and 
 began to organize a fleet in Phoenicia and Cilicia. This was 
 to be intrusted to the Athenian admiral Conon, of whom we now 
 first hear again after a lapse of seven years since his defeat at 
 vEgospotami. After that disastrous battle, Conon fled with 9 
 triremes to Cyprus, where he was now living under the protec- 
 tion of Evagoras, prince of Salamis. At the instance of Pharna- 
 bazus, seconded by Evagoras, Conon consented to accept the 
 command of the Persian fleet, which was to be raised to the 
 number of 300 vessels. 
 
 ^ 7. It was the news of these extensive preparations that in- 
 duced Agesilaus, on the suggestion of Lysander, to volunteer liis 
 services against the Persians. He proposed to take with him 
 only 30 full Spartan citizens, or peers, to act as a sort of council, 
 together with 2000 Neodamodes, or enfrauch'ised Helots, and 
 6000 hoplites of the allies. But Thebes, Corinth, and Athens 
 refused on diffln-ent pleas to join the expedition. Lysander in- 
 tended to be the leader of the 30 Spartans, and expected through 
 them to be the virtual commander of the expedition of which 
 Agesilaus was nominally the head. 
 
 Since the time of Agamemnon no Grecian king had led an 
 army into Asia ; and Agesilaus studiously availed himself of the 
 prestige of that precedent in order to attract recruits to his 
 standard. The Spartan kings claimed to inherit the sceptre of 
 Agamemnon; and to render the parallel more complete, Age- 
 silaus proceeded with a division of his fleet to Aulis, intending 
 there to imitate the memorable sacrilice of the Homeric hero. 
 But as he had neglected to ask the permission of the Thebans, 
 and conducted the sacrifice and solemnities by means of his*
 
 440 IIISTOI'vY OK (JliKKCM Chai-. XXXVII. 
 
 own ]»i(>i)lir1s ami iiiiiiistcrs, and in a iiiaiiiuT at variaiux- with 
 llic usual litrs (jI the Icriiiilc, the Thehaiis ■were offended, and 
 exiK'JIed him by armed lurco : — an insult wliieh lie never 
 forgave. 
 
 § 8. It was in 39G u.c thai Apesilans arrived at Epliesus, and 
 took the eonirnand in Asia. Jle demaiuleil the same conditions 
 of" peace as tho.se previously made by Dercyllidas ; and in order 
 that there might be time to rommunirale w ith the Persian court, 
 the armistice was renewed for ihrce months. iJuring this in- 
 terval of repose, Lysander, by his arrogance and pretensions, 
 offended both Agesilaus and the Thirty t^partans Agesilaus, 
 determined to uphold his dignity, subjected Lysander to so 
 many humiliations that he was at last fain to request his dis- 
 missal I'lom Ephe.'^us, and was accordingly sent to the Hellespont, 
 where he did good service to the JSpartaii interests. 
 
 4 9. Meanwhile Tissaphernes, having received large rein- 
 forcements, sent a message to Agesilaus before the armistice 
 had expired, ordering him to quit Asia. Agesilaus replied by 
 saying that he thanked the satrap for perjuring himself so 
 flagrantly as to set the gods against him, and immediately made 
 preparations as if he would attack Tissapharncs in Caria ; but 
 having thus put the enemy on a false scent, he suddenly turned 
 northwards into Plmgia, the satrapy of Pharnabazus, and marched 
 without opposition to the neigh bourhccd of Dascyliurn, the re- 
 sidence of the satrap himself. Here, however, he was repulsed 
 by the Persian cavalry ; and the sacrifices proving unfavourable 
 for an advance, Agesilaus gave orders to retreat. He now pro- 
 ceeded into winter quarters at Epliesus, where he emj)loyed him- 
 self in organizing a body of cavalry to compete with the Persians. 
 A conscription was accordingly made of the richest Greeks in 
 the various towiis, who, however, were allowed if tliey pleased 
 to provide substitutes. By these and other energetic exertions, 
 which during the winter gave to Epliesus the appearance of '>ne 
 vast arsenal, the army was brought into excellent condition ; a"d 
 Agesilaus gave out early in the spring of 395 e.c. that he shorJd 
 march direct upon Sardis. Tissaphernes, suspecting another 
 feint, now dispersed his cavalry in the plain of the Marauder. 
 But this time Agesilaus marched as he had announced, and in 
 three days arrived unopposed on the banks of the Pactolus, be- 
 fore the Persian cavalry could be recalled. "Wlien tb.ey at last 
 came up, the newly-raised Grecian horse, assisted by the peltasts. 
 and some of the younger and more active hoplites, soon succeeded 
 in putting them to Hight. jMany of" the Persians were drowned 
 in the Pactolus, and their camp, containing much booty and 
 several camels, was taken.
 
 B.C. 396. AGESILAUS IN ASIA, 441 
 
 § 10. Agesilaus now pushed his ravages up to the very gates 
 of Sardis, the residence of Tissaphernes. But the career of that 
 timid and treacherous satrap was drawing to a close. The 
 queen-mother, Parysatis, who hud succeeded in regaining her 
 influence over Artaxerxes, making a pretext of the disasters 
 which had attended the arms ot Tissaphernes, but in reality to 
 avenge the part which he had taken against her son Cyrus, 
 caused an order to be sent down from Susa for his execution ; in 
 pursuance of which he was seized in a bath at Colossa?, and be- 
 headed. Tithraustes, who had been intrusted with the execution 
 of this order, succeeded Tissaphernes in the satrapy, and imme- 
 diately reopened negotiations with Agesilaus ; proposing that if 
 he quitted Asia the Greek cities there should enjoy their in- 
 dependence, with the sole exception of paying to Persia the tri- 
 bute originally imposed upon them. Agesilaus replied that he 
 could decide nothing without consulting the authorities at home. 
 For this purpose an armistice of six months was concluded ; and 
 meanwhile Tithraustes, by a subsidy of 30 talents, induced Age- 
 silaus to move out of his satrapy into that of Pharnabazus. 
 
 S^ 11 . During this march into Phrygia Agesilaus received a new 
 commission from home, appointing him the head of the naval as 
 well as of the land force — two commands never before united 
 in a single Spartan. For the first time since the battle of 
 jEgospotami the naval supremacy of Sparta was threatened. 
 Conon, with a fleet of 40 triremes, occupied the port of Caunus, 
 on the confines of Caria and Lycia, and was there blockaded by a 
 Lacedajmonian fleet of 120 triremes under Pharax; but a re- 
 inforcement of 40 more ships having come to the aid of Conon, 
 Pharax raised the blockade and retired to Rhodes. Here the 
 first symptoms appeared of the detestation iji which the Spartan 
 government was held. The inhabitants rose, compelled the Spar- 
 tan fleet to leave the island, and put themselves under the jiro- 
 tection of Conon, who now sailed thither. 
 
 § 12. Agesilaus, having despatched orders to the Lacedaemonian 
 maritime dependencies to prepare a new fleet of 120 triremes 
 against the following year, and having appointed his brother- 
 in-law, Pisander, to the command of it, marched himself into the 
 satrapy of Pharnabazus. He passed the winter in the neighbour- 
 hood of Dascylium, the rich and fertile country about which 
 afforded comfortable quarters and abundant plunder to the 
 Grecian army. 
 
 Towards the close cf the winter a Greek cf Cyzicus, named 
 ApoUophanes, brought about an interA-iew beteen Agesilaus and 
 Pharnabazus. Agesilaus, with the Thirty, having arrived first at 
 the appointed place, sat down without ceremony on the grass. 
 
 u #
 
 442 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXVH 
 
 Wlicii I III' S.ilnij) caiiii', iiccouip.'uii'-d with all llio luxury of ori- 
 ental pDiup, his allfutlaiils pn-part-d to .sjtrcad mine ri'"li carp'-'is 
 l()r him ; but Piiaruabazus, oh.scrvin<( how tho Spartans were 
 Heated, was ashamed to avail himsell' ol' such luxuries, and sat 
 down on the f^rass by the side of A^esilaus. After iinitual 
 salutes, Pharuabazus be<^au to rejjroaeh the Greeka with their 
 treatment of one who had always been their laithful ally. " You 
 have reduced me so low," lie observed, " that I have scarcely a 
 dinner except from your leaviufr.s- My residences, iny ]»arks and 
 hunting-grounds, the charm of my life, are all burnt or destroyed. 
 Pray tell me if this is gratitude. ' The Spartaiu* 8<;emed struck 
 with shame ; and Agesilaus, after a long pause, remarked in 
 apology that their war with the Persian king compelled them to 
 act as they had done ; that towards himself personally they had 
 the most friendly feelings, and invited him to join their alliance, 
 when they would support him in independence of the Persian 
 king. The reply of Pharuabazus was characterized by a noble 
 frankness. " If the king," he said, " should deprive me of my 
 command, I would willingly hecome your ally ; but so long as I 
 am intrusted with the supreme power, expect from me notliiiig 
 but war." Agesilaus was touched with the satraps magnanimity. 
 Taking him by the hand, he observed, " Would to Heaven that 
 with such noble sentiments it were possible for you to be our 
 friend But at all events I will at once quit your territor}% and 
 never again nulcst you or your property so long as there are 
 other Persians against whom to turn my arms." 
 
 ^ 13. In pursuance of this ])romise Agesilaus now entered the 
 plains of Thebe, near tlio gulf of Ela?us ; but whilst he was here 
 preparing an expedition on a grand scale into the interior of 
 Asia Minor, he was suddenly recalled honae (b.c. 394) to avert 
 the dangers which threatened his native countiy. 
 
 Meanwhile Conon, who had remained almost inactive since the 
 revolt of Rhodes, proceeded in person to Babylon, and succeeded 
 in obtaining a considerable sum of money from Artaxerxes. He 
 shared his command with Pharnabazus, and by their joint exer- 
 tions a powerful Ueet, partly Phoenician and partly Grecian, was 
 speedily equipped, superior in number to that of the Lacedae- 
 monians under Pisander. About the month of July Conon 
 proceeded to the peninsula of Cnidus, in Caria, and oflered 
 Pisandar battle. Though inferior in strength, Pisander did 
 not shrink from the encounter. Being abandoned, however, 
 by his Asiastic allies, he was soon overpowered by numbers, 
 and fell gallantly lighting to the last. More than half the Lace- 
 daemonian fleet was either captured or destroyed. Tliis event 
 occurred about the beginning of August B.C. 39-i.
 
 View of Corinlh and the Acrocorinttius. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDUS TO THE 
 PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. 
 
 § ]. Mission of Timocrates to the Grecian cities, g 2. Hostilities between 
 Sparta and Thebes. § 3. The Athenians join the Thebans. Defeat 
 and death of Lysander. Retreat of Pansanias. § 4. League against 
 Sparta. Battle of Corinth. § 5. Homeward march of Agesilaus. 
 8 6. Battle of Coronea. § 7. Loss of the Spartan maritime empire. 
 § 8. Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens. § 9. Civil dissensions at 
 Corinth. § 10. Campaign of Agesilaus in the Corinthian territorj-. 
 § 11. New system of tactics introduced by Iphicratcs. Destruction 
 of a Spartan mora by his light-armed troops. § 12. Negotiations of 
 Antalcidas with the Persians. Death of Conon. Defeat and death 
 of Thimbron. § 13. Maritime war on the coast of Asia. Revolt of 
 Rhodes. Thrasybuhis appointed Athenian commander. His death 
 at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by Iphicrates at the Hellespont. 
 § 14. War between Athens and vEgina. Telcutias surprises thePirajus. 
 g 15. Peace of Antalcidas. § 10. Its character. 
 
 f 1. The jealousy and ill-v^all with which the newly acquired 
 empire of the Spartans v\'as regarded by the other Grecian states 
 had not escaped the notice of the Persians ; and when Tithraustes 
 succeeded to the satrapy of Tissaphernes he resolved 1o avail 
 himself of this feeling by exciting a M'ar against Sparta in the 
 heart of Greece itself With this view he despatched one Timo- 
 crates. a Ilhodian, to the leading Grecian cities which appeared
 
 444 UISTOKY OF GIlKECIl Ciiai-. XXXVIII. 
 
 hostile to Sj)arta, carrying' witli hirn a smid of .00 talents to be 
 (lislril)iil('il among tlie cliiel" rnen in each ior the purpor-e of 
 briiigiMg them over to the views of Persia. This trari.saction, 
 liuwever, is scarcely to be viewed in the ht^htof a private bribe, 
 but rather as a sum publicly advanced Ibr a s|)eci(ic purpo.se. 
 Timocrates was successful in Thebes, Corinth, and Argf^ti ; but 
 he appears not to have visited Athens. 
 
 ^ 2. Hostilities were at first confined to Sparta and Thebes. 
 A quarrel having arisen between the Opunlian Locrians and the 
 Pliocians respecting a strip of border land, the ibnner people 
 appealed to the Thebans, who invaded Phocis. The Phocians on 
 their side invoked the aid of the Lacedtcmoniaus, who elated 
 with the prosperous state of their aliairs in Asia, and moreover 
 desirous of avenging the alirouts they had received from the 
 Thebans, readily listened to the a])peal. Lysander, who took an 
 active part in promoting the war, was directed to attack the 
 town of Haliartus, having first augmented the small force which 
 he took with hirn by contingents levied among the tribes of 
 Mount (Eta ; and it was arranged that King Pausanias should 
 join him on a fi.\;ed day vuider the walls of that town, with 
 the main body of the Lacedajmouians and their Peloponnesian 
 allies. 
 
 k 3. Nothing could more strikingly denote the altered state 
 of feeling in Greece than the request for assistance which the 
 Thebans, thus menaced, made to their ancient enemies and rivals 
 the Athenians ; even oflering, as an inducement, to assist them 
 in recovering their lost empire. Nor were the Athenians back- 
 w^ard in respsuding to the appeal Disunion, however, prevailed 
 among the Bjjjlians themseU'es ; and Orchomenus, the second 
 city in importance in their confederacy, revolted at the approach 
 of Lysander, and joined the L:icedEPmonians. That commander, 
 after ravaging the country round Lebadea, proceeded according 
 to agreement to Haliartus, though he had as yet received no 
 tidings of Pausanias. Here, in a sally made by the citizens, 
 opportunely sup[)orted by the unexpected arrival of a body of 
 Thebans, the army of Lvsander was routed, and himself slain : 
 ind though his troops, favoured by some rugged ground in their 
 fear, succeeded in rallying and repulsing their assailants, yet, dis» 
 heartened by the severe loss which they had suffered, and by the 
 death of their general, they disbanded and dispersed themselves 
 in the night time. Thus when Pausanias at last came up, he 
 found no army to unite with ; and as an imposing Athenian 
 force had arrived, he now, with the advice of his council, took 
 the humiliating step — always deemed a confession of inferiority — 
 of requesting a truce in order to bury the dead who had fallen
 
 B.C. 394. BATTLE OF CORINTH. 445 
 
 in the preceding battle. Even this, however, the Thcbans would 
 not grant except on the condition that the Lacedairnonians 
 should immediately quit their territoiy. With these terms Pau- 
 sauias was forced to comply ; and alter duly interring the bodies 
 of Lysander and his fallen comrades, the Lacedajmonians deject- 
 edly pursued their homeward march, ibllowed by the Thebans, 
 who manifested by repeated insults, and even by blows admin- 
 istered to stragglers, the insolence inspired by their success. Pau- 
 sanias, afraid to face the public indignation of the Spartans, 
 took refuge in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea ; ajid being 
 condemned to death in his absence, only escaped that fate by 
 remaining in the sanctuary. He was succeeded by his son 
 Agesipolis. 
 
 § 4. The enemies of Sparta took fresh courage from this dis- 
 aster to her arms. Athens, Corinth, and Argos now formed with 
 Thebes a solemn alliance against her. The league was soon joined 
 by the Eubceans, the Acarnauians, the Ozolian Locrians, the Am- 
 braciots, the Leucadians, and the Chalcidians of Thrace. In the 
 spring of 391 b.c. the allies assembled at Corinth, and the war, 
 which had been hitherto regarded as merely Boeotian, was now 
 called the Corinthian, by which name it is known in history. This 
 threatening aspect of afl'airs determined the Ephors to recall 
 Agesilaus, as related in the preceding chapter. 
 
 The allies were soon in a condition to take the field with a 
 force of 21,000 hoplites, of whom one-fourth were Athenians, 
 together with a considerable body of light troops and cavalry. 
 The Lacedajmouians, under the conduct of Aristodemus, had 
 also made the ri^ost active preparations. The exact amount of 
 their force is not known, but it was in all probability consi- 
 derably inferior to that of the allies. The latter were full of 
 confidence, and the Corinthian Timolaus proposed marching 
 straight upon Sparta, in oi'der, as he expressed it, to burn the 
 wasps in their nest before they came forth to sting. This bold, 
 but perhaps judicious advice, was, however, anticipated by the 
 unwonted activity of the Lacedajmonians, who had already 
 crossed their border, and, advancing by Tegea and Mantinea, 
 had taken up a position at Sicyon. The allies, who had pro- 
 ceeded as far as Nemea, now fell back upon Corinth, and en- 
 camped on some rugged ground in the neighbourhood of the city. 
 Here a battle ensued, in which the Lacediemonians gained the 
 victory, though their allied troops were put to the rout. Of the 
 Spartans themselves only 8 men fell ; but of their allies 1100 
 perished, and of the confederates as many as 2600. This battle, 
 called the battle of Corinth, was fought apparently about the 
 same time as that of Cnidus, in July 391 c.c.
 
 44ft JllSTOliy OF GREECK Chap. A'XXVIIL 
 
 i: /J. Afi^csilaiis, who Iwid ri'liiuiuislied willi u heavy heart liis 
 projected expedilioii into Asia, wa.s now on liis homeward march. 
 JJy tlio ])romiso of rewards at tSeslii.s in tlie Cliersonesc, he had 
 persuaded the liravest and most elHeient soldiers in his army to 
 acc'om[)any liini, ainon<^st whom wen; many oi tlie Ten Thousand, 
 ■with Xenophon at their licad. Tlie route ol" A<(esih'iU8 was rnudi 
 tlie same as tlie one formerly traversed by Xerxes, and the carnela 
 ', ■which accompanied the army f^ave it somewhat ol" an oriental 
 aspect. At Amj)liipolis he received the news of the victory at 
 Corinth ; but his lieart was so full of echernes apainst Persia, 
 that the feeling which it awakened in his bosom was rather one 
 of regret that so many Greeks had fallen, whose united ellbrts 
 might have emancipated Asia Minor, than of" joy at the success 
 of his countrymen. Having forced his ■way through a desultory 
 opposition oiiercd by the Thessalian cavalry, he crossed Mount 
 Othrys, and marched unopposed the rest of the way through the 
 straits of Thermopylaj to the frontiers of Phocis and Ba'otia. 
 Here the evil tidings reached him — foreshadowed according to 
 ancient superstition by an eclipse of the sun ( 11 Aug. 39-1 k.c.) — 
 of the defeat and death of his brother-in-law, Pisander, at Cnidus. 
 Fearing the impression which such sad ncAVS might produce upon 
 his men, he gave out that the Lacediemonian fleet had gained a 
 victoi'y, though Pisander had perished ; and, having oflered sacri- 
 fice as if for a victory, he ordered an advance. 
 
 ^ 6. Agesilaus soon came up with the confederate army, which 
 had prepared to oppose him in the plain of Coronea. The hostile 
 forces approached each other slowly and in silence, till within 
 about a furlong, when the Thebans raised the psean, and charged 
 at a nnming pace. They succeeded in driving in the Orchome- 
 nians, Avho Ibrmed the left wing of the army of Agesilaus, and 
 penetrated as far as the baggage in the rear. But on the re- 
 mainder of the line Agesilaus was victorious, and the Thebans 
 now saw themselves cut oil' from their companions, who had 
 retreated and taken up a position on Mount Helicon. Facuig 
 about and forming in deep and compact order, the Thebauj 
 sought to rejoin the main body, but they were opposed by Age- 
 silaus and his troops. The shock of the conflicting masses which 
 ensued was one of the most terrible recorded in the annals of 
 Grecian warfare. The shields of the foremost ranks were shat- 
 tered, their spears broken, so that daggers became the only 
 available arm. The regular war-shout was suppressed, but the 
 silence was occasionally broken by deep and furious exclamations. 
 Agesilaus, who was in the front ranks, unequal by hi^ size and 
 strength to sustain so furious an onset, was flung down, trodden 
 on, and covered with wounds ; but the devoted courage cf the
 
 B.C. 394. BATTLE OF CORONEA. Wj 
 
 50 Spartans foiining liis body-guard rescued him from death. 
 The Thebans ihially forced then- way through, but not without 
 severe loss. The victoiy of Agesilaus was not very decisive ; 
 but the Thebans tacitly acknowledged their defeat by soliciting 
 the customary truce for the burial of their dead. 
 
 After the battle Agesilaus visited Delphi, where he dedicated 
 to Apollo a tithe, valued at the large sum of 100 talents, of the 
 booty which he had acquired during his Asiatic campaigns. He 
 then returned to Sparta, where he was r^^ctived with the most 
 lively demonstrations of gratitude and esteem, and became henee- 
 forwards the sole director of Spartan policy. 
 
 ^ 7. Thus in less than two months the Lacedaemonians had 
 fought two battles on land, and one at sea ; namely, those of 
 Corinth, Coronea, and Cnidus. But, though they had been vic- 
 torious m the land engagements, they were so little decisive as 
 to lead to no important result ; whilst their defeat at Cnidus 
 produced the most disastrous consequences. It was followed by 
 the loss of nearly all their maritime empire, even faster than they 
 had acquired it after the battle of ^Egoppotami. For as Conon 
 and Pharnabazus sailed with their victorious fleet from island 
 to island, and from port to port, their approach was everywhero 
 the signal for tlie flight or expulsion of the Spartan harmosts. 
 Abydus formed the only exception to this universal surrender. 
 Fortunately for Sparta the able and experienced Dercyllidas was 
 then harmost in that city, and by his activity and courage he 
 succeeded in preserving not only Abydus, but also the opposite 
 Chersonese from the grasp of Pharnabazus. 
 
 § 8. In the spring of the following year, b.c. 393, Conon and 
 Pharnabazus sailed from the Hellespont with a powerful fleet, 
 and, after visiting Melos and several of the Cyclades, directed 
 their course to the Peloponnesus. After ravaging the coast of 
 Laconia at several points, and taking the island of Cythera, 
 where they established an Athenian garrison, they sailed to the 
 isthmus of Corinth, then occupied as a central post by the allies. 
 The appearance of a Persian fleet in the Saronic gulf was a 
 strange sight to Grecian eyes, and one which might have served 
 as a severe comment on the eflect of their suicidal wars. Phar- 
 nabazus assured the allies of his support, and gave earnest of it 
 by advancing to them a considerable sum of money. Conon 
 dexterously availed hiiTiself of the hatred cfPharnabazus towards 
 Sparta to procure a boon for his native city. As the satrap was 
 on the point of proceeding homewards Conon obtained leave to 
 employ the seamen in rebuilding the fortilications of Piraeus and 
 the long walls of Athens. Pharnabazus also granted a large sum 
 foi the same purpose ; and Conon had thus the glory of appear-
 
 448 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 CiiAi'. XXXVIIL 
 
 in;,', like a Pocorid TlirinistoclcH, tlio (li-livcior and restorer of liin 
 coiuilry. By a siii;riilar revolution of lijrtune, the Tliebaiis, wlio 
 had most rejoieed at the lall of Ath(;iis, as well as the Persians, 
 who had siih.sidi/.ed S|)arta to destroy the citv, now pave their 
 funds and lahour to restore it. Beiore tlie end of auturnn the walLi 
 were rebuilt. Athen.s Keeined now restored, if not to power, at 
 least to independence ; and if she rcfieeted hut the sliadow of her 
 former greatness, she was at least rai.scd up from the depths of 
 her degradation. H;^ving thus, as it were, founded Athens a 
 second time, Uonoji sailed to the islands to lay again the founda- 
 tions of an Athenian maritime em))ire. 
 
 § 9. During the remainder of this and the wliolc of the follow- 
 ing year (u.c;. 3U2), the war was carried on in the Corinthian 
 territory. Tlie Onean mountains, which extend across the Isth- 
 mus south of its narrowest part, afibrd an excellent line of 
 defence against an in > u.Jing army. Through these mountains 
 there are only three passes, one by the Haronic gulf, close to 
 Cenehreaj, a second tlirough a ravine at the eastern side of the 
 Acrocorinthus or citadel of Corinth, and a third alonp the 
 narrow strip of land which lies between the western foot of the 
 Acrocorinthus and the Corinthian gulf. The two former of 
 these passes could easily be defended by a resolute body of 
 troops against superior numbers ; and the third was completely 
 protected by two long walls running down from Corinth to 
 Lechseum, the port of the city upon the Corinthian gulf. Corinth 
 
 Plan of Curiiuh. 
 
 A. Acrocorinthu 
 
 B. Corinth. 
 
 C . Lechaeam. 
 1. 1. Lonj Walls.
 
 p.C. 392. THE CORINTHIAN WAR. 449 
 
 and the passes of the Onoau mountains were now occupied by 
 the aUied troops ; but while the alhes themselves sufiered httle 
 or nothing, the whole brunt of the war lell upon Corinth. The 
 Spartans took up their head-quarters at Sicyon, whence they 
 ravaged the fertile Corinthian plain upon the coast. The wealthy 
 Corinthian proprietors sullered so much from the devastation of 
 their lands, that many of them became anxious to renew their 
 old alliance with Sparta. A lai'ge number of the other Co- 
 rinthians participated in these feelings, and the leading men in 
 power, who were violently opposed to Sparta, became so alarmed 
 at the wide-spread disailection among the citizens, that they in- 
 troduced a body of Arglves into the city during the celebration 
 of the festival of the Eucleia, and massacred numbers of the 
 opposite party in the market-place and in the theatre. The go- 
 vernment now formed such a close union with Argos, that even 
 the boundary marks between the two states were removed, and 
 the very name of Corinth was changed to that of Argos. But 
 the aristocratical party at Corinth, which was still numerous, 
 contrived to admit Praxitas, the Lacedajmonian commander at 
 Sicyon, within the long walls which connected Corinth with 
 Lechajum. In the space between the walls, which was of con- 
 siderable breadth, and about a mile and a half in length, a battle 
 took place between the Lacedemonians and the Corinthians, 
 who had marched out of the city to dLslodge them. The Co- 
 rinthians, however, were defeated, and this victory Avas followed 
 by the demolition of a considerable part of the long walls by 
 Praxitas. The Lacedaemonians now marched across the Isthmus, 
 and captured Sidus and Croramyon. These events happened in 
 B.C. 392. 
 
 ^ 10. The breach efiected in the long walls of Corinth excited 
 great alarm at Athens, as it opened a secure passage to the Lace- 
 dcEmonians into Attica and Baeotia. Accordingly the Athenians 
 moved in great I'orce to Corinth, with carpenters and other ne- 
 cessary workmen ; and with this assistance the Corinthians soon 
 restored the breach. In the summer of u.c. 391, this step was, 
 however, rendered useless in consequence of Agesilaus, assisted 
 by the LaecdBemonian fleet under his brother Teleutias, having- 
 obtained possession not only of the long walls, but also of the 
 port of Lecha;um itself Agesilaus followed up his success by 
 marching into the rocky peninsula between the bay of Lechasum 
 and the Alcyonian sea, from wliich Corinth derived both support 
 and assistance. The two principal places in this district, Pirajum 
 and Q^lnoe, together with large booty and many captives, fell into 
 his hands. Corinth was now surrounded on every side ; and the 
 Thebans were thrown into such alarm that they sent envoys to
 
 450 IIKIORV OF GUEIiCE. Chap. XXXVIIL 
 
 Afri"f<il:iiis to trc'iil ol |a'a<!L'. Afrcsiiaiis had never forgiven the 
 Tliuhans for liaviiif^ iiilL'rrnj)le(l Ins .sacrilicc at Aulis ; and he 
 now Hci'/ed llic opportunity of ^'ratilyinfr his spite a^'aini>t them. 
 Accordin<rly, when they were introduced into lii.s presence, fie 
 treated them with the most marked eontempt, and alieeted not 
 to notice them. But a retrdjutive .Nemesis was at hand. A.s 
 Agesilaus sat in a pavihon on the banks of a Jake winch adjoined 
 tlic sacred f^rove of Hera, feasting his eyes with the sjiectacle of 
 a lonj; train of cai)tive.~, j)araded under tlie ^^uard of Laceda;rno- 
 nian ho[)Htcs, a. man frallojted up on a Ibamini^ horse, and ac- 
 quainted liim witli a disaster more novel and more a.slounding 
 than any tliat liad ever yet hefallen the Spartan arms. This Ma.s 
 nothing less than the destruction of a whole Laceda;moniau 
 mora, or battalion, by the light-armed mercenaries of the Athe- 
 nian Iphicrates 
 
 Ml. For the preceding two years Iphicrates had commanded 
 a body of mercenaries, consisting of peltasts,* who had been 
 first organised by Conon after rebuilding tlie walls of Athens. 
 For this force Iphicrates introduced those improved anns and 
 tactics which form an epoch in the Grecian art oi' war. His 
 object was to combine as far as possible the peculiar advantages 
 of the hoplitcs and light-armed troops. He substituted a linen 
 corslet for the coat of mail worn by the lioplites, and lessened 
 the shield, while he rendered the light javelin and short sword 
 of the pelta.sts more cH'ectivc by lengthening them both one-half 
 These troops soon proved very eflective. At tlieir head Iphi- 
 crates attacked and defeated the Phliasians, gained a victorj-near 
 Sicyon, and inflicted such loss upon the Arcadian hoplites that 
 they were afraid to meet his peltasts in the field. He uoav ven- 
 tured upon a bolder exploit. 
 
 A body of Amyclaean hoplites had obtained leave to celebrate 
 the festival of the Hyaclnthia in their native city ; and a Lace- 
 dsemonian mora, GOO strong, was appointed to escort them till 
 they should be considered out of reach of attack. Iphicrates, 
 who was in Corinth with his peltasts, sullered the Amycla;aiis 
 and their escort to pass tnunolested ; but on the return of the 
 LacedcKmonians he sallied Ibrth with inconceivable hardihood, and 
 attacked them in flank and rear. So many fell under the darts 
 and arrows of the peltasts that ihe Lacedaemonian captain called 
 a halt, and ordered tlie vonngest and most active of his hoplites 
 to rush forward and drive oil' the assailants. But their heavy 
 arms rendered them quite unequal to such a mode of tighting ; 
 nor did the Lacedaemonian cavalry, which now came up, but 
 
 * So ealltid fiani the pelta, or kind of i>hiel J ^vllioll they carried.
 
 B.C. 391. VICTORY OF IPHICRATES. 451 
 
 wliich acted with verj' little vigour and courage, produce any 
 better eli'ect. At length the Lacedaemonians succeeded in reach- 
 ing an eminence, Avhere they endeavoured to make a stand ; but 
 at this moment' Callias arrived with some Athenian hoplites 
 from Corinth, whereupon the already disheartened Lacedaemo- 
 nians broke and fled in confusion, pursued by the peltasts, who 
 committed such havoc, chasing and killing some of them even 
 in the sea, that but very few of the whole body succeeded in 
 reachnig Lecha?um. 
 
 The news of this defeat produced a great change in the con- 
 duct of the Theban envoys then with Agesilaus. They did not 
 say another word about peace, but merely asked permission to 
 communicate with their countrymen at Corinth. Agesilaus, per- 
 ceiving their altered sentiments, and taking them with him, 
 marched on the following day with his whole force to Corinth, 
 where he defied the garrison to come out to battle. But Iphi- 
 crates was too prudent to hazard his recently achieved success ; 
 and Agesilaus marched bade to Sparta as it were by stealth, 
 avoiding all those places where the inhabitants, though allies, 
 were likely to show their satislhction at the disgi'ace of the Spar- 
 tan arms. No sooner was he departed than Iphicrates sallied 
 forth from Corinth and retook Sidus, Crommyon, Piragum, and 
 (Enoe, thus liberating all the northern and eastern territory of 
 Corinth. But, in spite of his military abilities and great services, 
 the domineering character of Iphicrates had rendered him so 
 unpopular at Corinth, that the Athenians were obliged to recall 
 him, and appoint Chabrias in his place. 
 
 ^ 12. Meantime important events had taken place in connexion 
 with the maritime war. The successes of Conon had inspired 
 the Lacedaemonians with such alarm that they resolved to spare 
 no eflbrts to regain the goodwill of the Persians. \A'ith this 
 view they sent Antalcidas, an able politician trained in the 
 school of Lysauder, to negotiate with Tiribazus, who had suc- 
 ceeded Tilhraustes in the satrapy of Ionia, in order to bring 
 about a general peace under the mediation of Persia. His nego- 
 tiations, however, though supported by the inlluence of Tiri- 
 bazus, at present proved unsuccessful. Conon, and the other 
 representatives of the allies in Asia, rejected with indignation 
 the proposal of Antalcidas to abandon the Grecian cities in Asia 
 to Persia ; nor was the court of Susa itself as yet disposed to 
 entertain any amicable relations with Sparta. Tiribazus, liow- 
 ever, covertly supplied the Lacedaemonians Avith money for the 
 purposes of their fleet, and, by a gross breach of public faith, 
 caused Conon to be seized and detained, under the pretence that 
 he was acting contrary to the interests of the Great King. This
 
 462 lIISToliV OF r.Iu;i:CM CiiAi-. XXXVIIL 
 
 event proved tlie cud ol Couoii s jtidjlu; lilc. According to one 
 account the Persians caused liirn If) he jmt to death in prison ; 
 but it seems more probable that he escaped and ajrain took 
 refuf^e with Evagoras in Cyprus. IJo this, however, as it inay, 
 the pubhc labours of one of the most useful, if not one of the 
 greatest, of Athenian citizens, were now brought to a close : a 
 man from whose hands his country reaped nothinir but benefit, 
 and to whose reputation history seems to have dr)nc but scanty 
 justice. 
 
 Slruthas, wlio lidd llie command in Ionia during the absence 
 of Tiribazus at iSusa, carried on hostilities with vigour against 
 the Laceda'monians. In s])ite of his proved incapacity. Thimbron 
 had been again intnjsted with the command of an army of ^000 
 men ; but while on his march Irom I'jphesus lie was surpri.scd 
 by Struthas, and suflered a complete deleat. Thimbron himself 
 was among the slain, and those ot" his soldiers who escaped were 
 compelled to take refuge in the neighbouring cities. 
 
 M3. The island of Rhodes now demanded the attention of the 
 belligerents. The dcmocratical party in this island, having ob- 
 tained the upper hand, had revolted from Persia ; and the Spar- 
 tans, fearing that they would form an alliance with Athens, sent 
 Telcutias, the brother of Agesilaus, with a fleet to reduce the 
 island, although they were themselves at war with Persia, so 
 much greater was their fear of the Athenians than of the Per- 
 sians. On his way from Cnidus, Telcutias ti-dl in with and cap- 
 tured an Athenian squadron of 10 triremes under Philccrates, 
 which was proceeding to assist Evagorus in a struggle that was 
 impending between him and the Persians. The news of this 
 reverse, as well as the great increase of the Lacedaemonian fleet, 
 induced the Athenians to despatch, in B.C. 3b9, a fleet of 40 
 triremes, inuler Thrasybulus, to the coasts cf Asia Minor — a feat 
 which betokens a considerable renovation of their naval power. 
 Thrasybulus lust proceeded to the Hellespont, where he ex- 
 tended the Athenian alliance among the people on both sides of 
 the straits, persuaded or compelled Byzantium and other cities 
 to establish democratical governments, and reimposed the toll of 
 a tenth on all vessels passing from the Eiixine. After this. Thra- 
 sybulus sailed to Lesbos, where he defeated the Lacedspmonian 
 harmost, and next visited several places on the mainland, with 
 the Anew of raisnig funds for his meditated expedition to Rhodes. 
 But the inhabitants of Aspendus in Pamphylia, where he had 
 obtained some contributions, surprised his naval camp in the 
 night, and slew him. Thus perisiied the man who had delivered 
 Ins country from the Thirty Tyrants. He was succeeded in liis 
 command by Agyrrhius.
 
 B.C. 389. TELEUTIAS SURPRISES PIR^US, 453 
 
 The succe.s.s of Thrasybulus in the Hellespont created such 
 anxiety at Sparta that the Ephors were induced to supersede 
 Dercyllidas, and appoint Auaxibius to the government of Aby- 
 dus. Auaxibius took with him a force that rendered him master 
 of the straits, and enabled him to intercept the merchantmen 
 bound to Athens and other ports belonging to the allies. The 
 Athenians now despatched Iphicrates with 8 triremes and 1200 
 peltasts to make head against Auaxibius ; and by a well-laid 
 stratagem the Athenian commander succeeded in suprising 
 Auaxibius among the mountain-ranges of Ida, whilst on his 
 homeward march from Antandrus to Abydus. The troops of 
 Auaxibius were completely routed, and himself and twelve other 
 harmosts slain. 
 
 § 14. This exploit rendered the Athenians again masters of the 
 Hallespout. But whilst thus successful in that quarter, their 
 attention was attracted nearer home by the affairs of iEgina. 
 After the battle of j'Egospotami, Lysander had restored to the 
 island as many of the ancient population as he could find ; and 
 they were now induced by the Lacedsemonian harmost to infest 
 the Athenian trade with their privateers ; so that, in the lan- 
 guage of Pericles, iEgina again became "the eyesore of Pira3us." 
 The most memorable event in this period of the war was the 
 surprise of Piraeus by Teleutias with a squadron of only 12 sail. 
 Teleutias was the most popular commander in the Lacedemonian 
 fleet, and was sent by the Ephors to appease the discontent 
 among the Lacedaemonian seamen at iEgina, in consequence of 
 not receiving their pay. Teleutias plainly told them that they 
 had nothing to depend upon but their swords, and he bade them 
 prepare for an enterprise, the object of which he did not then 
 di.-iclose. Tlris was nothing less than an attack upon Piraeus ; 
 an enterprise which it seemed almo.st insane to attempt with a 
 force ot only 12 triremes. But Teleutias reckoned on taking the 
 Athenians by surprise. Ciuittiug the harbour of iEgina at night- 
 fall, and rowing along leisurely and in silence, Teleutias found 
 himself at daybreak within half a mile of Piraeus, and when it 
 was fully light he steered his vessels straight into the harbour, 
 which was beginning to a.ssume again some of its former com- 
 mercial importance. Here, as he expected, he Ibuiid no pre- 
 paralious for repelling an attack, and though the alarm was 
 immediately raised, he had time to inflict considerable damage 
 before any troops could be got together to oppose him. His 
 men disembarked on the quays, and carried otf not oifly the 
 portable merchandise, but also the shipmasters, tradesmen, and 
 others whom they found there. The larger merchant ships 
 were boarded and plundered ; several of the smaller were towed
 
 4/54 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ciiap. XXXVIIL 
 
 oil' willi llicir whole cirfrocs ; and even three or four trircmcfl 
 met tlie .same i'ute. All llii.s booty Tuleiitia.s Huccceded in curry- 
 ing safely into yE<(ina, tof^ether with several corn-ships, and 
 other merchantmen which lie fell in with oil" Sunium. The 
 prizes were then sold, and yielded so large a sum that Teleutias 
 was able to pay the seamen a month's wages. 
 
 M5. Whilst these things were passing in Greece, Antalcidas, 
 conducted by Tiribazus, had repaired to the Persian court a 
 second time for the purpose of renewing his negotiations for a 
 general peace on the same basis as he had projKJsed htefbrc. 
 This time he succeeded in Minning the favour of tlie Persian 
 monarch, in spile of his dislike of the Spartans generally, and 
 prevailed on him both to adopt the jteace, and to declare war 
 against those who should reject it. Antalcidas and Tiribazus 
 again arrived on the coasts of Asia Minor in the spring of i;.c. 
 387, not only armed with these powers, hut provided with an 
 ample force to carry them into execution. In addition to the 
 entire fleet of Persia, Dionysius of Syracuse had placed 2lJ tri- 
 remes at the service of the Laceda-monions ; and Antalcidas now 
 sailed with a large fleet to the Hellespont, where Iphicrates and 
 the Athenians were still predominant. But the overwhelming 
 force of Antalcidas, the largest that ha.l been seen in the tlelles- 
 pont since the battle of yEgospotami, rendered all resistance 
 hopeless. The supplies of corn from the Euxine no longer 
 found their way to Athens ; the jEginetan privateers resumed 
 their depredations ; and the Athenians, depressed at once both 
 by what they felt and by what they anticipated, began to long 
 for peace. The Argives participated in the same desire ; and 
 as without the assistance of Athens it seemed ho])eless for the 
 other allies to struggle against Sparta, all Greece seemed in- 
 clined to listen to an accommodation. 
 
 Under these circumstances deputies from the (.rrecian states 
 wei'e summoned to meet Tiribazus ; who, after exhibiting to 
 them the royal seal of Persia, read to them the following terms 
 of a peace : " King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in 
 Asia and the islands of Clazomeiuo and Cyprus should belong to 
 him. He also thinks it just to leave all the other Grecian cities, 
 both small and great, independent — except Lemnos, Imbrcs, and 
 Scyros, which are to belong to Athens, as of old. Should any 
 parties refuse to accept this peace, I will make war upon them, 
 along with those who are of the same mind, both by land and 
 sea. with ships and with money." 
 
 The dejmties reported these terms to their respective govern- 
 ments, all of which at once accepted the peace with the exception 
 of the Thebans, who claimed to take the oath not in their own
 
 B.C. 38Y. 
 
 PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. 
 
 455 
 
 behalf alone, but for the Boeotian confederacy in general. But 
 when Agesilaus threatened the Thebans with war if they did 
 not comply, they consented to take the oath for their own city 
 alone — thus virtually renouncing their federal headship. 
 
 ^ 16. This disgraceful peace, called the peace of Antalcidas, 
 was concluded in the year B.C. 387. By it Helles seemed pro- 
 strated at the feet of the barbarians ; for its very terms, engraven 
 on stone and set up in the sanctuaries of Greece, recognized the 
 Persian kiiAg as the arbiter of her destinies. Although Athens 
 cannot be entirely exonerated from the blame of this transac- 
 tion, the chief guilt rests upon Sparta, whose designs were far 
 deeper and more hypocritical than they appeared. Under the 
 specious pretext of securing the independence of the Grecian 
 cities, her only object Avas to break up the confederacies under 
 Athens and Thebes, and, with the assistance of Persia, to pave 
 the way for her own absolute dominion in Greece. Her real 
 aim is pithily characterized in an anecdote recorded of Agesi- 
 laus. When somebody remarked " Alas, for Hellas, that our 
 Spartans should be Medizing.'" "Say rather," replied Agesi- 
 laus, "that the Medes are Laconizing." 
 
 Adventures of Dionysus, from ihe Choragic monument of Lysicrates.
 
 Adventures of Dionysus, from the Choragic Monument ofLysicraics, 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 FROM THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLIAS. 
 
 § 1. Aggressions of Sparta in Bocotia. Kobiiilding of Platfca. § 2. 
 Reduction of ^lantinea. § 3. Oivnthian confederation. Sparta in- 
 terferes. § 4. Seizure of tlie CaJinea at Thebes by the Laceda-mo- 
 nians. § 5. Reduction of Olynthus. § 6. Unpopularity of Sparta. 
 § 7. Revohition at Thebes. § 8. The Laceda?monians expelled from 
 the Cadmea. §9. Their expeditions against Thebes. Alarm of the 
 Athenians, -who ally themselves with Tiiebes. § 10. Reorganization 
 of the Athenian confederation. §11. Preparations for war. The 
 Theban "Sacred Band." §12. Ciiaracter of Epaminondas. §13. 
 Spartan invasions of Boeotia. 14. Maritime affairs. Battle ofNaxos. 
 Success of Timotheus. § 15. Progress of tlie Thel)an arn)s. § 16. 
 The Athenians form a peace -with Sparta, which is immediately 
 broken. Proceedings at Corcyra. § 17. The Lacedaemonians solicit 
 Persian aid. §18. Congress at Sparta to treat of peace. The The- 
 baus are excluded from it. 
 
 ^ 1. No sooner was the peace of Antalcidas concluded than 
 Sparta, directed by Agesilaus, the ever-active enemy of Thebes, 
 exerted all her power to weaken that city. She began by pro- 
 claimuig the independence of the various Bceotian cities, and 
 by organizing in each a local oligarchy, adverse to Thebes and 
 favourable to herself The popular feeling in these cities was 
 in general opposed to the Spartan dominion ; two alone, Orcho- 
 menus and Thespiaj, preferred it to that of Thebes ; and in these 
 the Lacedasmouians placed garrisons, and made them their main 
 stations in BcEotia. Even such a step as this seemed to exceed 
 the spiiit of the treaty, which required merely the independence 
 of each city ; but the restoration of Plataea, now eHected by the 
 Lacedsemoniaus, was an evident work of supererogation, under- 
 taken only to annoy and weaken Thebes, and to form a place 
 for another Lacedsemonian garrison. Since the destruction of
 
 B.C. 3S5. DESTRUCTION OF MANTINEA. 457 
 
 Plata;a, most of her remaining citizens had become domiciled at 
 Athens, had married Athenian women, and had thus almost 
 forgotten their native country. These were now restored, and 
 their city rebuilt ; but merely that it might become a Spartan 
 out-post. Thebes was at present too weak to resist these en- 
 croachments on her dignity and power, which even at Sparta were 
 regarded with dissatisfation by king Agesipolis and the more 
 moderate party. 
 
 § 2. The Lacedcemonians now found themselves in a condition 
 to wreak their vengeance on the Mantineans, by whom they 
 deemed themselves aggrieved. They could not, indeed, bring 
 any charge of positive hostility against the Mantineans ; but they 
 accused them of lukewarmness and equivocal fidelity ; of having 
 been slack in furnishing their contingents during the late war ; 
 and of having supplied the Argives witli corn when at war with 
 Sparta. Ou these grounds a massage was sent requiring the 
 Mantineans to raze their walls ; and as they hesitated to comply, 
 an army was despatched under Agesipolis to enforce obedience. 
 Agesipolis succeeded in taking Mantinea, which was well sup- 
 plied with provisions, by damming up the river Ophis which 
 ran through it. The inundation thus caused undermined the 
 walls which were built of baked bricks, and obliged the citizens 
 to capitulate. Much harder terms were now e.\;acted from 
 them. They were required not only to demolish their fortifica- 
 tions but also a great part of their town, so as to restore it to 
 the form of five villages, out of which it had been originally 
 formed. Each of these villages was left unfortified, and placed 
 under a separate oligarchical government. About the same 
 time the Laceda3monians compelled the city of Phlius to recall 
 a body of exiles who had been expelled on account of their at- 
 tachment to the interests of Sparta. 
 
 s^ 3. But the attention of Sparta was soon called to more 
 distant regions. Olynthus, a town situated at the head of the 
 Toronaic gulf in the peninsula of the Macedonian Chalcidice, had 
 become the head of a powerful confederation, which included 
 several of the adjacent Grecian cities, and among them Potidaea, 
 on the isthmus of Pallene. Acanthus and Apollonia, the largest 
 cities after Olynthus, in the Chalcidic peninsula, had refused to 
 join the league ; and as they were threatened with war by Olyn- 
 thus, they despatched envoys to Sparta to solicit aid (b.c. 3b3). 
 The envoys gave an alarming account of the designs of Olyn- 
 thus : and being seconded by ambassadors from Amyntas, king 
 of Macedonia, the Lacedaemonians were easily persuaded to enter 
 upon an undertaking Avhich harmonised with tlieir present course 
 of policy. Their allies were persuaded or rather overawed into 
 
 X
 
 468 IIISTURY (JF GKKKCK. f.'irAP. XXXI>L 
 
 ihu a(l()j)tiori ol' tlioir views, and an army of 10,000 men was 
 voted. The emergency, however, was so pressiiifr that Euda- 
 midas was despatched at once with a Ibree of 2000 hoplites. 
 Marching rapidly with only a portion even of these, he arrived 
 in tune enougii lo deiiuid Acantlius and Ajwllonia, and even suc- 
 ceeded in inducing ]?otid;i'a to revolt I'nun the league. But, 
 thougli joined by Ainynta.s with his forces, he was not strong 
 enough to take the field opi-nly again.st the OlynthiarLS. 
 
 ^ 4. This expedition of the Lacedaemonians led incidentally to 
 an allair of much greater importance. The Thebans had entered 
 into an alliance with Olynthus, and had forbidden any of their 
 citizens to join the Laceda:!monian army destined to act again.st 
 it ; but they were not strong enough to prevent its marching 
 through their territory. I'ha-bidas, the brother of Eudarnidas, 
 Avas appointed to collect the troops wliich Avere not in readiness 
 at the time of his brothers departure, and to march witli all pos- 
 sible speed towards Olynthus. On his way through Bu^otia he 
 halted with his division at a gj'mnasium not far from Thebes ; 
 where he was visited by Leontiades, one of the polcmarchs of 
 the city, and two or three other leaders of the Lacedcemonian 
 party in Thebes. It happened that tlie festival of the Thes- 
 inophoria was on the point of being celebrated, during whicli the 
 Cadmea, or Theban Acropolis, was given up for the exclusive use 
 of the women. The opportunity seemed lavourable lor a sur- 
 prise ; and Leontiades and Phoebidas concerted a plot to seize it. 
 Whilst the festival was celebrating, Phcebidas pretended to re- 
 sume his march, but only made a circuit round the city walls; 
 whilst Leontiades, stealing out of the senate, mounted his horse, 
 and joining the Lacedaemonian troops, conducted them towards 
 the Cadmea, It was a sultry summer's alternoon, so that the 
 very streets w'ere deserted ; and Phcfibidas, without encounter- 
 ing any opposition, seized the citadel and all the women in it, to 
 serve as hostages for the quiet submission of the Thebans. 
 Leontiades then returned to the senate, and caused his fellow 
 Polemarch, Ismcnias, who was the head of the opposite, or pa- 
 triotic, party, to be seized and imprisoned. Alter this blow, 
 300 of the leading men of his party Hed to Athens lor safety. 
 Ismenias was shortly afterwards brought to trial by Leontiades 
 before a packed court, and put to death on the ground of his 
 receiving money from Persia and stirring up the late war. 
 
 This treacherous act during a period of profound peace 
 awakened the liveliest indignation throughout Greece. Sjiarta 
 herself could not venture to justily it openly, and Pha?bidas -was 
 made the scape-goat of her atfected displeasure. The Ephors, 
 though tliey had secretly autliorised the proceeding, now dis-
 
 B.C. ^19. END OF THE OLYNTHIAN WAR. 459 
 
 avowed him ; and Af^esilaus alone, prompted by his burning 
 hatred of" Thebes, stood forth in liis detence. The resuk was a 
 truly Laconian piece of hypocrisy. As a sort of atonement to 
 the violated ieeling of Greece, Phcebidas was censured, fined, and 
 dismissed. But that this was a mere farce is evident from the 
 fact of his subsequent restoration to command ; and, however 
 indignant the Lacedsemonians aflected to appear at the act of 
 Pha-bidas, they took care to reap the fruits of it by retaining 
 their garrison in the Cadinea. 
 
 ^ 5. The cuce haughty Thebes was now enrolled a member of 
 the Lacedaunoiiian alliance, and furnished her contingent — the 
 grateful oHeriiig of the new Theban government — for the war 
 which Sparta was prosecuting with redoubled vigour against 
 Olynthus. The troops of that city, however, especially its cav- 
 alry, were excellent, and the struggle was protracted lor several 
 years. During the course of it king Agesipolis died of a fever 
 brought on by his exertions ; and the war, which had begun in 
 i!.c. 383, was ultimately brought to a close by his successor, 
 Polybiades, in b.c. 379 • who, by closely blockading Olynthus, 
 deprived it of its supplies, and thus forced it to capitulate. The 
 Olyntliian confederacy was now dissolved ; the Grecian cities be- 
 longing to it were compelled to join the Laccdsemonian alliance ; 
 whilst the maritime towns of Macedonia were again reduced 
 nnder the dominion of Amyntas. Sparta thus inflicted a great 
 blow upon Hellas ; for the Olynthian confederacy might have 
 served as a counterpoise to the growing power of Macedon, des- 
 tined soon to overwhelm the rest of Greece. 
 
 About the same time as the reduction of Olynthus, Phlius 
 yielded to the arms of Agesilaus, who, on the complaint of the 
 restored exiles that they could not obtain a restitution of their 
 rights, had undertaken the siege of that city. A government 
 nominated by Agesilaus was now appointed there. 
 
 § G. The power of Sparta on land had now attained its greatest 
 height. At sea, she divided with Athens the empire of the 
 smaller islands, whilst the larger one seems to have been inde- 
 pendent of both. Her unpopularity in Greece was commen- 
 surate with the extent of her harshly administered dominion. 
 She was leagued on all sides with the enemies of Grecian free- 
 dom — with the Persians, with Amyntas of Macedon, and Avith 
 Dionysius of Syracuse. But she had now reached the turniug- 
 jwint of her fortunes, and her successes, which had been earned 
 without scruple, were soon to be followed by misfortunes and 
 disgrace. The lirst blow came from Thebes, where she had per- 
 petrated her most signal injustice. 
 
 § 7. That city had been for tln-ee years in the hands of
 
 400 HISTORY OF GREFX'M Ciiai-. XXXIX 
 
 Lri)iiliu(l>.'.s 1111(1 llio Sj);irl;iii parly. lJuriii<^ thi.s liiiit- f:rcat dis- 
 coiitciit yiad grttwii up aiii()ii<( the n-Hidc-iit citizens ; and there 
 was also the jjarly of exa«jK;raled exiles, wlio had taken refuse at 
 A 1 hens. Among lhe.se exiles -was I'elopidas, a young man of 
 hirlh and fortune, who had already distinguished himself hy his 
 disinterested patriotism and ardent character. He applied a 
 great part of his wealth to the relief of his indignant fellow- 
 citizens, and gave such undivided attention to jiuhlic aliairs as 
 to neglect the management of his own projicrty. 
 
 Pelopidas took the lead in llie plans now iijiiiied for the libe- 
 ration of his country, and was the heart and soul of the enter- 
 prise. Rebuked by his friends on account of his careles.sne8s, he 
 replied that money was certainly useful to such as were lame 
 and blind. His warm and generous heart was irresistibly at- 
 tracted by everj'thing great and noble ; and hence he was led to 
 ibrm a close and intimate friendship with E])aminondas, who 
 was several years older than himself and of a still loftier cha- 
 racter. Their friendship is said to have originated in a cam- 
 paign in which they served together, when Pelopidas having 
 fallen in battle apparently dead, Epaminondas protected his 
 body at the imminent risk of his own life. I'elopidas al'tenvards 
 endeavoured to persuade Epaminondas to share his riches with 
 him ; and when he did not succeed, he resolved, to live on the 
 same frugal fare as his great friend. A secret correspondence 
 was opened with his friends at Thebes, the chief of whom were 
 Phyllidas, secretary to the polemarchs, and Charon. Epaminon- 
 das was solicited to take a part in the conspiracy ; but, though 
 he viewed the Lacedannoniau government with abhorrence, his 
 principles forbade him to paticipate in a plot \Ahich was to be 
 carried out by treachery and murder. 
 
 The dominant faction, besides the advantage of the actual 
 possession of power, was supjiorted by a garrison of 1500 Lace- 
 dajmonians. The enterprise, therefore, was one of considerable 
 difficulty and danger. In the execution of it Phyllidas took a 
 leading part. It was arranged that he should give a supper to 
 Archias and Philippus, the two polemarchs, whose companv was 
 to be secured by the allurement of an introduction to some 
 Theban women remarkable for their beauty. After they had 
 partaken freely of wine, the conspirators Avere to be intro- 
 duced, disguised as women, and to complete their work by the 
 assassination of the polemarchs. On the day before the banquet, 
 Pelopidas, with six other exiles, arrived at Thebes from Athens, 
 and, straggling through the gates towards dusk in the disguise 
 of rustics and huntsmen, arrived safely at the house of Charon, 
 where they remained concealed till the appointed hour. Before
 
 B.C. 379. LIBERATION OF THEBES. 461 
 
 it arrived, liowever, a summons which Charon received to attend 
 the polemarchs filled the conspirators with the liveliest alarm. 
 These magistrates, whilst enjoying tlie good cheer of Phyllidas, 
 received a vague message Irom Athens respecting some plot 
 form.ed by tlie exiles ; and, as Charon was known to be connected 
 with them, he was immediately sent for and questioned. By 
 the aid of Phyllidas, however, Charon contrived to lull the sus- 
 picions of the polemarchs, who were already half intoxicated. 
 Shortly after the departure ot Charon another messenger arrived 
 from Athens with a letter for Archias, in which the whole plot 
 was accurately detailed. The messenger, in accordance with his 
 uistructions informed Archias that the letter related to matters 
 of serious importance. But the polemarch, completely engi'ossed 
 by the pleasures of the table, thrust the letter under the pillow 
 of his couch, exclaiming, "Serious mattei's to-mori"ow.'' 
 
 The hour of their fate was now ripe, and the polemarchs, 
 flushed with wine, desired PhyUidas to introduce tlie women. 
 The conspirators, disguised Avitli veils, and in the ample folds of 
 female attire, were ushered into the room. For men in the 
 state of the revellers the deception was complete ; but when they 
 attempted to lift the veils I'rom the women, their passion was 
 rewarded by the mortal thrust of a dagger. After thus slaying 
 the two polemarchs, the conspirators went to the house of Leon- 
 tiades, whom they Ibund reclining after supper, whilst his wife 
 sat spinning by his side. Leontiades, who was strong and 
 courageous, immediately seized his sword and inflicted a mortal 
 wound on one of the conspirators, but was at length overpowered 
 and killed by Pelopidas. Then the conspirators proceeded to the 
 gaol, and, having liberated the prisoners, supplied them with 
 arms. 
 
 The news of the revolution soon spread abroad. Epammondas, 
 whose repugnance to these proceedings attached only to then- 
 secret and treacherous character, now appeared accompanied by 
 a few friends in arms. Proclamations were issued announcing 
 that Thebes was free, and calling upon all citizens who valued 
 their liberty to muster in the market-place. As soon as day 
 ilawned, and the citizens became aware that they were sum- 
 moned to vindicate their liberty, their joy and enthusiasm were 
 unbounded. For the first time since the seizure of their citadel 
 tliey met in public assembly ; the conspirators, being introduced, 
 were crowned by the priest with wreaths, and thanked in tlie 
 name of their country's gods ; wliilst the assembly, with gratei\il 
 acclamation, unanimously nominated Pelopidas, Charon, and Mel- 
 lon as the first restored Bceotarchs. 
 
 § 8. Meanwhile the remainder of the Theban exiles, acconr
 
 4fl2 lIlSTUltV OF (IREECE. Chap. XXXlX 
 
 paiiicd liy ri hody of Afliciiian voluiitrors, .awsfrnbled on the 
 i'roiilicrs of ]{<j'olia ; and, at the first iirws of tlie HUfceps of the 
 ooiispiraoy, liaslciwd to Thebes to coriiiilr-tc th(3 revolution. The 
 Laccdinrrionian f^arri.son sent to Thcspirr; and Plata;a for rcinforoc- 
 ments ; but tliese were di.spersed l>y the Tfieban cavalry before 
 they could a])proach the f,'ates. The Thebans, under their new 
 BcDotarchs, were already mounting to the a.«.«aidt of the Cadrnca, 
 when the LacedanuonianHcapitulated, and were allowed to march 
 out with the Iionoiu's of war. But several of the Theban citizens 
 of the Laceda-nionian party, who had taken refufre in tlie citadel, 
 were put to death, and in some cases even their children .shaied 
 their fate. The surrender cf the Cadmea seems to have been a 
 disgraceful dereliction of duty on the part of the three com- 
 manding Sparlan harmosls; nor are we surprised to hear that 
 two of them were put to death and the third fined and banished. 
 ^ 9. Tlic news of this revolution gave a shock to the Lace- 
 daemonian power throughout (j recce. At hfparta itself it occa- 
 sioned the greatest consternation. Althougli it was the depth 
 of winter, the allied contingents were immediately called out 
 and an expedition undertaken against Thebes. As Agesilaus, 
 being now more than sixty years of age, declined to take the 
 command, it was assigned to his colleague, Cleombrotus, -who 
 penetrated as far into Bceotia as Cynoscephalaj ; but, after re- 
 maining there sixteen days, he returned to Sparia without having 
 efTeeted anything, leaving, however, a third of liis army at Thes- 
 pian, under the command of Sphodrias. This expedition caused 
 great alarm at Athens. The Laceda>m.onians sent envovs to 
 demand satisfaction for the part which the Athenians liad taken 
 ni the Theban revolution. Among those who had aided and 
 abetted the plot were two of the Strategi or Generals, who were 
 now sacrificed to the public security, one of them being con- 
 demned and executed, and the other, who fled before trial, sen- 
 tenced to banishment. The Thebans, now fearing that the 
 Athenians would remain (piiet and leave them to contend single- 
 handed against the Spartans, bribed Sphodrias to invade Attica. 
 Accordingly Sphodrias set out from Thespian with tlie intention 
 of surprising the Piraeus by night ; but, being overtaken by day- 
 light whilst still on the Thriasian plain near Eleusis, he retreated, 
 (hough not without committing various acts of depredation. 
 This attempt excited the liveliest indignation at Athens. The 
 Laceda?monian envoys, still at Athens, Mere seized and interro- 
 gated, but exculpated themselves from all knowledge of tlie en- 
 terprise. tSphodrias himself was indicted for it at S])arta. but 
 the influence of Agesilaus procured his acquittal. His escape 
 was denounced by the unaijimous voice of Greece. At Athens
 
 B.C. 878. ALLIANCE BETWEEN ATHENS AND THEBES. 46S 
 
 it, at once produced an alliance with Thebes, and a declaration 
 of Avar against Sparta (u.c. 378). 
 
 § 10. From this time must be dated the sera of a new political 
 combination in Greece. Athens strained every nerve to organ- 
 ize a fresh confederacy. She already possessed the nucleus oi'onti 
 in a small body of maritime allies, and envoys were now sent to 
 the principal ports and islands in the iEgean, inviting them to 
 join the alliance on equal and honourable terms. Thebes did 
 not scruple to enrol herself as one of its earliest members. At 
 Athens itself the fortifications of Pira;us were completed, new 
 ships of war were built, and every means taken to ensure naval 
 supremacy. The basis on which the confederacy was formed 
 closely resembled that of Delos. The cities comnosing it were 
 to be independent, and to send dep-uties to a congress at Athens, 
 for the purpose of raising a common fund for the support of a 
 naval force. Care was taken to banish all recollections con- 
 nected with the former unpopularity of the Athenian empire. 
 The name of the tribute was no longer phoros* but syniaxis,^ or 
 " contribution ;" and all previous rights of cicrucliia were formally 
 renounced. The confederacy, which ultimately numbered 70 
 cities, was chiefly organized through the exertions of Chabrias, 
 of Timotheus the son of Conon, and of the orator (Jallistratus ; 
 but of these Timotheus was particularly successful in procuring 
 accessions to the league. 
 
 §11. The first proceeding of the assembled congress was to vote 
 20,000 hoplites, 500 cavalry, and 200 triremes. To meet the ne- 
 cessary expenses, a new graduated assessment of the eisphoi'a,t or 
 property tax, was instituted at Athens itself (b.c. 378); a species 
 of tax never imposed except on urgent occasions. These pro- 
 ceedings show the ardour with which Athens embarked in the 
 war. jSTor were the Thebans less zealous, amongst whom the 
 Spartan government had left a lively feeling of antipathy. They 
 hastened to enrol themselves mider Pelopidas and his colleagues ; 
 the most fertile portion of the Thcban territory was surrounded 
 with a ditch and palisade, in order to protect it from invasion ; 
 the military force was put in the best training, and tbe famous 
 " Sacred Band" was now for the first time instituted. This 
 band was a regiment of 300 hoplites. It was supported at the 
 public expense, and kept constantly under arms. It w?>.s com- 
 posed of young and chosen citizens of the best familio-';, and 
 organized in such a manner that each man had at his side o dear 
 and intimate I'riend. Its special duty was the defence of the 
 Cadmea.
 
 4«4 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chai'. XXXIX. 
 
 ^ 12. The Thebans had always been excellent soldiers; buttheir 
 
 frood lurtune udw fjfave tliera the greatest f^enoral that (ireeee liad 
 hitlierto seen. Eparninonda-s, vvliu now appears con-sjiieuously 
 in public lite, <lerierve.s the re|)Utati(>n not incnrly ot a Theban 
 but of a (xriTian hero. Sprung from a poor but ancient family, 
 Epaininondas possessed all the best qualities of his nation with- 
 out that heaviness, either of body or of mind, which characterized 
 and deteriorated the Tlicban people. In the exerci.scs of the 
 gymnasium he aimed rather at feats of skill, than of mere cor- 
 poreal streni^th. He excelled in music — a term which among 
 the GrcL'ks denoted not only iiLstrumental and vocal perlitrm- 
 ance, and dancing, but also the just and rhythmical intonation 
 of the voice and movement of the body. To the.se accomplish- 
 ments he united the more intellectual study of philo.sophy. 
 Throujrh the Theban Simmias, and the Tarentine Sjiintliarus, 
 both of whom had been companions of Socrates, Epaminondas 
 imbib^nl the wisdom anl the method of the great philosopher 
 of Athens ; whilst by the Pythagorean Lysis, a Tarentine exile 
 resident at Thebes, he was initiated into the mce'e recondite 
 doctrines of the earliest of Grecian sages. By these varied com- 
 munications his mind was enlai'ged beyond the sphere of vulgar 
 superstition, and emancipated from that timorous interpretation 
 of nature, which caused even some of the leading men of those 
 days to behold a portent in the most ordinary phenomenon. A 
 still rarer accomplishment for a Theban was that of eloquence, 
 which he possessed in no ordinary degree. These intellectual 
 qualities were matched with moral virtues worthy to consort 
 with them. Though eloquent, he was discreet ; though poor, he 
 was neither avaricious nor corrupt ; though naturally tirm and 
 courageous, he was averse to cruelty, violence, and bloodshed ; 
 though a patriot, he was a stranger to personal ambition, and 
 scorned the little arts by which popularity is too often courted. 
 Pelopitlas, as we have already said, was his bosom friend. It 
 was natural, therelore, that when Peloj)idas was named Bobo- 
 tarch, Epaminondas should be prominently einploved in organ- 
 izing the means of war ; but it was not till some years later 
 tliat his military genius shone forth in its full lustre. 
 
 ^ 13. The Spartans were resolved to avenge the repulse they 
 had received — and in the summer of b.c. 378, Agesilaus marched 
 with a large army into Bceotia. He succeeded in breakinir 
 through the Theban circumvallation, and ravaged the countrj' 
 up to the very gates of Thebes ; though the combined Theban 
 and Athenian armies — the latter under Chabrias — presented 
 too formidable a front for him to venture upon an engagement. 
 After spending h. month in the BoBOtiau territory without
 
 B.C. 376. BATTLE OF NAXOS. 465 
 
 striking a decisive blow, Agesilaus returned to Sparta with 
 the bulk of his army, leaving the rest under the command of 
 Phoebidas at Thespite ; who shortly afterwards fell in a skirmish. 
 A second expedition undertaken by Agesilaus in the following 
 summer (k.c. 377) ended much in the same maimer. An injury 
 to his leg, which he received on the homeward march, and which 
 was aggravated by the unskilfulness of his surgeon, disabled him 
 for a long tima from active service ; so that the invasion in the 
 summer of B.C. 376 was conducted by Cleombrotus. But the 
 Thebans had now acquired both skill and confidence. They an- 
 ticipated the Lacedcemonians in seizing the passes of Cithaeron; 
 and Cleombrotus. instead of invading Bosotia, was forced to re- 
 treat ingloriously. 
 
 M4. This ill-success on land determined the Lacedsemonians 
 to try what they could eti'ect at sea ; and a fleet of 60 triremes 
 under PoUio was accordingly despatched mto the ^Egean. Near 
 Naxos they fell in with the Athenian fleet under Chabrias, who 
 completely defeated them, thus regaining once more for Athens 
 the mastery of the seas. (b.c. 376.) It was on this occasion 
 that young Phocion first distinguished himself The Athenians 
 followed up this success by sending Timotheus, the son of 
 Conon, with a fleet into the western seas. Timotheus won 
 success as much by prudence and conciliation as by arms. The 
 inhabitants of Cephallenia and Corcyra, several of the tribes 
 of Epirus, together with the Acarnanians dwelling on the coast, 
 were persuaded to join the Athenian alliance. OlFAcarnania 
 he was attacked by the Peloponnesian fleet, which, however, he 
 defeated ; and being subsequently reinforced by some triremes 
 from Corcyra, he bjcams completely master of the seas in that 
 quarter. 
 
 ^ 15. The justice and forbearance, however, which Timotheus 
 observed towards friends and neutrals, obliged him to draw 
 largely upon the Athenian treasury ; and the losses inflicted on 
 the Athenian commerce by the privateers of ./Egina caused the 
 drain to ba still more seriously felt. Athens was thus compelled 
 to make fresh demands on the members of the confederacy ; 
 with which however tha Thebans refused to comply, though it 
 was partly at their instance that the Athenian fleet had been 
 sent into the iEgean. This refusal was embittered by jealousy 
 of the rapid strides, which, owing to the diversion caused by the 
 maritime efforts of Athens, Thebes had recently been making. 
 For two years Boeotia had been free from Spartan invasion ; and 
 Thebes had employed this time in extending her dominion over 
 the neighbouring cities. One of her most important successes 
 daring this period was the victory gained bj' Pelopidas near
 
 46fl JIISTOIIY OF raiEECE. Chai. XXXlx 
 
 Teifvra, a villafro dcpoiuli-nt u[K»n On-hornenus (n.r. 375). The 
 Spartan harmorft ot" Orf^lioint'iius havirif; left that t/jwn with the 
 greater part of the frarriw)!! in order to make an incursion into 
 Locris, Pelopidas I'ormcd the project of surprisinj^ Orchornenus, 
 but (inchnjr it iinpraeticabic, was on liis road home, when he fell 
 in near Teiryra with tlic; Lacedaanonians on their return from 
 Locris. Pelopidas had with liim only lh<! Sacred Band and ;i. 
 small body of cavalry, while the Laceda-monians were nearly 
 twice as numerous. He did not, however, shrink from the con- 
 flict on this account ; and when one of his men, nuinin<r up to 
 him, exclaimed, " We are iallen into the midst of the enemy," 
 he replied, " Why so, more than they into the midst of us ?" In 
 the battle which ensued, the two Spartan commanders fell at 
 the first charge, and their men were put to the rout. So signal 
 a victory inspired the Thebans with new confidence and vigour, 
 as it showed that Sparta was not invincible even in a pitched 
 battle, and with the advantage of numbers on her side. By the 
 year 374 b.c, the Thebans had succeeded in entirely expelling 
 the Lacedismonians from Boeotia, had put down the oligarchical 
 factions in the various cities, and revived the Boeotian confe- 
 deracy. Orchornenus alone, which lay on the borders of Phccis, 
 together with its dependency Cha-ronea, still remained under 
 Spartan government. The Thebans now began to look beyond 
 their own boundaries, and to retaliate on the Phocians for the 
 assistance they liad lent to Sparta. The success of the Thebans 
 in that quarter v.^ould have laid open to them the temple of 
 Delphi with all its treasures ; nor did such a result seem impro- 
 bable, as the Phocians were at the same time hard })ressed by 
 Jason, of Phera; in Thessaly. But at the instance of the Phocians 
 Cleombrotus came to their aid, and succeeded in assuring their 
 safety, as well as that of Orchornenus. 
 
 ^16. Such were the successes of the Thebans which revived 
 the jealousy and distrust of Athens. Phocis was her ancient 
 ally ; and the Theban menace of that coun.try, coupled with the 
 anger excited by the refusal of the Thebai.s to pay the required 
 tribute, induced the Athenians to make pro])osals of peace to 
 Sparta. These were eagerly adopted, and Timotheus was in- 
 8tr!:Cted to sail back to Athens with the fleet. The peace, how- 
 Gvci, was broken almost as soon as made. On his way back, 
 Timotheus disembarked at Zacynthus some exiles belonging to 
 that island, and assisted them in establishing a fortified post. 
 For this proceeding Sparta demanded redress at Athens in the 
 name of the Zacvnthian government ; which being refused, war 
 was again declared. The Lacedannonians now sent a large force 
 under the command of Mrasippus Jo subdue the important island
 
 B.C. 311. PEACE BETWEEN ATHENS AND SPARTA. 467 
 
 of Corcyra. which has not appeared in Grecian history since the 
 time ot" the fearful dissensions by which it was torn asunder in 
 the Peloponnesian war. Mnasippus having efiected a landinrc 
 and blockaded the capital, the Corcyrians invoked the aid of the 
 Athenians, who appomted Tnnotheus to conduct a fleet to theif 
 relief; and whilst this was preparing despatched Stesicles with 
 600 peltasts overland through Thessaly and Epirus. These being 
 conveyed across the channel to Corcyra, contrived to get into the 
 city, and revived the hopes of the besieged with the news of the 
 approaching Athenian fleet. The distress and privation had now 
 become very great within the city ; but the misconduct of Mna- 
 sippus aflbrded the Corcyrajans an opportunity of retrieving their 
 afiairs. His soldiers, who were mostly mercenaries, being irregu- 
 lai'ly paid and harshly treated, became mutinous and insubor- 
 dinate ; the watch was badly kept ; and the besieged, observing 
 their opportunity, made a sally in which the Lacedaemonians 
 were defeated, and Mnasippus himself slain. Shortly afterAvards 
 the approach of the Athenian fleet being announced, the Lace- 
 dtemonions hastily evacuated the island, leaving behind them a 
 large store of provisions and many slaves, besides a considerable 
 number of sick and Avounded soldiers. 
 
 When the Athenian fleet arrived it was found to be com- 
 manded by Iphicrates, Chabrias, and the orator Callistratus. 
 Timotheus had been superseded in the command, because he 
 was thought to have wasted time unnecessarily in equipping the 
 fleet. Iphicrates, soon after his arrival at Corcyra, captured nine 
 out of ten triremes sent by Dionysius of Syracuse to the assist- 
 ance of Sparta. From thence he crossed over to the opposite 
 coast of Acarnania, and even laid waste the western shores of 
 Peloponnesus. 
 
 ^ 17. These successes of the Athenians occasioned great alarm 
 at Sparta. Antalcidas was again despatched (b.c. 372) to solicit 
 the intervention of Persia, on the plea that the peace had been 
 infringed by the re-establishment of the Boeotian confederation. 
 But even Athens had become anxious for peace, in consequence 
 of the increasing jealousy of Thebes, which had recently destroyed 
 the restored city of Platsea, and obliged its inhabitants once more 
 to seek refuge at Athens. Prompted by these feelings, the Athe- 
 nians opened negotiations for a peace with Sparta ; a resolution 
 which was also adopted by the majority of the allies. Due no- 
 tice of this intention was given to the Thebans, who were also 
 invited to send deputies to Sparta. 
 
 § 18. A congress was accordingly opened in that city in the 
 spring of 371 B.c. The Athenians were represented by Callias, 
 Autocles, and Callistratus ; and the Thebans ^y Epaminondas,
 
 468 
 
 IlISTOliy OF GREECE. 
 
 Ciur. XXXIX. 
 
 thou ono ottlic piilnnarclis. Tin; terms tii a peace were agreed 
 upon, by wlii*;!! tin; iii(lcpe.i(liMico ol' the various Greeiarj cities 
 was to be recoijriiizcd ; the ariiiaiiii'iitH on both sides were to be di«- 
 bfinded, and the .Spartan hariuosts and ^'arrisons everywhere dis- 
 missed. yj)arta ratilied the treaty lor herself and her alhes ; but 
 Alliens took the oaths only (or herscll, and was iijllowed sejiarate- 
 ly by her allies But when the turn of the Thebans catue, 
 Epaininondas refused to sij^n excej)t in the name of the Jia-otian 
 conlederation, and jnslilied Ins refusal in a bold and eloquent 
 speeoh, in which he iniintaiiied that the title of Thebes to the 
 headship of Bujotia rested on as ju;ood a foundation as the claim 
 of oparta to the sovereignty of Laconia, which he maintained 
 was derived only from the power of the sword. This novel and 
 startling view of the matter, which nobody before had ever ven- 
 tured to open, was peculiarly iiTntllting to Spartan ears. Agesi- 
 laus was incensed beyond measure at what he regarded as another 
 instance of Thebau insolence. Starting abruptly from his seat, 
 and addressing Epamiuondas, he exclaimed : " Speak out — will 
 yon, or will you not leave each Boeotian city independent ?" 
 Epamiuondas replied by another rpiestion : " Will you leave each 
 of the Laconian towns indepeiideiit ?" Agesilaus made no answer, 
 but directing the name of the Thebans to be struck out of the 
 treaty, proclaimed them excluded from it. 
 
 Thus ended the congress. The peace concluded between 
 Sparta, Athens, and their respective allies, was called the peace 
 of Callias. The result with regard to Thebes and Sparta will 
 appear in the following chapter. 
 
 The Wind Boreas, from the Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athene.
 
 Ithome, from the Stadium oC Mt 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES. 
 
 § 1. Invasion of Boeotia by Cleombrotus. § 2. Battle of Lenctra. § 3. 
 Its effect tlu'ougliout Greece. § 4. Jason of Pherrc joins the Thebans. 
 § 5. Progress of Thebes. § 6. Assassination of Jason. § 7. Estab- 
 lishment of the Arcadian league. § 8. First invasion of Peloponnesus 
 by Epaminondas. Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous measures of Agesilaus. 
 § v). Epaminondas founds Megalopolis, and restores the Messenians. 
 g 10. Alliance between Athens and Sparta. Second invasion of 
 Peloponnesus bj^ Epaminondas. § 11- Invasion of Laconia by the 
 Arcadians. § 12. Expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly. The 
 "Tearless Battle" between the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians. 
 § 13. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. § 14. Mis- 
 sion of Pelopidas to the court of Susa. § 1.5. Seizure of Pelopidas by 
 Alexander. His release. § 16. The Athenians acquire Oropus. Al- 
 liance between Athens and Arcadia. § 17. Attempt of the Athenians 
 to seize Corinth followed by an alliance between the Corinthians and 
 Thebans. § 18. Success of the Athenians at sea. A Theban fleet 
 commanded by Epaminondas. § 19. Death of Pelopidas. § 20. 
 Y>''ars between Elis and Arcadia. Battle at Olyrapia during the 
 festival. § 21. Dissensions among the Arcadians. § 22. Fourth in- 
 vasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. Attempts upon Sparta 
 and Mantinea. § 2.3. Battle of Mantinea, and death of Epaminon- 
 das. g 24. Death of Agesilaus. 
 
 M. In pursuance of the treaty, tho Lacedaemonians withdrew 
 their harmosts and garrisons, whilst the Athenians recalled
 
 470 HISTORY or GUEPXJK. Ciiap. XL. 
 
 Ijjhlcralcs witli the fleet IVotn the Ionian s(!a. Oijlyonc feeling 
 prevailed at Sparta — a desire to crush Tliehes ; and tliis was 
 carried to an ahiiost insane extent ; so that even Xenojihon, a 
 warm jiarli/an of the Laeeda-inonians, coinjjares it to a rnis- 
 ]eadin;j and fatal inspiration sent hy the f,'o(ls. I5ut this was 
 an iif'ter-thouglit. Before the actual eoilision, the jxeneral opinion 
 not only at Sparta, hut throughout Greece, was very difli-rent. 
 Thebes was regarded as doomed to destruction ; and it was not 
 for a moment imagined that, single-handed, she would he able 
 to resist the might of Sparta. At the time when the peace was 
 concluded, Cleombrolus haj)j)cned to be in Phocis at the head of 
 a Laceda;monian army ; and he now received orders to invade 
 Ba'otia without delay. The Thebans, on their side, were equally 
 determined on resistance. In order to prevent Cleombrotus 
 from penetrating into Bceotia, Epaminondas occupied with a 
 strong force the narrow pass near Coronea, situated between the 
 lake Copais and a spur of Mount Helicon, through which Agesi- 
 laus had forced a passage on his homeward march from Asia. 
 But Cleombrotus took a circuitous road, deemed hardly practi- 
 cable, and therefore but slightly guarded, over the mountains to 
 the south. Arriving thus unexpectedly before Creusis in the 
 Crissa;an gulf, he took that place by surprise, and seized twelve 
 Theban triremes which lay in the harbour. Then, having left a 
 garrison in the town, he directed his march through the terri- 
 tory of Thespise, and encamped on the memorable plain of 
 Leuctra. 
 
 ^ 2. This march of Cleombrotus displays considerable military 
 skill. He had not only succeeded in penetrating into Boeotia 
 almost without opposition ; but, by seizing the port of Creusis, he 
 liad secured a safe retreat in case of disaster. The Thebans were 
 discouraged at his progress, and it recpiired all the enersr)' and 
 address of Epaminondas and Pelopidas to revive their drooping 
 spirits. Omens of evil import had attended their march from 
 Thebes; and when they encamped within sight of the Laceda>- 
 monians, three out of the seven Bceotarchs were for returning 
 to the city and shutting themselves up in it, after sending away 
 their wives and children to Athens. But Epaminondas had too 
 much confidence in his own genius to listen to such timorous 
 counsels. His own mind was proof against the fears of super- 
 stition, and luckily some favourable portents now gave encourage- 
 ment to his troops. A Spartan exile sca-ving with the Thebans 
 bade them remark, that on that very spot stood the tomb of 
 two Boeotian virgins who slew themselves m consequence of 
 having been outraged hy Lacedtemonians. The shades of these 
 iniured maidens, he said, Avould now demand venjreance : and
 
 B.C. 371. BATTLE OF LEUCTRA. 471 
 
 the Theban commanders, seizing the omen, crowned the tombs 
 with wreaths. 
 
 The forces on each side are not accurately known, but it seems 
 probable that the Thebans were outnumbered by the Laceda;- 
 monians. The mihtary genius of Epaminondas, however, com- 
 pensated any inferiority of numbers by novelty of tactics. Up 
 to this time Grecian battles had been uniformly conducted by a 
 general attack in laie. Epaminondas now first adopted the ma- 
 noeuvre, used with such success by Napoleon in modern times, 
 of concentrating heavy masses on a given point of the enemy's 
 array. Having fomied his left wing into a dense column of 50 
 deep, so that its depth was greater than its front, he directed it 
 against the Laceda?monian right, containing the best troops in 
 their anny, drawn up 12 deep, and led by Cleombrotus in person. 
 Meanwhile the Theban centre and right were ordered to be kept 
 out of action, and in readiness to support the advance of the left 
 wing. The battle began v/ith skirmishes of cavalry in front, in 
 which the Laceda?mouian horse were soon driven in. The 
 Theban left, the Sacred Band with Pelopidas at their head, 
 leading the van, now fell Avith such irresistible weight on the 
 Lacedaimonian I'ight, as to bear down all opposition. The sliock 
 was terrible. Cleombrotus himself was mortally wounded in the 
 onset, and with difficulty carried off by his comrades. I\ umbers 
 of his officers, as well as of his men, were slain, and the Avhole Aving 
 was broken and driven back to the camp. On no other part of 
 the line was thei'e any serious fighting ; partly owing to the dis- 
 position made by Epaminondas, and partly to the lukewannness 
 of the Spartan allies, who occupied the centre and part of the 
 right Aving. The loss of the Thebans AA'as small compared AA^ith 
 that of the Laceda3monians. Out of 700 Spartans in the army 
 of the latter, 400 had fallen ; and their king also had been slain, 
 an event Avhich had not occurred since the fatal day of Tliermo- 
 pylae. Many of their allies hardly concealed the satisfaction 
 which they lelt at their defeat ; whilst so great Avas the depres- 
 sion among the Lacedajmonians themselves, that very fcAV were 
 found bold enough to propose a reneAval of the combat, in order 
 to recover the bodies of the slain. The majoiity decided that a 
 truce should be solicited for that purpose. But, though the 
 bodies of the fallen Avere given up, their arms Avcre retained ; and 
 five centuries afterAvards the shields of the principal Spartan 
 officers were seen at Thebes by the traveller Pausanias. 
 
 § 3. The victory of Leuctra Avas gained Avithin three Aveeks 
 after the exclusion of the Thebans from the peace of Callias. 
 The efiect of it throughout Greece AA^as electrical. It was every- 
 where felt that a new military power had arisen — that the
 
 472 HISTORY OF GREECE. Coap. XL 
 
 prcHtific of lli(! old Spiirtaii (liscij)liiK' and tactifs liad dcjjartcd 
 Y( t, at Sparta it.scdl, tlinii<.'li tliu rfvcT^^e was the greatest that 
 her arms had ever t^u.staiiied, thir iie\V!> of it was received with 
 an assniii]jtioii of iii(hliereiiee eharaeteristi*; nl tlie people. The 
 Ephor.s lurbade tlic chorus ot iiicti, wlio were celebrating in the 
 theatre the festival of the Gyiiino])a;dia, to he interrupted. They 
 contented themselves witli directing the names of the slain 
 to be communicated to their relatives, and with issuing an 
 order forbidding the women to wail and mauni. Those who*'J 
 friends had fallen apjK-ared abroad on the morrow with joyful 
 countenances, whilst the relatives of the survivors seemed over- 
 whelmed with grief and shame. The Ephors then directed their 
 attention to the rescue of the defeated army. The whole re- 
 maining military force of Sparta, inchiduig even the more aged 
 citizens, together with what forces could be collected from the 
 allies, was placed under the command of Archidamus, .son of 
 Agesilaus, and transported by sea from Corinth to Creusis. 
 which port now proved an invaluable acquisiticn. 
 
 ^ 4. Immediately afler the battle the Tlicbans had sent to 
 Jason of Phera; in Thessaly to solicit his aid against tlie Laceda;- 
 monians. We have already had occasion to mention this despot, 
 who was one of the most remarkable men of the period. He was 
 Tagus,* or Generalissimo, of all Thessaly ; and Macedonia was 
 partially dependent on him. He was a man of boundless ambi- 
 tion, and meditated nothing less than extending his dominion 
 over the whole of Greece, for which his central situation seemed 
 to offer many facilities. Upon receiving the invitation of the 
 Thebans, Jason immediately resolved to join them, and marched 
 with such ra])idity that he forestalled all opposition, though he 
 had to proceed through the hostile territories ot the Heracleots 
 and riiocians. When he arrived, the Thebans were anxious that 
 he should unite with them in an attack upon the Lacedaemonian 
 camp; but Ja.son dissuaded them from the enterprise, advising 
 them not to drive the Lacedanuonians to despair, and otlering 
 his mediation. He accordingly succeeded in eflecting a truce, 
 by which the Laccda-nwuians were allowed to depart from 
 Bajotia unmolested. Their commander, however, did not trust 
 to this ; bvit, having given out that he meant to march over 
 Mount Cithseron, he decamped in the night to Creusis, and from 
 thence proceeded by a dilficult road along the side of the rocks 
 upon the coast to ^gosthena in the Megarid ; where he was met 
 by Archidamus and his army. As the defeated troops were now 
 in safety, the object of the latter had been attained, aud the 
 whole armament was disbanded.
 
 B.C. 310. JASOIS^ OF PHER^. 473 
 
 ^ 5. According to Spartan custom, the survivois of a defeat 
 were looked upon as degraded men, and subjected to the pe- 
 nalties of civil infamy. No allowance was made for circum- 
 stances. But those who had tied at Leuctra were three hundred in 
 number ; an attempt to enforce against them the usual penalties 
 might prove not only inconvenient, but even dangerous ; and on 
 the proposal of Agesilaus, they were, for this occasion only, sus- 
 pended. The loss oi material power which Sparta sustained by 
 the defeat was great. Tiie ascendency she had hitherto enjoyed 
 in parts north of the Corinthian gulf tell from her at once, and 
 was divided between Jason of Pherae, and the Thebans. The 
 latter, fluslied by success, now panted for nothing but military 
 glory, and under the superintendence of Epaminondas devoted 
 themselves to an active course of warlike training. Their alliance 
 was sought on every side. The Phocians were the hrst to claim 
 it, aud their example was soon followed by the Euboeans, the 
 Locrians, the Malians, and the Heracleots. In this flood-tide of 
 power the Thebans longed to take vengeance on their ancient 
 enemy Orchomenus, to destroy the town, and to sell the inhabit- 
 ants lor slaves ; and from this design they were only diverted by the 
 mildness and wisdom of Epaminondas. But the Orchomenians 
 were forced to make their submission, aud \vere then re-admitted 
 as members of the Boeotian confederation. The same lenity was 
 not extended to the Thespians, who were expelled from Boeotia, 
 and their territory annexed to Thebes. They took refuge, like 
 the Plateeans, at Athens. 
 
 ^6. At the same time Jason of Phera3 was also extending his 
 influence and power. It was known that he was revolving some 
 important enterprise, but it was doubtful whether he would turn 
 his arms against the Persians, against the cities of Chalcidice, or 
 against the states of southern Greece. After the battle of Leuctra 
 the last seemed the most probable. He had annomiced his inten- 
 tion of being present at the Pythian festival, which was to take 
 place in August 370 b.c, at the head of a numerous army ; on 
 which occasion his sacrifice to the Delphian god was to consist 
 of the enormous quantity of 1000 bulls, and 10,000 sheep, goats, 
 and swine. But it was unpleasant tidings for Gi-ecian ears to 
 learu that he intended to usurp the presidency and management 
 of the festival, which were the prerogatives of the Amphictyonic 
 Council. In this conjuncture the alarmed Delphians consulted 
 the god as to what they should do in case Jason approached 
 their treasury, and received for answer that he would himself 
 take care of it. Shortly afterwards the despot was assassinated by 
 seven youths as he sat in public to give audience to all comers. 
 The death of Jason was felt a? a rehef by Greece, and especiallv
 
 m HISTORY 01' C.iiKKCll (Jmat. XL. 
 
 by Tlal)."s. H'j was succeeded by bin two brothers Polyphron 
 and rolydorus ; but lliey jMJsscsscd neither hi» abihty nor his 
 f)ower. 
 
 W- The Athenians stood aloof from the contending parties. 
 They had not received the new.s of the battle of Lcuetra with 
 any pleasure, for they now dreaded Thebes more than Sjjarta. 
 But nistead of helpiiifr the latter, they endeavoured to prevent 
 cither from obtaininfr the supremacy in Greece, and for this pur- 
 pose called upon the other -states to form a new alliance upon 
 the terms of the peace of Antalcidas. Most of the Peloponncsian 
 states joined this new leajrue ; but the Eleans declined, on ihc 
 ground tliat they would thus deprive themselves of their sove- 
 reignty over the Triphylian cities. 
 
 Thus even the Peloponncsian cities became independent of 
 Sparta. But this was not all. Never did any state fall with 
 greater rapidity. She not only lost the dommion over states 
 which she had exercised for centuries ; but two new political 
 powers sprung up in the peninsula, which threatened her own 
 independence. The first of these was the Arcadian confedera- 
 tion, established a few months after the battle of Leuctra ; the 
 second was the nev/ Messenian state, founded by Epaminondas 
 two years later. 
 
 It has been related liow the Lacedajmonians had some years 
 previously broken up Mantinea into its five original villages, 
 and thus degraded it from the rank of a city. The Mantineans, 
 assisted by the Arcadians of various other quarters, now availed 
 themselves of the weakness of Sparta to rebuild their town. 
 Its restoration suggested the still more extensive scheme of a 
 union of all the Arcadian cities. Hitherto the Arcadians had 
 been a race and not a nation, having nothing in common but 
 their name. The idea of uniting them into a federal state arose 
 with Lycomedes, one of the leading men of the restored Man- 
 tinea. It was expected that the Thebans and Argives would 
 lend their aid to the project, which was well received throughout 
 the greater part of Arcadia, though opposed by Tegea and cer- 
 tain other cities jealous of Mantinea. The Spartans would not 
 tamely allow such a Ibrmidable power to spring up at their very 
 doors ; and, accordingly, Agesilaus marched with a Lacedfemo- 
 :iian army against Mantinea (n.c. 370). But the Mantineans 
 were too prudent to venture on an engagement till reinforced by 
 the Thebans, to whom they had ajiplied for assistance ; and as 
 they kept within their walls, Agesilaus, after ravaging their ter- 
 ritory, marched back to Sparta. 
 
 ^ 8. Ever since the battle of Leuctra, Epaminondas had been 
 watching an opportunity for interfering m the affairs of Peiopon-
 
 6.0.370. EPAMINONDAS INVADES LACONIA. 475 
 
 nesus. But his views were not confined to the estabhshnnent of 
 an Arcadian xniion. He also proposed to restore the exiled Mes- 
 senians to their territory. That race had formerly hved under a 
 dynasty of their own kings ; but for the last three centuries 
 their land had been in the possession of the Lacedaemonians, and 
 they had been fugitives upon the face of the earth. The re- 
 storation of these exiles, now dispersed in various Hellenic co 
 fonies, to their former rights, would plant a bitter hostile neigh- 
 bour on the very borders of Laconia. Epaminondas accordingly 
 opened communications with them, and numbers of them flocked 
 to his standard during his march into Arcadia, late in the au- 
 tumn of 370 B.C. He entered that country shortly after Agesi- 
 laus had quitted it, and, in addition to the Arcadians, was 
 immediately joined by the Argives and Eleans. The combined 
 force, including the Tiiebans, is estimated at 70,000 men. Epa- 
 minondas, Avho had in reality the chief command, though asso- 
 ciated with the other Bceotarchs, brought with him choice bodies 
 of auxiliaries from Phocis. Locris, and other places, and especially 
 the excellent cavalry and peltasts of Thessaly. But it was the 
 Theban bands themselves that were the object of universal ad- 
 miration ; which, under the inspection of Epaminondas, had 
 been brought into the highest state of discipline and efficiency. 
 The Peloponnesian allies, elated at tlie sight of so large and so 
 well appointed an army, pressed Epaminondas to invade Laconia 
 itself, since his services were no longer required in Arcadia, in 
 consequence of the retreat of Agesilaus. Although it was now 
 mid-winter, he resolved, after some hesitation, to comply with 
 their request. Dividing his army into four parts, he crossed 
 without any serious opposition the mountains separating Ar- 
 cadia from Laconia, and reunited his forces at Sellasia. From 
 thence he marched to Amyclse, two or three miles below Sparta, 
 where he crossed the river Eurotas, and then advanced cautiously 
 towards the capital. 
 
 Sparta, which was wholly uniortilled, was now filled with con- 
 fusion and alarm. The women, who had never yet seen the face 
 of an enemy, gave vent to their fears in wailing and lamentation. 
 Moreover, the state was in great danger from her own intestine 
 divisions. Not only was she threatened by the customary dis- 
 content of the PericEci and Helots, but the large class of poor 
 and discontented citizens called " Life'riors," looked with anger 
 on the wealth and political power of the " Peers."* But the 
 emergency was pressing, and called for decisive measures. The 
 Ephors ventured on the step of offering Ireedom to sucii He- 
 
 * See p. 438.
 
 47« HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL 
 
 Jots .'i.s would fiili.sl as lioplites for tho (K-fiuro of't>ie city. The 
 call was; responded to by no lewer than CiOOO, who now inspired 
 li-ar by their very numbers ; and the alarm was justified and 
 heiffhtened ]>y the latrt that a considerable body of PericEci and 
 Helols had aetuaily joined the Thebans. 
 
 In the midst of" tliese pressin<( danfzers Sj)ar1a was saved by 
 the vigilance and enerfry of" her aged king Agesilaug. He re- 
 pulsed tiic cavalry ni' i'^jtaminondas as they advanced towards tha 
 city ; and so vigorous wen- his measures of defence, tliat Epa* 
 minundas abandoned all further attempt upon the city, and 
 proceeded southwards as far as llelos and Gvthium on the coast, 
 the latter the port and arsenal cf tSparta. After laying waste 
 ■witli fire and sword tlie valley of the Eurotas, he retraced his 
 steps to the frontiers of Arcadia. 
 
 S^ 9. Epaniiiiondas now piccecded to carry out the two objects 
 for which his march had been undertaken ; namely, the conso- 
 lidation of the Arcadian confederation, and the establishment of 
 the Messenians as an independent community. In the prosecu- 
 tion of the former of these designs, the mutual jealousy of the 
 various Arcadian cities rendered it necessary that a new one 
 should be founded, which should be regarded as the capital of 
 the confederation. Consequently, a new city was built on the 
 banks of the Helisson, called Megalopolis, and peopled by the 
 inhabitants of forty disthict Arcadian towiishijis. Here a svnod 
 of deputies from the towns composing the confederation, called 
 " The Ten Thousand,"* was to meet periodically for the de- 
 spatch of business. A body of Arcadian troops, called 
 Epariti,t was also levied for the purposes of the league. Epa- 
 niiiiondas next founded the town of Messene. Its citadel was 
 placed on the summit of Mount Ithome, which had three cen- 
 turies before been so bravely defended by the Messenians against 
 the Spartans ; whilst the town itself was seated lower down upon 
 the western slope of the mountain, but connected with its Acro- 
 polis by a continuous wall. The strength of its fortifications 
 w-as long afterwards a subject ol" admiration. The territorj' at- 
 tached to the new city extended southwards to the Messenian 
 gulf, and northw^ards to the borders of Arcadia, comprising some 
 of the most fertile land in Peloponnesus. 
 
 In order to settle the atiiiirs of Arcadia and Messcnia. Epami- 
 nondas had remained in* Peloponnesus four months after the 
 legal period of his command had expired ; for which olience he 
 and the otlier Ba^otarchs were arraigned on his return to Thebes. 
 But they Avere honourably acquitted, Epaminondas having ex- 
 
 * Mvpioi. \ 'E-ufiirai.
 
 B.C. 370. FOUNDATIOX OF MEGALOPOLIS. 477 
 
 pressed his willingness to die if the Thebans would record that 
 he was put to death because he had humbled Sparta, and taught 
 his countrymen to conquer her armies. 
 
 ^10. So low had Sparta now sunk, that she was fain to send 
 envoys to beg the assistance of the Athenians. This request 
 was acceded to; and shortly afterwards an alliance was formed 
 between the two states, in which Sparta waived all her claims to 
 ouperiority and head.ship. It was agreed that the command both 
 on laud and sea should alternate every five days between Athens 
 and oparta, and that their united forces should occupy Corinth 
 and guard the passes of the Onean mountains across the isth- 
 mus, so as to prevent the Thebans from again invading Pelopon- 
 nesus. Before this position Ej)aminondas appeared with his 
 army in the spring of the year e.c. 3G9 ; and as all his ultempts 
 to draAV on a battle proved unavailing, he resolved on forcing his 
 way through the hostile lines. Directing his march just before 
 daybreak against the position occupied by the Lacedaemonians, 
 he succeeded in surprising and completely defeating them. Ho 
 was thus enabled to form a junction with his allies in Pelopon- 
 nesus, whdst the Laccda-monians and Athenians do not appear 
 to have stirred from their position. Sicyon now deserted Sparta 
 and joined the Theban alliance ; but the little town of Phlius 
 remained faithful to the LacedEemonians, and successfully re- 
 sisted all the attempts made to capture it. The Thebans were 
 also defeated in an attempt upon Corinth ; and the spirits of 
 the Spartan allies were still further raised by the arrival at 
 Lechffium of a Syracusan squadron, bringing 2000 mercenary 
 Gauls and Iberians, together with 50 horsemen, as a succour 
 from the despot Dionysius. After a while, however, accord- 
 ing to the usual desultory nature of Grecian warfare, both 
 armies returned home without having achieved anything of im- 
 portance. 
 
 S^ 11. Meanwhile the Arcadians, elate with their newly acquired 
 power, not only believed them.selves capable of maintaining their 
 independence without foreign assistance, but thought themselves 
 entitled to share the headship with Thebes, as Athens did with 
 Sparta. Lycomedes, whom we have already mentioned as an 
 able and energetic citizen of Mantinea, was the chief promoter 
 of these ambitious views, and easily flattered the national vanity 
 of his countrj'men by appeals to their acknowledged courage and 
 hardihood. They responded to his representations by calling 
 upon him to lead them into active service, appointed him their 
 commander, and chose all the officers whom he nominated. The 
 first exploit of Lycomedes was to rescue the Argive troops in 
 Epidaurus, where they were in great danger of being cut ofi' by a
 
 478 IIISTOKV UK (iUKKCK. Ciur. XL 
 
 body of Allnuiiiiir! and Corinthians inid'T Cliabnas. He then 
 marched into the .soulh-western jjortion of MesBcnia, where he 
 penetrated as far as Awine, defeated the h>partau commander 
 Geranor, who liad drawn out the garrison to oppose liirn, and 
 destroyed the suburbs of the town. It was ])rohably by this 
 expedition that the annihilation of tlie Spartan dominion in tliat 
 quarter was completed. The liardihood and enterprise displayed 
 in it excited everywhere both admiration and alann ; but at 
 Thebes it also occasioned jealousy. At the same time circum- 
 Btances aro.se which tenilcd to di.sunite the Arcadians and J'^leans. 
 The former objected to YAts resumitifr her sovereifinity over tlie 
 towns of Triphylia, which they liad thought to regain after the 
 decay of the Spartan supremacy. 
 
 ^ 12. During the year 3Gb i;.c. the Thebans undertook no ex- 
 pedition into Peloponnesus ; but Pelopidas conducted a Theban 
 force into Thessaly for tlie purpose of protecting Lari.«sa and 
 other cities against the designs of Alexander, who, by the murder 
 of bis two brothers, had become despot of Plicraj and Tagus of 
 Thessaly. Alexander was compelled to sobcit peace ; and Pe- 
 lopidas, after establishing a defensive league amongst the Thes- 
 salian cities, marched into Macedonia, when the regent Ptolemy 
 entered into an alliance ^\•ith the Thebans. Amongst the hcc- 
 tages given for the observance of this treaty was the youthful 
 Philip, son of Amyntas, afterwards the celebrated king cf Mc- 
 cedon, who remained for some years at Thebes. 
 
 Shortly afterwards tlie Laceda:monians, under the command 
 of Archidamus, supported by the reinforcements sent by Diony- 
 sius, succeeded in routing the Arcadians with great slaughter, 
 whilst not a single Lacedaemonian fell, whence the victory de- 
 rived the name of " the Tearless Battle." The news of this deieat 
 of the Arcadians was by no means unwelcome at Thebes, as it 
 was calculated to check their presumption, and to show them 
 that they could not dispense with Theban aid. 
 
 § 13. Epaminondas noAV resolved on another expedition into 
 Peloponnesus, with the view of bringing the Achsans into the 
 Theban alliance. Until the battle of Leuctra the cities of Achaia 
 had been the dependent allies of Sparta ; but since that event 
 they liad remained free and neutral. On the approach of Epa- 
 minondas they immediately submitted, and consented to be en- 
 rolled among the allies of Thebes. That commander, with his 
 usual moderation, did not insist upon any change in their go- 
 vernments. But this was made a subject of accusation against 
 him at Jiome. The Arcadians charged him with having left n^.en 
 in power in the Achaean cities wlio ■would join Sparta on the first 
 ;)])portunity. These acvusations, being supported by the enemies
 
 B.C. 368. THE TEARLESS BATTLK ila 
 
 of Epaminoudas, prevailed : his proceedings in Aehaia were re- 
 i^ersed ; democratic governments were established in the various 
 Achaean cities ; and in the ensuing year Epaminoudas himself 
 was not re-elected as Bceotarch. But tlio consequence was that 
 the exiles thus driven from the various Achcean cities, watching 
 their opportunity, succeeded in eft(?cting counter-i-evolutions, and 
 afterwards took a decided part with Sparta. 
 
 § 14. The Thebans now resolved to send an embassy to Persia. 
 Ever since the peace of Antalcidas the great King had become 
 the recognised mediator between the states of Greece ; and his 
 fiat seemed indispensable to stamp the claims of that city which 
 pretended to the headship. The recent achievements of Thebes 
 might entitle her to aspire to that position ; and at all events 
 the alterations which she had produced in the intei'nal state of 
 Greece, by the establishment of Megalopolis and Messene, seemed 
 to require for their stability the sanction of a Persian rescript. 
 For this purpose Pelopiilas and Ismenias proceeded to the court 
 of Susa apparently in the years 3G7— 366 e.c. They were accom- 
 panied by other deputies from the allies ; and at the same time 
 the Athenians sent Timagoras and Leon to counteract their in- 
 fluence. Pelopidas may probably have pleaded the former ser- 
 vices of Thebes towards Persia at the time of the invasion of 
 Greece by Xerxes, as well as in having opposed the expedition 
 of Agesilaus into Asia. But the great fact which influenced the 
 decision of the Persian king would doubtless be that Thebes was 
 now the strongest state in Greece ; for it was evidently easier to 
 exercise Persian ascendency there by her means, than through a 
 weaker power. Pelopidas had thereibre only to ask his own terms. 
 A rescript w^as issued declaring the independence of Messene and 
 Amphipolis ; the Athenians were directed to lay up their ships 
 of war in ordinary ; Thebes was declared the head of Greece ; 
 and the dispute between Elis and Arcadia on the subject of the 
 Triphylian cities was decided in favour of the former power : 
 probably at the instance of Pelopidas, and on account of the 
 estrangement now subsisting between Arcadia and Thebes. 
 
 The Athenian and Arcadian envoys had attempted in vain to 
 secure better terms for their own states. Antiochus, the repre- 
 sentative of Arcadia, on his return to Megalopolis, vented his 
 displeasure by a most depreciatory report to the Ten Thousand 
 of all that he had seen during his journey. There were armies, 
 he said, of cooks, confectioners, wine-bearers, and tlie like, but 
 not a single man fit to fight against Greeks ; and even the vaunted 
 golden plane-tree itself he affirmed, was too small to afford shade 
 to a single grasshopper. The Thebans, on the contrary, made 
 the most of their success. Deputies from the allied cities were
 
 480 lllS'lOin- OF GJIEKCR Ciiac. XI^ 
 
 Hnriirnoiicd to TIic'Ijl'.s to lic;ir i.Ikj royal rCK-ript n-ad ; but it was 
 coldly received hy all present. Lyfomedc-s, tlie Arcadian envoy, 
 even protested ajraiiist the hcad^llip claimed for Thebes, and 
 asserted that the allied synod should not be exelnsively convened 
 in that city, but iti the actual seat of war. After s<jmc an^rry 
 languafre, the Arcadians withdrew from the a.«sembly, and the 
 other depulies seem to hav(! l<)llowed their example. Nor were 
 the Thi'haus more succes.^lid in an attem])t to pet the rescript 
 recoirnized by seii(lin<r it round to the various cities separately. 
 
 ^ 15. It was, in all probability, duriufj a mission undertaken 
 by Pelopidas and Isnienias, ilir the purpose of j»rocurinp the 
 acknowie(l<_nnent of the rescrij)t in Thessaly and the northern 
 parts of" Greece, that they were seized and iinpri.'^oned by Alex- 
 ander of Phera;. That tyrant met them at Pharsalus under all 
 the appearances of ])eacc, but took occasion of their being with- 
 out guards to seize and carry them oil' to Phera?. f?ueh value 
 was attached to the person of Pelopidas that his irnprisoinnent 
 induced several of tlie Thessalian partizans of Thebes to submit 
 to Alexander. Even the Athenians did not disdain to avail 
 themselves of this treacherous breach of public faith, and sent 
 Autocles with a fleet of 30 triremes and 1000 hoplites to the 
 support of Alexander. Meanwhile the justly incensed Thcbans 
 had despatched an army of 8000 hoplites and GOO cavalry, to 
 recover or avenge their favourite citizen. Unfortunately, how- 
 ever, they were no longer commanded by Epaminondas, who, 
 as we have related, had not been re-elected to the ofKce of 
 BcKotarch. Their present commanders were iitterly incompe- 
 tent. They were beaten and forced to retreat, and the army 
 vyas in such danger irom the active pursuit of the Thessalians 
 and Athenians, that its destiiiction seemed inevitable. Luckily, 
 however, Epaminondas Avas serving as a hoplite in the ranks. 
 By the unanimous voice of the troops he was now called to the 
 command, and succeeded in conducting the army safely back to 
 Thebes. liere the \uisuccessful Ba?tarchs were disgraced, and 
 Epaminondas, whose reputation now shone forth more brilliantly 
 than ever, was restored to the command, and placed at the head 
 of a second Theban army destined to attempt the release of Pe- 
 lopidas. Directed by his superior skill, the enterprise proved 
 successful. Anxious, however, for the life of his friend, Epami- 
 nondas avoided reducing Alexander to such extremities as miirht 
 induce him to make away with Pelopidas ; and thus, though the 
 main object of the expedition was attained, it Mas not accom- 
 panied with such striking and decisive results as to counter- 
 balance the advantages Avhich Alexr.uder had derived from his 
 ireachcry
 
 B.C. 360. ALLIANCE BETWEEN ARCADIA AND ATHENS. 481 
 
 ^ IG. The acquirenieiit of Orcpus was, however, some com- 
 pensaticu to the Thebaiis for tlieir losses ou the other side of 
 their frontier. The possession of that town, which lay on 
 the borders of Athens and Tliebes, had long been a subject of 
 contention between the two states. For many years past it had 
 been in the hands of the Allienians ; but it was now seized by a 
 party of exiles favourable to the Thebaii interest, and inrme- 
 diately occupied by a Theban garrison, which deprived the Athe- 
 nians of all hopes of retaking it. The Athenians had been dis- 
 pleased at the Avant of zeal manifested by their Peloponnesian 
 allies in not assisting them in the allair of Oropus ; and Lyco- 
 rnedes, who was disgu.sted with the Theban ascendency, took 
 advantage of this feeling to negotiate an alliance between Arcadia 
 and Athens. He procured himself to be appointed ambassador 
 to that city, where he A\as favourably received, and preliminary 
 arrangements made for an alliance ; but on his way heme he 
 was assassinated by some Arcadian exiles of the opposite party. 
 The negotiations, however, proceeded. Callistratus was sent 
 froMi Athens as Ambassador to the Arcadian Ten Thousand, 
 v.-hilst Epaminondas hastened from Thebes, to counteract, if 
 jjossible, tlie machinations of the eloquent Athenian. But though 
 E.paminondas here displayed his ready talent in debate, he was 
 i^nsucccssful. The Athenians concluded an alliance with Ar- 
 cadia, but at the same time without formally breaking with 
 Vhebes. 
 
 H7. This connexion rendered it desirable for Athens to secure 
 an uninterrupted communication with Peloponnesus, and for 
 this purpose she formed the treacherous design of seizing Co- 
 rinth by surprise. She was not only at peace but in alliance 
 with that city ; and her auxiliaries were serving in the Corinthian 
 forts and outposts. These, however, were to be the instruments 
 of her tTcachery. Under pretence of a reinforcement an arma- 
 ment under the command of Chares was despatched to Corinth. 
 But the designs of Athens had reached the ears of the Ccrinthians, 
 wlio refused to admit Chares into their port of Cenchrea; ; and 
 at the same time dismissed the other Athenians in their service, 
 yet with all the appearance of good A\ill. Though thus saved 
 ibr the moment, this step had placed the Corinthians in a state 
 of isolation ; and they therefore resolved to open negotiations 
 with Tliebes for a general peace. Their overtures were well re- 
 ceived by the Thebans. A meeting of the allies was then con- 
 vened at Sparta, in which the Corinthians set Ibrth the necessity 
 of their case, and endeavoured to induce the rest of the confe- 
 derates to follow their example in concluding a peace with 
 Thebes, the terms of which were to be the independence ot eacji 
 
 Y
 
 482 IIISTOKY OF GKEKCE. Cuap. XL, 
 
 iiidividiial city, iiioludiiif? Mc3senc ; but without rccof^izing the 
 headship of Thcljcs, or entoriuf^ iuto any lijrinal alHaucc with 
 Jier. On tliis basis a ])cace was accordiiij,'ly concluded between 
 Thebes, Corinth, Pldius, I'lpidauriis, and perhaps one or two 
 other cities ; but as the Tlit-baiis made the independence of 
 Messenc an indispensable condition, Sparta resolutely refused to 
 join it, and the larger states of Greece, Thebes, Athens, Sparta, 
 Arcadia, and others still remained at war. 
 
 \ IB. Athens availed herself of the distracted condition of 
 Greece to extend her maritime ernptre. She had no longer oc;ca- 
 sion to dread any opposition from Sparta ; and she accordingly 
 gent a powerful lleet into the iEgean under the command of 
 Timotheus, who succeeded in conquering Samos, and in ob- 
 taining possession of Potida^a, Pydna, Methone, and it is said 
 even of Olynthus itself But in the midst of his success, he was 
 menaced by the unexpected appearance of a Theban fleet. Epa- 
 minondas, jealous of the maritime empire of Athens, had per- 
 suaded his countrymen to try their strength on a new element. 
 Sparta, he said, was humbled ; it was not she, but Athens, 
 who was now their prominent enemy ; and he exhorted them 
 not to rest content till they had transterred to the Theban Cad- 
 mea the Propylaea which adorned the acropolis of Athens. A 
 fleet of 100 triremes was constmcted, and he himself appointed 
 to the command ; whilst envoys were sent to Rhodes, Chios, and 
 Byzantium, to induce them to break with Athens. It was with 
 this fleet that Epaminondas appeared in the Hellespont in b.c. 
 363. He seems, however, to have eflected little, — at least no- 
 thing splendid is recorded — and this expedition proved both the 
 firs,t and last of the Thebans by sea. 
 
 M9. It was in the same year that his friend Pelopidas led an 
 expedition into Thessaly against Alexander of Phera?. Strong 
 complaints of the tyranny of that despot arrived at Thebes, and 
 Pelopidas, who probably also burned to avenge his private 
 wrongs, prevailed upon the Thebans to send him into Thessaly 
 to punish the tyrant. The forces he had collected were far 
 inferior in number to those of Alexander ; and when informed at 
 Pharsalus, that the tyrant was advancing towards liim with a 
 great army, he remarked that it was so much the better, since 
 there would be more for him to conquer. The battle was fought 
 on the hills of Cynoscephala> ; the troops of Alexander were routed ; 
 and Pelopidas, observing his hated enemy endeavouring to rally 
 them, was seized with such a transport of rage that, regardless of 
 his duties as a general, he rushed impetuously forwards and chal- 
 lenged him to a single combat. Alexander shrunk back within 
 the ranks of his guards, followed impetuously by Pelopidas, who
 
 B.C. 364. DEATH OF PELOPIDAS. 483 
 
 was soon slain, fighting with desperate bravery. Although the 
 army of Alexander was defeated with severe loss, the news of 
 the death of Pelopidas deprived the Thebans and their Thessa- 
 lian alhes of all the joy which they would otherwise have felt 
 at their victory. The Thebans, however, subsequently avenged 
 the death of their general by sending a fresh force of 7000 hop- 
 lites into Thcssaly ; with which they compelled Alexander to 
 I'elinquish all his dependencies in that country, to confine him- 
 self to the actual limits of Phera?, and to swear allegiance to 
 Thebes. The Thebans thus'acquired greater influence than they 
 had ever before enjoyed in Northern Greece. 
 
 ^ 20. Meantime a war had been carried on between Elis and Ar- 
 cadia. It has been already remarked, on more than one occasion, 
 that the Eleans claimed the sovereignty of the Triphylian towns, 
 in which they were backed by Sparla, but opposed by the Arca- 
 dians. The Eleans also laid claim to a tract of hilly ground 
 lying noi'th of the Alpheus, containing Lasion and some other 
 towns which had been included in the Arcadian league. They 
 seized Lasion by surprise, but were driven out again by the 
 Arcadians, who afterwards took formal possession of the sacred 
 district of Olympia. Other acts of hostility had occurred between 
 the Eleans and Arcadians, and the former had called in the 
 assistance of the Lacedaemonians, but without any decisive 
 result. Li 364 b.c. the Arcadians were still in possession of 
 Olympia ; and as the Olympic festival occurred in that year, 
 they availed themselves of their situation to transfer the presi- 
 dency of the games from the Eleans to the Pisatans, who had 
 long laid claim to it. It was anticipated that the Eleans would 
 assert their rights by force ; and the Arcadians prepared to 
 resist any attempt of that kind, not only by a large army of 
 their own, but also by summoning their allies. The festival had 
 already commenced, many ol the games had been performed, and 
 the wrestling match was going on, when bodies of the Eleans, 
 and their allies the Achaeans, were observed approaching the 
 sa,cred ground. The Arcadians immediately rushed to arms, and 
 formed on the bank of the little river Cladeus, to prevent their 
 approach. The Eleans advanced with the utmost boldness, but 
 were finally repulsed and obliged to retire. On this occasion 
 the temple of the Olympian deity himself was converted into a 
 fortress, and the majestic Jove of Phidias looked down with 
 calm dignity upon those who were contending for the honour of 
 celebrating his iestival. The Eleans subsequently avenged them- 
 selves by striking the 104th Olympiad out of the list of the 
 ■festivals. 
 
 "* 2L Not content with this insult to the Eleans, the Arcadians
 
 4«4 HISTORY OF (UiKKril Cjiai-. XL 
 
 cairicd their iusolciire to tlie extent of f^acrilcfre, by dcKpoiliiin; 
 the rich temples ol" Olyinpia. But tliis act ripened the seeds 
 of disunion which were already f ])rinj:infr up ainonp the Arca- 
 dians themselves. The assembly of M;int in '-a pa.s.-ed an act re- 
 nouncing all participation in the t^acred sj)oii, and th')u<,'h tliP 
 Ten Thoui^and altempted at first to seize the leadinjr men at 
 Mantinea as traitors to the Arcadian lea<ruc, the views of the 
 Mantineans rci-,nrctinf^ the enijdovment of the sacred treasures 
 were so evidently just, that even their opponents were at length 
 shamed into them. Accordingly, fT jieace was concluded with 
 the Eleans, who were restored to all their rights with regard to 
 Olympia. Since the Sj)artans liad su])jiorted the Eleans, the 
 Mantineans were naturally brought into close connexion with 
 the former ; whilst the rest of the Arcadians, and especially the 
 Tegeans, favoured Thebes. Tegea thus became the centre of 
 Theban influence in Arcadia, and was occupied by a Theban 
 harmost and a garrison of 300 Boeotians. The Thebans viewed 
 the success of the Mantineans and Spartan party with sus])icion ; 
 and when the peace, recently concluded, was sworn to at Tegea, 
 they seized the principal members of the Spartan party. The 
 news of this treacherous act was received with great indig- 
 nation at Mantinea. Heralds were immediately despatched by 
 the Mantineans to demand the release of their own citizens. 
 Hereupon the Theban harmost released the pri.-oners, protesting 
 that he had been misled by a false report of the approach of 
 a Spartan force, prepared to co-operate with a party within the 
 walls in order to seize Tegea. The Mantineans and their party, 
 however, were not satisfied with this apology, but sent envoys 
 to Thebes, demanding the punishment of the lianiiost. Epami- 
 nondas, incensed that a peace had been concluded without the 
 sanction of Thebes, justilicd the harmosts conduct, and bade the 
 envoys carry back Avord that he would himself soon lead an 
 army into Arcadia. The Mantineans and their partisans imme- 
 diately made preparations for war, and sent ambassadors to 
 request the assistance of the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 § 22. These events occurred in 3G2 B.C., and in the simimer of 
 that year Epaminondas undertook his fourth and last invasion 
 oi' Peloponnesus. The proceedings in Arcadia, which threatened 
 1o undo all that he had done in that country, and idtimately to 
 lead to an alliance between it and Sparta, were the motives 
 for his expedition. His army was tiumerous, and included 
 many troops from Northern Greece. He marched without 
 opposition to Tegea, where he was joined by such of the 
 Arcadians and other Peloponnesians as were favourable to the 
 Theban cause. The other party concentrated tlAcmselves at
 
 B.C. 362. BATTLE OF MANTINEA. 483 
 
 Mantinea, whither the aged Agesilaus was marching with a Lace- 
 dsemouian force, whilst Athenian .snccours were also expected. 
 Epaminondas, whose movements were characterized by decision 
 and rapidity, resolved to surprise Sparta in the absence of Age- 
 silaus by a sudden march upon it. Providentially, however, a 
 swift Cretan runner overtook Agesilaus in time to warn him of 
 the danger. He got back to Sparta early enough to anticipate 
 the attempt of Epaminondas ; and though that commander 
 actually entered the city, yet he found the streets and houses so 
 wall defended, that he was fain to retire. The alarm caused by 
 this diversion had however occasioned the recall of the Lacedaj- 
 monian army destined for Mantinea, and Epaminondas took 
 advantage of that circumstance to attempt the surprise of that 
 place. Fortunately for the Mantineans, the Athenian cavalry 
 had reached their city an hour or two befoi-e the arrival of 
 Epaminondas, and though hungry and tired with their march, 
 succeeeded in repulsing the Theban and Thessalian horse. Epa- 
 minondas now fell back upon Tegea. 
 
 ^ 23. Thus both these well planned manccuvres wei'e acci- 
 dentally frustrated. As the enemy had now succeeded in con- 
 centrating their forces at Mantinea, it was clear that a general 
 action was unavoidable. The plain between Tegea and Mantinea, 
 though 2000 feet above the level of the sea, is shut in on every 
 side by lofty mountains. In length it is about ten miles, whilst 
 its breadth varies from one to eight. About four miles south of 
 Mantinea it contracts to its narrowest dimensions, and here the 
 Lacedaemonians and Mantineans took up their position. Epa- 
 minondas, in marching northwards from Tegea, inclined to the 
 left, so as to skirt the base of Mount Masiialus, which bounds the 
 plain on the west. On arriving in sight of the hostile lines, Epa- 
 minondas ordered his troops to halt and ground arms. Hence 
 the Lacedaemonians inferred that he did not mean to ofier battle 
 that day ; and so strong was this persuasion, that they left their 
 ranks, whilst some of the horsemen took off their breastplates 
 and unbridled their horses. But meanwliile Epaminondas was 
 making his dispositions for an attack. His plan very much re- 
 sembled that of the battle of Leuctra. His chief reliance was 
 upon the Bceotian troops, whom he had formed into a column of 
 extraordinary depth. The enemy at length became aware of his 
 intentions and hurried into their ranks ; but they were in no 
 condition to receive the onset of the Theban hoplites, who 
 bore down all bei'ore them. The Mantineans and Lacedae- 
 monians turned and fled, and the rest followed their example. 
 The day was won ; but Epaminondas, who fought in the foremost 
 ranks, fell pierced with a mortal wound. His fall occasioned
 
 486 niSTUllY OF GREECE. f'liAi-. XL, 
 
 suoli const erii.ll ion ainont? liis Iroojis, that althou<rli tlic ciicrny 
 ■were in lull flif^ht, llicy did not know how to use their advantaf^c, 
 and remained rooted to tlio npot. Jlenee hotli sides subse- 
 quently claimed the victory and erected trophies, though it was 
 the Laeedaimonians who sent a herald to request the bodies of 
 the slain. 
 
 Epaminondas was carried odlhe field with the spear-head still 
 fixed iu liis breast. Having; sati.-fied himself that his shield was 
 safe, and that the victory was jrained, he inquired for lolaidas 
 and Daiphantus, whom he intended to succeed him in the com- 
 mand. Being informed that both were slain : "Then," he ob- 
 served, " you must make peace." After this he ordered the 
 spear-head to be Avitlidrawn ; when the push of blood which 
 followed soon terminated liis life. Thus died this truly great 
 man ; and never was there one whose title to that epithet has 
 been less di-sputed. Antiquity is unanimous in his praise, and 
 some of the lirst men of Greece subsequently took him lor their 
 model. AYith him the commanding inlluence of Thebes began 
 and ended. His last advice was adopted, and peace was con- 
 cluded probably before the Theban army quitted Peloponnesus. 
 Its basis was a recognition of the status quo — to leave everything 
 as it was, to acknowledge the Arcadian constitution and the in- 
 dependence of Messene. Sparta alone refused to join it on 
 account of the last article, but she was not supported by her 
 allies. 
 
 \ 24. Agesilaus had lived to see the empire of Sparta extin- 
 guished by her hated rival. Thus curiously had the prophecy 
 been fulfilled, which warned Sparta of the evils awaiting her 
 under a " lame sovereignty." But Agesilaus had not yet aban- 
 doned all hope ; and he and his son Archidamus now directed 
 their views towards the east as the quarter from which Spartan 
 power might still be resuscitated. At the age of SO the indo- 
 mitable old man proceeded \v'\i\\ a force of 1000 hoplites to assist 
 Tachos, king of Egypt, in his revolt against Persia. The age and 
 insignilicant appearance of the veteran warrior made him, how- 
 ever, a butt for Egyptian ridicule, and he was not intrusted with 
 the supreme command. But in spite of this ati'ront he accom- 
 panied the Egyptian army on an expedition into Phcenicia. 
 During the absence of Tachos, Nectanebis rose against him, and 
 being supported by Agesilaus, obtained the throne of Ejrv'pt. 
 Ncctanebis rewarded this service with a present of 230 talents. 
 But Agesilaus did not live to carry this money home to Sparta. 
 He died on his road to Cyrene, wlierc he had intended to embark 
 for Greece. His body was embalmed iu wax, and splendidly 
 burii-d in Sparta. He was succeeded by his son Archidamus HI
 
 Bust of Plato. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE 
 ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. 
 
 § 1. Revolutions at Syracuse. Dionysiiis the Elder seizes the despotism. 
 § 2. His successes. § 3. His poetical compositions. Plato visits Sy- 
 racuse. §4. Deathof Dionysius. His character. Story of Damocles. 
 §5. Accession of the younger Dionysius. Second visit of Plato. Ban- 
 ishment of Dion. Third visit of Plato. §6. Dion expels Dionysius, 
 and becomes master of Syracuse, g 7. Assassination of Dion. § 8. 
 Revolutions at Syracuse. The Syracusans invoke the aid of Corinth. 
 §9. Character of Timoleon. §10. His successes. Surrender of Diony- 
 sius and conquest of Syracuse. §11. Moderation of Timoleon. He 
 remodels the constitution. § 12. Defeats the Carthaginians at the 
 Crimesus. §13. Deposes the Sicilian despots. §1-1. Retires into a 
 private station. His great popularity and death. 
 
 ^ 1. The affairs of the Sicilian Greeks, an important branch of 
 the Hellenic race, deserve a passing notice. After the destruc- 
 tion of the Athenian armament in B.C. 413, the constitution of 
 Syracuse was rendered still more democratical by a new code of 
 laws, which Diodes, one of the principal citizens, took the chief 
 part in drawing up. Shortly afterwards, in B.C. 410, Hermo- 
 crates, the leader of the aristocratical party, who had greatly 
 distinguished himself during the Athenian invasion, was ba- 
 nished ; and Diodes thus obtained for a time the undisputed 
 direction of the Syracusan government. But two years after- 
 wards Diodes was in his turn banished in consequence of his 
 want of success in the Avar against the Carthaginians. Mean- 
 time Hermocratcs had returned to Sicily and collected a con- 
 siderable .force at Solinus, from whence he carried on hostilities
 
 488 HISTORY OF (illEECR Chap. XLL 
 
 against llic C.irlliagiiiirins and llioir allius with considerable 
 success, ajid tlius secured a strong party at Syracuse in his 
 favour. Relying upon this circumstance, he endeavoured to edect 
 his restoration by lorce, but was slain in an atternj)! to enter 
 Syracuse by night, is.c. 407. This state of things opened the 
 way for a still more daring and successful aspirant. This was 
 the celebrated Diony.sius, the son of a person also named Her- 
 mocrates. Dionysius was of humble origin, but of good educa- 
 tion, and began life as a clerk in a public otiice. He had taken 
 an active part in the cnterpri.se of Jiermocrates just mentioned, 
 in wliieh he had been wounded and given out for dead, — a cir- 
 cumstance by which he escaped a sentence of baiii.shment. 
 After the death of Hermocrates, the domestic di.scontents of the 
 Syracusans were still further fumented by another invasion of 
 the Can.haginians in lOG e.g., during which they took and plun- 
 dered Agrigentvnn. Dionysius, who now headed the party of 
 Hermocrates, taking advantage of the prevailiutr di.-content, in an 
 artful address to the assembly attributed the fall of Agrigenturn 
 to the mcorapetence of the Syracusan generals, and succeeded 
 in procuring their deposition, and the appointment of others in 
 their stead, of whom he himself was one. His advent to power 
 was immediately followed by the restoration of all the exiles of 
 his party. His next step was to get rid of his colleagues by ac- 
 cusing them of treachery and corruption, and to procure his 
 own sole appointment with indimited and irresponsible au- 
 thority. The remaining steps towards a despotism were easy. 
 Under pretence that his life had been attempted, he obtained a 
 body-guard of 1000 men for his protection ; by whose means he 
 made himself master of Syracuse, and openly seized upon the 
 supreme power, B.C. 405. 
 
 ^ 2. Dionysius first directed his arms against Naxos, Catana, 
 and Leontini, which successively I'ell into his power either by 
 force or treachery ; but it Avas not till n.c. 397 that he considered 
 himself sutficiently strong to declare war against Carthage. This 
 war was conducted with varying success. In 395—1 Syracuse 
 itself seemed on the point oi' tailing into the hands of the Cartha- 
 ginians. The Carthaginian fleet, after obtaining a great naval 
 victoiy at Catana, sailed into the harbour of Syracuse upwards 
 of 200 strong. At the same time their army established itself in 
 the neighbourhood of the city, and Imilcon, the Carthaginian 
 general, took up his head-quarters in the temple of the Olympian 
 Jove, within about a mile and a half of the walls, and even occu- 
 pied and plundered the suburb of Achradina. The situation of 
 Dionysius now seemed desperate. It is even said that he Avas 
 on the point of giving up all for lost and making his escape : from
 
 B.C. 393. DIONYSIUS THE ELDER. 489 
 
 which he was deterred by one of his friends observing, "that so- 
 vereign power was an honourable winding-sheet." A pestilence 
 which shortly afterwards broke out in the Carthaginian carnp 
 proved the salvation of Syracuse. The Carthaginians fell by 
 thousands, whilst the Syracusans themselves remained unharmed. 
 Dionysius made a successful attack both by sea and land on their 
 weakened forces ; and Imilcon was glad to secure a disgraceful 
 retreat by purchasing the connivance of Dionysius for the sum 
 of 300 talents. 
 
 After this period the career of Dionysius was marked by great 
 though not altogether unvarying success. In 393 the Cartha- 
 ginians under Magon once more threatened Syracuse, but were 
 again defeated, and compelled to sue for peace. Dionysius 
 willingly concluded a treaty with them, since he was anxious to 
 pursue his schemes of conquest in tlie interior of Sicily, and in 
 Magna G-rtecia. By the year 384 he had reduced the greater 
 part of the former, and a considerable portion of the latter 
 country. He had now arrived at his highest pitch of power, 
 and had raised Syracuse to be one of the chief Grecian states, 
 second in influence, if indeed second, to Sparta alone. Under 
 his sway Syracuse was strengthened and embellished with new 
 fortifications, docks, arsenals, and other public buildings, and 
 became superior even to Athens in extent and population. Dio- 
 nysius took every opportunity of extending his relations with 
 foreign powers, and strengthening himself by alliances. He 
 cultivated the friendship of the Lacedsemonians ; and among the 
 last acts of his reign was the sending of an auxiliary force in two 
 successive years to support them against the increasing power 
 of the Thebans. 
 
 ^ 3. Dionysius was'a warm patron of literature, and was anx- 
 ious to gain distinction by his literary compositions. In the midst 
 of his political and iiiilitary cares he devoted himself assiduously 
 to poetry, and not only caused his poems to be publicly recited 
 at the Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for the prize of 
 tragedy at Athens. Here he sev^eral times obtained the second 
 and third prizes ; and, finally, just before his death, bore away 
 the first prize at the Lena3au festival, with a play called the 
 " Ransom of Hector." 
 
 In accordance with the same spirit we find him seeking the 
 society of men distinguished in literature and philosophy. 
 Plato, who visited Sicily about the year 389 from a curiosity to 
 see Mount vEtna, was introduced to Dionysius by Dion. The 
 high moral tone of Plato's conversation did not however prove 
 so attractive to Dionysius as it had done to Dion ; and the phi- 
 losopher was not only dismissed with aversion and dislike, but
 
 4'JO IIISTOIIY OF GREECE. Chap. XLL 
 
 even, it seems, llir()u;.'li llic machinations of Dionysius, seized, 
 Ii.'iiukI, and sold lor u slave in the island of" iEgiiia. He was| 
 liowevor, rcpurcha.^od hy AnniocriH ol Cyn'Mu'-, and Kent back to 
 Athens. 
 
 ^ 4. Dionysius dii-d in ii.r. HOT , afler a reifrn of 38 ycare. 
 Love of j)o\ver was liis rulinjj: ])a.ssion : the desire of hterary 
 fame his second. In liis manner of hfc lie was moderate and 
 teun)erate ; but he was a stranjrer to pity, and never sulFered 
 it to check him in the i)ur.suit of liis ends. Althoufrh hy no 
 means deficient in personal courage, the suspicious temper of 
 Dionysius rendered him the miserable prey of unea.siness in the 
 midst of all his greatness, and drove him to take precautions 
 for the security of his life even against his nearest friends and 
 relatives. The miseries of absolute, but unlegalized and unpo- 
 pular power, cannot be more strongly illustrated than hy the 
 celebrated story of the despot of Syracuse and his flatterer Da- 
 mocles. The latter having extolled the power and majesty, the 
 abundant possessions and magiiilicent ])alaces which rendered his 
 master the happiest of men, Dionysius invited Damocles to try 
 what his happiness really was, and then ordered him to be placed 
 on a golden couch, decked with coverings of the richest and 
 most magnificent embroidery. The sideboards groaned under 
 the "weight of gold and silver })late ; pages of the choicest beauty 
 waited on him ; his head was crowned with garlands, and reeked 
 with unguents ; the smell of burning odours filled all the apart- 
 ment, and the table was covered with the most exquisite viands. 
 Damocles now thought himself supremely happy ; but in the 
 midst of his enjoyments he happened to cast his eyes towards 
 the ceiling, and beheld a naked scimitar suspended over his head 
 by a single liair. At this sight his satisfaction vanished in an 
 instant, and he entreated to be released from the enjoyment of 
 pleasures which could only be tasted at the risk of lite.* Such 
 was the tyrants practical illustration of his own envied con- 
 dition. 
 
 § 0. Dionysius was succeeded by his eldest son, commonly 
 called the younger Dionysius, who was about 25 years of age at 
 the time of his father's death. The elder Dionysius had married 
 two wives at the same time. One of these was a Locrian woman 
 named Doris ; the other, Aristomaclie, was a Syracusan, the 
 daughter of Hipparinus, one of the most active partisans of 
 
 * " Destrietus ensis ciii siipor impia 
 Cervicc- pendet, non Siciilre dapes 
 Dulcem elaborabunt saporem; 
 Non avium citharwque cantus 
 Somnum reduceuL'" — Hob. Carm. ill 1. 17.
 
 B.C. 387. DIONYSruS THE YOUXGER. 491 
 
 Dionysius, and sister to Dion, whom we have already had occa- 
 sion to mention as the friend of Plato. The marriage with Doris 
 proved immediately fruitful, and by her he had three children, 
 of v.'hom the eldest, Dionysius, was his successor. But Aristo- 
 mache was long childless, much to the chagrin of Dionysius, who, 
 attributing tlie circumstance to the spells and incantations of 
 the mother of Doris, caused the latter to be put to death. At 
 length Aristomache also bore him children, two sons and two 
 daughters. Dionysius having died without appointing any suc- 
 cessor, Dion at first attempted to secure the inheritance lor his 
 youthful nephews, but found himself obliged to relinquish all 
 such claims in favour of the son of Doris. The inexperience of 
 the young Dionysius, however, inclined him to listen to the 
 counsels of Dion, who had always enjoyed the respect and con- 
 fidence of his father, and who now became the confidential ad- 
 viser of the son. Plato's lofty and ideal conceptions of civil 
 government had sunk deep into the mind of Dion, and the 
 influence which he now enjoyed over the youthful sovereign 
 made him long to seize the opportunity for realizing them in 
 practice. To expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, to civilize and 
 Hellenize the semi-barbarous Siceliot tribes, and to convert 
 Syracuse from a dcspotisin mto a constitutional monarchy go- 
 verned by equal laws, — these were the projects which floated in 
 the imagination of Dion, and which he endeavoured to instil into 
 Dionysius. With this view he pursuaded Dionysius to invite 
 Plato again to Syracuse, nothing doubting that his eloquence 
 and conversational powers would work an immense eflect upon 
 the youthful monarch. But Plato was now groMing old, and had 
 already experienced the danger of attempting to instruct despots 
 in the sublime, but somewhat visionary theories of perfect go- 
 vernment. Nevertheless, after something of a struggle, he sacri- 
 ficed his scruples and apprehensions to the pressing instances of 
 his friend Dion, and the warm invitation of young Dionysius 
 himself The philosopher was received with the greatest honour. 
 His illustrious pupil immediately began to take lessons in geo- 
 metry ; superfluous dishes disappeared from the royal table ; and 
 Dionysius even betrayed some symptoms of a wi.sh to mitigate 
 the former rigours of the despotism. But now his old courtiers 
 took the alarm ; nor does Plato himself appear to have used 
 with skill the opportunity for a practical application of his doc- 
 trines which chance had thrown in his way. It was whispered 
 to Dionysius that the whole was a deep laid scheme on the part 
 of Dion for the purpose of effecting a revolution and placing his 
 own nephews on the throne. These accusations had the desired 
 eflect on the mind of Dionysius ; and an intercepted letter from
 
 492 HISTORY OK GREECE. Crur. XIA. 
 
 I)i(iii \t> tliL- C;iitli;i<riiiiaii <f('iicr;ils, in \\liicli lie invited lliern to 
 iiiaUe tlieir coimiiuiiic;i.ti(jii.s thron;_4i limi, ;ilioi(led iJioiiysius a 
 pretext lor ge1tiii<r rid ol' liiiii. In tlie eourse ol' a coiiversilioii 
 lie enticed i)i()ii down to llie very Iniiik ol' the liarljour, wlien 
 suddenly j)ro<lncin<,' the intercepted letter, and charfrinp hirn to 
 his liico with treason, he li)rced him to enter a vcsi-el that was 
 in readiness 1o convey him to Italy. The situation of Plato -was 
 now very critical. Many advi.'.ed Dionysius to jiut hirn to death ; 
 but the despot refused to listen to these snpfresti(jns. He even in- 
 vited riato to his palace, and treated him with the prcatcst respect ; 
 but he cautiously abstained from any more les.'-ens in a philo- 
 sophy which he had now been taught to regard with suspicion 
 as designed only to dejirive him of his power. Plato was at 
 length sulltjred to escape from the kind of honourable captivity 
 in which he was held ; but at the pressing invitation of Diony- 
 sius he again reluctantly returned lo Syracuse in the hope of 
 prcA'ailiug upon the tyrant to recall Dion frc in banishment. In 
 this, however, he proved unsuccessful ; nay, Dionysius even pro- 
 ceeded to measures of violence against his firmer guide and 
 minister. First the remittances which Dion, wlio was now 
 residing at Athens, was in the habit of receiving, were stopped, 
 and at length all his large property was confiscated and sold, and 
 the proceeds distributed among the personal friends of Diony- 
 sius. Plato beheld this injustice towards his friend with grief 
 and mortification, but without the power of preventing it ; and 
 it was with ditHculty that he himself at length obtained pemiis- 
 sion to return to Greece. 
 
 § 6. This event took place early in 360 e.c. ; and at the 
 Olympic festival of that year Plato met his friend Dion, and 
 acquainted him with the measures which had been taken against 
 him by Dionysivis. The natural indignition of Dion was fur- 
 ther inflamed by other acts of the Syracusan tyrant. Dionysius 
 compelled Arete, the wife of Dion, and his own half-sister, to 
 marry one of his Irieiids, named Timocrates. He also acted in 
 the most brutal manner towards Dion's youthful son. Thus 
 wovuided in tlie teiiderest points, Dion resolved on revenge. 
 The popularity which he had acquired, not only at Athens but 
 at Sparta and in the Peloponnesus, and especially among those 
 \\lio were attached to Plato and his teaching, rendered many 
 disposed to serve him ; whilst the natural desire of a great 
 part of the Syracusan population to recover their liberty, as well 
 as the contempt into which Dionysius had fallen from his 
 drunken and dissipated habits, promised success to any enter- 
 prise against him, though undertaken vith ever so small a 
 force.
 
 B.C. 356. DION CONQUERS SYRACUSE. 493 
 
 After two or three years spent in preparations, Dion, in the sum- 
 mer of 357 B.C., landed on the coast of Sicily with only 800 men. 
 The enterprise was favoured by an imprudent step on the part 
 of Diouysius, who had recently sailed with a fleet of 80 vessels 
 on an expedition to the coasts of Italy. By a rapid night-march 
 Dion appeared unexpectedly before Syracuse ; at dawn his troops 
 Avere beheld from the walls in the act of crossing the little river 
 Aiiapus, flrst crowning their heads with garlands, and sacrificing 
 to the rising sun. Their advance resembled rather the solemn 
 profession of a festival than the march of an hostile army. The 
 inhabitants, filled with joy and enthusiasm, crowded through 
 the gates to welcome Dion as their deliverer, who proclaimed by 
 sound of trumpet that he was come for the purpose of putting 
 dovm the despotism of Dionysius, and of liberating not only the 
 Syracusans, but all the Sicilian Greeks. 
 
 Dion easily rendered himself master of the whole of Syracuse, 
 with the exception of Ortygia, which was still lield by the parti- 
 sans of Dionysius. Such was the state in which that tyrant tbund 
 his capital on his return from his Italian expedition. Dionysius 
 at flrst attempted to recover possession of the city by force, but 
 having been defeated in a sea-fight, he determined to quit Syra- 
 cuse, and sailed away to Locri in Italy, leaving his sou Apollo- 
 crates in charge of the citadel (b.c. 35G). After his departure, 
 dissensions broke out among the besiegers, and Dion was deposed 
 from the command ; but the disasters of the Syracusans, aris- 
 ing from the incapacity of their new leaders, soon led to his 
 recall and to his appointment as sole general with uncontrolled 
 authority. Not long after, ApoUocrates was compelled by famine 
 to surrender the citadel. 
 
 § 7. Dion was now master of Syracuse, and in a condition to 
 carry out all those exalted notions of political life which he 
 had sought to instil into the mind of Dionysius. He seems to 
 have contemplated some political changes, probably the esta- 
 blishment of a kind of limited and constitutional monarchy, 
 after the fashion of Sparta, combined perhaps with the oligarchi- 
 cal institutions of Corinth. But this scheme of a constitution 
 existed only in his imagination : his immediate and jtractical 
 acts were tyrannical, and were rendered still more unpopular by 
 his overbearing manners. The Syracusans looked for rejiublican 
 institutions — tor the dismantling of the fortifications of Urtygia, 
 the stronghold of despotism — and for the destruction of the 
 splendid mausoleum, which had been erected there to the me- 
 mory of the elder Dionysius, by way of pledge that the despotism 
 was really extnict and overthrown. But Dion did nothing of all 
 this. Nay, he even caused Heraclides, who had proposed the
 
 4'.»'i IIISTOUY OF GREECK Ciiai". XLI. 
 
 dcstruclidii of Orly^N.'i, lo In; jiiiv.'itely af-sassinalcd. This act 
 iiicieai-cd lo llii; Jiifflicst pitch ihc iiiijiojiularily under which 
 l;c already lahourcd. One ol' his Lo.-uni liieiids — the Alhcuian 
 CaUippus — f-ei/cd the cijtporlunity to mount lo jjower by his 
 murder, and, liavinpf pained over some ol' lii.s puards, caused 
 him lo be af-.^aKsinated in liis own lioui-e. This event loi-k place 
 in 353, about three years alter llie expulsion ol' the Dionysian 
 dynasty. 
 
 § 8. Callippus contrived to retain the sovereign power about 
 a twelvemonth. He was ultimately driven out by Hipparijius, 
 the nepliCAV ol" Dion (son ol'thc elder Llionysius by Aristoruaehe), 
 who reigned but two years. Nysajus, another ol Dion's nephews, 
 subsequently obtained the supreme authority, and was in pos- 
 session of it when Dionysius presented himself belbre Syra- 
 cuse with a fleet, and became master of the city by treacherj', 
 about E.c. 346. DionjoiUS, however, was not able to re-establish 
 himself firmly in his former power. Most of the other cities of 
 Sicily had shaken oil' the yoke of Syracuse, and were governed 
 by petty despots : one of these, Uicetas, who had established 
 himself at Leontini, afforded a rallying-point to the disalit-cted 
 Syracusans, with whom he joined in making war on Syracuse. 
 Meantime, the Carthaginians prepared to take advantage of the 
 distracted condition of Sicily. In the extremity cf their sufier- 
 ings, several of the Syracusan exiles appealed lor aid to Corinth, 
 their mother-city. The application was granted, and Timoleon 
 was appointed to command an expedition destined Icr the relief 
 of Syracuse. 
 
 ^ 9. Timoleon w^as one of those models of uncompromising 
 patriotism which we sometimes meet with in the history of 
 Greece, and still more frequently in that of Rome, but which, 
 xnider some of its phases, we, in modern times, are at a loss 
 whether to apjirove or to condemn. ^Yhen a mans comitry was 
 comprised in a small state or a single city, the feeling of patriot- 
 ism grew stronger in jjroportion as it was more condensed ; and 
 to this circumstance, as well as to the humanising eliects of 
 Christianity, may perhaps be chiefly attributed the diflerence 
 between ancient and modern views respecting the duty cf a 
 patriot. Timoleon was distinguished for gentleness as well as for 
 courage, but towards traitors and despots his hatred v\as intense. 
 He had once saved the life of his elder brother Tirnophanes in 
 battle at the imminent peril cf his own ; but when Tirnophanes 
 availing himself of his situation as commander of the garrison 
 in the Acrocorinthus, endeavoured to enslave his countr\-, Timo- 
 leon did not hesitate to consent to his death. Twice before 
 had Timoleon pleaded with his brother, beseeching him not to
 
 B.C. 344. TIMOLEON INVADES SICILY. 495 
 
 destroy the liberties of his country ; but when Timophanes 
 tuiued a deaf ear to these appeals, Timoleon connived at the 
 action of his friends who put hina to death, whilst he himself, 
 baliied in a flood of tears, stood a little way aloof The action 
 was not without its censurers even among the Corinthians them- 
 selves : but these were chiefly the adherents of the despotic 
 party, wliilst the great body of the citizens regarded the conduct 
 of Timoleon with love and admiration. In the mind of Timoleon, 
 however, their approving verdict was far more than outweighed 
 by the reproaches and execrations of his mother. The stings of 
 blood-guiltiness and the maternal curse sunk so deep into his 
 soul that he endeavoured to starve himself to death, and he was 
 only diverted from his purpose by the active interference of his 
 friends. But for many years nothing could prevail upon him to 
 return to public life. He buried himself in the country far from 
 the haunts of men, dragging out the life of a self-condemned 
 criminal and exile, till a chance voice in the Corinthian as- 
 sembly nominated him as the leader of the expedition agamst 
 Dionysius. 
 
 S^ 10. Roused by the nature of the cause, and the exhortations 
 of his friends, Timoleon resolved to accept the post thus oliered 
 to him. The prospect however was discouraging. Before he 
 sailed, a, message arrived from Sicily to countermand the expe- 
 dition, Hicetas and the anti-Dionysian party having entered into 
 secret negotiations with the Carthaginians, who refused to allow 
 any Corinthians to land in Sicily. But the responses of the 
 Delphic oracle and the omens of the gods were propitious ; 
 especially the circumstance that in the temple of Delphi itself a 
 wreath of victory fell from one of the statues upon the head of 
 Timoleon. 
 
 The fleet of Timoleon consisted of only ten triremes, but by 
 an adroit stratagem he contrived to elude the Carthaginian fleet 
 of twenty sail, and arrived safely at Tauromenium in Sicily, 
 where he was heartily welcomed by the inhabitants. Hicetas, 
 meanwhile, had made great progress in the war against Diony- 
 sius. He had deteated him in battle, and had made himself 
 master of the whole of Syracuse with the exception of Orlygia, 
 in which he kept the despot closely besieged. Hicetas, learning 
 that Timoleon was advancing to occupy Adranum, hastened 
 thither to anticipate him, but Avas deteated with heavy loss. 
 Timoleon now marched upon Syracuse. Dionysius, who appears 
 to have abandoned all hope of ultimate success, judged it better 
 to treat with Timoleon than with Hicetas, and accordingly sur- 
 rendered the citadel into the hands of the Corinthian leader, 
 on condition of being ^^ flowed to depart in safety to Corinth,
 
 496 HISTORY OF f;RKKCR Ciiai-. XLI. 
 
 n.(;. 3-13. Dioiiysius passed tlic rciniiindrr kC liis life at Corinth, 
 wlicio he is said to have displayed some rcriiiiaMls of his litrrner 
 hixury hy the fastidious taste whieh lie showed in the choice of 
 his viands, unfruents, dress, and Iwrniture; whilst his literary in- 
 clinations iiianiiested themselves in leaching the puhlic singerH 
 and actors, and in opening a school fi»r hoys. 
 
 llicetas still liad jiossession of Achradina ;* and, since he saw 
 that his seliish plans were on the point of failnre, he now called 
 in tho aid of the whole Carthaginian force icir the reduction of 
 Ortygia. The harhour of Syracuse was occujiied by 150 Car- 
 thaginian ships, whilst an army of 00,000 Carthaginians was 
 admitted within the walls of Syracuse. But while llicetas and 
 Magou the Carthaginian general marched with a great part of 
 their force to attack the town of Catana, whence the garrison 
 of Ortygia was supplied with provisions, Neon, the Corinthian 
 commander in Ortygia, watching a favourable opportunity, made 
 a sally, defeated the blockading force on all sides, and even ob- 
 tained possession of the suburb of Achradina. This unexpected 
 success raised the su.«pieions of Magon, who, fearing that Hi- 
 cetas meant to betray him, resolved to quit the island, and 
 sailed away with all his forces to Carthage. Isotwithstanding 
 the defection of his powerful ally, llicetas attempted to retain 
 possession cf tliat jiart of Syracu.-^e which was still in his power, 
 but he Avas unable to resist the attack of Tiinoleon, and was 
 obliged to abandon the city and return to Lcontini. 
 
 S^ 11 . Thus was the apparently hopeless enterprise of Timoleon 
 crowned with entire success in an incredibly short space of time. 
 It now remained for him to achieve a still greater victory — 
 a victory over himself. He was master of iSyracuse and of 
 Ortygia, wdth all its means and resources for establishing a 
 despotism in his own favour ; but his first public act was to 
 destroy those impregnable fortifications which Mould have ren- 
 dered such a visurpation feasible. All the Syracusans were 
 invited to assist in demolishing the walls of Ortygia, and the 
 monument of the elder Dionysius, the record of their fomier 
 slaveiy; and on the ruins of these dreaded works Timoleon caused 
 courts of justice to be erected, at once the pledge and instnmients 
 of equal laws and future freedom. 
 
 Much, however, remained to be done to restore Svracuse to its 
 former prosperity, and Sicily in general to a state of liberty and 
 order. With this view all exiles were invited to return ; whilst 
 Corinth was intreated to co-operate in the work of restoration 
 and to become a second time the fouud«." of S\Tacuse. Two 
 
 * See plan of Syracuse, p. 337.
 
 B.C. 343 TIMOLEOX AT SYRACUSE. 49Y 
 
 leading Corinthian, citizens were accordingly despatched to assist 
 Timoleon and the Syracusans in recasting their constitution, 
 which was remodelled on the basis of the laws of Diodes.* 
 To remedy the poverty into which Syracuse had been plunged 
 by its misfortunes, new colonists were invited to enrol them- 
 selves ; and thus a body of 10,000 citizens, including the Syra- 
 cusan exiles, was collected at Corinth and transported to Syracuse. 
 But larger bodies of Greeks soon poured in from Italy, so that 
 altogether the immigrants are reckoned at GO, 000. 
 
 § 12. Meantime, Timoleon was not idle. He attacked liicetas 
 in Leontini, and compelled him to capitulate. But the submis- 
 sion of Hicetas was a mere feint in order to gain time for calling 
 in the Carthaginians ; who highly indignant at the precipitate 
 retreat of Magon, were anxious to wipe out the disgrace by 
 some signal act of vengeance. An army of 70,000 men was 
 accordingly disembarked at Lilybseum. To meet this formidable 
 force Timoleon could raise only about 12,000 men ; and on his 
 march against the enemy this small force was still further re- 
 duced by the defection of about 1000 of his mercenaries. With 
 the remainder Timoleon marched westwards into the Cartha- 
 ginian province. As he was approaching the Crimesus, or Cri- 
 missus, a small river which flows into the Hypsa on the south- 
 western coast of Sicily, he was saluted by one of those omens 
 which so frequently either raised the courage of the Greeks or 
 sunk them into despondency. The army was met by several 
 mules bearing loads of parsley, the usual ornament of tombs. 
 Perceiving the alarm of his soldiers, Timoleon, M'ith great pre- 
 sence of mind, gave the omen another and a favourable direction. 
 Crowns of parsley were also employed to reward the victors in 
 the Isthmian games ; and Timoleon, seizing a handful and 
 making a wreath for his own head, exclaimed, " Behold our 
 Corinthian symbol of victory ; its unexpected appearance here 
 affords an unequivocal omen of success." These timely words 
 reanimated his men, who now followed him v/ith alacrity. In 
 the battle which ensued Timoleon appeared to have been again 
 favoured by the gods. In the hottest of the fight a terrific storm 
 of hail, rain, and thunder, and lightning beat right in the faces of 
 the Carthaginians, and by the confusion which it created enabled 
 the Greeks to put them to the rout. The same cause occasioned 
 the death of thousands in their retreat, for the river Crimesus, 
 swollen by the sudden rain, carried away a great part of those 
 wlio attempted to rccross it. Ten thousand Carthaginians are 
 said to have perished in the battle, while 15,000 mom were 
 
 * See p. 487.
 
 4'J8 HISTORY OF OREECK. CirAP. XLL 
 
 rnridn j)risoncrs. Tlio rcrnaiinliT l\c(\ willioiil htoj)|»iiif,' to Lily- 
 ba;mii, wlienrc llicy iiiiiiicdialfly ciiilmrki-d ior Carlliafre, not 
 "witlioiit <i dread that the aii<r<T of tlio [rods would .still pursue 
 llit'in at soa. 
 
 ^ i;j. The victory of the Criiiie.su.s brou<.'ht Tiiiioleon Huch 
 an accession of power and influence, that he now resolved to 
 carry into execution his project of expelling all the despots 
 from Sicily. The Carthafrinians sent another expedition to 
 assist these despots, but they were unable to eflect anything, 
 and were glad to conclude a treaty with Tinioleon in n.c. 33b. 
 While the war still continued with the Carthaginians, Timoleon 
 obtained possession of the town of Leontini, as well as of the 
 person of Jlicetas, whom he caused to be put to death. Ma- 
 mercus, despot of Catana, was next deposed and executed by 
 order of tlie public assembly at Syracuse, and the other despots 
 in Sicily soon shared hi.s iatc. 
 
 ^ 14. Having thus ellccled the liberation of the island, Timo- 
 leon iiiunediately laid down his power. All the reward he received 
 for his great services was a house in Syracuse, and some landed 
 property in the neighbourhood of the city. He now sent for his 
 family from Corinth, and became a Syracusan citizen. He con- 
 tiimcd, however, to retain, though in a private station, the 
 gi-eatcst influence in the state. During the latter part of his 
 life, though he was totally deprived of sight, yet when important 
 aflairs were discussed in the assembly, it was custcmar}' to send for 
 Timoleon, wlio was drawn in a car into the middle of the theatre 
 amid the shouts and aflectionate greetings of the assembled 
 citizens. When the tumult of his reception had subsided he 
 listened patiently to the debate. The opinion which he pro- 
 nounced was usually ratified by the vote of the assembly ; and 
 he then left the theatre amidst the same cheers which had 
 greeted his arrival. A truly gratifying ])osition I and one which 
 must have conferred on Timoleon more real happiness than the 
 possession of the most absolute power could ever have be- 
 stowed. In this happy and honoured condition he breathed his 
 last hi B.C. 33G, a few years after the battle cf Crimesus. He 
 wa.« splendidly interred at the public cost, whilst the tears of the 
 whole Syracusan populatioix followed him to the grave.
 
 View of Delphi and Mount Parnassus. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 B.C. 359—146. 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR. 
 
 § 1. State of Greece. § 2. Description of Mficedonia. § 3. Kings of 
 Mnccdon. § 4. Character of Philip. § 5. lie subdues the Pa-oiiians 
 and lUyrians. §6. Il's militaiy discipline. §7. Cnj)ture of Am|)hi- 
 polis, and foundation of Philipjii. §8. The Social War. §9. Coni- 
 meneenient of the Sacred Vv'ur. The Phocians seize Delphi. §10. Suc- 
 cesses of the Phocians. §11- Philip interferes in the war. Conquers 
 Thessaly. § 12. Philip inThi-ace. Demosthenes. § 13. TheOlynthian 
 War. § 14. Character of Fhocion. Fall of Olyntluis. § 15. Progress 
 of (he Sacred W^ar. Embassy to Philip. § 1 6. Conquest of Phocis by 
 Philip. Sentence of the Amphictyonic Council on the Phocians. 
 
 >) 1 . The internal dissensions of Greece, Avhich have formed the 
 subject of the two preceding books, are now about to produce 
 their natural fruits ; and in the present book we shall have to
 
 BOO inSTOIlY OF OREECR Ciiai-. XLIL 
 
 relate Ui(! (lowiiCal! of licr iii(l<'|i('ii(lciicc .'iiid her Kubjuffation by a 
 iiirt'iirii powLT. We have lir.st (if all .seen Sparta exercisiii}^ a w)rl 
 of empire of ojiinion over the other (ireciaii states, and Irjokcd 
 up to by theiM with willing' obedience as their traditional and 
 chosen iead(!r. After the Persian wars Athens contests the 
 I)ahn with lier, and, tliroufrh the confederacy of Delos, becomes 
 virtually the head of (ireece in material power, if not reeoirnised 
 as such by the public opinion of the nation. But Sparta 
 and most of the other (irecian states, irorn jealousy of the 
 Athenian supremacy, league together for the purpose of crush- 
 ing Athens. After a long struggle, Athens falls into the power 
 of her enemies ; and Sparta becomes the ruler of Greece. The 
 power which she has thus acquired, she exercises with harsh» 
 ness, cruelty, and corruption; her own allies desert her: and 
 in little more than thirty years after the battle of ..Egospotami 
 she is in her turn not only deprived of the supremacy, but even 
 stripped of a considerable portion of her own ancient territory, 
 chieliy through the power and influence of Thebes. For a httle 
 while Thebes becomes the predominant state ; but she owes 
 her position solely to the abilities and genius of Epaminondas, 
 and after his death sinks down to her ibrmcr level. The state 
 of exhaustion into whicli Greece had been thrown by these 
 protracted intestine dissensions is already shown by her having 
 condescended to throw herself at the feet of Persia, and to make 
 her hereditary enemy the arbiter of her quarrels. Athens alone, 
 during the comparative state of trau([uillity all'orded her through 
 the mutual disputes of her neighbours, has succeeded in regain- 
 ing some portion of her former strength, and becomes the leading 
 power in the struggle which now threatens to overwhelm the 
 whole of Greece. This new danger comes from an obscure 
 northern state, hitherto overlooked and despised, and considered 
 as altogether barbarous, and without the pale of Grecian civi- 
 lization. 
 
 § 2. Macedonia — for that is the country of which we are 
 speaking — had various limits at ditrerent times. Properly, how- 
 ever, it may be regarded as separated from Thessaly oix the 
 south by the Cambunian mountains ; from lUyria on the west 
 by the great mountain chain called Scardus and Bernus, and 
 which, under the name of Pnidus, also separates Thcssalv from 
 Epirus ; from Mocsia on the north by the mountains called Orbe- 
 lus and Scomius ; and from Thrace on the east by the river 
 Strymon. It is drained by three rivers of considerable size, the 
 Axius, the Lydias, and tlie Haliacmon ; each of which has its 
 separate valley, iormed by two mountain ranges running south- 
 eastwards from the mountains that divide Illvria and Macedonia.
 
 B.C. 859. HISTORY OF JIACEDONIA. 501 
 
 All these rivers discharge themselves into the Thermaic gulf. 
 The origin of the people who inhabited this tract cf country has 
 been much disputed. The Greeks tliemselves looked upon them 
 as barbarians, that is, as not of Hellenic origin. They were pro- 
 bably an lUyrian people, and the similarity of the maimers and 
 customs, as well as of the languages, so far as they are known, 
 of the early Macedonians and llhiuns, seems to establish the 
 identity of the races. 
 
 ^ 3. But though the Macedonians were not Greeks, their so- 
 vereigns claimed to be descended from an Hellenic race, namely, 
 that of Temenus of Argos ; and it is said that Alexander I. 
 proved his Argive descent previously to contending at the Olympic 
 games. Perdiccas is commonly regarded as the founder of the 
 monarchy ; of the history of which, however, little is known till 
 the reign of Amyntas 1., his fifth successor, A^ho was contem- 
 porary with the PisistratidtB at Athens. Under Ampitas, who 
 submitted to the satrap Megabyzus, Macedonia became subject 
 to Persia, and remained so till after the battle of Plalsea. The 
 reigns of the succeeding sovereigns down to Pliilip H. present 
 little that is remarkable, with the exception of that of Arche- 
 laus (b.c. 413). This monarch eflected much for Macedonia by 
 improving the condition of the army, by erecting fortresses to 
 clieck the incursions cf his barbarous neighbours, bv construct- 
 ing roads, and by endeavouring to difluse among his subjects a 
 taste for literature and art. He transferred his residence from 
 jEgSd to Pella, which thus became the capital, and he employed 
 Zeuxis to adorn his palace there with paintings. He entertained 
 many literaiy men at his court ; such as Agathon and Euripides, 
 the latter of whom ended his days at Pella. Archelaus was as- 
 sassinated in B.C. 399, and the crown devolved upon Amyntas H., 
 a representative of the ancient line. Amyntas left three sons : 
 Alexander U., who was assassinated by Ptolemy Alorites ; Per- 
 diccas HI., who recovered his brother's throne by slaying Pto- 
 lemy, and who fell in battle against the Illyrians ; and lastly, the 
 celebrated Philip, of whom we have now to speak. 
 
 § 1. It has been already mentioned that the youtliful Pliilip 
 was one of the hostages delivered to the Thebans as security lor 
 the peace eflected by Pelopidas. His residence at Thebes gave 
 him some tincture of Grecian philosophy and literature. It 
 seems probable that he made the personal acquaintance ol' Plato ; 
 and he undoubtedly acquired that command over the Greek lan- 
 guage Avhich put him on a level with the best orators of the day. 
 But the most important lesson which he learned at Thebes was 
 the art of war, with all the improved tactics introduced by Epa- 
 minbndas. A* <he time of Pb.ilip's residence, moreover, Thebes
 
 C02 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cmap. XLIL 
 
 w.'is the ooiilrc of pnlitical iiilorost, I'liid lie inu.«l arrordiiifrly liave 
 had ojipDrtimitics to Ijcooinc iiiliiiiatfly ac(|uaiiited witli the 
 views and policy of the varioii.s (ireeiaii jjowers. The goiiiiis 
 and cliaracler of Philip were well caleulated to derive ad vanlag-c 
 from these opportunities. He had great natural aeutenes.s and 
 sajracity, .so as to perceive at a glance the men to be employed, 
 and the opportunities to be improved. His boundless ambition 
 Avas seconded by an iron will, which no danger could daunt and 
 no repulse dishearten ; and when lie had once Ibmied a project 
 he pursued it with untirin:^ and resistless energy. His hand- 
 some person, spontaneous elorpiencc, and apparently frank 
 deportment, were of great assistance to liim in the prosecution 
 of his schemes ; whilst under the.se seducing qualities lurked no 
 inconvenient morality to stand between liis desires and their 
 gratification. Corruption was his instrument as frerpiently as 
 iorce ; and it was one of his favourite boasts that he had taken 
 more towns with silver than with iron.* Yet when force was 
 necessary no man could wield it better ; for with the skill of a 
 general he united a robu:-tness of constitution which enabled 
 him to bear all the hardships ol" a campaign as well as the 
 meanest soldier. 
 
 k 5. Such was the man who at the age of 23 assumed the go- 
 vernment of Macedonia (r.c. 359). It had probably been in- 
 trusted to him when his brother Perdiccas set out on the expe- 
 dition against the lUyriaiis in which he fell ; and after that event 
 he became the guardian of his brother's infant son. This minority 
 induced two pretenders to claim the crown : Pausanias, who was 
 supported by the king of Thrace ; and Argajus, whose claims 
 were backed by the Athenians with a force of 3000 hoplites, 
 because he had engaged to put them in possession of Amphi- 
 polis. But by his promises and address Philip contrived to 
 propitiate both the king of Thrace and the Athenians ; to the 
 latter of whom he made the same oilers as Arga-us had done. 
 The two pretenders being thus deprived of their supporters, 
 were easily got rid of, and Philip was left at liberty to turn his 
 arms against the Pa;onians and lllyrians, who were threatening 
 Macedonia with invasion. The former people were easily sub- 
 dued, and Philip then marched against the Hlyrians with a force 
 of 10,000 men. He was met by Bardylis, the aged chief of 
 Illyria, with an army of about the same strength. This was the 
 first important engagement fought by Philip. He displayed in 
 it the military skill which he had acquired in the school of Epa- 
 * " diffidit iirbium 
 
 Portas vir Macedo ot subruit rDmiilos 
 Reges nnuici-ibus." — IIoiu Can/u iii. IS. 13.
 
 B.C. 359. ACCESSION OF PHILIP. 50S 
 
 miiioudas, and, like that commander, gained the victory by con- 
 centrating his foi-ces on one point of the enemy's hne. Nearly 
 two-thirds of the Illyrian army were destroyed ; and they were 
 consequently compelled to submit unconditionally, and to place 
 in the hands of Philip the principal mountain passes bet\veen 
 the two countries. It Avas after these victories that Philip seems 
 to have deposed his nephew, and to have assumed the croAvu of 
 Macedon. This revolution, however, was unattended with harsh- 
 ness or cruelty. Philip continued to bring up his nephew at 
 court, and ultimately gave him one of his daughters in marriage. 
 
 § 6. It w^as natural that success acquired with so much ease 
 should prompt a youthful and ambitious monarch to further 
 undertakings. In anticipation of future conquests he devoted 
 the greatest attention to the training and discipline of his army. 
 It was in his Illyrian wars that he is said to have introduced the 
 far-famed Macedonian phalanx. But perhaps the greatest of his 
 military innovations was the establishment of a standing army. 
 We have already noticed certain bodies of this description at 
 Argos and Thebes. Philip, however, seems to have retained on 
 foot the 10,000 men which he had employed against the Illy- 
 rians ; and this standing force was gradually enlarged to double 
 the number. Among the soldiers discipline v/as preserved by 
 the severest punishments. Thus we hear of a youth of noble 
 bu'th being scourged for leaving the ranks to get a draught of 
 wine at a tavern ; and of another who, though a favourite at 
 court, was put to death for a similar offence, aggravated by a 
 breach of positive orders. 
 
 § 7. Philip's views were now turned towards the eastern fron- 
 tiers of his dominions, where his interests clashed with those of 
 the Athenians. A few years before the Athenians had made 
 various unavailing atteiTipts to obtain possession of Amphipolis, 
 once the jewel of their empire, but which they had never reco- 
 vered since its capture by Brasidas in the eighth year of the Pe- 
 loponnesian Avar. Its situation at the mouth of the Strymon 
 rendered it also valuable to Macedonia, not only as a commercial 
 port, but as opening a passage into Thrace. The Olynthians 
 Avere likcAvise anxious to enrol Amphipolis as a member oi their 
 confederacy, and accordingly proposed to the Athenians to form 
 an alliance for the purpose of defending Amphipolis against their 
 mutual enemy. An alliance between these tAVO powerful states 
 would have proved an insurmountable obstacle to Philip's vieAvs ; 
 and it Avas therefore absolutely necessary to prevent this coali- 
 tion. Here we have the first instance of Philip's skill and du- 
 plicity in negotiation. By secretly promising the Athenians 
 that he would put Amphipolis into their hands, if they would
 
 r.04 IILSTOIIY OF flllEKCR Chap. XLIL 
 
 fxivi! him possossitm di' l'yilii;i, Ik; iiidiiccd tlicin to ri-jcct ihe 
 overtures ol the Olyiilhiaiis ; and hy (•••ditijf to the latter liie 
 town ol'AiithcmiiH, Ik; hou^ht olT their opposition, lie now laid 
 S!e^(; to Ani|)liipoli.s, whieli, Iteiiiir tlnis jell iniaided, li.-ll into his 
 hands (r.-c. .'iOs). He then l()rthvvith niarelied a<rain.st J'ydna, 
 "whieh surrendered to him ; hut on the pround that it was not 
 llio Athenians wIk) had ]»ut him in jto.'-ses.'-ioii of this town, he 
 relnsed to frive up Am])liij)olis to tliem. 
 
 Philip had now just rea.-^on to dread the enmity of the Athenians, 
 and accordingly it was his policy to court the favour of the 
 Olynthiaus, and to prevent them from renewiiif^ their negotia- 
 tions with the Athenians. In order to separate them more 
 elleetually, he assisted the Olynthians in recovering Potidaea, 
 "which had formerly belonged to their confederacy, but Avas now 
 in the hands of the Athenians. On the capture of the town he 
 handed it over to the Olynthians ; but at the .same time he 
 treated the Athenian garri.son with kindness, and allowed them 
 to return home in safely. Plutarch relates that tlie capture of 
 Polida-a was accompanied ^ith three other fortunate events in 
 the life of Philip ; namely, the prize gained by his chariot at the 
 01ym])ic games, a victory of his general Parrnenio over the 
 Illyrians, and the birth of his sou Alexander. These events 
 happened in u.c. 356. 
 
 Philip now crossed the J^tryniou, on the left bank c f which 
 lay Pangaius, a range cf mountains abounding in gold mines. 
 Pangccus properly belonged to the Thracians, but had some- 
 times been in the possession of the Athenians, and sometimes 
 of the Thasians ; and at this time was held by the latter people. 
 Philip conquered the district, and founded there a new town 
 called Philippi, on the site of the ancient Thasian tow-n of 
 Crenides. By improved methods of working the mines he made 
 them yield an annual revenue of 1000 talents, nearly 250,000Z. 
 But it was chiefly as a military post that Philippi was valu- 
 able to him, and as a means of pushing his conquests farther 
 eastwards ; for whieh, however he was not at present pre- 
 pared. 
 
 § 8. Meanwhile, Athens was engaged in a war with her allies, 
 which has been called the Social ^]'ar ; and which was, perhaps, 
 the reason why she was obliged to look quietly on whilst 
 Philip was thus aggrandizing himself at her expense. This war 
 broke out in b.c. 3-37. The chief causes of it seem to Jiave been 
 the contributions levied upon the allies by the Athenian gene- 
 rals, and the I'c-establishment of the system of cleruchies, which 
 the Athenians had formally renounced when they were beginning 
 to reconstruct their empire However this may be, a coalition
 
 B.C. 357. THE SACRED WAR. •'505 
 
 was formed against Athens, of which either Byzantium or Rhode? 
 was the head, and whieh was soon joined by Chios, Cos, am' 
 other places. The insurgents were also assisted by the Cariai. 
 prince, Mausolus. The lirst step taken by the Athenians in 
 order to quell this insurrection was to attack Chios with GO tri- 
 remes, under Chares and Chabrias. The expedition proved un- 
 successful. Chabrias was slain whilst gallantly leading the way 
 mto the harbour of Chios, and the armament was altogether de- 
 feated. We next fnid Timotheus and Iphicrates employed in 
 this war in conjunction with Chares : but the details recorded 
 of it are obscure, and sometimes contradictory. Chares got rid 
 of his two colleagues on a charge of failing to support him in a 
 battle. On this indictment they were subsequently tried, when 
 Iplncratcs Mas acquitted ; but Timotheus was condemned, and 
 retired to Chalcis, where he sooii afterwards died. Athens thus 
 lost her best commanders;' and Chares, haA'ing obtained the sole 
 command, entered the service of the satrap Artabazus, who had 
 revolted against Artaxerxes, and was rewarded with a large sum, 
 which enabled him to pay his men. He did not succeed, how- 
 ever, in reducing the refractory allies to obedience ; and when 
 Artaxerxes threatened to support them with a fleet of 300 ships, 
 the Athenians were obliged to consent to a disadvantageous 
 peace, which secured the independence of the more important 
 allies (b.c. 355). The Athenians only succeeded in retaining 
 some of the smaller towns and islands, and their revenue from 
 them was reduced to the moderate sum of 45 talents. 
 
 § 9. The Social War tended still further to exhaust the Grecian 
 states, and thus pave the way for Philip's progress to the su- 
 premacy. Another war, which had been raging during the same 
 time, produced the same result even to a greater extent. This 
 was the Sacred War, which broke out between Thebes and 
 Phocis in the same year as the Social War (b.c. 357). An ill- 
 feeling had long subsisted between those two countries. It was 
 with reluctance that the Phocians had joined the Theban al- 
 liance. In the last campaigir of Epaminondas in the Pelopon- 
 nesus, they positively retiised their assistance ; and after the 
 death of that leader they seem to have committed some actual 
 hostilities against Bceotia. The Thebans now availed themselves 
 of the influence which they possessed in the Ampliictyonic coun- 
 cil to take vengeance upon the Phocians, and accordingly induced 
 this body to impose a heavy fine upon the Phocians, because 
 they had cultivated a portion of the Cirrha>an plain, which, after 
 the first sacred war, had been consecrated to the Delphian god,* 
 and was to lie waste for ever. The Phocians pleaded that the 
 * See ))}). 50, 51. 
 Z
 
 60G IIISTOUV OF GllEKCE. Chap. XLII. 
 
 payment of tli'! dm; would ruin tlicrii ; but instead of listening 
 to llu-ir rcinonstranties, the Anijjhiclyon.s doubled tlic amount, 
 and threatened, in case of their continued refu.sal, to reduce 
 them to tlie (condition of serfs. Tims driven to des|)(;ration, the 
 Phoeians resolved to complete the saerilc<re with which they had 
 been branded, by seizing the very temple of Delphi itself, to the 
 possession of which they asserted an ancient right, lijunilcd on a 
 verse in Homer, in which the " rocky Pytho" was reckoned 
 among the Phocian towns.* If they succeeded in seizing the 
 temple, not only would all its treasures be at their command, 
 but they would even bo able to dictate the responses of the 
 oracle. The leader and counsellor of this enterprise was Philo- 
 raelus, who, with a Ibrce of no more than 2000 men, surprised 
 and took Delphi. The Locriaus of Arnphissa, who came to the 
 rescue of the temple, were defeated by him with great loss. 
 Being now master of the temple, Philomelus destroyed the re- 
 cords containing the sentence of the Amphictyons, and apfxjaled 
 to all Greece against its injustice. At lirst, however, he care- 
 fully abstained from touching the sacred treasure ; but he levied 
 large sums on the private property of the Delphians. He then 
 fortifusd the temple afresh ; and, having hired inore mercenaries, 
 which swelled his force to aOOO men, invaded the Locrian terri- 
 tory. After some petty skirmishes, the Locriaus were finally 
 defeated in a pitched battle ; whereupon they applied to the 
 Thebans for assistance. 
 
 MO. Meanwhile, Philomelus, being master of the oracle, ex- 
 torted a decree from the priestess sanctioning all that he had 
 done ; and sent envoys to the principal Grecian cities, including 
 Thebes, to vindicate his conduct, and to declare that the treasures 
 of Delphi were untouched. The envoys succeeded in obtaining the 
 alliance of Sparta and Athens, but from Thebes they were repulsed 
 with threats. There, however, the application of the Locrians 
 mjt with a ready acquiescence ; and messages were sent by the 
 Thebans to stir up the Thessalians and all the northern tribes 
 which belonged to the Amphielyonie Council. The Phocians 
 now saw themselves threatened by a powerlul combination, 
 whilst from Athens, weakened by the social war, and from Sparta, 
 hampered by Megalopolis and Messene, thev could expect but 
 little aid. In this emergency Philomelus threw oil" the scruples 
 which he had hitlierto assumed, and announced that the sacred 
 treasures should be converted into a fund for the payment of 
 mercenaries. Crowds of adventurers now flocked on all sides to 
 his standard, and he soon found himself at the head of 10,000 
 men. With these he again invaded Jiocris, and defeated the 
 * Iha.l, ii. 517.
 
 B.C. 852. INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP. 507 
 
 Thebaiis and Thessalians. Subsequently, however, the Thebans 
 obtained large reinforcements, and having become manifestly the 
 strongest, put to death all Phocian prisoners, as being guilty of 
 sacrilege. The war thus assumed the most barbarous character, 
 and the Phocians, by way of self preservation, were obliged to 
 retaliate. The details of the struggle arc not accurately known, 
 but it appears that a great battle was at length fought, in which 
 the Phocians were defeated and Philomelus killed. The victory, 
 however, does not seem to have been sufficiently decisive to 
 enable the Thebans to obtain possession of Delphi, and they sub- 
 sequently returned home. 
 
 Onomarchus, who succeeded his brother Philomelus in the 
 command, carried on the war with vigour and success. He re- 
 duced both the western and eastern Locrians, as well as the little 
 state of Doris. He then invaded Boeotia, captured Orchome- 
 nus, and laid siege to Chaeronea; which, however, the Thebans 
 compelled him to raise, and drove him back with some loss into 
 Phocis. 
 
 Ml. Such was the state of the Sacred War when Philip first 
 began to interfere in it. It was only, however, through his pre- 
 vious conquests in Thossaly that he was enabled to do so. Even 
 before he could enter that country he had to reduce the town of 
 Melhone, which lay between him and the Thessalian frontier ; 
 and it was at the siege of this place that he lost his eye by an 
 arrow. After the capture of Methone, his road lay open into 
 Thessaly ; and at the invitation of the Aleuadse of Larissa, who 
 were disgusted with the tyranny exercised by the successors of 
 Alexander of Pherse, he undertook an expedition against that 
 state. Alexander himself had been despatched through the 
 machinations of his wife Thebe, who caused him to be murdered 
 by her three half-brothers. These subsequently ascended the 
 tlirone, and exercised a tyranny as harsh as that of their pre- 
 deces.sor. Pheraj, it seems, had shown some disposition to assist 
 the Phocians ; and when Onomarchus heard that Philip was 
 marching against it, he sent his brother, Phayllus, with a Ibrce 
 of 7000 men to its assistance. Philip defeated Phayllus, but 
 was subsequently routed and compelled to retreat by Onomar- 
 chus in person. The latter then turned his arms against Coro- 
 nea, wliich he reduced ; but the news that Philip had re-entered 
 Thessaly at the head of 20,000 men, soon compelled him again 
 to march thither. Philip now assumed the character of a cham- 
 pion of the Delphic god, and made his soldiers wear wreaths of 
 laurel, plucked in the groves of Tempe. Onomarchus was at the 
 head of about an equal number of men ; but in the encounter 
 which ensued, apparently near the gulf of Pagasse, he was slain,
 
 fi08 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIL 
 
 and liis iiniiy totally (Icfcated (n.c. 3.'}2). This viriory rnado 
 I'liilip master of Thcssaly. lie now directed Viis inarcli wjuth- 
 wards witli the view oC siih(hiiiif,' the Phociaiis ; hut upon 
 reachinjr Thcnnoyjyht!, he llmiid the ])as-.s ^niarded hy a strong 
 Athenian force, and was compelled, or considered it more jjrudent, 
 to retreat. 
 
 ^12. After hi.s return from The.ssaly, Philip's views were di- 
 rected towards Tliraec and the Chersonese ; hut lie first carried 
 his arms so far into the interior of" the country that the Athe- 
 nians could learn nothing of his movements. It was at this 
 juncture that Demosthenes stepped forwards as the proclaimed 
 opponent of Philip, and delivered the first of tliose ceiehrated 
 orations which from their subject have been called " the Philip- 
 pics." Since the establishment of democracy at Athens a cer- 
 tain degree of ability in public speaking was indi.«pensable to a 
 public man. Hitherto, liowevcr, the leading men ol" Athens had. 
 like Cirnon and Pericles, been statesmen and warriors, as well as 
 orators. But the great jirogress made in the art of rhetoric, as 
 well as iu the art of war since the imj)roved tactics introduced 
 by Epaminondas, had now almost conii)letely separated the pro- 
 fessions of the orator and the soldier. Phocion, the contempo- 
 rary of Demosthenes, was the la.st who combined the provinces 
 of the two. The ears of the Athenians had become fastidious. 
 They delighted in displays of oratorical skill ; and it was this 
 period which produced those speakers who have been called by 
 way of eminence " the Attic orators." Demosthenes, the most 
 famous of them all, was born in b.c. 382-381. Having lost his 
 father at the early age of seven, his guardians abused their trust, 
 and defrauded him of the greater part of his paternal inheritance. 
 This misfortune, however, proved one of the cau-ses which tended 
 to make him an oi-ator. Demosthenes,- as he advanced towards 
 manhood, perceived with indignation the conduct of his guar- 
 dians, for Avhich he resolved to make them answerable when the 
 proper opportunity should arrive, by accusing them h.imself 
 befoi-e the dicastery. The w-cakness of his bodily frame, which 
 unfitted him for the exercises ot" the gj^mnasium, cau.sed him to 
 devote himself with all the more ardour to intellectual pursuits. 
 He placed himself under the tuition of Isa-us, who then enjoyed 
 a high reputation as an advocate ; and Avhcn he had acquired 
 a competent degree of skill, he pleaded his cause against liis guar- 
 dians, and appears to have recovered a considerable portion of 
 his estate. This success encouraged him to speak in the public 
 assembly ; but his first attempt proved a failure, and he retired 
 from the bema amidst the hootings and laughter of the citizens. 
 The more judicious and candid among his auditors perceived,
 
 B.C. 352. DEMOSTHENES. FIRST PHILIPPIC. 509 
 
 however, marks of genius in his speech, and rightly attributed 
 his Ihihire to timidity and want of due preparation. Eunomus, 
 an aiied citizen wlio met him wandering about the Piraeus in a 
 state of dejection at his ill success, bade liim take courage and 
 persevere. "Your manner of speakuig," said he, "very much 
 resembles that of Pericles ; you fail only through want of con- 
 fidence. You are too much disheartened by the tumult of a 
 popular assembly, and you do not take any pains even to acquire 
 that strength of body which is requisite ibr tlie bema." Struck 
 and encouraged by these remarks, Demosthenes withdrew awhile 
 from public life, and devoted himself perseveringly to remedy 
 his defects. They were such as might be lessened, if not re- 
 moved, by practice, and consisted chiefly of a weak voice, 
 imperfect articulation, and ungraceful and inappropriate action. 
 He derived much assistance from Satyrus, the actor, who exep 
 cised him in reciting passages from Sophocles and Euripides. 
 He studied the best rhetorical treatises and orations, and is said 
 to have cojiied the work of Thucydides with his own hand no 
 fewer than eight times. He shut himself up for two or three 
 months together in a subterranean chamber in order to practise 
 composition and declamation. It may also be well supposed 
 that he devoted no inconsiderable part of his attention to the 
 laws of Athens and the politics of Greece. -His perseverance was 
 crowned with success ; and he who on the first attempt had 
 descended from the bema amid the ridicule of the crowd, became 
 at last the most perfect orator the world has ever seen. 
 
 ^ 13. Demosthenes had established himself as a public speaker 
 before the period which we have now reached ; but it is chiefly 
 in connexion with Philip that we are to view him as a statesman 
 as well as an oi'ator. Philip had shown his ambition by the con- 
 quest of Thessaly, and by the part he had taken in the Sacred 
 War ; and Demosthenes now began to regard him as the enemy 
 of the liberties of Athens and of Greece. In his first " Philippic" 
 Demosthenes tried to rouse his countrymen to energetic meas- 
 ures against this fonnidable enemy ; but his Avarnings and exhor- 
 tations produced little efl'ect, for the Athenians were no longer 
 distinguished by the same spirit of enterprise which had cha- 
 racterized them in the days of their supremacy. It is true they 
 were roused to momentary action towards the end of B.C. 352 
 by the news that Philip was besieging the fortress of Herajum on 
 the Propontis ; but the armament which they voted, upon receiv- 
 ing tne news, did not sail till the autmrin of b.c. 351, and thexi 
 on a reduced scale under the command of Charidemus. For the 
 next two years no important step was taken to curb the growing 
 power of Philip ; and it was the danger of Olynthus, which first
 
 610 HISTORY OF OltKKCE Chap. XlAl. 
 
 iiidiiccd llic Allifiiiiiiis 1() jirDsr-ciiti' llic \v;ir \\\\\i a little more 
 
 Ill '.]'')0 ii.c, lMiili|) li;iviii<( f.'i|ilin<"(l ;i lowii in CliaU-idifr', Olyn- 
 tluis bofran to tR-iiiblc f()r licr own sail-ty, ami scut fiivoys to 
 Atln'iis to crave assistance. Olyiillius was still at llic liead of 
 thirty-two Greek towns, and llie eonl'ederaey was a wjrt of coun- 
 terpoise to the power of Philip. It was on this occasion that 
 Demosthenes delivered his three Olynthaic orations, in wyiich 
 he warmly advocated an alliance with Olynthus. 
 
 k 14. Demosthenes was opposed by a stronj^ party, with which 
 Phocion commonly acted. I'hocion is one of the most siiijinlar 
 and orifrinal characters in Grecian histor}'. JN'alnrally simj)le, 
 nprijrhl, and benevolent, his manners were nevertheless often 
 rendered repulsive by a tinj^e of misanthroj)y and cynicism. He 
 viewed the multitude and their allairs with a scorn which he 
 was at no ])ains to disguise; receiving their anger with indiller- 
 ence, and tlieir praises with contempt. "VYhen a response I'n m 
 Delphi announced to the Athenians that though they were 
 themselves unanimous, there was one man who dissented frr m 
 them, Phocion stepped forwards, and said : " Do not trouble 
 yourselves to seek for this refractory citizen ; — I am he, and 1 
 jike nothing that you do." On another cccasion, when one ol' 
 his speeches was received with general applause, he Uimed round 
 to his friends, and inquired, " Have I said anything bad ?" Pho- 
 cion's whole art of oratory consisted in condensing his speeches 
 into the smallest possible compass, without any attention to the 
 smoothness of his periods, or the grace of his language. Yet 
 their terse and liomely vigour Mas often heightened by a sort of 
 dry humour, which produced more eflect than th-e most studied 
 efibrts of oratory. " What, at your meditations, Phocion ?" 
 inquired a friend, who perceived him wrapt up in thought. — 
 " Yes," he replied, " I am considering Avhether I can shorten 
 what I have to say to the Athenians." His known probity also 
 gave him weight with the assembly. He was tlie only siatesman 
 of whom Demosthenes stood in awe ; who was accustomed to 
 say Avhen Phocion rose, " Here comes the pruner of my 
 periods." But Phocion's desponding views, and his mistrust of 
 the Athenian people, made him an ill statesman at a period 
 which demanded the most active patriotism. He doubtless 
 injured his coimtry by contributing to check the more enlarged 
 and patriotic views of Demosthenes ; and though his owir con- 
 duct was pure and disinterested, lie unintentionally threw his 
 weight on the cide of those who, like Demades and others, were 
 actuated by the basest motives. This division ol opinion ren- 
 dered the operations of the Athenians for tlie aid of the Olpi-
 
 B.C. 347. PHILIP TAKES OLYNTHUS. 611 
 
 thians languid ami desultory. Town after town of the confe- 
 deracy fell before Philip ; and in b.c. 346, or early in 347, he laid 
 siege to Olynthus itself. The city was vigorously defended ; but 
 Philip at length gained admission through the treacherj' of Las- 
 thenes and Euthycrates, two of the leading men, when he 
 razed it to the ground and sold the inhabitants into slavery. 
 The whole of the Chalcidian peninsula thus became a Macedo- 
 nian province. Philip celebrated his triumph at Dium, a town 
 on the borders of Thessaly ; where, on the occasion of a festival 
 to the Muses, instituted by Archelaus, he amused the people 
 with banquets, games, and theatrical entertainments. 
 
 § 15. The prospects of Athens now became alarming. Her 
 possessions in the Chersonese Avere threatened, as well as the 
 freedom of the Greek towns upon the Hellespont. At this junc- 
 ture Demosthenes endeavoured to persuade the Athenians to 
 organize a confederacy among the Grecian states for the purpose 
 of arresting a p3wjr which seemed to threaten the liberty of 
 all ; and in this he was seconded by some of those politicians 
 who usually opposed him. But though steps were taken towards 
 this object, the attempt entirely failed. The attention of the 
 Athenians was next directed towards a reconciliation with 
 Thebes. The progress of the sacred war, to which we must now 
 briefly revert, seemed favourable to such a project. After the 
 death of Oiiomarchus, his brother Phayllus had assumed the 
 command of the Phocians ; and as the sacred treasure was still 
 unexhausted he succeeded in obtaining large reinibrcements of 
 troops. The Spartans sent 1000 men ; the Acha3ans 2000 ; the 
 Athenians 5000 foot and 400 horse under Nausicles. With these 
 forces Phayllus undertook a successful invasion of Boeotia ; and 
 afterwirds attacked the Epicnemidian Locrians, and took all 
 their towns except Narya?. But in the course of the year Phayllus 
 died, and Avas succeeded in the conduct of the w'ar by Mnaseas, 
 guardian of Pxiala^cus, the youthful son of Onomarchus. Mnaseas, 
 however, was soon slain, and Phalajcus himself then assumed the 
 command. Uni jr him the war was continued between the Pho- 
 cians and Thebans, but without any decisive success on either side. 
 The treasures of Delphi were nearly exhausted, and on the other 
 hand the war was becoming every year more and more burthen- 
 some to the Thebans. It was at this juncture that the Athe- 
 nians, as before hinted, were contemplating a peace with Thebes ; 
 nor did it seem improbable that one might be concluded not 
 only between those two cities, but among the Grecian states 
 generally. It seems to have been this aspect of affairs that 
 induced Philip to make several indii'ect overtures to the Athe- 
 nians in the summer of B.C. 347. In spite of subsidies from
 
 CIS HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIL 
 
 I)cl|)lii llic war liad been vcrj' onerous to tyiciii, and they received 
 llicsc JulvaMCH'S with joy, yet not w itlioiit Huspieion, a« they were 
 quite unahlu to divine Pliilip's motives i'or making tliem. On 
 tiie motion of I'hilocrates, liowever, it was deerecd liiat ten am- 
 hassadors .should be de.'^patehea to i'hibp's court. Pliilorratcs 
 himsell wa.s at tiie head of them, and amoufr llie re.st were the 
 rival orators, Demostiieiies and yEschinei>, and the actor Aristo- 
 demua. A\c have, liowever, no jjarticulars on which we can rely 
 respecting this embas-sy. All that we can gather respecting it is 
 from the personal recriminations ot" Demo.sthenes and iEschines, 
 and we can only inll-r on the whole that it was a miserable 
 failure. Philip seems to have bribed some of the ambassadors, 
 and to have cajoled the re.st by liis hospitable Ijanquets and his 
 winning and condescending manners. Nothing decisive was done 
 respecting Amphipolis or the Phocians ; and as far as we can 
 learn tlie whole fruits of the emljassy were some vague promises 
 on the part of Philip to respect the Athenian j)ossessions in 
 Thrace. Soon after the return of Philocrates and his colleagues, 
 Autipater, Parmenio, and iMirylochus, three of Philip's most dis- 
 tingui.shed generals and statesmen, came on a mission to Athens, 
 where they 'ere entertained by Demosthenes. The basis of a 
 treaty of peace and alliance seems now to haA^e been arranged, in 
 which Philip dictated his own terms. Another embas.sy, con- 
 sisting probably of the former ten, was appointed to procure the 
 ratification of this treaty by Philip ; and on the news that he 
 was invading the dominions of Cersobleptes, they were directed 
 to hasten their departure, and to seek that monarch in whatever 
 quarter he might be. AYith this view they proceeded to the 
 port of Oreus in Eubcea; but instead of following the advice of 
 Demosthenes, and embarking for the Hellespont, which they 
 might have reached in two or three days, thev wasted some time 
 at that place, and then proceeded bv a circuitous route to Pella : 
 hence they did not reach that city till upwards of three weeks 
 after quitting Athens. Here they met ambassadors from other 
 states concerned in the progress of the sacred war, as Thebes, 
 Phocis, Sparta, and Thessaly ; but Philip Avas still in Thrace, and 
 they had to wait a month for his return. P^ven when he arrived 
 at Pella, he delayed the final ratification of the treaty, and per- 
 suaded the ambassadors to accompany him on his march to 
 PhersB in Thessaly, under pretence that he desired their media- 
 tion between the Pharsalians and Halus ; though liis real motiA-e 
 undoubtedly was to gain time for iuA^ading Phocis. He at length 
 Bwore to the treaty in Pherai ; but the Phocians were expressly 
 excluded from it. 
 
 § 16. Scarcely liad the Athenian ambassadors returned home
 
 B.C. 34{,. END OF THE SACRED WAR. 513 
 
 when Philip began his march towards Thermopylae. Demosthenes, 
 on his return, protested against the acts of his colleagues, and 
 his representations had such an etFect, that the ambassadors 
 were not honoured with the usual vote of thanks. The main 
 charge which he brought against his colleagues, and against 
 Machines in particular, was that of having deluded the people 
 with false hopes respecting Philip's views towards Athens. But 
 the opposite party had possession of the popular ear. JSTot only 
 was nothing done fof the Phocians, but a decree was even passed 
 to convey the thanks of Athens to Philip, and to declare that 
 unless Delphi Avas delivered up by the Phocians to the Amphic- 
 tyons, the Athenians would help to entbrce that step. The am- 
 bassadors were again directed to carry this decree to Philip ; but 
 Demosthenes was so disgusted with it that he refused to go, and 
 .^schines also declined on the plea of ill-health. 
 
 The Phocians now lay at the mercy of Philip. As soon as the 
 king had passed the straits of Thermopylae, Phalajcus secured 
 his own satety by concluding a treaty v/ith Philip, by which he 
 was permitted to retire into the Peloponnesus with bOOO mer- 
 cenaries. When Philip entered Phocis all its towns surrendered 
 unconditionally at his approach. Philip then occupied Delphi, 
 where he assembled the Amphictyons to pronounce sentence 
 upon those who had been concerned in the sacrilege committed 
 there. The council decreed that all the cities of Phocis, except 
 Abaj, should be destroyed, and their inhabitants scattered into 
 villages containing not more than fifty houses each ; and that 
 they should replace by yearly payments the treasures of the 
 temple estimated at the enormous sum of 10,000 talents, or 
 nearly two millions and a half sterling. Sparta was deprived 
 of her share in the Amphictyonic privileges ; the two votes in 
 the Council possessed by the Phocians were transferred to the 
 kings of Macedonia ; and Philip was to share with the Thebans 
 and Thessalians the honour of presiding at the Pythian games. 
 These were no slight privileges gained by Philip. A seat in the 
 Amphictyonic council recognized him at once as a Grecian 
 power, and would affbrd him occasion to interfere in the aH'airs 
 of Greece. Thebes recovered the places Avhich she had lost in 
 BoBotia. Such was the termination of the Sacred War (b.c. 
 346). 
 
 2*
 
 |3F3*r^5S-.*i^ - -"i.: , ■ 'i^riUp^ft^S/i^rtbrJ.- 
 
 -^i^i^ 
 
 The Plain of Cheronea 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 FROM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP. 
 
 g 1. Results of the Sacred War. § 2. Macoilonian emV)a3sy to Athens. 
 Hccond P/iilippic §3. Philip's expedition into Thrace. §4. Third 
 Philippic, i'roirress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. § 5. Phocion's 
 success in Euba-a. § G. Declaration of war between Athens and 
 Macedon. Phocion compels Philij) to evacuate the Chersonese. § 7. 
 Charge of sacrilege aETainst the Ainphissians. § 8. Philip appointed 
 general by the Amphictj'ons to conduct the war against Aniphissa. 
 § 9. He seizes Elatea. League between Athens and Thebes. § 10. 
 Battle of Chjcronea. § 11. Philip's extravagant joy for his victory. 
 § 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's progress through the Peloponne- 
 sus. § 13. Philip's Domestic quarrels. § 14. Preparations for the 
 Persian ex[iedition. § 15. Assassination of Philip. 
 
 4 1. The result of the Sacred \Yar rendered Macedon the lead- 
 ing state in Greece. Philip at once acquired by it iiiilitarv plory, 
 a reputation for piety, and an accession of power. His ambitious 
 designs were now too plain to be mistaken. The eyes of the 
 blindest among the Athenians were at last opened : the pro- 
 moters of the peace which had bee.n concluded with Philip 
 incurred the hatred and suspicion of the people : whilst on the 
 other hand Demosthenes rose higher than ever in jiublic favour. 
 They showed their resentment against Philip by omitting lo 
 send their usual deputation to the Pythian games at which the 
 Macedonian monarch presided.
 
 B.C. 344. SECOND PHILIPPIC. 516 
 
 It was either this omission, or the unwillingness of the Athe- 
 nians to acknowledge Philip as a member of the Amphictyonic 
 league, that induced him to send an embassy to Athens for the 
 pui-pose of settling a point which neither his dignity nor his 
 interest would permit to lie m abeyance. It was generally lelt 
 that the question was one of peace or war. Yet the Athenians 
 were so enraged against Philip that those who were for main- 
 taining. peace with him could hardly obtain a hearing in the as- 
 sembly. On this occasion we have the remarkable spectacle of 
 ^schines and Demosthenes speaking on the same side, though 
 from widely different motives. The former adhered to his usual 
 corrupt policy in favour of Philip ; whilst Demosthenes, in sup- 
 porting him, was actuated only by views of the most sagacious 
 and disinterested policy. These he detailed and enforced in his 
 Oration On the Peace, in which he persuaded the Athenians not 
 to expose themselves at that time to the risk of a war with Philip, 
 supported, as he would be, by the greater part of Greece. 
 
 k 2. Philip had now succeeded to the position lately occupied 
 by Thebes, and in virtue of it prepared to exercise the same in- 
 fluence which that state had previously enjoyed in the Pelopon- 
 nesus. He declai-ed himself the protector of the Messenians, and 
 the friend and ally of the Megalopolitans and Argives. Demos- 
 thenes was sent into Peloponnesus to endeavour to counteract 
 Philip's proceedings in the penitisula ; but his mission led to no 
 result. During his stay there, he had openly accused Philip of 
 perfidy ; and that monarch now sent an embassy to Athens, ac- 
 companied by envoys from Argos and Messene, to complain of so 
 grievous an accusation. It was on this occasion that the second 
 P/iilippic of Demosthenes was delivered, which was chiefly 
 directed against the orators who supported Philip (d.c. 344). In 
 the following year a prosecution was instituted against ^Eschines 
 and Philocrates for " malversation in their embassy " to the 
 Macedonian court. The latter, conscious of his guilt, evaded 
 the trial by flight ; and iEschines, who defended himself with 
 great skill, was acquitted by only thirty votes.* 
 
 ^ 3. Meanwhile, in B.C. 344, Philip overran and ravaged 
 Illyi'ia ; and subsequently employed himself in regulating ihe 
 alliiirs of Thessaly, where he occupied Pheraj with a permanent 
 Macedonian garrison. He was likewise busied with preparations 
 i'oY the still vaster projects which he contemplated, and which 
 embraced an attack upon the Athenian colonies, as well as upon 
 the Persian empire. For this purpose he had organized a con- 
 siderable naval force as well as an army ; and in the spring of 
 
 * See the speeches of Demosthenes and .^sehincs ttcqI ■KaQanQeaSdnc.
 
 510 HISTOUY OF GREECR Chap. XLIIL 
 
 342 It.c. he set out on an oxpi-dilioii ajraiiist Thrace Jlis pro- 
 gress soon appeared to menace the Cliensoiiese anil the Athenian 
 ])ossessions iu tliat (piarter ; and at ]en<ith the Athenian tr<x»j)8 
 under iJiopithes came into actual collision witli the Macedonians; 
 whilst the loriuer were engaged in dell.-nding their allies from the 
 encroachnrents of the (Jardians, who were under tlie j)rotection 
 of Philip. JJiopithes likewise invaded that pari of Thrace which 
 had suhmitted to Philip, and, hesides committing Feveral acts of 
 violence, seized a Macedonian envoy, who had come to treat for 
 the release of some prisoners, and refused to dismiss him without 
 a considerahle ransom. 
 
 § 4. Philip despatched a letter of complaint and remonstrance 
 to the Athenians on the suhject of these attacks, which gave 
 occasion to the speech of Demosthenes On tlie Cli^rsoncse (b.c. 
 341), in which he directed the attention of the people from the 
 more immediate subject of the character and proceedings of Dio- 
 pithes to the more general question of the best means of resist- 
 ing Philip. This oration was soon followed by the Third 
 Philippic, a still more vigorous call to action. Our accounts of 
 Philip's movements at this time are scanty and uncertain. 
 Diopilhes was retained in the command of the Athenian troops ; 
 and Philip must have continued gradually to push his conquests, 
 since in this year (341) we lind him beginning to attack the 
 Greek citie.5 north of the Hellespont. He first besieged and 
 captured Selymbria on the Propontis, and then turned his arms 
 against Perinthus. The latler city was not only strong by na- 
 ture, being seated on a lofty promontory surrounded on two 
 sides by the sea, but also well Ibrtilied. It was built on a series 
 of terraces rising one above another ; so that when Philip, by 
 means of the improved artillery which he employed on this oc- 
 casion, had succeeded in battering down the outer wall, he found 
 himself in front of a fresh rampart, formed by houses standing 
 on higher ground, and connected together by a wall carried 
 across the streets. In this siege Philip was assisted by his 
 fleet, which had previously intercepted and captured twenty 
 Athenian vessels laden with corn. But all his ellbrts to capture 
 Perinthus proved vuiavailing, as both the Bvzantines and the 
 Persians — he latter probably at the instigation of the Athenians 
 — continually ibund means to supply it with arms and provi- 
 eions. Finding his progress thus checked, Philip left half of 
 his ai-my to prosecute the siege, and with the remainder pro- 
 ceeded to the attack of Byzantium itself, which he hoped to 
 find unprepared. 
 
 k 5. Meanwhile, the arms of Athens, under the conduct of 
 Phocion, had been successful in Euboea, whither Demosthenes
 
 B.C. 341. PHOCION'S SUCCESS IN EUBCEA. 517 
 
 had roused his countryrncii to send aa expedition in the autumn 
 of 341 B.C., for the purpo.«o of counteracting the iniluence of 
 Macedou in that quarter, and thus erecthig another barrier 
 against the encroachments of Phihp. Oreus and Eretria, two of 
 the principal cities in the island, were in the hands of despots 
 supported by Philip ; but Callias of Clialcis having formed a plan 
 to reduce all Eubcea under his own dominion, Demosthenes 
 seized the opportunity to unite the Athenian arms with his ; and 
 Phocion, with the assistance of Cailias, e.vpelled the despots 
 Clitarchus and Philistides from Eretria and Oreus. For his 
 advice on this occasion the Athenians honoured Demosthenes 
 with a golden crown. The same Calhas, or perhaps an Athenian 
 commander of that name, also did good service at this time by 
 a naval expedition into the gulf of Pagasaj, when he took the 
 towns on the coast, and made prize of a considerable quantity of 
 Macedonian merchantmen. 
 
 S^ G. Although Athens and Macedou were still nominally at 
 peace, it is evident that the state oi' things just described was 
 incompatible with its further maintenance. Philip addressed a 
 long letter, or rather manifesto, to the Athenians (which has 
 come down to us) in which he complained of the acts by 
 which they had violated the existing treaty, recapitulated the 
 legitimate grounds which he had for hostility, and concluded 
 with a sort of declaration of war. Demosthenes was not behind 
 hand in accepting this challenge. He excited his countrymen to 
 pass a decree for war, to take down the column on which the 
 treaty had been inscribed, and to equip a fleet for the imme- 
 diate relief of Byzantium, then besieged by Philip. The expe- 
 dition was intrusted to Chares, in whose hands it proved a 
 miserable failure ; though he perfectly succeeded in making 
 both himself and the Athenian name odious and suspected 
 among the allies, by his oppressions and by the large sums 
 which he extorted under the name of benevolences. The 
 orators of the Macedonian party took occasion from the ill 
 success of Chares to disgust the Athenians with the war, 
 who began to repent of having sent any succours to By- 
 zantium. But Phocion, who did not act with those orators 
 on this occasion, stood up and told the people — " That they 
 should not be angry at the distrust of their allies, but rather at 
 their own generals, who were altogether unworthy of coiilldence. 
 It is they, said he, who cause you to be suspected by the very 
 people who cannot be saved without your help." The Athenians 
 were so struck with these representations, that they immediately 
 superseded Chares, and appointed Phocion in his place. Phocion 
 sailed with one hundred and twenty triremes ; and his higli
 
 MB IIISTOKY 01' OIIEKCE. Cmap. XLIIl. 
 
 r('|)iit;iliiiii lor jjroliily .'iiiil ImiKiiir c'luscd liiin to ho iwiirie- 
 (liatcly iuliiiitlfd willi his iorc(!.s witliiii llic walls of By/.aiitiurn. 
 I'hilij) was now i()rct'd to raise the sicfro not only of that town, 
 hut of PcrintliHS also, and liiially to evacuate the Chersoiiesus 
 altof^ether. For tliese aecej)tahle services the grateful JJyzaw- 
 tiaiis erected a colossal statue in honour of Athens. 
 
 After his repulse iroin the Uhersonesus, J'hilij) marched to the 
 aid of Atheas, king fiitlie Scythians, who had invoked his assist- 
 ance apainst the trihes on the hanks of the L)anuhe. Beiorc h<_ 
 arrived, however, the danfrer had ceased, and Atlieas dismissed 
 him with ar. insultin<r messafrc. Hereupon I'hilip cross<.'d the 
 Danube, defeated the Scythians, and returned with an immense 
 booty. But as he was i)assing tlirougli the country of the Tri- 
 balli they demanded a share of the spoil; anil upon being 
 refused, gave battle to the Macedonians, in which Philip was so 
 severely wounded that he was reported to be dead. Probably 
 Philip's chief object in undertaking this expedition was to with- 
 draw the attention of the Greeks from his ambitious projects, 
 and to delude them into the belief that other afiairs were now 
 engaging his attention. But meanwhile his partizans were not 
 idle, and events soon occurred which again summoned him into 
 the heart of Greece. 
 
 ^ 7. In the spring of 330 r..c. yEschines was appointed with 
 three others to represent Athens in the Amphictyonic Council. 
 In this assembly the deputies of" the Locrians of Amphi.=sa, 
 stimulated, it is said, by the Thebans, charged the Athenians 
 Vi'ith saci"ilege lor having, in conmiemoration of their victory 
 over the Persians and Thebans, dedicated some golden shields in 
 a chapel at Delphi before it had been regularly consecrated. 
 The Locrians themselves, however, were, it seems, amenable to 
 a similar charge, for having cultivated and used for their own 
 benefit the veiy land which had been the subject of the Sacred 
 War against the Phocians ; and iEschines, imtated by the lan- 
 guage of the deputies from Amphissa, denounced them as guilty 
 of sacrilege. A proclamation was in consequence issued requir- 
 ing all the Delphians, as well as the members of the Amphic- 
 tyonic Council, to assemble and vindicate the honour of the 
 god ; and on the following day they marched do^^^l to Cirrha 
 with spades and pickaxes, and destroyed some buildings Mhich 
 the Amphissiaiis had erected tliere. But as they returned, the 
 Amphissians lay in wait for them, and they narrowly escaped 
 with their hves. Hereupon, the Amphictyons issued a decree, 
 naming a certain day on Mdiich the Coimcil was to assemble 
 at Thermopylaj, lor the purpose of bringing the Amphissians to 
 justice.
 
 B.C. 338. PHILIP GENERAL OF THE AMPHICTYOXS. 519 
 
 ^ 8, TEschines Avas strongly suspected of having adopted the 
 conduct which he pursued on this occasion in order to play 
 into the hands of Philip. Demosthenes procured a decree, pre- 
 venting any Athenians from attending the council at Thermo- 
 pylse ; and the Thebans, who were friendly to the Amphissians, 
 also absented themselves. But, with these exceptions, the 
 meeting was attended by deputies from the other Grecian 
 states ; war was declared against the Amphissians ; and Cotty- 
 phus was appointed to lead an army against them. Demosthenes 
 asserts that this expedition failed ; but according to other 
 accounts it was successful, and a fine was laid upon the Am- 
 phissians, which, however, they refused to pay. Accordingly, at 
 the next ordinary meeting of the Aniphictyons, either in the 
 autumn of 339 or spring of 338, Philip, who had now returned 
 from Thrace, was elected their general ibr the purpose of carry- 
 ing out the decree against Amphissa. 
 
 ^ 9. Early in 338 Phihp marched southwards ; but instead of 
 proceeding in the direction of Amphissa, he sudilenly seized 
 Elatea, the chief towa ni the eastern part of Phocis, and began 
 to restore its fortifications ; thus showing clearly enough that 
 his real design was against Bceotia and Attica. Intelligence of 
 this event reached Athens at night, and caused extraordniary 
 alarm. The market was cleared of the retail dealers, who com- 
 monly occupied it ; their wicker booths were burned ; and the 
 whole city prepared as if for an immediate siege. At daybreak, 
 on the i'ollowing morning, the Five Hundred met in the senate 
 house, and the people as.sembled in the Pnyx, where the news was 
 formally rjp3ated. The herald then gave the usual invitation to 
 speak, bat nobody was inclined to come forwards. At length 
 Demos Llieues ascended the bema, and calmed the fears of the 
 people by pointing out that Philip Avas evidently not acting in 
 concert with the Thebans, as appeared from the fact of his 
 having thought it necessary to secure Elatea. He then pressed 
 upon the assembly the necessity for making the most vigorous 
 preparations for defence, and especially recommended them to 
 send an embasssy to Thebes, in order to persuade the Thebans 
 to unite with them against the common enemy. This advice 
 was adopted, and ten envoys were appointed to proceed to 
 Thebes, amongst whom was Demosthenes himself A counter- 
 embassy had already arrived in that city from Macedonia and 
 Thessaly, and it was with great difficulty that the Athenian 
 envoys at length succeeded in persuading the Thebans to .shut 
 their gates against Philip. Athens had made vigorous prepara- 
 Uons, and had 10,000 mercenaries in her service. Philip, on the 
 other hand, was at the head of 30,000 men ; but after the con
 
 520 HISTORY OF GREFX'H Chap. XUIL 
 
 cliisinii of llic alliance between Thelx's and Alliens he did not 
 deem it i)riident to march directly a<:ainst the latter city, and 
 therefore jjrocecded toward Am]»hissa, as if in prosecution of 
 tlie avowed ohjcct of the war. Me sent a manifesto to his 
 allies in I'elojKjnnesus re(iuirinjr llieir assistance in what lie re- 
 presented as a purely religious object ; Inii his application was 
 coldly received. 
 
 § 10. The details of the war that followed arc exceedinfrly ob- 
 scure. Philip appears to have again opened negotiations with 
 the Thebaus, which failed ; and we then fmd the combined 
 Theban and Athenian armies marching out to meet the Mace- 
 donians. The former gained some advantage in two engage- 
 ments ; but the decisive battle was fought on the 7th of August, 
 ill the plain of Chajronea in Bocotia, near the frontier of Phocis. 
 In the Macedonian army was Philip's son, the youthful Alex- 
 ander, who was intrusted with the command of one of the wings ; 
 and it was a charge made by liim on the Theban sacred band, 
 that decided the fortune of the day. The sacred band was cut 
 to pieces, without flinching from the ground which it occupied, 
 and the r(!mainder of the combined army was completely 
 routed. Demosthenes, who was serving as a foot-soldier in the 
 Athenian ranks, has been absurdly reproached with cowardice 
 because he participated in the general flight. An interest- 
 ing memorial of this battle still remauis. The Thebans, who 
 fell in the engagement, were buried on the spot, and their 
 sepulchre was surmounted by a Hon in stone, as an emblem 
 of their courageous spirit. This lion was still seen by Pau- 
 sanias, when he visited Chajronea in the second century of 
 the Christian era. It afterwards disappeared, though the site 
 of the sepulchre continued to be marked by a large mound 
 of earth ; but a few years ago this tumulus was excavated, 
 and a colossal lion discovered, deeply embedded in its in- 
 terior. 
 
 The battle of Gils' ronea cnished the liberties of Greece, and 
 made it in reality a yjrovince of the Macedonian monarchy. 
 
 To Athens herself the blow was almost as fatal as that of 
 yEgospotami. Such was the consternation it created in that 
 city that many of the wealthier citizens prepai'ed lor immediate 
 flight ; and it was found necessary to arrest emigration by a 
 decree which made it a capital ofit^nce. Demosthenes roused 
 his fellow-citizens by his eneriry and eloquence to adopt the 
 most vigorous measures for defending the city, and contributed 
 three talents out of his own private fortune towards the repair 
 of the walls. He was appointed to pronounce the funeral ora- 
 tion over those slain at Chseronea ; a proof that the Athenians
 
 B.C. 338. BATTLE OF CH^RONEA. 521 
 
 did not consider him guilty of any dereliction of duty in that en- 
 gagement ; but Lysicles, the Athenian general, was brought to 
 trial, and condemned to death. 
 
 Ml- The exultation of Philip at his victory knew no bounds. 
 He celebrated his triumph with drunken orgies ; and reeling from 
 the banquet to the field of battle, he danced over the dead, at 
 the same time singing and beating time to the opening words of 
 the decree of Demosthenes, which happened to have the rhythm 
 of a comic Iambic verse.* It is said that the orator Demades 
 put an end to this ridiculous and unroyal exhibition by remind- 
 ing Philip, " That though fortune had placed him in the position 
 of Agamemnon, he preferred playing the part of Thersites." 
 But when Philip had returned to his sober senses, the manner 
 in which he use:! his victory excited miiversal surprise. He dis- 
 missed the Athenian prisoners not only without ransom, but 
 with all their baggage, and some of them he even provided with 
 new apparel. Hi then voluntarily oli'ered a peace on terms more 
 advantageous than the Athenians themselves would have ven- 
 tured to propose. They were, indeed, required to relinquish a 
 part of their foreign dependencies ; but they were in some de- 
 gree compensated for this by being put in possession of Oropus, 
 of which the Thebans were now deprived. Philip, indeed, seems 
 to have regarded Athens with a sort of love and respect, as the 
 centre of art and refinement, for his treatment of the Thebans 
 was very dilTerent, and marked by great harshness and severity. 
 They were compelled to recall their exiles, in Avhose hands the 
 governm3nt was placed, whilst a Macedonian garrison was esta- 
 blished in the Cadmea. They were also deprived of their 
 sovereignty over the Bjsotian towns, and Platfca and Orcho- 
 menus were restored, and again filled with a population hostile 
 to Thebes. 
 
 M2. B:it the mildness of Philip's conduct towards Athens, 
 though it bare the appearance of magnanimity, and atibrded 
 matter for triumph to the orators of tbe peace party, was, after 
 all, perhaps in no small degree the result of policy. It was 
 by no means certain that, if Philip laid siege to Athens, he 
 would be able to take the city ; at all events, the siege would 
 be a protracted one ; the exasperated Thebans lay in his rear ; 
 and the attempt would certainly delay the more brilliant enter- 
 prise which he had long meditated against Persia. For this lat- 
 ter purpose he now convened a congress of the Grecian states at 
 Corinth, though its ostensible object was the settlement of the 
 afiairs of Greece. Sparta was the only state unrepresented in 
 
 * l^rjfiocr&ivrii Avuocdh'ov^ Ilaiavavc Ta6' elnev.
 
 622 HISTORY OF GHEECE. Chai-. XLIIL 
 
 this assembly. Wiir was dfclared a«rairist Persia, IMiilij) was 
 appointed fjetioralissiiiio of the expedition, and eaeh state was 
 assessed in a certain eontinpent otnieu or sliijis. liut belrire he 
 returned to the north ol" (ireece, lie detcrrnined to chastise 
 Sparta ior her ill-disfjuiscd hostility. His march throujrh iV-lo- 
 ponncsus, and back by the western coast, thouph he here and 
 there met with resistance, resembled rather a royal process 
 than an expedition into a hostile country. The western states 
 north of the isthmus now submitted to his authority, and a Ma- 
 cedonian garrison was ])laced in Ambracia. By/antiurn also 
 executed a treaty with riiilip, which was virtually an act of 
 subjection. Having thus established his authority throughout 
 Greece, he returned to Macedonia in the autumn of u.c. 33b, in 
 order to prepare for his Persian expedition. 
 
 ^ 13. But the fortune of Philip, which had triumphed over all 
 his foreign enemies, was destined to be aiTcsted bv the feuds 
 which arose in the bosom of his own family. Soon after his 
 return to Macedonia, and probably in the spring of 337, he cele- 
 brated his nuptials with Cleopatra, the beautiful niece of Attains, 
 one of his generals. He had already several v/ives, for he had 
 adopted the eastern custom of polygamy ; but it was Olympias. 
 daughter of JSTeoptolemus, king of Epirus, by whom Philip had 
 become the father of Alexander, who regarded her.self as his 
 legitimate queen ; a violent and imperious woman, who prided 
 herself on the ancient nobility of her family, which traced it.« 
 descent from Pyrrhus, son of Achilles. The banquet which fol- 
 lowed the wedding was marked by an extraordinary scene. 
 When the cup had freely circulated, and wine had begun to 
 unlock the hearts of the guests, Attalus uncautiously disclosed 
 the ambitious views Avith which his daughter's marriage had 
 inspired him, by calling iipon the company to invoke the gods to 
 bless the union they were celebrating with a lcgitim<ite heir to 
 the throne. Fired at this expression, which seemed to convey a 
 reflection on his birth, the young prince Alexander hurled his 
 goblet at Attalus, exclaiming, '• Am I then called a ba.stard ?'" 
 Pliilip at these words started from his couch, and seizing his 
 sword, ruohed towards Alexander, whom he would probably have 
 slain, had not his foot slipped and caused him to fall. Alexander 
 rose and left the banqueting-hall : but as he withdrew levelled a 
 taunt at his prostrate parent. " Behold the man." he exclaimed, 
 '■ who was about to pass from Eurojie to Asia, but who has been 
 overthrown in going from one couch to another I"' 
 
 Alexander and his mother Olympias now hastened to quit 
 Macedonia. The latter found refuge at the court of her brother 
 Alexander, king of Epirus, whilst the former took up his abodo
 
 B.C. 336. ASSASSINATION OF THILIP. 523 
 
 in lUyria. The fugitives appear to have stirred up both these 
 countries to wage war against Philip, who hoM'ever at length 
 contrived to efiect a show ot" reconciliation. Through the me- 
 diation of a friend, he induced Alexander to return to Pella ; and 
 he averted the hostihty of his brother-in-law, the king of Epirus, 
 by offering him the hand of his daughter, Cleopatra. Olympias 
 was now compelled to return to Philip's court ; but both she 
 and Alexander harboured an implacable resentment against him. 
 
 § 14. These domestic disturbances delayed Philip's expedition 
 during the year 337 ; but in the following spring he appears to 
 have sent some forces into Asia, under the command of Attains, 
 Parmenio, and Amyntas. These were designed to engage the 
 Greek cities of Asia in the expedition, and to support the dis- 
 affected subjects of Persia. But before quitting Macedonia, 
 Philip determined to provide for the safety of his dominions by 
 celebrating the marriage of his daughter with Alexander of 
 Epirus. It was solemnized at Mga}, the ancient capital of Mace- 
 donia, with much pomp, includnig banquets, and musical and 
 theatrical entertainments. Most of the Greciiiii towns sent their 
 deputies to the festival, bringing crowns of gold ana other 
 presents to the king. But a terrible catastrophe was impend- 
 ing, v/hich several omens are said to have predicted. The oracle 
 oi' Delphi, when consulted by Philip, as head of the Amphic- 
 tyons, respecting the issue of his eastern expedition, responded 
 with its usual happy ambiguity — " The bull is crowned, eveiy- 
 thiug is ready, and the sacrificer is at hand." And the player 
 Neoptolemus, who had been engaged to recite some verses during 
 the nuptial banquet, chose an ode which spoke of power, pride, 
 and luxury, and of the rapid and stealthy approach of death, 
 which terminates in a moment the most ambitious expectations. 
 
 ^ 15. The day after the nuptials was dedicated to theatrical 
 entertainments. The festival was opened with a precession of 
 the images of the twelve Olympian deities, with which was asso- 
 ciated that of Philp himself The monarch took part in the 
 procession, dressed in white robes, and crowned with a chaplet. 
 A little behind him walked his son and his new scn-in-law, 
 whilst his body-guards folloM'ed at some distance, in order that 
 tlie person of the sovereign might be seen by all his subjects. 
 Whilst thus proceednig through the city, a youth suddenly 
 rushed out of the crowd, and drawing a long SAvord which he 
 had concealed under his clothes, plunged it into Philips side. 
 who fell dead upon the spot. The assassin A\"as pursued by some 
 of the royal guards, and having stumbled in his flight, was de- 
 spatched before he could reach the place where horses had been 
 provided for his escape. His name was Pausanias. He was a
 
 521 IIISTOllV UF GliKKCK. ciiai-. XLIIL 
 
 yoiitli ol" iiolilc l)iilli, and we fire told tliat liis iriotivc (or taking 
 IMiilip'.s lile was tliat the kinj^ had ri-lu.-ed to jjnni.sh an outrage 
 wliicli Attains Jiad committed against liim. IJotli OlympiaK and 
 her sou Alexander were suspected of being concerned in the 
 murder. 01yirij)ias is said to have prejiared llie liorses for the 
 csca|)c of the assassin ; and it is certaui that she manifested an 
 extravagant satisfaction at Philip's deatii. The susj)icion that 
 Olympias was ])rivy to her liu.--hand's assassination is consider- 
 ably strengthened by the unprobability that Pausanias, without 
 iucitenieut from some other (jiiartcr should have avenged liim- 
 Gclf on Pliilip rather than on Attains, the actual perpetrator of 
 the injury which he had received. With regard to Alexander, 
 however, there is no evidence worth u. moment's attention to 
 inculpate him ; and though an eminent historian* has not 
 scrupled to condemu liim as a })arricide, yet we should hesitate 
 to brand him, on such slender suspicious, with a crime wliich 
 seems foreign to liis character. 
 
 Thus fell Philip of Macedon in tlie twenty-fourth year of his 
 reign and forty-seventh of his age (n.c. 3oG). When we reflect 
 upon his achievements, and how, partly by policy and partly by 
 arms, he converted his originally poor and distracted kingdom 
 into the mistresij of Greece, we must acknowledge him to have 
 been an extraordinary, if not a great man, in the better sense of 
 that term. His views and his ambition Mere certainly as large 
 as those of his sou Alexander, but he was prevented by a pre- 
 matui'e death from carrying them out ; nor would Alexander 
 himself have been able to perform his great achievements Jiad 
 not Philip handed down to him all the means and instruments 
 which they lecpiired. 
 
 * Niebuhr. 
 
 Bust of Demosthenes
 
 Battle of Issus. From a Mosaic at Pompeii. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 
 
 § 1. Education of Alexander. § 2. Rejoicings at Athens for Philip's 
 death. Movements in Greece. §3. Alexander overawes the malcon- 
 tents, and is appointed generalissimo for the Persian war. § 4. Alex- 
 ander subdues the Triballians, Getre, Tllyrians, and Taulantians. 
 § 5. Revolt and destruction of Thebes. 8 6. Alexander prepares to 
 invade Persia. Nature of tliat empire. § Y. Alexander crosses the 
 Hellespont. § 8. Battle of the Granicus. § 9. Alexander overruns 
 Asia Minor. The Gordian knot. § 10. March through Cilicia. Bat- 
 tle of Issus. Victory. §11- Conquest of Phoenicia. Siege of T_yi-e. 
 § 12. Alexander marches into Egypt. Foundation of Alexandria. 
 Oracle of Amnion. §1.3. Battle of Arbela. § 14. Alexander takes 
 possession of Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. § 15. March to Ecba- 
 tana, and pursuit of Darius. Death of Darius. § 16. March through 
 Ilyrcania, Asia, and Drangiana. Conspiracy of Philotas. § 17. 
 Alexander crosses the Oxus. Death of Bessus. Reduction of Sog- 
 diana. Alexander marries Roxana. §18. Murder of Clitus. §19. 
 Plot of the pages. Alexander invades the Penjab, and defeats Porus. 
 Marches as far as the Hyphasis. § 20. Descent of the Hj'daspes and 
 Indus. § 21. March through Gedrosia. Voyage of Nearchus. § 22. 
 Arrival at Susa, Intermarriages of the Greeks and Persians. Mutiny 
 of the army. § 23. Death of Hepha»stion. Alexander takes up his 
 residence at Babylon. His death. § 24. Character. 
 
 ^ 1. Notwithstanding the suspicions of Olympias and Alex- 
 ander, it does not appear that Philip had ever really entertained 
 the desinfn of depriving Alexander of the tlirone. At the time 
 of his father's death he was in his twentieth year, having hcen 
 bora in p, c. 356 At a vciy lender age he displayed a spirit
 
 526 III8T0JIV OK GllEKCE. Chap. XLIV. 
 
 wliicli i'ii(l(;:irf!(l liiiii Id liis fiilhcr. His early education was en- 
 lnist(Ml \(> Lt'Duidas, a kiiisuiaii of hi.s innthcr, a man of severe 
 and par.siinonioii.s oliaracter, wIkj traiii(;(l liiiii willi Spartan 
 siinj)licily and lianliliood ; whilst Lysiiuachun, a sort of under- 
 govcnior, early insjiircd the younf:^ |)rince willi atnbitious notions, 
 by toachiii<^ him to love and emulate the lieroes of" the Iliad. 
 According' to the traditions of his family, the blood of Achilles 
 actually ran in the veins of Alexander ; and Lysimachus nour- 
 ished tiio feeling which that eireurnslance was calculated to 
 awalani hy giving iiim the name of that hero, whilst he called 
 Philip Peleus, and himself Pha-nix. But the most striking fea- 
 ture in Alexander's education was, that he had Aristotle for 
 his teacher, and that thus the greatest conqueror of the mate- 
 rial world received the instructions of hirn who has exercised 
 the m )3t extensive empire over the human intellect. It was 
 probably at about the age of thirteen that he first received the 
 lessons of Aristotle, and they can hardly have continued more 
 than three years, for Alexander soon left the schools for the 
 employmsnts of active life. At the age of sixteen we find him 
 regent of Macadonia during Philip's absence ; and at eighteen 
 we have se3u him filhng a prominent military post at the battle 
 of Chseronea. 
 
 ^ 2. Oa succ3ediug to the throne, Alexander announced his in- 
 tention of prosecuting his father's expedition into Asia ; but it 
 was first necessary ibr him to settle the aliiiirs of Greece, where 
 the news of Piiilip's assassination, and the accession of so young 
 a prince, had excited in several states a hope of shaking off' the 
 Macedonian yoke. Athens was the :«ntre of these movements. 
 Demosthenes, who was informed of Philip's death by a special 
 messenger, resolved to avail himself of the superstition of his 
 fellow citizens by a pious fraud. He went to the senate-house 
 and declared to the Five Hundred that Jove aud Athena had 
 forewarned him in a dream of some great blessing that A\as in 
 store for the commonwealth. Shortly afterwards public couriers 
 arrived with the news of Philip's death. Demosthenes, although 
 in mourning for the recent loss of an only daughter, now came 
 abroad dressed in white, and crowned with a chaplet, m which 
 attire he was seen sacrificing at one o[ the public altars. He 
 also moved a decree that Fliilip's death should be celebrated by 
 a public thanksgivii'"^. and that religious honours should be paid 
 to the memory of Puusanias. Phocion certainly showed a more 
 generous spirit in disapproving ot these proceedings. " itSothing,'' 
 he observed, •' betrays a more dastardly turn of mind than ex- 
 pressions of jo^ for the death of an enemy. And truly you have 
 fine reason to rejoice, when the army yon fought with at Chae-
 
 B.C. 336. ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER. 527 
 
 ronea is only reduced by one man I" In this last remaik, indeed, 
 he depreciated the abilities of Philip, as much as Demosthenes 
 was inclined to underrate the abilities ot" Alexander. During 
 his embassy to Pella, the Athenian orator had conceived a mean 
 opinion of the youthful prince, whom he now compared to 
 Homer's Margites, and assured the Athenians that he would 
 3pend all his time in either prosecuting his studies, or inspect- 
 ing the entrails of victims. At the same time Demosthenes 
 made vigorous preparations for action. He was already in cor- 
 respondence with the Persian court for the purpose of thwarting 
 Philip's projected expedition into Asia ; and he now despatched 
 envoys to the principal Grecian states for the purpose of ex- 
 citing them against Macedon. Sparta, and the whole Pelopon- 
 nesus, with the exception of Megalopolis and Messenia, seemed 
 inclined to .shake oil their compulsory alliance. Even the Thebans 
 rose against the dominant oligarchy, although the Cadmea was 
 in the hands of the Macedonians. 
 
 ^ 3. But the activity of Alexander disconcerted all these move- 
 m3nts. He retained the Thessalians in obedience partly by 
 flattery, partly by a display of force, and having marched through 
 their territory, he assembled the Amphictyonic Council at Ther- 
 mopylae, who conferred upon him the command with which they 
 had invested his father during the Sacred War. He then ad- 
 vanced rapidly upon Thebes, and thus prevented the meditated 
 revolution. The Athenians were now seized with alarm, and 
 sent an embassy to deprecate the wrath of Alexander, and to 
 oiTer to him the same honours and privilege.3 which they had 
 before conferred upon Philip. Demosthenes was appointed one 
 of the envoys, but when he had proceeded as far as the confines 
 of Attica, he was filled with apprehension respecting Alexander's 
 intentions, and found a pretence for returning home. The other 
 ambassadors were graciously received, and their excuses accepted. 
 Alexander then convened a general congress at Corinth, which, 
 as on the former occasion, was attended by all the Grecian states 
 except Sparta. Hei'e he was appointed generalissimo for the 
 Persian war in place of his father. Most of the philosophers and 
 persons of note near Corinth came to congratulate him on this 
 occasion ; but Diogenes of Sinope, who was then living in one of 
 the suburbs of Corinth, did not make his appearance. Alex- 
 ander therefore resolved to pay a visit to the eccentric cynic, 
 whom he found basking in the sun. On the approach of Alex- 
 ander with a numerous retinue, Diogenes raised himself up a 
 little, and the monarch afi'ably inquired how he could serve him ? 
 " By standing out of my sunshine,"' replied the churlLsh philo- 
 sopher. Alexander was struck with surprise at a behaviour to
 
 528 IIISTOllV OF GUlCKCfv Ciiai-. XLIV. 
 
 wliicli he was so lilllu accustoinod ; hut wliil.sl his courtiers ■were 
 richcuhii<^ tlie manners ol'the cynic, he turned to tlieni and taid, 
 " Were 1 not Alexander, 1 should like lo he Diogenes." 
 
 i 4. The result of" the Congress might be considered a Bettle- 
 ment of the aliiiirs of Greece. Alexander could ver)' well aflord 
 to dt;.spise Sparta's obsolete pretensions to the supremacy of 
 Cxreece, and did not deem it worlh while to undertake an expe- 
 dition tor the purpose of bringing her to reason. He then re- 
 turned to Macedonia, in the hojie of being able to begin his 
 Persian expedition in the s])ring of i;.c. 335 ; but reports of dis- 
 turbances among the Thracians and Tribalians diverted his 
 attention to that quarter. He thcreibre cros.scd Mount Ha-mus 
 (the Balkan) and marched into the tcrriton,' of the Triballians, 
 defeated their forces, and pursued them to the JJanube, Mhere 
 they fortified themselves in an i.sland. Leaving them in that 
 position, Alexander crossed the river by means of a fleet which 
 he had caused to be sent from Byzantium, and proceeded to 
 attack the Getae. The barbarians fled at his approach, and 
 Alexander, who had acquired a large booty, regained the banks 
 of the Danube, where he received the submissions of the Danu- 
 bian tribes, and admitted them into the Macedonian alliance. 
 Thence he marched against the Illyriaus and Taulantians, who 
 were meditating an attack upon his kingdom, and speedily re- 
 duced them to obedience. 
 
 ^ 5. During Alexander's absence on these expeditions, no 
 tidings were heard of him for a considerable time, and a report 
 of his death Avas industriouslv spread in Soutliern Greece. The 
 Thebans rose and besieged the Maccdt uian garrison in the 
 Cadmea, at the same time inviting other states to declare their 
 independence. Demosthenes was active in aiding the move- 
 ment. He persuaded the Athenians to furnish the Thebans 
 Avith subsidies, and to assure them of their support and alhance. 
 But the rapidity of Alexander again crushed the insurrection in 
 the bud. Before the Thebans discovered that the report of his 
 death was false, he had already arriA-ed at Onchestus in Boeotia. 
 Alexander was willing to afibrd them an opportunity lor repent- 
 ance, and marched slowly to the foot of the Cadmea. But the 
 leaders of tlie insurrection, believing themselves irretrievably 
 "jompromised, replied with taunts to Alexanders proposals for 
 peace, and excited the people to the most desperate resistance. 
 .4.n engagement was prematurely brought on by one of the ge- 
 nerals of Alexander, in which some of the Macedonian troops 
 were pxit to the rout ; but Alexander coming up AA-ith the phalanx, 
 whilst the Thebans were in the disorder of pursuit, drove them 
 back in turn and entered the gates tilong with them, when a
 
 B.C. 335. ALEXANDER DESTROYS THEBES. 529 
 
 fearful massaere ensued, committed principally by the Thracians 
 in Alexander's service. Six thousand Thebans are said to have 
 been slain, and thirty thousand were made prisoners. The doom 
 of the conquered city was referred to the allies, who decreed her 
 destruction. The grounds of the verdict bear the impress of a 
 tyrannical hypocrisy. They rested on the conduct of the The- 
 bajrs during the Persian war, on their treatment of Platsa, and 
 on their enmity to Athens. The inhabitants were sold as slaves, 
 and all the houses, except that of Pindar, were levelled with the 
 ground. The Cadmea was preserved to be occupied by a Ma 
 cedonian garrison. Thebes seems to have been thus harshly 
 treated as an example to the rest of Gi'eece, for towards the 
 other states, which were now eager to make their excuses and 
 submission, Alexander showed much forbearance and lenity. 
 The conduct of the Athenians exhibits them deeply sunk in de- 
 gradation. When they heard of the chastisement inflicted upon 
 Thebes, they immediately voted, on the motion of Demosthenes, 
 that ambassadors should be sent to congratulate Alexander on 
 his sale return from his northern expeditions, and on his recent 
 success. Alexander in reply wrote a letter, demanding that 
 eight or ten of the leading Athenian orators should be delivered 
 up to him. At the head of the list was Demosthenes. In this 
 dilemma, Phocion, who did not wish to speak upon such a 
 question, was loudly called upon by the people for his opinion ; 
 when he rose and said that the persons whom Alexander de- 
 inanded had brought the state into such a miserable plight that 
 they deserved to be surrendered, and that for his own part he 
 should be very happy to die for the commonwealth. At the 
 same time he advised them to try the eflect of intercession with 
 Alexander ; and it was at last only by his own personal applica- 
 tion to that monarch, with whom he was a great favourite, that 
 the orators were spared. According to another account, how- 
 ever, the WTath of Alexander was appeased by the orator Dc- 
 mades, who received from the Athenians a reward of five 
 talents for his services. It was at this time that Alexander is 
 said to have sent a present of 100 talents to Phocion. But 
 Phocion asked the persons who brought the money — " Wi\y he 
 should be selected for such a bounty?" "Because," they re- 
 plied, " Alexander considers you the only just and honest man." 
 " Then," said Phocion, " let him sufl'er me to be what I seem, 
 and to retain that character." And when the envoys went to 
 his house and beheld the frugality with which he lived, they 
 perceived that the man who refused such a gift was wealthier 
 than he who offered it. 
 
 JG. Having thus put the affairs of Greece on a satisfactory 
 2 A
 
 530 IIISTOllY OF C.UKVAVl Chap. XLIV. 
 
 I'outiiip, Alexander iiiai(-lnj(l for llit^ Ilcllesjjont in llic spriiif^ of 
 B.C. 'S.H, leaviiif? AnlipattT repent of Maeedonia in liis absence, 
 with a force of 12,UUU loot and lOOU lior>-c. Alexander's own 
 army consisted of only abont :}(),()00 foot and <0000 horse. Of 
 the infantry about 12,0(J0 were Macedonian.^, and lhe.«e cornposcd 
 the pith of the celebrated Macedonian jdialanx. liuch was llic 
 force with which lie pn»posed to attack the immense bnl ill- 
 cemented enij)irc of Persia, which, like the empires of Turkey (t 
 Austria in modern times, eon^isted of various nations and races 
 with diflerent rclifrions and manners, and speakinfr diflerent lan- 
 guages; the only bond oi union beijig the dominant military 
 power of the ruling nation, which itself formed only a small 
 numerical portion of the empire. The remote provinces, like 
 those of Asia Minor, were administered by satraps and military 
 governors Avho enjoyed an almost independent authority, fre- 
 quently transmitting their provinces, like hereditary' fiels, to 
 their heirs, and sometimes, as we have already seen in the 
 course of this history, defying their sovereign or their brothei 
 satraps in open war. The expedition of Cyrus, and the subse- 
 quent retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks, had shown how easy 
 it was for a handful of resolute and well-disciplined men to 
 penetrate into the very heart of an empire thus weakened by 
 disunion, and composed for the most part of an unwarlike popu- 
 lation, and we are not therefore surprised at the confidence with 
 which Alexander set out upon his expedition. Beiore he de- 
 parted he distributed most of the crown property among his 
 friends, and when Perdiccas asked him what he had reserved 
 for himself he replied, " My hopes." 
 
 s^ 7. A march of sixteen days brought Alexander to Sestcs, 
 where a large fleet and a number of transports had been collected 
 for the embarkation of his army. Alexander steered with his 
 own hand the vessel in which he sailed towards the Aery spot 
 where the Acha^ans were said to have landed when proceeding 
 to the Trojan war. When half the passage had been completed, 
 he propitiated Poseidon and the Kereids with the sacrifice of a 
 bull and with libations from a golden goblet ; and as his trireme 
 neared the shore, he hurled his spear towards the land, by way 
 of claiming possession of A?ia. He was, as we have said, a great 
 admirer of Homer, a copy of" whose Avorks he always carried with 
 him ; and on landing on the Asiatic coast he made it liis first 
 business to visit the plain of Troy. A temple of Athena still 
 existed there, and the ver}' altar was pointed out to him at which 
 Neoptolemus was said to have slain Priam. Alexander then 
 proceeded to Sigeum, where he crowned with a garland the pillar 
 said to mark the tumulu.-^ (if hi.- mythical ancestor Acliilles, and
 
 3.C. 334. BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 531 
 
 according to custom, ran round it naked with his fiiends, whilst 
 Hepha?stion paid similar honours to the tomb ot"Pa1roclus. 
 
 ^ 8. Alexander then rejoined his army at Arisbe, near Abydos, 
 and marched northwards along the coast of the Propontis. The 
 satraps of Lydia and Ionia, together with other Persian generals, 
 were encamped near Zelea, a town on the Granicus, M'ith a force 
 of 20,000 Greek mercenaries, and about an equal number of 
 native cavalry, with which they prepared to dispute the passage 
 of the river. A Rhodian, named Memnon, had the chief com- 
 mand. The veteran general Parmenio advised Alexander to 
 delay the attack till the following morning ; to which he replied,, 
 that it would be a bad omen at the beginning of his expedition, 
 if, after passing the Hellespont, he should be stopped by a paltry 
 stream. He then directed his cavalr}' to cross the river, and 
 followed himself at the head of the phalanx. The passage, how- 
 ever, was by no means easy. The stream was in many parts so 
 deep as to be hardly fordable, and the opposite bank was steep 
 and rugged. The cavalry had great difhculty in maintaining 
 their ground till Alexander came up to their relief He imme- 
 diately charged into the thickest of the fray, and exposed himself 
 so much, that his life was often in imminent danger, and on one 
 occasion was only saved by the interposition of his friend Clitus. 
 Having routed the Persians, Alexander next attacked the Greek 
 mercenaries, 2000 of whom were made prisoners, and the rest 
 nearly all cut to pieces. In this engagement Alexander killed 
 two Persian officers with his own hand. After the battle he 
 visited the wounded, and granted immunity from all taxation to 
 the families of the slain. He also sent 300 suits of Persian 
 armour to Athens, to be dedicated to Athena in the Acropolis ; 
 a proceeding by which he hoped, perhaps, further to identify his 
 cause as the common cause of Hellas against the barbarians, as 
 well as to conciliate the Athenians, from whose genius he wished 
 to receive an adequate memorial of his exploits. 
 
 ^ 9. Alexander now marched southwards towards Sardis, which 
 surrendered before he came within sight of its walls. Having left 
 a garrison in that city he an-ived after a four days' march before 
 Ephesus, which likewise capitulated on his approach . Magnesia, 
 Tralles, and Miletus next fell into his hands, the last after a 
 short siege. Halicarnassus made more resistance. It was de- 
 fended by Ephialtes, an Athenian exile, supported by Memnon, 
 whose head-quarters were now^ in the island of Cos. It was 
 obliged to be regularly approached ; but at length Memnon, 
 finding it no longer tenable, set fire 1o it in the night, and 
 crossed over to Cos. Alexander caused it to be razed to the 
 ground, and leaving a small force to reduce the garrison, wliicb
 
 r)32 IllS'lOJiV OF (iRKKCK. Ciiaf-. XLIV. 
 
 had taken il-Iii^'o in llu- ciladfls and fori;-, jiursued his march 
 alonf,' tliu sunlhein coast oi' Asia Minor, willi the view of seizing 
 tho.so towns which iiii^4it allbrd shelter to a Persian fleet. The 
 winter was now ai»i)roacliiii<.', and Alexander sent a considerahle 
 part of liis unny under Parnienio into winter-quarters at Sardia. 
 He also sent hack to Macedoina such oliicers and soldiers as liad 
 been recently married, on condition that they should reluni in 
 the sprinjr with what reinforcements they coidd raise ; and with 
 the same view he despatched an officer to recruit in tVic Pelopon- 
 nesus. Meanwhile lie himself with a chosen body proceeded 
 aloufr the coasts of Lycia and Pampliylia, havin<.' instructed Par- 
 menio to re-join liim in Piiry<.'ia in the sprin«r, with the main 
 body. After he had cro.«sed the Xanthus, most of the Lycian 
 towns tendered their submission, and Phaselis presented liirn 
 with a <rolden crown. On the borders of Lycia and Pamjjliylia, 
 Mount Climax, a branch of the Taurus range, runs abruply into 
 the sea, leaving only a narrow passage at its foot, wliich is fre- 
 quently overflowed. This was the case at the time of Alex- 
 ander's approach. He therefore sent his main body by a long 
 and difficult road across the mountains to Perge ; but he himself, 
 who loved danger for its own sake, proceeded with a chosen 
 band along the shore, wading through water that was breast- 
 high for nearly a whole day. From Perge he advanced against 
 As})iMulus and Side, which he reduced ; and then forcing his way 
 northwards llirongh the barbarous tribes which inhabited the 
 mountains of Pisidia, he encamped in tlie neiglibourhcod of Gor- 
 dium in Phrygia. Here he was rejoined by Parmenio and by 
 tlie new levies from Greece. Gordium liad been the capital of 
 the early Phrygian kings, and in it was preserved with super- 
 stitious veneration the chariot or waggon in which tlie celebrated 
 Midas, the son of Gordius, together with his parents, liad entered 
 the town, and in conformity with an oracle had been elevated to 
 the monarchy. An ancient prophecy promised the sovereignty 
 of Asia to him who should untie the knot of bark which fastened 
 the yoke of the waggon to the pole. Alexander repaired to the 
 Acropolis, where the waggon was preserved, to attempt this ad- 
 venture. Whether he undid the knot by drawing out a peg, or 
 cut it through with his sword, is a matter of doubt ; but that he 
 had fulfilled the prediction was placed beyond dispute that very 
 night by a great storm of thunder and lightning. 
 
 ^ 10. In tlie spring of 333, Alexander pursued his marcli east- 
 wards, and on arriving at Ancyra received the submission of the 
 Paphlagonians. He then advanced thi-ough Cappadocia without 
 resistance ; and forcing liis Avay through the passes of Mount 
 TaurusCthe Pijlcc Cilicice), hedescended into the plainsof Cilicia
 
 C.C. 833. BATTLE OF ISSUS. 533 
 
 Hence he pushed on rapidly to Tarsus, which he found abandoned 
 by the enemy. Whilst still heateti with the march, Alexander 
 plunged into the clear but cold stream of the Cyduus, which runs 
 by the town. The result was a fever, which soon became so 
 violent as to threaten his life. An Acarnanian physician, named 
 Philip, who accompanied him, prescribed a remedy ; but at the 
 same time Alexander received a letter informing him that Philip 
 had been bribed by Darius, the Persian king, to poison him. He 
 had, however, too much confidence in the trusty Philip to believe 
 the accusation, and handed him the letter whilst he drank the 
 draught. Either the medicine, or Alexander's youthful consti- 
 tution, at length triumphed over the disorder. After remaining 
 some time at Tarsus, he continued his march along the coast to 
 Mallus, where he first received certain tidings of the great Persian 
 army, commanded by Darius in person. It is said to have con- 
 sisted of 600,000 fighting men, besides all that train of attendants 
 which usually accompanied the march of a Persian monarch. 
 This immense force was encamped on the plains of Scchi, where 
 Amyntas, a Greek renegade, advised Darius to await the approach 
 of Alexander. But Darius, impatient oi delay, and lull of vain- 
 glorious confidence in the number of his forces, rejected this 
 advice, and resolved to cross the mountains in quest of his foe. 
 Alexander had meantime passed through Issus ; had secured the 
 whole country from that place to the maritime pass called the 
 Gates of Syria and Cilicia, and had pushed forwards to Myrian- 
 drus, where he was detained by a great storm of wind and rain. 
 Meanwhile Darius had crossed Mount Amanus, more to the 
 north, at a pass called the Amanic Gates, and had thus got into 
 Alexander's rear ; who heard with joy that the Persians were 
 moving along the coast to overtake him. By this movement, 
 however, Issus had fallen into the hands of the Persians. Alex- 
 ander now retraced his steps to meet Darius, whom he found 
 encamped on the right bank of the little river Pinarus. The 
 Persian monarch could hardly have been caught in a more un- 
 favourable position, since the narrow and rugged plain between 
 Mount Amanus and the sea afibrded no scope for the evolutions 
 of large bodies, and thus entirely deprived him of the advantage 
 of his numerical superiority. Alexander recccupied the pass^ 
 between Syria and Cilicia at midnight, and at day-break began 
 to descend into the plain of the Pinarus, ordering his troops tc 
 deploy into line as the ground expanded, and thus to arrive in 
 battle array before the Persians. Darius had thrown 30,000 
 cavalry and 20,000 iniantry across the river, to check the advance 
 of the Macedonians ; whilst on the right bank were drawn up his 
 choicest Persian troops to the number of 00,000, together Mith
 
 MM IIISTOUY OF GREECK. CiiAr. XLrV. 
 
 !l(),()(li) ( Jrci'k mcrccii.'iiifs, wlio [i»rriif(l tin; rviitrc, and on wliorii 
 III' ihii'lly n-licd. TIk-hc, it appeurt*, were all that tin; breadth 
 (it till- plain all(t\vcd to be drawn up in line. The rcinaindiT o/ 
 the vast host "wcii! posted in separate bodies in the laiiher j)artH 
 of the ])laiii, ami were unable lo lake any share iu the combat. 
 Darius took liis station m tlie centre of the line in a ina^iiificent 
 state chariot. The banks of the Pinariis were in many part': 
 steep, and where they were level Darius hail eaiifced them ti> be 
 iutrcnchcd. As Alexander advanced, the Persian cavalry which 
 had been thrown across the river were recalled ; but the 20,000 
 infantry had been driven into the mountains, where Alexander 
 held Ihem in check with a small body ofhor.se. The left wing 
 oltlie Macedonians, under the command of Parrnenio, was ordered 
 to kc'cp near the sea, to prevent being outflanked. The right 
 wing was led by Alexander in person, who at first advanced 
 slowly ; but when he came within sliot of the Persian arrows he 
 gave the order to charge, rushed impetuously into the water, 
 and was soon engaged in close combat with the Persians. The 
 latter were immediately routed ; but the impetuosity of the 
 charge had disarranged the compact order of the Macedonian 
 phalanx, and the Greek mercenaries took advantage of this cir- 
 cumstancoto attack them. This manceuvre, however, was de- 
 feated by Alexander, who, after routing the Persians, wheeled 
 and took the Greeks iu flank. But what chiefly decided the 
 fortune of the day was the timidity of Darius himself, who, en 
 beholding the defeat of his left wing, immediately took to flight. 
 His example was followed by his whole army ; and even the 
 Persian cavalry, which had crossed the river, and was engaging 
 the Macedonian left Avith great bravery, was compelled to follow 
 the example. One hundred thousand Persians are said to have 
 been left upon the field. On reaching the hills Darius threw 
 aside his royal robes, his bow and shield, and mounting a fleet 
 courser, was soon out of reach of pinsuit. Tlie IV'rsian camp 
 became the spoil of the Macedonians ; but the tent of Darius, to- 
 gether with his chariot, robes and arms, was reserved for Alexander 
 himself It was now that the Macedonian king first had ocular 
 proof of the nature of Eastern royalty. One compartment of tne 
 tent of Darius had been fitted up as a bath, which steamed with 
 the richest odours ; whilst another presented a magnificent pavi- 
 lion, containing a table richly spread for the banquet of Darius 
 But from an adjoining tent issued the wail of female voices, 
 where Sisygambis the mother, and Statira the wife of Darius, 
 were lamenting the supposed death of the Persian monarch. 
 Alexander sent to assure them of his safety, and ordered them 
 to be treated with the most delicate and respectful attention.
 
 B.C. 333. SIEGE OF TYRE. 536 
 
 ^11. Such was the memorable battle of Issus, fought in No- 
 vember, B.C. 333. A large treasure which Parmenio was .sent 
 forward with a detachment to seize, fell into the hands of the 
 Macedonians at Damascus. Another favourable result of the 
 victon,^ was that it suppressed some attempts at revolt iiom the 
 Macedonian power, wliicli, with the support of Persia, had been 
 manifested in Greece. But, in order to put a complete stop to 
 all such intrigues, which cliieHy depended on the assistance of 
 a Persian fleet, Alexander resolved to seize Phauicia and EgA'pt, 
 and thus to strike at the root of the Persian maritime power. 
 
 Meanwhile, Darius, attended by a body of only 4000 fugi- 
 tives, had crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus. Before he had 
 set out fiom Babylon, the whole Ibrces of the empire had been 
 summoned ; but he had not thought it worth while to wait for 
 what he deemed a mei'ely useless encumbrance ; and the more 
 distant levies, which comprised seme of the best troops of the 
 empire, were still hastening towards Babylon. In a short time, 
 therefore, he would be at the head of a still more numerous 
 host than that which had fought at Issus ; yet he thought it 
 safer to open negotiations with Alexander than to trust to lhe 
 chance of arms. With this view he sent a letter to Alexander, 
 who was now at Marathus in Phosnicia, proposing to beccme 
 his friend and ally ; but Alexander rejected all his overtures, 
 and told him that he must in future be addressed not in the 
 language of an equal, but of a sovereign. 
 
 As Alexander advanced southwards, all the towns of Phoenicia 
 hastened to open their gates ; the inhabitants oi' Sidon even 
 hailed him as their deliverer. Tyre, also, sent to tender her 
 submission ; but coupled with reservations by no means accept- 
 able to a youthful conqueror m the full tide of success. Alex- 
 ander aflected to receive their otier, which was accompanied 
 with a present of a golden crown and provisions for his army, as 
 an unconditional surrender, and told them that he would visit 
 their city and ofic'r sacrifices to Melcart, a Tyrian deity. Mho was 
 considered as identical with the Grecian Hercules. This brought 
 the matter to an issue. The Tyrians now informed him that 
 they could not admit any foreigners within their walls, and that 
 if he wished to sacrifice to Melcart, he would find another and 
 more ancient shrine in Old Tyre, on lhe mainland. Alexander 
 indignantly dismissed the Tyrian ambassadors, and announced 
 his intention of laying siege to their city. Tbe Tyrians probably 
 deemed it impregnable. It was by nature a place of great 
 strength, and had been rendered still stronger by art. The 
 island on which it stood was half a mile distant from the main- 
 land ; and though the channel was shallow near the coast, it
 
 536 IIISTORV OF (JKKKC'K. Ciup. XLIV. 
 
 (iiicpi'iiL'd to three latliDiiis near the i.-laiid. The shored of the 
 island were rocky and jjrecipitous, and llie walls hjsc troin ihc 
 cHlis to the lieight ol loU icet in solid inas<jnry. The city was 
 abundantly suj)j)lied with fresh water ; was well furnished with 
 arms and provisions ; jwssessed an intelligent and warlike popu 
 lation ; and tJiough the greater part ol' the fleet was absent in 
 the Persian service, it had in its two harbours a competent num- 
 ber of vessels of war. As Alexander possessed no ships, the 
 only method by which he could appnjach the town waa by con- 
 structing a causeway, the materials for which were collected 
 from the forests of Libanus and the ruins ol Old Tyre. Through 
 the shallow part of the water the work proceeded rapidly ; but 
 as it approached the town the dilliculties increased, both from 
 the greater depth of the water, and from tlie workmen being 
 exposed to missiles from tlie town and from the Tyrian galleys. 
 To obviate the latter inconvenience, Alexander caused two 
 wooden towars, covered with hides, to be built at the head of 
 the mjle, which would serve both to protect the workmen, and 
 to k(i^p assailants at a distance by the missiles hurled from 
 engiujs at the top of the towers. The Tyrians, however, con- 
 trived to burn these towers by seizing the opportnnitv of a 
 favourable breeze to drive against them a vessel tilled with dry 
 wood, besmsared with pitch, and other combustible materials. 
 Tne Macedonians b^ing thus driven from the mole, the Tvrians 
 cam.^ otfin boats, and destroyed such parts of it as the t'lames 
 had spared. Bat Alexander was so far from being discouraged 
 by this mishap, that he began the work again on a larger scale. 
 He also procured ships from Sidon and other places in order to 
 protect it, and in a little tima had collected a lleet of 250 sail, 
 which he exercis3d in nautical raananivres ; and thus forced the 
 Tyrian galleys, wliich had previously molested the progress cf 
 the work, to keep within their harbour. After overcoming many 
 difficulties the mole was at length pushed to the foot of the 
 walls, which were now assailed with engines of a novel descrip- 
 tion. The besieged on their side resorted to many ingenious 
 methods of defence, among which was the discharging of heated 
 sand on the besiegers, which, penetrating beneath the annour, 
 occasioned great torment. But it now began to grow evident 
 that the city must fall ; and as soon as Alexander had eliected 
 a practicable breach, he ordered a general assault both by land 
 and sea. The breach was stormed under the immediate in- 
 spection of Alexander himself; and though the Tyrians made a 
 desperate resistance, they were at length overpowered, when the 
 city became one wide scene of indiscriminate carnage and plun- 
 der. The siege had lasted seven months, and the Macedonians
 
 B.C. 332. FOUNDATION" OF ALEXANDRIA. 5S1 
 
 were so exasperated by the difficulties and dangers they had 
 undergone that they granted no quarter. Eight thousand of the 
 citizens are said to have been massacred ; and the remainder, 
 with the exception of the king and some of the principal men, 
 who had taken refuge in the temple of Melcart, were sold into 
 slavery to the number of 30,000. Tyre was taken in the nx)nth 
 of July, in 332. 
 
 Whilst Alexander was engaged in the siege of Tyre, Darius 
 made him further and more advantageous proposals. He now 
 offered 10,000 talents as the ransom of his family, together with 
 all the provinces west of the Euphrates, and his daughter Barsine 
 in marriage, as the conditions of a peace. When these ofiers were 
 submitted to the Council, Parmenio was not umiaturally struck 
 with their magnificence, and observed, that were he Alexander 
 he would except them. " And so would I," replied the king, 
 " were I Parmenio." Had Alexander's views been bounded by 
 the political advantage of Macedonia, he would doubtless have 
 adopted the advice of his veteran general. But his ambition 
 was wholly of a personal nature. He felt more pleasure in 
 acquiring than in possessing ; and as his prospects expanded 
 with his progress, he was unwilling to accept what he considered 
 as only an instalment of the vast empire which he was destined 
 to attain. Darius, therefore, prepared himself for a desperate 
 resistance. 
 
 M2. After the fall of Tyre, Alexander marched with his army 
 towards Egypt, whilst his fleet proceeded along the coast. Gaza, 
 a strong fortress on the sea-shore, obstinately held out, and de- 
 layed his progress three or four months. According to a tradi- 
 tion preserved in Josephus, it was at this time that Alexander 
 visited Jerusalem, and, struck with its pious priests and holy 
 rites, endowed the city with extraordinary privileges, and the 
 priesthood with ample gifts ; but this stoiy does not appear 
 ni any other ancient author. After the capture of Gaza, Alex- 
 ander met his fleet at Pelusium, and ordered it to sail up the 
 Nile as far as Memphis, whither he himself marched with his 
 army across the desert. Alexander conciliated the affection of 
 the Egyptians by the respect with which he treated their na- 
 tional superstitions, whilst the Persians by an opposite line of 
 conduct had incurred their deadliest hatred. Alexander then 
 sailed down the western branch of the Nile, and at its mouth 
 traced the plan of the new city of Alexandria, which for many 
 centuries continued to be not only the grand emporium of 
 Europe, Africa, and India, but also the principal centre of in- 
 tellectual life. Being now on the confines of Libya, Alexander 
 resolved to visit the celebrated oracle of Jove Ammon, which 
 
 2a*
 
 nS8 liIST(JllV OF (;RKKCM (Jiiai-. XLIV 
 
 fay ill the bosom ol' llic Libyan vvildcniuss, and which was 
 rojiorted to liavc been consulted by \m two lieroic ancestors, 
 Hercules and Perseus. As lie marched towards the Oasis in 
 which it was situated, he was met by envoys iVorn Cyrenc, 
 bringin<( with thern magnificent presents, amongst which were 
 live cliariots and three hundred war-horses. After marching 
 along the coast for about two hundred miles, Alexander struck to 
 the south-east into the desert ; when a five days' journey over 
 palbless .sands and under a scorching sun brought him to the 
 well-watered and richly-wooded valley, containing the renowned 
 and ancient temple of Ammon. The conqueror was received by 
 the priests with all the honours ol" sacred pomp. He consulted 
 the oracle in secret, and is said never to have disclosed the an- 
 swer w'hich he received ; tliough that it was an answer that 
 contented him appeared from the magnificence of the ofierings 
 which he made to the god. Some say that Ammon saluted him 
 as the son of Jove. 
 
 ^ 13. Alexander returned lo Phu'iiieia in the spring of 331. He 
 then directed his march through JSamaria, and arrived at Thap- 
 sacus on the Euphrates about the end of" August. After crossing 
 the river, he struck to the north-east through a fertile and well 
 supplied country. On his march he was told that Darius was 
 posted with an immense force on the left bank of the Tigris ; 
 but on arriving at tliat river, he fcuiul nobody to dispute his 
 passage. He then proceeded southwards along its banks, 
 and after lour days' march fell in with a few squadrons ol 
 the enemy's cavalrj'. From some of these who were made 
 prisoners Alexander learned that Darius was encamped with 
 his host on one of the extensive plains between the Tigris 
 and the mountains of Kurdistan, near a village called (jau^a- 
 mela (the Camel's House). The town of Arbela, after which the 
 battle that ensued is commonly named, lay at about twenty miles 
 distance, and there Darius had deposited his baggage and trea- 
 sure. That monarch had been easily persuaded that his Ibrmer 
 defeat was owing solely to the nature of the ground ; and, there- 
 fore, he now^ selected a wide plain for an engagement, where 
 there was abundant room for his midtitudinous infantry, and 
 for the evolutions of his horsemen and charioteers. Alexander, 
 after giving his army a few days' rest, set out to meet the enemy 
 soon after midnight, in order that he might come up with therr 
 about daybreak. On ascending some sand-hills the whole array of 
 the Persians suddenly burst ujiou the view of the Macedonians, at 
 the distance of three or four miles. Darius, as usual, occupied 
 the centre, surrounded by his body-guard and chosen troops 
 In fiout of the royal position were rangeil the war- chariots
 
 B.C. 331. BATTLE OF ARBELA. 539 
 
 and elephants, and on either side the Greek mercenaries, to the 
 number, it is said, of 50,000. Alexander spent the first day in 
 surveying the ground and preparing lor the attack ; he also ad- 
 dressed his troops, pointing out to them that the prize of victory 
 would not be a mere province, but the dominion of all Asia. 
 Yet so great was the tranquillity with wliich he contemplated 
 the result, that at daybreak on the following morning, when the 
 otficers came to receive his final instructions, they found him in 
 a deep slumber. His army, which consisted only of 40,000 
 foot and 7000 horse, was drawn up in the order which he 
 usually observed, namely, with the phalanx in the centre in six 
 divisions, and the Macedonian cavaliy on the right, where Alex- 
 ander himself took his station. And as there was great danger 
 of being out-flauked, he formed a second line in the rear, com- 
 posed of som3 divisions of the phalanx and a number of light 
 troops and cavalry, which were to act in any quarter threatened 
 by the enemy. The Persians, fearfid of being surprised, had 
 stood under arms the whole night, so that the morning found 
 them exhausted and dispirited. Some of them, however, fought 
 with considerable bravery ; but when Alexander had succeeded 
 in breaking their line by an impetuous charge, Darius mounted 
 a fleet horse and took to flight, as at Issus, though the fortune of 
 the day was yet far from having been decided. At length, how- 
 ever, the route became general. Whilst daylight lasted, Alexander 
 pursued the flying enemy as far as the banks of the Lycus, or 
 Greater Zab, where thousands of the Persians perished in the 
 attempt to pass the river. After resting his men a few hours, 
 Alexander continued the pursuit at midnight in the hope of 
 overtaking Darius at Arbela. The Persian monarch, however, 
 had continued his flight without stopping ; but the whole of the 
 royal baggage and treasure was captured at Arbela. 
 
 § 14. Finding any further pursuit of Darius hopeless, Alex- 
 ander now directed his march towards Babylon. At a little 
 distance from the city the greater part of the population came 
 out to meet him, headed by their priests and magistrates, ten- 
 dering their submission, and bearing with them magnificent 
 presents. Alexander then made his triumphant entry into 
 Babylon, riding in a chariot at the head of his army. Tiie streets 
 were strewed with flowers, incense smoked on either hand on 
 silver altars, and the priests celebrated his entry with hymns. 
 Nor was this the mere display of a coin])uls<)ry obedience. Under 
 the Persian sway the Chalda'an religion bad been oppressed and 
 persecuted ; the temple of Belus had been destroyed and still 
 lay in ruin- ; and both priests and people consequently rejoiced 
 at the downfall of a dynasty from which they had suffered so
 
 640 lllSTOItY OF f;ili:i:(JR Chai-. XLIV. 
 
 miu;li wroii^. Alexiiiidcr, wIioku unlartrctl views on the subject 
 ot" |)()j)ular rclif^ioii liad probably been derived from Aristotle, 
 observed here the same pohtic conduct which he had adopted 
 in Efiypt He caused the mined templejj to be restored, and 
 proposed to oiler personally, but under the direction of the 
 priests, a sacrilice to Belus. He then made arranpernents for 
 the safety and frovernment of the city. He appointed Maza;us, 
 the Persian oliicer who had been left in char<(e of it, satrap of 
 Babylon; but he occupied the citadel with a jiarrison of 1000 
 Macedonians and other Greeks, whilst the collection of the 
 revenues was also intrusted to a Greek named Asclej)i(xlorus. 
 Alexander contemplated makiui^ Babylon the capital of his future 
 empire. His army was rewarded with a larjre donative from the 
 Persian treasury ; and after being allowed to indulpe for srtrne 
 tiniJ in the luxury of Babylon, was again put in motion, towards 
 the middle of November, for Susa. It was there that the Per- 
 sian treasures were chiefly accumulated, and Alexander liad de- 
 spatched Piiiloxenus to take possession of the city immediately 
 after the battle of Arbela. It was surrendered without a blow 
 by the satrap Abulites. The treasure found there amounted to 
 40,000 talents in gold and silver bullion, and 9000 in gold 
 Darics. But among all these riches the interest of the Greeks 
 must have bean excited in a lively maimer by the discover)' of 
 the spoils carried oiF from Greece by Xerxes. Among them were 
 the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, which Alex- 
 ander now sent back to Athens, and which were long afterwards 
 preserved in the Ceramlcus. 
 
 At Susa Alexander received reinforcements of about 15,000 
 men from Greece. Amyntas, who conducted them, brought 
 tidings of disturbances in Greece, fomented by i^parta ; and to 
 assist in quelling them, Alexander transmitted a considerable 
 sum to the regent Antipater. He then directed his march 
 south-eastwards towards Persepolis. His road lay through the 
 mountainous territory of the Uxians, who refused him a passage 
 unless he paid the usual tribute which they were in the habit 
 of extorting even from the Persian kings. But Alexander routed 
 them with great slaughter. The ditiicult mountain defile called 
 the " Persian Gates," forming the entrance into Persis, still re- 
 mained to be passed, which was defended bv Ariobarzanes, the 
 satrap of that district, with 40.000 foot and 700 horse. Ario- 
 barzanes had also built a wall across the pass : but Alexander 
 turned the position by ascending the heights with part of his 
 army, whilst the remainder stormed and carried the wall ; and 
 the Persians were nearly all cut to pieces. He then advanced 
 rapidly to Persepolis, whose magnificent ruins still attest its
 
 B.C. 330. PURSUIT OF DARIUS. 541 
 
 ancient splendour. It was the real capital of the Persian kings, 
 though they generally resided at Susa during the winter, and at 
 Ecbatana in summer. The treasure found there exceeded that 
 both of Babylon and Susa, and is said to have amounted to 
 120,000 talents, or nearly 30,000,000/. sterling. It was here that 
 Alexander is related to have committed an act of senseless 
 folly, by firing with his own hand the ancient and magnificent 
 palace of the Persian kings ; of which the most cliaritable ver- 
 sion is that he committed the act when heated with wine at the 
 instigation of Thais, an Athenian courtezan. By some writers, 
 however, the story is altogether disbelieved, and the real de- 
 struction of Persepolis referred to the Mahommedan epoch. 
 Whilst at Persepolis, Alexander visited the tomb of Cynis, the 
 founder of the Persian monarchy, which was situated at a little 
 distance, at a city called Pasargadaj. 
 
 ^15. Thus in between three and four years after crcssing the 
 Hellespont, Alexander had established lhm.self on the Persian 
 throne. But Dai-ius was not yet in his power. After the battle 
 of Arbela, that monarch had fled to Ecbatana, the ancient capital 
 of Media, where he seemed disposed to watch the turn of events, 
 and whence, if he should be again threatened, he meditated 
 flying farther north across the Oxus. It was not till about lour 
 months after the battle of Arbela, and consequently early in 330, 
 that Alexander quitted Persepolis to resume the pursuit of 
 Darius. Oa approaching Ecbatana, he learned that the Persian 
 monarch had already fled with the little army which stiU ad- 
 hered to him. 0.1 arriving at that place, Alexander permitted 
 the troops of the allies to return home if they wished, as the 
 main object of the expedition had been accomplished ; but many 
 volunteered to remain with him, and the rest were dismissed 
 with a handsome share of booty, in addition to their pay. 
 The treasures which had been conveyed from Persepolis were 
 lodged in the citadel of Ecbatana, under the guard of 6000 Ma- 
 cedonians, besides cavalry and light troops. Alexander, with 
 his main body, then pursued Darius through Media by forced 
 marches, and reached Rhagse, a distance of three hundred miles 
 from Ecbatana, in eleven days. Such was the rapidity of the 
 march that many men and horses died of fatigue. At Rhagae 
 he heard that Darius had already passed the defile called the 
 " Caspian Gates," leading into the Bactrian province ; and, as 
 that pass was fifty miles distant, urgent pursuit was evidently 
 aseless. He therefore allowed his troops five days' rest, and 
 then resumed his march. Soon after passing the Gates he 
 learned that Darius had been seized and loaded with chains by 
 his own satrap Bessus, who en*.ertaiiied the design of establish-
 
 642 IIISTOIIV 01' GJlKECl-1 Chai-. XLIV. 
 
 iii{^ liiiiiKcIl" ill Briftria as an in{l(;pfii(lciit. W)Vf;n'ifrii. TliJK intel- 
 liifL'iice stimulated Ak-xamier to iiiaki; still liirtluT haste with 
 j)art of his cavalry and a chosen h(jdy oi' lijot. On the fourth 
 day he succeeded in overtaking the fugitives with liis cavalry, 
 haviuf^ been obliged to leave the infantry behind, with direc- 
 tions to follow more at leisure. The enemy, who did not know 
 his real stren<jtli, were stnjck with consternation at his appear- 
 ance, and lied precij)itately. liessus and his adhorents now 
 endeavoured to ])ersuade JJarius to fly with them, and jtrovided 
 a licet horse lor that jtnrpose. J5ut tiie Persian monarch, who 
 had already experienced the penerosily of Alexander, in the 
 treatment of his captive family, preferred to fall into his hands, 
 wliercuj)()u the conspirators mortally wounded him in the 
 chariot in which they kept liira confined, and then took to 
 flight. Darius cxjnred betbre Alexander could come up, who 
 threw his own cloak over the body. He then ordered him to be 
 magnilicently buried in the tomb of his ancestors, and provided 
 for the fitting education of his children. 
 
 ^ 16. Alexander next invaded Hyrcauia, a province of the 
 Persian empire, on the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, and 
 took possession of Zadracarta, the chief town in the country. 
 From thence he undertook an expedition against the Mardians, 
 a warlike tribe in the western part of Hyrcauia, who, thinking 
 themselves secure amidst their forests and mountains, had re- 
 fused to make their submission. After chastising the ^Mardians, 
 Alexander quitted Zadracarta, and pursued his march eastwards 
 through tlie ])rovince of Aria. Near Artacoana, the ca})ital of 
 Aria, he founded a city on the banks of the river Arius. called 
 after him (Alexandria Ariorum), and which, under the name of 
 Herat, is still one of the chief cities in central Asia. Hence he 
 proceeded southwards to Prophthasia, the capital of Drangiana, 
 where his stay was signalized by a supposed conspiracy against 
 his life, Ibrmed by Philotas, the son of Parmenio. Alexander 
 liad long entertained suspicions of Philotas. AVhilst still in Egypt 
 he had discovei'cd that Philotas had spoken disparagingly of his 
 exploits, and had boasted that, without the aid of his father and 
 himself, Alexander would never have been able to acliieve his 
 conquests. He had also ridiculed the oracle respecting Alex- 
 ander's supernatural birth, and had more recently opposed the 
 inclination which that mouarcli now began to display to assume 
 all the pomp and state of a Persian king. But the immediate 
 subject of accusation against him was that he had not revealed 
 a conspiracy Avhich was reported to be forming against Alex- 
 ander's life, and which lie had deemed too contemptible to notice 
 He was cousequentlv suspected of being implicated in it ; and
 
 V.C. 329. DEATH OF BESSUS. 543 
 
 on being put to the torture he not only confessed his own 
 guilt in his agonies, but also implicated his t'atlier. Philotas was 
 executed, and an order was sent to Ecbatana, where Parmenio 
 then was, directing that veteran general to be put to death. A 
 letter, purporting to be I'roni his son, was handed to him ; and 
 whilst the old man was engaged in reading it, Polydamas, his 
 intimate friend, together with some others of Alexander's prin- 
 cipal othcers, fell upon and slew him. His head was carried to 
 Alexander. Hephaistion, who had been active in exciting the 
 king's suspicion against Philotas, was rewarded with a share of 
 the command vacated by his death ; but the horse-guards were 
 now divided into two regiments, one of which was given to Hc- 
 phcBstion and the other to Clitus. 
 
 ^ 17. Late in the year 330, Alexander directed his march 
 southwards, to the banks of the Etymandrus (the Hclmund), 
 where he remained sixty days. Hence he penetrated into Ara- 
 chosia, and founded there another Alexandria, which is sup- 
 posed to be the modern city of Camlakar. He then crossed 
 the lofty mountains of Paropamisus, called Caucasus by the 
 Greeks (now Hind'>> Kon/t,), which were covered with deep snow, 
 and so barren that they did not even aliijrd firewood for his 
 army. At the foot of one of the passes of these mountains 
 Alexander founded another city called Alexandria and Caucasum, 
 situated probably about fifty miles north-west of Cabul. 
 
 Alexander now entered Bactria ; but Bessus did not wait his 
 approach, and fled across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Early in the 
 summer of 329, Alexander followed him across the Oxus ; and 
 shortly afterwards Bessus was betrayed by two of his own officers 
 into the hands of Alexander. Bessus was carried to Zariaspa, the 
 capital of Bactria, where he was brought before a Persian court, 
 and put to death in a cruel and barbarous manner. 
 
 Alexander next took possession of Maracanda (now Samar- 
 ccDi'l), the capital of Sogdiana, fi'om whence he advanced to the 
 river .Taxartes {Sir), which he designed to make the boundary of 
 his empire against the Scythians. On the banks of that river he 
 founded the city of Alexandria Eschatc (the last or farfkest), 
 probably the modern Khojc?id. After crossing the river and 
 defeating the S,^ythians, who menaced him on the opposite 
 bank, he returned into winter-quarters at Zarias])a. 
 
 Sogdiana, however, was not yet subdued, and accordingly in 
 the following year 328 Alexander again crossed the Oxus. He 
 divided his army into five bodies, ordering them to scour the 
 country in difierent directions. With the troops \nider his o^v^ii 
 command he marched against the fortress called the Sogdian liock, 
 seated on an isolated hill, so precipitous as to be deemed inac-
 
 614 IIISTOUY OF fJREECE. Chap. XLIV. 
 
 cc'psiblc, and so well siipplii'd Avitli provisions as to defy a 
 blocUadc. TIk; smiiiiion.s lo surrender was '^rcatcd with derision 
 by tlic couiinandcr, wlio iniiuin-d wlic-tlior th'.' MaredcHiiaii:: had 
 ^vinf,'s ? But a small liody of'Mafcdoiiian.s liavinj^ succeeded in 
 Bc-aling soino lieijrlit.s which overliunir the fortress, the parris<^m 
 became so alarmed that they immediately surrendered. To tliis 
 place a Bactrian named Oxyartes, an adherent of" Bessus, had 
 Tjent his daughters for safety. One of them, named Iloxana, was 
 of surpassing beauty, and Alexamler made her the j)artner of his 
 throne. 
 
 MB. Alexander now returned to Maracanda, where he was 
 joined by the other divisions of his army, and while remaining 
 at this place he appointed his friend Clitus satrap of Bactria. 
 On the eve of the parting of the two friends, Alexander cele- 
 brated a festival in honour cf the Dioscuri, though the day was 
 sacred to Dionysus. The banquet Avas attended by several 
 parasites and literary flatterers, who magnified the praises of 
 Alexander with extravagant and nauseous Hattery. Clitus, whom 
 wiuc had released from all prudent reserve, sternly rebuked their 
 fulsome adulation ; and, as the conversation turned on the com- 
 parative merits of the exjiloits of Alexander and his father Philip, 
 he did not hesitate to prefer the exploits of the latter. He re- 
 minded Alexander of his former sen'ices, and, stretching forth his 
 hand, exclaimed, " It was this hand, Alexander, Avhich saved your 
 life at the battle of the Granicus I" The king, who was also 
 flushed with wine, was so enraged by these remarks, that he rushed 
 at Clitus with the intention cf killing him on the spot, but he 
 was held back by his friends, whilst Clitus was at the same time 
 hurried out of the room. Alexander, however, Avas no sooner 
 released than, snatching a spear, he sprang to the door, and 
 meeting Clitus, who was returning in equal fury to brave his 
 anger, ran him through the body. But when the deed was done, 
 he was seized with repentance and remorse. He flung him.self 
 on his couch and remained for three whole days in an agony of 
 grief, refusing all sustenance, and calling on the names of Clitus 
 and of his sister Lanicc, who had been his nurse. It Avas not 
 till his bodily strength began to fail through protracted absti- 
 nence that he at last became more composed, and consented to 
 listen to the consolations of his friends, and the Avords of the 
 soothsayers ; Avho ascribed the murder of Clitus to a temporary 
 frenzy Avith aaIiIcIi Dionysus had A-isited him as a punishment 
 for neglecting the celebration oi"his festival. 
 
 ^ 19. After reducing the rest of the fortresses of Sogdiana, 
 Alexander returned into Bactria in 327, and began to prepare 
 for his projected expedition mto India. "Wliikt he was thus
 
 B-C. 327. INVASIOjS- of ES'DIA. 545 
 
 employed, a plot was formed against his life by the royal pages, 
 incited by Hermolaus, one of their number, who had been 
 punished M'ith stripes for anticipating the iving during a hunting 
 party in slaying a wild boar. Hermolaus and his associates, 
 among whom was Callisthenes, a pupil of Aristotle, were first 
 tortured, and then put to death. It seems certain that a con- 
 spiracy existed ; but no less certain that the growing pride and 
 haughtiness of Alexander were gradually alienating from him 
 the hearts of his followers. 
 
 Alexander did not leave Bactria till late in the spring. He 
 crossed the Indus by a bridge of boats near Taxila, the present 
 Attack, where the river is about 1000 feet broad, and very deep. 
 He is said to have entered India at the head of 120,000 foot 
 and 15,000 horse, the greater part of Avhom must necessarily 
 have been Asiatics. He now found himself in the district at 
 present called the Pcnj-ah (or the Five Rivers). Taxiles, the 
 sovereign of the district, at once surrendered Taxila, his capi- 
 tal, and joined the Macedonian force with 5000 men. Hence 
 Alexander proceeded with little resistance to the river Hydaspes 
 (^Bcliut or Jelum). On the opposite bank, Porus,* a powerful 
 Indian king, prepared to di.sputc his progress with a numei'ous 
 and well-appointed force. Alexander, however, by a skilful stra- 
 tagem conveyed his army safely across the river. An obstinate 
 battle then ensued. In the army of Porus were many elej)hants, 
 the sight and smell of which frightened the horses of Alex- 
 auders cavalrJ^ But these unwieldy animals ultimately proved 
 as dangerous to the Indians as to the Greeks ; for when driven 
 into a narrow space they became unmanageable, and created 
 great confusion in the ranks of Porus. By a few vigorous 
 charges the Indians were completely routed, with the loss of 
 12,000 slain and 9000 prisoners. Among the latter was Porus 
 himself, who was conducted into the presence of Alexander. 
 The courage which he had displayed in the battle had excited 
 the admiration of the Macedonian king. Mounted on an enor- 
 mous elephant, he retreated leisurely when the day was lost, and 
 long rejected every summons to surrender ; till at length, over- 
 come by thirst and fatigue, he permitted himself to be taken. 
 Even in this situation Porus still retained his majestic bearing, 
 the effect of which ^^■as increased by the extraordinary height 
 of his stature. On Alexander's inquiring how he wished to be 
 treated, he replied, " Like a king." " And have you no other 
 request?" asked Alexander. "No." answered Poms; "every- 
 thing is comprehended in the word king." Struck by his mag- 
 
 * Porus is probablj- a corruption of the Sanscrit word, "Pauruslia," 
 ■which signifies a "liero."
 
 646 IIISTOIIV 01' GUKKCM Ciiai-. XLIV. 
 
 nuiiiiiiily, Ak'xamicr not only restored him to his dominiuiis, but 
 also considerably enlarged thciri ; H'ekinj^ by these means to re- 
 tain him as an obedient and I'aithiul vassal. 
 
 Alexander rested a inuntli on the banks of the Hydaspes, 
 where lie celebrated liis victory by games and sacrificep, and 
 founded two towns, one of which he named Isica*a, and the other 
 Biicepliala, in honor of his friiHant cliarfrer Bucephalus, which 
 is said to have died here. He then overran the whole of ihc 
 IVnj-ab, as far as the llypha.-^is {(iliarra), its goutheni boundary 
 The only resolute resistance he exjierienced was frrm the war- 
 like tribe of the Catlia-i, whose capital, k^aiifrala, was probably 
 the modern Lahore. They were tiibdued, and their territoiy 
 divided amonj^st the olher Indian tribes. Upon reaching the 
 Hyj)liasis, the army, worn out by liiligiies and dangers, positively 
 relused to proceed any farther ; although Alexander passionately 
 desired to attack a monarch still more powerful than Torus, 
 whose dominions, he heard, lay beyond the river. All his 
 attempts to induce his soldiers to proceed jiroving ineflectual, 
 he prepared to submit witli a good grace to an alternative 
 which he perceived to be unavoidable. Pretending that the 
 sacrifices were unfavourable for the passage of the Hyphasis, he 
 gave the order for retreat ; having first erected on its banks 12 
 colossal altars to mark the boruidary of his conquests in that 
 direction. 
 
 k 20. When Alexander again arrived at his newly founded 
 cities of Nicffia and Bucephala on the Hydaspes, he divided his 
 army into three detachments. Two of these, under the ccm- 
 mand of Hephfestiou and Craterus, were ordered to descend the 
 Hydaspes on its opposite banks ; whilst he himself, at the head 
 cf f^OOO men, embarked on board a fleet of about 2000 vessels, 
 which he had ordered to be prepared with the view cf sailing 
 down the Indus to its mouth. The ignorance which prevailed 
 among the Macedonians respecting the geography of the region 
 to be traversed, may be estimated from the circumstance that 
 Alexander at first considered the Indus to be a branch of the 
 Nile. 
 
 The army began to move in November 327. Tl:e navigation 
 lasted several months, but was accomplished \\ ithcut any serious 
 opposition, except from the tribe of the Malli. who are conjec- 
 tured to have occupied the site of the present Mooltaii. At the 
 storming of their town the life of Alexander was exposed to 
 imminent danger. He was the first to scale the walls of the 
 citadel, and was followed by four otiicers ; but before a fifth man 
 could mount, the ladder broke, and Alexander was left exposed 
 ou the wall to the missiles cf the enemy. From this situation
 
 B.C. 326. RETURN TO PERSIA. 547 
 
 there Avere only two methods of escape ; either by leaping down 
 among liis own army, or into the citadel among the enemy. 
 Alexander chose the latter ; and alighting on his feet, placed 
 his hack to the wall, where he succeeded in keeping the enemy 
 at bay, and slew two of their chiefs who had ventured within reach 
 of his sword. But an arrow which pierced his corslet brought 
 him to the gi-ound, fainting with loss of blood. Two of his ibl- 
 lowers who had jumped down after him, now slccd over and 
 defended him ; till at length more soldiers having scaled the 
 walls, and opened one of the gates, sufficient numbers poured in 
 not only to rescue their monarch, but to capture the citadel ; 
 when every living being within the place was put to the sword. 
 Alexanders life was long in great danger, but when he w'as suffi- 
 ciently recovered he was again placed in his vessel, and dropped 
 down the Hydraotes [Rai'c) to its confluence with the Acesines. 
 Here his army was encamped ; and the soldiers testified by .shouts 
 and tears their joy at again beholding their ccmmander. Hence 
 Alexander pursued his course to the point where tlie lour rivers, 
 now united into one stream, the Acesines, [Cl/aiad). join the 
 Indus. At their confluence he ordered dockyards to be con- 
 structed, and another Alexandria to be built. Hence he pursued 
 his voyage to the Indian Ocean, all the towns on either bank of 
 the river submitting at his approach. When he arrived at the 
 moulh of the Indus, he explored its estuaries, and acccmpanied 
 by a few horsemen skirted liie margin of the Delta next the sea. 
 Nearchus with the fleet wj-s directed to explore the Indian 
 Ocean, the Persian Gulf, and the mouths of the Tigris and Eu- 
 phrates, with the view of establishing a maritime ccnimunication 
 between India and Persia. We have hitherto beheld Alexander 
 only as a conqueror ; but these cares exhibit him in the more 
 pleasing light of a geographical discoverer, and of a sovereign 
 solicitous for the substantial benefit of his subjects. 
 
 § 21. From this point Alexander proceeded with his army, in 
 the autumn of 32G, through the burning deserts of Gedrosia 
 towards Persepolis ; marching himseli" on foot, and sharing the 
 privations and fatigues of the meanest foldier. In these regions 
 the very atmosphere seems to be composed of a fine dust, which, 
 on the slightest M'ind, penetrates into the moulh and nose, 
 whilst the soil afibrds no firm footing to the traveller. The 
 march tlirough this inhospitable region lasted GO days, during 
 which immbei's of the soldiers perished from fatigue or disease. 
 At length they emerged into the fertile province of Carmania. 
 Whilst in this country, Alexander was rejoined by Nearchus, 
 who had arrived with his fleet at Harmozia (Ornwz) ; but who 
 subsequently prosecuted his voyage to the head of the Persian
 
 548 IILSTORY OF GREKCR (iiai-. XLIV, 
 
 fiiilf. Tlie iTifiin body of Uie army iiinlcr Hcplurstioii was directed 
 to niarclj aloiif.' tlur slioros of IIk- (jult : whilst Al«"Xaiider hiiriHC'lf, 
 willi liirf horsr-jxiiards and li!.'lit iiilaiitry, took a shorter route 
 llinmtrh Pasar^adjn and Pcrscjjolis. Diiriiij.' his stay in the latter 
 city, he reincihed th<! disorders wliieh had been eoirnnitted Hincc 
 he lelt it, and ex(;ented Humniar}' jnstiee on the delinquent 
 satraj)S who had oppressed the j)rovinees of Per^is. It was thua 
 that he caused his empire to lie resj)eeted as inneh by the equity 
 of his administration, as by tJie irresistible force of his anns. 
 
 ^ 22. From Persejwlis Alexander pursued his marcli to f>usa 
 (B.C. 32'5), w^iere the soldiers were allowed to repose from their 
 fatigues, and were anuised with a series of brilliant lestivities. 
 It was here that he adopted various measures with the view of 
 consolidating his empire. One of the mo.st important was to 
 Ibrm the (.xreeks and Persiaus into one people by means of iu- 
 termarriages. He himself celebrated his nuptials with Statira, 
 the eldest daughter of Darius, and bestowed the hand ol" her 
 sister, Drypetis, ou Hephajstion. Other marriages were made 
 between Alexander's olficers and Asiatic women to the number, 
 it is said, of about a hundred ; whilst no fewer than 10,000 of 
 the common soldiers followed their example and took native 
 wives. As another means of amalgamating the Europeans and 
 Asiatic.?, he caused numbers of the latter to be admitted into 
 the army, a^id to be armeil and trained in the ^lacedonian fashion. 
 But these innovations were regarded with a jealous eye by most 
 of the Macedonian veterans ; and this feeling was increased by 
 the conduct of Alexander himself, who assumed eveiy day more 
 aitd more of the state and manners of an eastern despot. At 
 first, indeed, the growing discontent was repressed by the 
 large bounties distributed among the soldiers, and by the dis- 
 charge of all their debts. But at length their long stifled dis- 
 satisfaction broke out into open mutiny and rebellion at a 
 review which took place at Opis on the Tigi'is. Alexander here 
 proposed to dismiss such Macedonians as were wounded or 
 otherwise disabled ; but though they had clamoured lor their 
 discharge whilst ou the other side of the Indus, they now re- 
 garded this proposal as an insult, and called out '* That the king 
 had better dismiss them all — his father Ammon would fight his 
 battles." But the mutiny was quelled by the decisive conduct 
 of Alexander. He immediately ordered thirteen of the ring- 
 leaders to be seized and executed, and then addressing the 
 remainder, pointed out to them how, by his own and his father's 
 exertions, they had been raised from the condition of scattered 
 herdsnaen to be the masters of Greece and the lords of Asia : 
 and that whilst he had abandoned to them the richest and most
 
 B.C. 324. ALEXANDER ENTERS BABYLON. 649 
 
 valuable fruits of his conquests, he had reserved nothing but the 
 diadem for himself, as the mark of his superior labours and more 
 imminent perils. He then secluded himself for two whole days, 
 during which his Macedonian guard was exchanged for a Persian 
 one, whiLst nobles of the same nation were appointed to the 
 most confidential posts about his person. Overcome by these 
 marks of alienation on the part of their sovereign, the Macedo- 
 nians now supplicated with tears to be restored to favour. A 
 solemn reconciliation was elFected, and 10,000 veterans were dis- 
 missed to their homes under the conduct of Craterus. That 
 general was also appointed to the government of Macedonia in 
 place of Autipater, who was ordered to repair to Asia with 
 tresh reinforcements. 
 
 ^ 23. Soon after these occurrences, Alexander proceeded to 
 Ecbatana, where during the autumn he eolemnized the festival 
 of Dionysus M'ith extraordinary splendour. The best actors and 
 musicians in Greece, to the number it is said of 3000, were 
 assembled for the occasion ; whalst the natives flocked from all 
 quarters to the Median capital, to witness what was to them a 
 novel spectacle. But Alexander's enjoyment was suddeidy con- 
 verted into bitterness by the death of his friend Hepheestion, 
 who was carried off by a fever. This event threw Alexander 
 into a deep melancholy, from which he never entirely recovered. 
 The memory of Hepha'stion was honoured by extravagant marks 
 of public mourning, and his body was conveyed io Babylon, to 
 be there interred with the utmost magnificence. His name was 
 still retamed as commander of a division of the cavalry ; and the 
 officer who actually discharged the duties of the post was only 
 regarded as his lieutenant. 
 
 Alexander entered Babylon in the spring of 324, notwithstand- 
 ing the warnings of the priests of Belus, who predicted soine 
 serious evil to him if he entered the city at that time. Babylon 
 was now to witness the consummation of his triumjihs and ol 
 his life. As in the last scene of some Avell-ordered drama, all 
 the results and tokens of his great achievements seemed to be 
 collected there to do honour to his final exit. Ambassadors 
 from all parts of Greece, from Libya, Italy, and probably from 
 still more distant regions, were waiting to salute him, and to do 
 homage to him as the conqueror of Asia ; the fleet under Ne- 
 archus had arrived after its long and enterprising voyage, and 
 had been augmented by other vessels constructed in Dianiicia, 
 and thence brought overland to Thapsacus, and down the river 
 to Babylon ; whilst for the reception of this navy% which seemed 
 to turn the inland capital of his empire into a port, a magnificent 
 harbour was in process of construction. A more melancholy,
 
 C50 HISTORY OF GREECR Ciiai-. XLIV. 
 
 and it may bo arldod, a more uselcsH, moiiiirnoril of" Iuh frrealnesn 
 was the i'uiiural ])ilo now ri.siti<( for IIcplia;.stioii, wliirli wa« foti- 
 Htructod with Kutdi iiiiparallflt^d s])li"iidour, that it is said to 
 liave cost 10,000 tal(;iits. Th<; mind of" Alcxaiidi^r was stiff fx;cu- 
 pied with ])faiis of coiKjiK'st aiuf arid)iliou; his next desifrn was 
 tho sufjjugation of Arafjia; wfiicfi, fiowcver, was to be onfy the 
 stepping stone to tlio concpiest of the whofc known world. He 
 dcspatcfied tliree cxpecfitions to survey tbc coast of Arabia ; 
 ordered a ffcet to be built to explore the Caspian sea ; and en- 
 gaged himself in surveying the course of the Euphrates, and in 
 devising improvements of its navigation. The period for com- 
 mencing the Arabian campaign had already arrived ; solemn 
 sacrifices were offered up for its success, and grand lianquets 
 were given previous to departure. At these carousals Alexander 
 dranlt deep ; and at the termination of the one given by his 
 favourite, Medius, he was seized with unequivocal symptoms of 
 fever. For som ; days, however, he neglected the disorder, and 
 continued to occupy himself with the necessarj' preparations for 
 the march. But in eleven days the malady ha(l gained a fatal 
 strength, and terminated his life on the 28tli of June, u.c. 323, at 
 the earfy age of 32. Whilst he lay speechless on his deathbed his 
 favourite troops were admitted to see him ; but he could ofler them 
 no other token of recognition than by stretching out his hand. 
 
 ^ 2-1. Few of the great characters of history have been so 
 difTerently judged as Alexander. Of the magnitude of his ex- 
 ploits, indeed, and of the justice with which, according to the 
 usual sentiments of mankind, they confer upon him the title of 
 " Grreat," there can be but one opinion : it is his motives for 
 undertaking them that have been called in question. An emi- 
 nent writer* brands him as an '" adventiu'er ;" an epithet wliieli, 
 to a certain extent, must be allowed to be true, but which is not 
 more true of liim than of most other conqueroi's on a large 
 scale. His military renown, however, consists more in the seem- 
 ingly extravagant boldness of his enterprises, than in the real 
 power of the foes whom he overcame. The resistance he met 
 with was not greater than that which a European army expe- 
 rience.? in the present day from one composed of" Asiatics ; and 
 the empire of the East was decided by the two battles of Issus 
 and Arbela. His chief difficulties were the geographical diffi- 
 culties of distance, climate, and the nature of the ground tra- 
 versed. But this is no proof that he was incompetent to meet 
 a foe more worthy of his military skill ; and his proceedings in 
 Ixreece before his departure show the reverse. 
 
 * NieDulir.
 
 B.C. 323. 
 
 DEATH OF ALEXANDEK. 
 
 55i 
 
 His motives, it must be allowed, seem rather to have sprung 
 from the love of personal glorj' and the excitement of conquest, 
 than from any wish to beneht his subjects. The attention which 
 he occasionally devoted to commerce, to the foundation of new 
 cities, and to other matters of a similar kind, form rather episodes 
 in his history, than the real objects at which his aims were 
 directed ; and it was not by his own prudence, but through the 
 weariness of his army, that his career of conquest was at length 
 arrested, which he wished to prosecute before he had consoli- 
 dated what he had already won. Yet on the whole his achieve- 
 ments, though they undoubtedly occasioned great partial misery, 
 must be regarded as beneficial to the human race ; the families 
 of which, if it were not for some such movements, would stag- 
 nate in solitaiy listlessness and poverty. By the conquests of 
 Alexander the two continents were put into closer communica- 
 tion with one another ; and both, but particularly Asia, were 
 the gainers. The language, the arts, and the literature of 
 Gi-eece, were introduced into the Etist ; and after the death of 
 Alexander Greek kingdoms were formed in the western parts of 
 Asia, which continued to exist for many generations. 
 
 Apolio Citliarcedus. From the collection in the Vaticav
 
 The Group of Niobe. From the collection al Florence. 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 FROM TlIE DEATH OF ALEX_,\NDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF 
 
 IPSUS. 
 
 § 1. Division of the provinces after Alexander's death. § 2. Retro- 
 spective view of Grecian affairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes de 
 Corona. §3. Arrival of llarpalus at Athens. Accusation and e.xile 
 of Demosthenes. § 4. Tlie Lainian w;ir. Defeat of Antipater, and 
 siege of Lamia. § 5. Defeat and death of Leonnatus. Battle of 
 Crannon. End of the Lamian war. § 6. Death of Demosthenes. 
 Ambitious projects of Perdiccas. His invasion of Egvj>t, and death. 
 § 7. Fresh division of the provinces at Triparadisus. Death of Anti- 
 pater. Polvsperchon becomes regent, and conciliates the Grecian 
 states. Death of Piiocion. § 8. War between Polvsperchon and 
 Cassander. Ill success of Polysperehon. Cassander becomes master 
 of Macedonia, and puts Olympias to death. § 9. Coalition against 
 Antigonus. Peace concluded in u.c. 311. Murder of Roxana and her 
 son. § 10. Renewal of the war against Antigonus. Demetrius Poll- 
 orcetes expels the Macedonians from Athen.s. ^11. Demetrius Poli- 
 orcetes at Cyprus. Battle of Salainis. Attempt on Egypt. Siege 
 of Rhodes. ^ 12. Battle of Ipsus, and death of Antigonus. 
 
 ^ 1 . The unexpected death of Alexander threatened to involve 
 both his extensive dominions and liis army in inextricable con- 
 fusion. On the day after his death a military coinicil assembled 
 to decide on the course to he pursued. Alexander on liis death- 
 bed is said to have given liis signet-ring to Perdiccas, but he had 
 left no legitimate heir to his throne, tliougli his wife Roxana 
 was pregnant. Tu tlie discussions which ensued in the council.
 
 B.C. S2S. PARTITION OF THE EMPIRE. 558 
 
 Perdiccas assumed a leading part ; and after much debate, and 
 a quarrel between the cavalry and infantry, which at first threat- 
 ened the most serious consequences, an arrangement was at length 
 efiected on the following basis : That Philip Arrhida?us, a young 
 man of weak intellect, the half-brother ol' Alexander (being the 
 son of Philip by a Thessalian woman named Philinna), should 
 be declared king, rescrvnig however to the child of Roxana, if a 
 son should be born, a share in the sovereignty ; that the govern- 
 ment of Macedonia and Greece should be divided between An- 
 tipater and Craterus : that Ptolemy, who was reputed to be 
 connected with the royal family, should preside over Egypt and 
 the adjacent countries : that Antigonus should have Phrygia 
 Proper, Lycia, and Pamphylia : that the Hellespontine Phrygia 
 should be assigned to Leonnatus : that Eumenes should have iho 
 satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, which countries, how- 
 ever, still remained to be subdued : and that Thrace should be 
 committed to Lysimachus. Perdiccas reserved for himself the 
 chiliarchy, or command of the horse-guards, the post before held 
 by HephjEstion, in virtue of which he became the guardian of 
 Philip Arrhidaius, the nominal sovereign. It was not for seme 
 time after these arrangements had been completed that the last 
 rites were paid to Alexander's remains. They were convejed 
 to Alexandria, and deposited in a cemetery which afterwards 
 became the burial-place of the Ptolemies. Nothing could exceed 
 the magnificence of the funeral car, which was adorned with 
 ornaments of massive gold, and so heavy, that it was more than 
 a year in being conveyed from Babylon to Syria, though drawn 
 by 84 mules. In due time Roxana was delivered of a son, to 
 whom the name of Alexander was given, and who was declared 
 the partner of Arrhidaius in the empire. Roxana had previously 
 inveigled Statira and her sister Drypetis to Babylon, where she 
 caused them to be secretly assassinated. 
 
 § 2. It is now necessary to take a brief retrospective glance at 
 the afTairs of Greece. Three years after Alexander had quitted 
 Europe, the Spartans made a vigorous efibrt to throw off' the 
 Macedonian yoke. They were joined by most of the Peloponne- 
 sian stales, but the Athenians kept aloof. In B.C. 331, the Spar- 
 tans took up arms under the command of their king, Agis ; but 
 though they met with some success at first, they were finally 
 defeated with great slaughter by Antipater, near Megalopolis. 
 Agis fell in the battle, and the chains of Greece were riveted 
 more firmly than ever. This victory, and the successes of Alex- 
 ander in the East, encouraged the Macedonian party in Athens 
 to take active measures against Demosthenes ; and ^schines 
 trumped up an old charge against him which had lain dormant 
 
 2 B
 
 654 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ciiai>. XLV. 
 
 for .several years. Soon after the battle of Cha;roii»a, Ct<;si|)lioii 
 had |)roj)oiie(l that iJernoHtheiie.s .should he presented with a. 
 golden crown in the theatre during the great Dirjiiysiac fe.stival, 
 on account of the services he ha<l conti;rred upon hi.s C(juntry. 
 For j)roposing tliis decree ylYsehincs indicted Ctesij)hon ; hut 
 though the latter was the n<«ninal defendant, it was JJeinos- 
 thcues who was really put ujion his trial. The ca.se was de- 
 cided m 330 B.C., and has been iiuiiiortalized by the memorable 
 and still extant speeches of jE.schines "Against Ctesiphon," and 
 of Demosthenes " On the Crown." JEschines, who did not ob- 
 tain a fifth part of the votes, and consequently bcparne hirn.self 
 liable to a penalty, was so chagrined at his defeat that he retired 
 to Rhodes. 
 
 ^ 3. In ji.c. 325, Harpalus arrived in Athens. Harpalus was 
 a great favourite with Alexander, as he had embraced his side 
 during his quarrel with his father, Philip. When Alexander, 
 after the conquest of Persia and Media, determined to push on 
 into the interior of Asia, in ])ursuit of Darius, he left Harpalus 
 at Ecbataua, with 6000 Macedonian troops, in charge of the royal 
 treasures. From thence he removed to Babylon, and aj)pears to 
 have held the important satrapy of that province as well as the 
 administration of the treasury. It was here that, during the 
 absence of Alexander in India, he gave himself up to the most 
 extravagant luxury and profusion, squandering the treasures en- 
 trusted to him, at the same time that he alienated the people 
 subject to his rule, by his lustful excesses and extortions. He 
 had probably thought that Alexander would never return frcm 
 the remote regions of the East into which he had penetrated ; 
 »jut when he at length learnt that the king was on his march 
 back to Susa, and had visited with unsparing rigour those of his 
 officers who had been guilty of any excesses during his absence, 
 he at once saw that his onlv resource Avas in flight. Collecting 
 together all the treasures which he could, and assembling a 
 body of 6000 mercenaries, he hastened to the coast of Asia, and 
 from thence crossed over to Attica. He seems to have reckoned 
 on a favourable reception at Athens, as during the time of his 
 prosperity he had made the city a large present of corn, in re- 
 turn for which he had received the right of citizenship. At 
 first, however, the Athenians refused to receive him : but bribes 
 administered to some of the principal orators induced them to 
 alter their determination. Such a step was tantamount to an 
 act of hostility against Macedonia itself; and accordingly Anti- 
 pater called upon the Athenians to deliver up Harpalus, and to 
 bring to trial those who had accepted his bribes. The Athe- 
 nians did not venture to disobey these demands. Harpalus was
 
 B.C. 32o. LAMIAN WAR. 565 
 
 put into confiiiemeiit, but succeeded in makinnj his escape from 
 prison. Demosthenes was among the orators who were brought 
 to trial lor corruption. He was declared to be guilty, and was con- 
 demned to pay a fine of 50 talents. Not being able to raise that 
 •■sum, he was thrown into prison ; but he contrived to make his 
 escape, and went into exile. There are, however, good grounds 
 for doubting his guilt ; and it is more probable that he fell a 
 victim to the implacable hatred of the Macedonian party. Upon 
 quitting Athens Demosthenes resided chiefly at iEgina or Trazen, 
 in sight of his native land, and whenever he looked towards her 
 shores it was observed that he shed tears. 
 
 ^ 4. When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, the 
 anti-Macedonian party, which, since the exile of Demosthenes, 
 was led by Hyperides, carried all before it. The people in a 
 decree declared their determination to support the liberty of 
 Greece ; a fleet of 240 triremes was ordered to be equipped ; all 
 citizens under 40 years of age Avere commanded to enrol them- 
 selves for service ; and Leosthcnes was directed to levy an army 
 of mercenaries. Envoys were despatched to all the Grecian 
 states to announce the determination of Athens, and to exhort 
 them to struggle with her for their independence. This call 
 was responded to in the Peloponnesus only by the smaller states, 
 whilst Sparta, Arcadia, and Achaia kept aloof. In northern 
 Greece the confederacy was joined by most of the states except 
 the Boeotians ; and Leosthenes was appointed commander-in- 
 chief of the allied forces. 
 
 Phocion, as usual, was opposed to this war, thinking the forces 
 of Athens wholly inadequate to sustain it. Leosthenes scolied 
 at him, and asked him " What he had ever done for his country, 
 during the long time that he was general ?" " Do you reckon it 
 nothing," answered Phocion, " that the Athenians are buried iu 
 the sepulchres of their forefathers ?" And when Leosthenes 
 continued his pompous harangues, Phocion said : " Young man, 
 your speeches resemble cypress-trees, which are indeed large and 
 lofty, but produce no fruit." " Tell us, then," hiterrupted Hy- 
 perides, " what will be the proper time for the Athenians to 
 make war ?" Phocion answered : " Not till young men keep with- 
 in the bounds of decorum, the rich contribute willi liberality, and 
 the orators desist from robbing the people. ' 
 
 The allied army assembled in the neighbonrliood of Thermo- 
 pylae. Antipater now advanced from the north, and oflered 
 battle in the vale of the Spercheus ; but being deserted by his 
 Tliessalian cavalry, who went over to liis opponents during the 
 heat of the engagement, he was obliged to retreat, and tlircAV 
 himself into Lamia, a strong fortress on the Malian gulf Leos-
 
 6.-50 IIISTOUY OF GliEECl-l Chap. XLV. 
 
 theiies, desirous to finish tho war at a blow, prefiscd the sicpe 
 with i\\c ultiiost vigour ; but his assauMs were repulsed, and be 
 was compelled to resort to the slower method ol' a blockiirle. 
 From this town the contest between Antipater and tlie allied 
 Greeks has been called tlie Larnian War. 
 
 ^ 5. The novelty of a victory over the Macedonian arms was 
 received with boinidless exultation at Athens, and this feeling was 
 raised to a still higher pitch by the arrival oi' an embassy firm 
 Antipater to sue for peace. IMiocion was bantered unmercifully. 
 He was asked whether he woidd not like to have done such great 
 things as Leo.sthenes ? "Certainly," said he; "but I sliould not 
 have advised the attempting of them." And when messenger 
 after messenger announced the successes of the Athenian arms, 
 he exclaimed sarcastily, " When shall we have done conquer- 
 ing ?" The Athenians were so elated with their good fortune 
 that they would listen to no terms but the miconditional surren' 
 der of Antipater. Meantime Demosthenes, thougli still an exile, 
 exerted himself in various parts of the Peloponnesus in counter- 
 acting the envoys of Antipater, and in endeavouring to gain 
 adherents to the cause of Athens and the allies. The Athenians 
 in return invited Demosthenes back to his native ccuntry, and a 
 ship was sent to convey him to Piraeus, where he was received 
 with extraordinary honours. 
 
 Meanwhile Leounatus, governor of the Hellespontine Phr}-gia, 
 had appeared on the theatre of war with an army of 20,000 loot 
 and 2500 horse. Leosthenes had been slain at Lamia in a sally 
 of the besieged ; and Antiphilus, on whom the command of the 
 allied army devolved, hastened to offer battle to Leonnatus 
 before he could arrive at Lamia. The hostile armies met in one 
 of the plains of Thessaly, where Leonnatus was killed and 
 his troops defeated. Antipater, as soon as the blcckade of 
 Lamia was raised, had pursued Antiphilus, and on the day 
 after the battle he eflected a junction with the teaten aimv of 
 Leonnatus. 
 
 Shortly afterAvards, Antipater was still further reinforced by 
 the arrival of Craterus with a considerable force from Asia ; 
 and being now at the head of an army which outnumbered the 
 forces of the allies, he marched against them, and gained a 
 decisive victory over them near Crannon in Thessaly, on tlie 
 7th of August, B.C. 322. The allies were now compelled to 
 sue for peace ; but Antipater refused to treat with them except 
 as separate states, foreseeing that by this means many would 
 be detached from the confederacy. The result answered his 
 expectations. One by one, the various states submitted, till at 
 length all had laid down their arms. Athens, the original insti-
 
 B.C. 322. DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES. 557 
 
 gator of the insurrection, now lay at the mercy of the conqueror. 
 As Antipater advanced, Phocion used all the influence which he 
 possessed with the Macedonians in favor of his countrjmen ; 
 but he could obtain no other terms than an unconditional sur- 
 render. On a second mission, Phocion received the final demands 
 of Antipater ; which were, that the Athenians should deliver up a 
 certain luimber of their orators, among whom were Demosthenes 
 and Hyperides ; that their political franchise should be limited 
 by a property qualification ; that they should receive a Macedo- 
 nian garrison in Munychia, and that they should defray the ex- 
 pensco of the war. Such was the result of the Lamian war. 
 
 § 6. After the return of the envoys bringing the ultimatum of 
 Antipater, the sycophant Demades procured a decree for the 
 death of the denounced orators. Demosthenes, and the other 
 persons compromised, made their escape from Athens before 
 the Macedonian gan-ison arrived. vEgina was their first place 
 of refuge, but they soon parted m different directions. Hyperi- 
 des fled to the temple of Demeter at Hermione in Peloponnesus, 
 whilst Demosthenes took refuge in that of Poseidon in the isle 
 of Calaurea, near Trcezen. But the satellites of Antipater, 
 under the guidance of a Thurlan named Archias, who had for- 
 merly been an actor, tore them from their sanctuaries. Hj'pe- 
 rides was carried to Athens, and it is said that Antipater took 
 the brutal and cowardly revenge of ordermg his tongue to be 
 cut out, and liis remains to be thrown to the dogs. Demosthenes 
 contrived at least to escape the insults of the tyrannical con- 
 queror. Archias at first endeavoured to entice him from his 
 sanctuary by the blandest promises. But Demosthenes, fore- 
 warned, it is said, by a dream, fixing his eyes intently on him, 
 exclaimed : " Your acting, Archias, never touched me formerly, 
 nor do your promises now." And when Archias began to 
 employ threats : " Good," said Demosthenes, " now you speak 
 as from the Macedonian tripod ; before you were only playing a 
 part. But wait awhile, and let me WTite my last directions to 
 my family." So taking his writing materials, he put the reed 
 into his mouth, and bit it for some time, as was his custom when 
 composing ; after which he covered his head with his garment 
 and reclined against a pillar. The guards who accompanied 
 Archias, imaginhig this to be a mere trick, laughed and called 
 him coward, whilst Archias began to renew his false persuasions. 
 Demosthenes feeling the poison work — for such it was that he 
 had concealed in the reed — now bade him lead on. " You may 
 now," said he, " enact the pai-t of Croon, and cast me out un- 
 buried ; but at least, gracious Poseidon, I have not polluted 
 thy temple by my death, which Antipater and his Macedonians
 
 f.r,8 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLV. 
 
 Avoiild not have scnipind at." But -whilst ho wa.s (riidfavouring 
 1(1 walk out, he fell down hy tlio altar and cxjiin-rl. 
 
 ^ 7. Tlie course of cvonts )iow carries us hack 1o ihe East. 
 I'ordieca.s ])ossesscd more power than any of Alexander's pene- 
 rals, and was re^rarded as llu; re<rent (.1 the empire. He had 
 the custody of the infant Alexander, the sou of Alexander the 
 (xreat, and the weak Philij) Arrliida-us was a j)uppet in liis liands. 
 Perdiccas liad at lir.st courted the alliance ot Antipatcr, and had 
 even married his daujjhter Niea-a. But when Olympias oflercd 
 him the hand of her daughter Cleopatra, if he would agsist her 
 against Antipater, Perdiccas resolved to divorce Niceea at the 
 first convenient opportunity, and espouse Cleopatra in her stead, 
 believing that such an alliance with the royal lamily would pave 
 his way to the Macedonian throne, to wliich he was now aspir- 
 ing. His designs, however, were not imknowTi to Antigonus and 
 Ptolemy ; and when he attempted to bring Antigonus to trial 
 lor some ofience in the government cf his satrapy, that general 
 made his escape to Macedonia, where he revealed to Antipatcr 
 the full extent of the ambitious schemes of Perdiccas, and thus 
 at once induced Antipater and Cvaterus to unite in a league 
 with him and Ptolemy, and openly declare Avar against the re- 
 gent. Thus assailed on all sides, Perdiccas resohed to direct 
 his arms in the first instance against Ptolemy. In the sprirgcf 
 B.C. 321 he accordingly set out on his march against Egypt, at 
 the head of a formidable army, and accompanied Ly Philip Ar- 
 rhidseus, and Eoxana and her infant son. He advanced withcut 
 opposition as far as Pelusium, but he found the tanks of the Kile 
 strongly fortified and guarded by Ptolemy, and was repulsed in 
 repeated attempts to ibrce the passage of the river ; in the last 
 of which, near Memphis, he lost great numbers of men, by the 
 depth and rapidity of the current. Perdiccas had never been 
 popular with the soldier}', and these disasters completely alien- 
 ated their atiections. A conspiracy was Ibrmed against him. 
 and some of his chief otKcers murdered him in his tent. 
 
 ^ 8. The death of Perdiccas was ibllowed by a fresh distribu- 
 tion of the provinces ot the empire. At a meeting of the gen- 
 erals held at Triparadisus in Syria, towards the end of the year 
 321 B.C., Antipater was declared regent, retaining the govern- 
 ment of Macedonia and Greece ; Ptolemy was continued in the 
 government ol' Egypt ; Seleucus received the satrapy of Baby- 
 lon ; whilst Antigonus not only retained his old province, but 
 was rewarded with that of Susiana. 
 
 Antipater did not long survive these events. He died in the 
 year 318, at the advanced age of 80, leaA'ing Polysperchon, one 
 of Alexander's oldest generals regent ; much to the surprise and
 
 B.C. 321. TREATY OF TRIPARADISUS. 659 
 
 mortification of his son Cassander, who received only the second- 
 ary dignity of Chiliarch, or commander of the cavalry. Cas- 
 sander was now bent on obtaining the regency ; but seeing no 
 hope of success in Macedonia, he went over to Asia to soUcit the 
 assistance of Antigonus. 
 
 Polysperchon, on his side, sought to concihate the friendship 
 of the Grecian states, by proclaiming them all free and inde- 
 pendent, and by abolishing the oligarchies which had been set 
 up by Antipater. In order to enforce these measiu-es, Poly- 
 sperchon prepared to march into Greece, whilst his son Alex- 
 ander was despatched beforehand with an army towards Athens, 
 to comjiel the Macedonian garrison under the conuuand of Nica- 
 nor to evacuate Munychia. Nicanor, however, refused to move 
 without orders from Cassander, whose general he declared 
 himself to be. Phocion was suspected of intriguing in favour of 
 Nicanor, and being accused of treason, fled to Alexander, now^ 
 encamped before the Avails of Athens. Alexander sent Phocion 
 and the friends who accompanied him to his father, who was 
 then in Phocis ; and at the same time an Athenian embassy 
 arrived in Polysperchon's camp to accuse Phocion. A sort of 
 mock trial ensued, the result of which was that Phocion was 
 sent back to Athens in chains, to be tried by the Athenian 
 people. The theatre, whore his trial was to take place, was soon 
 full to overflowing. Phocion was assailed on every side by the 
 clamours of his enemies, which prevented his defence from being 
 heard, and he was condemned to death by a show of hands. 
 To the last Phocion maintained his calm and dignified, but 
 somewhat contemptuous bearing. When some wretched man 
 spat upon him as he passed to the prison, " Will no one," said 
 he, "check this fellow's indecency?" To one who asked him 
 whether he had any message to leave for his son Phocus, he an- 
 swered, " Only that he bear no grudge against the Athenians." 
 And when the hemlock which had been prepared was found iu- 
 surticient for all the condemned, and the jailer would not furnish 
 more unless he was paid for it, " Give the man his money," said 
 Phocion to one of his friends, " since at Athens one cannot even 
 die for nothing." He died in B.C. 317, at the age of 85. The 
 Athenians afterwards repented of their conduct towards Phocion. 
 His bones, which had been cast out on the frontiers of Megara, 
 v/ere subsequently bi'ought back to Athens, and a bronze statue 
 was erected to his memory. 
 
 ^ 9. Whilst Alexander was negotiating with Nicanor about 
 the surrender of Munychia, Cassander arrived in the Pirams with 
 a considerable army, with which Antigonus had supplied liim ; 
 and though Polysperchon himself soon came up with a largo
 
 rjf.O IIISTOUV (;F (;IU':KCE. Ciiap. XLV. 
 
 force, he limiid the I'urtihcalion.s of Piru'U.s too strong fc^r him 
 Leaving, therei'ore, his son to blockade the city, I'olysperchon 
 advanced with the greater part of lii.s anny into the JVlopon- 
 iicsus. Here he laid siege to Megahjpolis ; hut that town was 
 defended with such extraordinary elibrts that Polysperchori 
 was compelled to withdraw. His ill success, as well as the 
 destruction of liis fleet by the fleet of Cassander, produced 
 an unfavourable turn in the disposition of the Greek states 
 towards Polyspcrchon, and Athens in particular abandoned his 
 alliance lor that of Cassander, who established an oligarchical 
 government in tlie city luider the presidency of Demetrius of 
 Phalerus. 
 
 At the same time Eurydice, the active and intriguing wife of 
 Philip Arrliida;us, conceived the project of throwing oil' the yoke 
 of the regent, and concluded an alliance with Cassander, while 
 she herself assembled an army with which she obtained for a 
 time the complete possession of Macedonia. But in the spring 
 of 317 Polyspcrchon, having united his forces with those of 
 JEacides, king of E})irus, invaded Macedonia, accompanied by 
 Olympias. Eurydice met them with equal daring ; but when 
 the mother of Alexander appeared on the field, surrounded by a 
 train in bacchanalian style, the Macedonians at once declared in 
 her favour, and Eurydice, abandoned by her own troops, fled to 
 Amphipolis, where she soon fell into the hands of Olympias, who 
 put both her and her husband to death, with circumstances of 
 the greatest crvielty. She next wreaked her vengeance on the 
 family of Antipater, and on the adherents of Cassander. These 
 events determined Cassander to proceed with all haste into Ma- 
 cedonia. At his approach Olympias threw herself into Pydna, 
 together with Koxana and her son. Cassander forthwith laid 
 siege to this place ; and after a blockade of some months it sur- 
 rendered in the spring of 316. Olympias had stipulated that 
 her life should be spared, but Cassander soon afterwards caused 
 her to be murdered. After the fall of Pydna all Macedonia sub- 
 mitted to Cassander ; who, after shutting up Roxana and lier 
 son in the citadel of Amphipolis, married Thessalonica, a half- 
 sister of Alexander the Great, with the view of strengthenuig his 
 pretensions to the throne. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Cassander marched into Greece, and be^an 
 the restoration of Thebes (k.c. 315), in the twentieth year alter 
 its destruction by Alexander, a measure higlily popular with the 
 Greeks. 
 
 ^ 10. A new war now broke out in the east. Antigonus h'.d 
 become the most powerful of Alexander's successors. He had 
 ooiiquered Eumenes, who had long defied his arms, and he now
 
 B.C. 315. COALITION AGAINST ANTIGONUS. 561 
 
 began to dispose of the provinces as he thought fit. His increas- 
 ing power and ambitious projects led to a general coalition 
 against him, consisting of Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and 
 Lysimachus, the governor of Thrace. The war began in the yeai 
 315, and was carried on with great vehemence and alternate 
 success in Syria, Phoenicia, Asia Minor, and Greece. After four 
 years all parties became exhausted with the struggle, and peace 
 was accordingly concluded in 311, on condition that the Greek 
 cities should be free, that Cassander should retain his authority 
 in Europe till Alexander came of age, that Ptolemy and Lysi- 
 machus should keep possession of Thrace and Egypt respective- 
 ly, and that Antigonus should have the govenmient of all Asia. 
 The name of Seleucus does not occur in the treaty. 
 
 This hollow peace, which had been merely patched up for the 
 convenience of the parties concerned, was not of long duration. 
 It seems to have been the immediate cause of another of those 
 crimes which disgrace the history of Alexander's successors. 
 Alexander, who had now attained the age of sixteen, was still 
 shut up with his motlier Roxana in Amphipolis ; and his parti- 
 sans, with injudicious zeal, loudly expressed their wish that he 
 should be released and placed upon the throne. In order to 
 avert this event Cassander contrived the secret murder both of 
 the mother and the son. 
 
 §11. This abominable act, however, does not appear to have 
 caused a breach of the peace. Ptolemy was the first to break 
 it (b.c. 310), under the pretext that Antigonus, by keeping, his 
 garrisons in the Greek cities of Asia and the islands, liOj^'not 
 respected that article of the treaty which guaranteed Grecian 
 freedom. After the war had lasted three years, Antigonus 
 resolved to make a vigorous elTort to -vATrest Greece from the 
 hands of Cassander and Ptolemy, who held all the principal 
 towns in it. Accordingly, in the summer of 307 b.c. he de- 
 spatched his son Demetrius from Ephesus to Athens, with a fleet 
 of 250 sail, and 5000 talents in money. Demetrius, who after- 
 wards obtained the surname of " Poliorcetes," or " Besieger of 
 Cities," was a young man of ardent temperament aiid great 
 abilities. Upon arriving at the Pira3us, he immediately pro- 
 claimed the object of his expedition to be the liberation of 
 Athens and the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison. Sup- 
 ported by the Macedonians, Demetrius the Phalereau had now 
 ruled Athens for a period of more than ten years. Of mean 
 birth, Demetrius the Phalerean owed his elevation entirely to 
 his talents and perseverance. His skill as an orator raised him 
 to distinction among his countrymen ; and his politics, which 
 led him to embrace the party of Phocion, recommended him to 
 
 2 B*
 
 662 HISTORY OF GREECR Chai-. XLV. 
 
 Cassjuulcr and IIk; Maffdoniajis. He cultivated inaiiy IfranchcH 
 oi" literature, and \va8 at once an historian, a jiliildwiplifr, ariJ 
 a poet; but none ol'liis works have corne down to us. During 
 the first j)criod of his administration he appears to liave [roverned 
 wisely and equitably, to have irn|iroved the Athenian laws, and 
 to have adorned the city with useful buildings.* But in spite ol' 
 his pretensions to philoi^ojthy, the ])ossession of inicontrollcd pow- 
 er soon altered his character for the worse, and he became re- 
 markable for luxury, ostentation, and sensuality. Hence he grad- 
 ually lost the j)opularily which he had once enjoyed, and which 
 had prompted the Athenians to raise to him no liver than 3G0 
 bron/.e statues, most of them equestrian. The Athenians heard 
 with pleasure the ])Voclamations of the son of Antigonus ; his 
 namesake, the Phalerean, was obliged to surrender the city to 
 him, and to close his political career by retiring to Thebes. The 
 Macedonian garrison in Munychia offered a slight resistance, 
 which was soon overcome. Demetrius Poliorcetes then formal- 
 ly announced to the Athenian assembly the restoration of their 
 ancient constitution, and promised them a large donative of com 
 and ship-timber. This munificence was repaid by tlie Athenians 
 with the basest and most abject flattery. Both Demetrius and 
 his father were deified, and two new tribes, those of Antigonias 
 and Demetrius, were added to the existing ten wliich derived 
 their names from the ancient heroes of Attica. 
 
 ^ 12. Demetrius Poliorcetes did not, liowever, remain long at 
 Athens. Early in 306 b.c. he was recalled by his father, and, 
 saihng to Cyprus, undertook the siege of h^alamis. Ptolemy has- 
 tened to its relief with 140 vessels and 10,000 troops. The bat- 
 tle that ensued Avas one of the most memorable in the annals of 
 ancient naval Avarlhre, more particularly en account of the vast 
 size of the vessels engaged. Ptolemy was ccmpletely defeated : 
 and so important was the victory deemed by Antigt nus, that on 
 the strength of it he assumed the title of king, A\hich lie also 
 conferred upon his son. This example was followed by Ptokmy, 
 Seleucus, and Lysimachus. 
 
 Encouraged by their success at Cyprus, Antigonus and Deme- 
 trius made an attempt upon Eg}pt, which, however, proved a 
 disastrous failure. By way of revenge, Demetrius undertook au 
 expedition a-jahist Rhodes, which had refused its aid in the 
 attack upon Ptolemy. It was from the memorable siege of 
 Rhodes that Demetrius obtained his name of '• Polioi-cetes." 
 
 * A census -w hi cli Demetrius took of the population of Attica, proba- 
 bfy in 309 b.c, the year of his archonsliip, gave 21,000 freemen, 10,000 
 luetics, or resident aliens, and tlie amazing number of 400,000 slaves. 
 The wives and families of the free DODulation must of course he added.
 
 B.C. 301. BATTLE OF IPSU3. 563 
 
 After in vain attempting to take the town from the sea-side, by- 
 means of floating batteries, from whicli stones of enormous 
 weight were hurled from engines with incredible force against 
 the walls, he determined to alter his plan and invest it on the 
 land-side. With the assistance of Epimachus, an Athenian en- 
 gineer, he constructed a machine which, in anticipation of its 
 effect, was called Helepuhs, or " thecity taker." This was a square 
 v/oodsn tower, 150 feet high, and divided into nine stories, filled 
 .vith arm^d men, Avho discharged missiles through apertures in 
 che sides. When armed and prepared for attack, it required the 
 strength of 2300 men to set this enormous machine in motion. 
 But though this formidable engine was assisted by the operation 
 of two battering-rams, each 150 feet long and propelled by the 
 labour of 1000 men, the Rhodians were so active in repairing 
 th3 breaches made in their walls, that after a year spent in the 
 vain attempt to take the town, Demetrius was forced to retire 
 and grant the Rhodians peace. 
 
 § 13. Whilst Demetrius was thus employed, Cassander had 
 mide great progress in reducing Greece. He had taken Corinth, 
 and was besieging Athens, when Demetrius entered the Euripus. 
 Ca5;auder immediately raised the siege, and was subsequently 
 defeated in an action near Thermopylaj. When Demetrius en- 
 tered Athens, he was received as beibre with the most extrava- 
 gant flatteries. He remained two or three years in Greece, during 
 which his superiority over Cassander was decided, though no 
 great battle was fought. 
 
 In the spring of 301 b.c. he was recalled by his father Anti- 
 gonus, who stood in need of his assistance against Lysimachus 
 and Seleucus. In the course of the same year the struggle be- 
 tween Antigonus and his rivals was brought to a close by the 
 battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, in which Antigonus was killed, and 
 his army completely defeated. Antigonus had attained the age 
 of 81 at the time of his death. Demetrius retreated with the 
 remnant of the army to Ephesus, whence he sailed to Cyprus, 
 and afterwards proposed to go to Athens ; but the Athenians, 
 alienated by his lil-tbrtune at Ipsus, refused to receive him. Sc- 
 leucus and Lysimachus shared between them the possessions of 
 Antigonus. Lysimachus seems to have Imd the greater part of 
 Asia Minor, whilst the whole country from the coast of Syria to 
 the Euphrates, as well as a part of Phrygia and Cappadocia, fell 
 to the share of Seleucus. The latter Ibunded on llie Orontcs 
 a new capital of his empire, whicli he named after his father 
 Antioch. Tile fall of Antigonus secured Cassander in tlie jjos- 
 session of Greece, though it does not appear that any formal 
 treaty was entered into i'or that purpose .
 
 Group of Dircc. From the Museum at Naples. 
 
 CHAPTER XLYI. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF irSUS TO THE CONQUEST OF GREECE BY 
 THE ROMANS. 
 
 § 1. Proceedings of Demetrius Poliorcetes. He captures Athens. §2. 
 Obtains tlie Macedonian crown. His flight and death. §.3. Lysimachus 
 reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain bv Seleucus. § 4. Se- 
 leucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Invasion of the Celts, and 
 death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. § 5. AntigonusGonatas ascends the Mace- 
 donian throne. Death of Pyrrhus of Epirus. Chremonidean ^svar. §6. 
 The Achsean League. § 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Agis and CI eo- 
 menes. The Cleomenic vr&v. § 8. The JEtolian League. § 9. The 
 Social War. §10. WarbetweenPhilipandthcRomans. §11. Philopce- 
 men. § 12. Second war between Philip and the Romans. Battle of 
 Cynoscephalse. § 13. Defeat of Antioehus, and subjugation of the 
 ^tolians by the Romans. § 14. Extension of the Achsean League. 
 Conquest of Sparta. Death of Philopoemen. § 15. War between 
 Perseus and the Romans. Conquest of Macedonia. § 16. Proceodings 
 of the Romans in Greece. § 17. Athens and Oropus. War between 
 the Achfcans and Spartans. § 18. The Spartans appeal to the Romane, 
 who reduce Greece into a Roman province. 
 
 ^ 1. After his repulse from Athens, Demetrius proceeded 
 towards Peloponnesus, but found that his allies in that quarter 
 had also abondoned him and embraced the cause of Cass^nder.
 
 B.C. 294. DEilETRIUS GAINS MACEDONIA. 565 
 
 He was, however, neither ruined nor discouraged. On leaving 
 the Peloponnesus (b.c. 300) he proceeded to the Thracian Cher- 
 sonese, and ravaged the territory of Lysiniachus. Whilst en- 
 gaged in this expedition he was agreeably surprised by receiv- 
 ing an embassy irorn Seleucus, by which that monarch solicited 
 his daughter Stratonice in marriage. Demetrius gladly granted 
 the request, and found himself so much strengthened by this 
 alliance, that in the spring of the year 296 he was in a con- 
 dition again to attack Athens, which he captured after a 
 long siege, and drove out the bloodthirsty tyrant Lachares, 
 wdio had been established there by Cassander. Such was thq 
 extremity of famine to which the Athenians had been reduced, 
 that we are told of a father and son quarrelling for a dead 
 mouse ; and the plulosopher Epicurus supported himself, and 
 the society over which he presided, by dividing amongst them 
 daily a small quantity of beans. On becoming master of the 
 city, Demetrius, much to the surprise of the Athenians, treated 
 them with great lenity and indulgence, and in consideration of 
 their distresses, made them a present of a large quantity of com. 
 ^ 2. Meanwhile Cassander had died shortly before the siege of 
 Athens, and was succeeded on the throne of Macedon by his 
 eldest son, Philip IV.* But that young prince died in 295, and 
 the succession was disputed between his two brothers, Antipater 
 and Alexander. Their mother Thessalonica, a daughter of the 
 great Philip, seems to have been their guardian, and to have 
 attempted to arrange their disputes by dividing the kingdom 
 between them ; but Antipater, thinking that she favoured Alex- 
 ander, slew her with his own hand in a fit of jealous rage. 
 Alexander now called in the aid of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, as 
 well as of Demetrius, who was in the Peloponnesus with his 
 army. Pyrrhus, as the nearest, was the first to respond to this 
 call, and elTected a partition of Macedonia between the two 
 brothers ; an arrangement, which, as it weakened a neighbouring 
 kingdom, was favourable to his own interests. Shortly after- 
 wards (294) Demetrius, who saw in the distracted state of Mace- 
 donia an opening for his own ambitious designs, appeared in 
 that comitry with his forces. Alexander having joined him with 
 his army, Demetrius caused that young prince to be assassinated, 
 and was saluted king by the troops. Demetrius reigned over 
 Macedonia, and the greater part of Greece, about seven years. 
 He aimed at recovering the whole of his father's dominions 
 in Asia ; but before he was ready to take the field, his adver- 
 saries, alarmed at his preparations, determined to forestall 
 
 * Philip Arrliidseus is called Philip III.
 
 C.66 IIISTOIIY OF GREECH Chap. XLVL 
 
 liiiii. Ill iho Bj)nii<^ of li.c. 2^)7, Ptolemy sent a jwwerful fleC. 
 aj^ainst (Jreeco, wliilo Pyrrlnis on the (tne side and Lys-iinachuw 
 on ihc other KinuiUaneously invaded ^lacedonia. JJeruetiins had 
 (•onii)le1ely alienated his own .«nhjeet.s hy his jiroud and hauglity 
 heaiiii<r, and hy his lavish expenditine on his own luxuries; 
 while Pyrrhus by his penerosily, aiiahility, and dariiif.' eouragc, 
 had beeowie the hero ol" the Maecdonians, who looked ujjon hirn 
 as a R'cond Alexander. The apjiearanee of Pyrrhus was the 
 ci-rnal for revolt: the ^Macedonian troo])s Hocked to hisslandard, 
 and Demetrius was comjielled to fly. Pyrrhus now ascended the 
 throne of Macedonia ; but his reifrn was ol brief duration ; and 
 at the end of seven months he was in turn driven out by Lysi- 
 machus. Demetrius made several attempts to regain his jjower 
 in Greece, and then set sail for Asia, where he successively endea- 
 voured to establish himself in the territories of Lysimaclius, and 
 of his son-in-law tSeleucus. Falling at length into the hands 
 of the latter, he was kept in a khid of magniticent captivity in a 
 royal residence in Syria ; where, in 2b'S, at the early age of 55, 
 his chequered career was brc ght to a close, partly hy chagrin, 
 and partly by the sensual indulgences with which he endea- 
 voured to divert it. 
 
 § 3. The history of Alexander's successors continued to be 
 marked to the end by the same ambition, the same dissen- 
 sions, and the same crimes which had stained it from the first. 
 The power of Lysimachus had been greatly increased by the 
 acquisition of Macedonia ; and he now found himself in posses- 
 sion of all the dominions in Europe that had formed j)art of the 
 Macedonian monarchy, as well as of the greater part of Asia 
 Minor. Of Alexander's immediate successors, Lysimachus and 
 Seleucus were the only two remaining competitors for power; 
 and with the exception of Egypt, those two sovereigns divided 
 Alexander's empire between them. In Egypt the aged Ptolemy 
 had abdicated in 285 in favour of his son by Berenice, afterwards 
 known as Ptolemy Philadelphus, and to the exclusion of his eldest 
 son, Ptolemy Ccraunus, by his wife Eurydice. Ptolemy Ceraunus 
 quitted Egypt in disgust, and fled to the court cf Lysimachus ; 
 and although Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, was own sister to 
 his rival, Ptolemy Philadelphus, he succeeded in gaining her entire 
 confidence. Arsinoe, jealous of her stepson Agathocles, the heir 
 apparent to the throne, and desirous of securing the succession 
 for her own children, conspired with Ptolemy Ceramms against 
 his life. She even procured the consent ol' Lysimachus to liis 
 murder ; and after some vain attempts to make away with him 
 by poison, he Avas flung into })rison, where Ptolemy Ceraunus 
 dc;s])atch.ed him with l;is own hand. Lysandra, tb.e mother cf
 
 B.C. 280. INVASION OF THE CELTS. 567 
 
 Agathocles, fled with the rest of her family to Seleucus, to de- 
 mand from him protection and vengeance : and Seleucus, induced 
 by the hopes of success, inspired by the discontent and dissen- 
 sions which so foul an act had excited among the subjects of 
 Lysimachus, espoused her cause. The hostilities which ensued 
 between him and Lysimachus were brought to a termination 
 by the battle of Corupedion, fought near Sardis in 281, in which 
 Lysimachus was deieated and slain. By this victory, Macedo- 
 nia, and the whole of Alexander's empire, with the exception of 
 Egypt, southern Syria, Cyprus, and part of Phoenicia, fell under 
 the sceptre of Seleucus. 
 
 ^ 4. That monarch, who had not beheld his native land since 
 he first joined the expedition of Alexander, now crossed ihe 
 Hellespont to take possession of Macedonia. Ptolemy Ceraunus, 
 who after the battle of Corupedion had thrown himself on the 
 mercy of Seleucus, and had been received with forgiveness and 
 favour, accompanied him on this journey. The murder of Aga- 
 thocles had not been committed by Ptolemy merely to oblige 
 Arsinoe. He had even then designs upon the supreme power, 
 which he now completed by another crime. As Seleucus stepped 
 to sacrifice at a celebrated altar near Lysimachia in Thrace, 
 Ptolemy treacherously assassinated him by stabbing him in the 
 back (280). After this base and cowardly act, Ptolemy Ceraunus, 
 who gave himself out as the avenger of Lysimachus, was, by one 
 of those movements wholly inexplicable to our modern notions, 
 saluted king by the army ; but the Asiatic dominions of Seleucus 
 fell to liis son Antiochus, surnamed Soter. The crime of Ptole- 
 my, however, was speedily overtaken by a just punishment. In 
 the very same year his kingdom of Macedonia and Thrace was 
 invaded by an immense host of Celts, and Ptolemy fell at the 
 head of the forces which he led against them. A second inva- 
 sion of the same barbarians compelled the Greeks to raise a 
 force for their defence, which was entrusted to the command of 
 the Athenian Callippus (b.c, 279). On this occasion the Celts, 
 attracted by the report of treasures which were now ju'riiajis 
 little more than an empty name, penetrated as far southwards 
 as Delphi, with the view of plundering the temple. The god, 
 it is said, vindicated his sanctuary on this occasion in the same 
 supernatural manner as when it was attacked by the Persians : 
 it is at all events certain that the Celts were repulsed with great 
 loss, including that of their leader Brennus. Nevertheless some 
 of their tribes succeeded in establishing themselves near the 
 Danube; others settled on the sea-coast of Thrace; whilst a 
 third portion passed over into Asia, and gave their name to the 
 country called fi alalia.
 
 0«8 HISTORY OF GREIX'R Chap. XLVL 
 
 IjC). After llio df-ath of Ptolemy Ccraiiiius, Macedonia fell for 
 some time into a state of aiiarehy and eonfusion, and the crown 
 was di.s|)uted by neveral pretenders. At lenfrth, in 27^, Anti- 
 goinis (Toiiatas, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, succeeded in es- 
 tablishing himself on the throne of Macedonia ; and, with the 
 exception of two or three years (271-272) duriiif^ which he was 
 temporarily expelled by Pyrrhus, he continued to retain posses- 
 sion of it till his death in 2'->'J. The struggle between Antigonus 
 and Pyrrhus was brought to a close at Argos, in 272. Pyrrhus 
 had marched into the Peloponnesus with a large force in order 
 to make war upon S|)arta, but with the collateral design of re- 
 ducing the places which still held out for Antigonus. PjTrhus, 
 having failed in an attempt to take Sparta, marched against 
 Argos, where Antigonus also arrived with his forces. Both ar- 
 mies entered the city by opposite gates ; and in a battle which 
 ensued in the streets, Pyrrhus was struck from his horse by a 
 tile hurled by a woman from a house top, and was then de- 
 spatched by some soldiers of Antigonus. Such was the inglo- 
 rious end of one of the bravest and most warlike monarchs of 
 antiquity ; whose character for moral virtue, though it would 
 not stand the test of modern scrutiny, shone out conspicuously 
 in comparison with that of contemporary sovereigns ; but whose 
 enterprises, undertaken rather from the love of action than from 
 any well-directed ambition, were rendered abortive by their de- 
 sultoiy nature. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas now made himself master of the greater 
 part of Peloponnesus, which he governed by means of tyrants 
 whom he established in various cities. He then applied himself 
 to the reduction of Athens, whose defence was assisted by an 
 Egyptian fleet and a Spartan army. This war, which is some- 
 times called the Chremonideau Avar, from the Athenian Chre- 
 monides, who played a conspicuous part in defending the city, 
 lasted six or seven years, and reduced the Athenians to great 
 misery. Athens was at length taken, probably in 2G2. 
 
 ^ 6. While all Greece, with the exception of Sparta, seemed 
 hopelessly prostrate at the feet of Macedonia, a new political 
 power, which sheds a lustre on the declining period of Grecian 
 history, arose in a small province in Peloponnesus, of which the 
 very name has been hitherto rarely -mentioned since the heroic 
 age. In Achaia, a narrow slip of country upon the shores of 
 the Corinthian gulf, a league, chiefly for religious purposes, had 
 existed from a very early period among the twelve chief cities 
 of the province. This league, however, had never possessed 
 much political importance, and it had been finally suppressed 
 by the Macedonians. At the time of which we are speaking
 
 B.C. 251. ACH^AN LEAGUE. 569 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas was in possession of all the cities formerly 
 belonging to the league, either by means of his garrisons or of 
 the tyrants who were subservient to him. It was, however, this 
 very oppression that led to a more efficient revival of the league. 
 The Achaean towns, now only ten in number, as two had been 
 destroyed by earthquakes, began gradually to coalesce again ; a 
 process which was much facilitated after Antigonus had with- 
 drawn from Greece to take up his residence at Pella, where the 
 affairs of Macedonia chiefly occupied his attention. But Aratus 
 of Sicyon, one of the most remarkable characters of this period 
 of Grecian history, was the man who, about the year 251 B.C., 
 first called the new league into active political existence. Aratus 
 was one of those characters who, though not deficient in bold- 
 ness and daring, seem incapable of exerting these qualities 
 except in stratagems and ambuscades. He had long lived in 
 exile at Argos, whilst his native city groaned under the dominion 
 of a succession of tyrants. Having collected a band of exiles, 
 Aratus surprised Sicyon in the night time, and drove out 
 the last and most unpopiilar of these tyrants. Instead of seizing 
 the tyraimy for himself, as he might easily have done, Aratus 
 consulted only the advantage of his country, and with this view 
 united Sicyon with the Achaean league. The accession of so 
 important a tov/n does not appear to have altered the con- 
 stitution of the confederacy. The league was governed by a 
 Strategus, or general, whose functions were both military and 
 civil ; a Grcwwiateus, or secretary, and a council o{ ten denuurgi. 
 The sovereignty, however, resided in the general assembly, which 
 met twice a year in a sacred grove near /Egium. It was com- 
 posed of every Achaean who had attained the age of thirty, and 
 possessed the right of electing the officers of the league, and of 
 deciding all questions of war, peace, foreign alliances, and the 
 like. In the year 245 B.C. Aratus was elected Strategus of the 
 league, and again in 243. In the latter of these years he suc- 
 ceeded in wresting Corinth from the Macedonians by another 
 nocturnal surprise, and uniting it to the league. The confe- 
 deracy now spread with wonderful rapidity. It was soon joined 
 by Trcezen, Epidaurus, Hermione, and other cities ; and ulti- 
 mately embraced Athens, Megara, ^Egina, Salamis, and the whole 
 Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Elis, and some of 
 the Arcadian towns. 
 
 § 7. Sparta, it is true, still contiimed to retain her independ- 
 ence, but without a shadow of lier former greatness and power. 
 The primitive simplicity of Spartan manners had been com- 
 pletely destroyed by the collection of wealth into a few hands, 
 and by the consequent progi-ess of luxury. The number of
 
 670 HISTORY OF OliEIX'E. Cum: XLVl 
 
 Spartan citizens had bcfn reduced to 700 ; but even of ihcRc there 
 were not above a Juindred who posHei-t>ed a suflieient quantity 
 of land lo maintain themselves in indejiendence. The tSjiartan 
 kinjrs had ceased to be the patriotic servants and {generals of their 
 country. Like the amdottieri of more modern times, they were 
 accuslomed, since the time of Alex;;nder the Great, to let cut 
 their services to the hifrhest bidder ; and no longer content with 
 the sir!iple habits of their forefathers, they repaired to foreign 
 courts in order to squander the wealth thus acquired in lux- 
 uries wliich they could not procure at home. The young king, 
 Agis lY., who succeeded to the crown in 211, attempted to 
 revive the ancient Spartan virtue, by restoring the institutions 
 of Lycurgus, by cancelling all debts, and by making a new distri- 
 bution of lands ; and with this view he relinquished all his own 
 property, as well as that of his family, for the public good. 
 These reforms, though promoted by one of the Ephors, were 
 opposed by Leonidas, the colleague of Agis in tlie monarchy, 
 who rallied the majority of the more wealthy citizens around 
 him. Agis and his party succeeded, however, in deposing Leo- 
 nidas, and for a time his plans promised to be successful ; but 
 having undertaken an expedition to assist Aratus r.gainst the 
 ^tolians, the opposite party took advantage of his absence to 
 reinstate Leonidas, and when Agis returned, he was put to 
 death (211). But a few years afterwards, Clecmcnes, the sen cf 
 Leonidas, succeeded in eflccting the reforms which had bceii 
 contemplated by Agis ; a course which he was probably induced 
 to take by the widow of Agis, whom he had married. It was 
 his military successes that enabled Cleomenes to cany cut his 
 political views. Aratus, in his zeal for extending the Achseau 
 confederacy, attempted to seize the Arcadian towns cf Orcho- 
 menus, Tegea, and Mantinea, which the ^Etolians had ceded to 
 Sparta, whereupon a war ensued (227-22G) in which the forces cf 
 the league were defeated by Cleomenes. The latter then sud- 
 denly returned home at the head of his victorious araiy, and after 
 putting the Ephors to death, proceeded to carry out the reforms 
 projected by Agis, as well as several others which regarded mili- 
 tary disci})line. The efi'ect of these new measures soon became 
 visible in the increased success of the Spartan arms. Aratus 
 was so hard pressed that he was compelled to solicit the assist- 
 ance of the Macedonians. Both AntigonusGonatas and his son 
 Demetrius IL — who had reigned in Macedonia from 239 to 229 
 B.C. — were now dead, and the government was administered by 
 Antigonus Doson, as guardian of Philip, the youthful son of 
 Demetrius II. Antigonus Doson, who obtained the latter sur- 
 name from his readiness in making promises, "was the grandson
 
 B.C. 220. ^ETOLIAN LEAGUE. 571 
 
 of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and the nephew of Antigonus Gonatas. 
 The Macedonians compelled him to accept the crown ; but he 
 I'emained faitlii'ul to his trust as guardian of Philip, whose mo- 
 ther he married ; and though he had children of his own by her, 
 yet Philip succeeded him on his death. It was to Antigorms 
 Doson that Aratus applied for assistance ; and in 223 the Mace- 
 donian king marched into the Peloponnesus and compelled Cleo- 
 menes to retire into Laconia. This war between Cleomenes and 
 Aratus, which is called the Cleomenic war, lasted altogether 
 about six years. It broke out in 227, and was not brought to a 
 close till two years after the intervention of Doson. After his 
 defeat Cleomenes raised a considerable sum by allowing 6000 
 Helots to purchase their freedom ; and having thus recruited 
 his army, he in the following year attacked and destroyed Mega- 
 lopolis. He afterwards pushed his successes up to the very 
 walls of Argos ; but in 221 he was totally defeated by Antigonus 
 Doson in the fatal battle of Sellasia in Laconia. Tlie army of 
 Cleomenes was almost totally annihilated ; he himself was obliged 
 to fly to Egypt ; and Sparta, which for many centuries had re- 
 mained unconquered, fell into the hands of the victor. 
 
 ^ 8. Antigonus, however, did not live long to enjoy his success. 
 Before the end of the year he was recalled to Macedonia by an 
 invasion of the Illyrians, which he repelled, but he shortly after- 
 wards died of a consumption. He was succeeded by Phihp V.. 
 the son of Demetrius II., who was then about sixteen or seven- 
 teen years of age. His youth encouraged the vEtolians to make 
 predatory incursions into the Peloponnesus. That people were 
 a species of freebooters, and the terror of their neighbours ; 
 yet they were united, like the Acha3ans, in a confederacy or 
 league. The ^Etolian league was a confederation of tribes in- 
 stead of cities, like the Achaean. Its history is involved in ob- 
 scurity ; but it must at all events have had a fixed constitution 
 even in the time of Pliilip and Alexander the Great, since Aris- 
 totle wrote a treatise on it ; and after the death of Alexander 
 we find the League taking a prominent part in the Lamian war. 
 The diet or council of the league, called the Pauffitolicuin, assem- 
 bled every autumn, generally at Thermon, to elect the strategus 
 and other officers ; but the details of its affairs were conducted 
 by a committee called Apndcfi, who seem to liave formed a .sort 
 of permanent council. The iEtolians had availed themselves of 
 the disorganised state of Greece consequent upon the death of ■ 
 Alexander to extend their power, and had gradually made them- 
 selves masters of Locris, Phocis, Bocotia, together with portions 
 of Acarnania, Thessaly, and Epirus. Thus both the Amphic- 
 tjonic Council and the oracle of Delphi were in their power.
 
 672 HISTORY OF GUEECK. Chap. XLVl. 
 
 Tli«v li.'ul early wrested Nanpactus frfun llie Aeha.-auB, and had 
 Kubseijueiitly accjuired several relojM)iiiie.sian cities. 
 
 <j 9. Such was tlie condition ot llie yKtohan-s at the time of 
 Phihp's accession. Soon alter tliat event we find tliern, under 
 the leader.shij) of Doriinachus, en<ra<(<'d in a scries of Ireebooting 
 exju-ditions in Mes.senia, and otlier parts of Peloponnesns. Aratua 
 marched to the assistance of tlie Me.s.senians at the head of the 
 Acluean forces, but was totally defeated in a battle near Caphyaj. 
 The Aclueans now saw no hope of safety except through the 
 assistance of Philip. That younff monarch was ambitious and 
 enterprising, pos.se.ssing con.-^iderable military ability, and much 
 political sagacity. He readily listened to the application of the 
 Aclueans, and in 220 entered into an alhance with them. The 
 war which ensued between the iEtolians on one side, and the 
 Acha^ans, assisted by Philip, on the other, and which lasted 
 about three years, has been called the Social Viar. Philip gained 
 several victories over the yEtolians, but he concluded a treaty 
 of peace with them in 217, because he was anxious to turn his 
 arms against another and more formidable power. 
 
 § 10. The great struggle, now going on between Rome and 
 Carthage, attracted the attention of the whole civilized world. 
 It was evident that Greece, distracted by intestine quarrels, 
 must be soon swallowed up by whichever of those great 
 states might prove successful ; and of the two, the ambition of 
 the Romans, who had already gained a footing on the eastern 
 shores of the Adriatic, w^as by far the more formidable to 
 Greece. Philip's inclination to take part in the great struggle 
 in the west was increased by the news of the overthrow ol the 
 Romans at the lake ot" Trasimene ; and he therefore readily 
 listened to the advice and solicitations of Demetrius of Pharos, 
 who had been driven by the Romans from his Illyrian domin- 
 ions, and who now appealed to him for assistance. After the 
 conclusion of the peace with the iEtolians Philip prepared a 
 large licet, which he employed to watch the movements of the 
 Romans, and in the following year (21G) he concluded a treaty 
 with Hannibal, which, among other clauses, provided that the 
 Romans should not be allowed to retain their conquests on the 
 eastern side of the Adriatic. He even meditated an invasion 
 of Italy, and with that view endeavoured to make himself 
 master of ApoUonia and Oricum. But though he succeeded in 
 taking the latter city, the Romans, under M. Valerius La-vinus, 
 sur])rised his camp whilst he was besieging ApoUonia ; and as 
 they had likewise blockaded the mouth of the river Aous with 
 their fleet, Philip was compelled to burn his ships and retire. 
 Meanwhile Philip had acted in a most arbitary manner in the
 
 B.C. 208. PHILOPCEMEK 573 
 
 affairs of Greece ; and when Aratus remonstrated with him re- 
 specting his proceedings, he got rid of" his former friend and coun- 
 sellor by means of a slow and secret poison (b.c. 213). 
 
 When the affairs of the Romans had begun to recover in Italy, 
 they directed their attention more seriously toM'ards Greece, and 
 in the year 211 concluded an alliance with the iEtolians, who 
 were now weary of peace, and declared war against Phihp. Be- 
 fore the end of the year, the Romans made themselves masters 
 of Zacynthus, with the exception of the capital ; and having also 
 wrested (Eniadee and Naxos from the Acarnanians transferred 
 these acquisitions to the iEtolians, and retained the booty for them- 
 selves, agreeably to the treaty. In the following year the town of 
 Anticyra and the island of ^gina were treated in a similar manner. 
 
 ^ 11. In B.C. 209, the Achcsans, being hard pressed by the 
 jEtolians, were again induced to call in the aid of Philip. The 
 spirit of the Achieans was at this time revived by Philipoemen, 
 one of the few noble characters of the period, and who has been 
 styled by Plutarch " the last of the Greeks." He was a native 
 of Megalopolis in Arcadia, and had already distinguished him- 
 self in the Claomenic Avar, and especially at the battle of Sellasia, 
 which was mainly won by a decisive charge which he made, with- 
 out orders, at the head of the Megalopolitan horse. In 210 he 
 was appointed to the command of the Achfean cavalry, and in 
 208 he was elected Strategus of the League. In both these 
 posts Philoposman made great alterations and improvements in 
 the arms and discipline of the Achaean forces, which he assimi- 
 lated to those of the Macedonian phalanx. These reforms, as 
 well as the public spirit with v/hich he had inspired the Achajans, 
 were attended with the most beneficial results. In 207 Philopoe- 
 men gained at Mantinea a signal victory over the Laceda?moni- 
 ans, who had joined the Roman aUiance ; 4000 of them were 
 left upon the field, and among them Machanidas, who had made 
 himself tyrant of Sparta. This decisive battle, combined with 
 the withdrawal of the Romans, who, being desirous of turning 
 their undivided attention towards Carthage, had made peace 
 with Philip (205), secured for a few years the tranquillity of 
 Greece. It also raised the fame of Philopoemen to its highest 
 point ; and in the next Nemean festival, being a second time 
 general of the league, he was hailed by the assembled Greeks as 
 the liberator of their country. 
 
 M2. Upon the conclusion of the second Punic war, tlie Ro- 
 mans renewed their enterprises in Greece, for which the conduct 
 of Philip, who had assisted the Carthaginians, afibrded them 
 ample pretence. Philip's attempts in the iEgcan sea, and in 
 Attica, had also caused many complaints to be lodged against him
 
 67i II1ST<JKY of GUKIX'I-: Chap. XLVI. 
 
 at llui.Mc ; anil in ii.c. 200 llie RoiiianH declared war afiaini-t 
 him. Athens, which he had hesieged, was relieved hy a lit)- 
 man fleet ; but before he withdn-w, I'hilij), ])romj)ted by anf^er 
 and reven<re, diiijilayed his barbarif^m by destnniii<( the gardens 
 and buildings in the suburbs, including the Lyci'um and the tombs 
 of the Attic heroes ; and in a second incursion -which he made 
 with large reinfbrceinents, he committed still greater excesses. 
 For some time, however, the war lingered on without any de- 
 cided success on either side. But in l'J8 the consul T. Q.uinctius 
 Flamininus succeeded in gaining over the Achaean league to the 
 Koman alliance ; and as the iEtulians iiad ])reviously deserted 
 Philip, both these })owers fought for a short time on the same 
 side. In 197 the struggle between the Itomans and Philij) was 
 brought to a termination by the battle of Cynoscephala;, near 
 Scotus.sa, in Thcssaly, which decided the fate of the Macedonian 
 monarchy. Philip was obliged to sue for peace, and in the fol- 
 lowing year (190) a treaty was ratihed by which the Macedonians 
 were compelled to renounce their supremacy, to withdraw their 
 garrisons from the Grecian towns, to surrender their fleet, and 
 to pay 1000 talents for the expenses of the war. At the ensuing 
 Isthmian games, Flamininus solemnly proclaimed the freedom 
 of the Greeks, and was received by them with overwhelming joy 
 and gratitude. The Romans, however, still held the fortresses 
 of the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis ; and it was not 
 till 194 that they showed any real intention of carrying out their 
 promises by withdrawing their armies from Greece. 
 
 ^ 13. The yEtolians, dissatisfied with these arrangements, en- 
 deavoured to persuade Isabis, who had succeeded Machanidas 
 as tyrant of tSparta, Anticchus 111., king of Syria, as well as 
 Philip, to enter into a league against the Romans. But Anli- 
 ochus alone, at whose court Hannibal was then residing as a 
 refugee, ventured to listen to these overtures. He passed over 
 into Greece with a wholly inadequate force, and was defeated by 
 the Romans at Thermopylie (b.c. 191). The .^Itolians were now 
 compelled to make head against the Romans by themselves. 
 After some ineffectual attempts at resistance, they were reduced 
 to sue for peace, which they at length obtained, but on the most 
 humiliating conditions (b.c. Ib9). These, as dictated to them 
 in Ambracia, by M. Fulvius Nobilior, differed but little from an 
 unconditional surrender. They were required to acknowledge 
 the supremacy of Rome, to renounce all the conquests they had 
 recently made, to pay an indenuiity of 500 talents, and to engage 
 in future to aid the Romans in their wars. The power of" the 
 JEtolian league was thus for ever crushed, though it seems to 
 have existed, in name at least, till a much later period.
 
 B.C. 197. BATTLE OF CYNOSCEPH.\L^. 675 
 
 ^ 14. The Aclisean league still subsisted, but Avas destined 
 before long to experience the same fate as its rival. At first, 
 indeed, it enjoyed the protection of the Romans, and even ac- 
 quired an extension of members through their influence, but this 
 protectorate involved a state of almost absolute dependence. 
 PhilopcEmen also had succeeded, in the year 102, in adding 
 Sparta to the League, which now embraced the whole of Pelo- 
 ponnesus. But Sparta having displayed symptoms of insubor- 
 duiation, Philopoemen marched against it in 168, and captured 
 the city ; when he put to death eighty of the leading men, com- 
 manded all the inhabitants who had been enfranchised by the 
 recent tyrants to leave the place by a fixed day, razed the walls 
 and fortifications, abolished the institutions of Lycurgus, and 
 compelled the citizens to adopt the democratic constitution of 
 the Achaeans. Meanwhile, the Romans regarded with satisfac- 
 tion the internal dissensions of Greece, which they foresaw 
 Avould only render her an easier prey, and neglected to answer 
 the appeals of the Spartans for protection. In 183 the Mes- 
 seiiians, under the leadership of Dinocrates, having revolted from 
 the league, PhilopcEmen, who had now attained the age of 70, led 
 au expedition against them ; but having fallen from his horse in 
 a skirmish of cavalry, he was captured, and conveyed with many 
 circumstances of ignominy to Messene, where, after a sort of 
 mock trial, he was executed. His fate was avenged by Lycortas, 
 the commauder of the Aehaian cavalrj^, the father of the histo- 
 rian Polybius. In the following year, Lycortas, now Strategus, 
 captured Messene, and having compelled those who had been 
 concerned in the death of Philopoemen to put an end to their own 
 lives, conveyed the ashes of that general to Megalopolis, where 
 they were interred with heroic honours. 
 
 ^ 15. In B.C. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son 
 Perseus, the last monarch of Macedonia. The latter years of the 
 reign of Philip had been spent in preparations for a renewal of 
 the war, which he foresaw to be inevitable ; and when Perseus 
 ascended the throne, he found himself amply provided with men 
 and money for the impending contest. But, whether from a 
 sincere desire of peace, or from irresolution of character, he 
 sought to avert an open rupture as long as possible, and one of 
 the first acts of his reign was to obtain I'rom the Romans a 
 renewal of the treaty which they had concluded with his 
 lather. It is probable that neither party was sincere in the con- 
 clusion of this peace, at least neither could entertain any hope 
 of its duration ; yet a period of seven years elapsed before the 
 mutual enmity of the two powei'S broke out into open hostilities. 
 Meanwhile, Perseus was not idle ; he secured the attachment of
 
 57fi IIISTOllY or OREFX'E. Ciiai-. XLVL 
 
 his Fiibjcnls by oquitaljlo and popular mcafiurcs, and fanned 
 alliances not only with the (irecks and the Asiatic ])rince.<, but 
 also Avith the Thracian, lllyriaii, and Celtic tribes which Hur- 
 rovuided his dominions. The Romans naturally viewed these 
 proccedinfjs with jealousy and suspicion ; and at lenfrth, in 172, 
 Perseus was formally accused belbre the Kornan eenate, by Eu- 
 menes, king of" Pergarnus, in person, of entertaining hostile dc- 
 sipfus apainst the Kornan ])ower. The murder of Euinenes near 
 Delj)hi, on his return homewards, of which Perseus was susfjected, 
 aggravated the feeling against hiin at Rome, and in the follow- 
 ing year war was declared against liim. 
 
 Perseus was at tlie head of a luuncrous and wcU-apjjointed 
 army, but of all his allies, only Cotys, king of the Odrysians, 
 ventured to support him against so if)rmidable a foe. Yet the 
 war was protracted three years without any decisive result ; nay, 
 the balance of success seemed on the whole to incline in favour 
 of Perseus, and many states, wdiicli before were wavering, now 
 showed a disposition to join his cause. But his ill-timed parsi- 
 mony restrained him from taking advantage of their otlers, and 
 in 168 the arrival of the consul, L. ^milius Paulus, completely 
 changed the aspect of affairs. Perseus was driven from a strong 
 position which he had taken up on the banks of the Enipeus, 
 forced to retreat to Pydna, and finally to accept an engagement 
 near that town. At first the serried ranks of the phalanx 
 seemed to promise superiority ; but its order having been broken 
 by the inequalities of the ground, the Roman legionaries pene- 
 trated into the disordered mass, and committed fearful carnage, 
 to the extent, it is said, of 20,000 men. Perseus fled first to 
 Pella, then to Amphipolis, and finally to the sanctuary of the 
 sacred island of Samothrace, but was at length obliged to sur- 
 render himself to a Roman squadron. He was carried to Rome 
 to adorn the triumph of" Paulus (107), and was afterwards cast 
 into a dungeon ; from whence, however, he was liberated at the 
 intercession of his conqueror, and permitted to spend the re- 
 mainder of his life in a sort of honourable captivitj' at Alba. 
 Such was the end of the Macedonian empire, which was now 
 divided into four districts, each under the jurisdiction of an oli- 
 garchical council. 
 
 M6. The Roman commissioners deputed to arrange the 
 affairs of Macedonia did not confine their attention to that pro- 
 vince, but evinced their designs of bringing all Cxreece under the 
 Roman sway. In these views they were assisted by various 
 despots and traitors in diflerent Grecian cities, and especially by 
 Callicrates, a man of great influence among the Achaans. and 
 who for many years lent himself as the base tool of the Romans
 
 B.C. 168. CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA. 511 
 
 to eflect the enslavement of his countiy. After the fall of Ma- 
 cedonia, Callicrates denounced more than a thousand leading 
 Achseans who had favoured the cause of Perseus. These, among 
 whom was Polybius the historian, were ajiprehended and sent 
 to Home for trial. Polyhms was one of the survivors, who, 
 after a captivity of seventeen years, were permitted to return to 
 their native country. A still harder fate was experienced by 
 JEtolia, Boeotia, Acarnania, and Epiinis. In the last-named 
 country, especially, no fewer than seveiity of the principal tov/ns 
 were abandoned by Paulus to his soldiers lor pillage, and 150, OOU 
 persons are said to have been sold into slavery. 
 
 ^17. An obscure quarrel between Athens and Oropus Avas the 
 remote cause which at length aflbrded the Romans a pretence 
 for crushing the small remains of Grecian independence by the 
 destruction of the Achajan league. For some time Athens had 
 been reduced to a sort of political mendicancy, and was often 
 fain to seek assistance in her distress from the bounty of the 
 Eastern princes or of the Ptolemies of Egypt. In the year 156 
 the poverty of the Athenians became so urgent, that they were 
 induced to make a piratical expedition against Oropus lor the 
 purposes of pluiider. On the complaint of the Oropians the 
 Roman Senate assigned the adjudication of the matter to the 
 Sicyonians, who condemned the Athenians to pay the large fine 
 of 500 talents. In order to obtain a mitigation of this fine the 
 Athenians despatched to Rome (in 151) the celebrated embassy 
 of the three philosophers — Diogenes the Stoic, Critolaiis the 
 Peripatetic, and Carneades, the founder of the third Academy. 
 The amba.ssadors wei'c nominally successful, since they obtained 
 a reduction of the fine to 100 talents ; a sum, however, still 
 much greater than the Athenians were iir a condition to pay. 
 The subsequent relations between Athens and Oropus are ob- 
 .scure ; but in 150 we find the Oropians complaining of a fresh 
 aggression, which consisted in an attack upon seme of their citi- 
 zens by the Athenian soldiers. On this occasion the Oropians 
 appealed for protection to the Achsean league, which, however, 
 at first declined to interfere. The Oropians now bribed a Spar- 
 tan named Menalcidas, who w^as at that time Strategus, with a 
 present of 10 talents ; and Menalcidas employed the corrupt in- 
 fluence of Callicrates to procure tlie intervention of the league. 
 Menalcidas having subsequently defrauded Callicrates of the sum 
 which he had promised him, the latter accused him of having 
 advised the Romans during his administration to eflect the 
 detachment of Sparta from the league. Menalcidas escaped 
 condemnation by bribing Diaius, his successor in the office of 
 Strategus. But such was the obloquy incurred by iJiaus tluougli 
 
 2C
 
 578 HISTORY OF ORKKCE. Chap. XLVL 
 
 this Iransaclioii, lliat in order to divert })iiblic attention from 
 himsell', he incited tlie Acha-ans 1o violent rneaHures a»rainst 
 Sparta, wliich ultimately involved the leaf,nie in a fatal 8tni<:gle 
 with Rome. His pretext l<)r makinff war on the Sjjartans was, 
 that instead of appealing to the leaf.nic respecting a boundary 
 question, as they ought to have done, they had violated its laws 
 by sending a private embassy to Rome. 
 
 ^ 18. The tSpartans, feeling themselves incompetent to resist 
 this attack, appealed to the Romans ibr assistance ; and in 147 
 two Roman commissioners were gent to Greece to settle these 
 disputes. These commissioners decided that not only Sparta, 
 but Corinth, and all the other cities, except those of Achaia, 
 should be restored to their inde})eiidence. This decision occa- 
 sioned serious riots at Corinth. All the Spartans in the town 
 wei-e seized, and even the Roman commissioners narrowly es- 
 caped violence. On their return to Rome a fresh embassv was 
 des{)atched to demand satisfaction for these outrages. But the 
 violent and impolitic conduct of Critolaiis, then Strategus of the 
 league, rendered all attempts at accommodation fruitless, and 
 after the return of the ambassadors the Senate declared war 
 against the league. The cowardice and incompetence of Crito- 
 laiis as a general were only equalled by his previous insolence. 
 On the approach of the Romans under Metellus from Macedonia 
 he did not even venture to make a stand at Thermopylae ; and 
 being overtaken by them near Scarphea in Locris, he was totally 
 defeated, and never agaiii heard of Dia?us, who succeeded him 
 as Strategus, displayed rather more energy and courage. But a 
 fresh Roman force vinder Mummius having landed on the isth- 
 mus, Dia3us was overthrown in a battle near Corinth ; and that 
 city was immediately evacuated not only by the troops of the 
 league, but also by the greater part of the inhabitants. On 
 entering it Mummius put the few males who remained to the 
 sword ; sold the women and children as slaves ; and having car- 
 ried away all its treasures, consigned it to the flames (u.c. 14G). 
 Corinth was tilled with masterpieces of ancient art ; but Mum- 
 mius was so insensible of their surpassing excellence, as to 
 stipulate Avith those who contracted to convey thern to Italy, 
 that if any were lost in the passage, they should be replaced by 
 others of equal value I Mummius then employed himself in 
 chastising and regulating the whole of Greece ; and ten commis- 
 sioners were sent from Rome to settle its future condition. The 
 whole country, to the borders of Macedonia and Epirus, waa 
 formed into a Roman province, under the name of Achaia, de- 
 rived from that confederacy which had made the last struggle 
 for its political existence.
 
 Group of the Laocoon. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 HISTORY OF GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAM 
 WAR TO' ITS DECLINE. 
 
 § 1. Latei' school of Athenian sculpture. §2. Scopas. §3. Praxiteles. 
 §4. Sicyonian school of sculpture. Euphranor, Lj^sippus. 8 5. Sicyo- 
 nian school of painting. Eupompus, Phamphilus, Apelles. §6. Archi- 
 tecture. § 7. Period after Alexander tlie Great. School of Rhodes. 
 § 8. Plunder of Greek works of art by the Romans. 
 
 ^ 1. After the close of the Pelopomiesian war, what is called 
 the second or later school of Attic sculpture still continued to 
 assert its pre-eminence. In style and character, however, it pre- 
 sented a marked difference from the school of the preceding 
 age. The excitement and misfortunes which had attended the 
 war had worked a gi-eat change in the Athenians. This was 
 communicated to their works of art, which now manifested 
 an expression of stronger passion and of deeper feeling. The 
 serene ajid composed majesty which had marked the gods 
 and heroes of the earlier artists altogether vanished. The new 
 school of sculptures preferred to take other deities for their sub- 
 jects than those which had been selected by their predecessors ; 
 and Jove, Hera, and Athena gave place to gods, characterized bjl
 
 680 HISTORY OF GRKKCE. Chap. XLVU 
 
 more violoiil fbeliiij^.s .'iiid jjassioiis, sucli ;is Dionysus, Aphrodite, 
 and J'hos These fbriiied the favorite subjeets of" llie later 
 Athenian school, and received Iroiii it that stamp and character 
 of repn.'sentation which they retann'd througli the succeeding 
 period of classic art. A change is al.so observable in the ma- 
 terials employed, and in the technical handhng of them. The 
 magnificently adorned chnjuo-dcphdnlinc statues almost wliolly 
 disappear ; marble becomes more I'requently used, especially by 
 the Athenian statuaries, and the whole execution is softer and 
 more (lowing. 
 
 S 2. The only two artists of this school whom it will be neces- 
 sary to mention are Scopas and Praxiteles. Scopas was a native 
 of Paros, and flourished in the fir.st half of the fourth century 
 B.C. His exact date can not be ascertained, nor is there any- 
 thing known of his life, except iu connexion with his works, of 
 which soma specimens still remain. Among these arc the bas- 
 reliefs on the frieze of the perystyle which surrounded the Mau- 
 soleum, or tomb of Mausolus, at Halicarnassus {Budnon), some 
 of which are now dcpasited iu the British Mu.seum {Budrum 
 Marbles). Their style is very similar to that of the sculptures 
 on the frieze of the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, which is 
 of the sam3 period of art.* Both are of high excellence, but 
 inferior to the frieze of the Parthenon. Scopas, however, was 
 more famous for single statues and detached groups than for 
 architc^-tural sculpture. His statues of Aphrodite were very 
 fcelebrffted in antiquity. That of the victorious Ajihrodito (Venus 
 victrixj in the Louvre at Paris is ascribed to his chisel by many 
 competent judges. But the most esteemed of all his works was 
 a group representing Achilles conducted by the marine deities to 
 the island of L3uce. It consisted of figures of Poseidon, Thetis, 
 and Achilles, surrounded by Nereids on dolphins, huge fishes 
 and hippocampi, and attended by Tritons and sea-monsters. In 
 the treatment of the subject heroic grandeur is said to have 
 been combined with grace. A group better known in modem 
 times, from a copy of it preserved in the Museum at Florence, is 
 that of Niobe and her children slain by the hands of Artemis 
 and ApoUo.f There can be no doubt that it filled the pediment 
 of a temple. At a later period it was preserved in tlie temple of 
 Apollo Sosianus at Rome, but it was a disputed point among the 
 Romans whether it was from the hands of Scopas or Praxiudes. 
 In the noble forms of the countenances grief and despair are 
 protrayed without distortion. Another celebrated Avork of Scopas 
 was the statue of the Pythian Apollo playing on the lyre, which 
 
 * See bolo-w, \\ 584. f Sec drawiusr on p. .552.
 
 Chap. XLVII. ' SCOPAS. PRAXITELES. 581 
 
 Augustus placed in the temple which he built to Apollo on the 
 Palatine, in thanksgiving for his victory at Actiurn. The copy 
 of this statue in the Vatican is figured on p. 551. Scopas was 
 an architect as well as a statuary, and built the temple of 
 Athena Alea at Tagea, in Arcadia, one of the largest and most 
 magnificent in the Peloponnesus. 
 
 ^ 3. Praxiteles was contemporary with Scopas, though perhaps 
 somewhat younger. Nothing is positively known of his history, 
 except that he was at least a citizen, if not a native, of Athens, 
 and that his career as an artist was intimately coiniectcd with 
 that city. He excelled in representing the softer beauties of the 
 human form, and especially the female figure. But art had now 
 sunk from its lofty and ideal majesty. The Cnidian Aphrodite, 
 the master-piece of Praxiteles, expressed only sensual charms, 
 and was avowedly modelled from the courtesan Phryne. Yet 
 such was its excellence that many made a voyage to C nidus on 
 purpose to behold it; and so highly did the Cnidians prize it, 
 that they refused to part with it to king Nicomedes, although he 
 offered to pay off their public debt in exchange for it. In this 
 work Aphrodite was represented either as just entering or just 
 quitting the bath ; and it is said to have been the first instance 
 in which any artist had ventured to represent the goddess en- 
 tirely divested of drapery. At the same time he made a draped 
 statue of the goddess lor the Coans, which however never enjoyed 
 so much reputation as the former, though Praxiteles obtained 
 the same prjce for it. He also made two statues of Eros, one of 
 which he deemed his masterpiece. It is related that in his fond- 
 ness for Phryne he promised to give her any statue she might 
 choose, but was unwilling to tell her which he considered his 
 masterpiece. In order to ascertain this point Phryne sent a 
 message to Praxiteles that his house was on fire ; at which news 
 he rushed out exclaiming that he was undone if the fire had 
 touched his Satyr or his Eros. He also excelled in representing 
 Dionysus with his fauns and satyrs. A statue of Apollo, known 
 as Apollo Sauroctonos, or the lizard-killer, was among his most 
 famous pieces. It was in bronze, and numerous copies of it arc 
 still extant. 
 
 ^ 4. The later Athenian school of sculpture was succeeded by 
 the Sicyonian school. It is characterised by representations of 
 heroic strength and of the form of athleta-, and by a striving 
 after the colossal. Its chief artists were Euphranor and Lysippus. 
 Euphranor was a native of the Corinthian isthmus, but practised 
 his art at Athens. He appears to have flourished during the 
 time of Philip of Macedon, and beyond the period of Alexander's 
 accession. He excelled in painting as well as in statuary. He
 
 082 HISTORY OF GREECR Ciui-. XI.VII. 
 
 exccntfd finfurcs in lironzc and rnarhlo r)f all si/x's, from a drink- 
 ing-cnp 1o a rol(JH.sal Ktaluo. Oik; of liis imwl celebralud works 
 was a staluo of I'aris. Ly.sippns wan a native of Sicyon, and 
 nourished durinf^ the; reijrn of Alexander the Great. He was 
 ori<jinally a mere workman iii bronze, but through his freniuif 
 and a sedulous study oi' nature rose to the hif.die.st eminence as 
 a statuarj'. He Ibllowed the school ol" Polycletus, who.se Dory- 
 phorus formed his standard model ; but by thi.s course of study 
 the ideal of art was sacrificed to the merely natural. Hercules, 
 a human hero, was the favourite subject of his chisel ; but he 
 deviated from former models, in which Hercules was endow'ed 
 with ponderous strenfrth, and represented him as characteri.sed 
 by strength and agility combined. This type Avas adopted by 
 subsequent artists. The celebrated Farnese Hercules in the 
 Museum at Najdes is probably a copy of one of his works. 
 Lysippus excelled in portraits; in which department he also 
 adhered to his principles of art, and followed nature so closely 
 as to portray even the defects of his subjects. Thus, in his 
 busts of Alexander, he did not omit his wry neck. Neverthe- 
 less, that monarch was so pleased with his performances, that 
 he forbade anybody but Lysippus and Apelles to represent him. 
 The most renowned of Lysippus's statues cf Alexander was that 
 which represented him brandisliing a lance, and which was re- 
 garded as a companion to the picture of Apelles, in which he 
 wielded a thunderbolt. 
 
 It has been observed that the features of Alexander per\-ade 
 most of the heroic statues of this period. Lysippus worked 
 principally in bronze. One of his most celebrated productions 
 was an equestrian gi'oup of the chieftains who fell at the battle 
 of the Granicus. His works were veiy numerous, and are said 
 tp have amounted to 1500. 
 
 ^ 5. AYith regard to painting, the Asiatic school of Zeuxis and 
 Parrhasius was also succeeded by a Sicyonian school, of which 
 Eupompus may be considered as the founder. He was excelled, 
 however, by his pupil Pamphilus, w ho was renowned as a teacher 
 of his art, and founded a sort of academy. His period of in- 
 struction extended over ten years, and his fee was a talent. 
 The school of Pamphilus produced several celebrated artists, of 
 whom Apelles was by far the greatest. 
 
 Apelles seems to haA"e been a native of Colophon, in Ionia; 
 but, as we have said, he studied ten years midcr Pamphilus at 
 Amphipolis ; and subsequently, even after he had attained some 
 reputation, under Melanthius at Sicyon. • Thus to the grace and 
 elegance of the Ionic school he added the scientific accuracy of 
 the Sicyonian. The greater part of his life seems to have been
 
 Chap. XLYIL APELLES. 683 
 
 spent at the court of Pella. He was warmly patronised by Alex- 
 ander, who frequently visited his studio, and, as mentioned 
 before, granted him the exclusive privilege of painting his por- 
 trait. In one of these visits Alexander began to descant on 
 art, but exposed his ignorance so much that Apelles gave him a 
 polite hint to be silent, as the boys who were grinding the 
 colours were laughing at him. He appears to have accompanied 
 Alexander in his eastern expedition, and after the death of that 
 monarch to have travelled through the western parts of Asia. 
 He spent the latter part of his life at the court of king Ptolemy 
 in Egypt. The character of Apelles presents us with traits quite 
 the reverse of the silly vanity of Zeuxis. He was always ready 
 to acknowledge his own faults, as well as the merits of others. 
 In fact, there was only one point in which he asserted his supe- 
 riority over his contemporaries, namely, grace ; and there can be 
 no doubt that this was no vain assumption. He was not ashamed 
 to learn from the humblest critics. With this vicAV he was 
 accustomed to exhibit his unfinished pictures before his house, 
 and to conceal himself behind them in order to hear the cri- 
 ticisms of the passers by. On one of these occasions a cobbler 
 detected a fault in the shoes of one of his figures, which Apelles 
 corrected. The next time he passed, the cobbler, encouraged 
 by the success of his criticism, began to remark upon the leg ; 
 at which the artist lost all patience, and rushing from behind his 
 picture, commanded the cobbler to keep to his shoes. Hence 
 the proverb, " Ne sutor ultra crepidam," — let the cobbler stick 
 to his last. His conduct towards his contemporary Protogenes 
 of Rhodes exhibits a generosity not always found among rival 
 artists. On arriving at Rhodes, Apelles saw that the works of 
 Protogenes were scarcely at all valued by his countrymen ; where- 
 upon he offered him fifty talents for one of his pictures, at the 
 same time spreading the report that he meant to sell it again as 
 one of his own. Apelles studied with the greatest industry, and 
 always went on trying to improve himself; yet he knew Avhen 
 to leave off correcting his pictures, and laid it down as a maxim 
 that over care often spoiled a piece. His pictures seem to have 
 been chiefly on moveable panels, and he was probably the first 
 who used a sort of varnish to his pictures with an efiect some- 
 what similar to that of the modern toning or glazing. He gene- 
 rally painted single figures, or groups of only a few. He excelled 
 in portraits, among the most celebrated of which was that 
 already mentioned of Alexander wielding the thunderbolt. The 
 hand which held it seemed to stand out of the panel ; and, in 
 order to heighten this efiect of foreshortening, Alexander's com- 
 plexion was made dark, though in reality it was light. The
 
 684 TTTSTOllY OF OREErE. Chap. XL^'IL 
 
 price paid for this ])ictiirt' was twenty taU-iils. But tlie most 
 afhiiiriul of all liis ])aiiiliii'rs was tlin " Aphrodite (VeiiUr) Aiia- 
 dyoincno " * or A])liro(ht6 risiiij,' iioiii ihe Sea. Tlic froddess 
 was represented wriii;riii<r licr hair, whilst the falling drops lifnned 
 a veil around her. It was orifzinally j)ainted l(»r the teinj)]e of 
 jEsculapius at Cos, and was afterwards j)laeed hy Au<rufttus in 
 the temple wliieli lie dedicated to .lulius Ca-.-ar at Home. Anotlier 
 p figure of Aphrodite, also painted for the Coans, Apelles left incom- 
 plete at his death, and nohody could he found to finish it. By 
 the general consent of the ancients Apelles was the first of paint- 
 ers, and some of the later Latin poets use his name as a synonyme 
 for the art itself. 
 
 ^ 6. The architecture of this period was marked rather by 
 the laying out of cities in a nobler and more convenient fashion, 
 and by the increase of splendour in jirivate residences, than by 
 any improvement in the style of public buildings and temples. 
 The conquests of Alexander caused the foundation of new cities, 
 and introduced into the East the architecture of Greece. The 
 two finest examples of cities which arose in this manner were 
 Alexandria in Egypt, and Antioch in Syria. The regularity of its 
 plan, the colossal size of its public buildings, and the beauty and 
 solidity of its private hou.ses, rendered Alexandria a .sort of model 
 city ; yet it was ])robably su-passed by Antioch in the pleasing 
 nature of the impre.<.siou produced. The fittings and furniture 
 of the apartments kept pace with the increased external splen- 
 dour of private dwellings. Tliis age was also distinguished by 
 its splendid sepulchral monuments : the one to the memory cf 
 her husband Mausolus, erected at Halicarnassus, by the Carian 
 queen Artemisia, was regarded as one of the seven wonders cf 
 the world. It was adorned with sculptural decorations by the 
 greatest artists of the later Attic school. (Seep. 580.) At the 
 same time temple architecture was not neglected ; but the simple 
 and solid grandeur of the Doric order, and the chaste grace of 
 the Ionic, began to give place to the more florid Corinthian. 
 
 One of the most graceful monmnents of this period still 
 extant is the Choragic Monument of Lysicratcs, at Athens, 
 vulgarly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, which was dedicated 
 by Lysicrates in c.c. 335, as we learn from an inscription on the 
 architrave, in conuiiemoration of a victor}' gained by the chorus 
 of Lysicrates in the dramatic contests. It is a small circular 
 building on a square basement, of white marble, and covered by 
 a cupola, supported by six Corinthian columns : the summit of 
 the cupola was formerly crowiied by the tripod, which Lysicrates 
 
 * 7/ dvaSvofievTj 'kopodinj.
 
 Chap. XLVII. ARCHITECTURR 585 
 
 had gained as the prize. The frieze of the monument, of which 
 there are casts in the British Museum, represents tlie destruction 
 of the Tyrrhenian pirates by Dionysus and his attendants. A 
 drawing of the monument is given on p. 43 i, and portions of 
 the irieze are figured on pp. 455, 45C. Another extant monu- 
 ment of this period at Athens is the Horologium of Andronicus 
 Cyrrhestes, probably erected about b.c. 100, and vulgarly called 
 the " Temple of the "Winds," from the figures of the Winds upon 
 its faces. It is an octagonal tower, with its eight sides facing 
 respectively the direction of the eight winds into which the 
 Athenian compass was divided. The directions of the several 
 sides are indicated by the figures and names of the eiglit winds, 
 which were sculptured on the frieze of the entablature. On 
 the summit of the building there stood originally a bronze fig- 
 ure of a Triton, holding a wand in his right hand, and turning 
 on a pivot, so as to sen-e for a weathercock. (See drawing on 
 p. G43.) 
 
 ^ 7. After the age of Alexander, Greek art began visibly to 
 decline. The great artists that had gone before had fixed the 
 ideal types of the ordinary subjects of the sculptor and painter, 
 and thus in a manner exhausted invention ; whilst all the tech- 
 nical details of handling and treatment had been brought to the 
 highest state of perfection and development. The attempt to 
 outdo the great masterpieces which already existed induced ar- 
 tists to depart from the simple grace of the ancient models, and 
 to replace it by striking and theatrical eflect. The pomp of the 
 monarchs who had divided amongst them the empire of Alexan- 
 der required a display of eastern magnificence, and thus also led 
 to a meretricious style in art. Nevertheless, it was impossible 
 that the innate excellence of the Greek schools should disappear 
 altogether and at once. The perfect models that were always 
 present could not fail to preserve a certain degree of taste ; and 
 even after the time of Alexander, we find many works of great 
 excellence produced. Art, however, began to emigrate from 
 Greece to the coasts and islands of Asia Minor : Rhodes, espe- 
 cially, remained an eminent school of art almost down to the 
 Christian era. This school was an immediate oflshcot of that 
 of Lysippus, and its chief founder was the Rhcdian Chares, who 
 flourished about the beginning of the third century B.C. His 
 most noted work was the statue of the Sun, which, under the 
 name of the Colossus of Rhodes, was esteemed one of the seven 
 wonders of the world. It was of bronze, and 105 feet high. It 
 stood at the entrance of the harbour of Rhodes ; but the state- 
 ment that its legs extended over the mouth of the harbour does 
 not rest on any authentic foundation. It was twelve years in 
 
 2c*
 
 ^8G HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVIL 
 
 eri'ctiiig, at a cost of !500 talents, and was so larf,'o that tlifrc 
 wurc few who (!oul(l embrace its thumb. It wa.s overthrown hy 
 an earthquake 50 years after its erection. But tlie most beau- 
 tiful work of tlie llhodian school at this period is the famous 
 group of the Laocoon in the Vatican, so well known by its many 
 copies. (8cc drawing on p. 57i).) It was the work of three 
 .sculptors, Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus. In this group 
 the pathos of physical sullering is expressed in the highest de- 
 gree, but not without a certain theatrical air and straining for 
 efiect, which the best age ot" fireek art would have rejected. 
 To the same school belongs the celebrated group called the Far- 
 ue.sian bull, in the Museum at Naples, representing Zethus and 
 Amphioa binding Dircc to a wild bull, in order to avenge their 
 mother. (Sec drawing on j). 50 1.) It was the work of two 
 brothers, ApoUouius and Tauriscus of Tralles. About the same 
 time eminent schools of art flourished at Pergamus and Ephesus. 
 To the former may be referred the celebrated dying gladiator in 
 the Capitoline Museum at Home, and to the latter the Borghese 
 gladiator in the Louvre. The Avell-known statue of Aphrodite 
 at Florence, called the " Venus de Medici," also belongs to the 
 same period. It was executed by an Athenian artist named 
 Cleomenes, whose exact date is unknown, but who lived before 
 the capture of Corinth, in B.C. 146. 
 
 ^ 8. When Greece began to fall into the hands of the Romans, 
 the treasures of Greek art were conveyed by degrees to Rome, 
 where ultimately a new school arose. The triumphs over Phil- 
 ip, Antiochus, the iEtolians, and others, but, above all, the cap- 
 ture of Corinth, and, sub.sequently, the victories over Mithridates 
 and Cleopatra, filled Rome with works of art. The Roman 
 generals, the governors of provinces (as Verres), and finallv, the 
 emperors, continued the work of spoliation ;* but so prodigious 
 was the number of works of art in Greece, that, even in the 
 second century of the Christian era, when Pausanias visited it, 
 its temples and other public buildings were still crowded with 
 statueo and paintings. 
 
 * Nero aloiio is said to have brought 500 statues from Delphi, merely 
 to adorn his golden house.
 
 Bust of Aristotle. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 GRECIAN LITERATURE FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN 
 WAR TO THE LATEST PERIOD. 
 
 § 1. The drama. The Middle comedy. Tlie New comedy : Philemon, 
 Menander. § 2. Oratory. Circumstances which favoured it at Athens. 
 § 3. Its Sicilian origin. § 4. The ten Attic orators : Antiphon, Ando- 
 cides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isseus.^schines, Lycurgus,Demosthenes,Hype- 
 rides, and Dinarehus. § 5. Athenian philosophj-, Plato. § 6. Sketch 
 of his philosophy. § 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics^ and Cynics. § 8. The 
 Academicians. § 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. §" 10. The Stoics 
 and Epicureans, g 11. The Alexandrian school of literature. § 12. Later 
 Greek writers: Polybius, Dionysiusof Halicarnassus, DiodorusSiculus, 
 Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion Cassius, 
 Lucian, Galen. § 13. The Greek Scriptures and Fathers, Conclusion. 
 
 M. In reviewing the preceding period of Greek literature, we 
 have already had occasion to notice the decline of tragedy at 
 Athens. It continued, indeed, still to subsist ; but after the great 
 tragic triumvirate we have no authors who have come down to 
 us, or whose works were at all comparable to those of their 
 predecessors. There are, however, a lew names that should be 
 recorded ; as that of Agathon, the contemporary and I'rieud of 
 Euripides, whose compositions were more remarkable for their 
 flowery elegance than for force or sublimity : ot" lophon, the 
 son of Sophocles, whose undutiful conduct towards his father 
 has been already mentioned, the author of 50 tragedies, which 
 gained considerable reputation : of Sophocles, the grandson of 
 the great tragic poet : and of a second Euripides, the nephew of 
 the celebrated one. With regard to comedy the case was dif- 
 ferent. After the days of Aristo{)hanes it took, indeed, a
 
 588 HISTORY OF GREECE Chai-. XLVIIL 
 
 wholly (lifrereiit form ; but a form wliioli rendered it a more 
 ])orfect imitation of nature, and establislied it a.s the model of 
 that species of compo.sitiou in every civilized nation of after- 
 times. We have already noticed, in tin- j)lay.s of Arislojdianes 
 himself, a tran.siticju irom lhe frenuine Old Comedy to the Midille 
 Comedy. The latter .still continued to l>e in some deforce po- 
 litical ; but persons were no lonj^er introduced upon the stage 
 under their real names, and the oflicc of the chc^rus was very 
 miuch curtailed. It wa.s, in fact, the connecting link between 
 tha Old Comedy and the Kew, or tlie Comedy of Manners. 
 The most distinguished authors of the Middle Comedy, besides 
 Aristophanes, were Autiphanes and Alexis. The New Comedy 
 arose after Athens had become subject to the Macedonfans. 
 Politics were now excluded from the stage, and the materials 
 of the dramatic poet were derived entirely from the fictitious 
 adventures of persons in private life. The two most distin- 
 guished writers of this school were Philemon and Menander. 
 Philemon was probably born about the year 360 B.C., and was 
 either a Cilicuan or Syracusan, but came at an early age to 
 Athens. He is considered as the founder of the New Comedy, 
 which was soon afterwards brought to perfection by his younger 
 contemporary Menander. Philemon was a j)rolific author, and is 
 said to have written 97 plays, of which only a few fragments 
 remain. INIenander was an Athenian, and was born in b.c. 3-12. 
 Diopithes, his father, commanded the Athenian Ibrces on the 
 Hellespont, and was the person defended by Demosthenes in one 
 of his extant speeches.* Menander was handsome in person, 
 and of a serene and easy temper, but luxurious and etFeminate 
 in his habits. Demetrius Phalerus M'as his friend and patron. 
 He was drowned at the age of 52, whilst swimming in the har- 
 bour of Piraeus. He wrote upwards of 100 comedies ; yet during 
 his lifetime his dramatic career was not so successiul as his 
 subsequent fame would seem to promise, and he gained the prize 
 only eight times. The broader humour of liis rival Philemon 
 seems to have told with more eflect on the popular ear. But 
 the unanimous praise of posterity made ample compensation for 
 this injurious neglect, and awakens our regret for the loss of one 
 of the most elegant writers of antiquity. The number of his 
 fragments, collected fi'om the writings of various authors, show 
 how extensively he was read ; but unfortunately none are of 
 sufficient length to convey to us an adequate idea of his style 
 and genius. The comedies, indeed, of Plautus and Terence may 
 give us a general notion of the New Comedy of the Greeks, from 
 
 * JleQL Tuv ev \eQC!ovrja<f).
 
 CnAP. XLVIII. THE KEW COMEDY. 689 
 
 which they were confessedly drawn ; but there is good reason to 
 suppose that the works even of the latter Roman writer fell far 
 short of the wit and elegance of Menander. 
 
 ^ 2. The latter days of literary Athens were chiefly distin- 
 guished by the genius of her orators and philosophers. Both 
 rhetoric and philosophy were at iirst cultivated exclusively by 
 the sophists, and, till the time of Socrates, remained almost 
 entirely in their hands. Socrates, by directing the attention of 
 philosophers to the more useful questions of morals, eliected a 
 separation between rhetoric and philosophy. After his time we 
 find Ararious schools of moral philosophy springing up, as the 
 Academicians, Peripatetics, Stoics, &c., whilst the more technical 
 part of the art of speaking became a distinct profession. 
 
 The extreme demoeratical nature of the Athenian institutions, 
 esjjecially after the reforms of Pericles, rendered it indispensable 
 for a public man to possess some oratorical skill. All public 
 business, both political and judicial, was transacted by the citi- 
 zens themselves in their courts and public assemblies. The 
 assembly of the people decided all questions not only of domestic 
 policy, but even those which concerned their foreign relations. 
 They not only made but administered the laws ; and even their 
 covirts of justice must be regarded as a sort of public assem- 
 blies, from the number of dicasts who composed them. The 
 vast majority of those who met either in the public assemblies 
 or in the courts of justice were men of no political or legal 
 training. The Athenian citizen was a statesman and a judge by 
 prerogative of birth. Although he took an oath to decide ac- 
 cording to the laws, he was far from considering himself bound 
 to make them his study, or to decide according to their letter. 
 The frequency and earnestness with which the orators remind 
 the dicasts of their oath betray their apprehension of its viola- 
 tion. It contained, indeed, a very convenient clause for tender 
 consciences, as it only bound the dicast to decide according to 
 the best of his judgment ; and the use which might be made 
 of this loophole by a clever advocate is pointed out by Aris- 
 totle.* Hence it is surprising how little influence the written 
 code had on the decision of a case. The orators usually drew 
 their topics from extraneous circumstances, or from the general 
 character of their adversary, and endeavoured to prtvjudice the 
 minds of their audience by personal reflections wholly foreign 
 to the matter in hand, and which modern courts would not 
 tolerate for a moment. In addition to all this, the natural tem- 
 perament of the Athenians rendered them highly susceptible 
 
 * Rlietorie, 1, 15, 5.
 
 6yu HISTORY OF GKEECE. Chap. XLVIIL 
 
 of llic charms of eloquence. They enjoyed the intc-ileclual gla- 
 diatorship of two rival orators, and even their mutual reproaches 
 and abuse. 
 
 \ ',i. It is remarkable, however, that, thonj^h the soil of Attica 
 was thu.s naturally adapted to the cultivation of eloquence, the 
 first regular proles.sors of it, as an art, were fbreij^ners. Prota- 
 goras of Abdera, who visited Athens in the earlier part of the 
 fifth century before Christ, was the first who gave lessons in 
 rhetoric ior money. He was followed hy Prodicus ol" Ceos, and 
 Gorgias of Lcontini ; the latter of whom especially was very 
 celebrated as a teacher of rhetoric. The art, how'ever, had Ixjen 
 establishi'd in Sicily before the time of Gorgias by Corax and his 
 pupil Tisias. Corax has been regarded as the Ibunder of tech- 
 nical oratory, and was at all events the first who wrote a treatise 
 on the subject. The appearance of Gorgias at Athens, whither 
 he went as ambassador from Leontini, in 427 e.g., produced 
 a great sensation among the Athenians, who retained him in 
 their city for the purpose of profiting by his instructions. His 
 lectures were attended by a vast concourse of persons, and at- 
 tracted many from the schools of the philosophers. His merit 
 must have been very great to have drawn so much attention in 
 the best times of Athens ; and we are told by Cicero that he alone 
 of all the sophists Avas honoured with a golden, and not merely 
 a gilt, statue at Delphi. 
 
 § 4. The Athenians had established a native school of elo- 
 quence a little before the appearance of Gorgias among them. 
 The earliest of their professed orators was Antiphou (born B.C. 
 480), Avho stands at the head of the ten contained in the 
 Alexandrian canon. Gorgias seems to have been known at 
 Athens by his works before he appeared there in person ; and 
 one of the chief objects of Autiphon was to estabhsh a more 
 solid style in place of his dazzling and sopliistical rhetoric. 
 Thucydides was among the pupils in the school which he opened, 
 and is said to have owed much to his master. Antiphon was 
 put to death in 411 B.C. for the part which he took in establishing 
 the oligarchy of the Four Hundred. Fifteen of his orations have 
 come down to us. 
 
 The remaining nine Attic orators contained in the Alexandrian 
 canon w'ere Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isa?us, iEschines, Ly- 
 curgus, Demosthenes, Hypcrides, and Dinarchus. Andocides, 
 who has been already mentioned as concerned with Alcibiades in 
 the atf'air of the Herma?,* was born at Athens in B.C. 407, and died 
 probably about 391. We have at least three genuine orations of 
 
 • See p. 334.
 
 Chap. XLVIII. ATHENIAN ORATOEY. 59J 
 
 his, which, howevei', are not distinguished by any particular 
 merit. 
 
 Lysias, also born at Athens in 458, was much superior to 
 him as an orator, but being a metic, or resident alien, he was 
 not allowed to speak in the assemblies or courts of justice, 
 and thei-elbre wrote orations for others to deliver. Of these 35 
 are extant, but some are incomplete, and others probably spu- 
 rious. His style may be regarded as a model of the Attic idiom, 
 and his orations are characterized by indescribable gracefulness, 
 combined with energy and power. 
 
 Isocrates was born in 43G. After receiving the instructions of 
 some of the most celebrated sophists of the day, he became him- 
 self a speech writer and professor of rhetoric ; his weakly consti- 
 tution and natural timidity preventing him irorn taking a part 
 himself in public life. His style is more periodic than that of the 
 other Attic orators, and betrays that it was meant to be read 
 rather than spoken. Although pure and elegant it is wanting 
 in simplicity and vigour, and becomes occasionally monotonous, 
 through the recurrence of the same turns. Isocrates made away 
 with himself in 338, after the fatal battle of Chajronea, in despair, 
 it is said, of his country's fate. Twenty-one of his speeches 
 have come down to us. He took great pains with his compo- 
 sitions, and is reported to have spent ten, or, according to others, 
 fifteen years over his Panegyric oration. 
 
 IssBus, according to some, was a native of Chaleis ; others call 
 him an Athenian ; and it is certain, at all events, that he came 
 at a very early age to Athens. His exact date is not known, but 
 he flourished between the end of the Peloponnesian war and the 
 accession of Philip of Macedon. He opened a school of rhetoric 
 at Athens, and is said to have numbered Demosthenes among 
 his pupils. The orations of Issus were exclusively judicial, and 
 the whole of the eleven which have come down to us turn on 
 the subject of inheritances. 
 
 OfiEschines, the antagonist of Demosthenes, we have already 
 had occasion to speak. He was born in the year 389, and was 
 a native of Attica, but of low, if not servile, origin, and of a 
 mother of more than equivocal reputation. This, however, is 
 the account of Demo.sthenes ; and ^Eschiues himself tells a dif- 
 ferent story. He was successively an assistant in his father's 
 school, a gymnastic teacher, a scribe, and an actor ; for which 
 last profession a strong and sonorous voice peculiarly qualified 
 him. He afterwards entered the army, where lie achieved more 
 success ; for besides a vigorous athletic Ibrm, he was endowed 
 with considerable courage. The reputation which he gained in the 
 battle of Tamynffi encouraged him to come forward as a jniblic
 
 692 IIIST<MIY OF (iUKKCK. Ciiai-. XLVIII. 
 
 speaker. As a ])f)liliciaii he was at first a violent ariti-Macc- 
 doiiiaii ; hut after Ins enihassy alontr with JJeiiiostlieins and 
 others to I'iiiiip's court, he was the constant advocate of jieace. 
 Demosthenes and vEschines now heeaine the leadiiifr speakers on 
 their resjiective sides, and the heat ol" jiohtieai animosity soon 
 de<j;e!ierated into personal hatred. In 'ii'.i, Demosthenes charged 
 .yEschines with having received brihes Irorri Philij) during a 
 second endjassy ; and the speech, or ratlier pampldet* — lor it 
 was not spoken — in which lie brought l()r\\ard this accusation, 
 was answered in another by yEschincs. The result oi' this 
 charge is uidcnown, but it seems to have detracted from the 
 popularity of yl-lschines. AVc have already adverted to his impeach- 
 ment of Ctesij)hon, and the celebrated reply oi" Demosthenes in 
 his speech c/e Corcma.^ After the banishment of ^schines on this 
 occasion (b.c. 330), he spent several years in lona and Caria, 
 where he employed himself in teaching rhetoric. After the 
 death of Alexander he retired to Rhodes, and established a 
 school of eloquence, which afterwards became very celebrated, 
 and which held a middle j)lace between Attic sirnjjlicity on the 
 one hand, and the ornate Asiatic style on the other. He died in 
 Samos in 314. As an orator he was second only to Demosthenes. 
 He never published more than three of his speeches, which have 
 come down to us ; namely that against Timarchus, that on the 
 Embassy, and the one against Ctesiphon. 
 
 Of the lii'e of his great rival, Demosthenes, we have already 
 given some account, and need therefore only speak here of 
 his literary merits. The verdict of his contemporaries, ratified 
 by posterity, has pronounced Demosthenes the gi'eatest orator 
 that ever lived. The jirincipal element of his success must be 
 traced in his purity of purpose, wliich gave to his arguments all 
 the force of conscientious conviction ; and which, when aided 
 by a poweri'ul logic, perspicuous arrangement, and the most un- 
 daunted courage in tearing the mask I'rom the pretensions of his 
 adversaries, rendered his advocacy almost irresistible. The eflect 
 of his speeches was still further heightened by a wonderful and 
 almost magic force of diction. It cannot, however, be supposed 
 that his orations were delivered in exactly that pedect form in 
 which we now possess them. There can be no doubt that they 
 were carefully revised for publication ; but on the other hand, 
 any trifling defects in Ibrm and composition must have been 
 more than compensated by the grace and vivacity of oral de- 
 livery. This is attested by the well known anecdote of jEschines, 
 when he read at Rhodes his speech against Ctesiphon. His 
 
 * Ilept TTaqa-QEaCeia^. \ Sec pp. 553. 554.
 
 Chap. XLVIII. DEMOSTHENES. 59?, 
 
 audience liaving expressed their surprise that he should have 
 been defeated after such an oration : " You would cease to won- 
 der," he remarked, " if you had heard Demosthenes." Sixty-ono 
 of the orations of Demosthenes have come doAMi to us ; though 
 of these some are spurious, or at all events doubtful. The most 
 celebrated of his political orations are the Philippics, the Olyn- 
 thiacs, and the oration on the Peace ; among the private ones, 
 the famous speech on the Crown. 
 
 The remaining three Attic orators, viz., Lycurgus, Hyperides, 
 and Dinarchus, were contemporaries of Demosthenes. Lycurgus 
 and Hyperides both belonged to the anti-Macedonian party, and 
 were warm supporters of the policy of Demosthenes. Of Ly- 
 curgus only one oration is extant ; and of Hyperides only two, 
 Avhich have been recently discovered in a tomb in Egj'pt. Di- 
 narchus, who is the least important of the Attic orators, survived 
 Demosthenes, and was a friend of Demetrius Phalereus. He Avas 
 an opponent of Demosthenes, against whom he delivered one of 
 his three extant orations in relation to the atiair of Harpalus.* 
 
 § 5. Whilst Attic oratory was thus attaining perfection, philo- 
 sophy was making equal progress in the new direction marked 
 out lor it by Socrates. Of all the disciples of that original and 
 truly great philosopher, Plato was by far the most distinguished. 
 Plato was born at Athens in 429 B.C., the year in which Pericles 
 died. By Ariston, his father, he was said to be descended from 
 Codrus, the last of the Athenian kings ; whilst the family of his 
 mother traced a relationship with Solon. His own name, which 
 was originally Aristocles, is said to have been changed to Plato 
 on account of the breadth of his shoulders. f He was instructed 
 in music, grammar, and g}"mnastics, by the most celebrated 
 miasters of the time. His first literarj' attempts were in epic, 
 lyric, and dithyrambic poetry ; but his attention was soon turned 
 to philcsophy by the teaching of Socrates, whose lectures he 
 began to frequent at about the age of twenty. From that time 
 till the death of Socrates he appears to have lived in tiie closest 
 intimacy with that philosopher. After that event Plato with- 
 drew to Megara, and subsequently undertook some extensive 
 travels, in the course of which he visited CjTene, Egj'pt, Sicily, 
 and Magna Gracia. His intercourse with the elder Dionysius 
 at Syracuse has been already related. J His absence from 
 Athens lasted about twelve years ; on his retum, being then 
 upwards of forty, he began to teach in the gj-mnasium of the 
 Academy, and also in his garden at Colonus. His instructions 
 Avere gratuitous, and his method, like tliat of his master, 
 
 * See pp. 554, 555. t ^kdrvc. % ^<^e p. 489.
 
 594 IIISTOIIY OF OUEECM CiiAf. XLVIII. 
 
 Socrates, seems to liave heeii by iiiterrofratioii aiirl dialogue. His 
 (loclrines, liowever, Averc too reeoiiditc llir tlie jtojjular ear, and 
 Ills leelures were not very nuineroiisly attended, liut lie had 
 a narrower eirele of devoted adinirer.s and di.'^ciples, cons-iKting of 
 about t\ven1y-ei<rlit jxnson.s, wlio met in liis private lioiise ; over 
 llic ve.stibule of wliiehwas in.seribed — " Let no one enter 'who i» 
 i<riioraiit of peometr}'." The most di.stiii<.nii.shed of this little 
 band of andilor.s "were Speu.sijjpu.s, his nephew and successor, and 
 Aristotle. But even arnon<j the wider circle of his hearers, wlo 
 did not properly Ibrm part of his school, were some of the most 
 distinguished men of the age, as Chabrias, Iphicrates, Timothe- 
 vis, Phocion, and others. Whether Demosthenes attended his 
 lectures is doubtful. In these pursuits the remainder of his 
 long life was spent, relieved, however, by two voyages to Sicily.* 
 He died in 3 17, at the age of 61 or 82, and bequeathed his gar- 
 den to his school. 
 
 ^ 6. Plato nni.st be regarded principally as a moral and political 
 philosopher, and as a dialectician : as a physical inquirer he did 
 not shine, and the Tima'us is his only work in that branch of 
 philosophy. His dialectic method was a development of that of 
 Socrates ; and though he did not, like Aristotle, produce any 
 formal treatise on the subject, it is exempliiied in most of his 
 works, but especially in the Thea-tetus, Sophistes, Panrienides, 
 and one or two others of the same class. The fundamental prin- 
 ciple of Plato's philosophy is the belief in an eternal and self- 
 existent cause, the origin ol" all things. From this divine being 
 emanate not only the souls of men, which are also immortal, but 
 that of the uniA^erse itself, which is supposed to be animated by 
 a divine spirit. The material objects of our sight and other 
 senses are mere fleeting emanations of the divine idea ; it is 
 only this idea itself that is really existent ;t the objects of 
 sensuous perception^ are mere appearances, taking their forms 
 by participations^ in the idea. Hence it follows that in Plato's 
 view all knowledge is innate, and acquired by the soul before 
 birth, when it was able to contemplate real existences, and all 
 our ideas in this world are mere reminiscences of their true and 
 eternal patterns. These principles, when applied to the investi- 
 gation of language, neces.sarily made Plato a realist ; *hat is, he 
 held that an abstract name, expressing a genus — as, for instance, 
 mankind, comprehending all individual men — tree, comprehend- 
 ing ever}' species of tree, and so forth — were not mere signs to 
 express our modes of thinking, but denoted real existences, in 
 fact the only true existences, as being the expressions of the 
 
 * See pp. 491, 492. f to uvruc ov. J tu yi-j-vofieva. ^ fiide^iq.
 
 CuAP. XLVIII. PLATO. 595 
 
 eternally pre-existent idea. In this matter he seems to have de- 
 parted from Socrates; and, indeed, the reader who should seek 
 the philosophy of Socrates in the writings of Plato would often 
 be led very far astray. Socrates believed in a divine cause, but 
 the doctrine of ideas and other figments with which Plato sur- 
 rounded it seem to have been his own. 
 
 As a moral and political philosopher the views of Plato were 
 sublime and elevated, but conmionly too much tinged with his 
 poetical and somewhat visionary cast of mind to be of much 
 practical utility. They .are speculations Avhich may awake our 
 admiration as we read them, but which for the most part it 
 would be difficult or impossible to put in practice. His belief 
 in the immortality of the soul naturally led him to establish a 
 lofty standard of moral excellence, and hke his great teaclier, he 
 constantly inculcates temperance, justice, and purity of life. His 
 political views are developed in the Republic and the Laivs. The 
 form3r of thesa works presents us with a sort of Utopia, such as 
 never has existed, and never could exist. The main feature 
 of his system is the subordination, or rather the entire sacri- 
 fice of the individual to the state. The citizens are divided 
 into three classes, in fanciful analogy with the faculties of the 
 soul. Thus the general body, or working class, represents the 
 'passions and appetites ; the icill is typified by the military order, 
 which is to control the general mass, but which is in turn to be 
 thoroughly subservient to the govei-nment, whose functions cor- 
 respond with those of the intellect, or rational faculty. With 
 such views Plato was naturally inimical to the unrestricted demo- 
 cracy of Athens, and inclined to give a preference to the Spartan 
 constitution. In the Laws, however, he somewhat relaxed the 
 theory laid down in the Republic, and sought to render it of more 
 practical operation. Thus he abandons in that work the strict 
 separation of classes, sets some limits to the power of the govern- 
 m3iit, and attempts to reconcile freedom and absolutism by 
 mingling monarchy with democracy. 
 
 k 7. Plato, as we have said, visited Megara after the death of 
 Socrates, where other pupils of that philosopher had also taken 
 refuge. Among these the most famous was Euclidcs, who must 
 not be confounded with the great mathematician of Alexandria. 
 Euclides founded the sect called from his residence the Me- 
 garic, and which from the attention they paid to dialectics were' 
 also entitled Dialectici and Eristici (or the litigious). Two other 
 ofishoots of the Socratic school were the Cyrcnaics and Cynics. 
 The former of these sects were founded by Aristippus oi Cyrene 
 in Africa, the latter by Antisthenes. Aristippus, though a hearer 
 of Socrates, wandered fiir Irom the precepts of his great ma^^ter.
 
 696 HISTORY OF GREECK Ciiai-. XLVIH. 
 
 Hf! was fond of luxurious liviiifr and sensual pratificalions, which 
 he hold to be shaincfid only when tin y olitaincd so unronlrolled 
 an empire over a man as to render hiiu their entire slave. His 
 chief maxim was to discover the art of extractinj^ pleasure from 
 all the circumstances of life, and to make prosperity and ad- 
 versity alike subservient to that end. Such tenets made him a 
 favourite with the clever and cultivated man of the world, and 
 we find him more than once approvingly alluded to by Horace.*" 
 Antisthenes was an Athenian, and also a pupil of Socrates. He 
 taught in the Cynosarges, a gymnasium at Athens designed for 
 Athenian boys born of ibreign mothers, which is said to have been 
 his ov\'n case. It was frrorn tliis gymnasium that the sect he 
 founded was called the Cynic, though some derive the name from 
 their dog-like habits, which led them to neglect all the decent 
 usages of society. It was one of the least important of the 
 philosophical schools. One of its most remarkable members was 
 Diogenes of Sinope, whose interview with Alexander the Great 
 at Corinth we have had occasion to relate. f No writings of any 
 of the three last-mentioned sects have survived. 
 
 k 8. Such were the most celebrated rnii.or schools which sprang 
 from the teaching of Socrates. The four principal schools were 
 the Academicians, who owed their origin to Plato ; the Peri- 
 2oatetics, founded hy his pupil Aristotle ; the Kpicurca?is, so named 
 from their master Epicurus; and the Stc/ics, founded by Zeno. 
 
 Speusippus, Plato's nephew, became the head of the Academy 
 after his uncle's death. Under him and liis immediate suc- 
 cessors, as Xenocrates, Polemon, Crates, and Crantor, the doc- 
 trines of Plato were taught with little alteration, and these 
 professors formed what is called the old Academy. The Middle 
 Academy begins with Arcesilaus, who flourished towards the 
 close of the 3rd centurj' t..c., and who succeeded to the chair on 
 the death of Crantor. Under him the doctrines of the Academy 
 underwent some modification. He appears to have directed his 
 inquiries almost exclusively to an investigation of the grounds of 
 knowledge, and to have approached in some degree the Pyrrhon- 
 ists or Sceptics. The Platonic doctrines suHered a further 
 change in the hands of Carneades, the founder of the new Aca- 
 
 •• "Isunc in Aristippi furtim praeccpta relabor 
 
 Et milii res non me rebus subjungere conor." 
 
 Hoa. Ep. i. 1. 15. 
 
 And again 
 f Sec i^'. 627 
 
 " Onmis Aristippum deceit color et status et res." 
 
 lb. 17, 2.1
 
 Chap. XLVIII. ACADOIICIAXS. PERIPATETICS. 591 
 
 demy. Cameades flourished towards the middle of the 2nd 
 century b.c. Under him, doubt and hesitation began still more 
 strongly to characterise the teaching of the Platonists. His 
 distinguished tenet was an entire suspension of assent, on the 
 ground that truth has always a certain degree of error combined 
 with it ; and so far did he carry this principle, that even Clito- 
 machus, his most intimate pupil, could never discover his mas- 
 ter's real tenets on any subject. 
 
 ^ 9. But of all the Grecian sects, that of the Po-ipatctics, 
 founded by Aristotle, had the greatest influence so far as the 
 researches of the intellect are concerned ; and this not merely 
 in antiquity, but even perhaps to a still greater extent in modern 
 times, and especially during what are called the middle ages. 
 Aristotle was born in 38-4 B.C., at Stagira, a sea-port town of 
 Chalcidice, ^^•hence he is frequently called the Stagin'tc. His 
 father Nicomachus was physician to Amyntas II., king of Mace- 
 donia. At the age of 17, Aristotle, who had then lost both lather 
 and mother, repaired to Athens. .Here he received the instructions 
 of Heraclides Ponticus, and other Socratics ; and M'hen, about 
 three years after his arrival at Athens, Plato returned to that 
 city, Aristotle immediately attended his lectures. Plato consi- 
 dered him his best scholar, and called him " the intellect of his 
 school." Aristotle spent twenty years at Athens, during the 
 last ten of which he established a school of his own ; but' during 
 the whole period he appears to have kept up his connexion with 
 the Macedonian court. On the death of Plato in 347, Ai'istotlc 
 quitted Athens, and repaired to Atarneus, in Mysia, where he 
 resided tAvo or three years v.'ith Hermias, a former pupil, who 
 had made himself dynast of that city and of Assos, and whose 
 adopted daughter lie married. Atarneus being threatened by 
 the Persians, into whose hands Hermias had fallen, Aristotle 
 escaped with his wife to Mytilene, and in 34.2 accepted the invi- 
 tation of Philip of Macedon to undertake the instruction of his 
 son Alexander. Philip treated the philosopher with the greatest 
 respect, and at his request caused the city of Stagira to be re- 
 built, which had been destroyed in the Olynthian war. It was 
 here, in a gymnasium called the Nymplueum, that Aristotle 
 imparted his instructions to Alexander, as well as to several 
 other noble youths. In 335, after Alexander had ascended the 
 tlirone, Aristotle quitted Macedonia, to which he never re- 
 turned. He again took up his abode at Athens, where his 
 friend Xenocrates was now at the head of the Academy. To 
 Aristotle himself the Athenians assigned the g)-mnasium called 
 the Lyceum .; and from his habit of delivering his lectures Avl.ilst 
 walking up and down in the shady walks of this ])lace, his school
 
 608 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ciiaj'. XLVIII 
 
 was called the iKripnlctic* In the rnr)rnirig he lectured only to 
 a Hcleirt class ol' jjujiils, called esoteric,] and tliese lectureB were 
 (-.iWrA (irro(ii)uitic,X ill conlradislinction to being writleu and 
 jxiblislied. His allernoon lectures were delivered to a wider 
 circle, and were tlierelbre called crotcrick His rnellicd ajjjjearh 
 to have been that of a regular lecture, and not the Hccratic one 
 oi" question and answer. It was during tlie thirteen years in 
 which lie presided over tlic Lyceum that he corn|josed the 
 greater part oi" his works, and jirosccutcd liis reftcarclies in na- 
 tural history, in which he was most liberally assisted by tlie mu- 
 nificence of Alexander. The latter pjortion of Aristotle's hfe war 
 unfortunate. He aj)pears to have lost from acme unknown cause 
 the friendship of Alexander ; and, after the death of that monarch, 
 the disturbances which ensued in Greece proved unfavourable to 
 his peace and security. Being threatened with a prosecution 
 for impiety, he escaped from Athens and retired to Chalcis ; but 
 he Avas condemned to death in his absence, and deprived of all 
 the rights and honours which he ])reviously enjoyed. He died at 
 Chalcis in 322, in the G3rd year of his age. In person Aristotle 
 was short and slender, with small eyes, and tcmething ol" a lisp. 
 His manners were characterised by briskness and vivacity, and he 
 paid considerable attention to his dress and cut-ward appearance. 
 
 Of all the philosophical svstems of antiquity, that of Aristotle 
 was hest adapted to the practical wants of mankind. It was 
 founded on a close and accurate observation ci" human nature 
 and of the external world ; but whilst it sought the practical 
 and useful, it did not neglect the beautiful and noble. His works 
 consisted of treatises on natural, moral, and political philosophy, 
 history, rhetoric, criticism, &c. ; indeed there is scarcely a branch 
 of knowledge which his v^ast and comprehensive genius did not 
 embrace. Any attempt to give an account of these works would 
 far exceed the limits of the present work. His greatest claim 
 to our admiration is as a logician. He perfected and brought 
 into form those elements of the dialectic art which had been 
 struck out by Socrates and Plato, and wrought them by liis 
 additions into so complete a system, that he may be regarded as 
 at once the founder and perfecter of logic as an art, which even 
 down to our own days has been but very little improved. 
 
 \ 10. The school of the Stoics Avas ibunded by Zeno, a native of 
 Citium in the island of Cyprus. The exact date of Zenos birth 
 is uncertain ; but he seems to have gone to Athens about tho 
 
 * From TcegLTareiv, to walk ahovt. Othei-s, bo'«"ever, perhaps more 
 corrpctly, derive it from the place itself being called 6 TzeQi-aro^, or the 
 promenade. ■[• icureQiKoc, inner, intimate. 
 
 \ uKqaafiaTiKoq, coniinunicatcd orally. § l^ureqiKog, external.
 
 Chap. XLVIII. STOICS. EPICURE^iNS. 599 
 
 beginning of the 3rd century (b.c. 299) ; a visit which, according 
 to some accounts, was owing to his having been shipwrecked in 
 the neighbourhood of Pira?us. At Athens he first attached him- 
 self to the Cynics, then to the Megarics, and lastly to the Acade- 
 micians ; but after a long course of study he opened a school of 
 his own in the Poecile Stoa, or painted porch, whence the name 
 of his sect. The speculative doctrines of Zeno were not marked 
 by much originality. He hiculcated temperance and self denial, 
 and his practice was in accordance with his precepts. The want 
 of reach in the Stoic tenets, which did not demand so much 
 refined and abstract thought as those of many other sects, as 
 well as the outward gravity and decorum which they inculcated, 
 recommended their school to a large portion of mankind, espe- 
 cially among the Romans, by whom that sect and the Epicurean 
 were the two most vmiversally adopted. Two of the most illus- 
 trious writers on the Stoic philosophy, whose works are extant, 
 are Epictetus and the Emperor M. Aurelius. 
 
 Epicurus was born at Samos in 342, of poor but respectable 
 Athenian parents. He followed at first the profession of a 
 schoolmaster, and after spending some time in travelling, settled 
 at Athens at about the age of 35. Here he purchased a garden, 
 apparently in the heart of the city, where he established his phi- 
 losophical school. He seems to have been the only head of a 
 sect who had not previously gone through a regular course of 
 study, and prided himself on being self-taught. In physics he 
 adopted the atomic theory of the Pythagoreans and Ionics ; in 
 morals that of the Cyrenaic school, that pleasure is the highest 
 good ; a tenet, however, which he explained and dignified by 
 showing that it was mental pleasure that he intended. His works 
 have perished, but the main substance, both of his physical and 
 religious doctrines, may be derived from Lucretius, whose jioeni 
 De Kenan Naiiira is an exposition of his principal tenets. The 
 ideas of atheism and sensual degradation with which the name 
 of Epicurus has been so frequently coupled are founded on igno- 
 rance of his real teaching. But as he denied the inanortality of 
 the soul, and the interference of the gods in human affairs, — 
 though he held their existence, — his tenets were very liable to 
 be abused by those who had not sufficient <?levation of mind to 
 love virtue for its own sake. 
 
 § 11. We have thus traced the progress of Grecian literature 
 from its earliest dawn till it was brought to perfection by the 
 master-minds of Athens. After the death of Alexander, Grecian 
 literature did not become extinct : there w^as a vitality about it 
 that insured its subsistence for several ages, thou*rh not in it?
 
 coo IIISTOJIY OF C.MVMIK Ciiai-. XLVIIL 
 
 I'oniicr Kplendour. Alexandria, iidw llie cinjKjriurii of foinnjcrce, 
 hc'caine also the chief seat of leaniiii;.', where it waH foHlered by 
 the iiiunincence and favour of the lirst I'toleiniea. It was hero 
 that literature heearne a profession, sujqjorted by llie foundation 
 of noble and extensive libraries, and cultivated by a race of 
 {nannnarians and critics. These men were of great assistance 
 to hterature by the critical care whicli they bestowed on editions 
 of the best authors, and by the invention of many aids to faci- 
 htate the labours of the student, as better systems of prammar, 
 punctuation, (Sec. One of the most eminent of tliem was Aris- 
 tophanes of ])V/.antiuiii, chiel'librarian at Alexandria in the reipns 
 of the second and third Ptolemies, and who founded there a sdiool 
 of grammar and criticism. It was he and his pu])il Aristarchus 
 who were chiefly concerned in ibrming the canon of the Greek 
 classical writers ; and in their selection ol' authors they displayed 
 for the most part a correct taste and sound judgment. Tn Aris- 
 tophanes is ascribed the invention of the Greek accents. Aris- 
 tarchus is chiefly renowned as the editor of the Homeric poems 
 in the form in which we now possess them. From their school 
 proceeded many celebrated grammarians and lexicographers. It 
 must not, however, be sujjpoped that this Avas the sole species of 
 literature which flourished at Alexandria. Theocritus, the mcst 
 charming pastoral poet of antiquity — of which species ol" compo- 
 sition he was the inventor — though a native of k>_\Tacuse, lived 
 for some time at Alexandria, where he enjoyed the })atronage of 
 Ptolemy II. His contemporaries and imitators, Bion of Smyrna, 
 and Moschus of Syracuse, also wrote with much gi'ace and beauty. 
 This school of poetry was afterwards cultivated with success by 
 V^irgil, Tibullus, and others among the Komans. At Alexandria 
 also flourished Callimachus, the author of many hymns, elegies, 
 and other poems, which were much admired at Rome, and were 
 translated and imitated by Catullus and Propertius. Amongst 
 immerous other j^oets we can only mention Apollonius Rhodius, 
 the author of an epic poem on the exploits of the Argonauts ; 
 and Aratus, who composed Uvo poems on astronomy and na- 
 tural phenomena. Among the Alexandrine writers on pure 
 science, the mathematician Euclid (Euclides) stands conspicuous, 
 whose elements of geometry still form the text-bcok of our 
 schools. He flourished during the time of the first Ptolemy 
 (B.C. 323—283). 
 
 ^12. The list of Greek -\\Titers down to the extinction of the 
 Greek empire might be indefinitely enlarged ; but our limits 
 Avould only permit us to present the reader Avith a barren list of 
 names ; and Ave therefore content ourseh'es Avith selecting for 
 notice a Icav of the most eminent.
 
 CHAP. XLVlII. LATER GREEK WRITERS. 601 
 
 The historian Polybius (c.c. 204 — 122) has aiready been raeu- 
 tioned as taking a part in the final struggle of his country with 
 Rome. His History, though the greater part of it has unfortu- 
 nately perished, is one of the most valuable remains of antiquity. 
 His long residence among the Romans afibrded him an oppor- 
 tunity of studying their annals ; and from the period of the 
 second Punic war he has been very closely followed by Livy. 
 
 Another Greek writer of Roman history was Dionysius of Ha 
 licarnassus, who flourished in the latter half of the first century 
 B.C. He spent a considerable part of his life at Rome, and de- 
 voted himself to the study of the history and antiquities of that 
 city, on which he wrote a book, a considerable part of which is 
 still extant. He was, however, a better critic than historian, 
 and we still possess several of his treatises in that department 
 of literature. 
 
 Diodorus, called from his country Siculus, or the Sicilian, also 
 lived at Rome in the time of Julius and Augustus Caesar. He 
 was the author of a universal history in 40 books, called The 
 Historical Library, of which 15 books are still extant. 
 
 Arrian, of Nicomedia in Bithynia, who lived in the first century 
 of our era, wrote an account of Alexander's expedition, as well 
 as several works on philosophical and other subjects. 
 
 Appian of Alexandria lived in the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian, 
 and AntoniiRis Pius, and was the author of a Roman historJ^ 
 
 One of the best and most valuable Greek writers of this time 
 was Plutarch, the biographer and philosopher. He was a native 
 of Chajronea in BcEotia. The exact date of his birth is unknoAvn, 
 but it must have been about the middle of the finst century of 
 our era. He passed a considerable time in Rome and Italy ; but 
 it was late in his life before he applied himself to the study of 
 Roman literature, and he appears never to have completely mas- 
 tered the language. The later years of his life seem to have been 
 spent at Cha^ronea, where he discharged several magisterial 
 offices, and filled a priesthood. His Lives, if not the most au- 
 thoritative, are certainly one of the most entertaining works ever 
 \vritten. They have perhaps been more frequently translated 
 than any other book, and have been popular in every age and 
 nation. Besides his Lives, Plutarch was the author of a great 
 number of treatises on moral and other subjects. 
 
 About the same time flourished Josephus, the Jewish historian, 
 who was born at Jerusalem a.d. 37. Though a Hebrew, the 
 Greek style of Josephus is remarkably pure. 
 
 Strabo, the celebrated geographer, was a native of Amasia in 
 Pontus, and lived in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. His 
 valuable wovk on geography, winch also contains many im])orUnt 
 
 2D
 
 60'i IIISTOKV (;F (JJIEIX'K. Ciiai-. XJ.VIIL 
 
 liistoric'il I'iicts, still cxiBts pretty nearly entire, though the text 
 is oltcii corrupt. 
 
 Pausauias, autlior of the Dcsrrijitio}! of (irccrc, is supjxjHcd to 
 have been a native of Lydia, and flouri.^hed in the second cen- 
 tury of our asra. His account of Greece is of considerable value, 
 for many of tlie fjreat works of Grecian art viere extant when he 
 travelled tlir()u<rli the countiy, and he appears to have described 
 them with lidelity as well as minuteness. 
 
 Dion Cassius, the historian, was bom at Nica;a in Bithynia, 
 A.B. 155. His liistory of Rome in 80 books extended from the 
 earliest times to a.d. 229. It has come down to us in a verj* im- 
 perfect state, but is still a valuable authority for the hi.story of 
 the latter republic and a considerable portion of the empire. 
 
 Lucian, one of the w'ittiest and most entertaining of ancient 
 writers, and who, from his sparkling style, his turn of mind, and 
 liis disregard for authority, may be compared to Swift or Voltaire, 
 was born at Samosata, probably about a.d. 120. Of his numer- 
 ous works, the best known are his Dialogues of the Dead, which 
 have been universally esteemed, not only for their wit, but also 
 for their Attic grace of diction. 
 
 We camiot close this imperfect list of Greek profane writers 
 without mentioning the name of Galen, the celebrated physician. 
 Galen was born at Pergamus in Mysia, a.d. 130. He completed 
 his education at Smyrna, Corinth, and Alexandria, after which he 
 undertook some extensive travels. He seems to have visited Rome 
 at least twice, and attended on the emperors M. Aurelius and L. 
 Verus. The wTitings of Galen fomied an epoch in medical science, 
 and after his time all the previous medical sects seem to have 
 become merged in his followers and imitators. 
 
 k 13. But the Greek language was not merely destined to be 
 the vehicle of those civilising influences which flow from the 
 imagination of the sublimest poets and the reasonings of the 
 most profoiuid philosophers. The still more glorious mission 
 Avas reserved for it, of conveying to mankind through the Gospel 
 that certain prospect of a lite to come, which even the wisest of 
 the Grecian sages had beheld only as in a glass, darkly. Three 
 at least of the tour Gospels were written in the Greek tongue, as 
 well as the greater portion of those scriptures which compose 
 the jNTew Testament. AYe have already alluded to the facilities 
 Avhich the conquests of Alexander atibrded to the spreading of 
 the Gospel ; nor were there wanting in subsequent ages men 
 who assisted its extension by their writings. Even the works 
 of an author like Lucian were subservient to this end, bv casting 
 ridicule on the gods of paganism, and thus preparing the minds 
 of men for the reception of a purer doctrine. Among the Greek
 
 Chap. XLVIII. CONCLUSION. 603 
 
 Fathers of the Church were many men of distinguished talent ; 
 as Justin Martyr, one of the earhest of the Christian writers, 
 Clemens of Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nazianzus, and many 
 others ; especially Joannes, surnamed Chrysostomus, or tJie 
 golden-mouthed, from the power of his eloquence. 
 
 The Greek language and literature continued to suhsist till 
 the taking of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. Even that 
 shock did not entirely destroy their vitality. The many learned 
 Greeks who then took refuge in Italy were the means of reviving 
 the study of their tongue, then almost entirely neglected, in the 
 West, and especially at Florence, under the auspices of Cosmo 
 de' Medici, who appointed Johannes Argyropulus, one of these 
 refugees, preceptor to his son and nephew. Maximus Planudes, 
 Manuel Moschopulus, Emanuel Chrysoloras, Theodore Gaza, and 
 others, assisted in this work ; and through these men and their 
 successors, and particularly through the labours of Aldus Manu- 
 tius, the Venetian printer, who flourished in the same century, 
 the chief mastei-pieces of Grecian literature have been handed 
 down and made intelligible to us. 
 
 Bust of the poet Meiianaer.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Book 1.— MYTHICAL AOE. 
 
 )18-i Capture of Troy. 
 
 11 2-4 Emigration of the Dceotians from Thessaly into Rieotia. 
 lUU Uiturn of the Ilcraclidu;. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Doriaiin. 
 1050. Ciimii^ I'ouildod. 
 fci50. I'robable age of Homer. 
 
 Book H.— GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. 
 
 776. Commencement of the Olymi)iads. Age of Lycurgus. 
 
 747. Phidon, tyrant of Argo.s, celebrates the 6th Olympic games. 
 
 743. Beginning of the first Mussenian war. 
 
 734. Syracuse founded by Archias of Corinth. 
 
 723. End of the first Messenian War. 
 
 720. Sybaris, in Italy, founded by the Achaeans. 
 
 710. Croton, in Italy, fduiulc-d by the Achaeans. 
 
 708. Tarentum fouriilcd by the LacedEcmonian Parthenii, under Phalantbus. 
 
 700. Archilochus of I'aros, the iambic poet, flourished. 
 
 693. Simonides of Amorgos, the lyric poet, flourished. 
 690. Foundation of Gela in Sicily. 
 
 685. The beginning of the second Messenian war. 
 
 683. First annual Archon at Athens. Tyrtaeus, the Athenian poet, came to Sparta 
 
 after the (i.-st success of the Messenians, and by his martial songs roused the 
 
 fainting courage of the Lacedaemonians. 
 670. Alcman, a native of Sardis in Lydia, and the chief lyric poet of Sparta, flourished. 
 668. End of the second Messenian war. 
 ?64. A sea-fight between the Corinthians and CorcyTteans, the most ancient sea-fight 
 
 recorded. Zaleucus, the lawgiver in Locri Epizephyrii, flourished. 
 657. Byzantium founded by the Megarians. 
 
 655. The Bacchiad<B e.xpclled from Corinth. Cypselus begins to reign. 
 644. Pantaleon, king of Pisa, celebrates the Olympic games. 
 630. Cyrene in Libya founded by Battus of Thera. 
 625. Periander succeeds Cypselus at Corinth. Arion flourished in the reign of 
 
 Periander. 
 624. Legislation of Dracon at Athens. 
 612. Attempt of Cylon to make himself master of Athens. 
 610. Sappho, Alcieus, and Stesichorus flourished. 
 600. Massilia in Gaul founded by the Phoeaeans. 
 596. Epimenides, the Cretan, came to Athens. 
 695. Commencement of the Cirrhman or Sacred War, which lasted 10 years. 
 
 694. Legislation of Solon, who was Athenian archon in this year. 
 591. Cirrha taken by the Amphictyons. 
 
 589. Commencement of the government of Pittacus at Mytilenc. 
 
 586. The conquest of the Cirrhseans completed, and the Pythian games celebrated 
 
 The Seven Wise Men flourished. 
 585. Death of Periander. 
 582. Agrigentuni founded. 
 
 581. The dynasty of the Cypsclida- ended. , 
 
 579. Pittacus resigns the government of Mytilene. 
 
 572. The war between Pisa and Elis ended by the subjection of the Pissans. 
 560. Pisastratus usurps the government of .\thens. Ibycus of Rhegium, the lyric 
 
 poet, flourished. 
 559. Cyrus begins to reign in Persia. 
 556. Simonides of Ceos, the lyric poet. born. 
 548. The temple of Delphi burnt, .\naximencs flourished. 
 546. Sardis taken by Cyrus and the Lydian monarchy overthrown. Ilipponax, the 
 
 iambic poet, flourished. 
 544. Pherecydos of Syros, the philosopher, and Theognis ofMc(^ra, the poet, flourished
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TJiBLK 606 
 
 B.C. 
 
 539. ibycus of Rhegium, the lyric poet, flourished. 
 
 538. Babylon taken by Cyrus. Xenophanes ol' Colophon, the philosopher, flouriflhei 
 
 535. The.spis tlie Athenian lir.st e.xliibits tragedy. 
 
 532. Polycrates becomes tyrant ol Sanio.s. 
 
 531 . The philosopher Pythagoras and the poet Anacreon flourished. 
 
 529. Death ot'(-yrus, and accession ofCanibyses as king of Persia. 
 
 527. Death of Pisastratus, 33 years after his first usurpation. 
 
 525. Cambyses conquers ^l<;gypt in the firth year of his reign. Birth of^iEschyltlB, 
 
 523. Chcenlus of Athens exhibits tragedy. 
 
 522. Polycrates of Sainos put to death. Birth of Pindar. Death of Cambyses, 
 usurpation of the Magi, and accession of Darius to the Persian throne. lie- 
 cataeus, the historian, flourished. 
 
 514. Ilipparchus, tyrant of Athens, slain by Ilarmodius and Aristogiton. 
 
 511. Phrynichus, the tragic poet, flourished. 
 
 '510. E.xpulsion of IJippias and his family from Athens. The ten tribes instituted at 
 Athens by ('listhenes. 
 
 504. Charon of Lanipsacus, the historian, flourished. 
 
 601. Naxos besieged by Aristagoras and the Persians. Upon the failure of this at- 
 tempt Aristagoras determines to revolt from the Persians. 
 
 500. Aristagoras solicits aid from Athens and Sparta. Birth of Anaxagoras the 
 philosopher. First year of the Ionian revolt. The lonians, assisted by the 
 Athenians, burn Sardis. jEschylus, aged 25, first exhibits tragedy. 
 
 499. Second year of the Ionian revolt. 
 
 498. Third year of the Ionian revolt. Aristagoras slain in Ttirace. Death of 
 Pythagoras. 
 
 497. Fourth year of the Ionian revolt. Ilistioeus comes down to the coast. Birth o' 
 Ilellanicus of Mytilene, the historian. 
 
 496. Fifth year of the Ionian revolt. Birth of Sophocles. 
 
 495. Sixth and last year of the Ionian revolt. The lonians defeated in a naval battle 
 near Miletus, and Miletus taken. 
 
 493. The Persians take the islands of Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. Miltiades flies 
 from the Chersonesus to Athens. 
 
 492. Mardonius, the Persian general, invades Europe, and unites Macedonia to the 
 Persian empire. 
 
 491. Darius sends heralds to Greece to demand earth and water. Demaratus, king of 
 Sparta, deposed by the intrigues of his colleague tUeonienes. He flics to Darius. 
 
 490. Datis and Artaphernes, the Persian generals, invade Europe. They take Eretria 
 in Eubcea and land in Attica. They are defeated at Marathon by the Athenians 
 under the command of Miltiades. ^schylus fought at the battle of Marathon, 
 eet. 35. War between Athens and ^gina. 
 
 489. Miltiades attempts to conquer Paros, but is repulsed. He is accused, and, un- 
 able to pay the fine in which he was condemned, is thrown into prison, where 
 he died. 
 
 486. Revolt of Egypt from the Persians in the fourth year after the battle of Marathon 
 
 465. Xerxes, king of Persia, succeeds Darius. Gelon becomes master of Syracuse. 
 
 484. Egypt reconquered by the Persians. Herodotus born, ^schylus gains th-' 
 prize in tragedy. 
 
 483. Ostracism of Aristides. 
 
 481. Themistocles the leading man at Athens. 
 
 480. Xerxes invades Greece. He set out from Sardis at the beginning of the spring; 
 The battles of Thermopylae and Artcmisium were fought at the time of the 
 Olympic games. The Athenians deserted their city, which was taken by 
 Xerxes. The battle of Salaniis, in which the fleet of Xerxes was destroyed, 
 was fought in the autumn. 
 Birth of Euripides. 
 
 479 After the return of Xerxes to Asia, Mardonius, who was left in the command 
 of the Persian army, passed the winter in Thessaly. In the spring he m.irchcs 
 southward and occupies Athens ten months after its occupation by Xerxes. 
 At the battle at Plataja, fought in September, he is defeated by the Greeks under 
 the command of Pausanias. On the same day the Persian fleet is defeated olT 
 Mycalf by the Greek fleet Sestos besieged by the Greeks in the autumn, and 
 surrendered in the following spring. 
 
 478. Sestos taken by the Greeks. The history of Herodotus terminates at the siege 
 of Sestos. 
 
 Book III.— THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE PELOPONNESIAN 
 WAR. 
 
 4*8. In consequence of the naughty conduct of Pausanias, the iiiaritime allies placo 
 t*\ems<Jl'"3S' under the supremacy of Athens. Commencement of the Athe-
 
 806 JI1ST(MIY OF (iltKECR 
 
 nian nHcondency or empire, which laiitcd about "0 years — 65 iKiforc the rula 
 
 ol' the Athenian alliiirH in Sieily, 73 before the captirc ol' Athens by Lysan- 
 
 (ler. 
 476. Cimon, coiiininndinK tlie foreew of tlie AthcnianH and of the allies, expels the 
 
 I'ersianM from Kion on the Strymon, and then takes the island of bcyrus, where 
 
 the hones of Theseus are discovered. 
 Siinonides, a,-t. 80, fsains the prize in the dithyrarnbic chorus. 
 471. 'i'hcmiHlocles, banished by ostracism, coes to Argos. I'ausanias convicted c( 
 
 treason and put to death. Thiicydides the historian born. 
 409. Pericles begins to lake part in public allairs, 40 years belore his death. 
 468. Myceiiie destroyed l)y the Arrives. Death of Anstides. biocrates boni. Scph 
 
 ocles gained his lirst tragic victory. 
 467. Siinonides, a^t. 90, died. 
 466. Naxos revolted and subdued. Great victory of Cimon over the Persians at Ihj 
 
 river Eurymedon, in Pamphylia. Themistocles flies to Persia. 
 465. Revolt of Thasos. Death of Xerxes, king of Persia, and accession of Arta 
 
 xerxes I. 
 464. Earthquake at Sparta, and revolt of the Helots and Messenians. Cimon marches 
 
 to the assistance of the Laceda-monians. Zeno of Elca flourished. 
 463. Thasos subdued by Cimon. 
 461. Cimon marches a second time to the assistance of the Lacedemonians, but his 
 
 oflTers are declined by the latter, and the Athenian troops sent back. Ostracism 
 
 of Cimon. Pericles at the head of public aflairs at Athens. 
 460. Revolt of Inaros, and first year of the Egyptian war, which lasted 6 years. The 
 
 Athenians sent assistance to the Egyptians. 
 458. The Oresteia of .■Eschylus performed. 
 
 457. Battles in the Megarid between the Athenians and Corinthians. The Lacedae- 
 monians march into Doris to assist the Dorians against the Phocians. On 
 
 their return they are attacked by the Athenians a>. Tanagra, hut the latter are 
 
 defeated. The Athenians commence building their long walls, which were 
 
 completed in the Ibllowing year. 
 456. The Athenians, commanded by Myronides, defeat the Thebans at CEnophyta. 
 
 Recall of Cimon from exile. Death of jEschylus, iet. 69. 
 455. The Messenians conquered by the Lacedaemonians in the tenth year of the war. 
 
 Tolmides, the Athenian general, settles the expelled Messenians at Naupactus. 
 
 See B.C. 404. Tolmides sails round Peloponnesus with an Athenian fleet, and 
 
 does great injury to the I'lloiioiimsians. 
 End of the Egyptian war in the sixtli year. Sec B.C. 460. All Egypt conquered 
 
 by the Persians, except the Marshes, where Amyrta;us continued to hold out 
 
 for some years. See b.c. 449. 
 Euripides set. 25 first gains the prize in tragedy. 
 454. Campaign of Pericles at Sicyon and in Acarnania. 
 
 Cratinus, the comic writer, flourished. 
 452. Five years' truce between ihe Athenians and Peloponnesians, made through the 
 
 intervention of Cimon. 
 Anaxagoras ^l. 50 withdraws from Athens, after residing there 30 years. 
 449. Renewal of the war with Persia. The Athenians tend assistance to 
 
 Aniyrtsus. Death of Cimon and victory of the Athenians at Salamis in 
 
 Cyprus. 
 448. Sacred War between the Delphians and Phocians for the possession of the oracle 
 
 and temple. The Lacedaemonians assisted the Delphians, and the Athenians 
 
 the Phocians. 
 447. The Athenians defeated at Chsronea by the Boeotians. 
 445. Revolt of Euboea and Megara from Athens. The five years' tnfe having "x 
 
 pired (see B.C. 450), the Laceda-inonians, led by Plcistoanax, invade Attica. 
 
 After the Lacedsemonians had retired, Pericles recovers Euba'a. The 30 years' 
 
 truce between Athens and Sparta. 
 444. Pericles begins to have the sole direction of public affairs at Athens. Thucy- 
 
 dides, the son of Milesias, the leader of the aristocralical party, ostracised. 
 443. The Athenians send a colony to Thurii in Italy. Herodotus set. 41, and Lysias 
 
 fet. 15, accompany this colony to Thurii. 
 441 Euripides gains the first prize in traced) . 
 44ft Samos revolts from Athens, but is subdued by Pericles in the ninth month. 
 
 Sophocles set. 55 was one of the ten Athenian generals who fought aga'nst 
 
 Samos. 
 439. Athens at the height of its glory. 
 437. Co.ony of Agnon to Amphipolis. 
 436. Cratinus, the comic poet, gains the prize. 
 435. War between the Corinthians and Corcyra-ans on account of Epidamnus . The 
 
 Corinthians defeated by the CoreyTsans in a sea-fight.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. «S07 
 
 B.C. 
 
 434. The Corintttians make great preparations to carry on the war with vigour. 
 433. The Corcyrseans, and Corinthians send embassies to Athens to .solicit assistance. 
 
 The Athenians form a defensive alhance w;th the Corcyneans. 
 432. The Corcyrajans, assisted by the Athenians, defeat the Corinthians in the spring. 
 In the same year Potidaea revolts from Athens. Congress of the Peloponne- 
 sians in the autumn to decide upon war with Athens. 
 Anaxagoras, prosecuted for impiety at Athens, withdraws to Lampsacus, where 
 
 he died about four years afterwards. 
 Aspasia prosecuted by the comic poet Ilermippus, but acquitted through the in- 
 fluence of Pericles. 
 Prosecution and death of Phidias. 
 431. First year of the Peloponnesian war. The Thebans make an attempt upon 
 Platsa two months before midsummer. Eighty days afterwards Attica is in- 
 vaded by the Peloponnesians. Alliance between the Athenians and Sitalcea, 
 king of Thrace. 
 Hellenicus set. 65, Herodotus n^t. 53, Thucydides <el. 40, at tiie commencement 
 
 of the Peloponnesian war. 
 The Medea of Eurii)ides c.vhibited. 
 430. Second year of the Peloponnesian war. Second invasion of Attica. The plague 
 
 rages at Athens. 
 429. Tiiird year of (he Peloponnesian war. Potidsa surrenders to the Athenians 
 after a siege of more than two years. Naval actions of Phormio in the Corin- 
 thian gulph. Commencement of the siege of Platsea. 
 Death of Pericles in the autumn. 
 Birlh of Plato, the Philosopher. 
 Eupolis and Phrynichus, the comic poets, exhibit. 
 428. Fourth year of the Peloponnesian war. Third invasion of Attica. Revolt of ail 
 Lesbos, except Methymna. Mytilenc besieged towards the autumn. 
 Death of Anaxagoras, mt. 72. 
 427. Fitlh year of the Peloponnesian war. Fourth invasion of Attica. Mytilenc 
 taken by the Athenians and Lesbos recovered. The demagogue Cleon begins 
 to have great influence in public adairs. Platsa surrendered to the Pelopon- 
 nesians. Sedition at Corcyra. The Athenians send assistance to the Leon- 
 tines in Sicily. 
 Aristophanes, the comic poet, first exhibits. 
 Gorgias ambassador from Leontini to Athens. 
 426. Sixth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Peloponnesians do not invade Attica 
 in consequence of an earthquake. 
 Lustration of Delos. 
 425. Seventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Fifth invasion of Attica. Demosthenes 
 takes possession of Pylos. The Spartans in the island of Sphacteria surren- 
 dered to Cleon 72 days aderwards. 
 Accession of Darius Nothus. 
 The Ackarniaus of Aristophanes. 
 424. Eighth year of the Peloponnesian war. Nicias ravages the coast of Laconia and 
 captures the island of Cythera. March of Brasidas into Thrace, who obtains 
 possession of Acanthus and Amphipolis. The Athenians defeated by the 
 Thebans at Delium. 
 Socrates and Xenophoii fought at the battle of Delium. 
 Thucydides, the historian, commanded at Amphipolis. 
 The Knights of Aristophanes. 
 423. Ninth year of the Peloponnesian war. Truce for a year. 
 
 Thucydides banished in consequence of the loss of Amphipolis. He waa 20 
 
 years in exile. 
 The Clouds of Aristophanes first exhibited. 
 422. Tenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Hostilities in Thrace between the Lace 
 diemonians and Athenians. Both Brasidas and Cleon fall in battle. 
 The Wasps of Aristophanes and second exhibition of the Clouds. 
 Death of t;ratinus. 
 
 Protagoras, the sophist, comes to Athens. 
 
 421. Eleventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Truce for 50 years between tna 
 
 Athenians and Lacedaemonians. Though this truce was not formally declared 
 
 to be at an end till B.C. 414, there were notwithstanding frequent hostilities 
 
 meantime. 
 
 420. Twelfth year of the Peloponnesian war. Treaty between the Athenians and Ar- 
 
 gives effected by means of Alcihiades. 
 419. Thirteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades marches into Pelopo'i- 
 nesus. 
 The Peace of Aristophanes. 
 418. Fourteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenians send a force into
 
 608 JlISTORY OF GREKCK. 
 
 PcloponnoRus In awKist ilic Araivcs nzainHt t\\i: I,aro(Ia>rnoninn«, but nrK dc 
 fnntf<l III the haltlc oC Manlirn'ia. Alliaiu'<.' ImjIwcimi Sparia and Argon. 
 417. Fincciilli year of llu; rcloiioiiiu-.smii war. 
 
 4I(>, Sixteenth yearol'llii! I'doponnt-Hinn war Tlio AthcnianH ronqut-r Mflos. 
 415. Scvcnleenlli year of llio I'eloponncHian war. Tin: Athenian cxixMlition againnt 
 Sicily. It Hailed after inidHuminer, coninianded hy iNi(ia«, AlcitiiadeH, and 
 LamaehiiH. Mutilation of the Henna- at Ailienw txrCore the licet nailed. The 
 Athenians take Catana. Alcibiades ih recalled home : ho makes hifi eitcapc, 
 and lalies refuge with the Laceda-monians. 
 Andueides, the orator, imprisoned on the mutilation of the Hcrms. He cscapen 
 by turning informer. 
 .114. Eighteenth year of the Peloponncaian war. Second campaign in Sicily. The 
 Athenians invest Syracuse. Uylippus the Laccdiemonian comes to the assist- 
 ance of the Syracusans. 
 The }iir/ls of Aristophanes. 
 413. Nineteenth y(;ar of the I'eloponncsian war. Invasion of Attica and fortification 
 of DecelOa, on the advi -e of Alcibiades. 
 Third campaign in Sicily. Demosthenes sent with a large force to the assist- 
 ance of the Athenians. Total destruction of the Athenian army and licet. 
 Nicias and Demosthenes surrender and are put to death on the l'2tfi or l.'Jth of 
 September, 10 or 17 days alter the eclipse of the moon, which took place on the 
 27th of August. 
 412. Twentieth year of the Peloponncsian war. The Lesbians revolt from Athens. 
 Alcibiades sent by the Lacedemonians to Asia to form a treaty with the Per- 
 sians. He succeeds in his mis.sion and forms a treaty with Tissaphemes, and 
 urges the Athenian allies in Asia to revolt. 
 The AmlTomeda of Euripides. 
 411. Twenty-first year of the Peloponnesian war. Democracy abolished at Athens, 
 and the government entrusted to a council of Four Hundred. This council 
 holds the government four months. The Athenian army at Samos recalls Al- 
 cibiades from exile and appoints him one of their generals. He is afterwards 
 recalled by a vote of the people at Athens, but lie remained abroad for the next 
 four years at the head of the Athenian forces. Mindarus, the Lacedemonian 
 admiral, defeated at Cynossenia. 
 Antiphon, the orator, had a great share in the establishment of the Four Hundred. 
 
 After their downfal he is brought to trial and put to death. 
 The history of Thucydides suddenly breaks off in the middle of this year. 
 The Lysistraia and Thesmophoriazusee of Aristophanes. 
 Lysias returns from Thurii to Athens. 
 410. Twenty-second year of the Peloponnesian war. Mindarus defeated and slain by 
 
 Alcibiades at Cyzicus. 
 4U'J. Twenty-third year of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 The Philoctttes of Sophocles. 
 408. Twenty-fourth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades recovers Byzantium 
 The Orestes of Euripides. 
 The Plutus of Aristophanes. 
 467. Twenty-fifth year of the Peloponncsian war. Alcibiades returns to Athens. 
 Lysander ajjpointed the Lacedaemonian admiral and supported by Cyrus, who 
 this year received the government of the countries on the Asiatic coast. An- 
 tiochus, the Lieutenant of Alcibiades, defeated by Lysander at Notium in the 
 absence of Alcibiades. Alcibiades is in consequence banished, and ten new 
 generals appointed. 
 406. Twenty-si.vth year of the Peloponnesian war. Callicratidas, who succeeded 
 Lysander as Laceda;monian admiral, defeated by the Athenians in the sea- 
 fight off the ArginussBB islands. The Athenian generals condemned to death 
 because they had not picked up the bodies of those who had fallen in the 
 battle. 
 Dionysius becomes master of Syracuse. 
 Death of Euripides and Sophocles. 
 405. Twenty-seventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Lysander defeats the Athenians 
 off ^Egospotami, and takes or destroys all their fleet w-ith the exception of eight 
 ships which fied with Conon to Cyprus. 
 The Fro^s of .Vristophancs. 
 404. Twenty-eighth and last year of the Peloponnesian war. Athens taken by Ly 
 sandor in the spring on the 16lh of the month Munychion. Democracy abol 
 ishcd, and the government entrusted to tliirty men, usually called the Thirty 
 T>Taiits. 
 The Thirty Tyrants held their power for eight months, till Thrasybiilus occupied 
 
 Phyle and advanced to the Pirieus. 
 Death of Alcibiades during the tyranny of the Thirty-
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 609 
 
 Book IV.— THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 403. Thrasybulus and his party obtain possession of the Pirseus, from whence they 
 carried on war for several months against the Ten, the successors of the 
 Thirty. They obtain possession of Athens before July ; but the contest he- 
 tween the parties was not finally concluded till September. 
 Thucydides, set. 68, returns to Athens. 
 401. Expedition of Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes. He falls in tlie battle of 
 Cunaxa, which was fought in the autumn. His Grceli auxiliaries commence 
 their return to Greece, usually called the retreat of the Ten Thousand. 
 First year of the war of Laceda,'inon and Elis. 
 Xenophon accompanied Cyrus, and afterwards was the principal general of the 
 
 Greeks in their retreat. 
 The Oidipus at Colonus of Sophocles exhibited after his death by his grandson 
 Sophocles. 
 400. Return of the Ten Thousand to Greece. 
 
 Second year of the war of Lacedaenion and Elis. 
 The speech of Andocides on the Mysteries. 
 399 The Lacediemonians send Thimbron with an army to assist the Greek cities in 
 Asia against Tissaphernes and Phariiabaziis. The riinainder of the Ten 
 Thousand incorporated with the troops of Thimbron. In the autumn Thim- 
 bron was superseded by Dcreyllidas. 
 Third and last year of the war of Laceda-mon and Elis. 
 Death of Socrates, aet. 70. 
 Plato withdraws to Megara. 
 398. Dercyllidas continues the war in Asia with success. 
 397. Dercyllidas still continues the war in .\sia. 
 396. Agesilaus supersedes Dercyllidas. First campaign of Agesilaus in Asia. lie 
 
 winters at Ephesus. 
 395. Second campaign of Agesilaus in Asia. lie defeats Tissaphernes, and becomes 
 master of Western Asia. Tissaphernes superseded by Tithraustes, who 
 sends envoys into Greece to induce tlie Greek states to declare war against 
 Lacedaemon. Commencement of the war of the Greek states against Laceda;- 
 mon. Lysandcr slain at Haliartus. 
 Plato, St. 34, returns to Athens. 
 394. Agesilaus recalled from Asia to fight against the Greek states, who had declared 
 war against Lacedajmon. He passed the Hellespont about midsummer, and 
 was at the entrance of ISoeotia on the 14th of August. He defeats the allied 
 forces at Coronea. A little before the latter battle the Laccda-'tnonians also 
 gained a victory near Corinth ; but about the same time Conon, the Athenian 
 admiral, and Pharnabazus, gained a decisive victory over Pisander, the Spar' 
 tan admiral, off Cnidus. 
 Xenophon accompanied Agesilaus from Asia and fought against his country at 
 Coronea. He was in consequence banished from Athens. He retired under 
 Lacedaemonian protection to Scillus, where he composed his works. 
 393. Sedition at Corinth and victory of the Lacediemonians at Lccha>um. Pharna- 
 bazus and Conon ravage the coasts of Peloponnesus. (. onon begins to restoro 
 the long walls of Athens and the fortifications of the Pirams. 
 391. The Lacediemonians under Agesilaus ravage the Corinthian territory, but a 
 Spartan mora is cut to pieces by Iphicrates. 
 The Ecclesiazuste of Aristophanes. 
 Expedition of Agesilaus into Acarnania. 
 Speech of Andocides " On the Peace." He is banished. 
 390. Expedition of Agesipolis into Argolis. The Persians again espouse the cause 
 of the Lacediemonians, and Conon is thrown into prison. The Athenian:; as- 
 sist Evagoras of Cyprus against the Persi.-ius. Tlirasybulus, the Athenian 
 commander, is defeated and slain by the Lacedaemonian Teleutias at Aspendus. 
 389. Agyrrhius sent as the successor of Thrasybulus to Aspendus and Iphicrates to 
 the Hellespont. 
 Plato, iPt. 40, goes to Sicily ; the first of the three voyages. 
 388 Antalcidas, the Lacediemonian con.maiider on the Asiatic coast, opposed to 
 Iphicrates and Chabrias. 
 The second edition of the Plutus of Aristophanes. 
 387. The peace of Antalcidas. 
 
 386. Restoration of the Platiea, and independence of the town of Bceotia 
 385. Destruction of Mantinea by the Laceda'mouians under Agesipolia. 
 384. Birth of Aristotle. 
 382. First year of the Olynthian war. 
 
 Phoebidas .seizes the Cadmoa, vhc citadel of Tliebes. 
 Birth of Demosthenes. 
 381. Second year of the Olynthian war. 
 
 2d*'
 
 r.lO HISTOUV OF (UIKECK 
 
 3W). Tliiril yonr of the Olynlliinn wur. 
 
 Till! PancfCi/riruM ol' iHiicriKrH. 
 379. rourlli 1111(1 liiMt yi'iir olllir (llyntliinn wnr. 
 
 The diiliiirii n^rovcrccl hy ihn Thtrbiin nxilcs in the winter. 
 378. Cleomhroliis hitiI into llirollii in Ihr iniililli' of winter, but returned without ef- 
 fectin;! anylhiiii;. 'I'lie Liu'ed^'iiioninn S|ih(i(lrliis iiiakeH an ntteinpl U|miii the 
 I'lrieus. The Athenian!* forin an alliaiii-e with the Thetmnn ai;ainHt itparta. 
 First expedition ul' Age.tilauii into liu;olia. 
 Death of Lysias. 
 377. Stcoiid expeihtion of Age.silanH into Ilaiotia. 
 
 376. Cleonihrotu.s tnurches into Uwotia, and .<4UHtain.s a nlight repulse at the pa.s!ic8 
 ofCitliaeron. 
 The LacediBinonian fleet conquered by Chabrias olT Naxos, and the Athenians 
 recover the dominion of the Hja. 
 375. Cleoinbrotus sent into I'liocis, which Iiad been invaded by the ThebanH, who 
 
 withdraw into their own country on liis arrival. 
 374. The Atheniaii.s, jealous of the Thebans, conclude a peace with Lace<l.Tmon. 
 Timotheus, the Atlienian commander, takes tjorcyra, and on his return to 
 Athens restores the Zaeynthian exiles to their country. This leads to a re- 
 newal of the war between Athens and l.aceda;mon. 
 Second (lestriii-iioii of I'latiea. 
 JasoM elcctt il 'I'aiius of Thessaly. 
 373. The Lai-edieiiioMiaiis attempt to regain possession of Corcyra, and send Mnasip 
 juis with a force for the purpcse, but he is defeated and slain by the Corcyrse- 
 ans. Iphicrates, with Callistratus and Chabrias as his colleagues, seiit to 
 Corcyra. 
 Prosecution of Timotheus by Callistratus and Iphicrates. Timotheus is ac- 
 quitted. 
 372. Timolheus goes to Asia. Iphicrates continued in the command of a fleet in the 
 
 Ionian sea. 
 371- Congress at Sparta, and general peace (called the Peace of Callias), from which 
 the Thebans were excluded, because they would not grant the independence 
 of the BtEotian towns. 
 The Lacediemonians, commanded by Cleombrotus, invade BcBotia, but are de- 
 feated by the Thebans under Epaininondas at the battle of Leuctra. Com- 
 mencement of the Theban Supremacy. 
 Foundation of Megalopolis. 
 370. Expedition of Agesilaus into Arcadia. 
 
 Jason of PheraB slain. After the interval of a year, Alexander of Phene succeeds 
 
 to his power in Thessaly. 
 First invasuin of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. They remain in Peloponnesus 
 four months, and found Messenc. 
 367. Embassy of I'elopidas to Persia. 
 
 Second invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. 
 
 Expedition of I'llopidas to Thessaly. He is imprisoned by Alexander of Pherae, 
 
 but E|)aniinoiuias obtains his release. 
 Archidaiiuis ^;iins a victory over the Arcadians. 
 Death of the elder Dionysius of Syracuse, after a reign of 38 years. 
 306. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. 
 
 The Arcliuiumus of Isocrates. 
 365. War between Arcadia and Elis. 
 364. Second campaign of the war between Arcadia and Elis. IJattle of Olpnpia at 
 
 the time of the games. 
 362. Fourth invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. Battle of .Mantinea, in June, 
 in which Epaminondas is killed. 
 Xenophon brought down his Greek history to the battle of Mantinea. 
 301 A general peace between all the belligerents, with the exception of the Lacede- 
 monians, because the latter would not acknowledge the independence of the 
 Messenians. 
 Agesilaus goes to Eg>-pt to assist Tachos, and dies in the winter when preparing 
 
 to return home. 
 Birth of Dinarchus, the orator. 
 360 War between the Athenians and Olynthians for the possession of Amphipalis. 
 Timotheus, the Athenian general, repulsed at Amphipolis. 
 
 Book V.— THE MACEDONIAN' SUPRENL^CY. 
 
 359. Accession of Philip, king of Macedonia, tet. 23. He defeats Argius, who ;aid 
 claim to the throne, declares Amphipolis a free city, and makes peace with the 
 Athenians. He then defeats the Po-onians and lll\Tians.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. «H 
 
 B.C. 
 
 358. Amphipolis taken by Philip. Expedition of the Athenians into Buboea. 
 357. Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium revolt from Athens. First year oC the Social 
 War. 
 The Phocians seize Delphi. Commencement of the Sacred War. The Thebans 
 
 and the Locrians are the chief opponents of the Phocians. 
 Dion sails from Zacynthus and lands in Sicily about September. 
 356. Second year of the Social War. 
 
 Birth of Alexander, the son of Philip and Olympias, at the time of the Olympic 
 
 games. 
 Potida-a taken by Philip, who gives it to Olynthus. 
 
 Dionysius the younger e.xpelled from Syracuse by Dion, after a reign of 12 
 years. 
 355. Third and last year of the Social War. Peace concluded between Athens and 
 
 her former allies. 
 354. Trial and condemnation of Timotheus. 
 
 Demosthenes begins to speak in the assemblies of the people. 
 353. Philip seizes upon Pagasie, and begins to besiege .Methone. 
 
 Death of Dion. 
 352. Philip takes Methone and enters Thessaly. He defeats and slays Onomarchus, 
 the Phoolan general, expels the tyrants from Pherae, and becomes master of 
 Thessaly. He attempts to pass Thermopylae, but is prevented by the Athen- 
 ians. 
 War between Lacedasmon and Megalopolis. 
 The first Philippic of Demosthenes. 
 349. The Olynthians, attacked by Philip, ask succour from Athens. 
 
 The Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes. 
 348. Olynthian war continued. 
 347. Olynthus taken and destroyed by Philip. 
 
 Death of Plato, set. 82. s'peusippus succeeds Plato. Aristotle, upon the death 
 of Plato, went to Atarneus. 
 346. Peace between Philip and the Athenians. 
 
 Philip overruns Phocis and brings the Sacred War to an end, after it had lasted 
 
 10 years. AU the Phocian cities, except Abas, were destroyed. 
 Oration of Demosthenes on the Peace. 
 345. Speech of ^Eschines against Timarchus. 
 
 344. Timoleon sails from Corinth to Syracuse, to expel the t)Tant Dionysius. 
 Aristotle, after three years' stay at Atarneus, went to Mytilene. 
 The second Philippic of Demosthenes. 
 343. Timoleon completes the conijuest of Syracuse. 
 Disputes between Philip and the Athenians. 
 The speech of Demosthenes respecting Halonnesus. 
 The speeches of Demosthenes and ^-Eschines Ilfpi TlapanptaPUai. 
 342. Philip's expedition to Thrace. He is opposed by Diopithes, the Athenian gen- 
 eral at the Chersonesus. 
 Aristotle comes to the court of Philip. 
 
 Isocrates, set. 94, began to compose the Panathenaic oration. 
 Birth of Epicurus. 
 341. Philip is still in Thrace, where he wintered. 
 
 The oration of Demosthenes on the Chersonesus, and the third and fourth Phil- 
 ippics. 
 Philip besieges Selvmbria, Perinthus, and Byzantium. 
 339. Renewal of the war between Philip and the Athenians. Phocion compels Philip 
 to raise the siege both of Byzantium and Perinthus. 
 Xenocrates succeeds Speusippus at the Academy. 
 338. Philip :.j chosen general of the Amphictyons to earn' on the war against .\m- 
 phissa. He marches through Thermopvlie and seizes Elatoa. The Athenians 
 form an alliance with the Thebans ; but their united forces are defeated by 
 Philip at the battle of Cha>ronea, fought on the 7lh of Metageitiiion (August). 
 Philip becomes master of Greece. Congress at Corinth, in which war is de- 
 clared by Greece against Persia, and Philip appointed to conduct it. 
 Death of Isocrates, a;t. 98. 
 335. Death of Timoleon. 
 
 Murder of Philip, and accession of his son Alexander, ml. 20 
 335. Alexander marches against the Thracians, Triballi, and Illyrians. While he is 
 engaged in this war Thebes revolts. He forthwith marches southwards and 
 destrovs Thebes. 
 334. Alexander commences the war against Persia. He crosses the Hellespont in the 
 spring, defeats the Persian satraps at the Granicua in May, and conquers lb* 
 western part of Asia Minor. 
 Aristotle returns to Athens-
 
 Bl'2 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 333. Ale?;nii«lcr nuhdiiRii Lyria in thn winli^r, rollcclH hm forcc.H ai Gordium In (lie 
 spririi;, and (loruntH DariiiH at Ikhum lati; In (hi: nuiiiniti. 
 
 332. Alexander takes Tyre, alUr a Hii-ite ol' hcviji iiioritlit, m July. Hi! taken Gaza 
 in September, and then marches into Evyi'l. wliicli HUlmiiiH lo Inni. In the 
 winter lie viHits tlic oracle of Amnion, and giveH orderM lor the loundation of 
 Alexandria. 
 
 331. Alexander sets out from Memphis in the Hpring, inarchcx through I'hwnicia and 
 Syria, crosse.s the Euphrate.s at ThapHavuH in th .■ middle of the itummer, and 
 delcals Uarius aeain at Arbela or Oaugamela on the l.st of October. lie win- 
 tered at I'ersepoliH. 
 In Greece Ajris is defeated and slain by Anlipater. 
 
 ^30. Alcxandtr marches into iMedia, and takes Ecbatana. From thence he sets out 
 in ]mrsuit of Uarius, who is slain by Uessus. After the death of Darius, Al- 
 exander comniers Ilyrcania, and marches in pursuit of Uessus through Uran- 
 giana and Arachosia, towards Uactria. 
 The speech of ^■Kschines against Ctesiphon, and the speech of Demosthenes on 
 
 the (.'rown. ..ICschines, after his failure, withdrew to Asia. 
 Philemon began to exhibit comedy during the reign of Alexander, a little earlier 
 than .Menander. 
 
 :<29. Alexander marches across the Paropamisus in the winter, pa.sses the Oxus, 
 lakes Uessus, and reaches the Jaxarles, where he founds a city, Alexandria 
 Eschato. lie subsequently crosses the Jaxartcs and defeats the Scythians, 
 lie winters at Uactra. 
 
 328. Alexander is employed during the whole of this campaign in the conquest of Sog- 
 diana. 
 He marries Roxana, the daughter of Oxyartcs, a Dactrian prince. 
 
 327. After the subjugation of Sogdiana Alexander returns lo Bactra, from whence he 
 marches to invade India. lie crosses the llydaspes and defeats Poms. He 
 continues his march as far as the Ilyphasis, but is there com[>elled by hi." 
 troops to return to the Hydaspes. In the autumn he begins to sail down the 
 Hydaspes and the Indus to tha Ocean, which he reached in July in the follow 
 ing year. 
 
 326. Alexander returns to Persia, with part of his iroops, through Gedrosia. Ho 
 sends Nearchuswith the ticet lo sail from the mouths of the Indus to the Per- 
 sian gulph. Nearchus accompli.shes the voyage in 129 days. 
 
 325. Alexander reaches Susa at the beginning of the year. Towards the close of it 
 he visits Ecbatana, where llepha'stiou dies. Harpalus comes to Athens, ano 
 bribes many of the Greek orators. 
 
 324. Alexander roaches Babylon in the spring. 
 
 Demosthenes, accused of having received a bribe from Harpalus, is condemned 
 to pay a line of 50 talents. He withdraws to Trcezen and ^Eeina. 
 
 323. Death of Alexander at Babylon, in June, alter a reign of twelve years and eight 
 months. 
 Division of the satrapies among Alexander's generals. 
 
 The Greek slates make war against Macedonia, usually called the Lamian war. 
 Leosthencs, the .\thcnian general, defeats Antipater, and besieges Lamia, in 
 which Antipater had taken refuge. Death of Leosthenes. 
 Demosthenes reiurns to Athens. 
 
 322. Leonnatus comes to the assistance of Antipater, but is defeated and slain. Cra- 
 terus conies to the assistance of Antipater. Defeat of the confederates at the 
 battle oftrannon on the "th of August. End of the Lamian war. .Munychia 
 occupied by the -Macedonians. 
 Death of Demosthenes on the 14th of October. 
 
 Death of Aristotle, a't. C3, at Chalcis, whither he had withdrawn from Athens a 
 few months before. 
 
 321. Perdiccas invades Egypt, where he is slain by his own troops. Partition of the 
 provinces at Triparadisus. 
 Menander, set. 20, exhibits his tirst comedy. 
 
 SIH. Death of Antipater, after appointing Polysperchon regent, and his son Cassander 
 chiliarch. 
 
 317. War between Cassander and Polysperchon in Greece. The Athenians put Pho- 
 cion to death. Athens is conquered by Cassander, who places it under th- 
 government of Demetrius Ph.ilereus. 
 317. Death of Philip .\rrliid;eus and Eurydioo. 
 
 Olympias reiurns to Macedonia, and is besieged by Cassander at Pydna 
 
 r.lfi. Antigonus becomes master of Asia. Cassander takes Pydna. and puts 01ymp:as 
 to death. He rebuilds Thebes. 
 
 3K'i. Coalition of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus against Antigunus 
 First year of the war. 
 Polemon succeeds Xenocratcs at the Academy.
 
 CHRONnLOGICAL TABLK 613 
 
 B.C. 
 
 314. Second year of the war against Antigonus. 
 
 Death of the orator .^Jschines, set. 75. 
 313. Third year of the war against Antigonus. 
 312. Fourth year of the war against Antigonus. 
 
 311. General peace. Murder of Roxana and Alexander IV. by Cassander. 
 310. Ptolemy appears as liberator of the Greeks. Renewal of hostilities between him 
 
 and Antigonus. 
 308 Ptolemy's expedition to Greece. 
 307 Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, becomes master of Athens. Demetrius Pha- 
 
 lereus leaves the city. 
 306 Demetrius recalled from Athens. lie defeats Ptolemy in a great sea-fight off 
 Salami-s in Cyprus. After that battle Antigonus assumes the title cf king, and 
 his example is followed by Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander. 
 Epicurus settles at Athens, where he teaches about 30 years. 
 305 Rhodes besieged by Demetrius. 
 
 304. Demetrius ma!ves peace with the Rhodians. and returns to Athens. 
 303 Demetrius carries on the war in Greece with success against Cassander. 
 302. War continued in Greece between Demetrius and Cassander. 
 301. Demetrius crosses over to Asia. 
 
 Battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, about the month of .A.ugust, in which Lysimachus and 
 Seleucus defeat Antigonus and Demetrius. Antigonus, aet. 81 , falls in the battle. 
 297 Demetrius returns to Greece, and makes an attempt upon Athens, but is re 
 pulsed. 
 Death of Cassander and accession of his son I'hilip IV. 
 293. Death of Philip IV. and accession of his brother Antipater. 
 Demetrius takes Athens. 
 
 Civil war in Macedonia between the two brothers, Antipater and Alexander. 
 Demetrius becomes king of Macedonia. 
 291. Death of Menander, ;et. 52. 
 290. Demetrius takes Thebes a second time. He celebrates the Pythian games at 
 
 Athens. 
 287. Coalition against Demetrius. He is driven out of Macedonia, and his dominions 
 divided between Lysimachus and Pyrrhus. 
 Demetrius sails to Asia. 
 
 Pyrrhus driven out of Macedonia by Lysimachus after seven months' possession 
 286. Demetrius surrenders himself to Seleucus, who keeps him in captivity. 
 285. Ptolemy II. Philadelphus is associated in the kingdom by his father. 
 283. Demetrius, set. 54, dies in captivity at Apamea in Syria. 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Soter, aet. 84. 
 281. Lysimachus is defeated and slain by Seleucus, at the battle of Conipedion. 
 280. Seleucus murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus seven months after the death of Ly- 
 simachus. 
 Antiochus 1., the son of Seleucus, becomes king of Asia, Ptolemy Ceraunus king 
 
 of Thrace and Macedonia. 
 Irruption of the Gauls and death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. 
 Rise of the Achaean league. 
 279. Tlie Gauls under Brennus invade Greece, but Brennus and a great part of his 
 
 army are destroyed at Delphi. 
 278. Antigonus Gonatas becomes king of Macedonia. 
 273. Pyrrhus invades Macedonia, and expels Antigonus Gonatas. 
 272. Pyrrhus invades Peloponnesus, and perishes in an attack on Argos. Antigonus 
 
 regains Macedonia. 
 262. Death of Philemon, the comic poet, vet. 97. 
 251. Aratus delivers Sicyon, and unites it to the Achaean League. 
 243. Aratus, a second time general of the Aclia^an League, delivers Corinth from tho 
 
 Macedonians. 
 241. Agis IV., king of Sparta, put to death in onnsecjuence of his attempts to reform 
 
 the state. 
 239. Death of Antigonus, and accession of his son, Demetrius II. 
 236. Cleomenes III. becomes king of Sparta. 
 229. Death of Demetrius II., and accession of Antigonus Doson, who was left by 
 
 Demetrius guardian of his son Philip. 
 227. Cleomenes commences war against the Acha;an League. 
 226. Cleomenes carries on the war with success against Aratus, who is again the 
 
 general of the Achaean League. 
 225. Reforms of Cleomenes at Sparta. 
 
 224. The Achaeans call in the assistance of .Vnliiromis Doson against Cleomenes. 
 221. Antigonus defeats Cleomenes at Sellasia, and obtains possession of Sparta. 
 Cleomenes sails to Egypt, where he dies. Extinction of the royal line of the 
 Heraclidte at Sparta.
 
 ei4 
 
 D.C. 
 220. 
 
 217. 
 21<i. 
 213. 
 211. 
 208 
 
 207. 
 
 205. 
 200. 
 l'J7. 
 190. 
 192. 
 
 191. 
 
 189. 
 188. 
 
 183 
 
 179. 
 171. 
 168. 
 
 151. 
 147. 
 146. 
 
 HISTORY OF gk?:p:c1'1 
 
 Dentil of Anti(ff>niiH Domom, ninl arxcHHinn orl'hili|i V., ict 17. 
 
 Tlu! Achii-uiiH iiMil AnttiiH arc licfeiilcd tiy the vl-^tiilmnii. The AchiranH apply for 
 
 aH.slHtuiicc to I'hilip, who l-hiiouhch Iheir cause. tJomrneiiccriient of the Social 
 
 War. 
 Third nnrl Inst year of the Social War. I'cace concluded. 
 I'liihp concliideM a treaty with ilaniiihul. 
 I'liilip removes Aratus by poison. 
 
 Treaty between Koine and the ,1-;tolians aeainst I'hilip. 
 Philip inarches into I'eloponnesus to assist the Achifans. 
 I'lulopa-men is elected general of the Acha;an League, and efTccts important re 
 
 forma in the army. 
 PhilopuMiieii defeats and slays Machanidas, tyrant of Laccdiemon, at the battb 
 
 of Maiitinea. 
 The ^ICtolians make peace with Philip. Philip's treaty with Rome. 
 War between Philip aud Rome. 
 Philip defeated at the battle of Cynoscephala;. 
 Greece declared free by Flamininus at the Isthmian games. 
 Laccdiemon is added by PhilopeBmen to the Acha-an League. 
 Antiochus comes into Greece to assist the jEtolians against the Romans. He 
 
 winters at Chalcis. 
 Antiochus and the .■Ktolians defeated by the Romans at the battle of Thcrmopyljp. 
 The Romans besiege Anibracia, and grant pcacr to the jTItolians. 
 Philopifmen, again general of the Acha;an League, subjugates Sparta, and ab- 
 rogates iIk' laws of Lycurgus. 
 The Messtiiiaiis revolt from the Achaean League. They capture and put to 
 
 death Philop(emen. 
 Death of Philip and accession of Perseus. 
 War between Perseus and Rome. 
 Defeat and capture of Perseus by JEmilius Paulus. 
 Division of Macedonia. 
 One thousand of the principal .\cha!ans are sent to Rome. Polybius is among 
 
 the Aclia!an exiles. 
 Embassy of the three philosophers to Rome. Return of the Achaean e.\iles. 
 War between Rome and the Acha-ans. 
 Destruction of Corinth by Muminius. Greece becomes a Roman province. 
 
 I 
 
 Colonial Coin of Corinth. On the obverse the head of Antoninus Pius ; on the reverse 
 the port of C°nchreae. The letters ('. L. I. Cor. stand for Colonia Laus Julfei Corin- 
 th'js, the name given to the city when Julius Cssar founded a colony there in b.c. 46.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 
 
 (FROM HEEREN.) 
 
 Greece is bounded on the north by the Cambunian mounts 
 ains, "which separate it from Macedonia ; on tlie Boundaries 
 south and east by the iEgsean, on the west by the lo- °' •^'■•-'ece: 
 nian Sea. Greatest length from south to north = 220 geogr. 
 miles, greatest breadth from west to east, = 140 ns dimen- 
 geogr. miles. Superficial contents, = 29,600 sf^uare s'ons: 
 miles. — Principal rivers : the Peneus, which discharges its wa- 
 ters into the iEgaean, and the Achelous, which flows into 
 the Ionian Sea. Advantages in respect to fertility, result- "^^"^^ 
 ing from the mildness of the climate, between 37 — 40^ N. lat. ; 
 from the number of small streams ; from the qualities physical ad- 
 and variety of soil, in which this country' has boon so '*'a"''age8. 
 much more blessed by nature than any other of similar extent, 
 that every branch of cultivation may be prosecuted equally and 
 in conjunction. — Advantages in reference to navigation and 
 commerce : situated in the vicinity of the three quarters of the 
 world, on three sides washed by the sea, and by reason of its 
 irregular, indented coast, abounding with commodious ports and 
 havens. 
 
 It may be divided into Northern Greece, from the north 
 boundary to the chain of (Eta and Pindus, between the p^yj^j^^g 
 Ambracian Gulf west, and the Maliac east. Central 
 Greece, or Hellas, down to the isthmus of Corinth : and the 
 southern peninsula, or Pelopormesus. 
 
 Northern Greece comprises two countries ; Thessa- northern 
 ly east, Epirus west. Greece. 
 
 1. Thessaly, the largest and one of the most fruitful of the 
 Grecian countries. Length from north to south GO geogr.
 
 61C ArrKNDIX. 
 
 miles ; breadth from west to east 01 peorrr. miles. Rivers'; 
 the Peiieus, Ai)i(Janus, aiirl i^everal Hriialler streams. 
 
 TliCHSfllv- ■ 
 
 Mountains ; 01yinpu.s, residence of the fahuloiis pods, 
 and O.ssa in the north; the chain ol H-lla, Othry.-', and i'in(hjs 
 in the south. iJivisioa into five provinces : 1 . Kstia-otis : cities; 
 Goiiijdii, Azorus. 2. Pelasgiotis : cities; Laris.sa, Gonni, the 
 vale of Tempe. 3. Thessaliotis : cities ; Pharsahis, etc. 4. 
 Phthiotis : cities ; Phera;, etc. 5. The foreland o( Majtrncsia, 
 ■with a city of the same name. Other territories, such as Per- 
 rhsebia, etc. for instance, derived their names from the non- 
 Greek races who inhabited them. 
 
 2. Epirus. Next to Thcssaly, the largest, although one of 
 the least cultivated countries of Greece : 48 — GO geogr. 
 '" ^' miles long, and the same in breadth. Divisions: Molos- 
 sis ; city, Ambracia : Thesprotia ; city, Buthroturn ; in the in- 
 terior, Dodona. 
 
 Central Central Grecce, or Hellas, comprises nine coun- 
 GuEECE. tries. 
 
 1. Attica, a foreland, extending towards the southeast, and 
 gradually diminishing. Length, 60 geogr. miles ; great- 
 est breadth, 24 geogr. miles. Rivers ; Ilissus, Cephis- 
 
 sus. Mountains ; Hymettus, Pentelicns, and the headland of 
 Sunium. City ; Athens, with the harbours Piranis, Phalereus, 
 and Munychius ; in the other parts no towns, but hamlets, ftrtnoi, 
 such as Marathon, Eleusis, Decelea, etc. 
 
 2. Megaris, close to the isthmus of Corinth. The smallest of 
 
 the Grecian countries ; 1 6 geogr. miles long, and from 
 "^^ ' 4 — 8 broad. City, Megara. 
 
 3. Boeotia, a mountainous and marshy countr\', 52 geogr. 
 
 miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad. Rivers: Asopus, 
 Ismenus, and several smaller streams. Moiuitains ; He- 
 licon, Citheron, etc. Lake ; Copais. — Boeotia was, of all the 
 Grecian countries, that which contained the greatest number of 
 cities, each having its own separate territory. Among these, 
 the first in importance, and frequently mistress c{ the rest, was 
 Thebes on the Ismenus. The others, Plata>a?. Tanagra, Thes- 
 piae, Cha'ronea, Lebadea, Leuctra, and Orchomenus, are ail cel- 
 ebrated in Grecian history. 
 
 4. Phocis, smaller than Attica ; 48 geogr. miles long, from
 
 APPENDIX. 617 
 
 4 — 20 broad. River; Cephissus. Mountain; Parnassus 
 Cities ; Delphi, on Parnassus, with the celebrated oracle 
 of Apollo; Crissa, with the harbour of Cirrha, and, up 
 the country, Elatea. The other cities are insignificant. 
 
 5, 6. The two countries called Locris. The eastern on the 
 Euripus, territory of the Locri Opuntii and Epicnemidii, locHs 1st 
 is the lesser of the two ; being but little larger than *"'' ''^''• 
 Megaris. City ; Opus : pass, Thermopylae. The western Lo- 
 cris on the Corinthian Gulf, station of the Locri Ozola;, is from 
 20 — 24 geogr. miles long, and from 16 — 20 broad. Cities; 
 Naupactus on the sea, Amphissa up the country. 
 
 7. The small country of Doris, or the Tetrapolis Dorica, on 
 the south side of Mount (Eta, from 8 — 12 ofeojrr. miles 
 
 Doris 
 
 long, and the same m breadth. 
 
 8. ^Etolia, somewhat larger than Boeotia ; from 40 — 52 
 geogr. miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad ; but the 
 
 least cultivated country of all. Rivers ; Achelous, wliich 
 
 skirts Acamania, and the Evenus. Cities ; Calydon, Tlier- 
 
 mus. 
 
 9. Acamania, the most western country of Hellas, 32 geogr. 
 miles long, and from 16 — 24 broad. River; Achelo- 
 us. Cities ; Argos Amphilochicum, and Stratus. 
 
 The Peninsula of Peloponnesus contains eight coun- pelopon- 
 tries. KEsus. 
 
 1. Arcadia, a mountainous countrj', abounding in pastures, 
 and situate in the centre of the peninsula ; greatest 
 length, 48 geogr. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geogr. 
 
 miles. Mountains; Cyllene, Erymanthus, etc. Rivers; Al- 
 pheus, Emnanthus, and several smaller streams. Lake : Styx 
 Cities ; Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Hersea, Psopliis ; subse- 
 quently Megalopohs, as a common capital. 
 
 2. Laconia, likewise mountainous. Greatest length, 6G 
 
 jreojjr. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geogr. miles. Riv- , 
 
 -r-i -IT ■ m <5t Laconia. 
 
 er ; Eurotas. Mountains; iaygetus, and the head- 
 lands Malea and Teiiariura. Cities ; Sparta on the Eurotaa 
 Other places ; Amycla-, Sellasia, and others of little importance. 
 
 3 Messenia, west of Laconia ; a more level and extremely
 
 018 APPENDIX. 
 
 fertile country, subject to the Sj)artan.s from v..c. GG8. Great- 
 est lentith, 2H ireogr. miles : irr(;atest breadth, 30 treom". 
 miles. City; Messene. rrontier jilaces ; Itbome and 
 
 Ira : of the other j)laces, Pylus (Navarino) and Methone are the 
 
 most celebrated. 
 
 4. Elis, with the small territory of Tripliylia, on the west of 
 the Peloponnesus. Length GO geogr. miles : greatest 
 breadth, 28 gcogr. miles. Rivers ; Alpheus, Peneus, !Sei- 
 
 hs, and several smaller streams. Cities ; in the north, Elis, 
 Cyllene, and Pylus : on the Alpheus, Pisa and the neighbouring 
 town of Olyiiipia : in Triphylia, a third Pylus 
 
 5. Argolis, on the east side of the peninsula ; a foreland op- 
 
 posite to Attica, with which it forms the Sinus Saroni- 
 ^^ '^' cus. Length, 64 gcogr. miles : breadth, from b — 28 
 geogr. miles. Cities ; Argos, Mycena;, Epidaurus. Smaller 
 but remarkable places ; Nemea, Cynuria, TrcDzen. 
 
 6. Achaia, originally Ionia, called likewise ^gialus, com- 
 
 pri.ses the north coast. Length, 56 geogr. miles : 
 breadth, from 12 — 24. It contains twelve cities, of 
 which Dyme, Patra', and Pellene, are the most important 
 
 7. The little country of Sicyonia, 16 geogr. miles long, 
 8 broad, with the cities of Sicyon and Phlius. 
 
 8. The small territory of Corinth, of the same extent as the 
 
 forejroinfr, adioining the isthmus which comiects Pelopon- 
 
 nesus with the mainland. City ; Corinth, originally 
 
 Ephyra, with the ports of LechfBum and Cenchreae ; the former 
 
 on the Corinthian, the latter on the Saronic Gulf 
 
 The Greek Islands may be divided into three classes ; those 
 which lie immediately ofi' the coasts, those which are 
 collected m groups, and those wliich he separate iu the 
 open sea. 
 
 1. Islands off the coasts. Off the west coast in the Ionian 
 oftke Sea : Corcyra, opposite Epirus, 32 geogr. miles long, 
 CoTcTa- from 8— 16 broad. City; Corcyra. A Corinthian 
 Leucadia, colony. Opposite Acaniania ; Leucadia, with the city 
 and headland of Leucas. — Cephalonia or Same, orig- 
 and'iulaci*; inally Scheria, with the cities of Same and Cephalo- 
 nia. In the neighbourhood lies the small island of Ithaca. —
 
 APPEMDIX. 619 
 
 Opposite Elis, Zacynthus. Oif the southcoast, Cythera, with 
 
 a town oi' the same name. Oti' the east coast, in the zacymhus; 
 
 Saronic Gulf, Jilgina and Salamis. Opposite Bceotia, Cythera; 
 
 from Avhich it is separated by the Strait named Eu- JE^ma and 
 
 ripus, Euboea, the most extensive of all; 76 geogr. ^"''""'^ • 
 
 miles long, from 12 — 16 geogr. miles broad. Cities; ^"''<^^' 
 
 Oreus, with the headland of Artemisium on the north, scyathus, 
 
 in the centre Chalcis, Eretria. Off Thessaly, Scya- Thaisus.iiii- 
 
 thus, and Halonesus. Farther north, Thasus, Imbrus, thrace,Lein- 
 
 Samothrace, and Lemnos. "°*' '^'"^• 
 
 2. Clusters of Islands in the iEgsean sea : the Cyclades and 
 Sporades ; the former of which comprise the western, croups. 
 the latter the eastern islands of the Archipelago. The cyciades 
 the most important among them are, Andros, Delos, Pa- and Spo- 
 ros, Naxos, Melos, all with cities of the same names. ^^ **' 
 
 3. The more extensive separate islands : 1. Crete, 140 geogr. 
 
 miles long, from 24 — 40 broad. Mountain ; Ida. Separate. 
 
 Cities; Cydonia, Gortyna, Cnossus. 2. Cyprus, 120 i-'rete; 
 
 geogr. miles long, and from 20 — 60 broad. Cities ; Sa- ,, 
 
 ? • T-. 1 ?,- • 1 1 11 1 Cyprus. 
 
 lamis, raphes, Citmm, and several smaller places.
 
 GRECIAN METHOD OF CALCULATING TIME. 
 
 Our knowledge of Greek chronology is very imperfect, the only pa^ 
 which has been fully preserved being that of the Athenians. This people, 
 like the Romans of Nunia, divided their year by the revolutions of the moon, 
 making up for its irregularities by intercalation. The Athenian year con- 
 tained twelve months, each of them alternately twenty-nine and thirty days 
 lonf. The year began at the summer solstice, and, in order to maUc he be- 
 ginning regular, they formed cycles of eight and nineteen years, intercalating 
 three months for the first, or seven for the second. The month was divided 
 into decades, and the days were counted from the beginning for the first two 
 decades, and from the beginning or end for the last. Thus the second of the 
 month was the second of the opening month. The eleventh was l\ie first of the 
 middle of the month, and the twenty-first was either lYte first after the twentieth, 
 or tlie tenth from the end of the month, or the ^rs< of the closing month. The 
 day, like that of the Jews and Mahometans, began at sunset. 
 
 In classifying the year, like the Spartans and Romans, they used the name 
 of the presiding magistrate ; so that Athenian chronology was counted by 
 Archons. The Olympiad was first used by Timajus of Sicily, the historian, 
 in the fifth century before Christ. 
 
 The Olympic games, the great national festival of Greece, were celebrated 
 every five years. The first authentic Olympiad is known as the Olympiad 
 of Coroebus the Elean, who gained the prize in the foot-race in the year 776 
 before Christ. But modern writers have adopted the more convenient method 
 of calculating events by the year before and after Christ ; a system which has 
 the great advantage of being equally applicable to the history of every nation. 
 
 TABLE OF GRECIAN CHRONOLOGY BY PERIODS, COMPARED WITH 
 THAT OF RO.ME, ETC. 
 
 First Period. 
 
 MYTHICAL AGE OF GREECE.— 1184 to 776 B.C. 
 
 This period begins with the conjectural date of the capture of Troy, 1184 
 B.C., and ends with the first Olympiad, 776 B.C. 
 
 B.C. GREECE. 
 
 1000. 
 878. 
 
 850. Homer — by conjecture — 850. 
 776. Lycurgus — 776? 
 
 Second Period. 
 
 'GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES.— 
 776 B.C. TO 594 B.C. 
 
 776. Restoration of the Olympic games and vic- 
 tory of Coroebus. 
 753. 
 747. Phidon of Argos. 
 
 ROME, PERSIA, ETC. 
 
 Solomon — 1004. 
 Carthage— 878 ? 
 
 Rome founded. 
 -Era of Nabonassor. 
 Isaiah.
 
 SYNCHRONISTIC TABLES. 
 Third Period. 
 594 B.C. TO 501 B.C. 
 
 621 
 
 B.C. GREECE. 
 
 594. Solon archon and legislator of Athens. 
 
 560. Pisistratus usurps the government at Athens. 
 559. Anacreon begins to be distinguished. 
 
 532. Polycrates becomes Tyrant of Sardis. 
 
 Pythagoras flourished. 
 529. 
 
 527. Death of Pisistratus. 
 525. .^schylus born. 
 
 Anacreon and Simonides come to Athens 
 
 Choerilus of Athens first exhibits tragedy. 
 518. Pindar born. 
 510. Expulsion of Hippias. 
 
 Ten tribes instituted by Clisthenes. 
 501. 
 
 500. Ionian revolt. 
 
 Fourth Period. 
 
 PERSIAN WAR. 
 
 499. Sardis burnt. 
 494. 
 
 490. Battle of Marathoiu 
 
 485. 
 
 484. Birth of Herodotus. 
 
 -500 TO BATTLE OF PLJiTJEA, 
 
 479. 
 
 480. Invasion of Xerxes. 
 
 Thermopyla; — Artemisium — Salamis. 
 479. Battle of Plataea. 
 
 Fifth Period. 
 
 SUPREMACYOF ATHENS, WHICH LAST- 
 ED ABOUT SEVENTY YEARS.— from 
 
 the B.\TTLE of PLAT.IEA, 479, TO THE PEACE 
 OF CIMON, 449. 
 
 478. The maritime allies place themselves under 
 
 the supremacy of Athens 
 471. Themistocles ostracised. 
 
 ROME, PERSIA, BTC. 
 
 Tarquin the Elder, king 
 of Rome, and Ncbu- 
 cbadnezzarof Babylon. 
 
 Cyrus in Persia. 
 
 End of the Median em- 
 pire. 
 
 Servius TuUius king of 
 Rome. 
 
 Death of Cyrus. 
 
 Cambyses conquers 
 Egypt. 
 
 Expulsion of Tarquin. 
 
 Titus Lartius Flavus 
 first Dictator of Rome. 
 
 Institution of the tribunes 
 of the people at Rome. 
 
 Xerxes succeeds Darius. 
 
 Gelon becomes master of 
 Syracuse. 
 
 Spurius Cassius, who 
 the preceding year had 
 proposed the first Agra- 
 rian law, condemned 
 to death. 
 
 Egypt reconquered by the 
 Persians. 
 
 Fourth year of war with 
 Veii. 
 
 The Fabia Gens take 
 their station on the 
 Cremera. 
 
 Hieron succeeds Gclon 
 at Syracuse.
 
 622 
 
 AI'I'KNDIX. 
 
 B.C. aiCEECE. 
 
 471. Tliucydidcs horn. 
 
 Pausanias j)Ul lo dtath. 
 
 'I'iiiioleoii ol Rhodes, iho lyric j)oet, flour- 
 ished. 
 468. Arislidc's dies. 
 
 Socralcs horn. 
 
 Sophoch'S gains his first prize in tragedy. 
 
 Myccnu! destroyed ljy the Argives. 
 407. Simonidos dies, aged 90. 
 
 Andocidcs the orator born. 
 
 461. Cimon ostracised. Pericles at the head of 
 adairs in Athens. 
 
 460. First year of the Egyptian war, which lasts 
 six. The Athenians send aid to the Egyp- 
 tians. 
 Democritus and Hippocrates born. 
 449. Death of Cinion. 
 
 Peace with Persia — improperly called the 
 Peace of Cimon. 
 
 Sixth period. 
 
 fkom the peace of cimon, 449, to the first 
 year of the peloponnesian war, 431. 
 
 448. Sacred War between the Delphians and 
 
 Locnans. 
 445. Tlurty years' truce between Athens and 
 
 Sparta. 
 
 443. The Athenians send a colony to Thuni in 
 Italy, which Herodotus, Bet. 41, accompa- 
 nied, and Lysias, a;t. 15. 
 
 439. Athens at the height of her glory. Pericles 
 at the head of affairs. 
 
 432. The Corinthians defeated by the Corcyraeans 
 and Athenians. 
 Revolt of Potidfea. 
 Congress of Peloponnesians to decide on 
 
 war against Athens. 
 Prosecution of Ana.xagoras and Aspasia. 
 Prosecution and death of Phidias. 
 431. 
 
 Seventh Period. 
 
 from the first year of the peloponnesian 
 war, 431, to the fifty years' truce, 421. 
 
 430. Plague at Athens. 
 
 429. Athenians take Potidsa. 
 
 Death of Pericles. 
 
 Birth of Plato. 
 
 Eupolis and Phrynicus, comic poets, exhibit. 
 
 BOME, PEUStA, ETC. 
 
 Antium taken by the Ro. 
 mans. 
 
 Death of Hieron. 
 
 The Romans send a col- 
 ony to Aiitiuin. 
 
 Contests concerning the 
 Tercntillian law at 
 Rome. 
 
 The Capitol seized by 
 Herdonius. 
 
 The Decemvirs deposed. 
 Virginia. 
 
 Lex Trebonia. 
 
 Lex Canuleia, establish. 
 ing connubium be- 
 tween Patricians and 
 Plebeians. P'lrst Mil- 
 itary Tribunes. 
 
 Institution of the Censor- 
 ship. Victory over the 
 Yolscians. 
 
 Spurius Melius killed 
 by Q. Servilius Ahala, 
 Master of the Horse. 
 
 Great victory over the 
 .-Equians and Volsci 
 ans at Mount Algidus.
 
 SYNCHRONISTIC TABLES- 
 
 623 
 
 B.C. GREECE. 
 
 427. Fourth invasion of Attica. 
 
 Gorgias ambassador from Leontini to Athens. 
 
 Aristophanes first exhibits. 
 423. Thucydides banished. 
 
 Truce for a year. 
 
 The Clouds of Aristophanes. 
 421. Truce for fifty years — which lasts only to 
 414 — with frequent hostilities all the while. 
 
 Eighth Period, 
 from the fifty years' truce, 421, to the 
 
 "FOUR hundred" at ATHENS, 411. 
 
 415. Athenian expedition against Sicily. 
 414. 
 
 412. Alcibiades sent by the Lacedaemonians to 
 make a treaty with the Persians. 
 
 Andromeda of Euripides. 
 411. "The Four Hundred" at Athens. 
 
 Recall of Alcibiades. 
 
 The Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusse of 
 Aristophanes. 
 
 Lysias returns to Athens. 
 409. 
 
 406. Naval victory of the Athenians off the Ar- 
 ginussae islands. 
 Dionysius master of Syracuse. 
 Death of Euripides and Sophocles. 
 
 404. End of the war. 
 
 The Thirty Tyrants at Athens. 
 Death of Alcibiades. 
 
 Ninth Period. 
 
 SPARTAN SUPREMACY.— 34 years, from 
 the batlle of ^gospotami, 405, TO the 
 battle of leuctra, 371. 
 
 403. Thrasybulus obtains possession of Athens. 
 
 Thucydides returns to Athens, aet. 68. 
 401. 
 
 399. Death of Socrates. 
 
 396. First campaign of Agcsilaus in Asia. 
 
 394. Battle of Cnidus deprives Sparta of her 
 
 maritime supremacy. 
 390. 
 
 387. Peace of Antalcidas. 
 
 384. Aristotle born. 
 
 382. First year'of the Olynthian war. 
 
 Phoebidas seizes the citadel of Tlitbes. 
 Birth of Demosthenes. 
 
 ROME, PERSIA, ETC. 
 
 War declared against 
 Veil. 
 
 War with the Volscians. 
 
 Vulturnum taken by the 
 Samnites. 
 
 The number of the Quae- 
 stors increased from 
 two to four. 
 
 War with the .^Equians. 
 
 Three plebeians chosen 
 to th(^ ([uaestorship. 
 
 War witli the Volscians. 
 
 Anxur (Terracina) ta- 
 ken. 
 
 Roman soldiers receive 
 pay for the first time. 
 
 An eclipse of the sun re- 
 corded in the Annalcs 
 Maximi. 
 
 Expedition of Cyrus the 
 
 Younger. 
 Plague at Rome. First 
 
 Lcctistnrniurn. 
 Veil taken by Camillus. 
 Peace with the Falisci- 
 
 Rome taken by the 
 
 Gauls. 
 Roman tril)es increased 
 
 from twenty-one to 
 
 twenty -five. 
 Manlius thrown from tho 
 
 Tarp'^ian rock. 
 War v.ith Praeneste.
 
 624 
 
 ATPENDIX. 
 
 II. C. GREECE. 
 
 378. Alliance between Athcii.s and Thebes against 
 Sparta. Date of a new political combina- 
 tion in Greece. 
 
 376. 
 
 371. Peace of Callias. 
 Battle of Leuctra. 
 
 Tenth Pekioh. 
 
 THEBAN SUPREMACY.— FKOM the battle 
 OF leuctka, 371, TO the battle of man- 
 tinea, 362. 
 
 367. Embassy of Pelopidas to Persia 
 
 366. 
 
 365. War between Arcadia and Elis. 
 
 362. Battle of Mantinea. 
 
 Eleventh Period. 
 MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY.— from the 
 
 ACCESSION OF PHILIP, 359, TO THE DEATH OF 
 ALEXANDER, 323. 
 
 359. Accession of Philip. 
 357. Social war. 
 Sacred war. 
 
 356. Second year of the social war. 
 
 Birth of Alexander. 
 
 Philip takes Potidaja and gives it to the 
 Olynthians. 
 352. The first Philippic. 
 
 347. Olynthus taken by Philip. 
 
 Plato dies, aet. 82. 
 346. Peace between Pliilip and the Athenians. 
 
 343. First Samnite war. 
 
 342. Philip's expedition into Thrace. 
 
 Aristotle at the court of Philip. 
 
 Birth rf Epicurus. 
 338. Battle of Chajronea. 
 
 Philip master of Greece. 
 
 Death of Isocrates. 
 336. Assassination of Philip, and accession of 
 
 Alexander. 
 335 Destruction of Thebes. 
 333. Battle of Issus. 
 332. Alexander, king of Epirus, makes a treaty 
 
 with the Romans. 
 330. Alexander takes Ecbatana. Demosthenes 
 on the crown. 
 
 ROME, PERSIA, XTC. 
 
 Rogationcs Licinia; pro- 
 posed. 
 
 Dionysius the elder dies. 
 
 First plebeian Consul. 
 
 Plague at Rome. 
 
 Death of Carnillus. 
 
 Half of the Military Tri- 
 bunes chosen by the 
 people. 
 
 Earthquake at Rome. 
 
 Duilian and Macrian 
 laws restoring the rate 
 of interest fixed bj' the 
 Twelve Tables. 
 
 Dionysius the younger 
 expelled from Syra- 
 cuse by Dion. 
 
 F'lrst plebeian Dictator. 
 
 Quinqueviri Mensarii 
 appointed for a general 
 liquidation of debts. 
 
 Second celebration of the 
 Ludi Sa?culares. War 
 with the Volscians. 
 
 Latium subdued. 
 
 Peace with the Gauls. 
 Cales taken. 
 
 Revolt of Fundi and Pri 
 vcrnum.
 
 SYNCHRONISTIC TABLES. 
 
 625 
 
 B.C. GREECE. 
 
 329. Battle of Arbela. 
 
 323. Death of Alexander. 
 Death of Diogenes. 
 
 Twelfth Period. 
 
 from the de.4.th of alexander to the rise 
 of the ach^an league, 323 to 280. 
 
 323. Lamian war. 
 
 322. End of the Lamian war, and death of De- 
 mosthenes. 
 Death of Aristotle at Chalcis. 
 32L 
 311. General peace. 
 
 306. Defeat of Ptolemj- by Cassander. 
 
 Antigonus, Ptolemj', Seleucus, Lysimachus, 
 
 and Cassander assume the title of king. 
 Epicurus settles at Athens, and teaches 
 there 3C years. 
 301. Battle of Ipsus. 
 
 280. Rise of the Acha;an league. 
 
 279. The Gauls under Brennus invade Greece. 
 
 278. Pyrrhus passes into Sicily. 
 
 264. First Punic war. 
 
 241. Death of Agis IV. of Sparta. 
 
 225. Reforms of Cleomencs at Sparta. 
 
 220. Beginning of the social war. 
 
 216. Philip V. of Macedon concludes a treaty 
 
 with Hannibal. 
 211. Treaty between Rome and llie .lEtoliaus 
 
 against Philip. 
 
 197. Battle of Cynosccphala;. 
 183. Death of Philopcemen, 'The last of the 
 Greeks." 
 
 ROME, PERSIA, ETC. 
 
 Privernum taken. 
 Colony sent to Anxus. 
 
 168. Defeat of Perseus. 
 146. Corinth destroyed. 
 
 Greece a Roman province. 
 
 2 E 
 
 Samnites defeated. 
 
 The "Caudine Forks." 
 
 The Etruscans defeated. 
 
 Samnites defeated. 
 
 Insurrection and subju- 
 gation of the Herni- 
 cans. 
 
 War with the Marsi and 
 Etruscans. 
 
 Romans defeated by Pyr- 
 rhus near Heracleia. 
 
 Victory of Pyrrhus near 
 Asculum. 
 
 Romans triumphant in 
 Southern Italy. 
 
 Last year of the First 
 Punic war. Sicily a 
 Roman province. 
 
 Warwith the Gauls. Q. 
 Fabius Pictor and L. 
 Cincius Alimentus, 
 historians, flourished. 
 
 Via Flaminia and Circus 
 Flaminius. 
 
 Battle of Cannas. 
 
 Eighth year of the second 
 Punic war. Hannibal 
 fails in his attempt to 
 raise the siege of 
 Capua. 
 
 War against the Ligu- 
 rians continued. Death 
 of Scipio Africanua. 
 Death of Hannibal. 
 
 Carthago destroyed by 
 
 Scipio. 
 Cassius Hcmina and C. 
 
 Fannius, historians, 
 
 flourished.
 
 ai'I'1':ni>ix. 
 
 -3 i « 5 
 
 ". c ^ " 
 
 t'S £.5 
 
 HH t. 0) .*-■ 
 
 * ~-£ is 
 
 5 S !" « 
 
 —• c to 
 
 -i ■- a 
 
 0.0.2 " 
 
 
 
 M « ° 
 
 tf) 
 
 C. :■ c r-. 
 
 -^t^.C^Zi 
 
 S -y^S — '-'- 
 
 F 2 ?^:^';= 
 
 Uj • - — 
 
 « j_ ;i — 
 
 - ^ « ■£ ■£ J= - ;;,r- 1- « 
 
 S2 "cft-rT 
 
 •"O :i ■- cL, -pT- 
 
 'i i '- n o M ? £ •« i^ = =-= i-. ^ *■■ 
 
 :-5'5.S ^ ^3 
 
 
 L^ J!- 
 
 
 
 
 : -c o o t £ ■ - ^ 
 
 
 
 > >- o 
 
 o :: o 
 
 O V} o 
 
 
 2 '~ 
 
 .2^^ o -'r g^ S. 
 
 = -^ r-^ 5-t:-- 
 
 M 
 
 i; o S.^ s* - 
 
 M r= ^ -e - 
 
 
 
 ■^ t >— ^>;_^ 2 
 
 c - o o 
 
 
 o ^ c^ 
 
 o c.o 
 
 ^ C G 
 
 >>-^ o 
 
 ^ (•! S 
 
 o t-1 i> 
 
 ffiS- 
 
 ■irei 
 
 ►i; .« =.5 ■" 
 
 ra « 
 
 _c 7= o = 
 
 CS 2^ 
 
 ^" s „ 
 
 7. (i: 
 
 • - ri: 3 
 
 o > 
 
 ":^'*-2 
 
 Ch ?, 
 
 — - - ? 
 
 
 
 
 
 o " 
 
 c — -^ 
 
 >, 
 
 t. _. . > g 
 
 ^^'t: 
 
 
 
 of .^ ■- 
 
 a 
 
 c- o - i 
 
 ■* 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 J- 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 r- 
 
 ■* 
 
 ■* 
 
 T}< 
 
 T)< 
 
 ■* 
 
 
 03 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 
 Z 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 cn 
 
 a 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 cc 
 
 D 
 
 Id 
 
 Z 
 
 H 
 
 a 
 
 t- 
 
 U 
 
 a 
 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 X 
 
 •,\aoj.siii
 
 LITERATURE. 627 
 
 S^ -5 S 
 
 a • i. 
 
 
 A i •— "3 
 
 c. »-o ' 
 
 ^g~ 
 
 S S ° = 
 
 £^ S 
 
 CW5 
 
 o o » « 
 
 
 ■^.= o 
 
 "^"^ 
 
 1= -H 3 » 
 
 e;v2 s 
 
 M m O 
 
 c — - z 
 
 = c 2 
 
 
 rt - X -5 
 
 « — =9 
 
 
 •^ ^ 
 
 X 
 
 c 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■1-1 
 
 d. 
 
 " 
 
 
 
 
 ■"; 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 bx; 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 r^ 
 
 tu 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ;;.rf§,^- "= •: „g^ £.>. i-'io^-^ 
 
 Qd — ^^-MQ CS 
 
 f: — o "~ — M 
 
 O o 3 =i - y ^ ^-5 
 
 w -*.J 
 
 ci n — 
 
 '^ S :« 
 
 Si Is a) 
 
 
 S o 
 tjbo 
 
 nius among 
 d the whole 
 elf anew to 
 ion of lh(! w 
 
 "5 
 
 
 CO 
 
 u 
 
 
 '. o- 
 
 0) O M W 
 
 tao ^ = « 
 
 c; 
 
 >^=: 
 
 
 c3 ■"rt 
 
 o 
 
 ■a 
 o 
 
 
 he greatest 
 ; ho coinpas 
 applying hii 
 igin and coh 
 
 o 
 
 "a — 
 
 -5 
 
 taugh 
 B intcll 
 ation ; 
 
 inhab 
 
 P 
 
 o 
 
 C3 
 o 
 
 11 
 
 - C/ 
 
 3 
 O 
 O 
 
 
 
 ? M -^. 
 
 
 1^ S S-^^-l..^ io -2 ~ <2 ^ 
 
 :Soo S->,"-'S"='? "oS "~ *tt, p ^-t: 
 
 3 o 3-- ^.'^g.S Si c 5 ^ 2.-2 ^ ii^ e-H. 2.5 .2 S 
 
 o 3 -2^ 5 9^^ o.o t- ^ o ^ c 
 
 "5 "S^ -2 
 
 '^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 -=1 
 
 '^-^ 
 
 ■^ 
 
 ■^ 
 
 o 
 
 -^ 
 
 -T^ 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 ■* 00 
 
 t^ CO 
 
 CO CO 
 
 CO 
 
 - 
 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 CO 
 
 00 CO 
 •C CO 
 
 •o 
 
 CO 
 
 - 
 
 o 
 
 
 c» 
 
 ajfiaaftoTa •.vii.iosoiiii.i
 
 628 
 
 AIT'ENDIX. 
 
 ; ^ 1. ^ 
 
 
 5L o i> 
 
 o > 
 
 c-5 - 
 
 
 
 -—• J-— rt. 
 
 ■•* CO . JO ■ 
 
 -5 i^- c: c 
 
 i— 5— £ 
 
 1= c 
 
 11 ^S 
 
 c o 5 
 
 " — 1- y 
 
 — ^ C3 O 
 
 i. 63 r - 
 
 
 o a 
 
 ciT' c . 
 c c '^- 
 
 ^ c > 
 
 9- 0-5 
 
 a S" «- 5 c-T! = • = 
 
 -c T,. = I 
 
 = 5-=ii C y 
 
 « . 
 
 
 o n c i: 
 g.£"o 
 
 
 E 2 
 
 e ^ •' .. i « > 
 
 
 ' c -2 
 
 -■ -c 
 
 <; 
 
 
 «- K — 
 
 .— C O ^ — t^ 
 
 
 O c E. 
 
 ^h ^ 
 
 
 o 
 <— « c -■ ;i 
 
 E'g'cJ-? 
 
 •;- X i- w ""^^ 
 
 ?: ^ 
 
 
 
 - J.r> 
 
 o - --• 
 
 
 
 s e 
 
 AllJOSOTlMJ
 
 LITERATURE. 629 
 
 <u 51S~ 12-=^" ^ SI -c " "^ ~~ ■" ~ t. -5 B .5-5 
 
 02 oS—c ^'^ ac 
 
 
 . . . . ^, 2 ^ O = -a! .i 3 5 S O C oT . .. M 
 
 g^'.s^ t; ^'- - ^^ ^ „-^ ^ :s.5 '= - ^"S •£■- 
 
 ''moo a)_cO-« ■-« 0)0" o c3 ^" oo ^.2' 
 
 S aj 0) O 0) ^ >- • Q O 
 
 o 
 
 
 QJ C0 
 
 o 
 
 2 3 
 
 o S 
 
 «2 
 
 O J 
 
 « E 
 £ so 
 
 >. 
 
 -^ <a 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 w 
 
 < 2 
 
 ^^M 
 
 .s 
 
 & s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^o 
 
 
 :^ 
 
 2 
 
 •~t3 
 
 •^ 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 ^"^ 
 
 O 
 
 X a 
 
 " o a, 
 
 S'c s < 
 
 E >>■ 
 
 o i3 'O *> 
 
 o u c.o 5 _; o 
 
 O 3 
 
 ^ S 3 ^'"^ o^ 
 
 •axiDiaaw -amonomisv -AJiiHO.! .uha-i
 
 630 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
 'i I 
 
 ill i 
 
 C. CS O - = 
 
 -c-c T — -£ ■ 
 
 <<- :5^: 
 
 1- <— »;?>•. 
 
 o-j= J - i- 
 
 r — ^5 . «- ,r • 
 
 ?-.5: — - c 
 
 r= „ Z)i.\. zz z 
 
 
 
 ^<j:% ir^Z'^ll 
 
 o ^ — _ 
 
 
 
 S .--:"=£--= 
 
 
 £ I 
 
 
 t' -r 
 
 S 5 -_ is
 
 SCULPTORS AND PAINTERS. 
 
 cm 
 
 
 
 oB = M M ^ ■ 
 
 '? <^ 
 
 
 ^lli^s 
 
 ^ >>.• 
 
 -"S ■- "o S >, ° >- M 
 
 — ho 
 
 S"3 
 
 ^-5 -^. 
 
 
 M-o"^ 
 
 'o o ^ e s 
 
 
 -3 S'C £ 
 
 S » r 
 
 
 o o W ^ 
 
 _ ><; !D - 
 
 .^~ 3 O 
 
 
 •' - 3 k- 
 
 o -r — ^^ « 
 
 ;^ M _ C3 O 
 
 ~ - i =1 
 
 c = J'2 0-3 
 
 .2 ci is 5^> 
 
 
 
 w to 
 
 
 ■ oi 
 
 K to 
 
 o ci 
 
 5^ 
 
 =11. 
 
 rt 3 - •. 
 
 S 2 " - 
 
 ^ ^ o 
 
 3 >* 5 3 
 
 -3 — dO 
 
 3 O 
 
 = 3 2~ 
 
 >>-^'' 
 
 ^ " (U 
 
 !« .i: > 
 
 "a *^ « 
 
 "o-g 2 
 
 ., 3 yj 
 
 » o 
 
 "* - 2 
 
 g S 2 
 
 ■2^3 
 O Ml 
 
 H 3 ^ , 
 
 3 O^ 
 •^ 3 .. 
 
 ^ii =- 3"3 iS 
 
 (5s ^ 
 
 o X o 
 
 -3 c 
 
 s '5. o 
 
 
 .■;2 21s i^ b^ i 
 
 t) =;>^? 
 
 -- r ■-<* c flj rt 
 
 5S0 <: 
 
 ' H X — 3 
 
 v> 
 
 S S o o 
 ■5 'SO o^ 
 
 O O 3 
 
 i- rrr-S a 
 £ -^ c ?< 
 o x?u s^ 
 
 c;/j-3 — ^3 . 
 °Cl.^ c ^ £ 
 
 O Or^ cSh2t3
 
 632 
 
 Al'I'ENDIX. 
 
 
 11"=- il 
 
 
 
 ros, 
 nee. 
 but 
 eur. 
 
 CSS. 
 
 and 
 s in 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 Sj ^ 5' 4) 2 
 
 .n 
 
 5-,i--2^ t.^o 
 
 ■£f i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 _o "^o t't-S S ? ■- 
 "aii-B 2 — H 2 t« -S' 
 
 - to i 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 
 o O ^ rj o 
 
 r» O — ' >^ 
 
 2 " 5 .b =" 
 
 "^ 2'S Si 
 
 C ■' ^ ^ ^^ 
 
 5 « :^ 2C § = 2 
 
 o^c =--'5 m" £"2 
 
 ^j::.2-e^; = g?2c 
 
 III 
 
 C 1; — 
 
 3 
 
 c 
 
 00 .2 
 
 — C 
 ■r, 
 
 
 
 r£ 5 -3 5 
 
 ^ 
 
 — .> -H .* -^ -CO 
 
 « CO c; 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 * O "^ 
 
 
 — 1 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 "3 'S. ^ 
 
 « OJ ? 
 
 
 <3 
 
 
 
 
 
 _o 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 _0) 
 
 c-5 
 
 
 
 
 g-S v> 
 
 
 "o 
 
 
 
 
 
 X 2 ? 
 
 o .2 
 
 o to _c 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 « 
 
 
 £2 
 — 
 >i to 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 SI? 
 
 
 «~ -s-^ 
 
 u 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 .512 
 
 'I'l 
 3 5 
 
 
 
 
 m o "~ a 
 
 
 <U m t C 
 
 S-2 
 
 
 
 
 - o 5 
 
 
 C^ J= c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 OS b-W 
 
 > C3 „ 
 
 
 
 
 
 s ^ 
 
 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 g* 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 - 
 
 
 3 5 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 s S 
 
 SI. 
 
 ec 
 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 •Hxvaa 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 
 cr: 
 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 j= 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a: 
 
 
 «*-• 
 
 e^- 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 irj I- . 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 
 tn cm 
 
 tc 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 -* 
 
 Tl< be 
 5 3 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 P 
 
 eo" 
 
 00 
 
 oi 
 
 
 
 p: 
 
 3 
 
 Ed 
 
 •=- 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 z 
 
 
 s 
 
 ■< 
 
 
 
 
 
 to" -< 
 
 
 •■a 
 
 
 
 z. 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 &3 X 
 
 
 
 
 
 i- 
 
 J 
 
 « K 
 
 X 
 
 C 
 
 
 
 iJ 
 
 
 
 R « 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 0. 
 
 B ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 eu 
 
 •< 
 
 >'^ c- 
 
 - 
 
 - 

 
 GENERAL EXAMINATION aUESTIONS. 
 
 1. The original population of Greece. — Pelasgi. — Hellenes. 
 — Foreign colonies. 
 
 2. History and character of the Heroic age. — Invasion and 
 conquest of the Dorians. — Greek colonies in Europe, Asia, and 
 Africa. — Homer. — The Olympiads. — General character of our 
 knowledge of these subjects. 
 
 3. History of Athens from the early traditions to the first 
 Persian invasion. — Who formed the Athenian people ? — How 
 were they divided ? — The Eupatrids. — Government. — The Ar- 
 chonts. — Legislation of Draco and of Solon. — Constitution of 
 Athens at the epoch of the Persian Avars. 
 
 4. Early history of Sparta. — "Who formed the Spartan peo- 
 ple ? — Tire Tribes. — The Spartans. — Periceci and Helots.-- 
 Constitution and legislation of Lycurgus. 
 
 5. State of Northern Greece and the Pelopomiesus at the 
 beginning of the Persian war. 
 
 6. Sketch of Persian history, and cause of the Persian in- 
 vasion of Greece. — Relative strength of the two nations, and 
 military reputation of each on the first invasion. 
 
 7. History and results of the first invasion ; — internal and 
 external. 
 
 8. History and results of the second invasion ; — internal and 
 external. 
 
 9. Eminent men, and chief battles of the first and second 
 invasions. 
 
 10. Position of Greece after the second repulse of the Per- 
 sians. 
 
 11. Causes, character, and duration of the Athenian su- 
 premacy. 
 
 12. History of the Athenian supremacy. — Its influence upon 
 the intellectual and artistic development of Greece. 
 
 13. Administration of Pericles.— Its alleged efiects upon the 
 Athenian character. 
 
 14. Internal history of Greece from the Persian to the Pe- 
 loponnesian war. 
 
 15. Causes and character of the Peloponncsiau war 
 
 16. Division of the Peloponnesian war.— Pnncipal battles. 
 • — Leading men. — Chief incidents. 
 
 2e*
 
 r,34 APPENDIX. 
 
 17. The Sicilian expedition. 
 
 18. Close and consequences of the Peloponnesian war. — . 
 State of Athens. — Sparta. — Other states and the colonies. 
 
 19. History, duration, and character of the Spartan su- 
 premacy. 
 
 20. Historj', duration, and character of the Theban su- 
 premacy. 
 
 21. Retreat of the Ten Tliousand, and its consequences. 
 
 22. State of Greece at the accession of Phihp of Macedon. 
 
 23. Rise of the Macedonian power, and character of the 
 opposition of Demosthenes. 
 
 24. State of Greece at the accession of Alexander. 
 
 25. Personal history and character of Alexander. 
 
 26. Alexander as a Greek. 
 
 27. State of Persia at the accession of Alexander. 
 
 28. Historj' of the conquests of Alexander. 
 
 29. Character of Alexander after the conquest of Persia. 
 
 30. Results of his conquests. 
 
 31. The successors of Alexander. — Different and final dis- 
 tribution of his empire. 
 
 32. The Achsean and ^Etolian leagues, and general history of 
 Greece till the Roman conquest. 
 
 33. Sketch of Greek literature by divisions. — Epic poetry, 
 Lyric poetn,', Dramatic poetry, history, philosopny, kc. 
 
 34. Sketch of Greek philosophy. 
 
 35. Sketch of Greek art.
 
 THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS. 
 
 (FROM DONALDSON.) 
 
 Art. 1. The Greek L.vnguage {(ptovr) 'EkXrjviKTj) is that 
 which was anciently spoken througliout the Avliole extent of 
 Greece or Hellas ('EAAaf), a term which included all the Greek 
 colonies (Herod. II, 182). But there were two countries to 
 which this name was applied, — that which still hears the name, 
 and which was distinguished as rj dpxaici 'E/i/idg (Plut. Tunnl. 
 c. 37), or Grcecia Antiqua ; and the south-east of Italy with 
 Sicily, which was called i] [xeydXT] 'EAAaf (Strabo, p. 253), or 
 Grcecia Magna. 
 
 2. It was in the former of these, or Greece Projjcr, as it is 
 sometimes designated, that this language was formed by a fusion 
 of different tribes ; and though the colonists in Asia Minor and 
 Magna Grcecia contributed largely to the development of 
 Greek literature, the intellectual energies of the people, and con- 
 sequently the living excellence of the language, were always 
 most conspicuous in the mother-country ; and, in the end, all 
 the scattered Greeks had learned to speak the language of 
 Attica. 
 
 3. The ancient Greek language is a member of the great 
 Indo-Germanic family, and is therefore intimately connected 
 with the old languages of the Indians, Persians, Celts, Sclavo- 
 nians, Germans, and Italians. It belongs to the science of 
 Comparative Philology to point out the nature and extent of 
 this connection. 
 
 4. Confining our attention to the Greek language, we find 
 that this language, as we have it, consists of two elements — the 
 Pelasgian and the Hellenic ; and Herodotus has informed us, 
 that the Hellenes or Greeks owed their greatness to a coalition 
 with the Pelasgians (I, 58. Varronianus, p. 14). The Pelas- 
 gians (IleA-acryoi, or Ile/loTre^, "swarthy Asiatics," or "dark- 
 faced men." Varron. p. 24. Kenrick rhil. Mns. II, '35:1) were 
 the original occupants and clvilizers of the Peloponnese, which 
 was called after their name, and also of many districts in nortli- 
 ern Greece. These were afterwards incorporated with the Hel- 
 lenes ('EXXriveg, " the warriors :" comp. the name of their god 
 •^.TTeXX(ov, Muller, Dor. II, 6, ^ 0), a cognate martial tribe from 
 the mountains in the north of Thessaly. In proportion as the 
 Hellenic or Pelasgian element in this admixture predominated
 
 686 APPENDIX. 
 
 in ])articul;ir districts, the tribes wore called Doriiuis (^G)Qulr, 
 " lli^r|il.iii(|crs," from 6a and opor, Kunrick, Ifcrod. p. i.xi.), or 
 lonians ('loji'tr, " men of the coast," 'Ihovia ; also Xlyuiknc^ 
 " Beach-inen," or 'Axaioi, " Sea-men :" Kenrick, l^hil. Mus. 11, 
 p. 367). And these appear in historical times as the two grand 
 subdivisions of the Hellenic race (Herod. 1, <5G). 
 
 5. When, however, the Dorians or " Hifrhlanders" first de- 
 scended from their mountains in the north of Thessaly, and in- 
 corporated themselves with the Pelasgians of the Thessalian 
 plains, they were called JEoUans [AloAelc, " mixed men"*), 
 and this name was retained by the Thessalians and Bctotians 
 long after tlie opposition of Dorian and Ionian had establi.shed 
 itself in other parts of Greece. The legend states this fact very 
 distinctly, when it tells us that " Hellen left his kingdom to 
 tEoIus, his eldest son, while he sent ibrth Dorus, and Xuthus, 
 the father of Ion, to make conquests in distant lands," (Apollod. 
 I, 7, 3, 1. Thirl Avail, I, p. 101). 
 
 6. Hence we thid that of the Greek colonies settled on the 
 western coast of Asia Minor, the earliest and most northerly, 
 which started from Boeotia, called themselves jEolians ; that 
 those who subsequently proceeded from Attica, and occupied the 
 central district, called themselves lonians; while those who 
 finally sailed from Argos, and took possession of the southern 
 coast, bore the name of Dorians. 
 
 7. The cultivation of Lyric poetry by the JEolians of Lesbos, 
 the choral poetry of the Dorians, and the epic poetry of the 
 lonians, gave an early and definite expression to certain provin- 
 cial varieties which were called Dialects {didXcKTOi), and the 
 energetic and intelligent branch of the Ionian race which occu- 
 pied Attica ('Arriiii'i or "Kktiki), " the Promontory-Land '), sub- 
 sequently gave such a distinctive character to their own idiom, 
 that the Attic (r/ 'Ardiq) was considered a fourtli Dialect by 
 the side of the Doric {rj Ao}pig), the jEoIic {rj Aio/Jc), and the 
 Io?iic {rj 'lag). 
 
 8. As ever)' dialect or provincial variety is such with refer- 
 ence to some standard of comparison, and as the Attic in the 
 end became the general language, or " common Dialect" {kou'T] 
 did/.£KTog) of all the Greeks, (xrammarians have always esti- 
 
 * The proper meaning of Ai6?.oc is "particoloured,'' and it is used 
 especially to designate alternations of black and white in stripes: thus, 
 the cat is called ai/iovpog [alo/Mvpo^] from the stripes on its tail: and 
 for the same reason aio/lof is a constant epithet of the serpent. It is 
 the opposite of utt/Ioi'c: so Athen. XIV, 622, c. u-?.ovv pvd/iov 
 xiovTeg al6 7.ui fieXei. We do not agree therefore with Dr. Thirlwall 
 (I, p. 102), that AtoAof is a by-form of *E?./l7/i>.
 
 APPENDIX. 637 
 
 mated the ^Eolic, Doric, and Ionic dialects by their deviations 
 from the Attic standard. 
 
 9. Considered, however, in themselves, the four Dialects 
 may be divided into two gi'oups, corresponding to the two main 
 divisions of the Hellenic nation (art. 4). For there is rinich 
 truth in Strabo's remark (p. 333), that the ancient Attic was 
 identical with the Ionic, and the Jiolic with the Doric. 
 
 10. The Doric and iEolic Dialects agreed in representing 
 the Pelasgo-Hellenic language in its first rude state of juxta- 
 position. And if, on the one hand, tlie Hellenic element was 
 more strongly pronounced in its roughness and broadness of ut- 
 terance, on the other hand, the pecidiarities of the Pelasgian, 
 which were lost in the further development of Hellenism, were 
 still preserved in the iEolic, and to a certain extent in the Doric 
 also. 
 
 11. Although the lonians, as such, contained the Pelasfgian 
 element in greater proportion than the iEolo-Doric tribes, tlieir 
 language gives less evidence of the lost Pelasgian idiom than 
 those of the more northern tribes. The reason of this is plain. 
 In their case there was no longer juxta-position, but fusion ; and 
 the irreconcileable peculiarities of the Pclat-giau and Hellenic 
 idioms had been mutually resigned. The lonians, whose ear 
 did not repudiate a concurrence of vowels, omitted the harsh 
 consonants of the Pelasgian idiom, and the Athenians carried 
 this a step further, by contracting into one the syllables which 
 produced an hiatus. 
 
 12. The Attic Greek is the richest and most perfect lan- 
 guage in the world. It is the only language which has attained 
 to a clear and copious syntax, without sacrificing its inllexions 
 and power of composition. It is the language of Sophocles, 
 Aristophanes, and Plato. It had become the language of He- 
 rodotus ; and even Homer's Poems, as they have descended to 
 us, are to a large extent Atticized. 
 
 13. Those who learned Attic Greek as a foreign or obsolete 
 idiom, were said to Atticize {drTtKiL,eiv), and there is a large 
 class of later writers who are called Alticists {'ArTiKiarai). 
 But those foreigners who spoke Greek irom the ear, and with- 
 out any careful observation of the rules of the Attic idiom, and 
 who consequently mixed up with their Greek many words and 
 dictions which were of foreign origin, were said to Ilrllcnize 
 {kXXrivi^ELv) ; and there is a large class of writers, including the 
 authors of the New Testament, to whom we give the name of 
 Hellenists {'EAXrjviOTai). It is the object of the Greek scholar's 
 studies to make him not a Hellenist, but an Atticist, in the high- 
 est sense of the word.
 
 638 APPENDIX. 
 
 ORIGIN AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE LETTERS. 
 
 1 Mythology attributes to the Phfjcnieian hero, Cadmus, tho 
 introduction into Greece of an original alphabet of" sixteen let- 
 ters ; and the old gramnnarians have supposed that these six- 
 teen were the following : — a, 3, y, 6, e, i, k, A, /i, v, o, n, p, a, 
 r, V [Schol. Dion. Thr. p. 7b 1). There can be little doubt 
 that the Grreek alphabet is of Semitic origin, and there is every 
 reason to believe that it originally consisted of lour quaternions 
 of letters : but it is a sound theory, which has been confirmed 
 by the independent investigations of at least four or five differ- 
 ent scholars, that for i, k, p, and v in the above list, we must 
 substitute ?], 6, and the two obsolete characters* r {i3av) and Q 
 (KOTTTTa), which are still retained as numerical signs after e and 
 TT respectively, and that the original arrangement of these six- 
 teen letters was as follows : 
 
 A. BFA. E. FHe. AMN. 2. 0. H^T. 
 
 This order is artificial and systematic, as we shall see, if wc 
 consider the original value of these characters. For A, E, and 
 0, were originally the representatives of breathings of which A 
 was the lightest, E the heaviest, and O of intermediate weight : 
 ^ was an aspirated labial, H an aspirated guttural, and 9 an 
 aspirated dental : so that the nine mutes stood thus, each set 
 being preceded by its appropriate breathing or vowel : 
 
 Breathings, 
 
 nfterwards Labials. Gutturals. Dentals. 
 
 vowels. 
 
 A B r A Mediae 
 
 E F H e Aspiratae 
 
 O n O T Tenues, 
 
 and the liquids A, M, N, 2 stood between the aspiratje and the 
 tenues, because they probably completed a still shorter Semitic 
 alphabet of only twelve characters. 
 
 2. When F fell out, and H, the double aspirate, was taken 
 to represent the double e, the first letters added to the above 
 
 * They are still found in inscriptions, tlie (iav before both consonants 
 and vovrels (Bockh. C. /. No. 11), the Ko-nra only before o (id. ibid 
 No. 29, 37, 166).
 
 APPENDIX. 639 
 
 were v and 0, two representatives of F, and X' the substitute lor 
 H in its original use. The other additional letters were bor- 
 rowed, as their names denote, from corresponding letters in the 
 Hebrew alphabet, and from this was also taken the obsolete 
 2av, of which we have spoken above. The Greeks added, for 
 their own convenience, a double o (called u fieya, and written 
 w), and two combinations of 'Liyfia or 'Lav with Ili, in one of 
 which the ir preceded, while in the other it followed the sibi- 
 lant. These combinations were called -il and lajiirl, and were 
 represented by the same sign in difierent postures, it preceded 
 and I,a/Lim followed 'i2. Under the form "\\^ , the lan~l was 
 used to represent the number 900. 
 
 3. The lonians in Asia Minor were the first to adopt the 
 complete alphabet of twenty-four letters, arranged as we now 
 have it. The Samians have the credit of being the earliest 
 employers of this extension of the written characters, and it was 
 from them that the Athenians derived the additional letters, 
 although they were not used in public monuments until the 
 Archonship of Euclides, 01. 94, 2. B.C. 403. Hence we read 
 of TO, y^dfifiara ra drr' 'EvKXeiSov dpxovroq. Of course He- 
 rodotus, who was an important contributor to the literary inter- 
 course between Samos and Athens, had brought the improved 
 alphabet into use among men of education at a much earlier 
 period, and Euripides expressly distinguishes between ?/ and 
 e as vowels in spelling the name 07]0£vg (ajmd Athcn. p. 
 454 c). 
 
 4. The earliest extant approximation to anything like a 
 handwriting is the inscription on the prize vase brought from 
 Athens by Mr. Burgon, which cannot be later than 600 B.C. 
 The only abbreviation observable in this is the omission of e in 
 the termination -dev. Tiie later Greeks used a number of con- 
 tractions in their MSS., which were adopted in the early edi- 
 tions, but are universally rejected by modern editors.
 
 640 APPENDIX. 
 
 P. 198. 
 
 TmiKK ships, one Alhenitm, one of Tra'zen, and one of yEpina 
 had been stationed oil Sciathus to g\\c advice ol tlie riiovennnta 
 of the enemy. They lied when the Persians came in sitrlit : 
 and the Trcezenian and yEginetan were taken. The Athenian 
 ran ashore at the mouth of the Peneus, and abandoning their 
 ship, made their way home overland. But wdiat makes this 
 afiair the more interesting:, is the well attested fact that the Per- 
 sians chose out the comeliest man among tlie Trcezenians, and 
 oHercd him as a sacrifice for victory at the prow of his ship. 
 A collection of aP the instances of human sacrifice among the 
 more civilized nations of antiquity \\ould form a sad chapter 
 even in the history of superstition. 
 
 ATHENIAIN' LOVE FOR HIGH BIRTH— P. 322. 
 
 It should be remembered that high birth among the Greeks 
 implied a heroic or divine origin, thus connecting the individual 
 with some object of public or private worship. Indeed nothing 
 is more important, and perhaps?, at the same time, more difficult, 
 in the study of history, than to keep constantly in mind the 
 peculiar manner in which the religious belief of a country atlects 
 its ideas upon every other subject. 
 
 SOCRATES. 
 
 I TRANSLATE from Constant's great work on Religion the fol- 
 lowing admirable appreciation of Socrates : 
 
 " Long before our era polytheism had reached its highest 
 point of relative perfection ; but relative perfection, like every 
 thing which partakes of human weakness, is transient in its na- 
 ture. Polytheism, imperfect in iEschylus, perfect in Sophocles, 
 began to decline at the very moment of its perfect development, 
 for the germs of its decay are already manifest in Euripides. 
 The gods had been multiplied to infinity by personifications and 
 allegories ; and hence a strange confusion in doctrines, fables and 
 practice. Such was the state of religion in Greece. In the 
 fourth century the so])hists had neglected the method of obser\-a- 
 tion, and seem to have been so far from suspecting the import- 
 ance of ethics, that they scarcely mentioned it ; devoting their 
 lessons to abstract speculations, remote from practical life. Soc-
 
 APPENDIX. 641 
 
 rates founded his precepts upon conscience, upon self-knowledge ; 
 and thus created the science of morals, which he taught in his 
 lessons and exemplified hy his life. He knew nothing of rhe- 
 torical forms : usnig only a simple, laconic, and close logic. 
 The details of his doctrines are little known ; yet there is no 
 douht but what they taught practical morality, founded upon 
 the inspirations of conscience and the pleasures of virtue ; the 
 existence of a supreme governor of the universe ; and the inunor- 
 tality of the soul. Thus the necessity of unity was felt both in 
 politics and in religion, and while states were preparing for cen- 
 tralization, religion was upon the point of being purified and 
 made one. 
 
 LAWS OF DIOCLES.— P. 487-497. 
 
 Although we know little more of this code than what is 
 contained in some very unsatisfactory passages of Diodorus, yet 
 it was evidently well adapted both to the character and the 
 wants of the Syracusans, ibr they continued to hold to it with 
 undiminished veneration as long as they were allowed to be 
 governed by laws of their OAvn. Subsequent legislators were 
 regarded as mere expounders of the law, whi.le the title of law- 
 giver w^as reserved ibr Diodes. Diodorus tells us that it was 
 severe but discriminating, proportioning the punishment to the 
 crime, and drawn up with conciseness and precision. It has 
 been supposed with great apparent probability that Diodes took 
 for models the laws of Zaleukos, Chavondes and Pythagoras. 
 V. Wachsmuth Hellenische Alterthumskunde, v. i. pp. 741-2, 
 « 85, 2d ed. 
 
 THE ART OF WAR IN GREECE. 
 
 Upon this interesting subject the reader will do well to con- 
 sult the twelfth section of Heeren's Pohtics of Ancient Greece, in 
 which he will thid the leading questions discussed with the 
 characteristic precision of that admirable writer. Those who 
 have not that work at hand, should bear in mhid that the char- 
 acter of Grecian warfare must necessarily have partaken largely 
 of the general characteristics of mountain warfare. If be has 
 studied his map attentively, he will have seen that there was 
 very little room in those narrow limits for the movement of 
 large masses : that a march of a few miles always led to sonic
 
 642 APPENDIX. 
 
 mountain pass or dangerous defile : that there were no strong 
 and extensive bases of operation hke those ol' the Adige and the 
 Mincio in Loinbardy, and eonsequently lew occasions lor the 
 display of strategic skill. The early battles of the Greeks were 
 desperate encounters of hand-to-hand, displaying judicious tactics 
 in the arrangement of the troops, but peculiarly fitted to turn to 
 account the p(3rfect gymnastic training of the rnen ; a fact which 
 will explain the superiority of the Spartans during the early and 
 middle periods of Grecian history. Epaminondas was the first 
 to discover the great principle of concentrating the weight of 
 your own army upon the weakest point of your enemy's, in 
 which the secret of the art consists. The battle ofLeuctra was 
 the opening of a new era in the art of war, which was soon de- 
 veloped upon a vast scale by Philip and Alexander.
 
 Hcrologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athens. (See p. 585 ) 
 
 I N D E X. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abdera, 158. 
 Abrocomas, 423. 
 Abydus, battle of. 423. 
 Academy, the, 399, 596. 
 Acarnania, 0. 
 Acha!ans, 12, sq. 
 Achaean league, 568, sq. 
 Acha;us, 12. 
 Achaia, 6, 57. 
 
 , a Roman province, 578 
 
 Acharnae, 280. 
 
 Achelous, 4, 9. 
 
 Achilles, 22. 
 
 Achradina, 344. 
 
 Acrisius. 18. 
 
 Acropolis, Athenian, 382. 392. 
 
 Acusilaus of Argos, 234. 
 
 Adimantus, 200. 
 
 Admetus, 248. 
 
 Adrastus, 22. 
 
 Aeetes, 20 
 
 ^Eg,T, 523. 
 
 jEgaleos. Mt., Xerxes at, 209 
 
 iEgeus, 19. 
 
 iKgina, 7 ; described, 181 ; taken by ihs 
 Athenians. 287. 
 
 jEginetan scale. 59; sculpture'. 149. 
 
 j?5gin(;tans submit to the Spaitans, 172. 
 
 jEgospotami. battle of, 368. 
 
 jEgyplus, 15. 
 
 Cohans, 13. 
 
 jBolic migration, 35. 
 
 jEoIus, 12 
 
 jEschines, 512; Amphictyonic deputy, 
 518; accuses Demosthenes, 553; re- 
 tires to Rhodes, 554 ; account of his 
 life, 591. 
 
 jEschylus, 178 ; account of, 403, sq. 
 
 ^symnetes, 8 
 
 .£tolia, 6.
 
 CM 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECR 
 
 JFAnhnn lonpiip, S71. 
 
 ^".IciliariH reduced, 574. 
 
 A).'aiiieiiilioii, Iti, '2'i. 
 
 Afiallioii, 587. 
 
 AgflHdas, HH7. 
 
 Agcsdaus becomcH kitiR of Sparla, 43() ; 
 character, ih. ; Ins cxiicdiiioii asaiiist 
 the I'crsiaiis, 43U ; attacks rhartial)a7.u.s, 
 440 ; routs the Persians on th(f I'aclo- 
 lus, tti. ; hi.s jn'erview with I'hariia- 
 bazus, 441; recalled, 442; homeward 
 march, 446 ; oIl'eriiiK at Delphi, 4 17 ; 
 takes l,ech!Bum, 449 ; invades Uwolia, 
 40-4 ; attacks Maiitinea, 474 ; saves 
 Sparta, 47fi, 485 ; expedition to Eirypt, 
 480 ; death, ib. 
 
 Agesipolis, 445 ; death, 459. 
 
 Agis, 307, 32f., 435. 
 
 IV. ,570. 
 
 Agnon, 2C9. 
 
 Agora, 26. 
 
 , Athenian, 398. 
 
 Agrigentum, 118, 488. 
 
 Agyrrhius, 452. 
 
 Aimnestus, 224. 
 
 Ajax, 22. 
 
 Alaric, 396. 
 
 Alcffius, 132. 
 
 Alcibiades, character of, 322 ; deceives the 
 Spartan ambassadors, 324 ; at Olympia, 
 325 ; attacks Epidaurus, ih. ; in Sicily, 
 329; accused of mutilating the Ilermn;, 
 331 ; arrest and escape of, 335 ; con- 
 demned, lb. ; goes to Sparta, 336 ; e.\- 
 ciles a revolt of the Chians, 348; dis- 
 missed by the Spartans, 349 ; flies to 
 Tissaphernes, 350; intrigues of, 351; 
 proceedings at Samos, 3.54 ; arrested by 
 Tissaphernes, 359 ; defeats the Pelopon- 
 nesians at Cyzicus, 360 ; returns to 
 Athens, 361 , dismis.sed from the com- 
 mand of the Athenian tleet, 363 ; flies to 
 Pharnabazus, 376 ; murdered, ib. 
 
 Alcidas, 300, 304. 
 
 Alcmaeon, 88. 
 
 AlcmKonidae banished, 93. 
 
 Alcman, 130. 
 
 Alcmena, 15. 
 
 Aleuada", 507. 
 
 Alexander, King of Macedon, 217. 
 
 Ale.xander of Pherae, 480 ; defeated by 
 Pelopidas, 482 ; subdued, 483 
 
 Alexander the Great, 522 ; education, 526 ; 
 accession, ib.; overawes the Thebans 
 and Athenians, 527 ; generalissimo 
 against Persia, ib. ; interview wih 
 Diogenes, 528 ; expedition against tht 
 Thracians, &c , tb. ; reduces the The- 
 bans to obedience, tb. ; demands the 
 Athenian orators, 529 ; crosses to As.a, 
 
 530 ; forces the passage of the Granicus, 
 
 531 ; progress through Asia Minor, ib. ; 
 cuts the Gordian knot, 542 , dangerous 
 illness, 533 , defeats the Persians at 
 Issus, lb ; march through Phcenicia. 
 535 ; besieges Tyre, 536 ; answer to 
 Parmenio, 537 ; proceeds to Egypt, ib. ; 
 visits the temple of .\mmon, 538 ; defeats 
 Darius lu the battle of Arbela, 539; 
 enters Babrlon, ih. ; seizes Suza, 540 ; 
 marches to Persepolis, ib. ; pursues 
 
 DariuH, 541 ; invad'N Hyrcania, 542; 
 enters Umlriii, 513 ; deli-aiH the Scy- 
 tlniinH, lb. ; iiiarries Koxuna, 544 ; killH 
 ClituH, lb. ; plot of the pages againHC bin 
 life, 515 , crosMet) the indUM, ib. ; van- 
 quishes I'oniH, tb. ; rnarchcn home- 
 wards, .VU) , peril at .Malli, ib ; arrives 
 at the Indian Ucean, 5-17 ; march throu|;b 
 (Jedrosia, ib. ; marries Slatira, 54w ; 
 (juells a mutiny at Opis, ib. ; KoleriiniH(;>< 
 the festival of Dionysus at Ecbatana, 
 549 ; hm ambitious projects, 550 . death, 
 ib. ; character, ib. ; estimate of his ex- 
 ploits, 551 ; funeral, 553 ; portraits and 
 statues of, 562. 
 
 .\lexander, son of Alexander the Great, 
 553, 561. 
 
 Alexandria in Arachosia, 543. 
 
 Alexandria in Ariorum, 542. 
 
 .Mexandria ad Caucasum, .543. 
 
 Alexandria in Egypt, founded, 537 ; de- 
 scription of, 584; literature at, 600. 
 
 Alexandria Eschate, 543. 
 
 Alphabet, lon.c, introduced, 379. 
 
 .Mpbeiis, 6, 7. 
 
 Altis, the, 52. 
 
 Ambracian Gulf, 4. 
 
 Aminias, 211. 
 
 Ammon, Jove, 538. 
 
 Amompharetus, 223. 
 
 Amphipolis, 269, 503. 
 
 Amphissians, 518. 
 
 Amphitryon, 15. 
 
 Amphictyonic council, its or'gin and con. 
 stitution, 49. 
 
 Amphictyons, decree of tho. at the end of 
 the second sacred Wjf, bl?. 
 
 Amyntas, 457 
 
 Anacharsis, 84. 
 
 Anacreon, 134. 
 
 Anactorium, 125. 
 
 Anaxagoras, 130 > '.nurfe»,i viiL impiety, 
 279 
 
 Anaxlbius, 432 ; blail, 453. 
 
 Anaxicrates, 262. 
 
 Anaximander, 136. 
 
 Anaximenes, 136. 
 
 Andocidtfs, 334. 590. 
 
 .\ndro£,thenes, 38<^. 
 
 Anniceres, 490. 
 
 Antiilcidas, peace of, 454 ; mission to 
 lersia, 457. 
 
 A.itigonias, Athenian tribe. 562. 
 
 Antigonus, 553, 558; coalition against, 
 561 ; assumes the title of king, 562 ; 
 slain, 563. 
 
 Antigonus Doson, 570. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas, 568. 
 
 Antioch founded hv Selcucus, 563. 
 
 Antiochus, 363, 479. 
 
 Antiochus Soter. 567. 
 
 Antiochus III . 574. 
 
 Antipater, defeats the Spartans, 553 ; 
 defeated at the Spercheus, 555 . over- 
 throws the allied Greeks at Crannon- 
 556 ; demands the Athenian orators, 
 557 ; declared regent. 55S ; death, ib. 
 
 Antiphon, 351. 355; executed, 356; char- 
 acter as an orator, 590. 
 
 Aniisthenes, 596. 
 
 AnytQS, 417.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 645 
 
 Apaturia, fostival of, 306. 
 
 Apelles, 5b2. 
 
 Apollo PylhEEus, 56 ; Temnites, 337 ; 
 Epicurius, temple of, 399. 
 
 Apollodorus, 390. 
 
 ApoUonia, 125. 
 
 Appian, 601. 
 
 Arachosia, 543. 
 
 Aratus, 569. 
 
 Arbela, battle of, 539. 
 
 Arcadia, 6, 57. 
 
 Arcadian confederation, 474. 
 
 Arcadians transfer the presidency of the 
 Olympic games to the Pisatans, 483. 
 
 Arcesilaus, 596. 
 
 Archelaus, 501. 
 
 Archias, 557, 400. 
 
 Archidamus, 278, 284, 285, 287, 288 ; be- 
 sieges Platwa, 293. 
 
 Archilochus, 129. 
 
 Architecture, 141, 584. 
 
 Archon, 80 ; Athenian, 88 ; cponymus 
 and basileus, 91. 
 
 Areopagus, court of, 91 ; reformed by Peri- 
 cles, 256 ; hill of, 382, 398. 
 
 ArginussB, battle of, 365. 
 
 Argives and Spartans, struggles between, 
 78. 
 
 Argolis, 7. 
 
 Argonauts, 20. 
 
 Argos, 7, 13, 15, 57 ; progress of, 257 ; 
 head of a new confederacy, 321. 
 
 Ariadne, 19. 
 
 Ari;eus, 426. 
 
 Ariobarzanes, 540. 
 
 Arion, 131, 402. 
 
 Aristagoras, 163, sq. 
 
 Aristarclius, 600. 
 
 Aristides, character of, 183 ; recalled 
 from exile, 203 ; defeats the Persians, 
 212 , organizes the confederacy of Delos, 
 242 , change in his views ; 245 ; death, 
 250 
 
 Aristippus, 595. 
 
 Aristocrates, 76. 
 
 Aristodernus of Messenia, 74. 
 
 Aristodemus of Sparta, 226. 
 
 iristogeiton (v. Ilarmodius). 
 
 Aristophanes, his politics, 302 ; account 
 of, 408, sq. 
 
 Aristophanes of Byzantium, 000. 
 
 Aristomenes of Messenia, 75. 
 
 Aristotle, 526 ; account of, 597 ; method 
 and philosophy, 598. 
 
 Arrian, 601. 
 
 Arsinoe, 566. 
 
 Art, Greek, 30 , 140, sq. ; Athenian, 380, 
 sq. : Greek, 579, sq. ; decline of, 585. 
 
 Artal);i7.us, riMrcat of 225 
 
 Artaphenies, 1(14, 173. 
 
 AnaMTxes, 219, 420 
 
 Artennsia, 206 ; her prowess, 211. 
 
 Artemisium, battle of, 199. 
 
 Asia Minor, Greek colonies in, 35. 
 
 Asopius, 299 
 
 Aspasia, 279. 
 
 Assyrian empire, 152. 
 
 Astacus, 287. 
 
 Asty, the, 384. 
 
 Astyochus, 349. 
 
 Atheas, 518. 
 
 Athena, 20; statue of, 395. 
 Athenun navy, 299. 
 
 Athenians, dfvidod into four classes, 97; 
 assist the lonians, 106 ; war with 
 -1-;gina, 181 ; abandon Athens, 202 ; 
 reject the Persian alliance, 217; ronsti- 
 tuliori more democratic, 245 , form an 
 alliance with Argos, 257 ; assist Inarus, 
 258 ; defeat the .tjginetans, 259 ; con- 
 quer Ilteotia, 261 ; reduce A'gjna, ib. ; 
 lo.se their power in Utt'olia, 263 ; des- 
 potic power of, 271 ; mate peace with 
 I'ersia, 262 ; conclude a thirty years' 
 truce with Sparta, £04 ; subjugate 
 Samos, 271 ; form an alliance, with 
 Corcyra, 275 ; their allies and resources 
 in the Peloponnesian war, 283 ; their 
 fleet annoys the Peloponnesus, 287 ; 
 ravage the Megarid, ib. ; their decree 
 against the Mylileneans, .302 ; take 
 Pylus, 307; expedition against iloeolia, 
 315 ; conclude a truce with Sparta, 318 ; 
 peace of Nicias, 320 ; refuse to evacuate 
 Pylus, 322 ; treaty with Argos, 324 ; 
 con(iiier Melos, 327 ; massacre the in- 
 habitants, 328; interfere in Sicilian 
 allairs, ib. ; expedition to Sicily, 329 ; 
 progress of, 333 ; ii.sult the coasts of 
 Laconia, 340 ; send a fresh fleet to 
 Sicily, 341 ; defeated Lt .sea by the Sy- 
 racusan.«, 342 ; retreat from .Syracuse, 
 343 ; defeated by the Lacediemoiuans off 
 Eretria, 350 ; gain a naval victory at 
 Cynossema, 358 ; at Abydus, 359 ; at 
 Cyzicus, 300 ; regain possession of the 
 Bosporus, lb. ; totally defeated at ,'Egos- 
 potanii, 308 ; ally themselves with 
 Thebes, 444 ; form' a league with Cor- 
 inth and Argos against Sparta, 445 ; 
 lose the command of the ilellcppont, 
 454 ; head of a new confederacy, 463 ; 
 declare war against Sparta, ib. ; per.ce 
 with Sparta, 408 ; form an alliance with 
 the Peloponnesian States, 474 ; send an 
 embassy to Persia, 479; support Alex- 
 ander of Pherae, 480 ; their desire to 
 seize Corinth, 481 ; reviving maritime 
 power of, 482 ; deceived by I'liilip, 504 ; 
 coalition against, 505 ; send an embassy 
 to liini, 512; court Philip, 513; semi a 
 fleet to relieve By/.antiiim, 517 ; their 
 alarm at the approach of Philip, 519 ; 
 prostrated by the battle of Chieroiiea, 
 520 ; their piratical expedition to Oropiis, 
 577 , condemned in .500 talents by the 
 Romans, ib. 
 Athens, its origin, 15, 19 ; early consti- 
 tution of, 90; taken by ihe Persians, 
 205 ; second occupation of, by the I'er- 
 sians, 218 ; rebuilding of, 244 ; long 
 walls of, 259 ; incipient ilerlino o(\ 
 203; crowded state of, during Ihe Pe- 
 loponnesian war, 280; plague al,28.''; 
 dismay at, 347 ; oligarchy established 
 at, 353 ; invested by the Peloponne- 
 sians, 371 ; famine al, ib. ; surrender 
 of, 372 ; Spartan garrison al, ,374 ; 
 democracy restored at, 379 ; description 
 of the city, 382, sq. ; origin of its name, 
 383 ; rebuilt, 384 ; walls, ib. : harbours, 
 lb. ; streets, &c., 385; population, ib :
 
 646 
 
 niSTOUY OF CMiKECE. 
 
 lonp walls rebuilt, 447; ciipturtd by 
 Dt'iiiclruiK, bt'iC) 
 
 AllioH, Muiiiit, caiiul al, IbT. 
 
 AllaKiniiH, TM). 
 
 Attic tribes, four, 80 ; increased to ten, 
 108. 
 
 Attica, 5 ; early history of, 88 ; three fac- 
 tions in, 'J5. 
 
 P.. 
 
 Babylon, 153 , taken by Cyrus, 108 ; sub- 
 mits to AlcMimler, 5:i'J. 
 
 Babylonians, the, 153 ; Aristofihanes' 
 comedy of, 302. 
 
 Baci'lua(l;r, oliyarcliy of the, 383. 
 
 Bacclolidcs, •r.a. 
 
 Bad, tlie, 85. 
 
 Barbarian, meaning of the term, 48. 
 
 Barca, 124. 
 
 Bards, ancient, 30. 
 
 Bardylis, 5U2. 
 
 Baxikiis, what, 26. 
 
 Bclus, temple of, 530. 
 
 Bessus, 541 ; put lo death, 543. 
 
 Bias, 135. 
 
 Bion, 000. 
 
 Boar's grave, battle at the, 76. 
 
 Bceolarchs, restored, 461. 
 
 Bceotia, description of, 5. 
 
 BcEotians, inmiigration of the, 32 ; their 
 confederacy restored, 4G6. 
 
 Boges, 243. 
 
 Bosporus, Athenian toll at the, 360. 
 
 Boule. 20. 
 
 Brasidas, 308 ; his e.xpedition into Thrace, 
 317 ; death, 319 ; honours paid to his 
 memory, 320. 
 
 Brennus, 567. 
 
 Bribery among the Greeks, 199. 
 
 Bryas, 327. 
 
 Bucephala, founded by Alexander, 546. 
 
 Byzantines, erect a statue in honour of 
 Athens, 518. 
 
 Byzantium, 125 ; taken by the Athenians, 
 240 ; second capture of, 272 ; third cap- 
 ture of, 361 ; besieged by Philip, 516 ; 
 reheved by the Athenians, 518. 
 
 c. 
 
 Cadmea, or Theban citadel, seized by the 
 Spartans, 458 ; recovered, 462. 
 
 Cadmus, 16. 
 
 Cadmus of Miletus, 234. 
 
 Calamis, 387. 
 
 Callias, peace of, 468. 
 
 (^allias of Chalcis, 517. 
 
 Callicrates, 576. 
 
 Callicratidas, 363. 
 
 Callimachus, 000. 
 
 Callippus, 494. 
 
 Callirrhoe, fountain of, 104. 
 
 Callistratus, 463. 
 
 Callixenus, 366. 
 
 Cambunian mountains, 2. 
 
 Cambyses, 158 ; conquers Egypt, 159 : 
 death, ib. 
 
 Canachus, 387. 
 
 Carduchi, 429. 
 
 Carneades, 596: 
 
 CaryatidcH, 397. 
 
 CariliiiginianH invade Sicily, 215, 468. 
 
 (Jaspian gates, 541. 
 
 Cassander, 559; establihhcB an oligarchy 
 at Athens, 560, takes I'ydna, lO , kills 
 Koxana and her son, 561. 
 
 (lasting, art of, 148. 
 
 Catana, surprised by the Atheniaiis, 334. 
 
 Calha-i, 546. 
 
 (Jaucones, 14. 
 
 (,'ecropida;, 383. 
 
 Cecrops, 15. 
 
 Cells invade Macedonia, 507. 
 
 Ciphallenia, 7, 287. 
 
 Cepliissus, the, 382. 
 
 Ceraimcus, the, 398. 
 
 CeryrKs, the, 351. 
 
 Chabrias, 451. 463 ; defeats the Lace- 
 daemonian licet at Naxos, 465; slain. 
 505. 
 
 Cha-reas, 354. 
 
 Chierephon, 417. 
 
 Cha-rilus, 402. 
 
 ChH.-ronea, first battle of, 263 ; second 
 batlle, 520. 
 
 Chalcedon, 361. 
 
 Chalybes, tlie, 430. 
 
 Chares, 481, 505, 517. 
 
 Cliares (sculptor), 585. 
 
 Chancles, 340. 
 
 Charidemus, 509. 
 
 Charilaus, 61, 77. 
 
 Chariots of war, 30. 
 
 Charon of Lampsacus. 234. 
 
 Charon of Thebes, 460. 
 
 Chians, revolt of the, 348. 
 
 Chileos, 219. 
 
 Chilo, 135. 
 
 Chionides, 407. 
 
 ('hios, attacked by the Athenians, 505. 
 
 Chirisophus, 431. 
 
 Chremonidean war, 568. 
 
 Chronology, Grecian, ?8. 
 
 Chryselephantine statuary, 395. 
 
 Cimon of Cleona', 150. 
 
 Cimon, son of Milliades, 242 : his cha- 
 racter, 252 ; assists the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, 255 ; banished, 257 ; his sen- 
 tence revoked, 261 ; expedition to Cyprus 
 and death, 262 ; his patronage of art. 
 391. 
 
 Cinadon, conspiracy of, 437. 
 
 Cirrha>an plain, 51, 505. 
 
 Cithaeron, Mount, 5. 
 
 Cities, independent sovereignty of, 54. 
 
 Clearchus, 420, 425. 
 
 Clearidas, 322. 
 
 Cleippides, 298. 
 
 Cleobulus, 135. 
 
 Clcombrotus, 462 , assists the Phocians 
 466; invades BcBotia, 470 ; slain, 471. 
 
 Cleomenes, 106, 111, sq. 162. 
 
 Cleomenic war, 571. 
 
 Cleon, 286 ; character of, 301 ; his vio- 
 lence, 310 ; his expedition a^ains\ 
 Sphacteria, 311 ; to Thrace, 319, flight 
 and death, ib. 
 
 Cleopatra, Philip's wife, 522. 
 
 Cleopatra. Philip's daughter, manie» 
 .Alexander of Epirus, 523. 
 
 Cleophon, 360.
 
 I.NDEX. 
 
 MTt 
 
 Clerucfii, 112, 268. 
 
 Clisttieiies of Sicyon, 83. 
 
 Clisthenes, 107 ; his reforms, 108 ; Ihcir 
 
 effects, 113. 
 Clitus saves Alexander's life, 531 ; killed 
 
 by Alexander, 544. 
 Cnemus, 291. 
 Cnidus, battle of, 442. 
 Codrus, death of, 88. 
 Colchians, the, 431. 
 
 Colonies, Greek, 115, sq. ; relation to the 
 mother country, ib. ; how founded, 
 116; mostly demo^^ratic, lO. ; in Asia 
 Minor, 117; in Sicily, US; in Italy, 
 120 ; in Gaul and Spain, 123 ; in Africa, 
 124; in the Ionian Sea, ib. ; in .Msce- 
 donia and Thrace, 125 ; progress of, 
 228. 
 Comedy, old Attic, 408 ; new, 588. 
 Conon, supercedes Alcibiades, 363 ; de- 
 feated by Callicratidas, 364 ; accepts 
 the command of the Persian fleet, 439 ; 
 ojcupies Caunus, 441 ; proceeds to 
 Babylon, 442 ; defeats the Spartan lleel 
 at Cnidus, ib. ; reduces the Spartan 
 colonies, 447 ; takes Cythera, ib. ; re- 
 builds the long walls of Athens, 448 ; 
 seized by Tiribazus, 451. 
 Copais, lake, 5. 
 Corax, 5. 
 
 Corcyra, 7, 121; troubles in, 304; mas- 
 sacre at, 313 ; defended by an Athenian 
 fleet, 467. 
 Corcyr«ans, quarrel with Corinth, 273 ; 
 
 send an embassy to Athens, 274. 
 Corinna, 231. 
 
 Corinth, 57 ; despots of, 83 ; battle of, 
 445 ; massacre at, 449 ; congress at, 
 521 ; another congress at, 527 ; destroy- 
 ed by Mummius, 578. 
 Corinthian gulf, 5. 
 Corinthian order, 145 ; war, 445. 
 Corinthians assist the Epidamnians, 274 ; 
 ally themselves with Argos, 4-19 ; con- 
 clude a peace with Thebes, 481. 
 Coronea, battle of, 446. 
 Conipedion, battle of, 566. 
 Cottyus,519. 
 Cotys, 576. 
 Cranai, 383. 
 Crannon, battle of, 556. 
 Grantor, 596. 
 Craterus, 546. 
 Crates, 596. 
 Cratinus, 408. 
 Crete, 7, 38. 
 Creusis, 470. 
 Crimesus, battle of, 497. 
 Crissa, 50. 
 Critias, 372 ; seizes Salaniis and Kleusis, 
 
 377 ; slain, 37S. 
 Crito, 418. 
 Critolaus, 578. 
 
 Crojsus, 150, 154; fall of, 157. 
 Croton, 120. 
 Cryptia, 64. 
 Cumae, 118. 
 Cunaxa, battle of, 424. 
 Cyclades, 7. 
 Cyclic poets, 40. 
 Cyclopean walls, 142. 
 
 Cyllene, Mount, 6. 
 
 Cylon, conspiracy of, 92. 
 
 Cynics, the, 596. 
 
 Cynosarges, the, 590 
 
 CynoscephaliB, battle of, 482. 
 
 Cynuria, 78. 
 
 Cypselus, 83. 
 
 Cyrenaic sect, 595. 
 
 Cyrene, 124. 
 
 Cyrus, empire of, 155; raptures Sardis, 
 
 156 ; take.s Uabylon, 158; death, ib. 
 Cyrus the younger, arrives on the coast, 
 
 362 ; his expedition aeainst his brother 
 
 Arta.verxes, 420 ; march, 422, sq. ; slain, 
 
 425. 
 Cythera, 7. 
 Cyzicus, 117, 359; recovered by the 
 
 Athenians, 360. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dfpdalus, 148. 
 Damocles, story of, 490. 
 Danae, 15. 
 
 Uanai, 15. 
 
 Uanaus, 15, 18. 
 
 Darius, 159; his administration, ICl ; 
 Thracian expedition of, ib. ; extorts the 
 submission of the Macedonians, 102 ; 
 death, 180. 
 
 Darius Codomanus, defeated by Alexander 
 at Issus, 533 ; overthrown by Alexander 
 at Arbela, 539 ; murdered, 543. 
 
 Datis, 173. 
 
 Dccarchies, Spartan, 370, 43". 
 
 Decelea, 340. 
 
 Delium, Athenian expedition against, 315 j 
 battle of, 316. 
 
 Delos, confederacy of, 241 ; tribute, 269; 
 synod removed to Athens, 270 ; lustra- 
 tion of, 307. 
 
 Delphi, temple of, 50; oracle, 54; taken 
 by the Phocians, 500 , oracle of concern- 
 ing Pbilip, 523. 
 
 Demades, 557. 
 
 Demaratus, 182. 
 
 Demes, Attic, 108. 
 
 Demetrias, Athenian tribe, 502. 
 
 Demetrius of Phalcrus, 560 ; character of, 
 561 ; retires to Thebes, 502. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes, 501 ; besieges 
 Salamis, 562 ; besieges Rhodes, ib. ; 
 takes Athens, 565 ; king of Maccdon. 
 ib. ; death, 506. 
 
 Demetrius of Pharos, 572. 
 
 Demiurgi, 20. 
 
 Democracy, 80 ; Athenian, progress of, 
 301. 
 
 Demosthenes (general), 307, 311. 
 
 Demostbenes (orator), account of, 508; 
 PliiltppKS, lb. ; first, 509 ; Oli/nthiacs, 
 510; embassy, 512; second i'lnlippic, 
 
 515 ; oration on the Peace, ib. ; mission 
 into Peloponnesus, ib. ; third Philippic, 
 
 516 ; oration on the Chersonese, ib. j 
 presented with a golden crown, 517 : 
 goes envoy to Thehes, 519 ; fights at 
 Cha>ronea, 520 ; his conduct after 
 Philip's death, 526 ; proposes religious 
 honours for Philip's assassin, li. ; his 
 opinion of Alexander, 527 ; exertions
 
 64(5 
 
 lllSTOKV OF GREECE. 
 
 to rouse Greece, tb. ; cmbaHsy to Alex- 
 ander, lb ; accused by jTiscliiries— 
 8pei;cli on the (.'rowii, 551 ; coiiilenined 
 oi' corruption, 555; recalli.'il from exile, 
 550 ; demanded by Antipaler, 557 , 
 escapes to Calaurea, ib. ; deulli, ib ; 
 character as an orator, 592. 
 
 Dercyllidas, 438, 447. 
 
 Diacria, 95. 
 
 DiTBUs, 577. 
 
 Diasia, 93. 
 
 Dicasteries, 256. 
 
 Uinarchus, 593. 
 
 Dioi-lcs, 4H7. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus, 001. 
 
 Diodotus, 303. 
 
 Diogenes, his interview with Alexander, 
 527. 
 
 Dion, 489 ; patriotic projc':ts of, 491 ; 
 exiled. 492 ; takvis Syracu.se, 493 ; as- 
 sassinated, 494. 
 
 Dion Cassius, 601, 
 
 Dionysius the older, tyrant of .Sy- 
 racuse, 483, sq. ; death and character, 
 490. 
 
 Dionysius the younger, 490 ; expelled by 
 Dion, 493 ; retires to Corinth, 490. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 001. 
 
 Dionysus, theatre of, at Athens, 397. 
 
 Diopithes, 510. 
 
 Dithyramb, invention of the, 132 ; the 
 source of tragedy, 402. 
 
 Dodona, orac'.e of, 14. 
 
 Dorcis, 241. 
 
 Dorians, 12, 13 ; in Peloponnesus, 32 ; 
 migrations of the, 37 ; three tribes of, 02. 
 
 Doric Hexapolis, 37 ; order, 144. 
 
 Doris, 5. 
 
 Dorus, 12. 
 
 Draco, laws of, 92. 
 
 E. 
 
 Ecclesia, the, 109. 
 
 Education, Spartan, 60 ; Athenian, 413. 
 
 EgestEeans, the, deceive theAthenians, 329. 
 
 Egypt, its influence on Greece, 15. 
 
 Eion, Athenian colony at, 253. 
 
 Eispkora, the, 463. 
 
 Elea, founded, 158. 
 
 Eleans, 34 ; attack the Arcadians at 
 Olympia, 483. 
 
 Eleusinians, condemned to death by the 
 3000 at Athens, 378. 
 
 Eleutheria, festival of, 227. 
 
 Elis, 7, 57 ; reduced by the Sparlans. 43.J. 
 
 Embassy of the three philosophers to 
 Rome, 577. 
 
 Embroidery, 30. 
 
 Ennea Ilodoi, 253. 
 
 Epaminondas, 460 ; named Bteotarch, 
 461 ; his character, 464 ; embassy to 
 Sparta, 408; military genius of ; defeats 
 the" Spartans at Leuctra, 471 ; invades 
 Laconia, 475 ; establishes the Arcadian 
 conlederation, and restores the Messe- 
 nians, 470 ; again invades Peloponnesus. 
 478 ; saves the Theban army, 480 ; res- 
 cues Pelopidas, ib. ; naval expedition of, 
 482 ; last invasion of Peloponnesus, 484 ; 
 death of, 4S6. 
 
 Epariti, 470. 
 
 Epeans, 34. 
 
 EphesUH, 117. 
 
 Ephctar, 92. 
 
 Epliiultes, 195. 
 
 Ephialtes (the friend of Pericle.,) 256. 
 
 Ephors, 04 ; power of the, C5. 
 
 i'.\)U: poetry, 40. 
 
 EpicliariNUs, 401. 
 
 Epicnemidian Locrians, 5. 
 
 Epicurean sect, 590. 
 
 Epicurus, 565, 590. 
 
 Epidamnus, 125, 273. 
 
 Ejjidaurus, 7. 
 
 Epigoni, 22. 
 
 Epimenidcs, 94. 
 
 Epipolffi, 337. 
 
 Epirus, 4. 
 
 Epitadas, 311. 
 
 Epyaxa, 422. 
 
 Equals, Spartan, 438. 
 
 Erectheum, 268. 
 
 Eretria, capture of, 174. 
 
 Eteocles, 22. 
 
 Eutephnus, 73. 
 
 Euba-a, 7 ; revolt from Athena, 20-. 
 second revolt of, 356. 
 
 Euboic scale, 59. 
 
 Euclides, archon, 380. 
 
 Euclides of Megara, 595. 
 
 Euclides of Alexandria, OCO. 
 
 Eudamidas, 458. 
 
 Eumenes, 553. 
 
 Eumenes, King of Pergamus, 576. 
 
 Eumcnides of -^schylus, 256. 
 
 Eumenides, cave of the, 398. 
 
 Eumolpida?, 335, 351. 
 
 Kupatrida, 20 ; nature of their govern- 
 ment, 91. 
 
 Euphaes, 73. 
 
 Euphranor, 581. 
 
 Euphrates, surveyed by order of Alex- 
 ander, 550. 
 
 Eupolis, 408. 
 
 Eiipompus, 582. 
 
 Euripides, account of, 406 ; character as a 
 poet, 407. 
 
 Euripides the younger, 587. 
 
 Eurybiades. 193. 
 
 Eurydice, 560. 
 
 Eurotas, 7. 
 
 Eurvmedon, battle of the, 252. 
 
 Eurymedon, 307, 313 ; banisftied, 328. 
 
 Eurystheus, 18. 
 
 Evagoras, 439. 
 
 Farnesian bull, 586. 
 
 Fathers, Greek, 603. 
 
 Few. the. 266. 
 
 ' Five Thousand,' the, 353, 355. 
 
 Flaminius, T. Q., 575. 
 
 ' Four Hundred,' Athenian Senate or 
 
 Council of, 98 ; enlarged to five hundred, 
 
 109; their judicial power abrogated, 
 
 256. 
 ' Four Hundred,' conspiracy of the, S33 ; 
 
 put down, 3.i6. 
 Franchise, Athenian, restricted, 380. 
 Freemen, 27.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 649 
 
 G. 
 
 Galatia, 567. 
 
 Galen, 602. 
 
 Gargaphia, fountain of, 220. 
 
 Gaugamela, battle of (v. Arbela). 
 
 Gelon of Syracuse, 192, 215. 
 
 Generals, 10 Athenian condemned, 367. 
 
 Geomori, 20, 80, 8U. 
 
 Geranean mountains, 5. 
 
 Genista, Spartan, 65. 
 
 Good, the, 85. 
 
 Gordian knot, the, 512. 
 
 Gorgias, 328, 414, 500. 
 
 Government, in the heroic age, 25. 
 
 Granicus, battle of the, 531. 
 
 Graphe paranomo/i, repealed, 353. 
 
 Greece, Ibrm of, 2 ; physical features of, 
 7, sq. ; climate, 9, si]. ; products, ib. ; 
 reduced to a Roman province, 578. 
 Greek language, 13, 48 ; history, early, 
 48. 
 
 Greeks, character of the, 8 ; causes which 
 united them, 48 ; disunion of, on the 
 approach of Xerxes, 191 ; celebrate 
 the battle of Salamis, 214 ; expedition 
 of the Ten Thousand, 422 ; retreat of, 
 426, sqq. ; arrive at the Euxine, 430 ; at 
 Byzantium, 432. 
 
 Gyges, 153. 
 
 Gylippus, arrives in Sicily, 339 ; captures 
 the fort of Labdalum, ib. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hamilcar, 215. 
 
 Hannibal, 572. 
 
 Harmodius and Aristogiton, conspiracy of, 
 105. 
 
 Ilarmosts, Spartan, 370, 437. 
 
 Harpagus, 158. 
 
 Harpalus, 554. 
 
 IlecatKUs, 165, 234. 
 
 Ilegias, 387. 
 
 Helen, 22. 
 
 Helieea, 110. 
 
 Helicon, 5. 
 
 Hellanicus, 234. 
 
 Hellanodicae, 51. 
 
 Hellas, 2. 
 
 Hellen, 12. 
 
 Hellenes, 2. 
 
 Hellenotamiap, 242. 
 
 Hellespont, bridge over the, 187. 
 
 Helots, origin of, 34 ; condition, 63 ; re- 
 volt of, 254 ; massacre of, 314. 
 
 Hephaestion, 546 ; marries Drypetis, 548 ; 
 death, 549. 
 
 Heraglidse, return of the, 32. 
 
 Heraclitus, 136. 
 
 Hercules, 18. 
 
 Herman, mutilated, 330- 
 
 Hermione, 7. 
 
 Hermippus, 279. 
 
 Hermocrates. 328, 487. 
 
 Hcrmolaus, 545. 
 
 Herodotus, 235 ; account of his work, 236, 
 sq. ; at Thurii, 269. 
 
 Heroes, 17. 
 
 Heroic age, 18 ; manners of, 27. t.j. 
 
 HMiod. 127 
 
 Hetaerffi, 279. 
 
 Hicetas, 494, 496. 
 
 Hiero of Syracuse, 231, 232. 
 
 Hieromncmon, 49. 
 
 Hipparchus, 104 ; assassinated, 105. 
 
 Hipparinus, 494. 
 
 Hippias, 104 ; expelled from Athens, 106. 
 
 Hippocrates, 315. 
 
 Hippodaniiis of .Miletus, 384. 
 
 HistKEus of .Miletus, 162 ; crucified, 168 
 
 History, rise of, 233. 
 
 Homer, 39 ; his identity, 41 ; date, ib. 
 
 Homeric poems, their value, 24 ; preserva- 
 tion of, 42 ; arranged by Pisastratus,43, 
 poetical unity of, 46. 
 
 Horologium, tlie, 585. 
 
 Hyperbolus, murdered, 351. 
 
 Hyperides, 555, 593. 
 
 Hyphasis, the, 546. 
 
 I. 
 
 Iambic verse, 129. 
 
 Ibycus, 233. 
 
 Ictinus, 263, 394. 
 
 llissus, 382. 
 
 Ilium, or Troy, 23. 
 
 Inaros, revolt of, 358. 
 
 Ion, 12. 
 
 Ionia, subjugated by the Persians, 170. 
 
 lonians, 12, 13 ; four tribes of, 89 ; revolt 
 of the, 165; defection from Sparta, 241. 
 
 Ionic migration, 36. 
 
 Ionic order, 145. 
 
 lophon, 587. 
 
 Iphitus, 51. 
 
 Iphicrates, tactics of, 450 ; successes of, 
 541 ; recalled, ib. ; defeats the Lacede- 
 monians near Abydus, 453; indicted, 505i 
 
 Ipsus, battle of, 563. 
 
 Ira, fortress of, 76. 
 
 Isaeus, 591. 
 
 Isagoras, 107, 111. 
 
 Ismenias, 479, 480. 
 
 I.socrates, 591. 
 
 Issus, battle of, 533. 
 
 Isthmian games, 50, 51, 53. 
 
 Ithaca, 7. 
 
 Ithome, becomes subject to Sparta, 74 •. 
 Mount, 470. 
 
 J. 
 
 .Tason, 20. 
 
 Jason of Phene, 472 ; assassinated, 473. 
 
 Jerusalem, Alexander's reported visit to. 
 
 537. 
 Jocasta, 21. 
 Josephus, 601. 
 Jove, temple of, at Olynipia, 399. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kings, Grecian, 25. 
 Knights, Athenian, 97. 
 A>iiS/i<sofAristophane-», extract from, 400 
 
 L. 
 
 Lacedaemonians fv. Sparta/. 
 Lacedajmonius, 275. 
 
 F
 
 650 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECK 
 
 LarlinroB, 505. 
 
 Lai-Diiin, 7 ; irduccd by the SpartuilM, 71 ; 
 iiorlliLTn frontier of, 77. 
 
 LacotiizcrH, wliiil, '257. 
 
 LadO, baltlc of, KiH. 
 
 LmvinuH, M. Val., 572. 
 
 LaiuH, 21. 
 
 LariiaoliuH, 329 ; adviscH an attack on 
 Syracuse, .133; slain, 33B. 
 
 Lamian war, 550. 
 
 LainpsacuH, 307. 
 
 Laocoon, 5bG. 
 
 Larissa, 429. 
 
 Lasus of Hermiono, 230. 
 
 Lauhuiii, 9 ; silver mines at, 163. 
 
 LegiMids, heroic, their value, 24. 
 
 Lelejjes, 14. 
 
 Leonidas, 194 ; his death. 190. 
 
 Leonnatius, 553. 
 
 Leontiades, 458. 
 
 Leontines, 328. 
 
 Leotychides, 182, 227 ; treachery of. 254. 
 
 Leosthenes, 555. 
 
 Lesbos, confiscation of, 303; revolt of, 
 348. 
 
 Lesche, at Delphi, 390. 
 
 Leucas, 125. 
 
 Leuctra, battle of, 471. 
 
 Lichas, 349. 
 
 Literature, Greek, history of, 126, 229, 
 400, 587 ; revival of in the West, 603 
 
 Locrians, 5 ; Epizephyrian, 121. 
 
 Loeris, 0. 
 
 Long walls, Athenian, 384 ; rebuilt, 448. 
 
 Lucian, 602. 
 
 Lycabettus, 362. 
 
 Lycambes, 129. 
 
 Lyceum, 399, 597. 
 
 Lycians, destruction of the, 158. 
 
 Lycomedes, king. 20. 
 
 Lycomenes of Mantinea, 474, 477 ; defeats 
 the Spartans, 478, 480. 
 
 Lycon, 417. 
 
 Lycophron, 84. 
 
 Lycortas, 575. 
 
 Lycurgus (legislator), 60. 
 
 Lycurgus (orator), 593. 
 
 Lydian monarchy, 153. 
 
 Lygdamis, 103, 235. 
 
 Lyric poetry, )28; occasions of, 129; de- 
 velopment of, 229. 
 
 Lysander, appointed Navarchus, 362 ; 
 Epistoleus, 307 ; intrusted by Cyrus 
 with his satrapy, ib. ; his proceedings 
 after the victory of ^Egospotanii, 370; 
 blockades Piranis, ib. ; takes possession 
 of Athens, 372 ; establishes the Thirty 
 Tyrants, 373 ; triumph, ib. ; honours. 
 377 ; re-enters Athens, 378 ; his ambi- 
 tious schemes, 436 ; despatched to the 
 Hellespont, 140 ; expedition into Ba'otia, 
 444 ; slain, ib. 
 
 Lycias, 269, 591. 
 
 Lysicles, 521. 
 
 Lysicrates, choragic monument of, 584. 
 
 Lysimaehus, 553, 566 ; slain, 307. 
 
 Lysippus, 582. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macedonia, description of, 500. 
 
 Macedonian i-mpirc, partition of, 553, 
 
 overthrow, 570. 
 MacedonianH, their origin, 501. 
 .MachaiiidaH, 573. 
 Macroiies, the, 431. 
 Magi, 1.53. 
 Magna (Jra'cia, 120; cauHes ol llie iltciine 
 
 of itH cities, 123. 
 .Magon, 496. 
 Malian (;uir, 4. 
 Mahi, the, 510. 
 Mantinea, 57 ; battle of, 320 ; taken by the 
 
 Spartans, 3h5 ; rebuilt, 474 ; battle of, 
 
 4h5 ; third battle of, 573. 
 .Mantineans, invoke the aid of Sparta 
 
 against the Thebans, 484. 
 Marathon, battle of, 176. 
 Mardians subdued by Alexander, 5-12. 
 Mardontes, 227. 
 Mardonius, 171 ; adroit flattery of, 212; 
 
 negotiations with the Athenians, 217 ; 
 
 marches against Athens, 218 ; retreats, 
 
 219 ; death, 224. 
 Masistius, 220. 
 Massagetae, 156. 
 Massalia, 123. 
 Mausoleum, the, 580, 584. 
 Mausolus, 505. 
 .Ma/.auis, 540. 
 .Medea, 21. 
 Medes, the, 152. 
 -Media, wall of, 427. 
 .Medon, first Athenian archon, bfl. 
 Megabazus, 162. 
 .Megabyzus, 258. 
 Megacles, 83, 93, 101, 103. 
 Megalopolis founded. 476 ; battle of. 553. 
 Megara, 57 ; revolutions of, 85 ; long walls 
 
 at, 257 ; revolts from Athens. 264 ; 
 
 complains of .A.thens, 277 ; Athenian 
 
 expedition against, 314. 
 Megaric sect, 595. 
 Megaris, 5. 
 Melcart, 539. 
 Melesander. 292. 
 Meletus, 417. 
 Melos, 327. 
 Mciialeidas, 577. 
 Menander, 588. 
 Mende, 318. 
 Menelaus, 22. 
 .Menon, 428. 
 M.sscne, 58. 
 .Messene founded, 476 ; taken by Lvcortas, 
 
 575. 
 Messenia. 7. 
 .Messenian war, first, 73 ; second, 75 ; 
 
 third. 254. 
 Messenians conquered by the Spajtanu, 
 
 74 ; subjugated, 77. 
 Mespila, 429. 
 Mcthone. 507. 
 Meiellus, 576. 
 .Metoii. 330. 
 
 Miletus, 117: fall of, 169; revolt of. 348. 
 .Milo the Crotoniate, 121. 
 Miltiades, 174 ; accusation and death oi; 
 
 IK). 
 Mindarus. 358. 
 Minos. 18,20. 
 .Minotaur, 19.
 
 IxXDEX. 
 
 651 
 
 Minyans, 38. 
 Mnaseas, 511. 
 Mnasippus, 407. 
 Morea, 6. 
 Mosclms, 600. 
 Mosynaeci, 432. 
 
 Muminius, 578 ; liis ignorance of art, ib. 
 Munychia, 384. 
 Museum, 362. 
 Mycale, battle of, 227. 
 Mycenae, 13, 16; ruins of, 29, 141. 
 Myron, 389. 
 Myronides, 259. 
 
 Mytiiene, naval eiiKacenient at, 304. 
 Mytileneans, revolt of tlie, 298 ; embassy 
 to Sparta, 299; capitulate, 300. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nauclides, 281. 
 
 Naucrary, 90. 
 
 Naupactus, 33 ; taken by the Athenians, 
 261. 
 
 Navarchia, Spartan, 358. 
 
 Naxos, Spartan expedition against, 164 ; 
 •revolt of, 252 ; battle of, 465. 
 
 Neapolis, 337. 
 
 Nearchus, voyage of. 547. 
 
 Nemean games, 51, 53. 
 
 Neodamodes, 04. 
 
 Nicffa, founded by Alexander, 546. 
 
 Nicias, 310 ; reduces Cythera, 314 ; con- 
 cludes peace with Sparta, 320 ; appoint- 
 ed commander in Sicily, 329 ; his dilatory 
 proceedings there, 335 ; desponding 
 situation of, 340; indecision, 341 ; sur- 
 render, 344 ; death, 345 ; character, iO. 
 
 Nicostratus, 304. 
 
 Nike Apteros, temple of, 391. 
 
 Nimroud, 429. 
 
 Nineveh, 429. 
 
 Nisasus, 494. 
 
 Nobilior, M. Fulv., 574. 
 
 Nobles, 27, 80. 
 
 0. 
 
 Oceanus, 30. 
 
 Odeum, 267, 399. 
 
 (Edipus, 21. 
 
 CEnophyta, battle of, 261. 
 
 CEta, Mount, 4. 
 
 Oligarchy, 80. 
 
 Olympia, 7 ; temple of, plundered by tho 
 Arcadians, 484. 
 
 Olympiad, first, 12. 
 
 Olympian Jove, 14. 
 
 Olympias, 522 ; takes refuge with Alexan- 
 der in Epirus, 522 ; whether concerni'd 
 in Philip's assassination, 524 ; puts 
 Eurydice to death, 560 ; murdered, ib. 
 
 Olympic games, 51. 
 
 Olympus, 4. 
 
 Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes, 510. 
 
 Olynthian confederacy dissolved, 457 ; its 
 extent, 510. 
 
 Olynthus, 457 ; taken by the Spartans, 
 459. 
 
 Onatas, 387. 
 
 Onomarchus, 507 
 
 Opuntian Lorrians, 5. 
 
 Oracles, 54. 
 
 Orators, Athenian, demanded by Alex- 
 ander, 529 ; ten Attic, Alexandrian 
 canon of, 590. 
 
 Oratory, Greek, rise and progress of, 589. 
 
 Orchomenos, 326, 466, 473. 
 
 Orders of architecture, 144. 
 
 Oropus, 481, 577. 
 
 Orthagoras, 82. 
 
 Ortygia, 3;i6. 
 
 Ossa, 4. 
 
 Ostracism, introduced by Clisthenes, 110. 
 
 Othryades, 78. 
 
 Otlirys, .Mount, 4. 
 
 Oxyartes, 514. 
 
 Ozohan mountains, 5. 
 
 Paches, 300, 304. 
 
 Pactolus, the, 154. 
 
 P.T0nians, 502. 
 
 P.estum, 120. 
 
 Painting, origin and progress of, 150 ; 
 
 development of, 389 ; Sicyonian school 
 
 of, 582. 
 Pamisus, river, 7. 
 Pamphilus, 582. 
 Panathen;ea, 19. 
 Pancratium, 52. 
 Panga-us, Mount. 253, 504. 
 Pan-Ionic festival, 36. 
 Parabasis, comic, 409. 
 Parali, 95. 
 Paris, 22. 
 Parmenio, 537; |)Ut to death by Alcx- 
 
 der, 543. 
 Parnassus, .Mount, 5. 
 Panics, Mount, 5. 
 Pariion, Mount, 7. 
 Paropamisus, 543. 
 Parrhasius, 391. 
 Parthcniic, 123. 
 Parthenon, 267, 394. 
 Parysatis, queen, 427, 441. 
 Pasargadie, 541. 
 Paulus, L. JEm., 576. 
 Pausanias, king of Sparta, vanity and 
 
 treason of, 240 ; recall and impeach- 
 ment, 247 ; conviction and death, 248. 
 Pausanias (second), 378 ; expedition into 
 
 BoEOtia, 444 ; condemned to death, 583. 
 Pausanias assassinates Philip, 523. 
 Pausanias (historian), 002. 
 Pedieis, 95. 
 Peers, Spartan, 438. 
 
 Pelasgians, 14. „ 
 
 Pelasgicon, the, 260. ,g( 
 
 Pelion, 4. ^ ,J74 
 
 Pclopidas, character of, 460 ; ^fiipp hv 
 
 victory at Tegyra, 466 ; Bubduf,., phjio- 
 
 ander of PheriC, 478 ; impr 
 
 Alexander, 460 ; defeats ,_ .. . „ . 
 
 482; slain, 463. ^ tnonev ' "O 
 
 Peloponncsian confedera^^ f- v/i.-us, ' 360 '. 
 
 2.7; decides for «a urates. 450. 
 
 278 ; war commen ;^^j,^_ ,, 
 
 vasion of Atlic!; 
 
 character of the 
 
 r kings, 79 : overthrow 
 
 „ , . . send an embassy to ( 'y- 
 
 ' 'j°',?""ooft"" onduct of. at Thermopyl;p, 
 
 n conduct of, 202 ; their apa- 
 
 neiis, 298.
 
 662 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECR 
 
 Peloponnesus, 0. 
 
 PflO|(S, If.. 
 
 Pent'us, 4. 
 
 J'lMij-al), the, 545. 
 
 Pcntacosioinedimni, 97. 
 
 Pcntatlilum, 52. 
 
 Perdiccas, 270. 
 
 Perdiccas (Alexander's general), 552 ; 
 marches against Ptolemy, 558; aHsas- 
 sinated, jb. 
 
 Periandcr, 83 ; his cruelty, 84 ; abilities 
 and power, ib. ; and Anon, 131. 
 
 Pericles, eharacler of, 255 ; innovations 
 of, 256 ; his administration, 257 , re- 
 duces EutKca, 2(14 ; plans lor adorning 
 Athens, 2ri7 ; his banishment denmiidtd 
 by the Laceda'inonians, 27'.) ; ijieads for 
 Aspasia, ib. ; persuades a war, 2M ; 
 funeral oration by, 2bH ; accused of pec- 
 ulation, 289 ; death and character, 290. 
 
 Pericles, age of, character of art in, 3!;6. 
 
 Perinthus, siege of, 510. 
 
 Periccci, 02. 
 
 Peripatetics, 590. 
 
 Perscpolis, taken and burnt by Alexan- 
 der, 541. 
 
 Perseus, 18. 
 
 Perseus, 575 ; defeated by the Romans, 576. 
 
 Persian Gates, 540. 
 
 Persians, 155 ; their cruelties towards 
 the Ionic Greeks, 169; invade Greece, 
 171 ; demand earth and water from 
 the Grecian States, 172 ; second inva- 
 sion of Greece, 173 ; land at Marathon, 
 174 ; third invasion of Greece, lbs ; 
 their number under Xerxes, 189 ; de- 
 struction of their lieet by a storm, 198 ; 
 their progress, 203 ; attack Delphi, 204 ; 
 take Athens, ib. ; retreat of, 214 ; their 
 fleet reassembles at Samos, 216. 
 
 Phoedo, Plato's, 418. 
 
 Phalanx, Macedonian, 503. 
 
 Phalaris of Agrigentum, 119. 
 
 Phalerum, 384. 
 
 Pharnabazus assists the Lacedemonians, 
 360 ; magnanimity of, 442. 
 
 PhayUus, 507, 511. 
 
 Pherecydes of Syros, 234. 
 
 Phidias, 267 ; accused of peculation, 280 ; 
 his style, 388 ; his statue of the Olym- 
 pian Jove, 399. 
 
 Phidon, 58. 
 
 Phigalian marbles, 399. 
 
 Philemon, 588. 
 
 Philip of Maccdon, carried to Thebes as a 
 hostage, 478 ; education of, 501 ; cha- 
 racter, 502 ; defeats the lUyrians, 503 ; 
 issumes the crown, ib. ; takes Amphi- 
 3»iis and Pydna, 504 ; takes part in 
 tioi«acred war, 507 ; loses an eye, ib. ; 
 Helless Thessaly. 508 ; expedition into 
 444; sli.7,'». ; takes Olynthus, 511; oc- 
 
 Lycias, 269,iphi, 513; overruns Illyria. 
 
 Lysicles, 521.1 expedition into Thrace, 
 
 Lysicrates, choi) to the Athenians, 517 ; 
 
 Lysimachus, 553, icuate the Chersonese, 
 
 Lysippus, 562. into Scythia, 7*. ; 
 
 ^c war ajtainst Am- 
 
 I^J. ''atea. ib. ; defeats 
 
 ■i.ins at Cha;ro- 
 
 Macedonia, description of, t^er the battle, 
 
 521; clemency towardw Athcnii, tb.; 
 
 appointed geiieralisHiiiio aeaiiiHt I'erBia. 
 
 522 ; tliHHliseH the Sparluns, ib. ; luiiiily 
 
 It'iids, lb ; ornenM ol Ins death, 523; 
 
 nssHHHinaled, lO. , character, 524. 
 I'hilip IV., 565. 
 I'hilip v., 571 ; asHists the Acha-ann, 573 ; 
 
 forms an alliance wjlh Hannibal, it ; 
 
 ilileated hy the KomaiiH, 574. 
 Philip Arrhida-us, 553. 
 Philippi Ibundcd, 504. 
 Philippics of Ucmosthcnes, 50ft ; first, 
 
 509 ; second, 515 ; third, 510. 
 Philocrates, 452. 
 Philomelus, 5C0 ; slain, ,507. 
 Philopwmen, 573 ; takes Sparta, 575 ; 
 
 taken and put to death, ib. 
 Philosophy, Greek, origin of, 136 ; Ionic 
 
 school of, lb. ; Eleatic school, 137 ; 
 
 Pythagorean school, ib. ; various 
 
 schools, 596. 
 Phocaeans, 158. 
 I'hocians, 505 ; defeated by the Thebans, 
 
 507 ; reduced by Philip, 513. 
 Phocion, 465 ; character of, 510 ; his 
 
 expedition to Euhofa, 516 ; 10 Byzan- 
 tium, 517 ; his rebuke of Demosthenes, 
 
 520 ; refuses Alexander's presents, 229 ; 
 
 accusation and death, 559. 
 Phocis, 5. 
 I'ha-bidas, 465. 
 Phoenicians, 16. 
 Phormio, victories of. 297. 
 Phoros, the, 242. 
 PhratriiE, 90. 
 Phryne, 581. 
 Phrynichus, 351, 355. 
 Phrynichus (dramatist), his Fall of Mile. 
 
 tus, 169 ; account of, 402. 
 Phvllidas, 460. 
 Phtjlo-basilcus. 90. 
 Pinacotheca, 393. 
 Pindar, 231 ; his style, 233 ; his house 
 
 spared by Alexander, 529. 
 Piiidus, Mount, 4. 
 I'ineus fortified, 245, 268 ; rc-fortitied. 
 
 447 ; surprised by Teleutias, 453. 
 Pirithous, 20. 
 Pisa, 7. 
 Pisander, 442. 
 Pisistratus, usurpation of, 101 ; his strata. 
 
 gem, 1C3 ; death and character of, 104. 
 Pissuthncs, 271. 
 Pittacus, 135. 
 Plague at Athens, 288. 
 Platjpa, battle of, 221 ; surprised, 262 ,■ 
 
 besieged by the Peloponnesians, 293 ; 
 
 surrenders, 295 : destroyed, 16. ; re- 
 stored by the Laceda-nionians, 456 ; 
 
 again destroyed by the Thebans, 467. 
 Plata>ans join the Athenians, 176 ; mas- 
 
 sacre of the, 295. 
 Plato, visits Sicily, 489 ; sold as a slarc, 
 
 490 : second visit to Sicily, 401 ; life 
 
 of. 593 ; philosophy, 594. 
 Pleistoanax. 264. 
 Plutarch, 601. 
 Pnvx, the, 382. 398. 
 Pocrile Stoa. the. 392, 599. 
 Poetry. Greek. 40. 
 Poleinarch, 91.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 653 
 
 Polemon, 596. 
 
 Polus of Agrigentum, 414. 
 
 Polybius, 577, 601. 
 
 Polybus, 21. 
 
 Polychares, 73. 
 
 Polycletus, 388. 
 
 Polycrates or Samos, ICO. 
 
 Polygiiotu.s, 3»9. 
 
 Polynices, 22. 
 
 Polysperchon, 558 ; e.xpedition to Pelo 
 poniiesus, 563. 
 
 Porus, 545. 
 
 Potidifa, 276, 292, 457, 504. 
 
 Pratinas, 402. 
 
 Praxias, 388. 
 
 Praxitas defeats ttie Corinthians, 449. 
 
 Probuli, 347, 352. 
 
 Prodicus, 590. 
 
 Prodicus of Ceos, 414. 
 
 Pro.?e composition, origin of, 233. 
 
 PropylsRa, 26S, 393. 
 
 Protagoras of Abdera, 414, 590. 
 
 Prytaneum, 99. 
 
 Prytanies, 109. 
 
 Prytanis, 80. 
 
 Psammetichus of Corintli, 65. 
 
 Psyttaleia, 209. 
 
 Ptolemies, patronize learning, 600. 
 
 Ptolemy, 558 ; defeated at Salamis, 502. 
 
 Ptolemy Ceraunus, 566, 567. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, 566. 
 
 Pydna, 560 ; battle of, 576. 
 
 Pviagors, 49. 
 
 Pylus, 307. 
 
 Pvrrhus, 565 ; king of .Macedonia, 566. 
 
 Pythagoras, 121, 137. 
 
 Pythagorean clubs suppressed, 139. 
 
 Pythia, 54. 
 
 Pythian gamss, 51. 
 
 PythoJorus, 328. 
 
 Pythomcus, 331. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rhapsodists. 42. 
 
 Rhegium, 121. 
 
 Rhetra of Lycurgus, 61. 
 
 Rhodes, 7 ; siege of, 562 , colossus at, 585 
 
 Rhcecus, 148. 
 
 Romans, direct their attention towards 
 Greece, 573 ; declare war against Philip 
 v., 574 ; proclaim the freedom of Greece, 
 lb. ; declare war against Perseus, '576 , 
 spoliation of Greek works by, 586. 
 
 Royalty, abolished in Greece, 79 ; cau.se 
 of Its abolition, 80. 
 
 Roxana, married by Alexander, 544 ; mur- 
 dered, 561. 
 
 s. 
 
 Sacred Band, Theban. 463. 
 
 Sacred war, first, 51 ; second, 505 , bar- 
 barity of, 507; progress of. 511 ; termi- 
 nation, 513 ; results, 514 
 
 Sages, the seven, 134. 
 
 SaliEthus, 300, 301. 
 
 Salamis, 7; acquired by the Athenians, 
 95 ; battle of, 209. 
 
 Salamis (in Cyprus), battle of, 562. 
 
 Samos, revolt of. 271 ; subdued. ;* ; its 
 importance to Athens, 348 : revolutions 
 at, 354 ; subdued by I.ysander. 373 
 
 Sappho, 133. 
 
 Sardis, 153 ; burnt, 166. 
 
 Saronic gulf, 5. 
 
 Scarphea, battle of, 578. 
 
 Scione, 318. 
 
 Scopas, 220. 
 
 Scopas (sculptor), 580. 
 
 Scyros, reduction of, 242. 
 
 Scythini, the. 430. 
 
 Sedition, Solon's law respecting, 99. 
 
 Seisactheia, the, 96. 
 
 Seleucus, 558 ; founds Antioch, 563 ; sue 
 ceeds to the greater part of the Macedo 
 nian empire. 567 ; assassinated, ib. 
 
 Selinuntiiie sculptures, 149. 
 
 Sellasia, battle of, 571. 
 
 Selymbra, 125. 
 
 Sestos, reduced by the Athenians, 228. 
 
 Seuthes, 433. 
 
 Sicilian expedition. 332, termination of, 344 
 
 Sicily, dis.sensions in, 328. 
 
 Sicyon, 7 ; despots in, 82. 
 
 Silver mines, 9. 
 
 Simonides of Amorgos, 130. 
 
 Simonides of Ceos, 230. 
 
 Sinope, 117. 
 
 Sisygarnbis, 534. 
 
 Sitalces, 287, 292, 297. 
 
 Slaves, i27. 
 
 Smerdis, 159. 
 
 Smilis, 148. 
 
 Smyrna, 36. 
 
 Social war, 504 ; ill effects of the, 505 ; 
 second, 572. 
 
 Socrates, at Delium, 316; Ins opinion of 
 the Sicilian expedition, 330 , opposes 
 the condemnation of the ten generals. 
 366 ; refuses to obey the commands of 
 the Thirty. 374 ; sutninoned belbrc (hem, 
 375; sketch of his life, 415 ; liis teaching 
 and method, 416; how he differed from 
 theSopliists,ji.; wisdom of, 417; unpopu- 
 larity and indictment of, li. ; condemned. 
 lb.; refuses to escape. 418 ; death, i6. 
 
 Sogdiana, fortress of, taken, 544. 
 
 SoUiurn, 287. 
 
 Solon, 94 ; legislation of, 96 ; supposed 
 interview with Crcesus, 100 ; laws of. 
 brought down into the Agora, 256. 
 
 Sophists, prohibited from teaching, 375 . 
 description of the, 413. 
 
 Sophocles, at Samos, 272 . account of, 405 . 
 character as ;-. poet, 406. 
 
 Sparta, 13, 57 ; landed property in, 69 , 
 power of, 78 ; head of the Grecian Stales. 
 172 ; earlh(|iiake at, 253 ; allies of in the 
 Pelopnnncsian war, 283 ; introdiii'lion 
 of gold and silver at, 437 ; league against 
 445 , congress at. 467 ; rapid fall of, 474 . 
 entered by Epaminondas, Ab'j : taken by 
 Antigonus Doson, 571 ; taken by Philo- 
 pcemen, 575. 
 Spartan constitution. 62 , tribes, ih. ; rd 
 ueation, 66; women. 68; money, VO . 
 fleet totally defeated at Cy/icus, 300 
 7nnra defeated by Iphicrates. 450. 
 Spartans, make war on Arcadia. 77 . 
 alone retain their kings, 79 : overthrow 
 the despots, 82 ; send an emha.ssy to Cy- 
 rus, 157 ; conduct of, at Therinopylip, 
 195 . selfish conduct of, 202 . their apa-
 
 604 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECR 
 
 thy, 2IH; dismiss thn Athtmians, 255; 
 oppose the Altieniaiis ill Ilo-olia, 260 , 
 require the Athenians to withdraw the 
 decree nt;ainsl Megara, 2Nt ; invade At- 
 tica, 285 ; reject tlie advances ol" Alcibi- 
 ades, 323 ; send an enihassy to Atliens, 
 lb.; invade Argos, 325; force the Ar- 
 givesto an alliance, 327 ; establish them- 
 selves at Decelea, 340 ; invade Elis, 435 ; 
 duration of their supremacy, ib. ; assist 
 the Phocians against the Thebans, 444 . 
 defeated at Ilaliartus, ib. ; lose their col- 
 onies, 447 ; proclaim the independence 
 of the Bicotian cities, 456; garrison Ur- 
 chomenus and Thespiae, ib. ; assist 
 Amyntas aaainst the Olynthians, 457 ; 
 height of their power, 450 ; expelled 
 from Btpotia, 466 ; attack (^orcyra, 467 ; 
 solicit the aid of the Athenians, 477 ; de- 
 feat the Arcadians, 478 ; send an embassy 
 10 Persia, 479 ; excluded from the Am- 
 phictyonic council, 513 ; attempt to 
 throw oir the Macedonian yoke, 553 ; 
 their decline and degradation, 569 ; call 
 in the Romans, 578. 
 
 Speusippus, 596. 
 
 Sphacteria, blockaded, 309 ; captured, 312. 
 
 Sphodrias, 462. 
 
 Sporades, 7. 
 
 Statira, 534, 548; murdered by Roxana, 553. 
 
 Statuary, 30 ; progress of, 148 ; schools 
 of, 149, 387, 579. 
 
 Stesichorus, 132. 
 
 Sthenelaidas, 278. 
 
 Stoics, 596. 
 
 Strabo, 601. 
 
 Strategi, Athenian, 110. 
 
 Stratonice, 565. 
 
 Sunium, fortified, 347. 
 
 Susa, treasures at, 540. 
 
 Susarion, 402. 
 
 Svbaris, its luxurv, 120; destroyed, 121. 
 
 Sybarites, 269. 
 
 Sybota, naval battle off, 275. 
 
 Syennesis, 422. 
 
 Syntaxis, the, 463. 
 
 Syracusans, th;ir vigorous defence, 336. 
 
 Syracuse, 118; description of. 336; naval 
 battle at, 340 ; engagement in the Great 
 Harbour of, 342 ; constitution of, 487. 
 
 Syssitia, 68, 438. 
 
 T. 
 
 ■' Table Companions," the, 425. 
 
 Taenarum, 7. 
 
 Tanagra, battle of, 260. 
 
 Taochi, the, 430. 
 
 Tarentum, 123. 
 
 Taygetus, Mount. 7. 
 
 Tearless battle, the, 478. 
 
 Tegea. 57 ; reduced by the Spartans, 78. 
 
 Teleclus, 73. 
 
 Teleutias. 452. 453. 
 
 Temenus, 58. 
 
 Tempe. 4 : pass of. 192. 
 
 Temples. Greek, description of. 143: of 
 Diana at Ephesus. 146; of .luno at Sa- 
 mos. 147 : of Delphi, ib. ; of the Ohin- 
 pian Jove. ib. : at Pa?stum, ib. ; at Se- 
 linus, tb. , in .Egina. ib. 
 
 " Ten Thousand," expedition and retroa: 
 of the. 419. »77. 
 
 "Ten 'I'housand.'" the Arcadian, 476. 
 
 Tens, revolt of, 348. 
 
 TerillUH, 215. 
 
 Tcrpander, 128. 
 
 Tetralogies, 403. 
 
 Thais, 5-tI. 
 
 Thales of .Miletus. 136. 
 
 Tha.sos, reduced, 253. 
 
 Theapenes of .Megara, 85. 
 
 Thebans, surprise l'lat«a, 281 ; expel king 
 Agis from Aulis. 440 ; invade Phocis, 
 444 ; form an alliance with Athens, ib. ; 
 forced intoLacediemonian alliance, 459; 
 rise of their ascendency, 473 ; defeated 
 by Alexander of PhersE. 480; fit out a lleet, 
 482 ; their proceedings at Tegea, 484 ; 
 ally themselves with the Athenians 
 against Philip, 519 ; humbled by Philip, 
 521 ; rise against the .Macedonians, 528. 
 
 Thebes, Seven against. 22. 
 
 Thebes, 16; reduced by Pausaniaa, 227; lib- 
 erated from the Spartans, 461 ; declared 
 head of Greece by the Persians, 479 ; dc- 
 strojed, 529 ; restored by ( 'assander, 560. 
 
 Themistocles proposes a fleet, 165 ; his 
 character. 183 ; his advice to fight at 
 Salamis, 206 ; his stratagem to bring 
 on an engagement, 207 ; his message to 
 Xerxes, 213; his rapacity, ib. ; re- 
 warded by the Spartans, 214 ; his views, 
 243, sq. ; goes ambassador to Sparta, 
 244 ; corruption of, 246 ; ostracised, ib. ; 
 flight, 248 ; reception in Persia, 249 ; 
 death, lb. ; tomb, 250. 
 
 Theocritus. 600. 
 
 Theodorus of Samos, 148. 
 
 Theognis. 85. 
 
 Theopompus, 74. 
 
 Theramenes, 355. 371, 373 ; his death, 375. 
 
 Thermopyla-, 4 ; pass of, 193 : battle of. 195. 
 
 Theron of Agrigentum, 215. 
 
 Thespis, 229, 402. 
 
 Theseum, the, 392. 
 
 Theseus, 18, 19, 88 ; bones of brought to 
 Athens, 242. 
 
 Thessalians, 32. 
 
 Thessaly. 4 . submits to Xerxes, 192. 
 
 Thesmo'thetjp. 91. 
 
 Thessalus, 335. 
 
 Thetis. 27, 97, 245. 
 
 Thimbron, 433, 438 : defeat and death, 452. 
 
 Thirty years' truce. 264. 
 
 Thirty 'Tyrants at Athens. 373; pro- 
 scription of the. 374 : defeated by 
 Thrasybulus. 377 ; deposed by the 
 Spartans. 379. 
 
 Thrasybulus of Miletus. 84. 
 
 Thrasybulus, 354 : takes Phyle, 377 ; 
 seizes Pira-us, 378 ; defeats the Thirty, 
 lb. ; defeated by Pausanias. 379' ; 
 marches into Athens, ib. ; commands aii 
 Athenian fleet. 452; restores theAthenian 
 power in the Hellespont, xb. ; slain, ib. 
 
 Thrasvllus. 354. 
 
 Thrasymelidas. 308. 
 
 Thucy'dides (states.), 265; ostracised, 267. 
 
 Thucydides (the historian), in Thrace, 
 318; banished, ib. ; account of, 410; his 
 history, 411.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 656 
 
 Thurii. 236, 269. 
 
 Thyrea, reduced, 314. 
 
 Tigranes, 227. 
 
 Timocrates, 443. 
 
 Timogenidas, 226. 
 
 Timolaus, 445. 
 
 Timoleon, character of, 494 ; expedilion 
 to Sicily, 495 ; defeats the Cartha- 
 ginians, 497 ; becomes a Syracusan 
 citizen, 498. 
 
 Timotheus. 463 ; his success on the west- 
 ern coasts of Thrace, 465 ; attacks Za- 
 cynthus, 466, successful naval expedition 
 of, 482 ; indicted and condemned, 505. 
 
 Tiribazus, 429,451. 
 
 Tiryns, remains of, 29, 141. 
 
 Tissaphernes, 348 ; 359, 420, 428 ; attacks 
 the Ionian cities, 438; beheaded, 441. 
 
 Tithraustes. 441, 443. 
 
 Tolmides, 261, 263. 
 
 Torone, 318. 
 
 Tragedy, Greek, origin of, 402. 
 
 Trapezus, 431. 
 
 "Treasury" of Atreus, 142. 
 
 Triparadisus, treaty of, 558. 
 
 Trilogies, 403. 
 
 Triphvlian cities, 474, 479. 
 
 Thtty's, 90. 
 
 Troezen, 7. 
 
 Trojan expedition, 22. 
 
 Trov captured, 24. 
 
 Tyc'he, 337. 
 
 Tyrant, value ot the term, 81. 
 
 Tvre, besieged bv Alexander, 536. 
 
 Tvrtseus, 75, 13o'. 
 
 u. 
 
 Ulysses, 22. 
 Uxians, the, 540. 
 
 Venus de" Medicis, 586. 
 
 Wolf, Homeric theory of, 44. 
 Writing, use of, 44. 
 
 Xanthian marbles, 149. 
 
 Xanihippus, 180; recovers the Thraclan 
 Chersonese, 228. 
 
 Xenocrates, 596. 
 
 Xenophanes, 137. 
 
 Xenophon, account of, 412; his works, 
 ib. ; accompanies Cyrus, 422 ; his 
 dream, 428 ; saluted General of the Ten 
 Thousand, tb. ; returns lo Athens, 433 ; 
 joins Agesilaus, 446. 
 
 Xer.xes, character of, 180; subdues Egypt, 
 tb. ; chastises the Hellespont, 187 ; 
 marches towards Greece, 188 ; reviews 
 his troops, ib. ; crosses the Hellespont 
 189 ; number of hiu host, ib. ; takes 
 .\thens, 209 ; his alac.ti and retreat, 212. 
 
 Xuthus, 12. 
 
 Zacynthus, 7. 
 Zaleucus, laws of, 12i 
 Zea, 384. 
 Zeno, 598. 
 Zeu^tce, 97. 
 Zetis Eleuthertos, 226. 
 Zeuxis, 390. 
 Zoroaster, 153. 
 
 suicide, 123. 
 
 Calliope, the Muse of Epic Poetry.
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 ON 
 
 DE. WILLIAM SMITH'S HISTOEY OF GEEECE 
 
 By Rev. CHARLES BICKMORE. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGKAPIIT. 
 
 § 1. Describe the three peninsulas in the South of Euro))*. 
 
 § 2. What is the h\titude, and what are the names, of the chain of 
 3j0untains bounding Greece to the North ? — Wluit advantages of position 
 hrfd Greece ? 
 
 ■5 3. AVhat are the extreme latitude and longitude of Greece, and what 
 its dimensions and extent ? — What do you observe of the political state 
 of Greece in ancient times: — Whence arose its celebrity? 
 
 § -t. How did the Greeks call themselves and their country ? — Whence 
 have we the names Greeks and Greece 1 — What was llie original extent 
 of the name Hellas? — What tribes were not reckoned Hellenes ." — What 
 was the north boundary of Hellas proi)er? — In what more extended sense 
 was the word Hellas used ? — What countries would thus be included in 
 it? 
 
 § 5. Below the map are the names of 22 countries ; name these, and 
 note their position. — Give a rough sketch of this ma]) and its jiriucipal 
 features. — What mountain chain in Greece corresj)onds to the Apennines 
 in Italy ? — What are the North and South boundaries of Thessaly ? — 
 What are the position and height of the European Olympus ? — What 
 other Olympus was there? — What other mountains are on the coast of 
 Thessaly? — What break is there in these mountains?— Wiiat gives ce- 
 lebrity to the opening? — What separates Thessaly from Ejiiius? — Con- 
 trast the two countries.— Which is the largest river in Greece? — Where 
 does it flow? 
 
 § 6. Name and describe the two gulfs north of Central Greece. — 
 Name the countries of Central Greece. — Describe the jjosition of Mounts 
 Tymphrestus, Othrys, and CEta. — What names do the mountains wliich 
 branch from the Southeast of Findus bear ? — What mountains branch 
 from its Southwest? 
 
 § 7. Describe Doris and its position. — Wiiat river rises there ? — Name 
 and distinguish the several Locrians, stating their position. — Descrilio 
 Phocis. — Name its chief mountain, stating tlie heiglit. — Wluit are the 
 boundaries, character, and extent of Baotia? — Name the river and lake 
 of Bceotia. — Describe Attica. — What se])arates it from the rest of 
 
 2 k*
 
 658 QUESTIONS ON liwK I. 
 
 Greece? — Wliat is its South proniontorv ? — What country comes be- 
 tween Atticii iuul Corintli ? — Wliat Kn"'s docs tlie Isthmus sejiuratc ? — 
 Describe tliciii. — How wide is tiie Isthmus, and wliat is its diaractcr? 
 
 § S. Wliat ((uiiitrii's t'orni tlie west of Central Greece? — State the chief 
 peculiarities of lhe>e countries. 
 
 § !). Whence came the name I'do/Kinnesiis? — What several natural 
 objects is it conceived to resemble? — Wliat is the central region of the 
 Pelojionncsus? — Wiiicli is the chief river of the I'clojionnesus, and where 
 does it flow? — Where and of what height is Mount Cyllene? 
 
 § 10. What countries besides Arcadia did the rdoponnesus contain; 
 — Describe Achaia. — N'ame the states comprised in Argolis, stating their 
 several ])ositions. — \\'hat gulfs enter or border on this country? — Which 
 arc the most Southern (irecian states? — What divides them ? — What was 
 Tainarum ? — What its modern name? — What is the river ofLaconia? 
 — What river drains Messenia? — Describe Elis. — Whence its chief ce- 
 lebrity ? 
 
 § 11. What were the jiosition, extent, and character of Kubeca? — 
 Where were tlio Cydades, and whence their name ? — What does Sjiorades 
 mean? — Where were the islands so called? — Where were Crete and 
 Rhodes? — Name the isles W. of Greece. — Where was Cythera ? — What 
 islands occur to you as similarly situated ? 
 
 § 12. AYhat political intiuencc had the jihysical features of Greece? — 
 Name its chief mountain-])asses, and state the military advantages they 
 afforded.— Show by comjjarison the great extent of coast in Greece. — 
 Of what advantage was this? 
 
 § 13. What effects had the several natural peculiarities of Greece on 
 the character of its j)C"0])le ? 
 
 § 14. W/int is the nutural defidency of Greece? — How is this caused? 
 What was the agricultural produce of ancient Greece ? — What were it>s 
 mineral products? 
 
 § 15. Give sonic account of the climate of Greece. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 THE MYTHICAL AGE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE EARLIEST INH.VBITANTS OF GREECE. 
 
 § 1. What is the character of the earliest statements relative to Greek 
 history? — AVhat general rule may be laid down with regard to the cred- 
 ibility of history? — When did the Greeks begin to emjiloy writing for 
 recording events ? — Why should we read traditions in connection wtfi 
 history ? 
 
 § 2. What descent did the Greeks claim for the ancestors of their 
 tribes ? — Give the supposed genealogy of the four great divisions of the 
 Greek race. 
 
 Note. — This genealogj' would be most easily given and remwDbercd in such a form 
 as follows :
 
 Chap. II. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 65'J 
 
 Deucalion — Pyrrha 
 
 I 
 Ilellen 
 
 Xiithus JEiolua 
 
 II I i 
 
 The Dorians Ion Achseus Tlie ^olian* 
 
 I I 
 
 Tlie loniana The Achacnns. 
 
 The young student will do well to consult Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionarj', and read 
 
 diere the legends concerning the mythic characters here mentioned, and trace up their 
 
 genealogy to tlie gods of Greek worsliiij. 
 
 § 3. Wliere was the traditional seat of Hcllen's kingdom ?— Wliat does 
 the author tell us respecting the ^olians ? — Name some of their cities. 
 •—What is recorded of the Acha;ans of early times? — Which became in 
 historic ages the more imjiortant tribes ? — What were the two famous 
 states descended from these ? 
 
 § 4. What is the great guide in tracing the origin of nations ? — What 
 are the Asiatic and what the European branches of the Indo-European 
 race ? 
 
 § 5. What traces exist in legends concerning the language and coun- 
 tries o? the Pelasi/ians ? — What is known of the mode of life and religion 
 of the Pelasgians? — W^hat account is given of the division of the IV-lasgi 
 into tribes, and of the rise of the Hellenks? 
 
 § 6. On what grounds does the author discredit the traditions of an 
 Oriental origin for Greek civilization ? 
 
 § 7. Give the tradition respecting the foundation of an Egyptian col- 
 ony in Attica. — Record the story of Danaus. — In what various countries 
 are pyramids found ? 
 
 § 8. Tell the stories respecting Prxops. 
 
 § 9. Why does the author assign more credit to the legends of I'hop 
 nician colonies? — Whence and whither is Cadmi'S said to have come? 
 — From whom did the Greeks gain the art of writing? — What proves 
 this ? 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE GRECIAN HEUOES. 
 
 § 1. During what period and between what events is the Homeric age 
 reckoned? — Name the three most celebrated Grecian //eroe.v, stating some 
 distinguishing circumstance resjiccting each. 
 
 § 2. What was the jjarcntage of Hekcules? — Wiiat goddess was op- 
 posed to him, and whom did she set over him ? — Name the 12 labors of 
 Hercules. — State the legend relative to his death. 
 
 § 3. What was the parentage of Tin-:si;rs ? — Record some of his ex- 
 ploits. — Relate the story of his adventures in connection with Crete. — 
 What Attic institutions are assigned to Theseus? — Who was tlie greal 
 friend of Theseus ?— What were their joint exiiloits?— Where and how 
 is Theseus said to have ]ierislied ? 
 
 § 4. State the origin of Minos and the legends concerning him. 
 
 § 5. Which are the three most celebrateil of the exi'editions of the 
 Heroic or Mythic age ? 
 
 >fOTE.— If the reader will consult Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary, articles Calydon, 
 Meleager, and Atalanta, he will find an account of another scarcely less famous join* 
 exploit. The Hunt of the (Jalvdonian Boab.
 
 nr,(> QUP:STI0NS on Bwk I 
 
 — Tfll the story of tiie AiuiONAtrxic Exi'EniTiON, naming its leader, its 
 object, iiiid tliL' cliiff lieroes en;;a)4ed in it. 
 
 § (!. Wluit remark is made respecting the ancient royal family of 
 Thebes ill coiiiKMtioii with literature ? — What cireumstaiices attended 
 the birth and nurture of (Kihits ? — Hecount his subsequent history-. — 
 What arc the particulars of the first expedition af;ainst Theljcs? — What 
 was the war of the Kpiguni, and what its result ? — Find in a cla.-sical 
 dictionary and state the country and jjarentage of Hklen and the par- 
 iiculars of her maniaj!;e. 
 
 § 7. What caused the Tro.ian wAit? — Wliat was the numbc'r of the 
 Grecian fleet? — Who were the piincipiil (Jreek heroes in thc'JVojan war, 
 and for what was each famous? — Who were the chief men amon^' the 
 Trojans ? — Read in a classical dictionary the articles Au/i.s and I/i/ii;/e7tia, 
 and state the result of vour reference. — State brief! v the argument <jf ihj 
 Iliad. 
 
 § H. Relate the adventures of Aniin.LKS aft?r the close of the Iliad. — 
 What are the legends concerning the fall of Troy ? 
 
 § 9. What after the fall of Troy were the adventures oi Agamemnon, 
 of (Jfij.sse.i, of Diom'-dps, of Jdomeupus? — Where the histoiT does not help 
 you, refer to the classical dictionary. 
 
 § 10. Who has fixed the commonly received date of the fall of Troy, 
 and to what year ? 
 
 §11. State the author's views with regard to the real or fictitious char- 
 acter of events and personages assigned to the Heroic ages. 
 
 § 12. What amount of truth and what value is undoubtedly assignable 
 to the Homeric poems ? 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 STATE OF SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 
 
 § 1. What was the government of Greece in the Heroic age ? — What 
 were the position, rights, and duties of the King? — What qualities was 
 he obliged to have in order to keep his power? — What bodies acted as a 
 cheek on his absolute sway? 
 
 § 2. Who formed the fSovXt) ? — What power had this council ? 
 
 § 3. Describe the ayopa, and its uses in the Heroic age. 
 
 § 4. What distinction had the noli/es in Heroic times? — What varions 
 occupations prevailed among the freemen :' — In what condition were the 
 slaves ? 
 
 § 5. Mention the more favorable circumstances in the social life of the 
 Heroic age. — State the various features which then disfigured the aspect 
 of society. 
 
 § 6. Give examples of the great simplicity of manners which then pre- 
 vailed as shown in the proceedings of the men and of the women. 
 
 § 7. Mention some circumstances which show advancement in arts 
 and civilization in the Heroic age. — What urchitccturul remains belong to 
 this time ? 
 
 § 8. Who were the c\\\Qi traders, and how did they conduct their com- 
 merce ? — How far had the Jine arts advanced? — How was jioetry culti, 
 vated ? 
 
 § 9. What were the ideas and knowledge prevalent as to natural phe- 
 nomena and geogrcip/ri/ ? 
 
 § 10. Describe the style of warfare, and the arvis of the Heroic age*;.
 
 Uhap. v. smiths history OF GREECE. 6GI 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RETURN OF THE HERACLID^ INTO PELOPONNESUS, AND FOCNDATION 
 OP THE EARLIEST GREEK COLONIES. 
 
 § 1. How far must we receive, and in what respects must we dis- 
 credit, the legends respecting the population of Peloponnesus and Asia 
 Minor? 
 
 § 2. At what date and under what circumstances arc the Boeotians 
 said to have occupied the country to wliich they gave name? 
 
 § 3. What date is assigned to the Dorian conquest of the Pelopon- 
 nesus? — Why is it jirobable that tlie Dorian conquest is much later than 
 the date thus assigned ? — State what may be regarded as certain re- 
 specting the Dorian conquest. 
 
 § 4. What mythic name is given to this conquest, and why? — Name 
 the leaders of tlie successful enterjjrise. — Where is Naupartus, and whence 
 its name? — What is it now called? — Wiiom had the Ileradeids to op- 
 pose, and with what success? — What migrations resulted to tiie Aduvans 
 and lonians ? 
 
 § 5. Specify the countries of the Peloponnesus given to each of tin- in- 
 vading chiefs. — Name the cliief towns of Argolis acquired by Temenus 
 and his successors. — Which town of Laconia resisted the Dorians, and 
 what was the consequence? — Wliere were Amycla; and Ileios? — Wiio 
 migrated from Mcssenia on the Dorian conquest? — Wiio founded the 
 Dorian power in Corinth, and what race were then exjjciled ? 
 
 § 6. On wliat grounds does the author reject the mythic legend of the 
 Dorian conquest? 
 
 § 7. What Greek trib2s settled in the W. of Asia Minor?— "VNTiat por- 
 tion of it did they respectively occu]iy? 
 
 §8. Which were the chief ^/-'o/m; colonies? 
 
 § 9. Who is said to have led the lonians, and from what countr}- did 
 thev sail?— Wliat rivers bounded the country of the Ionic colonics?^ 
 Name the v\\\ci Ionian colonics. — What islands did they also occupy? 
 
 § 10. Give an account of the most celebrated Z>onc mip-ation. — State 
 what cities were thereby founded, and where they were situated. 
 
 § 11. What islands were ])co]jled by Doric colonies?— Give an account 
 of the Mimjan expedition lo Crete.— State the cities thus founded. 
 
 § 12. How long a period was the INIythical age earlier tluui the com- 
 mon date given for the first Olymi.iad"?- Show that early tireek chro- 
 nology can not bi authentic. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE POEMS OF HOMER. 
 
 § 1. State several circumstances which show the importance of the 
 Homeric Poems. — Name these works. 
 
 § 2. Was prose or jiocln/ earlier cultivated?— What were the earliest 
 poems ?— What evulence "have wc of the existence of poems before 
 
 Homer? , , t <-. o 
 
 § 3. What events mark the beginning and cud of the Knc ( ycle . — 
 
 Who arranged the poems which describe the events it comprises?— How 
 
 came the term ''Ci/c.Hc writer'' to imply contemjit ? 
 
 § 4. Recite the couplet naming the cities which chum Homer as a
 
 662 QUESTIONS ON Rook II. 
 
 native. — "What Icjrctid.s arc told of liirri? — What was his prohabie time? 
 — (live reasons for the hclicf. 
 
 § 5. Contrast tlic condition of literatinx- in the early times of Greece 
 witii that of our own time. — II(j\v and on wliat oeeasions were the Iliad 
 and Odyssey lirst indiiisiicd to mankind ''. — (jive an aceount of tiie K!iai> 
 Bodies, and state tiie ))rohabIe derivati(jns of the term. 
 
 § G, When did eojjies of the Homerie poems hefiin to he found? — 
 How eame variations to be made in the text? — What fjreat persona^rcs 
 are said to have directed their attention to their collection and arrange- 
 ment ? 
 
 § 7. With what critics did the ojiinion arise that the Iliad and Odyssey 
 were not originally xiiKjIc /locms^ — State liicNXi.KY's views. — What was 
 Wolfe's hyjwthpsis? 
 
 § 8. What jiroofx show tliat the Homeric Poems were originally not 
 written? — What is the i)roof from tlie tlirfdiinna? 
 
 § 9. What reasons render it probable that the poems may hare been 
 ,«membered without writing? 
 
 § 10. Wiiat does Dr. tmith state to be the usual conclusion of the best 
 modern scholars? 
 
 BOOK II. 
 GROWTH OF THE GRECIAK STATES. 
 
 (B.C. 7T6-500.) 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK I'tOPLE. 
 
 § 1. What compass of time does Book II. embrace? — What circnm- 
 Btance materially adds to the difficulty of Grecian his'ory ? — What great 
 event first taught the Greeks the necessity of union ? 
 
 § 2. What ties united the Greeks? — What did th« word jiap^apoQ 
 mean in a Greek's mouth. 
 
 § 3. What twofold origin was there to meetings ? — G»ve instances of 
 each kind. 
 
 § 4. Give two derivations for the word rt/i^ijcnioi'ia.' -How did the 
 most celebrated gain its importance ? — Where did it hold its meetings? — 
 What tribes Avere the original members of the congress? —What were 
 the duties of the Am])hietyonic council? — What was the date and cause 
 of the First Sacred War? — State its duration and result. 
 
 § 5. Name the four f/ re at Grecian fextlvnh. — Where were the Olympic 
 Games held? — What is the date of the first regular Olympiad? — When 
 was the festival established, and by whom ? — State some circumstances 
 Jhat show the imjiortance in which it was held. — What exercises and 
 J'aces were practiced there? — What prize and what honoi^s wert^ gi%tn to 
 die victors ? 
 
 § 6. Give an account of the constitution of the Pi/thian Games. — "Where 
 wei'e they held ? — Where were the 2\'eiiiean and Isthmian Games respect- 
 brely celebrated ? — In whose honor in each case ? 
 
 § 7. What advantages arose from the great festivals and games ? 
 
 § 8. What may we rockdii tlie tliivd bond of union among the Greeks'
 
 Chap. VII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 663 
 
 — Which was the most celebrated Grecian oracle ?— Give a detailed ac 
 count of it. 
 
 § 9. Mention some practices inconsistent with civilization from which 
 the Greeks were free. 
 
 § 10. What remaric must be carefully borne in mind respecting tlie 
 political relations of the Greeks? — How far did they carry their patrioU 
 ism and their divisions ? — What resulted from this ? 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 3ARLT HISTORY OF I'ELOPOSNESCS, AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGCS. 
 
 § 1, Name some princes with their cities famous in the Peloponnesus 
 in the Heroic age. — How were their houses displaced? — What states 
 were included in Elis, and from whom was the population of each de- 
 scended? — What were the limits and position of ^W-haia? — What was 
 the name and character of the central region of the Peloponnesus? — 
 What its cities? 
 
 § 2. Name the Dorian states in the Peloponnesus. — Whence aroso the 
 power of Argos in early times ? 
 
 § 3. At what time and where did Plildon flourish ? — Give an account 
 of his exploits. — What institutions of a permanent character are stscribed 
 to him? 
 
 § 4. To whom did the ancients refer the Spartan laws? — Why can not 
 we be certain of the truth of this? 
 
 § 5. What date docs the author ascribe to LYCURGUS ?— Wliat is 
 the commonly received date? 
 
 NoTE.^In the common chronology b.o. 834 is the d.ate for Lycur^is, which may l)c 
 remembered as Uiree eights nearly. The date in Dr. Smith's te.xt is also tliat of the 
 regular Olympiad, or nearly three sevens. It is twenty-three years earlier than the 
 foundation of Kome, 29 years before the a>ra of Nabonassar and the end of the firrit Aj- 
 f-yrian monarchy. See Comparative Tables of History and Clironology by W. E. Hick- 
 more, published by Bell and Daldy. 
 
 — What disinterested conduct is recorded of Lycurgus in his early life? 
 - — What countries is he said to have visited ? — What sanction did he gain 
 for his laws? — Under what circumstances did he leave Sparta? 
 
 § 6. What was the position of the Spartans in their country? — What 
 the special object of Lycurgus's laws ? 
 
 § 7. How was the population of Laconia divided? — Who were the 
 S/>artans, and what their condition ? — How did inequality among them 
 arise ? 
 
 § 8. What were the condition, privileges, and employments of tlie /V- 
 riceci ? 
 
 § 9. What were the condition and employments of the Ilclntx? — 
 What accounts ai"c given of the origin of these ]jeo])le and of their name f 
 — How did they dress, and what treatment did they receive? — (Jive an 
 account of the Cnjpt'm. — Exj)lain the word Neodainddcs, and its ajjpli- 
 cation. 
 
 § 10. What various powers had a nominal or real share in the Spnr- 
 tan government? — How did it hap])!'ii there were tiro kings? — What 
 power had the kings at various times? — WliMt ]>rivilegcs did they always 
 retain? — What was the Senate called?— What jiower had they?— Wliat 
 influence had the po/ndar assembly/ — What jjowi-r had the JCphors orig- 
 inally and subsequently ? — What then was the true character of the Spar- 
 tan government ? 
 
 § 11. What was the relation between a Spartan citizen and tlie state?
 
 604 QUESTIONS ON Book II. 
 
 — How were the hnlies tieiitcil? — How were tlio young hoys trained? — 
 What literary eiiUiiri! had tlie young Sjiartans':' — J low did the yrown 
 men live and occtipy themselves? — l)eseril)(! the Sijssitiu. 
 
 § 12. How were tlic S/iiirt(tu f/irls i)njiight up? — Give instances of the 
 patriotism antl hardness of ,S/iartfin iiiot/ir.rs. 
 
 § ilJ. What re}fiilalion is erroneously ascrii)e(l to Lycurgus respecting 
 the land? — Why is this diseredited? — When and how did the notion 
 probably arise ? 
 
 § 14. What vioiicy had the Spartans? — Show that this did not come 
 from Lyeiir};as's institution. — Did it secure honesty? — State and give in- 
 stances of two cliaracteristie (|iialitir's of the Sjtaitans. 
 
 § l.">. Describe the ])osition of Sparta. 
 
 § 1 G. State the efiect and results of Lycurgus's legislation. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF SPARTA. THE MESSKNIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE WARS. 
 
 § 1. Against what powers were the early wars of Sparta waged? — 
 With what results? — From what sources have we the account of ihc 
 two first Messenian wars? — What dates are assigned to them ? 
 
 § 2. What origin is assigned to the first Messenian war? — Give the 
 two accounts of the story. — What ])rivate (piarrel brought on the war? 
 — How did it begin? — How did Euphaes conduct the war? — What 
 strong ])ositions did the Messenians occupy? — What sacrifice did the 
 oracle declare necessary? — Who succeeded Euphaes? — What was his 
 fate? — How and wiien did the war end? — What became of the Messe- 
 nians ? 
 
 § 3. How long an interval was between the first and second Messenian 
 wars? — Who was the great hero of the second war? — How were the 
 Pelojjonncsian states divided in the struggle? — Wliat were the earliest 
 exploits of Aristo.mknes ? — What leader did the Sjiartans oljtain, and 
 how did he aid them ? — What great battle did Aristomenes gain ? — How 
 was his subsequent defeat occasioned? — What fort did he fortify? — Ke- 
 count some of his subsequent adventures. — Where did he end his days? 
 
 Note. — Tlie onfl of tlie second Messenian wnr may be rememl)ered by 0(56, wbicb Is 
 the time of TuIIuh llo-tiliii-*, fourth king of Rome, and GO years before the captivity of 
 "ihe Jew.s under Nebuchiulnezzar. 
 
 § 4. Mention some particulars of the struggle between the Sjiartans 
 and Tegea. — State its result. 
 
 § 5. Relate the history of the combat in which Oturyadks gained 
 renown. — What did Sparta thereby gain? 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE AGE OF THE DESPOT.-S. 
 
 § 1 . How does the author account for the abolition of royalty in the 
 jrreck states? — What magistrates took the jilace of kings? 
 
 § 2. Distinguish betwen Ollt/arcfiy and Democracy, exjilaining the der- 
 iTation of the words. — AVhat does Geiimori mean ? — What rulers over- 
 threw the oligarchies? 
 
 § 3. How does the Greek word Tvoarvoi; differ in sense from the En- 
 glish word Tyrant? — What word does the author use to express Ti''pav- 
 voQ? — How did these rulers most commonly rise to power? — What was 
 the usual progress of events under the despots?
 
 Chap. X. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. GG3 
 
 § 4. What part did Sparta take witli regard to the desjiots? — Whicli 
 party did she wish to favor '/ — Show that the result was not always ac- 
 cording to her views. 
 
 § 5. Where is Sicyon? — Who founded the despotic dynasty there? — 
 Who was the last of that dynasty? — State the chief events in the his- 
 tory of this Clisthenes of Sicyon. — What other Clisthcnes was descended 
 from him ? 
 
 § 6. Who founded the dynasty of the despots of Corinth ? — What fam- 
 ily did he overthrow, and when? — ^^'hence did he have his name? — 
 Who succeeded him? — What was the nature of Pekianuku's rule? — 
 What anecdotes are told of him ? — What was the condition of Corinth 
 under him ? — What were his domestic troubles ? 
 
 § 7. What poet gave an accountof the Megarian revolutions? — What 
 was the course of events there ? 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 EARLY IIISTOEY OF ATHENS DOWN TO THE USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. 
 
 § 1 . Wliat is the subject of Chap. X. ? — What characters arc famous 
 in early Athenian history, and for what? 
 
 § 2. Tell the story of Codrus. — What office was substituted for that 
 of king? — What successive changes were made in the office? — Was 
 Athens under a democrary or an aristocracy during this time ? 
 
 § 3. What orders of people existed at Athens under its oligarchy? — 
 Compare them with the Roman orders. — What tribes existed in Attica 
 in early times? 
 
 § 4. Give some account of the supposed subdivision of the Athenian 
 tribes. — What customs were connected with this subdivision? 
 
 § 5. What does the author consider the fii'st historical date in the af- 
 fairs of Athens ?— How many archons were annually chosen ? — What 
 various duties had they? — What is the origin iii\.\:ft\sm\S. Arenpa(jus? — 
 Who formed the council that met there? 
 
 § 0. Who was the earliest Icyislator of Athens? — What rendered his 
 appointment requisite ? — ^^^lat was the nature of his legislation ? — Is 
 the popular opinion certainly correct ? 
 
 § 7. Did Draco's laws secure quiet to Athens? — Give an account of 
 the origin of Cylon., and of the distinction lie acquired. — What was the 
 result of his attempts to gain jiower ? — What sacrilege was committed, 
 and on whom did its consequences fall ? — At what date were the A/cina- 
 onidce expelled ? 
 
 § S. Whom did the Athenians invite to advise them relative to the 
 purification of their city ?— Wiiat i)hin did he recommend ? 
 
 § !). Give an account of Solon's parentage and early lif>'. — How did 
 he act with regard to the recovery of Salamis, and with what success? 
 
 § 10. What factions divided Attica prior to Solon's legislation? — 
 What was the condition of the poor, and whence did it arise? 
 
 § 11. When was Solon chosen Archon, and with what power? — Why 
 did he not make himself absolute ? 
 
 § 12. What were his first measures for relieving the peojdc? 
 
 § 1.3. How did he act relative to Draco's laws?— Kxphiin OUgnrrhy 
 jnd Tivtocracy. — How did Solon diviilc the Athenian citizens? — What 
 were the nanies, the proi)erty, and the duties of each class? — How did 
 he greatly extend the power of the less wealthy classes? 
 
 § 14. "\Vhat business did he assign to the new Senate? — How nrd
 
 666 QUESTIONS OX K<x>k 1L 
 
 from whom was this body chosen? — Wlint duties did he assign to the 
 Areopagitt's ? — Name some institutions of a later age than Solon. 
 
 § 15. Have we any detailed aceount of Solon's laws? — State some of 
 his regulations and enactments, speeifying their ohjeets. 
 
 § I(>. What leniark did Solon make on his laws? — What countries 
 did lie sid)se(|nently visit? — Tell the storj' concerning his supposed con- 
 versation \\itli Crcesns. 
 
 § 17. Who headed each of flu; three factions at Athens after Solon's 
 legislation? — What ad\H»ntages had I'isistkatl's ? — By what stratagem 
 did he gain a force for his defense? — Kelatc the close of Solon's histor)'. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 IIISTOKV OF ATIir.NS FROM THE USrRPATION OK PISISTRATfS TO TflE 
 ESTABLISIIMIiNT OE THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTIIENES. 
 
 § 1. Give tlie date of Pisistratus's usiu^patitin. — How was he exfjelled? 
 — By what stratagem restored ? 
 
 § 2. What caused his second ex])nlsinn ? — By what means and under 
 what circumstances did he finally gain power ? 
 
 § 3. Describe the measures lie adopted to secure his rule. — Show that 
 his government was not oppressive. — Dcscril)e some of his great public 
 works. — Name his exertions in fiivor of learning. — What great Jiouuin 
 has been comj)ared to him, and on what grounds ? 
 
 § 4. W^ho succeeded Pisistratus ? — State seme instances of their taste 
 and good government. — What occasioned the conspiracy oi Hannodius 
 and Arislo()eiton? — State what then occurred. — Wiiat was the fate of 
 the two conspirators ? 
 
 § .5. What change in Ilipjila.t did the death of his brother occasion? 
 — Wliat alliances did he contract? — What family attemjjted his over- 
 throw ?— How did they gain the aid of the Spartans? — How was Hip- 
 pias finally expelled ? — Whither did he retire ? 
 
 § G. W^hat was the date of Hippias's expulsion? — How nearly does 
 this synchronize with the expulsion of the Tarquins from Home? (See 
 Biekmore's Tables as before.) — How was the memory of the Pisistratidie 
 regarded, and why ? — W^hat honors were paid to the descendants of 
 Harmodius and Aristogeiton ? 
 
 § 7. Who was the rival, and who the supporters, of Clisthexes in 
 his changes in the Athenian constitution ? 
 
 § 8. W^liat was the most important change made by Clisthenes ? — 
 Describe it minutely. — What peculiar arrangement showed his sagacity ? 
 — Describe the Demes, and say how they were governed. 
 
 § 9. What alteration did he make in the Senate ? — What were the 
 Pry'tanies ? — What divisions were there of the Attic year and senate f — 
 What was intrusted to the Epistatcs ? 
 
 § 10. Describe the ECCLESIA.— What power had it?— What was 
 the nature of the constitution of' Clisthenes f 
 
 § 11. What change did Clisthenes make in xho jiulicial power of the 
 people ? — How did he alter the militfinj urran<jements of the state ? — On 
 what occasion did this system prominently appear? 
 
 § 12. What was the etlect of the ostracism? — Why was it requisite, 
 and what its object? — What precautions were taken to guard against 
 its abuse? — Describe the method of voting and origin of the name. — 
 What proves its utility ? 
 
 § 13. How did Isagoras and liis party strive to destroy the power of
 
 Chap. XII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 667 
 
 Clisthenes ? — "What government was then set np ?— How did the Athe- 
 nian people act? — What was the final result of these attempts ? 
 
 § 14. Why did Clisthenes send envoys to Sardis ?— How did the re- 
 sult of this embassy offend the Athenians? — Wiiat measures did C!eo- 
 menes devise? — How were they frustrated? — What vengeance did the 
 Athenians take on the Thebans and Chalcidians ? — What increase of 
 power did they thus gain? 
 
 § 15. Describe the third attempt of the Spartans against the Athenian 
 democracy. — How was it frustrated ? — Quote the language of the Co- 
 rinthian envoys. — To what places clitl Hipjiias successively go? 
 
 § 16. What effect had the estalilishment of democracy on the Atiie- 
 aian character ? 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES. 
 
 § 1. What is the subject of Chap. XII.? — Where was Trajiezris? — 
 Where Massalia? — Is it always so spelt in ancient writers? — Where 
 was Cijrene? — In what sense were these places in Hellas? 
 
 § 2. Give from the«note the Greek terms connected with a colony. — 
 What were the chief causes of sending out colonies among the (ireeks? 
 — AVhat was the relation of the colony to the i)arent state ? — What me- 
 morials were maintained of their connection? — What notable exception 
 was there in Greek history to the observance of this connection ? 
 
 § 3. What remarkable contrast may be drawn between (ireek and 
 modern colonies ? — llow did a Greek colony choose its site for a city ? — 
 What buildings did they at once provide? — What various relations sub- 
 sisted between the Greek colonists and the aboriginal inhabitants? — 
 W^hat effect had colonization on the development of democracy ? — Ac- 
 count for this. — Name with their position some Greek colonics that 
 gained great wealth. — Describe the four groups into which the Greek 
 colonics may be divided. 
 
 § 4. What thiee Greek tribes founded colonics on the W. coast of 
 Asia Minor? — Which of these became most eminent? — How? — Which 
 Ionic city was at first most flourishing ? — What colonies were formed by 
 it? — What Ionic city was afterwanl famous? — What were the sources 
 of its power ? — What famous colony did the Phocanms plant ? — Distin- 
 guish the Phocitans from the P/iocians. 
 
 § 5. About what time were the colonics founded whose origin we can 
 historically trace? — With what events tlicn in Roman, Jewish, and As- 
 syrian histories would their foundation 1)C nearly contemporary ? (See 
 Bickmore's Tables.) — AVhat was the oldest Greek colony in Italy? — 
 Where was it placed ? — In the reign of what Hebrew king would this 
 be? 
 
 § G. What tribes and settlements were in Sicily before the Greeks? — 
 Which were the two most powerful Greek cities in that island ? — De- 
 scribe their position. — Name from the note some other Cireek cities in 
 Sicily. — What extent and population did Syracuse attain ? — At what 
 time and under whom did its affairs become known? — (iive some ac- 
 count of agriculture. — What is known concerning Rlialaris? — AVliat 
 celebrated modern controversy is connected with liini ? — Uniw a mugli 
 map of Sicily with the positions of the Greek cities. — What ]iower subse- 
 quently checked their ]>rogress? 
 
 § 7. What name given to S. Italy shows the importance of its Greek
 
 6(>8 QIIKSTIONS ON Hook II. 
 
 settlements ?--\\'liiili wore the two most jiowerfiil fin-ek eitics in S. 
 Italy? — Dfscrilic tlicir ])osiii(>ii. — For what was Sylmris nfmsirkahle ? — 
 III what respeets was ( Proton fainouM ? — Dcscrihe, with its particulars and 
 result, tiu- war ht-twixt them. 
 
 § H. Naiuc the three (Ircek towns in S. Italy next in importance to 
 Svtmris and Croton, and state their ])r)sition. — Whence arose the early 
 celchrity of the K])izephyrian Locri ? — Give som<; aeeount of Zaleuciis 
 and his laws. — What can you state concerning Hheffium ? 
 
 § !). When, hy whom, and under what circumstances was Tarentum 
 founded? — What advantages had it? — What cireumstanccB caased tho 
 decline of the Greek cities in S. Italy? 
 
 § 10. Where was Ma-ssalia ? — What its modern name ? — Wherein lay 
 its iinportiuiee? 
 
 §11. When, how, and from w hom did the Greeks ohtain permission 
 to settle in N. Africa? — Wiiat were the two most important Greek cities 
 in N. Africa? — Wiiat advantages liad C'yrene? — How was it long gov- 
 erned ? 
 
 § 12. Name the chief Greek cities in and near Epirns. — What can 
 you state with regard to Gorcyra ? — Which were the chief colonies in 
 Macedon ? — What were the most flourisl:ing colonics in Thrace ? 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 UISTORY OF LITERATURE. 
 
 § 1. What was the character of the Greeks as respects literature? — 
 What two kinds of composition were alone cultivated hefore the historic 
 ages? — Give me your idea of the nature of J'J/>ic and oi Lyric poetr}', 
 and of the qualities j)redominant in each. 
 
 § 2. What were the suhjects of the Homeric poems? — On what do 
 ihose aserihed to Hesiod treat? — What qualities liave the poems in com- 
 jnon ? — Where were they respectively eomjiosed? 
 
 § 3. What works hear the name of Ilfsiod/ — What do we learn of 
 Hesiod's liistoryfrom his own statements? — What does the author mean 
 by a didactic poem ? — By what classes were Hesiod's j)(K?ms esteemed, 
 and where were they desj)ised ? — AVliat opinions have been held as to 
 the date when Hesiod wrote ? 
 
 § 4. Wliat causes temied to the rise and advancement of Lyric poetry? 
 — On what occasions did the Greeks employ it ? 
 
 § 5. What sorts of verse did Archilochus invent? — What is said of his 
 history ? 
 
 § G. What writers named Simonidcs require to Itc distinguished from 
 each other? — What remains are extant of the earlier of that name ? 
 
 § 7. What Lyric ))oets did Sparta jiroduce ? — What notice have we 
 already had of one of tiiese? — What can you tell me of the other? 
 
 § 8. What two poets greatly imjiroved Cliorcd ])oetry ? — Tell the story 
 of virion. — Look into the classical dictionan' for Orion, and discriminate 
 these persons.— What can you tell of the JJitfii/nimb ? — Relate what is 
 known of Slesic'.orus. — What particular improvement is a.scribed to him ? 
 
 § 0. What Lyric writers were natives of Mitiilene ? — What character- 
 istics are common to tlieir works? — Relate the history of Alraus. — What 
 great testimonies were given to the excellence of Sappho's poetry ? — 
 Wliat legends and faets are extant concerning her life ? 
 
 § H). When and where <lid Auturcon flourish? — What do we know 
 of his life? — What was the nature of his poetry?
 
 Chap. XIV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 669 
 
 § 11. For what were the seven Sages renowned? — Give their names, 
 countries, and sayings as commonly reclvoned. 
 
 § 12. Which were the earliest schools of Greek ])ldlosophij ? — Who 
 were the chief philosophers in each ? — Give some account of Tiiales. 
 — Who was the most illustrious of the Ionic school ? — Who were among 
 his hearers ? — What did he teach ? 
 
 § 13. What was the prevailiujj; idea oi Xenophanes? 
 
 § 14. Where and when was Pythagoras horn? — What countries did 
 he visit? — Do you know the word Metemjisyc/iosis, and what it means? 
 — What Orientals teach this doctrine ? — What sciences did Pytha;,'oras 
 teach ? — Where did he chiefly teach ? — How was his influence in this 
 place shown? — What was the result of tlie Crotoniat conquest of SybariB 
 to the Pythagorean order ? 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 HISTORY OF ART. 
 
 § 1. What circumstances evince the great eminence of Grecian art? 
 
 § 2. Whence does the cultivation of Architecture arise ? 
 
 § 3. Where are found the earliest productions of Grecian builders ? — • 
 Describe the three gradations of im])rovemcnt, citing an instance of each. 
 — Descril)e what is called the Treasury of Atreus. 
 
 § 4. Whence was the form of the Greek temple derived? — What may 
 have been the origin of the coliuiin'/ — What were the three ])arts of the 
 Greek tem])le ? — What is meant by I/ij/ntn/irdl / — What are the parts of 
 the column'/ — What of the entablature/ — What arc the three Greek or- 
 ders ? 
 
 Note. —Writers on architecture differ .aa to wliether the idea of a column arose from 
 a tree, or whether tlie Greeks imitated tlie architecture of the Kgy^itiins. The Roman 
 copies of the Grecian orders were varied in many particulars. The addition of the 
 Tusmn and Composite orders complete the Five Okdees op Systematic Architec- 
 ture. Tlie Txisran was massive and simple, bearing much resemblance to the Doric. 
 Tlie Composite was even more ornamented than the Corinthian. 
 
 — W^hat additional orders are found in ancient buildings? — What ara 
 their characteristics? 
 
 § 5. Describe tho Doric order. — What are tri(/l.i/f)hs and metopes? — 
 Describe the Ionic order.— What especially characterizes the Corinthian 
 column ? — Whence did this ornament arise? 
 
 § G. Describe the famous tem])le at E])hesus. — When was it built?— 
 When and how destroyed? — In what jjart of Holy Scripture is the Ephe- 
 sian goddess noticed ?^Wlicre had the goddess Hera a famous temple? 
 — What great structure did Pisistratus begin ? — Who completed it ? — 
 What great ancient Greek temples still exist entire or in part? 
 
 § 7. Of what material were the earliest statues? — What legendary 
 names are assigned to the families of the earliest sculptors ? — When 
 were the first statues in marble and metal made ? 
 
 § 8. What inventions in the sixth century B.C. occasioned great im- 
 provement in siatuary? — In what cities were the earliest schools of im- 
 jiroved sculpture founded? — What statues of men were the earliest pro- 
 duced? 
 
 § 9 Name and describe some specimens still extant of early sculpture. 
 — Where were they found, and wiiere are they now? 
 
 § 10. How near does Homer come to ihe mention of jiainting?— 
 What was the earliest use o( /laintinff/- -What instances of early paint- 
 ings and painters can you record?
 
 (570 QUESTIONS ON Bwk 111 
 
 BOOK III. 
 •niE PERSIAN WARa 
 
 (B.C. 500-47S.) 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE RISE AND GUOWTIt OK TIIK PKUSIVN KMPinE. 
 
 § 1. Wliat is the subject of Book III. ? — Wliat space of time does it 
 embrace? — What ciiaiige appears in Grecian liistory at this time? 
 
 § 2. Wliat was tlie capital of the Assyrian monarchy? — How far did 
 that empire extend ?- — What strong evidence have we of its advance- 
 ment? — What monarchies succeeded it? 
 
 § 3. Where was Media, and what its cajiital ? — What was the lan- 
 guage and religion of the Medes? — How far did their dominions ex- 
 tend? — At what date did they take Nineveh? — What event in Sacred 
 Historv does this date mark ? — According to Herodotus, who were kings 
 of Media ? 
 
 § 4. Where was Dahylon, and what the limits of Babi/loma ? — Describe 
 the city of Babylon. — What authority is there for this ? — What conquests 
 did Nebuchddnezzai- make? 
 
 § 5. What third kingdom rose on the ruins of the great Assyrian 
 empire? — Where was it, and what its capital? — How many dynasties 
 of Lydian kings do the traditions reckon ? — Whom may we call the 
 first historic kin</, and when did his reign begin ? — What was the char- 
 acter of the Lydians ? — What invention is attributed to them ? — What 
 advantages did the lunians in Asia derive from the Lydian kingdom? 
 
 § G. Who was the last king of Lydia ? — For what is his name pro- 
 verbial ? — Describe his success against the Ionic cities. — How did he 
 rule them ? — State the extent of his dominions. — What connection had 
 he with Greeks? — What kings were his allies? 
 
 § 7. Describe the usual ri.se, progress, and fall of Asiatic kingdoms. — 
 State from a classical dictionary the leading points of the legends con- 
 cerning the elder Cyrus. — Name the limits of his empire. — Describe 
 the Persians under Cyrus the Great. — What combination of figures 
 makes his time easily rcmcmborod ? 
 
 § 8. What were the motives of Crcescs in going to war with Ctrcs ? 
 — What advice and i)rophccy did the oracles give him? — Where and 
 with what result took place the first engagement? — What was Cra?sus"s 
 subsequent ])lan? — How was it frustrated? — Under wliat circumstances 
 did the Persians take Sardis? — How did Cra?sus end his days? 
 
 § 9. What conversation occurred between Cyrus the elder and the 
 Spartan envoys ? — Who was general for Cyrus in the conquest of the 
 Asiatic Greeks? — State some particulars of the fall of tlieir cities. — 
 W'hat other conquests did Harpagus make for Cyrus ? — How did C}tus 
 take Babylon? — Wiiat was his o«ni end? — In what prophetical books 
 is he mentioned? — How did he act to the Jews? — AA'ho succeeded 
 Cyrus ? 
 
 § 10. Who were the two last in the succession of the native kings ot 
 Egypt? — How did Cambuscs act in Egypt? — What revolution occmred
 
 Ohap. XVI. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 671 
 
 in Persia while Cambyses was in Egypt ? — How did Canibyses meet his 
 death ? — How long did the reign of the false Smerdis hist ? — Who thea 
 became king of Persia, and at what date ? 
 
 § 11. What remarkable man was despot in Samos in the time of 
 Cambyses? — Give some instances of his power and good fortune. — Re- 
 late the story told by Herodotus of his correspondence with Amasis, and 
 its results. — Conclude the history of Polycrates. — What poets did he 
 patronize? — What great works did lie have consti'ucted ? 
 
 § 12. What revolts had Daeius Hystaspes to quell in the commence- 
 ment of his reign ? — What expressive comparison did the Persians in- 
 stitute of their first three kings? — State some important institutions of 
 Darius Hystaspes. 
 
 § 13. What was the first great expedition and conquest which Darius 
 Hystaspes projected? — How was his naval force suiijilied, and what its 
 amount? — By what route did he outer Scythia? — What orders did he 
 leave with the Greeks under his command ? — What success had he in his 
 invasion of Scythia ? — Who urged the Greeks to destroy the bridge ? — 
 How was this advice deprived of eftect ? 
 
 § 14. What general was left by Darius in Europe ? — M'liat conquests 
 did he effect? — What reward was given to Histiiccs? — How were his 
 plans of acquiring power subsequently defeated ? 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE IONIC KEVOLT. 
 
 § 1. Whom did Darins leave to govern Asia Elinor, and what was its 
 capital? — Who represented Histi^us at Miletus? 
 
 § 2. How was Aristagoras induced to interfere in the affairs of 
 Naxos ? — How did he obtain aid for his enterprise ? 
 
 § 3. What was his plan against Xaxos, and how was it defeated? — 
 What then was the result of the undertaking ? 
 
 § 4. What troubles pressed on Aristagoras after his return from Xaxos ? 
 —What method did he devise to extricate himself? — In what remark- 
 able way did he recejye a message from Histianis? — How did he effect 
 his purpose ? — What remarkable person opposed his views ? 
 
 JCOTE. — Dr. Smith and Bishop Thirlw.ill .=peak of letters being Iranded by Histiapus 
 on the head of the slave; Mitford of the writing being traced in an indelible xtain. I 
 doubt if either of the.-e modes would be effectual. Herodotus uses the word t'onfe, 
 from wliich I conclude that the skin was ptnictured, and coloring-matter introduced 
 into the openings. This would be a species of tattooing. The noble Tlu-acians used to 
 tattoo themsehes, as we learn from Herodotus. 
 
 § 5. To what state and to what king of it did Aristagoras apply for 
 aid ? — What arguments did he use to persuade him ? — Detail the remain 
 ing incidents of his stay at Sparta. — Whither did he next resort ? — What 
 special motives had the Athenians to aid the Icnians? 
 
 § (). What aid from European Greece joined the revolted lonians? — 
 Describe the progress and result of the ex])editicn of the :dlicd troojis into 
 the interior. — Give the date at which Sardis was thus htnuid. — Wherein 
 consisted the importance of the event? — How did Darius di.-^play his 
 anger? — To what cities did the revolt extend? 
 
 § 7. How and Avhere did Aristagoras perish ? — On what pretext did 
 Histiteus gain permission to visit Ionia? — What observation did Arta- 
 phernes make? — Relate his subsequent adventures and death. 
 
 § 8. What was the object of Artapherncs in the siege of Miletus?— 
 What plan of resistance did t^io lonians adopt ? — What was the strengtl
 
 G72 QUESTIONS ON Bwk IIL 
 
 ef tlu; opiMisiiif:^ fleets? — What skillful (uiinmniiiicr was piaeed over the 
 loiiiaiis? — What were; his iiicasiircs, aiiil wliat their result? — Who hc- 
 tnvyeil the (ireeks? — What j/ortion of tin; Ih-et fouj,'ht with coura^^e? — 
 Whcro dill the aetioii take plaee ? — What geographical change occurred 
 there ? 
 
 § !). In what singular way did the Athenians show tlieir dihtress on 
 the cajitnre of Miletus? — What treatment did the subdued GrccivS re- 
 eeivo from the Persians? 
 
 ClIAPTKIi XVII. 
 
 Tin; liATTI.E OF MAKATIION. 
 
 § 1. Whom did Darius apfioint to avenge him on the Athenians? — 
 What route did this general jiursue ? — What disasters befell his forces? 
 
 § 2. What tlemaiul did Darius make from the Greek cities while j)re- 
 paring to renew his attenii)ts? — What were his probable motives? — How 
 were his envoys rceeiv.nl at the several states? 
 
 §3. Whom did Darius set over Jiis second Grecian expedition? — 
 What force comijosed it? — What instructions were given to the com- 
 manders? — How far was the expedition successful? — On what part of 
 Attica did they land? 
 
 § 4. What illustrious Atlicnians were among the generals at the 
 time of the I'ersian invasion? — llelate the previous historv of MILTI- 
 ADES. 
 
 § 5. Why did not the Spartans come to aid Athens? — What difier- 
 enee of opinion jjrcvailed among the Athenian generals? — How was a 
 preponderance gained by tiie more spirited of them? 
 
 § G. What state alone sent helj)? — How many did this make the 
 Greeks? — What was the probable number of the Persians? — Describe 
 the plain of MAliATHOX. — What was the arrangement of the Per- 
 sians? — By wliat dis))ositiun did Miltiades remedy his inferiority of 
 numbers? — Wliat feelings may we suppose to have ]>revailed among the 
 Greeks, and why? — Deseribj the commencement of the battle. — How 
 was the repulse of the Athenian centre remedied ? — How far did the 
 Athenians pursue? — Mention the losses on each side. — Give the date 
 of the battle. 
 
 § 7. What attenii)t did the Persians make ? — On what did thoy ground 
 their hop>?s of success? — How were they frustrated? 
 
 § 8. With what feeling was the victor}- at ^Marathon regarded by the 
 Athenians? — What would have been the probable result of a ^■ictorT 
 gained by the Persians? — What honor was paid to those who fell at 
 Marathon ? 
 
 Note.— Tlie yonnj; student would rend with both pleasure and advantnp-e the iivclv 
 narrative of tliir^ battle in Professor Creasy'.^ deservedly popular work, '• The Fifteen 
 Decisive Battles of the World, from Marathon to AVaterloo." 
 
 § 9. What honors were paid to Miltiades? 
 
 § 10. What expedition did Miltiades next project? — What were Ws 
 motives? — What his success? 
 
 § 11. Who became the accuser of Miltiades' — To what penalty wa.^ 
 he sentenced ? — How did he die? 
 
 § 12. What circiunstance gives importance to the war between Athens 
 and ^<^gina? — What mythical celebrity had that island? — Whence did 
 the iEginetans acquire their wealth? — How did thev use it? 
 
 § 13. How had ill.;? .Eginctans ])rovoked Athens?— What motives led
 
 Chaf. XVIII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 673 
 
 its rulers to submit to the Persian demand .' — AVliat peculiar act of tht 
 Athenians claims especial notice ? — What dijputes were thus pi-oduced at 
 Sparta? — What Spartan was thus driven to Persia? — What was the is- 
 sue of the expL'dition against ^Egina? 
 
 § 14. What two motives prevailed with THEMISTOCLES to pro- 
 pose the formation of a fleet? — Whence was the money procured? — 
 What obsei-vation is made by Herodotus on this matter? 
 
 § 15. Dejiict the pood and bad sides of the character of Themistocles. 
 — Contrast with this the conduct of AKISTIDES.— What was the result 
 of their opposition ? 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE BATTLES OF THERMOPYL^ AND ARTEMISIfM. 
 
 § 1. What events prevented Darius from renewing his attempts against 
 Greece ? — How was the death of Darius advantageous to Greece ? — Who 
 was the successor of Darius Hystuspes, and what the new king's char- 
 acter? — How was Xekxes induced lO invade Greece? 
 
 § 2. Give some account of the various tribes summoned by Xerxes to 
 form his armies. — State some other particulars of his preparations. 
 
 § 3. Describe the operations at the Hellespont. — Of what absurd con- 
 duct was Xer.xes guilty there ? — What other great work was accomplish- 
 ed ? — Describe this. — Is there any proof of the fact ? 
 
 § 4. Where did Xerxes pass the winter prior to his attemjit on Greece ? 
 — Describe his advance from that place to Abydos. 
 
 § 5. Give an account of the demeanor of Xerxes at Ab_ydos. — Describe 
 the passage of the Hellespont. — How does the vast amount of the anny 
 b^^come evident ? 
 
 § G. Where and how did he number his army ? — How many are the 
 fighting men said to have been ? — What number is said to have been 
 made up in all ? — How may we suppose an over-statement to have 
 arisen ? 
 
 § 7. Describe the route and progress of Xerxes through the country N 
 of Greece. 
 
 § 8. Where did the congress of the Grecian states assemble? — Whicli 
 were the most prominent ? — What states N. of the Isthmus joined to 
 resist the Persians ? — What states in the Peloponnesus declined to join 
 in the defense of Greece? — Detail the conduct of the more distant 
 Greeks. 
 
 § 9. What instances of patriotic concession did the Athenians show? 
 — Describe the pass of Tempe, naming its river and mountains. — Why 
 was not this defended ? 
 
 § 10. Give a description of the nature and position of the pass op 
 TiiERMOPYL.E. — Whence has it its name? — What farther advantages 
 had it? 
 
 § 11. Who commanded the fleet? — W^here did it first await the Per- 
 sians?— How large a force was at first sent to THERMOPYL^ ?— Of 
 whom was it composed, and under whose orders ? 
 
 § 12. How were the Spartans employed when Xerxes arrived at Ther- 
 mdpylte? — What conversation ensued? — How long did the Persians re- 
 main inactive ? — What successive attacks were then made, and with what 
 result ? 
 
 § 13. Who betrayed the western path? — Describe the way in which 
 this information was used by the Persians. — What course did LEONI- 
 
 2 G
 
 b74 QUESTIONS ON U(j<.k 111. 
 
 1)AS jMirsnc >vith regard U> liirnsclf ami llio various fircf;ks mirier hix 
 roniinaiKl ? 
 
 § 14. Describe the eiiga|,'t'iiietit IxHwecn the riiiti;!-; iicNniti.K ami the 
 Persians. 
 
 § 15. What memorials recorded the cxjdoits at Tl)ermoi)yla! ? 
 
 § IG. What force made up the Greek fleet? — What slight los.s did 
 they sustain? — What mark of fear did they show? 
 
 § 17. What {^reat disaster weakened tlic Tersian fleet? — To what ex- 
 tent of loss ? 
 
 § 18. How was the Greek fleet prevented from leaving Artemi.sium a 
 Bccond time? — What measure did the Persians devise to hinder the es- 
 cape of the Greeks? — Describe the first engagement at Artemisium and 
 its result. 
 
 § I'J. What farther loss befell the Persian fleet from the weather? — 
 What accession did the Greeks gain ? 
 
 § 20. Give an account of the second battle at Artemisium. — Why did 
 the Greeks withdraw ? — What stratagem did Themistocles adopt, and 
 with what hopes ? 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF SALAMI8. 
 
 § 1. What i)Ian did the Spartans chiefly rely on after the battle of 
 Thermopyke ? — IIow was the folly of this manifest ? 
 
 § 2. "Where did the fleet stay after its departure from Artemisium ? — 
 To what places did the Athenians remove ? — What responses did they 
 obtain from the oracle ? — How did Cimox and the rich men act ? 
 
 § 3. What towns did Xerxes destroy in Bceotia ? — What was the re- 
 sult of the attack on Delphi? 
 
 § 4. Describe the position of the Athenian Acropolis. — Give an ac- 
 count of the attacks of the Persians upon it. — What was now the 
 strength of the Persian fleet? — How many shijis had the Greeks to op- 
 pose this ? — What occurred in the Persian council of war before the bat- 
 tle of Salamis ? 
 
 § 5. How did the first council of the Grecian commanders decide ? — 
 By what arguments and threats did Themistocles obtain a reversal of 
 this decision ? — What farther intelligence again shook the confidence of 
 the Peloponnesians ? 
 
 § 6. By what artifice did Tliemistocles oblige tlie Greeks to fight at 
 SALAMIS? — Where was Aristides just before the battle? — Describe 
 his reconciliation with Themistocles. — How were the Grecian command- 
 ers at last convinced of their being surrounded ? 
 
 § 7. Describe the arrangement of the Persian fleet for the battle of 
 Salamis. — Where was Xerxes during the battle? — Specify the positions 
 of the ships of the several Greek states. 
 
 § 8. How are the Greeks said to have acted at the beginning of the 
 battle? — How was tlieir courage said to have been reanimated? — Give 
 the best account in your power of the battle of Salamis. — Specify 
 the conduct of Artkmisia. 
 
 § 9. At the battle of Salamis what was the loss on each side ? — What 
 special service did Aristides render duiing the battle ? — How did Xerxes 
 treat the Phoenician sailors that had escaped ? — What effect had the de- 
 feat at Salamis on the mind of Xerxes? — What arguments did Mardo- 
 nius use in addressing him ?
 
 Chap. XX. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 675 
 
 § 10. What second message was borne by Sicinnus to Xerxes from 
 Themistocles ?- — What may have been the motive of the last named ? — 
 How did he act to the Islanders ? 
 
 § 11. What nations and forces were to be left with Mardonius? — De- 
 scribe the return of Xerxes to Asia. 
 
 § 12. On whom did the Greeks confer special honoi"s? — To what de- 
 ities did they make offerings ? — What occurred with regard to the prizes 
 for wisdom and conduct f 
 
 § 13. At the time of the battle of Salamis what power had the Sicil- 
 ian Greeks to resist? — How had the Carthaginians a pretext for inter- 
 fering ? — Who were the opposing generals in the battle of Himeua ? 
 — What was the result of that engagement ? 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 BATTLES OF PL.iT.EA AND MYCALE. 
 
 § 1. In the spring following the battle of Salamis what occurred in 
 the Greek and Persian fleets respectively ? 
 
 § 2. How did most of their Grecian allies act toward the Persians ! 
 — On what measure did Mardonius greatly rely? 
 
 § 3. Who bore the proposals of Mardonius to the Athenians? — What 
 was offered to them? — How did the Athenians receive tlic offers? — De- 
 scribe the conduct of the Spartans. 
 
 § 4. How did the Athenians show their resolution to maintain the 
 ^var ? — How were the Spartans at lengtli roused from their selfish inac- 
 tion ? — What force did they send ? — Who commanded it ? 
 
 § 5. What position did Mardonius occupy? — Show its advantages. — 
 What forces composed the Grecian army? — Describe the march of the 
 Greeks. — Where was their first position ? — Why did they quit it ? 
 
 § 6. Describe the second position of the two armies. — How long did 
 they continue thus opposed to each other ? — What policy did Artabamis 
 recommend ? 
 
 § 7. What mark of good-will did Alexander show the Greeks? — 
 What changes followed ? — How were the Greeks induced to retreat ? — 
 What occurred in the attempt to effect this retreat ? — Describe the con- 
 duct of Amompharetus. 
 
 § 8. Describe the part of the Battle of Plat.ea fought between the 
 Persians and Spartans. — With whom were the Athenians meantime 
 engaged ? — How many Persians withdrew in good order ? — Describe 
 the action at the camp. — What is said to have been the loss of the Per- 
 sians ? 
 
 § 9. Describe the booty gained in the battle of Plata^a. — How was it 
 disposed of? — What was the date of the battle? 
 
 § 10. What occurred at Thebes after tlie Ijattle of Platrea? 
 
 § 11. Give some anecdotes respecting individual Spartans. 
 
 § 12. What signal honors were conferred on Plata;a and its terri- 
 tory ? 
 
 § 13. What battle in Asia was contemporaiy with that at Plata5a? — 
 Describe the position of the Persian forces at Mycale. — Give the j)artic- 
 ulars of the battle there. 
 
 § 1-4. What were the results, to the islands and coast towns of the 
 Greeks, of the failure of the expedition of Xerxes? 
 
 § 15. Describe the subsequent proceedings of tiic fleet of the Greeks.
 
 C7G QUKSTKJXS ON Book IV 
 
 CIIAITKU XXI. 
 
 IIISTOUY OF I.ITKIt VTritK. 
 
 § 1, Name the three fjireat founders of 'I'mi/efli/. — Who were the great 
 T^yric. poets, and what their respcetivc countries? 
 
 § 2. Wliat various countries did SiMoMr)i;s visit? — T{elatc the legend 
 of his jirotection In' Castor and Tolliix. — What celehratiMl actions did 
 liis])oenis record? — Name the different sorts of his jwenis. — IJocs much 
 of thcTn remain ? 
 
 § ;$. Where and wlicn was I'INDAR horn ? — From what lyric writers 
 did he gain improvement? — What celebrated sovereigns were hLs j)a- 
 trons? — How did the Atlienians show their respect to him? — What tes. 
 timony was ])aiil to his merit long after his death? — Wliich of his poems 
 remain? — Wliat is their eliaracterislic? — What iMlin poet csjiccially 
 speaks of liis excellence ? 
 
 § 4. Give some aceoimt of Thycvs and of IJarchi/lides. 
 
 § 5. What species of composition were the Greeks late in cultivating? 
 — At what time were the books of Mosks written? 
 
 § 6. At wliat time must we place the earliest attempts of the Greeks 
 in prose composition? — Xante the earliest Greek prose-writers. — Give an 
 account of what is known of Ilccataus and his works. — What can you 
 tell me respecting Charon of Lampsacus? — What is known of Ilellani- 
 cus of Mitylcne? 
 
 § 7. Where and when was Herodotus born? — What dialect did he 
 adopt, and why ? — In what island did he sojourn while a young man ? 
 How far did his ti-avels extend ? — Where did he pass the latter j)art of 
 his life? — Quote the story from Lucian respecting the publication of his 
 history. — What great honor was paid to his books? — Who is said to have 
 been present ? 
 
 § 8. What is the subject of Herodotus's histort- ? — What mnhological 
 subject does he touch on? — Give a brief sketch of the historic subjects 
 in Herodotus's book, and of the way they are introduced. 
 
 § 9. Show what feeling mutually subsisted between Herodotus and 
 Athens. 
 
 § 10. Describe the peculiar excellences and deficiencies of the stj^le 
 of Herodotus. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 THE ATHEXIAX SUPREMACY AXD THE FELO- 
 PONNESIAX WAR. 
 
 (B.C. 477^04.) 
 
 CHAPTER XXn. 
 
 2ROM THE EXPULSION OF THE PERSI.VXS TO THE DEATH OF THE- 
 MISTOCLES. 
 
 § 1. After the expulsion of the Persians from Greece proper what 
 places did they still hold? — What force was sent to dispossess them, and 
 under what commanders? — What were the achievements of this force?
 
 Chap. XXIU SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 677 
 
 § 2. Describe the conduct of Pansanias. — Wliat projects had he form- 
 ed? — How was his design made evident? 
 
 § 3. Wliat circumstances gave Athens the supremacy at sea? 
 
 § 4. What name was given to the league which Atliens headed ? — Of 
 what states was it composed? — What money was contributed? 
 
 § 5. Who succeeded Aristides in the command ? — What were the 
 first phices he took ? — Wherein consisted their importance ? 
 
 § G. Name the great battles in the Persian war, and state the share 
 that Athens had in each battle. — To what great citizens did that city 
 particularly owe her eminence ?— Show this by a little detail. 
 
 § 7. How was tlie rebuilding of the fortifications of Athens viewed? 
 — --What species of advice did the Spartans give ? — Describe the artifice 
 of Themistocles at this crisis, and its success. 
 
 § 8. What was the original port of Athens? — What ports did Themis- 
 tocles add to it? — How did he defend these? 
 
 § 9. What farther step toward democracy was made at Athens during 
 the Persian war? — Who became opponents of Themistocles? — How did 
 that statesman give offense? 
 
 § 10. What constitutions prevailed at Athens and Sparta respectively ? 
 —Of what was Themistocles accused? — Wliithcr did he first retire? 
 
 § 11. Was Pausanias proved guilty of treason on his first recall? — In 
 what way did he again go out? — How did he conduct himself? — What 
 schemes did he form at home? — Detail the mode of his complete detec- 
 tion. — Describe the end of Pausanias. 
 
 § 12. How did the fall of Pausanias aft'ect Themistocles? — Relate the 
 latter statesman's adventures till his arrival in Asia Minor. 
 
 § 13. Wliom did Themistocles find on the throne of Persia? — How 
 did the Persian king treat him ? — -What promises did Themistocles make ? 
 — What various statements are made as to his death ? — Draw the char- 
 acter of Themistocles. 
 
 § 14:. What honors were paid to the memory of Aristides ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 RISE AND GROWTH OF TIIK ATHENIAN EMPIRE. — FROM THE BATTLE 
 OF EURYMEDON TO THE THIRTY YEARS' TRCCE WITH SPARTA. 
 
 § 1. What great qualities had Cimon as a jiarty leader? — How did 
 he increase his popularity? 
 
 § 2. What island was the first to resist the power of Athens? — Witli 
 what result ? 
 
 § 3. Where is the Eurymedon? — Describe the actions fought there 
 by Cimon. — Give the date of these battles. 
 
 § 4. How did the dispute between Athens and Thasos arise ? — Whence 
 arose the wealth of that island? — What success had it against Athens? 
 
 §5. What induced Sparta to propose invading Attica? — How was 
 this purpose frustrated ? — Describe the causes and progress of the revolt 
 called the Third Messeniun War. 
 
 § G. Detail the various circumstances which had conspired to depress 
 Sparta and raise Athens. 
 
 § 7. What force, and under whose command, proceeded to the aid of 
 Sparta ? — How was this force treated ? — What statesnuui was now ris- 
 ing to rival Cimon at Athens ? 
 
 § 8. Describe the ])arentage, manners, and character of PERICLES. 
 — With what philosophers did he hold intercourse ?
 
 67S qUKSTIONS ON Book IV, 
 
 § 9. Why was I'criik-s liostile to the roiirt of Arco7)agii.s? — What 
 may he rcganled as aimm;; tlie hist measures which comjdeted the dem- 
 ocratic power ill Athens? 
 
 § 10. What jjreat (Uuniatist left Athens in conneeti<m with political 
 Btrifu? — Wl\at bet'ell (Jiinoii at this time? — Who was Ephialtes, and how 
 did he fall? 
 
 § 11. With what )iowers opfwsed to Sjiarta did Athens under Pericle« 
 successively effect iillianee ? — What advantages were gained by the union 
 with Megara? — Wiiat was tlu; port of Megaia? — What name was given 
 to the fortifications connecting a town with it.s port? — What was the 
 most notahli- instance ? 
 
 § 12. Wiio was Inarus ? — What assi.stance did he obtain from the 
 Athenians ? — What was the fiite of this armament ? 
 
 § 13. What disaster befell the ^Eginetans in their attempts against 
 Athens? — What was the success of the Corinthians on land? — Who 
 was the victorious Athenian general ? — What was the nature of the 
 force under him ? 
 
 § 14. Describe the. LoxG AVai.l.s at Athens. 
 
 § 15. What pretext did the Spartans find, after suppressing the Mcssc- 
 nian revolt, for invading continental Greece ? — What was the real object 
 of this invasion? — Describs its progress and the amount of its success. — 
 Name, with its date, the battle thus gained. 
 
 § 16. Describe the conduct of Cimon just previous to the battle of 
 Tanagra? — When and how was Cimon recalled? 
 
 § 17. By what battle did the Athenians regain their influence in Boe- 
 otia? — Wiiat other continental states did they acquire? — What injuries 
 did their fleet inflict on Laconia ? — What western islands were gained 
 in the same expedition ? 
 
 § 18. At what date was the five years' truce concluded by Cimon? — 
 Describs the circumstances under which Cimon died. — What success 
 had the fleet which had been under his command ? 
 
 § 19. Wliat are said to have been the terms of the pacification with 
 Persia? — Show on the map the jjoints that limited the progress of the 
 Persian war-ships. — How far is this jiacification confirmed in historv-? 
 
 § 20. By what measures did Athens make the subjection of her allies 
 more complete ? — When her power was greatest, what continental states 
 were under her control ? 
 
 §21. How did Athens lose her predominance in Boeotia? — Who 
 made an attempt to recover it, and with what success ? — What other 
 states threw off her yoke soon after ? 
 
 § 22. AVIuit important island did Pericles recover? — What was tbc 
 date and what the terms of the Thirty Years' Truce ? 
 
 Note. — We may take this opportunity of c.-xllins tlie .'tii'lent'? attention to the date 
 B.C. 444, as tlie ,Eka of Pericles. The tliree similar figures make it easy to remem- 
 ber, and the empire of Athens— lier great plory in arras, in arts, in taste, in literature 
 — her enterprising spirit and great energy, render tliis epoch one of the most remark- 
 nble in the history of mankind. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 FROM THE THIRTY TEARS' TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORIXTH 
 AXD COItCYRA. 
 
 § 1. Who succeeded Cimon in the lead of the aristocracy at Athens? 
 — Wherein did he fitU short of the ch.aracters of Aristides and Cimon? 
 — What arrangements did the party adopt, and with what result ?
 
 Chap XXV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 679 
 
 ^OTTE.— The politician Thucijdides was the son of Melesiaa; the great uistoeian 
 was THCcYDinES, tue Son of Olohus. 
 
 § 2. What were the opposing ojiinions of Pericles and the Aristocratia 
 party ? 
 
 §3. How did Pericles obtain the sole direction of affairs at Athens? 
 — To what elevation did he propose to raise his country? — Describe the 
 chief erections raised in the Acropolis of Athens during Pericles' ad- 
 ministration. — What other great sacred buildings did lie commence? — 
 What defensive work was built by his direction? — Was his politicoi 
 scheme equally successful ? 
 
 § \. Distinguish the two kinds of settlements made by the Athenians. 
 —Describe the nature of a YiKrjpovxia. — ^^'hat ten-itoiies were chiefly 
 thus occupied ? — What were the two chief colonies settled by Pericles'? 
 — Where were these respectively ? 
 
 § 5. What increase had been made in the contribution of the Athe- 
 nian allies ? — To what purposes was it apjjlied ? — Of what other wTongs 
 had the subject states to complain? — Which of the islands for some time 
 retained a nominal independence ? — Can any thing be said in extenua- 
 tion of the conduct of Athens? 
 
 § 6. How did the quarrel between Athens and Samos arise? — Detail 
 the chief events and the final result of the contest thus produced. — Why 
 did not the Peloponnesiaus interfere to aid Samos ? — What other city 
 was subjugated at the same time ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE PELOPOXXESIAN WAB. 
 
 § 1. Describe the position of Epidamnus. — How did its affaire pro- 
 duce a dispute between Corinth and Corcyra? — Where is Corcyra?-. 
 What now called, and to what power subject? — Which state gained the 
 first decisive advantages? 
 
 § 2. AVhat preparations did Corinth make to regain her power? — 
 To whom did the Corcyraeans apply ? — Describe the debate on the sub- 
 ject before the Athenian assembly. — What resolution did that assembly 
 adopt ? 
 
 § 3. Show the superiority of the naval tactics of the Athenians. — De- 
 scribe the action between the Corcyrwan and Corinthian fleets. — How 
 were the Corinthians prevented from renewing their attacks ? — How did 
 the Corinthians treat their prisoners ? 
 
 § 4. What offense had Perdiccas of Macedon received from the Athe- 
 nians? — What measures did he take to obtain revenge? — What success 
 had the Athenians against the Potida;ans and Corinthians ? 
 
 § 5. What complaints did the Megarians and the uEginetans make 
 in the congress of Peloponnesians against Athens? — Describe the lan- 
 guage of the Corinthian envoy. — By what arguments did the embassa- 
 dor from Athens defend his country's conduct ? — Describe what followed 
 in the Lacedemonian assembly. 
 
 § 6. What support did the Peloponnesians gain from religion? — At 
 what dtite did these events take place ? 
 
 § 7. What was the first demand of the Peloponnesians on the Athe. 
 nians? — What was its object, and what the expectations of those who 
 made it? 
 
 § 8. For what was Aspasia celebrated? — What charge was brought 
 ?^ainst her, and who else was included in the charge? — How did Peri-
 
 680 QUESTIONS ON nf>r)K IV 
 
 tics nc-t? — What various faults wciv, allc^^cd (i;.'iiiiist I'liiflias ? — How did 
 tiic Athenians meet the flun^'c i>t' iin|ii(-iy inacic \iy the rdoponnc hians? 
 
 § '.). \Vinit was liii! sccund demand ot'tlie .Spartans? — What was their 
 idtiniatnm? — What was the object olthis? — How did the Athenians an- 
 Bwer it ? 
 
 § 10. Wiiat tioacheroua act preceded the declaration of war? — De- 
 scribe the i)anieul.'irs of tiiis. — What was its success? — How did the The- 
 ban re-enforcements and the I'lata'ans resjicctivelv act? 
 
 §11. Whrn tlie Atlienians iieard of the attempt on Platffia, what 
 measures did they adoi)t ? — What was the state of men's minds at this 
 epoch? — What unusual jirndi^'v occurred? 
 
 • § 12. Enumerate the allir> and forces on the side of Sparta. — Stato 
 what powers were under Athenian influence. — What resources had 
 Athens already collected ? 
 
 § 13. What Spartan was inclined to peace just prior to the Pclopon- 
 nesian war? — What messenger was sent to Athens? — Wiiat resolution 
 had ihe Athenians made? 
 
 CIIAPTEIl XXVI. 
 
 PELOPOXNESIAN AVAR. FROM TIIK COMMENXEMEXT OF THE WAR TO 
 
 THE CAPTURE AND DESTRICTIOS OF PLAT.EA. 
 
 § 1. Describe the conduct of Archidamus in the invasion of Attica. — 
 What policy had Pericles recommended? — How was it carried out? — 
 "What famous ])opular leader was just rising? 
 
 § 2. Describe the successes of the lar}:er naval armament of the Athe- 
 nians. — What operations did their smaller s(|uadr(jn carry out? 
 
 § 3. How did the Megarians fare in the war? — Wliat remote alliance 
 did the Athenians form? — What measures of reserve did they adojit ? — 
 What remarkable ceremony took. |ilace at Athens toward the end of the 
 year ? 
 
 § 4. What formidable disaster befell the Athenians in the second year 
 of the war? — Describe the etfect of tliis on men's bodies and on their 
 conduct. — Mention some circumstances that show the severity of the 
 visitation. 
 
 § 5. In what way did Pericles strive to divert the minds of the people 
 ft-om their despair? — How was he treated on his return? 
 
 § 6. What domestic los.ses did Pericles sustain ? — What feeling did he 
 show? — From what cause did he die? — What remark did he make on 
 his death-bed ? — Draw the character of Pericles, stating his great mental 
 qualities. 
 
 § 7. How far were the Lacedaemonians successful with their ships? — 
 What cruel proceedings disgraced the Peloponnesians ? — What retalia- 
 tion did the Athenians make ? 
 
 § 8. How did tlie siege of Potid.Ta terminate ? — What terms wet* 
 granted ? — How did the Athenians regard this ? 
 
 § 9. On what measure did Archidamus resolve ? — What negotintions 
 preceded the commencement of the eicge ? — How were they rendered 
 unavailable ? — What force occupied Plattea ? — Describe the first meas- 
 ures of the besiegers. — What effectual ]ilans of resistance did the Pla- 
 tseans adopt? 
 
 § 10. Describe the besiegers' walls. — Give a minute account of the es 
 cape made by a ])ortion of the gan'ison. 
 
 § 11. What j)romise did the Spart^ms mako to the survivors ot 'he
 
 Chap. XXVIII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. G81 
 
 Plattean garrison ? — Describa what was called the trial. — State how the 
 garrison and the buildings were disposed of. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAK CONTINUED. — FROM THE SIEGE OF PLAT.EA TO 
 THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA. 
 
 § 1. What remarks may be made on the general cliaracter of tlits 
 events of the first ten years of tlie Peloponnesian war ? 
 
 § 2. How does the great power of Sitalces appear evident ? — Against 
 what power did he make attem])ts, and with wliat success? — Descril.e 
 the exploits of Phormio in the third year. — Give an account of the Pe- 
 loponnesians' attempt to surprise the Pira;us, and its conse<iuences. 
 
 § 3. What event menacing to the Athenian j)ower occurred in the 
 fourth year of the war? — Why were the Athenians unable to take Mity- 
 lene bv surprise? — What promise did the Peloponnesians make tiie Mit- 
 ylenaeans? — What was the condition of Athens at this time? — How did 
 they contrive to equip a fleet ? 
 
 § i. Who was ])laced in command of the Peloponnesian squadron in, 
 tended to relieve Mitylsny ? — How was his aid rendered inettectual ?— 
 Who was the Lacediemonian envoy in Mifylene? — What nicasure did 
 he advise, and with what result? — On what conditions did Mitylene sur. 
 render ? 
 
 § 5. Name some of the persons of low origin and pursuits who had 
 become speakers in the Athenian assembly. — Describe particularly the 
 character and conduct of Cleon. — Disci-iininate the authorities on wiiich 
 this account rests. — State the particulars of the cniel decree passed 
 against the Mitylenteans by Cleon's influence. 
 
 § 6. Mention some cruel acts which took place in the Peloponnesian 
 war. — How was an assembly called to reverse the Mitylenaean decree ? 
 
 § 7. Wliat arguments did Cleon and Diodotus respectively j)ut forth 
 for and against tlie reversal of the decree ? — How was the sentence of 
 the Athenian assembly conveyed in time ? — How were the people and 
 the town of Mitylene treated ? — What were the cause and manner of the 
 death of Paches ? 
 
 § 8. How did the dissensions in Corcyra begin, and what were the 
 opposing parties? — What attempts did the Oligarchs make, and how 
 were they frustrated? — Describe the conduct of the rival naval com- 
 manders. — Give some account of the cruelties of the triumphant Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 § 9. Give some account of the reflections of Thucydides on the state 
 of tlie times of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 CHAPTER XX\^1II. 
 
 PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. — FROM THE SEDITION AT CORCITIX 
 TO THE PE.\.CE OF NICIAS. 
 
 § 1. What prevented the invasion of Attica by the Peloponncsiars in 
 the sixth year of the war? — Name and describe the religious proceedings 
 pursued by the Athenians. 
 
 § 2. Wlio became commander of the Spartans in the .seventh year? — 
 What obliged him to leave Attica? — Describe the circumstances under 
 which the Athenians fortified a post at Pylos. — Who commanded it, and 
 what force had he ? 
 
 2 G *
 
 682 QUESTIONS ON Book IV. 
 
 § .'5. Give a rough sketch of t)ic jilan on p. 300, and indicate tlie more 
 iiii])<irtaiit ])()siti()iis on it. — State the nieusiiies adi)|it<d \>\ the various 
 jiortioiis of th(! I'eiopouncsian armameiit.s to drive the Atlienians from 
 i'vlos. — Dcscrihe the measures of the Athenian coniinanderH fordefen.se. 
 ■ — Relate the jtarticulars and result of the first Spartan attack. 
 
 § 4. Of what omission had the Spartans hc(;n ^n'lty? — Describe, with 
 it.s ii'sult, the naval enyaj^ement. — \\'hat extreme mea!>ure«i were ado])ted 
 by the Spartans to save their men on Sphaeteria ? 
 
 § .'). What terms did Cleon cause the Athenians to demand of the 
 Spartan envoys from Pylos? — What was the result thereof? 
 
 § 6. Under what cireunistanees did Demosthenes send from Pylos to 
 Athens for new assistance? — ^Vhat measures had he himself ado[jtod? 
 
 § 7. Describe what occurred at Athens on the arrival of Demosthenes' 
 message. — What force had ('Icon, and what did he undertake? 
 
 § 8. What circumstances, intentional and accidental, favored Cleon's 
 enterj)risc? — What force did Demosthenes eni{iloy ajrainst the Spartans 
 in Sphaeteria ? — Describe the circumstances which resulted in their .sur- 
 render. 
 
 § 9. What advantages might the Athenians have derived from their 
 ca])ture at Sphaeteria? 
 
 § 10. What was the conduct of Eurymedon at Corcyra? — What new 
 cruelties took place there ? — To what acts have they been compared ? 
 
 § 11. What successes did Nicias gain in the eighth year? — What verj' 
 cruel act of treacheiy and ingratitude did the Spartans commit at this 
 time ? 
 
 § 12. How far were the Athenians successful against Megara ? — Br 
 whom was their comj)lete success prevented ? — Kelate the adventures 
 which preceded the battle of Delium. — Describe the ])osition of Delium. 
 • — What were the forces and arrangements on each side in that battle ? 
 — Give the particulars and result of the engagement. — Name two distin- 
 guished Athenians who fought there. — How did these two act? 
 
 § 13. How were the S])artans induced to send Brasidas to Thrace? — 
 What force had he? — Describe his march thither. — What excellent 
 qualities had Brasidas ? — What towns in Thrace did he successively 
 take? — What great Greek writer had a share in these events? — De- 
 Bcribe what happened to this writer. 
 
 § 14. How was the truce of the ninth rear prevented from ending in a 
 general pacification ? 
 
 § 15. Describe the events which resulted in the deaths of Cleon and 
 Brasidas. 
 
 § 16. What statesmen negotiated the truce between Sparta and Ath- 
 ens ? — How long was the truce to last ? — At what date was it made ? — 
 What were its terms ? — In what light did the Peloponnesian allies view 
 it? 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 PELOrONXESIAN "WAR CONTINCED. FROM THE PEACE OF KICIAS TO 
 
 THE EXPEDITION' OF THE ATHESIAXS TO SICILY. 
 
 § 1. What state did the disappointed allies of Sparta attempt to raise 
 to the head of Greece ? 
 
 § 2. What causes of difference arose between Athens and Sparta just 
 after the truce of Nicias ? 
 
 § 3. Give some account of the origin and family of Ai.ciblides.—
 
 Chap. XXX. SRHTH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 683 
 
 Describe his character. — Give some anecdotes of his capricious ecu- 
 duct. 
 
 § 4. What offense had the Spartan government given Alcibiades? — 
 What plan of jiolicy did he adopt to thwart ^jjarta ? — What embassiea 
 resulted from this? — What treacherous and dishonorable trick did Al- 
 cibiades devise to embroil Athens and Sparta? — Describe some subse- 
 quent events connected with the alliances of the Greek states. 
 
 § 5. Describe the appearance made by the Athenians, and the suc- 
 cesses of Alcibiades at the Olympic festival. — Why did this surprise the 
 Peloponnesians ? — How may it have been accomjjlished ? 
 
 § 6. What alliances and successes did Alcibiades gain in the Pelo- 
 ponnesus ? 
 
 § 7. How was the Argive araiy saved from destruction in B.C. 418? — 
 In what way did Alcibiades prevent a permanent peace between Argos 
 and Sparta ? — Describe the first battle of Mantinea. — State the result. 
 
 Note. — The moat important battle of Mantinea was fought in u.c. 36-2: an account 
 of it will be found in chap. xl. of Dr. Smith's Histoy, 
 
 § 8. What revolutions occurred at Argos at this time? — How were 
 they occasioned ? — What were the relations of Sparta and Athens after 
 the truce of Nicias ? 
 
 § 9. Which were the last islands added by Athens to her empire ? — 
 How did the conquerors treat their new acquisitions? 
 
 § 10. What cities in Sicily were combined in opposing alliances early 
 in the time of the Peloponnesian war ? — Which of these had applied to 
 Athens, and when ? — What expeditions had Athens in the early years 
 of the Peloponnesian war sent to Sicily ? — What had resulted from these ? 
 
 § 11. What Sicilian state asked aid from Athens in 41G b.c. ? — What 
 arguments did the envoys use ? — Who supported them, and from what 
 motives ? — How were the Athenians misled as to the wealth of Egesta ? 
 
 § 12. What generals were first appointed to command the Great 
 Sicilian Expedition of Athens ? — What views had Nicias relative to 
 the enterprise ? — How were his attempts to stop it baffled ? 
 
 § 13. Describe the feelings and exertions with which the Athenians 
 prepared for their Sicilian expedition. — Who disapproved the under- 
 taking ? 
 
 § 14. What outrage produced alarm at Athens just prior to the Sicil- 
 ian expedition? — How may we account for the terror it occasioned? — 
 How did the Athenians act to Alcibiades on the occasion ? — What ad- 
 vantage did his enemies thus gain ? 
 
 § 15. Describe the state of the armament intended against Syracuse. 
 ' — Also the scene that marked its departure. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 PELOPON!fE.SIAN WAR CONTINUED. — THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION CON- 
 TINCED. 
 
 § 1. Specify the force of the Sicilian armament, and its several kinds 
 of ships and troops. 
 
 § 2. What reception did it meet with in the several towns of Italy? — 
 With what impressions did the Syracusans receive the news of the ex- 
 pedition ? 
 
 § 3. What news did the swift vessels bring back from Egesta? — Wli»^ 
 several proposals did each of the Athenian generals make ? 
 
 § 4. Which of these plans was followed? — With what success?
 
 C84 QUESTIONS ON Hook IV. 
 
 § ".. Wliat mciisurcs were takcm jiniiinsf Al(il)i(iilos after his departure 
 fur Svraciis;! ? — In what stiitc ol' ('>-cliii^; wa> Aihcii-^? 
 
 § G. Wliat was tli;- iiriiaipal cliarg(! allcK<'d af^ainst AlcihiadcH? — In 
 what way was In- taken ? — Il(jw (iid he escajx;? 
 
 § 7. Vviiat were tlie (irst iiroecedinjis and achi(.'vemcnts of Nicias aftei 
 the departnre of Ah-ibia(U!S ? — How did he gain a holding at Syracuacj, 
 and where did In; winter? 
 
 § 8. What preparations did the Syraensans make daring tlic wintei 
 of ».c. 415? — Wliat was tiie conduct of Aieihiadi-s at Sjiarta? 
 
 § 1). Describe the city, the liarljors, and the principal jiositions at Syr. 
 aciise, constructing a rongii map similar to the one on ]>. 'S'dl. — Truce 
 on the map liii'S showing the juiiuipal fortihcations. 
 
 § 10. AVIiat imi)ortant position did >.'icias occupy? — What works did 
 lie plan ami cxeeiite ? — What were the first attempts of the Syraensans 
 to counteract these? — IIow did Lainachus fall, and what effect had his 
 loss? 
 
 § 11. What S])artan commander Avas sent into Italy, and with wliat 
 force? — Describe his progress till he had reached Syracuse. — What 
 message did he send Nicias? — What defensive works did he construct? 
 — What additional force did he receive ? — What course did Nicias adopt, 
 and what was the posture of his atiairs ? 
 
 § 12. IIow did the Athenians act on the receipt of Nicias' dispatches 
 from Syracus3? — What injurious and annoying jilan did the Spartans 
 adopt in Attica on their actively renewing the war? — What was then 
 the position of affairs in Athens? — What marks of extraordinary spirit 
 did the Athenians notwithstanding display ? 
 
 § 13. Wliat were the results of the first naval engagement at Syra- 
 cuse? — What improvements did the Syraensans make in their ships? — 
 With what result was the second sea-battle fought ? 
 
 § !4. Describe the force brought by Demo.sthenes. — What measures 
 did he attempt ? — What jilans did he recommend ? — Why were they 
 severally rejected? — What efforts' were made on each side for a final 
 naval encounter? 
 
 § 15. Give a particular description of the last naval battle, stating the 
 force on each side, and the issue of the combat. 
 
 § 16. What was the plan formed by the Athenian generals for their 
 escape? — By what artifice was it delayed? — Describe the departure of 
 the Athenian army from its encampment. — Relate the incidents of their 
 march for the first five days. 
 
 § 17. Describe, with the circumstances which preceded it, the surren- 
 der of Nicias. — How were the jirisoners treated ? — What was the fate of 
 the generals ? 
 
 § 18. Give an account of the character of Nicias. — Describe the merits 
 of Demosthenes as a general. — Do you remember a great exploit of his 
 in the former part of this historj' ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 FROM TIIE END OF THE SICILIAN EXPKniTION TO THE OVERTIIEOW OF 
 THE FOUR HUXDREIJ AT ATHEXS. 
 
 § 1. IIow is intelligence of the Athenian defeat at Svracnse said to 
 have reached Athens? — IIow was the news received? — Describe the 
 condition of Athens at that time. — What event most depressed the 
 Athenians?
 
 Chap. XXXII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 685 
 
 § 2. What measures were adopted for defense ? 
 
 § 3. Wliiit various states hepui to rise against Athens? — How was 
 the revolt at Ciiios eifected ? — What other states followed the examijle? 
 
 § 4. How did the Athenians find funds for a fleet ? — What were the 
 terms of the bargain between the Sjiartans and Persians ? — Relate the 
 particulars of the revolution at ISanios. 
 
 § 5. What successes cheered the Athenians? — How did Tissaphernes 
 act toward the Spartans ? 
 
 § 6. Describe the conduct of Alcibiades at this juncture, and his ad- 
 Pice to the Persian satrajis. 
 
 § 7. What proposals did Alcibiades make in order to obtain his return 
 jC Athens? — What measures were taken to carry out his views? 
 
 § 8. Who o])posed and wiio supported the establishment of an oligarchy 
 at Athens? — Ilow was it effected? 
 
 § 9. How did Alcil)iades hide his decci)tion in ;)romising Persian 
 help? — What new bargain was made between Sparta and the Persian 
 satraps ? 
 
 § 10. How was the oligarchical movement defeated at Samos? — In 
 what way did the oligarchs at Athens assail the democracy ? 
 
 § 11. Where was the meeting convened to change the constitution?-- 
 Enumerate and describe the changes. 
 
 § 12. Describe the conduct of the new government at Athens. — Re- 
 cord its negotiations with the Spartans, and their success. 
 
 § 13. What communications took jilace between the Four Hundred 
 and the fleet at Samos? — Who were the leaders of the counter-revolution 
 there? — Ho\t was Alcibiades restored, and what were his first proceed- 
 ings ? 
 
 § 14. How were the envoys of the Four Hundred received by the fleet 
 at Samos ? — What message was sent back ? 
 
 § 15. W^hat leaders among the Four Hundred were opposed to each 
 other? — In what policy ? — What was the fate of Phrynichus ? 
 
 § 10. Describe the eircumstnnces under which the Athenians lort 
 Eubcea. 
 
 § 17. Wherein lay the great importance of the lisss of Eubcea? — In 
 the restoration of democracy, what modification was made in the old 
 constitution? — Wliat vengeance was inflicted on the Four Hundred? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 FROM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDUED AT ATHENS TO THE KATTLE 
 OF .EGOSPOTAMI. 
 
 § 1. How was it that the contest was now altogether maritime? — 
 What was the respective naval power of the two confederacies? — In 
 what quarters was the war successfully carried on ? 
 
 § 2. Who were the Athenian and S|)artan commanders in the battle 
 off Cynossema? — What remarkable structure was erected by the Eu- 
 bceans ? 
 
 § 3. Where was the next engagement ? — Describe i*.. — How was it 
 •decided ? 
 
 § 4. How did Tissaphernes treat Alciliiades? — Relate the particulars 
 of the action in which Mindarus was slain. 
 
 § .'>. Bv what measures did the Athenians follow up their victory ? — 
 What proposals of peace were made ? — How was a treaty prevented ? 
 
 § 6. What help did Pharnabaziis render the Spartans ?
 
 68G QUESTIONS ON Book IV 
 
 § 7. What towns successively tell Ixfore the arms of Alcihiades ? 
 
 § K. Dcsciihc tlie icceiJtioii ot'Alciliiades. — Wliut measures were taken 
 In liis favor? 
 
 § ".». What several wounds had Alcihiades previously inflicted on his 
 country's ]iower? — What measure did he take to conciliate the priests? 
 
 § \(). What two important historic jicrsona^^es at this time came into 
 notice? — What was the character of Cyku's, and what his command? — 
 What were the office, <jri};in, and character of Lysandku ? 
 
 § 11. What occurred at the banquet where Cyrus entertained Ly- 
 sander ? 
 
 § 12. What conduct of Alcihiades excited dissatisfaction ? 
 
 § 1.3. What change was made in the command of the Athenian 
 forces ? 
 
 § 14. Who .succeeded Lysander in command? — Describe the new 
 leader's conduct. 
 
 § 1"). Describe the events which placed CoNOX in a perilous position. 
 
 § l(j. State the efforts made to relieve him, and the numbers of the 
 o]ij)osing fleets. — Where did tiie great action take place? 
 
 § 17. In what ditterci.i ways were the fleets drawn up for battle? — 
 What was the result and what the respective losses in the battle ? — How 
 did Eteonicus effect his escape? 
 
 § 18. What charge was brought against the Athenian commanders at 
 A rt/imisw ? — What did they allege in defense ? — Wliat circumstances e:;- 
 cited the peo])le against them? — What was their fate? — Who refused to 
 condemn them ? 
 
 § 19. How did Lysander again obtain the direction of the Spartan 
 fleet? — What extraordinary aid and power did Cyrus give him? — 
 Where did he station liis fleet? 
 
 § 20. Where did the Athenian fleet take its station ? — ^AVhat disad- 
 vantages had this place ? — What was the respective conduct of the Athe- 
 nians and Spartans ? — What advice did Alcihiades give ? — Describe the 
 BATTLE OF ^GospoTAMi. — At what date was it fought? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF JEGOSPOTAMI TO THE 0AT:RTHR0W OF THE THIRTY 
 TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS. 
 
 § 1. How was intelligence of the defeat at .^go^potami brought to 
 Athens ? — How was the news received ? 
 
 § 2. How did Lysander follow up his victory? — What was his plan 
 for subduing the city of Athens ? — What form of government did he set 
 up in the towns he took ? 
 
 § 3. What measures did the Athenians take for their defense? — De- 
 scribe the first measures of Lysander against Athens. — How did the 
 people show their spirit ? 
 
 §4. How did Tlie7-nwenes act? — What may hare been his view in 
 ihis? — What ])roposals were made in tlio assembly of the I'cloponnesian 
 confederacv as to the fate of Athens ? — What terms were allowed to the 
 city? 
 
 § 5. At what date did Lysander take possession of Athens? — How 
 long then had tlie war lasted ? — Describe the way the terms of the capit- 
 ulation were carried out? — How long had Athens maintained her pow- 
 er? — What reflections are made on her possession and use of it? 
 
 § 6. Give some account of the origin and character of Critics. — De-
 
 <;hap. XXXIV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 687 
 
 scribe his proceedings for setting up an oligarchy. — What name was 
 given to this government? 
 
 § 7. Describe the return of Lysander to Spaita. 
 
 § 8. Give some account of the cruel tyrannies of The Thirty. — Ex- 
 plain the particulars of the noble conduct of Socrates, showing how the 
 occasion arose. 
 
 § 9. How did the name Cothurnus apply to Theramencs ? — What 
 measure was taken by his advice ? 
 
 § 10. Describe the fate of Theramenes, with the circumstances pre- 
 ceding and accompanying it. 
 
 § 11. How many jjerson? are said to have perished under The Thirty ? 
 —What measures did they take to suppress mental culture ? 
 
 § 12. Where did Alcibiades close his days? — Describe his death. — 
 Give your opinion of his cliaracter. 
 
 § 13. Show the great supremacy assumed by the Spartans. — What 
 honors were heaped on Lysander? 
 
 § 14. What illustrious Athenian began the deliverance of his country 
 from The Thirty? — What post did he occujjy, and wliat were his first 
 successes ? 
 
 § 1.5. By what measures did Critias strive to secure his power? 
 
 § 16. Describe the success of Thrasybulus at the Pincus. 
 
 § 17. On the death of Critias what new tyranny succeeded that of 
 The Thirty? — How did the freedom of the Athenians find indirect aid 
 even among the Spartan authorities ? 
 
 § IS. How was an jpportunity given to re-establish the democracy at 
 Atliens? 
 
 § 19. Describe the restoration of the Athenian democracy. — How was 
 this event rendered memorable in a literary point of view ? 
 
 § 20. How did the newly-established democracy act? — What was the 
 subsequent position of Athens ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD OF 
 HER EMPIRE. 
 
 § 1. How is Athens situated? — Name and describe the chief emi- 
 nences in its position. — What streams supply it with water? — Quote 
 Milton's description. — Draw a rough plan of Athens, indicating the 
 most important positions. 
 
 § 2. Whence had Athens its name? — What were the old names of 
 its people? — W'hat building was begun by the Pisistratidx ? 
 
 § 3. What portion of the structure of Athens was due to Themis- 
 tocles? — Describe the nature and extent of his erections. — Describe the 
 various long walls. 
 
 § 4. Give some idea of the appearance of Athens and of the structure 
 of its houses. — What was its population, and how compo.«ed ? 
 
 § ~i. At what time should the period of highest excellence of Athenian 
 art be fixed ? — In what various arts and branches of literature was this 
 eminence displayed ? 
 
 § 6. Name some of the earliest sculptors. — State their country, time, 
 and peculiarities. 
 
 § 7. Give some account of the history of PIIIDI.VS, stating the time 
 of his birth and manner of his death. — What are the characteristics of 
 his works?
 
 688 QUESTIONS ON Hook IV. 
 
 § S. Wliat is known of roLYCLETt-.s ? — What wns )iis most famous 
 work'/ — Wliiit wi-re tlie excelk'nccs and tlu; woiks (jf Myuon? 
 
 § !•. Wluit ));iint('r was contcmporarv wiili I'liidias? — What works did 
 he exi'ciiti' ? — What excel lences and dchcicncies marked his works? 
 
 § 10. Name tlie other great ])ainters of tlie jjcriod. — .Mention some 
 circumstances indicating tiic great fame of Zelxi.s. — Tell the story of 
 the contest ijctwecn Zeuxis and I'aukiiasil.s. 
 
 § 11. Wiiat piil)lic buildings were erected at Athens imder the ad- 
 ministration of Cinion? — Describe the temple of Nik// uimpi r, stating 
 its position. — Mention the dimensions, style, and ornaments ot the 'IhE' 
 
 SEUM. 
 
 § 12. Give a rough plan of tlie AcnoPOMs, showing tlie site of the 
 principal buildings. — Describe the a]ii)earance of the Acrojtolis. — When 
 and at wiiat cost were the PuorYL/KA erected ? — Describe the Projiylaja. 
 
 § 13. What names had the Parthenox ? — Who were its architects? 
 — What its dimensions? — Describe its sculptures. 
 
 § 14r. ^Icntion the chief circumstances in the description of the Chrys- 
 elephantine statue of Athene. — Describe the ])osition, ajipearance, and 
 pro])(>rtions of the statue of Athene 1'komaciios. 
 
 § 1"). Describe the EnEcuxuEUJi. — Give the legends respecting Ereeh- 
 tlieus. — What olyects of legendary interest were contained in the Erech- 
 theum ? 
 
 § l(i. Describe, with their positions and uses, the Dionysiac theatre; 
 the Odeum of Pericles ; the Areopagus ; the Pnyx ; the Agora ; the 
 Ccramicus ; the Lyceum. 
 
 § 17. What great architectural works in the Peloponnesus are de- 
 scribed ? — (live an account of the statue of Jujiiter at ()lymj)ia. 
 
 § 18. What remarks are to be made on the temple at Pliigalia? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 history of athenian literatcre down to the end of the 
 peloponnesian war. 
 
 § 1. Among which portion of the Greek race did literature first begin? 
 — At what time did the Athenians become literary? 
 
 § 2. Among what trib;' and from what source did dramatic literature 
 begin? — Give tlie derivation of the words Trajtdij and Comedi/. — What 
 is known of K])icharmus and liis works ? 
 
 § 3. Who is named as the earliest introducer of Comedy at Athens? 
 — What peculiarly shows the Dorian origin of the Drama? — Who is 
 said to have first introduced sin actor into Tragedy? — At what date? — 
 What tragic authors were before JEschylvs ? — What remarkable anec- 
 dote is recorded of one of Phrynichus"s dramas ? — Explain what is meant 
 by a trilociji and a teiralogji. 
 
 § 4. What writers are respectively regarded as Fathers of Epic Poet- 
 ry, of Trciffcdi/, and of History .^ — Where and when was ^ESCHYLUS 
 born? — ^lention the chief events of his life. — What improvements did 
 he introduce into tragedy? — What are the characteristics of his style? 
 — How many tragedies is ^l^schylus said to have written? — How many 
 are extant? — (Note *, p. 405.) 
 
 § .5. "Who succeeded and rivaled ^-Eschylus? — When and where wag 
 he horn ? — Describe the jiecnliar circumstances under which he gained 
 his first Tragic prize. — On what political occasions did he hold office? 
 — Record the closing events of his life. — What improvements are due ta
 
 Chap. XXXV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 689 
 
 him ? — What are the excellences of his style? — How nuiny tragedies did 
 SOPHOCLES write?— How many remani ?— (Note *, p. 40G.) 
 
 § 6. Where and when was EUKiPlUES horn? — What are the chief 
 events of his life and the manner of his death ? — What marks of dramat- 
 ic decline do his plays exhibit? — Wliat are his merits? — How manv 
 plays of Eurijiides are extant? — Why is one peculiarly interesting? 
 
 § 7. Who are the writers of the Old Attic Comedy ? — When was 
 ARISTOPHANES born?— How many of his plays exist ?— What was 
 the probable time of his death ? — What was the nature of the Old At- 
 tic CoMKDY ? — Illustrate this by some accounts of the jilots of jdays. — 
 What was the nature of the Middle Comedy ? 
 
 Note. — An account of the n.ituie of the New Comedy and its authors will I* found 
 at the beginning of chap, xlviii., p. 588. 
 
 § 8. Name the three great classical Historians of Greece. — When, 
 where, and in what rank was THL'CYDIUES the histoiian born? — 
 How may he be conveniently distiiij;uished from the rival of Pericles? 
 {See note in these Questions on Chap. XXIV., § 1.) — State what is known 
 of the historian's life. — Give an accoimt of the siilyect of his work. — 
 What are the merits and faults of his style? 
 
 § 9. About what time was XENOl'HON born?— Who were his sev- 
 eral instructors ? — Give a brief sketch of his life. — Name his chief works. 
 — What merits has his style ?— What period does his history describe? 
 — Give an account of The Cyropaidia ; The Anabasis ; The Memora- 
 bilia. 
 
 § 10. Give a brief account of the course of education in the Greek 
 states. 
 
 § 11. What circumstance rendered the lessons of the Rhetor and 
 Sophist so important ? — Name some eminent men wlio taught in the 
 most glorious time of Greek History. — Distinguish the original from the 
 more recent acceptation of the word Sophist. 
 
 § 12. Name the various members of the family of SOCRATES. — 
 Record some of his personal liabits and peculiarities. — What events of 
 his life are known ? — How did Socrates teach ? — What erroneous view 
 does Aristophanes give of the pursuits of Socrates? 
 
 § 13. In what two respects did Socrates ditfer from the Sophists? — 
 What philoso])hers arose from among his hearers ? 
 
 § 14. What did the oracle say of Socrates, and what proof did he ob- 
 tain ? 
 
 § 15. At what date, by whom, and on what charge was Socrates ac- 
 cused ? — How might he possibly have escaped death ? — How was his life 
 prolonged for some days ? — Describe the close of his life.
 
 690 QUESTIONS ()\ Book. V. 
 
 B O O K V. 
 THE SPARTAN AND TIIEBAN SUPREMACIES 
 
 (B.C. 403-373.) 
 CHAPTEll XXXVI. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRU.S AND RETREAT OF 
 THE TEN THOUSAND. 
 
 § 1 . What period of time docs Book V. embrace ? — What states were 
 supreme dnrin;; this time ? — Distiii^'iish by their parentage the two most 
 celebrated characters named (IVIU'S.^ — In what work of Xenophon in 
 the expedition of the yonnger Cyrus rekitcd? — Wherein consisted the 
 importance of this expedition? — Recount the particulars of the provoca- 
 tion Cyrus received. 
 
 § 2. On what sj)ecies of force did Cyrus chiefly rely? — What circum 
 stances in Greece favored its collection ? — Who was the chief leader of 
 the Greeks, and what had been his previous position? — What other cel- 
 ebrated Greek was ainoni; them ? 
 
 § 3. What was tlie total amount of Greeks aiding Cyrus? — Describe 
 their route throuyjh Asia Minor. — What occurred near and in Cilicia? 
 
 § 4. What did Cyrus profess to bo his intention when in Cilicia? — 
 How did he prevail on tiic Greeks to proceed ? — Where did the fleet 
 meet them ? — What additional force did it bring ? — What proceedings at 
 Myriandrus gained for Cyrus tlie love of the Greeks? 
 
 § 5. Where was the first notice of the real ])urpose of the expedition 
 given ? — How did they cross the Euphrates ? — What amused them in 
 the des?rt ? 
 
 § 6. What was the probable sti-ength of the army of Artaxerxes ? — 
 What was the purport of Cyrus's address i)rior to the battle? — Describo 
 the battle of Cunaxa. — At what date was it fought? — Give the partic- 
 ulars of the death of Cyrus. 
 
 § 7. What proposals did the Greeks make after the battle of Cunaxa? 
 • — What difficulties encompassed them? — Describe the events previous to 
 their dcjiarture. 
 
 § 8. For how Ion:? did they march with Tissaphernes ? — What was 
 the fate of Clearchus ? — Who perished with him ? — Describe the con- 
 duct of Aria3us. 
 
 § 9. Describe the condition and state of mind of the Greeks after the 
 loss of their officers.- — Recount what occurrcil to Xenophon. — State how 
 he acted, with the result. 
 
 § 10. Who were the two princijial leaders in the retreat? — Which 
 had the greater influence, and how ? — What arrangement was made to 
 keep in check the hostile cavalry? — Describe their march to the mount- 
 ains of the Carduchi. 
 
 § 11. Wiiy were they obliged to make their way across the mount- 
 ains? — How long did tiiis portion of their journey take? — What diffi- 
 culties had they to overcome? 
 
 § 12. Wl;;it river did they next cross, and how ? — Into what country 
 di'* ♦hi'? )))-iug them ? — Whence arose tlieir chief suff'erings here? — What 
 sort of villages did they find ?
 
 Chap. XXXVII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 691 
 
 § 13. What circumstances first filled the army with extreme jov? — 
 How was it testified ?— What nations had they still to traverse ?— What 
 was the first Greek city they reached ? 
 
 § 14. How did they try to gain the means of return by sea? — Name 
 the chief towns and tribes they had to pass ere they reached Chrysopo- 
 lis. — Where were they mustered, and what number'remained ? 
 
 § 15. What occasioned their crossing from Asia to Europe? — How 
 were they about to revenge the deceit jjracticed on them, and what pre- 
 vented their doing so? — What barbarian king did they serve? — With 
 whose army was the remnant of the Ten Thousand finally incoqjorated ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SP\KTAN EMPIRE TO THE BATTLE 
 OF CNIDUS. 
 
 § 1. How long had Sparta the entire lead, and liow long onlv partial 
 superiority ? — What events and dates mark out these divisions of "time ? — 
 What afiVonts and dislike provoked the invasion of Ells by the Spartans? 
 — How many campaigns were carried on, and with what final result? — 
 Explain the word theory as used on p. -135 of Dr. Smith's History. 
 
 § 2. What schemes had Lysander formed ? — Describe the position 
 held bv the Spartan kings. 
 
 § 3. How did Agesilaus obtain the throne of Sparta ? 
 
 § 4. What excellences did Agesilaus possess? — What was Lysander's 
 view in the elevation of Agesilaus ? — What defects had Agesilaus ? — 
 How were their ill consequences obviated ? — What conspiracy was sup- 
 pressed at the beginning of the reign of Agesilaus ? 
 
 § 5. By what arrangements did Sparta govern her dependent states? 
 - — Com])are the treatment thus resulting with the rule of Athens? — 
 What efiect had tlie Spartan conquests on the ])ecuniary condition of 
 the citizens ? — Did all the Lacedtemonians become equal gainers ? 
 
 § 6. How did the war in Asia Minor begin ? — Who was the first 
 Spartan general there ? — What force had he ? — AVho succeeded him ? — 
 What were the achievements of Dercyllidas? — What were the demands 
 of the opposing ]jowers ? — Who now took command of the Persian tieet ? 
 
 § 7. Who were the projectors of the invasion of Asia Minor by Agesi- 
 laus? — How did he try to give a legendary interest to his expedition? 
 — How was this part of his i)lan frustrated ? 
 
 §8. At what date did Af/esiliius invade Asia? — How did Lysander 
 act, and what was the result? 
 
 § 9. What did Agesilaus accomplish in his first camjiaign ? — Where 
 and in what occupation did he ]jass the winter? — What was his metlioJ 
 of action and success at the beginning of the second camjuxign ? 
 
 § 10. What was the fate of Tissa])hernes ? — By whom procured? — 
 From what motive ? — Who succeedeil him ? — What arrangement did he 
 make with Agesilaus ? 
 
 § 11. What remarkable instance of their confidence did the Spartans 
 show Agesilaus? — What islanil did the Spartans lose? 
 
 § 12. Describe the interview between Agesilaus and Pharnabazus. — 
 State the conversation that occurred betwixt them. 
 
 § 13. Whv did Agesilaus leave Asia? — Give the particulars of the 
 battle of Cnidiis. — Who was the victorious anil wiio the defeated com- 
 mander ? — At what date and season of the year was it fougiit ? 
 
 JfOTB. The battle of Cnidus, being fought off tlie coast of Asia, is witli propriety ro
 
 692 QUESTIONS ON Book V. 
 
 rorded in this chapter. Chnptcr xxxviil. renumeM the nnrrntive of pvfnti' in <inf.rp.: 
 the buttle «( (Uir.iUli there iiKaitioiieil whh, p^rhap:', a lillh- lii'foic that of Cniilii^, while 
 that of Coronen wan a littk! lalei'. Tiii.H nutu in added le.^t tlic roader Hhoiild Huppo^c 
 tho order oj imrnitujn U> he i)iecii'cly tlie order of time. 
 
 CIIAPTEK XXXVIII. 
 
 THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM Till: HATTLE OK CNIDL.S TO THE I'EACE 
 or ANTAIXIUAS. 
 
 § 1. By what Satnip ami lliront:Ii wliosc aKf'ncy was tho Corintliian 
 war excited against Sjiaita? — What money did lie take? — What states 
 did he prevail u|)oii ? 
 
 § 2. How did hostilities l)e<;in between Sjiarta and the Thebans? — 
 What w;vfl the jilaii for invading; Bceolia ? 
 
 §3. What fourth ])owcr joined the Corinthian allies? — IIow and 
 where was Lysander slain? — \Miat were the farther results of this en- 
 gagement? 
 
 § 4. What farther accession did the Corinthian allies gain? — What 
 name did the war bear? — Whom did the Ejihors simimon to conduct it ? 
 — Give an account of the battle of Corinth, and its results. 
 
 § f). Wl'.o joined Agesllans on his journey frf)m Asia Minor? — De- 
 scribe his march. — What countries and mountains had he to pass? — 
 How did he conceal the bad news which reached him ? 
 
 § 6. Describe the battle of Coronea in its first operations. — Detail 
 the conduct of the Thebans. — What was the result of the battle? — How 
 was the great success of Agesilaus in Asia made evident? 
 
 § 7. What were the consequences of the battle of Cnidiis? — What 
 town and what peninsula were retained by the Spartans, and through 
 whose agency? 
 
 § 8. What were the exploits of the fleet nnder Conon in the beginning 
 of the year 393 n.c. ? — What very important benefit did he confer on 
 his country ? — By what means ? 
 
 § 9. Wliat mountains cross the isthmus of Corinth ? — What passes 
 cross them ? — What advantages for defense do these ])asses aflbnl ? — 
 W^hat political changes took ])lace at Corinth in 392 B.C. ? — What ad- 
 vantages did these obtain t\)r the Sjiartans? 
 
 § 10. What successes against the Corinthian allies did Agesilaus 
 gain in the summer of 391 B.C.? — What effect had these on the The- 
 bans? — How did Agesilaus treat the Theban envoys? 
 
 § 11. What changes did Iphicratcs introduce in the arming of light 
 troops? — With what object? — What were the first successes of his tar- 
 geteers or pe/tastsf — What circumstances gave him the ojipoitunity of a 
 more important success? — Give the particulars of this exjjloit. — State 
 its effect on Agesilaus and the Theban eii\oys. — Describe the subse- 
 quent conquests of Iphicratcs. — Why was I]ihicrates superseded ? 
 
 § 12. To what were the first attempts of Antalcidas in negotiation di- 
 rected? — How far were they successful? — How did Conon's pidilic ca- 
 reer end ? — What was his probable fate ? — What success did Stnithas 
 gain? 
 
 § 13. What circumstances induced the Athenians to send out Thrasyb- 
 ulus? — What successes had he? — How did he perish? — What other 
 eminent Athenian went afterward to the Hellesjjont ? — What successes 
 had this new commander? 
 
 § 14. Kecord the particulars of the enterprise ofTeleutais against the 
 Piraeus.
 
 Chaf. XXXIX. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 693 
 
 § 15. From what vaiious sources did the Spartans obtain increasea 
 force? — What circumstances now disposed the Athenians to peace? — 
 Wlnit Satrap declared the Peace of Anialddus ? — Cite its precise terras 
 — What state made a temjjorary opposition? 
 
 § 16. What was tlie date of the peace of Antalcidas? — Wlicrein con- 
 sisted its disgrace to Greece? — What stales are most bhimabie for it? — 
 What remarks were made on it? 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 FROM THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLIA3. 
 
 § 1. What measures hostile to Thebes did the Spartans adopt imme- 
 diately after the peace of Antalcidas ? 
 
 § 2. How did they treat the town of Mantinea? 
 
 § 3. Describe the position of Olyntbus. — What towns had joined and 
 wliich towns had opposed the Olynthian confederacy? — Which party 
 did Sparta support, and with what force? 
 
 § 4. Describe the circumstances under which the Spartans seized the 
 Cadmea. — What was the Cyadmca, and why so called ? — What irreat 
 advantage did they thus gain? — How was this act viewed? — In what 
 way did the Spartan government proceed with regard to it? 
 
 § 5. How long did the Olynthians resist the power of Sparta? — Who 
 concluded this war, and how ? — Wherein was this disadvantageous to 
 Grecian interests? — What other state yielded to Sparta about the same 
 time? 
 
 § 6. What was at this time the position of Sparta ? 
 
 § 7. Who were the two great leaders of Thebes during the time of its 
 greatest glory? — Give some account of the character and conduct of 
 each. — Detail the particulars of the conspiracy by wliich Thebes was 
 freed from the rule of the Spartan party. — What part did Epaminondas 
 take ? 
 
 § 8. Under what circumstances and terms was the Cadmea evacuated 
 by the Spartans? 
 
 § 9. With what feelings did the Spartans receive the intelligence of 
 the revolution at Thebes? — How were the Atlicnians induced to ally 
 themselves with Thebes ? 
 
 § 10. Give an account of the new confederacy formed in Greece after 
 the liberation of the Cadmea. — State some of tiie measures adopted in 
 forming it. — What ])ersons were most active in its formation ? 
 
 § 11. What was the force of tlie new league? — Describe the compo- 
 sition and purpose of the Sacred Band at Thebes. 
 
 § 12. Give a full account of the excellences of Epaminondas'a char-> 
 acter, and the means by which tliey were attained. 
 
 § 13. Describe the attempts of the Spartans in their invasions of 
 Thebes during the first three campaigns, with their result. 
 
 § 14. Give an account of the exploits of the Athenian fleet in the year 
 376 B.C. 
 
 § 15. What circumstances caused tlio jealousy of Athens against 
 Thebes? — Describe the exploit of Peloi)i(las atTegyra. — What succcssoa 
 and attempts of the Thebans followed this victory ? 
 
 § 16. In what manner was the peace made between Athens and 
 Sparta broken ? — Describe the adventures and fate of Mncsip])ns in Cor 
 eyra. — What farther advantages did the Athenians gain? 
 
 § 17. Where were the deiaities to be assembled for negotiating the 
 treaty called the Peace of Callias f
 
 694 (QUESTIONS ON B<xjk V 
 
 § 18. At wliat (Intt; was the peace of Callias made? — Wliat were the 
 terms ol' il? — Describe the dispute i>etweeii Ej)aminondas and Agesilaus 
 on the occasiua. 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 THK fiUI'REMACY OF TIIEHES. 
 
 § 1. What were tlie expectations of tiie Greeks as to the issue of the 
 9tru).;gic between Sparta and Thebes ? — Describe the march of Cleom- 
 brotus into Boeotia. 
 
 § 2. Wliat advantage had Clcombrotus secured in liis march ? — What 
 circumstances discouraged the Tliebans? — What was the nianccuvrc of 
 Ei)amiiiondas to secure the victory ? — 13cscribe tiie uattle of Lei'ctra 
 and its results. — Give its date. 
 
 § ;?. How did the Spartan government show its courage after the bat- 
 tle of Leuctray 
 
 § 4. What were the position and aims of Jason of Pherae ? — What 
 course did he advise the Thebans to adoj)! after the battle of Lcuctra? 
 
 § 5. What states joined Thebes after the battle of Leuctra ? — What 
 conditions respectively were granted by Thebes to Orchomenes and to 
 Thespia; ? 
 
 § 6. What intentions had Jason of Pheras declared just prior to bis 
 death?— How did he fall? 
 
 § 7. What policy did Athens adopt after the battle of Leuctra? — 
 What Pelo])onncsian states were raised up by Thebes against Sparta? — 
 Who was the most active Arcadian statesman at the time ? 
 
 § 8. How long had the Mcssenians lived in e.xile ? — With what force 
 did Epaminondas invade Laconia in n.c. 370? — What extraordinary 
 measure did the Spartans adopt for their defense? — To whose exertions 
 was the defense of Sparta owing? 
 
 § 9. What town was built to form the capital of Arcadia? — Find it 
 on the map, and describe its position. — What was the new constitution 
 of Arcadia ? — Describe the position and strength of the new town of 
 Messene. — On what charge was Epaminondas arraigned ? — What was 
 his reply, and what the result ? 
 
 § 10. On what terms were Athens and Sparta allied against Thebes? 
 — What was their plan of defense ? — What were the results of the cam- 
 paign of B.C. 301) ? 
 
 §11. What ambitious views did Lycomedes and the Arcadians form * 
 — What successes did they gain ? 
 
 § 12. In what battle were the Arcadians subsequently defeated? — 
 How did the Thebans regard this defeat ? — What was the object an(? 
 what the result of Pelopidas's expedition to Thessaly in B.C. 368 ? — Who 
 was amonrr the Macedonian hostages? 
 
 § 13. What was the object of the third expedition made by Epami- 
 nondas into the Peloponnesus? — How did he display his moderation?— 
 How did the Thebans regard it, and what consequences followed their 
 proceedings ? 
 
 § 14. What was the object and what the result of the Theban em- 
 bassy to Persia? — What rejjresentations did Antiochus make of the stat« 
 of the Persian monarchy ? — How was the Persian mandate in favor of 
 Thebes received by the Greeks ? 
 
 § 15. Of what outrage was Alexander of Phcra; guilty ? — Wliat ad 
 Tantage did he gain by it ? — How was the prisoner rescued ?
 
 Chap.XLI. SMITH'S HISIOKY OF GREECE. 61)5 
 
 § 16. Where was Oropus? — Under what circumstances did the The- 
 baus gain it ? — What alliance iinfuvorable to Thebes soon followed ? 
 
 § 1 7. What treacherous attempt in Corinth did the Athenians plan ? 
 — With what result? — What peace was made in consequence? 
 
 § IS. What maritime conquests were made for Athens by Timothcus ? 
 — What success attended Epaniinondas at sea? 
 
 § 19. Describe the circumstances under which Pclopidas fell. — How 
 was his death avenged ? 
 
 § 20. What occasioned the difference between Arcadia and Elis? — 
 What powers snjjported each ? — What occurred at the time of the cele- 
 bration of the 10-tth Olympiad? 
 
 § 21. What proceedings estranged Mantinea from the Arcadian 
 league ? — What towns in Arcadia were respectively at the head of the 
 Theban and Spartan parties ? — What circumstances led to the fourth 
 expedition of Epaminondas into the Peloponnesus? 
 
 § 22. At what date did Epaminondas lead his last expedition into the 
 Peloponnesus ? — What two bold attempts did he then unsuccessfully 
 make ? 
 
 § 23. Describe the battle-field of Manti>t:a. — Detail the occurrences 
 at the commencement of the battle. — What was the plan of Ejiaminon- 
 das ? — What was the result of the battle ? — Give the particulars of the 
 last hours of Epaminondas's life. — On what terms was peace made? 
 
 § 24. Give an account of the close of the life of King Agesilaus. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROJI THE DESTRUCTION OF THE 
 ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. 
 
 § 1. What is the subject of Chap. XLI. ? — What period of time doei 
 it embrace? — Notice briefly the events in Syracusan history from the de- 
 feat of the Athenians to the time of the seizure of power by Dionysiui; 
 the elder. — What event gave Dionysius the opportunity of gaining pow- 
 er ? — How and at what date did he become tyrant of Syracuse ? 
 
 § 2. What Sicilian towns did he successively conquer? — What state 
 was his most formidable opponent ? — How was he rescued from immi- 
 nent danger B.C. 394? — What other country besides Sicily submitted to 
 his sway ? — In what ecndition was Syracuse under him ? — What great 
 Grecian state profited by his alliance ? 
 
 § 3. What proofs may be cited of the taste of Dionysius for literature? 
 — How is he said to have treated Plato? 
 
 § 4. What were the merits and defects in the character "f Dionysius? 
 — How long did he hold power? — Tell the story of Damocles. — Cite 
 Horace's allusion to it. 
 
 § 5. Who succeeded Dionysius the elder? — N;;me the several mem- 
 bers of the family. — How was Dion connected ^\•ith it ? — What plans did 
 he recommend to Dionysius II.? — How did Dion fall into disfavor? — 
 What were the first measures taken against liini ? 
 
 § 6. What farther outrage of Dionysius II. stimulated Dion to re- 
 venge ? — What circumstances favored his enterjirise ? — With what forco 
 did he land in Sicily? — Describe his entrance into Syracuse. — Whero 
 was Dionysius II. at this time ? — What attempts did he make, and with 
 what success ? 
 
 § 7. How did Dion lose his popularity? — What wa.s his fate? 
 
 § 8. Into what state did Sicily now fall ? — What danger caiiaed th^ 
 appeal to Corinth ?
 
 6'JQ QUESTIONS ON Book VL 
 
 § [). Descril)c the character of Timoleox. — Uccount his history while 
 at Coriuth. 
 
 § 10. What circumstances ten<lcd to dishearten and what to encour- 
 age Timoleon in his iittcinj)t to deliver Syracuse;? — What various ene- 
 mies had he to encounter? — Wliat force acconi])anied him? — In wiiat 
 hands were tiie various juirts of Syracuse? — How did lie ^ain Onyn'iix'f 
 — Where and liow did Dioiiysius II. ]>ass tlie close of his life? — Wijat 
 great force did Ilicetus suniuion to his aid? — How were these rendered 
 useless to him? 
 
 § 1 1. What were the first measures of Timoleon when master of Syr- 
 acuse? — What farthiT stcjis were taken to promote the freedom and 
 welfare of the Syracusans? 
 
 § 12. What circumstances preceded the battle of the Crimesus? — 
 Wiiat were the oi)posing forces in that battle ? — What were the result of 
 the battle and the loss of the Carth:i<i;inians? 
 
 § 13. Wliat fartlier successes attended the arms of Timoleon? 
 
 § li. Describe the close of Timolcon's life. 
 
 BOOK YI. 
 THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 (B.C. 353-146.) 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 FRO-H THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR. 
 
 § 1. Give a brief view of the changes which took place successively as 
 to the possession of the leading ])ower among the states of Greece. 
 
 § 2. What are the boundaries of Macedon Proper, and from what 
 countries do they sejjarate it?— Wiiat are its principal rivers? — What 
 was the probable origin of its ])eo])le ? 
 
 § 3. From what race did tiie Royal family of Macedon claim descent? 
 • — What king was contem])orary with the Pisistratida; ? — At what time 
 was Macedon subject to Persia? — What advantages did Archelaus con- 
 fer on Macedon? — What towns were successively the capitals? — Of 
 whom was the famous Pliilij) son ? 
 
 Note. - For the piirt t:iken by Alex.inder of Macedon in the great Persian war 
 ngainst Athene, see chap, xx., 5§ ;! and 7. 
 
 § 4. What advantages did Philip gain by his residence at Thebes? — 
 What were the princijjal features of Phili|rs character? 
 
 § 5. At what age and at what date ditl PHILIP take on him the gov- 
 ernment of Macedon? — In what capacity did he first act? — Who were 
 rival claimants? — What su])port had each? — How did Philip rid him- 
 self of them? — Wiiat nations did he tlien subdue, and how? — How did 
 he treat his nephew ? 
 
 § G. By what military measures did Philip strengthen his power? — 
 Show the strictness of his dicipline. 
 
 § 7. Where was Amphipolis? — Wherein lay its importance? — What 
 powers wished to possess it? — How did Phiiip keep them quiet? — What 
 towns did he successively gain? — Wiiat fortunate events hapj)cned tc 
 Philip in B.C. 356 ? — What advantages did he gain east of the Strj- 
 mon?
 
 Chai'. XLIII. SMITH'S HISTOKY OF GREECE. 697 
 
 § 8. What states opposed Athens iu the Social Wau ?— What causes 
 produced it? — What generals commanded the Athenmiis? — What re- 
 sult had the war? 
 
 § U. Between what powers did the Sacked Wau begin":' — IIuw was 
 it occasioned? — Who was the first leader of the Phociaus ? — What were 
 his first measures and successes ? 
 
 § 10. What states joined the Phocians? — What prevented their giving 
 efficient help? — Whence did Philomelus get means to carry on war?— 
 Who succeeded Philomelus? — What conquests did he make? 
 
 § 11. Where did Philip lose his eye? — What pi-etext had he for in- 
 vading Thessaly ? — What was his ultimate success in that country ? — 
 How was he induced to withdraw from before Thermopyhe ? 
 
 § 12. By what persons was public sj)caking first jiracticcd at Athens? 
 — What occasioned a change in that respect? — At what time was Ue- 
 MOSTHEXES THE Oratok bom ? — In what cause did he first use his ora- 
 torical skill? — Who had been his instructor? — What was his success in 
 his first attempts at public speaking ? — What natural defects had he ? — 
 How did he remedy these ? 
 
 § 13. In what light did Demosthenes regard Philip? — What were 
 the object and success of the first I'hilijipic ? — What gave occasion to 
 ihe Olynthiac orations ? 
 
 Note. — The young student should remark that, from the forc3 and excellence of 
 the Paiuppics delivered by Demosthenes, that word was afterward applied to the 
 speeches of the great Piomaa orator Cicero against Marcus Antonius, and that it Is 
 ofisn used to signify "■ a vehement speech inaue against mvj jterson." 
 
 § 14. AVho was the most celebrated opponent of the policy of Demos- 
 thenes at Athens ? — Give the character of Phocion. — State his probable 
 motives. — Relate some anecdotes of him. — At what date did Philip take 
 Olynthus? — How did he treat his conquest ? 
 
 § 15. Why was Philip's conquest of Olynthus alarming to the Athc- 
 niaiis? — Who succeeded Onomarchus in the command of the Phocians? 
 — Wiiat success had he? — What two leaders successively commanded 
 them? — What negotiations took place between Philii> and the Athenians 
 just before the close of the Sacred War? — Show his great art and du- 
 plicity jn treating. 
 
 § IG. What charge did Demosthenes bring against ^schines and his 
 party? — Describe the way in which Phili]3 terminated the Phocian or 
 Sacred War. — To what treatment were the Phocians subjected? — What 
 advantages did Philip gain by his termination of this war? 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII 
 
 FROM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF rHILlP. 
 
 § 1. What were the results of the Sacred War? — How was the speech 
 of Demosthenes " On the Peace" occasioned? — Wliat was his line of ar- 
 gument in that oration ? 
 
 § 2. In what way did Philip interfere in the affairs of the Pelopon- 
 nesus? — What occasioned the secontl PhiUppu-. of Demosthenes? — What 
 were the occasion and result of the speeches Ilfpi napaTrpKriittat;? 
 
 § 3. To what countries did Philip next send exi)editions ?— What hos- 
 trie acts against Macedon were done by Diopithes ? 
 
 § 4. What were the occasion and nature of Demosthenes' speech *' On 
 the Chersonese?'' — At what date did Philii) attack the Greek cities N. of 
 the Hellespont? — What difficulties did the siege oi Perinthus present? 
 
 2 II
 
 098 QUESTIONS OX r,-KiK VL 
 
 § r». Describe the cxjiioits of Vliocion in Eiilxra. 
 
 § (). VVhiit is tlic ]>iiriM)it of the extant letter of Philiji to titc Athe- 
 nians? — What was the result of the expedition of Ohares to i>y/.antiuni ? 
 — Describe the conilnet and the success of J'hocion. — Give an aeeouiit 
 of the expedition of I'liilij) into Seythia. — What events fidlowed it? 
 
 § 7. Describe the (hs]iutc wiiicii arose, in the Ainj)hirtyonie council 
 between ^schines and tlic Anipiiissian deputies. — What decree resulted 
 from this? 
 
 § 8. What may have been the motive of iEschines? — How did Philip 
 become f/oieral of the Aiii/ihirti/rms f 
 
 § 9. By what act did I'liiliji disjilay his designs against Attica and Boo- 
 otia? — Describe what then occurrecl at Athens. — What was the advica 
 of Demosthenes? — Record tlie proceedings at Thebes. 
 
 § 10. Where and at what date was fought the decisive battle vi-hich 
 humbled Greece under Macedon? — Describe tliis battle. — What monu- 
 ment remains of it ? — W'hat charge is made against Demosthenes as to 
 the battle ? — What shows it unjust ? 
 
 § 11. How did Philip behave on his victory? — W'hat reproof wa* 
 given him?— What terms did he grant Athens? — How did he treat 
 Thebes ? 
 
 § 12. What grand object had Philip in view? — W'here did the con- 
 gress assemble ? — What city sent no deputies? — Describe Philip's next ex- 
 pedition to the Peloponnesus. — What other states now submitted to him ? 
 
 § 13. How did the ill-will between Philip and his son Alexander 
 arise ? — Give the particulars of the fii-st quarrel. — How was a partial rec- 
 onciliation brought about ? 
 
 § 14. W^hat were the date and purpose of the expedition sent by Philip 
 into Asia? — Where and how did Philip celebrate the marriage of his 
 daughter Cleopatra? — What dreams are said to have portended hLs fall? 
 
 § ^Ti. Describe the murder of Philip. — What motive caused it ? — W^ho 
 have been suspected as ]»rivy to it? — With what jirobability in each 
 ease? — At what date did Philip fall? — What remarks are to be made 
 on his achievements ? 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 ALEX.\XI>EU THE GREAT. 
 
 § 1. How old was ALEXANDER at the time of Philip's death ?— 
 Who were the early instructors of Alexander ? — With w hat sentiments 
 did they fill him ?— -During what time was he probably under Aristotle ? 
 
 § 2 How did Demosthenes act when informed of Philip's death ? — 
 What did Phocion remark respecting ii ? — What measures did Demos- 
 thenes take to insure success? — What states were disposed to aid him? 
 
 § 3. By what means did Alexander disconcert the views of Demos- 
 thenes ?-^Wni at dignities held by his father did he gain? — Describe his 
 interview with Diogenes, and record the conversation which occurred. 
 
 § 4. Against w hat nations had Alexander next to march ? — Describe 
 his operations in each case. 
 
 § 5. What induced the Thebans and Athenians again to attempt tc 
 shake off Alexander's yoke? — Describe Alexander's conduct and suc- 
 cess against Thebes. — What loss of Thebans ensued? — By whom was 
 Thebes sentenced, and how was it treated? — On what pretenses? — 
 What demand did Alexander make from Athens? — How was he ap- 
 l^eased ? — Tell the anecdote of Phocion's self-deniaL
 
 Chap. XLIV. SMITH'S HlSTOliY OF GREECE. e?U 
 
 § 6. Whom did Alexander leave as recent in Macedonia, and with 
 what force ? — What was the amount and composition of his own army ? 
 Dascribe the circumstances which occasioned the weakness of the Per- 
 sian empire? — What events had previously shown this weakness? 
 
 Note.— In addition to tlie expedition of Cyru.-J, tlie exploits of AgejilHus in Asia, 
 and the observation of AntiosUus tlie Arcadian, might both have been quoted as phovr- 
 ing the weakness of Persia. See D.-. Smith's History, pp. 440-442, and end of p. 479. 
 
 § 7. Describe Alexander's passage into Asia. — Also his visit to the 
 plain of Troy. 
 
 § 8. Wiiere was fought Alexander's first great battle against the Per 
 sians ? — What forces opposed him?— What difttculties had lie to sur. 
 mount? — Describ3 the battle. — Give its date. — How did he act when it 
 was ended? 
 
 § U. Nama the towns which successively yielded to Alexander after 
 the battle of the Granicus. — What arrangements did he make for win- 
 ter? — Name the countries, towns, mountains, and rivei-s which lie passed 
 at the end of B.C. 334. — What remarkable event occurred at Gordium? 
 
 § 10. Describe tha route by whi«h he entered Cilicia. — What circum- 
 stances endangered his life in that country ? — Relate the anecdote rela- 
 tive to Alexander and his physician. — -What force did Darius in person 
 bring against him? — Describe the route of Darius. — What was now the 
 |)osition of Alexander? — Wherein was the great disadvantage of the ])0- 
 sition of Darius ? — Describe the disposition of his army. — Who com- 
 manded the wings of the Macedonians ? — Describe Alexander's conduct 
 in the battle. — How did Darius act, and what were the consequences ? — 
 What loss did the Persians sustain ? — Descvil)e the tent of Darius. — 
 Who were inmates of it? — How did Alexander treat them? 
 
 Note. — The battle of Issus is minutely and graphically described in Professor 
 Crea.sy's work before quoted. In a (juotation there made from Napoleon tlie river is 
 erroneously called the Issus instead of the Pindarus. 
 
 § 11. What was the date of the battle of Issus? — What operations 
 did Alexander next contemplate, and from what motive? — What moan- 
 had Darius still left for carrying on the war? — What proposals did he 
 make to Alexander? — How were they received ? — Describe Alexander's 
 conversation with the envoys from TYRE. — Describe the difficulties pre- 
 sented by the position and state of Tyre. — Becount the first attempts of 
 Alexander in besieging Tyre, and tlie successful resistance of the T}t- 
 ians. — Describe the subsequent efforts of both sides. — How was the city 
 taken ? — How long had it resisted ? — How were the town and its peojiLi 
 treated? — State the second offers of Darius. — How were they received? 
 § 12. What town resisted Alexander on his march to Egypt? — What 
 is the tradition given by Josephus as to Alexander's visit to Jerusalem ? 
 — How did Alexander's treatment of the Egyptians form a contrast to 
 that of the Persians? — Where did he found the famous Alexandria? — 
 For wliat did that city become renowned? — Describe Alexander's visit 
 to the temple of Jupiter Amnion. 
 
 § 13. At what date did Alexander return to Asia from Egypt? — 
 Wlmc were Arbet.a and Gauga.mela ? — From which of these jilaccs is 
 /Alexander's great battle named? — What was the character of Darius'a 
 position ?— Describe the arrangement of his army. — Give n, proof of 
 Abxander's remarkable seir-iMJSscssion. — What forces had he at Gauga- 
 mela? — How did he arrange them? — Wh.it mistake weakened the Per- 
 siuns? — How was the battle decided ?— Where did the pursuit of tha 
 arrny end ? — What was taken at Arbela ?
 
 700 QUKSTIONH (»N Hook VI 
 
 § l\. Wliithor (lid AlexaiKkr iiiiucli ni'ti-r llic battle of Arl^clii? — 
 How did till' Hiilivloiiians n'C-t:ivc him? — Why was tliis ? — Ih-m-rWti: h'u 
 entry into tiiL- cily. — W'iiat imiasiircs did hr adopt tiicrc ? — Wiioiii diil 
 he place ill tlic, various oHic.cs? — What larj.'(! city next received him? — 
 What aiuoiiiit of treasure did he j^aiii, wliat interesting spoils did he 
 liiui, and how did he dispose of them? — What re-enforcements joined 
 him at Siisa ? — What ditHciiliies retarded his advance to I'erM-polin? — 
 How were they overcome ? — What cities were the various capitals and 
 residences of the Persian kinjis? — What amount of treasure was fountj 
 •It I'ersepolis? — What foolish act at that place is laid to Alexander's 
 charge ? 
 
 ' § 15. Whither did Darius flee from Arhela^? — When did Alexandc: 
 resume the iniisnit of Jiini ? — What measures did Alexander adopt at 
 i£cbatana? — I)escril)t' his ])ursuit of Darius from tiience. — How was Div- 
 rius treated hy Hes-sus? — Describe his death, and Alexander's treatment 
 of his body. 
 
 § IG. What is tlie position of Ilyrcania? — What to'wn was its capi- 
 tal? — State the jjosition and ancient name of J/enit. — Why was Plii- 
 lotas put to death ? — Who was slain at the same time, iunl how? 
 
 § 17. What cities did Alexander found in u.c. 3^0? — What was the 
 fate of IJessus? — What was the ancient name of Samaraind!' — Of wha* 
 country was it the capital ? — Describe Alexander's exploits in Sogdinna. 
 — What was the country and i)arcnta,ije of lioxANA ? 
 
 § 18. Describo the circumstances preceding and attending the death 
 \{ CliUts. — How did Alexander show his grief for the act? 
 
 § 19. What was the pfot qt' Hcnnolmtn? — Who were ])Ut to death for 
 .t'i — Where and with what force did Alexander croas the Indus? — 
 What country did he thus enter? — Describe the battle against Poms. — 
 How did that king show his sjiirit ?— Ph)W did Alexander treat him ? — 
 Wiiat cities did he found in India? — Why did he discontinue his prog- 
 ress eastward ? — What river was the limit of his advance ? 
 
 § 20. What divisio:i di.l Alexander make of his army in returning 
 from the Panjab? — How docs the ancient ignorance of geography ap- 
 pear ? — Describe the perilous position of Alexander in the town of the 
 Malli. — Give an account of the rest of the voyage down the Indus. — 
 Wiiat orders were given to Niarchns ? 
 
 § 21. Describe the march through Gedrosia. — How did Alexander 
 show the equity of his government? 
 
 § 22. What measures were taken by Alexander to unite the varions 
 races subject to him? — Wliat innovations caused discontent? — How did 
 he suppress the mutiny ? — What measures followed the reconciliation? 
 
 § 23. What great festival was held at Ecbatana ? — What honors were 
 shown to Hephaistion's mem.ory? — What proofs of Alexander's great- 
 ness were displayed just before his end at Babylon? — What vast designs 
 was he projecting? — What occasioned Alexander's death? — Give its 
 precise date. — How long w-erc his life and his reign? 
 
 § 24. Do you consider Alexander properly deserves to be called 
 Great? — Wherein consisted the main difficulty of his exploits? — What 
 was the nature of his motives? — What benetitsdid mankind derive from 
 Alexander's conquesse ?
 
 Chap. XLV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 701 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE liATTLE OF 
 IPSUS. 
 
 § 1. What was the last uct of Alexander? — What ].iocecdinf; was 
 taken to arrange for the government of the empire ? — To whom was the 
 sovereignty to belong? — State the names of the chief generals, and the 
 provinces originally assigned them. — What did Ferdiccas retain? — 
 Where was Alexander buried ? 
 
 § 2. What state in Greece attempted to throw off Alexander's yoke 
 three years after his departure for Asia? — What was the result of this? 
 • — Describe the dispute at Athens " On the CVo2f«, " stathig the various 
 persons concerned, and the result. 
 
 § 3. Who was Harpalus ? — How did he become a favorite with Alex-, 
 ander? — What employments were successively intrusted to him? — Why 
 did he leave Asia ? — How was he received at Athens ? — What eftect had 
 tliis on Demosthenes? — Whither did he retire? 
 
 § 4. What orator led the Anti-Macedonian party after the exile of 
 Demosthenes ? — What states joined Athens on the death of Alexander ? 
 — Who became the general? — Record the discussion with Phocion. — 
 What was the war called, and why ? 
 
 § 5. Under what circumstances did Demosthenes return ? — What was 
 the fate of Leostlienes, and who succeeded him ? — Wliat victory did An- 
 tiphilus gain ? — Where and when was fought the deciding battle in the 
 Lamian war? — How did Antipater first weaken Athens? — What terms 
 did he at last grant ? 
 
 § 6. Describe the death of Hyperides and that of Demosthenes. — 
 Where did it occur ? 
 
 § 7. What position did Perdiccas hold ? — What ambitious project had 
 he fonned? — What steps did he take for its accomplishment? — Who 
 conspired against him? — How did Perdiccas perish? 
 
 § 8. What re-distribution of power was made at Triparadisus ? — 
 Who succeeded Antipater as regent? — Who took offense at this? — How 
 did Polysperchon attempt to conciliate the Greek states ? — Why and to 
 whom did Phocion flee ? — Describe his subsequent fate. 
 
 § 9. What ill successes did Polysjierchon suffer? — Whom did Cas- 
 sander make ruler of Athens? — Who was Ettrijdice? — With whom did 
 she ally herself? — How did she and Philip Arrhiditvs perish? — What 
 was the f\\te of Olympias? — Who rebuilt Thebes? 
 
 § 10. What generals combined against Antigonns? — What success 
 attended the war which resulted ? — What became of Roxana and her 
 son? 
 
 § 11. Who was Demelrius Poliorcfies ?— Bow long did Demetrius cf 
 Phalerus rule Athens?— To wiiat did he owe his elevation ?— For what 
 was he distinguished?— How did he at first rule?— How did he lose liis 
 popularity? — Who deprived him of the government? — Ilow did Deme- 
 trius Poliorcetes please tiie Athenians?— What honors did tliey bestow 
 on him and on Antigonns ? 
 
 § 12. Where did Demetrius Poliorcetes defeat Ptolemy ?— What made 
 this battle remarkable ? — What title did the generals now assume? — De- 
 scribe the attempts of Demetrius on Rhodes. 
 
 § 13. What success meantime attended Cassnndcr? — Where and
 
 7Q2 QUESTIONS ON liooK \1 
 
 wild) iVul liis oi)|i(>nentH dcfvat Aiitigoniis? — Whiif hecatnc of tlic capiUil 
 of So cuciis ? — Wliiit i)oss;!s>i()iis liiil Lysimucliiis •;uiii ? 
 
 CilAl'TKli \L\I. 
 FROM Tin; iiArri.i; oi- n'wcs to tiik cosycisT ov (julkci; iir Tnii 
 
 UOMAN8. 
 
 § I. VVli;it fiiiliiiis (lid Deiiictriiis I'oliorcft.-s succussivi-ly rnc:L't with? 
 — What circiimstaiici's increased liis power ? — At what dutc did lie take 
 Athens? — Wow did he treat the city? 
 
 § 2. Who succeeded Cassander on the throne of Maccdon? — What 
 two claimants next dis])iitcd the throne? — What i)rinces did they buiii- 
 nion to their aid?^ — !ln\v did Dcniotriits I'oiicjrcctcs f^ain Madethjii ? — 
 Hov/ Ion;; did lit; rciijn there? — When, where, and how did his life end? 
 § ;{. What extent of iloininion did ivysimachus ultinnittly gain? — 
 Why did I'toleniy CA'raiinus leave E^'ypt ? — What crime did he eomniit 
 at the court of Lysimachus? — Where, when, anil how did Lysimachiih 
 fall? — Who then divided Alexander's cni].in! hetween them? 
 
 § -4. What was the fate of Scleucus? — Who divideil his dominions? — 
 Who slew Ptolemy Ceraumis? — Where did the invading Celts establish 
 themselves ? 
 
 § 5. Who estal)lished himself on the throne of Maccdon in u.c. 27H? 
 — Describe the death of I'yrrhiis. — About what date did Antirjonus (io- 
 nutati take Athens? 
 
 § 6. What had been the objects of the old Aciiaian Lkagck? — What 
 statesman raised the new league into im])Ortance? — At what date? — 
 What was the constitution of the Achaian league? — What states suc- 
 cessively joined it ? 
 
 § 7. Into what comlitioii did Sparta come, and through what means? 
 —What king attempted a reformation? — What was his fate? — Who 
 was subsequently more successful? — What occasioned the Cltomeidc 
 War? — After Antigonus Gonatas what two kings successively ruled 
 Macedon? — Who were commanders on tlij two sides in the hattlk of 
 Sellasia ? — At what date and with what result was that battle fought? 
 § 8. How do we usually distinguisli that Phili]) of Maccdon wh.o 
 fought against the Romans? — What is known of the ^Etolian league in 
 early times? — What extent of powder did this league gain after the death 
 of Alexander tiie Great? 
 
 § !). What occasioned the alliance between Philip and the Achaans? 
 — Why and when did he make peace w ith the yEtolians? 
 
 § 10. What were the terms of the treaty between Philip and Han- 
 nibal ? — What towns did Philip attempt to" take ? — With what object ? 
 — With what success? — How^ and when did Aratas perish? — What con- 
 ipiests did the Romans make for the j-Etolians? 
 
 § 11. Who is called the last of the Greeks? — Where was he born? — 
 What ofHces did ho successively gain ? — What imi)rovements did he in- 
 troduce ? — What victory did he gain ? 
 
 § 12, At what date did the Mcueiionian war tcith Home begin? — 
 When and where was fought the great l.attle which humbled Philip? — 
 Who was the Roman commander? — What terms did the Romans pro- 
 fess to grant to Phili]) and to the Greek states ? 
 
 § 13. What .states did the ^Etoliaus strive to nnite against the lio- 
 mans? — Where was Antiocluis defeated by them? — What terms were 
 allowed the ^tolians?
 
 Chap. XLVII. SMITH'8 HISTORY OF GREECE. 703 
 
 § 14. How did Pliilopcemen treat Sparta? — How and at what date 
 and age did riiilopcemen die? — Who avenged his death? 
 
 Note.— It may help the young student's memory to oh.serve that Hannibal, his an- 
 tagonist the eliler Scipio Afkicaxus, and riiii.oi'iJEMEN, all died in the nante year. 
 
 § 15. Who was the Last king of Macedon ? — How long did he remain 
 at peace with Rome? — Wliat alliances did he form? — On what ac- 
 counts did the Romans declare war against him ? — What success had 
 Perseus at first ? — In what great battle was he defeated ? — Give the date 
 and some particulars of this battL\ — Who was the successful com- 
 mander? 
 
 § 16. Of what bnsj conduct was Callicratcs guilty? — What was the 
 •onsequence ? — How did the Romans treat the northwestern Greek 
 states ? 
 
 § 17. How did the (piarrel between Athens and Oropus arise? — What 
 noted Athenian philosophers went as embassadors to Rome? — On what 
 ground did Diajus induce tlse Achaians to attack Si)arta ? 
 
 § 18. What decision of the Romans created a riot at Corinth? — Who 
 were the two last Strategl of the Achteans? — Who gained the last bat- 
 tle fought by the Greeks against Rome? — At what date was Corinth 
 taken ? — Unckar what name did Greece become a Roman province ? 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 HISTORY OF GRECIAN ART FRO.M THE END OF THE PELOPOXXESIAN 
 AVAR TO ITS DECLINE. 
 
 § 1. Wliat remarkable difference existed in the two schools of Attic 
 sculpture ? — What gods were respectiA-ely the favorite subjects of each 
 school ? 
 
 § 2. 'Wliere was Scopaa born, and when did he flourish ? — What 
 works are attributed to him ? 
 
 § 3. In what respects did Praxiteles excel? — What were his most fa- 
 mous works ? 
 
 § 4. W^hat were the characteristics of the Sicyonian school of sculp- 
 ture? — Who were its chief artists? — When did Knpliranor flourLsh ? — 
 What woi'ks did he execute? — When did Lysippus flourish? — What 
 works are attributed to him ? 
 
 § 5. Who were the painters of the Sicyonian school ? — What were the 
 merits of APELLES? — Whence arose the proverb "A'e sulor,'" etc. ? — 
 What testimony was given by Alexander to his merit ? 
 
 § G. What changes marked the architecture of Alexander's age? — 
 What cities were instances of this? — Name and describe some architec- 
 tural works of this age. 
 
 § 7. What causes tended to the decline of Grecian art after Alexan- 
 der's age? — What Rhodian was famous as a sculptor? — Descriho his 
 "hief work. — What artists jjroduced the group of the l.noroon Y — Do you 
 know in what poet the legend represented is narrateil ? — Name some 
 other famous extant works of the period. 
 
 § 8. What conquests caused the removal of Greek works to Rome ?— 
 Show how vast their number was.
 
 704 QUESTKJNS, K'lXJ. I'.ook VL 
 
 CHAPTER XL VIII. 
 
 GHKCIAN LITER ArUKE ir.O.M THE END Of THE I'ELOPOSNESIAN WAR 
 TO THE LATEST PERIOD. 
 
 § 1. Name some traj;ic writers later than tJic tJiree most renowncfJ. 
 ' — Who were tlie most distinguished writers of the Middle fjmntdy? — 
 When did the iVew 6'o;«<^Jy begin ? — What were its j.ceuliarities? — Who 
 were its most famous writers? — Give an account of the origin of ME- 
 NANDEK. — How did he die? — How many plays did he write? — How 
 may we form a knowledge of tlieir merits? 
 
 § 2. Wliat circiiiiistances made cloqnenre so important at Athens? — 
 — Wiiat want of eipiity and legality is evident in the Athenian courts? 
 
 § 3. Name with their countries tlie (irst famous teachei-s of Rhetoric. 
 
 §4. Who are tlie ten orators of the Alexandrian canon? — What is 
 known o( AiUij>/ion's history and works? — What is told of Andocides? — 
 For what is the style of Lysius famous? — When and how did Isocrates 
 die? — What is the sui)jcet of the sjjeeches of /sreus." — Give an account 
 of the life and works of yEsciiiNES. — W'liat have you farther to remark 
 of DEMOSTHENES? — Which are his most famous public and private 
 speeches ? 
 
 § 5. Who was the most distinguished disciple of Socrates? — What 
 was his descent? — What countries did he visit? — Where did he teach? 
 — Who were among his hearers ? 
 
 § 6. Can you explain what is meant when PLATO is called a realist T 
 — What works contain his jiolifital views ? 
 
 § 7. What were the luinor scliools founded by the hearers of Socrates? 
 — What were the notions of A i{!ili/>ptis and the Cyrennic sect?- — AVho 
 founded the Cynic sect? — What different derivations hare been given 
 for the name ? 
 
 § 8. Name with their foundei-s the four ])rincipal schools of Greek 
 Philosophers. — Who succeeded Plato ? — What division is made of the 
 Academicians? — To what did their teaching at last tend? 
 
 § 9. Where was ARISTOTLE born ? — Give some particulars of his 
 earlier historv'. — Where did he tcacli at Athens? — What distinction was 
 made in his lectures? — What is related of his personal appearance? — ■ 
 On what subjects did he write? 
 
 § 10. Whence was the Stoic sect named? — What Roman writers of 
 the Stoic sect have left works still extant? — Where was EricuRrs born? 
 — What did he teach? — What Latin jioem sets forth his notions ? 
 
 § 11. After the death of Alexander what city became famous for lit- 
 erature? — Name some of the chief critics of the Alexandrine schools. — 
 What were invented there ? — Name also some poets of that age and 
 place. 
 
 § 12. Name with their works some of the more recent Greek his- 
 torians 
 
 § 13. Wiiat are the 7nost valuable writings in Greek? — Name some of 
 he Greek Christian Fathers. — When and how were the Greek language 
 and literature made known to Western Europe f 
 
 THE END.
 
 VALUABLE AND mXERESTING WORKS 
 
 FOR 
 
 PUBLIC & PRIVATE LIBRARIES, 
 
 Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. 
 
 H^" For a full List of Books suitable for Libraries published by IIabpkk & Bboth- 
 Ens, see IIarpku's Catalogue, which may be had gratuitously on application 
 to the publishers personallij, or by letter enclosing Ten Cents in postage stamps. 
 
 tW IIaupice & Brotueiis will send their publications by mail, postage prepaid, ort 
 receipt of the price. 
 
 MACAULAY'S ENGLAND. Tlie History of Eiighind from the Ac- 
 cession of James II. By Thomas Babington Macaulay. New 
 Edition, from New Electrotype Plates. 5 vols., in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, 
 with Paper Labels, Unctit Edges and Gilt Tops, $10 00; Sheep, 
 $12 50; Half Calf. $21 2.-). Sold only in Sets. Cheap Edition, 
 "> vols., 12mo, Cloth, $2 r>0. 
 
 MACAULAY'S MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. The Miscellaneous 
 Works of Lord Macaulay. Erom New Electrotype Plates. 5 vols., 
 in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Lahels, Uncut Edges and Gilt 
 Tops, $10 00; Sheep, $12 50; Half Calf, $21 25. Sold only in 
 Sets. 
 
 HUME'S ENGLAND. History of England, from the Invasion of 
 Julius Caesar to the Abdication of James II., 1688, By David 
 Hume. New and Elegant Library Edition, from New Electrotype 
 Plates. 6 vols., in a Box. 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut 
 Edges and Gilt Tops, $12 00; Sheep, $15 00; Half Calf, $25 50. 
 Sold only in Sets. Popular Edition, G vols., in a Box, 12mo, Cloth, 
 $3 00. 
 
 GIBBON'S ROME. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Ro- 
 man Emjjire. By Edavard Gibbon. With Notes by Dean MiL- 
 bian, M. Goizot, and Dr. William Smith. New Edition, from 
 New Electrotype Plates. G vols., 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, 
 Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $12 00; Sheep, $15 00; Half Calf, 
 $25 50. Sold only in Sets. Popular Edition, G vols., in a Box, 
 12mo, Cloth, $3 00 ; Sheep, $G 00. 
 
 GOLDSMITH'S WORKS. The Works of Oliver Goldsmith. Edited 
 by Petek Cunningham, F.S.A. From New Electrotype Plates. 
 4 vols., 8vo, Cloth, Paper Labels, Unctit Edges and Gilt Tops, 
 $8 00; Slieep,$l000; Half Calf, $17 00.
 
 2 Valuable IVorka for Public and I't-ivate Libraiies. 
 
 MOTLEY'S LETTERS. Tlie Corrc.sj)ondcncc of Jolin Lothn.j. Moilcy, 
 D.C.L., Aiitlioiof " Tlie United Netherlands," "John of Barnevt-ld," 
 "Tlic Rise of the Dutch Republic," etc. Edited by Georoe Wil- 
 liam Curtis. With Portrait. Two Voliimos. 8vn, Cloth. 
 
 MOTLEY'S DUTCH REPUBLIC. The Rise of the Dutch Republic. 
 A History. By John Lothrop Moti.ky, LL.D., D.C.L. With u 
 Portrait of William of Orange. Cheap Edition, 3 vols., in a Box. 
 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, §6 00; 
 Sheep, $7 r,0; Half Calf, $12 7.5. Sold only in Sets. Original 
 Library Edition, 3 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $10 .50. 
 
 MOTLEY'S UNITED NETHERLANDS. History of the United 
 Netherlands : From the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve 
 Years' Truce— 1584-1 009. With a full View of the English-Dutch 
 Struggle against Spain, and of the Origin and Destruction of the 
 Spanish Armada. By John Lotiirop Motley, LL.D., D.C.L. 
 Portraits. Cheap Edition, 4 vols., in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper 
 Labels, Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $8 00; Sheep, $10 00; Half 
 Calf, $17 00. Sold only in Sets. Original Library Edition, 4 vols., 
 8vo, Cloth, $14 00. 
 
 MOTLEY'S JOHN OF BARNEVELD. The Life and Death of John 
 of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland. With a View of the Prin>ary 
 Causes and Movements of the " Thirty Years' War." By John 
 LoTHROP Motley, LL.D., D.C.L. Illustrated. Cheap Edition, 
 2 vols., in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut Edges and 
 Gilt Tops, $4 00: Sheep, $5 00; Half Calf, $8 50. Sold only in 
 Sets. Original Library Edition, 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $7 00. 
 
 HILDRETH'S UNITED STATES. History of the United States. 
 First Series: From the Discovery of the Continent to the Or- 
 ganization of the Government under the Federal Constitution. Sec- 
 ond Series : From the Adoi)tion of the Feder.il Constitution to the 
 End of the Sixteenth Congress. By Richard Hildketh. Popular 
 Edition, 6 vols., in a Box, 8vo, Cloth, with Paper Labels, Uncut 
 Edges and Gilt Tops, $12 00 ; Sheep, $15 00 ; Half Calf, $25 50. 
 Sold only in Sets. 
 
 IREVELYAN'S LIFE OF MACAULAY. The Life and Letters of 
 liOrd Macaulay. By his Nephew, G. Otto Treveltan, M.P. 
 With Portrait on Steel. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, Uncut Edges and Gilt 
 Tops, $5 00 ; Sheep, $6 00 ; Half Calf, $9 50. Popular Edition, 
 2 vols, in one, 12mo, Cloth, $1 75 
 
 TREVELYAN'S LIFE OF FOX. The Early History of Charles 
 James Fox. By George Ofto Treveltan. 8vo, Cloth, Uncm 
 Edges and Gilt Tops. $2 50; Half Calf. |4 75.
 
 Valuable Works for Public and Private Libraries. 3 
 
 WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF SAMUEL J. TILDEN. Edited 
 by JouN BiGELOAv. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Tops and Uncut Edges, 
 $6 00 per set. 
 
 GENERAL DIX'S MEMOIRS. Memoirs of John Adams Dix. Com- 
 piled by his Son, Morgan Dix. With Five Steel-plate Portraits. 
 2 vols,, 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Tops and Uncut Edges, $5 00. 
 
 HUNT'S MEMOIR OF MRS. LIVINGSTON. A Memoir of Mr.s, 
 Edward Livingston. With Letters hitherto Unpublished. By Lod- 
 18E Livingston Hunt. 12mo, Cloth, $1 25. 
 
 GEORGE ELIOT'S LIFE. George Eliot's Life, Related in her Let- 
 ters and Journals. Arranged and Edited by her Husband, J. W. 
 Cross. Portraits and Illustrations. In Three Volumes. 12mO( 
 Cloth, $3 75. New Edition, with Fresh Matter. (Uniform with 
 "Harper's Library Edition " of George Eliot's Works.) 
 
 PEARS'S FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. The Fall of Constan- 
 tinople. Being the Story of the Fourth Crusade. By Edwin 
 Peaks, LL.B. 8vo, Cloth, !$2 50. 
 
 RANKE'S UNIVERSAL HISTORY. The Oldest Historical Group 
 of Nations and the Greeks. By Leopold von Ranke. Edited by 
 G. W. Protheko, Fellow and Tutor of King's College, Cambridge. 
 Vol. I. 8vo, Cloth, $2 50. 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES OF THE REV. SYDNEY SMITH. A Sketch 
 of the Life and Times of the Rev. Sydney Smith. Based on Family 
 Documents and the Recollections of Personal Friends. By Stuart 
 J. Reid. With Steel-plate Portrait and Illustrations. 8vo, Cloth, 
 
 f 3 00. 
 
 STORMONTH'S ENGLISH DICTIONARY. A Dictionary of the 
 English Language, Pronouncing, Etymological, and Explanatory ; 
 embracing Scientific and other Terms, Numerous Familiar Term.s, 
 and a Copious Selection of Old English Words. By the Rev. James 
 Stormonth. The Pronunciation Revised by the Rev. P. II. Piielp, 
 M.A. Imperial 8vo, Cloth, $G 00; Half Roan, $7 00; Full Sheep, 
 $7 60. (New Edition.) 
 
 PARTON'S CARICATURE. Caricature and Other Comic Art, in 
 All Times and Many Lands. By James Parton. 203 Illustrations. 
 8vo, Cloth, Uncut Edges and Gilt Tops, $5 00 ; Half Calf, $7 25. 
 
 DU CHAILLU'S LAND OF THE MIDNIGHT SUN. Summer 
 and Winter Journeys in Sweden, Norway, Lapland, and Northern 
 Finland, By Paul B. Dn Chaillu. Illustrated. 2 vols., 8to, 
 
 Cloth, $7 50; Half Calf, $12 00.
 
 4 Valuable Works for Public and Private Libraries. 
 
 LOSSING'S CYCL01M-:i)IA OF UNITED S'J'ATES HISTORY. 
 From the Al)oiiKi":il rcriod to I87G. By B. J. Lossing, LL.D. 
 Illustrated by 2 Steel Portraits and over 1000 Engravings. 2 vols., 
 Royal 8vo, Cloth, $10 00; Sheep, .?12 O.'t; Half Morocco, §1.0 00. 
 {Sold by Subscription only.) 
 
 LOSSING'S FIELD-BOOK OF THE REVOLUTION. Pictorial 
 Field-Book of the Revolution ; or, Illustrations by Pen and Pencil 
 of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of the 
 War for Independence. By Bknson J. Lossing. 2 vols., 8vo, 
 Cloth, $U 00; Sheep or Roan, $15 00; Half Calf, $18 00. 
 
 LOSSING'S FIELD-BOOK OF THE WAH OF 1812. Pictorial 
 Field-Book of the War of 1812; or, lUusirations by Pen and Pencil 
 of the History, Biograpliy, Scenery, Relics, and Traditions of the 
 last War for American Independence. By Benson J. Lossing. 
 With several hundred Engravings. 1088 pages, 8vo, Cloth, $7 00; 
 Sheep or Roan, $8 50; Half Calf, $10 00. 
 
 MiJLLER'S POLITICAL HISTORY OF RECENT TIMES (1816- 
 1875). With Special Reference to Germany. By William Mijl- 
 LER. Translated, with an Appendix covering the Period from 1876 
 to 1881, by the Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D. 12mo, Cloth, $3 00. 
 
 STANLEY'S THROUGH THE DARK CONTINENT. Through 
 the Dark Continent ; or, The Sources of the Nile, Around the Great 
 Lakes of Equatorial Africa, and Down the Livingstone River to the 
 Atlantic Ocean. 149 Illustrations and 10 Maps. By H. M. Stan- 
 let. 2 vols., Svo, Cloth, $10 00; Sheep, $12 00; Half Morocco. 
 $15 00. 
 
 STANLEY'S CONGO. The Congo and the Founding of its Free 
 State, a Story of Work and E.^ploration. With over One Hundred 
 Full-page and smaller Illustrations, Two Large Maps, and several 
 smalier ones. By H. M. Stanley. 2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $10 00; 
 Sheep, $12 00; Half Morocco, $15 00. 
 
 GREEN'S ENGLISH PEOPLE. History of the English People. 
 By John Richard Green, M.A. With Maps. 4 vols., 8vo, Cloth, 
 $10 00; Sheep, $12 00; Half Calf, $19 00. 
 
 GREEN'S MAKING OF ENGLAND. The Making of England. 
 By John Richard Green. With Maps. Svo, Cloth, $2 50 ; Sheep, 
 $3 00 ; Half Calf, $3 75. 
 
 GREENS CONQUEST OF ENGLAND. The Conquest of England. 
 By John Richard Green. With Maps. Svo. Cloth, $2 50 ; Sheep, 
 $3 00; Half Calf, $3 7.5.
 
 to»
 
 DF215 .S66h 1881 
 
 y 
 
 lllllll II liii nil 'I liii lilllllllillllllllll II 
 
 L 009 600 647 3 
 
 DF 
 215 
 S66h 
 1881